iSS 
 
 5$^ 
 
 

 
 ■^■■■■■aKHKiEia 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 A 
 
 PORTRAITURE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIGION, fcc.
 
 PORTRAITURE 
 
 ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIGION 
 
 OK, 
 
 AN UNPREJUDICED SKETCH 
 
 HISTORY, DOCTRINES, OPINIONS, DISCIPLINE 
 AND PRESENT STATE OF 
 
 CATHOLICISM: 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A SUMMARY OF THE LAWS NOW IN FORCE AGAINST 
 ENGLISH AND IRISH CATHOLICS. 
 
 REV. J. NIGHTINGALE, 
 
 AUTHOR OF C A PORTRAITURE OF METHODISM,' c\C\ 
 
 I take myself bound to charge no man to be of a religion which he denieth. 
 
 BAXTER. 
 
 EonDon: 
 
 PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, 
 
 PATERNOSTER-ROW ; 
 
 AND J. BOOKER, NEW BOND-STREET. 
 
 1812.
 
 J. M'Creery, Printer, 
 Black-Horse-Court, London.
 
 < 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 
 SINCERELY devoted to the great cause 
 of Catholic Emancipation, yet zealously at- 
 tached to the religion of Protestants, I he- 
 sitated for some time on the propriety and 
 usefulness of publishing the result of my 
 inquiries concerning the faith and wor- 
 ship of Roman Catholics. To encounter 
 the prejudices and mistakes of my friends, 
 and my enemies, if I have any, by tak- 
 ing, what some will call, a favourable view 
 of the Church of Rome, presented no 
 contemptible obstacle to my mind. Yet, 
 convinced that hitherto no Protestant 
 writer has done full justice to the subject, 
 I was not willing to forego the pleasure of, 
 at least, endeavouring to shew, that the re- 
 ligion of our ancestors has been mistaken, 
 and that unworthy and groundless alarms 
 are excited in consequence of that mistake. 
 Some of my friends, themselves favourably 
 inclined towards the claims of Catho- 
 lics, had their fears, that if I drew a true 
 portrait of the Catholic Church, so far from 
 serving, I should considerably injure the 
 
 a 
 
 1490£,<:*
 
 Vlll 
 
 ciscd towards me. When I first suggested 
 to them the plan and design of this work, 
 I was a perfect stranger, otherwise than as 
 I might be known through the medium of 
 my former publications ; but they all ear- 
 nestly urged me to undertake it, and to 
 form my account of their Church and te- 
 nets from their own formularies, and writ- 
 ings of acknowledged authority among 
 them, and not from the publications of their 
 adversaries. They, moreover, advised me 
 to distinguish between the Articles of their 
 Faith, and the opinions of individuals. 
 With these intimations, and this advice, 
 seconded by the greatest condescension 
 and goodness in procuring me such books 
 as lay in their power to supply me with, 
 they left me to my own impressions, with- 
 out, in the most distant or slight degree, at- 
 tempting to influence me in my inferences 
 or conclusions. If, therefore, I have erred 
 in my statements, the fault must be my 
 own — if I be correct, I owe it not to any 
 positive assistance, otherwise than by books 
 and general advice ; and I may be allowed 
 to claim, at least, the merit of patient indus- 
 try and impartial investigation. The name 
 of the gentleman, who kindly furnished me 
 with the short view of the arguments in 
 support of the Pope's supremacy, is given 
 along with that paper. 
 
 When, on a former occasion, I ventured
 
 IX 
 
 before the public as the author of a Por- 
 traiture of Methodism, 1 .' a system of faith 
 supported by people very different in 
 many of their habits and views from those 
 whose history I have now attempted to 
 delineate, I felt myself secure in the gene- 
 ral accuracy of all my statements. I wrote 
 with freedom, because 1 knew it was impos- 
 sible for me materially to err : but in this 
 instance, I must confess, almost every page 
 has been committed to press with fear and 
 trembling, lest I should injure, through my 
 mistakes, rather than promote by the faith- 
 fulness of my representations, a cause in 
 which I feel a deep and serious interest — 
 THE EMANCIPATION OF ROMAN 
 
 * Perhaps I may be allowed, in allusion to that work, in 
 this place to say, that, had I been aware or' the ill use which 
 some persons, professed enemies of the Methodists, have 
 since made of some facts therein stated, I certainly should not 
 have felt myself free to have communicated them ; and 
 even could I have conceived it possible, that the general 
 strain of writing pursued in the Portraiture of Methodism 
 could have been construed into an indirect attack on a 
 numerous and valuable body of my fellow Christians, 
 among whom I have still the pleasure to enumerate some 
 of my warmest and most affectionate friends, I should have 
 paused ere I had written any thing that could be regarded 
 as disrespectful to religion, or painful even to the harmless 
 prejudices of any pious and well-meaning Christian. With 
 these concessions, which 1 make in the most voluntrry 
 manner, I wish to be perfectly understood, that I have 
 no fact to contradict — no statement of consequence to 
 deny.
 
 CATHOLICS, AND THE REPEAL OF 
 ALL THOSE DISGRACEFUL PENAL 
 STATUTES WHICH AGGRIEVE AND 
 OPPRESS THE DISSENTERS OF THIS 
 GREAT AND ENLIGHTENED EM- 
 PIRE. 
 
 Ever accustomed freely and openly to 
 express my sentiments, religious or poli- 
 tical, whatever inconveniences I might suf- 
 fer in consequence, I have not hesitated, 
 in the following pages, at times, to write in 
 terms which I fear will not prove pleasing 
 to any party. In mentioning the Fathers, 
 for instance, on page 25, if I have seemed 
 to speak with disrespect concerning those 
 venerable sages, it has not been because I 
 feel no regard for the opinions or the reason- 
 ings of many of the ancient and primitive 
 defenders of our common salvation; but I 
 am nevertheless convinced, that an implicit 
 reliance on the reasonings or decisions of 
 even those early writers is injurious to the 
 cause of truth, and the real interests of reli- 
 gious inquiry ; and 1 may here add, that in 
 asserting that the Fathers have agreed in 
 hardly a single point of doctrine or disci- 
 pline, I am supported by no less an autho- 
 ritv than our own Royal Martyr (as he is 
 oddly termed), Charles I., who speaking of 
 these very writers, in his conference with 
 the Marquis of Worcester, A. D. 1646, in
 
 XI 
 
 Ragland Castle,* thus expresses himself: 
 " I discover no Father's nakedness, but de- 
 plore their infirmities, that we should not 
 trust in arms of flesh. Tertullian was a 
 Montanist ; Cyprian a Rebaptist ; Origen 
 an Anthropomorphist ; Jerome a Monoga- 
 nist ; Nazianzen an Angelist ; Eusebius an 
 Arian : St. Austin had written so many 
 errors, that he wrote a book of Retracta- 
 tions ; and, indeed, they have often con- 
 tradicted one another, and sometimes even 
 themselves.'' 
 
 If in some instances it should be thought 
 I have written with too much freedom re- 
 specting the Church establishment of this 
 country, or rather against Church and State 
 unions in general, I beg it may be under- 
 stood, that so far from washing to feel dis- 
 respect towards the national Church, I 
 have a sincere and warm regard for the 
 morals and learning of many, nay, of a 
 large majority of our clergy ; and this re- 
 gard I have never failed to express on all 
 proper occasions.-)- But I am, nevertheless, 
 
 * Certamen Re/igiosum, p. 1 14. 
 
 •f It may not be improper here to notice, that I am at 
 present engaged in collecting materials for " A POR- 
 TRAITURE of the CHURCH of ENGLAND; 
 or, a View of the Origin, History, Doctrines, Discipline, 
 and present State of the reformed Religion of GREAT 
 BRITAIN." Should any of my readers favour me, 
 through the medium of my booksellers, with their advice 
 or assistance in this undertaking, I shall hold myself under 
 great obligations to them.
 
 Xll 
 
 decided in my opinion, that the union of 
 Church and State, after the manner in 
 which these things are usually conducted, 
 is a forced and unnatural connexion ; really 
 injurious to the true interests of both, and 
 contrary to the spirit and letter of the New 
 Testament of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Many Protestant readers will inquire 
 why I have omitted to notice in the fol- 
 lowing work, the various prophecies of the 
 Sacred Scriptures which are thought, by 
 some, so clearly to allude to the rise, pro- 
 gress, decline, and destruction of popery. 
 I wish to treat the opinions of those many 
 eminent and excellent writers who have 
 treated on this subject with respect ; but I 
 must throw myself on their candour, while 
 I state, that it is my firm persuasion, no 
 clear and unequivocal proof can be made 
 out, that either Daniel or St. John had an 
 eye peculiarly directed against the Church 
 of Rome, or even against the spiritual head 
 of that church. I perused with attention all 
 that Bishop Newton, Mr. Mede, Mr. Faber, 
 Mr. Kett, Mr. Simpson, Mr. Bicheno, and 
 many other writers have written on the 
 subject, and had prepared a Sec ion on the 
 prophecies supposed to relate to the Church 
 of Rome, and the destruction of Spiritual 
 Babylon; but motives of respect for the 
 opinions of many Protestant writers of the 
 highest celebrity, from whom I have felt
 
 Xlll 
 
 myself compelled to differ, have induced me, 
 for the present, to withhold my sentiments on 
 these topics. I have been often amused by 
 comparing the various interpretations which 
 commentators have given of the passage 
 in the 13th chapter, and the 18th verse, 
 of the Book of Revelations : — " Let him 
 that hath understanding count the number 
 of the beast : for it is the number of a man, 
 and his number is six hundred, threescore 
 and six." Without pretending to deter- 
 mine which of them is right, I have met 
 with such a confusion and contrariety 
 among learned Commentators on this pas- 
 sage, that I should have thought it imper- 
 tinent in me to have alluded to any one of 
 them, in treating of the faith of Roman 
 Catholics. It has served, however, to 
 exercise the ingenuity of Expositors of 
 every description. One will have the 
 mystical number to mean the Poj-e — an- 
 other, Louis XVI. — a third is quite clear 
 that St. John meant thereby to designate 
 Martin Luther, and a large number of ex- 
 pounders have lately discovered that cer- 
 tainly the name of the beast is the number of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte! The Roman Catholic 
 interpreters are quite clear that the mystical 
 Babylon of the Apocalypse is no other than 
 idolatrous Rome, before the introduction 
 of Christianity ; and Sig. Pastorini, in his 
 History of the Church, is decided, that 
 the Reformation in Germany was the iden-
 
 XIV 
 
 tical smoke of the bottomless pit ! Though 
 some learned Protestants tell us, that Papal, 
 and not Pagan, Rome is clearly the Baby- 
 lon* of the New Testament ! — yet the late 
 Mr. Simpson seemed quite sure that not to 
 " be partaker of her sins," he must sepa- 
 rate from the Church of England! It is 
 somewhat strange, that few, if any one, 
 should have conceived that these meta- 
 
 # That Rome is not the Great Babylon of the Apo- 
 calypse is very doubtful, because, 1. Babylon is re- 
 presented as one of the greatest cities in the world (Rev. 
 xvii. 18, and xviii. 18); but modern Rome is a very small 
 city, compared with others, and but the tenth part of what 
 it was. c 2. Babylon is one of the strongest cities in the 
 world (Rev. xviii. 7 and 8) ; but Rome is so weak that it 
 has seldom been besieged without being taken. 3. Babylon 
 is one of the most prosperous cities in the world, and was 
 never to know sorrow, till sudden destruction came upon 
 her ; but Rome, though she has had her days of pleasure 
 and prosperity, has had those of affliction and sorrow also, 
 which Babylon is to have but once, that is, when her sud- 
 den destruction comes upon her, and not before. (Rev. 
 xviii. 9, 8, 10. Rev. xvii. 19, 21.) 4. Babylon is repre- 
 sented so confident of her own strength, as to flatter herself 
 she shall never be conquered ; but Rome has been frequently 
 a prey to the Goths, Vandals, &c, and therefore might justly 
 fear she might be taken again. 5. Babylon was not to 
 taste the cup of God's wrath before the seventh, or latt 
 vial was poured out (Rev. xvi. 9); but the city of Rome 
 has tasted it often, and was at one time brought to such a 
 desolate state, that neither man, woman, nor child was seen 
 in it for forty days together ; and, lastly, Babylon is seated 
 near the sea, and her merchants were to carry on immense 
 trade and commerce, till the very moment of her ruin 
 (Rev. xviii. 1 1, 19-)> while Rome, since she became the seat 
 of the sovereign pontiffs, has been not only without trade 
 entirely, but even a closed port.
 
 XV 
 
 phorical allusions might very well be sup- 
 posed to relate, not to this or that church 
 in particular, but to a general apostasy 
 from the plain and simple doctrine of 
 Christ and his apostles. To this conclu- 
 sion they might have come, by observ- 
 ing that, whatever else is meant to be 
 understood by the figure, the apostle 
 describes the personified apostasy, by in- 
 forming us, that " upon her forehead was 
 a name written, MYSTERY, Sec." I wish 
 those who are so desirous of introducing 
 mysteries into the revealed religion of the 
 Son of God would reflect on this ; and then 
 let those who are free on this score cast 
 the first stone at the mysterious Church of 
 Rome. 
 
 When I first conceived the idea of the 
 following work, I had a wish and intention 
 of introducing some topics of importance, 
 which upon mature reflection, and expe- 
 rience in the undertaking, I have found 
 it impossible to do. The subject is great 
 and extensive; and to have done jus- 
 tice to every part of it, which I had first 
 projected, would have swelled my work 
 very much beyond its present bulk ; but 
 it is not improbable, should the present 
 volume meet with a favourable reception 
 with the public, that I may be induced to 
 pursue the subject ; by which I shall be able 
 to introduce those points, and particularly
 
 XVI 
 
 that relating to the origin and progress of 
 the Catholic question, which I have now 
 unavoidably omitted. The history of the 
 Jesuits and the Jansenists would of itself 
 form a highly curious and interesting 
 work ; and a general view of the history 
 of Catholicism in this country since the 
 Revolution of 1688, with a view of its pre- 
 sent state in the various countries of Chris- 
 tendom, would not be unworthv the notice 
 and regard of the religious and political 
 world. 
 
 The influence which the French Revolu- 
 tion has had on Catholicism was a topic on 
 which I much wished to have enlarged, 
 giving at the same time a general view of 
 the Gallican Church, which at all times has 
 manifested a praiseworthy spirit of inde- 
 pendence on the Pope and the Court of 
 Rome. Did not this subject lead too 
 much into extensive detail, I am con- 
 vinced it would add considerably to the 
 value and interest of my work; at least 
 it would furnish this important infer- 
 ence, that the practice of persecution in 
 any Catholic state has not depended on the 
 influence or authority of the papal power, 
 or the peculiar nature of the Roman Ca- 
 tholic religion ; seeing, that in France, 
 where that influence was ever the least 
 operative, more victims have been immo- 
 lated at the shrine of bigotry and state ty- 
 •
 
 XVJl 
 
 ranny than in any other kingdom or state 
 of Europe.* 
 
 * On page 50 1 , in a note, 1 have mentioned the name of 
 Lord Petre : since that part was printed, I have met with 
 the following particulars, which I will take this opportu- 
 nity to introduce : — The character of Lord Petre w as re- 
 markably dignified and amiable; it is thus sketched in the 
 preface to Dr. Geddes's Translation of the Psalms : — " His 
 Lordship's exalted and amiable character will not soon be 
 forgotten. — Adored by his family, the centre of a numer- 
 ous and honourable band of friends, connected with some 
 of the most illustrious personages in the kingdom, all of 
 whom revered and loved him ; the warm and steady friend 
 of civil and religious liberty ; the soul of the successful 
 attempts in 1778 and 1779, for the relief of his Roman 
 Catholic brethren ; but, in his expanded benevolence, 
 knowing no difference of Catholic, Protestant, Jew, or 
 Infidel, his Lordship seemed to exist only for purposes of 
 charity and munificence : his death (though his conscien- 
 tious adherence to his religious principles kept him from 
 the public situations to which his birth, his possessions, and 
 his character, entitled him) was generally bewailed as a 
 public loss." 
 
 The following circumstance, in which his Lordship bore 
 a principal part, is one of many proofs of Roman Catho- 
 lic loyalty. In consequence of some occurrences, in the 
 years 1791 and 1792, the committee of the Roman Catho- 
 lic body, had thoughts of sending the late Dr. Hussey, the 
 titular Bishop of Waterford, to Rome, to clear up the er- 
 roneous notions, which, they thought, were entertained there 
 of their proceedings ; and Lord Petre undertook to de- 
 fray the expenses of the Dr.'s journey. — The instructions 
 given to Dr. Hussey contain the following article : — " If 
 any scruple should be raised about the act of settlement, 
 and limiting the succession of the crown to the Protestant 
 line, Mr. Hussey will not permit that subject to be dis- 
 cussed, because the English Catholics acknowledge no au- 
 thority to interfere with the succession of their kin^s, but the 
 law of the land, the authority of winch law, they have already 
 solemnly acknowledged by their oath of allegiance of 1774-" 
 
 Dr.
 
 XV111 
 
 If any Protestant should infer, that be- 
 cause I have taken a somewhat favour- 
 able view of Popery, as it is called, I am, 
 therefore, inclined to admit the truth of its 
 doctrines, or the scriptural authority of its 
 discipline, let me be permitted to assert, 
 that so far from having become more in- 
 clined to admit those doctrines, by the in- 
 vestigations in which I have been neces- 
 sarily engaged, / am, if possible, more dis- 
 posed to express my gratitude and praise 
 to the Great Governor of the Universe, that 
 I have been born and educated amtng Pro- 
 testants, and that I have the unspeakable 
 privilege of deciding for myself what ap- 
 pears to my own mind to be the genuine 
 religion of the Son of God, and what the 
 weak and fallible "commandments of men." 
 
 It is not needful for me to say a single 
 word respecting the style and manner in 
 which this publication has been written ; 
 nor how far I have made a good or ill use 
 of the materials before me. These are mat- 
 ters which belong so entirely to the public 
 and the critics, that I must be content to 
 submit to their decisions, as I shall always 
 be happy to profit by their advice. 
 
 London, July 18, 1812. 
 
 Dr. Hussey's projected journey did not take place : but the 
 above extract of his instructions deserves to be preserved, on 
 account of the true sentiments of loyalty, which it expresses.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 pAGfe, 
 
 PREFACE v— xviii. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Difficulties attending an undertaking of this nature. 
 — Design of the present work. — On the use of the 
 term Catholic. — Papist a term of reproach. — Le- 
 gal appellation of Catholics in Great Britain . . 1 — 15 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 The Pope's supremacy. — Conversion of Constan- 
 tine. — Temporal power of the Pope. — The De- 
 cretals — Gift of Constantine 16 — 66 
 
 section in. 
 Council of Nice. — The Arian controversy . . . 66 — 78 
 
 section IV. 
 View of the state of the Church, and the attempts 
 
 at Reform previous to the time of Luther . . . 78 — 100 
 section v. 
 Causes that led to the Saxon and German Reform- 
 ation 100—142 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 General view of the nature, character, and decline, 
 
 of Monastic Institutions 142 — 175 
 
 section vii. 
 
 Sketch of the origin of the Reformation in Ger- 
 many 175 — 230 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 Influence of the Reformation on Literature and the 
 
 Arts 231 — 249 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 On the influence of the Reformation on religion and 
 
 morals in general 249 — 272
 
 XX CONTENTS, 
 
 PART II. 
 
 SECTION I. PAG! 
 
 Brief summary of the Catholic doctrines. — Roman 
 Catholic principles, in reference to God and the 
 King. — Points of faith literally universal. — Of the 
 Holy Trinity 273—301 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Summary of the Catholic doctrines, opinions, &c. 
 as contained in the Creed of Pope Pius J.V., the 
 Council of Trent, and other authorities . . . 301 — 333 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 A Commination against numerous errors and blas- 
 phemies. — Address of the Roman Catholics to 
 Protestants 333—347 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Some other points on which Protestants have mis- 
 taken, and consequently misrepresented Catho- 
 lics 347—373 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 Of the Mass, and various other parts of doctrine, 
 
 discipline, and church government .... 373 — 431 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 Of Persecution, and the Violation of Faith with 
 
 Heretics , 431—488 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 Containing a brief view of the Laws now in 
 force against the Catholics of England and 
 Ireland, with Remarks ....... 489—535
 
 A PORTRAITURE, be. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Difficulties attending an undertaking of this na- 
 ture — Design of the present Work — On the use 
 of the term Catholic — Papist a term of reproach 
 — Legal appellation of Catholics in Great Bri- 
 tain. 
 
 J.N narrating the History, and portraying the 
 Character of the Roman Catholic Religion, a 
 most valuable and elaborate mass of materials 
 presents itself. Whatever is venerable in Anti- 
 quities, important in History, or interesting in 
 Religion and Politics, calls for consideration in 
 an investigation of this nature. During the 
 long eventful succession of, perhaps, thirteen 
 centuries, the Religion of Christian Rome has 
 possessed the minds of Princes, and guided the 
 
 B
 
 councils of Politicians in almost all the king- 
 doms and states of the civilized world. 
 
 A subject so extensive in its objects, impor- 
 tant in its consequences, and, withal, so remote 
 in its origin, must necessarily be attended with 
 considerable difficulty and obscurity. These 
 unavoidable perplexities are increased by those 
 clouds of superstition, ignorance, intolerance, 
 prejudice, vindictiveness, and mistake, which 
 for centuries have been collecting, in almost 
 impenetrable masses, to shut out the rays of 
 truth and darken every avenue to historical ac- 
 curacy. 
 
 Another Circumstance, particularly unfavour- 
 able to the early part of my undertaking, arises 
 in the triteness of the subject. The same truths 
 have been narrated again and again ; the same 
 falsehoods have been stated, defended, and re- 
 futed in every possible shape. Syllogisms with- 
 out number have demonstrated and destroyed 
 the same fact; sophism and argumentation have 
 in their turns exemplified and confused the same 
 event : 
 
 One thinks on Luther Heaven's own spirit fell. 
 Another deems him instrument of Hell ; 
 
 and as one or other of these mistakes has pre- 
 dominated, the records of history have been 
 twisted to answer any or every purpose. Yet 
 this subject in one point of view remains, as
 
 far as I know, untouched : I believe no protes- 
 tant writer has ever yet attempted to describe 
 the Catholic Church, as distinct from the Catholic 
 Court of Rome; and to display the doctrines and 
 internal discipline of that Church as they are stat- 
 ed and explained by accredited, and universally- 
 acknowledged authors among the Catholics them- 
 selves. I know of no writer, who has paid suffi- 
 cient attention to this obvious truth : that every 
 well informed Christian, of whatever Church or 
 Sect, better knows his own 'opinions, and con- 
 ceives more justly of the bearings and tendency 
 of his own faith than any other person ; that 
 every Church or Society must be the properest 
 judges of its own doctrine and government. 
 This then is the ground I take ; this the great 
 design of my work, to give a faithful account of 
 the Catholic Religion, in doctrine and disci- 
 pline; and to represent these points exactly as 
 Catholics themselves understand and describe 
 them. I am to draw a picture of a living ob- 
 ject ; and that I may not give an unfair or an 
 improper likeness, I have placed the original 
 before me, rather than copy any picture of the 
 same object that has hitherto been given. But 
 it may be asked, by those who do not discriminate 
 between the candid statement of a fact, and the 
 defence of its consequences, what Protestant, 
 particularly what Protestant Dissenter, will pre- 
 sume to lift up his voice to advocate the cause of 
 the " mother of harlots ?" Who will venture his 
 
 B <2
 
 4 
 
 reputation in the little band against the my- 
 riads of zealots, learned and unlearned, priest 
 and layman, king and subject, to support "the 
 beast with seven heads and ten horns ?" Who, 
 that is not himself " drunk with the wine of her 
 abominations," will plead for " the scarlet whore 
 of fallen Babylon ?" And who, however willing, is 
 " sufficient for these things?" Not the present" 
 writer, truly i he is neither willing nor able to 
 cope with powers so mighty; but he dare plead 
 the cause of justice and of charity; he has 
 sufficient courage to meet the most pointed 
 shafts of prejudice and mistake, armed, as he 
 feels himself, to be, with the invulnerable pa- 
 noply of truth. Strictly speaking, in describ- 
 ing the Religion of Catholics he has nothing to 
 do with the burning of heretics; the deposition 
 of kings; the interdicts of Churches or of na- 
 tions, though these matters shall not be over- 
 looked by him. No one can be more willing 
 than himself to reprobate, in the strongest pos- 
 sible terms, the wickedness of Popes, or the ar- 
 rogance and spiritual tyranny of Priests. He 
 is a Protestant, from long and serious convic- 
 tion ; but does it, therefore, follow, that he should 
 cherish in his bosom feelings of revenge against 
 those who still adhere to the religion of his ances- 
 tors, merely because those ancestors, in some 
 instances, acted unworthy of their Christian 
 calling, and fell into the common snares and 
 common errors of their times ? And he must 
 add, that even could it enter into the design of
 
 this work to attempt an apology for the princi- 
 ples, or an excuse for the practices of any part, 
 or of any age of the Catholic Church, it would 
 be no very difficult task to demonstrate, that 
 the crimes by which her annals are disgraced, 
 have in no instance originated from an adher- 
 ence to any prescribed forms of religious con- 
 duct; or any sentiment enforced in her books 
 of devotion and worship.* Much in extenua- 
 tion might be offered on account of the mental 
 darkness, the political bondage, and the mistaken 
 policy of the ages in which those enormities 
 were committed; while much obloquy would 
 be removed, by distinguishing between the acts 
 of princes and politicians, and those of the heads 
 and ministers of religion. 
 
 To state with candour, and to delineate with 
 faithfulness, some of the leading features of Ca- 
 tholic history, and all the great doctrines of the 
 
 * " We are never to confound the weakness of the minis- 
 ter with the holiness of his ministry. We respect the sanc- 
 tuary in which Stephen officiated, — though Nicholas pro- 
 faned it: we revere the place from whence Judas fell, — 
 and to which Matthias was promoted : the Scriptures respect 
 the chair of Moses, — though they censure several pontifl's 
 who sat in it; and no Catholic canonizes the vices of popes, 
 — though he respects their station and dignity. The ponti- 
 fical throne is still the same, vvheLher it he filled by a cruel 
 Alexander VI. or a benevolent Ganganelli." See the Rev. 
 Arthur OLeary's Remarks on Mr. Wesley's Letter and Defence 
 of the Protestant Association, p. 39.
 
 6 
 
 Catholic faith, uninfluenced by the zeal of a par- 
 tisan, or the disingenuous arts of an apologist, is 
 the chief, if not the sole, duty incumbent on the 
 author of this work. If in the discharge of this 
 duty, it should appear that a great majority of 
 our fellow Christians have been, and still are, mis- 
 understood in regard to their tenets, and misre- 
 presented in their history ; and that from these 
 mistakes, to give them no harsher a term, have 
 been generated and fostered a spirit and conduct 
 on the part of Protestants, unworthy of their prin- 
 ciples, and impolitic and unjust in the results, a 
 most important point will be attained, and a 
 desirable object accomplished : for the liberal 
 genius of the Protestant doctrines is most as- 
 suredly hostile to all acts of oppression, and all 
 sentiments manifestly unjust. 
 
 Prejudice, the source of a thousand evils, 
 would be much lessened against our Catholic 
 brethren, were Protestants carefully to abstain 
 from using terms of reproach and invidious 
 epithets. The very name, though erroneous, by 
 which we first designate a real or su pposed enemy, 
 so strongly prepossesses the mind, that no sub- 
 sequent facts can erase the impression, as long 
 as the first error is persisted in. On this ac- 
 count, a spirit of conciliation will always sug- 
 gest the propriety of even making some conces- 
 sions on the side of chanty ; and will infallibly 
 lead to the use of such terms as the adverse 
 parly cannot property object to ; at least, such
 
 a mode of expression will be adopted as is not 
 in its obvious tendency degrading and offensive ; 
 and all irritating associations will be carefully 
 avoided. 
 
 The first acknowledged generic term given 
 to the followers of Christ, after the one applied 
 to them at Antioch,* seems to be that of Catholic. 
 It was used to distinguish the true Church, or 
 Society, of Jesus from all separate Societies, 
 such as the Donatists in Africa, and other schis- 
 matics. It is argued by Protestants, that, 
 strictly speaking, this term was never appro- 
 priate; seeing that in no age of the church, 
 after the death of its founder, have Christians 
 been uniform in their belief; or universal as a 
 body. The history of heretics, particularly of 
 those of the two first centuries, furnishes abun- 
 dance of evidence against the catholicity of 
 any particular church ; though it must be con- 
 fessed, that the number of ancient heretics 
 has been, in general, improperly stated. Epi- 
 phanius counts sixty, after the death of 
 Christ to his own time, the close of the fourth 
 century; and Philastre gives at least one hun- 
 dred and twenty-two, after the Saviour's mis- 
 sion ; but it should not be overlooked, that many 
 of these supposed heresies were some trilling and 
 often absurd notion, not at all affecting the doc- 
 trines of the church. The learned Dr. Larducrf 
 
 ♦ Acts, c. xi. ver. 26. f History of Heretics, p r 17.
 
 states, that fe most heresies of the two first cen- 
 turies may be reduced to two kinds." In this 
 conclusion he is partly supported by the early 
 authority of Theodoret. 
 
 Chillingworth, the great champion of Protes- 
 tantism, says, that the meaning of the phrase, 
 Holy Catholic Church in the Apostks' Creed, is 
 " the right the church of Christ, or rather, to 
 speak properly, the Gospel of Christ, hath to be 
 universally believed. And, therefore, the article 
 may be true, though there were no Catholic 
 Church in the world."* This capacious mode 
 of explication seems much more convenient than 
 true : how the holy catholic church could be 
 believed in, were there " no catholic church 
 in the world, 5 ' I must own, with all my re- 
 pect for Chillingworth, somewhat puzzles and 
 perplexes me. 
 
 It is, however, this appellation, as united with 
 the adjunct Roman, that demands immediate 
 consideration. I will not fatigue the reader's 
 patience and my own by wading through the 
 elaborate squabbles of ecclesiastics, about the 
 fact of St. Peter's residence at Rome.f The 
 
 * Works, folio, p. 196. 
 
 f The curious in this matter may consult the Art. Church 
 of Rome, in Broughton's Historical Library, vol. i. Also 
 Christianisimus Primativus, b. II. ch. i. p. 12. Dr. Benson's 
 
 Account,
 
 9 
 
 great probability, at least as far as it appears 
 to me, is, that the apostle did visit that city ; 
 and that he was a teacher of Christianity there 
 at the time of his death, during the persecution 
 of the Christians by Nero. 
 
 However this may have been, it is a fact, that 
 a pretty regular succession of Roman Bishops 
 may be traced from Alexander I. at the close 
 of the first, or early in the second, century, to 
 Sabinianus, in the beginning of the seventh ; 
 from which time the succession is considered 
 somewhat doubtful for several ages. I am pre- 
 vented from beginning earlier by my determi- 
 nation to avoid controversy as much as possible; 
 and having compared several catalogues, I find 
 some difference with respect to the first six or 
 seven Bishops, and a little confusion, occasioned 
 in the succession, owing to the discrepancy of 
 opinion relative to the names of Cletusand Ana- 
 cletus; some contending that these were one 
 and the same Bishop. Perhaps, the most ample 
 list of Popes ever published is the one lately 
 given by an intelligent writer in the Rev. Robert 
 Adam's very candid and liberal publication, en- 
 
 Account of St. Peter's visit to Rome, A. D. 58, and fourth 
 of Nero, in his Hist, of the first planting of Christianity, 
 vol. ii. p. 184. Whiston's Memoirs, Bp. Pearson's Post- 
 humous Works, London, 1688, p. 2? et seq. and Baratier's 
 Inquiry about the Ancient Bishops of Rome, printed at 
 Utrecht, in 1740.
 
 10 
 
 titled " The Religious World Displayed."* This 
 Catalogue is confessedly taken, for the most part, 
 from Berti's Ecclesiastical History. It com- 
 mences with St. Peter, and ends with the present 
 much injured Pius VII., including a succession 
 of 252 Roman Bishops, exclusive of the Anti- 
 popes, Dioscorus, in the sixth century ; Con- 
 stantine, in the eighth; Anastasius, in the ninth; 
 Leo VIII., and Boniface VII., in the tenth; and 
 John XVI., Benedict X., Honorius II. and 
 Clement III., in the eleventh century. The 
 succession of Roman Pontiffs is of more conse- 
 quence to the interests of religious truth than 
 some Protestftnt writers have been willing to 
 admit. I confess, for my own part, that could 
 I be convinced of the perfect accuracy of any 
 one of the catalogues that have been hitherto 
 published, I should feel myself somewhat em- 
 barrassed in disputing the ecclesiastical authority 
 and superiority of the supreme head of the 
 Catholic Church ; not that I should ever admit, 
 that any man, or set of men, has a right by any 
 prescription of mere time, to trample on the sa- 
 
 * This work is incomparably the best book of the kind 
 ever published. Mr. Evans's is professedly a " Sketch" but, 
 as far as it goes, it is, upon the whole, correct and can- 
 did. The View of all Religions, by Hannah Adams, is good, 
 and, generally speaking, just ; but there is too much attempt- 
 ed on so small a scale. The English edition, by Mr. Fuller, 
 is certainly the best, though some will think he has not im- 
 proved it by his " Essay on Truth."
 
 11 
 
 cred exercise of reason, or the unalienable rights 
 of conscience ; but how episcopalians can satisfy 
 their consciences on this subject, has often 
 puzzled and surprised me. If visibility and 
 episcopal ordination are, indeed, essential to the 
 character of the church of Christ, it would seem 
 to follow, that a regular uninterrupted succes- 
 sion of christian Prelates from the Apostles is a 
 matter of vital importance. As a Dissenter, I 
 I have no uneasiness on this point : as a Church- 
 man I should tremble for the validity of my sacred 
 office.* 
 
 I will not, however, enter into any controversy 
 on the divine right of Episcopacy, in the issue of 
 which question I have so trifling an interest; 
 and upon which it is my firm conviction the 
 holy scriptures are completely silent. Let ca- 
 nonists and schoolmen, civilians and proctors 
 fight the matter out as well as they are able, 
 and dogmatize about non-essentials till they are 
 all weary of the useless contest, and sit down 
 
 * " Our Lordhimselfe telleth us, that he that is baptized, 
 and beleeveth, shall be saved : now to persuade such a one 
 that is baptized, and heleeveth, that he is no member of 
 Christ's church, except he can also set downe a catalogue of 
 the names of his spirituall parents, since Christ, is al one, as 
 to perswade such a one that he is no man, because lie can- 
 not reckon up his naturell parents, and fetch his pedigree 
 from Noah or Adam." Christianographie, or the Description 
 of the multitude and sundry sorts of Christians in ti<e World, not 
 subject to the Pope, 2nd. Ed. 1636. Epistle Dedicator ie.
 
 n 
 
 contented to fear God and work righteousness; 
 it is quite sufficient to my purpose to shew, 
 that, whatever variations of discipline may at 
 different timeshave obtained in the Church, long, 
 very long, before the humble religion of Jesus 
 came to be established by human laws, or were 
 incorporated with state politics, the great arti- 
 cles of Faith, with but few exceptions, held to 
 the present hour by Roman Catholics, were the 
 standards of public doctrine, and the almost 
 universally acknowledged dogmas of the whole 
 Christian world; and as the chief head or 
 Bishop of the Church holding those doctrines 
 had his seat and spiritual court at the city of 
 Rome, that great society of Christians became 
 at length designated by the appellation of Ro- 
 man Catholics, at first used merely to distinguish 
 the Latin and Greek Churches. It concerns 
 me not to shew, that these doctrines are true 
 or false : what they were, they still are ; and so 
 far the Catholics of the present day have a legi- 
 timate claim to the appellation they have 
 adopted. 
 
 It never had occurred to any of their oppo- 
 nents before the time of Luther, that the re- 
 proachful term Papist, was properly applicable 
 to the members of the Church of Rome. This 
 word, it is true, is no otherwise improper than as 
 it is meant to convey an offensive idea. It is 
 derived from n«7r«, father*, and was given to the 
 Catholics, to insinuate that they look upon the
 
 IS 
 
 Pope as their infallible, as well as supreme, head 
 and governor: equal, if not superior, to the 
 primitive apostles of Christ, the Saviour: a 
 calumny as false as it is foolish. 
 
 It only remains in this section to state how 
 the Catholics are at present recognized in the 
 public acts of this Empire. 
 
 When the early Reformers had, with a perti- 
 nacity unbecoming their extraordinary preten- 
 sions to purity of doctrine and spirituality of 
 character, succeeded in fixing on their old 
 friends the nickname of Papists,* and the faith 
 they had deserted that of Popery, the prejudice 
 these terms were intended to inspire, found its 
 way from the pen of the zealot and the lips of 
 the declaimer to the solemn acts of nations and 
 the edicts of the reformed princes. The liberal 
 and enlightened spirit of modern times has dic- 
 tated a wiser course; and the term Roman Ca- 
 tholics is that by which those formerly called 
 Papists are now designated in all the great sta- 
 tutes of this country. A writer of the present 
 day observes, that the Legislature has curiously 
 varied in this particular. From the time of the 
 introduction of the Protestant creed into Ire- 
 land, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, to that of 
 
 * See the Rev. Dr. Milner's Letters to a Prebendary, 4th 
 ed. p. 3. 8vo.
 
 14 
 
 William III., the appellation used in the statutes 
 appears to have been " persons in communion 
 with the Church of Rome." In the commence- 
 ment of the reign of William III. in 1692, the 
 Catholics were expelled from the Irish Parlia- 
 ment. A hostile phraseology then appeared : 
 " Papists," " Popish People," &c. are to be 
 found in all statutes, affecting the Catholics, 
 from the 2 William III. to the 32 George III. 
 inclusive, and even later. The 33 George III. 
 at length styles them " Papists, or persons pro- 
 fessing the Popish or Roman Catholic Religion." 
 However, the latest statute, relating to the Ro- 
 man Catholics, 43 George III. chap. 30, drops 
 the harsher names ; and, by its title, denomi- 
 nates them "Roman Catholics." This may, 
 therefore, be taken to be their legal description 
 at this day. The reproachful epithets of " Pa- 
 pist," " Romanist," " Popish," " Romish," 
 &c. are no longer applied to them by any gen- 
 tleman or scholar.* 
 
 The cruel riots, under the direction of the 
 insane and furious Lord George Gordon, presi- 
 dent of the intolerant and disgraceful Protestant 
 Association in 1780, raised the cry of " No 
 Popery," which, to adopt the words of the pre- 
 sent learned and liberal Dr. Butler, of Shrews- 
 bury, " is still a fertile theme of declamation to 
 
 * See Advertisement prefixed to " A Statement of the 
 Penal Laws which aggrieve the Catholics of Ireland."
 
 lo 
 
 the old women and children of the year 1811."* 
 This term Papist is reproachful, conveys an 
 erroneous idea, keeps alive a dishonourable pre- 
 judice, and ought to be abolished; nor will 1 
 ever believe that man sincerely friendly to 
 Christian liberty who persists in the use of it. 
 
 Many of the latest and most respectable Pro- 
 testant writers against Roman Catholicism that 
 I have met with, seem to be conscious that there 
 is something not quite charitable in the use of 
 this term Papist ; hence they either lay it aside 
 altogether or apologize for retaining it. " I use 
 the term Papist or Romanist," says the present 
 Bishop of Durham,f " not as a reproach, but 
 in assertion of our own right." " The terms 
 ' Popery, Papist and Romanist' are used," says 
 Mr. Stephenson, J " solely to avoid the repeti- 
 tion of that of Catholic." This being the case, 
 the author would have been rather more con- 
 sistent, had he adopted the word Catholic in- 
 stead of Romish* in his title page. 
 
 * See this gentleman's most excellent Sermon preached at 
 St. Mary's, Cambridge, at the Installation of the present Chan- 
 cellor, his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester, January 
 30th, 1811, p. 61. (Notes). The Church of England would 
 have nothing to fear, either from Catholics or Sectarists, 
 were all her Ministers equal in learning and candour to this 
 writer. 
 
 f Sermons, Charges and Tracts, p. 352. 
 
 1 " The Romish Church ; or, an Historical and Critical View 
 of some of the leading doctrines of the Church of Rome," 
 p. 10, (Note). 
 
 " I thought
 
 16 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 The Pope's Supremacy — Conversion of Cons t an - 
 tine — Temporal pcwer of the Pope — The De- 
 cretals — Gift of Constantine. 
 
 IT is of great importance to be well ac- 
 quainted with the meaning and application of 
 terms; let us then pursue this idea by an in- 
 quiry into the first use of the word Pope, and of 
 the phrase Universal Bishop. In the earliest 
 ages of Christianity, this word Pope, which has 
 been so long, and often so unjustly, associated 
 with the idea of whatever is depraved in morals, 
 or cruel in government, was given to every 
 bishop, or pastor, presiding over a diocese or 
 district;* and it is still applied in the east to all 
 Christian Priests. I am perfectly aware that, 
 even among Catholics, much acrimonious con- 
 troversy has arisen out of the question concerning 
 the authority of Bishops. In this controversy, I 
 am no farther concerned than as a medium for 
 the conveyance of what, upon a sober and impar- 
 tial investigation, appears to be the prevailing 
 sentiment of the church. 
 
 " I thought this outlandish term (Romish Church) was 
 no longer used in England, at least on any solemn occasion ; 
 perhaps, we shall soon hear of the Greekish Church, unless the 
 Emperor Alexander will break off his alliance with Napo- 
 leon." Vide The Introduction prefixed to the Protestants' 
 Apology for the Roman Catholic Faith, p. 73. 1S09. 
 
 * Bingham's Origines Ecclesiastics?, lib. i. c. 2.
 
 17 
 
 About the close of the third century, St. Cy- 
 prian, a prelate of the Latin church, declared 
 that no bishop was superior to his brethren, 
 since none of them established himself the 
 bishop of bishops, nor reduced his equals to obey 
 him by any tyrannical power, since every one 
 had an absolute liberty of his will, and entire 
 power j and as no one could be judged by ano- 
 ther, so neither could he judge. On this, the 
 Abbe Fleury remarks, that this is true, where 
 there is no decision of the church.* St. Jerome, 
 no very long time afterwards, writes thus:-— 
 " Wheresoever there is a bishop, be it at Rome, 
 at Eugubrium ; at Constantinople, or at Rhe- 
 gium; at Alexandria, or at Tanis, he is of the 
 same worth, and of the same priesthood : the 
 power of wealth and the lowliness of poverty 
 renders not a bishop more high or low : for all 
 of them are successors of the apostles. "f " A 
 Christian diocese," says Mr. Gibbon, if I may 
 be allowed to adduce his authority, " might be 
 spread over a province, or reduced to a village; 
 but all the bishops possessed an equal and in- 
 delible character : they all derived the same 
 powers and privileges from the apostles, from 
 the people, and from the laws."J The canons 
 of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neo-Cae- 
 
 * Eccles. Hist. 1. vii. c. 29. 
 
 t Jerora. in Ep. Evangel. 101. nov. ed. torn. v. p. 802, 
 apud Geddes's Modest Apology, p. 81, 82. 
 X Decline and Fall, v. iii. p. 32, 8vo. ed. 
 C
 
 IS 
 
 sarea, passed about A. D. 240, after the Goths 
 had ravaged Asia, in the reign of Galierius, are 
 contained in a circular letter sent to every 
 bishop by Euphrosynus, whom Thaumaturgus 
 styles his Old Friend. This letter begins by ad- 
 dressing every bishop as " Most Holy Pope." 
 
 Pope Pelagius II. A. D. 589, in a letter 
 annulling the acts of the council of Constanti- 
 nople, in which John the Patriarch took upon 
 himself the title of Universal Bishop, condemned, 
 as much too arrogant for any Christian Bishop, 
 this unbecoming claim of superiority.* This 
 opposition to John the Fraster is known to 
 every one ; but as some improper use seems at 
 times to have been made of it, I will continue 
 the subject a little further. Pelagius II. was 
 succeeded in the Pontificate by the celebrated 
 Gregory the Great, a person remarkable for 
 his humility and his ardent piety, and rendered 
 dear to Britons as the apostle of England. f The 
 disputes about the title of universal bishop, in 
 which this pope took so honourable a part, are 
 detailed in every respectable writer on ecclesias- 
 tical history since that period, though much 
 more has been made of the language of Gre- 
 gory than the factr, seem to warrant. " Do not 
 you know," says he, in a letter to the Constan- 
 
 ♦ Banck, de Tyrannide Papa;, c. 16, in 1' Historie de* 
 Papes, in Vit. Pelag. II. 
 | Bede Eccles..HisU
 
 19 
 
 tinoplitan bishops, " that the bishops of this 
 Apostolic See were called Universal, as a mark 
 of honour offered to them by the venerable 
 Council of Chalcedon ; but none of them usurp- 
 ed that arrogant title, lest by attributing to him- 
 self alone the dignity of episcopacy, he might 
 seem to deny the rights of all his brethren."* 
 In this epistle, the pope thus expostulates with 
 his brother prelate: " What wilt thou reply to 
 Christ, the Head of the Universal Church, that 
 thou goest about by the appellation of Universal 
 Bishop, to make all his members subject to thee ? 
 Whom dost thou imitate in so perverse a name, 
 but Lucifer, who sought to be singular, and 
 raise himself above his fellow angels ?" In thus 
 opposing the claim of John the Fraster, he does 
 not appear to have any private or sinister view 
 to his own honour ; for, in a letter which he ad- 
 dressed to Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria, 
 who had complimented him with this obnoxious 
 title, he says,f " I request you will not address 
 me in that manner again, whereas, by giving to 
 others more than they are entitled to, you are 
 deprived of it yourselves. I do not wish to rise 
 by words, but by good conduct. Nor do I con- 
 sider as an honour, that, whereby, I know, my 
 brethren lose their honour : for my honour is 
 
 * Lib. iv. Ep. 38. 
 
 t I am, in this instance, quoting his words as I find them 
 translated in the Introduction to The Protestants' Apology 
 p. 119. 
 
 C 2
 
 «0 
 
 the honour of the Universal Church. My ho- 
 nour is the firm vigour of my brethren j and, 
 indeed, I am then truly honoured, when to 
 every one of them their due honour is not de- 
 nied. Now, if you call me Universal Bishop, 
 you deny yourself to be that, of which you at- 
 tribute to me the universality. God forbid such 
 things should be thought of; away with phrases 
 that puff up by vanity, and wound charity !" 
 Agreeably with these sentiments, this great 
 bishop, writing to Eusebius of Thessalonica, and 
 other bishops, says, " If one bishop be uni- 
 versal, it remains, that you are not bishops:" 
 and in a letter to Sabinius, his nuncio at Con- 
 stantinople, he observes, that "as the govern- 
 ment cannot defend us against the swords of 
 our enemies, and as it has made us lose our pro- 
 perties for the protection of the state, it is most 
 shameful, that they should endeavour to make 
 us lose also our faith by consenting to this un- 
 just title." On this passage, Fleury remarks, 
 " St. Gregory considered this dispute as a ques- 
 tion of faith, because, in fact, we are not allowed 
 by faith to acknowledge but one only bishop, 
 of whom the others would be only vicars."* In 
 other parts of this pope's epistles, he exclaims, 
 * f Oh ! my great lord,. it is not for my own right 
 or honour that I dispute : I speak unequivo- 
 cally and boldly: whosoever shall call himself 
 universal bishop, or desire to be so called, in the 
 
 , i . . II. I . || III II ,....,! i , . i ■ i, | | | I 1 1 «■———?» 
 
 ♦ Hist. Eccles. liv. xxxv. $ 39.
 
 21 
 
 pride of his heart, is the forerunner of Anti- 
 christ."* And again, in his epistle to the Em- 
 peror, " the Universal Church," says he, " must 
 go to ruin, whensoever he that is the Universal 
 Bishop shall chance to falL"f "In his rival," 
 says Gibbon,{ speaking of Gregory I., " the 
 patriarch of Constantinople, he condemned the 
 antichristian title of universal bishop, which the 
 successor of St. Peter was too haughty to con- 
 cede, and too feeble to assume ; and the eccle- 
 siastical jurisdiction of Gregory was confined to 
 the triple character of bishop of Rome, primate 
 of Italy, and apostle of the West." In this esti- 
 mate of the Roman Pontiff's jurisdiction, this 
 sweeping historian is somewhat inaccurate j and 
 it is proper now to shew the use which some 
 disputants have made of Gregory's humble and 
 pious concessions. It is argued from hence, 
 that before the age of Gregory, the Popes of 
 Rome had no exclusive spiritual authority in 
 the Church beyond the limits of their own dio- 
 cese. Before we proceed to examine into this 
 matter, it may be proper to take some notice of 
 what the pope says in the epistle wherein he 
 alludes to the council of Chalcedon, as having 
 honoured the bishops of the Roman See with 
 the title of Universal. " On ne trouve point 
 dans les actes de ce Concile ce que dit le Papo 
 S. Gregoire dans ses lettres, qu'il ofFrit au Pape 
 
 • Lib. vi. Ep. 30. f Lib. iv. Ep. 32. 
 
 % Decline and Fall, vi. p. 167.
 
 22 
 
 le titre d'EvSque cecumhiique ou universel. Ba- 
 ronius croit que ce titre se trouvoit donne au 
 Pape dans 1' inscription de la lettre qui lui fut 
 adressee par le Concile."* And, indeed, one is 
 reduced to the alternative of believing, either that 
 his holiness there refers his rival John to a fact 
 which had no existence, which, however, is by 
 no means likely, or of admitting the probable 
 conjecture of Baronius, that this title was given 
 to Gregory in the inscription of some letter ad- 
 dressed to him by the Chalcedonian Fathers. 
 
 With respect to the objections made to the 
 supremacy of the Bishops of Rome from the 
 language of St. Gregory in the epistles just quot- 
 ed, it is my duty to state the explanations which 
 Catholics have given of it; and on this point, 
 perhaps, I cannot do better than quote what the 
 learned Dr. Milner,f and the equally learned 
 anonymous author of the Introduction to " The 
 Protestants' Apology," have said relative to the 
 Pope's supremacy. 
 
 Speaking of this papal attribute, Dr. Milner 
 observes : li We find this superiority in the 
 clearest and strongest terms, attributed to the 
 Popes, during the first three centuries, by the 
 illustrious fathers and writers who lived in them; 
 
 * Abrege Chronologique de 1' Histoire Ecclesiastique, 
 tome i. p. 317. 
 
 f Letters to a Prebendary, Lett. II.
 
 23 
 
 particularly by St. Irenaeus, who boasts of his 
 having been instructed by St. Polycarp, the dis- 
 ciple of the apostles ; by Tertullian, the most 
 ancient Latin father whose works are extant ; 
 and by St. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, the 
 great light of the church in the third century. 
 We find this prerogative claimed and exercised 
 by pope Victor in the case of the churches of 
 Asia Minor, which he threatened to excommu- 
 nicate ; whether on sufficient grounds or not, is 
 foreign to the present question ; likewise in the 
 case of the Montanists, and several other heretics, 
 whom the same pope actually did cut oif from 
 the communion of the church. Finally, not to 
 multiply instances, we find this prerogative ex- 
 ercised in the case of several bishops, and other 
 individuals in Gaul, in Spain, and in Africa, 
 which were judged and decided upon at Rome 
 by pope Stephen, during the period in question." 
 
 These arguments certainly go to prove, what 
 I should think few sensible readers will feel in 
 the least disposed to question : that, from a 
 very early period of Christianity, the bishops 
 of Rome have held a peculiar authority over 
 a large portion of the christian world ; and 
 that, whether from the dignity of their dio- 
 cese, as including the metropolis of the Roman 
 empire, or from whatever other cause, the 
 Roman Pontiffs have always exercised a kind of 
 supremacy in spiritual matters; and this will 
 appear still more clearly when I have adduced 
 the arguments employed by the anonymous
 
 14 
 
 author already alluded to: "While St. Gregory," 
 says he, " was anxious for the rights of his coir 
 leagues, he was not forgetful of his own. In the 
 letter to John of Constantinople, he mentions 
 St. Peter as the first member of the holy univer- 
 sal church, and speaks of his own appointment 
 to the government of the church." Writing to 
 the emperor Mauritius, by whom John was patro- 
 nised, he says : " the management and primacy 
 of the whole church had been given to St. Peter." 
 Elsewhere he asserts, that *< the apostolic see is 
 the chief of all churches ;" and with regard to 
 the very church of Constantinople, he says, in 
 a letter to John, bishop of Syracuse, that " no 
 one doubts of its being subject to the see of 
 Rome." In another letter to the same prelate, 
 he writes thus : " As to his saying that he is 
 subject to the apostolic see ; if bishops be guilty 
 of faults, I do not know of any bishop, who is 
 not subject to it ; but when nothing culpable 
 requires its interference, they are all equal, ac- 
 cording to the rule of humility." On this pas- 
 sage Fleury remarks thus: " These words of 
 St. Gregory indicate, in a precise manner, the 
 limits of the power of the head of the church. 
 As long as bishops do their duty, he treats them 
 as his equals : but he is the superior of all of them, 
 when there is a question of correcting them." 
 
 I have quoted quite sufficient to shew, that 
 the popes of Rome have early claimed, and it 
 has been granted to them, a government and
 
 25 
 
 supremacy over the rest of their brother bishops, 
 in points of general discipline and order in the 
 church : nor do I see why protestants should 
 feel so extremely sore on this point: to my 
 mind, it only proves, that the simplicity of the 
 gospel of Christ was encroached upon in very 
 early times, even earlier than most writers seem 
 to allow. But that St. Peter had any superior 
 rank or authority over the rest of the apostles, 
 is not by any means clear. The Acts of the 
 Apostles, the first, and the only correct, Eccle- 
 siastical History, does not, according to my 
 views, convey any such a notion ; and I feel 
 very little concern about the Acts of any other 
 Apostles besides those of whom we have clear 
 and authentic accounts in the New Testament. 
 It is to be feared, we all lay too much stress upon 
 the Fathers: writers who agreed upon hardly a 
 single point of doctrine or discipline; and too 
 little upon the sacred volume, which contains 
 every thing necessary to be known or believed 
 relative to our future happiness. 
 
 If Protestants cannot maintain their ground 
 with Catholics, armed, like David against the 
 giant of Gatli with a sling and a stone, from the 
 Bible only, they had better give up the contest: 
 for it is hopeless to fight against the army 
 of Councils, Synods, Fathers, and Schoo'men, 
 which Catholics are able to bring into the field 
 on these occasions. One little book, which I 
 can carry in my bosom, and refer to in every
 
 26 
 
 exigence of moment to my soul's peace, is 
 worth all the mighty tomes of the Vatican ;* 
 superior, in my estimation, to all that bishops 
 ever wrote, or canonists have quarrelled about. 
 Which of the councils, from the first of Nice, 
 to that of Trent, will point out in clear, 
 unequivocal terms, " what we must do to be 
 saved ?" and of which of the Fathers shall we 
 inquire " the way to the kingdom of heaven?" 
 Alas! alas! they all deceive or confuse us; 
 and we are compelled to recur to those records 
 of immortality, which are alone infallible, to 
 learn this simple truth, that " to enter into life, 
 we must keep the commandments ;" and that 
 doing this, it boots little who is the visible 
 head of the church ; when, or how, he acquired 
 his real or pretended supremacy; nor am I 
 painfully anxious to know whether Gregory the 
 Great or John the Fraster first lorded it over 
 God's heritage ; whether Pallavicini or Paolo 
 Sarpi, give the truest history of the council 
 of Trent — whether the lascivious and cruel 
 Harry VIII. or the luxurious and careless 
 
 * " While we possess the Bible, which is every day be- 
 coming more free from faulty corruptions of the text, we 
 need have no other guide : for we know, that erroneous doc- 
 trines had even crept into the religion of Christ during the 
 days of the Apostles." MS. note, in the hand writing of the 
 late excellent Duke of Grafton, on the margin of page v, of 
 Simpson's Apology for the Doctrine of the Trinity ; formerly 
 his Grace's copy. — How seldom do Dukes concern them- 
 selves about the sacred text or the doctrines of the Gospel '
 
 27 
 
 Leo X. was the head of the national church. Ne* 
 vertheless, though these may be my private feel- 
 ings on subjects so remotely connected with 
 the pure and undefiled religion of the gospel, 
 it is not less my duty to discuss these matters 
 in treating of the great events of Ecclesiastical 
 History. 
 
 However strongly Gregory might oppose the 
 exorbitant ambition of John of Constantinople, 
 that patriarch persisted in calling himself the 
 Universal Bishop, though not, it would seem, in 
 the sense in which he had been understood by 
 the Roman Pontiff. In any sense the title was 
 offensive, and the bishop of Rome did not fail 
 to exert all his power, and to use every art to 
 induce the eastern prelate to lay it aside. We 
 have seen that this title was first claimed, or 
 rather revived, (for some such appellation had 
 been conferred on Leo I. in the years 44.5 and 
 450, by Valentinian III. emperor of the West, 
 and Marcian of the East,*) during the pontifi- 
 cate of Pelagius II., and that his successor 
 Gregory the Great strenuously opposed it. But 
 the next pontiff, Boniface III. we are informed, 
 
 * History of Popery, vol. i. p. 1. Essay on Scripture 
 Prophecy, p. 104. Carolus Sigonius de Occid. Imper. p. 106, 
 314, and the learned Annotator on Mosheim, says, that Leo 
 and Justinian had conferred this title on the Bishops of Con- 
 stantinople. See note s. vol. ii. p. 112. of his translation of 
 Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. 8vo. ed.
 
 38 
 
 tried every measure in his power to have the title 
 made over, by an inalienable right, to himself 
 and his successors of the apostolic see of Rome. 
 He used all his influence with the emperor 
 Phocas to assist him in this struggle for mas- 
 tery, or rather for the honour of a name ; and 
 he is said to have succeeded; yet it does not 
 appear at present, that the bishops of Rome 
 have any such title, further than as they are 
 styled the Head of the^Church, an appellation, 
 which, in some sense, the patriarchs of Con- 
 stantinople themselves at first granted to them. 
 The contests, however, on this subject, at 
 length grew so furious, that a foundation was 
 laid in them for that great schism which after- 
 wards divided the Greek and Latin churches. 
 
 The reader should observe, that this question 
 has nothing to do, strictly speaking, with the 
 title of Pope. Of the use of this word, no dis- 
 pute arose till a much later period, when Gre- 
 gory VII. A. D. 1076, transferred this title to 
 himself only and his successors.* Nor should 
 the reader fall into that common mistake, so 
 
 * Padre Paolo sopra Bencf. Eccles. c. viii, and the other 
 authorities referred to in Card's Historical Outlines of the 
 Rise and Establishment of the Papal Power, p. 5. Without 
 admitting all the reasoning of this latter writer, I cannot 
 mention him without noticing the elegance and the majesty 
 of his style, the great extent of his reading, and the general 
 value of his various publications.
 
 29 
 
 confusing and injurious to this subject, of con- 
 founding the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, 
 an honour allowed to him by all Catholic 
 writers,* with the infallibility of the Pope, an 
 attribute never granted to him by the Church, 
 though some persons, who would have written 
 any other nonsense to gain the favour of the 
 Roman Court, have ridiculously asserted it. 
 
 For the present I will dismiss this subject of 
 the supremacy : we shall shortly have occasion 
 to advert to it. As, however, it is so obviously 
 connected with the origin of national ecclesias- 
 tical establishments, and the subsequent tem- 
 poral authority of the Pope ; and as those 
 establishments have a relation so near to the 
 conversion of Constantine the Great, I will 
 here glance at the accounts we have received of 
 this great and important event in the history of 
 the church and of the Roman Empire. 
 
 Either at noon, or at midnight — awake, or 
 asleep — alone, or in the midst of his army — on 
 a march, or during the heat of battle — in the 
 
 * Except, indeed, such accommodating and " modest" au- 
 thors as the late Doctor Alexander Geddes ; who seemed al- 
 most inclined, as some have thought, to give up Transub- 
 atantiation, to please the Church of England ; the Trinity, 
 to gratify the Unitarians; and even, it is to be feared, the 
 Scriptures themselves, to conciliate the Deists ; though can- 
 dour should lead one to hope, that the Doctor was guided in 
 these matters by the honest dictates of his mind.
 
 30 
 
 south, or in the east, or in both at the same 
 time — on his passage over the Alps, at Treves, 
 Besancou, or some other place,* Constantine 
 the Great saw, or thought he saw, a mira- 
 culous vision, which was followed by two very 
 opposite consequences : — his conversion to a 
 religion which forbids the shedding of blood, 
 and the immediate destruction of a whole army. 
 The task were endless and useless to trace this 
 story and the evidences of it through the vari- 
 ous channels and the perplexing ramifications 
 by which it is attested, confirmed, amplified 
 and confuted. The sacred oath of the Empe- 
 ror to his doubting biographer, Eusebiusf — the 
 martyr and veteran Artemius,J whose apo- 
 cryphal Acts are prudently rejected by Tille- 
 mont,§ and unnoticed by Du Pin ; the flowery 
 Lactantius,|| or as Mr. Gibbon conjectures, 
 Cfecilius^y ; the poet Prudentius, ** Baronius,f f 
 
 * Vid. Tillemont des Empereurs, torn. iv. p. 573. 
 
 t Euseb. in Vit. Const. 1. i. c. 28. 
 
 1 Act. S. Artem. apud Metaphor. 20 Octob. in Cressey's 
 Church History of Brittany, p. 122. 
 
 (J Mem. Eccles. torn. vii. p. 1317. 
 
 || De Mortibus Persecut. c. xlvi. 
 
 % Dec. and Fall, iii. 16. Mr. Gibbon is partly supported 
 in this conjecture by Le Clerc (Bibliotheque Ancienne et 
 Moderne, torn. iii. p. 438,) and by the learned and rational 
 Lardner (Cred. part II. vol. vii. p. 94.) In ascribing' this 
 declamation on the death of Persecutors to Caecilius, the 
 Roman Historian " tamely follows the Colbert MS." 
 
 ** Prud. contra Symmach. 1. 1. 464,482. 
 
 ft An. Eccles. A. D. 312.
 
 31 
 
 Philostorgius,* Gelasius of Cyzicus,f and along 
 train of others, both sacred and profane, histo- 
 rians, poets, and panegyrists narrate, in nume- 
 rous forms, and with an amusing variety of in- 
 cident and contradiction, the following fact : 
 
 After the death of his father, Constantius 
 Chlorus, who expired at the imperial palace, in 
 the city of York, A. D. 306, Constantine 
 marched into Italy, against the cruel persecutor 
 Maxentius, with an army of 40,000 men. Dur- 
 ing this march, he became extremely sensible 
 of the danger of the expedition which most 
 probably would decide the fate of the empire; 
 and feeling some doubt as to the power of his 
 troops, and more still, it would seem, as to the 
 national deities whose promises had excited the 
 hopes and disappointed the confidence of for- 
 mer emperors in similar exigencies, he turned 
 his thoughts towards that Being in whom his 
 father had more successfully trusted; and ear- 
 nestly desired that some signal of the divine 
 approbation should be afforded him. In the 
 midst of these devout and fervent aspirations, 
 there appeared to him, early in the afternoon, 
 during a clear and open day, the figure of a 
 luminous cross, immediately above or upon the 
 body of the sun ; and this was visible to his 
 
 * Eccles. Hist, apud M. i' Abbe Du Voisin's Dissertat. 
 »ur la Vision de Constantin. 
 t Act. Con. Nicen. 1. i. c. 4.
 
 S3 
 
 whole army, or at least to that part of it then 
 present with him. The cross had this inscrip- 
 tion n$lu tutit ; by this Conquer.* 
 
 It is needless to remark, that this miraculous 
 appearance astonished and confounded every 
 beholder ; but it is curious to observe, that the 
 Emperor himself had little or no conception of 
 its import till the following night, when, during 
 a dream, the amiable form of the Saviour of 
 men presented itself before him, and exhibiting 
 the same sign he had seen in the heavens, com- 
 manded the astonished Emperor to make a stan- 
 dard of the same shape; assuring him that 
 under its banners his arms should prove victori- 
 ous. This additional prodigy was, early in the 
 morning, communicated to the Emperor's 
 friends ; and the combined efforts of jewellers 
 and lapidaries soon produced the standard that 
 should destroy the legions of paganism, and 
 erect, on an imperishable foundation, the tem- 
 ples of true religion. Labarum, a name ren- 
 dered mysterious by the obscurity of its etymo- 
 logy, but subsequently venerated for its trium- 
 phant efficacy, was given to it. It consisted of 
 a long pike intersected by a transversal beam. 
 A silken veil hung down from the beam, and 
 was curiously inwrought with images of the 
 
 » Platina says, the emperor heard the Angels near the 
 cross repeat these words. Life of S. SylvtsUr.
 
 reigning monarch and his children. The sum- 
 mit of the pike supported a crown of gold which 
 enclosed a mysterious monagram, at once ex- 
 pressive of the figure of the cross, and the initial 
 letters of the name of Christ.* The laharum 
 was intrusted to the care of fifty soldiers, of 
 tried courage, whose office was rewarded with 
 distinguished honours and emoluments, and 
 even their persons deemed invulnerable during 
 the discharge of their duty. 
 
 Whatever truth or reality there may be in 
 this event, f the destruction of the army of Max- 
 entius, and the conversion of the imperial vic- 
 tor, speedily followed. Constantine became 
 firmly seated on the throne, with no rival 
 besides Licinius ; and he also fell, shortly after- 
 wards, before the invincible powers inspired by 
 the labarum. 
 
 The gratitude and the interest of Constantine 
 urged him to proceed in the labour he had pre- 
 viously commenced, of promoting the interests 
 of the christian faith ; and he laid the foundation 
 of the church's greatness in gold and silver; in 
 jewels, and treasures of every kindx The first 
 of the christian emperors resolved to extend and 
 perpetuate his fame by the legal establishment of 
 
 * Gibbon. 
 
 I The subject lias been ably treated by Mr. Henley, in 
 :m Appendix to Gregory's Hist, of the Christ. Church, vol. i. 
 
 1)
 
 34 
 
 the new religion, and the abolition of paganism. 
 Liberality of sentiment in the mind of the em- 
 peror sensibly contracted in proportion as his 
 faith expanded. Whilst he halted between the 
 rival religions, his scepticism on both hands 
 came in aid of his philosophy and good 
 nature; but when he found himself strong in 
 the principles of the new faith, his zeal kindled 
 against the idols of antiquity. On the ruins of 
 the magnificent temples of paganism were erect- 
 ed innumerable churches, sacred to the Saviour, 
 the Blessed Virgin, and all the Saints. If he 
 did not wholly destroy, he mutilated and ren- 
 dered useless, the most beautiful edifices. The 
 Holy Sepulchre, which had been profaned by 
 an image, or a temple, of Venus on its site, was 
 cleared of its rubbish, and a stupendous chris- 
 iian church erected on the spot.* A temple 
 
 * ' f His mother Helena undertook a journey to the East, 
 purposely to build the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, at Je- 
 rusalem ; where, as the workmen were digging to lay the 
 foundation of it, they found the cross on which our Saviour 
 was crucified. Helena sent part of this precious relique to 
 her son, and left the remainder at Jerusalem." So far the 
 story of " finding the cross" may be true and rational ; but, 
 adds the author whose authority I am now quoting, " the 
 cross has so multiplied since, that if all the pieces of wood now 
 said to have been part of it, and exposed as such in Roman 
 .Catholic countries, were to be put together, I may venture 
 to say, it would afford fuel for all the inhabitants of this me- 
 tropolis [Paris], during the severest winter. There is hardly 
 a Romish chapel abroad, that does not boast of having a 
 
 piece
 
 35 
 
 dedicated with every rite of prostitution and 
 uncleanness, to the same goddess, at Aphaca, on 
 Mount Libanus ; another, sacred to the honour 
 of vEsculapius, at vEgas, in Cilicia j and a third 
 also devoted to the service and the rites of the 
 mother of Cupid, at Heliopolis, in Syria, were 
 totally demolished. The emperor, shortly after 
 his conversion, caused all the heathen temples to 
 be shut up in Constantinople, a city which he 
 had himself built upon the ruins of the ancient 
 Byzantium, and honoured with the name of 
 New Rome. The vestibules and the roofs were 
 destroyed, and the images of superstition re- 
 
 piece of the true cross. What abuses !" — History of the 
 Popes, translated from the French, by John Mills, Esq. vol. 
 i. p. 102. 
 This is a species of hyperbole not very creditable to the author's 
 sincerity. The ancient and venerable ruins of Holy Cross, in 
 Ireland, once an Abbey of the order of Cisteaux, in Burgundy, 
 a branch of the benedictine order, was built "for the par- 
 ticular purpose of preserving a portion of the true cross, on 
 which our Saviour suffered death." This " identical portion 
 of the true cross" was preserved by the Ormond family 
 in the reign of Henry VIII., and " by them transmitted to 
 the family of Kavenagh," one. of the descendants of which, 
 deposited it with the present owner, a friend of the present 
 Rev. Dr. Milner's, who remarks, " that it is the largest piece 
 of the cross he ever met with, being about two inches and a 
 half long, and about half an inch broad, but very thin. It 
 is inserted in the lower shaft of an archiepiscopal cross, 
 made of some curious wood, and enclosed in a gilt case." — 
 Vide Dr. Milner's Inquiry into certain vulgar opinions con- 
 cerning the Catholic Inhabitants and Antiquities of Ireland, 
 pp. 128.129. 
 
 D<2
 
 36 
 
 moved from their sacred niches and pedestals to 
 adorn the squares and the public places of the 
 city. The Pythian Apollo, and the Sminthian, 
 the divine tripods of Delphos, and the muses of 
 Helicon, were exposed to the gazing contempt 
 of the multitude, or preserved to ornament the 
 Circus and the Palace.* 
 
 Whatever may be the partial feelings of the 
 classic antiquary on a review of these innova- 
 tions, the moralist and the rational christian will 
 secretly rejoice at the abolition of so many 
 abodes of vice, and nurseries of prostitution. 
 This pleasure will be heightened by the consi- 
 deration, that while the imperial convert direct- 
 ed his zeal against the vices of paganism, and 
 the impurities of superstition, he protected, with 
 a laudable justice, the persons and the private 
 property of his subjects.-}' By a wise and a li- 
 beral policy, unhappily but little known or prac- 
 tised in later times, he subdued the prejudices, 
 and secured the affections, of persons of all re- 
 ligions. This, at least, was his conduct in the 
 earliest days of his conversion ; nor did he in- 
 
 * Euseb. in Vit. Const. 
 
 t The following circumstance is mentioned by Socrates 
 [1. i. c. 10.] It affords an interesting proof of the liberal 
 spirit of the emperor : Acesius, a Novatian Bishop, having 
 been commanded to give an account of his dissent from the 
 church, the emperor heard patiently what he had to urge in 
 his defence, and then said : — " Well, set up your ladder, Ace 
 sius, in your own way, and go to heaven upon it alone."
 
 37 
 
 jure the persons, or infringe the rights of any 
 of his pagan or christian subjects, till his zeal 
 heightened into an exorbitant thirst to be in- 
 strumental in rendering the church he had es- 
 poused respected for her grandeur, magnificence, 
 and riches. Here lies the root of the evil. — In 
 this single principle were generated every cala- 
 mity, all the wickedness, bloodshed, and tyranny 
 that unbelievers have so wantonly and so un- 
 justly thrown in the teeth of Christianity. The 
 religion of Christ is in its very essence simple 
 and unassuming. It connects not itself with 
 the kingdoms of this world. — It requires not the 
 officious hands of an imperial Uzza to support 
 it. To adopt the words of a late spirited writer 
 of the Church of England, " it wants nothing 
 but fair play. Human mixtures pollute it. 
 Human aids disgrace it."* But Constantine 
 disfigured the lovely form of Christianity, when 
 he bedecked her in the gaudy trappings of 
 worldly grandeur.f He himself became a 
 preacher,]; and the church gratefully acknow- 
 ledged him as her temporal head. This unfor- 
 tunate honour confirmed the evil which his 
 officious piety had already introduced. The 
 
 * The Rev. D. Simpson's Key to the Prophecies, pref. 
 p. xvi. Ed. 1S09. 
 
 t "When kings interfere in matters of religion, they don't 
 protect it, they enslave it." — Fenelon's Letter to Charles, son 
 of our James II., in Mr. Butler's interesting Life of that 
 great and good man. 
 
 t Euseb. in Vit. Const. 1. 4. c. 15, 32.
 
 3B 
 
 ministers of a religion, of which the greatest em- 
 peror in the world was the temporal head and 
 protector, could not with decency any longer 
 remain in obscurity or poverty ; nor was it be- 
 coming, that those whose sacred duties led them 
 daily to temples ornamented with whatever the 
 refined taste of the ancients could suggest, with 
 the richest treasures of the arts, and all that an 
 elegant superstition could invent, should them- 
 selves appear before a courtly auditory dressed 
 in plain and simple garments, respected for their 
 virtues only, and loved but for their holy office' 
 and good works' sake : other honours, and on 
 other grounds, awaited them. 
 
 From this time, the superior rank of the Bi- 
 shop of Rome in the Christian hierarchy was 
 visible to all the Roman world. His right to it, 
 the object of these pages does not require me 
 to discuss: I shall content myself with present- 
 ing the reader with a succinct statement, put 
 into my hands by Charles Butler, Esq. a well- 
 known Roman Catholic gentleman, which pro- 
 fesses to shew, that in point of fact, the Bishop 
 of Rome has, in every age of Christianity, unin- 
 terruptedly enjoyed this splendid pre-eminence, 
 with the universal consent of Christendom. 
 
 "THE first distinction among christians, is of 
 those who believe, and those who disbelieve, 
 the supremacy, in jurisdiction and rank, of the 
 Pope. Leaving at present, out of considera-
 
 39 
 
 tion, the point of his right to this supremacy, 
 the following deduction seems to shew that, in 
 point of fact, he has been in the actual posses- 
 sion and exercise of it, from the dawn of Chris- 
 tianity to the present time. It is observable, 
 that Mr. Gibbon* remarks, that ' till the great 
 ' division of the Church, in consequence of the 
 ' Greek schism, the Roman bishop had ever 
 
 * been considered by the orientalists, as the 
 
 * first of the five patriarchs.' 
 
 " I.— A. D. 500. With the exception of 
 the schismatics of the Greek church, the sects 
 in the east, a few Waldenses in Lucerne, a few 
 Hussites in Bohemia, and a few obscure Pauli- 
 cians, the whole christian world, at the begin- 
 ning of the \6th century, acknowledged the su- 
 premacy of the Pope. Luther himself in 1.518, 
 i prostrated himself at the feet of his holiness, 
 ' resigned himself to him, for his absolution or 
 c condemnation, and professed to receive his 
 ' decision, as he should use the word of Jesus 
 ' Christ himself.'f 1° 1519, he declares, that 
 c it never had been his design, either to attack 
 ' the Pope or the Church of Rome ; that the 
 ' Church of Rome was superior over all ; that, 
 
 * except Jesus Christ himself, there was nothing 
 ' in heaven or earth that could be preferred to 
 « her.'t 
 
 * Dec. and Fall, Vol. VI. p. 400. 
 
 t Ed. Jen. t. i. p. 58. * I. i. 144.
 
 40 
 
 " II.— A. D. 1439. From this time, ad- 
 vancing upwards to the commencement of the 
 christian era, the first event of importance 
 on which we alight, is the Council of Florence. 
 It was there defined, < that full power was de- 
 ' legated to the bishop of Rome, in the person 
 
 * of St. Peter, to feed, regulate, and govern the 
 c universal church, as expressed in the general 
 
 * councils and the holy canons.'* 
 
 " III.— A. D. 860. The object of the 
 Council of Florence, was to re-unite the Greek 
 and Latin Churches : this leads to The Schism 
 which separated them. All persons conversant 
 in ecclesiastical history know, that the schism 
 had its origin in the deposition of St. Ignatius, 
 the patriarch of Constantinople, and the elec- 
 tion of Photius in his place. Now, as soon as 
 Photius was elected, he himself sent his four 
 metropolitans to Rome, to inform the Pope of 
 the deposition of St. Ignatius, and of his own 
 election, and to solicit the Pope's confirmation 
 of his election. But if the Pope had not an 
 acknowledged supremacy of jurisdiction, in the 
 the general opinion of the Eastern empire, this 
 deputation to Rome could have answered no 
 purpose, and would never have been thought 
 of. The Pope's answer to it was expressed in 
 the genuine style of admitted and undisputed 
 
 * Sess. 10.
 
 41 
 
 authority. He addressed a letter to all the 
 faithful of the East j and, particularly address- 
 ing himself to the patriarchs of Alexandria, An- 
 tioch and Jerusalem, c You,' says his holiness, 
 ' in virtue of my apostolic authority, I order to 
 f think as I do, of the merits of the cause be- 
 ' tween Ignatius and Photius, and I enjoin you 
 * to have these letters read through your re- 
 ' spective dioceses, that their contents may be 
 c made known to all.' Thus, then, at the com- 
 mencement of the schism, the supremacy of 
 the Pope was as much acknowledged by the 
 Greek, as it was by the Latin Church. 
 
 " IV. — A. D. 7<50. If we continue our ad- 
 vances, the next period which engages our atten- 
 tion, is the Translation of the Empire of the West 
 to the Latins, the important event which con- 
 nects ancient and modern Rome. Turning 
 from the part which the Popes took in the tem- 
 poral causes and effects of that momentous 
 event, their spiritual power was there most fully 
 and unequivocally recognized. The political 
 revolution which it occasioned, had necessarily 
 a considerable degree of influence on the spiri- 
 tual concerns of the church, and gave rise to 
 much conscientious doubt. In that state of 
 general scruple and uncertainty, the universal 
 resort was to Rome. The French did not 
 apply to their primate at Lyons, or to the 
 bishop of the metropolis, the Germans to Vien- 
 na, the Hungarians to Strigonium, or the Bohe-
 
 42 
 
 mians to Prague. They all applied for instruc- 
 tion to the bishop of Rome, and followed his 
 instructions. 
 
 " V. — A. D. 500. Advancing higher, we come 
 to the time, when the Faith was first preached to 
 the Barbarians. The preacher was generally 
 sent by the see of Rome. If it happened, that 
 the faith was not originally planted in a coun- 
 try by a particular mission, but was diffused 
 there by the accidents of w 7 ar or commerce, or 
 by any other circumstance, it always followed, 
 that as soon as the numbers of the faithful be- 
 came considerable, and the church acquired a 
 consistency, the see of Rome invested proper 
 persons with powers to confirm her in her faith, 
 to establish her hierarchy, and settle her disci- 
 pline. 
 
 " We are struck at the grandeur of Pagan 
 Rome, when we read of her highways, which 
 issuing from the forum, towards Italy, pervaded 
 the provinces, and were terminated only by the 
 frontiers of the empire. Far beyond those, the 
 successor of St. Peter sent from christian Rome 
 the ministers of his divine commission to an- 
 nounce the faith to the nations of the earth. 
 
 " Sedes Roma Petri, quae pastoralis honoris 
 " Facta caput mundo, quid quid, non 
 " Possidet armis, 
 " Religione tenet. 
 
 " St. Prosper/'
 
 43 
 
 " VI. A. D. 451, 401, 381.— Pursuing the in- 
 quiry, we come to the Four first General Councils. 
 At that of Chalcedon, the fourth of them, held 
 in 451, the fathers addressed St. Leo the Great 
 
 * as the archbishop of all the churches, as the 
 ' head, as the person to whom the care of 
 ' Christ's vineyard was committed.' They sent 
 the proceedings of the council to him { for his 
 
 * confirmation, «« @i@muo-u.' At the council of 
 Ephesus, the 3d general council, held in 401, 
 the fathers assembled, condemned Nestorius, 
 and sent to the Pope, an account of their pro- 
 ceedings. They tell him, ( that they were forced 
 ' to that melancholy step by the canons, and 
 ' the letters of their holy father Celestine, the 
 c bishop of Rome.' On receiving pope Celestine's 
 letter, they exclaimed, — c the sentence is just, 
 ' the synod returns thanks to Celestine, the 
 
 * guardian of the faith.' One of the legates, in 
 his address to the council, says, ' that in every 
 ' age, it had been known that St. Peter, to whom 
 ' Celestine was in succession, was the prince and 
 
 * chief of the apostles, the pillar of faith, and 
 ' the foundation of the church.' Before the 
 opening of the second general council, (which 
 was held at Constantinople in 381), the Empe- 
 ror Theodosius, and the principal ecclesiastical 
 dignitaries of the eastern church, sent an em- 
 bassy to Rome, to pope Damascus, with orders 
 to take his directions on what should be done, 
 and to follow them. In their condemnation of 
 Macedonius, they used the Pope's expressions.
 
 44 
 
 A notion prevailing, that the council exceeded 
 the limits of its authority, the Pope examined 
 their proceedings, and, in some instances, con- 
 firmed, in others, annulled them. That the council 
 might be attended by the prelates of the eastern 
 church, the Pope summoned the fathers as- 
 sembled at Constantinople to Rome. In their 
 answer, ' they call themselves his members - 3 
 * they wish for the wings of a dove to fly to him, 
 c and repose in his bosom;' but they represent 
 to him, * that so long an absence might be dan- 
 c gerous to their churches.' In his reply, he 
 compliments them ' on the respect they shew 
 ' to the holy see ; and informs them, that Ti- 
 ' motheus, a disciple of Apolinaris, whom they 
 e had petitioned his holiness to depose from his 
 e see, had been deposed.' Now, except on ac- 
 count of his superior jurisdiction, they never 
 could have made this application to his holiness. 
 At the first of the general councils, (held at Nice 
 in 325), St. Silvester presided by his legates.* 
 
 " VII. A. D. 300, 100.— This brings us to 
 the 3d century. Public events, in some mea- 
 sure, forsaking us, in this place, we must refer 
 to the writings of individuals, and of these, a 
 very small number can be mentioned. In the 
 third century, St. Cyprianf complains of certain 
 
 * This, at least, is the opinion of many, though, as we 
 shall hereafter have occasion to remark, this point is by no 
 means clear. 
 
 f Ep. 3 ed. Bas. p. 14,
 
 45 
 
 schismatic bishops of Africa, * who sailed to- 
 ' wards the chair of St. Peter, the principal 
 f church, from whom the unity of the church 
 
 * arises.' He calls the church of Rome ' the 
 ' mother and roof of the catholic church.'* He 
 says, * there is but one God, one Christ, one 
 ' church, and one chair, founded on St. Peter, 
 £ by the word of God. No one can raise any 
 
 * altar or priesthood, besides that which is estab- 
 
 * lished : he that soweth elsewhere does but 
 s scatter and throw away.' In the second cen- 
 tury, we have the celebrated declaration of St. 
 Irenseus : ' Ad hanc enim ecclesiam Romanam> 
 
 * propter potior em principalitatam, necesse est 
 4 omnem convenire ecclesiam.' In the first cen- 
 tury, a division arose in the church of Corinth. 
 Some of the apostles were then living. To those, 
 notwithstanding the exalted rank and high in- 
 fluence which their apostolic character gave 
 them, the deposed priests did not appeal. Their 
 appeal was made to St. Clement, the second 
 pope in succession to St. Peter, and he confirm- 
 ed their deposition. The letter addressed by him 
 on this occasion to the Corinthians, is still ex- 
 tant. The modesty and humility with which he 
 expresses himself in it are edifying j but he in- 
 sists on the supremacy of the Roman see. ' The 
 ' chief priest,' he says, ' has his privileges : the 
 1 priests have their place; the deacons theirs; 
 
 * Ep. 3 ed. Bas. p. 135.
 
 46 
 
 ' the laity have their duties.' In the language 
 of the two first ages of Christianity, the word 
 e priest' was applied generally to bishops and 
 priests : St. Clement, therefore, points at the 
 chief priest as above them all. 
 
 te VIII. Thus, from a regular chain of his- 
 torical facts, beginning with the earliest mo- 
 ments of the reformation, and ascending up- 
 wards, through the council of Florence, the 
 Greek schism, the translation of the modern 
 empire to the Latins, the conversion of the bar- 
 barians, the four first general councils, and the 
 primitive ages, (the six great epochs of the his- 
 tory of Christianity), to the time of Christ him- 
 self, we find the supremacy of the bishop of 
 Rome, both in rank and jurisdiction, an admitted 
 article of christian belief. 
 
 " IX. A. D. 32. — We now hear the Son of 
 God himself say : ' Thou art Peter, and upon this 
 c rock will I build my church ; and the gate of 
 ' hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give 
 c unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven : 
 t and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, shall 
 ' be bound in heaven; and, whatsoever thou 
 c shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven.' * 
 
 Were it my duty or inclination to offer any 
 remarks on the above summary view of the his- 
 torical evidence for the Pope's supremacy, I
 
 47 
 
 trust, it would be no difficult task to shew, that 
 in many instances, and particularly in what re- 
 lates to the words of Jesus Christ to St. Peter, 
 the reasoning and conclusions are by no means 
 satisfactory. It is, however, the plain statement 
 of an intelligent catholic, and as such I give it. 
 Let those answer it who have a taste for, and an 
 interest in, this kind of controversy. It is a 
 matter purely belonging to the episcopa- 
 lians : — catholics, — members of the Greek 
 church, — church-of-England-men, and, per- 
 haps, to the quiet and modest Unitas Fratrum ; 
 and, may we not further add, even to the newly- 
 created Methodist episcopacy of America, now 
 under the spiritual direction of the good bishop, 
 Mr. Francis Asbury !* 
 
 We may now pass on to a review of the origin 
 of the Pope's temporal power, a subject that 
 ought always to be kept distinct from that of 
 his spiritual jurisdiction. 
 
 The contradictory obscurity of the early an- 
 nals of church history will readily furnish a 
 sufficient apology for an apparent want of 
 chronological arrangement in this professedly 
 imperfect sketch ; and I gladly avail myself of 
 so reasonable an indulgence, whilst I endeavour 
 
 * See the Author's Portraiture of Methodism, Letters xxxvii. 
 and xxxviii. O tempore ! O mores!
 
 48 
 
 to inquire into the origin of the celebrated papal 
 Decretals, and the supposed liberal Donation of 
 Constantine to pope Sylvester of ail Italy. 
 
 The Decretals are supposed to have almost im- 
 mediately preceded what Mr. Butler* calls the 
 middle period of the history of the canon law, 
 which commences with the ninth century, at the 
 beginning of which, or towards the end of the 
 preceding one, this learned and judicious writer 
 observes : — " the collection of Isidore Pecca- 
 tor, or Mercator, probably made its appearance 
 (A. D. 760)." 
 
 Who the compiler of it was, and why he as- 
 sumed the name of Peccator, or Mercator, are 
 merely matters of conjecture. It sets out with 
 describing the manner in which a council should 
 be held ; then the fifty-first of the canons of the 
 apostles follow. " Deinde," says the author, 
 Cf quarumdam epistolarum decreta virorum apos- 
 " tolicorum inseruimus, id est, dementis, Anac- 
 {C leti, Evaristi, caeterorum apostolicorum, quas 
 " potuimus hac tenus reperire, epistolas usque 
 " ad Sylvestrem Papam." 
 
 The Decretals are papal epistles, forming the 
 second part of the Canon Law. They were 
 formerly appealed to in cases of difficult points 
 
 * Iiora; Juridical Subsecivae, p, 111.
 
 49 
 
 of discipline, and church authority, but chiefly 
 to support the high pretensions of the Popes to 
 spiritual majesty over the faithful. The first of 
 these celebrated forgeries is attributed by some to 
 St. Clement, and is said to have been addressed to 
 St. James, the brother of our Lord. According 
 to Du Pin,* this epistle bears the greatest au- 
 thority. The first part was translated by Ruf- 
 finus, and Isidore added a second. It is not 
 requisite to enumerate all the epistles attribut- 
 ed to the popes before Siricius, in the eighth or 
 ninth century. f It is sufficient to glance at the 
 arguments usually advanced by both Catholic 
 and Protestant writers, to prove their spurious- 
 ness. Except the one I have just mentioned, 
 they were all unknown to the earliest fathers of 
 the church ; nor were they ever cited in any 
 controversial or other writing before the ninth 
 century. It is justly recorded, J that no rational 
 man can believe that such a number of epistles, 
 written by the popes themselves, and contain- 
 
 * Eccles. Writ. &c. vol. i. p. 175. English ed. 1696. 
 
 t In the year 867, at the Council of Trois, the Gallic 
 bishops submitted, as Fleury observes, to the novel right of 
 false decretals, when they wrote a synodical letter to the Pope, 
 requesting his Holiness not, in future, to permit any bishop 
 to be deposed without the consent of the Holy See, " accord- 
 ing," as they say, " to the decretals of the Popes. 5 ' Vide 
 Abrege Chronologique de l'Histoire Ecclesiastique, tome ii. 
 p. 71. Paris, 176$. 
 
 X Abrege Chronologique de l'Histoire Ecclesiastique, tome 
 ii. p. 173. 
 
 E
 
 50 
 
 ing such a mass of evidence in favour of the 
 dignity and authority of the church, could be 
 wholly unknown to such writers as Eusebius, 
 St. Jerome, St. Augustin, St. Basil, and other 
 accurate and faithful historians and divines. 
 And it is urged, as indubitable evidence of their 
 non-existence, that even the popes themselves, 
 to whom these letters are so very favourable, 
 never cited them, nor were they once glanced 
 at in any council, or in any canon, prior to the 
 time already mentioned. 
 
 Hincmar, whom the Abbe Fleury* styles 
 a grand canoniste, says, that the first person 
 who collected and published them was one Ri- 
 culphus ; or rather he is said to have brought 
 the book of epistles, which were collected by 
 Isidore, out of Spain, and dispersed them in 
 Germany. Fleury indirectly charges Hincmar 
 with disingenuousness in regard to the decre- 
 tals. His words are : " Hincmar, tout grand 
 canoniste qu'il etoit, ne put jamais demeler 
 cette faussete : il savoit bien que ces decretales 
 etoient inconnues aux siecles precedens, et c'est 
 lui qui nous apprend quand elles commencerent 
 a paroitre : mais il ne savoit pas assez de critique, 
 pour y voir les preuves de supposition, toutes 
 sensibles qu'elles sont; et lui-meme allegue 
 
 * Diseours sur l'Histoire Ecclesiastique, tome i. p. 173. 
 12mo. Paris, 1750.
 
 ces decretales quand elles lui sont favourables."* 
 This, indeed, was the practice with other writers ; 
 as the papal letters were seldom mentioned, ex- 
 cept when a paucity of argument rendered an 
 appeal to authority absolutely necessary ; and in 
 those cases but little attention has been paid to 
 the genuineness of the sources whence such au- 
 thorities have originated. The anonymous au- 
 thor of the Histoire des Papes,t says, that all 
 the decretals down to Siricius are plainly forged, 
 and that this has been demonstrated by many,* 
 whose arguments F. Pagi§ has summed up with 
 great judgment and perspicuity. BellarmineJ 
 and a few other warm men of high notion?, have 
 made use of these decretals to answer the pur- 
 poses of their arguments ; but there are few or no 
 well written defences of them, if we except the 
 author of the celebrated treatise, " Quis est 
 Petrus," in whom, as Mr. Butler if observes, 
 
 * Troisieme Dis. f Vol. i. p. 26. Pdills. 
 
 % De Merca, 1.3. de Concord. Sacerdotii et Imperii. Schel- 
 fctraet, 2 part. Antiq. illustr. Dissert, 3, Blondel, Pseudo-Isi- 
 dorus, et Turrianus vapulantes, and some others, 
 
 § In Anaclete vita. 
 
 || And even this Cardinal writes thus: " At luec testimo- 
 nia nihil respondent nisi esse recentia et supposititia, at 
 quamvis aliquos errores in eas irrepsisse'non neg-averim, nee 
 indubitas esse aflirmare audeam, certe tamen antiquissimas 
 nihil esse dubito." De Romani Pont. Eccles. Mon. 1. ii. 
 c. xiv. 
 
 ^T Horse Juridical Subsecivse, p. 212. 
 
 E 2
 
 52 
 
 they have both a zealous and an able advocate : 
 but he seems to concede, that so much spuri- 
 ousness is proved on them, as to make them, 
 when they stand alone, of no authority : nor do 
 the Popes themselves appear to be over anxious 
 to multiply opportunities of appealing to their 
 authority. It is now almost universally acknow- 
 ledged that they were forgeries of the 8th or 
 9th centuries, and no power is even pretended 
 to be founded on them.* 
 
 The supposed Donation of Constantine stands 
 upon the same authority as the Decretals. 
 The learned Mr. Butler, calls it a fable.f I fc 
 is, however, of somewhat later origin than the 
 collection of Mercator ; J and even were it 
 
 * They are often punned upon by Catholics, as the putrid 
 wares of Mercator : — Mercatoris putidas Merces. 
 
 f Revolutions of the Germanic Empire, p. 8, new ed. 
 
 X The learned Du Pin has ably summed up the evidence 
 against the authenticity of this bungling forgery. Eccles. 
 Writ. ii. p. 17. et seq. Eng. ed. The Orlando Furioso of 
 Ariosto, a poem deservedly honoured with the approbation of 
 Leo X. describes this famous^ donation as a huge mountain 
 in the moon, found among the useless things once belonging 
 to the earth, and which had, at one time, a pleasant smell : 
 
 Di. vari fiori ad un gran monte passa, 
 Ch'ebbe gia buono odore, or puzza forte ; 
 Q,uesto era il dono (se per6 dir lece) 
 Che Costantino al buon Silvestro fece. 
 
 Orl. Fur. cant. 34. st. 80. 
 
 That famous convert, the Cardinal du Perron tells us, that 
 
 he
 
 53 
 
 ever of weight, the recent usurpations of the 
 Emperor of the French have so completely 
 destroyed its effects, that the Pope does not 
 now possess an inch of ground in all Italy, and 
 the donation itself is nearly forgotten. If the 
 present Roman Catholics could, with any 
 colour of argument shew that the Pope of 
 Rome has still any power, civil or ecclesiasti- 
 cal, by virtue of the decretals or the donation 
 of Constantine; or did they even pretend to 
 support the power of the Church on any such 
 grounds, then, indeed, there would be some 
 reason for crying out against the usurpations 
 and tyranny of popery, and a good argument 
 would be adduced for using every lawful means 
 to keep in subjection a power so enormous, 
 and approaching so nearly to what would be 
 the most dreadful of all general calamities, — 
 universal domination. These facts would not 
 have been alluded to, were it not that some 
 persons, in writing against the Church of Rome, 
 and hunting about for historical arguments to 
 support the system of intolerance exercised by 
 Protestants against their Catholic brethren, 
 have thought it convenient to their purpose to 
 
 he one day discussed this matter of the donation with the 
 Pope, who, laughing and shrugging his shoulders, as is cus- 
 tomary with the Italians, when they would express a con- 
 temptuous sneer, exclaimed " Che volettc? iCanonici lo lego- 
 no!" What will ye have of it ? or make what you please of 
 it. The Canonists will have it so !
 
 54 
 
 cast in the teeth of our present Catholics these 
 ridiculous forgeries of some of their ambitious 
 ancestors, who in this, as in many other in- 
 stances, thought proper to promote their tem- 
 poral interests by the sacrilegious use of a spi- 
 ritual jurisdiction; contrary to the whole spirit 
 and temper of their own church, whose prayers 
 and religious services would have taught them, 
 that the pure religion of Jesus Christ is incom- 
 patible with every species of fraud, and every 
 inordinate thirst after the honour that cometh 
 of man, and the love of riches, which is the 
 root of evil. The morality of the Roman Ca- 
 tholic religion is the same, and to the full as 
 strict, as the morality of any sect that has de- 
 parted from her communion; and it allows not, 
 either in the head or members of the Church, 
 the slightest deviation from the known precepts 
 of the gospel. From all which I infer, that the 
 inventors of the decretals and the gift of Constan- 
 iine, whether they were popes, kings, or private 
 individuals, departed from the obligations of their 
 own faith, and attempted to raise a superstructure 
 of temporal power on a foundation untenable even 
 on the grounds of their own religion; and that as 
 these forgeries are now disowned by Catholics 
 themselves, it is both cruel and unjust to adduce 
 them as arguments against the freedom and 
 rights of any class of Christians of the present 
 day. Whereas, had they been fundamentals of 
 Roman Church Government, a fear might na- 
 turally be excited, that should the Catholics ever
 
 55 
 
 regain an ascendancy in our councils, these do- 
 cuments would be immediately resorted to, on 
 which to rebuild a temporal and spiritual hier- 
 archy, once more to tyrannize over the minds 
 and the persons of the whole Christian world. 
 It is of greater importance than would appear 
 at first sight, that the real power of the Pope 
 should be thoroughly understood. It is of im- 
 portance to Protestants, that they may judge of 
 the propriety of confiding power to their Catho- 
 lic neighbours ; and it is of consequence to 
 Catholics, that they may be able to shew not 
 only the justice of their claims, but the perfect 
 compatibility of their religion, with the con- 
 stitution and government of the country in 
 which they reside, whether Catholic, or Pro- 
 testant. For these reasons, I would gladly have 
 pursued this inquiry to a much greater length 
 than I feel myself at liberty to do on the limited 
 scale to which I have confined myself. A very 
 slight attention to ecclesiastical history, parti- 
 cularly to the history of the celebrated Fleury, 
 will shew that the popes of Rome have in reality 
 no exclusive jurisdiction but what has been ei- 
 ther usurped in the dark ages, or voluntarily 
 conceded to them in honour of their ancient 
 see, and the dignity of the chair they are sup- 
 posed to fill, as the immediate successors of St. 
 Peter. This fact of the primary power of the 
 bishops of Rome is one, certainly, of infinite 
 importance to the Christian world ; inasmuch as 
 it is essential to the peace of Christendom, that
 
 56 
 
 it should be clearly understood what extent of 
 jurisdiction properly belongs to the spiritual 
 Head of the whole Catholic Church, which 
 forms too large a portion of the whole civilized 
 world to be regarded with indifference or con- 
 tempt. 
 
 With respect to the real origin of the Pope's 
 temporal authority, and of the union of that 
 authority with the spiritual power which the 
 Roman pontiffs had always enjoyed, the reader 
 of taste will be obliged by my quoting the 
 words of the elegant and impartial biographer 
 of Leo X., although in that account some slight 
 repetition will be observed. " As the power of 
 the emperors declined," says Mr. Roscoe, 
 " that of the popes increased ; and in the con- 
 tests of the middle ages, during which the 
 Huns, the Vandals, the Imperialists, and the 
 Franks, were successively masters of Italy, a 
 common veneration among these ferocious con- 
 querors for the father of the faithful, and the 
 head of the christian church, not only secured 
 his safety, but enlarged his authority. * From 
 
 * The coining of money by the Roman pontiffs may be 
 considered as a mark of sovereign and independent autho- 
 rity ; but at what precise period they began to exercise this 
 right, is not easily ascertained. Muratori, in his Annali 
 d'ltalia, vol. iv. p. 464, informs us, that the popes coined 
 money, in gold, silver, and copper, from the time of Charle- 
 magne (about the year 800), and that the city of Kome had 
 
 enjoyed
 
 57 
 
 the time of the emperor Constantine, various 
 grants, endowments, and donations of extensive 
 territories, are said to have been conferred by 
 different princes on the bishops of Rome ; inso- 
 much, that there is scarcely any part of Italy 
 to which they have not at some period asserted 
 a claim. That many of these grants are suppo- 
 sititious is generally acknowledged ; whilst the 
 validity of others, which are admitted to have 
 existed, frequently rests merely on the tempo- 
 rary right of some intruder, whose only title was 
 his sword, and who, in many instances gave to 
 the pontiff what he could no longer retain for 
 himself. Under the colour, however, of these 
 donations, the popes possessed themselves of 
 different parts of Italy ; and among the rest, of 
 
 enjoyed that privilege ab antiquo. Other writers have as- 
 feigned an earlier date, which opinion they have founded on 
 a coin of Zacharia, who filled the pontifical chair from the 
 year 740 to 751 — v. Dissertaz. del Conte Giacono Acami 
 dell 'origine ed antichita iella Zecca Pontificia, p. 8, Ed. Rom. 
 1752. This subject has given rise to serious controversy, 
 even among the firmest adherents to the church. Muratori 
 and Fontanini have embraced different opinions, which they 
 Have endeavoured to support in several learned publications, 
 in which the ancient rights of the emperors and the popes 
 to various parts of Italy are particularly discussed. All col- 
 lectors however agree in commencing their series from 
 Adrian I., created pope in 7S2, from which time Acami has 
 given a succession of thirty-four coins of different pontiffs, 
 some of which are, however, supposed to have issued from 
 the metropolitan sees of England, for the purpose of paying 
 tribute to Rome.
 
 58 
 
 the whole exarchate of Ravenna, extending 
 along a considerable part of the Adriatic coast, 
 to which they gave the name of Romania or 
 Romagna. The subsequent dissensions be- 
 tween the popes and the emperors, the frequent 
 schisms which occurred in the church, the un- 
 warlike nature of the papal government, and 
 above all, the impolitic transfer of the residence 
 of the supreme pontiffs from Rome to Avignon, 
 in the fourteenth century, combined to weaken 
 the authority which the popes had in the 
 course of so many ages acquired j and in parti- 
 cular the cities of Romagna, throwing off their 
 dependence on the papal see, either formed for 
 themselves peculiar and independent govern- 
 ments, or became subject to some successful 
 adventurer, who acquired his superiority by 
 force of arms. No longer able to maintain an 
 actual authority, the Roman pontiffs endea- 
 voured to reserve at least a paramount or confir- 
 matory right ; and as the sanction of the pope 
 was not a matter of indifference to these subor- 
 dinate sovereigns, he delegated to them his 
 power on easy conditions, by investing them 
 with the title of vicars of the church.* It was 
 
 * Guicciardini Historia d' Italia, lib. iv. The passage 
 here referred to, in which the historian has traced with great 
 ability the rise and vicissitudes of the temporal authority of 
 the popes, is omitted in the general editions of his works, 
 and even in that of Torrentino, Flor. 1561, fol. but may be 
 found in those of Stoer, 1636, 1645. Geneva. Mr. Roscoe 
 
 might
 
 59 
 
 thus the family of Este obtained the dominion 
 of Ferrara, which they had extended, in fact, to 
 an independent principality. Thus the cities 
 of Rimini and Cesena were held by the family 
 of Malatesta ; Faenza and Imola by the Man- 
 fredi; and many other cities of Italy became sub- 
 ject to petty sovereigns, who governed with despo- 
 tic authority, and by their dissensions frequently 
 rendered that fertile, but unhappy country, the 
 theatre of contest, of rapine, and of blood. 
 
 From this period the temporal authority of 
 the popes was chiefly confined to the districts 
 entitled the patrimony of St. Peter, with some 
 detached parts of Umbria, and the Marca 
 (TAncona. The claims of the church were not, 
 however, suffered to remain dormant, whenever 
 an opportunity of enforcing them occurred, 
 and the recovery of its ancient possessions had 
 long been considered as a duty indispensably 
 incumbent on the supreme pontiff. But al- 
 though for this purpose he scrupled not to avail 
 himself of the arms, the alliances, and the trea- 
 sures of the church, yet, when the enterprise 
 proved successful, it generally happened, that 
 the conquered territory only exchanged its 
 former lord for some near kinsman of the reign- 
 
 might have added, that this passage, or, as it is there called, 
 this digression, so offensive to the Roman Court, has been 
 restored in the third edition of Fenton's translation of Guic- 
 ciardini's History, lib. iv. p. 173—178. 1618.
 
 60 
 
 ing pontiff, who during the life of his benefac- 
 tor, endeavoured to secure and extend his au- 
 thority by all the means in his power. 
 
 The Roman pontiffs have always possessed 
 an advantage over the other sovereigns of Eu- 
 rope, from the singular union of ecclesiastical 
 and temporal power in the same person ; two 
 engines, which long experience had taught 
 them to use with a dexterity equal to that, with 
 which the heroes of antiquity availed them- 
 selves by turns of the shield and the spear. 
 When schemes of ambition and aggrandizement 
 were to be pursued, the pope, as a temporal 
 prince, could enter into alliances, raise supplies, 
 and furnish his contingent of troops, so as 
 effectually to carry on an offensive war : but 
 no sooner was he endangered by defeat, and 
 alarmed for the safety of his own dominions, 
 than he resorted for shelter to his pontifical 
 robes, and loudly called upon all Christendom 
 to defend from violation the head of the holy 
 church.* 
 
 Thus we have seen that the temporal power 
 and property of the popes of Rome, stand 
 on grounds as fair and legitimate as the property 
 or dominions of any other princes. It would, 
 perhaps, hardly be a proper investigation at this 
 time of day, to inquire by what means any 
 
 * Roscoe's Leo X. vol. i. p. 8 — 14. Svo. ed.
 
 61 
 
 monarchy in Europe first acquired its powers 
 and territories, for the divine right is now hap- 
 pily exploded. Such speculations would lead to 
 an inquiry into the chimerical principles of agra- 
 rian law not entirely creditable to the memories of 
 some of our ancestors. It is only necessary to 
 observe, that the monarchs of Rome have as fair 
 a title to their dominions as any other monarchs j 
 and that the robberies and plunders, by Bona- 
 parte, of the Pope's temporal possessions are as 
 great and as unjust as any other of that tyrant's 
 usurpations over the princes of the continent. 
 Yet I am sorry to find that some persons seem to 
 rejoice at the downfall of the Pope, as they call 
 it ; as if the plundering him of his property were 
 an act of Christian obedience to the commands of 
 the gospel, and a righteous fulfilment of scrip- 
 tural prophecy. How any one can palliate an 
 usurpation so flagrant, and a robbery so palpable, 
 I am at a loss to discover ; only that all is fair 
 against the man who has "the mark of the beast 
 in his forehead !" that we may make perfectly free 
 with the possessions of antichrist, and walk off, 
 like gentlemen, with the patrimony of St. Peter, 
 just as our " most gracious and religious king 
 and governor," the first Head of the true Church, 
 Henry VIII., of reforming memory, did with 
 the property of the clergy, the monks and the 
 nuns of his enlightened days ! 
 
 At the period when the Church became rich, 
 commenced her pride, her insolence, and her
 
 62 
 
 tyranny ; the bishops of Rome, not contented 
 with the divine right of primacy over the whole 
 church, in what related merely to seeing that 
 the canons which were enacted by general 
 councils, to which they had ever been subject, 
 were properly obeyed, began to extend their 
 right to the consciences of Christians, the 
 nomination of bishops,* and the making of 
 laws, by an arbitrary issuing of bulls and 
 anathemas, beyond the limits of their own dio- 
 cese over the whole Christian world. The 
 Church and the State became united, and the 
 most extravagant notions of power and preroga- 
 tive were, by degrees, usurped by the popes, or 
 ignominiously granted by superstitious princes. 
 The beneficence of Pepin and Charlemagne f is 
 in every one's mind, and the writers against 
 
 * This subject of the right of nomination to vacant bi- 
 shoprics, is amply treated in Mr. Butler's Revolutions of the 
 Germanic Empire. It will claim our attention in a subse- 
 quent part of the present work. 
 
 f " The validity of these donations, and particularly those 
 of Pepin, king of France, and of his son Charlemagne, is 
 strongly insisted on by Ammirato, who attempts to shew, 
 that the authority of the Popes extended far beyond the 
 limits of Italy ; but as he appears not to have distinguished 
 between their temporal and their ecclesiastical power, little 
 reliance is to be placed on his opinion. Ammir. Discorso 
 come la Cltiesa Romana sia cresciuta ne' bent temporali. Opusc. 
 v. ii. p. 67. Those readers who are inclined to examine 
 more particularly into this subject, may consult the Fascicu- 
 lus rerum Expetendarmn fy Fugiendarum, torn. \, p. 124." Eos- 
 coe's Life of Leo the Tenth, (note) p. 11.
 
 63 
 
 popery have swelled the ambitious demands of 
 Pope Stephen, and the domineering spirit of 
 Gregory, to a gigantic and terrific size. Every- 
 thing has been made to have issued from the 
 avarice and pious frauds of the Popes, and little 
 has been allowed for the gratitude or the weak- 
 ness of the monarchs. 
 
 Yet the papal government, although founded 
 on so singular a basis, and exercised with despotic 
 authority, has been attended with some advan- 
 tages peculiar to itself, and beneficial to its sub- 
 jects. Whilst the choice of the sovereign, by 
 the decision of a peculiar body of electors, on 
 the one hand, preserves the people from those 
 dissensions which frequently arise from the dis- 
 puted right of hereditary claimants ; on the 
 other hand, it prevents those tumultuous de- 
 bates which too frequently result from the vio- 
 lence of a popular election. By this system 
 the dangers of a minority in the governor are 
 avoided, and the sovereign assumes the com- 
 mand at a time of life, when it may be presumed 
 that passion is subdued by reason, and expe- 
 rience matured into wisdom. The qualifica- 
 tions by which the pope is supposed to have 
 merited the supreme authority, are also such as 
 would be most likely to direct him in the best 
 mode of exercising it. Humility, chastity, 
 temperance, vigilance, and learning, are among 
 the chief of these requisites ; and although some 
 of them have confessedly been too often dis- 
 pensed with, yet few individuals have ascended
 
 the pontifical throne without possessing more 
 than a common share of intellectual endow- 
 ments. Hence the Roman pontiffs have fre- 
 quently displayed examples highly worthy of 
 imitation, and have signalized themselves in an 
 eminent degree, as patrons of science, of letters, 
 and of art. Cultivating, as ecclesiastics, those 
 studies which were prohibited or discouraged 
 among the laity, they may in general be consi- 
 dered as superior to the age in which they have 
 lived ; and among the predecessors of Leo X. 
 the philosopher may contemplate with appro- 
 bation the eloquence and courage of Leo I., 
 who preserved the city of Rome from the ra- 
 vages of the barbarian Attila j the beneficence, 
 candour, and pastoral attention of Gregory I., 
 unjustly charged with being the adversary of 
 liberal studies ; the various acquirements of Sil- 
 vester II., so extraordinary in the eyes of his 
 contemporaries, as to cause him to be consi- 
 dered as a sorcerer; the industry, acuteness, 
 and learning of Innocent III., of Gregory IX., 
 of Innocent IV., and of Pius II. ; and the muni- 
 ficence and love of literature so strikingly dis- 
 played in the character of Nicholas V.* 
 
 It is not necessary to trace the power of the 
 popes any further in this place ;f it will come 
 
 * Leo X. i. 15—17. The Rev. Dr. Milner has ably, but 
 somewhat partially, summed up the virtues of the Popes, in 
 his Second Letter to a Prebendary. 
 
 t There is a good account of the rise and decline of the 
 Pope's temporal power in Mr. Butler's admirable Work on 
 the Revolutions of the Germanic Empire.
 
 65 
 
 under consideration en passant. In the eighth 
 or ninth century, that power commenced, 
 in the eighteenth, it was destroyed. It was" 
 granted in an age of superstition ; it was 
 taken away in one of military plunder, and 
 political robbery : yet the Roman Catholic Re- 
 ligion remains the same, the primary power of 
 the Pope as Head of the Church, the only 
 power, in fact, independent of his lawful prero- 
 gatives as a temporal prince, to which he was 
 ever properly entitled,* is still unimpaired in the 
 mind and conscience of a pious Catholic; and 
 the original doctrines of the church have re- 
 mained unaltered, amidst the revolutions of ages, 
 the depravity of the popes, the superstitions of 
 the priesthood, the backslidings of the people, 
 and the rancour of polemics. And it should not be 
 overlooked, that it is a Portraiture of the Roman 
 
 • "The Pope can never grant any dispensation, to the in- 
 jury of any third person, and can never allow any one to do 
 what is unjust, or to say what he knows to be false, whatever 
 advantage might be expected from it." Encyclopedia Brit. 
 Ed. 1S10. Art. Pope. 
 
 In acknowledging him as the first pilot to steer the vessel, 
 says Mr. O'Leary, we acknowledge a compass by which he 
 is to direct his course. He is to preserve the vessel, but ne- 
 ver to expose it to shipwreck. Any deviation from the laws 
 of God, the rights of nature, or the faith of our fathers, 
 would be the fatal rock on which the pope himself would 
 split. In a word, the pope is our pastor ; he may feed, but 
 cannot poison us: we acknowledge no power in him either 
 to alter our faith, or to corrupt our morals. 
 
 F
 
 66 
 
 Catholic Religion, rather than of the Roman 
 Catholic Court, that I have undertaken to give. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Council of Nice. — The Arian Controversy. 
 
 IT was my* wish and intention at the close 
 of the last section to have noticed some other 
 great traits of Catholic history ; to have given 
 a short account of the Greek schism, and 
 then to have pursued my narrative of the 
 progress of Catholicism to the fall of the 
 Western Empire: the limits, however, to 
 which I have necessarily confined myself, 
 will not admit a detail, however important, so 
 extensive in its nature, and so multifarious in 
 its objects. I must, therefore, content myself 
 with a reference to many of these circumstances 
 when I come to other parts of my history, with 
 which it will be found those events have an in- 
 timate connexion. I shall now notice the cele- 
 brated Council of Nice, and give some little 
 account of the Arian controversy, and of the 
 part which the bishop of Rome appears to have 
 taken in those proceedings. 
 
 Once more I am compelled to claim the can- 
 dour of my readers, on the grounds of the un- 
 certainty of ecclesiastical history at this early 
 period of the church. Few writers are agreed
 
 67 
 
 as to the period when the famous Council of 
 Nice was calied, and fewer still as to the real 
 motives and absolute usefulness of many of its 
 decisions. The great objects, however, of this 
 general Council, were the following: the con- 
 demnation, of Arius, the true time for the cele- 
 bration of Easter, the suppression of the Mele- 
 tian schism, and the proper rank and privi- 
 leges of various bishoprics. Christian writers 
 diifer exceedingly concerning the number and 
 the nature of the laws enacted ; but, as the 
 learned and judicious Mosheim remarks, while 
 these good prelates were employing all their 
 zeal and attention to correct the mistakes and 
 errors of others, the)' - were upon the point of 
 falling into a very capital one themselves; for 
 they had almost come to a resolution of im- 
 posing upon the clergy the yoke of perpetual 
 celibacy, when Paphnutius put a stop to their 
 proceedings, and warded off that unnatural 
 law.* The most prominent feature of this 
 Council is, that part of it which concerns what 
 is called the Arian heresy. Three hundred and 
 eighteen bishops, -J- besides a considerable num- 
 
 * Moshehn's Ecclesiast. Hist. i. p. 410, who refers to So- 
 crates. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. viii. compared with Franc. 
 Baldwinus, in Constant. Magn. and George Cohxtus, De Con- 
 jugio Clericorum, p. 1 10. 
 
 t Euseb. in Vit. Const, lit), iii. says, that there were at the 
 Council of Nice more than '250 bishops ; Eustathius says, 
 about 270; St. Athanasius, in his Book of Decrees of the 
 
 F2
 
 68 
 
 ber of inferior clergy and other church officers s 
 with the Roman emperor in their midst, voted 
 into orthodoxy the curious and mysterious 
 dogmas still known and read in all our churches, 
 called the Nicene Creed. After several days 
 spent in noisy clamour, indecent wrangling, 
 and personal railing against each other, these 
 venerable fathers, awed by the presence, and, 
 perhaps, dazzled by the gaudy purple of the 
 emperor, who prudently threw all their written 
 libels against each other into the fire,* came 
 to a resolution, that " Jesus of Nazareth, a 
 man approved of God, by miracles, and won- 
 ders, and signs which God did by him,"f was 
 indeed " of one substance with the Father." { 
 This hard and uncouth word, homousion, and 
 
 Council of Nice, says about 300 ; and in his letter to the 
 Africans, states the number at 318. In this he is followed 
 by several other writers. Du Pin, i. 251. 
 
 * Euseb. Hist. lib. cap. 8. p. 20. 
 
 f Acts ii. 22. 
 
 t " It is probable that in this, as in almost every other pub- 
 lic transaction, every thing of consequence was previously 
 settled by the principal actors, who were in the confidence 
 of the Emperors." — Priestley s History of the Church, ii. p. 45. 
 Was it quite decorous in this learned writer, thus to im- 
 peach the integrity of such a number of venerable ministers 
 of religion, many of whom " bore in their bodies^ ' as St. 
 Paul expresses it of himself, " the marks of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ?" i.e. some visible testimony that they had suffered 
 persecution for the truth of the Gospel. Would the Doctor 
 have so expressed himself had the friends of Ari us triumphed 
 in this Council ?
 
 69 
 
 its equally puzzling companion, homoiousion, 
 have set the world in an uproar. The one 
 simply means of the same substance, and the 
 other of the like substance; a distinction impor- 
 tant enough in itself, as far as the mere signifi- 
 cation of a word extends, but never had a suffi- 
 cient importance attached to it, necessarily to 
 produce all that rancour and ill blood which it 
 has excited in the breasts of fierce and conten- 
 tious polemics. When Constantine the Great, 
 at this same Council of Nice, asked the pre- 
 siding bishop, Osius, which of these two words 
 was right, he prudently replied, that they were 
 both right. The rest of his brethren thought 
 he was jesting with sacred things ; some of 
 them laughed; but others accused him of he- 
 resy. Thus have christian men, forgetting the 
 peaceful injunctions of their Divine Master, in all 
 ages, made one another " sinners for a word."* 
 The homousiojis triumphed, and Alius, with 
 some of his followers, was banished, and his 
 doctrine condemned. The practice of burning 
 was not then thought needful or even lawful 
 in the extirpation of heresy ; for the laws re- 
 lating to religion were as yet principally under 
 the influence of Christian Bishops: Christian 
 Princes invented the law of burning; hence 
 the foiled Presbyter of Alexandria was soon 
 after recalled, and his principal opponent 
 
 * Vide Robinson's Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 183.
 
 70 
 
 Athanasius, sent in his turn also into exile. 
 Throughout the whole of this affair, which ha& 
 been dignified with the appellation of the 
 Arian Controversy, the odium theologicum had a 
 most glorious exhibition. Both sides alter- 
 nately triumphed, and were repulsed ; perse- 
 cuted and suffered, and both parties wrought 
 miracles in confirmation of their contradictory 
 faith.* 
 
 As Arius, on one occasion was about to be 
 re-admitted to the fellowship of the church, he 
 was suddenly seized in the street with a desire 
 to be relieved from the presence of his friends 
 for a i'ew moments; a convenient place being 
 pointed out to him, he retired, and shortly 
 afterwards was found dead, of what the Greeks 
 call a7T£(pS»o-/xa, iii fact, apj^olapsus ani. This was 
 a signal triumph to the Athanasians, who did 
 not fail to represent it in the most horrid and 
 frightful terms imaginable ; and, above all, to 
 declare that nothing but the just judgment of 
 Almighty God could have produced so timely a 
 prevention of the re-establishment and future 
 peace of this arch heretic ; of him whose doc- 
 trine taught, that God the Father is the only 
 supreme Jehovah, uncreated, and unbegotten, 
 alone possessing inherent immortality, and the 
 sole Dispenser of life to all other beings what- 
 
 Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. 9, 10. p. 478.
 
 71 
 
 ever.* It is worthy of observation, that our 
 views of the awful dispensations of Providence 
 vary according to our opinions of the objects 
 of the Deity's attention. A sudden afflictive 
 circumstance happening to one of our own 
 church is the gracious chastisement of a loving 
 parent, or, if death ensue, our brother is merci- 
 fully snatched, as a brand out of the burning, 
 from the cares and evils of a miserable and sinful 
 world; but when these events come upon the 
 opponents of our faith, or the seceders from our 
 party, they are the awful judgments of a 
 righteous Providence, and the fearful indica- 
 tions of eternal vengeance; so differently do the 
 same objects appear, according to the rarity or 
 the severity of the medium through which they 
 are viewed ! " After having considered this 
 matter with the utmost care," savs Dr. Ala- 
 claine, " it appears to me extremely probable, 
 that this unhappy man was a victim to the re- 
 sentment of his enemies, and was destroyed by 
 poison, or some such violent method. A blind 
 and fanatical zeal for certain systems of faith, 
 has in all ages produced such horrible acts of 
 cruelty and injustice." j" In this instance, 
 as in some others, this learned doctor is rather 
 illiberal. 
 
 * If I mistake not, Calvin somewhere describes Jehovah 
 as the Fountain of Deity. 
 
 t See Note [ y] in his Translation of Mosheiui's Eccles. 
 Hist. Vol. I. 4 IS.
 
 n 
 
 There is a material difference between infalli- 
 bility and omnipotence: whatever the subtilties 
 of argument might do in allowing to the church 
 a tolerably fair and plausible reason for the first 
 of these attributes, the natural superiority of the 
 human mind, and the daily experience of every 
 man, have hitherto prevented her from exposing 
 her weakness by putting in a claim to all the 
 power, as well as all the truth, in, heaven and 
 in earth 5" and it is well for the church that 
 she has been thus prevented ; for however true 
 and just may have been any of her decisions of 
 Council, it is a fact that those decisions have 
 seldom been promptly obeyed. This was par- 
 ticularly the case with the Nicene Council: — 
 the Arian heresy was not suppressed, though 
 condemned. The difference of practice in the 
 time for celebrating Easter still continued. 
 The rank and prerogatives of the various sees, 
 and the power and jurisdiction of the bishops, 
 though defined and ordered,* remained still a 
 subject of dispute and dissension. Nor could 
 the canons of the Council, though aided by the 
 power and authority of the emperor, suppress, 
 perhaps, not even impede, the spread of heresy. 
 The enemies of the Catholic Church rallied and 
 returned to thecharge; till, at length, the empe- 
 ror issued a solemn and fulminating rescript to 
 the heretics, in which are specified the Nova- 
 
 * Fleury, 1. ii. v, 20.
 
 73 
 
 tians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, and 
 Cataphrygians. It is remarkable that the 
 Arians, who have cut so capital a figure in al- 
 most every subsequent list of apostates and 
 heretics, are not included in this first royal Act 
 of Uniformity. Was it that to deny the divinity 
 and eternity of Jesus Christ was not in those 
 days really thought to be so completely dam- 
 nable, as some more modern divines have en- 
 deavoured to maintain? Or that the Creed 
 attributed to St. Athanasius had not yet 
 been invented, to declare the heart-appalling 
 truth, that " without doubt he shall perish ever- 
 lastingly who does not keep whole and undented" 
 this most obvious and lucid proposition, that 
 " the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghost, is all one: the glory equal, 
 the majesty co-eternal ?" Sozomen informs 
 us, that the reason why the Arian heretics were 
 not included in the rescript of Constantine, was 
 because they did not form a distinct sect, but 
 were in union with the Catholic Church. The 
 banishment and persecution of the principal 
 Arian bishops shew, however, that this could 
 not have been the reason : it is more likely that 
 their numbers, their influence, and the antiquity 
 and popularity of their faith, with, probably, a 
 favourable bias in the mind of so enlightened 
 an emperor, conspired to induce him to omit 
 the mention of them in his letter of proscrip- 
 tion. 
 
 It does not appear, in these proceedings
 
 74 
 
 against the Arians, that the Bishop of Rome 
 took any very important or active share, or that 
 he was ready to interpose his influence in the 
 suppression of so dangerous a heresy as it is 
 represented, to have been. The Council was 
 called by the emperor solely, and the Roman 
 Pontiff was not even present at the Assembly, 
 but sent two priests, or proxies, to give his vote 
 and sign the Acts; neither does it appear, that 
 these priests enjoyed any superior rank or influ- 
 ence.* Who presided there is not known ; but 
 it is nevertheless a matter of considerable im- 
 portance to my subject briefly to inquire into 
 this fact. St. Athanasius in his second apo- 
 logy, calls Osius, the bishop of Cordova, in 
 Spain, the Father and President of all Councils. 
 The name of this bishop is first in all the sub- 
 scriptions. Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, 
 was much esteemed, as is evident from the 
 epistle of the Council ; but both Procus and 
 Facundus assert, that Eustathius, who was first 
 bishop of Beicea, and afterwards of Antioch, 
 was president of the Council. If Osius pre- 
 sided, as appears to be the prevailing opinion, j- 
 
 * When all were seated, according to Eusebius, the 
 bishop, whose place was the first at the right hand of the Em- 
 peror, rose and opened the business of the Council. Dr. 
 Priestley conjectures, that Eusebius himself sat at the right 
 hand of the Emperor. Hist, of the Christian Church, Vol. II. 
 p. 42. 
 
 f Fleury, ii. v. 5.
 
 75 
 
 it is a desirable fact to be ascertained, whether 
 he presided in his own name, or in that of the 
 Bishop of Rome. And it is observed by Du 
 Pin,* that it is more probable that Osius pre- 
 sided there in his own name, and not in the 
 Pope's : or, as Fleury remarks, he might repre- 
 sent the western church, or be there on the 
 part of Constantine;! for, adds this writer, he 
 no where assumes the title of Legate of the 
 Holy See, and none of the ancients say that he 
 presided in tins Council in the Pope's name. 
 Gelasius of Cyzicus, who was of the eastern 
 church, and who first affirmed ir, savs it with- 
 out any proof or authority. Whoever presided, 
 there can be little doubt that the Emperor's 
 presence had considerable influence over its 
 decisions; and by his subsequent very active and 
 independent conduct, it is evident that he consi- 
 dered himself a sort of supreme head and dictator 
 in the church. J It should not, however, be over- 
 looked, that, as some writers assert, § before the 
 Council finally broke up, which was at the end 
 of about two months, they drew up a letter to 
 Sylvester, bishop of Rome, requesting him to 
 give his sanction to their proceedings ; very 
 
 * Eccles. Writers, i. p. 251. 
 
 f Fleury, Eccles. I list. 11. v. 5. 
 
 I In these pretensions Constantine was followed by his 
 successors for several ages. See Dr. Wake's Authority of 
 Christian Princes, If c. passim. 
 
 § History of the Christian Church, by the Rev. Joseph 
 Reeve, Vol. I. p. 163.
 
 76 
 
 justly conceiving, that the personal approval of 
 so revered and respectable a prelate as that of 
 Rome, the old imperial capital, must have con- 
 siderable weight with those bishops in different 
 parts of the world who had not themselves at- 
 tended. Yet if this was, indeed, the case, it 
 would seem, that the two priests, Vitus and 
 Vincent, whom it is said the Pope of Rome de- 
 puted to attend, had no authority to give any 
 vote or to take any measures in his name : un- 
 less, indeed, it is true, what some Catholic 
 writers assert, that Osius and the two priests 
 acted in his name merely in his capacity of a 
 common bishop, and that his final sanction was 
 requisite, as the supreme Head of the Church, 
 and universal Pastor over all Christendom. 
 
 This opinion was not, however, by any means 
 unanimous among the bishops of that period. 
 The twenty-eighth canon of the Council of 
 Chalcedon, which appears to have been held 
 about a century after that of Nice, ordains as 
 follows : " We, following in all respects the de- 
 crees of the fathers, and recognizing the canon 
 of the one hundred and fifty bishops,* most be- 
 loved of God, which has now been read, de- 
 cree and vote the same things concerning the 
 privileges of the most holy church of Constan- 
 tinople, which is New Rome: for the fathers, 
 with good reason, granted certain privileges to 
 
 • The third canon of Constantinople.
 
 77 
 
 the throne of Old Rome, on account of her 
 being the imperial city ; and the one hundred 
 and fifty bishops, most beloved of God, acting 
 with the same view, have given the like privi- 
 leges to the most Holy Throne of New Rome : 
 rightly judging, that the city which is the seat 
 of empire and of a senate, and is equal to the 
 old imperial Rome m other privileges, should 
 be also honoured as she is in ecclesiastical con- 
 cerns, as being the second and next after her; 
 and that the metropolitans not only of the Pon- 
 tic, Asian, and Thracian dioceses be ordained 
 by the most holy Throne of Constantinople; 
 but even the bishops of the said dioceses which 
 lie among the barbarians; the metropolitans of 
 the said dioceses ordaining bishops subject to 
 them, and the Archbishop of Constantinople 
 ordaining the said metropolitans, after the elec- 
 tions have been first made according to custom, 
 and reported to him." 
 
 It is true, this canon, or more properly, this 
 synodical act, has never been admitted by the 
 canonists of the ancient Latin Church; hence 
 it is omitted in the Latin code of Dionysius 
 Exiguus ; but it is found in the more ancient col- 
 lection of Justellus, among the Constantinopo- 
 litan canons, which were decreed at a General 
 Council, A. D. 381—382. It is a most im- 
 portant document, and ought not to be over- 
 looked in an inquiry into the primitive jurisdic- 
 tion of the see of Rome ; especially as the sixth
 
 78 
 
 of the Nicene Canons evidently conveys the same 
 general idea, that the See of Rome had prece- 
 dence of those of Alexandria and Antioch, solely 
 as being the most ancient imperial metropolis. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 View of the state of the Church, and the attempts 
 at Reform previous to the time of Luther. 
 
 THE extraordinary power and growing am- 
 bition of the Roman court had so completely 
 blinded the eyes and darkened the understand- 
 ing of men, as to occasion, even as early as the 
 eighth century, a melancholy falling away from 
 the purity and simplicity of the Christian dis- 
 cipline. But this defection was not unnoticed 
 by the wise and discerning portion of Christian 
 writers. The calamities, which were evidently 
 coming on the Church, roused the zeal and ex- 
 cited the pious sorrows of many. " Who will 
 grant me," exclaimed St. Bernard, in the 12th 
 century, " to see before I die the Church of 
 God, such as she "was in primitive times?"* 
 <c Through his whole life," as Bossuet informs us, 
 " did this eminent saint bemoan the grievances of 
 the Church. He never ceased giving notice of 
 them to the people, the clergy, the bishops, 
 
 History of the Variations of the Protestant Churches, i. 2,
 
 79 
 
 and popes themselves. Nor did he conceal his 
 sentiments on this head from his own religious, 
 who partook of his affliction in their solitude, 
 and so much the more gratefully extolled the 
 divine goodness, which had prompted them to 
 it, as the world was more generally corrupted." 
 
 In the Council of Vienne, in Dauphiny, held 
 during the pontificate of Clement V., A. D. 
 1311, an attempt was made, through the reso- 
 lute zeal, or vindictive courage, of Philip the 
 Fair, to reform the morals and discipline of the 
 Church. The protection which this French 
 monarch gave to the person of William de No- 
 garet, the infuriate and implacable enemy of 
 Boniface VIII., is well known; and the stand 
 which he made against the usurpations of the 
 papal power is creditable to his independence 
 and his courage. Perhaps, his enmity towards 
 the Knights Templars was greater than his ab- 
 horrence of the immorality of the clergy; but 
 he so contrived it, that even the obsequious 
 Pope himself " laid it down for a ground- work to 
 the Holy Assembly at Vienne, that they ought 
 to reform the Church in her Head and Mem- 
 bers." This mode of expression soon became 
 extremely common ; and every writer of credit 
 and character protested, though, alas ! in vain, 
 against the depravity, the pride, and extrava- 
 gance of the Church ; and the immorality and 
 laxity of many of her children. Even Peter 
 d'Ailly, the redoubted champion of the Pope
 
 80 
 
 and well known opponent of Huss, at the Coun- 
 cil of Constance, did not omit to forewarn the 
 Church of the dangers that threatened her if 
 she did not reform herself. The more amiable 
 and excellent Charlier, or, as he is generally 
 called, Gerson, exerted his great talents and 
 excellent qualities to save the Church from the 
 impending storm. At frhe Council of Pisa, 
 A. D. 1409, it was declared by some of the 
 members, that the universal Church absolutely 
 required a reform both in regard to her chief 
 and her whole discipline. Mosheim remarks, 
 that the most eminent writers of the time unani- 
 mously lament the miserable condition to 
 which the Christian Church was reduced by the 
 corruption of its ministers, and which seemed 
 to portend nothing less than its total ruin, if 
 Providence did not interpose, by extraordinary 
 means, for its deliverance and preservation. 
 The vices that reigned among the Roman pon- 
 tiffs, and, indeed, among all the ecclesiastical 
 order, were so flagrant, that the complaints of 
 these good men did not appear at all exagge- 
 rated, or their apprehensions ill-founded; nor 
 had any of the corrupt advocates of the clergy 
 the courage to call them to an account for the 
 sharpness of their censures, and of their com- 
 plaints. Nay, the more eminent rulers of the 
 Church, who lived in a luxurious indolence, and 
 the impious practice of all kinds of vice, were 
 obliged to hear, with a placid countenance, and 
 even to commend these bold censors, who de-
 
 81 
 
 claimed against the degeneracy of the Church, 
 and declared that there was almost nothing sound, 
 either in its visible head, or in its members ; and 
 demanded the aid of the secular arm, and the 
 destroying sword, to lop off the parts that were 
 infected with this grievous and deplorable con- 
 tagion. Things, in short, were brought to such 
 a pass, that they were deemed the best Chris- 
 tians, and the most useful members of society, 
 who, braving the terrors of persecution, and 
 triumphing over the fear of man, inveighed, with 
 the greatest freedom and fervour, against the 
 court of Rome, its lordly pontiff, and the whole 
 tribe of his followers and votaries.* 
 
 This deplorable state of things commenced 
 with the Church's temporal greatness. Every 
 century, and every year, discovered some new- 
 source of complaint, — some fresh departure from 
 the purity of christian morality, or the relaxation 
 of some point of Christian discipline. The 
 fifth general council of Vienne, already men- 
 tioned, appears to have been the first venerable 
 assembly of the kind that condescended to re- 
 mark upon and censure a falling off so foul and 
 dangerous: yet nothing was done in that Coun- 
 cil to any purpose. The Holy Prelates, with 
 the Pope at t.ieir head, seemed to think they 
 had done quite sufficient when they had abolish- 
 
 * Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iii. 400. 
 
 G
 
 82 
 
 ed the military order of Knights Templars, 
 and suppressed the ridiculous heresy of the 
 Brethren of the Free Spirit. As to the Knights 
 Templars, there cannot be a doubt but that their 
 crimes were magnified beyond all truth, and 
 even all probability. They were not suffered 
 to be heard in their own defence, while the 
 most unbounded censures were passed upon them 
 by those who, having themselves never been 
 initiated, could know nothing, with certainty, 
 either of their principles or their practices.* 
 
 Bartholomew, Archbishop of Bari, who, upon 
 the demise of Gregory XI., was elected Pope, 
 and assumed the title of Urban VI., exerted 
 his zeal against the vices and luxury of the 
 Cardinals, and laboured to bring about a re- 
 form in regard to general discipline. His zeal, 
 however laudable in itself, was not altogether 
 guided by knowledge and prudence ; and his 
 seventy, which often rose to great cruelty, gave 
 the enraged cardinals a pretext to throw the 
 whole Church into confusion. In the sequel 
 they elected a new Pope, Cardinal Cevennes, 
 who took the name of Clement VII. The 
 Church had now two Popes, and the consequence 
 was, as might naturally be expected, an increased 
 laxity of discipline among the clergy, and of 
 depravity in the people. The supremacy of the 
 
 * Feijoo's Teatrico Critico contains a masterly defence of 
 the persecuted Order of Knights Templars.
 
 S3 
 
 successor of St. Peter was not denied by either 
 of the factions into which the Church unhappily 
 divided ; but to decide which of the rival Pon- 
 tiffs had a canonical and just title to the holy 
 chair, caused the most unfortunate wars and 
 schisms. The work of reformation was, there- 
 fore, retarded. 
 
 In 1394, the anti-pope Clement died suddenly 
 at Avignon. His cardinal partisans elected the 
 politic Peter de Luna, who assumed the name 
 of Benedict XIII., and under his influence the 
 schism continued during the space of thirty 
 years. Urban VI. died a year or two before 
 his rival, Clement, and was succeeded, though 
 not immediately, by Boniface IX., a Pope who 
 certainly advanced little the cause of reform, be- 
 ing too eager to aggrandize his own family* with 
 the riches of the Church, to listen to any com- 
 plaints or grievances. This latter pope was suc- 
 ceeded by Innocent VII., and he by Gregory 
 XII., Alexander V., and John XXIII., during 
 whose pontificate effectual measures were adopt- 
 ed, principally through the powerful influence 
 of the faculty of the Sorbonne, from the Uni- 
 versity of Paris, *f to heal the wounds of the 
 
 * Platina, in Vit. Boniface IX. 
 
 f " The leading and decisive part which France assumed 
 in the schism, is stated by Peter du Puis in a separate his- 
 tory, extracted from authentic records, and inserted in the 
 seventh volume of the last and best edition of his friend Thu- 
 anus, P. xi. p. UO— 184." Gibbon. 
 
 G2
 
 84 
 
 Church, which had been open during nearly 
 half a century. The Parisian doctors, however, 
 succeeded only in procuring a transient peace 
 by the resignation or deposition of all the Popes,* 
 and the election of Martin V. This great event 
 was not followed by any immediate or effectual 
 reform. 
 
 The eyes of all Europe were fixed on the 
 Council of Constance, from an universal per- 
 suasion of the necessity of a reformation, and 
 an ardent desire of seeing it happily brought 
 into execution. Nor did the assembled Fathers 
 deny that this reformation was the principal end 
 of their meeting. Yet this salutary work had 
 so many obstacles in the passions and interests 
 of those very persons by whom it was to be 
 effected, that little could be expected, and still 
 less was done. The cardinals and dignified 
 clergy, whose interest it was that the Church 
 should remain in its corrupt and disordered state, 
 employed all their eloquence and art to prevent 
 its reformation ; and observed, among other art- 
 ful pretexts, that a work of such high moment 
 and importance, could not be undertaken with 
 any prospect of success until a new pontiff was 
 elected. And, what was still more alarming, 
 the new pontiff was no sooner raised to that 
 
 * For there were at this time, in fact, three popes: one »t 
 Home, another at Avignon, and 2 third in Spain.
 
 85 
 
 high dignity, than he employed his authority to 
 elude and frustrate every effort that was made to 
 set this salutary work on foot ; and made it ap- 
 pear most evidently, by the laws he enacted, 
 that nothing was more foreign from his intention 
 than the reformation of the clergy, and the re- 
 storation of the church to its primitive purity.* 
 Yet Martin V. has been, not unjustly, considered, 
 upon the whole, an honest and excellent man. 
 
 Upwards of five years elapsed before any 
 other effort of importance was made to produce 
 a reformation so obviously necessary, and so 
 ardently longed for by the wise and the good of 
 every class. 
 
 In 1431, the Council of Basil, which was first 
 summoned by Martin V. to meet at Pavia, re- 
 newed the question of reform. This subject, so 
 galling to the feelings of the pontiff, was there 
 warmly and stoutly canvassed 5 but he did not 
 live to witness the proceedings. He died sud- 
 denly on the 21st February of the same year. 
 Eugenius IV. succeeded to the throne and the 
 prejudices of his predecessor. Notwithstanding 
 the strong opposition of Eugenius, a check was 
 given to his power, and some slight instances of 
 reform produced. Rather, however, than tamely 
 submit to any encroachments on his real or sup- 
 posed prerogatives and rights, he resolved, once 
 
 * Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. Cent. XV. Padre Paolo, Bcnef. 
 p. 196.
 
 86 
 
 more, to break the peace and harmony of the' 
 universal church. He hastily dissolved the 
 council, and another schism ensued. France 
 and Germany received the decrees of this coun- 
 cil, though they were rejected by Italy ; and 
 A. D. 1438, the celebrated Pragmatic Sanction, 
 which has been denominated the bulwark of the 
 Gallican church, was published. This pact 
 restored the Gallican elections to the chapters, 
 the collations to the ordinaries, and abolished, 
 with one stroke, the offensive Reservations. But 
 more of this when we come to treat of the pecu- 
 liar privileges of the Gallican church, and of 
 the History of the Reformation in France. 
 
 The steadiness and consistency of Eugenius 
 IV., or the determination and assumed indepen- 
 dence of the Basilian fathers, produced another 
 afflicting schism, which commenced with the 
 election of Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, to the 
 papal dignity. This Anti-Pope of the Basilians 
 took the name of Felix V. He had previously 
 lived in the most retired manner at the Priory 
 of ,Ripaille, near the borders of the Leman Lake. 
 From this peaceful retreat he was, with real or 
 pretended reluctance, dragged, to become the 
 vicar of Christ on earth ; and from this period 
 a schism ensued, still more painful in its effects, 
 and bitter in its operations, than the one just 
 healed by the council of Constance. It was 
 not now, as iu the former instance, a simple 
 quarrel between rival popes, but a dispute and
 
 87 
 
 fierce contention of the two councils of Basil 
 and Florence. Eugenius IV. was at the head 
 of the Florentine assembly, and Felix V. gave 
 authority to the decisions of the council of Basil. 
 The cause of Eugenius was adopted by a large 
 majority of the faithful, though a respectable 
 number adhered to the Basilian faction. On 
 this side were ranged many learned academies, 
 together with the University of Paris, a commu- 
 nity that has ever made a most important figure 
 in the history of the church, and even in the civil 
 affairs of the French nation.* This council, 
 though it was not considered as dissolved, sus- 
 pended its labours in the year 1443. The coun- 
 cil of Florence directed its efforts to unite, once 
 more, the Greek and Latin churches, and these 
 efforts, principally through the influence of the 
 Cardinal Bessarion, were attended with a tem- 
 porary and partial success. The council ended 
 in 1442, but the ungovernable Greeks shortly 
 afterwards revolted against their own decisions, 
 
 * See the valuable ' ' ronicles of Froissart and Monstrelet, 
 passim. I will not let this opportunity escape me, of contri- 
 buting my mite of acknowledgment to the spirited and use- 
 ful exertions of the London booksellers, in republishing, as 
 they have done, and are still doing, at an incredible expense, 
 all the old and established Chronicles of our early writers and 
 historians. Nor should the meed of praise be withheld from 
 Mr. Johnes, for the great labour he has taken in giving to 
 the world faithful translations of the most approved French 
 Chronicles. In this feeble testimony, I shall be gratefully 
 joined by every real friend to the literature of this country.
 
 88 
 
 and the spiritual war broke out afresh, headed 
 by Marcus Eugenius, the metropolitan of Ephe- 
 sus, who had never yielded his assent to the 
 decisions of the council of Florence. In this 
 opposition he stood singly, all the rest of the 
 Greek bishops acknowledging that the Latins 
 had proved all the " five points"* of discus- 
 sion. They were : 1st. The procession of the 
 Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the 
 Father. 2d. The addition of the word Filioque, 
 inserted in the symbol. 3d. The state of de- 
 parted souls before the general judgment. 4th. 
 The use of leavened bread in the Eucharist : 
 and, 5th. The primacy of the Roman See. 
 Perhaps, this last point was considered, at least, 
 by the Latins, of the greatest importance of all. 
 Probably, it may be thought necessary to advert 
 to the other four in another place. 
 
 Marcus, of Ephesus, as has just been observed, 
 again raised the standard of revolt, and con- 
 trived to bring over several of the bishops to 
 retract their signature and dissolve the union. 
 In this new quarrel, the emperor does not ap- 
 pear to have taken part with the advocates for 
 peace and union. He, however, appointed a 
 public disputation, in which Marcus, of Ephesus, 
 
 * It is to be feared this is an unfortunate number in the 
 arithmetic of theological disputants. We all know The Five 
 Points so ably discussed among Protestants by the learned 
 Whitby.
 
 59 
 
 and Bartolomeo, of Florence, took the most 
 active part. Both sides claimed the victory j 
 nor did the death of the Ephesian metropolitan, 
 which happened rather suddenly, put an end to 
 the quarrel. Marcus, in his last moments, insist- 
 ed that no one who had consented to the union 
 should pray to God for him, or assist at his fu- 
 neral.* This unnatural schism was never heal- 
 ed. In 1452, every thing was again thrown 
 into disorder, and an open and perpetual se- 
 paration took place. Before this time, Thomas 
 de Sarzano, bishop of Bologna, had succeeded 
 to the pontifical chair, and taken the name and 
 title of Nicholas V. This prelate has ever ranked 
 high in the estimation of good and wise men of 
 all parties. Felix, the anti-pope, very prudently, 
 or forced by the power of the Emperor Fre- 
 derick, resigned his pretensions, and quietly re- 
 turned to his favourite hermitage at Ripaille. 
 
 Amidst all these bickerings and this afflicting 
 schism, the work of reformation gained little or 
 no ground. The hearts of the reflecting and 
 the pious sunk within them when they foresaw 
 the evils which these endless animosities, and 
 the consequent immorality and laxity of disci- 
 pline, were bringing upon the Church. The 
 disorders of the clergy had now grown to an 
 enormous pitch; the German clergy, in parti- 
 
 * Reeve's History of the Church, iii. p. 28.
 
 90 
 
 eular, are mentioned as notoriously disgraceful 
 This melancholy state of affairs is thus la- 
 mented by the excellent Cardinal Julian : — 
 " These disorders excite the people's hatred 
 against the whole ecclesiastical order, and 
 should they not be corrected, it is to be feared, 
 lest the laity, like the Hussites, fall foul on the 
 clergy, as they loudly threaten us." If the 
 clergy of Germany were not speedily reformed, 
 he foretold, that to the heresy of Bohemia, 
 though it were extinguished, another still more 
 dangerous would succeed ; (e for it will be said," 
 he proceeds, " that the clergy are incorri- 
 gible, and will apply no remedy to their disor- 
 ders." " When they shall find no hopes left 
 of our amendment, then will they fall foul upon 
 us. The minds of men are big with expecta- 
 tion of what measures will be taken, and they 
 seem full ripe for something tragical. The ran- 
 cour they have imbibed against us becomes 
 manifest: they will soon think it an agreeable 
 sacrifice to God to plunder and abuse ecclesias- 
 tics, as abandoned to extreme disorders, and 
 hateful to God and man. The now but small 
 remains of respect to the sacred order, will 
 shortly be extinguished. The blame of all 
 these abuses will be thrown on the Court of 
 Rome, which will be reckoned the sole cause 
 thereof," because it neglected to apply the 
 necessary remedy. This great cardinal after- 
 wards speaks still more emphatically : " I 
 see the axe is at the root, the tree begins
 
 91 
 
 to bend, and instead of propping it, whilst we 
 may, we hasten on its fall." He foresees a 
 speedy desolation in the German clergy. The 
 desire of taking from them their temporal 
 goods, was to be the first spring of motion : 
 " Bodies and souls," says he, " will perish to- 
 gether. God hides from us the prospect of our 
 dangers, as he is used to do with those he de- 
 signs to punish : we see the fire enkindled be- 
 fore us 3 and yet run headlong into it."* Thus 
 writes this faithful spiritual watchman to Pope 
 Eugenius IV. How strikingly his prognostica- 
 tions and fears were realized, the Reformation, 
 begun by Luther, early in the succeeding cen- 
 tury, fully, and in many instances, painfully, 
 demonstrated. 
 
 Besides the just fears of the discerning, on 
 account of the danger to which the Church was 
 daily exposing herself from the immorality of 
 her clergy and people, a source of grief had long 
 flowed from the ridicule and sneers of numerous 
 licentious and satirical authors, who failed not 
 to observe with severity on the conduct of the 
 clergy. In the early part of the 14th century, 
 the bold and daring Dante, described the Vicars 
 of Christ as living in the infernal regions. Pe- 
 trarca, no very long time afterwards, identified 
 
 * Ep. I. Julia. Card, ad Eug. IV. inter Op* JEn. Silv. pp. 
 66 — 76, as cited in Bossuet's Variations, &c. i. p. 2, 3.
 
 92 
 
 the Court of Rome with that of ancient Baby- 
 lon. The Decameron of Boccaccio, in spite even 
 of the repentant author's own efforts to suppress 
 it,* is to this day in every body's hands, and is 
 preserved in every public library of Europe. It 
 is full of raillery at the vices, or the weaknesses, 
 of the clergy, and the disorders of the convents 
 and the religious. While the sonnets of Petrarca, 
 his tried friend, abound with virulence and re- 
 proach. In one of them, " he seems to have 
 exhausted, on this theme, every epithet of re- 
 proach and abhorrence, which his native lan- 
 guage could afford, f It is true these reproaches 
 apply to the papal court of Avignon; but, alas! 
 " the whole head was sick, and the whole heart 
 was faint !" But what need I mention or allude 
 to poets, or even divines, while such a man as 
 Giovanni Frencesco Pico, the nephew of Pico 
 de Mirandula, has so powerfully pleaded the 
 cause of reform, even to the face of one of the 
 greatest popes that ever filled the papal chair. 
 I will oblige the reader, and honour my work, 
 by a translation of some of the passages of his 
 celebrated oration, as delivered in the year 1517, 
 at the Council of Lateran. j Speaking of the 
 necessity of enacting many new laws : " I think 
 it better," says he, " that the most holy decrees 
 
 * See Mrs. Dobson's entertaining Life of Petrarch. II. 298, 
 et seq. 
 
 f Roscoe's Leo X. III. p. 197. 
 
 % The original forms No. CXLVI. in the Appendix to 
 Mr. Roscoe's invaluable Life of Leo the Tenth.
 
 93 
 
 of the ancient fathers, and their venerable insti- 
 tutions, should be kept by the principal men 
 among us, and by the cardinals themselves, by 
 whom the whole weight of the christian com- 
 monwealth ought to be supported. If this were 
 done, he adds, the people would easily follow 
 the prelates, as animated and living laws, and 
 would be recalled to the rule of piety and true 
 discipline." Further on, he thus addresses the 
 pope: — " Great Pontiff! powerful exertions must 
 be used, lest Christianity should sustain any de- 
 triment ; for war is to be carried on with a nu- 
 merous army ; an intestine war, dangerous and 
 calamitous ; and which can be averted only by 
 the severity and rigour of discipline. Restrain 
 the luxury of every rank, — set bounds to ambi- 
 tion, — bridle the stubborn and unrestrained mad- 
 ness of impurity and lust, — prescribe restrictions 
 to the suspicious familiarities of priests, — give 
 limits to cupidity, to avarice, and to the accursed 
 thirst after large possessions,— claim those gifts and 
 donations of pious men, which, instead of being 
 faithfully applied by the priests to whose care 
 they have been entrusted, are rather devoured 
 by them, and cause them to be disposed of agree- 
 ably to the wills of the donators, lest they be finally 
 ingulphed in the whirlpool of all wickedness." 
 
 Alluding to that rage for simoniacal contracts, 
 which, in every age of the church, has been a 
 sure prognostic of approaching decay, he strong- 
 ly recommends the punishment of those who
 
 nave concerned themselves in the sale of holy 
 things ; and advises, that those who have had 
 no regard to the flock committed to their trust ; 
 but have indulged in every kind of vanity, de- 
 lighting in superstitions, carousings, banquetings, 
 and loose and familiar practices, shall be either 
 wholly reformed or cut off from their sacred 
 functions j seeing, as he justly remarks, they 
 profane all things by their example, and cor- 
 rupt by their depravity, even those who are well 
 instructed and conscientious. He further refers 
 the Council to John Chrysostom for the truth 
 of his assertion, that from the depravity of the 
 priesthood has proceeded the ruin of the peo- 
 ple ; and produces Jerome as asserting, that he 
 never found any persons so well calculated to 
 seduce the people as their priests. He then ex- 
 horts the Pope to use coercive measures, and to 
 restrain the vices of the clergy without nicely 
 consulting their own wills on the occasion : 
 " You can," he exclaims, " supreme Pontiff, 
 and there is none upon earth besides that can, 
 do this; and whereas you can, you ought." The 
 Pope is then reminded of the conduct of old Eli, 
 and of the evils he sustained by neglecting to 
 restrain the base appetites of his unruly sons : 
 " for those," says he, " who command, should 
 not only be innocent themselves, but have suffi- 
 cient fortitude to restrain others." 
 
 This intrepid orator then goes on to paint 
 in glowing colours the dreadful state of public
 
 95 
 
 morals, particularly of the clergy, to whom he 
 attributes every vice, natural and unnatural, 
 which at any time has disgraced, and even 
 destroyed human nature; and then he demands, 
 with unparalleled boldness, whether Leo X. 
 will put up with such abominations ; and whe- 
 ther he will both see and suffer such horrid 
 abuses and profanations ; at the same time ad- 
 vising him strenuously to oppose himself to this 
 torrent of corruption, and check at once the 
 overflowing luxury, the growing ambition, and 
 wanton dissipations that result from extensive 
 simony and profane traffic. 
 
 In such strains of invective, of expostulation 
 and warning, did this eminent man labour to 
 ward off the storm which every wise man 
 plainly saw was gathering thick above them. 
 The patient pontiff listened to and approved, 
 but unhappily disregarded, the wholesome coun- 
 sel ; till the storm burst, and overwhelming, in 
 one sweeping deluge, some of the best portions 
 of Christendom, let loose upon all the ancient 
 and venerable establishments of religion a host 
 of unruly and daring spirits, whose zeal could 
 not wait coolly to calculate upon consequences, 
 nor to discriminate between a depraved disci- 
 pline and a sacred rite, — between what they 
 themselves but a short time before had deemed 
 the undoubted truths of the Gospel, and the 
 obvious innovations of corrupt and ambitious 
 men. And yet some have thought, and per-
 
 96 
 
 haps justly, that the early Reformers did but 
 half finish the work they so successfully begun. 
 
 Of the immediate causes that led to the Saxon 
 and German Reformation, I will treat hereafter : 
 at present it is proper to remark, that not any 
 of the writers I have alluded to, not even the 
 most profligate and satirical, seem ever to have 
 meditated an attack on the Doctrines of the uni- 
 versal Church. It was against the relaxed dis- 
 cipline, against the ambition and the vices of 
 the Clergy, and the almost general backsliding 
 of the people, that they directed their argu- 
 ments or their reproaches. 
 
 Not any one of these persons enlisted under 
 the banners of the Augustine Friar, Martin Lu- 
 ther, when with the most daring freedom he 
 entirely departed from the Catholic Church, 
 and sought not to reform, but to revolutionize 
 the principles of his ancestors and brethren. 
 The most violent advocate of Reform would 
 have trembled and shrunk back with horror at 
 a proposal to dethrone the holy Pontiff, to 
 question the purity of the Church in regard to 
 her doctrines, or the validity and usefulness of 
 the ancient discipline 3 nor, indeed, did the Lu- 
 theran Reformers themselves, in the first in- 
 stance, attack any of the received and sacred 
 dogmas of the Church. It was not till they 
 were emboldened by success, or irritated by op- 
 position, that they presumed to lay tke axe to
 
 97 
 
 the root, or even to aim a single blow at the su- 
 premacy of the Pope, or the infallibility of the 
 Church. 
 
 Concerning the real sentiments and inten- 
 tions of the friends of Reform, Bossuet writes 
 thus :* " Protestants cite to us St. Bernard, 
 who, enumerating the Church's grievances, and 
 those she suffered from heresies in her progress, 
 and those she was exposed unto in latter days 
 by the depravation of manners, allows them to 
 be far more dreadful, because they taint the 
 very vitals, and spread infection through all the 
 members of the Church: whence, concludes 
 this great man, the Church may truly say with 
 Isaiah, c her most painful and most grievous 
 bitterness is in peace ;' when left in peace by 
 infidels, and unmolested by heretics, she is most 
 dangerously assaulted by the depraved manners 
 of her own children. Even this were enough to 
 shew, that he does not, like our Reformers, 
 bewail the errors the Church had fallen into, 
 (on the contrary, he represents her as secure on 
 that side) but such evils only as proceeded from 
 relaxed discipline. Accordingly, when instead 
 of discipline, the church's dogmata were at- 
 tacked by turbulent and restless men, such as 
 Peter de Bruis, as Henry, as Arnold of Bresse ; 
 this great man would never suffer their wcak- 
 
 * Variations, i. 4 — 6. 
 H
 
 9S 
 
 ening, so much as one of them, but foughi 
 invincibly, as well for the faith of the Church, 
 as for the authority of her prelates. 
 
 " The case is the same with the rest of the 
 Catholic doctors, who, in the succeeding ages, 
 lamented abuses, and demanded a reformation 
 of them. Of all these the most renowned is 
 Gerson, and none more loudly called for it m 
 the Church's head and members. In a sermon 
 he made after the Council of Pisa before Alex- 
 ander V., he introduces the Church, requesting 
 of the Pope the reformation and re-establish- 
 ment of the kingdom of Israel 5 but to shew 
 he complained of no error, that could be ob- 
 served in the Church's doctrine, he addresses 
 the Pope in these words : — ' Why do you not 
 send to the? Indians, whose faith may easily 
 have been corrupted, they not being united to 
 the Church of Rome, whence certainty of faith 
 must be derived?' His master, Cardinal Peter 
 d'Ailly, sighed also for a reformation ; but the 
 principle he went upon was far different from 
 that of Luther, who, writing to Melanethon, 
 gave it for a maxim, ' that sound doctrine 
 could not subsist whilst the Pope's authority 
 subsisted :' whereas, this Cardinal was of opi- 
 nion, ' that the members of the Church being 
 separated from their head, during the schism, 
 and there being no administrator and aposto- 
 lical director, namely, no Pope, that all the 
 Church acknowledged^ it was not to be hoped
 
 99 
 
 that a reformation could be well brought about.' 
 Thus one made the reformation to depend on 
 the subversion of the Papacy; the other, on 
 the perfect re-settling of that sacred authority, 
 which was established by Jesus Christ on pur- 
 pose to keep up unity among his members, and 
 withhold all in their respective duties.'* 
 
 Indeed, the Catholic Reformers, for so it may 
 he convenient to distinguish them, never once 
 thought of asserting, that any thing could " be 
 wrong in the faith or worship of the Church;'* 
 nor did they ever so much as attempt to shake 
 the foundations of that authority, which they at 
 all times supposed " the Church, her supreme 
 pastor, and her prelates, received from Christ," 
 and which, they firmly maintained, could never 
 be altered or impaired, though as we have al- 
 ready seen, they are free enough to " admit, 
 that when Luther first made his attack on the 
 Church of Rome, much reformation in the 
 Church, both in respect to its head and mem- 
 bers, was wanting in discipline and morals."* 
 
 I close with regret this feeble sketch of what 
 the Germans would call Reformationis ante Re- 
 format to nem, a well-written history of which, 
 as Mr. Butlerf very justly remarks, is much 
 
 Butler's Revolutions of the Germanic Empire, p. 67, 
 3d ed. 
 
 f Ibid. 
 H 2
 
 100 
 
 wanted. The editors of Beausobre's Histoire de 
 la Reformation say that something of this kind 
 was found among his papers, with the title of 
 PreJiminaires de la Reformation ; but we are 
 not informed whether it was ever printed, and 
 it appears there is no knowledge of it in this 
 country.* 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 Causes that led to the Saxon and German Re/or- 
 mation. 
 
 THE more proximate causes of the Saxon 
 and German Reformation, first begun in the 
 early part of the sixteenth century, may be 
 sought for:— I. In the continued profligacy and 
 laxity of the clergy. II. The pride and obsti- 
 nacy of the Roman Court. III. The extrava- 
 gance and indifference of the supreme Pontiff, 
 Leo X. IV. The recent invention of the inva- 
 luable art of printing. V. The disgraceful use 
 which Tetzel and others made of the doctrine 
 and sale of indulgences. VI. The persevering 
 boldness of Luther. And, lastly, though by 
 no means the least, VII. The avarice and ra- 
 
 * I have made diligent, and even laborious, inquiry among 
 the London booksellers, concerning this, but without suc- 
 cess; Mr. Butler says " it has not found its way to the Lon- 
 don market." — Revolutions, fyc. p. 87.
 
 101 
 
 pacity of several princes, and inferior magis- 
 trates, who instigated and encouraged opposi- 
 tion to the papal power, that they might them- 
 selves partake of the spoils or the prerogatives 
 of the Church.* 
 
 Other causes have been enumerated by Pro- 
 testant writers. Dr. Sturges, •]• in particular, 
 mentions, as one of these pre-disposing causes, 
 *^the doctrines which the Church ingrafted on 
 Christianity and imposed on the world ;" — 
 " doctrines," he adds, " unauthorized by Scrip- 
 ture, repugnant to the common sense of man- 
 kind, and for the most part calculated to 
 answer some indirect purpose of policy or 
 profit." It would be foreign to the object 
 of this work to engage in any controversy on 
 the side of Catholicism; and were it not so, 
 there are few writers, whose positions, in many 
 cases, I should feel more repugnance in com- 
 bating than those of this learned and gentle- 
 manly author ; but, with submission, it would 
 appear, that the question of doctrines is one 
 the most remote from % this subject. For, in the 
 first instance, it was not against the Catholic dog- 
 mata,! but against the abuses, and the corrup- 
 tions of the papal court, or, as Dr. Sturges him- 
 self justly expresses^ it, " the gross instance of 
 
 * " Pinguis est panis Christi, et praebebit delicias regibus. 
 t Reflections on Popery, p. 60, 4to. ed. 
 
 % Vide ante, p. 39. § P. 62.
 
 102 
 
 papal abuse" "in the case of indulgences," that 
 Luther and others directed their zeal. Our in- 
 trepid Reformer does not appear at all to have 
 contemplated an attack against the trinity, 
 transubstantiation, original sin, vicarious pu- 
 nishments, purgatory, praying for the dead, 
 the use of images and pictures as helps to de- 
 votion, the veneration of reliques, the sacra- 
 ments, the Catholicity and authority of the 
 Church, tradition, the invocation of saints, or 
 even against the use and sale of indulgences. 
 It was not, I say, against all or any of these 
 Catholic tenets, that the Reformers, in the first 
 instance, protested ; nor are we certain, had no 
 flagrant abuse been made of some branches of 
 discipline, that any efforts would then have 
 been made to restore the ancient simplicity of 
 faith, or the purity of the primitive discipline. 
 
 It will not be contended, that the doctrines 
 just enumerated are not, as Dr. Sturges asserts, 
 some of them at least " unauthorized by Scrip- 
 ture," or even " repugnant to the common 
 sense of mankind ;" but certainly, neither their 
 unscripturalness, nor their repugnance to com- 
 mon sense, had any share in producing the 
 earliest efforts of the Reformers ; nor were they 
 alleged as grounds of complaint. They em- 
 brace all, or at least the most prominent fea- 
 tures of the Catholic creed ; and some of them 
 are retained by Dr. Sturges himself. It is 
 worthy of remark, that of most of those Catholic
 
 105 
 
 tenets which the majority of the reformed 
 churches have thought proper to retain, there 
 has always been a learned and respectable, if 
 not a very numerous, class who strenuously 
 maintain, that even they " are unauthorized by 
 Scripture, repugnant to the common sense of 
 mankind, and for the most part calculated to 
 answer some indirect purpose of policy or 
 profit." Similar causes may produce similar 
 events ; if, then, Dr. Sturges's reasoning be con- 
 clusive in this instance, let the Church of 
 England look to it, lest reform or ruin should be 
 denounced even against her establishments.* 
 
 * The reader will do well to read, with peculiar attention, 
 that spirited, though it is to be hoped somewhat too severe, 
 publication, the Hints to the Legislature and the Public on the 
 nature and effects of Evangelical Preaching. By a Barrister. 
 The two last parts are by far the best. And those who feel 
 concerned for the safety of our national Church, which every 
 peaceable man ought to do, should read, with some allow- 
 ance, the second edition of Simpson's Plea for Religion and 
 the Sacred Writings. In this writer one may almost recog- 
 nize the spirit which formerly animated the souls of St. Ber- 
 nard, Gerson, the Cardinal Julian, and Giovanni Francesco 
 Pico ; and it is not a little curious to hear a respectable cler- 
 gyman of our own national establishment in the ISth cen- 
 tury thus express himself: — " I do not see how I can, either 
 in honour or conscience, continue to officiate any longer as a 
 Minister of the Gospel in the Establishment of my native 
 country. It appears to me, in my coolest and most consi- 
 derate moments, to be, with all its excellencies, a main 
 branch of the anti-christian system. It is a strange mixture, 
 as hath been already observed, of what is secular and what
 
 104 
 
 It may be expected from a Protestant writer, 
 that he should enumerate among the causes of 
 the Reformation, the secret, if not even the open 
 and visible, interposition of Divine Providence. 
 And some will even think, that the fulfilment 
 of the Apocalyptical prophecies, and the pre- 
 
 is spiritual. And I strongly suspect, the day is at no very 
 great distance, when the whole fabric shall tumble into 
 ruins, and the pure and immortal religion of the Son of God 
 rise more bright, lovely, and glorious from its subversion. 
 The several warnings of the Sacred Oracles seem to be of vast 
 importance, and necessary to be observed : Flee out of the 
 midst of Babylon, and deliver every man his soul; be not cut 
 off in her iniquity ; for this is the day of the Lord's vengeance ; 
 he ivill render unto her a recompense. Jer. li. 6. — We would 
 have healed Babylon, but she is not healed ; forsake her, and let 
 let us go every one unto his own country. Ibid. li. 9. — When ye 
 shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel, 
 the prophet, stand in the holy place, then let them which be in 
 Judea,flee to the mountains. Matt. xxiv. 15, 16. — These are 
 only remotely applicable to the business in hand. The fol- 
 lowing is more directly so. — I heard a voice from heaven, 
 saying, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not par- 
 takers OF HER SINS, AND THAT YE RECEIVE NOT OF HER 
 
 plagues. Rev. xviii. 4." 
 
 It is to be hoped this good man's fears were much too 
 strong, and his representations too highly coloured. Mr. Simp- 
 son died soon after the second edition of the " Plea," which 
 contained the Appendixes, was printed, but before it was pub- 
 lished- and his executors took some pains to prevent its circula- 
 tion. His son, the present Mr. Simpson, on his coming of 
 age, claimed possession of the work and gave it to the world. 
 The book made some noise at the time, but seems now to be 
 little read. It is the production of a singularly honest and 
 pious man.
 
 105 
 
 dictions of Daniel the prophet, should be taken 
 into this estimate. Such pious readers may- 
 rest assured that these points are only omitted 
 because it is the author's firm persuasion that 
 to have adduced them on this occasion would 
 naturally be construed by Catholics into a beg- 
 ging of the question, and would, moreover, lead 
 to criticisms and speculations tending rather 
 to perplex than to elucidate the great subject 
 under consideration. Yet, so firmly fixed is the 
 author's belief in the consoling doctrine of di- 
 vine agency in all the great revolutions of the 
 universe, that he has no hesitation in assent- 
 ing to the reasoning of Dr. Robertson on this 
 point ; and he hopes that, once for all, it will 
 satisfy the most scrupulous of his brethren, 
 to quote what this eminent historian has writ- 
 ten on this subject of Providence : — " To over- 
 turn a system of religious belief, founded on 
 ancient and deep-rooted prejudices, supported 
 by power, and defended with no less art than 
 industry ; to establish in its room doctrines of 
 the most contrary genius and tendency; and to 
 accomplish all this, not by external violence or 
 the force of arms, are operations, which histo- 
 rians, the least prone to credulity and supersti- 
 tion, ascribe to that Divine Providence, which, 
 with infinite ease, can bring about events which 
 to human sagacity appear impossible. The in- 
 terposition of Heaven in favour of the Christian 
 religion, at its first publication, was manifested 
 by miracles and prophecies wrought and ut-
 
 106 
 
 tered in confirmation of it. Though none of 
 the reformers possessed, or pretended to possess, 
 these supernatural gifts, yet that wonderful pre- 
 paration of circumstances which disposed the 
 minds of men for receiving the doctrines, that 
 singular combination of causes which secured 
 their success, and enabled men, destitute of 
 power and of policy, to triumph over those who 
 employed against them extraordinary efforts of 
 both, may be considered as no slight proof, 
 that the same hand which planted the Christian 
 religion, protected the reformed faith, and 
 reared it from beginnings extremely feeble, to 
 an amazing degree of vigour and maturity."* 
 
 And now I may be permitted to pass on to a 
 review of those less equivocal or controvertible 
 causes already enumerated, which produced this 
 most extraordinary event. 
 
 I. The extreme laxity and even profligacy of 
 the clergy, had long been a source of painful 
 regret to the wise and the good, and of sarcasm, 
 impious pleasure, and contempt to the wicked 
 and the vain. Cardinal Bellarmine, a writer, 
 as all the world knows, but seldom disposed to 
 say a syllable in disparagement of the Church 
 of the Roman Court, confesses that " for some 
 years before the Lutheran and Calvinistic here- 
 
 * Reign of Charles V. i. pp. 235—236. ed. 1809.
 
 107 
 
 sies," as he expresses it, " were published, 
 ** there was not (as contemporary authors tes- 
 tify) any severity in ecclesiastical judicatories, 
 any discipline with regard to morals, any know- 
 ledge of sacred literature, any reverence for 
 divine things ; there was not almost any religion 
 remaining."* 
 
 It would be easy to enlarge on the represen- 
 tations which have been made by writers of every 
 description, of the depravity of the times, both 
 long before and immediately preceding, the re- 
 formation. But enough on this head has already 
 been given in the preceding section ; and charity 
 would lead us to hope, nay, it is absolutely cer- 
 tain, that, bad as have been the popes and the 
 clergy, they never were so utterly depraved as 
 they are represented to have been ; though I fear 
 it is too much to say, with Dr. Milner, - ]* that not 
 more than thirty of the 2.55 pontiffs have dis- 
 honoured their high office and sacred profession. 
 It must, however, be granted, that a very large 
 majority of the popes of Rome, and of the mi- 
 nisters of religion, have been men of piety, vir- 
 tue, and benevolence. The Rev. Alban Butler's 
 
 * Bcllar. Concio xxviii. Oper. torn. vi. col. 296. ed. Co- 
 lon. 1617, apud Gerdesii Hist. Evan. Renovati, Vol. I. p. 25, 
 in Robertson's Reign of Charles V. vol. ii. p. 258. 
 
 t Letters to a Prebendary, p. 38.
 
 108 
 
 Lives of the Saints*, exhibits some instances of 
 the most exalted goodness that ever adorned hu- 
 man nature ; and the several published Histories 
 of the Popes, even the most prejudiced^ attest 
 the important fact, that many of the Roman 
 pontiffs have " been persons of eminent virtues 
 and heroic sanctity, whose example is publicly 
 held out for the edification and example of chris- 
 tians." And why should any Protestant blame 
 this just tribute of praise? Yet, blamed it will 
 be j and many will regard the author as little 
 less than in " league with devils." Thank God ! 
 the system of faith he has adopted, as being, in 
 his judgment, the Faith of the Gospel, stands in 
 no need of support from the vices, or even the 
 virtues of popes. Were all the Roman prelates 
 Saints, that would not alter the records of truth - y 
 had all of them been demons, the divine veracity 
 would remain unshaken. It is, therefore, with 
 far other feelings than those of envy or mistrust, 
 that I discover, (for, as to myself, I announce it 
 as a discovery, in opposition to the slanders or 
 
 * Of this book Mr. Gibbon thus speaks : — " A work of 
 merit ; the sense and learning belong to the author : his pre- 
 judices are those of his profession." Dec. and Fall, vi. p. 166. 
 [Note t] See, too, the Life of this eminent and excellent 
 divine, by his nephew, the present Charles Butler, Esq. 
 
 t Not even excepting the work of the reformed Councillor 
 of the Inquisition, Bower, a book which has happily sunk 
 into contempt and oblivion.
 
 109 
 
 the pious prejudices of the nursery,*) that 
 many of the Popes of Rome have been men 
 that would have honoured any church to which 
 
 * Those who have no interests to serve but those of truth ; 
 no mistake but what they would gladly have removed, will 
 not blame me for inserting, in this place, the following ex- 
 tract from Mr. Gother's curious little work, entitled, u A 
 Papist Misrepresented and Represented ; or a Two-fold Cha- 
 racter of Popery." The extract is made from the edition of 
 1811: 
 
 " Of Wicked Principles and Practices. 
 
 " The papist misrepresented is a member of a church 
 called holy ; but in her doctrine and practices, so foul and 
 abominable, that whosoever admires her for sanctity, may 
 upon the same grounds, do homage to vice itself. Has ever 
 any society, since Christ's time, appeared in the world so 
 black and deformed with hellish crimes as she ? has she not 
 outdone even the most barbarous nations and infidels, with 
 her impieties, and drawn a scandal upon the name of Chris- 
 tian, by her unparalleled vices ? Take but a view of the 
 horrid practices she has been engaged in ; consider the French 
 and Irish massacres, the murder of Henry III. and IV. kings 
 of France, the holy league, the gun-powder treason, the 
 cruelty of Queen Mary, the firing of London, the death of 
 Sir Edmund Bury-Godfrey ; and an infinite number of other 
 such like devilish contrivances; and then tell me, whether 
 that church, which has been the author and promoter of 
 such barbarous designs, ought to be esteemed holy, and re- 
 spected for piety and religion, or rather to be condemned 
 for the mistress of iniquity, the whore of Babylon, which 
 hath polluted the earth with her wickedness, and taught no- 
 thing but the doctrine of devils ? And let never so many 
 pretences be made ; yet it is evident, that all these execrable 
 practices have been done according to the known principles 
 
 of
 
 iia 
 
 they might have belonged. Let others, who 
 are so disposed, build their favourite systems on 
 the ruins of the papal character j and fancy, as 
 
 of this holy church, and that her greatest patrons, the most 
 learned of her divines, her most eminent bishops, her prelates, 
 cardinals, and even the popes themselves, hav ebeen the chief 
 managers of these hellish contrivances. And what more con- 
 vincing argument that they are well proved, than that they 
 are conformable to the religion taught by their church ?" 
 
 " The papist truly represented is a member of a church, 
 which, according to the Ninth Ai'ticle of the Apostles' Creed, 
 he believes to be holy ; and this not only in name, but also 
 in doctrine ; and for witnesses of her sanctity, he appeals, 
 to her councils, catechisms, pulpits, and spiritual books of 
 direction ; in which the main design is, to imprint in the 
 hearts of the faithful this comprehensive maxim of Christi- 
 anity ; that they ought to love God above all things, with 
 their whole heart and soul ; and their neighbour as themselves; 
 and that none should flatter themselves with a confidence to 
 be saved by faith alone, without living soberly, justly, and 
 piously ; as it is taught in the Council of Trent, Sess. 6. c. 11, 
 So that he doubts not but that as many as live according to 
 the directions of his church, and in observance of her doctrine, 
 live holily in the service and fear of God ; and with an humble 
 confidence in the merits and passion of their Redeemer, may 
 hope to be received after this life into eternal bliss. But that, all 
 in communion with his church do not live thus holily, and in 
 the fear of God, he knows it is too evident ; there being many 
 in all places, wholly forgetful of their duty, giving themselves 
 up to vice, and guilty of most horrid crimes. And though 
 he is not bound to believe all to be true, that is charged upon 
 them by the^r adversaries ; there being no narrative of any 
 such devilish contrivances and practices laid to them, wherein 
 passion and fury have not made great additions j wherein 
 
 things
 
 Ill 
 
 they may, that their own elevation must as- 
 suredly advance with the depression and degra- 
 dation of popery. 
 
 things dubious are not improved into certainties, suspicions 
 into realities, fears and jealousies into substantial plots, and 
 downright lies and recorded perjuries, into pulpit, nay, gos- 
 pel truths ; yet he really thinks, that there have been men 
 of his profession, of every rank and degree, learned and un- 
 learned, high and low, secular and ecclesiastic, that have 
 been scandalous in their lives, wicked in their designs, with- 
 out the fear of God in their hearts, or care of their own sal- 
 vation. But what then ? Is the whole church to be con- 
 demned for the vicious lives of some of her professors ; and 
 her doctrine to stand guilty of as many villanies as those 
 commit, who neglect to follow it ? If so, let the men of that 
 society, judgment, or persuasion, who are not in the like cir- 
 cumstances, fling the first stone. Certainly, if this way of 
 passing sentence be once allowed as just and reasonable, 
 there never was, nor ever will be, any religion or church of 
 God upon earth. A confident undertaker would find no dif- 
 ficulty in proving this, especially if he had but the gift of 
 exaggerating some things, — misrepresenting others, — finding 
 authors for every idle story, — charging the extravagant opi- 
 nions of every single writer upon the religion they profess,— 
 raking together all the wickedness, cruelties, treacheries, plots, 
 conspiracies, at any time committed, by ambitious despera- 
 does, or wicked villains : and then positively asserting, that 
 what these did, was according to the doctrine of that church 
 of which they were members ; and that the true measures of 
 the sanctity and goodness of the church in whose communion 
 these men were, may be justly taken from the behaviour of 
 such offenders. But certainly no man of reason or con- 
 science can allow of such proceedings. No sober man would 
 ever go to Newgate or Tyburn, to know what is the religion 
 
 professed
 
 112 
 
 But to proceed with the subject, that the 
 laxity and depravity of the Roman clergy, form- 
 ed one strong cause of the reformation of the 
 
 professed in England according to law ; nor would look into 
 all the sinks, jakes, dunghills, common sewers about town, 
 from such a prospect to give a true description of the city. 
 Why, therefore, should the character of the church of Rome 
 and her doctrine be taken only from the loose behaviour and 
 wicked crimes of such, who, though in communion with her, 
 yet live not according to her direction ? She teaches holiness 
 of life, mercy to the poor, loyalty and obedience to princes, 
 and the necessity of keeping the commandments ; witness 
 the many books of devotion and direction, made English for 
 public benefit, written originally by papists, and great num- 
 bers there are, God be praised, who practise them in their 
 lives. And now if there be many also who stop their ears to 
 good instruction, and following the suggestion of their own 
 "ungovernable appetites, of pride, ambition, covetousness, 
 luxury, &c. who lay aside all concern of salvation, and be- 
 come so unchristian both to God and their neighbour, that 
 they are a shame to their profession ; why should the church 
 be represented according to the wickedness of those that neg- 
 lect her doctrine ; and not rather by the piety and exemplary 
 lives of such as follow it ? Let the character of the church be 
 given according to what she teaches, and net according to the 
 tvritings of every positive opiniator, or the practices of every 
 wicked liver, and there is no fear of its coming out so ugly and 
 deformed. Neither let any one pretend to demonstrate the 
 faith and principles of papists, by the works of every divine 
 in their communion ; or by the actions of every bishop, car- 
 dinal, or pope ; which are not any rule of their faith. They 
 own that many of their writers are too loose in their opinions; 
 that all bishops or cardinals are not so edifying as becomes 
 
 their
 
 113 
 
 Church. For although their crimes were not 
 quite so black, nor so numerous, as some have 
 stated, they were sufficient to excite the hatred 
 of many. Had the moral conduct of the head and 
 ministers of religion been such as became their 
 holy office, it is more than probable that no parti- 
 cular outcry would have been raised against the 
 Catholic doctrines to the present hour. It was 
 not the light of science, the encouragement at 
 that time given to the arts and to elegant litera- 
 ture ; it was not any new discovery that had 
 then been made in regard to morals, meta- 
 physics, or religion, that first enabled the re- 
 formers to attack, with success, the principles 
 
 their state ; and that popes also may have their failings. But 
 what then ? the actions of popes concern not the faith of those 
 who are in communion with them; they may throw a scan- 
 dal indeed upon the religion, but they can never alter its 
 creed. But what need any other return to the numerous 
 clamours made daily against the wickedness of the papists ? 
 It is a sufficient vindication of their chief pastors and popes, 
 to use the words of Lord Castlemain in his apology, that 
 among two hundred and fifty, that have now successively 
 borne the charge, there are not above ten or twelve, against 
 whom their most malicious adversaries can find occasion of 
 spitting their venom ; and that a challenge may be made to 
 the world, to shew but the fifth part of so many successive 
 governors, since the creation, of which there have not been 
 far more that have abused their power. And as for his flock, 
 the people owning his authority, it is true, that many wicked 
 things have been done by some of them ; and too many like 
 libertines, neglect the care of their fold : but, however, the 
 generality of them live like christians." 
 
 I
 
 114 
 
 of the old faith, or the peculiarities of the ancient 
 discipline. Even before that event, the arts 
 were encouraged because they contributed to 
 support the primitive superstitions. The liberal 
 sciences were no where so successfully cultivated 
 as in the cloisters and at the sacred colleges. 
 The profound learning of the Benedictine 
 monks has been the subject of a warm panegy- 
 ric from the able pen of Mr. Gibbon ; and Mr. 
 Roscoe, as we have already seen,* bears ample 
 testimony to the learning and talents of many of 
 the supreme pontiffs. Indeed, as we shall here- 
 after have occasion to remark, the Reformation, 
 so far from being the result of a love of literature 
 and the arts, tended very materially, in the out- 
 set at least, to damp the generous ardour of the 
 poet and the painter -, to restrain the powerful 
 efforts of the sculptor ; and to turn the stream of 
 useful studies into those channels of scholastic 
 and metaphysical wrangling in which the de- 
 praved taste of angry polemics has ever since 
 delighted to wanton. 
 
 No : it was the base conduct of the clergy 
 that first sounded the tocsin of religious war. 
 This depravity had, naturally enough, become 
 the subject of public ridicule, of reproach, and 
 at last, of contempt and open opposition. The 
 universal cry was " REFORM!" and when this 
 
 * Vide ante, p. 64.
 
 115 
 
 call was rejected, another, still more powerful and 
 dreadful, was raised, of « DESTRUCTION 1" 
 The Holiness of the Church became the first 
 object of general attack ; and, unfortunately for 
 herself, that which should have been her strongest 
 hold, was the most vulnerable part in the whole 
 fortress. This taken, nothing was left really 
 worth contending for. Her Unity, Catholicity, 
 and Apostolicity, could make but a poor defence, 
 seeing she exhibited so miserable a stand on the 
 once boasted ground of her Holiness. In those 
 states wherein the Church may be said to have 
 fallen, it is fair to remark, that she fell, in a 
 manner, by her own hand. The prophet's 
 reproach may justly be applied to her: — 
 " O Israel! thou hast destroyed thyself!" It 
 is with communities as with individuals: little 
 "can harm them whilst they are followers of that 
 which is good." As " Charity hides a multitude 
 of sins," so does much active goodness conceal 
 from the view a thousand errors of opinion, and 
 many superstitions of worship. The subsequent 
 ridicule and indecent abuse about the " wafer 
 god," would, doubtless, have been spared had 
 the Catholic clergy but minded, as they ought, 
 by a life of devotion and obedience, " to honour 
 and serve that God," whom they believed to be 
 present in the consecrated elements of which 
 the wafer was composed. The outcry was not 
 against the Host, but against him by whom it 
 was elevated. Holy images, pictures, reliques, 
 and shrines, were never despised till they were 
 
 I 2
 
 116 
 
 abused and profaned by those to whose cus- 
 tody they had been piously consigned. Let not, 
 then, the present adherents to the Catholic re- 
 ligion complain of us Protestants, that the vices 
 of their ancestors have opened our eyes, that 
 some of us now disregard and abjure, as mon- 
 strous errors, those doctrines, under the profes- 
 sion of which so much mischief has been per- 
 petrated. We were first alarmed, then scanda- 
 lized, then disgusted, and at length, enlightened. 
 We trembled for the safety of the ark of the 
 Lord. We touched it, somewhat rudely I grant, 
 and it fell, and in its fall it broke ; and, to our 
 utter surprise, we discovered its contents to be 
 of a very different character from that which we 
 had ever been taught. The " Tables of Testi- 
 mony" turned out to be, at least in our estima- 
 tion, the weak and contradictory traditions of 
 fallible, sometimes wicked, men. The writings 
 on these tables did not appear to us to have any 
 traces of the Finger of God. We awoke from 
 a sleep of many centuries ; during which our 
 senses had been imposed upon by delusions about 
 infallibility, indefectibility, pious pilgrimages, 
 miracles, mysteries, saints, and devotions, and 
 " behold it was a dream !" 
 
 But it will be asked, that, seeing the depravi- 
 ty of the Roman clergy was a principal cause 
 of revolt, now that the necessary reformation has 
 taken place, and Catholic ministers, as a body, 
 no longer dishonour their profession, why do not
 
 117 
 
 Protestants return to the bosom of the church, 
 and conform to her discipline ? This question 
 I profess myself not fully competent to answer. 
 It must be left, as in other cases, to Protestant 
 episcopalians of the established Church. To 
 those who allow that " The church hath power 
 to decree rites and ceremonies,* — who have im- 
 plicit faith in the Fathers, — who admit mysteries 
 as articles of belief, — who yield their judgment 
 and prostrate their reason at the shrine of the 
 Three Creeds, and still retain tlw damnatory 
 Clauses,^ to all such this question must, I 
 should conceive, prove rather knotty and pro- 
 voking ; and to them and theirs I gladly con- 
 sign it. J 
 
 * Vide the XXth Article of Religion, in the Book of 
 Common Prayer. It is of small purpose now to assert the 
 fact, that this singular passage is a forgery, foisted into 
 the article by some designing person. It is now believed 
 and acted upon. 
 
 f " Whoever would be saved, before all things it is neces- 
 sary that he hold the CATHOLIC faith ; which faith, ex- 
 cept every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt 
 he shall perish everlastingly." 
 
 " And the CATHOLIC faith is this :— » * 
 
 # 9 # # * ^ 
 
 # # * * » # 
 
 " This is the CATHOLIC faith ; which except a man be- 
 lieve faithfully, he cannot be saved : Glory be to the Father, 
 and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost!" Vide " The Creed 
 of Saint Athanasius," as, upon certain occasions, it is " ap- 
 pointed to be said or sung at the morning prayer, by the 
 minister and people standing." 
 
 t I have read the Bishop of Durham's " Grounds on
 
 118 
 
 II. The growing pride of the court of Rome, 
 naturally engendered by the union of church 
 and state, was one of the strong symptoms of 
 approaching revolt. Corrupt princes may boast 
 of the divine stability of their thrones, and even 
 persecute and destroy those who forewarn them 
 of their danger ; but, under God, the fountain 
 of power is in the people : from them it originally 
 emanates, and to them it must ultimately re- 
 vert, whenever those to whom they have dele- 
 gated any portion of it shall refuse to listen to 
 their just complaints, or become wicked beyond 
 a certain extent. Dreadful are those convulsions, 
 and inconceivably alarming their consequences, 
 which are produced by popular fury, roused into 
 action by the rejection of reason, and the pride 
 and stubbornness of wicked governors. " But 
 the Reformation was an affair of religion and mo- 
 rals, and not a political convulsion." It was 
 both: yet the origin of the tumult was political, 
 and in many cases it was conducted upon poli- 
 tical principles. If the revolters at length enter- 
 ed the temples of religion, it was because the 
 pride, the arrogance, and the domineering spirit 
 of the ministers of truth had led them to incor- 
 porate the mysteries of faith with the specula- 
 tions of worldly aggrandizement; and we often 
 
 which the Church of England separated from that of Rome ;" 
 but I have also read " Remarks" on those " Grounds," by 
 the Author of " Remarks on the Bishop of Durham's Charge;'* 
 sold by Booker, and Keating and Co.
 
 119 
 
 find, that the same storm which casts down 
 the throne, makes the holy altars tremble to their 
 base. 
 
 When proud men in power are hard pressed 
 with the arguments or the complaints of their 
 inferiors, there are only two methods, as they 
 suppose, of parrying the ignoble thrusts of the 
 adversary : they must either crush by authority 
 their troublesome opponents; or, shrouding them- 
 selves in a delusive security, treat the reasoning 
 of their humble but powerful enemies with " si- 
 lent contempt:" often the miserable subterfuge 
 of the cowardly and the vanquished. This was 
 the conduct of the Roman court. The remon- 
 strances of the wise and good were listened to, 
 but disregarded ; the satires and lampoons of the 
 poets were laughed at, and forgotten ; and, for 
 a long time, the innovating zeal of Luther, " an 
 obscure monk, in a corner of Germany," was 
 treated with what was mistakenly deemed, a 
 merited disregard. 
 
 Perhaps, it may be said, and truly, that the love 
 of ease, refinement, and polite literature, rather 
 than the pride, of Leo the Tenth, operated to 
 the prejudice of the church, and collaterally 
 strengthened the cause of the reformers. But it 
 was those very feelings, swelling into disdain for 
 the remonstrances and homely vulgarities of the 
 real friends of religion and public virtue, that 
 preyed like a canker on the papal power; and,
 
 120 
 
 by its corrosive qualities, weakened, if it could 
 not destroy, the foundations of its own imperious 
 dignity. In every point of view, the church 
 acted the part of a suicide ; and this conduct 
 seems inseparable, in a greater or lesser degree, 
 from that fatal union of church and state, by 
 which the same person is allowed to sustain the 
 two opposite characters of a temporal prince and 
 a minister of religion. By the one he is taught 
 the common duties and principles of a christian, 
 and to obey him who said " Be ye not called 
 Rabbi ;" by the other, he imbibes maxims of the 
 world j and universal experience shews, that man- 
 kind in general are more promptly, if not more 
 powerfully, influenced by prospects of immediate 
 temporal enjoyment, than by the unseen and re- 
 mote assurances of faitb and virtue. The church 
 of Christ will never fail : the providence of its 
 founder is the invulnerable bulwark of its safety, 
 and the promise of the Redeemer the imperish- 
 able charter of its eternal inheritance. But the 
 unnatural union of the church with civil govern- 
 ments must, sooner or later, be dissolved in every 
 state of Christendom. They do not support, 
 they clog and incommode each other. It is the 
 connexion of Christ and of Belial : a sort of 
 spiritual incest, forbidden in nature, and op- 
 posed by religion. Its offspring is not uni- 
 formity, but hypocrisy and persecution. 
 
 Under these circumstances, in countries ini- 
 mical to religious toleration, the church will be
 
 121 
 
 filled, for the most part, either with hypocrites 
 or with men altogether indifferent to religion. 
 On the other hand, in states where each indivi- 
 dual enjoys full liberty of conscience, and the 
 free exercise of his peculiar forms of worship, the 
 establishment will be deserted, and the commu- 
 nity split into innumerable sectaries, as is the 
 case in this country. All this results from the 
 pride of a worldly, national, or secular creed; 
 and this was the case with the church of Rome. 
 Where she has fallen, she has been the prey of 
 that proud and fatal principle of uniting, what 
 should be for ever separate, the honours and 
 duties of the clerical order, with the powers and 
 prerogatives of temporal princes. 
 
 The plain inference, as it relates to the Reform- 
 ation is this : — that had the church of Rome 
 kept herself apart from courts, she had never 
 been infected with that virus of earthly domi- 
 nion, which at length found its way to her vit.ils, 
 poisoned, inflated, and will, probably, at length 
 destroy her as a worldly system, and exhibit her 
 once more relying only on the strength of her 
 faith, and the purity of her morals. 
 
 The French expose of 1809, under the head 
 of Religious Worship, has some excellent obser- 
 vations, which even the villainous motives of 
 the plunderer of Europe who made them, can- 
 not invalidate. " Every one knows," says he, 
 " the evils caused to religion by the temporal
 
 m 
 
 sovereignty of the Pope. Without this, half 
 Europe would not be separated from the catholic 
 church. There was but one method of saving 
 her for ever from such great dangers, and of re- 
 conciling the interests of the state with those of 
 religion. It was needful that the successor of 
 St. Peter should be a pastor like St. Peter; who, 
 solely occupied with the salvation of souls, and 
 with spiritual interests, might cease to be agitated 
 by worldly ideas, by pretensions to sovereignty, 
 and by disputes concerning boundaries, territo- 
 ries, and provinces. It is a benefit, then, to se- 
 parate religion from what is a stranger to her, 
 and to have placed her in her state of evangeli- 
 cal purity." In another part of this expose, it 
 is justly remarked, that " priests should live by 
 the altar, and be attentive to such things only 
 as concern their holy functions." 
 
 Whoever would appreciate the value and the 
 excellence of this reasoning, must detach it en- 
 tirely from its hypocritical cant of respect for 
 the true interests of the church j* and bear in 
 mind, that had the spiritual power of the pope 
 been as valuable in the estimation of Bonaparte 
 as were his temporal possessions, this rapacious 
 Caesar would never have talked of " rendering 
 
 ♦ " This he said, not that he cared for the Church, but 
 because he was a thief, and had the bag, and bare what was 
 put therein." John, c. xiii. v. 6.
 
 123 
 
 unto God the things that are God's." In the 
 same expose he says, that " the Pope must, 
 according to the principles of Jesus Christ, give, 
 like others, to Caesar what is due to Caesar ;" 
 adding, very truly, but with the same diabolical 
 motive of plunder, that " the temporal crown 
 and the sceptre of this world were not put into 
 the pope's hands by him whose will it was that 
 he should call himself the servant of the servants 
 of God, and who recommended to him, at all 
 times, charity and humility." 
 
 III. Next to the lordly pride of the Roman cou rt, 
 we may reckon, among the proximate causes 
 of the Reformation, the luxury, extravagance, 
 and religious indifference of Leo the Tenth. 
 
 About the period of Luther's first attack on 
 the religion of Catholics, Rome was in profound 
 peace; and this interval of repose Leo the Tenth 
 occupied in expensive schemes for aggrandizing 
 the family of the Medici ; in extending the splen- 
 dour of the papal see ; and in lavishing presents 
 on authors, artists, profane wits, and buffoons. 
 To support the enormous expenses to which 
 these propensities subjected the supreme pontiff, 
 required far greater resources than the almost 
 exhausted treasury of the papal court could 
 furnish ; for that treasury had been pretty 
 well drained by the recent war of Urbino, and 
 other causes, which it is needless now to enume- 
 rate. Yet, at no time was the Roman court in
 
 124 
 
 greater splendour, nor did the vicars of Christ 
 ever exhibit a magnificence so imposing, as that 
 displayed during the pontificate of Leo the 
 Tenth. Every decoration that art could sug- 
 gest ; every wish that the most voluptuous ap- 
 petite could engender; and every refinement 
 that an unbounded love of science and literature 
 could devise, found a patron in that luxurious 
 prince. This great Macenas of the age, in his 
 unrestrained admiration of talent and genius, 
 scrupled not to lend his countenance, and open 
 his coffers, to many palpable empirics, and vul- 
 gar buffoons. 
 
 Speaking of the spiritual splendour of the 
 Roman see, A. D. 1517, the biographer of Leo 
 X.* gives us the following animated description: 
 tf The revenues of the numerous benefices, rich 
 abbeys, and other ecclesiastical preferments be- 
 stowed upon each of the cardinals and great dig- 
 nitaries of the Church, frequently amounted to a 
 princely sum, and a prelate was comparatively 
 poor whose annual income did not amount to 
 eight or ten thousand ducats. On the death of 
 Sixtus della Rovere, the nephew of Sixtus IV.,f 
 
 * Roscoe's Life of Leo X. iii. 185. 
 + The annual income of this debauched ecclesiastic 
 amounted to upwards of 40,000 ducats ; although Paris de 
 Grassis informs us, that he was so ignorant as not to be able 
 to write or read ; to which he adds, in allusion to the disease 
 under which he laboured : " ab umbilico ad plantus pedum
 
 125 
 
 in the year 1517, Leo appointed his cousin 
 Giulio de Medici vice chancellor of the holy 
 see ; which office alone brought him the annual 
 sum of twelve thousand ducats. Nor was it 
 only from within the limits of Italy that the 
 cardinals and prelates of the Church derived 
 their wealth and dignities. All Europe was 
 then tributary to the Roman See ; and many of 
 these fortunate ecclesiastics, whilst they passed 
 their days amidst the luxuries and amusements 
 of Rome, supported their rank and supplied 
 their dissipation by contributions from the re- 
 motest parts of Christendom. The number of 
 benefices held by an individual was limited only 
 by the will of the pontiff 5 and by an ubiquity, 
 which although abstractedly impossible, has 
 been found actually and substantially true, the 
 same person was frequently at the same time 
 an archbishop of Germany, a bishop in France 
 or England, an abbot or a friar in Poland or in 
 Spain, and a cardinal at Rome." 
 
 This profusion and magnificence in the su- 
 preme Pontiff was amply copied by the chiefs 
 and the princes of the Roman Court, who vied 
 with each other in the grandeur and sump- 
 tuousness of their palaces and the prodigality 
 and gaiety of their entertainments. Nor did it 
 
 totum perditus, ut nee stare nee incidere posset." r. Fabron. 
 Leon. X. in advot. 53, p. 287.
 
 126 
 
 deduct from the pressure to which this extrava- 
 gance exposed the subjects of the papal do- 
 minions, that a considerable portion of the 
 riches which were drained from the labour 
 or the purses of the poor, were lavished, 
 without discrimination, on artists, painters, 
 and sculptors. Unusual splendour, although 
 it may beget a temporary and meretricious re- 
 spect in the minds of the vulgar, will not fail, 
 sooner or later, to create a dangerous envy, and a 
 spirit of hatred, in the hearts of those who 
 are called upon to contribute towards its sup- 
 port. And such was the effect produced on a 
 very large portion of the christian world. 
 Every one boasted of the glory of the Church, 
 because he wished to persuade himself and 
 others, that a ray of that glory might obliquely 
 glance on himself; but in the midst of every 
 boast, and during the loudest panegyric, a 
 latent feeling of envy lurked in numerous 
 breasts; and few could discover in the princely 
 Vicar of Christ, the visible Chief of the Catholic 
 Church, any traces of that spirit which actuated 
 Him who " had not where to lay his head." 
 
 Such were the feelings and the views of the 
 bulk of christians when Luther stepped forth 
 to put his torch to the parched and inflexible 
 combustibles, by which a flame was enkindled, 
 which no authority, no persecution, no art or 
 logic has ever been able to extinguish ; which 
 will, doubtless, burn till all the corruptions that
 
 127 
 
 mistaken ministers and crafty politicians have 
 grafted on the pure faith of the Gospel are for 
 ever destroyed ; and it shall be deemed a satis- 
 factory characteristic of a believing christian, 
 that he " does justly, loves mercy, and walks 
 humbly with his God." 
 
 But the expensive dignity of the see of Rome 
 was not the only ground of complaint. In the 
 midst of courtly gaieties and costly pageantry, 
 the mind of the supreme Pontiff became in- 
 sensible or indifferent to the dangers that were 
 collecting around him. Leo X. has been ac- 
 cused of a natural disregard of theological 
 studies and the religious affairs of the Church. 
 But of what has not this pontiff been accused ? 
 All the vices that attach to atheism and infi- 
 delity have been made to centre in his charac- 
 ter ; and on the single testimony of John Bale 
 nearly three or four hundred authors, or com- 
 pilers, have re-echoed the senseless slander 
 against him, respecting the profitableness of 
 the fable of Jesus Christ. It is impossible not 
 to feel, when Protestants object against Ca- 
 tholics, as they do, that their popes them- 
 selves believe, that Christianity is nothing 
 more than an engine of state, — a mere profit- 
 able fable. Such are the hyperbolical charges 
 of prejudice and ignorance, that a single slan- 
 der issued against one pope, supported on the 
 sole testimony of an interested opponent, is
 
 128 
 
 made to pass as a general stigma on almost every 
 pontiff that has filled the papal chair. 
 
 The character of Leo X. has been justly ba- 
 lanced by the judicious hand of Mr. Roscoe ; 
 and his attention and proficiency in sacred 
 studies shewn to have been much misunderstood. 
 Yet both Fra Paolo and Pallavicini concur in 
 censuring this pontiff for his great remissness in 
 the affairs of the Church. The moderation of 
 Leo, to which he was urged, as well by his own 
 disposition as by the wise counsel of his learned 
 friend and correspondent Erasmus, in some 
 cases might be construed into indifference and 
 unconcern. It is certain that he delayed till it 
 was too late to exert his power to suppress the 
 Reformation ; and when, at length, he did 
 awaken to a sense of his danger, the violence 
 which he manifested or encouraged, tended 
 only to add fuel to the flame. Divine Provi- 
 dence intending, on the one hand, to chastise 
 the church for her profligacy of manners, and 
 on; the other, to free the Gospel of Christ from 
 the errors and corruptions which had grown 
 upon it, seems to have lulled the supreme Pon- 
 tiff to a fatal security, and to have struck with 
 blindness those whom it designed to punish. 
 
 IV. The recent invention of the invaluable 
 art of printing operated in a powerful manner 
 to bring into circulation those principles which
 
 129 
 
 at length produced the Reformation. The re- 
 vival of literature about this period, under the 
 especial patronage of Leo X., gave a stimulus 
 to every effort of intellect. Hence the re- 
 proaches so profusely cast on the conduct of 
 the clergy were carried, by means of the press, 
 to every cottage, and were read with eagerness 
 by both the pious and profane ; by those who 
 saw the decay of devotion in the people, and the 
 licentiousness of the clergy, with sentiments of 
 sorrow and a wish to have them reformed ; and 
 also by those who saw these evils with a mali- 
 cious pleasure, and a secret desire for the ruin 
 of the Roman Court and the destruction of the 
 papal hierarchy. In great convulsions of king- 
 doms and state churches, one description of 
 men fall, and another, perhaps, no better, rise 
 upon their ruins. The restless and the despe- 
 rate, the oppressed and the resentful, delight in 
 changes ; and when a change bids fair to pro- 
 mote the cause of truth and virtue, the revolters 
 are joined even by the wise and good. On these 
 occasions, every engine is set to work, — all 
 hands conspire to effect the grand revolution. 
 And what more powerful instrument than the 
 press ? The virtuous employ it for the dissemi- 
 nation of just principles ; the vicious use it 
 to " scatter fire-brands, arrows, and death." 
 From both these motives was the art of printing 
 calculated to accomplish the Reformation of reli- 
 gion. The violent and outrageous battered the 
 
 K
 
 130 
 
 fortress, beat down the walls, broke through the 
 phalanx, and entered the castle ; while the pru- 
 dent and discerning quietly set about to new mo- 
 del the Church government, and to enact laws 
 more congenial to their own views and interests. 
 Between the one and the other, by the righ- 
 teous interference of Providence, much good has 
 resulted. New truths have been elicited ; many 
 errors have been exposed - y and a way has been 
 opened for the peaceable revival of the pure 
 precepts and uncorrupted truths of the Gospel 
 of Christ. 
 
 V. There is one cause of the Reformation 
 which seems to have escaped the observation of 
 most Protestant writers on this subject. It 
 does not appear that they have taken into 
 this account the rapacity and avarice of se- 
 veral Princes, who evidently promoted the 
 cause of Reform from the prospect which it 
 afforded of furnishing a plausible pretext to en- 
 large their individual dominions, and give them 
 a degree of influence and independence they 
 had never yet enjoyed. It has already been 
 remarked, that the reforming zeal of the pre- 
 sent ruler of France evidently owes its origin to 
 the lust of power, and the thirst after conquest. 
 A similar spirit no doubt actuated the conduct 
 of some of the reformed princes on the conti- 
 nent; and we all know in what impure fervors 
 the Reformatien was engendered in the breast 
 of our Henry VIII. The " Man of Sin" gra-
 
 131 
 
 dually rose into view as the cupidity of the 
 monarch sunk him to the depths oflicentious 
 and lawless propensities. The Defender of the 
 Faith became ambitious to be head of the 
 Church. This reflection naturally awakens the 
 idea, that a most powerful stimulant to reform 
 was found in the spiritual ambition of every aspir- 
 ing magistrate. An entirely new axiom of civil 
 government was discovered, which I will state 
 in the words of the learned Dr. John Sturges :* 
 " Between the different modes and tendencies 
 of different religious sects," says this enlightened 
 prebendary, " the magistrate is to chuse, which 
 he will make the national religion, as most use- 
 ful, and most adapted to his country, by giving 
 it a decided preference, and making a compe- 
 tent public provision for its ministers; other 
 sects he will merely tolerate; others as perni- 
 cious (if there should be any such) he would 
 totally exclude." This novel doctrine natu- 
 rally grew out of the opposition which was 
 made to the spiritual and temporal authority of 
 the bishops of Rome ; and it would be paying 
 an unmerited compliment to human nature, 
 were we to suppose, that a doctrine so conge- 
 nial to the ambition of magistrates, could be 
 wholly rejected or discountenanced by them. 
 Hitherto the state had been subservient to the 
 church ; and their union, whatever other mis- 
 
 * Reflections on Popery, p. 20 
 K 2
 
 chiefs it might create, had as yet no influence 
 on religious doctrines, nor any control in the 
 affairs of salvation. Had the reformers pro- 
 posed to dissolve the union of secular and spiri- 
 tual interests, rather than to transfer the authority 
 of the clergy to the hands of the magistrate, little 
 encouragement would they have met with among 
 princes and lawyers. The use, which many of 
 the reformed " rulers of this world" made of 
 their power, shews the motives by which they 
 were actuated in lending their aid to lessen and 
 suppress the errors of the Church. Some of 
 the most offensive and really objectionable 
 tenets and practices of the Catholic Church 
 were retained, and only a few of the withered 
 branches severed from the trunk. 
 
 " The Bible ! the Bible only ! is the religion 
 of Protestants !" exclaims good William Chil- 
 lingvvorth. — " Very true," says the judicious 
 Hooker,* in his Ecclesiastical Polity ; " but 
 then you must submit to receive the Bible from 
 the hands of Church-of-England men" — " Cer- 
 tainly, the Bible, by all means," adds the learned 
 Margaret Professor ; " yet the Bible is no- 
 thing without the Book of Common Prayer." j- 
 — " Nay, nay, the Bible is not the thing you 
 
 * I pretend not to quote, in these instances, verbatim ; 
 but am, nevertheless, correct in substance and matter of fact. 
 
 f See Dr. Herbert Marsh's Inquiry into the consequences 
 of neglecting to give the Prayer-Book with the Bible.
 
 133 
 
 want, unless you discover in it all the great and 
 precious truths contained in the Assembly's 
 Catechism, and can submit to the wholesome 
 discipline of the Directory," replies the pious 
 and sober Presbyterian. " No, No, No," says 
 the zealous Methodist, " it is the Bible collated 
 with Mr. Wesley's Sermons, and Mr. Flet- 
 cher's Checks*, that is the religion of Protest- 
 ants." " And thou mayest read the Bible and 
 the Checks likewise till Doomsday, friend, to 
 no purpose, unless thou hast the light of the 
 Spirit," adds the modest Quaker. — " A truce 
 with your spirit !" exclaims the Swedenbor- 
 gian, " why don't you read the works of the 
 highly illuminated Baron ; wherein" are an- 
 swered all questions, e be they high as Heaven 
 or deep as Hell ?' " — " You all are right and all 
 are wrong," rejoins the Rev. Dr. Sturges, the 
 Prebendary of Winchester, " provided * the 
 magistrate chuses' to say so ; for it is his pro- 
 vince to decide which shall be the 'National 
 religion ;\ and if he take it into his head that 
 all or any one of your sects are * oernicious,' he 
 
 * In many trust-deeds belonging to the chapels of the 
 Wesleyan Methodists, it is provided, that no preacher shall 
 officiate in those meeting-houses, who does not conform his 
 preaching to the Bible and to the doctrines taught in the eight 
 volumes of Mr. Wesley's Sermons, and Mr. Fletcher's 
 Checks to Antinomianism. So essential a thing is uniform- 
 ity!
 
 134 
 
 will e totally exclude you ;'* but if you be not 
 very obnoxious to his views, he will kindly con- 
 sent ' merely to tolerate' you ; at all events, 
 he will c make a competent public provision,' 
 by levying a tax on every soul of you, for those 
 c ministers' to whom he * gives a decided pre- 
 ference." 
 
 And if this be the religion of Protestants, no 
 wonder that civil magistrates were friendly to 
 the Reformation ! After all, the greatest benefit 
 derived to religion by the efforts of the Reform- 
 ers, is that doctrine which they so often disal- 
 lowed to others, but which they found so con- 
 venient to themselves, of acknowledging the 
 unrestrained right of private judgment in mat- 
 ters of faith j and there is little risk in asserting, 
 that whoever proposes any contrary terms or 
 articles of union as necessary to be admitted, 
 violates one of the leading and fundamental 
 principles of the Protestant Reformation. " But 
 this would lead to downright Socinianism, as 
 the Catholics charge upon us." May be so. — 
 The charge is not without foundation, notwith- 
 standing what some excellent Protestants have 
 written on the subject.-)- This dreadful conse- 
 quence may follow: it is a lamentable case; but 
 there is no way to prevent it, while you allow 
 
 * Quere. — By fire and faggot ? 
 f Vide The Religion of Protestants a safe way to salvation.
 
 135 
 
 the principle. You may issue your orders of sy- 
 nods, convocations, conferences, and acts of 
 uniformity — you may enlarge or curtail your 
 Thirty-nine Articles — you may even pronounce 
 sentences of " God's wrath and everlasting dam- 
 nation," against heretics and schismatics ; so 
 long as you admit that ground-work of the Re- 
 formation, the right of private judgment, though 
 you spend your strength in fulminations, and 
 your skill in devising new terms of salvation, 
 you will only be laughed at by the discerning 
 Christian as inconsistent and intolerant. 
 
 VI. The ill use which Tetzel and others 
 made of the sale of Indulgences is a cause of the 
 Reformation, which has been repeated by every 
 writer on the subject since the days of Luther. 
 This is not the place to enter into the nature 
 and merits of this branch of the Catholic reli- 
 gion. The splendour and magnificence of the 
 papal see have already been the subject of our 
 consideration j but we deferred to notice the 
 enormous expenses to which the Roman go- 
 vernment was subjected in the completion of 
 that astonishing fabric, begun during the pon- 
 tificate of Julius II., the church of St. Peter at 
 Rome. To accomplish this stupendous under- 
 taking, large supplies were become indispen- 
 sably needful; and Leo X., as almost a last 
 source, resorted to a measure which had been 
 applied as early as A. D. 1 100, when Urban II. 
 granted a plenary indulgence and remission of
 
 136 
 
 sins to all such persons as should join in the 
 crusades, to liberate the sepulchre from the 
 hands of the infidels.* In thus reviving an an- 
 cient practice, Leo X. was not introducing any 
 new mode of taxation; but he took no pains 
 to secure the Church from the disgrace which 
 she subsequently sustained by the improper use 
 of this extraordinary species of traffic. 
 
 Neither the interests of truth nor the credit of 
 this history require that any thing should be 
 concealed from the reader, on this or any other 
 topic connected with the subject. But neither 
 is it necessary to repeat all the lying calumnies 
 which have been retailed out to the public in 
 every petty sixpenny Preservative against Po- 
 pery since the era of the Reformation. What 
 I have at present to say on this subject relates 
 entirely to the abuse which was practised with 
 respect to this mode of raising money for the 
 papal exigencies. 
 
 An indulgence, according to the genuine faith 
 qf the Catholic Church, may be correctly un- 
 derstood from what the celebrated Bossuet has 
 written on the subject :f " When the Church 
 imposes upon sinners painful and laborious works, 
 
 * Roscoe's Leo X. iii. 212. 
 t Exposition of the Doctrine of the Catholic Church in 
 matters of Controversy, Paris ed, 1729, pp. 175, 176.
 
 137 
 
 and they undergo them with humility, this is 
 called satisfaction ; and when, regarding the fa- 
 vour of the penitents, or some other good works 
 she has prescribed them, she pardons some part 
 of that pain which is due to them, this is called 
 indulgence.'" This learned prelate thus remarks, 
 that "The Council of Trent* proposes nothing 
 else to be believed concerning indulgences, but 
 that the power to grant them has been given to 
 the Church by Jesus Christ, and that the use of 
 them is beneficial to salvation : to which this 
 Council adds, That this power ought to be re- 
 tained ; yet nevertheless used with moderation, 
 lest Ecclesiastical discipline should be weakened 
 by an over great facility."! This is one of the 
 most important points of dispute against Catho- 
 lics. It shall have an appropriate share of 
 attention paid to it in another place. 
 
 Though Leo X. thought proper to resort to 
 this expedient to raise money, it does not ap- 
 pear that he was warranted in this proceeding by 
 any Catholic or universal doctrine of the Church, 
 though he had the example of Urban II. before 
 
 * Contin. Sess. 2.5, Dec. de Indulg. 
 
 t It is unaccountable how such a writer as Dr. Robertson 
 could so grossly mistake the real doctrine of Indulgences, as 
 taught by the Catholic Church ; and blunder so egregiously 
 between the power of granting an Indulgence, and that 
 which is called, emphatically, the power of the Keys. Vide 
 Hist, of Charles V. vol. i.
 
 188 
 
 him. This was one of the abuses of which the 
 faithful had cause to complain ; and they did 
 complain, loudly and bitterly. But the mere 
 act of vending remittances of holy discipline was 
 not all. The commissioners in this ignoble traf- 
 fic were not chosen from among the ranks of 
 wise, prudent, and honest men. John Tetzel, 
 a Dominican friar, of the most depraved habits 
 and vicious principles, was appointed by Albert, 
 archbishop of Mentz, to dispose of these dis- 
 honourable wares to the credulous and deluded 
 people. Being determined to extend the benefit 
 of his commerce as much as possible, he scrupled 
 not to exceed the bounds of his commission, nor 
 to extol his merchandise as abounding with every 
 virtue that the most meritorious sacrifice or ser- 
 vice could confer. To such an impious length 
 did this minister of iniquity extend his blas- 
 phemies, as to declare, that these indulgences 
 would atone for every vice, past, present, or to 
 come; and remit every punishment, both in 
 this life and the next, to which the most profli- 
 gate wretch could be exposed.* A copy of one 
 of these profitable instruments of pardon has 
 been translated from Seckendorf,f and copied 
 from Dr. Robertson into almost every account 
 
 * It should not be overlooked that Miltitz, the Pope's le- 
 gate, warmly opposed the conduct of Tetzel, who died soon 
 after, bitterly lamenting the depravity of his manners, and 
 the baseness of his designs. 
 
 t Comment, lib. i. p. 14.
 
 1S9 
 
 of popery which has hitherto issued from the pro- 
 testant press ; and yet it is notorious, that the ge- 
 nuineness of this instrument is extremely doubt- 
 ful. As a matter of curiosity, however, and be- 
 cause some would, otherwise, charge the author 
 with disingenuousness, this nonsensical imposi- 
 tion shall be inserted here also. It is in form 
 and substance as follows : 
 
 " May our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy 
 upon thee, and absolve thee by the merits of his 
 most holy passion ! And I, by the authority of 
 his blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, and of the 
 most holy Pope, granted and committed to me 
 in these parts, do absolve thee, first, from all 
 ecclesiastical censures, in whatever manner they 
 may have been incurred, and then from all thy 
 sins, transgressions, and excesses, how enormous 
 soever they be, even from such as are reserved 
 for the cognizance of the holy see ; and, as far 
 as the keys of the holy church extend, I remit 
 to thee all punishment which thou dost deserve 
 in purgatory on their account ; and I restore 
 thee to the holy sacraments of the church, to 
 the unity of the faithful, and to that innocence 
 and purity which thou didst possess at bap- 
 tism j so that when thou dost die, the gates of 
 punishment shall be shut, and the gates of the 
 paradise of delight shall be opened ; and if thou 
 shalt not die at present, this grace shall remain 
 in full force when thou art at the point of death !
 
 140 
 
 In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
 of the Holy Ghost." 
 
 This blasphemous and most ridiculous fraud 
 was, it is said, played off upon the people in 
 every possible shape ; while the infamous fabri- 
 cator and vender wallowed in every species of 
 luxury, debauchery, and wickedness. An abuse 
 so flagrant could not but rouse the honest indigna- 
 tion of every thinking person ; accordingly, when 
 a knowledge of these practices came to the ear of 
 Martin Luther, all the greatness of his soul was 
 called into action, and he inveighed not, at first, 
 against indulgences themselves, but against 
 that torrent of corruption which Tetzel's abuse 
 of them was bringing into Christendom. It has 
 been asserted by Catholic writers, and also by 
 some Protestants,* that the motives which in- 
 fluenced this intrepid reformer to oppose the 
 sale of Indulgences, had their foundation in 
 envy, the commission not having been granted 
 to the monks of his order ; but Dr. Maclaine 
 has amply refuted this unworthy charge, in a 
 very able note to his translation of Mosheim. 
 
 VII. But it is not to be supposed, that an in- 
 stitution of so long standing, ingrafted on so 
 many prejudices and interests, and supported by 
 
 * If Mr. Hume may be allowed to rank in this honourable 
 community : see his History of England, vol. iv. p. 35.
 
 141 
 
 such an extraordinary weight of power and in- 
 fluence, could be overturned by any of the afore- 
 named causes, unless tho^e causes had been 
 called into action by some bold and intrepid 
 spirit ; some daring soul, impatient of the crown 
 of martyrdom, and indifferent to every consider- 
 ation that contributed not to advance the glory 
 of his character and the immortality of his me- 
 mory. Such a man the Reformation found in 
 Martin Luther. Inspired by a zeal which could 
 consume the most obdurate prejudice, and a 
 courage that could brave the most potent au- 
 thority, he carried every thing before him that 
 retarded his designs. He knew when to ad- 
 vance, and when to make good a safe retreat ; 
 when to trust the energies of his own mind, and 
 when to profit by the advice of others. In 
 our sketch of the History of the Reforma- 
 tion, it will be seen with what persevering bold- 
 ness he laid siege to the most ancient rules of 
 discipline, and the most solemn rites of devotion 
 and piety : to that place then, we shall defer 
 any further account of Luther's zeal and ener- 
 gies in the cause of reform. But as this event 
 gave rise to much palpable error and gross mis- 
 representation, respecting many branches of 
 discipline, and particularly concerning monas- 
 tic establishments, I will, previously to an ac- 
 count of the Reformation, give the reader a 
 rapid view of the character and elevation of 
 the monks, and of the general influence these
 
 142 
 
 societies had on the manners and customs of the 
 people that surrounded them. 
 
 SECTION VI. ' 
 
 General View of the Nature, Character, and 
 Decline of Monastic Institutions. 
 
 EVERY religious profession, as well as the 
 peculiar opinions and speculations of eminent 
 men on subjects of morality and religion, im- 
 prints a certain characteristic and peculiarly 
 distinctive mark on its votaries and followers. 
 The private and public conduct, morals, and 
 institutions, of Catholics, are strongly affect- 
 ed by the principles of the religion they pro- 
 fess. Men of experience and observation, who 
 have resided in Catholic countries, will easily 
 recognize some of the following peculiarities, as 
 forming the most prominent features in the com- 
 position of that extensive body. 
 
 What principally characterizes Catholic coun- 
 tries, is the superior magnificence of their 
 temples, the awful dignity of divine service, 
 the splendour of the sacred utensils, and the 
 august ceremonies whereby the most solemn 
 act of christian worship, by the modern Romans 
 and Italians termed culto, is celebrated. These
 
 143 
 
 people have inherited from the ancient Ro- 
 mans, their illustrious progenitors, this lau- 
 dable magnificence, in every thing that re- 
 gards divine service. Sallust asserts their an- 
 cestors to have been remarkable for their 
 donations, magnificence, and splendour, in the 
 worship of the Deity : in suppliciis Deorum mag- 
 nifici. The same commendable practice has 
 been propagated from the Roman metropolis to 
 the rest of the Christian and Catholic world - y 
 and to the same principle we may ascribe the 
 great encouragement held out in that Church 
 to the fine arts, particularly architecture, sculp- 
 ture, painting, and music ; as also the cultivation 
 of the sciences and learned languages, especi- 
 ally the Latin, the use and knowledge of which 
 is of absolute necessity to the ministers of that 
 religion, both because the public liturgy is per- 
 formed in that language, and because it is the 
 most general vehicle of all theological informa- 
 tion. Numerous and respectable Doctors, in 
 all ages have in that language displayed their 
 talents and erudition, in the defence and service 
 of the church, in expounding her doctrines, 
 and asserting her authority. The introduction 
 of monastic institutions and establishments, 
 devoted to the service of God, and for the pur- 
 poses of humanity and public utility in the va- 
 rious charitable offices of religious and literary 
 instruction, both at home and in barbarous and 
 infidel countries, is also peculiar to the Catholic
 
 144 
 
 Church. A great proportion of the monks de- 
 dicate their attention to the relief and sup- 
 port of the infirm and indigent, in hospitals 
 and charitable houses, solely erected by their 
 pious zeal and benevolent exertions. These 
 people, the more effectually to accomplish their 
 engagements, and perpetuate and secure to suc- 
 ceeding generations such spiritual and tempo- 
 ral advantages, bind themselves down by solemn 
 vows of celibacy, obedience to their regular su- 
 periors, and abjuration of all private or separate 
 property : hence their irrevocable and perpetual 
 obligation to perform the duties of their station, 
 and religious vocation. Much good has been 
 effected by the persevering endeavours of those 
 exemplary and laborious men. After the con- 
 vulsion of the civilized world, occasioned by the 
 universal dominion of the Roman emperors, the 
 consequent abuse of despotism and arbitrary 
 power, the monks rendered the most essential 
 services to the cause of humanity, religion, and 
 science, by forming themselves into societies or 
 associations, which enabled them, by mutually 
 administering to each other's wants, and leading 
 a single life, entirely devoted to the service of 
 the community, to keep alive the seeds of 
 learning and religion -, whilst the generality of 
 mankind, in consequence of the lawless and un- 
 settled state of the world, were immersed in ig- 
 norance, barbarity, vice, and their concomitant 
 evils.
 
 145 
 
 These men, separated from the people, and 
 therefore not so much exposed to the general con- 
 tagion, chiefly occupied their time in discharg- 
 ing the religious duties peculiar to the monastic 
 profession, and in cultivating the ground ; that 
 they might be in a condition not only to main- 
 tain themselves, but also to perform the rights of 
 hospitality, and other acts of beneficence, calcu- 
 lated to relieve the distresses and calamities inci- 
 dent to those unhappy times. Some portion of 
 it however was dedicated to study, and copying 
 the best originals, both sacred and profane, 
 which, without their exertions, would have been 
 lost to the literary world. They, moreover, af- 
 forded an asylum to secular men, disposed to pur- 
 sue the career of knowledge, as well as to youth, 
 whom they instructed in learning, religion, and 
 morals, within the precincts of the cloister. Is 
 it matter of wonder, then, that a body of men, so 
 eminently useful, so attentive to cultivate and 
 preserve the sciences, to promote the arts by 
 the erection of superb and magnificent build- 
 ings, and to convert, by their labour and per- 
 severance, immense tracts of waste and desert 
 land into fertile and highly cultivated districts, 
 should, in a short time, acquire uncommon 
 influence; and that at a season when the 
 virtues of economy, application, and industry, 
 were little known ? Certainly not ; and accord- 
 ingly, their prosperity and success were prodi- 
 giously rapid. This naturally resulted from 
 these exertions, aided by the munificence cf 
 
 L
 
 146 
 
 princes, and the liberal piety of wealthy indivi- 
 duals, who made over to these institutions con- 
 siderable possessions, sometimes for the support 
 of the monks themselves, to enable them to 
 discharge certain religious functions, but more 
 generally for the instruction and edification of 
 mankind, and for the benefit and assistance of 
 the poor. In all these cases, the property was 
 to be rigidly and scrupulously applied, according 
 to the will and intention of the donors, who rea- 
 sonably presumed that a society formed by its 
 constitution and profession to survive the shock 
 of ages, was better entitled to this trust than in- 
 dividual executors, who could not ensure, after 
 death, the fulfilment of their pious intentions. 
 
 At length, when by all these means, the mo- 
 nastic establishments had accumulated immense 
 wealth, they were marked out as a prey for the 
 cupidity and rapacity of the great ; who be- 
 gan to seize on their estates; sometimes under 
 the specious pretence of defending their rights; 
 at other times by downright plunder. Kings 
 and princes remunerated their favourites and 
 minions out of these funds, and laid their sa- 
 crilegious hands 6n possessions destined for 
 the support of the poor — patrimonio pauperum, 
 — for the erection of christian temples, and for 
 the purchase of books and sacred utensils for re- 
 ligious worship. This kind of extortion seems 
 to have been sanctioned and countenanced at 
 an early period. We find Hugh Capet, the
 
 147 
 
 founder of the third race of the French dynasty, 
 to have been styled Hugh l'Abbe, or the 
 Abbot, on account of the great number of ab- 
 beys and monastic property occupied by him, 
 under various titles. 
 
 When the monks first settled, and cultivated 
 a piece of waste land, which they rendered ex- 
 tremely productive by continual labour, they did 
 not foresee that their labour and rigid economy 
 would expose them to the brutal cupidity of the 
 great and powerful ; from whom, in addition to 
 their own private acquisitions, they received daily 
 accessions to their original stock. But, alas! 
 from being objects of respect and veneration, 
 as they had hitherto been, this accumulation of 
 wealth contributed to relax the monastic disci- 
 pline, by the introduction of splendid and luxu- 
 rious living, which lessened, in the eyes of the 
 people, the respect and esteem they had justly 
 merited by their former temperance, privations, 
 self-denial, and devotedness to the interests of 
 humanity. 
 
 These monks, after the lapse of a few gene- 
 rations, neglected the means by which their au- 
 thority and power was to be secured. They 
 forgot the toils and abstemiousness of the first 
 monks, and thought themselves equally entitled 
 to enjoy the fruits of their revenues, as if they 
 had succeeded to them by inheritance or pur- 
 chase. This was particularly the case with the 
 
 L <2
 
 148 
 
 great abbots and monastic prelates ; some of 
 whom, in consequence of lands called fiefs, pos- 
 sessed by them as vassals, under a feudal tenure, 
 were obliged to furnish their lords paramount 
 with their contingents of military men, and also 
 command them in the field. It may be easily 
 supposed that such abbots, no longer subject to the 
 yoke and discipline of a monastic life, had very 
 little feeling for the other monks. They had a 
 sumptuous abbatial table, and magnificent palace, 
 separate from the monastery, contrary to the 
 rule and institutions of the primitive founders of 
 the cenobitical profession. St. Basil and Bene- 
 dict, like simple monks, performed the conven- 
 tual duties, and conformed to the community. 
 And, notwithstanding the scandals caused by 
 the depravity and pride of some regular prelates, 
 many communities were remarkable for strictly 
 maintaining their respective statutes and rules. 
 Many individual members, in the most ignorant 
 ages, exhibited themselves most able defenders 
 of the Church of which they were the greatest 
 luminaries. 
 
 Whoever takes the trouble to review the 
 annals of past times, will be easily convinced 
 of the services rendered by those learned 
 and indefatigable monks, not only to religion, 
 but to the cause of general literature, par- 
 ticularly in history; notwithstanding the calum- 
 nies and unprincipled aggressions of modern 
 scholiasts, who would refuse to that society not
 
 149 
 
 only the merit of learning, but even the attributes 
 of men. The works of the venerable Bede, St. 
 Bernard, and St. Thomas, though written in 
 times confessedly reputed the most unenlighten- 
 ed of any former or subsequent period, are 
 written in a clear intelligible style, not devoid 
 of elegance, solidity, or depth of judgment. 
 Yet these are the men whom some pretenders 
 to superior refinement, brand with infamy, 
 and every opprobrious epithet. In this, as in 
 many other cases, we have a most striking in- 
 stance of human ingratitude : persons who have 
 rendered signal benefits to learning and the 
 fine arts, are accused of having disgraced them 
 by their ignorance and gothic taste ; yet, had it 
 not been for the exertions of the Roman monks, 
 St. Augustine and his companions, this country 
 would certainly have been a long time destitute 
 of the blessings of science and true religion. 
 Those learned monks introduced into this island 
 the Christian faith 3 and the Latin language 
 as connected with it, together with the prin- 
 ciples of civilization and moral refinement. 
 Shortly after their introduction, seats of 
 learning, religious houses, and temples for di- 
 vine worship, were erected to secure the ad- 
 vantages of religious and literary instruction. 
 If this had not happened, there would have 
 been neither laws nor any other salutary in- 
 stitution. The great Alfred, the legislator, in- 
 structor and deliverer of his country, would, 
 perhaps, be little known, had not his inter-
 
 150 
 
 course with enlightened monks, both in Rome 
 and this country, enabled him to contrive and 
 execute his plans of justice and beneficence. 
 When the country was harassed and despoiled by 
 the Danes, and other barbarians ; when every 
 vestige of learning and the arts was almost ex- 
 terminated in many parts of the country by the 
 periodical inroads of these marauders, some of 
 those repositories of science escaped, and pre- 
 served the sacred deposit ; yet, in our days, there 
 is nothing so common as loud outcries against 
 monks. — But of this enough. 
 
 -We must consider that all human establish- 
 ments are liable to degenerate and swerve from 
 their original institutions. The monks were not 
 exempted from this common fate of other bodies. 
 Of this they were very well aware, and tried 
 often to introduce salutary reforms. The Cis- 
 tercians, in particular, were a reformed society 
 of the Benedictine order. In later times, 
 both monks, prelates, and secular priests, in 
 consequence of the general relaxation, indo- 
 lence, and indifference caused by opulence, 
 neglected the discharge of their respective 
 duties. 
 
 A new order of monks sprung up, not known 
 before, under the name of Mendicant Friars j 
 some of whom, from a consciousness of the bad 
 effects of too much wealth, professed the strict- 
 est poverty, not admitting property even in com-
 
 151 
 
 mon, or the receipt of any money. They lived 
 solely on the voluntary contributions of the faith- 
 ful. These evangelical men, chiefly of the order 
 of St. Francis, contributed very much, at that 
 season of universal neglect and inobservance, 
 to raise the spirit of religion. Hence Machi- 
 avelli, treating on the necessity in a state of 
 bringing things back to their first principles, in 
 order to cause it to prosper, adduces the ex- 
 ample of the advantages that accrued to the 
 Church from the austerity and disinterestedness 
 of the Mendicant orders, which counterbalanced 
 the luxury and pride of potent bishops, and other 
 rich ecclesiastics. Much the same idea has been 
 expressed by an ancient Roman writer, on a si- 
 milar occasion, where he says, " omne imperi- 
 um facile retinetur Us artibus quibus initio par- 
 turn est." Every sovereignty is easily maintain- 
 ed by those means whereby it has been origi- 
 nally acquired. The spiritual dominion had 
 been gained principally by the exemplary lives 
 of its first teachers and professors ; which, if 
 their successors mean to retain entire, they must 
 certainly practise the same methods, notwith- 
 standing the superior austerity, stricter disci- 
 pline, and poverty, of the new Mendicant order. 
 We must not pretend to ascribe to those men a 
 perfect renovation of the Hierarchy, or general 
 state of Christendom. They have been useful, 
 it is true, in their activity and zeal in teaching, 
 exhorting, and administering the sacraments ; in 
 assisting the parochial clergy, and even dissemi-
 
 152 
 
 nating the gospel in Mahometan and infidel 
 countries ; a practice that had been intermitted 
 for some time, in consequence of the general 
 relaxation that had taken place among the re- 
 gular and secular clergy. But, notwithstanding 
 all those laudable and meritorious functions, it 
 would be unreasonable to expect those^men 
 could preserve themselves from the contagion of 
 the times, and the influence of human passions. 
 They sprung up in an age that still laboured un- 
 der many mental and political disadvantages. 
 The literary world, however, seemed to bid fair 
 for soon emerging from that state of ignorance 
 to which it had so long been subject ; though, 
 unfortunately, the sciences generally cultivated 
 at that time in the schools, or universities, as 
 seats of general learning began to be then 
 called, were not much calculated to disperse 
 the thick mist of prejudice, or improve the un- 
 derstanding. The attention of those who had 
 been appointed to teach the sciences in the 
 new schools, was for the most part unhappily 
 directed to the study of the Aristotelian logic, 
 ethics, and other branches of a false philoso- 
 phy. These works had been communicated 
 through a Latin medium, or translation from 
 the Arabic, when even the original, though 
 well understood, could not be an object of 
 such important disquisition. For the Greeks, 
 with all their taste, brilliancy of imagina- 
 tion, and acumen, were never admired for 
 their philosophic precision, depth of thought,
 
 153 
 
 or solidity of argument. Mankind were yet 
 wholly ignorant of those just regula philosophandi* 
 which Bacon laid down, and to the observance 
 of which, the vast superiority of modern learn- 
 ing over that of the ancients, is unquestionably 
 owing. Bad as it was, however, the new Men- 
 dicant orders were the foremost in cultivating 
 this species of learning. Investigations of so 
 puzzling and quibbling a nature diverted their at- 
 tention from the pursuit of more serious and pro- 
 fitable objects, such as the study of the Scriptures, 
 the Fathers, Church History, Canons and Coun- 
 cils. The method of teaching theology was 
 altered. The most obvious propositions were re- 
 duced to the syllogistic form, with a number of 
 supposed arguments for and against them, where- 
 in they proceeded to fabricate different systems 
 of doctrines, both in philosophy and divinity. 
 Hence sprung the champions of the schools, the 
 promoters of scholastic studies, to the great 
 detriment of the advancement of true science 
 and harmony among the polemical litigants, 
 who sometimes overheated themselves in the de- 
 fence of their respective systems ; witness the 
 violent altercations and long agitated debates be- 
 tween the Scotists and Thomists. Yet those scho- 
 lastic disputes did not often proceed to acts of vio- 
 lenceor open hostility. They did not even violate 
 the universally acknowledged doctrines of the 
 Church. They were both equally clamorous 
 in contending for the rights or pretensions 
 of the Court of Rome, against the rights of
 
 154 
 
 princes, bishops, and other rulers. They also 
 tried to bring into repute and popularity all those 
 privileges granted to them by the same court. 
 Hence their constant practice of extolling indul- 
 gences, and every thing that would contribute 
 to extend the influence and temporal power 
 of their spiritual lord and protector, by whom 
 they were particularly favoured, in consequence 
 of the nature of their institution, and professed 
 attachment and devotion to the Holy See. 
 Hence, too, on account of their known fidelity, 
 address, and talents, they were often commis- 
 sioned to transact business of high civil and 
 spiritual importance, in the courts of secular 
 princes; and they were soon promoted to pre- 
 lacies and the first dignities of the Church. 
 Sixtus Quintus, who had been a Mendicant 
 himself, of the Franciscan order, ordained there 
 should be constantly in the Sacred College, a 
 Cardinal from each of the four Mendicant orders; 
 but this ordinance has not been kept up. 
 
 Most of the religious orders had a house or con- 
 vent in Rome, where their principal or procura- 
 tor-general resided; so that they had always a free 
 communication with that Court; which enabled 
 them to profit by the dispensations and privi- 
 leges obtained there, by communicating them 
 to their constituents in the different provinces. 
 This close connexion with the Roman Court ren- 
 dered them obnoxious to the bishops and secular 
 clergy, particularly in France, where the national
 
 155 
 
 clergy were extremely vigilant to prevent the 
 slightest approaches of papal encroachment on 
 theircivil or spiritual rights. Hence the frequent 
 disputes of the Sorbonne, aided by the Parlia- 
 ments; for in those assemblies, also, were persons 
 well versed in the canon and civil laws, with 
 the Popes, and the establishment of the in- 
 quisition, for which the friars demonstrated too 
 much zeal. Their active interference in caus- 
 ing the laws of that iniquitous tribunal to be 
 put in execution, in a peculiar manner, deser- 
 vedly exposed the Mendicants to public de- 
 testation. It never was a tenet of the Ca- 
 tholic Church, to establish her doctrines by fire 
 and sword, nor by any other kind of violence; 
 though some of the Roman Pontiffs, instigated 
 by the selfish passions of avarice and resentment^ 
 encouraged and permitted this dreadful engine of 
 political and religious tyranny. It was also coun- 
 tenanced and supported by some princes; who, 
 from their shallow conceptions of the science of 
 government, and their natural imbecility, had 
 recourse to this miserable expedient. But it 
 must not be supposed that Catholic princes 
 exclusively exercised this horrid and barbarous 
 practice. It is but too well known that Pro- 
 testant kings have made use of spies and inform- 
 ers to detect those whose religious opinions 
 might have been obnoxious to the court or reign- 
 ing religion ; hence the massacre of many Ca- 
 tholic ecclesiastics. Whether they had their 
 purpose effected by the instrumentality of a
 
 156 
 
 tribunal termed Inquisition, or by an Act of Par- 
 liament, does not surely increase or diminish the 
 atrocity of such proceedings. I repeat it: the 
 forwardness displayed by the friars in this diabo- 
 lical business brought great odium on them in 
 those countries which were under the jurisdic- 
 tion of the papal Court. It was totally rejected 
 in most of the Catholic States; and repro- 
 bated by all sound and respectable theologians, 
 who knew that a doctrine not sanctioned by the 
 authority of Christ, but disavowed by him and 
 condemned by the fathers, could never, by the 
 mere authority of any human power, become an 
 article of faith or rule of conduct. For it has 
 always been the invariable doctrine of the Church, 
 that no rule or opinion could bind the faithful, 
 which had not been previously recommended 
 by the following test, so aptly expressed by 
 Vincent of Lerins : quod ubique quod semper quod 
 ab omnibus creditum est. To give any doctrine 
 practical authority, the belief of it must have 
 been constant and universal in regard to time, 
 place, and persons; which is not the case with 
 the Inquisition, for it wants all these conditions. 
 It has not been a prevalent doctrine every where 
 always, and embraced by the generality of the 
 faithful. But more of this elsewhere. 
 
 Another cause that contributed very much 
 to the depression of the Mendicant orders was 
 their inattention to polite learning. They neg- 
 lected to cultivate Greek and Roman literature
 
 157 
 
 in those branches, from which alone they could 
 hope to derive real benefit and instruction. 
 Viewed as metaphysical inquirers, the produc- 
 tions of these nations are of little importance ; 
 but, regarded as orators, historians, and poets, 
 they exhibit the finest models of taste and ge- 
 nius which the mind of man has hitherto been 
 able to draw. Disregard to the study of classi- 
 cal learning was certainly a most unaccountable 
 blunder, at a period when many individuals among 
 the most distinguished of the laity for birth and 
 character, as also many of the secular clergy, 
 began to apply themselves to the cultivation 
 of it with considerable success; particularly 
 in Italy, where the mendicants were numer- 
 ous, and had even gained consequence be- 
 fore that period. But they would not open 
 their eyes to the light that began to diffuse 
 itself on every side. It was in vain that the 
 Italian wits and literati sought by exposing 
 their ignorance to turn their attention to solid 
 and useful studies: they should at least have 
 benefited by the warning, whether it came from 
 friends or enemies ; but they still continued 
 to follow the steps of their scholastic guides, 
 with a scrupulous attention not to innovate or im- 
 prove, blindly attached to the opinions delivered 
 by preceding teachers, whom they had desig- 
 nated under the high-sounding titles of Doctor 
 IrrefragabiliSy Doctor Subtillis, Doctor Angelicus, 
 Doctor Seraphicus, &c. They thought it suf- 
 ficient if they could illustrate, preserve, and ex-
 
 158 
 
 pound, the doctrines and philosophy of those great 
 names ; though they had long lost their influence 
 among the learned, and were only known on the 
 shelves of the convent libraries. This delusion con- 
 tinued, not only until the revival of learning in 
 Italy and France, but even to our own times, as 
 any one may have seen who has travelled into 
 Catholic countries, or read their publications. 
 This inferiority in point of classical and elegant 
 literature became an object of triumph to such 
 of the first reformers as prided themselves on 
 their erudition; especially the German scholars, 
 on whom the light, reflected from beyond the 
 Alps, began to have some influence, to stimu- 
 late their torpid dispositions to a little mental 
 energy. Some few of them began to relish 
 and peruse the works of the Italian scholars, and 
 were not a little pleased at the sarcasms on the 
 monks, which they alleged as sufficient author- 
 ity to exterminate all monastic institutions ; 
 though their masters never attempted to advance 
 any such opinions. Those German scholars, 
 manifested their pedantic affectation, by me- 
 tamorphosing their barbarous Teutonic names 
 into Roman, by making them terminate in 
 us, as Buckiws, Brosiz^; and by assuming 
 Latin names, that expressed the significa- 
 tion of their national German. Yet with all 
 this affectation of elegant scholarship, their 
 Latin composition was wretched and despi- 
 cable. None of them could be compared to 
 Sadoletti, Bembo, Strada, Vida, or the other
 
 159 
 
 Italian scholars, who did not think themselves 
 justified to impugn the doctrines of the Church, 
 because the priests did not write classical 
 Latin. Their countryman Erasmus was almost 
 the only man among them that distinguished 
 himself for purity of style or real learning ; and 
 though he reprobates the ignorance of the men- 
 dicants, and their professed and decided aver- 
 sion to literary improvement, and the patrons 
 of it, yet he did not take such a decided part 
 against the Latins as to cause him to be ranked 
 among the reformers of the sixteenth century. 
 
 We should not lose sight of another cause 
 that contributed in an eminent degree to bring 
 those orders into disrepute ; I mean their num- 
 bers, and condescension in admitting can- 
 didates to the religious profession, without 
 any choice, or much regard to their proficiency 
 in learning, moral character, or standing in 
 society. This was especially in the order of St. 
 Francis, where an absurd opinion had been 
 cherished and entertained, that the more nu- 
 merous the friars were, the more abundantly they 
 should be supported. In consequence of this 
 notion, that order became extremely numerous ; 
 and the receptacle of many persons ill calcu- 
 lated to promote the cause of learning or reli- 
 gion. The other orders were also become very 
 numerous ; as they were also anxious to in- 
 crease their numbers, for which they had suffi- 
 cient means ; for they both possessed property
 
 160 
 
 and enjoyed the privilege of begging in com- 
 mon with the Franciscans. It is not then to 
 be wondered at, that a society which had been 
 so widely dispersed in town and country, and 
 been so little reserved in its intercourse with 
 seculars, did not meet with that degree of vene- 
 ration they would be entitled to, if they had 
 been less numerous, more retired, better chosen, 
 and consequently more learned and respect- 
 able. By this indiscriminate reception of every 
 body, they became a burden and a nuisance to 
 the Church, and the great dishonour of the hie- 
 rarchy, which gave rise to many complaints 
 and subsequent restrictions. But notwithstand- 
 ingthese inconveniences, the natural result of neg- 
 lect in ecclesiastical and civil superiors, to regulate 
 their numbers and determine the qualifications 
 requisite for becoming members of religious com- 
 munities, and forcing them to the observance 
 of statutes, it is unfair to blame the institu- 
 tion itself, as it might be made subservient 
 to good purposes, provided those intrusted with 
 the high and important charge of directing the 
 energies and powers of the different orders to 
 the improvement of general society, were vigi- 
 lant in their posts, and caused them to fulfil their 
 respective engagements and professions. 
 
 As the mendicant orders owe their establish- 
 ment to the neglect and indolence of the secu- 
 lar clergy, and ancient monastic establishments, 
 so another order, partaking of the privileges
 
 161 
 
 and advantages of the other three, sprung up 
 from the exigencies of the times. These are the 
 regular clergy, or priests : Clerici regulates — 
 chierici Regolari. This society divided into 
 various congregations under different founders, 
 engagements, and institutions. Some were 
 bound down by solemn monastic vows, others 
 by simple promises ; but all of them partook of 
 the benefit of monks, because they could possess 
 property as a regular body corporate ; and they 
 enjoyed the privileges of mendicants, because 
 they might have recourse to begging. They 
 likewise were at liberty to use the immunities 
 of secular priests, inasmuch as they were ex- 
 empted from reciting or singing the service in 
 choir. They also dressed much in the manner of 
 secular priests. Those who made solemn vows 
 were the Theatines,* Barnabites,-j- Jfsuits, So- 
 maschi, Scolopians, or teachers of pious schools, 
 and a few more. Those who made only simple 
 vows were of the following congregations: — 
 Philip de Neri, of the oratory, a society that 
 has produced many eminently learned men; 
 Vincent, of the missions; St. Lazarus, of the 
 foreign missions ; and St. Sulpicius, for the edu- 
 cation of young ecclesiastics. Most of these 
 
 * This regular order was founded by St. Cajetan, of Thiene ; 
 and Caraffa, bishop of Theate, afterwards Pope Paul IV., hav- 
 ing been their first superior, they took their name from thence. 
 
 + So called from the Church of Milan, which they were 
 permitted to use. and which was dedicated to St. Barnabas. 
 
 M
 
 162 
 
 different congregations or associations sprung 
 up to counteract the various divisions that en- 
 sued after the period of the Reformation j and 
 these new ecclesiastical militia have proved 
 themselves a valuable acquisition to the service 
 of the Church, by their zeal and exemplary- 
 conduct, the dignity of their general deportment, 
 and their personal respectability and learning. 
 
 In this place it was thought necessary to 
 present to the reader a short sketch of the rise, 
 decay, reformation, innate resources, and eco- 
 nomy of the different religious and monastic 
 establishments, which have acted so distin- 
 guished a part in the annals of the Catholic 
 Church. It is not pretended to prove that these 
 societies, at least many of the individual mem- 
 bers of them, were actuated on every occasion 
 by the principles of their original institutions ; 
 because, notwithstanding the eminent purity and 
 even sanctity of the religious profession, they 
 were not, as has already been remarked, exempt 
 from the imperfections incident to human nature ; 
 and they were also liable to be infected by the 
 failings and prejudices of their contemporaries. 
 Wealth and honours must also have had great 
 influence on their conduct, no less than the 
 prevailing opinions of the day respecting poli- 
 tics, philosophy, and even theology; which lat- 
 ter has afforded a wide field for controversy at all 
 times, especially in a Church that allows such 
 extensive scope for debate on many subjects
 
 163 
 
 she has never thought proper to define as ar- 
 ticles of faith. On all these occasions, it was 
 natural that the monks, like all other men, should 
 be biassed by the same common propensities. 
 Who could be so unreasonable as to expect they 
 would not ? Yet their superiors have been 
 sometimes vigilant to remove abuses, and re- 
 form and alter the statutes, when they saw de- 
 generacy and corruption prevail, as happened 
 so often among the Benedictines. Hence to this 
 very day so many different and independent 
 congregations of that illustrious order. We have 
 also remarked that the mendicant orders them- 
 selves, that sprung up a long time after the estab- 
 lishment of the ancient monkish institutions, 
 were no more, properly speaking, than a reformed 
 branch of the latter Though they did not 
 spring immediately from them, they followed 
 the most essential points of the regular profes- 
 sion. 
 
 We have pointed out the many disadvantages 
 the mendicants had to encounter, from the poli- 
 tical and literary condition of the age, from their 
 neglect of polite literature, and from their over- 
 grown numbers, which of itself would have been 
 sufficient to expose them to the contempt of the 
 people. These, however, were only adventitious 
 inconveniences. The spirit and intention of 
 the regular institutions were good and laudable. 
 The individuals that composed them, originally 
 at least, had been induced to lead a monastic 
 
 M 2
 
 164 
 
 life from the purest and most disinterested mo- 
 tives — the good of mankind and the glory of 
 God. As then those great bodies were profess- 
 edly devoted to the service of God and the 
 benefit of the human race, the guardians of the 
 public weal, both civil and ecclesiastical, ought 
 to have corrected the abuses prevailing in them, 
 and have established rules for their prevention 
 in future. There have always been enlightened 
 men, conversant in the canon and Roman law, 
 and well acquainted with the exigencies of society, 
 who, if they had united with the prelates to ef- 
 fect a reformation in the convents, would, unques- 
 tionably have rendered the monks, instead of a 
 burden and a nuisance to society, an honour and 
 an ornament to the Church and their country. 
 Had princes and rulers, in conjunction with the 
 priesthood, really attempted this task, nobody 
 would certainly have accused them of usurping 
 a power that did not belong to them. They 
 would, on the contrary, have been praised for 
 their exertions; but, unfortunately for the 
 Church and humanity, abuses were suffered to 
 accumulate without the interference of due au- 
 thority. At last, when the civil powers did in- 
 terfere, it was for the purpose of seizing their 
 property, rather than of directing their efforts to 
 the service of the community. Their object 
 was destruction, not reformation. But, though 
 those who possessed power, and were, on that 
 account, the persons best fitted to effect reform- 
 ation in the monasteries, neglected the duty at-
 
 165 
 
 tached to their station, the abuses which 
 reigned in the conventual system, did not escape 
 the attention of many zealous and enlightened 
 churchmen. The prodigious accumulation of 
 monks which took place in later ages, has fre- 
 quently been a subject of deep and serious re- 
 gret. St. Bernard, a monk, a reformer of monks, 
 and the founder of several monasteries, often 
 expressed his sorrow and disapprobation of their 
 enormous increase, and loudly censured the im- 
 prudence and danger of imposing religious obli- 
 gations on persons who were never intended to 
 perform them. He says, what is true : — " rara 
 est in terris pudicitia :" chastity is very uncom- 
 mon among men; and the same may be said 
 of most of the virtues necessary to support the 
 austerities and privations of a monastic life. 
 If these qualities, then, be so rare, why pre- 
 tend to impose them on such multitudes ? 
 It never was intended by the Deity that men 
 whose talents and propensities were clearly suit- 
 ed to the common duties of the world, should 
 withdraw themselves from general society, solely 
 for his spiritual service. But, though St. Bernard 
 disapproved of the great increase of monks, and 
 exclaimed with the prophet Isaiah, " Multi- 
 plicasti gentem sed non magnificasti letitiam," 
 he never thought of totally suppressing mo- 
 nastic institutions. He knew how beneficial 
 they might prove to the community, if pro- 
 perly controled and directed. He was aware 
 that much good might be derived to the State
 
 166 
 
 from the labours of a body of men who had no 
 secular attachments, but were solely devoted to 
 the service of God and their fellow creatures. 
 This is not a solitary or strange opinion. Many 
 eminent and learned men have been of the same 
 sentiment. Lord Bacon says, that more good 
 is to be expected from single men than others ; 
 and instances the monuments of beneficence 
 left by persons of that description in this coun- 
 try, most of whom were of the monastic order, 
 or at least tied down to celibacy. The same 
 great man also allows that body of men, par- 
 ticularly the Jesuits, uncommon abilities in con- 
 ducting the studies of youth in colleges and 
 public schools. It is a great pity then, that 
 governors and rulers have not tried to direct 
 such engines to laudable purposes ; but the 
 world is so full of inconsistencies that we are 
 no longer surprised at any thing. Means might 
 surely be devised to diminish their number, and. 
 yet secure their usefulness to the state; but this 
 is a matter on which it hardly becomes a Pro- 
 testant writer to dictate ; though the same liberal 
 spirit which influenced the zeal of the late Bishop 
 of Elphin to make good Catholics of those whom 
 he found it impossible to convert to Protestantism, 
 might be usefully employed in giving wholesome 
 advice, even to an enemy. Acting upon this prin- 
 ciple, our Catholic neighbours might be recom- 
 mended to admit to their orders only men of 
 talents, honour, and virtue, which under their 
 present regulations cannot be the case. Some-
 
 167 
 
 thing of a similar nature should be adopted be- 
 fore conferring the order of priesthood on those 
 who are not engaged by monastic vows ; these 
 also being, in some countries, much too nu- 
 merous, and, consequently, liable to the same 
 objections. The qualifications required of them 
 previous to ordination are, a patrimony, more 
 or less, according to the country — a benefice, 
 chaplainship, or some other church employment; 
 but many of these worthy ecclesiastics, it 
 may be presumed, are not much better qualified 
 than poor Gil Perez. 
 
 The remedy proposed, besides merely reduc- 
 ing the number, and furnishing the community 
 with a class of useful men, would also promote 
 the interests of real religion. In those countries 
 that are most deluged with friars, the people are 
 generally the most vicious, superstitious, and 
 ignorant ; as every person who has travelled in 
 Spain, Portugal, or Italy, must have remarked. 
 This should not be attributed to the natural de- 
 pravity of those nations, which are generally 
 allowed to surpass many others in goodness and 
 humanity, as is evident from the conduct of 
 those whose condition renders them proof 
 against the dangers and evils of bad example. 
 In former times, all who felt for the honour 
 and dignity of the Church, all who had any 
 sense of order and propriety, and were interest- 
 ed in the amelioration of society, continually 
 deplored the disorders originating in the abuse
 
 168 
 
 of the monkish establishments; but the prospect 
 of being able to effect a salutary reform appear- 
 ed very unpromising. There were too many 
 difficulties to encounter, arising principally from 
 the disagreement of the secular and ecclesiastical 
 rulers. The superiors of the religious orders 
 were determined, let the consequences be what 
 they would, to maintain their old system of 
 government, their privileges and usages, without 
 paying any attention to the great alterations 
 that had been effected in the public opinion 
 since the foundation of their respective orders. 
 
 When St. Francis established his order, his 
 plan and regulations were founded on the prin- 
 ciples of wisdom and prudence.* At that time, 
 churchmen of all descriptions, were enervated by 
 the excess of riches, which necessarily exposed 
 them to the vices incident to high life. The plea* 
 sures of the table, the sports of the field, the 
 allurements of luxury and sensuality, were all in- 
 dulged without restraint. The establishment 
 
 * " The brothers or sisters, that are to be received to this 
 order, ought to be faithful Catholiques, not tyed to matri- 
 mony, free from debts, sound in body, prompt in minde, 
 not touched with any publicke infamie, recociled to their 
 neighbour ; and before their admittance they are to be dili- 
 gently examined of these things, by those that have power 
 to receive them." The Role of Penanee of the Seraphical Fa- 
 ther S. Francis. By Br. Jngchs, Friar Minour. Dovat, 
 1644."
 
 169 
 
 of an order founded on the injunctions of our 
 Lord to his disciples, when he says : " provide 
 neither gold nor silver, nor brass in your purses, 
 nor scrip for your journey, neither two coats, 
 nor shoes, nor yet staves : for the workman is 
 worthy of his meat," was, under these circum- 
 stances, highly proper. St. Francis built an edi- 
 fice extremely well calculated to be beneficial to 
 mankind, had his successors entirely followed 
 the essential part of his regulations. He, no 
 doubt, intended his followers should be abste- 
 mious and moderate in all their appetites, but 
 he likewise intended that they should labour 
 with their hands for their subsistence, and serve 
 the public in spiritual matters almost gratuitous- 
 ly. Instead, however, of observing those wise and 
 benevolent rules, they attached themselves more 
 particularly to the observance of the most rigid 
 poverty, and a superstitious adherence to the 
 coarseness and form of the habit, particularly 
 to the figure of the Capuce, which became the 
 cause of many divisions, and finally occasioned 
 the separation of the society into three distinct 
 and independent orders, besides other subdivi- 
 sions, with particular statutes. 
 
 Had these good brothers only considered the 
 principal objects of their institution — the service 
 of God, their own salvation, and the general 
 good of society, they certainly would have seen 
 the absurdity of seizing the shadow for the sub- 
 stance. Charity might easily have dictated to
 
 170 
 
 them, not to fall out among themselves ; and 
 justice might have suggested to them the pro- 
 priety of being as little burdensome as possible 
 to the community, especially as their situation 
 bore so little analogy to that of the Apostles ; 
 who, in consequence of their evangelical la- 
 bours, were justly entitled to support; but the 
 friars, at least in those countries where they had 
 been so enormously multiplied, had no such 
 labours to perform. The vineyard was already 
 too full of workmen, even to the detriment of 
 the vintage. They should, therefore, have en- 
 deavoured to acquire an honest independence, by 
 their mental and manual exertions, and not have 
 thrown themselves upon the charity of the pub- 
 lic. For this very object they were divided into 
 two classes, priests and lay brothers : the one 
 destined to perform the duties of religion, and 
 to diffuse theological knowledge; whilst the 
 other was occupied in the menial services of the 
 community. By this happy union of religion 
 and science with the mechanical arts or labour, 
 they might have employed their talents to real 
 advantage, and not have subjected themselves 
 to any obligation to others for their support. 
 They might have been in a condition to have 
 assisted the poor and infirm, instead of encroach- 
 ing, as they have done, upon their indubitable 
 rights. 
 
 If those religious ever mean to recover their
 
 171 
 
 ancient dignity, they must, undoubtedly, en- 
 deavour to become useful to society ; and this is 
 to be effected only by conforming themselves to 
 the spirit of the times, and the present more 
 improved state of society, without paying so 
 much attention to the trifling circumstances 
 already mentioned. The more important con- 
 siderations of public and private utility, the 
 advancement of religion, science, and good 
 order, should prevail before all others. Indeed, 
 in the present age, such has been the change 
 which has taken place in the public mind, that the 
 observance of the old practices are perfectly out 
 of season. Who, for example, can derive any 
 benefit or gratification from the partial nudity — 
 tonsurage — the uncouth and barbarous appear- 
 ance of a Spanish Franciscan ? The very sight 
 would suffice to indispose many, not only against 
 the individual, but against religious orders in ge- 
 neral -, and, perhaps, indeed, excite antipathy 
 to the Catholic Church itself, as suffering and 
 encouraging a system of vandalism. 
 
 From these observations on monachism, it 
 will be observed, that while I am well aware 
 of the present wretched condition of the cenobit- 
 ical system, I have, nevertheless, a firm convic- 
 tion, that in countries where Catholicism is the 
 prevailing religion, these fraternities of men 
 might easily be converted into sources of na-
 
 172 
 
 tional usefulness.* If instead of making age, and 
 pious pretensions, tests for the religious profes- 
 sion, real demonstrable merit were required, those 
 disorders that now prevail would soon cease. 
 No one should be admitted who cannot acquire 
 by his talents an honourable independence in 
 the world. It was an attention to such qualifi- 
 cations that rendered the French clergy so su- 
 perior to ail others on the continent, and enabled 
 them to support the dignity of the sacerdotal 
 character with suitable propriety. Their learn- 
 ing, urbanity, and strict adherence to the prin- 
 ciples of decorum, afforded them the means of 
 rendering themselves both useful and acceptable 
 in foreign countries during their exile and dis- 
 persion, whereas their mere character of priest- 
 hood or religious profession, would have availed 
 them nothing. 
 
 Of the truth of the opinion I have now stated, 
 America furnishes an excellent example. A few 
 gentlemen of the congregation of St. Sulpicius, 
 who were fortunate enough to escape the horrors 
 of the French revolution, and save a little remnant 
 of their property, took refuge in the United States, 
 and established themselves at Baltimore, where, 
 
 * Little ought to be calculated on the devastations which 
 Bonaparte has rapaciously made on the Peninsula, among 
 the religious orders and establishments.
 
 173 
 
 conformably to their profession, they engaged 
 themselves in communicating religious and lite- 
 rary information. In the beginning, their la- 
 bours were confined to the instruction of young 
 men destined for the Church ; but the candidates 
 for priesthood being few in that country, they af- 
 terwards admitted respectable persons of every 
 description to the participation of the advantages 
 afforded by their institution. Such as profess the 
 Catholic communion are regularly instructed 
 in the doctrines and practices peculiar to their 
 Church ; whilst the Protestants are merely oblig- 
 ed to attend the places of worship to which they 
 respectively belong. By this impartial and equit- 
 able line of conduct, proper discipline, and a 
 strict attention to their professional duties, they 
 have founded one of the most respectable literary 
 establishments of the present day. Their course 
 of education is not limited to the study 
 of Greek and Latin literature, philosophy, and 
 different branches of the mathematics j it com- 
 prehends also the liberal and ornamental arts ; 
 such as drawing, music, botany, natural history, 
 and the living languages. Besides these advan- 
 tages, that may be considered as purely local and 
 academical, the benefits of this college are ex- 
 tended to the whole country. The inhabitants 
 of Baltimore and its vicinity are particularly 
 benefited by the residence of these worthy eccle- 
 siastics ; for notwithstanding their principal oc- 
 cupation consists in the discharge of their pro- 
 fessional duties, they do not neglect the culti-
 
 174 
 
 vation of those arts which are subservient to the 
 comforts of life. They have a large portion of 
 land sufficient to furnish their numerous com- 
 munity with abundance of fruit and vegetables 
 of every kind; and they have naturalized many 
 exotics; indeed, a great number of the produc- 
 tions of the West India Islands, and that without 
 any shelter or artificial heat. In their green 
 and hot houses they raise such plants as cannot 
 thrive in the open air, for the purpose of bota- 
 nical improvement, and the benefit of the cu- 
 rious. They have also erected an elegant little 
 church, in the most ancient style of architecture. 
 Thus they contribute to diffuse a taste for the 
 line arts in that country ; at the same time that 
 the labouring and industrious parts of the com- 
 munity are benefited by finding employment 
 under them. 
 
 Against such establishments as we have been 
 endeavouring to characterize, were the efforts of 
 the early Reformers principally directed. With 
 a zeal not always guided by knowledge or pru- 
 dence, they levelled all distinctions: a monk 
 became only another word for deceit, supersti- 
 tion, or wickedness;* and those who had long 
 found it difficult to observe the rigid vows which 
 
 * " Quien dice Frayle dice Fraude." — He who says Friar 
 says Fraud — is a punning proverb used to this day among 
 Spaniards.
 
 17* 
 
 they had imposed upon themselves, easily im- 
 bibed the most inveterate prejudices against the 
 austerities and mortifications which the Re- 
 formers endeavoured to abolish. In the end, 
 an enlightened and daring policy relieved one 
 half of Christendom from the thraldom of reli- 
 gious abjurations, unsocial seclusions, unnatural 
 restraints, and many ridiculous superstitions ; 
 though that these ends could not have been ac- 
 complished without a total abolition of such so- 
 cieties as have just been described, is a matter 
 by no means clear. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 Sketch of the Origin of the Reformation 
 in Germany. 
 
 THIS is, perhaps, the most difficult, because 
 the most delicate, point, of the whole Catholic 
 history. It is hardly possible to touch upon it, 
 without incurring the risk of giving offence to 
 one or other, perhaps, both, of the two great 
 bodies into which the Christian world has been 
 divided by that event. Nor is it easy to exhibit 
 the subject in any new point of view. The facts, 
 however, being well known, there will be less 
 occasion to enlarge. 
 
 It is not intended, in this section, to trace the
 
 176 
 
 progress B ^rmation in the various coim- 
 
 tr .. nas been received. Neither do I 
 
 p I to give any farther history of that great 
 
 e\ ;hi than i< absolutely needful to connect the 
 si ing lineaments of this portrait. 
 
 We have already seen the ill use which was 
 made of the promulgation of Indulgences ; and 
 the ground it afforded on which to attack, with 
 advantage, the Church and Court of Rome. 
 This attack commenced in the year 1517- 
 Martin Luther, a friar of the Augustine Order, 
 first opened the warfare ; and his conduct 
 was very generally approved by the people ; 
 by some princes, bishops, divines, cardinals, 
 and even by several monks. Making common 
 cause, as he pretended, with the friends of lite- 
 rature, he attached to his standard numerous 
 learned and intelligent men. Even Erasmus, 
 perhaps, the most profoundly learned man of 
 the age, once entertained a favourable opinion 
 of Luther's principles. He, at first, believed that 
 Almighty God had raised him up to reform the 
 Church ; but his opinion of our Reformer chang- 
 ed, when he perceived that it was not only against 
 abuses, but even against the very vitals of the 
 Church, that he meditated a serious attack. 
 The rashness and precipitation of Luther but 
 ill accorded with the mild and moderate views 
 of Erasmus ; and though he complained, that 
 Luther's adversaries loaded him with calumnies, 
 instead of answering his arguments; and that
 
 177 
 
 they cried him down as a heretic, instead of 
 amending their own manners, he could never 
 reconcile his mind to the war which Luther 
 waged with what was deemed the fundamental 
 doctrines of religion. The moderation of Eras- 
 mus displeased both parties, and he was loaded 
 with every opprobrious epithet an enraged bi- 
 gotry could suggest. 
 
 On the 30th September, 1517, Luther de- 
 livered ninety-five propositions, in which he 
 censured, in the boldest manner, the extrava- 
 gant conduct and extortions of the papal com- 
 missioners for the sale of Indulgences. These 
 propositions were promulgated at Wittem- 
 berg, at the college in which he was a doc- 
 tor. Ignorant of a stipulation made between 
 Leo X. and Albert of Brandenburg, by which 
 the latter should retain one half of the pro- 
 fits arising from these indulgences, Luther 
 addressed a letter of remonstrance to this elec- 
 tor 3 but, as might naturally have been supposed, 
 no regard was paid to his complaints. Exas- 
 perated by this neglect, he next published to 
 the world the Propositions he had read in the 
 Church of Wittemberg. They contained 
 many censures on the Pope himself, but were 
 rendered as palatable as possible by repeated ex- 
 pressions of obedience to the papal authority 
 and the doctrines and decisions of the Church. 
 
 On the first appearance of these Propositions, 
 
 N
 
 178 
 
 Tetzel, the principal vender of the Indulgences 
 by the appointment of the elector of Mentz, en- 
 deavoured to defend a traffic in which he had so 
 much personal interest. To effect this purpose, 
 he published a set of counter-Propositions, and 
 then publicly burned those by Luther. The friends 
 of Luther, in the same spirit of destruction, re- 
 joined, by burning eight hundred copies of 
 Tetzel 's Propositions in one of the public 
 squares of Wittemberg. This conduct Luther 
 had the moderation or good sense to lament; 
 and he affirmed, that it was adopted without his 
 knowledge. 
 
 Among the opponents of Luther, at this early 
 stage of the schism, we may notice Johannes 
 Eccius, and Silvestro Prierio. The one was 
 Vice-Chancellor of Ingoldstadt, and the other 
 Master of the Apostolic Palace and Inquisitor- 
 General. The attacks of these writers against 
 the innovating spirit of Luther, were made in 
 a manner but little calculated to effect the pur- 
 poses for which they were intended ; and he 
 did not fail to describe his opponents as liars and 
 blasphemers, engaged in the service of the devil •> 
 asserting, at the same time, that if the Pope and 
 his cardinals should give their support to such 
 doctrines as were maintained in the books of 
 Prierio, Rome itself must be the seat of Anti- 
 christ. 
 
 Leo X., confiding in the professions ofLu-
 
 179 
 
 ther, who had declared to him, " that he would 
 regard whatever came from him as delivered by 
 Christ himself," took no immediate steps to 
 curb the zeal of the Reformers, nor to remove 
 the cause of their just complaints. At length, 
 however, the indolent Pontiff roused from his 
 danger; and, in 1518, he summoned Luther to 
 appear before him at Rome, within sixty days, 
 there to answer the- questions which should 
 be proposed to him by Prierio, his virulent op- 
 ponent. 
 
 It required no extraordinary degree of pene- 
 tration to perceive what must be the issue of a 
 trial, wherein the judge and the plaintiff were 
 one and the same person. Accordingly, Luther 
 made sufficient interest to have his cause heard 
 in Germany. Tomaso de Vio, Cardinal of Gaeta, 
 the Pope's legate at the diet of Augsburg, was 
 empowered to summon Luther before him j and, 
 if he should persist in his errors, to hold him in 
 custody till further instructions should be sent 
 from Rome. It was of small consequence to 
 Luther, whether his cause should be heard 
 before the prejudiced and interested Prierio 
 at Rome, or by the equally interested Domi- 
 nican Cardinal of Gaeta, in Germany. What- 
 ever might have been the lenient principles at 
 first cherished by the Pope, this precipitate and 
 rash determination gave great and just cause of 
 offence to Luther and his friends. No alterna- 
 tive, however, remained ; and Luther, having 
 
 N 2
 
 180 
 
 obtained, with great difficulty and delay, » 
 safe-conduct from the Emperor, repaired to 
 Augsburg.* Previously, however, to this, and 
 after the Pope had sent his monitory to the 
 Cardinal of Gaeta, a power had been dele- 
 gated to that cardinal, to hear his defence; 
 and, in case of penitence and submission, again 
 to receive him to the communion of the faith- 
 ful. 
 
 The accounts given of the behaviour of 
 the cardinal at this celebrated conference, 
 on which, indeed, depended the fate of the 
 Reformation, are various and contradictory. 
 Fra. Paolo j says, that " after a conveni- 
 ent conference upon the controverted doctrine, 
 the cardinal, having discovered that, by terms 
 of school-divinity, in the profession of which 
 himself was most excellent, Martin could not 
 be convinced that he always served himself of 
 the Holy Scripture, which is used but a little 
 by the school-men, declared that he would 
 dispute no more with him, but exhorted him to 
 a retraction ; or, at least, to submit his books 
 and doctrine to the judgment of the Pope; 
 
 * In fact, the safe-conduct was not obtained till Luther 
 had been arrived at Augsburg some days, and he had repeat- 
 edly refused to appear before the Cardinal without it. 
 
 + History of the Council of Trent, p. 7. Sir It. Brent's 
 translation.
 
 181 
 
 shewing him the danger he was in if he persist- 
 ed, and promising him favours and benefits from 
 his Holiness if he yielded. Martin not an- 
 swering to the contrary, he thought it not fit 
 to wring from him a negative, by pressing him 
 too much, but rather to give space, that the 
 threats and promises might take impression; 
 and, therefore, gave him leave to depart for that 
 time." 
 
 On this statement of Father Paul's, Dr. Ro- 
 bertson, in an early edition of his Reign of 
 Charles V., asserted, that the Cardinal of Gaeta 
 thought it beneath his dignity to enter into any 
 dispute with Luther; but, it seems, M. Beau- 
 sobre,*and Seckendorf,-}- convinced the Doctor of 
 his mistake. Yet it does not appear, even from 
 Fra. Paolo's account, but that the Cardinal did 
 enter into a dispute with Luther ; and that he did 
 not at first resort to the authority with which 
 he was invested, of demanding from this un- 
 bending Reformer, a prompt and decided obe- 
 dience to the decision of the Church. And it 
 should be particularly remarked, that hitherto 
 Luther had professed his unreserved submission 
 to the Pope, and the doctrines of the Catholic 
 Faith. The Cardinal had a right to consider, 
 that he was admonishing a mistaken brother, 
 
 * Histoire de la Reformation, vol. i. p. 121. et seq. 
 t Com. Lib. i. p. 46, et seq.
 
 182 
 
 rather than conferring with a decided enemy ; 
 and this view of the matter will go very far to- 
 wards justifying ff the high tone of authority," 
 which, it appears, he used on that occasion. 
 The question is not whether the Church had 
 any right to these assumptions, but whether 
 Luther, professing himself an obedient son of 
 the Church, and willing, as he pretended, 
 to submit to whatever she should com- 
 mand, had any right to complain, when the 
 Cardinal of Gaeta demanded unqualified sub- 
 mission. A reference to the Scriptures, under 
 these circumstances, could have very little 
 weight, unless he had shewn that the Church 
 put the same sense on those Scriptures as he him- 
 self had done ; and this, it will not be disputed, 
 he might have done. 
 
 Encouraged by several powerful and determin- 
 ed patrons, Luther contemned the authority of 
 the legate ; and refused to make any conces- 
 sions, or to violate his conscience, as he termed 
 it, by disavowing what he knew to be the truth. 
 He yielded, however, so far as to consent that 
 his opinions should be submitted to such uni- 
 versities as he should name; and promised in 
 future to desist from impugning the discipline 
 of Indulgences, provided his adversaries were 
 likewise to be silent concerning them.* I 
 
 * Luther Oper. vol. i. p. 160. in Rob. Charles V. vol. i. 
 p. 246.
 
 183 
 
 hazard nothing in asserting, that were the spirit 
 and genius of the Catholic religion but half so 
 sanguinary and cruel as some Protestants have 
 been induced to believe, Luther had never sur- 
 vived a proposal so full of disobedience to the 
 legal authority of his superiors. Happy for 
 himself, and for the cause of reform, the Car- 
 dinal wisely and temperately agreed not to 
 push matters to extremities at that time. There 
 might, in this forbearance, have been something 
 of fear or of respect to the many powerful 
 friends of Luther; but the Papal Court, in sub- 
 sequent times, has shewn, that no fear or re- 
 gard for kings, or kingly authority, could deter 
 it from boldly, and even arrogantly, asserting 
 its real or pretended rights and powers. The 
 fact is clearly this : — The steady adherents of 
 the Church, not having before been roused into 
 resentment, or irritated by misrepresentation 
 to acts of a vindictive nature, followed more 
 closely the true and proper spirit of their Chris- 
 tian faith.* Not but that the case of John 
 
 * Wickliffe, who, with all his great virtues, and he 
 had many, had certainly taken upon himself to reform 
 the Church from a sordid and unworthy spirit of revenge, 
 and wrote against the received authorities of the time in 
 a manner which no regular government, either before or 
 since, would tolerate, died in his bed, and in possession 
 of his living of Lutterworth, in Leicestershire. Where slept 
 the spirit of persecution then ? Had the Church not then 
 learned the use of fire and faggot ? And yet we are told 
 that " Popery is always the same ;" and that nothing but 
 want of power in the Catholics prevents their burning us, en 
 masse, in Smithfield ! But more of this hereafter.
 
 184 
 
 Huss and Jerome of Prague, a century before, 
 had convinced the world, that the Court of 
 Rome knew how to maintain, even with rigour 
 and cruelty, the authority it had acquired : and 
 that rebellion and sedition, as all opposition to 
 established power is usually denominated, might 
 meet with condign punishment. 
 
 However this might be, Luther, after these 
 different meetings, was permitted to depart j 
 when his friends, judging from the bold or rash 
 manner of his proceeding, and the known au- 
 thority of his adversaries, that it would not be 
 prudent for him to remain any longer in 
 danger, advised a secret flight from Augsburg. 
 Prior, however, to his departure, he published 
 a solemn appeal to the Supreme Pontiff pre- 
 judiced and misled, to the same Pontiff when 
 better informed. Soon afterwards he addressed 
 a modest and respectful letter to the Cardinal, 
 clearly indicating that he had no just ground of 
 complaint against him :* yet almost all Protes- 
 tant writers since the Reformation join in cen- 
 suring, in the bitterest manner, the haughty 
 conduct of this Cardinal. This mistake, for so 
 it certainly appears to be, most probably had 
 its origin in the angry mind of Fra. Paolo, who, 
 without giving any authority for the assertion, 
 declares that the conduct of the Cardinal 
 
 * Roscoe's Leo X. vol. III. p. 239.
 
 185 
 
 of Gaeta was censured even at the Roman 
 court ; by whom, as this writer further takes 
 upon himself to add, he was blamed for not 
 having promised Luther great riches, a bishop- 
 ric, and even the red hat of a Cardinal. On 
 this slender authority, and from this, to say the 
 least of it, doubtful source, have our writers co- 
 pied and re-copied, echoed and re-echoed, the 
 most extravagant slanders against a man who, 
 upon the whole, appears to have been directed 
 in his zeal against Luther, by the most honour- 
 able and benevolent motives ;* and who con- 
 ducted himself, considering the high powers with 
 which he was vested, in a mild and moderate 
 manner. 
 
 The abrupt departure of Luther from Augs- 
 burg naturally awakened the resentment of the 
 Cardinal, and he immediately addressed a letter 
 to the elector of Saxony, to whose protection 
 Luther fled, expressing his surprise and in- 
 dignation at his conduct, at the same time 
 requesting that, if he should continue to hold 
 and defend his opinions, he might be sent to 
 Rome, or at least banished from the elec- 
 
 * Mr. Roscoe, with a magnanimity highly becoming the 
 gentleman and scholar, is almost the only pvotestant writer I 
 have met with, who has ventured to do justice to the charac- 
 ter of the Cardinal of Gaeta. Leo X. vol. III. chap. XV. 
 Even the candid Mosheim has copied., professedly, from 
 Paolo Sarpi, these unjust slanders.
 
 186 
 
 tor's dominions. This letter,* which contains 
 the Cardinal's interview with Luther, shews 
 clearly enough that every indulgence was grant- 
 ed the Reformer which the circumstances of the 
 case would permit. 
 
 It must, however, be admitted, that many of 
 Luther's adversaries were not equally careful to 
 abstain from violence and insult. He was as- 
 sailed from various quarters by the most virulent 
 and indecent abuse ; and even the Pope himself 
 began considerably to increase in the rigour 
 and severity of his measures. He issued a 
 special edict in November of the same year, 
 commanding all his spiritual subjects to yield the 
 most implicit faith in the power and efficacy of 
 his ridiculous indulgences. 
 
 Frederic, the elector, replied in a respectful 
 manner to the legate's letter, but refused to 
 condemn Luther before his opinions were proved 
 to be erroneous. 
 
 Every day increased the danger to which Lu- 
 ther was exposed by his intrepid zeal and per- 
 severance; but the powers claimed by Leo X., 
 in the bull he had just issued, reduced him to 
 this most difficult alternative : — either openly 
 to acknowledge, as he had ever done, his per- 
 
 It may be seen in the works of Luther, vol. i. p. 173.
 
 187 
 
 feet obedience to the Holy See, by submitting 
 his judgment to the decisions of the Pope, or at 
 once renounce obedience to the Vicar of Christ, 
 and declare open war against the whole Chris- 
 tian world. With a boldness unparalleled, he 
 resolved on the latter, and immediately appealed 
 from the Pope to a General Council. He was 
 then at Wittemberg. To justify himself in this 
 measure, he truly declared that General Councils 
 " are superior in power to the Pope, who being a 
 fallible man, might err, as St. Peter, the most 
 perfect of his predecessors, had erred."* He fur- 
 ther remarked, that the prophet forbids us to put 
 trust or confidence in men, even in princes, to 
 whose judgment nothing ought less to be com- 
 mitted than the word of God ;f protesting, 
 however, at the same time, that lie had no 
 intention to speak any thing auainst the holy 
 Catholic and Apostolic Church, nor against 
 the authority of the Holy See. He relates 
 what passed at Wittemberg and Augsburg 
 upon his account ; and adds, that perceiv- 
 ing they would proceed against him at the 
 Court of Rome, and that his pretended judges, 
 without regard to his submission or protesta- 
 tions, designed his condemnation, he was forced 
 to appeal from Leo X. misinformed, from the 
 commission of his present judges, their citation, 
 
 * Sleid. Hist. 12. Luth. Oper. v. i. p. 179. 
 
 t Fra. Paolo Storia del Concil. Tridcntiao, lib. i.
 
 188 
 
 process, excommunication, and all other cen- 
 sures, which they had or could inflict ; and from 
 all the consequences that had followed or might 
 follow ; and that he demanded the letters of his 
 appeal, with a protestation to prosecute it, and 
 do himself justice as he should think it conve- 
 nient.* 
 
 Leo X., still unwilling or afraid to push mat- 
 ters to extremities against this unruly son of the 
 Church, addressed a conciliatory message to the 
 Elector of Saxony. This was accompanied by 
 a present, which a very short time before would 
 have had the most pleasing effects on the mind 
 of the Elector : it was the consecrated Rose, 
 which the Pontiff had been in the habit of send- 
 ing annually to those princes for whom he pro- 
 fessed a more than usual affection and regard. 
 This sacred and honourable present came too 
 late. The rose had lost its fragrance with the 
 half-reformed Elector. And even had this not 
 been the case, a circumstance occurred at 
 that time, which diverted the attention of the 
 Pope from the affairs of the Church, fur- 
 nished the Elector with additional motives to 
 continue his protection to the Reformer, and 
 gave Luther himself time and new means to 
 promote the great objects of his opposition to 
 the Court of Rome, and the authority of the 
 
 * Dupin, Eccles. Hist, book ii. cent. xvi.
 
 189 
 
 Pontiff. The letters and present of the Pope 
 were sent by the hands of Miltitz, a Saxon knight 
 attached to the papal Court, and one of Leo's 
 chamberlains. By the same person, the Pope 
 wrote to Pfeffinger, Councillor of State to the 
 Elector, requesting him to use his influence with 
 his master to stop the progress of the Reforma- 
 tion, and to imitate the piety and religious zeal 
 of his ancestors. A similar request was made 
 to Spalatino, Secretary of State to the Elector. 
 These letters are dated early in January 1519s 
 but before Miltitz arrived with them in Ger- 
 many, the Emperor Maximilian died, and his 
 death, for a time, changed the face of affairs. 
 
 This circumstance somewhat delayed the ne- 
 gociations of Miltitz j yet in the course of the 
 year a conference was had with Luther at Al- 
 tenburg - 3 and this prudent and sensible minis- 
 ter so far succeeded with him, by playing off 
 upon his vanity, and by solemnly and earnestly 
 reprobating the wicked conduct of Tetzel, that 
 our hitherto inflexible Reformer consented to 
 write a submissive letter to Leo X., and once 
 more promised to be silent respecting indulg- 
 ences, provided that the same obligation should 
 be imposed upon his adversaries.* Previously, 
 however, to writing this obedient letter, Luther 
 wrote one to Miltitz, in which he censures, in 
 
 * Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. vol. iv. p. 39.
 
 „ 190 
 
 somewhat severe terms, the conduct even of the 
 Pope himself, who had given the Archbishop of 
 Mentz a dispensation to hold several bishop- 
 rics, by which he had so nourished his ambition 
 and avarice, that a kind of necessity had been 
 imposed upon him to abuse the promulgation of 
 Indulgences, in order to raise money for the nu- 
 merous expenses to which he had exposed him- 
 self. Luther also charged the Pope with being 
 under undue influence to the Florentines, parti- 
 cularly to his own family of the Medici, who 
 were accused of great covetousness, pride, and 
 ambition. 
 
 This letter was given into the hands of Mil- 
 tiz ; but, for some reason which does not ap- 
 pear, Luther recalled these injurious reflections, 
 and addressed a letter to Leo X., in which he 
 declares, that it is a very great grief to him to 
 find himself accused of want of respect to the 
 Church of Rome, in a matter which he had un- 
 dertaken purely with a design to maintain her 
 honour; which was also the motive that de- 
 termined him not to retract his assertions, as his 
 writings were spread through all Germany, and 
 he could not renounce the sentiments those 
 writings conveyed, without dishonouring the 
 holy Catholic Church. It is more than probable, 
 however, that in this last profession, our pious 
 Reformer is somewhat satirical : his subsequent 
 conduct, and, indeed, his whole behaviour from 
 the time he commenced open rebellion against
 
 191 
 
 the Roman Court, shew that he was influ- 
 enced by views not very favourable to the 
 interests of the Catholic Church. In this 
 letter he repeats his complaints against the 
 conduct of his opponents, and throws the 
 whole blame of the threatened schism on their 
 heads. He then protests before the living God, 
 that he never intended to diminish the authority 
 of the Church of Rome or of the Pope. He 
 acknowledges that the power of that Church is 
 above all things, and that there is nothing to be 
 preferred to it, either in heaven or earth, except 
 our Lord Jesus Christ. He, moreover, engages 
 in this letter to publish some writings, to exhort 
 his friends and adherents to honour the Roman 
 Catholic Church, and not impute to it the rash- 
 ness of private men. He promises also that in 
 those writings he will exhort his readers not to 
 impute the sharpness of style, in which he had 
 before written, to any other motive than the 
 most earnest desire to save the Church from be- 
 ing disgraced with the imputation of avarice. 
 This letter is dated March 13, 1519.* 
 
 As the cause of truth and religion fortunately 
 does not rest on the good or bad qualities of Lu- 
 ther, or any other of the Reformers, I have no 
 hesitation in giving it as my opinion, that in 
 
 * Dupin, book ii. cap. iii. cent. xvi. Brandt's Hist, of the 
 Reformation, book ii.
 
 192 
 
 these professions of respect and obedience to the 
 Pope, Luther was acting a double part ; and that 
 he therein departed from that boldness and de- 
 cision which he generally observed during his 
 war with the Church. But this was not the only 
 instance in which our Reformer shewed himself 
 capable of managing his matters more in the 
 spirit of a politician than in that of a Christian 
 Minister. He might not, however, be averse 
 to a reconciliation at this time ; though how he 
 might reasonably expect his professions of obe- 
 dience to be received, by the party against whose 
 authority he had already appealed, there can be 
 little difficulty in deciding : for Luther was not 
 without great foresight or knowledge of the hu- 
 man heart. Yet Leo X., naturally disposed to 
 pacific measures, and ready to put the most fa- 
 vourable construction on every thing, replied to 
 Luther in a style equally mild and conciliatory. 
 The friends of peace now began to hope that 
 these differences would speedily subside.* 
 
 But though the Roman Court received the 
 professions of Luther with anticipations of this 
 
 • The IXth. Section, of Dr. Machine's Translation of Mo- 
 sheim, was added by the translator, because, as he says, he 
 thought that this part of Luther's history deserved to be related 
 in a more circumstantial manner than it is in the original. The 
 admirers of Mosheim would have been obliged to his transla- 
 tor for this and other liberties he has taken, had he been care- 
 ful to have observed the spirit and faithfulness of his original ; 
 
 but
 
 193 
 
 pleasing nature, other circumstances arose 
 which blasted all these hopes, revived the fer- 
 mentation of theological disputes, and gave new 
 life to those animosities which seemed in that 
 age to be their natural and invariable result.* 
 
 About this period, Andrew Bodenstein, called 
 by himself Carlostadt, from the place of his 
 birth, having embraced the opinions of Luther, 
 published a thesis in their defence. This called 
 forth once more the learning and powerful abili- 
 ties of Eccius. 
 
 To enter into a detail of the disputes at Leip- 
 sic between Eccius, Carlostadt, and Luther, 
 would neither edifv the reader, nor illustrate this 
 history. As usual, both sides claimed the vic- 
 tory : — an indifferent observer might remark, 
 that neither deserved it. These disputes com- 
 menced on the 25th of June, and ended on the 
 
 but whoever will compare Mosheim's note (u) vol. iv. p. 39, 
 with Machine's reflections on the conduct, of Leo X. (p. 42 of 
 the same volume), will perceive a manifest discrepancy be- 
 tween the statements of these writers. According to the one, 
 the Court of Rome received the submission of Luther in the 
 most friendly manner: according to the other, that Court 
 had not prudence enough ft) take so wise a step. In a sepa- 
 rate work, this conduct of Dr. Machine's might have been 
 excused: in a re-publication of Dr. Mosheim, it is highly re- 
 prehensible. 
 
 * Roscoe's Leo X. vol. iv. p. P. 
 
 O
 
 194 
 
 15th of July following. Before they entered 
 upon the debate, which was conducted in the 
 hall of the Castle at Leipsic, in the presence of 
 George, Duke of Saxony, and a large concourse 
 of other eminent persons, Eccius proposed to 
 appoint suitable judges. Luther, with his cha- 
 racteristic boldness and impetuosity, replied, 
 that all the world might be the judge. The 
 Universities of Paris and Erfurt were at length 
 fixed upon.* The questions agitated embrace 
 many of the opinions which still divide the Ca- 
 tholic and Protestant Churches ; and they were 
 discussed in a manner and with a spirit by no 
 means honourable to either of the disputants, or 
 the Universities of Paris and Erfurt. If, however, 
 these disputes had but little effect, while they were 
 carried on by both parties in propria persona, 
 when they were renewed in writing, they called 
 forth the efforts of many learned and eminent 
 scholars ; amongst whom were Melancthon and 
 Erasmus, whose various publications awakened 
 the spirit of inquiry, and forwarded, in a very 
 powerful manner, the cause of the Reform- 
 ation. 
 
 After the fruitless disputes at Leipsic, Luther 
 returned to Wittemberg, where Miltitz renewed 
 
 * Dupin, with his usual candour and impartiality, has 
 given an ample detail of the points in dispute, in the 5th 
 chapter of the 2d book, cent. xvi. of his history.
 
 195 
 
 his efforts to reconcile Luther to the Pope and 
 the Church. Whatever resolution our zealous 
 and intrepid Reformer might manifest in his op- 
 position to the papal authority, he appears to 
 have been but ill-prepared to withstand the at- 
 tacks of flattery 3 and, accordingly, Miltitz, who 
 seems properly to have appreciated the mind of 
 Luther, prevailed upon him, by calling in the 
 assistance of the society of the Augustine Monks, 
 to which, as we have seen, Luther belonged, to 
 write again to the Pope, with a further and more 
 explicit account of his conduct. This applica- 
 tion to the Augustine Monks seems to have been 
 particularly pleasing to Luther. 
 
 The indefatigable and truly impartial Mr. 
 Roscoe has treated this part of the subject in 
 his usual interesting and just manner ; and as it 
 is one of the most essential traits in the early 
 history of the Reformation, I will give the ac- 
 count of Luther's letter, as it appears in this 
 author's Life of Leo X.* 
 
 " Under the pretext of obedience, respect, 
 and even affection for the pontiff, he has 
 conveyed the most determined opposition, 
 the most bitter satire, and the most mark- 
 ed contempt ; insomuch, that it is scarcely 
 possible to conceive a composition more 
 
 * Vol. IV. p. 13, et seq. 
 
 O 2
 
 19r] 
 
 replete with insult and offence, than that which 
 Esther affected to allow himself to be prevailed on 
 to write by the representations of his own frater- 
 nity. c AmOngst the monsters of the age,' says 
 Luther, f with whom I have now waged nearly a 
 1 three years' war, I am compelled, at times, td 
 ' turn my regards towards you, O most holy 
 
 * father Leo ; or rather I may say, that as you 
 
 * are esteemed to be the sole cause of the contest, 
 c you are never absent from my thoughts. For 
 ' although 1 have been induced by your impi- 
 c ous flatterers, who have attacked me without 
 { any cause, to appeal to a general council, re- 
 *' gardless of the empty decrees of your prede- 
 
 * cessors, Pius and Julius, which, by a kind of 
 
 * stupid tyranny, were intended to prevent such 
 ; a measure, yet I have never allowed my mind 
 i to be so far alienated from your holiness, as 
 ' not to be most earnestly solicitous for the hap- 
 
 * piness both of yourself and your see, which I 
 
 * have always endeavoured, as far as in my 
 ( power, to obtain from God by continual and 
 ' ardent supplications. It is true, I have almost 
 ' learnt to despise and to exult over the threats 
 ' of those who have sought to terrify me, by the 
 
 * majesty of your name and authority ; but there 
 ' is one circumstance which I cannot contemn, 
 ' and which has compelled me again to ad- 
 ' dress your holiness. I understand I have been 
 c highly blamed, as having had the temerity to 
 ' carry my opposition so far as even to attack 
 1 your personal character.
 
 197 
 
 <k ' c I must, however, most explicitly assure 
 : you, that whenever I have had occasion to 
 : mention you, I have never done it but in the 
 c best and most magnificent terms. Had I done 
 : otherwise, I should have belied my own judg- 
 : ment, and should not only concur in the opi- 
 : nion of my adversaries, but most willingly ac- 
 1 knowledge my rashness and impiety. I have 
 ' given you the appellation of Daniel in Baby- 
 ' Ion, and have even endeavoured to defend you 
 ' against your great calumniator Silvester 
 
 * (Prierio) with a sincerity which any reader 
 ' will abundantly perceive in my works. The 
 ' unsullied reputation of your life is, indeed, so 
 ' august and so celebrated in every part of the 
 ' world by the applauses of learned men, as to 
 
 * set at defiance any aspersions which can be 
 ' thrown upon it. I am not so absurd as to 
 
 * attack him whom every one praises, when it 
 c has always been iny rule to spare even those 
 1 whom public report condemns. I delight not 
 1 in blazoning the crimes of others, being con- 
 c scious of the mote which is in my own eye, 
 
 * and not regarding myself as entitled to throw 
 ' the first stone at an adultress.' 
 
 " After justifying the asperity with which he 
 has commented on the misconduct of his adver- 
 saries, by the example of Christ, and of the 
 prophets and apostles, he thus proceeds: ' I 
 f must, however, acknowledge my total abhor- 
 f rence of your see, the Roman court, which,
 
 198 
 
 neither you nor any man can deny, is more 
 corrupt than either Babylon or Sodom, and 
 according to the best of my information, is 
 sunk in the most deplorable and notorious im- 
 piety.* I have been, therefore, truly indig- 
 nant to find, that under your name, and the 
 pretext of the Roman church, the people of 
 Christ have been made a sport of; which 1 
 have opposed, and will oppose, as long as 
 the spirit of faith shall remain in me. Not 
 that I would attempt impossibilities, or expect 
 that my efforts could avail against such a hos- 
 tile throng of flatterers, and in the midst of 
 the commotions of that Babylon. I owe, 
 however, something to my brethren, and con- 
 ceive that it behoves me to keep watch that 
 they are not seized in such numbers, nor 
 so violently attacked, by this Roman plague. 
 
 * " It must be observed, that Luther had been in Rome, 
 in the year 1510, on the affairs of his convent, where he had 
 been greatly disgusted with the conduct of the clergy, and 
 the manners of the people, in the performance of religious 
 worship. « Ego Romae,' says he, ' non diu fui. Ibi ce- 
 ' lebravi ipse, et vidi celebrari aliquot missas, sed ita, ut, 
 « quoties recordor, execrer illas. Nam super mensam, in- 
 ' ter alia, audivi Curtisanos quosdam ridendo gloriari ; non- 
 ' nullos in ara super panein et vinum haec verba pronun- 
 « tiare,' Pants es, pants manebis ; vinum es, vinum manebis. 
 Ex Luther, op. German, torn. vi. Jena, ap. Melch. Adam in 
 vita, 49. Speaking of this journey in his Colloquia, he ob- 
 serves, that he would not have exchanged it for a thousand 
 florins. lb.
 
 199 
 
 For what has Rome poured out for these many 
 years past (as you well know) but the desola- 
 tion of all things, both of body and soul, and 
 the worst examples of all iniquity. It is, in- 
 deed, as clear as day-light to all mankind, that 
 the Roman church, formerly the most holy of 
 all churches, is become the most licentious den 
 of thieves, the most shameless of all brothels, 
 the kingdom of sin, of death, and of hell ; the 
 wickedness of which not antichrist himself 
 could conceive. 
 
 " ' In the mean time, you, O Leo, sit like a 
 
 lamb amidst wolves, and live like Daniel amidst 
 
 the lions, or Ezekiel among the scorpions. 
 
 But what can you oppose to these monsters ? 
 
 Three or four learned and excellent cardinals ! 
 
 but what are these on such an occasion ? In 
 
 fact, you would all sooner perish by poison, 
 
 than attempt a remedy to these disorders. 
 
 The fate of the court of Rome is decreed -, the 
 
 wrath of God is upon it ■ advice it detests ; 
 
 reformation it dreads; the fury of its impiety 
 
 cannot be mitigated, and it has now fulfilled 
 
 that which was said of its mother, We have 
 
 medicine d Babylon and she is not healed ; let us 
 
 therefore leave her. It was the office of you 
 
 : and of your cardinals to have applied a remedy ; 
 
 ; but the disorder derides the hand of the phy- 
 
 1 sician, nee audit currus habenas. Under these 
 
 ' impressions I have always lamented, O most 
 
 * excellent Leo, that you, who are worthy of
 
 200 
 
 * better times, should have been elected to the 
 e pontificate in such days as these. Rome 
 c merits you not, nor those who resemble you, 
 1 but Satan himself, who in fact reigns more 
 c than you in that Babylon ; would that you 
 c could exchange that state, which your inve- 
 c terate enemies represent to you as an honour, 
 c for some petty living ; or would support your- 
 c self by your paternal inheritance; for of such 
 c honours none are w 7 orthy but Iscariots, the sons 
 c of perdition.' 
 
 " After pouring out these invectives, and others 
 of a similar kind, always pointed with expres- 
 sions of the most contemptuous kindness for the 
 pontiff, Luther proceeds to give a brief history 
 of his conduct, and of the efforts made to pacify 
 him by the Roman court; in which he speaks 
 of Eccius as the servant of Satan, and the ad- 
 versary of Jesus Christ, and adverts to the con- 
 duct of the cardinal of Gaeta with an acrimony 
 by no means consistent with his former profes- 
 sions in this respect. He then declares, that in 
 consequence of the representations of the Au- 
 gustine fathers, who had entreated him at least 
 to honour the person of the pontiff, and assured 
 him that a reconciliation was yet practicable, 
 he had joyfully and gratefully undertaken the 
 present address : c Thus I rome,' says he, 
 e most holy father, and prostrating myself be- 
 c fore you, entreat that you will, if po.-sible, lay 
 e hands on and bridle those flatterers who, whilst
 
 201 
 
 * they pretend to be pacific, are the enemies of 
 ' peace. Let no one, however, presume to 
 ' think, most holy father, that I shall sing a 
 
 * palinode, unless he wishes to give rise to a still 
 
 * greater storm. I shall admit of no restraints 
 
 * in interpreting the word of God; for the word 
 
 * of God, which inculcates the liberty of all, 
 1 must itself be free. Except in these points, 
 
 * there is nothing to which I am not ready to 
 
 * submit. 1 hate contention, I will provoke no 
 1 one ; but being provoked, whilst Christ assists 
 
 * me, I will not be mute. With one word your 
 
 * holiness might silence these commotions, and 
 
 * establish that peace which I so earnestly 
 
 * desire. 
 
 " ' Allow me, however, to caution you, my 
 
 * good father Leo, against those syrens who 
 
 * would persuade you that you are not alto- 
 c gether a man, but a compound of man and 
 e God, and can command and require whatever 
 4 you please. This, I assure you, will be of no 
 ' avail. You are the servant of servants, and of 
 
 * all mankind, are seated in the most deplorable 
 f and perilous place. Be not deceived by those 
 f who pretend that you are lord of the earth, 
 
 * that there can be no christian without your 
 c authority, and that \'OU have any power in 
 e heaven, in hell, or in purgatory. They are 
 
 * your enemies, and seek to destroy your soul, as 
 ' it was said by Esaias, O my people, they who 
 "■ pronounce you happy deceive you. Thus they
 
 202 
 
 impose upon you, who exalt you above a coun- 
 cil, and the universal church ; and who attri- 
 bute to you alone the right of interpreting the 
 scriptures, and endeavour, under your name to 
 establish their own impiety. Alas, by their 
 means, Satan has made great gain among your 
 predecessors.'* 
 
 " This letter, which bears date the sixth day 
 
 * " Some of the protestant writers, willing to attribute the 
 schism of the church wholly to the rash and intemperate con- 
 duct of the Roman pontiff, have passed over in silence this 
 provoking letter of Luther, although published in the general 
 collection of his works (v. Cha. Chais, Mosheim, Robertson, 
 Sfc.J ; others who have cited it, have supposed that Luther 
 was serious in his professions of respect and attachment to 
 Leo X., and that the pontiff should have considered it as a 
 peace-offering (v. Sleidan and Seckendorf) ; but it is not dif- 
 ficult to perceive that the whole is a bitter satire, rendered 
 more galling by the pretended anxiety of the writer for the 
 temporal and eternal welfare of the pope. Seckendorf has 
 also attempted to prove, that although this letter bears the 
 date of the 6th April, 1520, it was not written till the month 
 of October following ; in which opinion he has been incau- 
 tiously followed by other writers. To say nothing of the de- 
 cisive internal evidence of the letter having been written be- 
 fore the issuing of the papal bull, it may be sufficient to 
 notice the following facts ; a due attention to which would 
 have prevented Seckendorf and his followers from falling into 
 such an error. 
 
 " I. The letter in question was prefixed, as the actual dedi- 
 cation to Leo X., of the book of Luther, de Libertate Christi- 
 ana.
 
 20S 
 
 of April, 1520, was prefixed by Luther as a dedi- 
 cation to his treatise on Christian liberty, which 
 
 ana. In this form it appears in the Jena Edition of the works 
 of Luther, where it immediately precedes the treatise, and is 
 entitled Epistola Lutheri ad Leonem X. Rom. Pontificem, Li- 
 bello be Libertate Christiana pr^fixa. The dedicatory 
 words at the close of the letter admit of no doubt that it was 
 published with the book, ' In fine, ne vacuus advenerim, 
 
 * B. P. mecum affero tractatulum hunc, sub tuo nomine editum, 
 
 * vel ut auspicio pacis componendae et bonae spei,' &c. 
 
 " II. The precise time of the publication of this treatise is 
 marked by the dedicatory letter itself; viz. the 6th April, 
 1520. It preceded, in the order of publication, the treatise, 
 de Captivitate Babylonica ; and the latter treatise had made 
 its appearance in the month of August, 1520. v. Sleidan. lib. 
 ii. Seckend. lib. i. sec. lxxiii. 
 
 " III. The Jena Edition of the works of Luther was super- 
 intended by his particular friends soon after his death, and 
 the greatest care was taken in arranging his writings, in 
 order of time, according to their proper dates. This is re- 
 peatedly insisted on, in the preface by Amsdorf, as one of the 
 chief merits of the work, ' Nam multi, non considerata 
 ' temporum serie, turpiter hallucinantur, dum praetextu Scrip- 
 ' torum Lutheri, Christum et Belial conciliare student.' In this 
 Edition the letter appears in its proper place, with the date 
 of the 6th April, and before the bull of Leo X., which is 
 dated the 15th of June. 
 
 " IV. Any correspondence between Luther and Leo X. 
 aftef the issuing the bull must have been well known, and 
 given rise to great observation, as it would have shewn the 
 conduct of Luther in a very different light from that in which 
 it now appears, and led to very different conclusions respect-
 
 204 
 
 he professes to transmit to the Pope as a proof 
 of his pacific disposition, and of his desire to 
 attend to his studies, if the flatterers of the pon- 
 tiff would allow him ; but which the advocates 
 of the Roman church have considered as an ad- 
 ditional proof of his arrogance and his disobe- 
 dience." 
 
 Had the friends of the Roman court viewed 
 this letter in the light which some Protestants 
 have considered it, and not as in fact, complet- 
 ing " the measure of his offences" against the 
 Pope and the Holy Catholic Church, the bull 
 of excommunication which Leo X. unwillingly 
 issued against the author of it, would never have 
 been put in force. After repeated persuasions, 
 however, on the 15th of June, L520,* a bull 
 
 ing his character. To have omitted or misplaced it in the 
 Jena Edition of the works of Luther, which professes to give 
 a history of the reformation for the years 1517, IS, 19, 20, 
 and 21, by a regular series of authentic documents, would 
 have been unpardonable. Even Seckendorf himself has not 
 ventured to introduce, or even to mention such letter in his 
 commentaries, at the time when he contends it was written ; 
 and only undertakes, in a former part of his work, to raise 
 some doubt on the subject ; ' dubitationem quandam infra ape- 
 ' riam;' a doubt which a proper examination would effec- 
 tually have removed." This point has been still further clear- 
 ed in Mr. Roscoe's Preface to the 2nd. Edition of his work. 
 * Era. Paolo, Concil. di Trento. lib. i. p. 10. (Brent). Pal- 
 lavicini, Concil. di Trento, cap. xx. p. 119.
 
 205 
 
 of condemnation was issued against Luther 
 and his doctrines. This bull completed the 
 schism which had been evidently begun three 
 years before. It states the various causes of 
 complaint against Luther, his adherents, and 
 writings, from which forty-one articles were se- 
 lected as heretical, dangerous, and scandalous ; 
 offensive to pious ears, contrary to Christian 
 charity, the respect due to the Roman church, 
 and to that obedience which is the sinew of ec- 
 clesiastical discipline. The most pointed con- 
 demnation is there passed upon them, and a 
 strict prohibition laid upon every person, under 
 pain of excommunication, from advancing, de- 
 fending, or favouring, either in writing or preach- 
 ing, any such opinions. The books themselves 
 are ordered to be collected and publicly burned. 
 The bull then proceeds to narrate the mild and 
 paternal behaviour of the pontiff; and contrasts 
 it with the pertinacious and obstinate conduct 
 of Luther, whom the papal court might in- 
 stantly condemn as a notorious heretic ; but 
 that, unwilling to proceed to harsh measures, 
 Luther and his adherents are conjured to return 
 to their duty, and renounce their errors ; assur- 
 ing them, that if they give manifest proof of 
 their obedience, by destroying and disavowing 
 their writings, within sixty days, they should be 
 graciously received to the bosom and protection 
 of the Church; but that, should they persist in 
 their errors and contumacy, after the time spe- 
 cified, they should be proceeded against imme-
 
 206 
 
 diately as obstinate and perverse heretics ; and 
 receive the punishment which the law in such 
 cases has provided.* 
 
 The bull of Leo X., instead of allaying the tu- 
 mults, called forth all the zeal and energy of 
 Luther, and his powerful and numerous friends. 
 To such a pitch of exasperation did this mea- 
 sure raise the intrepid and daring innovator, 
 that he threw off, in the most unequivocal man- 
 ner, all forms of respect, and even decency, to- 
 wards the Pope, the Councils, and the Catho- 
 lic Church. Refusing to appear to the Pope's 
 citation, he boldly exclaimed, " I defer my ap- 
 pearing there until I am followed by five thou- 
 sand horse and twenty thousand foot : then will 
 I make myself believed. "f No epithet of a 
 rude and offensive nature was spared in repre- 
 senting the character and conduct of the pope 
 and his whole court. He once more appealed 
 to a general council, and hesitates not to call the 
 supreme pontiff, whose authority he had lately 
 declared as inferior only to that of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ, a tyrant, a heretic, an apostate, and An- 
 
 * This bull has been copied, from the works of Luther, 
 into the Appendix (No. clxxxiii.) to Mr. Roscoe's Life of Leo 
 X. ; and the substance of it may be found, translated, in Du- 
 pin's Ecclesiastical Writers, Cent. xvi. 
 
 f Adver. execr. Antichrist. Bull, T. 2. p. 91. ap. Bossuet 
 Var. i. p. 24.
 
 207 
 
 tichrist himself. He even summons the pope 
 and his cardinals to repent of their sins, and re- 
 nounce their errors, or he would otherwise de- 
 liver over both them and their bull, with all their 
 decretals, to Satan, that by the destruction of 
 the flesh, their souls may be liberated in the 
 coming of our Lord. Accordingly, not being 
 in a capacity to carry his threat into execution 
 in any other way, "On the 10th of December, 
 1520, he caused a kind of funeral pile to be 
 erected without the walls of Wittemberg, sur- 
 rounded by scaffolds, as for a public spectacle; 
 and when the places thus prepared were filled 
 by the members of the university, and the in- 
 habitants of the city, Luther made his appear- 
 ance with many attendants, bringing with him 
 several volumes, containing the decrees of Gra- 
 tian, the decretals of the popes, the constitu- 
 tions, called the Extravagants, the writings of 
 Eccius, and of Emser, another of his antago- 
 nists, and, finally, a copy of the bull of Leo X. 
 The pile being then set on fire, he, with his 
 own hands, committed the books to the flames, 
 exclaiming at the same time, Because ye have 
 troubled the holy of the Lord, ye shall be burnt 
 with eternal fire."* That there might be no 
 mistake respecting the real sentiments of these 
 zealous Reformers, on the following day, Luther 
 
 * Luther Op. vol. ii. p. 320. Pallavic. Cone, di Trcnto, cap. 
 xxii. p. 126. in Roscoe Leo X. iv. p. 31.
 
 208 
 
 mounted the pulpit, and openly declared that 
 the conflagration they had just seen was a mat- 
 ter of small importance ; that " it would be 
 more to the purpose if the Pope himself, or in 
 other words, the Papal See, were also burnt 1"* 
 
 This indecent and persecuting behaviour was 
 imitated by the friends of the Reformation in 
 several other parts of Germany. How unlike 
 the conduct of him who, when he was reviled, 
 reviled not again ; when he suffered, threatened, 
 not ! What a pity that these Reformers 
 should have been so anxious to get rid of every 
 thing in Popery, but its persecuting spirit ! That 
 the strict discipline, and the various means and 
 motives to a holy life, which are found in the 
 Catholic Church, should be all rejected as '* filthy 
 rags,'' and nothing be retained but that gloomy 
 spirit of bigotry, which in fact does not belong 
 essentially to any religious profession, but which 
 the darkness of the age had so injuriously in- 
 grafted on the faith of Christians ! Nor was this 
 the only instance of Luther's intolerant zeal : 
 he called upon Charles V., the young Emperor, 
 to rise up and oppose himself to the kingdom of 
 antichrist; and he addressed a book in the 
 German language to the Emperor and nobles, 
 
 * " Parum esse hoc deflagrationis negotium ; ex re fore, 
 ut Papa quoque, hoc est, sedes Papalis consumaretur." Luth. 
 Op. vol. ii. p. 320.
 
 209 
 
 endeavouring to excite them to war against the 
 Pope,* whom he called a wolf, possessed by an 
 evil spirit, and who, as he afterwards said, " is 
 so full of devils, that he spits them from his 
 mouth, and blows them from his nose."j" Nor 
 was this, as Bossuet remarks, J an orator, whom 
 the warmth of the harangue might have hurried 
 into indeliberate conclusions ; but a doctor that 
 dogmatized in cold blood." When abuse and 
 slander had been pretty well lavished and ex- 
 hausted, he turned the strains of his invective 
 into the most foul and disgusting railing, em- 
 ploying the lowest figures, the vilest comparisons, 
 and the most execrable puns, which his fertile 
 imagination could devise, to pour contempt and 
 reproach on the head of the Church; insomuch, 
 that his language had at times much more the 
 appearance of delirious ravings, than that of a 
 wise and holy reformer of abuses. 
 
 Supposing himself to be speaking to the Pope, 
 Paul III., he says: " My little Paul, my little 
 Pope, my little ass, walk gently, the frost has made 
 it slippery ; thou wilt break a leg — thou wilt be- 
 foul thyself, and people will cry out, O the de- 
 vil ! how the little ass of a Pope has befouled 
 
 * Seckendorf Comment, dc Lutheran, lib. i. sec. xxiv. 
 p. 127. 
 
 t Luth. Op. torn. vii. in Reeve's Christian Church, vol. iii.63. 
 X Variations of the Protestant Churches, vol. i. p. 24. 
 P
 
 210 
 
 himself!" Again : " An ass knows that he is an 
 ass ; a stone knows that it is a stone ; but these 
 little asses of Popes do not know that they are 
 asses. The Pope cannot take me for an ass ; for 
 he knows very well that through God's good- 
 ness and his particular grace, lam more learned 
 in scripture than he and all his asses put toge- 
 ther." He afterwards adds : "Were I sovereign of 
 the Empire, I would make but one bundle of both 
 Pope and Cardinals, and souse them all together 
 into the little ditch called by the Latins the 
 Tyrrhen sea. This bath would cure them, I 
 pass my word for it, and give Jesus Christ for 
 surety !"* Surely, one would have thought this 
 latter blasphemy might have been spared ! It 
 could hardly have been needful to enlist the meek 
 and lowly Jesus in this ignoble service. Yet with 
 all the good intentions of our enraged Reformer, 
 his attempt to create a real war against the Pope 
 did not succeed, at least not immediately. 
 
 Such was the spirit and behaviour of Luther ! 
 And yet our reason has been beguiled during the 
 long space of three hundred years about this holy 
 man of God — this Apostle of the Most High — 
 this incomparable reviver of all that is good in 
 religion and morals, " the ever-glorious Lu- 
 ther !"f If to be a good Catholic, it is required 
 that we adopt the spirit of some Catholic princes 
 
 * Vid. Papasinuli, in torn. vii. p. 474. 
 f Walch'6 Lives of the Popes, p. 248.
 
 211 
 
 and other bigots — if to be a Lutheran, it is need- 
 ful to follow the example of this Augustine friar 
 — if to be a pious Calvinist, it is indispensable to 
 imitate the conduct of the infuriate priest who 
 burned Servetus* — if no one can be a good Pro- 
 testant who does not conform himself to all the 
 maxims of the earliest Reformers, then, i ndeed, the 
 author of the present work is neither a Catho- 
 lic, a Lutheran, a Calvinist, nor any kind of Pro- 
 testant ; for, whoever may be offended at the as- 
 sertion, he fears not to say, that he is as much 
 ashamed of the conduct of most of the Reform- 
 ers, as he abhors the persecuting edicts and ful- 
 minating decrees of some princes, hot-brained 
 popes, and intolerant priests. But it will be 
 said that Luther's intolerance was the fault of 
 the age. True : yet it should not be forgotten, 
 that he was raised up, as he pretended, to cor- 
 rect the faults of the age ; and, therefore, was 
 more inexcusable: for there was not a single 
 error of the Roman Court, against which he 
 directed his mighty talents, so hateful in the 
 sight of God, so injurious to the welfare and 
 happiness of Christians, or so disgraceful to re- 
 ligion and morals, as that which sanctioned the 
 
 * Readers, who can distinguish between Calvinism, as a 
 system of Religion, and the conduct of its founder (as every 
 Protestant should do with regard to the Catholic Religion 
 and Popery in its worst sense), may consult, with advantage, 
 that faithful and interesting book, entitled, An Apology for 
 Servetus, by the Rev. R. Wright. 
 
 P 9
 
 5212 
 
 burning of heretics ; and yet it is evident that 
 this practice, of all others, he cherished and 
 wished to have imitated ! 
 
 Every one, however, must allow to Luther 
 the merit of uncommon fortitude, zeal and con- 
 stancy. This was manifested in a conspicuous 
 manner at the Diet of Worms, which was as- 
 sembled early in the year 1521, by the Emperor 
 Charles V. To this assembly Luther was sum- 
 moned to appear; and he did not hesitate 
 promptly to obey the summons, declaring to his 
 friends, who were alarmed for his safety should 
 he comply, that were he sure to encounter there 
 as many devils as there were tiles on the houses, 
 he would not disobey the call.* 
 
 He arrived at the city of Worms on the six- 
 teenth day of April, attended by a numerous 
 and splendid retinue, and was conducted to the 
 Diet on the following day by the Marshal Count 
 Pappenheim, who informed him that he would 
 not be permitted to address the assembly, but 
 must give unequivocal answers to such questions 
 as should be put to him. Being asked whether 
 the books published in his name, the titles 
 whereof were recited to him, were, indeed, his 
 own publications, and also, if they were, whe- 
 
 * Luther. Ep. in Seckend. lib. i. p. 152. Fra. Paolo, Hist. 
 Con. Trent, p. 12.
 
 213 
 
 ther he was prepared to retract what had been 
 condemned by the Pope's bull in them, he re- 
 plied, that certainly the books were his, and that 
 he should never deny them ; but that with res- 
 pect to retracting any thing he had advanced in 
 those books, it was a matter of such importance, 
 that he requested a little time to consider before 
 he gave his answer. Accordingly he was al- 
 lowed till the following day to deliver a verbal 
 and decided resolution. Encouraged by the 
 plaudits and the advice of numerous friends, 
 and urged on to constancy by the admiration of 
 the populace, he again appeared before the Diet 
 at the time appointed. He delivered a very long 
 and eloquent oration, in which he declared that 
 some of his writings being published purely for 
 the promotion of piety and good morals, he 
 could not be expected to condemn what both 
 friends and enemies allowed to be useful and in- 
 nocent ; — that others being directed principally 
 against the tyranny of the papistical doctrines, 
 which had given such general offence, he could 
 not retract them without betraying the cause of 
 liberty and truth, which he had hitherto resolv- 
 ed to support ; — but that with respect to the 
 third portion of his writings, which were those 
 written directly against his various adversaries v 
 he would confess he might have departed from 
 that strict line of mildness and decorum which 
 he ought to have observed ; and that as he made 
 no extraordinary pretensions to sanctity, and was 
 rather disposed to defend his doctrines than his
 
 214 
 
 manners, he should only reply, in the words of the 
 Saviour, If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the 
 evil. This was the only concession he appeared 
 disposed to make, except, that if any of his doc- 
 trines could be proved to be opposed to the Holy 
 Scriptures, he himself would be the first to com- 
 mit them to the flames. Addressing himself im- 
 mediately to the Emperor and the other princes 
 who were present, he said, that the true doctrine, 
 when publicly acknowledged, was at all times 
 to be regarded as a divine blessing ; but that to 
 reject it, would infallibly bring upon them many 
 serious calamities. 
 
 This harangue not being deemed a satisfac- 
 tory answer, it was demanded of him to say, 
 simply and unequivocally, whether he would or 
 would not retract his opinions and writings. 
 Now it was that all the native greatness and 
 dignity of his soul became manifest, and he 
 boldly replied in the following terms, which I 
 give as translated by Mr. Roscoe : 
 
 " Since your Majesty, and the sovereigns 
 now present, require a simple answer, I shall 
 reply thus, without evasion and without vehe- 
 mence. Unless I be convinced, by the testi- 
 mony of Scripture, or by evident reason (for I 
 cannot rely on the authority of the Pope and 
 councils alone, since it appears they have fre- 
 quently erred and contradicted each other), and 
 unless my conscience be subdued by the word of
 
 215 
 
 God, I neither can nor will retract any thing, 
 seeing that to act against my own conscience 
 is neither safe nor honest." After which he add- 
 ed, in his native German, for he had previously 
 spoken in Latin, " HlER STEHE ICH, ICH 
 GAN NICHT ANDERS. GOTT HELFF MIR. AMEN." 
 " Here I take my stand ; I can do no other ; God 
 be my help I Amen." Never, through his whole 
 life, did Luther appear to so much advantage as 
 on this memorable occasion. Adverting to this 
 magnanimous reply, a short time before his death, 
 he said : " Thus God gives us fortitude for the 
 occasion ; but I doubt whether I should now 
 find myself equal to such a task." 
 
 The answer which Luther had given to the 
 Diet seemed to have placed the matter beyond 
 all further dispute, and that nothing remained 
 but to put the law against heretics in force 
 upon him ; yet, through much persuasion, the 
 Emperor was induced to allow him to remain 
 three days longer at Worms, and in the mean 
 time several persons were permitted to use their 
 best efforts in private to persuade him to obe- 
 dience. But every mild and lenient method 
 proving abortive, he was commanded to depart 
 from the city, and not to be found within the 
 Emperor's dominions after the expiration of 
 twenty days. Some persons even advised the 
 Emperor to disregard the safe-conduct which 
 had been granted, and imitating the Council of 
 Constance, to destroy at once so dangerous a 
 heretic ; but, to the eternal honour of Charles V.,
 
 216 
 
 he replied, that he would not give himself oc- 
 casion to blush, as the Emperor Sigismund had 
 done in the case of John Huss. In thus nobly 
 refusing to depart from the spirit of his religious 
 profession he was encouraged by Lewis, the 
 Elector Count Palatine, who declared that such 
 an act would brand the German name with 
 perpetual infamy ; and added, that it was into- 
 lerable that the empire should be for ever dis- 
 graced and reproached for not keeping the pub- 
 lic faith, merely to gratify the resentment of a 
 few priests. It is peculiarly worthy of remark, 
 that the few advocates for not keeping faith with 
 the heretic Luther, did not, as in other cases, 
 refer the Emperor to some established doctrine 
 of the universal Church, which, undoubtedly, 
 they would have done, had any such doctrine 
 ever been taught by the Church.* 
 
 Luther left the city of Worms on the twenty- 
 sixth day of April, accompanied by the imperial 
 herald. He was met at the gate of the city by a 
 numerous body of his friends, from whom he re- 
 ceived the warmest congratulations and ap- 
 plauses. He then proceeded on his journey to 
 Wittemberg. On the twenty-sixth dayf of May, 
 
 * The case of John Huss, and the origin of the mistake 
 about not keeping faith with heretics, the reader will find 
 noticed in another place. 
 
 f This edict was dated, according to Seckendorf, on the 8th 
 of May. Seckendorf also says, that the Electors of Saxony 
 
 and
 
 217 
 
 one month after his departure, the Emperor, 
 after repeated solicitations, issued a decree of the 
 Diet against him, in which he is represented 
 " as the devil in the semblance of a man and 
 the dress of a monk ;" and all the subjects of 
 the imperial dominions are required to seize 
 upon him and his adherents, to destroy their 
 property and burn their books and writings ; and 
 all printers are therein forbid to publish any of 
 their works without the consent of the Ordinary. 
 Such was the disgraceful law of the German em- 
 pire at that time ; and such, to a certain extent, 
 is the law of our own country at the present 
 day, against those who impugn the doctrines of 
 the established Church of England.* Luther, 
 
 and Palatine, were wholly ignorant of it ; and were very 
 angry at its publication when they knew it. It was dated the 
 8th of May, he adds, that the people, knowing there was a 
 full session on that day, might believe that it had the entire 
 consent of all the princes of the empire. 
 
 * See the seventeenth section, or clause, in the " Act for 
 exempting their Majesties' Protestant subjects dissenting from 
 the Church of England from the penalties of certain Sta- 
 tutes," generally called, The Toleration Act. Let this clause 
 be compared with the following Statutes: 9 and 10 William 
 III. c. 32. lEdw. VI.c. 1. lEliz. c. 1,2. 23 Eliz. c. 1. 3 
 Jac. I. c. 4. 22 Car. II. ; and all other penal Statutes of this 
 nature not repealed by the Statute 29 Car. II. c. 9. The 
 common law proceedings against libellers of the Christian 
 religion are not taken away by 9 and 10 of William III. c. 
 32. This was the course adopted in the case of the King v. 
 Thomas Paine. See 1 East. P. C. 5 ; apud Archbold's edi- 
 tion of Black. Com. iv. 44. Should it be answered that a 
 material difference exists between a person who blasphem- 
 ously
 
 218 
 
 however, escaped the rage of his enemies, by a 
 very fortunate and unlooked-for circumstance. 
 Passing through a wood on his way to Wittem- 
 berg, with but a small band of attendants, he 
 was seized by several persons in masks, em- 
 ployed by the Elector of Saxony, and forcibly 
 carried to the castle of Wartburg, where he re- 
 mained in privacy the space of nine or ten 
 months, during which Leo X. died, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Adrian VI. This master-piece of 
 policy and humanity in Frederic was attended 
 by several beneficial effects. The adversaries 
 of the Church spread a report that Luther was 
 
 ously denies the truth of the Christian religion, and one who, 
 to say the worst of it, denied only a part of that religion, we 
 may reply by a reference to the case of the Rev. F. Stone, 
 who in the year 180S was publicly tried and degraded (so, I 
 believe, our modern canonists term taking away a poor par- 
 son's bread), for preaching and writing against some doc- 
 trines of the book of Common Prayer. The Monthly Repo- 
 sitory for that year, (p. 274, et seq.) contains a curious detail 
 of the Proceedings in Mr. Stone's case ; and also (p. 210) a 
 comparison of Mr. Stone and Martin Luther. The author of 
 this work, who was present during the trial of Mr. Stone, ne- 
 ver approved of that Rev. Gentleman's manner of proceeding ; 
 but this case and some others may serve to shew, that those 
 Protestants who justly complain of the conduct of the Roman 
 Court, towards Martin Luther, will do well to moderate their 
 invectives against the Catholic religion, by turning their at- 
 tention to the conduct of their own Church under similar 
 circumstances ; and, certainly, we shall feel additional reason 
 to be silent on the score of persecution, when we reflect 
 that the trial of Luther was in the beginning of the 16th 
 century, and that the facts which are here alluded to took 
 
 place
 
 219 
 
 imprisoned, perhaps, destroyed, by the emissaries 
 of Rome, and from thence excited a spirit of 
 revenge, and additional hatred, against the ene- 
 mies of Luther; and those enemies not knowing, 
 or rather humanely affecting not to know,* 
 what was become of him, he was suffered to en- 
 joy the ease and the literary and religious advan- 
 tages of what he emphatically called his Patmos. 
 
 During this retreat he employed himself in 
 composing many of those works which have 
 since become, in a manner, the ground- work of 
 the Reformation. Here, also, he translated a 
 great part of the New Testament into the Ger- 
 man language ; and wrote numerous letters to 
 his friends in various parts ; so that the work of 
 reformation went on with a rapidity equal to his 
 most sanguine wishes, notwithstanding the op- 
 position it met with from the apostolic nuncios 
 and others. During this retirement, Luther also 
 employed a portion of his time in hunting with 
 his companions, passing under the character of 
 a country gentleman, and assuming the name of 
 Yonker George.^ 
 
 place at the latter end of the eighteenth ; at a time, too, when 
 the nation was engaged in loud and intolerant outcries 
 against Popery and Persecution ! 
 
 * It has been thought by some, and that not without 
 probability of its truth, that the emperor himself knew of 
 this event, and of the retreat of Luther. See Moshcim's Eccles. 
 Hist. iv. p. 57. 
 
 | Note &$> [S] by Dr. Machine, in Mosheim. Eccles. Hist, 
 iv. p. 27. Were many good Christians in these days of grace to 
 
 know,
 
 no 
 
 Luther had not been long in his retirement 
 before he was called from it by the intemperate 
 zeal of one of his disciples, Carlostadt, who, with 
 some others, fired with iconoclastic indignation 
 against the use of images in the churches, began 
 to excite considerable tumults in Saxony, by 
 throwing down and breaking the images, and 
 despoiling the sacred pictures which adorned the 
 church of Wittemberg. From these acts of sa- 
 crilege and fanatical intemperance, Carlostadt 
 encouraged the people to every kind of violence, 
 even to mutiny and sedition.* Luther, who 
 had no very inveterate dislike to the use of ima- 
 ges as helps to devotion, the only use, in fact, 
 for which the Church had ever designed them, 
 opposed the fury of these reformed Goths and 
 Vandals with his usual fortitude and courage. 
 <c But, perhaps," says Dr. Maclaine,-]- " the true 
 reason of Luther's displeasure at the proceedings 
 of Carlostadt, was, that he could not bear to see 
 
 know, that this holy man of God employed any portion of 
 his time in such profane pastimes as hunting, they would be 
 led to withhold many of those panegyrics with which they 
 honour the memory of the Reformer ; but, fortunately, most 
 of those who would despise Martin Luther on this ground, 
 are not likely to know, or to believe, that so good a man did 
 ever commit so great a sin as that of hunting ; and hence all 
 parties, churchmen and dissenters, may consistently continue 
 to fall out about who shall have him as their peculiar apostle- 
 
 * Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iv. p; 59. 
 
 t Note [i] Mosh. Eccles. Hist. iv. p. 59.
 
 221 
 
 another crowned with the glory of executing a 
 plan which he had laid ; and that he was ambi- 
 tious of appearing the principal, if not the only 
 conductor, of this great work. This is not a 
 mere conjecture. Luther himself has not taken 
 the least pains to conceal this instance of his am- 
 bition; and it appears evidently in several of 
 his letters." 
 
 From this period, the Reformation may pro- 
 perly be said to have taken effectual root. The 
 limits of the present work will not allow me to 
 trace its progress with minuteness, through the 
 various countries in which it now began to 
 spread. We may, however, observe, that the 
 new doctrines " diffused themselves with the ra- 
 pidity of an inundation."* Besides Frederic, 
 elector of Saxony, already mentioned, John Fre- 
 deric, his successor, and Philip, Landgrave of 
 Hesse, became Luther's disciples. Within the 
 space of four years, these doctrines spread from 
 Hungary and Bohemia to France and England. 
 Gustavus Ericus, king of Sweden, and Christiern 
 III., king of Denmark, declared in favour of 
 Lutheranism ; and, by degrees, it spread into 
 Brandenburgh, Pomerania, Mecklenburgh,Hol- 
 stein, &c. Poland adopted, to a consider- 
 able extent, the religious opinions of Socinus; 
 
 * Sig. Pastorini's General History of the Christian Church, 
 p. 204.
 
 22$ 
 
 and though the Catholic religion has been since 
 made the established creed, the Poles seem never 
 to have had a great relish for the Roman faith.* 
 As early as the year 1.528, four Cantons of 
 Switzerland embraced the reformed creed of 
 Zuinglius ; but these cantons afterwards coalesc- 
 ing with Geneva, again changed their opinions for 
 those of Calvin. The dogmas of this last named 
 reformer were received in many parts of Ger- 
 many; and were propagated with a zeal not 
 very creditable to the honour, or even the Chris- 
 tianity of their founder. Munzer,f deserting 
 from Luther, spread the opinions of the ana- 
 baptists in Suabia, and other provinces of Ger- 
 many and the Low Countries. Calvinism was 
 propagated in Scotland, by the furious zeal of 
 John Knox 5 while the faith of Luther was 
 
 * Vide Robinson's Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 554, et 
 seq. 
 
 f When Munzer assumed the title and functions of a pas- 
 tor, Luther demanded who had given him commission to 
 preach. " Should he answer, 'God/ let him prove it," said 
 Luther, " by a manifest miracle : for when God intends to 
 alter any thing in the ordinary form of mission, it is by such 
 signs that he declares himself." Sleiden, lib. v. ed. 1 555, 69. 
 It was singular that this thought never occurred to Luther 
 himself, when he began to oppose the ordinary forms of mis- 
 sion in the Catholic Church. But the founders of all sects 
 and churches have ever talked in this strain, when they have 
 themselves got, as they suppose, a good and fair footing. It 
 is then " stand by thyself: for I am holier than thou." — " The 
 Temple of the Lord are we !"
 
 223 
 
 fostered, in England, by the lust and avarice of 
 Henry VIII., till it came to be publicly received 
 and conscientiously believed by some succeeding 
 monarchs. 
 
 These various classes of reformed Churches 
 again split into that multiplicity of inferior sects 
 and parties, which the doctrine of the right of 
 private judgment in matters of faith is so emi- 
 nently calculated to promote, and which has been 
 the means of producing one of the most interest- 
 ing works against Protestants ever published;* 
 which, however, was answered by another equally 
 curious production in defence of protestant- 
 ism, f 
 
 This rapid view of the rise of the reformed 
 churches shall be concluded by the estimate 
 which Mr. GibbonJ has made of the real value 
 of the Reformation. Speaking of the early 
 Reformers, this singular historian says : " A 
 philosopher who calculates the degree of their 
 merit, and the value of their reformation, 
 will prudently ask from what articles of faith, 
 above or against our reason, they have enfran- 
 
 * Bossuet's History of the Variations of the Protestant 
 Churches. 
 
 *T M. J. Basnage's History of the Reformed Churches. 
 1 Decline and Fall, vol. vii. p. 403, et seq.
 
 224 
 
 chised the Christians j for such enfranchisement 
 is, doubtless, a benefit, so far as it may be com- 
 patible with truth and piety. After a fair dis- 
 cussion we shall rather be surprised by the ti- 
 midity, than scandalized by the freedom, of our 
 first Reformers.* With the Jews, they adopted 
 the belief and defence of all the Hebrew scrip- 
 tures, with all their prodigies, from the garden 
 of Eden to the visions of the prophet Daniel ; 
 and they were bound, like the Catholics, to jus- 
 tify against the Jews the abolition of a divine 
 law. In the great mysteries of the Trinity and 
 Incarnation, the Reformers were severely ortho- 
 dox : they freely adopted the theology of the 
 four, or the first six councils j and with the Atha- 
 nasian creed, they pronounced the eternal dam- 
 nation of all who did not believe the Catholic 
 faith. Transubstantiation, the invisible change 
 of the bread and wine into the body and blood 
 of Christ, is a tenet that may defy the power 
 of argument and pleasantry ; but instead of con- 
 sulting the evidence of their senses, of their 
 sight, their feeling, and their taste, the first 
 Protestants were entangled in their own scruples, 
 and awed by the words of Jesus in the institu- 
 
 * The opinions and proceedings of the Reformers are ex- 
 posed in the second part of the general history of Mosheim : 
 but the balance, which he has held with so clear an eye, and 
 so steady an hand, begins to incline in favour of his Lutheran 
 brethren.
 
 225 
 
 tion of the sacrament. Luther maintained a 
 corporeal, and Calvin a real, presence of Christ 
 in the eucharist; and the opinion of Zuinglius, 
 that it is no more than a spiritual communion, 
 a simple memorial, has slowly prevailed in the 
 reformed churches.* But the loss of one mys- 
 tery was amply compensated by the stupendous 
 doctrines of original sin, redemption, faith, 
 grace, and predestination, which have been 
 strained from the epistles of St. Paul. These 
 subtle questions had most assuredly been prepar- 
 ed by the fathers and schoolmen ; but the final 
 improvement and popular use may be attributed 
 to the first reformers, who enforced them as the 
 absolute and essential terms of salvation. Hither- 
 to the weight of supernatural belief inclines 
 against the protestants ; and many a sober 
 Ciiristian would rather admit that a wafer is 
 God, than that God is a cruel and capricious 
 tyrant. 
 
 " Yet the services of Luther and his rivals 
 are solid and important; and the philosopher 
 must own his obligations to those fearless enthu- 
 
 * " Under Edward VI., our reformation was more bold 
 and perfect : but in the fundamental articles of the Church 
 of England, a strong- and explicit declaration against the 
 real presence was obliterated in the original copy, to please 
 the people, or the Lutherans, or Queen Elizabeth (Burnet's 
 History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 82. 12S. 302). 
 
 Q
 
 226 
 
 siasts*. I. By their hands the lofty fabrick of 
 superstition, from the abuse of indulgences to 
 the intercession of the Virgin, has been levelled 
 with the ground. Myriads of both sexes, of the 
 monastic profession, were restored to the liberty 
 and labours of social life. An hierarchy of saints 
 and angels, of imperfect and subordinate deities, 
 were stripped of their temporal power, and re- 
 duced to the enjoyment of celestial happiness : 
 their images and relics were banished from the 
 church ; and the credulity of the people was no 
 longer nourished with the daily repetition of 
 miracles and visions. The imitation of Pagan- 
 ism was supplied by a pure and spiritual wor- 
 ship of prayer and thanksgiving, the most worthy 
 of man, the least unworthy of the Deity. It 
 only remains to observe, whether such sublime 
 simplicity be consistent with popular devotion ; 
 whether the vulgar, in the absence of all visible 
 objects, will not be inflamed by enthusiasm, or 
 insensibly subside in languor and indifference. 
 II. The chain of authority was broken, which 
 restrains the bigot from thinking as he pleases, 
 and the slave from speaking as he thinks : the 
 popes, fathers, and councils, were no longer the 
 supreme and infallible judges of the world ; and 
 
 * " ' Had it not been for such men as Luther and my- 
 self/ said the fanatic Whiston to Halley the Philosopher, 
 ' you would now be kneeling before an image of St. Wini- 
 fred.'
 
 227 
 
 each Christian was taught to acknowledge no 
 law but the scriptures, no interpreter but his 
 own conscience. This freedom, however, was 
 the consequence, rather than the design, of the 
 Reformation. The patriot Reformers were ambi- 
 tious of succeeding the tyrants whom they had 
 dethroned. They imposed with equal rigour 
 their creeds and confessions; they asserted the 
 right of the magistrate to punish heretics with 
 death. The pious or personal animosity of Cal- 
 vin proscribed in Servetus* the guilt of his own 
 rebellion j j* and the flames of Smithfield, in 
 
 * " The article of Scrvet in the Dictionaire Critique of 
 ChaufFepie, is the best account which I have seen of this 
 shameful transaction. See likewise the Abbe d'Artigny, 
 Nouveaux Memoires d'Histoire, &c. torn. ii. p. 55 — 154. 
 
 t " I am more deeply scandalized at the single execution 
 of Servetus, than at the hecatombs which have blazed in the 
 Auto da F£s of Spain and Portugal. 1. The zeal of Calvin 
 seems to have been envenomed by personal malice, and per- 
 haps envy. He accused his adversary before their common 
 enemies, the judges of Vienna, and betrayed, for his destruc- 
 tion, the sacred trust of a private correspondence. 2. The 
 deed of cruelty was not varnished by the pretence of danger 
 to the church or state. In his passage through Geneva, Ser- 
 vetus was an harmless stranger, who neither preached nor 
 printed, nor made proseljtes. 3. A Catholic inquisitor 
 yields the same obedience which he requires, but Calvin vio- 
 lated the golden rule of doing as he would be done by ; a rule 
 which I read in a moral treatise of Isocrates (in Nicole, torn. i. 
 p. 93. edit. Battie), four hundred years before the publica- 
 tion of the gospel. *A irxcr^ovrn; 1$ tTifuv opytfy-St, txvtx tok 
 aMo»j (At) 7r<miT*. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 
 
 which he was afterwards consumed, had been 
 kindled for the Anabaptists by the zeal of Cran- 
 mer.* The nature of the tiger was the same, 
 but he was gradually deprived of his teeth and 
 fangs. A spiritual and temporal kingdom was 
 possessed by the Roman pontiff : the Protestant 
 doctors were subjects of an humble rank, with- 
 out revenue or jurisdiction. His decrees were 
 consecrated by the antiquity of the Catholic 
 church : their arguments and disputes were sub- 
 mitted to the people ; and their appeal to pri- 
 vate judgment was accepted beyond their wishes, 
 by curiosity and enthusiasm. Since the days of 
 Luther and Calvin, a secret reformation has been 
 silently working in the bosom of the reformed 
 churches; many weeds of prejudice were eradi- 
 cated, and the disciples of Erasmusf diffused a 
 spirit of freedom and moderation. The liberty 
 of conscience has been claimed as a common 
 benefit, an inalienable right: J the free govern- 
 
 * " See Burnet, vol. ii. p. 84 — 86. The sense and huma- 
 nity of the young king were oppressed by the authority of the 
 primate. 
 
 f " Erasmus may be considered as the father of rational 
 theology. After a slumber of an hundred years, it was re- 
 vived by the Arminians of Holland. Grotius, Limborch, and 
 Le Clerc : in England by Chillingworth, the latitudinarians 
 of Cambridge (Burnet, Hist, of own Times, vol. i. p. 261 — 
 268. octavo edition), Tillotson, Clarke, Hoadley, &c. 
 
 % " I am sorry to observe, that the three writers of the last 
 
 age,
 
 229 
 
 ments of Holland* and Englandf introduced the 
 practice of toleration ; and the narrow allowance 
 of the laws has been enlarged by the prudence 
 and humanity of the times. In the exercise, the 
 mind has understood the limits of its powers, and 
 the words and shadows that might amuse the 
 child, can no longer satisfy his manly reason. 
 The volumes of controversy are overspread 
 with cobwebs : the doctrine of a Protestant 
 church is far removed from the knowledge or 
 belief of its private members ; and the forms of 
 orthodoxy, the articles of faith, are subscribed 
 with a sigh or a smile by the modern clergy. Yet 
 the friends of Christianity are alarmed at the 
 boundless impulse of inquiry and scepticism. 
 The predictions of the Catholics are accomplish- 
 ed : the web of mystery is unravelled by the Ar- 
 minians, Arians, and Socinians, whose numbers 
 
 age, by whom the rights of toleration have been so nobly 
 defended, Bayle, Leibnitz, and Locke, are all laymen and 
 philosophers. 
 
 * " See the excellent chapter of Sir William TempU: on 
 the religion of the United Provinces. I am not satisfied with 
 Grotius (de Rebus Belgicis, Annal. 1. i. p. 13, 14. edit, in 
 12mo.), who approves the Imperial laws of persecution, and 
 only condemns the bloody tribunal of the inquisition. 
 
 f " Sir William Blackstone (Commentaries, vol. iv. p. 33. 
 54.) explains the law of England as it was fixed at the Revo- 
 lution. The exceptions of Papists, and of those who deny 
 the Trinity, would still leave a tolerable scope for persecution, 
 if the national spirit were not more effectual than an hun- 
 dred statutes.
 
 230 
 
 must not be computed from their separate con- 
 gregations ; and the pillars of revelation are 
 shaken by those men who preserve the name 
 without the substance of religion, who indulge 
 the license without the temper of philosophy."* 
 
 I would not omit the concluding part of this 
 extract, though conscious of its great unjust- 
 ness and illiberality. Those Christians need not 
 be ashamed of a creed, which meets with the 
 disapprobation of such sneering and disingenuous 
 unbelievers-]- as Mr. Gibbon. 
 
 * " I shall recommend to public animadversion two pas- 
 sages in Dr. Priestley, which betray the ultimate tendency of 
 his opinions. At the first of these (Hist, of the Corruptions 
 of Christianity, vol. i. p. 275, 276.) the priest, at the second 
 (vol. ii. p. 484.) the magistrate may tremble." 
 
 f Dr. Priestley has ably answered this gross misrepresen- 
 tation of Mr. Gibbon ; a misrepresentation evidently pro- 
 voked by the just castigation the Doctor gave him in the 
 General Conclusionto the work which is so oddly " recommend- 
 ed to public animadversion." Nor can I forbear to remark, 
 that though, perhaps, less disposed to admit some of the 
 tenets in Dr. Priestley's creed than even Mr. Gibbon 
 himself, it is surely a little out of character in the author of 
 the Decline and Fall, to complain of any thing at which " the 
 priest may tremble :" as to the magistrates, Mr. Gibbon was 
 well known to have been a very staunch power s-that-be-man, 
 though it is equally notorious, that he directed the most in- 
 vidious attack against the powers of heaven.
 
 231 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 Influence of the Reformation on Literature and 
 the Arts. 
 
 THE influence of the Reformation on the 
 arts was decidedly and extensively injurious. 
 During the long and splendid pre-eminence of 
 the Catholic church, a multitude of painters, 
 architects, and sculptors, arose to extend the 
 dominion of taste, and give beauty and magni- 
 ficence to the sacred structures of the country. 
 The productions of men, inspired by genius, and 
 excited by religious zeal, far surpassed, in the 
 loftiness of their conception, in brilliancy of 
 execution, and in all the minute graces that en- 
 thusiasm and perseverance could alone bestow, 
 every monument of human art that men, 
 desirous of temporal fame and the common 
 excitements of gain and popularity, have ever 
 been able to produce. To the operation of re- 
 ligious faith, the Greeks were indebted for much 
 of their excellence in art : the temples of the 
 heathen deities were the noblest monuments of 
 ancient taste, munificence and grandeur. But 
 even in the pagan world, the arts were the 
 business of a few : enthusiasm might animate 
 the professional sculptor, but could not form a 
 Phidias or a Praxiteles. It was reserved for the 
 religion of the Roman world, to exhibit the
 
 232 
 
 extraordinary spectacle of a whole empire de- 
 voting itself to the cultivation of those arts 
 that best contribute to the embellishment of 
 religious structures, and to the sanction of its 
 external ceremonies. Having once been taught 
 to worship the Deity through the medium of his 
 visible presence, the Catholic world spared nei- 
 ther labour, nor talent, nor expense, to render 
 the sensible images by which they were reminded 
 of religious truths, or impressed with the pre- 
 sence of omnipotence, worthy of the sincerity 
 of their faith, and the ardour of their worship. 
 The churches of the Roman Catholics were not 
 erected and adorned by the regular masters of 
 the art : the great body of men to whom the 
 construction and embellishment of religious edi- 
 fices were committed, undertook the most ex- 
 traordinary works, and arrived at the most un- 
 expected excellence ; and there are still to be 
 found, within the circumscribed limits of this 
 island, statues and paintings, the production of 
 obscure and, probably, uneducated men, that 
 a Raphael or a Phidias might not have been 
 ashamed to own. 
 
 This excellence, while it was excited by reli- 
 gion, was corrected and preserved by the neces- 
 sary presence of immediate and continual criti- 
 cism. The productions of art, by which devotion 
 was inspired, and infidelity abashed, were expos- 
 ed to every eye, and scrutinized by every devotee. 
 Comparison was easy ; zeal, accustomed to gra-
 
 233 
 
 tification, would become fastidious : the artist, 
 who failed of pleasing his fellow-christians, not 
 only sustained the disgrace of imperfection 
 or negligence, but felt the reproaches of re- 
 morse : unable to fulfil his own conceptions, he 
 blamed his want of faith as much as he la- 
 mented his deficiency in skill, and was excited 
 to more successful efforts by the emulation of 
 the artist, and the enthusiasm of the Christian. 
 
 The innumerable statues that still remain, 
 after all that mistaken zeal, or protestant in- 
 tolerance (for the Reformers were not without 
 errors) have been able to destroy, are the best 
 proof of the regular and extensive effect of 
 Catholicism, in the improvement and cultivation 
 of the arts. The multiplicity of the works of 
 art, and the baneful influence of the Reforma- 
 tion in its progress, are both exemplified in the 
 history of Henry theVIIIth, as a Reformer. He 
 issued a proclamation, by which all images what- 
 ever were commanded to be destroyed. The 
 work of destruction began, and was continued 
 for nearly six weeks, when accident alone pre- 
 vented its completion : yet such was the multi- 
 tude of statues and images, and so great was 
 the excellence of their execution, that though 
 it is to be presumed that the best and most 
 conspicuous productions became the first ob- 
 jects of iconoclastic fury, and though the man- 
 date of the king was obeyed with the united 
 alacrity of zeal and servility, the number of the
 
 234 
 
 works even of those that have remained, is so 
 great as to have deserved our astonishment and 
 admiration, even supposing them to have been 
 all that had originally existed. 
 
 It was not by the mere destruction of images, 
 that the Reformation was productive of injury 
 to the fine arts ; but by the introduction of a 
 penurious and puritanical spirit. From hating 
 the reliques of Catholicism, they proceeded to 
 condemn and to discountenance the instruments 
 of their production ; because the beauty and 
 sublimity of human workmanship had been dis- 
 played in the productions of idolatry : the skill 
 that produced them, and the qualities they dis- 
 played, became themselves the objects of fear 
 or disgust. In progress of time, external orna- 
 ment began to be regarded as indicative of popish 
 feelings, or characteristic of idolatry : he who 
 wished to display the sincerity of his Protestant- 
 ism, found it necessary to frequent an humble 
 and unadorned place of worship ; and whatever 
 decorum or magnificence the English Church 
 has been able to preserve, it has secured by the 
 secession, rather than the amelioration, of its 
 puritanical members. 
 
 It might have been imagined, indeed, that of 
 whatever disadvantages to the progress of sculp- 
 ture the Reformation may have been the cause, 
 it would at least release it from the trammels of 
 uniformity : that the monotonous groups, which
 
 235 
 
 adorned the temples of Christian worship, would 
 have given way to the productions of vigorous, 
 unrestrained, and sportive fancy. But it was soon 
 discovered, that by ceasing to do one thing well, 
 the great body of sculptors did many things im- 
 perfectly or extravagantly. Instead of display- 
 ing variety of excellence, they exhibited de- 
 formity under every shape, and in every mode 
 of combination. The regions of profane fable 
 were yet unknown, and they created an ima- 
 ginary and hideous world of monsters and 
 chimeras. 
 
 Even the saying of mass for the souls of the 
 dead, and many other ceremonies connected 
 with the Catholic faith, as prescribed by the 
 Romish ritual, were of essential utility in pro- 
 moting the progress of general art, and contri- 
 buting to the encouragement of the inferior as 
 well as the higher branches of design. The 
 vanity of the rich and the emulation of the poor 
 excited them to provide for the solemn rites of 
 sepulture and interment with all the means that 
 fortune had bestowed. The remains of the 
 dead were an object not only of casual observa- 
 tion, but of deep anxiety, to the living. The 
 mourners completed a ceremonial, towards which 
 their deceased brother had looked forward be- 
 fore he sunk into the sleep of death. From the 
 hopes of the one and the sympathy of the other, 
 art derived considerable accessions, not so much 
 in the individual skill employed on particular
 
 236 
 
 monuments, or on the repositories of sacred re- 
 liques, as by the general impulse communicated 
 to the public mind. Wealth, excited by the 
 hope of posthumous honour, or the fear of 
 posthumous degradation, will do much ; the 
 ministers to the laudable anxieties of poverty 
 would contribute by example or suggestion to 
 the excellence of those employed by the princely 
 and the rich ; and where there is employment, 
 there will be no want of useful competition. 
 While the productions of art, so effective in 
 assisting the devotion of the Catholics, required 
 an edifice in which they could be exhibited to 
 advantage, the ceremonials of the church, so 
 impressive in their form, demanded for their ce- 
 lebration a structure accordant in sublimity and 
 magnitude with the awful and mysterious rites 
 of which it was the consecrated scene. It be- 
 came an act of equal taste and piety to render 
 their churches worthy of the paintings and 
 statues by which they were adorned, and to dedi- 
 cate to the service of religion, structures of 
 which the loftiness and magnificence might 
 correspond with the sublimity of the Catholic 
 ceremonial, and be congenial to the temper of 
 the Catholic religion. The jewels and the 
 works of art, devoted to the Church as the vo- 
 luntary offerings of the living, or the legacies of 
 the dead, at once required of a grateful clergy, 
 that they should be exhibited to the view of the 
 devout, in edifices of appropriate grandeur; 
 and enabled them to gratify the pride of en-
 
 237 
 
 thusiasm, while they fulfilled their duty to their 
 benefactors. The dedication of a superb edi- 
 fice to the service of the Catholic religion was, 
 therefore, an act of equal necessity and facility. 
 The wealth of the Christian community was at 
 the command of its spiritual guides, in the 
 form of donations or bequests. The avaricious 
 or the lukewarm, who during their lives had 
 been contented with the payment of their legal 
 proportion to the support of the Catholic esta- 
 blishment, frequently contributed to its revenues, 
 by their anxiety to obtain the ceremonial of the 
 mass, and the other less important rites of se- 
 pulture : and the friends and relatives of the de- 
 ceased person spared no expense, to do honour 
 to his memory, or to redeem him from the pains 
 of purgatory, by liberal contributions to the 
 clergy. 
 
 The religious structures, therefore, that remain 
 to testify the piety and magnificence of former 
 ages, were erected in the unrestrained spirit of 
 religious enthusiasm, conscious of extensive re- 
 sources, and animated to exertion by every 
 motive of temporal ambition, and of future 
 hope; and directed by a lofty ardour of concep- 
 tion, accordant with the character of the Catho- 
 lic worship. But the progress of the Reforma- 
 tion, not only taught the people to abhor the 
 appearance of pomp in architecture, as indica- 
 tive of Catholicism ; but to regard it as unsuit- 
 able to the simplicity of the forms of Lutheran
 
 238 
 
 and Calvinistic worship. On the continent 
 the lofty structures that had commanded the re- 
 verence of their forefathers were divided by the 
 disciples of Calvin into miserable compartments, 
 and divested of their ornaments, or deserted for 
 edifices of coarser materials, confined extent, 
 and unadorned proportions. In England the 
 same causes conspired to divert the people from 
 the preservation of ancient structures, or from 
 the erection of any edifices of similar extent 
 and magnificence, and to circumscribe the 
 exertions of those less cautious, or less bigoted 
 Reformers, who believed that simplicity might 
 be united with grandeur, and decorum with ele- 
 gance. After the reign of Elizabeth, the reli- 
 gious structures were erected by forced contri- 
 butions on the subject, and except in one or two 
 instances, under the superintendence of Sir 
 Christopher Wren, were circumscribed in their 
 extent by attention to considerations of econo- 
 my. In the times of Catholicism the expense 
 of a structure like St. Paul's might have been 
 defrayed by a small proportion of the offerings 
 presented to its tutelary saint, or the bequests 
 it had obtained for the celebration of the mass. 
 If Henry the Vlllth had undertaken a great 
 work, his subjects would cheerfully have 
 contributed to its erection by voluntary gifts; 
 and the monarch, who exhausted his treasury in 
 the accomplishment of similar undertakings, 
 even while he acknowledged the immensity of 
 the revenues in the hands of the clergy, obtained
 
 239 
 
 the applause of his subjects for his piety, in- 
 stead of exciting their clamours by his injus- 
 tice or profusion. 
 
 The observer, who compares the magnitude, 
 the number, and the magnificence of the struc- 
 tures erected within the compass of three hun- 
 dred years (between A. D. 1000 and A. D. 
 1400), with the progress of ecclesiastical archi- 
 tecture in England, since the accession of 
 Elizabeth, will find no hesitation in admitting, 
 that within any twenty years of that period, a 
 greater amount of architectural taste, and of 
 wealth and enthusiasm to render that taste effec- 
 tual, was called into action, than during the 
 whole of the 17th or 18th centuries. The la- 
 bours of Sir Christopher Wren, unremitted and 
 extensive as they were, scarcely effected so great 
 a progress in ecclesiastical architecture, as was 
 conceived and executed by men whose names are 
 now forgotten. The very conception of Henry 
 the VHth's chapel demonstrates an enthusiasm 
 of feeling, and a confidence in the limitless ex- 
 tent of his resources, that at once exalts the 
 character of the architect, and evinces the spirit 
 of the age, as operated upon by the character of 
 its religion.* Whatever may be the ultimate 
 decision of men of taste, on the comparative ex- 
 
 * The observations contained in this Section, are ably and 
 amply illustrated in Mr. Britton's excellent work, now in the 
 course of publication, entitled Architectural Antiquities of 
 Great Britain.
 
 240 
 
 celleneies of Grecian and Gothic architecture, it 
 must be admitted that in England the produc- 
 tions of the admirers of the ancients bear no 
 comparison, even as works of genius and taste, 
 with those of the Catholic artists. Even St. 
 Paul's, the greatest effort of English Protestant- 
 ism, would not have existed but for the model 
 and the example afforded by Catholic enthusi- 
 asm. And what comparison can even this 
 structure, and many of the most celebrated ef- 
 forts of the same architect sustain, with the clas- 
 sical structures that, beneath the sway of Catho- 
 licism, have exalted modern Rome into the rival 
 of its parent ? 
 
 The religious enthusiasm of the people of 
 Italy, and the peculiar bias of the Catholic reli- 
 gion in that portion of Europe, were restrained 
 and directed, by the models of ancient architec- 
 ture continually occurring to their view, and 
 operating with imperceptible influence on their 
 architectural taste: but the northern nations, 
 having no models to imitate, yet excited by the 
 same devotional feelings, struck out a new path 
 of architectural science ; and by the united force 
 of piety and genius, accomplished the erection 
 of those mighty and picturesque structures, 
 which strike the vulgar with awe, and the judi- 
 cious with admiration. Every form of grace is 
 exhibited in these wonderful fabricks, ennobled 
 by the most lofty magnificence, and varied by 
 the most exhaustless ingenuity. To him who
 
 241 
 
 estimates the excellence of a building by the rule 
 and compass, or admits nothing to be excellent 
 that was not invented by the Greeks and admired 
 by the Romans, the beauty and magnificence of 
 Gothic architecture maybe invisible ; but by all 
 who possess susceptibility of feeling, or in whom 
 a cultivated taste directs, rather than represses, 
 the enthusiasm of sentiment, the productions of 
 Gothic art must excite the most lively emotions 
 of pleasure, astonishment, and veneration. 
 
 It would appear, therefore, that the natural 
 consequence of the Reformation has been to 
 deprave our taste for Grecian architecture, to 
 reduce the Protestants, even as the imitators of 
 the classical models, beneath the level of their 
 Catholic predecessors and contemporaries, to 
 circumscribe the operation of that small portion 
 of taste which actually remained ; and to render 
 their efforts even less successful and less exten- 
 sive. It has also tended to retard the progress, 
 and prevent the arrival at perfection of that style 
 of Gothic architecture, which is in its present 
 state so worthy of our admiration, and which, 
 had the same stimulus to its pursuit, andthe same 
 means of advancing it continued to exist, would 
 have, probably, been modified into a perfect 
 system, as regular in its laws and proportions, as 
 effective in its combinations. 
 
 The unfavourable influence of the Reforma- 
 tion on the arts may be regarded, however, as 
 more than counterbalanced, by its propitious 
 R
 
 242 
 
 effect on the world of literature. That its ten- 
 dency, indeed, was exclusively beneficial to the 
 interests of learning or the belles lettres, cannot 
 be admitted ; and that many of the revolu- 
 tions in poetical taste, and on general science, 
 must be ascribed to causes that would have 
 operated, had the Reformation never been ef- 
 fected, it does not become the candour or the 
 honesty of a Protestant writer to deny. The 
 history of poetry and the other departments of 
 elegant literature, does not justify us in suppos- 
 ing that its immediate operation was in any de- 
 gree favourable to refinement of taste, or to the 
 successful flights of poetical genius. The most 
 celebrated poets and historians of modern Eu- 
 rope — men whose genius was only equalled by 
 their learning and their taste — Tasso, Guarini, 
 Metastasio, Ariosto, and Boccaccio, were na- 
 tives of Italy, and sincere Catholics. Many 
 of them existed before the Reformation, and 
 yet displayed a freedom of excursion into 
 the regions of profane literature, of which a 
 Protestant might not be ashamed. The solemn 
 and lofty character of the Catholic worship is 
 chiefly observable when it ennobles their images, 
 and exalts their sentiments. It would appear a 
 priori, indeed, that the influence of the Reform- 
 ation on the poetical taste of the continental con- 
 verts, must have been in some degree injurious. 
 It dissipated the habits and the emotions that 
 must have been impressed and excited by the 
 frequent contemplation of Catholic magnifi- 
 cence, and by the frequent participation of the
 
 us 
 
 awful and magnificent ceremonies of the Church. 
 In place of these, it substituted an austerity of 
 manner which characterized even those indivi- 
 duals who had no regard to strictness of con- 
 duct, and taught even the most enlightened Pro- 
 testants to regard every description of tasteful 
 illusion, or splendid display, as partaking of sin- 
 fulness and idolatry. Those pleasing associa- 
 tions which are the offspring of superstition, 
 contribute to the excellence of every production 
 of fancy, and animate and assist the strains of 
 legitimate poetry. From the use of many allu- 
 sions and images, also, of essential consequence 
 to poetical effect, the continental Protestants 
 were excluded ; and even in England a large pro- 
 portion of the community regarded the " holy 
 anthem sounding from afar," and the " full- 
 drawn toneof the organ," as reliques of the most 
 detestable idolatry. 
 
 In Germany and the Netherlands, indeed, 
 poetry had not flourished, and, therefore, could 
 not be degraded by the progress of the Reform- 
 ation ; but it is not unreasonable to presume 
 that the latent predisposition to that art, so evi- 
 dent in all communities emerging from a state of 
 comparative barbarism and oppression, was re- 
 pressed by the austere plainness of external ob- 
 servance, and the abhorrence of every thing 
 united with their former superstition. Part of 
 the English Reformers, indeed, held a middle 
 course; they preserved in their ceremonials a 
 R 2
 
 244 
 
 mixture of grandeur and simplicity, and this 
 association at once ennobles and animates the 
 poetry of Milton. 
 
 Though the history of Italy, however, dis- 
 proves the supposition that the Reformation 
 had a favourable influence on literary taste, and 
 the annals of our own country tend to corrobo- 
 rate our conclusion, its tendency to develope 
 much more useful faculties than poetical genius, 
 and to assist the human mind in its investigation 
 of the most useful and important subjects, can- 
 not be disputed. In all that relates to the con- 
 duct of man, to the knowledge of his mental 
 structure, and to the gratification of his natural 
 aptitude for knowledge, the Protestants have 
 proceeded with a progress to which the Catho- 
 lic religion would have presented the most insur- 
 mountable obstacles. The Reformation not only 
 relieved philosophy from the oppression of a reli- 
 gion that abhorred the very approaches to un- 
 bounded inquiry, but by the exercise that it gave 
 to the faculties of man, and by the example it af- 
 forded of extrication from ancient prejudices, con- 
 tributed to the activity as well as the freedom of 
 investigation. The very act of thinking different- 
 ly from the Church of Rome restored an indivi- 
 dual to the full exercise of his faculties. He who 
 burst asunder the fetters of habit and education 
 would not rest contented with the devotion of his 
 talents to theological questions : he would em- 
 ploy the powers of which he had recovered the
 
 245 
 
 exercise, in making incursions into the regions 
 of science and philosophy. 
 
 Of the innumerable men of genius, who have 
 discussed the laws of intellectual association, 
 who have investigated the motives of human 
 action, and extended the progress of knowledge 
 in spite of the opposing bulwarks of prejudice 
 and authority : the intellectual acuteness would 
 not have been awakened in Catholic countries, 
 nor been devoted to subjects so dangerous to the 
 authority of a church that professed to be infal- 
 lible. Nor does it detract from the correctness 
 of this reasoning, that the philosophers of France 
 have displayed a boldness of investigation more 
 than equal to that of the English and German 
 metaphysicians. But for the example of Puf- 
 fendorf and Grotius, Mallebranche and Montes- 
 quieu would never have written. In the early 
 writers of France, their liberality of sentiment 
 may be traced to their collision with the great 
 body of their fellow Protestants, and in later 
 times, philosophy has only been another name 
 for atheism and licentiousness. 
 
 In the paths of theology, the progress of the 
 first Reformers was rapid and successful. Their 
 inquiries were conducted with the energy of 
 truth, condemned to struggle against the sophis- 
 tries of authority and the prejudices of the 
 world. To give a reason for the hope that was 
 in him, became the duty of every man who
 
 ,246 
 
 did not wish to be considered as an impious de- 
 serter of religion, and a renegado from a faith 
 of which it was possible that he might only dis- 
 like the restrictions and austerity. The foun- 
 ders of a new sect, or the seceders from an es- 
 tablished worship, are equally excited by the 
 necessity of justifying their own conduct, and 
 of obtaining proselytes. Luther and Calvin were 
 urged to the composition of their theological 
 works by a regard to their personal authority, as 
 the leaders of their respective sects, and by the 
 expedience of refuting the calumnious sophis- 
 tries of their enemies, as much as by any pre- 
 vious attachment to ecclesiastical or theological 
 literature. Even after the Protestant faith had 
 obtained, in England, a settled pre-eminence, 
 the remembrance of a struggle so arduous as 
 that in which it had lately been victorious, and 
 the contemplation of the still formidable means 
 of re-ascendency that remained in the hands of 
 the Catholics, impressed the Reformers with the 
 necessity of unremitted activity and constant 
 vigilance. The names of Cudvvorth and Baxter, 
 with those of their predecessors and contempo- 
 raries, evince the anxiety of the members of the 
 English church to guard the people from the de- 
 ception of the Catholic doctrines, and the learn- 
 ing and ability which that anxiety tended to de- 
 velope. Among the Catholic clergy, freedom of 
 inquiry was restrained by the conviction of the in- 
 fallibility of the Church, and by the fear of excit- 
 ing the curiosity of the vulgar, respecting truths in
 
 247 
 
 which it would be better that their faith should 
 be implicit, than that their understanding should 
 be enlightened. But the reformed divines were 
 excited to extensive and varied inquiry by the 
 very causes that restrained or forbade the inves- 
 tigations of their Catholic predecessors and op- 
 ponents. They believed that the more deeply 
 they fathomed the resources of theological know- 
 ledge, and of ecclesiastical history, the greater 
 would be their triumph over the doctrines and 
 reasonings of Catholicism. Ancient and modern 
 history, therefore, every department of learning, 
 and every branch of science, became the sub- 
 jects of their research, and afforded them the 
 materials of argument. The erudition of the 
 scholar was animated and enforced by the 
 earnestness of the divine, and the enthusiasm 
 of the Reformer. Productions of which the 
 materials must have demanded a long continu- 
 ance of almost unexampled industry, and bear- 
 ing in their expression the character of solemn 
 and fervid eloquence, remain to testify at once 
 the labour and the zeal of these celebrated men. 
 
 But it was in the science and practice of po- 
 litics that the influence of the Reformation was 
 most strikingly observable. The members of 
 the Catholic church, accustomed to regard their 
 spiritual superiors as the delegates of heaven, 
 resigned all sense of personal independence, and 
 every power of volition to their ecclesiastical 
 superiors. The practice of auricular confession
 
 248 
 
 was admirably calculated to induce a habit of 
 submission to their spiritual guides, and to im- 
 bue them with a spirit of general dependence 
 and subservience. The Catholic regarded the 
 lights of his church with a reverence bordering 
 on devotion, and so intimately was the ecclesi- 
 astical united with the temporal power that, ex- 
 cept in extreme cases, to offend the majesty of 
 the sovereign, was not only violating a political 
 duty, but a religious obligation. 
 
 The divine right of kings was, during the 
 supereminence of Catholicism, adoctrine univer- 
 sally received ; and while the monarch did no- 
 thing to incur the anger of the head of the 
 church, he possessed in himself the united attri- 
 butes of the political governor, and the spiritual 
 guardian. But the ideas of regal infallibility, 
 and the reverence for absolute power, vanished 
 with the downfal of the papal supremacy. The 
 spirit of free inquiry extended from theology 
 to politics : they who had not been afraid to 
 deny the infallibility, or defy the despotism, of 
 the Pope, could not be expected to entertain a 
 greater portion of delicacy for the temporal 
 princes of Europe : they discussed without fear 
 or restraint, the relation between the monarch 
 and his subjects; and the favour of the head of 
 the church, that had been so lately the chief 
 security of every Christian sovereign, was now 
 a substantial pretext for the disobedience of his 
 people. The multitude who had, within the
 
 249 
 
 period of a few years, been admitted in most of 
 the reformed countries to some share in the go- 
 vernment of the church, were excited, by the 
 novel and unexpected exercise of power, to ex- 
 tend their authority over the civil as well as the 
 spiritual departments of the state ; and that uni- 
 versal suffrage which had first been exercised in 
 the election of their spiritual superiors, was ob- 
 served to be capable of beneficial extension to 
 the choice or approval of their civil governors. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 On the Influence of the Reformation on Religion 
 and Morals in general. 
 
 IN forming an estimate of the real influence 
 which the Reformation had on religion and mo- 
 rals, it will be necessary to inquire into the ex- 
 tent of the change which that event produced in 
 regard to religious opinions ; and to make some 
 observations concerning that diversity of senti- 
 ment on almost every point of Christian doc- 
 trine and worship which the Reformation na- 
 turally engendered. 
 
 We have seen, that till the period of the Re- 
 formation, though there, undoubtedly, had long 
 been a considerable diversity of opinions respect- 
 ing the minor parts of the Christian faith, and
 
 250 
 
 more particularly concerning various branches 
 of church discipline, the general creed of Chris- 
 tians had never been infringed upon, to any 
 great extent, since it was settled and defined by 
 the first Council of Nice. 
 
 The Faith of Catholics has, at all times, and in 
 all places, been ever the same. — The Opinions of 
 private individuals, members of that great and 
 general community, have varied. But, long 
 before the Reformation, large portions of Chris- 
 tians, in various parts of the world, had been 
 either not subject to the papal see, or, if 
 properly belonging to that communion, were 
 privileged with various exemptions, and tolerat- 
 ed in some customs and opinions, which the 
 peculiar nature of their circumstances or coun- 
 tries might obviously require. 
 
 In Europe, the Greek Church was early se- 
 parated from the papal jurisdiction ; but they 
 retained all the great and obvious tenets of the 
 Roman Catholic faith ; and the Greek schisma- 
 tics were hardly chargeable with the crime of 
 heresy, according to the common acceptation 
 of that term. It is chiefly on points of disci- 
 pline that the Roman and Grecian churches dif- 
 fer. The Muscovites, who have their peculiar 
 Patriarch of Moscow, may be considered nearly 
 in the same light as the members of the Greek 
 church.
 
 2M 
 
 Asia was very early distinguished by several 
 sorts of Christians ; as those of Palestine, under 
 the Patriarch of Jerusalem ; the Syrians, or 
 Melchites, under the Patriarch of Antioch ; 
 the Armenians, under the two Catholic Patri- 
 archs; the Georgians, under their respective 
 Metropolitans; the Mingrellians, Circassians, 
 and Christians of Asia Minor, under the Con- 
 stantinopolitan Patriarch; a few Christians in 
 the same quarter of the globe, under the Pa- 
 triarch of Moscow ; the Nestorians, under 
 the Patriarch of Mousul ; the Jacobite Mono- 
 physites, under their peculiar Patriarch; the 
 Christians of St. Thomas;* and, lastly, the Ma- 
 conites, under their own Patriarch. To these 
 Asian Christians might be added, those who 
 were subject to the Emir of Sidon ; the Mord- 
 wits, between the Russias and Tartary; and the 
 Christians, inhabiting the great isle of Tarobana 
 and the islands adjoining. 
 
 * In a Chaluee Breviary, entitled Gaza, belonging to the 
 church of Malabar, there is the following singular enumera- 
 tion of the good deeds performed by St. Thomas : — " By St. 
 Thomas, the error of idolatry vanished from India: by St. 
 Thomas, the Chinese and Ethiopians were converted to the 
 truth : by St. Thomas, they received the Sacrament, and the 
 adoption of son< : by St. Thomas, they believed and confess- 
 ed the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost: by St. Thomas, they 
 kept the faith which they had received in One God : by St. 
 Thomas, the splendour of the life-giving doctrine appeared 
 to all India : by St. Thomas, the kingdom of heaven fled ra- 
 pidly into China."
 
 252 
 
 Africa, in like manner, has had its divisions 
 of Christians ; particularly, the Egyptians, or 
 Copts, under the Patriarch of Alexandria ; and 
 the Ethiopian Christians, subject to their Abun- 
 na, or Patriarch of Ethiopia. 
 
 On examining the several creeds or formula- 
 ries of these various denominations, it will ap- 
 pear, though they added, in a few cases, many 
 absurd opinions and superstitious practices to 
 the leading articles of faith, held by the churches 
 of Rome or of Constantinople, they might be 
 regarded rather as schismatics than as heretics, 
 and as differing, in doctrinals, but very slightly 
 from the universal Church. Unless, indeed, we 
 may except the Nestorians,* whose opinions, or 
 
 * Some of my readers will think that notice should have 
 been taken of the ancient Culdees. I have read Mr. Jamie- 
 son's very curious and interesting account of the Culdees of 
 Iona. But I am convinced that little reliance ought to be 
 placed on the vague and meagre Culdean history. The Cul- 
 dees were certainly not of Scottish but of Irish origin, and 
 were in fact attached to the Roman episcopacy, though they 
 were, particularly in Scotland under their first teacher, Co- 
 lumba, privileged with certain favours, in having a sort of 
 chief abbot or presbyter governor, to whom, as Bede informs 
 lis, the whole province, and even the bishops themselves, by 
 an unusual constitution, were subject. Columba himself was 
 not a bishop, but a presbyter and monk. Whatever might 
 have been the peculiar character of the discipline or govern- 
 ment of the monks of Iona, their leading articles of faith 
 were, doubtless, conformable to the Catholic creed. The 
 reader may consult, along with Mr. Jamieson's work on this 
 subject, the Columbanus ad Hibernos of Doctor O'Connor, 
 No. IV. p. 40, et seq.
 
 253 
 
 rather whose phraseology, respecting the Virgin 
 Mary, whom they style the Mother of Christ, 
 instead of the Mother of God, as the Latins 
 phrase it, had some resemblance to the no- 
 tions of the Arians. Since the origin of the 
 Nestorian sect, a considerable change has taken 
 place in regard to their opinions about the two 
 natures in Christ. Many of them verged into a 
 more consistent orthodoxy j and the Pope has 
 now, I believe, a titular Patriarch of Mousul. 
 
 This point of the analogy of the Latin and 
 Greek dogmas will be clearly illustrated by the 
 following testimonies : 
 
 " With Rome the Greek Church concurs in 
 the opinion of transubstantiation ; and, gene- 
 rally, in the sacrifice and whole body of the 
 mass. * 
 
 Dr. Potterf and Bishop ForbesJ tell us, 
 " That the question in the Florentine Council, 
 between the Latins and Greeks, was not whe- 
 ther the bread of the Eucharist were substan- 
 tially changed into the body of Christ or not, 
 but by what particular words this wonderful 
 change was effected." 
 
 • Sandys' Relation of West. Religions, p. 233. 
 t Potter's Answer to Charity Mistaken, p. 223. 
 X Forbes' De Luc. lib. i.e. c. 3. p. 412.
 
 254 
 
 " The sacrifice of the mass is also used by 
 the Greeks for the quick and the dead."* 
 
 " The Greeks of Venice, and all other 
 Greeks, adore Christ in the Eucharist; and who 
 dare either impeach or condemn all these Chris- 
 tians of idolatry ?"j* 
 
 " The Greeks reckon seven sacraments, the 
 same with the Church of Rome."J <c And 
 are no less for Church authority and tradi- 
 tion than Roman Catholics ; agreeing with 
 Rome, too, in praying to saints, in auricular 
 confession, in offering of sacrifice and prayers 
 for the dead, and placing much of their devo- 
 tion in their worship not only of the blessed 
 Virgin Mary, but in the intercession, prayers, 
 help, and merit of other saints, whom they invo- 
 cate in their temples. "§ 
 
 " The Greeks of note are obliged to confess 
 four times a year; the priests obliging them to 
 confess every thing, saying they cannot other- 
 wise release them."|| 
 
 " Though they do not hold a purgatory 
 
 * Ross' View of the Religions of Europe, p. 479. 
 f Forbes, Cons. Imodes de Euch. p. 442. 
 J Atlas Geographicus, v. 2. p. 1724. 
 § Ross' View, &c., p. 479. 
 H Atlas Geographicus, p. 172.
 
 255 
 
 fire, yet they believe a third place between that 
 of the blessed and the damned, where they re- 
 main who have deferred repentance till the end 
 of their life : but if this be not purgatory, I know 
 not what it is, nor what souls do there !"* 
 
 Archbishop Whitgift, in his defence against 
 Cartwright,* adds the doctrines of free will, 
 merits, &c. 
 
 It was not, therefore, on any of the above- 
 named classes of Christians, that the Reform- 
 ation had any material effect, except, indeed, as 
 was natural, that of causing some of them to 
 rally round the Catholic Church, to oppose, as 
 they imagined, the common enemy, the Lu- 
 therans, Calvinists, Zuinglians, and other Pro- 
 testants. 
 
 That great and immutable principle, THE 
 RIGHT OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT IN 
 MATTERS OF RELIGION, having been 
 once acknowledged, it was no longer in the 
 power either of Catholics, or the Reformers of 
 Catholics, who do not appear to have been them- 
 selves aware of the lengths to which that prin- 
 ciple would carry the human mind, to stem the 
 
 » Tract, p. 473. The reader is referred, for a fuller view of 
 this subject, to Mr. Woodhead's Guide in Controversies, 
 dis. 3. c. 8. s. 82. Protestant Apology, p. 30—33,
 
 256 
 
 impetuous stream of liberty which burst forth on 
 the Christian world. " Let every man be fully 
 persuaded in HIS OWN MlND," was a text on 
 which myriads began to descant, who had never 
 before listened to any others, except — "Thou art 
 Peter—feed my lambs — feed my sheep :" and 
 " Hear the Church." Priests had long ridden 
 the people, and now the people, having obtained 
 their liberty in Christ, determined in their turn 
 to ride the priests. Wherever the Reformation 
 took effect, authority was at an end : yet a 
 struggle for mastery ensued. It was the eman- 
 cipation of intellect, and a thousand specula- 
 tions, some rational and modest, others wild and 
 unruly, were indulged, to the astonishment of 
 many, and the grief of more. All pretended to 
 antiquity; every one pleaded the authority and 
 sanction of scripture, the earliest fathers, and ge- 
 neral councils of the Church, the example of the 
 Saviour, and the precepts of his apostles. From 
 the self-same premises, the most contradictory 
 conclusions were deduced ; yet all and every of 
 them claimed a suitable portion of infallibility 
 and authority. In no point were the jarring 
 Reformers so agreed as in their hearty abhor- 
 rence of the Church which they had all de- 
 serted : 
 
 " 'Twas Babel, Antichrist, and Pope, and Devil." 
 
 On a sudden, a new flood of light burst upon 
 the wondering sight of multitudes. Articles of 
 faith, opinions, forrn^, and practices, held sacred
 
 257 
 
 for centuries by the whole Christian world, were 
 discarded, ridiculed, abhorred, and condemned, 
 as blasphemous, idolatrous, damnable, heretical, 
 dangerous to the souls of men, inimical to the 
 peace and well-being of society, derogatory to 
 the honour of God, and subversive of truth, rea- 
 son, and common sense. Men stared with as- 
 tonishment, and were ready to beat themselves 
 with vexation, to think they should have been 
 reading the prophecies of Daniel, the epistles of 
 St. Paul, and the apocalypse of St. John from 
 their youth up, and could never before discover, 
 that the one, holy, Catholic and Apostolic 
 Church, was all the while nothing more nor less 
 than the mystical Babylon — a whore, a scarlet 
 whore, a drunken scarlet whore — nay, the very 
 mother of harlots, bloated with the wine of her 
 abominations j reeling and intoxicated with the 
 blood of the saints, and ripe for the sickle of 
 God's eternal vengeance. This discovery, how- 
 ever it might shock the timid and fearful, glad- 
 dened the hearts of those who had courage to 
 make head against the beast ; and these cou- 
 rageously resolved not only to " hate the 
 whore," but to " make her desolate and naked, 
 eat her tlesh, and burn her with fire."* Before 
 
 * Those who are acquainted with the writings of our ear- 
 liest Reformers, and particularly with those of Luther, will 
 know that in this and other places, where I have alluded to 
 their spirit and language, when speaking of the Pope and 
 
 other 
 S
 
 258 
 
 all this could be accomplished, it was evident 
 that some better Church should be planted. A 
 Christian country without a Christian Church 
 would have been like a head without a body, 
 or a body without a soul. Therefore, every one 
 proceeded, forthwith, to strike out such a model 
 as suited best his own views of the matter; and 
 doctors and theologians, of every possible de- 
 scription, took their seats among the learned or 
 the unlearned, as the case might happen to be, in 
 almost every town of Germany, Holland, Eng- 
 land, Denmark, Sweden 3 Switzerland, and other 
 places : 
 
 " All quit their spheres, and rush into the skies." 
 
 This was the natural result of unrestrained in- 
 quiry; nor should the principle itself be con- 
 demned because of the ill use which enthusiasts 
 and fanatics have made of it. Differences of 
 religious opinions cannot possibly be injurious 
 either to divine truth or to Christian morals; 
 upon the whole, they are rather useful : it is 
 only when men become intolerant and presump- 
 tuous, that their opinions are really hurtful. 
 With as much consistency might a pious Jew 
 cast reproaches on Christianity, because it is 
 
 other Catholic prelates, not the slightest exaggeration has 
 been used. On the contrary, it is a fact that scurrility, even 
 to the most indecent and immodest extent, was not unfre- 
 quently resorted to by Luther and others. See particularly 
 torn. ii. and vii. of his works.
 
 259 
 
 attended with a diversity of opinions, as the 
 Catholics condemn the Reformation, and the 
 great principle on which it is founded, on ac- 
 count of the many sects and parties of which it 
 has been the innocent cause. But while I assert 
 this truth, I can see no reason whatever for 
 withholding from public reprehension, those bit- 
 ter animosities which the Reformers indulged 
 against the Catholics, and even against one 
 another, on many points of doctrine and modes 
 of discipline. The best and most impartial Pro- 
 testant writers have uniformly condemned the 
 rancour and ill-blood which actuated the Re- 
 formers on many occasions. Brandt, Mosheim, 
 and his learned translator, have depicted, with 
 just severity, the spirit and conduct of some of 
 the earliest Protestants. But, as Dr. Maclaine 
 justly remarks,* " bad men may be, and often 
 are, embarked in the best of causes ; as such 
 causes afford the most specious mask to cover 
 mercenary views, or to disguise ambitious pur- 
 poses." 
 
 The Reformation, however, has been of incal- 
 culable benefit to the Christian world, inasmuch 
 as it has established a principle, the operation of 
 which will one day destroy every doctrine and 
 practice that has not the plainest injunctions of 
 revelation, and the most obvious reason for its 
 
 Appendix I. vol. iv. p. 136, of Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. 
 S 2
 
 260 
 
 support, and exhibit the pure and undefiled faitk 
 of Jesus, free from every corruption and every 
 entanglement with which its officious nursing- 
 fathers have so long clogged and embarrassed it. 
 This being the case, we should reflect with can- 
 dour on the errors, and with gratitude on the 
 labours, of that intrepid band of Reformers, who 
 first taught us to withstand the courtly enemies 
 of liberty, and to look without dismay on the 
 threats and anathemas of bigoted priests and 
 superstitious prelates. And we have an addi- 
 tional motive for thus regarding with some allow- 
 ance, the mistakes of the Reformers, in the re- 
 flection, that the Reformation has had a be- 
 neficial effect, even on Catholics themselves j 
 who have ceased to employ weapons which ex- 
 perience has convinced them are become useless, 
 and, no longer resorting to the strong arm of 
 power, have quietly returned to the mild and 
 legitimate warfare of reason, scripture, and fair 
 argumentation. Their doctrines remain the 
 same; but their general method of defending 
 them is materially changed for the better ; and 
 the spirit that has dictated this wiser course has 
 been revived and encouraged just in proportion 
 as the genius of the Protestant doctrines, or ra- 
 ther we should say, the great and fundamental 
 principle of Protestantism, has been extended 
 and understood. Besides : the vigilance and pru- 
 dence of Catholics have been kept alive by the 
 consideration, that their actions are constantly 
 under the scrutinizing eye of a keen and watch-
 
 261 
 
 ful censor, who will mark their failings, and rigor- 
 ously weigh all their motives and actions. It is not 
 so much owing to the change that has taken 
 place in doctrinals, for that, in most Protestant 
 churches, is not deserving notice, it is so slight; 
 but to the recognition of that principle, which 
 can never be too much extolled, that men are 
 accountable to God alone for their religious opi- 
 nions; and that they have a natural right to 
 make the best use they are able of their own rea- 
 son in the choice of their religion, that the Re- 
 formation has been of benefit. And if Protest- 
 ants have not yet availed themselves of the full 
 extent of their principles, it is because they do 
 not yet see the entire victory which, under God, 
 they have achieved over spiritual wickedness in 
 high places. We are still in the morning of a 
 gospel day: but the glorious luminary of truth 
 advances rapidly to its meridian splendour. Al- 
 ready the fogs disperse — the noxious mists 
 begin to evaporate, and soon will the Christian 
 world be illuminated by the invigorating rays of 
 the divine effulgence ; and the fair and lovely 
 form of truth appear freed from the shackles of 
 human establishments, obnoxious tests, persecut- 
 ing laws, unmeaning mysteries, priestly and 
 courtly frauds, contradictory and ridiculous 
 creeds, and impositions and anathemas, as point- 
 less as they are absurd, and as useless as they are 
 false. Then shall the slanders of infidelity be 
 for ever silenced, the clamours of enthusiasm,
 
 262 
 
 and the fires of fanaticism cease to annoy the 
 " way-faring man ;" Jehovah shall be One, and 
 his NAME ONE ; and his only begotten Son 
 Jesus, " the first-born of every creature," the 
 beginning of the creation of God," the first 
 of all created intelligences, be confessed by 
 Christians as the Messenger of Peace, and the 
 restorer of every good and perfect gift. Then 
 will men love as brethren, and lay aside their 
 narrow prejudices, their party railings, and un- 
 social animosities, esteeming it of infinitely 
 greater moment, that they should unite together 
 for mutual happiness and practical godliness, 
 than to be able to discern the minute shades of 
 error in each other's creed, or even the bolder 
 features of mistake, which now so unhappily 
 disunite and distract the Christian world.* 
 
 But to return to our inquiry into the real ex- 
 tent of the change produced by the Reform- 
 ation on the religious opinions of professing 
 Christians ; and this, it will appear, is not near 
 so great as many are led to imagine. But, in- 
 deed, there is some difficulty in making the esti- 
 mate : for among the various divisions and subdivi- 
 
 * The real lovers of union and peace, will be pleased and 
 edified by the perusal of the Reflections, annexed to the 12th 
 edition of Mr. Evans's liberal and useful volume, entitled 
 A Shetch of Denominations ; as also by the sequel to that work, 
 4th ed.
 
 263 
 
 sions which have resulted from the Reformation, 
 some dissented much more than others from the 
 faith and worship of the Catholic Church. I 
 speak, however, of the majority of Protestants, 
 and of those doctrines which the bulk of the 
 Reformed churches retained ; as also of the 
 new tenets which Luther and others intro- 
 duced. 
 
 Taking up, or rather preserving, the old opi- 
 nion, that there cannot be two acceptable me- 
 thods of worshipping God, or of viewing his 
 attributes,* the early Reformers and later Protest- 
 ants, have found themselves somewhat embar- 
 rassed in their dissent ; yet, however they may 
 dislike the church of Rome, and her ritual, they 
 still acknowledge that she is a true Church, 
 
 * " As we believe in one God, so we most constantly be- 
 lieve, that there hath been, now is, and to the end shall be, 
 one Kirk ; out of which Kirk neither life nor felicity is to be 
 hoped for, or had ; and, therefore, we utterly abhor the blas- 
 phemy of those who affirm, that men, who live according to 
 equity and justice, shall be saved, in whatever religion they 
 may have lived." Original Profession of the Kirk of Scotland. 
 Art. 16. The same sentiment is continued by the Westminster 
 Divines, and approved and ratified by Parliament, A. D. 
 1649. 
 
 The Church of England, in like manner, A. D. 1612, 
 through the medium of her supreme head, thus declares : 
 " The king believes, without fallacy or distrust, that there is 
 but one true Church, called Universal, or Cathulic, out of 
 which he holds no salvation is to be expected." Casauboni ad 
 
 Epist,
 
 264 
 
 orthodox in all fundamental points, and that sal- 
 vation is to be attained in her communion.* 
 Luther himself, when writing against the Ana- 
 baptists, says thus : " I confess, that under the 
 papacy are many good Christian things; nay, 
 all that is good in Christianity. And that we 
 had them from thence, for I acknowledge, that 
 in popery is the true scripture ; true baptism ; 
 the true sacrament of the altar ; true keys for 
 the remission of sin ; true office of preaching; 
 true catechism; the ten commandments; and 
 the articles of faith. Nay, I say, that in popery 
 is true Christianity, even the very kernel of 
 
 Episl. Card. Perron. Responsio pro Rege, p. 10. Ed. London. 
 1612. 
 
 The Reformed Church of France also declares, that out 
 of the Church there is nothing but death and damnation, 
 " For," says she, " doubtless, all such as separate from the 
 society of the faithful, and form a sect apart, can never ex- 
 pect salvation." Vide the Galilean Reformed Catechism, p. 2S3. 
 Amsterdam Ed. 1710. This sentiment has been maintained 
 by numerous Protestant writers of eminence, since the Re- 
 formation. The reader may consult Calvin. Inst. lib. iv. c. i. 
 § iv. Luth. on the 4:7th of Gen. torn. vi. Perkins on the Rev. p. 
 308. Abp. Tillotson, v. 6. p. 245, et seq. Pearson on the Creed, 
 p. 349. Ed. 1669. Indeed, we are all too much in the habit 
 of making our own particular church, or sect, the only way 
 to the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 * I am aware that Tillotson, and some others, have affect- 
 ed to doubt of the salvation of Catholics ; or, at least, they 
 have deemed it dangerous to hold communion with so cor- 
 rupt and idolatrous a church. I have, however, too high an 
 
 opinion
 
 2&5 
 
 Christianity." This opinion has been held by 
 a host of Protestant writers since the Reform- 
 ation."* It is a feature in the history of the Ca- 
 tholic church of considerable importance, inas- 
 much as it shews, that the objections which 
 Protestants urge against their Catholic brethren, 
 are by no means so serious, or well founded, as 
 many are led to suppose; and the friends of 
 peace will always be ready to embrace every 
 opportunity of weakening the grounds of war 
 and opposition. However it may be, it is a 
 subject closely connected with a view of the in- 
 fluence of the Reformation on religion and 
 morals, f 
 
 The change which the Reformation introduc- 
 ed, respecting religious opinions, was, undoubt- 
 edly, favourable, as far as it went, to the real 
 doctrines of the scriptures. As far as I have 
 
 opinion of these Protestants to believe they were quite serious 
 in these surmises. The authors of the Irish Protestant Charter- 
 School Catechism, and Dr. Duigenan, may be admitted to have 
 very serious doubts on this point : such men as Tillotson 
 would never have pressed so unworthy a notion. 
 
 "* The united testimonies of many of them maybe seen in 
 that very singular publication, the Protestant Apology for the 
 Church of Rome, before referred to. Others are quoted, or 
 referred to, in Geddes's Modest Apology. 
 
 f The late Dr. Geddes accommodated too much on this 
 point; yet the reader should not fail here to turn to his 
 Modest Apology.
 
 266 
 
 been able to gather from an almost infinity of 
 statements, it appears to me, that the main 
 points of difference between the Catholic and the 
 Protestant Churches are the following : Catholics 
 hold the supremacy, or rather primacy, of the 
 Bishop of Rome : Protestants, I mean Protestants 
 of the Church of England,* hold the supremacy 
 of the King, who is the Head of the Church : 
 Catholics contend for the infallibility of their 
 Church: Protestants say, that " the Church has 
 power to decree rites and ceremonies," but that 
 she is not, therefore, infallible. " The follow- 
 
 * But some will say, it is difficult to define the real senti- 
 ments and doctrines of the Church of England. There is, 
 certainly, considerable force in this observation. The laxity, 
 or the liberality of the English clergy, I have noticed in a 
 former work (Portraiture of Methodism), wherein I have not 
 failed to award to them what I conceived to be a suitable por- 
 tion of merit for their many public and private virtues. Some 
 few of my dissenting brethren havechosen to be offended on this 
 account. — I am sorry for it ; but am certainly more sorry for 
 their offence, than for the cause of it ; and I here repeat it, 
 that a more learned, candid, and moral body of people, than 
 our English clergy, never existed. The exceptions, consider- 
 ing their numerous temptations, and the rank they hold in 
 society, are comparatively trifling. I am compelled, how- 
 ever, to abate somewhat of my admiration of the public con- 
 duct of most of our Right Reverend Bishops. It is a la- 
 mentable indication of great deficiency of the true spirit of 
 Protestantism, that only one or two of the whole bench should 
 choose to avow themselves the friends of Catholic Emanci- 
 pation. They have not succeeded in clearing the Church 
 of heretics, though they have taken away the bread of poor 
 
 Mr.
 
 267 
 
 ing quotation," remarks Dr. Geddes,* " from a 
 Dedication to Clement XI., prefixed to Sir 
 Richard Steele's Account of the State of the Ro- 
 man Catholic Religion, will, perhaps, explain how 
 matters stand in this respect, between Catholics 
 and Protestants : — " Your HOLINESS is not 
 aware, how near the Churches of us Protestants 
 have at length come to those privileges and per- 
 fections which you boast of as peculiar to your 
 own : so near, that many of the most quick- 
 sighted and sagacious persons have not been able 
 to discover any difference between us, as to the 
 main principle of all doctrine, government, worship, 
 and discipline — but this one, viz. That YOU can- 
 not err in any thing you determine ; and WE 
 never do. That is to say, in other words, that 
 YOU are infallible, and WE always in the right . . 
 . . . And you must pardon us, if we cannot help 
 thinking it to be as great and as glorious a privi- 
 lege in US, to be always in the right, without 
 
 Mr. Stone. We have still professed Swedenborgian clergy- 
 men ; many known Unitarians; and an odd mixture of Cal- 
 vinistic Predestinarians, who adhere to the strict letter of the 
 17th Art. ; and of Arminians, who, with the venerable Bishop 
 of Lincoln at their head, can see nothing Calvinistic in the 
 whole book of Common Prayer. Nay, we have now in our 
 church, at least one clergyman who is an avowed believer in 
 the dreams and vagaries of Joanna Southcott. It is not, 
 however, from this heterogeneous mass, but from generally 
 received authorities, that I speak concerning the doctrines 
 of the Establishment. 
 
 ♦ Modest Apology, p. 71—72.
 
 268 
 
 the pretence to infallibility, as it can be in YOU 
 to be always in the wrong with it. Thus the 
 Synod of Dort, the Councils of the Reformed in 
 France, the Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, 
 and, if I may presume to name it, the Convo- 
 cation of England, have been all found to have 
 the very same unquestionable authority which 
 your Church claims upon the infallibility which 
 resides in it; and the people to be under the 
 very same strict obligation of obedience to their 
 determinations, which, with you, is the conse- 
 quence of an absolute infallibility. The reason, 
 therefore, why we do not openly set up an in- 
 fallibility is, because we can do without it. Au- 
 thority results as well from power as from RIGHT; 
 and a majority of votes is as strong a foundation 
 for it, as infallibility itself. Councils that may 
 err, never do : and, besides, being composed of 
 men whose peculiar business is to be in the right, 
 it is very immodest for any private person to 
 think them not so : because this is to set up a 
 corrupted private understanding, above a public 
 uncorrupted judgment. Thus it is in the north 
 as well as in the south, abroad as well as at 
 home; all maintain the exercise of the same au- 
 thority in themselves, which yet they know not 
 how so much as to speak of without ridicule in 
 others !" 
 
 Another difference between the two Churches 
 regards the number and nature of the Sacra- 
 ments. Catholics have seven sacraments — Pro-
 
 269 
 
 testants have two only. Baptism is admitted by 
 both Churches, and so is the Eucharist, or Lord's 
 Supper. Though Confirmation is appointed by 
 the Reformed Churches as a sacred rite, it has not 
 been considered as " generally necessary to sal- 
 vation ;" but in the Catholic Church it is rec- 
 koned a sacrament. In the same light, also, is 
 the institution of Marriage considered. It is a 
 sacrament in the one Church, and a divine and 
 holy ceremony in the other. Extreme Unction, 
 or practice of anointing the sick, is entirely abo- 
 lished by the Reformation, but preserved as a 
 sacrament among Catholics. — Penance is used 
 by both Churches, but regarded as a sacrament 
 by the Catholics only. — Ordination, another of 
 the Catholic sacraments, is used also by Protest- 
 ants ; and is regarded as an indispensable cere- 
 mony for the conferring of spiritual gifts and 
 powers. 
 
 The doctrines, or rather notions, about Grace 
 have been various in both Churches - 3 and the 
 same may be remarked of Sanctification, Faith, 
 and some other points of a similar character. 
 The Calvinistic dogmas concerning Free-Will 
 (or, as it might more correctly be denominated, 
 No-Will), Election, and Reprobation, which lat- 
 ter is called by Calvin the horrible decretum, the 
 horrible decree — Justification by Faith alone, xvith- 
 out works — The Imputation of Christ's Righteous. 
 ness, by virtue of a Predestination to Life — The 
 total inability of man to do any thing tozvards his
 
 270 
 
 own salvation, &c, seem all to be new inventions 
 of the Reformers. The opinions concerning 
 
 works of supererogation; auricular confession; 
 purgatory ; with the practice of praying for 
 the dead — The invocation of Saints — The vene- 
 ration of holy images, pictures, and relicks — 
 The celibacy of the clergy — The ivithholding the 
 cup from the laity in the Eucharist — The use of 
 the Latin tongue in the mass ; — and some other 
 practices and institutions, as the utility of tra- 
 dition, monastic institutions, pilgrimages, indul- 
 gences, beads, rosaries, &c. &c, were, for the 
 most part, rejected by the Reformers. 
 
 It will readily be seen, that the influence of 
 the Reformation on religious opinions and prac- 
 tices, has not materially aiTected the great articles 
 of faith, nor has much relation to the Supreme 
 Object of divine worship, or the means of con- 
 ciliating his favour. 
 
 As to the immediate influence of the Reform- 
 ation on the manners and moral habits of the peo- 
 ple, there are but too many unfavourable proofs 
 that little good was done in this way. Brandt, 
 in the Dedication of his History of the Reform- 
 ation in the Low Countries, draws an unpleasant 
 picture of the spirit of the Reformed Christians, 
 immediately succeeding the Reformation. The 
 Protestants, he observes, have not made a good 
 use of the Reformation ; that, instead of inno- 
 cence, gentleness, humility, and charity, vice,
 
 271 
 
 persecution, hatred, envy, and self-love, have 
 prevailed among them ; that every body accom- 
 modates the Word of God to his own prejudices ; 
 and has a gospel of his own making. The Pro- 
 testants, he adds, have recourse to the secular 
 arm : they use violent means to gain proselytes. 
 Many of them, when they separated from the 
 Church of Rome, rejected not only what was 
 bad in that Church, but also what was good, or, 
 at least, innocent. They believe, says he, that 
 none but themselves have the truth on their side; 
 and they fancy that every body ought to em- 
 brace their opinions. They acknowledge they 
 may fall into error, but they maintain they never 
 do. The learned Cudworth* seems to have 
 entertained a similar opinion of the effects of 
 the Reformation : " 'Tis to be feared," 
 says he, " that many people among us, who 
 throw down idols in churches, set them up 
 in their hearts ; and that, whilst we exclaim 
 against paintings upon church windows, we do 
 not scruple to cherish many unlawful passions 
 within us, and to commit idolatry with them." 
 Complaining of the schisms occasioned by the 
 Reformation, we might reckon, says Brandt, 
 above three hundred questions, that are disput- 
 ed in the Church of Rome, and yet they occa- 
 
 * Epistle Dedicatory to the House of Commons, prefixed 
 to a Sermon which he preached to that Assembly, in the yeai 
 1647 ; cited in Michael de la Roaches Abridgment of Brandt's 
 History of the Reformation, vol. I, p. iii.
 
 272 
 
 sion no schism among the Catholics. Indeed, 
 it must be confessed, that the hot and furious 
 rancour in which the Reformers indulged against 
 those who agreed not with them in every point, 
 is by no means a favourable specimen of the 
 good effects of the Reformation; though, upon 
 the whole, I have no doubt but that great good 
 has resulted, and will result, to the morals and 
 happiness of mankind, from the Reformation of 
 religion. It is a great pity, that we could not 
 be contented to have used our liberty in Christ 
 without abusing it, — that our earliest friends, 
 and I wish I had no reason to add, our later 
 brethren, had carried their Reformation to their 
 own conduct, and, while they disavowed the 
 principle of persecution in the Church of Rome, 
 they had been equally solicitous to have abstain- 
 ed from the practice of it themselves.* 
 
 * Roman Catholics complain, and but too justly, that we 
 do not act fairly towards them, in keeping out of sight our 
 own blemishes, and in magnifying and exposing theirs. By 
 the help of God, I will endeavour to wipe off the reproach. 
 No fears — no censures— no reproaches, shall deter me from 
 holding up to deserved reprobation, the practice of persecu- 
 tion, by whatever party it has been exercised, when I come 
 to treat of that portion of the Catholic History.
 
 PART II. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE CATHOLIC DOCTRINES. 
 
 " Roman Catholick Principles in Reference to God 
 and the King. — Points of Faith literally uni- 
 versal. — Of the Holy Trinity. 
 
 THERE is certainly some difficulty attend- 
 ing this part of the subject; but it does not 
 arise from any ambiguity or doubt on the points 
 to be discussed. No doctrines can be more 
 clear or explicit. Would to God they were as 
 true ! or, rather, that our Roman Catholic 
 brethren had been as solicitous to " know the 
 truth" as they have ever been to preserve and en- 
 force what they have received as such from their 
 forefathers. The great difficulty arises from the 
 multiplicity of documents that are presented as 
 authentic sources of information, and from the 
 limited nature of my plan, to admit a proper 
 and judicious selection. I will, however, adopt 
 the plan suggested by a well-known Protestant 
 writer, and leave the result to the candour and 
 moderation of the Catholic reader. 
 
 " I would ask them [Catholics]," says 
 
 T
 
 274 
 
 Richard Baxter, the non- conformist,* " whether 
 we or they do better know our religion; and, 
 consequently, what a Protestant is ? If they 
 know it at all, it is from our writings or expres- 
 sions; for sure they will not pretend, without 
 signs, to know our hearts, and that better than 
 ourselves. — You must take it from us, if you will 
 know what our religion is, as we must take it 
 from you, if we will know yours. And, there- 
 fore, delude not silly souls by persuading 
 them that you know what our religion is 
 better than we. If you will believe our books 
 that tell you, believe our sayings also, and be- 
 lieve me that here tell you my own religion." 
 This is a just, and, indeed, the only proper 
 ground to take ; and, agreeably to this principle, 
 I shall proceed in laying before the reader the 
 following clear and distinct view of 
 
 " ROMAN CATHOLICK PRINCIPLES, in 
 REFERENCE to GOD and the KING, 
 
 Explained in a Letter to a Friend, f 
 
 " Sir, 
 I FIND your last as full of doubts and in- 
 
 * Key for Catholics, pref. p. 5. 
 f These were first printed in a little pamphlet in the reign 
 of Charles II. j and in here reprinting them, which I do from 
 
 the
 
 275 
 
 quietudes, as your former was of heat and zeal : 
 whether mere compassion hath altered your 
 judgment, or that you fear your own turn may 
 be next, I cannot tell ; but I easily perceive 
 you, and the greatest part of honest thinking 
 Protestants, as well as you, begin, though late, 
 to suspect, that Catholicks have wrongfully suf- 
 fered the loss of their fame, their goods, their 
 fortunes, and many their lives. Nor do I won- 
 der to see you touched with some concern at our 
 miseries ; for besides the sad spectacles of bloud- 
 shed, (which I mention without any resentment, 
 or disrespect to the government) the prisons have 
 been filled with us, whole families ruined and 
 exiled, poor widows and innocent orphans have 
 perished through distress, the very woods and 
 deserts have not wanted men dying with cold 
 
 the original copy, now before me, I am doing only an act of 
 justice to the Catholics, and am conforming to the rule laid 
 down by Baxter, in his work just mentioned. 
 
 The name of the author does not appear. It is said to 
 be " By a Well-Wisher to his Countrey," and is subscribed 
 M. B. The reason given for its being first made public, is 
 " to shew the connexion between the principles it contains, 
 and the late Popish Plot." In the original, there are several 
 marginal notes, and references to the texts of scripture quot- 
 ed. These 1 have omitted, as unnecessary ; and for the same 
 reason, about two pages at the end, of a conclusion and 
 objections answered, are left out. The other alterations are 
 still more trifling. 
 
 T 2
 
 and hunger ; and all this upon account of a plot, 
 horrid indeed, and detestable in itself, but which 
 could never yet be proved against us, by any 
 one credible witness, or probable circumstance 
 evincing the crime. 
 
 True it is, Dr. Oates, Captain Bedloe, and 
 others, of debauched lives and desperate fortunes. 
 allured by gain, and encouraged by indempni- 
 ties, have positively sworn (if bare positive 
 swearing, without any other probability of truth, 
 may stand for good evidence), to a multiplicity 
 of particulars. But these men have been, and 
 are, so notoriously stigmatized with all sorts of 
 vice and infamy; their oaths have been con- 
 fronted with so many self-contradictions; their 
 forgeries accompanied with such incredible, such 
 impossible circumstances; their lyes and fables 
 so stuffed with absurdities, non-sence, and follies ; 
 the crime of perjury so often, so palpably proved 
 against them : in short, both their past and pre- 
 sent villainies are now become so apparent and 
 perspicuous, that the greatest part of the nation 
 hath an abhorrence of them. 
 
 But you tell me, (and you are in the right) 
 that the thing which hath rendered credible the 
 testimony of otherwise incredible witnesses 
 against us, and which hath invalidated all con- 
 trary evidence given in our behalf, is a perswa- 
 sion many Protestants have, that the Catholick
 
 277 
 
 religion is made up of traitorous principles, de- 
 structive to peace and government. You say, 
 you have been informed by common report, by 
 printed books, nay, by some ministers in their 
 very pulpits, that Catholicks hold it an article 
 of faith to believe, that the Pope can depose 
 kings, absolve their subjects from their allegi- 
 ance, and dispose of kingdoms to whom he 
 please. That to murder Protestants, and de- 
 stroy the nation by fire and sword, for propaga- 
 tion of the Catholick faith, are works of piety, 
 and meritorious of heaven. These, and the like 
 horrid aspersions, together with I know not 
 what feigned idolatries, superstitions and abuses, 
 are (as you have rightly intimated) laid to the 
 charge of Roman Catholicks, whereby to render 
 both their faith and persons odious to many 
 otherwise well-meaning people, who, not suffi- 
 ciently examining the truth of tilings, but taking 
 all for granted, judge nothing ill enough can be 
 said or done against men so principled. 
 
 And is it not strange and severe, that principles, 
 and those pretended of faith too, should be im- 
 posed upon men, which they themselves re- 
 nounce and detest? If the Turk's Alcoran 
 should, in like manner, be urged upon us, and 
 we hanged up for Mahometans, all we could do 
 or say in such a case, would be patiently to die, 
 with protestation of our own innocence. And 
 this is the posture of our present condition ; we 
 abhor, we renounce, we abominate such prin-
 
 278 
 
 ciples ; we protest against them, and seal our 
 protestations with our dying breaths. What 
 shall we say ? What can we do more ? To ac- 
 cuse men as guilty in matters of faith, which 
 they never owned, is the same thing as to con- 
 demn them for matters of fact, which they never 
 did. 
 
 You press the question, and say, some of our 
 general councils, several papal decrees, and 
 many of our doctors and divines, assert the 
 aforementioned principles. Sir, I have been in- 
 structed in the articles of my faith, and I ac- 
 knowledge the lawful authority of general coun- 
 cils, yet I profess I never learnt, or found asserted 
 in any of them, such principles. And I propose 
 unto you, this plain and short dilemma; either 
 the above-named principles are esteemed by us 
 matters of faith, or not. If they be, what farther 
 can be required of us, than to deny and forsake 
 such a faith ? And this we constantly do. But 
 if they be not matters of Catholick faith, nor 
 owned by us as such, why are Cathoiicks, as Ca- 
 tholicks, punished for them ? Whj r is our religion 
 persecuted on that account ? Let those in God's 
 name, if any there be of what religion soever, 
 who hold such tenets, suffer for them. Why 
 should the innocent be involved with the guilty ? 
 There is neither reason nor justice in it. 
 
 Hereunto some persons (I hope out of zeal 
 and misinformation, rather than malice) stick
 
 279 
 
 not to say, that dispensations, and I know not 
 what indulgences and pardons, whereby to legi- 
 timate the crimes of lying and forswearing, 
 when the interest of our church requires, is a 
 main part of our religion; and by consequence, 
 the denial of our principles, is no sufficient jus- 
 tification of our innocence. I answer, first, it 
 is in the highest measure censorious in any one, 
 to impose upon all our ancestours, and the 
 greatest part of mankind, who are, or have been 
 members of our religion, such an excess of folly 
 and wickedness ; as must needs have perverted 
 all humane society. Secondly, if we could law- 
 fully deny the principles of our faith, when in- 
 terest requires, why have we lost our estates, 
 our liberties, our lives, for the profession of it? 
 To what purposes are oaths and tests devised, to 
 entangle us ? How impertinently is the frequent- 
 ing the Protestant church, and receiving the com- 
 munion, proposed unto us, and refused by us ? 
 Thirdly, Though many men may be induced to 
 lye, and forswer, when they have some hopes 
 or prospect thereby of temporal advantage, yet 
 that persons dying for their conscience and re- 
 ligion (as divers have done, and those no fools 
 even by the confession of our adversaries) 
 should be so stupendously sottish and mad, 
 either to imagine that lyes and perjuries, for 
 concealment of treason, murder, massacre, and 
 destruction of others by fire and sword, should 
 be acts of virtue, pleasing to God, dispensable 
 by the Pope, and meritorious of heaven; or
 
 280 
 
 that, on the contrary, knowing and believing, 
 as needs they must, such monsters and horrours 
 to be odious and detestable in the sight both of 
 God and man, they should, nevertheless, upon 
 the very brink of eternity, wittingly and will- 
 ingly cast themselves head-long into an assured 
 damnation, and this at a time when they might 
 have saved both bodyes and souls, by meerly 
 discharging a good conscience in acknowledg- 
 ing the truth, and becoming honest men; this 
 I say is inhumane, and contradictory to all 
 sense and reason to believe. 
 
 Now, therefore, I am come to what you so 
 often and so earnestly press me to, viz. to sa- 
 tisfy the world, and cleare myself, my fellow- 
 sufferers, and my religion, from the imputation 
 laid upon us, on pretence of such principles, 
 by a true and candid explanation of my belief 
 and judgment, in the main points of faith and 
 loyalty, controverted between Catholicks and 
 Potestants as they severally relate to God and 
 the king : 
 
 (e Of the Catholick Faith, and Church in gene- 
 ral. — I. The fruition of God, and remission of 
 sin, is not attainable by man, otherwise than in 
 and by the merits of Jesus Christ, the Son of 
 God, who gratis purchased it for us. 
 
 2. These merits of Christ are not applyed to 
 ns, otherwise than by a right faith in Christ.
 
 281 
 
 3. This faith is but one, entire and conform- 
 able to its object, being divine revelations, to 
 all which faith giveth an undoubted assent. 
 
 4. These revelations containe many mys- 
 teries, transcending the natural reach of humain 
 wit or industry. Wherefore, 
 
 5. It became the divine wisdom and goodness, 
 to provide man of some way or means whereby 
 he might arrive to the knowledge of these mys- 
 teries j means visible and apparent to all ; means 
 proportionable to the capacityes of all ; means 
 sure and certain to all. 
 
 6. This way, or means, is not the reading of 
 Scriptures, interpreted according to the private 
 reason or spirit of every disjunctive person, or 
 nation in particular. But, 
 
 7. It is an attention and submission to the 
 doctrine of the Catholick or Universal Church, 
 established by Christ for the instruction of all, 
 spread for that end throughout all nations, and 
 visibly continued in a succession of pastors and 
 people throughout all ages : from which Church, 
 guided in truth, and secured from error in mat- 
 ters of faith, by the promised assistance of the 
 Holy Ghost, every one may and ought to learn 
 botli the right sence of scripture, and all other 
 Christian mysteries and duties, respectively ne- 
 cessary to salvation.
 
 282 
 
 8. This church, thus spread, thus guided, 
 thus visibly continued, in one uniform faith, and 
 subordination of government, is that self-same 
 which is termed the Roman Catholick Church, 
 the qualifications above-mentioned, being ap- 
 plicable to no other church or assembly what- 
 soever. 
 
 9. From the testimony and authority of this 
 church it is, that we receive and believe the 
 scripture to be God's word. And as she can 
 assuredly tell us, this or that book is God's word, 
 so can she with the like assurance, tell us also 
 the true sence and meaning of it in controverted 
 points of faith ; the same spirit that writ the 
 scripture, enlightning her to understand both it 
 and all other matters necessary to salvation. 
 From these grounds it followeth, 
 
 10. All and only divine revelations delivered 
 by God to the church, and proposed by her to 
 be believed as such, are and ought to be esteem- 
 ed articles of faith, and the contrary opinions, 
 heresie. And 
 
 11. As an obstinate separation from the unity 
 of the church, in known declared matters of faith, 
 is formal heresie j so a wilful separation from the 
 visible unity of the same church, in matters of 
 subordination and government, is formal schism. 
 
 12. The church proposeth unto us matters of
 
 283 
 
 faith : First, and chiefly, by the holy scripture, 
 in points plain and intelligible in it. Secondly, 
 by definitions of General Councils, in points not 
 sufficiently explained in scripture. Thirdly, by 
 apostolical traditions, derived from Christ and 
 his Apostles, to ali succeeding ages. Fourthly, 
 by her practice, worship, and ceremonies, con- 
 firming her doctrine. 
 
 * f Of Spiritual and Temporal Authority. — 1. Ge- 
 neral Councils (which are the church of God, 
 representative) have no commission from Christ 
 to fraime new matters of faith, (these being sole 
 divine revelations) but only to explain and ascer- 
 tain unto us, what anciently was, and is receiv- 
 ed and retained as of faith in the church, upon 
 arising debates or controversies about them. 
 The definitions of which, general Councils in 
 matters of faith only and proposed as such, 
 oblige, under pain of heresie, all the faithful, to 
 a submission of judgement. But 
 
 2. It is no article of faith to believe, that ge- 
 neral Councils cannot err, either in matters of 
 fact or discipline, alterable by circumstances of 
 time and place ; or in matters of speculation or 
 civil policy, depending on meer humane judge- 
 ment or testimony. Neither of these being divine 
 revelations, deposited in the Catholick church; 
 in regard to which alone she hath the promised 
 assistance of the Holy Ghost. Hence it is de- 
 duced :
 
 284 
 
 3. If a general Council (much less a Papal 
 consistory) should undertake to depose a king, 
 and absolve his subjects from their allegiance, 
 no Catholick, as Catholick, is bound to submit 
 to such a decree. Hence, also, it followeth : 
 
 4. The subjects of the king of England law- 
 fully may, without the least breach of any Ca- 
 tholick principle, renounce, even upon oath, the 
 doctrine of deposing kings excommunicated for 
 heresie, by any authority whatsoever, as repug- 
 nant to the fundamental laws of the nation, in- 
 jurious to sovereign power, destructive to the 
 peace and government, and by consequence, in 
 his Majesty's subjects, impious and damnable. 
 Yet not properly heretical, taking the word 
 heretical in that connatural, genuine sence, it 
 is usually understood in the Catholick church ; 
 on which account chiefly it is, that many Catho- 
 licks of tender consciences refuse the oath, com- 
 monly called the oath of allegiance. 
 
 5. Catholicks believe, that the bishop of Rome 
 is the successor of St. Peter, vicar of Jesus Christ 
 upon earth, and Head of the whole Catholick 
 church ; which church is therefore fitly styled 
 Roman Catholick, being an universal body unit- 
 ed under one visible head. Nevertheless, 
 
 6. It is no matter of faith to believe, that the 
 Pope is in himself infallible, separated from a 
 general Council, even in expounding the faith :
 
 285 
 
 by consequence, papal definitions or decrees, 
 though ex cathedra, as they term them, oblige 
 none, under pain of heresie, to an interior as- 
 sent. 
 
 7. Nor do Catholicks, as Catholicks, believe 
 that the Pope hath any direct, or indirect, autho- 
 rity over the temporal power and jurisdiction of 
 princes. Hence, if the Pope should pretend to 
 absolve or dispence with his Majesty's subjects 
 from their allegiance, upon account of heresie 
 or schism, such dispensation would be vain and 
 null ;' and all Catholick subjects, notwithstand- 
 ing such dispensation, or absolution, would be 
 still bound in conscience to defend their king 
 and countrey, at the hazard of their lives and 
 fortunes, even against the Pope himself, in case 
 he should invade the nation. 
 
 8. And as for problematical disputes, or er- 
 rors, of particular divines, in this or any other 
 matter whatsoever, the Catholick church is no- 
 wise responsible for them : nor are Catholicks, 
 as Catholicks, justly punishable on their account. 
 But, 
 
 9. As for the king-killing doctrine, or murder 
 of princes, excommunicated for heresie, it is an 
 article of faith in the Catholick church, and ex- 
 pressly declared in the general Council of Con- 
 stance, that such doctrine is damnable and he-
 
 286 
 
 retical, being contrary to the known laws of God 
 and nature.* 
 
 10. Personal misdemeanours of what nature 
 soever, ought not to be imputed to the Catholick 
 church, when not justifyable by the tenets of her 
 faith and doctrine ; for which reason, though 
 the stories of the Paris massacre ; the Irish cru- 
 elties; or powder plot, had been true (which 
 yet, for the most part, are notoriously misrelat- 
 ed), nevertheless Catholicks, asCatholicks, ought 
 not to suffer for such offences, any more than 
 the eleven apostles ought to have suffered for 
 Juda's treachery. 
 
 11. It is an article of the Catholick faith to be- 
 lieve, that no power on earth can license men to 
 \ye t to forswear, and perjure themselves, to mas- 
 sacre their neighbours, or destroy their native 
 countrey, on pretence of promoting the Catho- 
 lick cause or religion ; furthermore, all pardons 
 and dispensations granted or pretended to be 
 granted, in order to any such ends or designes, 
 have no other validity or effect, then to add sa- 
 crilege and blasphemy to the above-mentioned 
 crimes. 
 
 12. The doctrine of equivocation, or mental 
 reservation, however wrongfully imposed on the 
 
 * Cone. Const. Sess. 15.
 
 287 
 
 Catholick religion, is, notwithstanding, neither 
 taught nor approved by the church, as any part 
 of her belief. On the contrary, simplicity and 
 godly sincerity are constantly recommended by 
 her as truly Christian vertues, necessary to the 
 conservation of justice, truth, and common so- 
 ciety. 
 
 "Of some particular controverted Points of Faith. 
 — 1. Every Catholick is obliged to believe ; that 
 when a sinner repenteth him of his sins from the 
 bottom of his heart, and acknowledgeth his 
 transgressions to God and his ministers, the dis- 
 pensers of the mysteries of Christ, resolving to 
 turn from his evil vvayes, and bring forth fruits 
 worthy of penance, there is (then and no other- 
 wise) an authority left by Christ to absolve such 
 a penitent sinner from his sins ; which authority 
 Christ gave to his apostles, and their successors, 
 the bishops and priests of the Catholick Church, 
 in those words, when he said, Receive ye the 
 Holy-Ghost, whose sins you shall forgive, they 
 are forgiven unto them, &c. 
 
 2. Though no creature whatsoever can make 
 condign satisfaction, either for the guilt of sin, 
 or the pain eternal due to it, this satisfaction be- 
 ing proper to Christ our Saviour only ; yet pe- 
 nitent sinners redeemed by Christ may, as mem- 
 bers of Christ, in some measure satisfle by 
 prayer, fasting, alms deeds, and other works of 
 piety, for the temporal pain, which by order of
 
 288 
 
 divine justice sometimes remains due,, after the 
 guilt of sin, and pains eternal are (gratis) re- 
 mitted. These penitential works are notwith- 
 standing satisfactory no otherwise then as joyned 
 and applyed to that satisfaction, which Jesus 
 made upon the cross, in vertue of which alone, 
 all our good works find a grateful acceptance in 
 God's sight. 
 
 3. The guilt of sin or pain eternal due to it, is 
 never remitted by indulgences ; but only such 
 temporal punishments as remain due after the 
 guilt is remitted ; these indulgences being no- 
 thing else than a mitigation or relaxation upon 
 just causes, of canonical penances, enjoy ned by 
 the pastors of the Church on penitent sinners, 
 according to their several degrees of demerit. 
 And if any abuses or mistakes be sometimes 
 committed, in point either of granting or gain- 
 ing indulgences, through the remissness or igno- 
 rance of particular persons, contrary to the an- 
 cient custom and discipline of the Church; 
 such abuses or mistakes cannot rationally be 
 charged on the Church, nor rendered matter of 
 derision, in prejudice to her faith and doctrine. 
 
 4. Catholicks hold there is a Purgatory, that 
 is to say, a place or state, where souls departing 
 this life, with remission of their sins, as to the 
 eternal guilt or pain, yet obnoxious to some 
 temporal punishment still remaining due, and 
 not perfectly freed from the blemish of some
 
 289 
 
 venial defects, or coordinations, (as idle words, 
 &c. not liable to damnation) are purged before 
 their admittance into Heaven, where nothing 
 that is defiled can enter. Furthermore, 
 
 5. Catholicks also hold, That such souls, so 
 detained in purgatory, being the living members 
 of Christ Jesus, are relieved by the prayers and 
 suffrages of their fellow-members here on earth : 
 but where this place is ; Of what nature or qua- 
 lity the pains are ; How long each soul is de- 
 tained there ; After what manner the suffrages 
 made in their behalf are applyed ; Whether by 
 way of satisfaction or intercession j &c. are 
 questions superfluous, and impertinent as to 
 faith. 
 
 6. No man, though just, can merit either an 
 increase of sanctity or happiness in this life, or 
 eternal glory in the next, independent of the 
 merits and passion of Christ; nevertheless in 
 and by the merits of Christ Jesus, the good 
 works of a just man, proceeding from grace and 
 charity, are acceptable to God, so far forth as to 
 be, through his goodness and sacred promise, 
 truly meritorious of eternal life. 
 
 7. It is an article of the Catholick faith, That 
 in the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist, 
 there is truly and really contained the body of 
 Christ, which was delivered for us, and his bloud,- 
 which was shed for the remission of sins ■> the 
 substance of bread and wine, being by the 
 
 U
 
 290 
 
 powerful words of Christ, changed into the sub- 
 stance ofhis blessed body and bloud, the species 
 or accidents of bread and wine still remaining. 
 Thus, 
 
 8. Christ is not present in this sacrament, ac- 
 cording to his natural way of existence, that is, 
 with extension of parts, in order to place, &c, 
 but after a supernatural manner, one and the 
 same in many places, and whole in every part of 
 the symbols. This therefore is a real, substan- 
 tial, yet sacramental presence of Christ's body 
 and bloud, not exposed to the external senses, 
 nor obnoxious to corporeal contingences. 
 
 9. Neither is the body of Christ in this holy 
 sacrament, seperated from his bloud, or his bloud 
 from his body, or either of both disjoyned from 
 his soul and divinity, but all and whole living 
 Jesus is entirely contained under either species ; 
 so that whosoever receiveth under one kind, is 
 truly partaker of the whole sacrament, and no 
 wise deprived either of the body or bloud of 
 Christ. True it is, 
 
 10. Our Saviour Jesus Christ left unto us his 
 body and blood, under two distinct species or 
 kinds ; in doing of which, he instituted not only 
 a sacrament, but also a sacrifice; a commemo- 
 rative sacrifice distinctly shewing his death or 
 bloudy passion, until he come. For as the sa- 
 crifice of the cross was performed by a distinct 
 effusion of bloud, so is the same sacrifice com-
 
 291 
 
 memorated in that of the altar, by a distinction 
 of the symbols. Jesus therefore is here given 
 not only to us, but for us; and the Church 
 thereby enriched with a true, proper, and propi- 
 tiatory sacrifice, usually termed mass. 
 
 11. Catholicks renounce all divine worship, 
 and adoration of images or pictures. God alone 
 we worship and adore ; nevertheless we make 
 use of pictures, and place them in churches and 
 oratories, to reduce our wandring thoughts, and 
 enliven our memories towards heavenly things. 
 And farther we allow a certain honour and ve- 
 neration to the picture of Christ, of the Virgin 
 Mary, &c. beyond what is due to every pro- 
 phane figure ; not that we believe any divinity 
 or vertue in the pictures themselves, for which 
 they ought to be honoured, but because the ho- 
 nour given to the pictures is referred to the pro- 
 totype, or things represented. In like manner, 
 
 12. There is a kind of honour and veneration 
 respectively due to the Bible, to the cross, to the 
 name of Jesus, to churches, to the sacraments, 
 &c, as things peculiarly appertaining to God ; 
 also to the glorified saints in heaven, as domestick 
 friends of God - 3 yea, to kings, magistrates, and 
 superiors on earth, as the vicegerents of God. 
 To whom honour is due, honour may be given, 
 without any derogation to the majesty of God, 
 or that divine worship appropriate to him. Fur- 
 thermore, 
 
 U 2
 
 292 
 
 13. Catholicks believe, That the blessed saints 
 in heaven, replenished with charity, pray for 
 us their fellow-members here on earth ; that they 
 rejoyce at our conversion ; that seeing God, 
 they see and know in him all things suitable to 
 their happy state ; that God is inclinable to hear 
 their requests made in our behalf, and for their 
 sakes granteth us many favours ; that therefore 
 it is good and profitable to desire their interces- 
 sion; and that this manner of invocation is no 
 more injurious to Christ our Mediator, nor su- 
 perabundant in itself, than it is for one Christian 
 to beg the prayers and assistance of another in 
 this world. Notwithstanding all which, Catho- 
 licks are taught not so to rely on the prayers of 
 others, as to neglect their own duty to God ; in 
 imploring his divine mercy and goodness ; in 
 mortifying the deeds of the flesh ; in despising 
 the world ; in loving and serving God and their 
 neighbour ; in following the footsteps of Christ 
 our Lord, who is the way, the truth, and the 
 life : to whom be honour and glory for ever and 
 ever, Amen." 
 
 It will appear, upon examination, that the 
 doctrines contained in the foregoing extract are 
 strictly conformable to the decisions of the 
 Council of Trent; the Creed of Pius IV. ; the 
 Exposition of Bossuet ; Gother's Papist Misre- 
 presented; the writings of Bishop Challoner;
 
 293 
 
 the acknowledged Cathechisms, and other 
 books of public instruction in the Catholic 
 Church. From these various sources of inform- 
 ation, therefore, I will lay before the reader a more 
 detailed account of the leading articles of the 
 Catholic faith. But, first, let us briefly notice 
 a few points in which the Church of Rome agrees 
 with all other Churches that have separated from 
 her communion ; ana" also remark that leading 
 article of all religion which immediately regards 
 the Supreme Object of divine adoration, in 
 which, likewise, Roman Catholics agree with a 
 majority of the Reformed Churches, but differ 
 from some of them. 
 
 The points in which the church of Rome 
 is agreed with all other churches, are more in 
 number and importance than many Protestants 
 are apt to suppose, or willing to allow. Indeed, 
 if <c each distinction of Christians" would fol- 
 low the excellent advice of Mr. Butler,* and 
 " earnestly wish to find an agreement between 
 themselves and their fellow Christians," the 
 points of dispute would be considerably lessen- 
 ed ; and, even wherein they should still continue 
 to differ, much of that acrimony by which a 
 large majority of religious disputants are at pre- 
 sent so shamefully characterized, would be ef- 
 fectually destroyed. It is sufficient to the pre- 
 sent purpose to transcrihe, from the little work 
 
 Life of Fenelon, p. 236.
 
 294 
 
 just quoted, what the enlightened and truly 
 Catholic author has said on the " essential 
 articles of the Christian religion," in which all 
 Christians, Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Cal- 
 vinists, and Unitarians, are agreed : — " All 
 Christians," says he, " believe — 1st. That there 
 is one God : 2d. That he is a Being of infinite 
 perfection : 3d. That he directs all things by 
 his providence : 4th. That it is our duty to 
 love him with all our hearts, and our neighbour 
 as ourselves : 5th. That it is our duty to repent 
 of the sins we commit : 6th. That God par- 
 dons the truly penitent : 7th. That there is a 
 future state of rewards and punishments, when 
 all mankind shall be judged according to their 
 works : 8th. That God sent his Son into the 
 world, to be its Saviour, the author of eternal 
 salvation to all that obey him : 9th. That he 
 is the true Messiah : 10th. That he worked 
 miracles, suffered, died, and rose again, as is 
 related in the four gospels: 11th. That he will 
 hereafter make a second appearance on the 
 earth, raise all mankind from the dead, judge 
 the world in righteousness, bestow eternal life 
 on the virtuous, and punish the workers of ini- 
 quity." When it is considered, that, though 
 Roman Catholics, in common with all other 
 Christians, maintain all the above-named " es- 
 sential articles of religion^" and that they hold 
 no other tenet in direct opposition to any one of 
 them, it is unaccountable that so much mistake 
 should have gone abroad, on the subject of the 
 Catholic faith.
 
 295 
 
 The points of doctrine which Catholics 
 maintain, in common with a majority of the 
 Reformed Churches, but which are denied by 
 some Protestants, are also numerous and impor- 
 tant. Besides the Catholic articles just mention- 
 ed, they hold the necessity of believing in a Tri- 
 nity of Persons in the Deity, equal in power, wis- 
 dom, and glory. The following reasoning on, 
 and illustration of, this ineffable mystery, which 
 the Author of our religion did not see proper to 
 reveal, or explain, to his immediate disciples, 
 is taken from one of the books* acknowledged 
 as authority in the Catholic church : " Of the 
 Mysterie of the blessed Trinity." 1st. Was God 
 solitarie and all alone before the creation of the 
 world ? — No j he was from all eternity the most 
 sacred company of the blessed Trinity: for as he 
 is the cause of all fruitfulness in creatures, so is 
 he first of all most fruitful within himself, in re- 
 gard of his fecundity, both in his understanding 
 and in his will ; and, therefore, although there 
 were no more things but himself, and he him- 
 self was but one thing, yet this one thing was 
 always existent with three personalities. And 
 this is that which we call the mystery of the 
 blessed Trinity and Unity of God. 
 
 2d. How can this be ? — It is a thing which 
 
 * *' A Declaration of the Principall Pointes of Christian 
 Doctrine, gathered out of diverse Catechismes, and set forth 
 by the English Priests duelling in Tournay Collcdge/' p. 15, 
 et. seq. Printed at Paris, A. D. 1647.
 
 396 
 
 we cannot comprehend : for as God himself is 
 incomprehensible to us, so is all that which is 
 in God, and particularly this mystery of the 
 most blessed Trinity. 
 
 3d. Is there no example to help us to con- 
 ceive this mystery ? — Yes ; it may, in some sort, 
 be exemplified in a fountain, which produceth 
 a river, and the river and it together, a lake : for 
 the lake, the river, and the fountain, are dis- 
 tinguished from one another, and yet, the water, 
 by which they are all constituted, is one and the 
 same, in every one of them. 
 
 4th. What, then, meaneth the mystery of the 
 Unity and Trinity of God ? — It meaneth, that 
 in God there is only one divinity, or, as we say, 
 essence and divine nature ; which, nevertheless, 
 is in three divine persons, who are called Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghost, and so there is but one 
 God, and every person is truly that one God. 
 
 5th. Wherefore are the Father, the Son, and 
 the Holy Ghost, three distinct persons ? — Be- 
 cause they have three distinct notions; for though 
 the being of the Godhead be most single and 
 indivisible, and, consequently, the self-same in 
 all three ; yet the manner of this being is not 
 the same, but each one hath his special manner 
 of being, which cannot be common to the rest. 
 For the Father is the fountain from whence the 
 other two persons do proceed, and he hath no
 
 297 
 
 Source himself to proceed from, and, therefore, 
 he produceth, but is not produced. The Son 
 proceedeth from the Father, and only from him. 
 The Holy Ghost proceedeth both from the 
 Father and the Son. And hence it ariseth, that 
 the three persons are distinguished (though not 
 divided) one from another : and, therefore, 
 though we cannot say, that the Godhead of the 
 Son proceedeth from the Godhead of the Father, 
 or the Godhead of the Holy Ghost from the 
 Godhead of the Father and the Son ; yet we are 
 bound to believe, that the person of the Son pro- 
 ceedeth from the person of the Father, and the 
 person of the Holy Ghost, from the persons of 
 the Father and the Son. 
 
 6th. How doth the Son proceed from the 
 Father ? — He is not made, nor created, but be- 
 gotten of his Father's own substance, by his 
 understanding. For the Father knowing him- 
 self by an infinite knowledge, produceth by his 
 understanding, a most perfect word, or expres- 
 sion of himself; which is his Son co-eternal, and 
 equal in all things to himself, and must needs 
 possess the same nature with him, because he 
 is produced of his own substance. 
 
 7th. Why is he called his Son ? — Because his 
 production is a true generation. For as the end 
 of generation in creatures is to make a thing like 
 in nature to that from which it proceeds, so doth 
 the word of the divine understanding produced
 
 298 
 
 through the force of the Father's intellectual 
 nature, by the manner of its production na- 
 turally express the thing which is understood, 
 which is God the Father himself. 
 
 8th. Hath God the Father but one Son, be- 
 gotten of his own substance ? — No ; neither can 
 he have anymore than one: for it is otherwise in 
 God than in men; because no man can give all 
 that he himself is to any son, and therefore he 
 may have many children ; but God Almighty 
 doth give his own substance so perfectly to his 
 son by generation, as that he giveth him all that 
 is in himself, and can be communicated ; inso- 
 much that there remaineth nothing to be given 
 by way of generation to any other. 
 
 9th. How doth the Holy Ghost proceed from 
 the Father and the Son ? — He doth proceed from 
 them both, as from one only source, and not as 
 made or created, nor as begotten, but produced 
 through the will by an ineffable way, which di- 
 vines term spi ration. 
 
 10th. What is spiration ? — It is a breathing 
 or impulse of the will, by which it expresseth its 
 affection : for the Father loving his Son infinitely, 
 as being his only begotten, and the Son his Fa- 
 ther, as the fountain from whom he proceedeth, 
 they produce a mutual bond of love, whereby 
 the Father and Son are ineffably linked toge- 
 ther : and this is the Holy Ghost, the third
 
 299 
 
 person of the blessed Trinity, eternal God, and 
 equal to both the other two persons. 
 
 11th. Why are these three persons one only 
 God ? — Because they have one self-same es- 
 sence, one self-same power, one self-same wis- 
 dom, one self-same goodness, one self-same un- 
 derstanding, and one self-same will. 
 
 12th. Did then all these three divine persons 
 create the world ? — Yes, for all three having 
 from all eternity the same power, the same will, 
 and the same understanding, whatsoever is done 
 out of God by one, is done by all."* 
 
 The Church is defined by the Council of Trent 
 to be the one, visible, holy, and Catholic, that is, 
 universal Church, established by God on a solid 
 
 * It is hardly necessary to remark, that this doctrine of the 
 Trinity is admitted into the creeds of a very large majority 
 of the Reformed Churches. It is, however, denied by many 
 of the Churches of Transylvania, and other places, remnants 
 of the Polish Socinians. At home, the Trinity is rejected by 
 the following sects: Arians, Modern Socinians, Humani- 
 tarians, or Unitarians, Sabellians, Swedenborgians,f and by 
 a very large portion of Quakers. There are now many cler- 
 gymen of the Church of England who are reputed Anti-Tri- 
 nitarians ; and the opponents of this tenet seem of late years 
 to have very rapidly increased in this country ; though the 
 penal laws are very severe against htreticks of this de- 
 scription. 
 
 t This modern sect believe that Jesus Christ is the only true God - 
 they are a sort of Modalists.
 
 300 
 
 basis, who has bestowed on it the power of open- 
 ing the gates of heaven to all true believers, and 
 shutting them to all heretics and infidels: it 
 likewise has the power of pardoning and absolv- 
 ing sins, and excommunicating all such as are 
 disobedient*. — This Church is both triumphant 
 and militant : the former is the illustrious socie- 
 ty of those blessed spirits and saints, who hav- 
 ing triumphed over the world, the flesh and the 
 devil, enjoy everlasting happiness in peace and 
 security : the latter is tb,e congregation of all 
 true believers upon earth, who are constantly 
 obliged, during their whole lives, to resist the 
 world, the flesh and the devil. — Jesus Christ is 
 the immediate governor of that part of the 
 Church which is triumphant in the heavens ; but 
 as the Church militant required a visible head 
 or director, he has substituted one in his room, 
 who is accounted, by all true Catholics, as the 
 sole and sovereign depository of the faith, and 
 perpetual director of the belief of all true Chris- 
 tians,"|- who is commissioned to promote some of 
 them to the highest preferments in heaven, J and 
 to confer on others such briefs as will one day 
 entitle them thereunto : § it must not here be 
 objected, that he breaks in upon the prerogative 
 
 * Catechism of the Council of Trent, 
 f Monsieur Picart's Religious Ceremonies and Customs of 
 all Nations, vol i. p. 284. 
 
 % The Canonization of Saints. 
 § Beatification.
 
 301 
 
 of Jesus Christ, since on the contrary no true 
 believer can enter into heaven, but through the 
 recommendation of this his visible vicegerent. 
 
 Besides the ecclesiastical laws and canons, 
 which are the bulwark of the constitution of the 
 Roman Church, there are other institutions of 
 that Church more especially calculated for pre- 
 serving an uniformity of faith among Christians. 
 These formularies or creeds are chiefly three, 
 viz. that called the Apostles, the Nicene, and 
 the Athanasian, which it is not necessary here 
 to repeat. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Summary of the Catholic Doctrines, Opinions, S(c. 
 as contained in the Creed of Pope Pius IV., the 
 Council of Trent, and other Authorities. 
 
 What follows is a summary of the doctrines, 
 discipline, and ceremonies of the Church of 
 Rome, as contained in Pope Pius's creed,* and 
 as those doctrines, &c. are expounded and en- 
 forced by various Authorities. 
 
 * I omit the twelve first Articles : they are composed from 
 the Nicene Creed, and are admitted by most Protestants.
 
 302 
 
 * c Art. XIII. I most firmly admit and embrace 
 the apostolical and ecclesiastical traditions, and 
 and all other observations and constitutions of 
 the same Church."* 
 
 They affirm that divine truth, which we are 
 all bound to receive, to be partly written, and 
 partly delivered by word of mouth ; which is 
 more fully expressed in the preface to the Ro- 
 man catechism, drawn up by order of the 
 Church of Rome, where we find these words to- 
 wards the conclusion of it : — " The whole doc- 
 trine to be delivered to the faithful is contained 
 in the word of God, which word of God is distri- 
 buted into scripture andtradition."f 
 
 " Art. XIV. I do admit the holy scriptures in 
 the same sense that Holv Mother Church doth, 
 whose business it is to judge of the true sense 
 and interpretation of them, and I will interpret 
 them according to the unanimous consent of the 
 fathers."! 
 
 The Council of Trent decreed that the scrip- 
 ture alone is not a rule of faith without tradition, 
 
 * Pope Pius's Creed, Art. xiii. 
 
 f Romish Catechism. 
 
 + Pope Pius's Creed, Art. xiv.
 
 303 
 
 and traditions are to be received with the like 
 regard and veneration as the scriptures.* 
 
 The author of the Profession of Catholic faith, 
 on the article of scripture and tradition, asks, 
 
 " Cl. What do you believe concerning the 
 scriptures ? — A. That they are to be received 
 by all Christians as the infallible word of God. 
 
 " Q. Do you look upon the scriptures to be 
 clear and plain in all points necessary to salva- 
 tion ? — A. No. 
 
 " Q. How then is the danger to be avoided ? — 
 A. By taking the meaning and interpretation of 
 the scripture from the Church, and by apostolical 
 and ecclesiastical tradition. 
 
 " Q. What do you mean by apostolical tradi- 
 tion ? — A. All such points of faith or Church dis- 
 cipline which were taught or established by the 
 apostles. 
 
 " Q. What difference is there between apos- 
 tolical and ecclesiastical traditions ? — A. Apos- 
 tolical traditions are those which had their origin 
 or institution from the apostles, such as infant- 
 baptism, the Lord's day, (or first day of the 
 
 * Con. Trident, scss. iv.
 
 304 
 
 week) receiving the sacrament, fasting, &c. Ec- 
 clesiastical traditions are such as received their 
 institution from the Church, such as holidays, 
 feasts, and fasts. 
 
 " Q,. How are we to know what traditions are 
 apostolical, and what not? — A. In the same 
 manner, and by the same authority, by which 
 we know what scriptures are apostolical, and 
 what not ; that is, by the authority of the apos- 
 tolical Church, guided by the unerring spirit of 
 God. 
 
 " Q. But why should not the scripture alone be 
 the rule of our faith, without having recourse to 
 apostolical traditions ?- — A. First, Because with- 
 out the help of apostolical traditions we cannot 
 so much as tell what is scripture, and what not. 
 Second, Because infant-baptism, and several 
 other necessary articles, are either not at all 
 contained in scripture, or at least are not plain 
 in the scripture without the help of tradition. 
 Tor Christ has left his Church, and her pas- 
 tors and teachers, to be our guides in all contro- 
 versies relating to religion, and consequently of 
 holy writ."* 
 
 "Art. XV. I do profess and believe that there 
 
 * Profession of Catholic Faith, p. 19.
 
 305 
 
 are seven sacraments, truly and properly so 
 called, instituted by Jesus Christ our Lord, and 
 necessary for the salvation of mankind, though 
 not all of them to every one, viz. baptism, con- 
 firmation, eucharist, penance, extreme unction, 
 orders, and matrimony j and that they do con- 
 fer grace ; and that of these, confirmation, and 
 orders, cannot be repeated without sacrilege. — I 
 also receive and admit the received and approved 
 rites of the Catholic Church, in her solemn ad- 
 ministration of all the aforesaid sacraments. " 
 
 A sacrament is an institution of Christ, con- 
 sisting in some outward sign or ceremony, by 
 which grace is given to the soul of the worthy 
 receiver.* 
 
 Baptism is a sacrament instituted by Christ, 
 according to his commission, and from the belief 
 and practice of the Church of Christ in all ages, 
 and of the apostles themselves, who administered 
 baptism in water. f 
 
 Confirmation is a sacrament wherein by the 
 invocation of the Holy Ghost, and the imposi- 
 tion of the bishop's hands, with the unction of 
 holy chrism, a person receives the grace of the 
 
 * Profession of the Catholic Faith, p. 15, 16, and 17. 
 t See the Xth Article of this Creed. Also, Profession of 
 Catholic Faith, p. 20. 
 
 X
 
 306 
 
 Holy Ghost, and a strength, in order to the pro- 
 fessing of his faith.* 
 
 Confirmation is that which makes us perfect 
 Christians, and impresses an indelible character 
 after baptism, and imparts to us the spirit of 
 fortitude, whereby we are enabled to profess 
 Christianity even at the hazard of our lives ; and 
 is therefore deemed a sacrament by the Church. t 
 
 Penance or infliction, the act of using or sub- 
 mitting to punishment, public or private, as an 
 expression of repentance for sin, is deemed one 
 of the seven sacraments. 
 
 When the question is asked in the "Grounds," 
 &c. What do you mean by the sacrament of 
 penance ? — The answer is, Confession of sins 
 with a sincere repentance, and the priest's abso- 
 lution. f 
 
 Penance is elsewhere defined to be, " A sa- 
 crament, consisting in some outward sign or ce- 
 remony, by which grace is given to the soul of 
 the worthy receiver, instituted by Christ when, 
 breathing upon the disciples, he gave them the 
 Holy Ghost to remit and retain sins j that is, to 
 reconcile the faithful fallen into sin after bap- 
 
 * Calmet's Diet. Article of Confirmation, 
 f Grounds of the Catholic Faith, p. 21,
 
 507 
 
 tism : it differeth from baptism not only in mat- 
 ter and form, but also, because the minister of 
 baptism is not a judge in that ordinance ; 
 whereas after baptism the sinner presents himself 
 before the tribunal of the priest as guilty, to 
 be set at liberty by his sentence : it is, however, 
 as necessary as baptism : the form consists in the 
 words, " I do absolve thee." Contrition, con- 
 fession, and satisfaction, are parts of penance, 
 and the effect is reconciliation with God. 
 
 Extreme unction is a sacrament, and to be ad- 
 ministered when persons are in imminent dan- 
 ger, and last of all to be applied.* 
 
 " Q. What do you mean by extreme unction r 
 — -A. You have the full description of it in 
 James v. 14, 15. " Is any sick among you, let 
 him call for the elders (the priests) of the Church, 
 and let them pray over him, anointing him with 
 oil in the name of the Lord ; and the prayer of 
 faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise 
 him up, and if he have committed sins, they 
 shall be forgiven him."f 
 
 Orders. " If any one shall say, that orders or 
 holy ordination is not truly and properly a sa- 
 crament, instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ, or 
 
 * Cone. Trident, session xiv. <. \.iii. 
 t Grounds of the Catholic Faun, p. 23. 
 X 2
 
 308 
 
 that it is a human contrivance invented by men, 
 who were ignorant of ecclesiastical affairs, or 
 that it is only a particular rite of chusing minis- 
 ters of the word of God, and of sacraments, let 
 him be anathema 5* — or that the Holy Ghost 
 is not given by holy ordination, let him be 
 anathema."f 
 
 <f Orders," savs the author of the Profession of 
 the Catholic faith, " is a sacrament instituted by 
 Christ, by which bishops, priests, &c. are con- 
 secrated to their respective functions, and re- 
 ceive grace to discharge them well." 
 
 Matrimony. " If any man says that this is not 
 truly and properly one of the seven sacraments, 
 instituted by Jesus Christ, but that it is an 
 institution only of the Church, and does not 
 confer grace, let him be anathema.J" " And 
 if any man says, a churchman in holy orders 
 may marry or contract marriage, and that 
 when it is contracted it is good and valid, not- 
 withstanding any ecclesiastical law to the con- 
 trary, or that any who have vowed continence 
 may contract marriage, let him be ana- 
 thema.§" 
 
 . * Dupin's Hist, of the Council of Trent, Session xxiii." 
 Canon iii. t Ibid. Canon iv. 
 
 f Session xxiv. Canon i. v § Canon ix.
 
 309 
 
 " Art. XVI. I embrace and receive every 
 thing that hath been defined and declared by the 
 holy Council of Trent, concerning original sin 
 and justification."* 
 
 " Good works do truly deserve eternal life, and 
 whosoever holds the contrary is accursedf." 
 
 The Council of Trent declares, that all of the 
 human kind have lost their holiness and righte- 
 ousness by the sin of Adam, J making an excep- 
 tion for the Virgin Mary. 
 
 " Eternal life ought to be proposed to the 
 children of God, both as a grace mercifully pro- 
 mised, and as a reward faithfully bestowed on 
 them for their good works and merits. "|| 
 
 " The good works of a justified person are 
 not so the gifts of God, that they are not also 
 the merits of the justified person; and that he, 
 being justified by the good works performed by 
 him, through the grace of God and merits of 
 Jesus Christ, whose living member he is, does 
 truly merit increase of grace and eternal life.§" 
 
 Bossuet, on the doctrine of merit, observes, 
 
 * Pope Pius's Creed, Article XVI. 
 
 t Trid. Session vi. c. xvi. Canon xxxii. 
 
 % Session v. section 2. 
 
 || Bossuet's Exposition of the Catholic Catechism. 
 
 § Con. Trid, Session vi. Canon xxxii.
 
 310 
 
 that the church professes her hope of salvation 
 to be founded in Christ alone. " We openly de- 
 clare," says he, " that we cannot be acceptable 
 to God but in and through Jesus Christ ; nor 
 do we apprehend how any other sense can be 
 imputed to our belief, of which our daily peti- 
 tion to God for pardon, through his grace, in the 
 name of Jesus Christ, may serve as a proof."* 
 
 " Art. XVII. I do also profess, that in the mass 
 there is offered unto God, a true, proper, and 
 propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead ; 
 and that, in the most holy sacrament of the 
 eucharist, there is truly, really, and substan- 
 tially the body and blood, together with the soul 
 and divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ j and that 
 there is a conversion made of the whole sub- 
 stance of the bread into the body, and of the 
 whole substance of the wine into the blood; 
 which conversion, the whole Catholic church 
 call Transubstantiation." 
 
 " This sacrifice was only ordained as a repre- 
 sentation of that which was once accomplished 
 on the cross, to perpetuate the memory of it for 
 ever, and to apply unto us the salutary virtue 
 of it for the absolution of those sins which we 
 daily commit. f" 
 
 * Picart Ceremon. vol. i. p. 260, where the quotations are 
 larger. 
 
 f Modest and True Account of the chief Points in Contro- 
 versy, p. 108.
 
 311 
 
 The " Catholic Christian" urges, in support of 
 this doctrine, that our church catechism, in 
 answer to the question, What is the inward part 
 or thing signified ? says, the body and blood of 
 Christ, which is verily and indeed taken and 
 received by the faithful in the Lord's supper.* 
 And the council of Trent, decrees " that, if 
 any one says, that a true and proper sacrifice is 
 not offered up to God at the mass, or that to be 
 offered is any thing else than Jesus Christ given 
 to be eaten, let him be anathema." 
 
 " Canon III. If any one says, that the sacrifice 
 of the mass is only a sacrifice of praise and thanks- 
 giving, or a bare memorial of the sacrifice, 
 which was completed upon the cross, and that 
 it is not propitiatory nor profitable to any but 
 him that receives it, and that it ought not to be 
 offered for the living and for the dead, for their 
 sins, their punishments, their satisfactions, and 
 their other necessities, let him be anathema." 
 
 " Canon IX. If any one says, that the usage 
 of the church of Rome, to pronounce part of 
 the canon, and the words of consecration, with 
 a low voice, ought to be condemned ; or that 
 
 * Preface to the Catholic Christian, 
 t Sess. 22. Can. 1.
 
 312 
 
 the mass ought only to be celebrated in the vul- 
 gar tongue j and that water ought not to be 
 mixed with the wine, which is to be offered in 
 the cup ; because it is against the institution of 
 Jesus Christ, let him be anathema." 
 
 These definitions of faith were followed with 
 a decree to enforce them.* 
 
 When it is asked, in the Catechism, What is 
 the Catholic doctrine as to the mass? It is 
 answered, The consecration and oblation of the 
 body and blood of Christ, under the sacramen- 
 tal veils or appearances of bread and wine, 
 wherein is offered a true, proper, and propiti- 
 atory sacrifice for the living and the dead.f 
 
 The church of Rome declares, that, upon the 
 priest's pronouncing these words, Hoc est corpus 
 maun, the bread and wine in the eucharist are 
 transubstantiated into the natural body and 
 blood of Christ, the species or accidents only of 
 the bread and wine remaining, and has made it 
 an article to be believed under an anathema. J 
 That in the sacrifice of the mass, Christ is 
 
 * Dupin's Eccles. Hist, of the Sixteenth Century, b. iv. 
 ch. xviii. 
 
 •J- Grounds of the Catholic Doctrine, p. 31. 
 % Concil. Trident. Sess. 13, de Real. Pres.
 
 313 
 
 offered as often as that is celebrated ; and that, 
 though therein he be unbloodily offered, yet it is 
 a true propitiatory sacrifice for the sins both of 
 the living and dead, and denounces the person 
 accursed that denies any part of this.* 
 
 Solitary masses, wherein the priest communi- 
 cates alone, are approved and commended, and 
 whosoever saith they are unlawful, and ought 
 to be abrogated, is accursed, f 
 
 " Art. XVIII. And I believe, that under one 
 kind only, whole and entire, Christ is taken and 
 received." 
 
 Bread and wine, after consecration, are turn- 
 ed into the substance of Christ's body and blood, 
 without changing the species. — And the people 
 are forbidden to receive the sacrament in both 
 kinds. J 
 
 The council of Constance decreed, that Christ 
 did institute this sacrament in both kinds, and 
 that the faithful in the primitive church did re- 
 ceive in both kinds : yet, that the practice of 
 receiving in one kind was highly reasonable, 
 they appointed the continuance of consecration 
 
 * Cone. Trident. Sess. 22. cap. I. 
 
 t Ibid. can. viii. 
 
 i Cone. Trident. Sess. 13.
 
 314 
 
 in both kinds, and of giving to the laity only in 
 one kind, since Christ was entire, and truly 
 under one kind.* And they assigned these fur- 
 ther reasons, lest the blood of Christ should be 
 spilt — lest the wine kept for the sick should fret 
 — lest wine may not always be had — or lest some 
 may not be able to bear the smell or taste. 
 
 Let their own words testify for them :f * f In 
 the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, 
 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, Amen. This 
 present sacred, general council, declares, de- 
 crees, and determines, that, although Christ 
 instituted and administered to his disciples this 
 venerable sacrament after supper, under both 
 kinds of bread and wine, yet this, notwithstand- 
 ing the laudable authority of sacred canons, and 
 the approved custom of the church, hath main- 
 tained, and doth maintain, that such a sacra- 
 ment as this ought not to be made after supper, 
 nor to be received by the faithful otherwise than 
 fasting, excepting in case of infirmity, or other 
 necessity granted or admitted by law, or by the 
 church : and since, for avoiding some dangers 
 and scandals, the custom has been rationally 
 introduced, that though this sacrament was in 
 the primitive church received by the faithful 
 
 * Cone. Constan. Sess. 13, held A. D. 1414. 
 
 t Cone. Constan. apud M. l'Abbe, torn. xii. p. 100.
 
 315 
 
 under both kinds, and afterwards by the makers 
 of it under both kinds, and by the laity only 
 under the species of bread ; such a custom as 
 this ought to be accounted a law, which must 
 not be rejected, or at pleasure changed, without 
 the authority of the church. They who assert 
 the contrary are to be driven away as heretics, 
 and severely punished by the diocesans of the 
 places, or their officials, or by the inquisitors of 
 heretical pravity." 
 
 The council of Florence has the following pa- 
 ragraph, in relation both to this and the eucha- 
 rist: "The priest, speaking in the name of Christ, 
 maketh this sacrament ; for, by virtue of the 
 very words themselves, the bread is changed 
 into the body of Christ, and the substance of the 
 wine into his blood : yet so that whole Christ is 
 contained under the species of bread, and whole 
 under the species of wine ; also in every part of 
 the consecrated host and consecrated wine, when 
 a separation is made, there is whole Christ."* 
 
 " Art. XIX. I do firmly believe, that there is a 
 purgatory, and that the souls kept prisoners there 
 do receive help by the suffrage of the faithful. "f 
 That the souls of the patriarchs and holy men, 
 who departed this life before the crucifixion of 
 
 * L'Abbe Council, torn. xiii. p. 537. 
 t Pope Pius's Creed.
 
 316 
 
 Christ, were kept as in prison, in an apartment 
 of hell, without pain. — That Christ did really go 
 into local hell, and delivered the captive souls 
 out of this confinement.* — Some of the fathers 
 assert, that our Saviour descended into hell, went 
 thither specially, and delivered the souls of the 
 fathers out of that mansion."! 
 
 Bellarmine says, " there is a purgatory after 
 this life, where the souls of those that are not 
 purged, nor have satisfied for their sins here, are 
 to be purged, and give satisfaction, unless their 
 time be shortened by the prayers, alms, and 
 masses of the living."J 
 
 The council of Trent says, that souls who die 
 in a state of grace, but are not sufficiently 
 purged from their sins, go first into purgatory, 
 a place of torment, bordering near upon hell, 
 from which their deliverance may be expedited 
 by the suffrages, that is, prayers, alms, and masses, 
 said and done by the faithful. § 
 
 " Souls are to continue in purgatory till 
 they have made full satisfaction for their sins, 
 and are thoroughly purged from them; and 
 
 * Bellarmine de Christo, lib. iv. cap. 11, 12. 
 f Rhem. Annot. on Luke xvi. 27. 
 X Bellarmine de Purgat. lib. ii. c. vi. 
 § Cone. Trident, sess, xxv.
 
 317 
 
 whoever says that there is no debt of temporal 
 punishment to be paid, either in this world or 
 in purgatory, before they can be received into 
 heaven, is accursed."* 
 
 In fine, "the Catholic church, being instructed 
 by the Holy Ghost, having always taught, pur- 
 suant to the holy scriptures, and the ancient 
 tradition of the fathers, that there is a purgatory, 
 and that the souls there detained are comforted 
 by the suffrages of the faithful, especially by 
 the acceptable sacrifice of the altar, the holy 
 council commandeth bishops to take particular 
 care that the faith and belief of the faithful, con- 
 cerning purgatory, conformable to the holy doc- 
 trine handed down to us by holy fathers and 
 holy councils, be believed, and every where so 
 taught and preached." f 
 
 <( Art. XX. I do believe that the saints, reign- 
 ing together with Christ, are to be invoked, 
 and that they do offer prayers unto God for 
 us, and that their relicks are to be had in vene- 
 ration."! 
 
 In answer to this question,§ "What is the Ca- 
 
 * Concil. Trident, sess. vi. can. xxx. 
 
 t The decree of the council, at the opening of the 25th 
 sess. 
 
 % Pope Pius's Creed, article xx; 
 
 § Grounds of the Catholic Doctrine, p. 37—38.
 
 318 
 
 tholic doctrine, touching the veneration and 
 invocation of saints ?" The answer is, we 
 are taught, 1st, " That there is an honour and 
 veneration due to the angels and saints ; — 
 2d, That they offer prayers to God for us ; — 
 3d, That it is good and profitable to invoke 
 them, that is, to have recourse to their inter- 
 cession and prayers ; — 4th, That their relicks 
 are to be had in veneration." 
 
 When the reason of it is asked, the answer is, 
 " Because the church, in all ages, has paid this 
 honour and veneration to the saints, by erect- 
 ing churches and keeping holidays in their me- 
 mory : a practice which the English Protestants 
 have also retained." 
 
 The church, says Bossuet, in his Exposition 
 on the Creed, in telling us, that it is beneficial 
 to pray to the saints, teaches us to pray to them 
 in that spirit of charity, and according to that 
 order of brotherly love, which inclines us to re- 
 quest the assistance of our brethren living upon 
 earth ; and the catechism of the council of Trent 
 teaches us to beg of them to be our advocates, 
 only using this phrase, Fray for us. And in 
 vindication of this their sentiment and practice, 
 they allege, that the church of England still 
 retains this collect upon the day of St. Michael 
 and All Angels : " O everlasting God, who has 
 ordained and constituted the service of angels in
 
 319 
 
 a wonderful order, mercifully grant, that as thy 
 holy angels always do thee service in heaven, so 
 by thy appointment they may succour and de- 
 fend us on earth."* 
 
 "Art.XXI. I do firmly believe, that the images 
 of Christ, of the blessed Virgin, the mother of 
 God, and of other saints, ought to be had and 
 retained, and that due honour and veneration 
 ought to be paid unto them.f" 
 
 All the devotion paid to their saints extends 
 no farther than to desire their prayers, and that 
 the pictures and images of them, which we see 
 in their churches, are no more than mere me- 
 morials, designed to express the esteem which 
 they retain for the persons so represented, or as 
 helps to raise their affections to heavenly things ; 
 every child amongst them knows this to be 
 true. J 
 
 " Art. XXII. I do affirm, that the power of 
 indulgences was left by Christ in the church, 
 and that the use of them is very beneficial to 
 Christian people. §" 
 
 * Plain and Rational Account of the Catholic Faith, p. 48. 
 Book of Common Prayer, 
 t Pope Pius's Creed, art. xxi. 
 X Prof, of Cath. Faith, p. 39. 
 § Pope Pius's Creed, art. xxii.
 
 320 
 
 Indulgences. — The council of Trent proposes 
 nothing more relative to indulgences, according 
 to Mons. Bossuet, but that the church had the 
 power of granting them from Jesus Christ, and 
 that the practice of them is wholesome ; which 
 custom, that council adds, ought still to be pre- 
 served, though with moderation, lest ecclesias- 
 tical discipline should be weakened by too great 
 a toleration. 
 
 By indulgences granted by the popes and 
 prelates of the church, persons are discharged 
 from temporal punishment, here and in pur- 
 gatory.* 
 
 <c Plenary indulgences, or Full Release, from 
 the weightier satisfactions of Penance, are of- 
 fered by the Church to the faithful in this king- 
 dom, at the following seasons of the year : — I. 
 From Christmas to the Epiphany, or Twelfth- 
 day, inclusive!/. II. From the first to the se- 
 cond Sunday in Lent. III. At Easter, viz. From 
 Palm to Lord Sunday, inclusively. IV. From 
 Whitsunday till the octave of Corpus Christi, 
 inclusively. V. On and during the octave of 
 the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul. VI. From the 
 Sunday preceding the Festival of the Assump- 
 tion of the B. V. M. to its octave, the 22d of 
 
 * Cone. Trident, sess. xxv. Bull, p. ii. 4.
 
 321 
 
 August. VII. From the Sunday preceding the 
 Festival of St. Michael to the Sunday following. 
 VIII. From the Sunday preceding the Festival 
 of All Saints to the 8th day of November. 
 When the Festivals of the Assumption, St. Mi- 
 chael, or All Saints, fall on a Sunday, the in- 
 dulgence does not commence before the festival. 
 
 Conditions of the I. III. VI. and VII. are 1. To 
 confess their sins with a sincere repentance to a 
 priest approved by the Bishop. 2. Devoutly and 
 worthily to receive the holy communion. 3. To 
 visit some chapel or oratory, where the eucha- 
 ristic mysteries are celebrated, and there offer 
 up their prayers for the peace and welfare of 
 the Church of God. 4. That they may be in 
 a disposition of mind to assist the poor with alms 
 in proportion to their abilities ; or to frequent 
 catechisms or sermons ; or to visit and comfort 
 the sick, or such as are near their end, if they 
 have the opportunity. 
 
 Conditions of II. IV. and VIII. are, 1. To 
 confess their sins with a sincere repentance to 
 a priest approved by a bishop. 2. Devoutly 
 and worthily to receive the holy communion. 
 
 3. If able, to give some alms to the poor, either 
 on the eve, or on the day of their communion. 
 
 4. On the day of their communion, to offer up 
 some prayers to God for the peace and welfare 
 of the Catholic Church throughout the world. 
 For the bringing all souls to the fold of Christ. 
 
 Y
 
 322 
 
 For the general peace of Christendom, and for 
 the blessing of God upon this nation. 
 
 Conditions to the V. — To the indulgences for- 
 merly granted, His Holiness Pope Clement 
 XIV. was pleased to add a new one in favour of 
 all the faithful living in the English mission, 
 who being truly penitent, and having confessed 
 their sins, shall worthily receive the holy com- 
 munion on the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul, 
 June 29, or on any day within the octave, and 
 shall for some space of time pray to God with a 
 sincere heart; for the conversion of infidels and 
 heretics, and for the propagation of the Holy 
 Faith."* 
 
 This is the real state of the case, with respect to 
 Indulgences. If some Catholics in former times 
 have (as it must be confessed has been the case) 
 abused this branch ofchurch discipline, no blame 
 ought to attach to their successors of the present 
 times. It is in the greatest degree illiberal and 
 unjust, to charge any body of Christians with 
 all the abuses to which wicked men will ever 
 profane even the best of doctrines. I am no 
 advocate for Indulgences, according to any form 
 yet prescribed by the Church of Rome ; but I 
 
 * See the Preface to the " Liturgy, or a Book of Common 
 Prayers, and Administration of Sacraments, &c." By the Rev. 
 Peter Gandolphy. 1812.
 
 323 
 
 must confess it will afford me the most sincere 
 satisfaction, if any thing I can say to elucidate 
 this point, shall remove prejudice and mistake 
 from the minds of any of my Protestant brethren ; 
 and, with this view, I will extract the reasoning 
 and statement which a learned and pious " Mi- 
 nister of the Church of England"* has published 
 relative to the practice of granting Indulgences : 
 
 It is asked " Whether Indulgences are not 
 abominable, which either give leave to sin, or 
 grant the pardon of past sins, and these obtained 
 for a sum of money ? 
 
 * See " An Essay towards a Proposal for Catholic Com- 
 munion, wherein above sixty of the principal controverted 
 Points, which have hitherto divided Christendom, being 
 call'd over, 'tis examined how many of them may, and ought 
 to be, laid aside, and how few remains to be accommodated, 
 for the effecting a general Peace. By a Minister of the 
 Church of England." This most excellently .well-meant 
 Essay was first printed in 1704 ; and was re-printed, by Faul- 
 der, in 1801. My own religious sentiments on some points 
 of primary importance, being so very remote from those held 
 by the author of this valuable work, it cannot be supposed 
 that I should concur in all the writer's reasoning and conclu- 
 sions ; but, I must confess, it appears to me, that were the regu- 
 lar and moderate clergy of the establishment to peruse this book 
 with candour, and earnestly strive to adopt its maxims and 
 spirit, a union of the two Churches of Rome and of England 
 would soon be the consequence. Were I a clergyman of the 
 national church, I would much rather be the author of such 
 a work as this little Essay, than even have the praise of a 
 Tillotson, a Burnet, or a Hooker. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 
 
 " This was the opinion I formerly had of In- 
 dulgences ; but since I began to follow other 
 measures, besides taking upon trust, upon dili- 
 gent examination I have found, that Indulgences 
 in the Church of Rome are neither pardons for 
 sin nor leave to commit sin, but the same which 
 has been practised in the purest ages of the 
 Church ; and that is, a remission of some part of 
 those canonical penances, which were wont to 
 be inflicted for some greater crimes. This power 
 of binding and loosing we own in the Church, 
 and retain it in our canons j ar d 'tis yet in force 
 in respect of some crimes. And Dr. Cave shews 
 it to have been practis'd in the Primitive Church.* 
 The Church of Rome proposes no more in her de- 
 finitions of faith, than that the power of granting 
 Indulgences is given to the Church by Jesus Christ, 
 find the use of them beneficial to the faithful. 
 
 This is all that is proposed as a term of com- 
 munion by that Church, which being according 
 to the doctrine of our own, I don't see any rea- 
 son to divide upon this account. Especialty 
 since the Council of Trent,f in its decree of In- 
 dulgences, refers to antiquity, and to what has 
 been established by antient Synods : In which 
 nothing more was taught besides the dispensing, 
 upon due motives, with the rigour of discipline; 
 
 * Prim. Christ, p. 3. c. 5. p. 369. 374. 
 t Sess. 25. c. 21. de Reform.
 
 325 
 
 for by this it appears, there's no other meaning 
 of Indulgences imposed upon any, besides that 
 which was primitive, and we still retain. 
 
 These Indulgences having been formerly call- 
 ed pardons, I presume, has been the occasion of 
 their having been reputed pardons for sins : and 
 whereas giving of alms has been generally one 
 condition required for gaining such Indulgences; 
 hence has it been thought, that the pardon of 
 sin was offered for money. But, upon enquiry, 
 I find these to be mistakes. For all books of 
 doctrine in the Church of Rome unanimously 
 teach, that there's no pardon of sin, without true 
 repentance, and an humble confession of sin; 
 and if these do not precede, no Indulgence can 
 avail them, in order to the pardon of their sin. 
 In this I am certain we join, and they require 
 no more for our joining with them; and there- 
 fore as to this point, I see great hopes of an ami- 
 cable accord." 
 
 It is then asked <c Whether the granting Indul- 
 gences for many thousand years, and such as are 
 found in many books, of many years' pardon, with 
 the release of a soul out of purgatory, granted for 
 saying one short prayer, or wearing some medal, 
 be not scandal enough to discourage all men of 
 sense from joining with the Church of Rome ? 
 
 The canonical penances of the Primitive 
 Church, I observe, were for many years; whence
 
 326 
 
 it cannot be wondered, if the tenor of Indulgen- 
 ces, which are the release of such penalties, be 
 for many years. But as to the thousand years' 
 pardons, with the rest now mentioned, there are 
 none of these offered by any General Council, 
 nor have place in any profession of faith ; and, 
 therefore, being not imposed on any, though 
 never so corrupt, yet, according to our second 
 rule,* they are not to obstruct Communion, 
 since joining in communion with that Church, 
 does not oblige to consent to or approve any 
 such practices. It being as common in that 
 Church to disapprove the concession of Indul- 
 gences for frivolous causes, and some slight 
 work, as by others that are out of it." 
 
 Another question asked is, " Whether the doc- 
 trine of Indulgences was not that which obliged 
 Luther to depart from the Church, and under- 
 take a Reformation ? How then can the Reform- 
 ation join with it ? 
 
 * This rule is expressed as follows : " That errors in a 
 Church, as to matters of doctrines, or corruptions, as to mat- 
 ters of practice, so long as these errors and corruptions are 
 only suffered, but not imposed, cannot be sufficient cause of 
 separation : The reason is, because these things are not sins 
 in us, so long as we do not join with the Church in them." 
 I fear there is a little fallacy in this conclusion. It savours 
 too much of the spirit of Naaman, who prayed that when he 
 should in future bow down in the house of Rimmon, the 
 Lord would pardon him, though he had previously resolved 
 to " offer neither burn offering nor sacrifice unto other gods 
 but the Lord." See 2 Kings, v. 18.
 
 327 
 
 By the best account of history, I find there had 
 been great abuses in this point of Indulgences, 
 such as were not less injurious than provoking •> 
 so that I do not wonder at Luther in making a 
 party against them, but think he had deserved 
 the applause of the Christian world, had he done 
 it in a canonical way. But I find, too, he was 
 not the only person that expressed a zeal against 
 such corrupt practices. Pope Innocent III. had 
 long before complained of them in the great 
 Lateran Council, an. 1215, laying the intoler- 
 able abuses on the Questors, or collectors in 
 those days. Clement V., in the Council at 
 Vienna, an. 1311, oensures the evil practices 
 of those times much more, and makes a severe 
 order against the wicked ministers and under- 
 officers of the inferior clergy, to whom the pub- 
 lishing of Indulgences, and collection of the 
 people's alms, for some publick and pious uses, 
 was committed. He exposes their crime in un- 
 dertaking, with much rashness and the delusion of 
 souls, to grant Indulgences, to release penances, 
 and deceitfully to promise to those that gave 
 them alms, the release of three or four of their 
 parents' or friends' souls out of purgatory ; re- 
 presenting them as great liars and cheats : and 
 then taking care to put an effectual stop to all 
 such abuses. But this is best seen in the words 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 Having given this character of these Questorcs: 
 ,c Illos insuis praedicationibussimplices decipere,
 
 328 
 
 <s & aurum extorquere, in animarum periculum, 
 " & plurimorum scandalum." He then goes on 
 thus: " Cum aliqui ex hujusmodi quaestoribus, 
 " sicut ad nostram audientiam est perlatum, 
 * c non sine multa temeritatis audacia, deceptione 
 * f multiplici animaruna, indulgentias populo, 
 " motu suo proprio, de facto concedant ; super 
 " votis dispensent ; in perjuriis, homicidiis, & 
 " peccatis aliis sibi confitentes absolvant; male 
 <c ablata incerta (data sibi aliqua pecuniae quan- 
 " titate) remittant ; tertiam aut quartam partem 
 " de poenitentiis injunctis relaxent ; animas tres 
 " vel plures parentum vel amicorum illorum qui 
 " eleemosynas eis conferunt, de Purgatorio (ut 
 " asserunt mendaciter) extrahant, et ad gaudia 
 <c Paradisi perducant ; benefactoribus locorum, 
 <c quorum questores existunt, remissionem ple- 
 " nariam peccatorum indulgeant ; & aliqui ex 
 ce ipsis, eos a poena & a culpa (ut eorum verbis 
 " utamur) absolvant. Nos abusus hujusmodi 
 " omnimode aboleri volentes, inhibemus."* 
 
 Here is confessed the origin of those extrava- 
 gant Indulgences above mentioned, and care 
 taken for removing the grand abuses, by which 
 those trading Questors had imposed upon the 
 people, and most scandalously enriched them- 
 selves. This care might probably have some 
 effect ; but where covetousness had so great a 
 
 * Constit. Clem. 1. 5. tit. 9. c. 2.
 
 329 
 
 prey, the cure was not lasting: the like abuses 
 returned again, and were those with which the 
 Church was deformed in Luther's days. Now, 
 had the Church of Rome undertaken to justify 
 and defend such abuses, his arming the State 
 against the Church might have had some colour. 
 But although there did not appear that zeal for 
 so timely a reforming them, as the scandals 
 seemed to require, yet as Clement had done be- 
 fore, so did the pastors of the Church afterwards, 
 lament those corruptions, and take more effec- 
 tual care for their being removed, and their re- 
 turn prevented. 
 
 For the Council of Trent, complaining of the 
 fruitless^endeavours of preceding Councils, quite 
 abrogated this office of Questors, and, in abhor- 
 rence of their scandals, wholly abolished their 
 name, with all the privileges belonging to them; 
 and committed the publishing of such indulgen- 
 ces, and collecting charities, to the ordinary, 
 with two of the chapter joy ned with him, to be 
 done, nulla prorsus mercede accept a.* 
 
 And then for reforming all abuses, see what 
 decree it has made :f 
 
 The holy synod desires that moderation be 
 
 * Sess.21.c. 9. 
 
 t Sess. 25. c. 21 . Deer, de Indui.
 
 330 
 
 used in granting Indulgences, according to the 
 antient and approved custom in the Church, lest, 
 by too much facility, ecclesiastical discipline be 
 weakened. And being solicitous, that abuses 
 which have crept in be reformed and corrected, 
 which have given occasion to hereticks of blas- 
 pheming the venerable name of Indulgences ; it 
 ordains in general by this present decree, That 
 all wicked lucre for obtaining them, which has 
 been the cause of many great abuses among the 
 faithful, be wholly abolished. And as for all 
 other abuses, which are occasioned by supersti- 
 tion, ignorance, irreverence, or from what other 
 cause soever, since they cannot be here in par- 
 ticular forbid, by reason of the manifold corrup- 
 tions of places and provinces in which they are 
 committed ; therefore the Synod strictly enjoy ns 
 all Bishops to take a particular list of such abuses 
 in their respective dioceses, and give a memo- 
 rial of them to the first provincial Synod ; that 
 being acknowledged by the sentence of other 
 Bishops, they may be forthwith laid before the 
 Bishop of Rome ; by whose authority and pru- 
 dence may be ordained what may be expedient 
 for the whole Church. 
 
 Thus stands this point of Indulgences, which 
 has been attended with great abuses : But since 
 the Church of Rome maintains not such abuses, 
 but joins with Luther, and the rest of the Reform- 
 ation, in using means for their being removed,
 
 331 
 
 we ought not to make such abuses an exception 
 against Communion." 
 
 <c Art. XXIII. I do acknowledge the holy 
 Catholic and Apostolic Roman church, to be the 
 mother and mistress of all churches ; and I do 
 promise and swear true obedience to the bishop 
 of Rome, the successor of St. Peter, the prince 
 of the apostles, and vicar of Jesus Christ."* 
 
 " What is the Catholic doctrine as to the 
 Pope's supremacy ?f — I. That St. Peter was head 
 of the church under Christ. II. That the Pope, 
 or bishop of Rome, is at present head of the 
 church, and Christ's vicar upon earth. 
 
 <e Q. How do we prove these propositions ? — 
 A. By the unanimous consent of the fathers, 
 and the tradition of the church, the bishops of 
 Rome are the successors of St. Peter, who trans- 
 lated his chair from Antioch to Rome, and died 
 bishop of Rome. Hence the see of Rome, in 
 all ages, is called the see of Peter, the chair of 
 Peter, and absolutely the see apostolic ; and in 
 that quality has, from the beginning, exercised 
 jurisdiction over all other churches, as appears 
 from the best records of ancient church history." 
 
 * Pope Pius's Creed, art. xxiii. 
 t See before, pp. 3S — 46.
 
 332 
 
 " Q. Why do you call the Romish church the 
 mother and mistress of all churches? — Because 
 her bishop is St. Peter's successor, and Christ's 
 vicar upon earth, and, consequently, the father 
 and pastor of all the faithful j and, therefore, 
 this church, as being St. Peter's see, is the 
 mother and mistress of all churches."* 
 
 <c Art. XXIV. I do, undoubtedly, receive and 
 profess all other things that have been delivered, 
 defined, by the sacred canons and oecumenical 
 councils, and especially by the holy synod of 
 Trent, and all other things contrary hereunto; 
 and all heresies condemned, rejected, and ana- 
 thematized, by the church, I do likewise con- 
 demn, reject, and anathematize. "f 
 
 The Creed then concludes as follows : " I, 
 N.N., do at this present freely profess, and 
 sincerely hold this true Catholic faith, without 
 which no one can be saved j ; and I promise 
 most consistently to retain and confess the same 
 entire and inviolated, with God's assistance, to 
 the end of my life." 
 
 * The Grounds of the Catholic Faith, p. 51—52. 
 t Pope Pius's Creed, Art. xxiv. 
 . j Here is a spice of the old leaven : another sample of the 
 damnatory clauses. — How much better are many Christians 
 than their Creeds! How kind and liberal are multitudes, in 
 spite of their faith! and what a mercy it is, that those who 
 invented these damnatory sentences reserved their execution 
 till that period when we shall be in other hands than theirs !
 
 323 
 
 This summary of the Catholic faith has been 
 collected from such authentic sources as have 
 come before me, and I acknowledge assistance 
 to have been derived here, and in other instances, 
 from the History of Religion,* published anony- 
 mously, by a Protestant writer of considerable 
 merit. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 A Commination against numerous errors and blas- 
 phemies. — Address of the Roman Catholics tq 
 Protestants. 
 
 m 
 
 I WILL next lay before the reader the sub- 
 stance of a little tract, j- containing a solemn 
 declaration and commination against certain 
 tenets and opinions with which some of our 
 brethren have so improperly charged the Roman 
 Catholics : 
 
 " 1. Cursed is he that commits idolatry, that 
 prays to images or relicks, or worships them for 
 
 * Vol. i. p. 138, et seq. 
 
 t A Vindication of the Roman Catholics, printed at Lon- 
 don, early in the reign of king James, and re-printed in the 
 year 1743, when an invasion was designed against England, 
 by the Pretender.
 
 334 
 
 gods. 2. Cursed is every goddess worshipper, 
 that believes the Virgin Mary to be any more 
 than a creature ; that honours her, worships her, 
 or puts his trust in her as much as in God; 
 that believes her above her Son, or that she 
 can in any thing command him. 3. Cursed is 
 he that believes the angels or saints in heaven to 
 be his redeemers, that prays to them as such, 
 or that gives God's honour to them, or to any 
 creature whatever. 4. Cursed is he that wor- 
 ships any breaden god, or makes gods of the 
 empty elements of bread and wine. 5. Cursed 
 is he that believes that priests can forgive sins, 
 whether the sinner repents or no ; or that there 
 is any power in earth or heaven that can forgive 
 sins without a hearty repentance and serious 
 purpose of amendment. 6. Cursed is he that 
 believes that priests can give present absolution 
 to any persons for sins they may commit in time 
 to come. 7. Cursed is he that believes there is 
 authority in the Pope, or any other that can give 
 leave to commit sins, or that can forgive him his 
 sins for a sum of money. 8. Cursed is he that 
 believes, that, independent of the merits and 
 passion of Christ, he can merit salvation by his 
 own good works, or make condign satisfaction 
 for the guilt of his sins, or the pains eternal due 
 to them. 9. Cursed is he that contemns the 
 word of God, or hides it from the people, on 
 design to keep them from the knowledge of 
 their duty, and to preserve them in ignorance 
 and error. 10. Cursed is he that undervalues
 
 335 
 
 the word of God, or that, forsaking scripture, 
 chooses rather to follow human tradition than it. 
 
 11. Cursed is he that leaves the commandments 
 of God, to observe the constitutions of men. 
 
 12. Cursed is he that omits any of the Ten 
 Commandments, or keeps the people from the 
 knowledge of any one of them, to the end they 
 may not have occasion of discovering the truth. 
 
 13. Cursed is he that preaches to the people in 
 unknown tongues, such as they understand not; 
 or uses other means to keep them in ignorance. 
 
 14. Cursed is he that believes that the Pope 
 can give to any, upon any account whatsoever, 
 dispensations to lie, or swear falsely ; or that it 
 is lawful for any, at the last hour, to protest 
 himself innocent in case he be guilty. 15. Cursed 
 is he that encourages sins, or teaches men to 
 defer the amendment of their lives, on presump- 
 tion of a death-bed repentance. 16. Cursed is 
 he that teaches men that they may be lawfully 
 drunk on a Friday, or on any other fasting day, 
 though they must not taste the least bit of 
 flesh. 17. Cursed is he who places religion in 
 nothing but a pompous shew, consisting only in 
 ceremonies, and which teaches not the people 
 to serve God in spirit and in truth. 18. Cursed 
 is he who loves or promotes cruelty ; that teaches 
 people to be bloody-minded, and to lay aside the 
 meekness of Jesus Christ. 19. Cursed is he who 
 teaches that it is lawful to do any wicked thing, 
 though it be for the interest and good of mother 
 church i or that any evil action may be done that
 
 336 
 
 good may come of it. 20. Cursed are we, if, 
 amongst all those wicked principles and damn- 
 able doctrines commonly laid at our doors, every 
 one of them be the faith of our church; and 
 cursed are we, if we do not as heartily detest all 
 those hellish practices, as they that so vehe- 
 mently urge them against us. 21. Cursed are 
 we, if, in answering and saying Amen to any of 
 these curses, we use any equivocation, or mental 
 reservations ; or do not assent to them in the 
 common and obvious sense of the words." To 
 each of these several comminations the usual 
 response of "Amen" is added. 
 
 Notwithstanding these, and many similar, de- 
 clarations, which Catholics have from time to 
 time made, many Protestants have persisted in 
 charging them with the doctrines therein denied. 
 I will, therefore, insert, in this place, the follow- 
 ing clear and satisfactory address, published not 
 long ago: 
 
 cc An Address of several of His Majesty's Roman 
 Catholic Subjects, to their Protestant Fellow- 
 Subjects : 
 
 His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects flat- 
 tered themselves, that the declarations they had 
 already made, of the integrity of their religious 
 and civil tenets, — the oaths they had taken to His 
 Majesty's person, family, and Government, — 
 the heroic exertions of a considerable proportion
 
 337 
 
 of them in His Majesty's fleets and armies, — the 
 repeated instances in which they have come for- 
 ward in their country's cause, — their irreproach- 
 able demeanour in the general relations of life, — 
 and, above all, the several acts of Parliament 
 past for their relief, avowedly in consequence of, 
 and explicitly recognizing their meritorious con- 
 duct, would have been a bond, to secure to them 
 for ever, the affection and confidence of all their 
 fellow subjects, and to make any further decla- 
 ration of their principles wholly unnecessary : 
 
 But, with astonishment and concern, they 
 observe, that this is not altogether the case : — 
 they are again publicly traduced; and attempts 
 are again made to prejudice the public mind 
 against them : 
 
 We, therefore, English Roman Catholics, 
 whose names are hereunder written, beg leave 
 again to solicit the attention of our countrymen, 
 and to lay before them the following unanswered 
 and unanswerable documents, of the purity and 
 integrity of the religious and civil principles of ALL 
 His Majesty 's Roman Catholic subjects, in respect 
 to their King and their Country. 
 
 We entreat you to peruse them; — and when 
 you have perused them , to declare, — Whether 
 His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects maintain 
 a single tenet, inconsistent with the purest loyal- 
 ty ; or interfering, in the slightest degree, with 
 
 z
 
 ass 
 
 any one duty, which an Englishman owes his 
 God, his King, or his Country ? 
 
 I. — The first document we present to you, is 
 the Oath and Declaration prescribed by the 
 British parliament, of the 31st of his present 
 Majesty, and which is taken by all English Ca- 
 tholics. 
 
 I A. B. do hereby declare, that I do profess 
 the Roman Catholic Religion. 
 
 *&■ 
 
 " I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear, that 
 I will be faithful, and bear true allegiance to His 
 Majesty King George the Third, and him will 
 defend to the utmost of my power, against all 
 conspiracies and attempts whatsoever that shall 
 be made against his person, crown, or dignity: 
 and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose 
 and make known to His Majesty, his heirs, and 
 successors, all treasons and traitorous conspira- 
 cies, which may be formed against him or them : 
 And I do faithfully promise to maintain, support, 
 and defend, to the utmost of my power, the suc- 
 cession of the crown; which succession, by an 
 act, entitled, * An Act for the further limitation 
 of the Crown, and better securing the Rights 
 and Liberties of the Subject,' is, and stands 
 limited to the Princess Sophia, Electress and 
 Duchess Dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of 
 her body, being Protestants ; hereby utterly re- 
 nouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegi-
 
 539 
 
 ance unto any other person claiming or pretend- 
 ing a ri^ht to the crown of these realms. And 
 I do swear, that I do reject and detest, as an 
 unchristian and impious position, that it is law- 
 ful to murder or destroy any person or persons 
 whatsoever, for, or under pretence of, their be- 
 ing heretics or infidels ; and also that unchristian 
 and impious principle, that faith is not to be 
 kept with heretics or infidels: And I further de- 
 clare, that it is not an article of my faith ; and 
 that I do renounce, reject, and abjure, the opi- 
 nion, that princes excommunicated by the Pope 
 and council, or any authority of the see of Rome, 
 or by any authority whatsoever, may be depos- 
 ed or murdered by their subjects, or any person 
 whatsoever: And I do promise, that I will not 
 hold, maintain, or abet any such opinion, or 
 any other opinions contrary to what is ex- 
 pressed in this declaration : And I do de- 
 clare, that I do not believe that the Pope of 
 Rome, or any other foreign Prince, Prelate, 
 State, or Potentate, hath, or ought to have, any 
 temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, 
 or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within 
 this realm: And I do solemnly, in the presence 
 of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I do 
 make this declaration, and every part thereof, in 
 the plain and ordinary sense of the words of this 
 oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or men- 
 tal reservation whatever, and without any dis- 
 pensation already granted by the Pope, or any 
 authority of the see of Rome, or any person 
 
 Z 2
 
 340 
 
 whatever, and without thinking that I am, or 
 can be, acquitted before God or man, or absolved 
 of this declaration, or any part thereof, although 
 the Pope, or any other person or authority what- 
 soever, shall dispense with, or annul the same, 
 or declare that it was null or void. 
 
 So help me God.'* 
 
 II. — The next documents we present to you 
 are, the Oaths and Declarations prescribed by 
 the Acts of the Irish Parliament to Irish Roman 
 Catholics : 
 
 The first is the oath of allegiance and declar- 
 ation, prescribed by the Irish act of the 13th and 
 14th of his present Majesty ; and is taken by all 
 Irish Roman Catholics. 
 
 " I A. B. do take Almighty God, and his only 
 Son Jesus Christ, my Redeemer, to witness, that 
 I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to our 
 most gracious sovereign Lord King George the 
 Third, and him will defend to the utmost of my 
 power against all conspiracies and attempts 
 whatsoever, that shall be made against his per- 
 son, crown, and dignity ; and I will do my ut- 
 most endeavour to disclose and make known to 
 His Majesty, and his heirs, all treasons and trai- 
 torous conspiracies, which may be formed against 
 him or them ; and I do faithfully promise to 
 maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost of
 
 341 
 
 my power, the succession of the crown in His 
 Majesty's family, against any person or persons 
 whatsoever, hereby utterly renouncing and ab- 
 juring any obedience or allegiance unto the per- 
 son taking upon himself the style and title of 
 Prince of Wales, in the life-time of his father, 
 and who, since his death, is said to have assumed 
 the style and title of King of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, by the name of Charles the Third, and 
 to any other person claiming, or pretending a 
 right to the crown of these realms ; and I do 
 swear that I do reject and detest, as unchristian 
 and impious to believe, that it is lawful to mur- 
 der or destroy any person or persons whatsoever, 
 for or under pretence of their being heretics, 
 and also that unchristian and impious principle 
 that no faith is to be kept with heretics : I fur- 
 ther declare, that it is no article of my faith, and 
 that I do renounce, reject, and abjure, the opi- 
 nion that princes excommunicated by the Pope 
 and Council, or by any authority of the see of 
 Rome, or by any authority whatsoever, may be 
 deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any 
 person whatsoever; and I do promise, that I will 
 not hold, maintain, or abet, any such opinion, 
 or any other opinion, contrary to what is ex- 
 pressed in this declaration : and I do declare, 
 that I do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or 
 any other foreign Prince, Prelate, State, or Po- 
 tentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal 
 or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre- 
 eminence, directly or indirectly, within this
 
 342 
 
 realm ; and I do solemnly in the presence of 
 God, and of his only Son Jesus Christ, my Re- 
 deemer, profess, testify, and declare, that I do 
 make this declaration, and every part thereof, in 
 the plain and ordinary sense of the words of this 
 oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or 
 mental reservation whatever, and without any 
 dispensation already granted hy the Pope, or 
 any authority of the see of Rome, or any person 
 whatever, and without thinking that I am, or 
 can be acquitted before God or man, or absolved 
 of this Declaration, or any part thereof, al- 
 though the Pope, or any other person or persons 
 or authority whatsoever, shall dispense with or 
 annul the same, or declare that it was null and 
 void from the beginning. 
 
 So help me God." 
 
 The next is the Oath and Declaration pre- 
 scribed by the Irish Act of the 33d of His pre- 
 sent Majesty, and is taken by all Irish Roman 
 Catholics, wishing to entitle themselves to the 
 benefit of that Act. 
 
 " I A. B. do hereby declare, that I do profess 
 the Roman Catholic Religion." 
 
 " I A. B. do swear that I do abjure, condemn 
 and detest, as unchristian and impious, the prin- 
 ciple that it is lawful to murder, destroy, or any 
 ways injure any persons whatsoever, for or un- 
 der the pretence of being a heretic : And I do
 
 343 
 
 declare solemnly before God, that I believe that 
 no act in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can 
 ever be justified or excused, by or under pretence 
 or colour that it was done either for the good of 
 the Church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical 
 power whatsoever : I also declare, that it is not 
 an Article of the Catholic Faith, neither am I 
 thereby required to believe or profess that the 
 Pope is infallible, or that I am bound to obey 
 any order, in its own nature immoral, though the 
 Pope, or any ecclesiastical power, should issue 
 or direct such order, but on the contrary, I hold 
 that it would be sinful in me to pay any respect 
 or obedience thereto : 1 further declare, that 
 I do not believe that anv sin whatever cora- 
 mitted by me, can be forgiven, at the mere 
 will of any pope, or any priest, or of any person 
 or persons whatsoever, but that sincere sorrow 
 for past sins, a firm and sincere resolution to 
 avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, are pre- 
 vious and indispensable requisites to establish a 
 well-founded expectation of forgiveness, and that 
 any person who receives absolution without 
 these previous requisites, so far from obtaining 
 thereby any remission of his sins, incurs the ad- 
 ditional guilt of violating a sacrament : And I 
 do swear that I will defend, to the uttermost of 
 my power, the settlement and arrangement of 
 property in this country, as established by the 
 laws now in being : I do hereby disclaim, dis- 
 avow, and solemnly abjure, any intention to 
 subvert the present Church Establishment, for
 
 344 
 
 the purpose of substituting a Catholic Establish- 
 ment in its stead : And I do solemnly swear, 
 that I will not exercise any privilege to which I 
 am or may become entitled, to disturb and 
 weaken the Protestant Religion and Protestant 
 Government in this Kingdom. 
 
 " So help me God." 
 
 Such are the principles which His Majesty's 
 Roman Catholic subjects have publicly and so- 
 lemnly declared and professed on oath. There 
 is not, in any of them, a single principle, which 
 every Roman Catholic subject of His Majesty 
 does not profess, or which, if his King and 
 Country required it, he would not think it his 
 duty to seal with his blood. 
 
 HI. — In the year 1788, a Committee of the 
 English Catholics waited on Mr. Pitt, respecting 
 their application for a repeal of the Penal Laws. 
 He requested to be furnished with authentic 
 evidence of the opinions of the Roman Catholic 
 clergy and the Roman Catholic universities 
 abroad, " on the existence and extent of the 
 Pope's dispensing power." — Three questions 
 were accordingly framed, and sent to the Uni- 
 versities of Paris, Louvain, Alcala, Doway, Sala- 
 manca, and Valadolid, for their opinions. The 
 questions proposed to them were, 1. Has the 
 Pope or Cardinals, or any body of men, or any 
 individual of the Church of Rome, any civil au- 
 thority, power, jurisdiction, or pre-eminence
 
 345 
 
 whatsoever, within the Realm of England ? 
 2. Can the Pope or Cardinals, or any body of 
 men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, 
 absolve or dispense with His Majesty's subjects 
 from their oath of allegiance, upon any pretext 
 whatsoever ? 3. If there is any principle in the 
 tenets of the Catholic Faith, by which Catholics 
 are justified in not keeping faith with heretics, 
 or other persons differing from them in reli- 
 gious opinions, in any transaction, either of a 
 public or a private nature ? 
 
 The Universities answered unanimously: — 
 1. That the Pope or Cardinals, or any body of 
 men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, 
 has not any civil authority, power, jurisdiction, 
 or pre-eminence whatsoever, within the Realm 
 of England. 2. That the Pope or Cardinals, or 
 any body of men, or any individual of the Church 
 of Rome, CANNOT absolve or dispense with His 
 Majesty's subjects from their oath of allegiance, 
 upon any pretext whatsoever. 3. That there 
 is no principle in the tenets of the Catholic 
 Faith, by which Catholics are justified in not 
 keeping faith with heretics, or other persons dif- 
 fering from them in religious opinions, in any 
 transactions either of a public or a private na- 
 ture. As soon as the opinions of the foreign Uni- 
 versities were received, they were transmitted to 
 Mr. Pitt : but we earnestly beg of you to ob- 
 serve, that it was for his satisfaction, not ours, 
 that these opinions were taken : — Assuredly,
 
 346 
 
 His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects did not 
 want the wisdom of foreign Universities to in- 
 form them, that His Majesty is the lawful sove- 
 reign of all his Roman Catholic subjects, and 
 that, by every divine and human law, his Roman 
 Catholic subjects owe him true, dutiful, active, 
 and unreserved allegiance. 
 
 Such then, fellow countrymen and fellow 
 subjects, — such being our religious and civil prin- 
 ciples, in respect to our King and our Country,— 
 let us now again ask you, — Is there in them, a 
 single tenet, which is incompatible with the 
 purest loyalty, or which, in the slightest degree, 
 interferes with the duty we owe to God, our 
 King, or our Country ? 
 
 But, — are these principles really instilled into 
 us ? Do our actions correspond with them ? — 
 In reply we ask, — Are there not, at this very 
 moment, thousands of His Majesty's Roman 
 Catholic subjects, who daily and hourly make 
 the most heroic exertions and sacrifices in those 
 fleets and armies, to whose patient and adventu- 
 rous courage it is owing, that we are still blessed 
 with a King and Country. 
 
 Now then, fellow r countrymen and fellow sub- 
 jects, be assured, that, among these heroic and 
 inestimable defenders and supporters of their 
 King and their Country, there is not one, whose 
 parents and whose priests have not taught him,
 
 347 
 
 that loyalty is a religions as much as a civil 
 duty; and that, when he is fighting for his king 
 and his country, he is performing a duty to his 
 God." 
 
 This paper is signed by 59 of the most respect- 
 able Catholic noblemen and gentlemen of the 
 kingdom, with the late venerable Dr. Douglass, 
 Vic. Ap. London, at their head. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Some other Points on which Protestants have 
 mistaken, and consequently misrepresented , 
 Catholics. 
 
 THE chief points on which we have been in 
 the habit of mistaking, and, consequently, of 
 misrepresenting, Roman Catholics appear to be 
 the following: The opinions held by some Ca- 
 tholics concerning the infallibility and power 
 of the Pope, — the notions concerning works of 
 supererogation, the use of images, — the practice 
 of persecution, — the opinions relative to the salva- 
 tion of heretics, — the use of the scriptures, — and, 
 the belief in miracles. Had I undertaken, 
 instead of a Picture of the Catholic Church, 
 a description of the Faith of Cardinal Bellar- 
 mine, the vagaries of the schoolmen, or of any
 
 348 
 
 other writer, or the rhapsodical flights of certain 
 mystical Nuns and fanatical Friars. — Nay, if 
 the faith of the Church were not distinct from, 
 and independent of, the opinions of the highest 
 individual authority, whether of a Pope,* a Car- 
 dinal, or a Bishop, ancient or modern, then, in- 
 deed, my task would have been an Herculean 
 labour ; and to have lessened the mistakes of my 
 Protestant brethren, I must have explained ten 
 thousand contradictory opinions, which have 
 amused the leisure, or indulged the fancy, of 
 
 * I am sorry to have occasion to explain or correct what 
 I have said on a former page (300-301) relative to the belief 
 of Catholics, in regard to the spiritual government of the 
 Pope. What is there unguardedly said on this subject is 
 liable, I fear, to a misconception, and I take this early oppor- 
 tunity of correcting myself. Catholics do not believe that 
 the Pope is literally the sole depository of the faith of Chris- 
 tians ; but that he, as head of the Church, when connected 
 with, and concurring in all the decisions of the whole 
 Church, may be regarded as the director of the belief of all 
 the faithful ; so long as he does not attempt to teach any 
 new doctrines, or any thing not before received by the whole 
 Catholic communion. And Avhen I say (p. 301), it is a doc- 
 trine held by Catholics that no true believer can enter hea- 
 ven but through the recommendation of the Pope as Christ's 
 ▼isible vicegerent, I mean, and ought to have written, that it 
 is an opinion of Roman Catholics that no one can enter hea- 
 ven who does not admit the doctrines taught and believed by 
 the Vicar of Christ, and the whole Christian Church. This 
 timely explanation will, I trust, prevent Or remove any im- 
 proper impressions which my former assertions might have 
 produced on the mind of the reader.
 
 349 
 
 doctors and canonists without number, in every 
 age of the Church. 
 
 The following extracts from Mr. Gother's 
 curious little pamphlet,* are so much to my pre- 
 sent purpose, that I cannot do better than lay 
 them before the reader in this place : — 
 
 " Of Praying to Images.— A Papist truly represented 
 believes it damnable to worship stocks and stones for gods, 
 to pray to pictures or images of Christ, of the Virgin Mary, 
 or of any other saints, to believe any virtue or divinity in 
 them, or to put any trust or confidence in them. He is 
 expressly taught the contrary to all this by the council of 
 Trent, and his very children are instructed in their Cate- 
 chisms, which are in the hands of all, that they must " by 
 " no means" pray to pictures or images, because they can 
 " neither $ee, nor hear, nor help them." But what use 
 then does the Papist make of pictures or images of Christ, 
 
 * " A Papist Misrepresented and Represented ; or, a Two- 
 fold Character of Popery." It is gratifying and encouraging 
 to find that I am anticipated in referring to, and extracting 
 from this little pamphlet, by the learned and liberal Dr. But- 
 ler (See his Installation Sermon, before referred to). In mak- 
 ing these extracts, I have purposely omitted not only some 
 entire points or characters, but have also withheld the first 
 character of Popery, as it is " Misrepresented." The substance 
 of those real or supposed misrepresentations, will easily be 
 gathered from what the author states in his " Papist Repre- 
 sented." It is not necessary to repeat, that the author of the 
 present work does not take upon himself to maintain or re- 
 commend the doctrines and practices represented in these ex- 
 tracts. They are given from a sincere and disinterested love 
 of truth and justice. With such a view may tbey be read ! 
 They are printed in a smaller type, that they might occupy 
 as little space as possible,
 
 350 
 
 of the blessed Virgin, or other saints ? Why he keeps them 
 by him to preserve in his mind the memory of the persons 
 represented by them ; as people are wont to preserve the 
 memory of their deceased friends by keeping their pictures. 
 He is taught to use them, so as to cast his eyes upon the 
 pictures or images, and thence to raise his heart to the things 
 represented, and there to employ it in meditation, love, and 
 thanksgiving, desire of imitation, &c. as the object requires: 
 as many good Christians, placing a Death's head before 
 them, from the sight of it, take occasion to reflect often 
 upon their last end, in order to their better preparing for 
 it; or by seeing Old Time painted with his fore-lock, hour 
 glass, and scythe, turn their thoughts upon the swiftness of 
 time, and that whosoever neglects the present is in danger 
 of beginning then to desire to lay hold of it when there is 
 no more to come. These pictures or images having this 
 advantage, that they inform the mind by one glance of what 
 in reading might require a whole chapter. There being no 
 other difference between them, than that reading represents 
 leisurely, and by degrees ; and a picture all at once. Hence 
 he finds a convenience in saying his prayers with some de- 
 vout pictures before him, he, being no sooner distracted but 
 the sight of these recals his wandering thoughts to the 
 right object ; and as certainly brings something good into 
 his mind, as an immodest picture disturbs his heart with 
 filthy thoughts. And because he is sensible that these holy 
 pictures and images represent and bring to his mind such 
 objects, as in his heart he loves, honours, and venerates ; 
 he cannot but upon that account love, honour, and respect the 
 images themselves. As whosoever loves their husband, child, 
 or friend, cannot but have some love and respect for their pic- 
 tures; whosoever loves and honours his king, will have some 
 honour and regard for his image. Not that he venerates 
 any image or picture, for any virtue or divinity believed to 
 be in them, or for any thing that is to be petitioned of them ; 
 but because the honour, that is exhibited to them, is re- 
 ferred to those whom they represent. So that it is not pro- 
 perly the images he honours, but Christ and his saints by 
 the images : as it is not properly the images or pictures of 
 kings or other men that we respect or injure : but by their 
 images or pictures we respect or injure the persons them- 
 selves. All the veneration therefore he expresses before 
 all images, whether by kneeling, lifting up the eyes, burn-
 
 351 
 
 ing candles, incense, &c. it is not at all done for the image, 
 but is wholly referred to the things represented, which he 
 intends to honour by these actions, and how by so doing, 
 he breaks the second commandment, he cannot conceive ; 
 for he acknowledges only one God, and to him alone gives 
 sovereign honour ; and whatsoever respect he shews to a 
 crucifix, picture, or image, seems to him no more injurious 
 to any of the commandments, than it is for a Christian to 
 love and honour his neighbour, because he bears the image 
 of God in his soul ; to kiss and esteem the Bible, because 
 it contains and represents to him God's word ; or to love 
 a good preacher, because he reminds him of his duty ; all 
 which respects do not at all derogate from God Almighty's 
 honour; but are rather testimonies of our great love and 
 honour of him, since, for his sake, we love and esteem 
 every thing that has any respect or relation to him. 
 
 2. Of worshipping Saints. — The Papist truly represent- 
 ed believes there is only one God, and that it is a most 
 damnable idolatry to make gods of men, either living or 
 dead. His Church teaches him indeed, and he believes 
 that it is good and profitable to desire the intercession of 
 saints reigning with Christ in heaven ; but that they are 
 gods or his redeemer is no where taught ; but detests all 
 such doctrine. He confesses that we are all redeemed by 
 the blood of Christ alone, and that he is our only Media- 
 tor of redemption : but as for mediators of intercession, 
 (that is, such as we may lawfully desire to pray for us) he 
 does not doubt, but it is acceptable to God, we should 
 have many. Moses was such a mediator for the Israelites; 
 Job for his three friends ; Stephen for hrs persecutors. 
 The Romans were thus desired by St. Paul to be bis medi- 
 ators ; so were the Corinthians, so the Ephesians ; so 
 almost every sick man desires the congregation to be his 
 mediators, by remembering him in their prayers. And so 
 the Papist desires the blessed in heaven to be his mediators ; 
 that is, that they would pray to God for him. And in this 
 he does not at all needed coming to God, or rob him of 
 his honour ; but directing all his prayers up to him, and 
 making him the ultimate object of all his petitions, lie only 
 desires sometimes the just on earth, sometimes those in 
 heaven to join their prayers to his, that so the number of 
 petitioners being increased, the petition may find better ac-
 
 352 
 
 ceptance in the sight of God. And this is not to make 
 them gods, but only petitioners to God ; it is not to make 
 them his redeemers, but only intercessors to his Redeemer; 
 he having no hopes of obtaining any thing but of God alone, 
 by and through the merits of Christ ; for which he desires 
 the saints in heaven, and good men upon earth, to offer up 
 their prayers with his ; the prayers of the just availing much 
 before God. But now, how the saints in heaven know the 
 prayers and necessities of such who address themselves to 
 them, whether by the ministry of angels, or in the vision of 
 God, or by some particular revelation, it is no part of his 
 faith, nor is it much his concern it should be determined. 
 For his part he does not doubt, but that God, who acquaint- 
 ed the prophets with the knowledge of things, that were yet 
 to come many hundred years after ; that informed Elisha of 
 the King of Syria's council, though privately resolved on, in 
 his bed-chamber, and at a distance, ran never want means 
 of letting the saints know the desires of those who beg their 
 intercession here on earth : especially since our Saviour in- 
 forms us, that Abraham heard the petitions of Dives, who 
 was as yet at a greater distance, even in hell ; and told him 
 likewise the manner of his living, while as yet on earth. 
 Nay, since it is generally allowed, that even the very devils 
 hear these desperate wretches who call on them, why then 
 should he doubt that the saints want this privilege, who, 
 though departed this life, are not so properly dead, as trans- 
 lated from a mortal life to an immortal one ; where, enjoy- 
 ing God Almighty, they lose no perfections which they en- 
 joyed while on earth, but possess all in a more eminent 
 manner; having more charity, more knowledge, more in- 
 terest with God than ever, and becoming like angels. And 
 as these offered up their prayers for Jerusalem and the 
 cities of Judah, so undoubtedly they likewise fall down he- 
 fore the Lamb, having every one of them harps, and gol- 
 den vials fall of odours, which are the prayers of the 
 saints. Apoc. v. 8. 
 
 3. Of addressing more Supplications to the Virgin 
 Mary than to Christ. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it damnable to think the Virgin Mary more power- 
 ful in heaven than Christ ,• or that she can in any thing com- 
 mand him. He honours her indeed, as one that was chosen 
 to be the mother of God, and blessed amongst all women ;
 
 353 
 
 and believes her to be most acceptable to God, in her in- 
 tercession for us : but owning her still as a creature, and 
 that all she has of excellency is the gift of God, proceed- 
 ing from his mere goodness. Neither does he at any time 
 say even so much as one prayer to her, but what is directed 
 more particularly to God ; because offered up as a thankful 
 memorial of Christ's incarnation, and acknowledgment of the 
 blessedness of Jesus the fruit of her womb : and this without 
 imagining there is any more dishonouring of God in his re- 
 citing the Angelical Salutation, than in his first pronouncing 
 it by the Angel Gabriel and Elizabeth ; or that his frequent 
 repetition of it is any more an idle superstition than it was 
 in David to repeat the same words over twenty-six times in 
 the 126th Psalm. 
 
 4. Of paying divine Worship to Relics. — The Papist 
 truly represented believes it damnable to think there is any 
 divinity in the relics of saints, or to adore them with divine 
 honour, or to pray to their rotten bones, old rags or shrines, 
 or that they can work any strange cures or miracles, by any 
 hidden powe/ of their own. But he believes it good and 
 lawful to keep them with veneration, and to give them a 
 religious honour and respect. And this he thinks due to 
 them, inasmuch as knowing himself obliged to respect and 
 honour God Almighty from his heart ; lie looks upon him- 
 self as obliged to respect and honour every thing that hay 
 any particular relation to him ; but this with an inferior 
 honour; such as the Jews shewed to the Ark, to the 
 Tables of the Law, to Moses's rod, to the Temple, to 
 the Priests. Such as we generally allow the Bible, because 
 it contains God's word; to the church, because it is God's 
 house ; to holy men and priests, because they are God's 
 servants. And so he does to relics, because they apper- 
 tain to God's favourites : and being insensible things, are 
 yet sensible pledges, and lively memorials of Christ's ser- 
 vants, dead indeed to this world, but alive with him in 
 glory. And more especially because God himself has been 
 pleased to honour them, by making them instruments of 
 many evident miracles which he has visibly worked by them; 
 as is evident upon undeniable record. And this he believes 
 as easy for God Almighty now, and as much redounding 
 to the honour of his holy name, as it is in the old law, to 
 work such miraculous effects by Moses's rod, by Elias's 
 
 2 A
 
 354 
 
 mantle, after he was taken up into heaven, Eliseus's bones, 
 and infinite other such like insensible things: and also in 
 the new law, by the hem of his own garment, by the shadow 
 of St. Peter, by the napkins and handkerchiefs that had 
 but touched the body of St. Paul, casting out devils, and 
 curing diseases, and such like. And thus by having a vene- 
 ration and respect for these, he honours God : and does 
 not doubt, but that they that contemn and profane these, 
 do the like to God, as much as they did who profaned the 
 bread of propitiation, the temple, and vessels that belonged 
 to it. 
 
 5. Of the Eucharist. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it abominable to commit any kind of idolatry ; and 
 most damnable to worship or adore a breaden god, or to 
 give divine hononr to the elements of bread and wine. He 
 worships only one God, who made heaven and earth, and 
 his only Son Jesus Christ our Redeemer; who, being 
 in all things equal to his Father, in truth and omnipotency, 
 he believes, made his words good, pronounced at his last 
 supper ; really giving his body and blood to his apostles ; 
 the species or accidence of bread and wine remaining as 
 before. The same he believes of the most holy sacrament 
 of the Eucharist, consecrated now by priests ; that it really 
 contains the body of Christ, which was delivered for us ; 
 and his blood, which was shed for the remission of sins : 
 which being there united with the divinity, he confesses 
 whole Christ to be present. And him he adores and 
 acknowledges his Redeemer, and not any bread or wine. 
 And for the believing of this mystery, he does not at all 
 think it meet for any Christian to appeal from Christ's word 
 to his own senses or reason, for the examining the truth of 
 what he has said, but rather to submit his senses and reason 
 to Christ's words^n the obsequiousness of faith ; and that be- 
 ing the son of Abraham, it is more becoming him to be- 
 lieve as Abraham did, promptly with a faith superior to all 
 sense or reason, and whither these could never lead him. 
 With this faith it is he believes every mystery of his religion, 
 the Trinity, Incarnation, &c. ; with this faith he believes, 
 that what descended upon our Saviour at his baptism 
 in Jordan, was really the Holy Ghost, though senses or 
 reason could discover it to be nothing but a dove ; with 
 this faith he believes, that the man that Joshua saw
 
 355 
 
 Standing over against him with his sword drawn, and 
 the three men that Abraham entertained in the plains of 
 Mambre, were really and substantially no men ; and that 
 notwithstanding all the information and evidence of sense, 
 from their colour, features, proportion, talking, eating, &c. 
 of their being men ; yet without any discredit to his senses, 
 he really believes they were no such thing, because God's 
 words has assured him of the contrary : and with this faith 
 he believes Christ's body and blood to be really present in 
 the blessed sacrament, though, to all outward appearance, 
 there is nothing more than bread and wine : thus, not at all 
 hearkening to his senses in a matter where God speaks, he 
 unfeiguedly confesses, that he that made the world of no- 
 thing by his sole word ; that cured diseases by his word ; 
 that raised the dead by his word ; that commanded the 
 winds and seas ; that multiplied bread ; that changed water 
 into wine by his word, and sinners into just men, cannot 
 want power to change bread and wine into his own 
 body and blood by his sole word. And this without dan- 
 ger of multiplying his- body, of making as many Christs as 
 altars, or leaving the right hand of his Father ; but only by 
 giving to his body a supernatural manner of existence, by 
 which, being without extension of parts, rendered indepen- 
 dent of place, it may be one and the same in many places 
 at once, and whole in every part of the symbols, and not 
 obnoxious to any corporal contingencies. And this kind of 
 existence is no more, than what in a manner he bestows 
 upon every glorified body ; than what his own body had, 
 when born without the least violation of his mother's virgi- 
 nal integrity ; when he arose from the dead, out of the 
 sepulchre, without removing the stone ; when he entered 
 amongst his disciples, the doors being shut. And though 
 he cannot understand how this is done, yet he undoubtedly 
 believes that God is able to do more than he is able to un- 
 derstand. 
 
 7. Of Confession. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it damnable in any religion to make gods of men. 
 However, he firmly holds, that when Christ, speaking to 
 his apostles, said, Receive ye the Holy Ghost; zvhose sins 
 you shall forgive, they are forgiven, and whose sins you 
 shall retain, they are retained; he gave them, and 
 their successors, the bishops and priests of the Catholic 
 
 c 2 A2
 
 356 
 
 Church, authority to absolve any truly penitent sinner from 
 his sin. And God having thus given them the ministry of 
 reconciliation, and made them Christ's legates, Christ's 
 ministers, and the dispensers of the mysteries of Christ, 
 and given them power that whatsoever they loose on earth 
 shall be loosed in heaven, he undoubtedly believes, that 
 whosoever comes to them making a sincere and humble 
 confession of his sins, with a true repentance and firm pur- 
 pose of amendment, and a hearty resolution of turning from 
 his evil ways, may from them receive absolution, by the 
 authority given them from heaven, and no doubt but God 
 ratifies above the sentence pronounced in that tribunal; 
 loosing in heaven whatsoever is thus loosed by them on 
 earth. And that, whosoever comes without the due pre- 
 paration, without a repentance from the bottom of his 
 heart, and a real intention of forsaking his sins, receives no 
 benefit by the absolution ; but adds sin to sin, by a high 
 contempt of God's mercy, and abuse of his sacraments. 
 
 8. Of Indulgences. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it damnable to hold, that the Pope, or any other 
 power in heaven or earth, can give him leave to commit 
 any sins whatsoever : or that for any sum of money he can 
 obtain an indulgence or pardon for sins that are to be com- 
 mitted by him, or his heirs, hereafter. He firmly believes 
 that no sins can be forgiven, without a true and hearty re- 
 pentance : but that still, there is a power in the Church of 
 granting indulgences, by which, as he is taught in his cate- 
 chism, nothing more is meant than a releasing, to such as 
 are truly penitent, the debt of temporal punishment, which 
 remained due on account of those sins, which as the guilt 
 and eternal punishment had been already remitted by re- 
 pentance and confession. For we see in the case of King 
 David, that the debt of the temporal punishment is not al- 
 ways remitted, when the guilt of the sin is remitted ; and 
 as the Church of God from the beginning was ever con- 
 vinced of this truth, therefore, besides the hearty repentance 
 and confession, which she insisted upon in order for the 
 discharge of the guilt of sin ; she also required severe pe- 
 nances, sometimes of three, seven, ten years or more, for 
 the discharge of the debt of the temporal punishment due 
 to divine justice. Now the releasing or moderating for just 
 causes these penalties incurred by sin, is called an indul-
 
 357 
 
 gence. And the power of granting such indulgences is 
 visibly implied in the promise of the keys, and of binding 
 and loosing made to the pastors of the Church. And the 
 exercise of this power was frequent in the primitive church; 
 and is even authorized by the example of St. Paul himself, 
 who granted such an indulgence to the incestuous Corinthian, 
 forgiving, as he says, in the person of Christ ; that is, by 
 the power and authority he had received from him. Now 
 the good works usually required for the obtaining indulgen- 
 ces, are prayer, fasting, visiting churches, confession, com- 
 munion, and alms-deeds ; but what money there is given at 
 any time on this account concerns not at all the Pope's cof- 
 fers, but is, by every one given as they please, either to the 
 poor, to the sick, to prisoners, &c, where they judge it 
 most charity. As to the rest, if any abuses have been com- 
 mitted in granting or gaining indulgences, through the fault 
 of some particular persons, these cannot in justice be charg- 
 ed upon the church, to the prejudice of her faith and doc- 
 trine ; especially, since she has been so careful in the re- 
 trenching them ; as may be seen by what was done in the 
 council of TVent. 
 
 9. Of Satisfaction. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it damnable to think injuriously of Christ's passion. 
 Nevertheless he believes, that though condign satisfaction 
 for the guilt of sin, and the pain eternal due to it, be pro- 
 per only to Christ our Saviour ; yet that penitent sinners 
 being redeemed by Christ, and made his members, may in 
 some measure satisfy by prayers, fasting, alms, &c. for the 
 temporal pain, which by order of God's justice, sometimes 
 remains due after the guilt, and the eternal pains are remit- 
 ted. So that trusting in Christ, as his Redeemer, he yet 
 does not think that by Christ's sufferings, every Christian is 
 discharged of his particular sufferings ; but that every one 
 is to suffer something for himself, as St. Paul did, who by 
 many tribulations, and by suffering in his own flesh, filled 
 up that which was behind of the passion of Christ ; and 
 this not only for himself but for the whole church, and 
 this he finds every where in scripture, viz. people admo- 
 nished of the greatness of their sins, doing penance mjast- 
 ing, sackcloth, and ashes, and by voluntary austerities, en- 
 deavouring to satisfy the divine justice. And these personal 
 satisfactions God has sufficiently also minded him of in the
 
 558 
 
 punishments inflicted on Moses, Aarog, David, and infinite 
 others ; and even in the afflictions sent Dy God upon our own 
 age, plagues, wars, fires, persecutions, rebellions, and such 
 like: which, few are so atheistical but they confess to be 
 sent from heaven for the just chastisement of our sins ; and 
 which we are to undergo, notwithstanding the infinite satis- 
 faction made by Christ, and without any undervaluing it. 
 Now being thus convinced of some temporal punishments 
 being due to his sins, he accepts of all tribulations, whether 
 in body, name, or estate, from whencesoever they come, 
 and with others of his own chusing, offers them up to God, 
 for the discharging this debt ; still confessing, that his offen- 
 ces deserve yet more. But these penitential works he is 
 taught to be no otherwise satisfactory than as joined and 
 applied to the satisfaction which Jesus made upon the cross; 
 in virtue of which alone, all our good works find a grateful 
 acceptance in God's sight. 
 
 10. Of reading the Holy Scriptures. — The Papist truly 
 represented believes it damnable in any one to think, speak, 
 or do any thing irreverently towards the scripture ; or by 
 any means whatsoever to bring it into disrepute or disgrace. 
 He holds it in the highest veneration of all men living ; he 
 professes it to be the pure oracles of God ; and that we 
 are rather bound to lose our lives, than concur any way to 
 its profanation. It is true, he does not think it fit to be 
 read generally, by all, in the vulgar tongues : not for any 
 disrespect to it ; but, 1 , Because he understands, that pri- 
 vate interpretation is not proper for the scripture, because 
 in the epistles of Saint Paul are certain things hard to be 
 understood, zohich the unlearned and unstable wrest, as 
 also the rest of the scriptures, to their own perdition. 
 Because God hath given only some to be apostles, some 
 prophets, other some evangelists, and some pastors and 
 teachers. For these reasons he is taught, that it is not 
 convenient for the scripture to be read indifferently by all 
 men, but only by such as are humble, discreet and devout, 
 and such as are willing to observe directions in the perusing 
 this sacred volume : that is, to take notice of all godly his- 
 tories, and imitable examples of humility, chastity, obedi- 
 ence, mercy to the poor, &c. and in all hard, obscure and 
 disputable points to refer all to the arbitration of the church, 
 to the judgment of those whom God hath appointed pastors
 
 350 
 
 and teachers: never presuming to contend, controul, teach, 
 or talk of their own sense and fancy in deep questions of 
 divinity, and high mysteries of faith; but expecting the 
 sense of these from the lips of the priest, zvho shall keep 
 knowledge, and from whose mouth they shall require the 
 law. And this caution is used, lest the scripture coming 
 into the hands of a presuming sort of proud, curious, and 
 contentious people, be abused and perverted : who make it 
 their business to enquire into high and hidden secrets of 
 God's counsels, and upon the presumption of I know not 
 what spirit, immediately become teachers, comptrollers, 
 and judges of doctors, church, scripture and all ; and ac- 
 knowledging no authority left by Christ, to which they are 
 to submit ; under pretence of scripture and God's word, 
 make way for all sort of profaneness, irreligion, and athe- 
 ism. So that it is not for the preserving ignorance, he al- 
 lows a restraint upon the reading the scriptures, but for the 
 preventing a blind ignorant presumption ; and that it may 
 be done to edification and not to destruction, and without 
 casting what is holy to dogs, or pearls to swine. 
 
 1 1 . Of the Scripture as a Rule of Faith. — The Papist 
 truly represented believes it damnable to undervalue the 
 scripture, or to take from it the authority given it by Christ. 
 He gives it all respect due to the word of God ; he owns 
 it to be of the greatest authority upon earth, and that it is 
 capable of leading a man to all truth, where it is rightly 
 understood. But to any one that understands it, and takes 
 it in any other sense than what it was intended by the Holy 
 Ghost, he believes it to such a one, to be no scripture, no 
 word of God ; that to such a one, it is no rule of faith, 
 nor judge of controversies ; and that what he thinks to be 
 the doctrine of Christ, and command of heaven, is nothing 
 but his own imagination and the suggestion of the devil. 
 And since by the experience of so many hundred heresies 
 since our Saviour's time, all pretending to be grounded on 
 scripture, he finds that almost every text of the bible, and 
 even those that concern the most essential and fundamental 
 points of the christian religion, have been interpreted seve- 
 ral ways, and made to signify things contrary to one 
 another ; and that while thus contrary meanings are by se- 
 veral persons drawn from the same word, the scripture is 
 still silent, without discovering which of all those senses is
 
 360 
 
 that intended by the Holy Ghost, and agreeable to truth * 
 and which are erroneous and antichristian : he concludes 
 that the scripture alone, without taking along with it the 
 interpretation of the church, cannot be to every private 
 person the whole rule of his faith. Not that there is any 
 authority wanting on the scripture side ; but because no 
 private person can be certain whether, amongst all the seve- 
 ral meanings every text is liable to, that which he under- 
 stands it in, is right, or not. And without this certainty of 
 truth, and security from error, he knows there is nothing 
 capable of being a sufficient rule of his faith. 
 
 12. Of the Interpretation of Scripture. — The Papist 
 truly represented believes that the church is not above the 
 scripture; but only allows that order between them, as is 
 between the judge and the law ; and is no other than what 
 generally every private member of the reformation chal- 
 lenges to himself, as often as he pretends to decide any 
 doubt of his own, or his neighbour, in religion, by inter- 
 preting the scripture. Neither is he taught at all to dis- 
 trust the scripture, or not to rely on it; but only to 
 distrust his own private interpretation of it; and not 
 to rely on his own judgment in the resolution of 
 any doubt concerning faith or religion, though he can 
 produce several texts in favour of his opinion. But 
 in all such cases he is commanded to recur to the 
 church ; and having learnt from her the true sense of all 
 such texts, how they have been understood by the whole 
 community of Christians, in all ages since the apostles; 
 and what has been their received doctrine, in such doubt- 
 ful and difficult points ; he is obliged to submit to this, and 
 never presume on his own private sentiments, however 
 seemingly grounded on reason and scripture, to believe or 
 preach any new doctrine opposite to the belief of the 
 church ; but as he receives from her the book, so also to 
 receive from her the sense of the book ; with a holy confi- 
 dence, that she that did not cheat him in delivering a false 
 book for the true one, will not cheat him in delivering him 
 a false and erroneous sense for the true one ; her authority, 
 which is sufficient in the one, being not less in the other : 
 and his own private judgment, which was insufficient in 
 the one, that is, in finding out the true scripture, and dis- 
 cerning it from all other books, being as incapable and in-
 
 361 
 
 sufficient in the other ; that is, in certainly discovering the 
 meaning of the Holy Ghost, and avoiding all other hetero- 
 dox and mistaken interpretations. 
 
 J.\>. Of Tradition. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves the scripture not to be imperfect, nor to want human 
 ordinations, or traditions of men, for the supplying any de- 
 fects in it ; neither does he allow the same authority to 
 these, as the word of God ; or give them equal credit ; or 
 exact it from others, that desire to be admitted into the 
 communion of his church. He believes no divine faith 
 Ought to be given to any thing, but what is of divine reve- 
 lation; and that nothing is to have place in his creed, but 
 what was taught by Christ and his apostles, and has been 
 delivered and taught in all ages by the church of God, 
 the congregation of all true believers, and has been so 
 delivered down to him through all ages. But now, whe- 
 ther that which has been so delivered down to him, as the 
 doctrine of Christ and his apostles, has been by word of 
 mouth or writing, is altogether indifferent to him, he being 
 ready to follow, in this point, as in all others, the command 
 of St. Paul, f that is, to standfast, and hold the tradition 
 he has /earned, whether by word or epistle, and to look 
 upon any one as anathema, that shall preach otherwise 
 than as he has (thus) received. So that as he undoubtedly 
 holds the whole bible to be the word of God, because in 
 all ages it has been so taught, preached, believed, and deli- 
 vered successively by the faithful ; although they are not, 
 nor have not at any time been able to prove what they have 
 thus taught and delivered with one text of scripture ; in the 
 like manner, he is ready to receive and believe all this same 
 congregation has, together with the bible, in all ages suc- 
 cessively, without interruption, taught, preached, believed, 
 and delivered as the doctrine of Christ and his apostles ; 
 and assents to it with divine faith ; just as he does to the 
 bible ; and esteems any one anathema, that shall preach 
 otherwise than he has thus received. 
 
 14. Of Councils. — The Papist truly represented believes 
 that the faith of his church can receive no additions, and 
 that he is obliged to believe nothing, besides that which 
 Christ and his apostles taught ; and if any thing contrary 
 to this should be defined and commanded to be believed, 
 even by ten thousand councils, he believes it damnable in
 
 362 
 
 any one to receive it, and by such decrees, to make addi- 
 tions to his creed. However, he maintains the authority of 
 general councils lawfully assembled ; whose business it is, 
 not to coin new articles of faith, or devise such tenets ; but 
 only, as often as any point of received doctrine is impugned 
 or called in question, to debate the matter; and examine 
 what has been the belief of all nations, who are there pre- 
 sent, in their prelates, in that point ; and this being agreed 
 on, to publish and make known to the world, which is the 
 catholic doctrine, left by Christ and his apostles; and 
 which the new broached errors. And by this means to 
 prevent the loss of an infinite number of souls, which might 
 otherwise be deluded, and carried away after new inven- 
 tions. And in this case he believes that he is obliged to 
 submit, and receive the decrees of such a council: the pas- 
 tors and prelates there present being by Christ and his 
 apostles appointed for the decision of such controversies ; 
 they having the care of that flock committed to them, over 
 which the Holy Ghost has made them overseers to feed the 
 Church of God, and to watch against those men who 
 should arise from among themselves, speaking perverse 
 things to draw disciples after them. And he that received 
 command, as likewise the whole flock of Christ, has to obey 
 their prelates, and to be subject to them, who watch, and 
 are to render an account for their souls, with an assurance, 
 that he that heareth them, heareth Christ ; and he that 
 despiseth them, despiseth Christ. 
 
 20. Of the Mass. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves that the sacrifice made by Christ upon the cross was 
 altogether sufficient : that by it he saved and redeemed us, 
 paying the debt of sin, and satisfying the infinite justice of 
 his Father: that by it he procured for us all means for our 
 salvation; all graces in order for faith and good works; 
 all the sacraments ; and which of all things is most ho- 
 nourable to God, the offering of a sacrifice. But as 
 Christ's worshipping of God, his fasting, praying and 
 suffering for us, does not hinder or evacuate our worship- 
 ping of God, our fasting, suffering, or praying for our- 
 selves ; so neither did his sacrifice hinder or evacuate all 
 sacrifices for ever. And as he instituted fasting, praying, 
 and suffering for his followers, that by so doing, they might 
 apply what he did to themselves ; so also he instituted a 
 sacrifice, that by it they might apply the merits of his sa-
 
 363 
 
 crifice, and make it beneficial to their souls. So that 
 though he firmly believes that Christ offered sacrifice for 
 our redemption, and by the one only offering, spoken of 
 by St. Paul, perfected, by way of redemption, the sanctifi- 
 Cation of all those that are sanctified ; yet he also believes, 
 that to receive the benefit of this offering, we must also do 
 our parts, by our good works concurring with Christ, and 
 in some manner purifying our own souls, and therefore not 
 omit the best of all works, which is sacrifice : which our 
 Saviour Jesus Christ instituted at his last supper, when 
 leaving to us his body and blood under the two distinct 
 species of bread and wine, he bequeathed as a legacy to 
 his apostles, not only a sacrament, but also a sacrifice : a 
 commemorative sacrifice, lively representing, in an un- 
 bloody manner, the bloody sacrifice which was offered for 
 us upon the cross ; and by a distinction of the symbols, dis- 
 tinctly shewing forth his(Christ's) death until he come. This 
 he gave in charge to his apostles, as to the first and chief 
 priests of the New Testament, and to their successors to 
 offer ; commanding them to do the same thing he had 
 done at his list supper, in commemoration of him. And 
 this is the oblation, or sacrifice of the Mass, which has 
 been observed, performed, frequented by the faithful in all 
 ages, attested by the general consent of all antiquity, uni- 
 versal tradition, and the practice of the whole church : 
 mentioned and allowed of by all the fathers, Greek and 
 Latin, and never called into question till of late years ; be- 
 ing that pure offering which the prophet Malachy foretold 
 should be offered among the Gentiles in every place, as 
 this text was ever understood by the ancient fathers. 
 
 21. Of Purgatory. — The Papist truly represented be- 
 lieves it damnable to admit of any thing for faith that is 
 contrary to reason, the word of God, and all antiquity : 
 but that the existence of a third place, called purgatory, is 
 so far from being contrary to all, or any of these, that it is 
 attested, confirmed, and established by them all. It is ex- 
 pressly taught in the second of Maccabees, c. xii., where 
 money was sent to Jerusalem that sacrifice might be of- 
 fered for the slain, and it is recommended as a wholesome 
 practice to pray for the dead, that they may be loosed from 
 their sins. Now these two books of Maccabees were cer- 
 tainly held in great veneration by all antiquity ; and, as St.
 
 364 
 
 Augustine informs us, were then accounted canonical by 
 the church. The being also of a third place is plainly irw 
 timated by our Saviour, where he says, whosoever speaks 
 against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him, nei- 
 ther in this world, neither in the world to come. By which 
 words Christ evidently supposes, that though these shall 
 not, yet some sins are forgiven in the world to come ; 
 which, since it cannot be in heaven, where no sin can en- 
 ter ; nor in hell, where there is no remission ; it must ne- 
 cessarily be in some middle state ,• and in this sense it was 
 understood by St. Augustine about 1800 years ago. So 
 also by St. Gregory the Great. In the same manner does 
 St. Augustine understand these words of St. Paul. He 
 himself shall be saved ; yet so as byjire. When he thinks 
 him to speak of a purging fire, so the same father under- 
 stands that prison of which St. Peter speaks, to be some 
 place of temporal chastisement. And if this great doctor 
 of the church, in those purer times, found so often in the 
 bible a place of pains after this life, from whence there 
 was release, how can any one say, without presumption, 
 that the being of a third place is contrary to the word of 
 God ? Neither can the antiquity of this doctrine be more 
 justly called in question, of which is found so early men- 
 tion, not only in this holy father, but in divers others his 
 predecessors, who came not long after the apostles, and 
 were the best witnesses of their doctrine. As to the rea- 
 sonableness of this tenet, his reason convinces him, 1 . That 
 every sin, how slight soever, though no more than an idle 
 word, as it is an offence to God, deserves punishment, and 
 will be punished by him hereafter, if not previously can- 
 celled by repentance here. 2. That such small sins do not 
 deserve eternal punishment. 3. That few depart this life 
 so pure as to be totally exempt from spots of this nature, 
 and from every kind of debt due to God's justice. 4. There- 
 fore, that few will escape without suffering something from 
 his justice for such debts as they may have carried with 
 them out of this world ; according to that rule of divine 
 justice by which he treats every soul hereafter according to 
 their works, and according to the state in which he finds 
 them in death. Thus his reason convinces him that there 
 must be some third place ; for, since the infinite goodness 
 of God can admit no one into heaven who is not clean, and 
 pure from all sin, both great and small, and his infinite jus-
 
 36.5 
 
 tice can permit none to receive the reward of bliss, who as 
 yet are not out of debt, but have something in justice to 
 suffer ; there must of necessity be some place or state, 
 where souls departing this life, pardoned as to the eternal 
 guilt or pain, yet obnoxious to some temporal penalty, or 
 with the guilt of some venial faults, are purged and purified 
 before their admittance into heaven. This is what he is 
 taught concerning purgatory : which, though he knows 
 not where it is, nor of what nature the pains are, nor how 
 long each soul is detained there ; yet he believes that 
 those that are in this place, being the living members of 
 Jesus Christ, are relieved by the prayers of their fellow- 
 members on earth, as also by the alms and masses offered 
 up to God for their souls. And as for such as have no re- 
 lations or friends to pray for them, or to give alms, or 
 procure masses for their relief, they are not neglected by the 
 church, which makes a general commemoration of all the 
 faithful departed in every mass, and in every one of the ca- 
 nonical hours of the divine office. 
 
 23. Oft/fe Seco?id Commandment. — The Papist truly 
 represented is instructed in his whole duty towards God, 
 and most especially in the ten commandments. He is 
 taught to understand them all and every one, that there is 
 an obligation of observing them, under pain of eternal 
 damnation ; and that whosoever breaks any one of them 
 loses the favour of God, and as certainly hazards the loss 
 of his soul, as if he broke them all. And though in some 
 short catechisms in which the whole christian doctrine is 
 delivered in the most compendious and easy method, in 
 condescension to weak memories and low capacities, the 
 second commandment, as it is reckoned by some, be omit- 
 ted ; yet it is to be seen at length in other catechisms, ma- 
 nuals, and doctrinal books, to be met with every where in 
 great plenty. And if any one should chance not to see any 
 of these, yet would he be out of all danger of falling into 
 any superstitious worship or idolatry ; for that having read 
 the first commandment, Thou shalt have no other Gods 
 before me } he is taught by this, that he is commanded to 
 serve, love, adore and worship one only true, living and 
 eternal God, and no more : that it is forbidden him to 
 worship any creature for a God, or to give it the honour 
 due to God; and that whosoever worships any idols,
 
 366 
 
 images, pictures, or any graven thing, whatsoever the ob- 
 ject be, whether in heaven above, in the earth beneath, or in 
 the waters under the earth, for God, breaks the command- 
 ment, by committing idolatry, and stands guilty of an in- 
 excusable and most damnable sin. Now having been 
 taught that this is the intent of the first precept of the de- 
 calogue, he thinks there can be but little danger of his be- 
 coming superstitious in his worship, or an idolater, for 
 want of the second ; there being nothing in this, but what 
 he is fully and expressly instructed in, by having learnt the 
 first ; it being rather an explication of this than any new 
 and distinct precept : and for this reason he finds them in 
 his books put together as one, or rather as the first com- 
 mandment, with its explication ; by which means it comes 
 about, that there are only three in the first table, teaching 
 him his duty towards God ; and seven in the latter, con- 
 cerning his duty to his neighbour ; which is the division as- 
 signed by St. Augustine. And though St. Jerom observes 
 not this method, but divides them into four and six ; yet 
 there being no direction in scripture concerning the num- 
 ber of the commandments to be assigned to each table, 
 nor to let us know which is the first, which the second, 
 which the third commandment, or which the last ; he is 
 taught that it is but an unnecessary trouble to concern 
 himself about the number or division of them, when as his 
 whole business ought to be the observance of them in his 
 life and conversation. 
 
 24. Of mental Reservations. — The Papist truly repre- 
 sented is taught to keep faith with all sorts of people, 
 of whatsoever judgment or persuasion they be, whether in 
 communion with his church or not ; he is taught to stand 
 to his word, and observe his promise given or made to any 
 whatsoever ; and that he cannot cheat or cozen, whether 
 by dissembling, equivocations, or mental reservations, with- 
 out defiance of his own conscience, and the violation of 
 God's law. This is the instruction he receives from the 
 pulpit, the confessionary, and his books of direction, and 
 nothing is more inculcated in his church than sincerity and 
 truth. But as to the doctrine and practice of equivoca- 
 tions and mental reservations, so far from being approved 
 by his church, he finds it expressly censured by Pope In- 
 nocent XI. in a decree issued forth March 2, 1679, pro-
 
 3^67 
 
 hibiting the teaching or maintaining of it under pain of ex- 
 communication. He is taught therefore to speak plainly 
 and sincerely, without any such artifices, which cannot but 
 be very injurious to all society, and displeasing to the first 
 truth. And now, if any authors in communion with his 
 church, be produced as patrons and abettors of these 
 mental juggles, let them hold up their hands, and answer 
 for themselves : their church has approved of no such doc- 
 trine, and is no more to be charged with their particular 
 opinions, than with the unexemplary lives of other her 
 members, whose irregularities are not at all derived from 
 their religion, but from following their own corrupt inclin 
 ations, and giving way to the temptations of their enemy. 
 
 26. Of Fasting. — The Papist truly represented is taught 
 by his church that the appearance of devotion, the name 
 of mortification, and pretence to it, are only vain and 
 fruitless things, if they are not accompanied with the 
 substance. And that it is but a very lame compliance with 
 the ecclesiastical precept of fasting, to abstain from flesh, 
 unless all other excesses are at the same time carefully 
 avoided. It is true, his church has not forbidden on these 
 days the drinking of wine, but permits a moderate use of it, 
 as at other times : but is so far from giving liberty to 
 any of her flock of committing excesses, that she declares 
 drunkenness and all gluttony whatsoever, to be more hein- 
 ous and scandalous sins on such days, than any other ; they 
 being expressly contrary, not only to the law of God, but 
 also to the intention of the church, which appoints these 
 times for the retrenching debaucheries and conquering our 
 vicious appetites. And now, if any of his profession make 
 less scruple of being drunk on a fasting-day, than of eating 
 the least bit of flesh, he knows nothing more can be said 
 of them, than of many of another communion, who will 
 not break the sabbath-day, by doing any servile work on it, 
 for all the world, looking on this as a most damning sin ; 
 and yet at the same time, have but little scruple of swear- 
 ing, cursing, lying, or revelling the greatest part of the day ; 
 which is not, because they have more liberty for these than 
 the former, they being all most wicked offences ; but be- 
 cause they that do thus are but Christians by halves, who 
 with a kind of pharisaical and partial obedience, seem to 
 . bear some of the commandments most zealously in their
 
 368 
 
 hearts, while they trample others under their feet ; scru- 
 pling many times at a mote, and on other occasions passing 
 by a beam undiscerned ; for which their church is not to 
 be accountable, but they themselves, as being guilty of a 
 wilful blindness, and a most unchristian negligence. This 
 is the real case of such of his communion, who, on days of 
 humiliation, while they abstain from flesh, yet give scandal 
 by their intemperance. They have a command of God, by 
 which they are obliged on all days to live soberly, and to 
 avoid all gluttony and drunkenness ; and on fasting-days, 
 besides this command of God, they have a church precept, 
 by which they are bound, if able to eat but one meal in a 
 day, and that not of flesh. And now if some are so ignorant 
 and careless, as to be scrupulously observant of one of these 
 commands, and wholly negligent of the other, it is not be- 
 cause their religion teaches them to do so (which detests 
 and condemns all such scandalous partiality, and complying 
 with their duty by halves) but because they shut their ears 
 to all good instruction, and choose rather to follow their 
 own corrupt appetites, than the wholesome doctrine of 
 their church. 
 
 28. Of Friars and Nuns. — The Papist truly repre- 
 sented is taught to have a high esteem for those of his com- 
 munion, who undertake that sort of life, which, according 
 to Christ's own direction, and his apostles, is pointed out 
 as the best. A sort of people who endeavour to perform 
 all that God has commanded, and also what he has coun- 
 selled as the better, and in order to more perfection. They 
 hear Christ declaring the danger of riches ; they therefore 
 embrace a voluntary poverty, and lay aside all titles to 
 wealth and possessions. St. Paul preaches, that he that 
 giveth not his virgin in marriage, doth better than he that 
 does ; and that she that is unmarried, cares for the things 
 of the Lord, how she may be holy both in body and in 
 spirit ; they therefore choose a single state, consecrating 
 their virginity to God, that so they may be wholly intent on 
 his service, and careful how to please him ; while she that 
 is married cares for the things of the world, how she may 
 please her husband. The gospel proclaims, that those that 
 will follow Christ, must deny themselves: they therefore 
 renounce their own wills, and without respect to their own 
 proper inclinations, pass their life in perpetual obedience.
 
 569 
 
 And because the world is so corrupt, that to a pious soul 
 every business is a distraction, every diversion a temptation, 
 and more frequently provocations to evil, than examples to 
 good ; they therefore retire from it as much as possible, 
 and confining themselves to a little corner or cell, apply 
 themselves wholly to devotion, making prayer their business, 
 the service of God their whole employ, and the salvation 
 of their souls their only design. And now, if in these re- 
 tirements, where every thing is so ordered as to be most ad- 
 vantageous for the promoting of virtue and devotion, and 
 nothing permitted that is likely to prove a disturbance to 
 godliness, or allurement to evil, yet if some (for, God be 
 praised, it is far from being the case of the generality) 
 live scandalously, and give ill example to the world, what 
 can be said, but that no state can secure any man ; and 
 that no such provision can be made in order to a holy life, 
 but may be abused ? But yet he does not think that such 
 abuses, and the viciousness of some, can be argument 
 enough to any just and reasonable man, to condemn the 
 whole, and the institution itself. Is not marriage abused 
 an infinite nunjber of ways, and many forced to embrace 
 this state, or at least to accept of such particular persons 
 contrary to their own choice and liking ? Is there any state 
 in this world, any condition, trade, calling, profession, 
 degree, or dignity whatsoever, which is not abused by 
 some? Are churches exempt from abuses? Are not 
 bibles and the word of God abused ? Is not Christianity 
 itself abused, and even the mercy of God abused ? 
 If therefore there is nothing so sacred or divine in the 
 whole world, which wicked and malicious men do not 
 pervert to their ill designs, to the high dishonour of God, 
 and their own damnation, how can any one, upon the mere 
 consideration of some abuses, pass sentence of condemna- 
 tion against a thing, which otherwise is good and holy ? It 
 is an undeniable truth, that to embrace a life exempt, as 
 much as can be, from the turmoils of the world ; and in 
 a quiet retirement to dedicate one's self to the service of 
 God, and spend one's days in prayer and contemplation, is 
 a most commendable undertaking, and very becoming a 
 Christian. And \et if some, who enter upon such a course 
 of life as this, fall short of what they pretend, and instead 
 of becoming eminent in virtue and godliness, by their un- 
 exemplary lives, prove a scandal to their profession ; is the 
 
 ^ B
 
 370 
 
 rule and institution to be condemned ; or rather, they who 
 swerve from it ? No, let not the dignity of an apostle suffer 
 for the fall of Judas ; nor the commandments lie under an 
 aspersion upon account of those that break them. 
 
 3 1 . Of Holy Water. — The Papist truly represented ut- 
 terly disapproves all sorts of superstition ; and yet is taught 
 to have an esteem for holy water, blessed candles, and holy 
 oil, not doubting but that such men, as have consecrated 
 themselves to the service of God, in the preaching the gos- 
 pel, and administration of the sacraments, have a particular 
 respect due to them above the laity ; as churches dedicated 
 to God are otherwise to be looked on, than other dwelling 
 houses : so likewise other creatures, which are particularly 
 deputed by the prayers and blessing of the priest to certain 
 uses for God's own glory, and the spiritual and corporal 
 good of Christians, ought to be respected in a degree above 
 other common things. And what superstition is there in 
 the use of them ? Has not God himself prescribed such 
 inanimate things, and holy men made use of them, for an 
 intent above their natural power ; and this without any su- 
 perstition ? Was there superstition in the waters of jealousy, 
 or in the salt used by Elisha for sweetening the infected 
 waters ? Was it superstition in Christ to use clay for 
 opening the eyes of the blind ? or in the apostles to make 
 use of oil for curing the sick ? And though there be no 
 express command in scripture, for blessing water, candles, 
 &c. yet there is this assurance, that every creature is sanc- 
 tified by the word of God and prayer, and frequently 
 promises that God will hear the prayers of the faithful. 
 Why therefore should he doubt, but that these creatures on 
 which the blessing of God is solemnly implored by the 
 word of God, and the prayers of the priest and people, 
 for their sanctification, are really sanctified, according to 
 the assurance of the apostle, and the promises of God } St. 
 Cyril of Jerusalem, who lived in the beginning of the 
 fourth century, made no question, but that as those things, 
 which are offered to idols, though pure in their own na- 
 ture, are made impure by the invocation of devils ; so, on 
 the contrary, simple water is made holy, and gets a sancti- 
 ty, by virtue received from the invocation of the Holy 
 Ghott, of Christ our Lord, and his eternal Father. And 
 that the blessed water was capable, by virtue received from
 
 371 
 
 heaven, of working effects above its own nature, was cer- 
 tainly the sentiment of the Christians in the primitive times. 
 St. Epiphanius relates a passage at length, how water be- 
 ing blessed in the name of Jesus, and sprinkled upon fire, 
 which by witchcraft was made inactive, and hindered from 
 burning, immediately the enchantment ceased, and the fire 
 burned : as also, that a possessed person being sprinkled 
 with blessed water, the party was immediately cured. The- 
 odoret has the like narrative of the devil hindering fire from 
 burning, and how he was chased away, and the charm dis- 
 solved by blessed water being thrown on it. And St. Je- 
 rom relates how Italicus took water from blessed Hilarion, 
 and cast it on his bewitched horses, his chariot, and the 
 barriers from which he used to run, and that the charms of 
 witchery did cease upon the sprinkling this water ; so that 
 all cried out, Mamas victus est a Christo ; Christ hath 
 conquered Mamas, the idol. And now there is no jeering 
 or ridiculing these things, that will ever make them look 
 like idle superstitions, to one that considers seriously how 
 much they are grounded upon reason, the word of God, 
 antiquity, and the authority and practice of the Catholic 
 Church, which Approves the use of them, yet so as plainly 
 to teach that there is no confidence to be put in any thing, 
 but only in Jesus Christ; and that what power these things 
 have, they have it not of themselves, but only from heaven, 
 and by the invocation of the name of Jesus ; who as by 
 his heavenly blessing he enables us to do things above the 
 power of nature, so also by the prayers of his church, he 
 blesses these things, in order to the working effects above 
 their own natural qualities, that by them his fatherly bene- 
 fits may be applied to us, and that so the faithful may more 
 particularly honour and bless him in all his creatures. 
 
 32. Of Breeding up People in Ignorance. — The Pa- 
 pist truly represented has all the liberty, encouragement, 
 and convenience of becoming learned of any people or per- 
 suasion whatsoever. And none that has ever looked over any 
 library, but has found that the greatest numbers and choic- 
 est books of all sciences, have had men of his communion 
 for their authors: none that in his travels has taken a tho- 
 rough view of the universities in Popish countries, of Paris, 
 Louvain, Salamanca, Bologna, &c. (and considered their
 
 372 
 
 laborious studies, in philosophy, divinity, history, the fa- 
 thers, councils, scriptures, &c. ; and besides the stu- 
 dents here, has seen how many thousands there are in 
 religious houses, who free from the disturbances of 
 the world, make virtue and learning the business of their 
 whole life ; will ever lay ignorance to the charge of the 
 Papists), but must in justice confess, that amongst them are 
 to be found as many and as great scholars, as amongst any 
 people or societies in the world. And as to the vulgar and 
 common sort of that profession, though they understand 
 not Latin, yet they are not trained up in ignorance of their 
 religion, nor led along in blindness ; but are so well provid- 
 ed with books in their own mother tongue, of instruction 
 and devotion, wherein is explained the whole duty of a 
 Christian, every mystery of their faith, and all the offices 
 and ceremonies performed in the church, that they must be 
 very negligent, or else have very mean parts, who do not 
 arrive at a sufficient knowledge of their obligation in every 
 respect. And whoever has seen the great pains and care 
 some good men take abroad, in explaining on Sundays and 
 holy-days in their churches, and on week-days in the streets, 
 the christian doctrine to the crowds of the ignorant and 
 meaner sort of people, not omitting to reward such as 
 answer well with some small gifts, to encourage youth, and 
 provoke them to commendable emulation, will never say that 
 the Papists keep the poor people in ignorance, and hide from 
 them their religion ; but rather that they use all means for 
 instructing the ignorant, and omit nothing that can any ways 
 conduce to the breeding up of youth in the knowledge of 
 their faith, and letting them see into the religion they are 
 to profess. Neither does it seem to him, even so much as 
 probable, that if the church offices and service, &c. were 
 performed in the vulgar tongue, that upon this the now 
 ignorant people would immediately discover so many idle 
 superstitions, senseless devotions, and gross errors, that they 
 would in great numbers upon the sight become deserters of 
 that communion, of which they are now professed mem- 
 bers. For since there is nothing done but in a language, 
 which the learned, judicious, and leading men of all nations 
 every where understand, and yet these espy nothing to fright 
 them from their faith ; but notwithstanding their seeing all 
 through and through, they yet admire all for solid, holy and
 
 373 
 
 apostolical, and remain steadfast in their profession, how- 
 can it be imagined, that the vulgar, weak, and unlearned 
 sort, did they understand all as well as they, would espy 
 any such errors and superstitions, which these others, with 
 all their learning and judgment, cannot discover ? No, he 
 thinks there is no reason to fear, that what passes the test 
 among the wise and learned, can be groundlessly called in 
 question by the multitude. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 Of the Mass, and various other Points of Doctrine, 
 Discipline, and Church Government. 
 
 THE council of Trent decrees, that divine 
 service shall not be performed in the mother 
 tongue ;* this, however, is only the case as far 
 as concerns the Latin Church: the numerous 
 churches of the east, which are still in com- 
 munion with Roman Catholics, are allowed to 
 have service performed in their respective na- 
 tional tongues. The Coptic, Sclavonian, Ar- 
 menian, and Greek languages are used in nu- 
 merous churches ; and many of the eastern 
 Catholics have colleges at Rome, and perform 
 the liturgy each in their respective languages. 
 Many Protestants erroneously suppose, that 
 
 » Sess. 22. cap. 8.
 
 574 
 
 Catholics uniformly offer up all their public 
 prayers in the Latin tongue. If we would 
 now and then give ourselves the trouble to 
 shake off our prejudices, and join in the wor- 
 ship of the common God of Christians in a Ca- 
 tholic chapel even in this country, we should 
 find our mistake in this point. For my own 
 part, I see no reason for the use of the Latin 
 tongue in the services of religion ; but neither 
 do I see any very strong reasons for the dreadful 
 outcry about the use of a Latin liturgy. At any 
 rate, it is only fair to let the Catholics speak for 
 themselves on this point ; and they tell us, that 
 " The liturgy in the vulgar tongue of every 
 country would be attended with great inconve- 
 nience : neither is it," they say," so very requi- 
 site, seeing the priest at mass is not preaching but 
 praying, and offering sacrifice for the people; 
 and they are otherwise instructed in the mean- 
 ing of this sacrifice."* Besides, the mass is 
 translated for the benefit and instruction of all 
 worshippers who use it. 
 
 I will now lay before the reader, in a concise 
 manner, the ceremonies of the mass, which 
 many Catholics look upon as the most accept- 
 able of all adorations, and the most effectual of 
 
 ♦ The Poor Man's Controversy, by J. Mannock. p. 69. Ed. 
 1769,
 
 375 
 
 all prayers. The church not only prays herself 
 at this sacrifice, which the priest offers up to 
 God in the most solemn manner, but Jesus 
 Christ, by the sacrifice of his own body, is sup- 
 posed to offer up to his Father the most perfect 
 adoration that can possibly be paid him, since 
 it is offered up by a God. 
 
 The mass consists of two parts : — the first, 
 from the beginning to the offering, which was 
 formerly called the mass of the catechumens; 
 and the second, from the offering to the conclu- 
 sion, called the mass of the faithful. All persons 
 without distinction were present at it till the 
 offering; then the deacon cried out, holy things 
 are for sactt as are holy j let the profane depart 
 hence. 
 
 Monsieur Picart presents us with thirty-five 
 curious prints to illustrate the several descrip- 
 tions of these ceremonies.* 
 
 1. The priest goes to the altar, in allusion to 
 our Lord's retreat with his apostles to the gar- 
 den of Olives. 2. Before he begins mass, he says 
 a preparatory prayer. The priest is then to 
 look on himself as one abandoned of God, and 
 driven out of paradise for the sin of Adam. 
 
 * Vol. i. p. 324. et seq. See also the Explanation of the 
 
 Mass.
 
 376 
 
 3. The priest makes confession for himself, and 
 for the people, in which it is required that he be 
 free from mortal and from venial sin. 4. The 
 priest kisses the altar, as a token of our recon- 
 ciliation with God, and our Lord's being be- 
 trayed by a kiss. 5. The priest goes to the 
 epistle side of the altar, and thurifies or perfumes 
 it. Jesus Christ is now supposed to be taken 
 and bound. 6. The Introite, said or sung, i.e. 
 a psalm or hymn, applicable to the circumstance 
 of our Lord's being carried before Caiaphas the 
 high priest. 7- The priest says the Kyrie Eloison, 
 which signifies, Lord, have mercy upon us, three 
 times, in allusion to Peter's denying our Lord 
 thrice. 8. The priest turning towards the altar, 
 says, Dominus vobiscum, i. e. The Lord be with 
 you: the people return this salutation, cum Spi- 
 riin tuo, and with thy Spirit, Jesus Christ looking 
 at Peter. 9. The priest reads the epistle relating 
 to Jesus being accused before Pilate. 10. The 
 priest bowing before the altar, says Munda cor, 
 i.e. Cleanse our hearts. The gradual is sung. 
 This psalm is varied according as it is the time 
 of Lent or not. The devotion is now directed 
 to our Saviour's being accused before Herod, 
 and making no reply. 11. The priest reads the 
 gospel wherein Jesus Christ is sent from Herod 
 to Pilate. The gospel is carried from the right 
 side of the altar to the left, to denote the tender 
 of the gospel to the Gentiles, after refusal by 
 the Jews. 12. The priest uncovers the chalice, 
 hereby to represent our Lord was stripped in
 
 377 
 
 order to be scourged. 13. The oblation of the 
 host, the creed is sung by the congregation. 
 The priest then kisses the altar, then the priest 
 offers up the host, which is to represent or im- 
 port the scourging of Jesus Christ, which was in- 
 troductory to his other sufferings. 14. The priest 
 elevates the chalice, then covers it. Here Jesus's 
 being crowned with thorns is supposed to be figur- 
 ed to the mind, shewing that he was going to be ele- 
 vated a victim; and it is well known the victims of 
 the Pagans were crowned before they were sacri- 
 ficed to their idols.* 15. The priest washes his fin- 
 gers, as Pilate washed his hands, declares Jesus in- 
 nocent, blesses the bread and the wine, blesses the 
 
 * If we were ignorant of the motive, we might be inclin- 
 ed to smile at the folly of republishing such books as Doctor 
 Middleton's Letter from Rome. If it be true that " compa- 
 risons are odious," what should the lovers of toleration and 
 religious union think of such publications as this Letter from 
 Rome, and its kindred work, Bishop Lavington's Enthusiasm 
 of Methodists and Papists compared? I have been led to this 
 remark by the circumstance of a republication of Middleton's 
 Letter this very year (1812), with " Additional proofs and 
 illustrations, by Publicola." Proofs and illustrations of 
 what? That the rites and doctrines of popery are of pagan 
 origin. Let Publicola carry this idea to its full extent, and 
 let him seriously consult, in his ignoble comparisons, the 
 Indian Antiquities of Mr. Maurice ; and then let him, if he have 
 courage so to do, tell us what he thinks of the doctrine of 
 the holy and undivided Trinity ! I will not, I am sure, dis- 
 pute the validity of his, or even of Dr. Middleton's, conclu- 
 sions:
 
 378 
 
 frankincense, and perfumes the bread and wine, 
 praying that the smell of this sacrifice may be 
 more acceptable to him than the smoke of vic- 
 tims. 16. The priest turning to the people, 
 says, Oratre, Fratres, i.e. let us pray. He then 
 bows himself to the altar, addresses himself to 
 the Trinity, and prays in a very low voice. 
 This is one of the secretums of the mass, and 
 the imagination of the devout Christian is to 
 find out the conformity between this and Christ 
 being cloathed with a purple robe ; but we shall 
 
 sions ; for I fear a rigid investigation into the origin and 
 grounds of many doctrines, adopted by, not peculiar to, the 
 Roman Catholics, would lead us much beyond the age of po- 
 pery. But it is curious to observe, to what a chaos of com- 
 parisons the enemies of Catholicism have reduced their rea- 
 sonings : One " reverend and learned" Doctor of Divinity, 
 tells us that popery is paganism ; another, still more learned, 
 and right reverend Doctor and Bishop, tells us that popery 
 and methodism are the same ! Perhaps, Publicola thinks 
 there is less danger to the " Protestant Cause," as it is em- 
 phatically, but ludicrously, called, from the mixture of me- 
 thodism and popery, than from that of popery and paganism, 
 or he would favour us with a republication of Bp. Laving- 
 ton's work; for that also is out of print ; and the " Hints" 
 of " a Barrister" might furnish him with many " additional 
 Proofs and Illustrations." What the writer of the present 
 sheets thinks of this disgraceful publication of Bp. Laving- 
 ton's, the reader will find in the Preface to the Portraiture 
 of Methodism. It was once a common saying, that "po- 
 pery is rather to be chosen than presbytery ; and that it is 
 
 better
 
 379 
 
 be cautious of adding more on this head, that 
 we may not lose ourselves in the boundless 
 ocean of allusions. 17. The priest says the 
 preface at the close of the Secretum. This part 
 of the mass is in affinity to Jesus Christ being 
 condemned to be crucified. The priest uses a 
 prayer to God the Father, which is followed by 
 the Sanctus, holy, holy, holy is the Lord, &c. 
 which the people sing. 18. The priest joining 
 his hands, prays for the faithful that are living. 
 This is said to be in allusion to Jesus Christ 
 bearing the cross to die upon, that we might 
 live. 19- The priest covers with a cloth the host 
 and chalice, St. Veronica offering her handker- 
 chief to Jesus Christ. 20. The priest makes 
 the sign of the cross upon the host and chalice, 
 
 better to be a papist than a presbyter." See De Laurie's 
 " Plea for the Non-Conformists," p. 95. (1720). Those ene- 
 mies to the claims of the Catholics who ground their argu- 
 ments on the persecutions of former times, will do well to con- 
 sult the •' Narrative of the Sufferings of Thomas De Launc, for 
 printing and publishing a late book, called, " A Plea for the 
 Non-Conformists," &c. It is a curious fact, that the " libel," 
 as it was called, for which poor De Laune was made to suffer 
 so very severely, consisted in comparing the Church of Eno-- 
 land to that of Rome, a parallel which he supported with 
 quite as much consistency as did the two " learned and re- 
 verend" gentlemen whose works are quoted in this note, 
 their pagan and methodist comparisons. Some have said 
 popery is like socinianism ! It is like paganism, and me- 
 thodism, and the Church of England, and socinianism ; in 
 short, what is it not like ?
 
 380 
 
 to signify that Jesus Christ is nailed to the cross. 
 
 21. The priest adores the host before elevated, 
 and then he raises it up, in the best manner, to 
 represent our Saviour lifted up upon the cross. 
 He repeats the Lord's prayer, with his arms ex- 
 tended, that his body might represent the figure 
 of a cross, which is the ensign of Christianity. 
 
 22. The priest likewise consecrates the chalice, 
 and elevates it, to represent the blood of Jesus 
 Christ shed upon the cross. 23. The priest says 
 the Memento for the faithful that are in purgatory. 
 This prayer is in allusion to that which our Lord 
 made for his enemies; but this allusion would 
 be forced and unnatural, unless the devotees 
 looked upon themselves as his enemies. 24. The 
 priest then raises his voice, smiting his breast, 
 begs God's blessing on himself and congregation, 
 for the sake of such saints as he enumerates, and 
 implores the divine Majesty for a place in para- 
 dise, to imitate the thief upon the cross. 25. The 
 priest elevates the host and cup, and says the per 
 omnia, then the Lord's prayer. The sign of the 
 cross, which he makes on the host, the chalice, 
 and the altar, is to represent to God that bleed- 
 ing sacrifice which his Son offered up to him of 
 himself; then the devout Christian becomes the 
 child of God, and all this is an allusion to the Vir- 
 gin Mary's being bid to look on St. John as her 
 son. 26. After the 'Lord's prayer, the priest says a 
 private one to God, to procure his peace by the 
 mediation of the Virgin Mary and the saints, 
 then puts the sacred host upon the paten, and
 
 381 
 
 breaks it, to represent Jesus Christ giving up 
 the ghost. 27. The priest puts a little bit of the 
 host into the chalice. The true Christian is now 
 with an eye of faith to behold Jesus Christ des- 
 cending into Limbo, i. e. hell. 28. Then the 
 priest says, and the people sing, Agnus Dei, &c. 
 thrice over, and the priest smites his breast. 
 This action is an allusion to those who, having 
 seen our Lord's sufferings, returned home smit- 
 ing their breasts. 29- After the Agnus Dei is 
 sung, the priest says a private prayer for the 
 peace of the church. He then kisses the altar, 
 and the instrument of peace called the paxis, 
 which being received at his hands by the deacon, 
 it is handed about to the people to be kissed, 
 and passed •from each other with these words, 
 peace be with you ; and, whilst the paxis is kissing, 
 the priest prepares himself for the communion 
 by two other prayers, when he adores the host, 
 and then says, with a low voice, I will eat of the 
 celestial bread ; and smiting his breast, says, J 
 am not worthy that thou shouldest enter into my 
 house, three times after eating of the bread. 
 He uncovers the chalice, repeating vers. i. of the 
 115th psalm, according to the Vulgate. When 
 the priest has received the communion, he ad- 
 ministers it to the people. The application of 
 these ceremonies is to the death and burial of 
 Jesus Christ, and his descent into hell. 30. After 
 this, the priest, putting the wine into the chalice, 
 in order to take what is called the ablution, re- 
 peats a short prayer ; then he causes wine and
 
 382 
 
 water to be poured out for the second ablution, 
 accompanied with another short prayer, and 
 then salutes the congregation. These ablutions 
 allegorically represent the washing and embalm- 
 ing the body of Jesus Christ, &c. 31. The 
 priest sings the post communion, or prayer for a 
 good effect of the sacrament then received, ex- 
 pressed by the glorious resurrection of the rege- 
 nerate Christians, and is to be looked upon as 
 the representation of our Lord's resurrection. 
 32. The priest, turning to the people, says, 
 Dominus vobiscum, salutes the congregation, as 
 the ambassador of Christ, with the message of 
 peace. 33. The priest reads the beginning of 
 St. John's gospel, and particularly of Jesus's ap- 
 pearing to his mother and disciples, and uses 
 some short prayers. 34. The priest dismisses 
 the people with these words, Ite, missa est, de- 
 part, the mass is concluded : to which they 
 answer, God be thanked. This, they say, points 
 to the ascension of Jesus Christ, where he re- 
 ceives the eternal reward of that sacrifice, both 
 as priest and victim. 35. The people receive 
 the benediction of the priest or bishop, if he is 
 present, to represent the blessings promised, and 
 poured down upon the apostles by the Holy 
 Ghost. 
 
 This benediction must be given after kissing, 
 with eyes erected to heaven, and their arms 
 stretched out, and then gently brought back to 
 the stomach, that the hands may join in an
 
 383 
 
 affectionate manner, for the congregation of the 
 faithful. The extension of the arms, and join- 
 ing of the hands, are both mysterious, and shew 
 the charity with which the priest calls his spiri- 
 tual brethren to God. When he pronounces 
 the benediction, he must lean in an engaging 
 posture towards the altar, as prescribed by the 
 Italian symbolical authors, viz. Piscara, Baudry, 
 and others.* 
 
 The general division of masses is into high 
 and low. High mass, called also grand mass, is 
 that sung by the choristers, and celebrated with 
 the assistance of a deacon and subdeacon. Low 
 mass, is that wherein the prayers are barely re- 
 hearsed, without any singing, and performed 
 without much ceremony, or the assistance of a 
 deacon and subdeacon. 
 
 There are several sorts of solemn masses ; 
 such are the collegiate, the pontifical, those 
 celebrated before the Pope, cardinals, or bishops, 
 at Christmas, passion week, &c. 
 
 When High Mass is performed episcopally, 
 or by a bishop, it is attended with more cere- 
 mony and magnificence. As soon as the bishop 
 is observed to come in sight, the bells are rung; 
 
 Picart's Religious Ceremonies, vol. i.
 
 384 
 
 on his setting his foot within the church-doors, 
 the organs begin to play. A person is ap- 
 pointed to give the sprinkler to the head canon, 
 who presents it, after he has kissed both that 
 and his sacred hand. His lordship sprinkles 
 himself, and then the canons, with it, in the 
 name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
 Holy Ghost ; and then goes and says a prayer 
 before the altar, on which stands the holy sacra- 
 ment, at a desk prepared for that particular pur- 
 pose, and does the same at the high altar; from 
 whence he withdraws into the vestry, and there 
 puts on his peculiar ornaments, in the following 
 order : The subdeacon goes to a little closet con- 
 tiguous to the altar, and takes from thence the 
 episcopal sandals and stockings, which he ele- 
 vates and presents to the bishop. Then the dea- 
 con kneels down, and pulls of his lordship's shoes 
 and stockings, who is in the midst of seven or 
 eight acolites, or readers, all upon their knees, 
 as well as the deacon, in their respective habits, 
 who spreads the prelate's robes. Two acolites, 
 after they have washed their hands, take the 
 sacred habiliments, hold them up, and give 
 them to the two deacon assistants, to put upon 
 the bishop as soon as he has washed his hands. 
 The deacon salutes the bishop, takes off his 
 upper garment, and puts on his amiot, the cross 
 whereof he kisses; then they give him the albe, 
 the girdle, the cross for his breast, the stole, 
 and the pluvial. He kisses the cross upon re-
 
 385 
 
 ceiving each of them, thereby to testify his ve- 
 neration of the cross ; the deacons and assistants 
 likewise kiss these sacred vestments. As soon 
 as the bishop is seated, they put his mitre on, 
 and a priest presents him with the pastoral ring. 
 The deacon gives him his right glove, and the 
 subdeacon his left, which each of them kiss, as 
 also the hand they hare the honour to serve in 
 all these circumstances. There are some cere- 
 monies to be observed, which those who are fond 
 of mysteries may endeavour to account for, but 
 should not ridicule. It is more material to ac- 
 quaint the reader, that ejaculatory prayers have 
 been adapted to each individual piece of the 
 episcopal robes, and that the devotion of this 
 ceremony is»supported and confirmed by the 
 singing the office of tierce.* 
 
 The bishop being thus drest in all his habili- 
 ments, f his clergy range themselves round about 
 
 » Prayers intended to return God thanks for the sanctifi- 
 cation of his church by the Holy Ghost. 
 
 •f Each of these have a mysterious significance ; the stole 
 represents the yoke of the gospel ; the shoes being taken off, 
 alludes to Moses putting off his shoes ; the Dalmatica is to 
 represent to the deacon that he must be crucified to the 
 world : the alb denotes the purity of the priest's soul ; the 
 pastoral ring implies the priest's spiritual marriage with the 
 church : his gloves are to denote that he is insensible of his 
 good works ; the girdle, that he will be girded with justice 
 and virtue ; the sandals, that he is to walk in the paths of the 
 Lord ; the horns of the mitre, the Old and New Testament ; 
 
 the 
 2 C
 
 386 
 
 him. Two deacons, who are canons, place 
 themselves on each side of him, both in their 
 dalmaticas; and after them, a deacon and sub- 
 deacon. Then the incense-bearer, with the cen- 
 ser, and a priest, with the navet, out of which 
 
 the shepherd's crook, his correction and paternal authority; 
 the pluvial, which was formerly used by travellers, to repre- 
 sent the miseries of this life, and thus the bishop is to be- 
 come a living image of the true Christian. This account is 
 given by Casalius ; but to shew us the propriety and reality 
 of these characters, requires some farther explanation and 
 proof. Picart's Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 335. 
 
 The Rev. Peter Gaudolphy, in the preface to his edition of 
 the Liturgy, has explained the use and signification of most 
 of the vestments worn by the Catholic clergy, which ap- 
 pear so uncouth and strange to Protestants of the present 
 day. " It is the duty," says he, " of every one to seek and 
 learn the signification of the ceremonies of religion, although 
 it must be admitted that it is often difficult to discover it, 
 obscured as they are in the mist of antiquity. — Composed 
 for the edification of the faithful, they were mostly intended 
 to bear a mystical signification, though convenience and pro- 
 priety also, often dictated the adoption of some. Thus the 
 praying with uplifted hands, in imitation of Moses, mysti- 
 cally expresses the elevation of our thoughts to God. St. Paul 
 also gives a mystical reason for the custom of men praying 
 uncovered in churches — and even to many of those cere- 
 monies which propriety introduced, the Church has added 
 a spiritual sense. — Thus the altars in our churches, are always 
 raised above the level of the pavement, that the people may 
 more easily observe the mysteries, as they are celebrated; 
 yet in this the Church proposes to herself a meaning of the 
 mystical kind ; which is, that they are the altars of mediation 
 between heaven and earth 
 
 " In the same manner the sacred vestments, such as the 
 
 Chasuble
 
 387 
 
 the bishop takes incense, puts it into the censer, 
 and gives it his benediction. After this he kisses 
 the cross, which is upon the vestry altar, and 
 
 Chasuble — Dalmatic,* the Cope,f the Stole,t Manuple, § 
 Amice,|| Alb,f Girdle,** &c. originally common garments, 
 were in universal use when first introduced into the offices of 
 the Christian religion. But abandoned by fashion, the 
 Church soon affixed to them a mystical signification, and 
 piously assimilated them to the virtues in which the Christian 
 soul is ever supposed to be arrayed. The Amice or Head- 
 cloth, for instance, was compared to the protecting helmet of 
 spiritual grace and salvation (Ephes. vi. 17.) ; — the long Alb, 
 or white linen garment, of future glory and immortality 
 (Apoc. vii. 9.) ; — The Manuple to be an emblem of persecu- 
 tions and sufferings for Christ (Matt. xvi. 24.) ; — and the 
 Chasuble, Dalmatic, &c. to express the yoke and burthen of 
 the gospel." 
 
 This dangerous system, of spiritualizing the most common 
 
 subjects 
 
 * The Chasuhle and Dalmatic were coloured dresses, corresponding 
 in shape to the Frock worn by our labouring peasants : convenience 
 has taught us to leave the seams unsewed at the sides. 
 
 f The Cope is an exact pattern of our modern trooper's cloak. 
 
 J The Stule was a smaller cloak, more resembling a tippet or Spanish 
 mantle, which the scissars have gradually narrowed to its present shape. 
 
 § The Manuple was originally a cloth hanging from the left arm, to 
 wipe the face. 
 
 || The Amice was a cloth tied over the head ; used, perhaps, for 
 warmth, and so placed that it might be drawn back upon the neck and 
 shoulders at pleasure. 
 
 ^| The Alb was the universal under-garment of all ranks, full, and 
 reaching down to the heels ; and is still the common dress of the 
 \siatics. 
 
 *• The Girdle was a cord necessary to confine it close to the body — 
 The Surplice, in Latin Superpelliceum, was a short loose white dress, and 
 so called because occasionally worn over a dress made of the fur and 
 hair of animals. 
 
 O c 2
 
 388 
 
 then goes in procession to the other altar, where 
 he is to celebrate the mass. The incense-bearer 
 walks at the head of the procession ; two wax- 
 candle bearers, with lighted tapers in their hands, 
 march next on each side of him who bears the 
 cross ; all the clergy follow them ; the subdeacon 
 who is to sing the epistle, carries before his 
 breast the New Testament, shut, with the 
 bishop's manuple in it; a deacon and priest 
 march just before the bishop ; the bishop carry- 
 ing his shepherd's crook in his left hand, to dis- 
 pense his blessings to those good Christians he 
 passes in the way. The bishop being advanced 
 to the altar, bows himself once to the clergy, 
 and when he enters on the first step of the altar, 
 delivers his crook to the subdeacon, and the 
 deacon takes off the mitre; then the prelate and 
 clergy bow to the altar, or rather to the cross on 
 the altar; after which the clergy withdraw, ex- 
 cept two priests' assistants, one on his right, and 
 the other on his left hand, with the incense- 
 bearer, the subdeacon, and two deacons assis- 
 tants, and then the ceremony of the mass ser- 
 vice begins with the Conjiteor,* &c, and the 
 choir sings the introite.t 
 
 subjects and things, was formerly carried to an enormous ex- 
 tent ; and, finally, begat, in the minds of the vulgar, those su- 
 perstitious notions concerning the sanctity of "holy things" 
 for which the Catholics have been so long distinguished. 
 
 * See Picart's Religious Cer. vol. i. p. 336. 
 
 + Offices, Vestments, and other Distinctions, see the Diet.
 
 389 
 
 The solemn Mass, celebrated by the Pope, has 
 much of magnificence and ceremony : I will 
 describe a simple part.* A pontifical solemn 
 mass principally differs in two respects, always 
 observed when his holiness himself officiates. 
 The first is this, the two gospels are sung, one 
 in Greek, and the other in Latin; the second, 
 that the communion is different in the papal 
 mass, and performed after the following manner: 
 after the Agnus Dei is sung, his holiness goes to 
 his throne; the cardinal deacon of the gospel 
 stands in such a manner on the epistle side, with 
 his hands closed together, that he cannot only 
 see the sacrament on the altar, but the Pope 
 likewise going to his throne. When his holiness 
 is seated, the deacon goes and takes the conse- 
 crated host upon the paten, covered with a veil, 
 and, turning to the people, elevates it three times 
 successively, that is to say, in the middle and at 
 each end of the altar. After that, he gives it to 
 the subdeacon, who carries it to his holiness; in 
 the mean time, the same deacon takes the cha- 
 lice, in which is the consecrated wine, and hav- 
 ing elevated it three times as he did the water 
 before, carries it to the Pope, who adore Jesus 
 Christ under both kinds, as soon as they are 
 brought to him, which he performs with a mo- 
 derately low bow of half his body, in a standing 
 
 * Apion's Account, in his Tableau de la Cour de Rome, 
 and Picart's Cer. vol. i. p. 339.
 
 390 
 
 posture ; and when the deacon, and subdeacon, 
 are come close to him, they place themselves 
 one on his right hand, and the other on his left 
 hand; his holiness takes the large host which is 
 upon the paten, and communicates, putting it 
 into his mouth : he then gives two small ones 
 to the deacon and subdeacon, who are kneeling, 
 and kisses hand before they receive them. The 
 deacon, however, still holds the chalice, till the 
 assistant cardinal bishop, dressed in his cope, 
 comes up to the pontifical throne, when the 
 Pope's vestry-keeper presents him with a small 
 gold pipe, one end whereof he dips into the 
 chalice, and his holiness at the same time takes 
 hold of the other, and inclining his head a little, 
 sucks up a part of the consecrated wine, leaving 
 the rest to the deacon, who carries the chalice 
 to the altar, and there sucks up a part of it, and 
 leaves a little for the subdeacon, who drinks it 
 without the pipe, as also that which is poured 
 out for the ablution of the chalice, which he 
 wipes with the purificatory, or white linen cloth : 
 in the mean time His Holiness gives the kiss of 
 peace only to the deacon, and the communion 
 only under one kind to the other cardinals, am- 
 bassadors, princes, prelates, and sometimes to 
 private persons, who have desired to receive that 
 mark of honour from him, after which he re- 
 turns to the altar, and goes through the mass 
 with the usual ceremonies and solemnity. 
 
 We may here describe the peculiar ceremonies
 
 391 
 
 attending high mass at Christmas, when His 
 Holiness officiates, who, being dressed in all his 
 pontifical ornaments (the most remarkable 
 whereof on this occasion are the white pluvial 
 and precious mitre) by the cardinal deacons al- 
 ready in their robes, blesses the incense pre- 
 sented to the thurifier ; after that the pontiff is 
 preceded by the Roman and other prelates, 
 who all wear white mitres. On this occasion 
 the incense-bearer, and seven acolites, each 
 with a wax-taper in his hands, walk before the 
 cross-bearer, and a clerk of the chamber before 
 the incense-bearer, who holds a sword lifted up, 
 with a cap upon it, which is a representation 
 perhaps of the irresistible power and efficacy of 
 the pontifical sword, which Christ's vicar has 
 inherited from St. Peter, with that of freeing 
 Christians from the bondage of the devil, by a 
 right acquired by the Son of God, whose nativity 
 is then celebrated. It is considered likewise as 
 an emblem of the Church's dignity and freedom 
 under the government of the Pope. Many of 
 the superior clergy make up this holy proces- 
 sion ; and should any Catholic prince, happen 
 to be at Rome at that time, he must carry the 
 train of the Pope's mantle: two cardinals like- 
 wise hold up the two ends of it. His Holiness 
 walks in a very stately and majestic manner, 
 under a canopy supported by eight gentlemen 
 of the first rank. 
 
 As soon as the Pope is got into the church.
 
 3W 
 
 he passes on to a chapel, and then sits down. 
 The cardinals come and bo>.v to him, and kiss* 
 the hem of the holy father's pluvial on the right 
 side; then come the other prelates in order,, 
 and kiss his right knee. The Latin and Greek 
 deacons, who assist His Holiness, stand in rea- 
 diness at the altar. After some anthems are 
 sung, a vestry-keeper puts on the arms of a La- 
 tin subdeacon, a small napkin, whereon are 
 laid His Holiness's sandals and stockings. The 
 subdeacon carries altogether to the Pope, with 
 his hands held up to his eyes. The acolites fol- 
 low him, and whilst the subdeacon and a gen- 
 tleman of the privy chamber get under the 
 Holy Father's pluvial, to put on his stockings 
 and his sandals, the acolites take care to spread 
 the borders of the pluvial whilst the subdeacon 
 is putting them on. The assistant bishops who 
 are present at this religious ceremony hold be- 
 fore His Holiness a book and a wax-taper, who, 
 with his assistant deacons, sings an anthem and 
 a psalm. The choir sing tierce, during which 
 the Pope rises, and an assistant bishop goes up to 
 him with the pontifical ; two taper-bearers at- 
 tend with lights in their hands. The pontiff 
 takes off his mitre, which is done frequently in 
 this ceremony, and puts it on again. Then an 
 assistant bishop lays the pontifical on his own 
 head, that His Holiness may read the office of 
 the day, and another assistant supports the book 
 in one hand, and holds a taper in the other: 
 when the pontiff is seated again, and his mitre
 
 395 
 
 put on, he is presented with some water to wash 
 him. His Holiness having washed, the gospel 
 deacon, assisted with two others, takes off his 
 mitre, pluvial, and stole, in order to put on se- 
 veral other robes, which the acolites bring him 
 from the altar, viz. the girdle, the breast-cross, 
 the dalmatica, the tunic, the albe, the gloves, 
 &c. all which must be devoutly kissed, and the 
 pallium, the cross whereof His Holiness kisses. 
 Lastly, they put the ring on his finger, called 
 the pontifical ring. His Holiness thus equipped, 
 and followed by two auditors, holding up the 
 corners of the pluvial, humbly proceeds to the 
 Confiteor before the steps of the altar, and the 
 three youngest cardinal priests advance to kiss 
 the Holy Father's mouth and his breast. Then 
 the gospel deacon censes His Holiness, and His 
 Holiness the altar, and then the ceremony of the 
 service begins ; during which there is the cere- 
 mony of delivering to the Pope a purse with 
 twenty-five Julio's in it of ancient money; and 
 the subdeacons and the master of the ceremonies 
 kiss the Pope's feet, with some other insignifi- 
 cant ceremonies. 
 
 Of the Devotion of Catholics to the Virgin Mary. 
 — 1. It is, they say, grounded upon her great 
 dignity as mother of God, and the close relation 
 which she has thereby to Jesus Christ her son; 
 for how is it possible, they add, to love and ho- 
 nour Christ with our whole heart, and not value 
 and love his mother ? — 2. It is grounded upon
 
 394 
 
 that supereminent grace, which was bestowed 
 upon her, to prepare her for that dignity ; upon 
 account of which she was saluted by the angel 
 Gabriel, St. Luke, i. 28. full of grace, and by St. 
 Elizabeth she is stiled blessed among women, Luke 
 i. 42. — 3. It is grounded upon her extraordinary 
 sanctity ; for if she was full of grace before she 
 conceived in the womb the fountain of all grace, 
 to what a degree of sanctity and grace must she 
 have arrived, during so many years as she lived 
 afterwards ? especially since she bore nine 
 months in her womb the author of all sanctity, 
 and had him thirty years under her roof, ever 
 contemplating him and his heavenly mysteries, 
 St. Luke ii. 19 and 51. and on her part never 
 making any resistance to the affluence of his 
 grace ever flowing in upon her happy soul. — 
 4. It is grounded upon that supereminent de- 
 gree of heavenly glory with which God has now 
 honoured her, in proportion to her grace and 
 sanctity here upon earth, and the great interest 
 she has with her blessed Son, and through him 
 with his heavenly Father.* 
 
 Of the Use of Beads, the Rosary, Kc.—Q. Why 
 do Catholics so often repeat the Hail Mary ? — 
 A. To commemorate the incarnation of the Son 
 of God ; to honour his blessed mother, and to 
 desire her prayers. 
 
 * Catholic Instructed, p. 235,
 
 395 
 
 Q. What is the meaning of the Beads ? — A. 
 It is a devotion, consisting of a certain number 
 of our fathers and hail Maries, directed for the ob- 
 taining of blessings from God, through the 
 prayers and intercession of our Lady. 
 
 Q. Bat is it not highly absurd, that, according 
 to the common way of saying the beads, there 
 are repeated ten hail Maries for one our father P 
 — A. It would be absurd indeed, and blasphem- 
 ous too, if the meaning of this were to signify 
 that the blessed Virgin is either more powerful 
 or more merciful than her son, or that we have 
 a greater confidence in her than in him ; but we 
 are far from any such notions. 
 
 Q. Why then is the hail Mary repeated so 
 much oftener in the beads than the Lord's 
 prayer ? — A. Because the beads being a devo- 
 tion particularly instituted to commemorate the 
 incarnation of Christ, and to honour him in his 
 blessed mother, it was thought proper to repeat 
 so much the oftener that prayer, which is parti- 
 cularly adapted to these ends. In the mean 
 time, it may be proper to take notice, 1. That if 
 in the beads there be ten hail Maries said for one 
 our father, in the mass and office of the Church, 
 almost all the prayers are directed to God alone. 
 2. That every hail Mary, both by the nature of 
 the prayer, and the intention of the Church, is 
 directed more to the honour of the son than of 
 the mother, as well because the Church, in ho-
 
 396 
 
 nouring the mother, has principally in view the 
 honour of the son, as also because this prayer 
 particularly relates to the incarnation of Christ; 
 and if withal it begs her prayers, then she is only 
 desired to pray for us. 
 
 Q. What is the meaning of the Rosary /'—A. 
 The rosary is a method of saying the beads, so 
 as to meditate upon the incarnation, passion and 
 resurrection of Christ; and it is divided into 
 three parts, each part consisting of five mysteries, 
 to be contemplated during the repeating of five 
 decads or tens upon the beads. The first five 
 are called the five joyful mysteries, viz. the 
 Annunciation, when our Lord was conceived in 
 his mother's womb; the visitation, when the 
 blessed Virgin visited her kinswoman St. Eliza- 
 beth, and by her was declared blessed among wo- 
 men, &c. ; the nativity of our Lord, his present- 
 ment in the temple, together with the purifica- 
 tion of the blessed Virgin, and his being found 
 in the temple in the midst of the doctors, &c. 
 The five next are called the dolorous and sorrow- 
 ful mysteries, as having relation to the passion 
 of Christ, and are, his prayer and agony in the 
 garden, his being scourged at the pillar, his 
 crowning with thorns, his carriage of his cross, 
 and his crucifixion and death. The five last are 
 called the five glorious mysteries, viz. the resur- 
 rection of our Lord, his ascension into heaven, 
 the coming of the Holy Ghost, the assumption 
 of the blessed Virgin, and her coagmenation, to-
 
 397 
 
 gether with the eternal glory of the saints in the 
 kingdom of heaven.* 
 
 Of the Invocation of Angels and Saints. — Q. 
 What is the doctrine and practice of the Ca- 
 tholic Church, with regard to the invocation of 
 angels and saints ? — A. We hold it to be pious 
 and profitable to apply ourselves to them in the 
 way of desiring them to pray to God for us ; 
 but not so as to address ourselves to them 
 as if they were the authors or disposers of 
 pardon, grace, or salvation, or as if they had any 
 power to help us independently of God's good 
 will and pleasure. 
 
 Q. But, m some of the addresses made to 
 the saints and angels, I find petitions for mercy, 
 aid, or defence ; what say you ? — A. The 
 meaning of those addresses, as far as* they 
 are authorized by the Church, is no other than 
 to beg mercy of the saints in this sense, that 
 they would pity and compassionate our misery, 
 and would pray for us. In like manner, when 
 we beg their aid and defence, we mean to beg 
 the aid and defence of their prayers; and that 
 the angels to whom God has given a charge 
 over us, would assist us and defend us against 
 the angels of darkness; and this is no more 
 
 * Catholic Christian instructed, page 234, ct seq.
 
 398 
 
 than what the Protestant Church asks in the 
 collect for Michaelmas day, praying that as the 
 holy angels always serve God in heaven, so by 
 his appointment they may succour and defend 
 us upon earth.* 
 
 Of the Use and Veneration of Relicks in the 
 Catholic Church. — Q,. What do you mean by 
 relicks ? — A. The dead bodies or bones of the 
 saints we call relicks ; as also whatever other 
 things have belonged to them in their mortal life. 
 
 Q. And what is the doctrine and practice of 
 the Church with regard to these things ? — A. 
 "We keep such things as these with a religious 
 respect and veneration, for the sake of those to 
 whom they have belonged, but principally for 
 the sake of him to whom the saints themselves 
 belonged ; that is, for the greater glory of God, 
 who is glorious in his saints, and to whom is re- 
 ferred all the honour that is given to his saints. 
 
 Q. What reason has the Church for shewing 
 this respect to the dead bodies or bones of the 
 saints? — A. 1. Because they have been the vic- 
 tims, and the living temples of God, in which 
 His Divine Majesty has, in a particular manner, 
 inhabited, and which he has sanctified by his 
 presence and grace ; and, therefore, if God 
 
 * Catholic Christian, page 224.
 
 899 
 
 required of Moses, Exod. iii. 5. and of Joshua, 
 Josh. v. 15. to loose their shoes from off their 
 feet, in respect to the ground on which they 
 stood, as being rendered holy by his presence, 
 or that of his angels, we must think that it is 
 agreeable to His Divine Majesty, that we should 
 testify the like honour to that venerable earth of 
 the bodies of his saints, which he in such an ex- 
 traordinary manner has sanctified, by abiding 
 in them as in his temples. 2. We know the 
 bodies of the saints are pre-ordained to a happy 
 resurrection and eternal glory, and upon this 
 account also deserve our respect. 3. The bo- 
 dies and other relicks of the saints have been 
 and are daily the instruments of the power of 
 God for the working of innumerable miracles; 
 which God, who is truth and sanctity itself, 
 would never have effected, if it had not been 
 
 agreeable to him that we should honour and res- 
 ts 
 
 pect these precious remnants of his servants. 
 4. The relicks and shrines of the martyrs and 
 other saints serve very much to encourage the 
 faithful to an imitation of their virtues, and to 
 help to raise their souls from the love of things 
 present and temporal to the love of things 
 eternal."* 
 
 The following account of the offices of Car- 
 dinals, Deacons, &c. is extracted from a very old 
 work, bearing every mark of authenticity and 
 correctness. It will afford considerable inform- 
 
 * Catholic Christian, &c
 
 400 
 
 ation to the curious inquirer on this subject. 
 Strictly speaking, the present dignity of the 
 Cardinals is not absolutely essential to the re- 
 ligion of Roman Catholics. It is a branch of 
 discipline more immediately connected with the 
 temporalties of the Church, and the regal cha- 
 racter of the Pope, circumstances forming no 
 essential portion of a pious Catholic's faith or 
 worship. 
 
 " Of the Cardinalls, and their Original!. — This 
 word Cardinall, signifies no other, then Presbyter 
 principalis ; nam altissima: Cali port<z vocantur 
 cardines, ventique inde venientes appellantur cardi- 
 nales. In Parochia in qua erant plures Clerici ; 
 qui c&teris praerant in ea parochia, $f qui suberat 
 Episcopo, appellabatur Presbyter Cardinalis, Sf ista 
 convertebantur, habebat curam annimarum, et erat 
 Presbyter Cardinalis. 
 
 This word, as it is likely, was found out in 
 the time of Pope Higinius, an hundred and fifty 
 yeares after Christ, whereas many priests were 
 placed in parishes, and degrees of them settled, 
 whereupon the office being found, it was pro- 
 bable the name was then also found. 
 
 The first mention of the word Cardinall 
 was in the time of Saint Silvester, three hundred 
 yeares after Jesus Christ our Lord appeared, by 
 the Synod held in Rome under Saint Silvester. 
 
 This word Cardinall is at this day common to
 
 401 
 
 three degrees; to Priests, Deacons, and Bishops. 
 At the first, as we see before, it was given to 
 Priests only, whose office it was then in par- 
 ticular, to have a care of the buriall of the faith- 
 full, whereunto the other Priests were not ad- 
 mitted, as is extant in Anastasius the Bibliothe- 
 carie, in the life of Pope Marcellus. As for the 
 rest, the Priests were equall, in preaching, in 
 administring the sacraments, (except baptisme, 
 as I have already said), in assisting the Pope, in 
 being employed as Legates ; and this before 
 Constantine. 
 
 After Constantine, the Priest Cardinalls began 
 to have I know not what kind of more preroga- 
 tive above other Priests that were not Cardi- 
 nals;* so that leaving off that particular care of 
 baptisme, and burialls, they onely went forth 
 in legations, and of them above for the most 
 part was the Pope made, having power over the 
 Priests, and Clerks of their jurisdiction. 
 
 This continued sixe hundred yeares, until! 
 Gregory the Seventh ; at which time, aswell by 
 the Emperor, as of the rest of the clergy, and 
 people from the election, the authority of the 
 Cardinalls increased, for that they were they 
 alone, which made the Pope, and commonly 
 
 * It is not now absolutely necessary that a Cardinal should 
 be in holy orders prior to his election. 
 
 2 D
 
 402 
 
 out of their own order. Now that they might 
 maintain their dignity, the revenew of their 
 titles not being sufficient for many of them, 
 they began to have in commenda simple benefi- 
 ces, canonships, archpresbyters, and the like. 
 
 When a Bishoprick was given to any of these, 
 the dignity of Cardinall was void, as inferior to 
 the other. Afterwards, when they were made 
 Bishops, they demanded that by way of grace 
 they might retain the nomination only, leaving 
 the title of Priest, calling themselves Sancta 
 Romance Ecclesia Cardinales, without title, but 
 Cardinales Ecclesice Dei. In the time of Pope 
 Alexander the Third, after they were made 
 Bishops, perceiving that to bee a Cardinall was 
 a great importance for their attaining to the 
 Papacie, and for their intervening in their elec- 
 tion of the Pope, they began to retaine the title, 
 as to be both Bishop of a place, and a Cardinal! 
 of Rome together, howbeit with this advertise- 
 ment, that no Bishop was made a Cardinall, 
 because it was reputed a descending in degree : 
 but if the Cardinall was made a Bishop, he re- 
 tained both the one and the other. 
 
 In processe of time, the Bishops beginning 
 to desire to be Cardinalls, sought for means to 
 make Cardinalls that were no Priests, but they 
 were not able to do it untiil Boniface the Eight 
 was Pope, when as the court went to Avignion, 
 where every thing going to confusion, both
 
 403 
 
 Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, were made Car- 
 dinalls; and Cardinalls had Bishopricks, and Ab- 
 bacies more than one, given them in commenda: 
 upon this occasion too the Cardinalls began to 
 proceed Bishops, that were meere Bir>hops ; and 
 this precedencie began not absolutely, but in 
 Avignion. 
 
 Of Deacons and Priests Cardinalls. — Deacons 
 Cardinalls were anciently seven, like unto the 
 seven Deacons which were instituted by the 
 apostles ; the chief of the Deacons was called 
 Deacon-Cardinall, or Archdeacon, that signified 
 asmuch in imitation of the Priests Cardinalls, 
 who were in title above the other Prelates, as 
 appears in the synod of Saint Silvester. 
 
 These Deacons had care of the revenues of all 
 the Churches, and the almes of the faithfull, pro- 
 viding for all the Priests, aswell Priests Cardi- 
 nalls, as others, and for the Pope also; and this 
 unto the time of Constantine. But here is to 
 be noted, that the sub-deacons had the care of 
 receiving the revenues, and the Deacons of keep- 
 ing and dispensing them, according as it was 
 ordained. 
 
 In the time of Constantine, persecutions ceas- 
 ing, those seven Deaconships not sufficing, Dea- 
 cons for the service of every title were appointed 
 in the parishes where there were Priests and 
 Priests Cardinalls, who had a care of the Popes, 
 2D2
 
 404 
 
 that is, the Church of Rome's revenues ; and 
 those were called Deacon Cardinalls, untill the 
 year a thousand, in the time of Pope Silvester, 
 or thereabout. 
 
 At which time, the Deacons attending no 
 longer on the revenue, whereof there was a new 
 particular officer constituted, they were left only 
 to the reading of the gospell before the Pope ; 
 in which time, because the number of the seven 
 regionary Deacons were increased, for Rome 
 was then divided into so many regions, and 
 every one of them had the charge of reading the 
 gospell in the church of his region, when as the 
 Pope went to say Masse in either of their said 
 churches; and they were called Cardinalls of 
 the first, of the second, and of the third region, 
 according as the region was named, whereof 
 they were intituled Cardinalls. 
 
 The other four Deacons were called Palatine 
 Cardinalls, in the Lateran, Altaris Ministri, be- 
 cause they read the gospell before the Pope in 
 Saint John de Lateran. 
 
 These Deacons had their settled dwellings in 
 Rome, neer to certain churches, or oratories, 
 without cure of soules; from which churches 
 leaving the name of regions, they began to have 
 their denominations ; that is, Petras Diaconus, 
 Cardinalis sancti Adriani, whereas they said be- 
 fore, Re°ioms talis, and this was five hundred
 
 405 
 
 yeers agoe, or thereabouts, in the time of Pas- 
 chall the Second. 
 
 The reputation of these grew up together, 
 with that of the Priests Cardinalls, in regard 
 they had all of them the name, and prerogative 
 of a Cardinal!, and assisted at the election of 
 the Pope. 
 
 Of Bishops Cardinalls. — There are here to be 
 noted, three things : the first, in regard to the 
 translation from one Bishoprick to another, was 
 anciently held inconvenient, for three hundred 
 yeares space together, namely, to the yeare nine 
 hundred, none that was a Bishop of another 
 place, was ever chosen Pope of the Church of 
 Rome, but one still that was either a Priest or 
 a Deacon of the said Roman Church ; and the 
 reason thereof it may be was, because the Priests 
 of Rome would have none elected but one of 
 their owne number : the first that was otherwise 
 elected was Formosus, Bishop of Porto, in the 
 eight hundred ninfcie and one : whereupon arose 
 many uproares for transgressing the ancient 
 custome, as may be seen in the Platina. 
 
 The second, that a citty being once possest 
 by the enemy, the Bishop thereof was admitted 
 into some other Bishoprick that was void, with 
 condition, that upon restitution to his owne 
 church, he should returne to his flock, and be 
 called the Priest or Bishop of that place, which
 
 406 
 
 had been committed unto him : as if Fundi had 
 been taken by the Turks, thus it would be said, 
 Petrus Episcopus Fundanus et Sacerdos, Cardi- 
 nalis Ferracinens. If so be the charge ojf the 
 Bishoprick of Ferracina had been conferred on 
 him, as appears in Saint Gregory, where there 
 are foure or five examples of it. 
 
 The third, that in the consecration of the 
 Pope, there were deputed seven Bishops, namely, 
 Albanus, Ostiensis, Portuensis, Sanctae Rufinas, 
 Tusculanus, Prenestinus, Sabinensis : And these, 
 in the beginning, did not intervene in the elec- 
 tion, but only in the consecration. 
 
 Foure hundred years after, or thereabout, in 
 the time of Alexander the Third, they were ad- 
 mitted to the election, and then they began to 
 be called Bishops Cardinalls, like unto the Priests 
 and Deacons Cardinalls, which intervened in 
 the Election of the Pope ; but before that, there 
 was never any called Bishop Cardinal!. 
 
 Of the Cardinalls Titles. — The titles of Priests 
 Cardinalls, were of a determinate number, that 
 is, eight and twenty, and those of the Deacons 
 eighteen, as those of the Bishops seven. Now 
 in Rome there were five churches built, which 
 were called Patriarchall ; that is, Saint John de 
 Lateran, representing the Pope: Saint Peter, 
 representing the Patriarch of Constantinople: 
 Saint Paul, that of Alexandria, Sancta Maria
 
 407 
 
 magiore, that of Antiochia, and Saint Laurence 
 without the Walls, that of Jerusalem. 
 
 To the Ministers of the Lateran (for that it 
 was the Cathedrall) were deputed the seven 
 Bishops Cardinalls, to that of the others (because 
 they were of lesse dignity) seven Priests Car- 
 dinalls for each of themj and this number was 
 settled for twelve hundred veers, untill the time 
 of Innocent the Second ; before whom, Cardi- 
 nalls were not made many together, but one by 
 one, as they came to be void. 
 
 Innocent the Second, finding divers Cardinall- 
 ships void, began first to make many Cardinalls 
 together, which was continued untill about four 
 hundred years since; at which time the number 
 of Cardinalls seeming to be too great, they be- 
 gan when Cardinalls dyed, not to put others in 
 their roomes, but to give them in commendum 
 to other Cardinalls, or leave the government of 
 them to the Cardinalls Archpriests; so that in 
 processe of time it came to that passe, as no 
 longer minding the antient number of fifty-three, 
 they grew to be exceedingly diminished : how- 
 beit, Pope Leo the Tenth not only restored them 
 to the said number again, but it was by him, and 
 Pope Paul the Third, and Pope Pius the Fourth 
 exceeded, insomuch that the eight and twenty- 
 titles of the Priests Cardinalls not sufficing, 
 Pope Leo made thirteen, Pope Julian the Third 
 three, and Pope Paul the Fourth one more.
 
 408 
 
 Now it is to be noted, that before Pope Leo, 
 they never exceeded the number of fifty and 
 three. 
 
 It was an antient custome observed in the 
 Church, for fourteen hundred yeers together, 
 that no opposition was amongst the Cardinalls ; 
 for a Deacon made not himselfe a Priest, unlesse 
 he lost his Deaconship, and then took upon him 
 the title of Priest; and in like sort, if a Priest 
 became a Bishop, he left the title of Priest, but 
 continuing a Priest, he never changed his title, 
 neither a Bishop his Bishoprick, nor a Deacon 
 his Deaconship. 
 
 One of those actions sprang from the schisme 
 of the Councell of Pisa, where the Cardinall 
 yeelding to the one and the other obedience, 
 some Cardinals of Avignion and Rome, being of 
 the same Cardinallship, it was necessary that 
 one of them should relinquish his, and for this 
 they began afterwards to change, which hath 
 been the mine of the churches, where there 
 were titles of Deaconships. 
 
 It was an antient custome, likewise, which 
 lasted five hundred yeares, even to the time of 
 Pope Sixtus Quartus, that a Deacon should have 
 no title, nor a Priest a Deaconship, it being a 
 thing repugnant to give the cure of soules to a 
 Deacon, and to a Priest a Deaconship.
 
 409 
 
 Pope Sixtus Q.uartus was the first that con- 
 founded this Cardinallship, giving to Priests 
 Deaconships, and titles to Deacons; and the 
 matter went so farre forward, that there is not a 
 title, which hath not had a Deacon : wherein 
 yet is to be noted, that the Deacon, although he 
 hath a title, as the Cardinall Montallo had of 
 San Lorenso in Domaso, yet hee useth not the 
 name of title, as to say, Alexander Sancti Lau- 
 rentii, and Damaso Diaconus Cardinal is, with- 
 out mention of the title : and contrarily the 
 Priest Cardinall, that hath a Deaconship, where- 
 as he ought to speake of the title, not because it 
 hath no title, yet he adjoynes it, as Jacobus Sa- 
 bellus of the title, &c. 
 
 Of the Habit of the Cardinalls. — The Cardi- 
 nalls, before Innocent the Fourth, untill the 
 yeare a thousand, two hundred and fifty, went 
 in the ordinary habit of a Priest, like to that of 
 the Monks. Innocent the Fourth first of all 
 added to it the red hatt ; afterwards, in the time 
 of Boniface the Ninth, they had the red and 
 violet habit, in the same manner and forme as 
 it is used at this day. Pope Paul the Second 
 gave the myter of silke, the red cap, the red 
 cloth for the mule, and guilt stirrops. Gregory 
 the Fourteenth gave the red cap to the regular 
 Cardinalls, going otherwaies apparelled in that 
 colour, which those of the order, whereof they 
 were then used, but of the same fashion and 
 stuffe as the other Cardinalls went in ; howbeit
 
 410 
 
 they wore no rochets, nor cassock of cloth ; and 
 when they adorne themselves, instead of a rochet, 
 they put on a coate with wide sleeves, and adorne 
 themselves over that; the other Cardinalls, which 
 are not regulars, put on the ammius over the 
 rochet, which they weare ordinarily, and then 
 their ornaments ; in like manner the regular 
 Cardinall ought to put on the ammitt over the 
 coat. The shaven crowne is the common badge 
 of all the clergymen ; the manipule is the badge 
 of the Subdeacon, ; the cross-stole of the Deacon ; 
 the planeta of the Priest ; the myter of the 
 Bishop - y the pall of the Archbishop, of the Pri- 
 mate, and of the Patriarch ; and the diadem of 
 the Pope, which, for sixe hundred yeares to- 
 gether, was adorned with onely one crowne, 
 but at the return of the Apostolick See from 
 Avignion to Rome, the Popes began to weare the 
 triple crowne. 
 
 Of the Creation of the Cardinalls. — The Pope 
 doth use to make Cardinalls two severall waies ; 
 the first is this : Those persons which are abid- 
 ing in Rome, whom his Holinesse purposeth to 
 promote, have notice given them thereof over 
 night, by the Cardinall Nephewes, whereupon, 
 the next morning, they repaire to the palace at 
 the usuall houre. 
 
 The Pope, when as the secret consistory is 
 shut up, pronounceth the Cardinalls, whom he 
 intends to make; and in the same consistory
 
 411 
 
 causes them to bee called in, where, kneeling 
 downe at his Holines feet, the Pope puts the 
 red hatt on his head, and making the sign of 
 the cross on it, hee saves to him, Esto Cardinalis, 
 and weare this red hatt, as a signe, that thou 
 wilt, without feare, expose thyself even to death, 
 and the effusion of thy dearest bloud, for the ex- 
 altation of the holy faith, for the peace and quiet 
 of Christian people, and augmenting the state of 
 the holy Roman Church ; in the name of the 
 Father, of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, 
 Amen. Then the new Cardinal takes offtlte hatt 
 from his head, and kisseth his Holinesse feet. 
 
 The second way is this. In the secret consis- 
 tory, the Pope pronounceth in order of dignitie 
 the Cardinalis which he hath made, and then 
 gives a list of them to the Cardinal Nephewe, 
 who sends his Master of the Chamber with his 
 owne coach to fetch those persons which are pro- 
 moted, from out of such parts of the city as they 
 live in, and bring them to his Eminencies lodg- 
 ings. There they have their crowns shaven, and 
 are attyred in purple like Cardinalis; the gar- 
 ments wherewith they were apparrelled before are 
 the vailes of the Cardinall Nephewes adjutant of 
 the Chamber ; and the Cardinall Nephewes Barber 
 that shaved their crownes, receives from them 
 five and twentv duckets for his fee. After dinner 
 the same Cardinal having feasted the new Cardi- 
 nalis, conducts them to his Holiness, before whose 
 feet, kneeling on their knees, they have the red
 
 41.2 
 
 hatt put upon their heads, in the manner before 
 declared ; and after many words of humility, and 
 thanks, they depart away j and so goe all in the 
 habit of a Cardinall together to visit his Holi-. 
 nesse kinsfolks, as well men as women, continuing 
 afterwards in their houses untill the publique 
 Consistory, alwaies cloathed in purple till the 
 day of the said Consistory, though it bee extra 
 tempora, and giving audience to every one that 
 comes to visit them. Now all the time before 
 the publique Consistory, the new Cardinall 
 ought not to accompany any one, and if he does 
 so, he does ill ; for albeit Cardinalls come to 
 visit him, he cannot, nor ought not, to accom- 
 pany them farther then the chamber doore, 
 where hee received the visit : But the ancient 
 good rule was, that the Cardinalls did not visit 
 the new Cardinalls before the publique Consis- 
 tory ; and if they chanced to doe it, by occasion 
 of kindred, as otherwaies, they went to them by 
 night, and were not seene. 
 
 Of those that are made Cardinalls, being absent 
 from Rome. — He, who in his Holinesse name 
 is advertised, that he is created a Cardinall, 
 must presently cause a shaven crowne to be 
 made him, and attyre himselfe as a Cardinall, 
 but in purple ; for he may not use red, until he 
 have received the hatt sent unto him by the 
 Pope: and from that time he is to be called 
 Cardinall, and so he may subscribe himselfe.
 
 415 
 
 The red hatt is alwaies carried by one of the 
 Popes Chamberlaines, accompanied with his 
 Holinesse brieve, for which the new Cardinal! 
 pays an hundred duckets to the Chamber. Now 
 the ceremonie of conferring the hatt upon him, 
 is performed, where there is no nuntio by the 
 Emperor, the King, the Archbishop, or Bishop, 
 of the place. 
 
 The newes of the Cardinalship, before the 
 hatt is brought, together with the Popes, or one 
 of his Nephewes letters, is carried by a courrier, 
 unto whom a good reward is given, as also to 
 the Chamberlaine that brings the hatt, there is 
 a great reward also given, which usually, from 
 them who are present in Rome at their promo- 
 tion, is at least five hundred duckats, and from 
 them which receive the hat out of Rome, a thou- 
 sand duckats, with three hundred more at the 
 publick consistory, when they are confirmed in 
 their dignity ; which reward is divided amongst 
 the secret participant chamberlaines ; and to the 
 chamberlain that carried the hatt, belongs an 
 equall share, although he be none of the parti- 
 cipants. Of the rewards given to the courrier 
 are three parts made, one to the Cardinall 
 Nephewes secretary, one to the Master General 
 of the Posts, and the third to the courrier himselfe, 
 the expence of the voyage being first deducted 
 out of it. 
 
 The Cardinall which goes to Rome to take
 
 414 
 
 the hatt, is to goe in the travelling habit of a 
 Cardinal!, but of purple colour, and on his head 
 an ordinary hatt, with a gold band, and faced 
 with red silk : being arrived at Rome, he will be 
 met with the Caroches, which the Cardinalls 
 send, and in particular with the Cardinall 
 Nephews, wherein he shall be conducted to the 
 apostolical palace, and being come to the said 
 Cardinall Nephews lodgings, he must comple- 
 ment with his Eminencie, and then by his Bar- 
 ber, he must have the Cardinals shaven crowne 
 made on his head, and putting off his travelling 
 habit, he must put on a long robe with a rochet, 
 and so he must be conducted by his Eminency 
 to the Pope, upon the sight of whom, the new 
 Cardinall must kneel down before him, and 
 then after other bowings of himselfe, he must 
 goe and kiss his Holinesse feet, and hand; 
 that done, having been admitted ad osculum, 
 used many words of thankfulnesse for the dig- 
 nity of a Cardinall conferred on him, and taken 
 leave of his Holinesse, he must accompany the 
 Cardinall Nephew to his lodgings, were he must 
 complement him anew, and from thence he 
 must goe and visit the Popes kinsfolks, who 
 most commonly dwell in places remote from his 
 palace. 
 
 Having performed all this, he must repair to 
 his owne house, out of which he may not stir 
 till his Holinesse give him a public consistory; 
 howbeit, he may in the mean time receive visits,
 
 415 
 
 but privately without going forth of his chamber, 
 and without accompanying the visitors, let them 
 be what thev will, as is delivered before. 
 
 On the day of the public consistory, the ac- 
 customed pomp of the solemne riding is used, 
 and the new Cardinall, if he be an Archbishop 
 or Bishop, wears on his head a black Pontifical 
 hatt, faced with green ; but if he were before 
 only a Priest, a Prelate, or of the short robe, he 
 must wear a hatt in the same manner, but faced 
 with black, and must go attired in red, if the 
 day doe permit it ; and his cloake must be of 
 raterd grogeram, being accompanied with all the 
 Cardinalls, and so he goes to receive the red 
 hat from the hands of his Holinesse : In which 
 solemnities many ceremonies occurre, but one 
 cannot erre therein, because all is guided by the 
 masters of the ceremonies. 
 
 The same day, the Popes Cardinall Nephew 
 feasts the new Cardinall; he is afterwards to 
 visit the whole sacred College with all his traine, 
 and in his habit, beginning at the Deacon Car- 
 dinall, and then the rest one after another, with- 
 out order : and in the same habit he is to receive, 
 and render the visits of, and to the ambassadors 
 of kings, and princes, and other great person- 
 ages. 
 
 In the first secret consistory, after the public 
 consistory, the Pope performs the ceremony of
 
 416 
 
 shutting up the new Cardinalls mouth, his Holi- 
 nesse speaking and praying, and the new Car- 
 dinall not saying a word. This shutting up of 
 the mouth, deprives the new Cardinall of his ac- 
 tive and passive voice. 
 
 In the second consistory, his Holinesse opens 
 his mouth, declares his title unto him, and es- 
 pouses him with a gold ring, that hath a saphire 
 set in it, for which in times past, the Cardinalls 
 heir (in case he dyed) paid five hundred duckats 
 in the chamber: Pope Gregory the Thirteenth 
 gave this fee of the ring to the German Colledge 
 of Rome, but afterwards Pope Sixtus Quintus 
 took it from thence, and by Gregory the Fifteenth 
 it was assigned to the sacred Colledge de propa- 
 ganda fide, and it was by a Pontificall Bull 
 ordained, that it should be alwaies done by every 
 Cardinall from the very day of his promotion. 
 
 Any one that shall be made a Cardinall, and 
 before his coming to Rome shall be declared a 
 legat ; he may exercise his legatship, if his Holi- 
 nesse pleasure be not otherwise, untill he hath 
 first the hat : and in that case the Pope useth to 
 send it unto him with a brieve : afterwards, 
 when that legation is finished, and that the same 
 Cardinall comes to Rome, he is at any hand to 
 have a publique consistory granted to him, to- 
 gether with the wonted solemn riding. Every 
 Cardinall hath the hatt, which his holiness puts 
 on his head, brought home to him to his house
 
 417 
 
 By a secret Chamberlain, in a silver and gilt 
 bason, that is carried by the Pope's cupboard- 
 keeper, unto whom is used to be given a reward 
 of five and twenty crowns of sold. 
 
 Besides these, the new Cardinall is to give the 
 rewards which are mentioned hereafter. 
 
 Every Cardinall passeth the bull of his Car- 
 dinalship, which being subscribed by the Pope, 
 and all the Cardinalls present in Rome, the 
 usuall seal of lead is put to it, and sometimes 
 one of gold." 
 
 " Of the Congregations of Cardinalls, and first 
 of the Congregation of the Holy Office. — There are 
 many, and divers congregations of Cardinalls, 
 whereof the congregation of the holy office is 
 one, which assembles twice a week ; on Wed- 
 nesday in the convent of the Dominicant alia 
 Minerva; and on Thursday before the Pope, 
 concerning causes, and matters of the Inquisi- 
 tion, and other heresie; where many Cardinalls 
 intervene, at the least twelve, or more, as are 
 by his Holinesse deputed ; together with a good 
 number of Prelates, and other divines, religious 
 orders, all of them of the title of Consultors of 
 the Holy Offiee; the seale whereof is kept by an 
 eminent Cardinall, who hath a palace, with a pri- 
 son, and many officers and ministers; amongst 
 whom is the Commissarie, which office alvvaies 
 belongs to the fathers of the order of St. DomU 
 
 2 E
 
 418 
 
 nick ; and the assessors, a Prelate, or one of his 
 Holinesse chamberlaines of honour, whose care 
 it is to report the causes in the congregations. 
 
 Of the Congregation concerning the Affaires of 
 Bishops and Regulars. — There is the congrega- 
 tion concerning the affaires of Bishops, and Re- 
 gulars; whose jurisdiction is over the differences 
 which arise betweene Bishops and their subjects; 
 and also amongst Regulars; and likewise in pro- 
 viding for the occurrences of Bishops, which 
 have need of consultation. The head thereof is 
 an eminent Cardinal!, in whose house it is held 
 every weeke upon Fryday. 
 
 Of the Congregation of the Councell. — There is 
 the Congregation of the Councell, whose juris- 
 diction is to interpret the text of the sacred 
 Councell of Trent. It is held in the house of 
 the oldest Card i nail, who is head thereof, but 
 another eminent Cardinall keepes the seale. 
 And it is held once every weeke, either on 
 Sunday, or three dayes ad libitum of the Cardi- 
 nall- head. 
 
 Of the Congregation of the Ecclesiastical Immu- 
 nitie. — For that delinquents in many, and sun- 
 dry causes enjoyed not the ecclesiasticall immu- 
 nitie; and because the judgement thereabout 
 was through the diversity, and mixture of offen- 
 ces oftentimes rendered very doubtfull, Pope 
 Vrbane the Eight instituted and erected the sa-
 
 419 
 
 cred congregation of the ecclesiastical immunitie 
 which useth to be held on Tuesdayes in the 
 ancientest Cardinalls house. Many Cardinalls 
 are there present, as also an Auditor delta Ruota, 
 aClerke of the Chamber, a voter of the signature, 
 and the secretary, that usually is a referendarie, 
 both of the one and of the other signature, to- 
 gether with the Cardinall Prefect thereof, who 
 keepes the seale, and hath the entertainement 
 of a thousand crownes a yeare from the Cardi- 
 nall. 
 
 Of the Congregate n of Slate. — The Congrega- 
 tion of State useth to be held sometimes before 
 ids Holiness, and sometimes before the Cardinall 
 Nephew of the Pope living, and therein doe usu- 
 ally sit all the Cardinalls, which have been apos- 
 tolical nuntions, together with his Holiness Se- 
 cretary of State. 
 
 Of the Congregation for the propagating of the 
 Faith. — The Congregation abovesaid was erected 
 by Gregory the Fifteenth, for the finding out of 
 all waies, and meanes of propagating the Catho- 
 lique Faith in all parts of the world; and of what 
 was most conducing to the utility of a bnsinesse 
 of that importance. It useth to be held once a 
 moneth, before the Pope, on a Munday, and 
 oftentimes in the palace of the colledge, surnam- 
 ed de propaganda jide. In it do many Cardinalls 
 sit, as also an Apostolicall Pronotarre, his Holi- 
 ness Secretary of State, the Judge, who usually 
 Q E c 2
 
 420 
 
 is a referendary both of one and the other signa- 
 ture, the assessor of the holy office ; and the 
 Secretary of the same congregation. There is 
 now a palace building, of no ordinary greatness, 
 in the piatza of the most holy Trinity de Monti, 
 for the receiving all those which being converted 
 to the Catholique Faith, come to visit the holy 
 place of Rome ; as also of many poore Bishops 
 and Priests ; who are all supplied with things 
 necessary for their dyet and lodging : It main- 
 tains a printing-house for all sorts of strange 
 languages, where continually are printed missalls, 
 breviaries, and other kind of books appertaining 
 to the Catholique Faith, which are sent into 
 those parts where there is need of them. Cardi- 
 nal! Antonio Barberino is at the present prefect 
 of this congregation. 
 
 Of the Congregation of Rites. — There is the 
 congregation of rites, whose jurisdiction is about 
 the differences arising concerning rites, cere- 
 monies, precedencies, canoniziations of Saints, 
 and the like ; whereof the antientest Cardinall 
 of the deputed is head ; and in his house the 
 congregation is also held ordinarily once a 
 moneth, and oftener if need be; it belonging to 
 the Cardinall-head to intimate it, as it doth like- 
 wise to all the other Cardinalls, who are heads 
 of congregations. 
 
 Of the Congregation for Water. — There is the 
 congregation for water, wherein are handled mat-
 
 421 
 
 ters concerning rivers, brookes, bridges, and the 
 like j and a Cardinall is head thereof, in whose 
 house the congregation is held, only at such 
 times as there is need, wherefore there is no set 
 day for it. 
 
 Of the Congregation for Fount aines and the 
 Streetes. — There is also a congregation concern- 
 ing fountaines, and the streetes, of which the 
 Cardinall Chamberlaine is head; but the con- 
 gregation is held in the senior Cardinalls house, 
 and hath no set day for meeting. The businesse 
 of'it is concerning the Aquaeducts which bring 
 water to Rome, and the manner of distributing 
 it over the City; as also how the streets may be 
 made more commodious and enlarged. 
 
 Of tli e Congregations for printing of Bookes. — 
 There is the congregation for the correcting and 
 printing of Bookes, whereof a Cardinall is head, 
 in whose house it is held, but they seldom meet, 
 and therefore there is no set time for it. 
 
 Of the Councellfor the Government of the State 
 of the Holy Church. — There is the Councell where- 
 in the government of the whole State of the holy 
 Church is managed, and the head of it is the 
 Cardinall Nephew to the Pope pro tempore, in 
 whose lodging in the pallace it is held twice in 
 a weeke, upon Frydayes and Tuesdayes, whereat 
 are five or sixe Cardinalls, seven or eight Prelates,
 
 422 
 
 and a Secretary, who is alwaies a Prelate, and a 
 great confident of the Cardinal! Nephews. In 
 the said Councell is the whole governement of 
 the state of the Church handled ; for the Vice- 
 Legates, Prefects, Governors, Podestaes, and 
 other officers, give an accompt to the councell 
 at Rome, of all the important causes which hap- 
 pen in their governments ; and the councell de- 
 termines by decree what shall bee done in those 
 cases, whereupon the Secretary drawes up the 
 letters of order, and the Cardinall head subscribes 
 them. Amongst the Prelates, which assist in 
 the Councell, are the provinces divided, and they 
 afterwards reade the busines of their provinces 
 in the Councell. But the legation of Avignion, 
 the government of Benevento in the kingdome 
 of Naples, of the city of Ceneda in the State 
 of Venice, are not submitted to the councell at 
 Rome, but they who governe in those places are 
 free masters of them ; neither is the government 
 of the state of Fermo, and Spoleto subject there- 
 unto. The Prelates of the said Councell have 
 three parts of the palace, and a thousand crownes 
 a yeare a peece in perquisites: the Secretary 
 hath two thousand. 
 
 Of the Congregations fur the easing of the Peo- 
 ple, & de bono Regirnine. — There are the Con- 
 gregations for the easing of the people, &* de bono 
 Regirnine, whereof the Popes Cardinall Nephew- 
 pro tempore is the head ; unto them have the 
 Comminaltie recourse for the easing of their
 
 423 
 
 grievances, wherewithall they are oppressed ; 
 they are held on the Saturday in the very same 
 roomes, where the councell useth to sit ; the 
 congregation de bono Regimine in one, and that 
 for the easing of the people in another, both of 
 them in their turnes, with the intervening therein 
 of five or six Cardinalls, and seven or eight Pre- 
 lates, with one Secretary being alvvaies present, 
 and all of them ever the same in the two con- 
 gregations. 
 
 All the letters and orders proceeding from 
 them, are subscribed by the Popes Cardinall 
 Nephew ; and the Prelates have the same emo- 
 lument which those of the councell have; every 
 one of the said congregations, with the Secre- 
 tary thereof, goe attyred in purple, and carry 
 the title of his Holiness servants. 
 
 Of the Congregation concerning the Mint. — 
 There is the Congregation for the Mint, in 
 which all matters are handled that concerne the 
 coyning of money, and all other monies of other 
 jurisdictions, to the end they may be spent in 
 the State of the Church. In it are foure Cardi- 
 nalls and four Chamberlaines : the head of it is 
 a Cardinall, in whose house the Congregation is 
 alwaies held, when there is occasion for it. 
 
 Of the Congregation for the examining of persons 
 destined to Bishopricks. — There is a Congregation 
 for the examining of new Bishops, which is held
 
 424 
 
 before his Holinesse, and it consists of nine or 
 ten Cardinalls, some Prelates, and others, Fathers 
 of certaine Orders of Religion ; wherein are 
 examined all such persons as are to be promot- 
 ed to Bishopricks, for the Churches only of Italy. 
 The party that is to bee examined remaines al- 
 waies kneeling on a cushion before the Pope, 
 and every one of the Congregation hath power to 
 examine him : after he is examined, and ap- 
 proved of, he is written down in a booke, which 
 the Secretary of the Congregation keepes. A 
 Bishop that is once examined, if he changeth 
 his Church, goes not againe to examination, 
 one time onely sufficing for it : but if a Bishop, 
 that was never examined, be promoted to an- 
 other Church, hee must goe to examination : the 
 Cardinalls alone are exempted from this examin- 
 ing. And this Congregation was instituted by 
 Pope Clement the eight, who used to examine 
 those persons himselfe, which made profession of 
 the Law, but the professors of Divinity were 
 examined by Cardinall Bellarmine. 
 
 Of the Congregation j vr Consistoriall Affaires. — 
 There is a Congregation concerning Consis- 
 toriall matters, whereof the chief Cardinall Dea- 
 con pro tempore is the Head. It is held very sel- 
 dome, because there are very few particular mat- 
 ters to be handled in it, but such as are, his Ho- 
 liness appoints a day for them ; and they use to 
 be resignations of Bishopricks, the interests of 
 taxations of the Church, of Consistoriall Abbeys,
 
 425 
 
 and such like. This Congregation is held in 
 the house of the Cardinall Head. 
 
 In every one of the Congregations before 
 named many Cardinalls doe assist, and particu- 
 larly in that of Bishops, and Regulars, are foure 
 and twenty ; every Congregation hath its parti- 
 cular Secretary, who drawes up the Letters, ac- 
 cording to the Decrees which are established in 
 full Congregation, and every Cardinall-Head 
 subscribes the letters of his own Congregation, 
 which are afterwards sealed by each Secretary, 
 with the Seale of that Cardinall who hath sub- 
 scribed them ; and the Register of them remaines 
 in the hands of each severall Secretary. It is to 
 be noted, that whilst there is a Consistory, no 
 Congregation is ever held ; and if any one bee 
 intimated, and the Pope holds a Consistory, they 
 leave the Congregation and go to the Consis- 
 tory j which is alwaies held every week, either 
 on Munday, Wednesday, or Friday : and that 
 Congregation which was intituled before, is 
 usually held after dinner the same day, for the 
 Consistory is ever held betimes in the morning. 
 
 Of the three Archpriesthoods which are in the 
 persons of Cardinalls. — There are also in the per- 
 sons of some Cardinalls, three Archpriesthoods 
 of the chiefe Churches of Rome ; that is, of 
 Saint Peter in the Vatican, and of Santa Maria 
 Magiore : all three are esteemed great dignities; 
 and every one of these Cardinalls deputes a
 
 426 
 
 Vicar for his Church, and assignes them such 
 emoluments for their persons as seem good to 
 them, which commonly is the profit of a com- 
 mons place of that Church. These three Arch- 
 priests have the power of conferring, each of 
 them in his Church, all the Benefices, Livings, 
 Chaplaineships, and others, that fall voyd there- 
 in. The Archpriest of Saint John de Lateran 
 administro Justice, both in criminall and civill 
 causes, to all those persons which inhabit above 
 that Church, for a certaine extent, according to 
 the jurisdiction thereof, and in the holy yeare 
 every Archpriest goes pontifically to his Church, 
 accompanied with a great traine of horses, to 
 open the holy Gate; and to that of Saint Paul 
 the Cardinal I Deacon goes : and the very same 
 order is kept in shutting the holy Gate; but the 
 holy Gate of Saint Peters is not opened nor shut 
 by the Cardinall Archpriest, for that function is 
 performed by the Pope himself. 
 
 In which Church the Fathers of the Society of 
 Jesus are Penitentiaries; in that of Saint John 
 de Lateran the Fathers of the order of Saint 
 Francis are penitentiaries ; and in that of Santa 
 Maria Magiore are the Fathers of the order of 
 Saint Dominick Penitentiaries : In each of these 
 places is a Penitentiarie, with good lodgings and 
 commodious, where the said Fathers Peniten- 
 tiaries doe continually reside, hearing confes- 
 sions daily in their Churches ; and amongst them 
 are divers Fathers, which confesse in divers
 
 427 
 
 Languages, yea even in the Oriental], and one 
 of them for each severall place is Rector of the 
 Penitentiaries. 
 
 Of the Ruota. — After those Offices, and Ma- 
 gistrates, in the persons of the Cardinalls, fol- 
 iowes the Ruota, which hath twelve Prelates, 
 whereof there is a Germane, a Frenchman, two 
 Spaniards, and eight Italians, that is, a Bolo- 
 gresse, a Ferraese, a Venetian, a Toscan, a Mi- 
 lanese, and three Romans. Every Auditor hath 
 foure Notaries, and they assemble in theAposto- 
 licall Palace twice a weeke, unlesse it be vaca- 
 tion time, namely on Munday, and Friday. The 
 jurisdiction of it is the beneficiall causes, both 
 of the Catholicke Provinces, as of those that are 
 in Schisme, and as well of Rome, as of the State 
 Ecclesiastical!, most of all in tearmes of appeales. 
 This Court gives over sitting the first weeke in 
 July, and the last Ruota his Holinesse makes 
 the Auditors a great Banquet in his owne Apos- 
 tolicall Palace, where he gives to every Auditor 
 an hundred Duckets of the Chamber, and to the 
 Deacon two hundred; and they eate in the very 
 same roome where they assemble together when 
 they hold the Ruota. 
 
 This goodly custome was instituted by Pope 
 Clement the eight, for that his Holiness had 
 been the Auditor of the Ruota, being made so 
 by Pope Pius Ghiintus of happy memory. The 
 first of October the Ruota opens, and the iirst
 
 428 
 
 Ruota belonging to the two last Auditors, who 
 goe pontifically on their Mules, with a great 
 traine of horse, and alight at the place where the 
 Ruota is held : howbeit every Auditor rides 
 alone by himselfe. Now it is to be noted, that 
 in this riding of theirs, the Prelate Auditor goes 
 formest, and all these who accompany him come 
 behind, for a difference between the ryding and 
 the Lords Cardinalls, before whom their traine 
 and attendants doe alwaies ride, and their Emi- 
 nencies follow after them. The office of every 
 Auditor of the Ruota yields him a thousand 
 crownes a yeare ; and in the first Ruota the 
 lowest Auditor makes an Oration. The Popes 
 are wont to give unto those Auditors, for a re- 
 compence of the great paines they take, and be- 
 cause they are prohibited from receiving any 
 fees for the sentences they pronounce, good Ec- 
 clesiasticall Revenews, and afterwards they are 
 sometimes made Cardinalls, as Pope Clement 
 the eight used to doe, who created five Auditors 
 of the Ruota Cardinals, which were remarkable, 
 and eminent persons, namely, Arigone, Bian- 
 chetto, Mantica, Cerafino, and Panfilio ; now 
 what these five were, doth appeare by their 
 workes, which are in print. 
 
 Of the Reverend Chamber Apostolicall. — There 
 is the Chamber Apostolicall, which useth to sit 
 twice a weeke in his Holiness Palace, upon 
 Munday, and Friday, and on such dayes as the 
 Consistorie is held. There sits in it the Cardi-
 
 429 
 
 nail Chamberlaine, the Lord Governor of Rome, 
 a Vicechamberlaine ; the Lord Treasurer Gene- 
 rail ; the Lord Auditor of the Chamber 3 the 
 Lord President of the Chamber; the Auditor 
 of the Poore ; the Fiscall Advocate ; the Com- 
 missary of the Chamber ; and twelve Clerkes 
 of the Chamber, foure of which are alwaies, the 
 one Prefect of corne and victual ; one Prefect 
 of flesh, and white meates ; one Prefect of the 
 prison, and one Prefect of the States, as shall be 
 declared in its place. The jurisdiction of the 
 Chamber Apostolicall is over all matters where- 
 in the interest thereof is concerned ; over all the 
 writings and deeds concerning the Prefects, and 
 revenewes of the Sea Apostolicall ; over the 
 Treasures of the Provinces of the State Ecclesi- 
 astical! ; over causes of the Comminalty, and 
 Ecclesiasticall Feudes ; over causes of reprisall, 
 and causes of accompt with the Officers, and 
 Ministers of the State, over the coyning, and 
 causes of money ; over causes of Appeales from 
 the Masters of the Streets about buildings, and 
 jure congrni ; over matters of Customes, Taxes, 
 and impositions, and other such like. The 
 whole Chamber together hath nine Notaries, 
 every one of the which holds of his Office apart 
 by himselfe, with a substitute, and many others, 
 that write under him. All the causes before 
 mentioned are distributed by assignement 
 amongst the said Clarks, together with the pro- 
 portions that are made in the said Chamber. 
 A Clerkes place of the Chamber is worth two
 
 430 
 
 and forty thousand crownes, and yeelds three 
 thousand crownes a yeare. The Chember Apos- 
 tolicall gives over sitting at the same time the 
 Ruota doth ; and at the holding of the last 
 Chamber his Holinesse makes a great banquet 
 in the Palace Apostolicall, for all that are be- 
 longing to the Chamber : and another that is 
 made the first of August by the Cardinall Cham- 
 berlaine. Upon Saint Peters Eve all the tri- 
 butes of the Feudataries of the Holy Church are 
 paid into the Chamber, whereof the ready mo- 
 ney remaines in the custody of the Reverend 
 Chamber, but some plate, as cupps, and such 
 like, are the Treasurer Generalls Fees, and the 
 wax is divided amongst the Clerkes of the 
 Chamber. Every one of the Officers aforesaid, 
 which belong to the Chamber, hath his jurisdic- 
 tion distinct and severall."* 
 
 * See a book entitled, " The Court of Rome, &c. printed 
 in the year 1654." — It is hardly necessary to inform the reader, 
 that the persecuted and humiliated condition of the Pope now 
 renders the use of several ceremonies, expensive and splendid 
 in their nature, almost impossible to be attended to. The de- 
 scription which is here attempted has a principal reference to 
 the state of Catholicism in more prosperous times than the pre- 
 sent. The state of religion in the city of Rome somewhat re- 
 sembles that of the Jewish services, at this time, in Christen- 
 dom. Doubtless, sanguine believers in both Churches look 
 anxiously for a restoration of their ancient dignity and glory. 
 If my memory do not fail me, the Rev. J. Berington, one 
 of the most liberal and enlightened priests in England, has 
 somewhere expressed a hope and expectation of this nature. 
 I believe this idea will be found in that gentleman's Lives of 
 Abelard and Eloisa.
 
 431 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 Of Persecution, and the Violation of Faith with 
 Heretics. 
 
 THE present writer has no interest in deny- 
 ing that the Court of Rome has been in many 
 instances a sanguinary and cruel Court; that 
 thousands have been immolated on the altars of 
 superstition and bigotry by the bloody acts 
 and mandates of many Catholic princes, or ra- 
 ther, we should say, of many princes and popes, 
 who have professed and abused the Catholic 
 faith. But even on this subject much more has 
 been said and written than is true ; and suffi- 
 cient care has not been taken to discriminate 
 between the punishment of real or supposed re- 
 bels, and the martyrdom of innocent persons 
 cc for righteousness' sake."* 
 
 What Baxter said on another occasion may, 
 with great propriety, be repeated on the subject 
 of persecution, by Roman Catholics of the pre- 
 sent day : — " Either it is true or false; if false, 
 shame to the reporters ; if true, what doth it 
 
 * A candid and just investigation of the real causes of 
 Persecution, distinguishing the political from the purely reli- 
 gious instances of it, would form an interesting and useful 
 volume.
 
 432 
 
 concern us here, or any that are innocent, any 
 further than to abhor it and lament it ?"* It 
 would be also unbecoming the dignity and can- 
 dour of truth to deny, that Protestants have 
 themselves been guilty of persecution ; and that 
 not only of Roman Catholics, but also of one 
 another. A perfectly fair and correct History 
 of Persecution has never yet been given, though 
 attempts have been made by one or two respect- 
 able authors. | Pagans have persecuted Jews 
 
 * See the Paper entitled, " What History is credible and 
 what not/' prefixed to Baxter's History of Councils, p. 8. The 
 same author also judiciously exclaims : " Alas! how little are 
 most histories to be believed, when they prove not what they 
 say: there are about sixty that say there was a Pope Joan, 
 and near as many [there are now many more] that say no 
 such thing." Ibid. 
 
 t The reader will not need to be reminded of Dr. Chand- 
 ler's "History of Persecution, as it has been practised by Hea- 
 thens, Christian Emperors, under the Popery, and among 
 Protestants ;" it is, in many respects, a valuable work. I 
 find an Abridgment is advertised, by the Rev. Charles At- 
 more, an intelligent and industrious preacher in the Wesleyan 
 connexion of Methodists. There is also " A short History 
 of Persecution," by A. Robinson, written with considerable 
 shrewdness and point. The Martyrologies are not to 
 be depended on. The histories of the Inquisition are 
 dictated with an honourable, yet not always with a just, 
 indignation against the Court, and too often even against the 
 Church, of Rome. Lewis de Enarolles' Memoirs of the Perse- 
 cutions of the Protestants in France, and Lockman's History of 
 Popish Persecution develope some bloody scenes ; but they are 
 extremely partial, and often very inaccurate. The Acts and 
 
 Monuments
 
 433 
 
 and Christians; Jews have persecuted Chris- 
 tians and Pagans ; and Christians have perse- 
 cuted Pagans and Jews. Catholics have perse- 
 cuted Episcopalian Protestants, and Episcopalian 
 Protestants have persecuted Catholics; Dis- 
 senters from both have persecuted both, and 
 both have persecuted Dissenters, who have la- 
 boured pretty successfully in persecuting one 
 another.* 
 
 Monuments of Fox, in many cases, merits a much stronger 
 censure than that it is incorrect. Anthony Wood and other 
 Protestant writers have concurred in reprobating- the par- 
 tialities and errors of fox, though his huge volume is still 
 chained, along with the Bible to the desks in many of our old 
 churches; and also, which I feel scandalized in having oc- 
 casion to add, is allowed to lie on the tables of many Dissent- 
 ing Vestries, for the edification of the faithful ! 
 
 * In addition to the books referred to in the preceding 
 note, the reader will find these melancholy facts confirmed 
 in Neale's History of the Puritans, of which the best edition 
 is the venerable Dr. Toulmin's ; in Palmer's Non -conformist's 
 Memorial, Wilson's History and Antiquities of Dissenting 
 Churches, a liberal and useful publication ; in Bogue and 
 Bennet's History of Dissenters, an illiberal work, but 
 containing, nevertheless, much valuable information ; in 
 Pen n's Life of George Fox, and in Best's Sufferings of the 
 Quakers. Doctor Milner's History of Winchester, and the 
 same author's letters to a Prebendary, may also be consulted 
 on this subject. A sensible and intelligent writer in the 
 Monthly Repository,^ has begun a series of Letters, of which 
 
 four 
 
 t I will here take the liberty of recommending this periodical pub- 
 lication to the notice of my Roman Catholic readers, as a liberal 
 and respectable vehicle, through which they may freely, (if the 
 
 professions 
 9 F
 
 434 
 
 Various have been the kinds of persecution 
 which erring Christians have exercised against 
 each other, almost ever since the reign of Con- 
 stantine the Great, when the kingdoms of this 
 world first began to meddle with the doctrines of 
 religion and the government of the Church. Some 
 have defined persecution to be threefold : " 1. 
 Mental, when the spirit of a man rises up and 
 opposes another. 2. Verbal, when we give hard 
 words, and deal in uncharitable censures. 3. 
 Actual, or open by the hand," or, perhaps, more 
 properly Manual, ie such as the dragging of in- 
 nocent persons before the tribunal of justice."* 
 There is another species of persecution not 
 .often spoken against : it is a sort of constructive 
 persecution ; such as is exercised against Roman 
 Catholics in some Protestant countries. There 
 is, too, a certain furious and savage way of writ- 
 ing and speaking even against persecution itself, 
 which often savours pretty strongly of the spirit 
 
 four have already appeared, containing a " Sketch of Eng- 
 lish Protestant Persecution." I say nothing here of the nu- 
 merous Church Histories, which are little more than illustra- 
 tions of bigotry, exhibiting the lamentable effects of Church 
 and State Alliances, the mother and offspring, the root and 
 the branch of Persecution. 
 
 * See Buck's Theological Dictionary, Art. Persecution. 
 
 professions of the Editor may be relied upon, and he has never yet 
 deceived his readers) advocate their cause before a Protestant public ; 
 the pages of this work being opeu to all sects and parties without 
 exception.
 
 435 
 
 which such writers themselves reprobate. Now, 
 if persecution do really admit of these seve- 
 ral explications, it is to be feared we are all 
 sadly involved in this most hateful crime. " Men- 
 tal persecution'' appears in most ancient and 
 modern works of religious controversy j it lurks 
 in obsolete Acts of Parliament, it steals into 
 many of our prayers, and infuses its poison into 
 most of our public services of Religion. " Verb- 
 al Persecution" is heard from almost every pul- 
 pit, and " goeth about, seeking whom it may de- 
 vour", into social parties, meetings, and assem- 
 blies wherever religion is allowed to come into 
 discussion. As to the last description of perse- 
 cution ; that which is manual, " actual or open 
 by the hand," as I have already remarked, it 
 has been but too general, and is still practised 
 even by all those Protestants in this country 
 who persist in forcing their fellow subjects to 
 support measures or perform services at which 
 their principles revolt, or by excluding them 
 from places of honour and profit, purely on ac- 
 count of some real or supposed religious mis- 
 takes.* 
 
 In writing of persecution, as it has been 
 maintained by some Catholics, it is proper to 
 
 * I allude principally to the tithe laws, the Test and 
 Corporation Acts, and all taxes and services deemed eccle- 
 siastical, which bear heavily on Catholics and Dissenters. 
 
 2 F 2
 
 436 
 
 repeat, that such a spirit and conduct are directly 
 opposed to the religion of the Roman Catholic 
 Church.* To talk, therefore, of the Church as 
 a persecuting Church, is to libel and defame 
 the religion of our ancestors. If this were not 
 the case, then all Catholics who do not practise 
 persecution are bad Catholics; they would be 
 considered as departing from the rules and obli- 
 gations of their religion, and would receive the 
 spiritual censures which attach to every wilful 
 deviation from the faith and discipline of the uni- 
 versal Church. Yes : — if the religion of Catholics 
 taught persecution, then we should find prayers, 
 creeds, articles, and charges enforcing coercion 
 and severity against the opponents of the 
 Church 5 and bulls, anathemas, censures, and 
 excommunications would abound against all 
 those who should refuse to persecute, hate, and 
 
 * " Because we are Catholics, it is not necessary that we 
 should he actuated by a persecuting spirit against those who 
 are averse to our religion. Meekness and charity are its 
 grand characteristics, and the examples left us by our prede- 
 cessors recommend to us a contrary conduct." See the 
 " Answer to the third Question" proposed to the University 
 of Salamanca, respecting the supposed tenet of not keeping 
 faith with heretics. The reader will find an abstract of these 
 several questions and answers in a former part of this work, 
 and a still more extended abstract jn the Appendix to Sir 
 John Cox Ilippesley's Speech on the Catholic Question, in 
 1810. The answers and judgment of the several Universities 
 are given in length at the Appendix to Cuthell and Martin'* 
 Edition of the Catholic Debates in Parliament, in 1805.
 
 437 
 
 destroy heretics. It would be a sin, in the eye 
 of a good Catholic not to inflict misery on the 
 body of his religious neighbour who should differ 
 from him, and it would form a subject of con- 
 fession to all the faithful who should neglect to 
 propagate the truth by means of force. But 
 who ever yet heard of a mass for the hanging of 
 unbelievers? What general council lias decreed, 
 ex cathedra^ that whosoever does not burn heretics 
 Avithout doubt he shall perish everlastingly ? Did 
 ever any Catholic lady go to confession, bitterly 
 lamenting that she had not poisoned her heretic- 
 al husband, or any husband that he had not 
 strangled his infidel wife? Was any monarch 
 ever deposed, or any kingdom interdicted, be- 
 cause all the non-conforming subjects had not 
 been hanged, drawn and quartered ? And what 
 is the price of an indulgence for having neglect- 
 ed to rob and plunder a Protestant ? I repeat it 
 — if persecution be a tenet of the Catholic 
 Church, how erroneously have the biographers 
 of the mild, the excellent Fenelon, estimated his 
 merits as a Catholic. The almost seraphic 
 Madame de Guion, the truly devout Mons. de 
 Renty, and the pious Thomas a Kempis, were all 
 hypocrites, and contumacious despisers of the 
 religion which they professed, and to whose in- 
 terests they appeared to have been so sincerely 
 devoted. And what should we say, in that case, 
 to the great body of English and Irish Catholics 
 of our own day ? What inconsistency appears in 
 the conduct of such Catholics as the Earl of Fin-
 
 438. 
 
 gal, who, with others, took up arms in the County 
 of Meath against his rebellious brethren, and in 
 defence of a Protestant government, and an he- 
 retical monarch!* How supine and negligent 
 is the conduct of such men as the author of the 
 Lives of Abelard and Eloisa,f the learned and 
 liberal author of Horae Biblicag,J or the friend of 
 the pious and excellent, but afflicted Cowper.§ 
 Men with whom numerous highly respectable 
 Protestants have thought it an honour to be ac- 
 quainted, and who never yet manifested the 
 most distant disposition to persecute others on 
 account of their religion. 
 
 There is another consideration worthy of re- 
 gard, on the supposition that persecution is a 
 tenet of the Catholic Church, which manv Pro- 
 testants have imagined to be the case:|| I be- 
 
 * See Mr. Wakefield's Account of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 367. 
 Whoever would become perfectly acquainted with the true 
 state of this oppressed and injured country will find ample 
 gratification in the perusal of this invaluable publication, 
 which has but just made its appearance. 
 
 f The Rev. Joseph Berington. 
 
 % Charles Butler, Esq. 
 
 § Sir John Throckmorton, Bart. See the Letters of Cow- 
 per, in Hay ley's Life of that poet. 
 
 || " If it be true," says Dr. Sturges, " that persecution was 
 not a tenet of the Roman Catholic Religion, all of us Protes- 
 tants must have been long under a most egregious mistake." 
 This observation owes its origin to what Dr. Milner said, 
 " that if Mary was a persecutor, it was not in virtue of any 
 
 tenet
 
 439 
 
 lieve it will be granted, that there is not a single 
 article of faith to be found in any acknowledged 
 Catholic Catechism, Creed, or Council, which has 
 not, at one time or other, been defended from the 
 press, and been urged upon the people as essential 
 to their final salvation. It is with the Catholic 
 articles of divine faith, as Mr. Pope declares to be 
 the case with the universal system of nature, from 
 the chain which if you strike either a " tenth or 
 a ten thousandth" link, it is equally broken. 
 The religion of Catholics, according to their 
 ideas, as it admits of no additions, neither does 
 it allow of any deductions. So common is this 
 opinion, that Protestants have even charged it 
 against the Catholics as a mark of extreme ob- 
 stinacy llhd prejudice.* Now I should be glad 
 to know what Catholic author ever wrote ex- 
 pressly in defence of persecution, as an article 
 of divine faith, which has been received by all 
 Christians, at all times, and in all places, accord- 
 ing to the rule of St. Vincent, so often referred 
 to. Some writers may, nay, doubtless, have ap- 
 peared to extenuate, or even justify the inter- 
 ference of the magistrate, when the doctrines of 
 religion have been opposed ; but these mistakes, 
 to give them no harsher a term, are unfortu- 
 
 tenet of her religion that she became so," than which a more 
 just remark could not have been made. See Sturges's Reflec- 
 tions on Popery, p. 52 ; and Milner's History of Winchester, 
 vol. i. p. 355. 
 * Se« " Popery always the same."
 
 440 
 
 nately not confined to Catholic writers.* The 
 learned Bossuet has been accused, and not with- 
 out some shew of reason, of defending this doc- 
 trine of magisterial interferencef in the suppres- 
 sion of heresy ; but it should be remembered, that 
 the arguments used by the Bishop of Meaux, in 
 defence of this hateful tenet, are not drawn from 
 any article of faith, or any decree of Council, 
 
 * The defenders of the Catholic faith in these days write 
 with much more candour, and allow of a much greater lati- 
 tude of explication in definitions of heresy, and heretics, than 
 did the writers of earlier times. See " Charity and Truth; or 
 Catholics not uncharitable in saying- that none can be 
 saved out of the Catholic Church/' by the Rev. Dr. Edward 
 Hawarden. It is a thick 8vo. vol. published in 1S09. The 
 reader may also peruse with advantage, a little pamphlet, 
 published at Gloucester, in 1811, entitled " The Protestant's 
 best Guide" &c. But above all, he should read the Miscel- 
 laneous Tracts of the Rev. Arthur O'Leary, particularly the 
 Essay on Toleration. There is an almost irresistible strain of 
 wit and irony in this gentleman's writings, mixed, in some 
 instances, with that tincture of sophism for which the priestly 
 defenders of the faith are but too conspicuous. In his Defence 
 of the Divinity of Christ, a subject, which, more than any 
 other, has a tendency to "try the spirits" of our Christian 
 controverti.-ts, he is quite as liberal as most of the Protestant 
 advocates of the same doctrine. 
 
 f When magistrates are engaged in preserving the peace, 
 and protecting the innocent, they ought to be had in the 
 highest veneration and respect; but when they depart from 
 the proper line of their office to lay their hands on religion, 
 " whatever they touch they fly-blow, and leave it to ferment 
 and fester;" a figure once most unjustly applied against the 
 laborious ministers of Methodism. See Annual Review, vol. i 
 art. Myles's Chronological History of the Methodists.
 
 441 
 
 but, as Dr. Milner* properly remarks, " by an 
 argumcntum ad hominem, or a reference to the 
 doctrine of the founders, and other most illustri- 
 ous writers of the Reformation on the point in 
 question." The passage referred to in Bossuet,^ 
 lias, perhaps, been misunderstood by Bishop 
 Hurd,J and his copier, Dr. Sturges ;§ and this 
 misunderstanding has arisen out of a supposed 
 false translation of the French word souffrance, 
 which, Dr. Sturges contends, means toleration, 
 and not suffering ;|| and the connexion in which 
 the word stands would appear to countenance 
 such an application of the term. " There is no 
 need," says Bossuet, " of explaining myself on 
 the question, whether or no Christian princes 
 have a right to use the sword against such of 
 their subjects as are enemies to sound doctrine 
 and the Church, the Protestants agreeing with 
 us on that point." He then cites Luther,^ Me- 
 
 * Letters to a Prebendary, p. 117- 
 
 f Variations, book x. sect. 56. p. 52. Eng. translation. 
 
 X Introduction to the Prophecies, p. 3S1. 
 
 § Reflections on Popery, pj>. 55, 56. 
 
 j| The truth is, that this word is used in both senses ; yet, 
 all its derivatives seem to convey no other idea than that of 
 patient suffering. Besides, our English word toleration is not 
 rendered into French by the word solffrance, but tolerance ; 
 yet the French uoid tolerable means that which is allowable, 
 or which may be tolerated. 
 
 % Luth. de Magist. T. iii.
 
 442 
 
 lancthon,* and Jurieu,f as also the established 
 discipline of the Reformed Church of Geneva, 
 in support of his assertion and opinion; and 
 concludes by saying, — " II n'y point d'illusion 
 plus dangereuse, que donner la sourTrance pour 
 un charactere de vraye eglise." There cannot 
 be a more dangerous illusion, than to regard 
 suffering (or patient endurance) as a charac- 
 teristic of the true Church; " nor do I know," 
 he adds, '* amongst Christians, any besides 
 Socinians and Anabaptists, who oppose this 
 doctrine."J But if Bossuet, or any other 
 writer, have defended this execrable opinion, to 
 what does it amount ? Certainly not, that it is 
 taught in the creeds, catechisms, and devotions 
 of all Roman Catholics; and I contend, that no 
 article is considered as a tenet of the Church, 
 that is not so conveyed. 
 
 The tenth book of Bossuet's " Variations,' ,> 
 from which I have been quoting, treats princi- 
 
 * Calvin opusc. p. 6.59. Ibid. 600, 659. 
 
 t Jur. Lyst. ii. c.22. 33. 
 
 t If the Bishop of Meaux did indeed mean, by the word 
 souffrance what we generally understand by toleration, the 
 Socinians and Anabaptists ought to feel grateful for the un- 
 designed compliment. Would to God that all Christians 
 would be careful to number among the " Notes of the Church" 
 this divine right of unbounded toleration, or rather of unli- 
 mited freedom in matters purely religious !
 
 443 
 
 pally of " the Reformation in England, during 
 the reign of queen Elizabeth, and on the civil 
 wars of France, which he accuses her of foment- 
 ing, and which, he affirms, were produced by a 
 leading principle of the early Reformers, that 
 it is lawful for subjects to levy war against their 
 Sovereign, on account of religion;"* a position 
 as false, and almost as dangerous, as the one I 
 have been reprobating. It is not, however, to 
 the opinions of this or that individual Doctor, 
 Bishop, Pope, or Priest, that we are to look for 
 the genuine doctrines of the Church. No com- 
 munion admits a more extended range of specu- 
 lation, or a more unlimited freedom of mere opi- 
 nion, on points not universally admitted as articles of 
 divine faith, than the Communion of the Church 
 of Rome. To this day, various are the differences 
 on minor points of religious opinion, and on 
 several branches of Christian discipline, among 
 Catholics ; and warm, I wish I could not add, 
 sometimes even bitter and acrimonious, are the 
 disputes which they maintain among themselves. f 
 To take the opinions, therefore, of any one man, 
 
 * See Mr. Butler's interesting "Account of the Life and 
 Writings of James Benigne Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux," p. 71. 
 
 f In collecting the materials for this work, I have amassed 
 a vast pile of Catholic Controversy in pamphlets, and larger 
 volumes, that would surprise, perhaps, undeceive, man)- Pro- 
 testants, who imagine that Catholics never differ but they 
 damn ; never dispute but they divide. They form no part of 
 
 the
 
 444 
 
 or of any number of men, short of the universal 
 Church, as articles of faith, were to the highest 
 degree improper and erroneous. 
 
 But it will be contended, that the practice of 
 Catholics in all ages, has been to prosecute and 
 destroy hei etics; and that the various laws enact- 
 ed and acted upon by the Church clearly mani- 
 fest that persecution is indeed a genuine article 
 of the Catholic Church; and that if it were not 
 so, those princes, and others who have perse- 
 cuted, would have been censured by the Church 
 for their cruelty and disobedience. This objec- 
 tion would have considerable weight if the prac- 
 tice had existed to the same extent, at all times, 
 by all princes, and in all places ; and if perse- 
 cuting princes had never received any censures 
 for their cruelty. But neither of these cases 
 can be made out. It would also deserve a more 
 minute investigation were the practice of perse- 
 cution peculiar to Roman Catholics; but neither 
 is this true : for even Protestants have practised 
 and defended persecution, by fire and sword; 
 and have written large books in support of their 
 measures and tenets.* " One would indeed have 
 
 the picture I engaged to draw, and I have not thought it ne- 
 cessary to portray these differences on the same canvas which 
 is occupied by a delineation of the religion of Roman Catho- 
 lics. 
 
 * See particularly, " A Declaration for maintaining the
 
 445 
 
 imagined," says Dr. Benson,* f< that the cruel- 
 ties exercised by the papists upon all who op- 
 posed their superstitions in worship, and their 
 corruptions in doctrine, should have given the 
 first Reformers an utter abhorrence of all me- 
 thods of persecution for conscience-sake, and 
 have kept them from ever entering into any such 
 measures themselves. But it must be confessed, 
 that however they differed from the Church of 
 Rome, as to doctrines and discipline, yet, that 
 they too generally agreed with her in the me- 
 thods to support what they themselves appre- 
 hended to be truth and orthodoxy; and were angry 
 with the papists, not for persecuting, but for per- 
 secuting themselves and their followers ; being 
 really of opinion that heretics might be perse- 
 cuted, and in some cases persecuted to death. 
 And that this was their avowed principle, they 
 gave abundant demonstration by their practice." 
 
 Luther's opinion concerning persecution was 
 not so cruel as was Calvin's, on the same subject. 
 The Saxon Reformers were only for having here- 
 
 true Faith, held by all Christians, concerning the Trinity of 
 Persons in one only God, by John Calvin, against the detes- 
 table errors of Michael Servetus, a Spaniard. In which it is 
 also proved that it is lawful to punish heretics, and that this 
 wretch was justly executed in the city of Geneva. Geneva, 
 1554." 
 * History of Persecution, p. 30S.
 
 446 
 
 tics banished,* corrected, and forced at least to 
 silence, if they publicly deny any one of the ar- 
 ticles received by all Christians, and particularly 
 that Christ is God, affirming him to beamere man 
 or prophet. In another place, f Seckendorf goes 
 further, and says, that heretics are not indeed to 
 be put to death, but may be confined, and shut 
 up in some certain place, and put under restraint 
 as madmen. But against the Jews he would 
 act more severely, and have their Synagogues 
 levelled with the ground, their houses destroyed, 
 their books of prayer, and of the talmud, and 
 even those of the Old Testament, taken from 
 them; their Rabbis forbid to teach, and forced 
 by hard labour to get their bread ; and if they 
 would not submit to this, that they should be 
 banished, as was formerly practised in France 
 and Spain. J 
 
 * Benson's Hist, of Persecution, p. 310. from Seckendorf, 
 1. 2. sect. 36. § 83. 
 
 f Seek. 1. 3. sect. 8. § 28. Benson. 
 
 t lb. 1. 3. sect. 27. 3. I. 3. sect. 32. § 125. Benson. It 
 is a singular fact, that the Jews are in a much better condi- 
 tion in France, under a Catholic government, and the tyranny 
 of Bonaparte, than they are in England, under a Protestant 
 government, and the mild and gentle sway of a British mo- 
 narch. In France, Jews are treated as free citizens, and are 
 fast emerging from that state of ignorance, meanness, and 
 wretchedness, into which the bigotry of former times had 
 plunged them. See Mr. W. H. Reid's New Sanhedrin and 
 Causes and Consequences of the French Emperor's Conduct towards 
 the Jems, passim. In England, they are still " a people peeled 
 
 and
 
 447 
 
 Nor was this intolerance of Luther directed 
 against Jews and Papists only. He persuaded 
 the Electors of Saxony not to tolerate the fol- 
 lowers of Zwinglius, in the opinion of the sa- 
 crament, because he esteemed the real presence 
 an essential and fundamental article of faith, nor 
 to enter into any terms of union with them, for 
 their common safety and defence, against the 
 Catholics. They were accordingly left out of 
 the common league against the papists; the 
 Elector having been persuaded by Luther, Me- 
 lancthon, and others of the party, to refuse them 
 this protection ; and all this because' the disci- 
 ples of the Swiss Reformer " taught articles con- 
 trary to those received in Saxony."* 
 
 Nor was this all : we are informed by Secken- 
 dorf, that the Lutheran lawyers of Wittemberg 
 
 and trodden upon," refused the occupation of landed pro- 
 perty, excluded from all places of honour and trust, for the 
 most part despised and insulted ; except in one or two in- 
 stances, wherein the parties are rich ; and then, indeed, all 
 due respect is paid to them, even hy our princes and nobles. 
 An instance of this kind must be fresh in the recollection of 
 most of my readers. It is not less worthy of remark, that 
 the Catholics of the Gallican Church are much more liberal 
 towards Sectaries, than are the Episcopalians of the Reform- 
 ed English Church. Protestants, as a body, are now protect- 
 ed, and even encouraged in France; Catholics are degraded, 
 and even insulted in England ! And yet we are perpetually 
 clamouring against Popish intolerance and persecution ! 
 * Benson's History of Persecution, pp. 310, 311.
 
 448 
 
 condemned to death one Peter Pestelius, for be- 
 ing a Zwinglian, and several of the Anabaptists 
 were put to death for propagating their opinions; 
 though the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel declared 
 himself favourable to more moderate proceed- 
 ings.* 
 
 If the doctrines of Luther discountenanced 
 persecution to death, those of Calvin were of 
 a very different complexion. It is hardly pos- 
 sible to reflect with candour on the wicked con- 
 duct of the Genevan Reformer on a variety of 
 occasions. To dispute his notions about Predes- 
 tination, Election, Free- Will, and Faith, was, 
 in his estimation, a perfectly fair ground for the 
 severest punishment that could be inflicted. Nor 
 did he think it any crime to pursue the most 
 artful, perfidious, and unjust measures to bring 
 his enemies to destruction. Falsehood and per- 
 fidy, slander the most malignant, and malice 
 the most inveterate, were all indulged by this' 
 hot-brained Predestinarian, when a heretic was 
 to be impeached and hunted down. His con- 
 duct towards Castellio, whom he protected and 
 betrayed, flattered and persecuted, patronised 
 and punished, is of itself sufficient to ruin his 
 character in the eyes of all thinking persons. 
 
 Nor was this reformer's conduct much less 
 
 Benson's Hist, of Persecution, p. 310, 31L
 
 449 
 
 base towards the poor converted Carmelite 
 monk, Jerom Bolsec, whom he caused to be 
 apprehended, sent to prison, and afterwards ba- 
 nished from the city of Geneva for ever, or, if 
 he returned, to be whipped for his contumacy. 
 And all this, because the poor monk held the 
 doctrines of free-will, predestination to life, upon 
 the foresight of good works.* 
 
 But the conduct of Calvin, in the above in- 
 stances, was mild and amiable, compared to that 
 which he practised in his treatment of the 
 learned and pious Spanish physician, Michael 
 Servetus, who, after a series of almost unparal- 
 leled suffering, brought on by the treachery and 
 bigotry of Calvin, was publicly burned to death, 
 in the PROTESTANT city of Geneva.f 
 
 Melancthon, the " mild Melancthon," as we 
 sometimes denominate him, in a letter to Bullen- 
 ger, says he thinks the senate of Geneva did right 
 in putting to death Servetus ; and he wonders that 
 there are any who disapprove that severity. J 
 
 * The reader will find these facts confirmed in Beza's Lift 
 of Calvin, to which Dr. Benson refers as his authority for 
 stating them. 
 
 f This affair of Calvin's diabolical conduct towards Serve- 
 tus has been detailed with suitable severity in Mr. Wright's 
 Apology for Servetus ; and it has been palliated and even 
 sometimes justified, in various Calvinistic publication^ both 
 in this and other countries. 
 
 % Works of Calvin, the last volume. 
 2 G
 
 450 
 
 Bucer, another reformer of Popery, declares 
 that Servetus " ought to have his bowels pluck- 
 ed out, and be torn to pieces ;" and Farrel, in a 
 letter to Calvin, says he deserved to die ten 
 thousand deaths ; with much more of the same 
 liberal cast. The reformed pastors of the Church 
 of Basil, those of Berne, the ministers of Zu- 
 rich, and also of Scaff husen, all agree in the 
 sentence of the Senate, or urge that body to se- 
 vere measures in regard to Servetus.* These 
 facts " clearly demonstrate," says Dr. Benson, 
 " that Calvin acted seriously and deliberately in 
 this affair." 
 
 The persecutions and martyrdoms at Berne, 
 Basil, Zurich, in Holland, by the Synod of 
 Dort, and even in this country, all shew that 
 the practice is not confined to the Church of 
 Rome,f or to princes and priests of that com- 
 munion. Nor had the spirit of persecution sub- 
 sided even in much later writers. Chilling- 
 worth has very little hope of the salvation of 
 those who live and die in the communion of the 
 
 * See the Letters printed at the end of Calvin's Institutes. 
 
 f They are detailed in the Letters above referred to, at the 
 end of Calvin's Institutes ; Gerrard Brandt's History of the 
 Reformation in the Low Countries, Beza's Life of Calvin, 
 Burnet's History of the Reformation, and the other works 
 mentioned in Benson's History of Persecution. Dodd's Church 
 Jlistoiy of England abounds with instances of Protestant per- 
 secution.
 
 451 
 
 Church of Rome ;* yet Chillingworth has been 
 thought by many to have been tinctured with 
 Unitarianism, a system, perhaps, less stain- 
 ed with persecution than any other, not even 
 excepting the Quakers. Tillotson has his fears 
 on the same subject.f Nay, even much later 
 writers than these have shewn a disposition 
 by no means favourable to the final salvation 
 of Roman Catholics; and the laws still in force 
 against both them and Dissenters, are standing 
 and damning proofs that the age of religious op- 
 pression is not yet entirely past. Nor should it be 
 forgotten, that the points for which the reformed 
 have cut the throats of heretics, have been of 
 much less importance, for the most part, than 
 those for which Roman Catholics have contend- 
 ed in the same way. Who does not know what 
 has been said and done in Scotland about the use 
 of the surplice, the ring in marriage, the sign of 
 the cross in baptism, and the genuflexions at the 
 Eucharist? To deny the mystery of the blessed 
 Trinity, the incarnation of the Son of God, the 
 mysterious doctrine of transubstantiation, or the 
 opinions concerning the supremacy of the Pope, 
 the infallibility of the Church, and the belief in 
 purgatory, are, it must be allowed, deviations 
 from the old doctrines of somewhat more spiri- 
 
 * See The Religion of Protestants a safe Way to Salvation, 
 parti, chap. iii. p. 129. Ed. 1674. 
 
 t See the Sermon on this point in his works. 
 2G 1
 
 452 
 
 tual importance than any of the terms of the so- 
 lemn League and Covenant, the shape of a gar- 
 ment, or the position of the knee at the Lord's 
 supper.* 
 
 But Protestants have never been as cruel in 
 their punishments as the Catholics : — the one 
 burned people at the stake ; the other only be- 
 headed, hanged, drowned, starved or pinched 
 their victims to death. Alas ! I wish it were 
 true that we have never burned heretics ; but, 
 alas ! Protestants have had their fires also; and 
 were I to adduce all the instances of this nature 
 with which our history is so much tarnished, it 
 is to be feared many of my brethren would ac- 
 
 * The persecutions against sectaries have always heen nu- 
 merous and vexatious ; and the most powerful and rich have 
 ever thought themselves fully entitled to treat with rigour and 
 contempt the dissenter and the disobedient. Dr. Plot mentions 
 three causes, which it appears have a beneficial effect in sup- 
 pressing three corresponding evils, now so common in every 
 petty village in the kingdom. The parish of Br ightwell, the 
 Doctor observes, is particularly " worthy of memory " for its 
 Christian unanimity ; and that " there has not been known 
 any such thing as an ale-house, a Sectary, or suit of law 
 commenced in the whole parish in the memory of man." 
 This he mentions to " the eternal honour of its inhabitants/' 
 and attributes the cause to the piety and prudence of the 
 " Lord of the town," meaning the mayor, the rector, and his 
 predecessors, " and the good disposition of the people them- 
 selves ;" much better antidotes against vice and error than 
 fire and faggot, or even than hanging and starving. The 
 tempers of Christians have improved since A. D. 1676, when 
 Plot wrote. See Plot's Nat. Hist, of Oxfordshire, p. 203.
 
 453 
 
 cuse me of a leaning towards popery, and of 
 prejudice against the Reformation; so little do 
 some Protestants concern themselves to learn 
 the whole truth on this subject.* 
 
 But, it will be further asked, are not Ro- 
 man Catholic priests and bishops bound by an 
 oath to resist and persecute heretics, schisma- 
 tics, and rebels to the Pope and his successors ? 
 To say the least of this, Dr. Troyf has shewn, 
 that in countries not in communion with the 
 See of Rome, that part of the oath is now omit- 
 ted; but the repeatedly avowed principles, as well 
 as the uniform conduct of the Roman Catholics, 
 have long demonstrated, that no such sense as 
 Dr. Duigenan, and others of the same party, 
 have put upon that oath, is admitted by Catho- 
 lics. Surely no persons were ever more unfor- 
 tunately circumstanced than the present race 
 
 * The total number of Catholics, who suffered the death 
 of traitors for denying Henry VIII., to be the spiritual head 
 of the Church was sixty. Of these, John Fisher was bishop 
 of Rochester ; three were Benedictine Abbots ; three others 
 Carthusian Priors ; sixteen Monks ; twenty-three Clergy- 
 men ; and the rest Knights, Gentlemen and Yeomen. Be- 
 sides these, sixty-four other Carthusians or Franciscans were 
 condemned to death, most of whom were starved in prison. 
 See Dodd's Church Hist. vol. i. p. 342, and Sanders de Visibili 
 Monarchia Ecclesia, cited in Milner's Letters to a Prebendary, 
 p. 1*1. 
 
 f Pastoral Letter, as quoted by Doctor Duigenan, in his 
 speech against the Catholics on the 25th of March, 1805.
 
 454 
 
 of Roman Catholics in this country :" They are 
 told that their faith is hostile to the safety of a 
 Protestant state, and that they cannot be even 
 tolerated without some security for their alle- 
 giance. For this purpose an oath is framed, 
 and framed too, for the most part by those who 
 so imperiously demand it.* When this oath is 
 tendered and taken, then the Catholics are again 
 insultingly branded with holding the very te- 
 nets they have abjured by all the solemnities of 
 an oath, and all the obligations of the laws. 
 When they complain of this as hard usage, they 
 are called restless, ambitious, turbulent, and per- 
 secuting /In these cases well might Mr. Grat- 
 tan say,-f- that when his opponent imputed, as 
 he had done, to the Catholic principles which 
 he had thus abjured, it " is not the Catholic 
 who breaks faith with him, but it is he (Dr. D.) 
 who breaks faith with the Catholic." 
 
 The cruel accusation against Catholics, of 
 not keeping faith with heretics, has been again 
 and again so clearly refuted, that I should not 
 have thought it necessary to enlarge upon it, 
 were I not persuaded that something on this 
 subject will be expected from me : nor would I 
 otherwise waste the reader's time by any formal 
 
 * See Mr. Grattan's speech in confutation of Dr. Duige- 
 nan, on the day above referred to. 
 f Ubi supra.
 
 455 
 
 proof of the injustice of this charge. I deny, 
 most positively, that any such opinion either is, 
 or ever was, an article of faith in the Catholic 
 Church ; let those who persist in the charge, 
 prove that I am mistaken, and I submit : but 
 they must prove it, not from the conduct of 
 any individual prince, or even bishop ; from 
 the supposed act of any single council ; but 
 by the rule of St. Vincent, and the cate- 
 chism, prayers and devotions of the Catholic 
 religion. Do this, and I will be ready to add 
 even this objection to many others which I have 
 to the religion of Roman Catholics. Yet it is 
 not even true that the Council of Constance ever 
 decreed any such general principle as the not 
 keeping faith with heretics ; but only that no 
 safe-conduct granted by any temporal sovereign, 
 should be allowed in stay of the proceedings or 
 right of any council to condemn heretics. Let 
 us, however, carefully and dispassionately exa- 
 mine the facts on which this extraordinary 
 charge is founded. If it be true that the Ro- 
 man Catholic Church have ever taught that no 
 faith is to be kept with heretics, then I grant 
 that persecution of the most hateful and diabo- 
 lical nature is indeed a tenet of that religion ; 
 and that to grant power and toleration to people 
 holding such a damnable doctrine, would be the 
 height of folly and madness.* 
 
 * Nothing, I am firmly persuaded, but the most deeply 
 rooted mistake concerning the faith of Catholics in this par- 
 ticular,
 
 456 
 
 The council of Constance was called by the 
 Emperor Sigismund, and Pope John XXIII., 
 towards the close of the year 1414. The great 
 objects for which this celebrated Council was 
 called, have already been mentioned.* At this 
 Council, the famous John Huss, and his friend 
 and companion, Jerome of Prague, were tried 
 and found guilty of heresy, and of several at- 
 tempts to disturb the peace of the Church, and 
 even to raise a general rebellion against the 
 Court of Rome, and the temporal authority of 
 the Pope. Several Bohemian students having 
 been in England, for the advantage of learning 
 at the University of Oxford, met with the writ- 
 ings of Wickliffe, and imbibed his principles, 
 civil and religious. These opinions they carried 
 back with them to Prague, as well as the books 
 in which they were contained, which fell into 
 the hands of John Huss, rector of the uni- 
 versity of that city, and a man of great learning, 
 
 ticular, could induce many persons who object to their claims 
 to persist in that system of intolerance, which so much dis- 
 honours and scandalizes the Protestant name. I am far from 
 wishing to join in the clamour against these persons, as if 
 they were really friendly to persecution and bigotry, and 
 that they take pleasure in opposing the just demands of the 
 Catholics, merely because they do not like their religious 
 opinions. The fear is natural ; but the mistake that gives 
 birth to it is unfounded. There is no illiberality in prudence 
 and self-defence, but there is a want of candour in not pa* 
 tiently investigating the causes of prejudice. But, I fear, there 
 are more political than religious objectors to emancipation. 
 * Vide ante, Part I. |J iv. p. 78.
 
 457 
 
 eloquence, and enterprise. These notions were 
 exactly suited to the disposition of Huss, and he 
 did not hesitate to recommend them in the most 
 public manner possible. The sanctity of his 
 life, the purity of his morals, and the zeal and 
 eloquence of his harangues, soon gained him 
 numerous proselytes : among whom there was, 
 particularly, a professor of divinity, though not 
 in holy orders, named Jerome of Prague, a man 
 of a warm and sanguine habit, pious, zealous, 
 subtle in argument, and witty and satirical in 
 disputation. The errors, real or supposed, which 
 these persons disseminated, soon attracted the 
 notice of the council of Constance, then assem- 
 bled, and Huss was cited to appear before that 
 assembly, to answer such interrogatories as 
 might be put to him. This summons, with ap- 
 parent willingness, he immediately obeyed, hav- 
 ing first obtained a safe-conduct, or passport, 
 from the Emperor Sigismund, confident that no 
 heresy could be proved against him, and willing, 
 should this be done, to retract his errors, or 
 cheerfully yield to the sentence of his superiors, 
 whose authority in spiritual matters he had never 
 disputed, and whose leading and fundamental 
 doctrines he had never denied. 
 
 Most of the errors, charged against John Huss 
 and his friend Jerome of Prague, were collected 
 from the writings of Wickliffe; and it must be 
 confessed, that many of the charges were of a 
 serious and dangerous nature, affecting not
 
 458 
 
 merely the speculations of the fashionable reli- 
 gion of the time,* and the exorbitant power 
 and luxury of the clergy; but even aiming a 
 blow at the authority of the state, and the 
 rights of all government. I am well aware 
 how very common, and unjust, it is to brand 
 every attempt at Reform as an attack on 
 order and government; and thus to stifle and 
 crush the wise and benevolent efforts of good 
 and patriotic men. And this was, in many in- 
 stances, the case with respect to the Lollards, 
 as the disciples of Wickliffe were called. f 
 
 * Doctor Heylin says, that " many of Wick] iffe's opinions 
 were so far from truth, so contrary to peace and civil order, 
 so inconsistent with the government of the Church of Christ, 
 as to be utterly unworthy of so great a character. But such 
 is the humour of some men, as to call every separation from 
 the Church of Rome the gospel, and the greater the separation, 
 the more pure the gospel." Animadversions on Fuller, p. 65. 
 
 f The 8th session of this Council of Constance decreed, 
 that the bones of Wickliffe should be taken up, as unworthy 
 of the sacred ground in which they were quietly reposing, 
 and the following articles, collected from his writings, 
 were condemned as heretical and dangerous: — "1. That 
 the substance material of bread and wine remain in 
 the sacrament of the altar. 2. The accidents of bread re- 
 main not without the substance. 3. Christ is not identi- 
 cally and really in his proper bodily presence in the sacra- 
 ment. 4. If a Bishop or Priest live in mortal sin, he ordain- 
 eth not, baptizeth not, consecrateth not. 5. The gospel saith 
 not that Christ instituted the mass. 6. God ought to obey 
 the devil. 7. If a man be contrite aright, outward confession 
 
 is
 
 459 
 
 The Rev. Mr. O'Leary, in his second Letter 
 addressed to the conductors of the Free Press, 
 
 is needless and unprofitable. 8. If the Pope be a reprobate, 
 and wicked, and so a member of the devil, he hath no power 
 over the faithful given hitn by any but Caesar. 9. Since 
 Urban the Sixth, none is to be taken for Pope, but we must 
 live as the Greeks, under our own laws. 10. It is against 
 scripture that churchmen have possessions. 11. No prelate 
 should excommunicate any one, unless he know that God 
 hath first excommunicated him : And he that so excommu- 
 nicateth, is thereby a heretic or excommunicate. 12. A pre- 
 late that excommunicateth a clerk who appealed to the king, 
 or to the council of the kingdome, is thereby a traytor to the 
 king and kingdome. 13. They that give over preaching, or 
 hearing God's word, for men's excommunication, are excom- 
 municate, and in the day of judgment shall be judged traytors 
 to Christ. 14. It is lawful for a deacon or presbyter to preach 
 the word of God without the authority of the apostolic seal, 
 or a Catholic bishop. 15. No one is a civil lord, or a prelate, 
 or a bishop, while he liveth in mortal sin. 16. Temporal 
 lords may take away temporal goods from the Church, from 
 a possessor habitually criminal, and not only in act. 17. The 
 people may correct their delinquent lords. IS. Tythes are 
 meer alms, and the parishioners may take them away for 
 their prelate's sins. 19. The special prayers applied by pre- 
 lates and religious men to one person, profit him no more 
 than the general ones. 20. lie that giveth alms to fryars is 
 thereby excommunicate. 21. lie that enters the private reli- 
 gion, either of the possessing or the mendicant fryars, becomes 
 less fit and able to keep the commandment^ of God. 22. 
 Holy men that made private religions, thereby sinned. 23. 
 The religious, living in private religion, are not of the 
 Christian religion. 24. Fryars are bound to get their living 
 by the labour of their hands, and not by begging. 25. They 
 are simoniacal that bind themselves to pray for others for a 
 
 temporal
 
 460 
 
 in reply to the charge which the late Mr. Wes- 
 ley brought against the Catholics, of not keep- 
 temporal reward. 26. The prayer of reprobates availeth 
 not to any. 27. All things come to pass by necessity. 28. 
 The confirmation of youth, the ordination of clerks, the con- 
 secration of places, are reserved to the Pope and Bishops for 
 covetousness of temporal gain and honour. 29. Universities, 
 studies, colledges, degrees, and masterships in them, are in- 
 troduced by vain gentility, and profit the church as much as 
 the devil doth. 30. The excommunication of a Pope, or any 
 prelate, is not to be feared, because it is the censure of Anti- 
 christ. 31. They that found cloysters sin, and they are dia- 
 bolical that enter them. 32. To enrich the clergy is against 
 Christ's rule. 33. Pope Sylvester, and the Emperor Con- 
 stantine, erred in enriching the Church. 34. All the order of 
 begging fryars are heretics ; and those that give to them are 
 excommunicate. 35. They that enter religious or any order, 
 are thereby disabled from keeping God's commands, and so 
 of coming to heaven, unless they forsake them. 36. The 
 Pope, and all his clergy, that have possessions, are therefore 
 hereticks, and the secular lords and laicks that consent to them. 
 37. The Church of Rome is the synagogue of satan ; and the 
 Pope is not the immediate and nearest vicar of Christ and the 
 apostles. 38. The Decretal Epistles are apocryphal, and se- 
 duce from the faith of Christ, and the clerks that study them 
 are fools. 39. The emperour and secular lords were seduced 
 by the devil to enrich the Church with temporal goods. 40. 
 The election of the Pope by Cardinals was introduced by the 
 devil. 41. It is not necessary to salvation to believe the 
 Church of Rome to be the supreme among other churches. 42. 
 It is foolish to trust to the Indigencies of the Pope and the 
 Bishops. 43. Oaths made to strengthen humane contracts and 
 civil commerce, are unlawful. 44. Augustine, Benedict, Ber- 
 nard, are damned, unless they repented of having possessions, 
 and instituting and entering religious ; and so from the Pope 
 to the lowest religious, they are all hereticks. 45. All reli- 
 gious were introduced by the devil." — Baxter's History of 
 Councils.
 
 461 
 
 ing faith with heretics,* states the history of the 
 case relative to John Huss, in the following man- 
 ner : quoting Mr. Wesley's charge, he says, — 
 
 " The council of Constance has openly avow- 
 ed violation of faith with heretics. But it has 
 never been openly disclaimed. Therefore," 
 concludes Mr. Wesley, " the Roman Catholics 
 should not be tolerated amongst the Turks or 
 Pasrans." 
 
 v o' 
 
 " A council, so often quoted in anniversary ser- 
 mons, parliamentary debates, and flying pamph- 
 lets, challenges peculiar attention. We shall 
 examine it with as much precision as possible, 
 and with the more impartiality, as strict justice 
 shall be done to all parties. Mr. Wesley knows 
 that we are all Adam's children, who feel the 
 fatal impressions of our origin, and that ambition 
 
 * I am very well persuaded, that had Mr. Wesley been 
 living at this time, and had heard the repeated disavowals of 
 this hateful tenet, which our Catholic brethren are every day 
 making, he would have been the first man to lend his great 
 talents and influence to the cause of liberty and justice : for 
 when Mr. Wesley said, that " Catholics should not be tole- 
 rated amongst the Turks or Pagans," it was under a mistaken 
 impression that they did hold a tenet injurious to the safety 
 and happiness of the state. No man was ever more ready to 
 acknowledge an error, of which he was once convinced, than 
 was Mr. Wesley. See his Letter concerning the civil Principles 
 of Roman Catholics.
 
 462 
 
 which took its rise in heaven itself, often lurks 
 in a corner of the sanctuary, where the ministers 
 of religion offer up their prayers, as well as in 
 the cabinets of kings, where shrewd courtiers 
 form their intrigues. At a time, then, when 
 ambition, that insatiable desire of elevation, that 
 worm which stings the heart, and never leaves 
 it at rest, presented the universe with the ex- 
 traordinary sight of three prelates reviving the 
 restless spirit of the Roman triumvirate, and dis- 
 turbing the peace of mankind as much with their 
 spiritual weapons, as Octavius, Antony, and Le- 
 pidushad disturbed it with their armed legions. At 
 a time when the broachers of new doctrines were 
 kindling up the fire of sedition, and after shaking 
 the foundations of what was then the established 
 religion, were shaking the foundations of thrones 
 and empires. At that critical time, in fourteen 
 hundred and fourteen, was held the council of 
 Constance, with a design, as the fathers of that 
 council express themselves, to reform the Church 
 in her head and members ; and put an end to 
 the calamities which the restless pride of three 
 bishops, assuming the titles of popes, by the 
 names of Gregory the Twelfth, Benedict the 
 Thirteenth, and John the Twenty-third, had 
 brought on Europe, split into three grand fac- 
 tions by the ambition of the above-mentioned 
 competitors. Such transactions in the ministers 
 of a religion that preaches up peace and humi- 
 lity, as the solid foundations on which the struc- 
 ture of all Christian virtues is to be raised, may
 
 463 
 
 startle the unthinking reader, and give him an 
 unfavourable idea of religion." 
 
 " To the council of Constance was cited 
 John Huss, a Bohemian, famous for propagat- 
 ing errors tending to tear the mitre from the 
 heads of Bishops, and wrest the sceptre from the 
 hands of kings : in a word, he was obnoxious to 
 church and state ; and if Mr. Wesley and I 
 preached up his doctrine in the name of God, we 
 would be condemned in the name of the king. 
 The Protestant and Catholic divines would ba- 
 nish us from their universities, and the judges 
 of assize would exterminate us from civil society. 
 Such a doctor had no indulgence to expect from 
 a council, which, after deposing two rivals for 
 the popedom, condemned a third for contu- 
 macy, and elected another in his room. 
 
 " But in mentioning John Huss, whose trial 
 and execution at Constance have given rise to the 
 foul charge of violation of faith with heretics, let 
 none imagine that I am an apologist for the fiery 
 execution of persons, on the score of religious 
 opinions. Let the legislators who were the first 
 to invent the cruel method of punishing the er- 
 rors of the mind with the excruciating tortures of 
 the body, and anticipating the rigor of eternal 
 justice, answer for their own laws. I am of opi- 
 nion, that the true religion, propagated by the 
 effusion of the blood of its martyrs, would still 
 triumph without burning the flesh of heretics -,
 
 464 
 
 and that the Protestant* and Catholic legisla- 
 tors who have substituted the blazing pile in the 
 room of Phalaris's brazen bull, might have 
 pointed out a more lenient punishment for vic- 
 tims, who, in their opinion, had no prospect 
 during the interminable space of a boundless 
 eternity, but that of passing from one Jire into 
 another. If, in enacting such laws, they had 
 consulted the true spirit of religion, I believe 
 the reformation of their own hearts would have 
 been a more acceptable sacrifice to the Divinity, 
 than hecatombs of human victims. " No God 
 nor man, says Tertullian, " should be pleased 
 with a forced sacrifice." " We are not to per- 
 secute those whom God tolerates," says St. Au- 
 gustine. That faith is fictitious which is inspired 
 by the edge of the sword. 
 
 " But still the nature of society is such, that 
 when once the common land-marks are set up, it 
 opposes the hand of the individual that attempts 
 to remove them. Where one common mode of 
 worship is established, and fenced by the laws 
 of the state, whoever attempts to overthrow it, 
 must expect to meet with opposition and vio- 
 lence, until custom softens the rigour of early 
 prejudices, and reconciles us to men whose fea- 
 tures and lineaments are like our own, but still 
 
 * " The imperial laws, which condemned heretics to the 
 flames, have been put into execution by Calvin, queen Eliza- 
 beth, James the First," &c.
 
 465 
 
 seem strange to us, because their thoughts are 
 different. 
 
 " How far opposition to religious innovations 
 is justifiable, is not our business to discuss. But 
 the experience of ages evinces the fact; and in 
 dissimilar circumstances, Mr. Wesley has made 
 the trial. In kingdoms, where, as in the Ro- 
 man Pantheon, every divinity had its altars, spe- 
 culative deviations from the religion established 
 by law, the singularity of love-feasts and noc- 
 turnal meetings, so unusual among the modern 
 Christians of every denomination, roused the 
 vigilance of the magistrate, and influenced the 
 rage of the rabble. Now, that custom has ren- 
 dered Mr. Wesley's meeting-houses and mode 
 of worship familiar, and that all denominations 
 enjoy a share of that religious liberty, whereof 
 he would fain deprive his Roman Catholic neigh- 
 bour, his matin hymns give no uneasiness either 
 to the magistrate or his neighbours. But had 
 Mr. Wesley raised his notes on the high key of 
 civil discordance — had he attempted by his ser- 
 mons, his writings, and exhortations, to deprive 
 the bishops of the established religion, of their 
 crosiers ; kings of their thrones ; and magistrates 
 of the sword of justice; long ere now would his 
 pious labours have been crowned with martyrdom, 
 and his name registered in the calendar of Fox's 
 saints. Such, unfortunately, was the case of 
 John Huss. Not satisfied with overthrowing 
 what was then the established religion, and le-
 
 466 
 
 veiling the fences of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
 he strikes at the root of all temporal power, and 
 civil authority. He boldly asserts, that "Princes, 
 magistrates, &c. in the state of mortal sin, are 
 deprived ipso facto of all power and jurisdic- 
 tion."* In this doctrine was enveloped the seeds 
 of anarchy and sedition, which subsequent 
 preachers unfolded, to the destruction of peace 
 and tranquillity, almost all over Europe ; and 
 which Sir William Blackstone describes as fol- 
 lows : " The dreadful effects of such a religious 
 bigotry, when actuated by erroneous principles, 
 even of the Protestant kind, are sufficiently evi- 
 dent from the history of the Anabaptistsf in 
 
 * See the acts of the council of Constance, in 1/ Abbe's 
 Collection of Councils. 
 
 t This is no imputation on the Baptists of our days, 
 who are as peaceable and good men as any others. Men's 
 opinions change with the times, as in different stages of 
 life we change our thoughts, and settle at the age of forty 
 the roving imagination of sixteen. Custom, and mutual 
 intercourse among fellow subjects of every denomination, 
 would soon quench the remaining sparks of religious feuds, 
 if distinctive laws were abolished. But, unfortunately for 
 the society in which we live, the laws, whose aim should be 
 to unite the inhabitants, are calculated to divide them. My 
 neighbour distrusts me, because the penal laws held me forth 
 as a reprobate before I was born, and, during my life, en- 
 courage him to seize my horse, or drag me before a magis- 
 trate, for saying my prayers; which reduces me to the sad 
 necessity of hating him, or considering him as an enemy, if 
 in the great struggle between nature and grace, religion does 
 
 not
 
 467 
 
 Germany, the Covenanters in Scotland, and the 
 deluge of sectaries in England, who murdered 
 their sovereign, overturned the church and mo- 
 narchy, shook every pillar of law, justice, and 
 private property, and most devoutly established 
 a kingdom of saints in their stead."* 
 
 O 
 
 " John Huss, then, after broaching the above- 
 mentioned doctrines, and making Bohemia the 
 theatre of intestine war, is summoned to appear 
 before the council. He obtains a safe conduct 
 from the emperor Sigismund, commanding go- 
 vernors of provinces, &c. not to molest him on 
 his journey to, or return from, Constance ; but to 
 afford him every aid and assistance. In all the 
 provinces and cities through which he passes, he 
 gives public notice of his intention to appear 
 before the council, and stand his trial. But, in- 
 stead of standing his trial, and retracting his er- 
 
 not triumph. Before Lewis the Fourteenth, and George the 
 First, repealed the laws against witches, every disfigured old 
 woman was in danger of her life, and considered as a sor- 
 ceress. Since the witch-inaking laws have been repealed, 
 there is not a witch in the land, and the dairy maid is not 
 under the necessity of using counter charms to hinder the 
 milk from being enchanted from her pail. Thus, if the penal 
 laws, which by a kind of omnipotence create an original sin, 
 making rogues of Catholics before they reach their hands to 
 the tempting fruit, were once repealed, thjey would be as 
 honest as their neighbours, and the objects of their love and 
 confidence. 
 
 * Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. iv. chap. 8. 
 2H2
 
 468 
 
 rors, he attempts to make his escape, in order 
 to disseminate, and make them take deeper root. 
 He is arrested and confined, in order that he 
 should take his trial, after having violated his 
 promise, and abused a safe-conduct granted him 
 for the purpose of exculpating himself, or re- 
 tracting his errors, if proved against him before 
 his competent judges. It is here to be remark- 
 ed, that John Huss was an ecclesiastic; and 
 that in spiritual cases, the bishops were his only 
 and competent judges. The boundaries of the 
 two powers, I mean the church and state, be- 
 ing kept distinct; the censer left to the pontiff, 
 and the sword to the magistrate ; the church 
 confined to her spiritual weapons ; privation of 
 life and limb, and corporal punishments, being 
 quite of the province of the state; one should 
 not interfere with the other. As the body of 
 the criminal is under the control of the magis- 
 trate, too jealous of his privilege to permit the 
 church to interfere with his power; — so, errone- 
 ous doctrines are under the control of spiritual 
 judges, too jealous of their prerogatives, to per- 
 mit the civil magistrate to interfere with their 
 rights. — Hence, when the partisans of Huss 
 raised clamours about his confinement, and 
 pleaded his safe-conduct, the council published 
 the famous decree which has given rise to so 
 many cavils, for the space of four hundred years, 
 though thousands of laws of a more important 
 nature, and of which we now think but little, 
 have been published since that time. The coun-
 
 469 
 
 t\\ declares, " That every safe-conduct granted 
 by the emperor, kings, and other temporal prin- 
 ces, to heretics, or persons accused of heresy, 
 ought not to be of any prejudice to the Catholic 
 faith, or to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction; nor 
 to hinder that such persons may and ought to 
 be examined, judged, and punished, according 
 as justice shall require, if those heretics refuse 
 to revoke their errors : and the person who shall 
 iiave promised them security, shall not, in this 
 case, be obliged to keep his promise, by what- 
 ever tie he may be engaged, because he has done 
 all that is in his power to do." I appeal to the 
 impartial public, Whether that declaration of 
 the council does not regard the peculiar case of 
 safe-conducts, granted by temporal princes, to 
 persons who are liable to be tried by competent 
 and independent tribunals ? And, Whether it be 
 not an insult to candour and common sense, to 
 give it such a latitude as to extend it to every 
 lawful promise, contract, or engagement, be- 
 tween man and man ? As if the council of Con- 
 stance meant to authorize me to buy my neigh- 
 bour's goods, and after a solemn promise to pay 
 him, still to keep his substance, and break my 
 word. The church and state are two distinct 
 and independent powers, each in its peculiar 
 line. — A man is to be tried by the church for 
 erroneous doctrines : a temporal prince grants 
 this man a safe-conduct, to guard his person 
 from any violence which may be offered him on 
 his journey ; and to procure him a fair and can-
 
 470 
 
 did trial, on his appearance before his lawful 
 judges. Has not this prince done all that is in his 
 power to do ? Doth his promise to such a man 
 authorize him to interfere with a foreign and in- 
 dependent jurisdiction, or to usurp the rights of 
 another ? Do not the very words of the council, 
 " Because he has done all that is in his power 
 to do," prove that lawful promises are to be ful- 
 filled ? 
 
 "Such j urisconsults, whether Catholics or Pro- 
 testants, such as Prenus, Speklam, and others, as 
 I have accidentally read, concerning the nature 
 of safe-conducts, lay down for a general rule, 
 that they are never granted to suspend the exe- 
 cution of the laws. Salmis conductus contra jus 
 non datur. It were nugatory in the emperor 
 Sigismund, presumptive heir to a kingdom, 
 which Huss's doctrine had changed into a the- 
 atre of intestine wars, to grant a safe-conduct, 
 the meaning and sense whereof would be equi- 
 valent to the following pass : " Although you 
 have set kingdoms in a blaze, by striking at the 
 vitals of temporal authority, and overthrown the 
 established religion of the land; yet go to Con- 
 stance and come back, without appearing be- 
 fore your lawful judges, or retracting doctrines 
 which have caused such disturbances in church 
 and state." Safe-conducts, then, are not grant- 
 ed to screen delinquents from punishment, when 
 legally convicted; much less, to countenance
 
 471 
 
 disobedience to the laws, and disorder, by im- 
 punity. 
 
 " The council was the most competent judge 
 of Huss's doctrine, in which he stedfastly per- 
 severed. Neither king nor emperor could de- 
 prive the bishops of privileges inseparably an- 
 nexed to their characters, viz. spiritual jurisdic- 
 tion, and the right of judging doctrines. Huss 
 was degraded, and retrenched, according to the 
 usual formalities, from a communion from which 
 he had separated himself before. This is all the 
 bishops could have done : this they acknowledge 
 after the sentence of Huss's degradation was 
 pronounced. " This sacred synod of Constance, 
 considering that the church of Christ has no- 
 thing further that it can do, decrees to leave 
 John Huss to the judgment of the state." His 
 execution was in consequence of the imperial 
 laws, enforced by the civil magistrate, as the 
 execution of heretics in England, and other Pro- 
 testant states, has been in consequence of the 
 imperial laws adopted by such powers. The 
 Protestant clergy, as well as the clergy of Con- 
 stance, decided upon points of doctrine, and 
 went no farther. 
 
 " Thus we see, that this superannuated charge 
 of violation of faith zvith heretics, resembles those 
 nightly spectres which vanish upon a nearer 
 approach. We find nothing in this council, 
 relative to such a charge, but a dispute about
 
 472 
 
 a pass granted to a man who goes to take his 
 trial before judges whose jurisdiction could not 
 be superseded. Or if we intend to do justice 
 to men with the same eagerness that we are dis- 
 posed to injure them, we must acknowledge that 
 the fathers of that council condemned lies, 
 frauds, perjury, and those horrors which Mr. 
 "Wesley would fain fix upon the Roman Catho- 
 lics. The foundations then, on which Mr. Wes- 
 ley has erected his aerial fabric, being once 
 sapped, the superstructure must fall of course; 
 and his long train of false and unchristian asser- 
 tions are swept away as a spider's web, before 
 the wind of logical rules. From absurd premises 
 follows an absurd conclusion." 
 
 But still it will be asked, that admitting the 
 fact, that the Catholic religion does not teach 
 persecution, nor hold the tenet that no faith is to 
 be kept with heretics, yet is there not a stronger 
 bias in the spirit and discipline of that Church 
 to persecution, than is found in any other? De- 
 tach that Church from the State, and I reply, 
 there is not. I have mixed and associated with 
 Catholics, and I can assert, without dread of 
 contradiction, that I have found as much li- 
 berality of sentiment, as enlarged and as beral 
 a freedom, and as great a spirit of toleration and 
 Christian forbearance, as among other Chris- 
 tians holding the same general doctrines. It is 
 true, they tell us, that future salvation is promised 
 only to believers, by which, I am well aware,
 
 473 
 
 they mean believers of their own description. 
 But I should be glad to know how many de- 
 nominations of Christians we can find that do 
 not hold a similar opinion. Does not the 
 Church of England tell us, that if we would be 
 saved, we must believe the creed of St. Athana- 
 sius ? Will any Calvinist, consistent with his 
 principles, tell us that we may be saved whether 
 we believe his doctrines or not ? Nay, have not 
 even the modest and liberal Quakers their 
 line of distinction ? — their disownments and 
 their censures, and that on account of heresy, 
 real or imaginary ? The truth of the whole 
 matter is this, and thus we all reason : •' Who- 
 soever would be saved, it is necessary to be of 
 the true Church : zve are the true Church ; 
 therefore, whosoever would be saved must be of 
 our Church." We may wrangle for ever about 
 the exclusive spirit and the narrow bounds of 
 popery ; but, after all, it comes to this, even 
 among most Protestants, that there is no sal- 
 vation apart from us:" The Temple of the 
 Lord are WE." We all environ ourselves in a 
 fortress of fundamentals, essentials, indispensable 
 articles, and a thousand fancies of our own, and 
 then call ourselves THE CHURCH! We be- 
 come so many infallible bodies, and deal out 
 our sentences of everlasting damnation with as 
 much grace and ease as if we were distributing 
 the bounties of a kind Providence. But it does 
 not therefore follow, that any of us would per- 
 secute another to death, merely because we
 
 474 
 
 think him in a dangerous error. The times 
 of open persecution, I trust, are for ever past. 
 Had Luther lived in our day, he would not 
 have indulged narrow and selfish views : had 
 Calvin now to deal with even Servetus, he 
 would not resort to the argument of fire : had 
 Socinus now to reason with Davidus, he would 
 not thrust him into prison for not praying to a 
 being whom he believed to be a mere man ; and 
 were the Catholics now restored to their former 
 power, I feel confident they would not resort to 
 the same violent measures which at one time so 
 dreadfully disgraced them, and for which they 
 now so severely suffer. The shameful disabili- 
 ties under which Catholics and Dissenters still 
 labour, will soon be removed — the voice of 
 truth, of justice and humanity must and will be 
 heard. These disabilities are supported, not by 
 the genius of Protestantism, for the principles of 
 our separation from the Church of Rome are at 
 variance with all those arguments which are 
 urged by an interested faction for a continuance 
 of that system of intolerance which is so perti- 
 naciously pursued against the just claims of the 
 Irish Catholics. It is not a system wholly of a 
 religious character — the men who persist in op- 
 posing the claims of Catholics and Dissenters, 
 I am persuaded, care little about the religion of 
 either. The system is a political one ; they 
 know that those persons, Catholics and others, 
 who now feel themselves injured and insulted, 
 on account of their religious opinions, are the
 
 475 
 
 friends of civil liberty, — the enemies of in- 
 terminable war, and courtly corruption ; they 
 know, that by enfranchising them in religious 
 matters, they would at the same time be adding 
 to their political influence, which, more than 
 their faith, they dread. No men would be more 
 tolerant in matters of religion than the " No 
 Popery" men, if they did not fear that the con- 
 sequences of granting religious liberty would be 
 injurious to that line of politics which they think 
 fit to pursue. 
 
 The same men who usurp the altars of our 
 God, also sculk behind the throne of our King. 
 They give us acts of parliament, which require 
 twelve judges, and more than twelve times 
 twelve lawyers to understand ; and acts of faith 
 and uniformity, which nobody can understand, 
 and which are, indeed, productive of the great- 
 est possible dissension.* 
 
 * The Dissenters of this country will not soon forget the 
 Act which in one day ejected from their livings, TWO 
 THOUSAND honest, pious, and learned Clergymen, because 
 they would not subscribe to a book which many of them 
 had never seen, which it was impossible they should have 
 seen, and which those that did see, objected to on public 
 and conscientious grounds. — They will never forget the 
 festival of St. Bartholomew ; and the No-Popery alarmists 
 only add to their own shame, and awaken recollections which 
 prudence should teach them rather to stifle, by mention- 
 ing the name of that unfortunate day, which they often do 
 in their attacks on Catholics.
 
 476 
 
 Yet, after all, it will be asked, have ndt thd 
 Catholics been the instigators of a thousand plots 
 and massacres? and have they not made religion 
 the pretext for the most savage barbarities ? I 
 will reply in the words of an ingenious Protes- 
 tant :* " This heavy imputation, whether just 
 or unjust, has long lain, and still lies, on this 
 unfortunate people. It is a prejudice deeply 
 rooted in the minds of Protestants, a matter so 
 received and credited by all, as not once to be 
 controverted or examined by any." 
 
 The Parisian massacre was a most cruel and 
 barbarous piece of business, and sadly involved 
 were even many priests, and other ecclesiastics, 
 in the horrors of that tremendous night, when 
 multitudes were butchered to gratify the cruelty 
 and the diabolical policy ofan infuriate woman, the 
 artful Catherine de Medicis. ct The prime au- 
 thoress of the execrable plot of the Parisian mas- 
 sacre appears," says Mr. Comber, f "to have been 
 
 * Henry Brookes, Esq. author of the Fool of Quality, Gus- 
 tavus Vasa, and many other curious and interesting works. 
 See his book, entitled " The Tryal of the Catholicks," p. 32. 
 I wish every Protestant, before he brings his heavy charges 
 against Catholics, would do himself and others the justice to 
 read this amusing volume. 
 
 f History of the Parisian Massacre, by the Rev. Thomas 
 Comber, A. B. p. 17. ; a work written expressly to bring 
 odium on the Catholics, and to retard and prevent the 
 claims of that oppressed people. I know not whether some 
 apology should not be offered for my quoting from so exe- 
 crable
 
 477 
 
 Catherine, the queen-mother of Charles IX., king 
 of France, in whose reign this bloody tragedy was 
 acted ; and, by herself, and by the ministry of 
 her infernal creatures, she most artfully excited 
 and inflamed the resentment and other bad pas- 
 sions of her son, by slow degrees, to the horrible 
 execution of it." Now, if this dreadful business 
 originated in the malignity of a woman, second- 
 ed by the culpable weakness of her son : or if, 
 as this writer asserts, the family of the Guises 
 be to be ranked among the chief instruments 
 of this execrable design ; nay, even if the sur- 
 mises of Mr. Comber be correct, which is very 
 problematical, that the whole Roman consistory 
 knew and approved of this plot before its execu- 
 tion, and that, therefore, as he unjustly infers, 
 " the generality of the popish nobility, magis- 
 trates, and military officers," were concerned 
 in it, what, in the name of truth and justice, 
 had the doctrines and the discipline — the reli- 
 gion — of Catholics to do with all this ? How far 
 is that religion concerned in any such wicked 
 proceedings, otherwise than to condemn and ex- 
 
 crable a publication, and which the eloquent and truly inge- 
 nious Mr. Canning has lately so pointedly and properly re- 
 probated in the House of Commons, as a work published with 
 no other views than to keep alive disgraceful prejudices, and 
 to excite the worst and most malignant passions of the human 
 breast. If any apology be required, let it be found in my 
 anxiety to shew, that no prejudice can at all times stifle the 
 truth, of uniformly distort obvious historical facts.
 
 478 
 
 ecrate them ? To that religion I appeal, false, 
 unscriptural, and erroneous, as I most consci- 
 entiously believe it to be — I appeal to every 
 man, whether Protestant or Catholic, who knows 
 any thing at all of the matter, who has ever 
 read a single page of the ROMAN MISSAL,* 
 vulgarly denominated the Mass Book, in which 
 
 * Protestants, who are alarmed at the dangers of popery, 
 always look for the religion of Catholics in stories of plots, 
 massacres, burnings, and persecutions. Fox's Book of Martyrs, 
 is to them a better guide than Challoner's Garden of the Soul, 
 and Limborch's History of the Inquisition, than Thomas a 
 Kempis's " Imitation of Christ" When we might imagine 
 they would be reading manuals, litanies, catechisms, prayers, 
 and sermons, we find them devouring with avidity records 
 of the Inquisition, papal decretals, old Newgate calendars, 
 acts of parliment, and histories of England ! When they 
 would know the faith of Catholics, they sit down immediately 
 to such books as Smith's Errors of the Church of Rome de- 
 tected ; Benson's Confutation of Popery; Trapp's Popery truly 
 Stated and briefly confuted; Baxter's Naked Popery; and, 
 above all, to Don Antonio Gavin's Master-Key to Popery ! 
 I will here indulge these disinterested inquirers by mention- 
 ing to them a little book, which they seem nearly to have 
 overlooked, but in the perusal of which, I promise them 
 ample gratification, in their way ; it is entitled " The Protes- 
 tant Almanack, &c, wherein the bloody aspects, fatal op- 
 positions, diabolical conjunctions, and pernicious revolutions, 
 of the papacy against the Lord and'his anointed, are describ- 
 ed. Calculated according to art for the meridian of Baby- 
 lon, where the Pope is elevated an hundred and fifty degrees 
 above all reason, right, and religion ; above kings, canons, 
 councils, conscience, and every thing called God, 2 Thess. 2. 
 And may, without sensible error, indifferently serve the whole 
 
 papacy.
 
 479 
 
 is expressed or implied, every essential branch 
 of the Catholic faith and worship — I appeal to 
 the good sense and candour of even the enemies 
 of the Catholic claims, whether there is any 
 truth, honour, or justice in the cruel and disin- 
 genuous reflection of the author of the " Pari- 
 sian Massacre," where he asserts, that this 
 bloody and Anti-Catholic proceeding was " wor- 
 thy of the Church of Rome /" Mr. Comber, by 
 this single expression, has shewn himself worthy 
 of a much harsher term than the author of these 
 sheets is willing to apply to him. If all Paris, 
 if all Rome, nay, if the Pope himself approv- 
 ed of this plot, I contend that it was planned 
 and executed in the very teeth of their reli- 
 gion ; let those who can, disprove this, and 
 shew, that the Roman Catholic religion numbers 
 among its articles of faith, or rules of general 
 discipline, the practice of persecution, and the 
 principle of not keeping faith with heretics. 
 
 The Inquisition is thought to be an indispens- 
 
 papacy. By Philoprotest, a well-wisher to the mathema- 
 tics/' printed for the company of stationers. The impres- 
 sions for several years, beginning A. D. 1690, are now in my 
 possession. It is a curious medley of falsehood, just satire, 
 and blasphemous ribaldry. A re-publication, and continua- 
 tion, of this work, may consistently be recommended to the 
 editor and publishers of the new and improved edition of Dr. 
 Middleton's Letter from Rome. It would be a capital com- 
 panion to Francis Moore, Physician.
 
 480 
 
 able branch of the religion of Catholics. It is, 
 however, no such thing. That religion had ex- 
 isted many centuries before that hellish tribunal 
 was thought of. It was an engine of state per- 
 secution, and took cognizance of other matters 
 beside those immediately connected with reli- 
 gion. The Court of High Commission, — the Star 
 Chamber of this country, — were just as much 
 parts of the religion of Protestants, as the Inqui- 
 sition of Spain is of the religion of Catholics ; 
 and it would be equally just, in writing against 
 the faith of Protestants, to refer to the diaboli- 
 cal proceedings of those courts, as, in opposing 
 the faith of Catholics, to reproach them with 
 the deeds of the Inquisition. And, after all the 
 wickedness and cruelty exercised by that tribu- 
 nal, " it was not competent to pass sentence of 
 death, or the loss of limbs, upon any person 
 whatever."* It is not necessary, therefore, to 
 add another word on this head ; and if it were, 
 it would be amply sufficient to say, that the In- 
 quisition is now, for the most part, abolished j 
 and, in fact, that many countries never intro- 
 duced it, but opposed its cruel proceedings, and 
 protested against its very existence. 
 
 I must now conclude this feeble and imper- 
 fect sketch. It was commenced with a sincere 
 
 * Dr. Milner's Letters to a Prebendary, p. 1 16
 
 481 
 
 and ardent hope of being able to describe with 
 faithfulness, and therefore with usefulness, the 
 history, faith, and worship, of a large portion of 
 the Christian world ; and in the execution of my 
 design, I have always laboured to preserve an 
 even and a steady hand. The subject on which 
 I have treated in this last section, presented one 
 of the most formidable obstacles to the under- 
 taking ; but I must here repeat, what has more 
 than once been stated, that Catholicism and 
 persecution ought not to be confounded to- 
 gether. If the religion of Catholics could, with 
 justice, be identified with the Court of Rome, 
 and with the general conduct of Catholic princes, 
 then, indeed, frightful would be the picture, and 
 painful the delineation. — Happily, this is not the 
 case ; nor is any Roman Catholic, in defending 
 the purity of his faith, compelled to advocate 
 the cause of persecution, tyranny, or oppression. 
 From the days of Constantine the Great, to the 
 age of Louis the XIV., — from Pope Sylvester I. 
 to Innocent XI., potentates and prelates have 
 risen in succession, to support, by various means, 
 the religion of Roman Catholics. Before the 
 one, or since the other, little of open persecu- 
 tion was, or has been, resorted to ; and it should 
 never be forgotten, that numerous intermediate 
 Catholic princes, priests, prelates, and people, 
 have been eminent for their temperate, wise, and 
 pious conduct. These are the persons who 
 adorn their christian profession j and to them we 
 should direct our attention for examples of the 
 
 2 I
 
 genuine effects of Catholicism. It is strange^ 
 that Protestants do not thus reason. — It is pass- 
 ing strange, that we should be so exceedingly 
 anxious to discover their blemishes, failings, and 
 errors, and yet remain so indifferent to their 
 virtues and their excellences ! If, in the fore- 
 going history, I have softened, in many cases,, 
 the darker shades of the picture, or have endea- 
 voured to throw the more unsightly objects into 
 the back-ground, it has not been without, w r hat 
 at least appeared to me, good and sufficient 
 reasons, — it has arisen from a conviction that, 
 in most cases, those objects are no essential 
 parts of the painting ; and that there are persons 
 enough to be found, ready to bring them into 
 full and prominent view. Too many writers of 
 the Protestant church have already delineated 
 the carbuncles, and other cachectical deformi- 
 ties, which time and improper treatment have 
 produced on the face of the Roman Catholic 
 Church. It was only just, that an attempt, at 
 least, should be made to shew, that these defor- 
 mities are, in fact, no natural appendages of the 
 constitution ; and that, however ugly the face 
 may be in reality, it is not right to mistake 
 the effects of age or of misfortune for the 
 original complexion and contour of the fea- 
 tures. 
 
 Time, however, which has deformed, is now be- 
 ginning to amend the whole frame and structure 
 of the Christian world. Mankind are rapidly
 
 48S 
 
 advancing in knowledge and virtue.* The prin- 
 ciples of civil and religious liberty, at all times 
 inseparable, are making glorious progress in 
 every country in Europe. Italy, once the seat 
 of learning, science, and the arts, has experienced 
 a long and gloomy night; her superstitions, how- 
 ever, are vanishing away, though her sons are 
 trodden under foot by the despoiler of Europe. 
 The Pope, and all the great dignitaries of the an- 
 cient papal government, are, it is true, writhing 
 under the iron grasp of a military despot; but they 
 will learn humility and obedience by their suf- 
 ferings, and they will feel more genuine greatness 
 in patiently enduring this " fight of afflictions," 
 than they did, when they lost sight of their God 
 and their religion, amidst the pomp and glare of 
 princely honours and regal grandeur. Their pre- 
 sent distresses, accompanied, as they are, with 
 the new lights of science and philosophy, will 
 soften and ameliorate their tempers. They will 
 learn to practise, should their power revive, 
 
 * Roman Catholics have been accused of withholding the 
 Scriptures from the people. At this time, however, the Sacred 
 Writings are circulating among them in almost every shape. 
 Fine, but very cheap, editions of the Douay Bible and the 
 Rheinish Testament, are now publishing in weekly Numbers, 
 for the convenience of the poorer classes of Catholics ; and 
 at the last public dinner (1S12) of the friends and sub- 
 scribers to the plans of the patriotic Joseph Lancaster, into 
 whose schools the BIBLE only is admitted, I had the plea- 
 sure to see the Earl of Fingail, Sir John Throckmorton, and 
 other Catholics, whose names stand on the list of subscribers ' 
 2 I 2
 
 484 
 
 what their religion would always have taught 
 them : — mercy and justice, humanity and bene- 
 volence. The poorer and inferior clergy, driven 
 into exile by oppressors of their own church and 
 communion, will learn to regard with fewer feel- 
 ings of dislike and religious abhorrence the here- 
 tics by whom they were sheltered and maintained. 
 When the storm is past, and the reign of peace 
 returns, these priests will go back to their respec- 
 tive flocks, and teach them to be tolerant and 
 charitable in their opinions concerning those to 
 whom they, themselves, are under a load of gra- 
 titude and obligation. American freedom, and 
 English hospitality, will have united with the 
 piety of these emigrants to amend their charac- 
 ters, and soften their tempers. The men whom 
 they Avould not injure in their persons they 
 will learn to look upon as no longer objects of 
 the Divine displeasure. Gratitude will concur 
 with knowledge in convincing them, that as God 
 is no respecter of persons, they should not con- 
 demn to future misery any man for his faith, his 
 mistakes, or his worship. 
 
 Even Spain, dark and bigoted Spain, will 
 " learn righteousness" in this general conflict. 
 The noble and generous souls of the Spaniards 
 will regard with detestation the Roman Catholic 
 invaders of their country, while the intercourse 
 which has been happily opened between them 
 and us, must convince even the rudest monks 
 of the Peninsula, that heretics in faith are often
 
 485 
 
 much better men in practice, than military plun- 
 derers, who unite to the faith of saints the works 
 of demons. The abolition of the feudal system, the 
 reduction of the monks, and the destruction of the 
 Inquisition, will ere long shew them, that their 
 religion has not required for its support these en- 
 gines of vassalage, slavery, and cruelty. They 
 will soon abhor what they can do so well with- 
 out, and which has cost them so much to main- 
 tain. They will return to the ancient simplicity of 
 their religion, or else be converted to the more 
 scriptural faith of their reformed neighbours.* 
 The exclusive character of the Roman creed will 
 not long operate on the minds of those who can- 
 not live without Protestants, who would lose 
 their country itself, were it not for the assistance 
 afforded to them by men whom they have hi- 
 therto regarded as dangerous heretics. 
 
 * If the evil policy of our No-popery faction do not pre- 
 vent it, there is every reason in the world to believe, that our 
 intercourse with Spain will open the way, not only to a dif- 
 fusion of the principles of civil liberty in that country, but 
 also to a general spread of rejigious information, which, in the 
 end, must have the most beneficial effects. Englishmen are 
 every where treated with respect and esteem in Spain, and 
 the form of our Constitution is warmly admired by many 
 enlightened men there. See Sir John Carr's Descriptive Tra- 
 vels in the Southern and Eastern Parts of Spain, and the Bale- 
 aric Isles, in 1S09. There is an amiable and gentlemanly 
 spirit manifest in all Sir John's publications, which renders 
 him at once a useful and a pleasing writer. This last work 
 of his is certainly the best specimen he has given of his ta- 
 lents as a descriptive tourist.
 
 486 
 
 The patriots of Spanish America are doing 
 wonders. Habits of reading and reflection ; 
 principles of true science and knowledge, are 
 succeeding to the laziness and ignorance of 
 monkish superstitions ; and the spirit of rational 
 freedom and manly independence is sailing 
 ground among them.* 
 
 In this country alone, if we except some 
 ephemeral proceedings of the Spanish Cortes, 
 is a standard raised against the progress of re- 
 ligious liberty. That standard, however, is sup- 
 ported only by a feeble and dying faction, the 
 
 * These patriots, however, (iike many others when they 
 first burst the fetters of a degrading superstition) it is 
 lamentable to observe, do not content themselves, with 
 casting off' what is obviously erroneous : many of them 
 are, it is to be feared, in danger of exchanging their old 
 faith for the cold and cheerless creed of Voltaire and 
 Paine. The Age of Reason, one of the most contemptible of 
 all contemptible attacks on the religion of Christ, is, I under- 
 stand, a great favourite with these American philosophers ; 
 and the Rights of Man, a book equally inapplicable to their 
 present state, and as base, I have no hesitation in believing, 
 in its object as even the Age of Reason itself, is also read and 
 admired by some of them. But these accidents of a Revo- 
 lution like this cannot have any very lasting effect on a 
 whole people. They will soon discover, that Deism is ill-cal- 
 culated to promote the morals and happiness of a state, and 
 that sheer democracy is but a miserable substitute for a firm 
 and useful government. Rational Christianity, and a mixed 
 constitution like our own, are, pei haps, the only grounds of 
 security to a great and free people ; and such, I have no 
 doubt, the natives of Spanish America will one day become.
 
 487 
 
 symptoms of whose dissolution increase daily. 
 With evident reluctance, but from an irresisti- 
 ble impulse, point after point is conceded. 
 Every session of our Parliament acquires great 
 accessions of strength to the cause of truth and 
 charity. Let but the Catholics of Ireland, and 
 the Dissenters of England unite as one man 
 against the mistaken forces of intolerance, and 
 by a moderate but steady application — by rei- 
 terated petitions, constitutionally obtained, and 
 respectfully presented, continue to thunder in 
 the ears of their oppressors the cry of liberty 
 and emancipation, and they must at length be 
 heard. So sure as the bloody trade in human be- 
 ings fell by these means — so certain as the British 
 Constitution possesses within itself the power of 
 accomplishing its own reform, even so must the 
 demands of Catholics and Dissenters be com- 
 plied with. Only let us not fall out by the way 
 — a grand and noble object is to be attained, 
 and it is to be attained by means honourable 
 in their nature, and certain in their effects : let 
 us not thwart them by intemperance, nor retard 
 them by imprudence. 
 
 It requires no supernatural powers of prophecy 
 to discern, that we are fast approaching a new 
 and distinguished era. Light breaks in on every 
 side. The mouldering walls of bigotry and su- 
 perstition are daily sinking — " Corruption is 
 exhausting the means of Corruption." Intoler- 
 ance is, itself, forcing the doors of religious ex-
 
 488 
 
 elusions; and the opposition that is made to 
 the freedom of man tends but to elicit new ar- 
 guments in his favour— -new reasons for his en- 
 franchisement.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 A concise View of the Lazes now in force relating 
 to the Boman Catholics of England and Ireland, 
 interspersed with occasional remarks. 
 
 THE following summary of laws relating to 
 Roman Catholics has been collected, principally, 
 from Mr. Butler's Historical Account of the Laws 
 against the Roman Catholics of England ; and 
 from the " Statement of the Laws which ag- 
 grieve the Catholics of Ireland,"* to which I 
 have added such variations and occasional re- 
 marks as obviously presented themselves. It is 
 unnecessary to make many comments upon 
 the disgraceful nature and injurious tendency of 
 these laws : they are standing monuments of the 
 fatal effects of mistake and prejudice; and a 
 consideration of them should at least silence the 
 cry of Protestants against popish intolerance 
 and persecution. 
 
 The following Statement, says Mr. Butler, may be found 
 to give— I. Some account of the laws, which, since the Re- 
 formation, have been past against the Roman Catholics. 
 II. Some account of the effect and operation of the laws, 
 which have been past, since the accession of His Majesty's 
 family to the throne of England, for the relief of Roman 
 Catholics. III. And some account of the penal laws, the ef- 
 fect of which is felt by Roman Catholics, but the effect of 
 which is not felt by Protestant Dissenters. 
 
 * In making use of these books, I have the consent and approbation 
 of their respective authors; and I take this opportunity of thanking 
 them for this and other instances of their kindness.
 
 490 
 
 I. 
 
 With respect to the laws, which, since the separation of 
 
 the Church of England from the Church of Rome, at the 
 time of the Reformation, have been past against those who 
 remained iu communion with the See of Rome— the law? 
 against them may be reduced under five heads : — 
 
 I. 1. The first, are those, which subjected them to penalties, 
 and punishments for exercising their religious worship; — under 
 which head, may be ranked, the laws respecting their places 
 of education, and the ministers of their church. By these 
 laws, if any English priest of the church of Rome, born in 
 the dominions of the crown of England, came to England 
 from beyond the seas, or tarried in England three days, 
 without conforming to the church, he was guilty of high 
 treason, and those incurred the guilt of high treason, who 
 were reconciled to the see of Rome, or procured others 
 to be reconciled to it. By these laws also, papists were to- 
 tally disabled from giving their children any education in 
 their own religion ; for, if they educated their children at 
 home, then, for maintaining the schoolmaster, if he did not 
 repair to church, or was not allowed by the bishop of the 
 diocese, they were 1 fable to forfeit 101. a month, and the 
 schoolmaster was liable to forfeit forty shillings a day ; and 
 if they sent their children for education to any school of their 
 persuasion abroad, they were liable to forfeit 1001. and the 
 children so sent were disabled from inheriting, purchasing 
 or enjoying any lands, profits, goods, debts, duties, legacies, 
 or sums of money. — Saying mass was punishable by a for- 
 feiture of 300 marks : hearing it, by a forfeiture of 1 00. See 
 1 Eliz. ch. 2. 23. Eliz. ch. 1. 27 Eliz. ch. 2. 29 Eliz. ch. 6. 
 35 Eliz. ch. 2. 2 Jac. 1. ch. 4. 3 .lac. 1. ch. 4, 5. 7 Jac. 
 l.ch. 6. 3 Car. 1. eta. 2. 25 Car. 2. ch. 2. 7 and 8 W. 3. 
 ch. 27. 1 Geo. 1. ch. 13. 
 
 I. 2. Under the second head, were those laws, which pu- 
 nished the English communicants with the church of Rome 
 for not conforming to the established church. These are gene- 
 rally called the Statutes of Recusancy. It should be observed, 
 that absence from church, alone, and unaccompanied by any 
 other act, constitutes recusancy, in the true sense of that
 
 491 
 
 word. Till the statute of the 35 Eliz. chap. 2., all noncon- 
 formists were considered as recusants, and were ail equally 
 subject to the penalties of recusancy : that statute was the 
 first penal statute made against popish recusants, by that 
 name, and as distinguished from other recusants. From 
 that statute arose the distinction between protestant and 
 popish recusants ; the former were subject to such statutes 
 of recusancy, as preceded that of the 35th of queen Eliza- 
 beth, and to some statutes against recusancy, made subse- 
 quently to that time ; but they were relieved from them all, 
 bv the Act of Toleration in the first year of king William's 
 reign,* From the 35th Eliz. ch. 2. arose also the distinction, 
 between papists and persons professing the popish religion, 
 and popish recusants, and popish recusants convict. Not- 
 withstanding the frequent mention in the statutes of 
 papists and persons professing the popish religion, nei- 
 ther the statutes themselves, nor the cases adjudged upon 
 them, present a clear notion of the acts or circumstances 
 that, in the eye of the law, constituted a papist, or a person 
 
 * This is true only of such Protestant recusants as subscribe to tho 
 follewing " Profession of Christian belief:" "I, A. B. profess faith in 
 God the Father, and in Jesus Christ, his eternal Son, the true God, 
 and in the Holy Spirit, one God, blessed for evermore; and do acknow- 
 ledge the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given 
 by divine inspiration." See § 13. of the Toleration Act. Sect. 17 of 
 the same act provides, " That neither this act, nor any clause, article, 
 or tiling herein contained, shall extend, or be construed to extend, to 
 give any ease, benefit, or advantage, to any papist, or popish recusant 
 whatsoever; or any person who shall deny, in his preaching 
 
 OR WRITING, THE DOCTItlNE OF THE BLESSED TRINITY, as it is 
 
 declared in the aforesaid articles of religion ;" referring to § 15 above 
 quoted. The reader will find some remarks on this clause in the Pro- 
 testant Dissenters' Almanack, for the year 1810, at that time published 
 under my superintendence. I am happy to find, that Mr. W. Smith, 
 one of the most liberal and patriotic members of the House of Com- 
 mons, has just given notice of his intention to attempt a repeal of this 
 most scandalous and disgraceful clause of the act, by a strange 
 misnomer, called the Toleration Act. On the day (July 15, of the 
 present year, 1812) fixed for Mr. Smith's notice, there were so few 
 members present, that they could not make a house, as they phra-e it . 
 so little interest do many of our worthy representatives (eel in the 
 subject of religious toleration !
 
 492 
 
 professing the popish religion. When a person of that descrip- 
 tion absented himself from church, he filled the legal descrip- 
 tion of a. popish recusant : When he was convicted in a court 
 of law of absenting himself from church, he was termed in 
 the law a popish recusant convict. To this must be added the 
 constructive recusancy hereinafter mentioned to be incurred 
 by a refusal to take the oath of supremacy. — With respect 
 to the statutes against recusancy, by these statutes, popish 
 recusants convict were punishable by the censures of the 
 church, and by a fine of 201. for every month, during which 
 they absented themselves from church ; they were disabled 
 from holding offices or employments; from keeping arms in 
 their houses; from maintaining actions or suits at law or in 
 equity ; from being executors or guardians ; from presenting 
 to advowsons ; from practising in the law or physic ; and 
 from holding offices, civil or military ; they were subject to 
 the penalties attending excommunication, were not permit- 
 ted to travel five miles from home, unless by license, upon 
 pain of forfeiting all their goods ; and might not come to 
 court under pain of 1001. A married woman, when con- 
 victed of recusancy, was liable to forfeit two thirds of her 
 dower or jointure : she could not be executrix or adminis- 
 tratrix to her husband, nor have any part of his goods ; and, 
 during her marriage, she might be kept in prison, unless her 
 husband redeemed her at the rate of 101. a month, or the 
 third part of his lands. Popish recusants convict were, within 
 three months after conviction, either to submit and renounce 
 their religious opinions, or, if required by four justices, to 
 abjure the realm ; and if they did not depart, or if they re- 
 turned without license, they were guilty of felony, and were 
 to suffer death as felons. — (See the statutes referred to under 
 the former head.) 
 
 I. 3. As to the penalties or disabilities attending the refusal 
 of Roman catholics to take the oath of supremacy, the declaration 
 against transuhstantiation, and the declaration against popery : 
 it must be premised, that the Roman catholics make no ob- 
 jection to take the Oath of Allegiance, 1 G. 2. c. 13. or the 
 Oath of Abjuration, 6 Geo. 3. c. 53. — With respect to the Oath 
 of Supremacy, — by the 1st Elizabeth, ch. 1. the persons 
 therein mentioned were made compellable to take the Oath
 
 493 
 
 of Supremacy contained in that act : by the 3d of king 
 James the 1st, ch. 4. another oath was prescribed to be ta- 
 ken, commonly called the Oath of Allegiance and Obe- 
 dience : these oaths were abrogated by the 1st of king Wil- 
 liam and queen Mary, sess.T. ch. 8., and a new oath of al- 
 legiance, and anew oath of supremacy were introduced, and 
 required to be taken in their stead : the statute made in the 
 2d session of the 1st year of king George the 1st, ch. 
 13, contains an oath of supremacy, in the same words 
 as the oath of supremacy required to be taken by the 1st 
 of king William and queen Mary. By that oath, persons are 
 made to swear, that " no foreign prince, person, prelate, 
 " state or potentate, hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction, 
 " power, supremacy, pre-eminence or authority, ecclesias- 
 " tical or spiritual, within the realm." It was required to 
 be taken by the persons therein named ; it might be tendered 
 to any person, by any two justices of the peace ; and persons 
 refusing the oath so tendered were adjudged to be popish 
 recusants convict, and to forfeit and be proceeded against as 
 6uch. This was the Constructive Recusancy referred to above. 
 It was not the offence itself of recusancy, which, as we have 
 already observed, consisted merely in the party's absenting 
 himself from church; it was the offence of not taking the 
 oath of supremacy, and the other oaths prescribed by the act 
 of 1 Geo. 1., the refusal of which, was, by that statute, placed 
 on the same footing, as a legal conviction on the statutes of 
 recusancy, and subjected the party refusing to the penal- 
 ties of those statutes. This was the most severe of all the 
 laws against papists. The punishment of recusancy was 
 penal in the extreme ; and the persons objecting to the oath 
 in question, might be subjected to all the penalties of recu- 
 sancy, merely by their refusing the oath, when tendered to 
 them. It added to the penal nature of these laws, that the 
 oath in question might be tendered, at the mere will of two 
 justices of peace, without any previous information or com- 
 plaint before a magistrate, or any other person. Thus, by 
 refusing to take the oath of supremacy, when tendered to 
 them, they became liable to all the penalties of recusancy : 
 and the same refusal, by 7 and 8 Wm. 3. ch. 4. and 1 Geo.
 
 494 
 
 1. st. 2. ch. 13. restrained them from practising the law as 
 advocates, barristers, solicitors, attorneys, notaries, or proc- 
 tors, and from voting- at elections. 
 
 1. 4. With respect to receiving- the Sacrament of our 
 .Lord's Supper : By the 13 Cha. 2. (commonly called the Cor- 
 poration Act), no persons can be legally elected to any office, 
 relating to the government of any city or corporation, unless 
 within a twelvemonth before he has received the sacrament 
 of the Lord's Supper, according to the rites of the church of 
 England;* and he is also enjoined to take the oaths of alle- 
 giance and supremacy, at the same time thai he takes the 
 oath of office, or, in default of either of these requisites, such 
 election shall be void. 
 
 I. 5. As to the Declaration against Transubstantiation: By 
 
 * Protestant dissenters who so far conform, (and I am sorry to add, 
 we have a few who act thus inconsistently) in order that they may 
 enjoy certain honorary or lucrative offices, may justly be reproached 
 with making a gain of godliness. Yet a Protestant dissenter may have 
 a seat in the house of commons, who cannot, honourably, be a petty 
 justice of the peace ! William Smith, Esq. the member for Norwich, 
 is a professed dissenter, and an Unitarian, so also is Benjamin Hob- 
 house, Esq. member for Hindon. Mr. Wilberforce is a zealous Cal- 
 vinist, and a member of several societies, principally under the di- 
 rection of dissenters ; and the same may be said of the Thorntons, and 
 several other persons, who make a point of voting with the pious mem- 
 ber for Yorkshire. Thomas Thompson, Esq. member for Midhurst, is 
 a Wesleyan Methodist, an occasional writer in the Methodist Maga- 
 zine, and a LOCAL PREACHER ! ! Mr. Halhed, lately also a Mem- 
 ber of the house of commons, was a believer in Richard Brothers, the 
 mad Prophet ! This most extraordinary gentleman was, iu the early 
 part of his life, an unbeliever, and had attempted to invalidate the 
 truths of holy writ by arguments deduced from Indian chronology. 
 He is described as one of the profoundest oriental scholars then living. 
 The study of Indian mythology brought him back to Christianity, and 
 by a strange perversion of intellect, the Trimourtee of the Hindoos 
 convinced him of the doctrine of the Trinity ; and as he recovered his 
 faith he lost his wits: for he published a book in defence of Brothers, and 
 when that unhappy prophet was sent to prison, instead of to Bt dlam, 
 Mr. Halhed made an excellent speech in the House of Commons on the 
 injustice and impolicy of that measure. See Letters from England, by 
 Don Manuel Alvarez Espriella, (Robert So they) Vol. III. Let- 
 ter 69. Our parliament is, therefore, liberal towards all sorts of 
 Christians except Roman Catholics ! ! f
 
 495 
 
 the 25th Car. 2. ch. 2. (commonly called the Test Act), all 
 officers, civil and military, are directed to take the oath, and 
 make the declaration against transubstantiation, in the Court 
 of King's Bench or Chancery, the next term, or at the next 
 quarter sessions, or (by subsequent statutes) within six 
 months after their admission, and also, within the same time, 
 to receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according to 
 the usage of the church of England, in some public church, 
 immediately after divine service and sermon ; and to deliver 
 into court a certificate thereof, signed by the minister and 
 churchwarden ; and also to prove the same, by two credible 
 witnesses, upon forfeiture of 5001. and disability to hold the 
 office. 
 
 I. 6. With respect to the declaration against popery : The act 
 past in the 30th year of Car. 2. st. 2. ch. 1. contains the de- 
 claration, and prescribes it to be made, by members of either 
 house of parliament, before they take their seats. By it, 
 they declare their disbelief of the doctrine of transubstantia- 
 tion, and their belief, that the invocation of saints, and the sa- 
 crifice of the mass, are idolatrous. 
 
 I. 7. With respect to the laws affecting their landed property : 
 — How this was affected by the laws against recusancy, has 
 been already mentioned. By the 11 and 12 W. 3. ch. 4., it 
 was enacted, that a person educated in the popish religion, 
 or professing the same, who did not in six months, after the 
 age of sixteen, take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, 
 and subscribe the declaration of the 30th Cha. 2., should, in 
 respect of himself only, and not of his heirs or posterity, be 
 disabled to inherit, or take lands by descent, devise, or limi- 
 tation, in possession, reversion, or remainder : and that, dur- 
 ing his life, till he took the oath, and subscribed the declara- 
 tion against popery, his next of kin, who was a protestant, 
 should enjoy the lands, without accounting for the profits ; 
 and should be incapable of purchasing; and that all estates, 
 terms, interests, or profits out of lands made, done, or suf- 
 fered to his use, or in trust for him, should be void, By 
 3 Jac. 1. ch. 5. 1 \V. & M. c. 2G. 12 Anne, st. 2. c. 14. 
 and 11 Geo. 2. c. 17., papists, or persons professing the po- 
 pish religion, were disabled from presenting to advowsons,
 
 496 
 
 and other ecclesiastical benefices, and to hospitals and other 
 charitable establishments. By annual acts of the legislature, 
 papists being of the age of 18 years, and not having taken 
 the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, were subjected to 
 the burden of the double land-tax. By a statute made in 
 the second session of the 1st year of Geo. 1. ch. 55. they 
 were required to register their names and estates in the 
 manner, and under the penalties therein mentioned ; and 
 by the 3d Geo. 1. c. 18. continued by several subsequent 
 statutes, an obligation of enrolling their deeds and wills was 
 imposed on them. Such were the principal penal laws 
 against Roman catholics, immensm aliarum super alias acerva- 
 tarwn legum cwnulus (Liv. 3.34.), at the time of the accession 
 of the house of Brunswick. 
 
 II. 
 
 With respect to the Laws which have been past, since the 
 accession of the Brunswick family, for the relief of Roman 
 Catholics : — 
 
 II. 1. The only act of any importance, which, till the 
 reign of his present Majesty, was past for their relief, (and 
 that operated but in an indirect manner for their benefit), 
 was the act of the 3d Geo. 1. c. 18. On the construction of 
 the 11 and 12 Wm. 3. ch. 4. it had been held, that, as it ex- 
 pressly confined the disability of papists to take by descent 
 to themselves only, and preserved their heirs and posterity 
 from its operation, it was not to be construed as preventing 
 the vesting of the freehold and inheritance in them, in case-, 
 of descent, or transmitting them to their posterity : but that 
 the disability respected only the permanency of the profits, 
 or beneficial property of the lands, of which it deprived 
 them, during their non -conformity. Whether that part ol 
 the statute, which relates to their taking by purchase, should 
 receive the same construction, was a frequent subject of dis- 
 cussion, the statute being, in that branch of it, without any 
 limitation. To remedy this, the act, we are speaking of, 
 was past. It enacts, that, no sale for a full and valuable con- 
 sideration, by the owner or reputed owner of any lands, or of 
 any interest therein, theretofore made, or thereafter to be
 
 497 
 
 made, to a protectant purchaser, shall be impeached, by rea- 
 son of any disability of such papist, or of any person under 
 whom he claims, in consequence of the 1 1 & 12 W. S., unless 
 the person taking advantage of this disability, shall have re- 
 covered before the sale, or given notice of his claim to the 
 purchaser, or before the contract for sale, shall have entered 
 his claim at the quarter sessions, and bona fide pursued hi? 
 remedy. The act then recites the clauses of the 12 & 13 W. 3. 
 disabling papists from purchasing ; and afterwards enacts, 
 that, these clauses shall not be thereby altered or repealed, 
 but shall remain in full force. Thus the laws against the 
 Roman Catholics stood, at the time of the accession of his 
 present Majesty. During his reign, two or three acts, of great 
 importance, have been past in their favour. 
 
 II. 2. By the ISth of his rei^n, ch. 60. it was enacted, that, 
 so much of the 11 & 12 W. 3. as related to the prosecution 
 of popish priests, and Jesuits, and imprisoning for life papists, 
 who keep schools, or to disable papists from taking by descent 
 or purchase, should be repealed, as to all papists or per- 
 sons professing the popish religion, claiming under titles not 
 theretofore litigated, who, within six months after the act 
 past, or their coming of age, should take the oath thereby 
 prescribed. 
 
 II. 3. With respect to the act of the 31s* of his present 
 Majesty, cap. 32. That statute may be divided into six parts: 
 The 1st, contains the declaration and oath afterwards refer- 
 red to in the body of the act, and prescribes the method of 
 taking it: The 2d, is a repeal of the statutes of recusancy, 
 in favour of persons taking the oath thereby prescribed : 
 The 3d, is a toleration, under certain regulations, of the re- 
 ligious worship of the Roman Catholics, qualifying in like 
 manner, and of their schools for education : The 4th, enacts, 
 that, in future no one shall be summoned to take the oath of 
 supremacy prescribed by the IstWm.and Mary, sect. I.e. 8. 
 and 1st Geo. 1. sect. 2. cap. 13. or the declaration against 
 transubstantiation required by the 25th Ch. 2.; — that the 1st 
 \Vm. & Mary, sect. 1. ch. 9. for removing papists or reputed 
 papists from the cities of London and Westminster, shall not 
 extend to Roman Catholics, taking the appointed oath ; — and 
 
 2 K
 
 498 
 
 that, no peer of Great Britain or Ireland, taking that oath, 
 •hall be liable to be prosecuted for coming into his. Majesty'.? 
 presence, or into the court or house where his Majesty re- 
 sides, under the 30th Car. 2. stat. 2. ch. 1. : The 5th part 
 of the act, repeals the laws requiring the deeds and wills of 
 Roman Catholics to be registered or enrolled: The 6th dis- 
 penses any person acting as a counsellor at law, barrister, at- 
 torney, clerk, or notary, from taking the oath of supremacy 
 or the declaration against transubstantiation. — Then the 
 double land tax being imposed on them by the annual land 
 tax act, a repeal of it could not be effected by any prospec- 
 tive act : but it was repealed by omitting from the annual 
 land tax act, the clause imposing it. 
 
 II. 4. An alteration, which was made in the house of lords 
 in the act of the 31st of his present Majesty, during its pas- 
 sage through that house, raised a doubt, whether to entitle a 
 Roman Catholic, to the benefits of the act of the ISth of his 
 present Majesty, it was not necessary that he should take the 
 oath prescribed by that act, as well as the oath prescribed by 
 the 31st of his present Majesty. To obviate this doubt, the 
 act of the 43d of his present Majesty was past, which entitles 
 persons taking the oath prescribed by that act to all the bene- 
 fits of the act of the 18th of his Majesty. 
 
 III. 
 Some account of the Penal Laws, the effect of which is 
 felt by Roman Catholics, but the effect of which is not felt 
 by Protestant Dissenters : — 
 
 " III. It has been already shewn, how the law stands on the 
 corporation and test acts. — The statute of the 1st William and 
 Mary, (commonly called the toleration act), exempts all dis- 
 senter-, except papists, and such as deny the Trinity, from 
 all penal laws relating to religion, provided they take the oaths 
 of allegiance and supremacy, and subscribe the declaration 
 against popery, and repair to some congregation registered 
 in the bishop's court, or at the sessions. But there is nothing 
 hi this act, which dispenses either with the test act or the 
 corporation act, so far as they impose the obligation of rc- 
 ct rvir.g the sacrament of our Lord's supper on persons serv
 
 499 
 
 i'ng in offices, or elected to serve in corporations. With re- 
 spect, therefore, to the test act and corporation act, these are 
 the only acts which subject the Protestant dissenters to any 
 penalties or disabilities. To these the Roman Catholics are 
 subject equally with the Protestant dissenters. There is, 
 therefore, no penalty or disability that affects the Protestant 
 dissenters, to which Roman Catholics are not subject equally ; 
 but there still remain several penal laws, the effect of which 
 is most severely felt by Roman Catholics, but the effect of 
 which is not, in any manner, felt by Protestant dissenters. 
 
 III. 1. The first of these is the 30th Car. 2. st. 2. c. 1.— 
 It is remarkable, that, notwithstanding the change of the 
 national religion, at the Reformation, and the contests and 
 dissensions which succeeded it, Roman Catholic peers were 
 admitted, equally with their fellow peers, to sit and vote in 
 the House of Lords, and Roman Catholic commoners were 
 eligible, equally with their fellow commoners, to a seat in 
 the house of commons, till the lapse of a century and an half 
 from the time of the Reformation. The statute of which we 
 are now speaking, was then enacted. It was past, while the 
 ferment of Oates's plot was at its highest ; and provided, that 
 no person should sit or vote in the house of peers, or be a mem- 
 ber of, or sit or vote in the house of commons, till he had taken 
 the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and made and signed 
 the declaration against popery. To this statute only, the exclu- 
 sion of Roman Catholic peers from their hereditary seats in 
 parliament, and the exclusion of Roman Catholic Common- 
 ers from the natural and laudable ambition of an English 
 gentleman, a seat in the house of commons are owing. 
 
 III. 2. By the 7th and 8th of Wm. 3. ch. 27. those who 
 refuse to take the oath of supremacy, tendered to them at the 
 requisition of a candidate, are disabled from voting at elec- 
 tidns. 
 
 III. 3. By several statutes, Roman Catholics are disabled from 
 presenting to advoiisons. This disability is peculiar to them ; 
 Quakers, and even Jews, having the full enjoyment of the right 
 of presentation. It is to be observed, that, no peison can be 
 presented to a living, who has not been ordained according 
 to the rites of the Church of England. Previously to his or- 
 »K2
 
 500 
 
 dinatlon, he is examined, on his faith and morals, by the 
 Bishop ; he takes the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and 
 subscribes the 39 articles ; and previously to his admission, 
 he subscribes the three articles respecting the supremacy, the 
 Gommon Prayer, and the 39 articles: and he makes the de- 
 claration of conformity. By the act of uniformity, 13 and 
 14-Car. 2. c. 4. he is bound to use the Common Prayer, and 
 other rites and ceremonies of the Church of England. These 
 appear to be sufficient guarantees for the orthodoxy of the 
 person presented. 
 
 III. 4. It has been observed that, in common with Protes- 
 tant dissenters, the Roman Catholics are subject to the 13 
 Car. 2. c. 1., commonly called the Corporation Act, and to 
 the 25 Car. 2. c. 2., commonly called the Test Act, the for- 
 mer of which excludes from Corporations, persons who have 
 not taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and receiv- 
 ed the sacrament of our Lord's supper ; and the latter of 
 which directs all officers, civil and military, to qualify for 
 their offices, in the same manner. — But Roman Catholics alone 
 feel the penal operation of 1 Geo. 1. st. 2. c. 13., which re- 
 quires all persons bearing offices civil or military, or holding 
 command or place of trust, or receiving pay or wages by 
 reason of any patent or grant from his Majesty, to take that 
 oath under a penalty of 5001. and under other penalties. 
 
 The very small number of those, who qualify themselves 
 for election into corporations, or for civil or military offices, 
 by complying with the requisites of these acts, is known. 
 For their relief, an act of parliament is annually past, by 
 which, after mentioning the Corporation and Test Acts, and 
 some other acts, which do not relate to the point under con- 
 sideration, it is enacted, that persons, who, before the pass- 
 ing of the act, have omitted to qualify in the manner pre- 
 scribed by those acts, and who shall properly qualify for 
 them, before the 25th of the ensuing December, shall be in- 
 demnified against all penalties, forfeitures, incapacities, and 
 disabilities ; and their elections, and the acts done by them, 
 are declared to be good. — This act expresses nothing, which 
 excludes Roman Catholics from the benefit of its provisions. 
 
 The construction of it came into consideration in 1 798, when
 
 501 
 
 Lord Petre,* having, with the express leave and encouragement 
 of government, raised, equipped, and trained, at his own ex- 
 pense, a corps of 250 men, for His Majesty's service, requested 
 that his son might be appointed to the command of them, and 
 his son's religion was objected to him. It was admitted, that, by 
 accepting the command of the corps, without complying 
 with the provisions of the acts in question, Mr. Petre would 
 subject himself to their penalties; but it was observed, that 
 the appointment would be good ; that the penalties would 
 not be incurred till the expiration of the sixth month after 
 his appointment ; and that the annual act of indemnity would 
 pass before that time, and remove the penalties. It was also 
 suggested, that Protestants and Roman Catholics stood, in 
 this respect, exactly in the same predicament ; — both equally 
 liable to the operation of the penal acts, and both equally 
 within the relief of the indemnity act. The late Mr. Serjeant 
 Hill, and the present Lord Chief Justice of His Majesty's 
 Court of Common Pleas, were decidedly of this opinion ; but 
 (under the advice, as it is said, of the crown lawyers), the re- 
 fusal was persisted in ; another person was appointed to the 
 command of the corps, and Mr. Petre served under him in 
 the ranks. 
 
 III. 5. In common with the rest of His Majesty's subjects, 
 the Roman Catholics contribute to the religious establishment 
 of the country; but their own religious establishments can only 
 be effected through the medium of trusts, always perplexing, 
 and always precarious. In hospitals, workhouses, and other 
 public institutions, the attendance of the ministers of their 
 religion is sometimes denied them ; and the children of the 
 
 * Speaking of this amiable nobleman, Mr. Wakefield observes, that 
 " for a considerable time be resided in bis neighbourhood, and if 
 ever a man were exemplary as an indulgent and excellent father ; a 
 firm and persevering friend, a liberal and enlightened member of 
 society, this was the man.'' Account of Ireland, Statistical and Political, 
 vol. II. p. 639. Mr. Good, a writer of distinguished merit and talent, 
 describes his lordship as dying " lamented by the lower ranks of life, 
 which he benefited, and the higher which he adorned." See the very 
 interesting Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Rev. Alexander Ged- 
 des, LL.D. by John Mason Good, p. 496.
 
 502 
 
 poor, sometimes forced into Protestant schools, under the eyes 
 of their parents. 
 
 III. 6. The Marriuge act is also a grievance to Roman 
 Catholics. — For several reasons, too long' to be enumerated, 
 it is painfully repugnant to their religious feelings to have 
 their marriages celebrated in the manner now prescribed by 
 law. But they do not object to its being rendered necessary, 
 for the legal validity of their marriages, that there should be 
 an entry of them in the register of the parish, or to any 
 other regular authentication of their marriages, which govern- 
 ment can reasonably require. 
 
 III. 7. Though His Majesty's armies and fleets are filltd 
 with Roman Catholics, not only no provision is made for the 
 religious duties and comforts of Roman Catholic soldiers and 
 sailors, but by the Articles of War, they are liable to the very 
 heaviests pains and punishments for refusing to join in those 
 acts of religious worship, which a Roman Catholic considers 
 to amount to an exterior dereliction of his faith, and a com- 
 pliance with which, they therefore feel a religious torture. 
 By the Articles of War, sec. 1., if any soldier absent him- 
 self from Divine Service and Sermon, in the place appointed, 
 he is liable, for the first offence, to forfeit ]2d. ; and for the 
 second, and every other offence, to forfeit I2d. and be put 
 in irons ; and by the same articles, section 2. art. 5., " if he 
 shall disobey any lawful command of his superior officer," — 
 (and, of couim j , if he shall disobry any lawful command of 
 his superior officer to attend Divine Service and Sermon), — 
 « he shall suffer death, or such other punishment as by a ge- 
 neral court martial shall be awarded." 
 
 III. S. The operation of the Test Act, of the Articles of 
 War, and of the Mutiny Act, in the instances ive have men- 
 tioned, so far as they respect Irish Roman Catholic officers, 
 soldiers, and sailors, deserves particular consideration. The 
 Irish Act of 1793 admitted Catholics into military employ- 
 ments with certain executions. 
 
 Such are the laws regarding the Catholics of 
 England. Those of Ireland will be found far
 
 .003 
 
 more oppressive and insulting. In order to give 
 as clear a view of them as the nature of this un- 
 dertaking will admit of, I shall, with some varia- 
 tions for the sake of brevity, follow the arrange- 
 ment adopted in the " Statement of the Penal 
 Laws which afjorieve the Catholics of Ireland."* 
 
 Lazes affecting the Caf/iolic Clergy, anil the Exer- 
 cise of their religious Functions, Sic. 
 
 By a statute enacted in l?0S,f it is declared that if any 
 popish priest shall celehrate matrimony between any two 
 persons, knowing that they or either of them is, of the Pro- 
 testant religion, he shall suffer the punishment of a popish 
 regular. Z The statute 1?10§ prescribes a rule of evidence on 
 this subject not very conformable to the dictates of ordinary 
 justice. It is in these words : " Upon every prosecution of 
 a popish priest for the above-mentioned offence, it shall be 
 presumed, allowed, and concluded, to all intents and purposes, 
 that the priest so accused did celebrate such marriage, know- 
 ing that one or both of the parties was or were of the Pro- 
 testant religion — Unless he shall produce a certificate under 
 the hand and seal of the minister of the parish where the 
 parties resided, certifying that such person was not a Pro- 
 testant at the time of the marriage." In 1 750, i) a third sta- 
 tute was passed, one clause of which declares that any priest 
 who shall celebrate such marriage, shall on conviction be 
 deemed guilty of felony, without benefit of clergy, and shall 
 sutler death accordingly. This cruel and oppressive law was 
 
 • The reader will probably find, in what follows, occasionally some 
 slight repetition of statements and references ; but this, in some re- 
 spects, is unavoidable. 
 
 t 6 Anne, c. 16. § 6. 
 
 t According to statute 9 Will. 3. c. 1. a popish regular was punished 
 with transportation, and condemned as if for high treason, if he returned 
 to Ireland. 
 
 J 8 Anne, c. 3. sec. 26. 
 
 Jl 23 Geo. 2. c. 10.
 
 504 
 
 continued in full force by the statute enacted in 1792,* which 
 permits intermarriages between Catholics and Protestants j 
 and in the statute 1793, professing 1 to give extensive relief to 
 the Catholics, the celebration of marriage forms one of the 
 numerous exceptions which have been re-enacted. This act 
 provides, " That nothing therein contained shall be construed 
 to extend to authorize any popish priest or reputed popish 
 priest, to celebrate marriage between Protestant and Protest- 
 ant, or between any Protestant (or one professed within 
 twelvemonths to be so) and a papist, unless such protestant and 
 papist shall have been first married by a clergyman of the pro- 
 testant religion." And in another clause of the same act it is 
 declared that every popish priest celebrating such marriage, 
 shall forfeit the sum of 5001. to His Majesty upon conviction 
 thereof." 
 
 Such are the terms of the last act passed either by the Irish or 
 British legislature relative to this subject. At first it was 
 imagined that the former acts, in so far at least as regarded 
 the punishment of death, were virtually rescinded by the in- 
 fliction of the penalty. A contrary doctrine, however, has been 
 adopted in several cases by the highest law authority. In par- 
 ticular the late unfortunate Lord Kilwarden, Chief Justice of 
 the Court of King's Bench in Ireland, declared on the bench, 
 in the prosecution, Boyton against the Rev. Mr. G — and 
 others, that this offence continues to be punishable with 
 death under the popery laws. 
 
 The subject, which next seems to claim notice in this sec- 
 tion, relates to the penalties to which catholic priests are li- 
 able for refusing to divulge the secrets of private confession, 
 confided to them by their penitents. On this point it is de- 
 creed by the General Council of the Lateran, held in 1215, 
 under Pope Innocent — " that an inviolable secrecy attaches to 
 the sacramental profession, that the confessor is bound to 
 suffer death rather than reveal (by word or sign, directly or 
 indirectly) any sin or crime, or any circumstance attending 
 them, mentioned by the penitent in confession ; and that if 
 
 * 32 Geo. 3. c. 21, sec. 13.
 
 505 
 
 any confessor break the trust reposed in him, he shall be im- 
 mediately deprived of his sacerdotal functions, and be con- 
 demned to perpetual penance. Such being the catholic doc- 
 trine relative to confession, how dreadful in its consequences 
 to morality, and abhorrent in its nature to every principle of 
 sound reason, must that law be which inflicts the punish- 
 ment of imprisonment on those who will not abjure the most 
 solemn ties of their religion, and divulge those secrets they 
 are bound to keep close within their own breast ! The inqui- 
 sition itself does not certainly present a system more tyran- 
 nical and oppressive, or more truly deserving the detestation 
 of every liberal and enlightened mind, than the practice au- 
 thorized by the law of compelling the catholic clergy to de- 
 liver, as evidence in courts of judicature, the spiritual ac- 
 knowledgments of any individual among their flocks. Is it 
 not then matter of astonishment that such a practice actu- 
 ally exists at this moment in Ireland, and that several catho- 
 lic priests have within these few years, suffered the most ri- 
 gorous treatment, even from judges in the higher courts, for 
 no other crime but that of refusing to sacrifice to their wishes 
 the conscientious feelings of morality, honour and religion?* 
 The catholic clergy are further aggrieved as being liable 
 to punishment in a civil action for excommunicating un- 
 worthy members of their own communion. In defence of 
 this law, it is said that the catholic clergy frequently make 
 excommunication the punishment of very trivial offences. 
 This, however, is not the fact, nor is the punishment itself so 
 grievous as is generally imagined. In truth it amounts to no 
 more than the " separation of a christian leading a disorder- 
 ly life, disgracing his profession, from the christian congre- 
 gation, and the banishment of such person from the 
 
 • This conduct towards the catholic clergy must appear particularly 
 oppressive and insulting, when it is considered that barristers and at- 
 torneys are exempted from any obligation to answer questions tending 
 to disclose any confidence reposed in them by their clients. Indeed, they 
 are not even permitted to reply to such questions, even though they 
 should be so inclined. — Peake's Evidence, 17? — 3.
 
 506 
 
 church." It does not in the smallest degree affect his tem- 
 poral concerns more than the removal of a member of any 
 other religious society. An excommunicated catholic retains 
 his full claim to all the offices of charity, to relief in his ne- 
 cessities, to employment for his industry, and, in fine, to the 
 maintenance of all the ordinary relations of life. Is it fair, 
 then, that the catholic clergy should not have the power, 
 which every other religious sect enjoys, of expelling unwor- 
 thy members from their spiritual communion, into which 
 none ought to be admitted but such as are pure of heart? 
 Certainly not. Yet it is a fact that many decisions exist, of 
 recent date, declaring this species of jurisdiction obnoxious to 
 the laws, and punishable equally with defamation. 
 
 While every other denomination of religionists are pro- 
 tected by an express act of parliament from any disturbance 
 during the exercise of their public worship, the catholic is 
 left exposed to insult from any individual, or set of indivi- 
 duals who may be audacious enough to attempt it. This ob- 
 servation, it ought to be remarked, is only applicable to Ire- 
 land, for in England the catholic worship is equally protect- 
 ed as the worship of dissenters.* 
 
 The catholic clergyman, who is bound by his vows to a life 
 of celibacy, and is usually in narrow circumstances, is neverthe- 
 less held liable to the payment of the bachelor tax, which was, 
 doubtless, intended to bear against persons more able to 
 contribute to the public revenue, and more likely to be com- 
 pelled by it to enter into matrimony. The extreme hardship of 
 this tax must be evident to every one. It is a tax upon religious 
 conscience, and of course a violation of the Toleration Act. 
 
 Again, the Catholic priest, in times of public commotion, 
 is compelled to perform the duties of a peace officer. On 
 an occurrence of this kind the legal magistrate taking it for 
 granted that the catholic clergyman is acquainted with all 
 the secrets of his parishioner?, immediately applies to him, 
 and informs him, probably in a menacing tone, that he holds 
 him responsible for their good conduct and loyalty. He re- 
 quires him to devote his time and attention to the discover- 
 
 * 31 Geo. Ill, cap. 32
 
 507 
 
 ing stolen property, denouncing: felons, advertising rewards, 
 &c, matters with which the clerical profession ought to have 
 no concern. Should he refuse the ungrateful task, his per- 
 sonal safety is endangered ; and even should he perform it 
 with the utmost faithfulness, and make useful discoveries, no 
 compensation, profit or reward await him ; not even barren 
 thanks or approbation. 
 
 Neither does the law permit the permanent endowment of 
 any catholic clergymen,* house of worship, school house, or 
 other pious or charitable foundation for catholics. Nay, not 
 only does it prohibit such endowments, but it compels the 
 poor depressed catholic to support the clergy of the protest- 
 ant establishment, and contribute his full share to the main- 
 tenance of their churches,! as well as of their institutions for 
 education, and the relief of the poor. Moreover, no person, 
 whether catholic or not, can give or grant any lands, money, 
 or other property, for any of the purposes above-mentioned, 
 as all such gifts or grants are illegal, both by ancient statute 
 and by the general policy of the law with regard to catholics. 
 How dreadful the imputation against protestants, that they 
 take delight in crushing the efforts of benevolence, and de- 
 basing the human understanding ! How strange that the 
 supposed persecuting spirit of Catholicism should form the 
 great argument against catholic emancipation, and yet that 
 protestants should not be ashamed to persecute with the most 
 
 * Till the year 1810, indeed, the catholic priest was not allowed by 
 law any remuneration for his arduous attention to his religious duties 
 in hospitals, asylums, traols, workhouses, or such like establishments. 
 That year, however, a statute was paused allowing a certain limited 
 compensation tor officiating in county i^aols : but ovviug to the manner 
 in which the matter is conducted b> the grand jury, who nominate the 
 chaplain, it has in many instances proved an injury, instead of an ad- 
 vantage, by exciting discoid between them and the catholic bishop of 
 the district. 
 
 t ftiirari se aiebat, quod non ridertt haruspex, cum haruspkem vidisset. 
 I wonder how one of our priests can forbear laughing when he sees an- 
 other priest — said Cato the Censor ; — (Cic. Oper. Ed. (iron, p 3806.) 
 and I have often been similarly surprised that any of our corpulent 
 bishops or plump vicars can face a Catholic clergyman, or a dissenting 
 minister, without blushing !
 
 508 
 
 barbarous violence the noblest principles that can animate the 
 breast of man— ^christian charity and the desire of knowledge!* 
 
 Of the Laws which exclude Catholics from any 
 Share in the Legislature, from Municipal Of- 
 fices, and Offices connected with the Profession 
 and Administration of the Laws. 
 
 Prior to the year 1692, catholics were admissible, by law, 
 into both Houses of legislature in Ireland. This year, how- 
 ever, it was enacted by an English statute, " That no person 
 who shall be a peer of the realm, or member of the House of 
 Peers, shall vote or make his proxy in the House of Ireland, or 
 sit there during any debate in the said House of Peers. And 
 that no person who shall be a member of the House of Com- 
 mons of Ireland shall vote in the House of Commons, or sit 
 there during any debate after the Speaker is chosen, unless 
 he shall first take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and 
 make and subscribe the declaration in the said act men- 
 tioned (namely, 30 Cha. 2. stat. 2. ch. i.) against transubstan- 
 tiation, the sacrifice of the mass, idolatry of the church of 
 Rome, invocation of the Virgin Mary, or the saints, &c." 
 And it is further directed, that " If any peer or commoner 
 offend against this act, he becomes subject to a penalty of 
 5001., recoverable by any common informer, and to all the 
 punishments of a popish recusant convict : " To a disability 
 of holding any office or place of trust under the Crown, 
 civil or military; of suing or defending himself in any ac- 
 tion or suit at law or in equity; of being executor or guar- 
 dian, or taking any legacy or deed of gift, &c. &c."f 
 
 This act was evidently an assumption of jurisdiction over 
 Ireland, on the part of the English Parliament, to which they 
 were not in any shape legally entitled. It was nevertheless 
 
 * As a proper explanation of the laws on this subject would require 
 more detail than the limits of this work will admit of, the reader is re- 
 ferred for a complete view of them to the '< Statement of the Penal 
 Laws" already mentioned, p. 40 — 58. 
 
 t 3 William and Mary, ch, 2. Engl.
 
 509 
 
 acquiesced in by the Parliament of the latter country, as may 
 be presumed from the tenor of a statute enacted by them in 
 1697, whereby a catholic, marrying a protestant, was disabled 
 from sitting or voting in either House of Parliament. For it 
 cannot be supposed they would have placed a protestant so 
 marrying in a worse situation than that of a catholic peer or 
 commoner, which would have been the case, if the latter had 
 not been deemed fully excluded by the English enactment. 
 Moreover, to prevent all doubt relative to this question, the 
 Irish Parliament enacted in 1782, (when the English le- 
 gislature solemnly renounced their jurisdiction in Ire- 
 land) " That all clauses in English statutes relating to the 
 taking of oaths or making or subscribing any declaration or 
 affirmation in Ireland, or to penalties or disabilities in cases 
 of omission, shall be in force in Ireland, according to their 
 present tenor. In 1793, they renewed their vigilance by an 
 enactment of similar import,* so that the doors of Parlia- 
 ment have now been cautiously shut against catholics for 
 somewhat more than 120 years. f 
 
 But catholics are not merely excluded from seats in either 
 House of Parliament ; they do not even enjoy the full privi- 
 lege of voting for protestant representatives, which might, 
 perhaps, be some slight alleviation of their legislative bond- 
 age. In 1727, a statute was passed, in which it wasenacted, 
 " That no catholic shall be entitled to vote at the election of 
 any member to serve in Parliament as a knight, citizen or 
 
 * 33 Geo. III. ch. 21, sec. 9. 
 
 + The oppressive operation of these laws is not confined to the mere 
 exclusion of catholics from a share in the legislature, though that cir- 
 cumstance alone, considering the nature of the British constitution, is 
 an oppression of the harshest kind. They further tend to degrade the 
 catholic nobility, and powerfully repress the laudable ambition of thou- 
 sands who might become ornaments to their country, were they per- 
 mitted to share in all its honours. It is by patronage and parliament- 
 ary influence that situations and offices are chiefly to be obtained in this 
 country ; but these aids being denied to catholics, and entirely in the 
 hands of protestants, it is clear that the former have little chance of 
 attaining any appointment worthy of the exertion of splendid talents, 
 or of an elevated mind.
 
 510 
 
 burgess, or at the election of any magistrate for any city or 
 other town corporate ; any law, statute or usage notwith- 
 standing." For sixty-six years this statute remained in full 
 force, without any alteration or limitation whatever. At 
 length in 1793, it was enacted in substance, " That every 
 Catholic should be qualified to vote at such elections. Upon 
 his producing to the returning officer a certificate of his 
 having taken and subscribed certain oaths and declarations 
 required by that act."* 
 
 Under this statute no period of qualifying being men- 
 tioned, it was justly held that catholics might qualify at any 
 time. A subsequent statute, however, passed in 1797, and 
 usually called the Election Act, directs that catholics, who 
 qualify previous to the test of the writ of election, shall be deem- 
 ed qualified within the meaning of those statutes of 1793 
 and 1 797, in order to entitle them to vote at such elections. 
 From these enactments, a question has arisen, relative to the 
 time for qualifying, which imposes new difficulties upon the 
 catholic franchise, and as opposite decisions are frequently 
 made upon it by the returning officers, a vast number of 
 catholics have in consequence been disfranchised. 
 
 Moreover, besides this general impediment in the way of 
 the elective franchise, peculiar restraints are imposed upon ca- 
 tholics in cities and towns corporate. For, though catholics 
 are entitled to the freedom of corporations by birth or ser- 
 vice, they are rarely admitted in them. And it may be 
 added, as an additional circumstance operating to the ex- 
 clusion of catholics to vote for representatives, that they are 
 liable to rejection for the smallest inaccuracy or alleged 
 error in their certificate of qualification, arising either from 
 the date or wording of the certificate, place or time of quali- 
 fication, or other ground of technical objection to the pe- 
 culiar form of their qualification. 
 
 The exclusion of catholics from all corporate offices was 
 first effected in the year 1667, during the reign of Charles II. 
 In that year certain rules, orders and directions were pro- 
 
 • 33 Geo. III. c. 21. sec. 7, 14, 15, 16.
 
 511 
 
 Inulgated by the then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with thr. 
 advice of his privy council, purporting to regulate the cor- 
 porations of Ireland, and the election of corporate oiheers: 
 these were soon after adopted and confirmed by the Irish 
 legislature, and of course received the authority of laws. 
 They direct in substance, " That no person shall be mayor, 
 sovereign, portreef or burgomaster, bailiff, alderman, re- 
 corder, treasurer, sheriff, town-clerk, common-councilman, 
 master or warden of any guild, corporation or fraternity, or 
 hold any such or the like offices in any city, walled town or 
 corporation in Ireland. Unless he shall have taken the 
 oath of supremacy, established by act of Parliament,* and 
 certain other oaths specified by those rules, (such persons 
 only excepted, with whose taking the said oaths of su- 
 premacy, the Lord Lieutenant, or other chief governor of 
 Ireland for the time being, shall think fit, by writing under 
 his hand and seal to dispense.)"! 
 
 Such are the statutable regulations by which catholics are 
 excluded from the enjoyment of all corporate offices what- 
 soever. The dispensing power vested in the Lord Lieutenant 
 has not mitigated the proscription, as it does not appear 
 to have been exercised even in one instance. Indeed, it 
 is a question of extreme doubt whether he now possesses 
 it, for by a statute enacted in 1704,t the oath prescribed 
 by the former act, has been replaced by a new oath of su- 
 premacy, and alsoby a declaration against transubstantiation, 
 the sacrifice of the mass, and invocation of saints. The same 
 are required to be taken and subscribed by those persons to 
 whom the former oath was prescribed, and upon the like 
 occasion, and the like manner, without any mention of a dis- 
 pensing power existing in the person of the Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 Further it may be observed, that as the Irish statute ol 
 1782 already mentioned§ has introduced by one sweeping 
 
 • 2 Elizabeth. 
 
 f 17 and 18 Cli. II. ch. 2. 82. 
 
 f 2 Anne, ch. 14. sec. 2. which is the Irish Test Act. 
 
 § 21 and 22 Geo. III. ch. 48. sec. 3.
 
 512 
 
 enactment, all clauses in all English statutes relative to taking 
 oaths and subscribing declarations, &c, the test and cor- 
 poration acts of England are of course equally binding on 
 Ireland, and it may be presumed are enforced with no less 
 zeal and rigour in the later country than in the former. 
 Nor ought I to omit to mention, that the act of 1793 has care- 
 fully confirmed and re-enacted all previous restrictions upon 
 this point, by declaring, " That nothing therein contained 
 shall enable any person to hold, exercise, or enjoy any office 
 contrary to the rules, orders, or direction, made and established 
 by the Lord Lieutenant and council, in pursuance of the act 
 passed in the 17th and 18th years of the reign of King 
 Charles II., entitled, " An Act for the explaining of some 
 doubts arising upon an Act, entitled, ' An Act for the better 
 execution of His Majesty's gracious declaration for the settle- 
 ment of the kingdom of Ireland ;' unless he shall have taken 
 the oaths and performed the several requisites, which by the 
 law heretofore made, and now of force, are required to enable 
 any person to hold, exercise, and enjoy the said offices re- 
 spectively." 
 
 From the existence of these laws, relative to municipal 
 towns in Ireland, arise a thousand miseries and oppressions 
 against the catholics. The number of municipal offices alone, 
 from which they are expressly or consequentially excluded, 
 are stated in the pamphlet already referred to at 4748. But 
 this forms only a small part of the grievance of which catho- 
 lics are entitled to complain in relation to this subject. They 
 are of course continually exposed to the tyranny and ca- 
 price of municipal rulers, who following the rigorous spirit of 
 the anti- catholic system, depress them by partial imposts, by 
 undue preferences, by a local inquisition, by an uncertain 
 and unequal measure of justice ; by fraud and favouritism 
 daily and openly practised to their prejudice. The catholic 
 gentleman, whose misfortune it may be to reside in or near 
 any of these cities or towns, is hourly exposed to all the 
 slights and annoyances that a petty sectarian oligarchy may 
 think proper to inflict. The professional man risks conti- 
 nual inflation of personal humiliation. The farmer brings 
 the produce of his lands to market under heavier tolls. In
 
 13 
 
 short, every specie9 of catholic industry and skill is checked 
 and rendered precarious, while on the other hand protestant 
 indolence is cherished and maintained. Hence arises the 
 peculiar misery of Irish corporate towns, the low state of the 
 mechanical arts, the irrational combinations of the trades- 
 men ; their abject poverty and debased condition.* 
 
 Again, in corporate towns, catholics, whatever be their 
 wealth, talents, or services, are uniformly refused a place 
 upon grand juries, and even upon petty juries, unless when 
 the duty is extremely arduous and unconnected with party 
 interests; and in the latter case they are usually selected. 
 Having no share in the local government, they are complete- 
 ly at the mercy of rulers, who imagine it to be their interest 
 to discourage and oppress them, and who indeed are gene- 
 rally preferred in proportion to the hostility they evince. 
 Moreover, though not prevented bylaw from becoming free- 
 men, they seldom are able to obtain that privilege; and this 
 circumstance, independently of other bars, forms a strong ob- 
 stacle to their chance of being permitted to vote at the elec- 
 tions of members for Parliament. The catholic, even when 
 really entitled to his privileges as a freeman, and otherwise 
 qualified to vote, finds his admission generally obstructed. 
 For when his petition is presented, it is the common prac- 
 tice to adjourn the consideration of it sine die. This is termed 
 " cushioning a petition. "f 
 
 These laws and regulations must be felt peculiarly insult- 
 ing by catholics, when they consider that every other deno- 
 mination of religionists, and even deists and atheists, are ad- 
 mitted to all the privileges of corporate towns with the ut- 
 most facility. 
 
 Catholics are excluded either by the express letter of the 
 law, or the consequential operation of the anti-catholic sys- 
 tem, from almost every office connected with the profession 
 
 * In Dublin the number of freemen is about i',400, of whom not above 
 iOO are catholics; and even these, though tree of their respective 
 guilds, are incapable of voting at elections, through the uniform prac- 
 tice of cushioning their petitions to be made free of Hie city at large. 
 
 t See, by all means, Mr. Wakefield's Account of Ireland, Vol. ii. 
 Chap. 27, passim. 
 
 9T
 
 5U 
 
 and administration of the laws. Those from which they are 
 so debarred by statutary enactment are the following :* 
 
 Lord High Chancellor, or Keeper or Commissioner of 
 
 the Great Seal 1 
 
 Master or Keeper of the Rolls - 1 
 
 Justices of the King's Bench 4 
 
 Justices of the Common Pleas ... 4 
 
 Barons of the Exchequer - - - 4 
 
 Attorney and Solicitor General - 2 
 
 King's Sergeants at Law - - 3 
 
 King's Council (present number) - 26 
 
 Masters in Chancery 4 
 
 Chairman of Sessions for the County of Dublin - 1 
 
 Counsel to the Commissioners of Revenue - 2 
 
 Recorders of Cities and Towns, about - 60 
 
 Advocates in Spiritual Courts, about 20 
 
 Sheriffs of Counties ... 32 
 
 Of Cities and Towns, about - - - 20 
 
 Sub-Sheriffs - 40 
 
 240 
 
 By the consequential operation of the anti-catholic code, 
 Catholics are likewise excluded in practice, almost without a 
 single exception, from being commissioners of bankruptcy, 
 assistant barristers or chairmen of county sessions, f The 
 public notaries, amounting to 56 in number, are under a like 
 proscription. In short, every office, either of honour or 
 emolument, both in the higher and inferior courts may be re- 
 garded as wholly interdicted to catholics, for though appa- 
 rently open to them, they are never able to obtain them, and 
 never will, so long as the present penal code has existence. 
 
 * The statutes which enact the exclusion of catholics from these of- 
 fices are, 2 Eliz. ch. 1, sec. 7, &c. 2 Anne, ch. 6, sec. 15, 16. 10 Will. 
 3. c. 13, 21. 22 Geo. 3. ch. 48. 31 Geo. S. c. 31. 33 Geo. 3. c. 21, 
 ^c. &c. 
 
 t There are 25 commissioners and 31 assistant barristers.
 
 515 
 
 Moreover, it may be observed that there are a variety of 
 situations, which though termed ecclesiastical offices, have 
 nevertheless extensive temporal jurisdiction attached to them, 
 from all which catholics are excluded. Of this nature are 
 those which decide upon questions of wills, of personal pro- 
 perty, marriage, tithes, and other incidental subjects of mo- 
 ment. Such are the offices of vicars general of the 26 dio- 
 ceses of Ireland, the court of delegates, prerogative court, 
 metropolitan court, consistorial court, ike* 
 
 Advocates and proctors in these courts are subject to the 
 same regulation. Thus are there, on the whole, one hundred 
 and sixty legal offices of honour and emolument inaccessible 
 to catholic barristers, while they are wholly open to protest- 
 ants, and fifteen hundred more reserved solely for the ruling 
 class to the exclusion of catholic students, solicitors, attor- 
 neys, clerks, &c. 
 
 But mere exclusion from the offices of the law is but a 
 small part of the evil arising to catholics from the anti-ca- 
 tholic system on this subject. It affects not only their pre- 
 ferment, but absolutely endangers their property, their per- 
 sonal liberty, and even their lives. Thus, for example, a lord 
 chancellor may discover that the greater part of the landed 
 property in the country belongs to catholics ; and that it in- 
 creases annually. He may likewise observe that their te- 
 nures are mostly derivative interests, held by virtue of leases 
 or for renewals of leases, under ancient and low rents. Zeal- 
 ous for the protestant establishment, therefore, he may even 
 conscientiously assume it to be his duty upon principles of 
 public policy to favour the protestants, and repress the ca- 
 tholics ; and accordingly to lean towards the landlord, and 
 against the tenant. Under these impressions he may intro- 
 duce for this purpose a novel system of judicial decisions on 
 the subject of leases, which might induce a general disposi- 
 tion towards lease-breaking, and thus involve the catholic te- 
 nantry in ruinous litigations, and eventually effect a partial 
 subversion of leasehold property throughout the country. 
 
 * These offices are about 50 in number, 
 2 L2
 
 516 
 
 A lord chancellor might likewise exercise the great discre- 
 tionary powers with which he is invested to the great injury 
 of the catholics. Having the general superintendence of the 
 commissions of the peace, he may carefully avoid nominating 
 a single catholic to the commission, however qualified either 
 by property or high character, lest it might seem like an en- 
 couragement of his religious tenets. The same principle may 
 influence him also in the nomination of guardians to ea- 
 tholic children. He may remove the latter from catholic 
 schools, and prohibit all intercourse between them and their 
 kindred. 
 
 These observations may be applied with equal, if not with 
 greater force, to other temporal courts. And particularly to 
 the Court of King's Bench, in actions between the Crown and 
 any catholic individual, who may be prosecuted for high 
 treason, a breach of the peace, a public libel, or such like 
 offences ; also in disputes between catholics and a cor- 
 poration. 
 
 With respect to ecclesiastical courts, to notice what 
 might be done there, in the event of an over-zealous 
 judge being seated on the bench, is unnecessary. The gross 
 partiality evinced in many of them is notorious, and has fre- 
 quently been the theme of parliamentary eloquence. Mr. 
 Grattan, speaking of the Vicar's Court, says, " The constitu- 
 tion of the Court is such that none but a partial judge has ever 
 been known to preside there" Objections to the competency 
 of witnesses are of no avail, even though their bias and 
 corruption are clearly manifest. Many instances have 
 been proved by the illustrious patriot above-mentioned, in 
 which not merely the tenth, but a fourth of the produce of the 
 industrious husbandman has been extorted from him under 
 the sanction of this court, through the infamy of the 
 proctor, and the hostility of the judge to catholic prin- 
 ciples ; which too frequently leads him to forget the most sa- 
 cred precept of our religion : " Do Justice, love Mercy, 
 and walk humbly before God." 
 
 Did the limits of his work permit, the author could extend 
 this Chapter to the size of a volume, so manifold are the 
 yrievances of which catholics have to complain relative to
 
 517 
 
 rhe administration of justice in all its parts. As, however, ht 
 must necessarily confine himself within narrow bounds, he 
 shall conclude this particular head with a very few further 
 remarks on the subject of Juries, so justly regarded by Eng- 
 lishmen as the bulwark of their liberties. 
 
 The offices of sheriff and sub-sheriff, it has been already 
 mentioned, are interdicted to catholics. It might have been 
 added, that in fact they are usually filled by persons who 
 have distinguished themselves as strenuous opposers of ca- 
 tholic freedom. As then the nomination, or at least the se- 
 lection both of the grand and petty juries, rests entirely with 
 these officers, can it be reasonably presumed that they are 
 chosen indifferently, without favour or secret management ? 
 The supposition contradicts the clear evidence of experience 
 and common sense. Ordinary human nature is incapable of 
 such elevated integrity as such conduct presumes. It is im- 
 possible to imagine that they will not apply the principle of 
 religious exclusion (to the support of which they were in- 
 debted for their own office) to the general selection of jurors, 
 particularly in cases where the interests or character of their 
 patrons, or of any of his dependants, happen to be involved. 
 Nay, even where a question of private property is to be tried 
 between a catholic and a protestant, they cannot fail to feel 
 a bias in favour of the latter. In corporate cities and towns, 
 the truth of these remarks is fully apparent. The sheriff be- 
 ing always the nominee of the corporation, he is found uni- 
 formly to return protestant juries ; members of the corpora- 
 tion, who are generally the most auti-cathohc, though not 
 the most wealthy or reputable, portion of the protestant inha- 
 bitants. Thus are the lives, liberties, property and character of 
 eatholics placed in the hands of a partial and prejudiced jury. 
 
 Numerous instances could be adduced, in which verdicts 
 have been pronounced in direct contradiction to the clearest 
 and most conclusive evidence. — Nay, catholic prisoners have 
 been frequently found guilty by the jury, when the crown 
 lawyers have abandoned the prosecution as untenable, and the 
 judge has directed an acquittal. On the other hand, pro- 
 testant offenders, whose crime has been distinctly and une- 
 quivocally proved, have often been acquitted in opposition
 
 518 
 
 to the unfavourable charge of the Judge. Nay, it has some- 
 times happened, that a convicted protestant robber or mur- 
 derer has procured his pardon through his protestantism 
 alone. All the local soi-disant loyalists fall to work. The 
 grand jury interest themselves in his behalf. Memorials and 
 petitions are prepared and subscribed. Vouchers of excellent 
 character are procured: even catholics readily afford their 
 signatures (lest they should be stigmatized as sanguinary and 
 merciless). — Thus the testimony appears unanimous; and 
 the Lord Lieutenant is induced to pardon, or, perhaps, even 
 to promote, the convict. Such is the condition of a protestant 
 criminal : but how fares the catholic ? — Condemned, pro- 
 bably, without sufficient evidence, or in contradiction to evi- 
 dence of his innocence, he finds no one to interfere in his 
 favour, except persons of his own condition and family, who, 
 being catholics, are not regarded as respectable, the epithet 
 affectedly applied to every thing Protestant. A thousand ru- 
 mours are immediately propagated by his accusers, to the 
 prejudice of his general character ; he is proscribed as a dan- 
 gerous man, a leader of a faction ; and he suffers death, pub- 
 licly protesting his innocence, fortified by the testimony of 
 his confessor's belief of his veracity, and exciting the sym- 
 pathy and regret of the people.* 
 
 If such facts as these be really found to happen in crimi- 
 nal proceedings, what hope of justice can the catholic have 
 in civil actions ? Many individuals will shrink from murder, 
 
 * In this place I had stated the case of poor Barry, a respectable 
 catholic farmer in Waterford, in good circumstances, who was execu- 
 ted, as the author of the " Statement" asserts, unjustly, in the year 
 1810. It is a truly " tragical instance," and I little dreamt of danger 
 in mentioning it ; but, fortunately, before the sheet containing it was 
 worked off, I learned that Mr. Fitzpatiick, the Dublin publisher, had 
 been visited by one of those formidable engines of anti-catholic power, 
 an ex-officio information, for publishing this very statement. Now, as I 
 have no sort of taste for these things; nor any ardent desire to be 
 dragged even into the elegant private apartments of an Attorney Gene- 
 ral ; and, moreover, as I might not — nay, as it is almost morally impos- 
 sible such an insignificant person should — succeed in turning the tables 
 on Mr. Attorney General, as Mr. Fitzpatrick may possibly do, I have 
 thought it prudent to suppress this matter relative to Mr. Barry. 
 It is a great comfort to my mind, that 1 live in a land where the
 
 519 
 
 whose conscience will allow them, almost without a pang, to 
 assist in depriving a supposed enemy of his character or pro- 
 perty. The whole system of protestant education is cal- 
 culated to fix upon the mind a contemptible notion, not 
 merely of the religion but of the morals of catholics. In short* 
 protestants are taught to regard them as beings, whom it is 
 their duty and interest to crush and depress. Slander and 
 defamation of character are regarded as their common inhe- 
 ritance. The most outrageous and unprovoked insults against 
 them are sanctioned by the verdict of a jury. In questions 
 of property, where any part of the case depends upon the 
 character of witnesses, the result is seldom favourable to the 
 catholic. Indeed, so notorious is the bias and partiality dis- 
 played by Irish protestant juries, that it is grown into a pro- 
 verb among the common people of Ireland, " That there is 
 no law for a catholic." 
 
 Such are the consequences of the anti-catholic code on the 
 administration of justice in Ireland, the proper conduct of 
 which is so essential to the happiness and prosperity of a 
 nation. 
 
 Of lite Laws relative to Catholics entering the 
 Army or Navy. 
 
 Previous to the union in 1800, the naval and military es- 
 tablishments of Great Britain and Ireland remained dis- 
 tinct. Since that period, however, they have been united 
 into one ; the chief government and superintendence of 
 them being of course seated in England. Under these cir- 
 
 liberty of the press, that grand palladium of onr freedom, is so generally 
 allowed ; yet in having timely suppressed this LIBEL concerning the 
 execution of Mr. Barry, I foel like a person who has been suddenly 
 snatched from the jaws of death and destruction ; to say nothing of 
 the injury which my reputation as an author must have sustained, had 
 I joined in the censure against those " shocking circumstances," 
 which the author of the " Statement" says, " the Duke of Rich- 
 mond's administration may yet be invited to explain to Parliament." 
 What is said of poets in particular, may be predicated of authors in 
 general, that they 
 
 14 would forfeit half the fame they've got, 
 
 " If it were known what they discreetly blot."
 
 520 
 
 eumstances, it would seem particularly requisite that the 
 laws of both countries should be consistent, relative to this 
 subject. So far, however, from being consistent, they are 
 decidedly at variance. 
 
 By the test act of England, "Every one who shall be admit- 
 ted into any office civil or military, or shall receive any pay, 
 salary, fee or wages, by reason of any office or place of trust, 
 or by reason of any patent or grant from His Majesty, shall 
 publicly take the oaths of supremacy, abjuration, &c, and 
 take and subscribe the Declaration against transubstantiation, 
 the mass, &c, and also receive the sacrament publicly, accord- 
 ing to the usage of the church of England, within six months 
 after his admission, under the penalty of 5001. and disability 
 to hold the office."* 
 
 A similar law existed also in Ireland till the year 1793, at 
 which time it was repealedf as to all military offices, except 
 of those, master or lieutenant-general of the ordnance, com- 
 mander in chief of the forces, and generals on the staff. In 
 England, however, the statute above quoted remains "in full 
 force, stern and unmitigated," Hence arises a palpable in- 
 congruity in the military system of this empire, and an ef- 
 fectual repulsion against catholics both in the army and 
 navy. The plausible shew of relief held out by the Irish sta- 
 tute proves a mere phantom ; an insidious abuse of catholic 
 credulity ; a lure, merely calculated to decoy catholics into 
 the public service, from all the honours and rewards of 
 which they are completely excluded. % Nay, not only are 
 they debarred from preferment, but by the operation of the 
 English statute, a catholic ensign, who has received his com- 
 mission in Ireland, vacates it ipso facto the instant he is sent 
 out of his own country. It is not enough to say that in re- 
 ality he retains it, for such retention being expressly against 
 law, he has no assurance that the favour by which alone he 
 holds it will long continue. Prudent men, perceiving this, 
 will never be willing to commit their sons to the profession 
 
 * Engl. stat. 25. cli. 2. c. 2. 
 
 t S3 Geo. I. ch. 2. sec. 9. 
 
 % The total number of offices of power and emolument from which 
 they are completely excluded in the army and navy, doet not amount 
 to fewer than 20,000,
 
 521 
 
 «f arms, tor which they may be admirably suited both by 
 talents and personal prowess. As for catholics of rank and 
 property entering either the army or navy, so long as the 
 disabilities exist, the idea is altogether hopeless. An elevated 
 and noble mind can never brook restrictions by which those 
 in a similar station to himself are not equally affected. How 
 galling the thought, how calculated to promote disaffection 
 and indifference to the service, that no merit nor exertion of 
 yours can afford you the smallest hope of rising beyond a 
 certain rank; while the highest commands are open to all 
 those, however mean their talents or original station, who 
 arc willing to conform to the creed of the established church! 
 To what but this intolerant system is it owing, that Irish 
 catholic officers are to be found in the service of foreign states, 
 and even fighting against the armies of England? Away, 
 then, with this miserable offspring of bigotry and persecution, 
 and lay open to all equally the paths of honour and glory. 
 
 The consequences of this system of exclusion from offices 
 in the army and navy are hurtful in the extreme. It renders 
 naval and military officers of the Protestant persuasion per- 
 sonally hostile to catholics in general, and of course destroys 
 that mutual regard which should subsist between brother 
 officers, and between officers and the men under their 
 command. Instances are not unfrequent in which even 
 generals have evinced a spirit of scorn or contempt to- 
 wards catholics, especially on foreign service. In ail lucra- 
 tive appointments within their disposal, either in, or con- 
 nected with the army or navy, they invariably reject per- 
 sons of that religion. The commissaries agents, contrac- 
 tors, prize-masters, pursers, clerks, treasurers, medical assist- 
 ants, purveyors, store-keepers, barrack masters, garrison of- 
 ficers, &c. are almost without exception protestants. In fine, 
 the operation of this system extends to every situation above 
 that of a common soldier. Hence it happens, that the ca- 
 tholics, having no relative connexion or near friend of note, 
 cither in the army or navy, in general display a total indif- 
 ference about the events of war. The public feeling of all 
 ranks and classes, the poor as well as the rich, are wholly ab- 
 sorbed in the sad contemplation of the evils peculiar to their 
 own condition, and in projecting the means of redress. Nei-
 
 522 
 
 ther triumphs nor defeats excite in their minds any lively in- 
 terest, or awaken any earnest attention. They scarcely con- 
 sider themselves as a party to any war or to any peace ; neither 
 elated by victory nor mourning for disaster. 
 
 But exclusion from the offices of the army and navy, 
 grievous as it is, is yet less tyrannical and intolerant than was 
 the practice of compelling soldiers and sailors, whether offi- 
 cers or privates, to attend protestant places of worship, and 
 obstructing them in the exercise of their own religion. Yet 
 that the law, at least till lately, authorized such compulsion 
 and obstruction is unquestionable. " The mutiny act of last 
 year declares, " That it shall and may be lawful to and for 
 His Majesty to form, make and establish articles of war for 
 the better government of His Majesty's forces, which articles 
 shall be judicially taken notice of by all judges and in all 
 courts whatsoever."* 
 
 The articles, so framed in pursuance of this act, and by its 
 authority, direct inter alia, " That all officers and soldiers not 
 having just impediment shall diligently frequent divine ser- 
 vice and sermon, in the places appointed for the assemblage 
 of the regiment, troop, or company to which they belong." 
 
 " And that such as wilfully absent themselves, or being 
 present behave indecently or irreverently, shall, if commis- 
 sioned officers, be brought before a court-martial, and 
 there be publicly and severely reprimanded by the president; 
 if non-commissioned officers or soldiers, every person so of- 
 fending shall, for his first offence, forfeit twelve pence, to be 
 deducted out of his nett pay : for the second offence he shall 
 not only forfeit twelve pence, but be laid in irons for twelve 
 hours, and for every like offence shall suffer and pay in like 
 manner." 
 
 By this regulation it is evident that catholics, as well as pro- 
 testants, are bound to attend such places of worship as may 
 be appointed for any regiment by the commanding officer. 
 Now, it is a fact that protestant places of worship alone are 
 appointed : indeed, no officer has authority to appoint any 
 other. Hence it follows that catholics are liable to punish- 
 
 • Stat. 31 Geo. 3. ch. 8. sec. l.
 
 523 
 
 ment and fine, if tbey absent themselves from the protestant 
 church. Nay, their so absenting themselves may be con- 
 strued into a disobedience of orders, and they may be pu- 
 nished even capitally for refusing to comply with a regula- 
 tion which prevents them from following one of the six prin- 
 cipal commandments of their religion, by which they are di- 
 rected " To assist, devoutly and regularly, at the celebration 
 of mass, upon every sunday and holiday throughout the 
 year." Surely such conduct towards the defenders of our 
 country, as this statute authorizes, deserves the severest re- 
 probation. It is inconsistent both with the spirit and letter of 
 the toleration act, which allows to most dissenters the free ex- 
 ercise of their religion. How ungenerous that Britons should 
 proudly boast of their achievements in the Peninsula, and 
 yet brutally tyrannize over thousands of those very men by 
 whose heroic valour their victories have been gained ! One 
 of the noblest ornaments the chapel of Whitehall can boast, 
 (the eagle taken at Barossa) was the trophy of an Irish catholic 
 regiment,* whose exertions equally contributed to the victory 
 of Maida. 
 
 Having said thus much on the subject of the obstructions 
 to which catholic soldiers and sailors are liable in the exer- 
 cise of their religion, it is but justice to the Commander in 
 Chief to observe, that the practice of compelling catholic sol- 
 diers to attend the protestant church has been strictly pro- 
 hibited by a late circular letter to the different officers com- 
 manding corps or regiments in the British service. It is to be 
 hoped that this is the first step towards the adoption of a 
 more liberal system, both in the army and navy, though in 
 the latter nothing but downright protestantism is yet per- 
 mitted. Military orders, however, upon this subject are not 
 sufficient. The legislature alone can ensure the catholic 
 soldier or sailor the liberty of following the religion which he- 
 approves. A violation of orders may easily be connived at, 
 and must be endured; for these not being cognizable in civil 
 courts, and no legal redress being provided by ^tatutary 
 enactments, the injured and insulted catholic can only appeal 
 to a military court, with extreme hazard to himself, and little 
 
 * 87th, or Irish, Fusilecrs.
 
 524 
 
 hope of remedy, even should he establish his case, so long as 
 the anti-catholic code continues the disgrace of our statutes. 
 
 But not only ought catholic soldiers to possess the free 
 exercise of their religion, they should likewise have it in 
 their power in every situation to avail themselves of this 
 right. Now it is well-known, that though catholic places of 
 worship, and catholic clergymen are sufficiently numerous 
 in Ireland, the case is somewhat different in England. 
 In many parts of the latter country, as well as in fo- 
 reign settlements, catholic clergymen cannot be found to 
 officiate; so that the right of attending divine service ac- 
 cording to their own forms, is of little advantage to an Irish 
 catholic regiment, when sent beyond the limits of Ireland. 
 Some method of supplying such regiments with catholic 
 chaplains, therefore, becomes requisite. Even those catholics 
 who may have entered a regiment chiefly composed of pro- 
 testants should have every possible facility of public worship 
 afforded them. Till this takes place, the public service in 
 this department of the state, and in the navy, must suffer 
 very material obstruction : catholics will never willingly enter 
 either so long as they are in the smallest degree restricted 
 in the exercise of their religion, and liable to punishment for 
 what is, properly speaking, no part of military or naval duty. 
 
 Laws affecting Catholics relative to Parochial 
 Affairs. 
 
 In order that the reader may properly understand the ex- 
 tent of the grievances of catholics on this subject, it will be 
 necessary to state a few particulars relative to the peculiar 
 state and distribution of landed property in Ireland. 
 
 Lands in Ireland are almost universally held by tenants, 
 under leases for certain terms of lives or years, at a consider- 
 able annual rent. Such tenants alone, if actual occupiers of 
 the lands, are chargeable with all tithes, parish rates, county 
 cesses, public taxes, and other outgoings, no part of them in 
 any case falling upon the proprietor or landlord, or upon any 
 of the persons deriving immediate interests between 
 the proprietor and actual occupier. Now, not above a
 
 525 
 
 tenth part of the landlords or proprietors in Ireland are ca- 
 tholic, while on the other hand almost the whole tenantry* are 
 of tbat persuasion. Hence it follows that all parochial bur- 
 dens, public taxes, &c. are chiefly supported by catholics. 
 
 Such is the present condition of landed property in Ire- 
 land. I shall now examine the principles of taxation upon 
 which this property is legally rated, and the proportion of 
 rate charged. 
 
 All parochial taxes are regulated under the name and by 
 the authority of parish vestries. A parish vestry is properly 
 an assembly of the whole parish, that is, of all the inhabitants 
 who pay church rates, or scot and lot, and all occupiers of 
 land, though non-resident, met together in a convenient 
 place for the dispatch of the affairs and business of the pa- 
 rish. In 1725, however, it was deemed expedient to exclude 
 catholics from voting in vestries held for the repairing and 
 rebuilding of churches.f This exclusion was afterwards re- 
 enacted in 1793.| In consequence of these and other enact- 
 ments relative to other taxes, and the constant practice of all 
 parishes, parochial vestries, at present, instead of consist- 
 ing of the inhabitants and land occupiers of the parish, in 
 fact consist only of those few who are protestants. 
 
 Now it is well known that the powers of a vestry are va- 
 rious and extensive. This meeting is legaHy empowered to 
 incur heavy expenses on the part of the parish, to levy large 
 sums of money upon the houses, lands, and persons of the 
 inhabitants at large ; to apportion those sums upon indivi- 
 duals, and to apply them at their discretion unexamined and 
 uncontrolled, &c. to transact generally the local business of 
 the parish. They are authorized, indeed bound, § to repair 
 the whole church, and to provide every requisite connected 
 with church service. Nay, by common law, they may make 
 rates at their discretion for enlarging or rebuilding an old 
 church, if too small. 
 
 * Not more than one out of iOO are protestants. 
 
 f 12 Geo. I. cb. 9. sec. 7. 
 
 J 33 Geo. III. ch. 21. sec. 4. 
 
 $ 7 Geo. II. ch. 7. 23 Geo. II. ch. It, 35 Geo. II, ch. 58.
 
 526 
 
 By statutes,* the lord lieutenant and privy council, arch- 
 bishops or bishops, may order new churches in better places, 
 erect new parishes, change a parish church into a cathedral 
 church, and, vice versa, a cathedral into a parish church — 
 for all or any of which purposes the consent of the majority 
 of protestant parishioners in vestry assembled is sufficient to 
 assess any rate without limit. 
 
 Vestries have, further, the power of appointing the parish 
 clerk, church-wardens, and other parish officers, and may 
 give them what salary they deem proper. They may like- 
 wise demise, and dispose of the parish income and estate at 
 will ; and, being entirely composed of protestants, they have 
 it in their power to dispose of it among themselves, at an un- 
 der value, and levy the annual deficiency upon the catholic 
 land-occupiers, under the general head of church rates. 
 
 In imposing the rates, the form is as follows : — The church- 
 wardens and protestant parishioners assemble together pur- 
 suant to notice, posted upon the church door only. This 
 meeting constitutes a vestry, competent to make any rate. 
 But if no parishioners attend, or if the vestry will not make 
 the rate, the church-wardens alone may make it, and if they 
 faih they may be cited and punished by the spiritual court. 
 
 The gross rate being determined upon, it is next to be 
 applotted, that is to say, the vestry proceeds to decide upon 
 the precise sum or share of it each parishioner is to pay. This 
 applotment, when made, is examinable by protestant parish- 
 ionei % s alone, who may alter, add to, or new model it, as they 
 think fit. 
 
 The miserable consequences flowing from this constitution 
 of parish vestries, aided by the general influence of the Anti- 
 Catholic code, cannot be too much deplored. The hard 
 earnings of the poor catholic husbandman are appropriated 
 at will by his protestant tyrants, for whatever purposes they 
 may think proper. There exists no check, not even that of 
 an oath, to prevent them from abusing the powers with which 
 they are legally, but unjustly, invested. Their will is law, — 
 
 * % Geo. I. ch. 14, 10 Geo. 2. ch. 6. 12 Geo. I. ch. 9.
 
 527 
 
 and law against which the catholic farmer has not even the 
 privilege of appeal. They may, therefore, direct such under- 
 takings, and applot such rules, as to their pleasure may seem 
 meet. They may estimate the labour, adjust the charge, and 
 allot the compensation without control. They may thus 
 compliment each other with liberal allowances, and compel 
 the catholic parishioners to pay the whole amount. 
 
 Here, then, is an enormous power vested in a small mino- 
 rity of the people, to impose upon the great majority a grie- 
 vous impost annually increasing in amount, and capable of 
 being increased infinitely by law; a power vested in the 
 wealthy protectants to levy unlimited contributions upon the 
 humble and industrious catholic, and enabling those who re- 
 ceive, to tax " ad libitum" those who are compelled to pay. 
 
 But not only may the vestry levy such taxes as they think 
 proper, they may likewise appoint catholics to offices against 
 their inclination. For instance, they may compel them to 
 become church -wardens, and this is not unfrequently done, 
 when the office is laborious and chargeable. In Ireland, the 
 peculiar duties of church-wardens are of an ecclesiastical 
 nature, being principally to be the guardians of the 
 church, and representatives of the protestant parishioners; 
 to sue for the goods of the church ; take charge of the re- 
 pairs; summon vestries; provide protestant books of prayer ; 
 and perform a variety of other offices of a similar nature. 
 Hence catholics may be forced, by their protestant neigh- 
 bours, to act in situations wholly foreign and repugnant to 
 their habits, an outrage upon their feelings, an enormous tax 
 upon their time and attention, and impossible to be effectu- 
 ally fulfilled without offering public and repeated violence to 
 their consciences. 
 
 Moreover, that catholics might not be enabled to evade this 
 office, by delaying or declining to take the necessary oaths 
 of qualification, it has been enacted, " That church -wardens 
 shall be deemed legal officers, and made accountable after 
 six weeks' entry of their election in the vestry book,"* which 
 
 • 23 aud 24 Geo. 3. ch, 49. § 10.
 
 528 
 
 entry, signed by the incumbent, and three parishioners, in 
 conclusive evidence against the churchwarden, although had 
 without his assent or knowledge. 
 
 A catholic so nominated, becomes accountable to protes- 
 tant vestries, in which he has no vote, for the entire amount 
 of any applotments, however unjust, which they may think 
 proper to make, even though he may never be able to collect 
 them. If he fail to collect them, and pay them over, he is 
 sued by his successor, as if he had actually levied them. He is, 
 moreover, chargeable with all the arrears due by his prede- 
 cessors, if he shall not make strict proof of his having sued 
 them for such arrears within six months : and the bishop is 
 empowered to sue him as if they had fully accounted with 
 him. This odious duty is cast upon the catholic church- 
 warden, although his predecessor may (as in some instances) 
 happen to be a fraudulent and insolvent protestant, perhaps, 
 the brother or son of the very rector or justice. 
 
 Lazvs affecting Catholics, relative to the right 
 of Self- Defence. 
 
 By the law of nature every man is, doubtless, entitled to de- 
 fend himself against the insults or attacks of another. This 
 right is fully admitted as a fundamental principle of the con- 
 stitution, by solemn statutes, which declare that every citizen 
 is entitled to have arms for his defence, suitable to his condi- 
 tion and degree. 
 
 This privilege, however, is denied to catholics. The first 
 act on the subject was passed in 1695.* It directs in sub- 
 stance, that ail Catholics within the kingdom of Ireland, 
 shall discover and deliver up, by a certain day, to the justice 
 or civil officers, all their arms, armour, and ammunition, of 
 every kind ; and that after that day, any two justices, or a 
 mayor, sheriff, &c. may grant a warrant of search, and com- 
 pel any catholic suspected of having concealed arms, &c. to 
 
 * 7 Will. 3. ch. S.
 
 o29 
 
 appear before them, and answer the charge on suspicion up- 
 on his oath. 
 
 It further enacts, that every Catholic refusing or neglect- 
 ing to discover and deliver up his arms, or refusing to 
 answer, or obstructing the search, or not appearing to be 
 examined, upon summons, or not answering upon oath, &c. 
 shall, for the first offence, suffer a fine of c£30. and one year's 
 imprisonment, and for the second offence, all the pains and 
 penalties of persons attainted on a praemunire. 
 
 Every maker of fire arms, locks, or barrels, swords, knives, 
 or other weapons, is forbidden to take any Catholic appren- 
 tice, under a penalty ofc£20. upon the master, and £20. 
 upon the servant. 
 
 An act passed in 169S, entitled " An act for the preserva- 
 tion of game,"* directs, that " no Catholic shall be employ-, 
 ed as fowler to any Protestant, or shall have, keep, use, or 
 carry any guns or fire arms, under colour or pretence there- 
 of." 
 
 In 1739,f the whole of the above prohibitions were re- 
 enacted, when the fine for having arms was raised to £a0. f 
 and it was directed, that in the event of the convicted Ca- 
 tholic not paying this fine within one month after the expir- 
 ation of his year's imprisonment, the informer should be 
 paid the sum of o£10., to be presented by the grand jury, and 
 levied upon the Catholic inhabitants of the district. 
 
 The same act renders it imperative on justices, &c. under 
 certain penalties, to issue their search warrants once in every 
 year, authorizing all high and petty constables to make close 
 and diligent search, according to the directions of the former 
 statutes. And it further enacts, " That no Catholic should have 
 or keep for sale or otherwise, or under any pretence what- 
 soever, any warlike stores, sword blades, barrels, locks, or 
 stocks of guns or fire arms, under penalty of £20. fine, and 
 one year's imprisonment." 
 
 • 10 Will. 3 c. 8. §4. 
 
 f 13 Geo 2. eta. 6. § 1, 2, 10. 
 
 a m
 
 360 
 
 The next statute was enacted in 1775,* and is much more 
 vigorous than any of the former. By this act " Any one 
 justice, &c. is empowered within his county or jurisdiction, 
 from- time to time, as well by night as by day, to search for, 
 seize and carry away, or cause to be searched for, seized and 
 carried away, all arms and ammunition whatever belonging 
 to or in the custody or possession of any Catholic (not duly 
 licensed), or in the hands or possession of any person in trust 
 for any Catholic ; and for that purpose to enter into any 
 dwelling-house, out-house, field, or other place belonging to 
 any Catholic or reputed Catholic, or belonging to any other 
 person whatsoever, where such justice shall have reasonable 
 cause to suspect that any such arms or ammunition shalL be 
 concealed." 
 
 The same statute further enacts, that " if any such Catholic 
 or other person, upon such search, shall refuse to deliver up 
 the same, answer upon oath, &c. he shall be punished by fine 
 or imprisonment, or by such corporal punishment of pillory 
 or whipping, as the court (of sessions) before whom he shall 
 be tried, may in their discretion think proper." 
 
 This act was made perpetual in 1800.f 
 
 Having thus stated the various laws enacted at different 
 times, relative to Catholics keeping or using arms in Ireland, 
 it now becomes necessary to shew how far they have been 
 mitigated. The statute 1793, already so often mentioned, 
 has among many others the following clause : " That no- 
 thing therein contained shall extend to authorize any Catho- 
 lic to have or keep in his hands, or possession any arms, &c. 
 &c., or to exempt such person from any forfeiture, or penalty 
 inflicted by any act respecting arms, armour, or ammunition 
 in the hands or possession of any Catholic, or respecting 
 Catholic keeping such warlike stores, (save and except Ca- 
 tholics seized of a freehold estate of oflOO yearly, or pos- 
 sessed of a personal estate of ofl,000. or upwards, who are 
 hereby authorized to keep arms and ammunition as protestants 
 
 * 15 and 16 Geo. III. ch. 21. j 15. 
 t 40 Geo. III. c. 96,
 
 531 
 
 how by law may : and also except Catholics possessing a 
 freehold estate of «£10. yearly value, or .£300. personal es- 
 tate, who shall take the oath of 13 and 14 Geo. III. at the 
 sessions, and in open court swear and subscribe an affidavit 
 of the fact of such property), and Catholics so qualifying may 
 keep arms and ammunition as protectants may, so lono; as 
 they continue to possess such property." 
 
 From this clause it is evident that there are only two classes 
 of catholics in Ireland, legally authorized to have and use 
 arms: 1st, Such as are seized of a freehold property worth 
 1001. yearly, or personal property to the amount of 1,0001. 
 and take the oath prescribed by the above act. And, 'Sdlv, 
 Such as possess 101. yearly of freehold property or 3001. per- 
 sonal property, and take the oath of 13 and 14 Geo. III. • 
 and also swear and subscribe an affidavit, in open court, veri- 
 fying the value of such property ; and beside qualify in 
 terms of the statute of 1793. 
 
 All catholics not possessing the amount of property above 
 mentioned, or failing in any part of the conditions of quali- 
 fication (that is to say, the great majority of catholics), still 
 continue liable to the utmost rigour of the different statutes 
 of 1695, 169S, 1739, and 1775. 
 
 Innumerable are the hardships, injuries and insults to 
 which a catholic is continually exposed from the operation of 
 these laws. By them he is placed wholly at the mercy of 
 protestant justices and constables; his house may be broke 
 into at any hour either of the day or night. He maybe 
 summoned to a public scrutiny upon oath so often as they 
 tliink fit ; his arms may be taken from him ; he may be fined 
 or imprisoned, or even punished with pillory and whipping, 
 upon the slightest evidence of his attempting to evade the law. 
 He is likewise deprived of various legal means of providing 
 for himself or his family. Thus he cannot hold the situation 
 of a game-keeper; he cannot be a cutler, or cutler's appren- 
 tice, a gun-smith, or a gun-smith's apprentice ; neither can 
 he keep for sale, or otherwise, any warlike store*, ammuni- 
 tion, sword-blade>, barrels, locks, -tocks of guns, or fire arms 
 Meireover the protectants being not only permitted to keep 
 arms, but beins; actually armed by the authority of government 
 <2 M 2
 
 532 
 
 with the view of defending the country and overawing the re' 
 bellious, it may easily be imagined that abuses are frequent. 
 The northern counties, in particular, have exhibited scenes 
 too shocking for description. Deliberate and unprovoked 
 murders, attended with circumstances of the most horrid bar- 
 barity, have been often perpetrated, and the perpetrators 
 escaped unpunished. Besides not having the means of de- 
 fending themselves, Catholics are exposed more than any 
 other subjects, to robberies and depredations. They are not 
 permitted to enter any of the volunteer or yeomanry corps, 
 but are completely open to the militia ballot. Indeed, they 
 are the only persons in Ireland such ballot can effect, because 
 almost every Protestant, being a member of one or other of 
 these corps, thereby enjoys full protection. 
 
 Of some further miscellaneous Laws and Penalties 
 affecting Catholics. 
 
 In the foregoing sections of this Appendix, 1 have con* 
 fined myself to the notice of such laws as were passed for the 
 avowed and distinct object of depressing the Catholics. But 
 besides these, there are various statutes relative to general 
 purposes; containing clauses which, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, militate against the rights and privileges of this class of 
 religionists ; and to them I shall now briefly direct my at- 
 tention. 
 
 By a statute enacted in 1695,* a pecuniary fine of £2., 
 and in case of non-payment, the punishment of whipping, is 
 imposed on every hired labourer or servant who shall refuse 
 to work on any day of the year, excepting on such days as 
 named in the statute. The operation of this statute is, that 
 Catholics are compelled to work on many holidays appointed 
 by their Church. 
 The statute 1699/j- inflicts a penalty of o£10. on every 
 
 * 7 Will. 3. c. 14. 
 t 9 Will. 3. c. 1.
 
 533 
 
 person who shall be aiding or assisting in burying any dead, 
 in any other place but in a Protestant churchyard. By this 
 law the feelings of Catholics are insulted, even in the nicest 
 point of their religion, and on a subject which never fails to 
 awaken the keenest sensations. 
 
 In 1703,* it was enacted, that a fine of ,£10. or in de- 
 fault of payment, the punishment of whipping, shall be in- 
 flicted on every person who shall be present at any pilgri- 
 mage, or meeting, held at any holy-well, or reputed holy- 
 well. By the same law, all magistrates are required to de- 
 molish all crosses, pictures, or inscriptions, any where pub- 
 licly set up for the veneration or respect of Catholics. It is 
 shameful to deprive the Catholics of the privilege of follow- 
 ing the precepts of their religion, but it is ridiculous to curb 
 them in their pious and innocent amusement. 
 
 By the statute 1571, f it is high treason to obtain any 
 writ or printed instrument from the Pope or Bishop of Rome, 
 or any person authorized by him. The hardship, injustice, 
 inconvenience, and impolicy of this law are too apparent to 
 require illustration. 
 
 The public education of Catholics is wholly neglected in Ire- 
 land, except at the College of Maynooth, which cannot edu- 
 cate a tenth of the necessary supply of Catholic clergymen ; 
 there is no public Catholics' seminary for Catholics in Ire- 
 land. Till 1793, Catholics were not admissible into the Col- 
 lege of Dublin, even as students, and at this moment they 
 remain excluded from being " members" of that college. To 
 these rigid regulations against Catholics, on the score of edu- 
 cation, may be added those which relate to the charitable 
 foundations of Ireland. Catholics are indeed admissible into 
 them, but their children must be educated by Protestant mas- 
 ters, and in Protestant principles. 
 
 It has been already noticed, that Catholic laymen may be 
 guardians to Catholic children under certain conditions. — 
 
 • 2 Anne c. 6. § 7. 
 t 18 Eliz. c. 2.
 
 534 
 
 Whether a Catholic clergyman can act in that capacity, 
 however, under any circumstances, still remains doubtful. 
 
 Catholics following the profession of medicine, are not di- 
 rectly excluded from holding- situations in the line of their 
 profession, either in the navy or army, or in hospitals ; but 
 this is sufficiently effected by the operation of the Anti-Ca- 
 tholic: system in general. It is a fact, that scarcely a single 
 Catholic holds even any inferior medical situation of a pub- 
 lic nature. 
 
 Catholics are not allowed the liberty of presenting even to 
 Protestant benefices, though this right is permitted to per- 
 sons of every other religion, and also to foreigners : nay, he 
 cannot even give up his right in trust to a Protestant; for, by 
 statute 1704, it is enacted, " that whenever any Catholic should 
 claim, possess or enjoy, any advowson on right of patronage 
 or presentation, to any ecclesiastical benefice, (or where any 
 Protestant should claim, possess, or enjoy, any such right in 
 trust for a Catholic) the same should be thereby ipso facto 
 vested in the crown, according to such estate as such Catho- 
 lic might have therein, until such Catholic, or his heir, should 
 abjure his religion." And this clause is re-enacted in 1793, 
 omitting so much of it as regards trustees. What the effect 
 of this omission may be still remains to be tried. The absur- 
 dity and manifesi injustice of this law is evident. It is de- 
 priving Catholics of a right, which a Protestant considers as 
 a part of his property, being a saleable commodity. Even 
 in Catholic France this privilege has never been denied to 
 Protestants of any sect. Yet France is a land of tyranny, 
 and Ireland a land of freedom, — at least, so the " Anti-Ca- 
 tholics" tell us ! ! ! 
 
 Jn this way, brief as it is, could I proceed to write many 
 sheets, on the disabilities which affect Catholics. The limits 
 within which my work is necessarily restrained, however, 
 compel me to draw to a conclusion, I shall only, therefore, 
 further remark, in general, that there is scarcely a relation, 
 even in the ordinary conduct of human life, in which Catho- 
 lics do not, more or less, keenly feel the noxious influence of 
 the intolerant code, which even allowing that it might bepru-
 
 635 
 
 dent in our fore-fathers to frame, it would be undoubtedly, 
 wise and provident in us to abolish. The days of bigotry and 
 persecution are gone, I trust, for ever. The mind, enlighten- 
 ed by rational Christianity, and soothed by philosophy, has 
 learned to appreciate justly the precepts of religion. It per- 
 ceives, that moderation and forbearance are virtues of the 
 highest order, absolutely essential to human happiness, and 
 without which, all the doctrines of theological metaphysics, 
 which the mind of man has hitherto been able to conceive, 
 lose every thing of value, dignity, or goodness.
 
 AN 
 
 INDEX 
 
 OF 
 
 NAMES AND SUBJECTS; 
 
 AND OF 
 
 AUTHORS AND BOOKS, 
 
 QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 
 
 ABBOTS described, 148. 
 
 Abraham's guests in the plains of Mam- 
 re, 355. 
 
 Abrtgi Chronologique de PHistoire 
 Ecclesiastique, 22, 49. 
 
 Absolution, Catholic opinion of, 287. 
 
 Abuses, general prevalence of, 369. 
 
 Acesius, Constantine's remark to, 36. 
 
 Acts of the Apostles, the only correct 
 ecclesiastical history, 25. 
 
 Acts of parliament, 475. and Appen- 
 dix, passim. 
 
 Adam's Religious World Displayed, 
 10. 
 
 .ddajiw'sMrs.H. View of all Religions, 
 10. 
 
 Address of the Catliolic6 to Protes- 
 tants, 336. 
 
 Africa, Christian churches of, 252. 
 
 Alb, the bishop's, 385- 
 
 Albert of Brandenburg, 177. 
 
 Alfred the Great, indebted to monks, 
 149. 
 
 Allegiance, oath of, taken by Catholics, 
 340. 
 
 Altenburg, Luther's conference at, 189. 
 
 Amwifus, Duke of Savoy, his election 
 to the papal dignity, 86. 
 
 Americu, French clergy in, 172. 
 
 Amice, the priest's, 387. 
 
 Ammit of cardinals, 410. 
 
 Ammir. Discorso come la Chiesa Ro- 
 mana, &c. 62. 
 
 Anabaptists, 264, 442, 466. 
 
 Anustasius, the Bibliothecarie, 401. 
 
 Angels, invocation of, 397. 
 
 Angelus, Friar, Rule of Penance of 
 the Order of St. Francis, 168. 
 
 Animadversions oil Fuller, 458. 
 
 Annual Review, 440. 
 
 Anti-popes, 10. 
 
 Apian's Tableau de la Cour de Rome, 
 389. 
 
 Archbold's edition of Blackstone's 
 Commentaries, 217. 
 
 Archdeacons, 40:3. 
 
 Architecture, influence of the reform- 
 ation on, 237. 
 
 Arehi priesthoods, 425. 
 
 Arian controversy, 67. 
 
 Ariosto's Orlando Fin ioso, 52. 
 
 Arius, his death, 70. 
 
 Ark, honour shewed to the, 353. 
 
 Armenian 'lunch, 251. 
 
 Articles of faith in which all Christian* 
 agree, L'91. 
 
 Artists encouraged by Leo X., 125. 
 
 Asbury, Mr. Francis, 47. 
 
 Asia, church* s of, 251. 
 
 Asia minor, churches of, 251. 
 
 Assembly of the kirk of Scotland, 268. 
 
 Athanasius, St Dec. Com. Nic. 67, 
 et Kp. Africa, 68. 
 
 Atlas Geographicus, 254. 
 
 Atmore, Rev. Charles, 432. 
 
 Auditors of the Ruota, 427. 
 
 Augsburg, Luther's conference at, 
 179. 
 
 Augustine Monks, appeal to, respect- 
 ing Luther, 195. 
 
 Avignon, residence of the Popes at, 
 58. 
 
 Axiom, a new one, of civil government 
 131. B 
 
 Babylon, the mystical, 257. 
 
 .Bacon's, Lord, Works, 153, 166. Opi- 
 nion of single men, 166. Opinion of 
 Jesuits, ib. 
 
 Baldwinus Franc. 67.
 
 538 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bale, John, his testimony of Leo X., 
 127. 
 Baltimore, French clergy at, 172. 
 Baptism, 269, 305. 
 Baratier's Inquiry about the Ancient 
 Bishops of Rome, 9. 
 Barberino, Cardinal Antonio, 420. 
 Barnabites, order of, 161. 
 Baronius, on the title Universal 
 Bishop, 22. 
 
 Bartolomeo of Florence, his public dis- 
 position, 88. 
 
 Basnage's History of the Reformed 
 Churches, 223. 
 
 Baxter's Key for Catholics, 274. His- 
 tory of Councils, 432. 
 Beads, on the use of, 394. 
 Beausobre's Histoire de la Reforma- 
 tion, 100, 181. 
 
 Bede's Works, 149. 
 Bedloe, Captain, 276. 
 Bellarmin. Oper. 51, 107, 316, 347. 
 Bembo, 158. 
 
 Benedict XIII., schism under, 83. 
 Benedictine Monks, their learning, 
 114. 
 Benedictines, order of, 163. 
 Benson's, Dr. History of Persecution, 
 445. Confutation of popery, 478. 
 
 Bering-ton's Rev. J. Lives of Abelard 
 and Eloisa, 430, 433. 
 Bessarion, Cardinal, his influence, 87. 
 Beza's Life of Calvin, 449. 
 Bible, the, worth all the mighty tomes 
 of the Vatican, 26. (passim.) 
 
 Bigotry, spirit of, retained by the re- 
 formers, 208. 
 
 Bingham's Origines Ecclesiastical, 16. 
 Bishop, universal, the phrase, 16. 
 Bishops, Roman, succession of,9. Con- 
 gregation concerning the affairs of, 418. 
 Examining new, 423. 
 Bishops Cardinals, 405. 
 Blackstone's Commentaries, 467. 
 Blasphemies, commination against, 
 33S. 
 Blondelon Bishopsand Presbyters,51. 
 Boccaccio's Decameron, 92. 
 Bodenstein, Andrew, his controversy 
 with Eccius, 193. 
 Bolsec, Jerome ; 449. 
 Bonaparte, his plunders of the Pope's 
 possessions, 61. Expose on the tem- 
 poralities of the Pope, 122. Zeal for 
 reform, 130. 
 
 Bon\face III., his struggle for a name, 
 28. 
 Book of Common Prayer, 117, 319. 
 Books, congregation for printing of, 
 421. 
 
 Bossuet's Variations of the Protestant 
 Churches, 78, 91, 97, 209, 223, 441. 
 Exposition, &c. 136, 292, 309, 318, 
 320. ' 
 
 Brandt's Hist. Reform. 191, 270. 
 Brent, Sir R. 180. 
 Brethren of the Free Spirit, 82. 
 Brightwell parish, 452. 
 Britton's Architectural Antiquities of 
 Great Britain, 239. 
 
 Brookes, Henry, Esq. 476. 
 Broughton's Historical Library, 8. 
 Buctr, 450. 
 
 Buck's Theological Dictionary, 434. 
 Bull of excommunication against Lu- 
 ther, 204. 
 
 Burnet's Historv of the Reformation, 
 225, 228. 
 
 Burning for heresy, invented by 
 princes, 69. 
 
 Butler's Dr. Installation Sermon, 15, 
 349. 
 
 Butler's Life of Fenelon, 37, 292. 
 Life of the Rev. Alban Butler, 108. 
 Account of the Life and Writings of 
 J. B. Bossuet, 443. Historical View of 
 Laws, ice. App. 489. Statement of the 
 Pope's supremacy, 38, 438. 
 C 
 Calixtus, George, de Conjugio Cleri- 
 corum, 67. 
 
 Calmet's Diet. 306. 
 Calvin. Instit. 264, 450. 
 Calvin, spread of his opinions in Ger- 
 many and Scotland, 222. Declaration 
 for maintaining the true faith, &c. 445. 
 Mode of persecuting, 448. 
 Candles, blessed, 370. 
 Canning, Mr. 477. 
 
 Capet, Hugh, styled Hugh l'Abbe, 147. 
 Capuce of the order of St. Francis, 
 169. 
 
 Cardinal Nephew, 421. 
 Cardinals, offices, and origin of, 39$. 
 Their titles, 406. Habit, 409. Crea- 
 tion, 410. Congregation of, 417. 
 Carlostadt, see Bodenstein. 
 Card's Hist. Outlines of the Rise and 
 Estab. of the Papal Power, 28. 
 
 Carr's, Sir John, Travels in Spain, 485. 
 Castellio, 448. 
 
 Catechism of the Council of Trent, 300. 
 Catechumens' mass, 375. 
 Catherine de Medicis, 476. 
 Catholic, use of the term, 7. 
 Catholic Reformers, 99. 
 Catholic countries characterized, 142. 
 Address to Protestants, 336. 
 
 Catholic Christian Instructed, 304, 
 397, 399.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 53? 
 
 Cathtlicism, effects of, on the arts, 
 •235. 
 
 Catholics, legal appellation of, in Great 
 Eritain, 13. 
 
 Cuusaboni ad Epist. Card. Perron, 
 Responsio pro Rege, 264. 
 Celibacy of the monks, 144. 
 dremonies, august, of Catholic coun- 
 tries, 112. Of the mass, 375. 
 
 Chaldec breviary of St. Thomas, 251. 
 Challoner's Garden of the Soul, 478. 
 Chamber Apostolicall, the reverend, 
 428. 
 
 Chandler's History of Persecution, 
 432. 
 
 Charlemagne, beneficence of, 62. 
 Cliarles V., Luther's address to, 208. 
 His conduct to Luther, 215. 
 Cliarlier, see Gerson. 
 Chastity uncommon among men, 165. 
 Chasuble, the, 387. 
 ChauffepU's Dictionaire Critique, 227. 
 Chillingicorth's Works, 8, 132, 134, 
 451. 
 
 Christ ianisimus Primativus, 8. 
 Chrislianographie, 11. 
 Christiem III. of Denmark, 221. 
 Christmas, high mass at, 391. 
 Church of Rome, never described dis- 
 tinct from the court, 3. And State 
 united, 62. View of the state of the, 
 78. Acted the part of a suicide, 120. 
 Of Christ, will never fail, ib. Her un- 
 natural union with civil government, ib. 
 Described, 280. Her spiritual aud tem- 
 poral authority, 283. Definition of the, 
 299, 473. Of England, 266. 
 
 Churehes erected by Constantine, 34. 
 Magnificence of Catholic, 236. Of En- 
 rope, 250. 0> Asia, 251. Of Asia 
 minor, ib. Of Africa, 252. Patriarchal, 
 406. 
 
 Circassian Church, 251. 
 Cistercian order of monks, 150. 
 Civilization introduced by the monks, 
 149. 
 Clement VII. the anti-pope, 83. 
 Clergy, immorality of the, 91. Their 
 profligacy caused the reformation, 106. 
 Order of regular, 161. The French, at 
 Baltimore, 173. 
 
 Clergymen of the church of England, 
 266. 
 
 Comber'% History of the Parisian mas- 
 sacre, 477. 
 
 Commandment, of the second, 365. 
 Comminution agaiust errors and blas- 
 phemies, 333. 
 Confession, 355. 
 Confirmation, 305. 
 
 Congregation of the holy office, 417. 
 Congregations of Cardinals, 417. 
 Consecration of the Pope, 406. 
 Consistory, publique, 412. 
 Consistory, congregation of the, 424. 
 Constantine the Great, conversion of, 
 29. Became a preacher, 37. 
 
 Constantinople styled New Rome, 77. 
 Controversy at Leipsic, 193. 
 Convents at Rome, 154. 
 Conversion of Constantine the Great, 
 29. 
 
 Convocation of England, 268. 
 Cope, the, 387. 
 Copts, Christian, 252. 
 Corinth, division in the church of, 45. 
 Councell, congregation of the, 418. 
 Councils, Basil, 85. Chalcedon, 43, 
 76. Constance, 84, 285, 314, 455, 472. 
 Constantinople, 43. Ephesus, 43. Flo- 
 rence, 315. Nice, 66. P;sa, 80, 408. 
 Trent, 40, 137, 292, 299, 303, 307, 309, 
 311, 320, 329, r,73. Vienne, 79, 81. 
 
 Councils of the reformed in France, 
 268. 
 
 Councils, Catholic's belief of, 361. 
 Cow t of Rome, its pride, 118, 400, 
 430. 
 
 Creation of Cardinals, 410. 
 Creed, Nicene, 68. Of Pope Pius 
 IV. 292, 302, 305, 309, 315, 317, 319, 
 331-2. 
 
 Crimes of Catholics do not spring from 
 their religion, 5. 
 
 Crook, the pastoral, 386. 
 Cross, miraculous appearance of, to 
 Constantine, 32. Pieces of the true, 
 34. 
 
 Cudworth's opinion of the effects of 
 the Reformation, 271. 
 Culdces of lona, 252. 
 Cullo, magnificence in celebrating 
 the act termed, 142. 
 D 
 D'Ailly, Peter, his attempts at re- 
 form, 79. 
 
 Dalmatica, 385. 
 
 Danes, ravages of the, in the time of 
 Alfred, 150. 
 
 Dante, his description of the clergy, 
 91. 
 
 D'Artigny's, Abbe", Noveaux Me- 
 moires d'Histoire, 227. 
 
 David's repetition in the 126th 
 Psalm, 353. 
 
 Deacon-Cardinals, 404. 
 
 Deacons, offices and origin of, 403. 
 
 Death, different religious views of, 71. 
 
 Death's head, 350. 
 
 Decameron of Boccaccio, 92.
 
 540 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Declaration of Catholics, 339, 342. 
 
 Decretals described, 48. 
 De Laune's Plea for the Non-con- 
 formists, 379. 
 
 Design of the present work, 3. 
 
 Diet of Worms, 212. 
 
 Difficulties of the author's under- 
 taking, 1. 
 
 Directory, Presbyterian, 133. 
 
 Disabilities of Catholics and Dissen- 
 ters, 474. 
 
 Dispensatory, 345. 
 
 Disputes at Leipsic, 194. 
 
 Dissertaz. del Conte Giacono Aeami 
 del' origine ed Antichita della Zeccha 
 Pontificia, 57. 
 
 Diversity in religious opinions, 249. 
 
 Dobson's, Mrs. Life of Petrarch, 92. 
 
 Doctrines of the Catholic Church un- 
 altered, 65. Never attacked by early 
 reformers, 96. Brief summary of the 
 Catholic, 273, 301. 
 
 Dogmata of the church attacked by 
 Luther, 97. 
 
 Donation of Constantine, 48, 52. 
 
 Donatists, term Catholic first used to 
 distinguish from, 7. 
 
 Douglass, Dr. 347. 
 
 Duigenan, Dr. 265, 453. 
 
 Dupin's Bibliotheque Universelle des 
 Auteurs Ecclesiastiques, &c. 49, 52, 
 68, 75, 189, 191. Hist, of the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, 308. 
 
 Durham's, Bishop of, Sermons, 
 Charges, and Tracts, 15, 117. 
 E 
 
 Easter, difference in the time of cele- 
 brating, 72. 
 
 Eccius, Johannes, an opponent of 
 Luther, 178. 
 
 Elias's mantle, 353. 
 
 Eliseus's bones, 354. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, ecclesiastical ar- 
 chitecture since, 239. 
 
 Elphin, Bishop of, his principle of 
 conversion, 166. 
 
 Emancipation, political objectors to, 
 456, 474. 
 
 Emperor, Constantine the first Chris, 
 tian, 33. 
 
 Enarolles, Lewis de, Persecutions in 
 France, 432. 
 
 Encyclopedia Britannica, ed. 1810, 65. 
 
 Epiphaniui on the number of he- 
 retics, 7. 
 
 Episcopacy, question of the divine 
 right of, 11. 
 
 Erasmus, bis correspondence with 
 Leo X. 128. And learning, 159. Opi- 
 nion of the Reformation, 176. 
 
 Erfurt, University, judge of the con- 
 troversy at Leipsic, 194. 
 
 Errors, commination against, 333. 
 Essay towards a proposal for Catholic 
 Communion, 323. 
 
 Espriella's Letters, &c. 494. 
 
 Este, family of, 59. 
 
 Ethiopian Christians, 252. 
 
 Eucharist, the, 269. Catholic faith of 
 the, 289, 354. 
 
 Eugenius IF. view of the church un- 
 der, 85. 
 
 Euhgius, letter of Gregory the Great 
 to, 19. 
 
 Eusebius's Life of Constantine, 36. 
 37, 67. Eccles. Hist. 70. Letter of 
 Gregory the Great to, 20. 
 
 Eustathius, 67. President of the 
 Council of Nice, 74. 
 
 Evans's Sketch of Christian Denomi- 
 nations, 10, 262. 
 
 Excommunication of Luther, 204. 
 
 Exiguus, Dionysius, Latin code of, 
 77. 
 
 Explanation of the belief of Catholics 
 in regard to the pope, 348. 
 
 Extravagance of Leo X. a cause of" 
 the reformation, 123. 
 
 Expose", French, 1809, 121. 
 
 Extreme Unction, 269, 307. 
 F 
 
 Fable, the profitable, 127. 
 
 Fabron. Leon. X. 125. 
 
 Faith, effects of, on the arts, 232. 
 Of Catholics always the same, 250. 
 Of Catholics, 280. Articles in which 
 all Christians agree, 294. Power of, 
 354. Of the Scriptures as a rule of, 
 359. Congregation for propagating 
 the, 419. 
 
 Faithful, mass of the, 375. 
 
 Fancy, superstition heightens, 243. 
 
 Fasciculus rerum Expendarum et 
 Fugiendarum, 62. 
 
 Fasting, 367. 
 
 Fathers, too much stress laid upon, 25. 
 
 Feejoo's Teatrico Critico, 82. 
 
 Fenton's translation of Guicciardini's 
 History, 59. 
 
 Fingall, Earl of, 438. 
 
 Five, an unfortunate number to the- 
 logians, 88. 
 
 Fletcher's Checks to Antinomianism, 
 133. 
 
 Fleury's remarks on St. Gregory, 20. 
 24. Discours sur l'Histoire Ecclesias- 
 tique, 50, 55, 72, 74, 75. 
 
 Florentines, partiality of Leo X. to, 
 J 90. 
 
 Forbe» DeEuc. 253, 4.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 541 
 
 Fountain, river and lake exemplify, 
 the Trinity, 296. 
 
 Fountains, congregation of, 421. 
 Fox's Acts and Monuments, 433. 
 Frederic, elector of Saxony, 186, 8,9. 
 French clergy, 172. 
 Friar, Spanish pun on the word, 174. 
 Friars, their zeal for the inquisition, 
 135, 368. 
 Froissart' s Chron. 87. 
 Fuller's, Mr. ed. of Mrs. Adams's 
 View of all Religions, 10. 
 
 Funeral pile made by Luther, 207. 
 
 G 
 Gaeta, Cardinal of, his conduct to 
 Luther, 180. 
 
 Gallican reformed Catechism, 264. 
 Gandolphy's Liturgy, or a Hook of 
 Common Prayers, and Administration 
 of Sacraments, 322, 386. 
 
 Gavin's, Don Antonio, Master-key 
 to Popery, 478. 
 
 Geddests Modest Apology, 29, 265, 
 '167. Character of Lord Petre, Preface. 
 Gelasius of Cyzicus, 75. 
 Geneva, Calvinistic opinions in, 222. 
 Georgian church, 251. 
 Gerdesii Hist. Evang. Renovat. 1 07 . 
 German scholars portrayed, 158. 
 Germany, origin of the reformation 
 in, 175- Religious opinions in, 222. 
 Gerson, his attempts at Reform, 80. 
 Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the 
 Roman Empire, 17, 21,33, 39, 108, 223. 
 Gift of Constantine, 52. 
 Girdle, the bishop's, 385. 
 Gloves, the bishop's, 385. 
 God, Catholic principles in reference 
 to, 280. 
 
 Gordon, Lord George, riots of, 14. 
 Gother's Papist misrepresented and 
 represented, 109, 292, 349. 
 Gothic architecture, 241. 
 Government, advantages of papal, 63. 
 Councell for Church, 421. 
 Grace, doctrines of, 269. 
 Grafton, Duke of, his note on the 
 margin of Simpson's Apology, 25. 
 
 Grassis, Paris de, his account of Six- 
 tus della Rovere, 124. 
 
 Grattan's, Mr. Speech, 454. 
 Greek and Latin churches, their ana- 
 logy, 250. 263. 
 
 Greek Church, 250. 
 Greeks, their character, 152. Ef- 
 fects of their religious faith on the arts, 
 231. 
 
 Gregory the Great the Apostle of 
 England, 18. 
 Gregory's History of the Church, 33. 
 
 Grotiu$ de RebOs Belgicis, 229. 
 Grounds of the Catholic Faith, 306, 
 312, 317, 332. 
 
 Guicciardini Historia d'ltalia, 59. 
 Guises, family, 477. 
 Gustarus Ericus, King of Sweden. 
 221. 
 
 H. 
 Habit of Cardinalls, 409. 
 Habili»ients of the bishop, symbolical 
 385. 
 
 flail Mary, u»e of the, 394. 
 Haicarden's, Dr. Charity and Truth, 
 439. 
 
 Hayley's life ofCowper, 438. 
 Helena's journey to build the Church 
 of the Holy Sepulchre, 34. 
 Hell, 316. 
 
 Henry the Seventh's Chapel, 239. 
 Henry VIII. the reformer, 61. Pro- 
 gress of the reformation under, 233. 
 
 Heretics specified, 72. Mode of 
 treating, 446. Keeping faith with, 455. 
 Heylin, Doctor, 458. 
 High Mass, described, 383. 
 Higinius, Pope, 400. 
 ifinonar's'account of the decretals, 50. 
 Hints on Evangelical Preaching, bv 
 a Barrister, 103, 378. 
 Historians of Italy, 242. 
 History, uncertainty of ecclesiastical, 
 66. 
 
 History of Religion, 333. 
 Holy Ghost, procession of the, 298. 
 Homoiousion, meaning of the word, 69. 
 Homousion, meaning of the word, 69 
 Hooker's Ecclesiast. Pol. lot. 
 Hora Juridical Subsecivae, by But 
 ler, 48, 51 
 
 Horns of the mitre, 385. 
 Hume's History of England, 140. 
 Hunting, the amusement of Luthei 
 il9. 
 
 Hurd's, Bishop, Introduction to the 
 Prophecies, 401. 
 
 Huss, John, 184, 456, 472. 
 Hypocrisy,thc consequence of a union 
 of church and .state, 121. 
 I. 
 Ignorance, of breeding up people in. 
 371. 
 
 Illustrations of the Ceremonies of the 
 Mass, 375. 
 
 Images destroyed by Carlostadt, 220. 
 Destroyed by Henry VIII. 233. Ca- 
 tholic opinion of, 291, 319. Of Pray- 
 ing to, 349. 
 
 Immunitie, Congregation of, 418. 
 Indulgence, definition of a Catholic, 
 136. Specimen of Tetzel's, 139.
 
 542 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Indulgences, principally attacked by 
 Luther, 102. Ill use made of the sale 
 of, 135. Luther's attack on, 176. Ca- 
 tholic view of, 288, 319. Conditions 
 of, 321. Described, 323, 331, 356. 
 
 Infallibility confounded with the su- 
 premacy of the pope, 29. 
 
 Innocent XI. 366. 
 
 Inquiry, consequences of free, iu re- 
 ligion, 255. 
 
 Inquisition, zeal of the friars for the, 
 155. Congregation of the, 417, 479. 
 
 Institutions, nature and decline of 
 monastic, 142. 
 
 Intercession, Catholic view of, 289. 
 Mediators for, 351. 
 
 Interpretation of Scripture, 360. 
 
 Intolerance of Luther, 211. 
 
 Invocation of Angels and Saints, 397. 
 
 Irish cruelties, 286. 
 
 Irish Protestant Charter School Ca- 
 techism, 265. 
 
 Isocrates, rule in a moral treatise of, 
 227. 
 
 Italy, claims of the popes to, 57. 
 Architecture of, 240. 
 J. 
 
 Jamiesoris account of the Culdees of 
 lona, 252. 
 
 Jerome of Prague, 184, 456. 
 
 Jesuits, order of, 161. 
 
 Jews, their state in France, 446. 
 
 Joan, Pope, 432. 
 
 John the Fraster, 18. 
 
 John Frederic of Saxony, 221. 
 
 Johnes, Mr. his translations of ancient 
 Chronicles, 87. 
 
 Judgment, right of private, 134. 
 
 Julia, Card, 91. 
 
 Jurisdiction of the Pope, 55. 
 K 
 
 Kempis, Thomas a, Imitation of 
 Christ, 478. 
 
 Kirk of Scotland, 263. 
 
 King, Catholic principles in reference 
 to the, 284. 
 
 Knox, John, the Scotch reformer, 
 222. L. 
 
 Labarum, description of Constan- 
 tine's, 32. 
 
 Lardner's History of Heretics, 7. 
 
 Lateran, Bishop Cardinall of the, 
 407. 
 
 Lavington's, Bishop, Enthusiasm of 
 Methodists and Papists compared, 377. 
 
 Laws now in force relating to the Ro- 
 man Catholics of England and Ireland, 
 489. App. passim. 
 
 Laws against heresy in England, 217. 
 
 Laws, penal, 344, 489. 
 
 Learning, the Mendicant orders ireg 
 lected classical, 1 56. 
 
 Leipsic, controversies at, 193. 
 
 Leo X. Roscoe's Life of, 56. His 
 extravagance and religious indifference 
 a cause of the reformation, 123. His 
 magnificence, 124. His character, 128. 
 His conduct towards Luther, 179. 
 
 Letter of Luther to Leo X., 196. 
 
 Lewis, Count Palatine, 216. 
 
 L'Histoire des Popes, by Mills, 35. 
 
 Licinius fell before the labarum, 33. 
 
 Limborch'a History of the Inquisition, 
 478. 
 
 Literature, consequence of the re- 
 vival of, 129. Influence of the Re- 
 formation on, 241. 
 
 Lives of the Saints, by the Rev. A. 
 Butler, 108. 
 
 Lockman's Histoiy of Popish Perse- 
 cution, 432. 
 
 Low Mass, 383. 
 
 Luther acknowledged the Pope's su- 
 premacy, 39. 
 
 Luther's boldness in reformation, 96. 
 Torch, 127. Boldness a chief cause 
 of the reformation, 140. Commence- 
 ment of the Reformation, 176. Op- 
 ponents, 178. Conference at Augsburg, 
 179. Appeal to a General Council, 187. 
 Conference with Miltitz, 189. Ac- 
 knowledges the power of the Church, 
 191. Acted a double part, 192. Could 
 not resist flattery, 195, Letter to the 
 Pope, ib. Bull of condemnation against, 
 204. His violent conduct, 206. At the 
 Diet of Worms, 212. Preserved by 
 the Elector of Saxony, 218. Opinion 
 on persecution, 446. 
 
 Luther Oper. 39, 182, 186, 198, 202, 
 203, 204, 207, 208, 209, 212, 258, 264. 
 
 Lutherunism, general spread of, 221. 
 M. 
 
 Maccabees, purgatory denoted in, 363, 
 
 Machiavelli, on the Mendicant order, 
 151. 
 
 Maclaine, see Mosheim. 
 
 Maconites, churches of the, 251. 
 
 Magistrates, their interference in re- 
 ligion, 400. 
 
 Magnificence of religious services in 
 Catholic countries, 142. 
 
 Maturity's prophecy of the mass, 363. 
 
 Manners, influence of the Reforma- 
 tion on, 27 0. 
 
 Mannock's Poor Man's Controversy, 
 374. 
 
 Manuple, the bishop's, 387. 
 
 Afars/t'slnquiry into the consequences, 
 &c. 132.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 543 
 
 Marcus of Ephesus, his revolt. 88. 
 
 Mamas, the idol, 371. 
 
 Muiriage, 269, 308. 
 
 Martin V., his character, 85. 
 
 Martyrologies, 432. 
 
 Mary, Virgin, on supplicating her, 
 352, 393. 
 
 Mass, an encouragement to art, 235, 
 311. Of the, 362, 373. Ceremonies 
 of the, 375. High, 383. Low, ib. Pa- 
 pal, 389. At Christmas, 391. 
 
 Massacre, Parisian, 476. 
 
 Mass book, 478. 
 
 Matrimonrj, 308. 
 
 Maurice's Indian Antiquities, 377. 
 
 Maxentius, march of Constantine a- 
 gainst, 31. 
 
 Maximilian, Emperor, his death, 189. 
 
 Mediators for intercession, 351. 
 
 Medici, Luther's accusation of the 
 family, 190. 
 
 Medicis, Catherine de, 477. 
 
 Melancthon'spuhliaxiions, 194. Let- 
 ter to Bullinger, 449. 
 
 Mekhites, See Syrians, 
 
 Melchoir, Adam, 198. 
 
 Mendicant Friars, 150. 
 
 Merit, should be the test for reli- 
 gious profession, 172. Doctrine of, 
 309. 
 
 Middleton's Letter from Rome, 377. 
 
 Milner's Letters to a Prebendary, 13, 
 22, 441, 480. Certain vulgar opinions 
 concerning the Catholic inhabitants and 
 antiquities of Ireland, 35, 64. History 
 of Winchester, 439. 
 
 Miltitz, his opposition to Tetz»l, 138. 
 His negociations, 189. 
 
 Milton's poetry, 244. 
 
 MingreUian church, 251. 
 
 Mint, congregation concerning the, 
 423. 
 
 Missions from Rome, A. D. 500, 42. 
 
 Mistakes of Protestants respecting 
 Catholics, 347. 
 
 Modest and True Account of the 
 chief Points in controversy, 310. 
 
 Monarchs, their divine right, 61. 
 
 Monastic Institutions described, 142. 
 
 Money coined by popes, 56. Expe- 
 dients of Leo X. to raise, 137. 
 
 Monks, character of, 141,150. 
 
 Monophysites, Jacobite, 251. 
 
 Monstrelet's Chron., 87. 
 
 Monthly Repository, 218, 433. 
 
 Morals, how influenced by the re- 
 formation, 270. 
 
 Mordwits, churches of, 251. 
 
 Mom's rod, 353. 
 
 Moshtim't Ecdesiast. Hist., 27, 67, 
 
 71, 81, 85, 189, 192, 193, 202, 219. 
 259. 
 Mousul, patriarch of, 253. 
 
 Muratori's Anuali d'ltalia, 56. 
 
 Munzer, spread of his opinions in 
 Germany, 222. 
 
 Muscovites' religion, 250. 
 
 Mysterie of the blessed Trinity, 295. 
 
 Mysteries of religion solved by faith, 
 354. The five joyful, 396. The five 
 dolorous, ib. The five glorious, ib, 
 N 
 
 Neale's History of the Puritans, 433. 
 
 Nestorian church, 251. 
 
 Nicene Creed, 68. 
 
 Nicholas V. character of, 89. 
 
 Nightingale's Portraiture of Metho- 
 dism, 47, 266, 378. and Pre/. 
 
 Nuns, 368. 
 
 O 
 
 Oates, Dr 276. 
 
 Oath, taken by all English Catholics, 
 338. Takenby Irish Catholics, 340, 342. 
 
 O'Connor's, Dr. Columbanus ad Hi- 
 bernos, 252. 
 
 Oil, holy, 370. 
 
 O'Leary's Remarks on Wesley's Let- 
 ter and Defence of the Protestant As- 
 sociation, 5, 65. Miscellaneous Tracts, 
 440. Letter to the Conductors of the 
 Free Press, 460 — 172. 
 
 Opinions, Summary of the Catholic, 
 301. 
 
 Oration of Giovanni Francesco Pico, 
 92. Of Luther at the Diet of Worms, 
 213: 
 
 Ordination, 269, 308. 
 
 Original profession of the kirk of 
 Scotland, 263. 
 
 Osius, his opinion on homousion and 
 Itomiousion, 69. President of the Coun- 
 cil of Nice, 74. 
 
 P 
 
 Paganism subverted by Constan- 
 tino, 36. 
 
 Page, Anthony, l'Histoire des Papes, 
 51. 
 
 Paint's Age of Reason and Rights of 
 Man, 486. 
 
 Painters encouraged by Leo X, 125. 
 
 Palatine Cardinalls, 40 1. 
 
 Palestine, church of, 251. 
 
 Palmer's Non-Conformist's Memorial, 
 433. 
 
 Paolo, Fra. Hist. Cone. Trid. 28, 85, 
 180, 185, 187, 204, 212. 
 
 Papist, a term of reproach, 12. 
 
 Pappenheim, Count, 212. 
 
 Paris, University, judge of the con- 
 troversy at Leipsic, 194. Massacre, 28£.
 
 544 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pastorini's Hist, of the Christian 
 Church, 221. 
 
 Patmos, Luther's, 219. 
 
 Paul III., Luther's speech to, 209. 
 
 Pearson on the Creed, 264. 
 
 Pelagius II. condemns the title Uni- 
 versal Bishop, 18. 
 
 Penance, doctrine of, 269, 287, 306. 
 
 Penitentiaries, 426. 
 
 Pepin, beneficence of, 62. 
 
 Perkins, on the Rev. 264. 
 
 Perron, Cardinal du, his conference 
 with the Pope, 52. 
 
 Persecution, spirit of, retained by re- 
 formers, 208. By Catholics, 431. 
 Sketch of English Protestant, 434. De- 
 fined, 435. Mental, ib. Verbal, ib. 
 Manual, ib. Not a tenet of the Catho- 
 lic Church, 439. By Protestants, 451. 
 Against Sectaries, 452. 
 
 Pestelius, Peter, 448. 
 
 Petrarch's description of the court of 
 Rome, 92. 
 
 Pfeffinger, the Pope's letter to, 189. 
 
 Pico, Giovanni Fra., his oration to 
 the Pope, 92. 
 
 Picture, Catholic opinion of, 291. 
 Use of, 350. 
 
 Pitt, Mr. his measures on the penal 
 laws, 344. 
 
 Platina's Lives of the Popes, 83. 
 
 Plot's Nat. Hist, of Oxfordshire, 452. 
 
 Pluvial, the bishop's, 386. 
 
 Poetry, influence of the reformation 
 on, 243. 
 
 Philastre on the number of heretics, 7. 
 
 Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, 221. 
 
 Philip the Fair, 79. 
 
 Philip de Neri, congregation of, 161. 
 
 Philosophy, study of false, 152. In- 
 iluence of the Reformation on, 244. 
 
 Photius, his election, 40, 
 
 Piccart's Religious Ceremonies and 
 Customs of all Nations, 300, 310, 375, 
 383, 386, 388. 
 
 Poets of Italy, 242. 
 
 Poland, religious opinions of Socinus 
 in, 221. 
 
 Politics, how influenced by the refor- 
 mation, 247. 
 
 Pontiffs, patrons of Science, 64. 
 
 Pope, first use of the word, 16. His 
 supremacy, 22. His temporal power, 
 47. Luther's description of the, 209. 
 Catholics' belief respecting the, 285. 
 His supremacy, 331. Extent of his 
 power, 344. Explanation of Catholics' 
 belief in the, 348. His celebration of 
 mass, 391. 
 
 Popery always the same, 439. 
 
 Popes, list of, 9. 
 
 Pope's Essay on Man, 2, 256, 258. 
 
 Portrait of the Catholic religion from 
 the original, 3. 
 
 Potter's answer to Charity Mistaken, 
 253. 
 
 Powder Plot, 286. 
 
 Power, temporal, of the pope, 47. 
 Emanates from the people, 118. 
 
 Pragmatic sanction, 86. 
 
 Prejudice, evils of, 6. 
 
 Preliminaries de la Reformation of 
 Beausobre, 100. 
 
 Presence in the Eucharist, 311. 
 
 Press, a powerful eugine in revolu- 
 tions, 129. 
 
 Pride of the court of Rome a cause 
 of the reformation, 118. 
 
 Prierio, Silvestro, an opponent of Lu- 
 ther, 178. 
 
 Priesthood, qualifications for the, 167. 
 
 Priestley's History of the Church, 68, 
 
 74. History of the Corruptions of 
 Christianity, 230. 
 
 Priests, order of, 151. 
 
 Priests Cardinals, 403. 
 
 Princes, their rapacity a cause of the 
 reformation, 130. 
 
 Principles of Catholics, 274. 
 
 Printing, a powerful engine of the 
 reformation, 128. 
 
 Profession of Catholic faith, 303, 305, 
 319. 
 
 Profligacy of the clergy a cause of the 
 reformation, 106. 
 
 Propositions of Luther, 177. 
 
 Protestant almanack, 479. 
 
 Protestant Apology for the Roman 
 Catholic Faith, 16, 19, 24, 255, 265. 
 
 Protestant doctrines, spirit of, 6. 
 
 Protestants' Best Guide, 440. 
 
 Prqvidence, agency of divine, 105. 
 
 Publicola's Additional Proofs and Il- 
 lustrations, 377. 
 
 Punishments sent from heaven, 358. 
 
 Purgatory, Catholic opinion of, 288. 
 316. Existence of, 363. Reasons for, 
 365. Q 
 
 Quakers, 473. 
 
 Qualifications for the priesthood, 167. 
 
 Questions proposed to the Catholic 
 universities, 344. 
 
 Questions, 327. 
 
 R 
 
 Rapacity of princes a cause of the re- 
 formation, 130. 
 
 Reason, use of, in religion, 261. 
 
 Reeve's Hist, of the Christian church, 
 
 75, 89. 
 
 Reid's New Sanhedrin, 446.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Reform, attempts at, previous to the 
 time of Luther, 79. 
 
 Regulars, congregation for the affairs 
 of, 418. 
 
 Relics, of paying divine worship to, 
 353. Use and veneration of, 398. 
 
 Religion of Catholics not to be con- 
 founded with their crimes, 4. Obser- 
 vations on national, 133. Of Protes- 
 tants, 134. Influence of the reforma- 
 tion on, 249. Right of private judg- 
 ment in, 2.35. Points in which Catho- 
 lics acree with all Christians, 294. Of 
 Catholics, 439. Of Protestants, 4.50. 
 
 Remarks on the Bishop of Durham's 
 " Grounds," &c. 118. 
 
 Reformation, causes of the. Saxon and 
 German, 100. Its origin in Germany, 
 175. Estimate of its value, 223. Its 
 influence on the arts, 231. Its influ- 
 ence on literature, 241. Its influence 
 on religion and morals, 249. 
 
 Reformers, conduct of the early, 13, 
 96. Account of Catholic, 99. Describ- 
 ed, 238. 
 
 Regimine, congregation de bono, 422. 
 
 Reproach, consequences of using terms 
 of, 6. 
 
 Reservation, doctrine of mental, 286, 
 366. 
 
 Revolutions of the Germanic empire, 
 by Butler, 52, 62, 64, 99, 100. 
 
 Revolutions of kingdoms, 129. 
 
 Rhem. Annot. on Luke xvi. 27, 
 316. 
 
 Riculphus first published the decretals, 
 30. 
 
 Right, divine, 61. 
 
 Ring, the pastoral, 385. 
 
 Rites, congregation of, 420. 
 
 Roache's Abridgment of Brandt's His- 
 tory of the Reformation, 271. 
 
 Robertson's Reign of Charles V. 106, 
 107, 157, 181. 132, 2<)2. 
 
 Robinson's Ecclesiastical Researches, 
 69, 222. History of Persecution, 432. 
 
 Rochet of Cardinals, 410. 
 
 Roman Catholics, why so called, 12. 
 Now the legal appellation of Catholics, 
 13. 
 
 Rome, Pagan and Christian compar- 
 ed, 42. 
 
 Romish Catechism, 302. 
 
 Rosury, on the use of the, 594. 
 
 Roscoe's, Life and Pontificate of Leo 
 X., 56, 60, 62, 64, 92, 124, 136, 134, 
 185, 193, 19.5, 206, 214. 
 
 Rose, present of the consecrated, 188. 
 
 Ross's View of the Religious of Eu- 
 rope, 254. 
 
 2 o 
 
 Rorere, Sixtus deila, his annual in- 
 come, 124. 
 
 Ruffinus translated the first decretal. 
 49. 
 
 Rule of Catholic faith, 1.5<5. 
 Jluota, of the, 427. 
 
 S 
 Sabinius, letter of Gregory the Gieai 
 to, 20. 
 
 Sacraments, of the Romish and re- 
 formed churches, 269. Catholic doc 
 trine of, 30.5. 
 
 Sacrifice, Catholic view of, 290. 
 Sadoletti, 158. 
 -Sq/e-conducts, 469. 
 Saints, Catholic opinion of, 292, 317. 
 Invocation of, 397. Ofworshipping,351. 
 SuUust, on the magnificence of the 
 Romans, 113. 
 
 Salutation to Elizabeth, 355. 
 Salvation, 472. 
 Sandals, the bishop's, 585. 
 Sandy'* Relation of West. Religions, 
 2.55. 
 
 Satisfaction defined, 136. Catholic 
 doctrine of, 287, 3.57. 
 
 Scheelestrate, Emanual de, Antiqui- 
 tates Ecclesia Iliustra', 51. 
 
 Schism of the Greek and Latin 
 churches, 28. 
 
 Scholar's description of the German, 
 158. 
 
 Science cultivated in cloisters, 113. 
 Scolopians, order of, 161. 
 ScolLsts, their debates with Thomists. 
 1.53. 
 
 Scriptures, Catholic opinion of, 302. 
 On reading the holy, 558. As a rule of 
 faith, 3.39. Interpretation of, 560. 
 Sculptors encouraged by Leo X., 126. 
 Sculpture, influeuce of the reforma- 
 tion on, 254. 
 
 Scck<ndorf, Comment. 138, 181, 
 202-5-4, 209, 216, 416. 
 
 Seiretus, cruelty of Calvin to, 227, 449. 
 Sidon, churches of, 2.51. 
 Sigismund, emperor, his conduct to 
 John Huss, 2 1 6. 470. 
 
 Simpson's Key to the Prophecies, 37. 
 Plea foi Religion, 105. 
 
 Sleidan, Hist. 187, 202-5-4, 222. 
 Smith's Errors of the church of Koine 
 detected, 478. 
 
 Socinianism, right of private judg- 
 ment may lead to, 134. 
 Socinians, 442. 
 
 Socinus his opinions in Poland, 221. 
 Sumaschi, order of, 161. 
 Sorbonne, faculty, their influence, 85. 
 Souff'rance, criticism on. -141.
 
 546 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sozomen on the Arians, 73. 
 
 Spulatino, the Pope's letter to, 139. 
 
 Spiration described, 298. 
 Splendour creates envy, 126. 
 
 St. Athanasius's creed, 475. 
 
 St. Augustine's exertions in science, 
 149. 
 
 St. Augustine, 364, 366, 464. 
 
 St. Basil's mode or' lite, 148. 
 
 St. Benedict's mode of life, 148. 
 
 St, Bernard, his exclamation, 78, 91, 
 J 65. His works, 149. Censure of the 
 monks, 165. 
 
 St. Clement's letter to the Corinthians, 
 45. l'irst decretal attributed to, 49. 
 
 St. Cyprian on the authority of bi- 
 shops, 17. P'pist. 44. 
 
 St. Cyril of Jerusalem, 370. 
 
 St. Epiphanius, 371. 
 
 St. Francis, the order of, 159. His 
 establishment of the order, 169. 
 
 St. Ignatius, schism on his deposition, 
 40. 
 
 St, Ircnmis his declaration, 45. 
 
 St. Jerome, on the bishop's authority, 
 17. On holy water, 366, 371. 
 
 St. Lazarus, congregation of, 161. 
 
 St. Paul on purgatory, 364. On mar- 
 riage, 368. Church, 240. 
 
 St. Peter, his residence at Rome, 8. 
 On purgatory, 364. 
 
 St. Peter's Church, funds for building, 
 135. 
 
 St. Silvester, 400. 
 
 St. Sulpicius, congregation of, 161. 
 
 St. Thomas's works, 149. Christiana 
 of 251. 
 
 St. Vincent's rule, 156, 439, 454. 
 
 State, union of Church and, 62. In- 
 fluence on religious doctrines, 131. 
 Congregation of, 419. 
 
 Statement of the Penal Laws, which 
 aggrieve the Catholics of Ireland, 14, 
 and Appendix. 
 
 Steele's, Sir R. Account of the State 
 of the Roman Catholic Religion, 267. 
 
 Stephenson's Romish Church, 15. 
 
 Stole, the bishop's,; 385. 
 
 Stone, Kev. F. his case, 218, 267. 
 
 Slruda, 158. 
 
 Sturges, Dr. Reflections on Popov, 
 100, 107, 131, 439, 441. 
 
 Succession of pontiffs, importance of 
 ascertaining, 10. 
 
 Supremacy of the Pope, 22, 47, 266, 
 331. Of the King, 267. 
 
 Swedenborg, Baron, Works, 133. 
 
 Swcdeuborgians, 299. 
 
 Switzerland, creed of Zuinglius in, 222. 
 
 Sylvester, his sanction of the Council 
 of Mice, 75. 
 
 Symbols, the dress of the clergy, 386 
 
 Synod of Dort, 268. 
 
 Syrian church, 251. 
 T. 
 
 Tarobana, Isle of Christians, 251. 
 
 Templars, Knights, 79, 82. 
 
 Temple, Sir W. on the religion of 
 Holland, 229. 
 
 Temples destroyed by Constantine,34. 
 
 Test of Catholic faith, 156. 
 
 Tetzel's ill use of the sale of indul- 
 gences, 135, 138. 
 
 Thuinnaturgus, Bishop, canons of, 17. 
 
 Theatines, order of, 161. 
 
 Theodoret on heresies, 8. On Holy 
 water, 371. 
 
 Theodosius, Emperor, his embassy to 
 Pope Damascus, 43. 
 
 Theology, syllogistic mode of teach- 
 ing, 153. How influenced by the Re- 
 formation, 245. 
 
 Thomists, their debates with Scotists. 
 153. 
 
 Throckmorton, Sir John, Bart., 438. ; 
 
 Thuanus, 83. 
 
 Tierce^m the Mass, 385. 
 
 Tillotson, Archbishop, 264, 451. 
 
 Time, picture of, 350. 
 
 Titles given to the scholiasts, 157. 
 Priests Cardinalls, 406. 
 
 Toleration Act. 217. 
 
 Tradition, Catholic doctrine of, 303, 
 361. 
 
 Translation of Bishops, 405- 
 
 Transubslantiution, 310. 
 
 Trinity, Of the Mystery of the Bless- 
 ed, 295. And Unity of God, ib. 
 Churches denying the, 299. 
 
 Troy's, Dr. Pastoral Letter, 453. 
 
 Truth advancing to meridian splen 
 dour, 261. 
 
 U. 
 
 Unction, Extreme, 269, 307. 
 
 Unity of God, 295. 
 
 Universal Bishop, title of, 16, 29. 
 
 Universities, when seats of learning 
 first so called, 152. Opinions of Fo- 
 reign Catholic, 345. 
 
 University of Paris, influence in the 
 Church, 87. 
 
 Urban VI., his attempts at Reform, 
 82. 
 
 Urbino, war of, 123. 
 V. 
 
 Vandalism seemingly encouraged by 
 the Church, 171. 
 
 Vicars of the church, sovereigns 
 styled, 58. 
 
 Vida, 158. 
 
 Vincent, one of the deputies of th<: 
 Roman bishops to Mice, 76.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 547 
 
 ) "mccni of the missions, congregation 
 of, 161. 
 
 Vincent of Lerins, 156, 459, 454. 
 
 Vindication of the Roman Catholics, 
 333. 
 
 Ho, Tomaso de, Luther's conference 
 with, 179. 
 
 J irgin Mary, on supplicating her, 
 352, 393. 
 
 Vision of Constantine, 30. 
 
 T<7u> one of the deputies of the bishop 
 of Rome to Nice, 76. 
 W. 
 
 Watch's Lives of the Popes, 210. 
 
 Wake's, Dr., Authority of Christian 
 Princes, 75. 
 
 Wakefield's Account of Ireland, 438. 
 
 Warnings of Scripture, 104. 
 
 ll'artzburg, castle, Luther's retreat, 
 218. 
 
 Water, holy, 370. Congregation of, 
 421. 
 
 Well-wisher to his Country, Ins View 
 of Catholic Principles, 274. 
 
 Wesley's Letter and Defence of the 
 
 Protestant Association, 5. Sermons, 
 133. Letter concerning the civil prin- 
 ciples of Roman Catholics, 461. 
 
 West, Empire of the, 41. 
 
 Whiston's observation to Halley, 226. 
 
 Whitgift's, Archbishop, Tract, 255. 
 
 Wickliffe, 183, 456, 460. 
 
 Wilson's History and Antiquities of 
 Dissenting Churches, 433. 
 
 Witches, 466. 
 
 Wittemberg, Luther's propositions at, 
 177. 
 
 Woodhead's Guide in Controversies. 
 255. 
 
 Worms, Diet of, 212. 
 
 Worship, methods of, 263. 
 
 Wren, Sir Christopher, 238. 
 
 Wright's Apologv for Servetus, 211. 
 
 449. Y. 
 
 Yonker, George, assumed name of Lu- 
 ther, 219. Z. 
 
 Zeal of Luther, a chief cause of the 
 reformation, 140. 
 
 Zuinglius, Switzerland embraced the 
 creed of, 222. 
 
 K* The reader will observe, that the foregoing Index, which was 
 compiled by a friend, contains a distinct reference to the various au- 
 thorities which I have consulted in the composition of this work ; 
 that my materials being known, at once, the fallacy or the faithful- 
 ness of my statements might be more readily discovered. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page Line 
 
 Ji), l t for Constantinoplitan read Constautinopolitau 
 
 3i>, 3, — Besancou, read Besancon 
 
 fi2, Note * dele the two last lines 
 
 67, Note* 3, for Colixtus read C'alixtus 
 
 92, 18, — Frencesco read Francesco 
 
 124, 9, — Macenas read Miecenas 
 
 180, Note* 2, dele been 
 233, 20, for whatever read whatsoever 
 
 2tJ9, 5, from the bottom, lor Iwrrible read horribilc 
 
 2g'!, l.for Cathechisms read Catechisms 
 
 32(i, Note * 2, from the bottom, for hum read burnt 
 344, C, from th'j bottom, for Do way read Pouay 
 
 380, Notet a, for Gaudolphy read Gandolphy, 
 390, 8, — kisses read kiss his 
 
 393, 2, — him read himself. 
 
 400, 1", — annimarum read animarum 
 
 405, JO, from the bottom, after tlic read year 
 
 407, 18. for commendum read >:ominc>tdam 
 
 4'io, 2, — Chember read Chamber 
 
 4'lo\ Note * 2, from the bottom, for in length at read at length in 
 VMJ, 9, after chain read of 
 
 414, 5, for prosecute read persecute 
 
 449, 7, after free-will, read and 
 
 450, 18, for Bullenger read Bullinger 
 
 472, 6 from the bottom, for beral read liberal 
 
 478. Note* 16, forparliment read parliament 
 
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