#■ 
 
 %^ 
 
//'- 
 
.Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2007 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/conflictbetweeniOOeliorich 
 
THE BARBOUR-PAGE LECTURE 
 FOUNDATION 
 
 The University of Virginia is indebted 
 for the estabHshment of the Barbour-Page 
 Foundation to the wisdom and generosity of 
 Mrs. Thomas Nelson Page, of Washington, 
 D. C. In 1907, Mrs. Page donated to the 
 University the sum of ?22,ooo, the annual 
 income of which is to be used in securing 
 each session the deHvery before the Univer- 
 sity of a series of not less than three lectures 
 by some distinguished man of letters or of 
 science. The conditions of the Foundation 
 require that the Barbour-Page lectures for 
 each session be not less than three in number; 
 that they be delivered by a specialist in some 
 branch of literature, science, or art; that the 
 
 V 
 
lecturer present in the series of lectures some 
 fresh aspect or aspects of the department of 
 thought in which he is a speciahst; and that 
 the entire series deHvered each session, taken 
 together, shall possess such unity that they 
 may be published by the Foundation in book 
 form. * 
 
 VI 
 
PREFATORY NOTE 
 
 The lectures here printed were given 
 orally from briefs at the University of Vir- 
 ginia in November, 1909. They have been 
 written out in the summer of 19 10. In writ- 
 ing them out some changes of order and a 
 few additions have been made. 
 
 C. W. E. 
 
 AsTicou, Maine, 
 
 September^ igio. 
 
» » > » > » 
 
 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 All through the nineteenth century a con- 
 flict was going on in all civilized nations 
 between two opposite tendencies in human 
 society, individualism and collectivism. Till 
 about 1870 individualism had the advantage 
 in this conflict; but near the middle of the 
 century collectivism began to gain on indi- 
 vidualism, and during the last third of the 
 century collectivism won decided advantages 
 over the opposing principle. Individualism 
 values highly not only the rights of the single 
 person, but also the initiative of the individ- 
 ual left free by society. Collectivism values 
 highly social rights, objects to an individual 
 initiative which does mischief when left free, 
 holds that the interest of the) many should 
 override the interest of the individual, when-^ 
 ever the two interests conflict, and should con- 
 
\ 
 
 2 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 ] trol social action, and yet does not propose 
 (to extii;igmsh the individual^^but only to re- 
 [ strict .him for the common good, including 
 ' m^' ov7nl 
 
 At the outset it will be well to point out that 
 collectivism should not be confounded with 
 socialism, j Socialism dwells on the sharp and 
 unnatural division of society into a few owners 
 of land and machinery on the one hand, and 
 many wage-earners on the other, on the small 
 share of the wage-earner in the product of his 
 industry, on the wrongfulness of private prop- 
 erty, and on the waste and cruelty of competi- 
 tion. Collectivism is not concerned with any 
 of these matters. Socialism advocates the/ 
 ultimate ownership of all the means of pro- 
 duction, including the land, by society as a- 
 whole, and as a step that way advocates 
 immediate government ownership of public 
 utihties. Collectivism has no general theory 
 on that subject, and in practice is simply op- 
 portunist in regard to it. • In these days there 
 is a socialism which has no destructive or 
 violent quality, but is in its doctrines ex- 
 
COLLECTIVISM NOT SOCIALISM 3 
 
 tremely enervating to the individual man or 
 woman. It would have society as a whole 
 provide against all the trials and disasters of 
 life. Are wages in any industry unreasonably 
 low? It would have the government raise 
 them. Is any married pair unable on account 
 of incapacity or poverty, or unwilling on ac- 
 count of laziness or indifference, to bring up 
 their children well ? The government shall 
 take charge of the children, and feed, clothe, 
 and educate them. Are any able-bodied per- 
 sons, male or female, unemployed ? The state 
 shall employ them, and shall carry on any 
 farms, shops, factories, or mines needed to 
 furnish the employment. Are there any sick, 
 disabled, or old people who cannot support 
 themselves ? Society as a whole shall support 
 them. Are any marriages unhappy, childless, 
 or wearisome ? Let the state facilitate by 
 legislation the loosening of bonds which have 
 become unprofitable both economically and 
 sentimentally, and do what it can to break up 
 family exclusiveness based on either economic 
 or sentimental grounds. These are doctrines 
 
4 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 which, if carried into practice, would impair 
 the family as the unit of social organization, 
 and would take away from the individual man 
 or woman most of the motives which now 
 prompt to industry, frugahty, foresight, con- 
 jugal fidelity, and loving devotion to those 
 members of the family who are either too 
 young or too old for productive labor. The 
 state would become a vast charitable institu- 
 tion, exercising a universal despotic benevo- 
 lence. Compulsory labor would be the rule 
 for the individual citizen, to whatever amount 
 the state judged necessary to enable it to 
 meet its enormous expenditures for the com- 
 mon good. The service of the state would 
 be the universal occupation. Ambition for 
 personal excellence, or family improvement 
 and progress would be confined to a very few 
 morally exceptional persons. The fine arts, 
 being dependent on individual endowment 
 and initiative, would languish. It would be 
 no object to acquire private property, for if 
 the state were successfully administered every- 
 body would be sure of bare food, clothing, and 
 
AMERICANS INDIVIDUALISTIC 5 
 
 shelter, and nobody would be able to secure 
 luxuries or transmit savings to children. 
 
 With this Utopian scheme, so unattractive 
 to ordinary freemen, the collectivism w^hich is 
 to be discussed in these lectures has noth- 
 ing v^hatever to do. The collectivism which 
 has developed so effectively since the middle 
 of the nineteenth century maintains private u 
 property, the inheritance of property, the :;j 
 family as the unit of society, and the liberty ^, 
 of the individual as a fundamental right; and 
 it relies for the progress of society on the 
 personal virtues rightly called "homely," be- 
 cause they have to do with the maintenance 
 of a home — namely, industry, frugality, pru- 
 dence, domestic affection, independence, emu- 
 lation, and energy. 
 
 Individualism has a strong natural hold on V 
 the American democracy. In the first place, 
 the early settlers on American soil were in the 
 main Protestants, inheritors of the deep-seated 
 individualism of the Protestant Reformation. 
 In the next place, the first American colonies 
 on the Atlantic shore of the great territory now 
 
IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 called the United States brought with them 
 from the Old World only the slightest traces 
 of the feudal system — the earliest successful 
 colony, that of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, none 
 at all. The early settlers were individualistic 
 ^ in their make-up and temperament, as all 
 pioneers are apt to be, and their occupations 
 were of the independent; individualistic sort. 
 They were farmers, fishermen, tradespeople, 
 and mechanics; and these are occupations 
 which lend themselves to independence of 
 character and to the acquisition of private 
 property. The eighteenth century, through 
 its public events and through its commonest 
 private experiences, was very favorable in 
 this country to the development of individu- 
 alistic theory and practice. The population 
 was sparse, and there were no large towns or 
 cities, and no factories. The teachings of 
 Franklin, Jefferson, and Thomas Paine were 
 intensely individualistic^^efFerson's funda- 
 mental doctrine was the political and eco- 
 nomic value of individual liberty-(^the pursuit 
 ^^of happiness was the right of every human 
 
GROWTH OF COLLECTIVISM 
 
 being, and in that pursuit he had a right to be 
 let alone, provided he did not interfere with /"/ 
 other peoples' pursuit of happiness(^^hevj^^ 
 town meeting, manhood suffrage, and repre- 
 sentative government all emphasized the po- 
 tenq^ of the individual and the sanctity of his j 
 rights. ; So when an American municipality 
 declares to-day by its habitual action that no 
 resident is to go cold or hungry, and that every 
 child is to receive free of cost an elementary 
 education — which indeed has been the tra- 
 ditional practice of the New England town 
 for centuries — it is not putting into practice 
 any theory of nineteenth-century socialism. 
 It is helping unfortunate or degraded indi- 
 viduals and educating children on the prin- 
 ciples of collectivism, without intending even 
 the least interference with private property, 
 family duty, or the self-respecting indepen- 
 de;ice of the individual tax-paying citizen. 
 y^ The rise and growing power of collectivism 
 ^ in the American democracy is due to the same 
 influences which have acted on the European 
 nations, and especially on the English. These 
 influences have been the development of the 
 
^' 
 
 8 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 factory system, the creation of corporations 
 with limited liability, the rise of numerous 
 scientific and artistic professions, the ex- 
 ploitation of the natural resources of new 
 countries or regions by capitalists coming 
 from older countries or regions, and the cre- 
 ation of unprecedented inequalities as to 
 comfort and wealth, not as privileges of 
 birth, but as results, first, of the general 
 liberty and the prevailing social mobility, 
 and secondly, of the transmission of educa- 
 tion and property. From all these influences 
 taken together there have appeared in every 
 democratic society in the world, and especial- 
 ly in the American democracy, industrial and 
 social classes or layers, and strong collective 
 action in every class. 
 
 The concentration of population which has 
 taken place within two generations in the 
 United States, east of the Mississippi and 
 north of the Ohio and the Potomac, has made 
 necessary the free use of collective forces for 
 the protection and service of the concentrated 
 population; and many individuaHstic rights 
 and habits have been impaired or modified iii 
 
view of imperative collective needs. The con- 
 centration of population has forced govern- 
 ment to assume many new functions, to in- 
 crease public expenditures, and therefore 
 taxes, and to interfere frequently with indi- 
 vidual rights formerly considered very 
 precious. In short, government has been 
 centralized, and its forces have been more 
 freely used and more widely applied in pro- 
 portion to the concentration of population. 
 Since governmental administration covers 
 many new subjects and costs much more 
 than it used to, it must appropriate a larger 
 proportion than formerly of the products of 
 the national industries, do everything in its 
 power to prevent the waste or misuse of 
 natural resources, and regulate both private 
 and corporate activities in the interest of the 
 whole community. In this process collect- 
 ivism has made many gains, and individu- 
 alism many losses. ^ 
 ■ 
 
 These lectures will deal with the struggle 
 between individualism and collectivism under 
 
three heads, first, in industries and trades, 
 secondly, in education, and thirdly, in govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Following the introduction of mechanical 
 power and the consequent organization of the 
 factory system, trades-unions came into ex- 
 istence in England early in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. The operatives were for the most part 
 ignorant, uneducated people, who had been 
 transferred within a generation from out- 
 of-door employments to indoor work in 
 crowded, unventilated rooms, where they en- 
 gaged in monotonous labor for very long 
 hours, but could only acquire a Hmited 
 amount of skill. The factory taught punctu- 
 ality, order, and diligence; but it did not try 
 to make the work either wholesome or in- 
 teresting. The system tended to mass the 
 wretched population of operatives in the con- 
 gested districts of large towns, a process 
 which increased their misery. The trades- 
 unions exerted a collective force, each for its 
 own trade, to resist the intolerable physical 
 and moral conditions under which the great 
 
UNIONISM A COLLECTIVE FORCE ii 
 
 manufacturing industries were conducted. 
 They instituted a collective demand for 
 higher wages, shorter hours, and more hu- 
 mane conditions of daily labor, and main- 
 tained that demand with extreme violence and 
 much self-sacrifice. As time went on and the 
 unions covered all the principal trades, their 
 successful exertions were of great service, not 
 only to the operative class in large factories, 
 but to the little skilled laboring class in gen- 
 eral, and therefore to English society as a 
 whole. 
 
 ^ The trades-unions came comparatively late 
 to the United States, the individualistic quality 
 of the original population being a strong ob- 
 stacle to their progress in this country. They 
 were a foreign importation, and are still 
 manned chiefly by persons of alien birth, or by 
 American-born children of aliens. The im- 
 mense development of the factory system in 
 the United States, however, necessitated the 
 creation of trades-unions on American soil, and 
 once started here they developed their peculiar 
 collective action with ingenuity and energy. 
 
1 12 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 \ 
 
 All well-organized unions inculcate sub- 
 mission to the majority rule, obedience to 
 officers elected for short terms, and supreme 
 loyalty to the union in all cases of conflict 
 of loyalties. These are collective doctrines, 
 taught for the purpose of securing common 
 action on the part of large bodies of men who 
 believe themselves to have a common interest 
 as a class, or group, or set, to promote which 
 they are willing to forego a large part of their 
 liberty as individuals. 
 
 It is obvious that in order to secure this 
 
 vigorous collective action in industrial con- 
 
 ^,..^sts each member of a union must reconcile 
 
 \y himself to heavy losses of individual liberty, 
 
 '"--■^ and must always be ready to make serious 
 
 sacrifices for what he regards as the good or 
 
 . ^' interest of his fellows. Each workman must 
 
 ^^^ strike, for example, on vote of the majority of 
 
 his union to do so, in spite of the fact that to 
 
 cease to earn wages may involve heavy loss 
 
 and suffering to himself and his family. No 
 
 union man can utilize any unusual skill or 
 
 capacity he may possess to secure his own ad- 
 
UNION RULES IMPAIR LIBERTY 
 
 13 
 
 vancement. He cannot be eager or zealous 
 at work, either in his employer's interest or in 
 his own. He cannot be sure of bringing up 
 his sons to his own trade. He cannot secure 
 a rise of wages except through the union. He 
 finds that the union rules make it very difficult 
 for him to pass from the journeyman class to 
 the employer class; but, worst of all, he is' 
 deprived of the individualistic motive for per- 
 sonal improvement from day to day and year 
 to year. He sees that rapid workers and 
 pace-setters are outlawed. He sees that his 
 union makes apprenticeship unnecessarily 
 long in order to keep down the number of 
 journeymen; that it stops the employment of 
 old men who are not worth the union wage; 
 that it causes younger men who are dull or 
 slow, and therefore not worth the union wage, 
 to be employed only irregularly, at moments 
 of unusual activity in their trades; and that it 
 causes women to be practically excluded from 
 many trades because they are not worth the 
 union wage for men; and yet he submits to 
 the majority which makes and enforces such 
 
IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 rules. He not only modifies or suppresses his 
 opinions, but also sacrifices precious rights as 
 anjjidividual to the collective interest of his 
 l/ class. Surely these losses of individual liberty 
 to secure collective efficiency in combat are 
 grave indeed^ Taken in connection with the 
 operation of the union rules limiting the out- 
 put of the individual v^orkman, these losses 
 are sure to diminish very much in a few gen- 
 erations the individual initiative and produc- 
 tiveness of large masses of the population, 
 namely, those that work under the factory 
 system, or in other large bodies which are 
 capable of being unionized. 
 
 The trades-unions have made it their chief 
 object in recent years to secure higher and 
 higher wages and shorter and shorter hours, 
 and to this end they have sought to secure a 
 monopoly each of its own kind of labor. This 
 effort to secure monopoly has been approxi- 
 mately successful in a few trades, and partially 
 successful in many, and this labor monopoly 
 has threatened so seriously the industries of 
 the country, that another kind of collective 
 
CORPORATIONS COLLECTIVE FORCES 15 
 
 action, which also interferes greatly with in- 
 dividual liberty, became indispensable. The 
 associations of employers came into vigorous 
 existence, in order to combine all employers 
 in a given line of business in energetic resist- 
 ance to the monopolies of labor organized by 
 trades-unions. Many of the employers were 
 corporations. 
 
 Incorporation with limited liability is the 
 greatest business invention of the nineteenth 
 century; because it concentrates in a few 
 hands the managing and directing powers, 
 masses capital, and has extraordinary facil- 
 ities for increasing the amount of capital in- 
 vested in a given industry. Through their 
 shares and bonds, quite new forms of prop- 
 erty, successful corporations are great dif- 
 fusers of property among the frugal people of 
 the country, securing to well-established in- 
 dustries a portion of the annual savings of the 
 people, and yet putting these savings into such 
 a form that their owners can at any moment 
 bring them back into their own hands by 
 selling the bonds or stocks in which they have 
 
i6 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 been invested. The stocks and bonds of 
 well-managed corporations afford excellent 
 illustrations of collectivism strengthening de- 
 mocracy and resisting socialism by devising 
 safe but mobile forms of property. Many 
 successful corporations in finance, transporta- 
 tion, or manufacturing demonstrate the pos- 
 sibility of developing an effective collectivism 
 which will not destroy, though it may qualify, 
 individualism. 
 
 Trusts being combinations of existing cor- 
 porations, firms, or powerful persons, are 
 larger units of collective action which hope 
 to secure the economic advantages of a vast, 
 unified organization, and also a control of 
 prices. Like trades-unions, they generally 
 aim at a monopoly, but seldom attain to 
 it. Whenever they do attain to it, they incur 
 the hatred of the democracy. Trades-unions, 
 corporations, and trusts alike tend to suppress 
 competition, and therefore to stop industrial 
 progress— jfor co mpetition is not only the life 
 of trade, bmThe source of continuous im- 
 provement, since it supplies an urgent motive 
 
THE DESIRE FOR MONOPOLY 17 
 
 for improvement. Any industry from which 
 competition was successfully excluded would 
 inevitably become a stagnant or unprogres- 
 sive industry; and any population which suc- 
 ceeded in securing itself from competition — 
 as, for example, by an effective tariff wall — 
 would become within a few generations 
 a retrograde population. Fortunately, the 
 means of entirely excluding competition have 
 not yet been discovered, though diligently 
 sought. The collective action of corpora- 
 tions and trusts can be made very effecfiv e 
 ^tmhctrr-approaching the destruction of com- A 
 
 peti tion; but the highest efficiency of trades- 
 
 unions toward the accomplishment of thei r , 
 class objects cannot be secured unless they;^ 
 respectively control nearly all the labor i n , 
 their several trades. Hence, the urgency of 
 the unions for the "closed shop," or at least 
 for the shop in which union men have a strong 
 preference. The agents of the unions in col- 
 lective bargaining have a great advantage if 
 they can say to the employers, "You shall 
 have no workmen except on the following 
 
i8 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 terms." The statement "You shall have no 
 union workmen except on the following terms" 
 is comparatively ineffective, if any consider- 
 able number of non-union men are at hand 
 ready to work on other terms. 
 
 The keen interest of both employers and 
 employed in the establishment of a monopoly 
 makes it very desirable for both legislatures 
 and courts to discriminate between good and 
 bad competition, and to study the means of 
 maintaining in the interest of the consumer 
 all reasonable competition. Two kinds of 
 competition are unquestionably bad — first, 
 any competition which loses sight of, or dis- 
 regards, profit in the industry affected, and 
 secondly, any competition which so reduces 
 wages that a decent livelihood cannot be 
 earned by the working people. It is never 
 for the interest of the community as a whole 
 that any of its industries should be carried on 
 at a loss, even temporarily, or that any part 
 of the able-bodied population should be un- 
 able to earn wages enough to secure for them- 
 selves and their families health, strength, and 
 
COMPETITION INDISPENSABLE 19 
 
 capacity for enjoyment, so far as money can 
 buy these elements of well-being. If these 
 two kinds of competition are excluded or pre- 
 vented, the community as a whole has a right 
 to expect great gains from animated competi- 
 tion in every branch of industry, every play 
 or sport,^nd every educational or social ac- 
 tivity.^^oth individual and collective prog- 
 ress are won in most instances through com- 
 petition, and a large part of the interest of 
 life comes to all human beings, and indeed to 
 many animals, through competitive action in 
 both work and play. The desirable com- 
 petition, however, is competition between the 
 strong and the strong, which will probably 
 result in the improvement of all parties, not 
 competition between the strong and the weak, 
 which may result in the extinction of the 
 weaker. The effort to abolish competition 
 is a good illustration of the common ten- 
 dency in modern reformers to disregard, in 
 their recommendations for social improve- 
 ment, both human nature and human ex- 
 perience. 
 
20 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 The employers' associations which band 
 together employers in the same or kindred 
 industries to resist the collective attacks of 
 trades-unions are now strong, and are active 
 in two useful directions, first, to resist the 
 creation of monopolies of labor by trades- 
 unions and the unreasonable demands of 
 unions, and secondly, to improve the methods 
 of their own members as regards humanity, 
 considerateness, and justice toward em- 
 ployees. These associations are successfully 
 resisting at many points the most objection- 
 able monopohstic methods of the trades- 
 unions, namely, the closed shop, the limi- 
 tation of the number of apprentices, the 
 limitation of output, the union label, and the 
 boycott. They, however, necessarily cause 
 great losses of Hberty to the individual em- 
 ployer. Thus, when a strike has occurred 
 in the works of a member of the association 
 he cannot settle it himself, but must observe 
 the standing rules of the association in regard 
 to the settlement of strikes. He must also 
 pay for resisting strikes and boycotts quite 
 
EMPLOYERS' LIBERTIES IMPAIRED 21 
 
 outside his own works and, indeed, in the 
 works or factories of his competitors. He 
 must obey in the conduct of his own business 
 rules laid down by the association of which 
 he is a member. He becomes responsible 
 morally and pecuniarily for words and acts 
 of his association's officers and organs. 
 These are serious losses of employers' liber- 
 ties, once held to be precious. He can no 
 longer carry on his own business in his own 
 way; but must take into account the col- 
 lective interest of the class to which he be- 
 longs and the dangers which threaten the 
 employing class as a whole. 
 ^ C ollectivism, as concentrated in a combina- 
 tion of trades-unions and employers' associa- 
 tions working together in harmony, has won 
 its greatest triumphs by successfully dictating 
 to the great majority of the people, the con- 
 sumers, as regards both wholesale and retail 
 priceg^ This power is exercised through the 
 trade agreement made between a trade-union 
 or several trades-unions and a corporation or 
 trust, and also in the case of transportation 
 
22 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 services through the schedule of hours, wages, 
 and conditions adopted by the common action 
 of a corporation and the unions which supply 
 the workmen employed by the corporation. 
 Such agreements may sometimes be better 
 than actual fighting between a corporation 
 and its workmen, or than the complete stop- 
 page of the industry; but they are full of 
 danger to the consumer and to discipline 
 within the industry concerned. In a monop- 
 olistic industry, which has freed itself from 
 competition by tariff legislation, the annihila- 
 tion of independent producers, or the control 
 of the distributing agencies, there is no effec- 
 tive limit to prices except the probable ab- 
 stinence of the consumer. 
 
 Such is the struggle between collectivism 
 and individualism in industries at the present 
 day. If we look back to the first half of the 
 nineteenth century before trades-unionsim 
 was rife in this country, and before corpora- 
 tions with limited liability existed, or trusts 
 and associations of employers had been 
 thought of, we shall agree that collectivism 
 
THE GAINS OF COLLECTIVISM 23 
 
 has gained enormously on individualism. 
 Resistance to a common peril on the part of 
 a distinct race, or a distinct class, or of the 
 adherents of a certain religion, promotes and 
 intensifies collective action. Thus, the white 
 race in the South acted together as one man 
 in guarding against the perils to which the 
 enslaving of the entire African race within 
 their borders exposed them, or was imagined 
 to expose them. Not long ago in the North- 
 ern States large bodies of Protestants could 
 be periodically enlisted for collective action 
 against Catholics. ' Men of the same class or 
 the same occupations are not infrequently 
 prompted to unite in common resistance to 
 unsympathetic criticism; and the liberty of 
 the press makes the occasions for that sort of 
 collective action more frQOuent than they were 
 before the press was freeTy Every profession, 
 learned or scientific, forms a voluntary asso- 
 ciation for the promotion of the common in- 
 terests of the profession, and particularly for 
 raising the standards of professional educa- 
 tion, and maintaining in the practice of the 
 
24 ' IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 profession sound principles of ethics and 
 honor. \ The habit of forming associations of 
 Hke-minded persons to promote reforms or 
 good measures has grown upon the American 
 people very much during the past thirty 
 years. Such associations have multiplied 
 rapidly, and each one is a focus of collective 
 action. Many philanthropic causes and sev- 
 eral aesthetic causes have each its association. 
 Some of these voluntary associations deal with 
 the conditions of labor in the great industries 
 of the country, as, for instance, the associa- 
 tions for promoting the public health, for pre- 
 venting the employment of women and chil- 
 dren in factories, for providing wholesome 
 tenement houses and numerous playgrounds 
 in crowded cities, and for diminishing the 
 Ravages of tuberculosis. These associations 
 support the trades-unions in their efforts to 
 improve the conditions under which the labor 
 of the country is done and the families of 
 laboring men are brought up. To promote 
 "welfare work" is only an incidental object 
 in trades-unions, their main object being to 
 
INDUSTRIAL BETTERMENT 2$ 
 
 contend for higher wages and shorter hours; 
 but in many voluntary associations welfare 
 work is the principal object. They exist only 
 to promote the general welfare by preventing 
 diseases and premature death, resisting vices, 
 and providing the means of wholesome living 
 and rational enjoyment. Among these move- 
 ments toward social improvement none is 
 more important than that which plans and 
 provides better housing for the laboring 
 classes. The industrial strife which inflicts 
 such woes and losses on the entire community 
 is worst among those laborers who have the 
 least skill, earn the least money, and therefore 
 live in the worst conditions with the least at- 
 tractive surroundings. When to these unfort- 
 unate conditions is added the nomad habit, 
 such as prevails among the miners of Col- 
 orado, Utah, Wyoming, Montana, and Idaho, 
 the industrial warfare is sure to be at its 
 worst. Good housing is an effective weapon 
 against all these evil influences. It makes the 
 conditions of life for the poorest people com- 
 fortable and wholesome, and it tends strongly 
 
26 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 to induce workmen to live steadily in one 
 place and not to rove. Many employers, both 
 persons and corporations, have tried to use 
 this means of securing a permanent, experi- 
 enced, contented body of employees; but too 
 frequently such experiments have failed, be- 
 cause unwisely conducted. It is not well for 
 an industrial corporation to own the houses in 
 which their workmen live, because suspicions 
 and contentions are sure to arise about rents 
 and ejectments. To put the rents of the tene- 
 ments owned by the manufacturing corpora- 
 tion below a remunerative rate will not help 
 the situation. The tenants thus favored will 
 inevitably believe that what the corporation 
 sacrifices in rents it recovers in lower wages. 
 A separate corporation, or co-operative soci- 
 ety, should own the houses. This is a case 
 in which individualism will not succeed in 
 maintaining the restrictions necessary to the 
 safe conduct of the community. An indi- 
 vidual owner in fee simple may at any moment 
 sell his holding for some vicious occupation. 
 Only collective holding through a corporation 
 
COLLECTIVISM IN HOUSING 27 
 
 or co-operative society can provide the needed 
 securities. 
 
 The English societies for copartnership in 
 housing, such as the Eahng (London) Tenants 
 Limited and the Garden City Tenants Lim- 
 ited, afford excellent illustrations of collective 
 action to avoid the evils of the individual 
 ov^nership of houses and of speculative build- 
 ing by capitalists vs^ho have no public spirit. 
 They harmonize the interest of tenant and in- 
 vestor by an equitable use of the profit arising 
 from the increase of values and the careful use 
 of the property under restrictions which are 
 advantageous to all the members. In large 
 cities the housing problem will not be well 
 solved by individual proprietors who are 
 merely looking for the best immediate return 
 on their capital. House property and land 
 are kinds of property which can be used in a 
 way to produce serious injury to individuals 
 and families, and through them to the com- 
 munity as a whole. The capitalist or specu- 
 lator who proposes to build for quick sale may 
 do the community an injury, the effects of 
 
IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 which will run on through several generations 
 of men. On the other hand, the ownership 
 of houses by individual workmen involves in 
 these days many risks for the owner. The in- 
 dividual cannot buy land and build a single 
 house at the price which would be paid for a 
 hundred lots and a hundred houses. Hexan- 
 not borrow money on mortgage at as favor- 
 able a rate as a sound building society can. 
 Moreover, he cannot be sure, even though he 
 be an excellent workman, of procuring per- 
 manent employment in one and the same 
 place; and in case he is obliged to change his 
 place of residence he may be at a disadvantage 
 in disposing of his house and land. In short, 
 the individualistic method is not so safe as a 
 collective method through an organized ten- 
 ants' society. The English tenants' societies 
 acquire land and erect substantial, whole- 
 some, and convenient houses, which they let 
 to their members at rents sufficient to pay a 
 moderate interest on the capital invested, and 
 provide for expenses, repairs, and deprecia- 
 tion, and they then divide any surplus profits 
 
CO-OPERATION IN HOUSING 29 
 
 among the tenant members, in proportion to 
 the rents paid by them. Each tenant mem- 
 ber's share of profits is paid, not in cash, but in 
 shares of the company. The interest of the 
 tenant member in the surplus profits prompts 
 him to take care of the property, to keep down 
 repairs, to find tenants for vacant houses, and 
 to pay his rent punctually. From the point 
 of view of the investing shareholder the invest- 
 ment is a secure one, although the rate of in- 
 terest is moderate. The tenants obtain most 
 of the economic advantages of owning their 
 own houses, but not all of the sentimental ad- 
 vantages. The first of these associations was 
 started in 1888, but mostof them were started 
 between 1901 and 1906. The words ** co- 
 partnership" and "co-operation" are prop- 
 erly applied to them, for they afford an ad- 
 mirable example of collective action which 
 does not diminish individual initiative and 
 Hberty, or hinder development of the individu- 
 alistic virtues. The Ealing Tenants Limited 
 was started in 1901 on an area of forty-eight 
 acres. At the start they set apart nearly one- 
 
30 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 tenth of this area for open grounds in addition 
 to the areas occupied by streets. The houses 
 are all built of brick with slate roofs, and all 
 have running water and gas. There are no 
 tenement or apartment houses, every tenant 
 occupying a separate house. By June, 1907, 
 the society had a hundred and eighty-two 
 members, a hundred and twenty houses, and 
 property valued at three hundred thousand 
 dollars. It bears strong testimony to the 
 worth of collectivism which does not suppress 
 individualism. 
 
 The necessity of controlling capitalism, 
 working on the housing problem with only the 
 motive of individual profit, is shown by the 
 numerous tenement-house, factory, and build- 
 ing laws, which are now directed toward the 
 protection of urban populations against un- 
 wholesome conditions, such as the exclusion of 
 light and air, and against personal risk from 
 fire, contagion, and accident. The building 
 laws of most cities now control in many re- 
 spects the size, height, plan, and cost of build- 
 ings, and limit strictly the use which the owner 
 
COLLECTIVISM IN BUILDING LAWS 31 
 
 of a given lot can make of it. They control 
 not only the ignorant or greedy owners, but 
 those who are disposed to regard the public 
 interests while they seek their own. Such 
 protective laws illustrate a form of collective 
 action which is constantly changing, because 
 new abuses come to light, restrictions once 
 needed are needed no longer, and the safe 
 limits of structural stability become better and 
 better known. This form of collective action 
 has been forced on cities by the deplorable re- 
 sults of unregulated competition in building, 
 having only the motive of private profit. 
 
 The most important collective action to- 
 day is the formation of public opinion on hu- 
 manitarian, commercial, industrial, and gov- 
 ernmental subjects. This process goes on 
 through numerous agencies of divers nature, 
 but chiefly through the daily newspapers and 
 the periodicals, public meetings, and the 
 meetings of the many associations devoted 
 to the promotion of special public objects. 
 Pamphlets and books contribute to the dis- 
 cussion, but have a much less important 
 
32 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 place than they occupied a hundred or two 
 hundred years ago. In the long run, in free 
 countries it is this public opinion which re- 
 forms abuses, protects rights, and determines 
 the direction and rate of progress. In order 
 to bring public opinion to bear in an intelligent 
 and righteous way on any abuse or wrong- 
 doing, the public must have full knowledge of 
 the facts in the case. Hence publicity, com- 
 plete and universal, is desirable in all the in- 
 dustrial, financial, and commercial work of 
 the community. Every process or operation 
 which has to be done in secret should be an 
 object of suspicion on the part of the public. 
 Righteous dealings have no need of secrecy. 
 Only the intimate and tender relations of love 
 and friendship have a right to privacy. Ev- 
 erything else in the world is better done if 
 done in the open. All the evil doings in the 
 world seek darkness and secrecy. In Ameri- 
 can legislative bodies to-day the things which 
 are done wrong — like the tariff, the wasteful 
 and pauperizing pension acts, and the extrav- 
 agant log-rolled appropriations for public 
 
PUBLICITY A COLLECTIVE FORCE 2>Z 
 
 works — are all arranged secretly in commit- 
 tees. The abuses in mines, factories, rail- 
 roads, banks, insurance companies, and trust 
 companies, go on for years in secret, until sud- 
 denly destructive outbreaks occur through 
 which the pubHc gets, too late, knowledge of 
 the long-concealed wrong-doing. This is es- 
 pecially true of the industrial warfare. Hence 
 the extraordinary merit of the Canadian In- 
 dustrial Disputes Investigation Act, which 
 provides complete publicity in industrial dis- 
 putes through an investigation by an impartial 
 tribunal, before a strike or a lock-out can be 
 legal. Through publicity has come, and will 
 come, the remedies for chronic evils and in- 
 trenched abuses; but only collectivism, ener- 
 getically and persistently applied, can secure 
 this essential publicity. For such promotion 
 of the public welfare generation after genera- 
 tion, collectivism must be the main reliance. 
 In this field individualism is impotent, except 
 as it provides leaders for the collective host. 
 
 A peculiar form of collective action in in- 
 dustries has been lately developed in most 
 
34 I^ INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 civilized countries under the vague name of 
 "labor legislation." England, the United 
 States, and Germany, the chief manufactur- 
 ing nations, have enacted more labor laws 
 than any other nations. The English Factory 
 Acts having early estabhshed the principle 
 that the state should regulate the employment 
 of women and children in factories. Parlia- 
 ment has passed later a long series of labor 
 measures, three of which, recently enacted, 
 have been very significant — first, the Work- 
 men's Compensation Act, secondly, the de- 
 cision which relieved labor unions from pecu- 
 niary liability for injuries inflicted by strikes, 
 and thirdly, the Old-Age Pension Act. The 
 States of the American Union have not yet 
 adopted the principle of compensation to 
 employees for injuries received in the course 
 of their employment; but the United States 
 government, which is one of the greatest em- 
 ployers of labor in the country, adopted by 
 the Act of May 30, 1908, the principle of com- 
 pensation to its own employees killed or in- 
 jured in the course of their employment. 
 
LABOR LEGISLATION 35 
 
 Since the government could not be forced by 
 law to make such compensation, this Act, 
 declaring the principle of compensation to be 
 just, was all the more influential. In Eng- 
 land, compensation for workmen was limited 
 at first to those employments in which power- 
 driven machinery is used, and minute sub- 
 divisions of labor prevail. In such employ- 
 ments there has been a great increase of hazard 
 for the workmen within a hundred years, and 
 no workman can protect himself against the 
 negligence of fellow- workmen. The provi- 
 sions of the act were subsequently extended 
 to agricultural and similar employments. In 
 general, the employer is now expected to in- 
 sure the safety of his employees, just as he 
 insures his plant against loss by fire. Insur- 
 ance companies assume the employer's lia- 
 bility. The cost of the insurance adds, of 
 course, to the cost of the manufacturer's 
 product; but he expects to shift this burden 
 onto the consumer. The legislation results 
 in distributing over the whole community 
 losses which arise from injuries to individual 
 
^6 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 workmen. Such losses are no longer borne 
 by the killed or injured workman or his 
 family; neither are they borne by the em- 
 ployer of the injured workman, but by the 
 community as a whole; and this distribution 
 takes place in all cases without regard to the 
 question whether the injuries were due to the 
 negligence of the person injured. 
 
 The compensation legislation, like most 
 labor legislation, is a striking illustration of 
 the domination of collectivism. Many other 
 forms of labor legislation give the same testi- 
 mony, as, for instance, in the regulation of the 
 length of the day's work, of the hours of clos- 
 ing, of the sanitary condition of factories, 
 mines, and shops, and of the intervals at 
 which the workmen shall be paid by their 
 employers. In England there has been much 
 social-betterment action by municipal and 
 county councils, which has put upon the 
 community as a whole the cost of providing 
 at low rents wholesome houses for large num- 
 bers of working people, and of furnishing 
 meals to school children and to persons out of 
 
SOCIAL BETTERMENT BY LAW 37 
 
 employment. Such action implies the free 
 use of the public resources in aid of the un- 
 fortunate, incapable, shiftless, or vicious mem- 
 bers of society. It relieves such persons not 
 only from suffering, but also from responsi- 
 bility. To relieve human beings from present 
 suffering is a trustworthy humanitarian in- 
 stinct. To relieve incapable or vicious human 
 beings from responsibility may be the easiest 
 way to deal at the moment with a difficult sit- 
 uation; but if one looks to the future, that 
 course will in all probability prove to be inju- 
 rious to the individuals most nearly concerned, 
 and to society at large. 
 
 Some labor legislation has the justification 
 that it increases the efficiency of the laborers; 
 but most of it must be justified on the ground 
 that it promotes the public health, prevents 
 the deterioration of the population through 
 indoor or underground work, and brings a 
 serene, comfortable, and happy life within the 
 reach of hard-working millions. 
 
 The labor unions in general and the large 
 federations of unions have promoted labor 
 
( 38 J IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 legislation in great variety, good, bad, and 
 indifferent, and have often urged legislation 
 which was for the benefit of a class rather than 
 of society as a whole; but thus far the labor 
 legislation actually enacted in this country 
 has usually been for the interest of industrial 
 society. It is not to be wondered at that 
 the immense changes in industrial conditions 
 which the nineteenth century witnessed should 
 have required the modification of rules long 
 established in the civil law and the English 
 common law, and the recognition of some new 
 principles in legislation. 
 
 In the United States all these collective 
 forces are made to seem natural and promis- 
 ing, because the people are accustomed through 
 their political institutions to submit to the will 
 ^ of a majority, and to take great account of 
 what is called "public opinion" — that is, the 
 opinion of large numbers of men and women 
 moved by common feelings, and believing that 
 they have received in common trustworthy 
 information. Collectivism is, therefore, sure 
 to thrive in this country. Will an adequate 
 
RESISTANCES TO COLLECTIVISM 39 
 
 i ndividualism su rvive ? _J n a democracy, in 
 spite of the fact that the general tendency of 
 democracy is toward the liberty of..the-.indi=- 
 vrduafas TveTTTsThe hberty,-Qf t he maoo; g i 
 majority may a t an^ time act tyrannically 
 toward a minority or an indiy[dua l. For this 
 reason much interest attaches to certain in- 
 dustrial tendencies, plainly visible within the 
 past twenty years, which resist the onward 
 march of collectivism, and are likely to afford 
 much protection to a sound individualism in 
 industries. The wide distribution of mechan- 
 ical power by electricity and the gasolene 
 engine promotes the establishment of small 
 factories and a wholesome carrying on of 
 household industries. Any one can now com- 
 mand the power needed to drive a few sew- 
 ing-machines, or a pump, or a dory, or a sep- 
 arator and a churn. Cheap power is at the 
 disposal, on sea or land, of a single man or 
 woman, of a family, or of a small group of 
 persons who co-operate. Through this distri- 
 bution of mechanical power the individual 
 is made more independent in numerous trades 
 
 D 
 
40 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 than he was thirty years ago, and the small 
 producer is enabled again to compete with 
 the corporation or the large-scale producer. 
 The very wide distribution of cheap fuel, 
 cheap light, and cheap means of transporta- 
 tion has also increased the independence of the 
 individual producer. The telephone has ex- 
 erted a similar influence in favor of the indi- 
 vidual and the small manufacturer, and is 
 making it possible to carry many manufactur- 
 ing industries out of crowded cities and towns 
 into the open country, thereby promoting the 
 public health and a sound family life for the 
 workman. The telephone is also helping the 
 individual producer, or a local group of produc- 
 ers, to market his product advantageously. 
 Every co-operative store, dairy, or small work- 
 shop is a bulwark of individuaHsm against an 
 exaggerated collectivism. The factory system 
 tends to the production of large quantities of 
 goods which are alike, and must commend 
 themselves in the markets to thousands of si- 
 multaneous purchasers. Big corporations or 
 trusts make the goods, hundreds of persons 
 
INDIVIDUALISTIC REACTIONS 41 
 
 are employed in distributing them during their 
 season, and thousands or even millions buy 
 them. The whole process is in high degree 
 gregarious. \j3n the other hand, the farmer, or 
 the craftsman who makes the whole of a single 
 article and never makes it twice alike, is the 
 individualist in industry. Indeed, the modern 
 farmer who owns his house and his acres, 
 raises a variety of crops, including most of the 
 food of his family, uses all the agricultural 
 machinery of to-day, and sells his own product 
 by telephone or telegraph, is the typical indi- 
 viduaHst of these times, surpassing in this 
 respect even the independent artisan or crafts- 
 man. -, Employers in the larger industries used 
 to be highly individualistic, particularly in 
 England during the laissezfaire period, when 
 large works were owned and managed by a 
 family or a small group of partners; but m 
 recent times the individualistic quality of the 
 great employer has been seriously impaired — 
 first, because he Is no w apt j oJ> a not a col e*" 
 proprietor, but the office^ or agentjof an asso 
 elation, corporation, or trust; secondly, be 
 
42 IN INDUSTRIES AND TRADES 
 
 cause he often belongs to an association of 
 employers, and must obey their rules; and 
 thirdly, because the great employer now recog- 
 nizes that he has duties to society at large, 
 which deprive him of some-qf his former rights, 
 and closely limit others. ^Jle can no longer 
 "do what he will with his own"; but must 
 take careful account of the effect of his acts 
 on the people he employs, and on the com- 
 munity of which he is a memberr??rhe cap- 
 tain of industry is by no means so authori- 
 tative as he was twenty, or even ten years ago; 
 hence better chances for enterprising and 
 capable individuals. The forces which have 
 been resisting collectivism during the past 
 thirty years have not yet gathered strength 
 enough to arrest its progress, but they have 
 checked it, and have shown the way toward 
 a new development of individualism. 
 
II 
 
 IN EDUCATION 
 
 We are next to consider individualism and 
 collectivism in education, a subject on which 
 these two tendencies are often in strenuous 
 opposition, but often also in active co-opera- 
 tion. 
 
 ,In the first place, education addresses the 
 single, individual child, and attempts to call 
 forth its powers of observation, to train its 
 memory, to give it the means of recording for 
 future reference what it sees and hears, and 
 to stimulate it to discriminate and to reason. 
 The whole process takes effect on an indi- 
 vidual child, and the fruitage is in the highest 
 degree personal and individual. Not only is 
 systematic education addressed to an indi- 
 vidual child, but the child must voluntarily 
 accept and enjoy it. The best education calls 
 forth the child's own power of will. It is 
 
 43 
 
44 IN^ EDUCATION 
 
 motived from within, and cannot be forced 
 upon the child by parents, teachers, or society 
 at large; since only in freedom can the de- 
 sired self-control be developed and the finest 
 intellectual powers be exercised. When Knox, 
 Milton, Locke, or Montaigne describes the 
 best possible education, he conceives it as ad- 
 dressed or applied to a single highly privileged 
 youth. Indeed, Montaigne's ideal is one ad- 
 mirable tutor devoted all the time to one 
 precious youth; and Rousseau's is much the 
 same. When Thomas Jefferson wished to 
 found a university, he made freedom of choice 
 for the student among the different depart- 
 ments of knowledge the principal feature in 
 his scheme. When Ezra Cornell was plan- 
 ning to found a university, he expressed the 
 desire to found an institution where any one 
 might study anything, according to his choice 
 and capacity. The best thing done by the 
 American colleges during the past fifty years 
 has been the widening of their instruction so 
 as to meet the various individual needs of a 
 continually increasing number of students, 
 
EDUCATION INDIVIDUALISTIC 45 
 
 who distribute themselves among an increas- 
 ing number of subjects. Secondly, the in- 
 dividual's happiness in after Hfe depends 
 largely on his finding the career which fits his 
 capacity, the career in which he can soonest 
 and easiest achieve success, and ultimately his 
 largest success. His education, therefore, 
 should bring out and develop any natural ad- 
 vantage, slight or large, he may possess for a 
 particular career. ' Has he by nature a pecul- 
 iarly sensitive touch, or an eye quicker than 
 common, or unusually steady nerves which 
 resist excitement, and therefore fatigue, or a 
 power to sleep promptly and under unaccus- 
 tomed conditions, or a discriminating judg- 
 ment, or a rare taste in art or letters, or the 
 power to draw sound, justly limited inferences 
 from observed facts, his education should be 
 carefully directed to develop this personal ad- 
 vantage, and his life-career should be chosen 
 with reference to the possession of this recog- 
 nized advantage. It is for the benefit of the 
 individual to bring into play at the earliest 
 possible moment the motive of the life-career. 
 
46 IN EDUCATION 
 
 because that is a strong interior motive and a 
 lasting one. 
 
 In any free country the career a man 
 chooses depends, or ought to depend, on his 
 natural gifts, his own choice, and the length 
 and quality of his education. The children 
 of freemen are not born to careers; they are 
 not born to be ploughmen, carpenters, clerks, 
 salesmen, lawyers, or public servants. The 
 career is, or ought to be, an individual choice, 
 guided, to be sure, by the judgment of parents 
 or by the child's range of observation, but 
 still an individual choice. The choice of a 
 career and of education wisely directed to- 
 ward a career must always be absolutely 
 individualistic. 
 
 In a democracy all the human "sports," 
 that is, all the children who have unusual ad- 
 vantageous capacities or qualities, ought to be 
 discovered and developed through education, 
 and then directed to the most advantageous 
 career. This is an intensely individualistic 
 process, as much so in human beings as in 
 plants and animals. The breeders of advan- 
 
EDUCATION A COLLECTIVE INTEREST 47 
 
 tageous varieties of plants or animals start 
 from "sports," that is, from remarkable in- 
 dividuals which present new varieties of color, 
 or new advantageous diversities in form or 
 structure. In this matter the collective in- 
 terest of society at large coincides with the 
 individual interest. It is for the interest of 
 democracy that its young people should be 
 trained for all sorts of useful careers, and that 
 each youth should be trained for the career in 
 which he can best succeed. In particular, it 
 is for the interest of democracy that all the 
 human "sports" should be discovered, de- 
 veloped, and helped to the precise career best 
 fitted to give play to each individual's peculiar 
 powers. It ought to be one of the visible re- 
 sults of universal education, and of the mo- 
 bility of social layers in a democracy, that all 
 the "sports" are saved for special careers of 
 usefulness, rather than lost in the average 
 multitude. 
 
 During the nineteenth century all the civ- 
 ilized nations discovered that education is 
 needed for every human occupation, contrary 
 
48 IN EDUCATION 
 
 to the opinion of Plato, who taught that the 
 laboring class had no need of any education; 
 hence, the recent estabHshment of universal 
 education among all the civilized nations, 
 earliest in those nations v^hich v^ere largely 
 Protestant. This collective interest, though 
 in reality identical v^ith the interest of every 
 human individual, nevertheless induces an 
 extraordinary interference with individual 
 liberty at sensitive points. For example, the 
 state laws which compel parents to send their 
 children to school up to the fourteenth or six- 
 teenth year, and the laws which compel towns 
 and cities to maintain schools during a definite 
 number of months in every year, are direct 
 interferences with individual rights and local 
 rights, which used to be regarded as very 
 precious. Parents are no longer free to de- 
 termine themselves how extensive the educa- 
 tion of their children shall be, or when their 
 children shall begin to contribute to the family 
 support. Counties, towns, or districts cannot 
 decide for themselves how long their schools 
 shall be kept each year. In short, collectivism, 
 
UTILITARIANISM IN EDUCATION 49 
 
 seeking its own interest — that is, the interest 
 of the mass — and often balked in the pursuit, 
 decides that individuaHsm cannot be trusted 
 to produce the results it desires, and proceeds 
 to use compulsion to secure a result which is 
 as beneficent to the individual as it is to 
 society. 
 
 There has been within the last thirty years 
 an outbreak of educational exhortation to the 
 effect that education comes not by absorption 
 of learning, but by practice in doing, that ^- 
 formation is not the object of edu cation, but 
 jkill_aiid_jTiental capacity; and hence, that 
 popular educatiorTshould from beginning to 
 end be directed to the training of the senses 
 and the acquisition of skill, as well as to the 
 training of the memory and of the reasoning 
 faculties. This doctrine is simply a revival 
 of sixteenth and seventeenth century teaching. 
 Montaigne insisted that training through the 
 ancient languages, and the grammatical and 
 rhetorical learning which grew up about them, 
 was not suited to a gentleman or a man of 
 action. He advocated strongly preparation 
 
IN EDUCATION 
 
 in youth for the life-career. He maintained 
 that the important thing to teach a boy was 
 "what he himself ought to do when he becomes 
 a man." Undoubtedly, the exercise of pro- 
 ductive faculties, the training of the judgment, 
 and the inspiration of noble sentiments should 
 be the main objects in education. The great 
 problem of education is how to train up chil- 
 dren into dutiful and loving men and women, 
 capable of useful action. In training the indi- 
 vidual for his utmost capacity in action much 
 information may incidentally be given, and the 
 memory may incidentally be trained, perhaps 
 to a high degree; but the object and intent of 
 the educator should be to develop capacity for 
 action. This is an intensely individualistic 
 process, because it demands the discovery of 
 each child's pecuHar individual capacity or 
 faculty, and the careful training of that faculty. 
 Neither the discovery nor the training can be 
 accomplished unless the teacher is intimate 
 with the child. Hence large classes are un- 
 desirable, and annual or semiannual changes 
 of teachers, and indeed all mass work. More- 
 
THINGS AND WORDS IN EDUCATION 51 
 
 over, the individual quality which may prove 
 the main source of success and happiness 
 in life may be something slight, subtle, or 
 late-developed, and therefore hard to discern. 
 Children and adolescents differ widely in re- 
 gard to the ages at which the same degree of 
 maturity is attained. One child is as mature 
 at ten as another at fifteen, and one youth is 
 as mature at seventeen as another at twenty- 
 two. There is no phenomenon more indi- 
 vidualistic than this, and none which tests 
 more severely the discernment and judgment 
 of the teacher, or of the superintendent who is 
 obliged to balance the interest of individual 
 pupils against the general interest of a school 
 or a system of schools. 
 
 One who advocates the training of the 
 senses, as properly a much larger part of edu- 
 cation than it has been during the past hun- 
 dred years, need not be supposed to propose 
 the abandonment of instruction in words and 
 literature. Comenius in the seventeenth 
 century taught that young people were to 
 learn about things, but at the same time were 
 
52 IN EDUCATION 
 
 to acquire in the vernacular and in Latin — 
 the international language — the words which 
 stood for the things; and Ruskin in the middle 
 of the nineteenth century declared the same 
 truth when he said: "To be taught to see is 
 to gain word and thought at once, and both 
 true." Locke is another educational author- 
 ity who regards the individual child, and ad- 
 vocates taking account all through education 
 of the coming adult life. Thus he says: 
 "The main, I had almost said the only, thing 
 to be considered in every action of a child is, 
 what influence it will have upon his mind, 
 what habit it tends to, or is likely to settle in 
 him, how it will become him when he is 
 bigger, and if it be encouraged whither it will 
 lead him when he is grown up." 
 
 Recent years have given several interesting 
 illustrations of the fact that society at large 
 has a keen interest in the proper education 
 of every citizen and of the children of every 
 family. There has been active discussion 
 concerning the expediency of an educational 
 test for the admission of immigrants, and of 
 
NO FREEDOM TO BE BARBAROUS 53 
 
 an educational test of qualification for the 
 exercise of the suffrage, and efforts have 
 been made to embody correct principles of 
 action on these subjects in legislation. The 
 republic as a whole feels alarm at the ad- 
 mission of millions of men, women, and 
 children, who come from countries where uni- 
 f versal education has not been established. 
 The repubhc dreads the admission of multi- 
 tudes of people who have not received training 
 enough to keep them surely out of the criminal 
 class, or whose intelligence is so slender that 
 they cannot maintain themselves and their 
 families under American industrial conditions, 
 or whose habits of life are such as to preclude 
 the bringing up of their children to cleanliness 
 and good behavior in the absence of govern- 
 mental supervision and control. The negro 
 problem in the Southern States has also 
 brought home to the American people the 
 necessity of public education for all classes 
 and races, if society is to enjoy a reasonable 
 degree of moral comfort and to make unin- 
 terrupted progress as regards social order, 
 
54 IN EDUCATION 
 
 earning its livelihood, controlling vice, and 
 winning rational enjoyments. Americans 
 generally believe that no part of the whole 
 can be really prosperous, comfortable, and 
 happy, if any part be sunk in ignorance and 
 barbarism. If, then, any portion of the popu- 
 lation says either in words or by deeds: "We 
 do not care to be civilized. We prefer to re- 
 main ignorant and barbarous," it is expedient 
 and right that the civilized parts should say 
 to the barbarous part: "We shall not regard 
 your individual preference to be barbarous. 
 You shall be civilized, or at least your children 
 shall be." This is a strong case of collectiv- 
 ism overriding individualism to improve 
 numerous individuals and hence the mass. 
 
 Certain distinct educational efforts in re- 
 cent years illustrate admirably the domina- 
 tion of modern collectivism over old-fashioned 
 individualism. A state university is main- 
 tained by taxes levied on private property. 
 Every tax-paying citizen contributes to the 
 support of the university, although he may 
 have no child to profit by it, no interest in 
 
STATE UNIVERSITIES 55 
 
 any of the subjects it teaches, and no direct 
 use for any of the professions for which the 
 university prepares men and women. As a 
 matter of fact, at any one time only an insig- 
 nificant minority of the families in the state 
 are making any use of the university, or are 
 conscious of being directly helped by it. 
 Nevertheless, the state legislature makes large 
 appropriations for the university's mainte- 
 nance, and these appropriations support the 
 teaching not only of practical or utilitarian 
 subjects, like agriculture and engineering, 
 but also of languages, literature, philosophy, 
 history, and economic theory. The majority 
 of the people of the state recognize the fact 
 that it is the collective interest to maintain ad- 
 vanced teaching in all subjects, and in accord- 
 ance with this view the state legislature uses 
 the taxing power to compel all parents and 
 all productive industries within the state to 
 contribute to the support of the state uni- 
 versity. 
 
 The general support of secondary schools, 
 to which only a small fraction of the children 
 
56 IN EDUCATION 
 
 of the country ever resort, is another illus- 
 tration of the supremacy of collectivism at 
 the present day. Within ten years there has 
 been an extraordinary development of new 
 secondary schools throughout the United 
 States, and especially in the Southern States; 
 and all over the country there is an increasing 
 resort to these schools, and new kinds of secon- 
 dary schools are to-day being established, such 
 as the mechanic arts high schools, and the 
 high schools of commerce — and all this be- 
 cause collectivism, having the power and the 
 faith, pays little attention to what may be the 
 objections of individuals to increased public 
 expenditure. Again, society has lately made 
 up its mind that it has a great interest in the 
 improvement of agricultural methods, and in 
 the increase of intelligence among farmers 
 and farm-hands. Accordingly it has set in 
 operation agencies for carrying instruction in 
 agricultural processes, including the breeding 
 of desirable varieties of plants and animals, 
 directly to the farms. This is not the training 
 of youth, but the spreading of information 
 
INSTRUCTING FARMERS 57 
 
 among adult persons already at work in 
 agriculture. The national government is 
 spending many thousands of dollars a year in 
 providing itinerant instructors, and in estab- 
 lishing, with the co-operation of the owners, 
 model farms, through which the good results 
 of improved methods can be exhibited to 
 whole neighborhoods. In this work the Gen- 
 eral Education Board, endowed by Mr. John 
 D. Rockefeller, co-operates in several of the 
 Southern States with a liberal expenditure of 
 money. The departments of agriculture in 
 the state universities and the agricultural 
 schools and stations established under the 
 Land Grant Act of 1862, and the Acts sup- 
 plementary thereto, are actively engaged in 
 teaching farmers throughout their respective 
 states what great increase of products may 
 be made to result from the use of selected 
 seed and appropriate manures, from the im- 
 proved mechanical treatment of soils, and the 
 skilful adaptation of crop to soil. The agri- 
 cultural department of every state university 
 offers short courses of instruction without fee 
 
58 IN EDUCATION 
 
 to young men from the farms of the state, at 
 the seasons of the year when they can best 
 leave their farms, and then enHsts these short- 
 term students in the distribution throughout 
 their respective neighborhoods of good seed 
 and of all the information they have acquired. 
 These wide-spread and well-directed exertions 
 are not made in the interest of the individual 
 farmer, but because of the collective interest 
 of the whole community in the intelligent 
 competency of farmers in general. The 
 farm-hand, or the isolated farmer who does his 
 own work, used to be the typ^ of the dull, un- 
 progressive laborer. It is the collective in- 
 terest of society which is making him a well- 
 informed, active-minded man, who knows 
 enough to breed good stock, to get good seeds 
 and fertilizers appropriate to his soil, to use 
 machinery and tools of the best sort, and to 
 buy and sell to advantage. States, counties, 
 and towns take a hand in this good work by 
 putting agriculture into rural schools as a 
 regular subject of instruction, and meeting 
 the expenditures necessary to make this in- 
 
INDUSTRIAL TRAINING 59 
 
 struction interesting and vivid. The democ- 
 racy wants to have all the useful careers well 
 filled, and believes that education is desirable 
 in preparation for every human occupation; 
 but it especially feels that education is needed 
 for the advantageous pursuit of that funda- 
 mental occupation on which the supplies of 
 human food depend. Here again, collectiv- 
 ism does not trust individualism to produce 
 the results it desires. On the contrary, it 
 says: "The pecuniary interest of the indi- 
 vidual farmer has failed to open his mind, 
 stimulate his faculties, and rouse his ambi- 
 tion. The public resources of the com- 
 munity must therefore be used to inform 
 and stimulate him." The urban democracy 
 holds this opinion more strongly than the 
 rural. 
 
 Within the few years just past there has 
 been a wide-spread movement to introduce 
 into the public schools, both elementary and 
 secondary, some real industrial training, cap- 
 able of interesting the children, and of giving 
 them some skill which will be of service in 
 
6o IN EDUCATION 
 
 their future lives. This movement was in 
 part intended to remedy a great evil in the 
 working of the American public school system, 
 namely, the premature leaving of the schools 
 by the great majority of the children; but it 
 also proposed a fundamental educational 
 reform. The proposals of the reformers were 
 nothing but direct returns to the teachings of 
 Pestalozzi in the last quarter of the eighteenth 
 century. His fundamental principle in edu- 
 cation was to awaken the will-power of the 
 children by inspiring them with the spiritual 
 motives of love and hope, and with a sense of 
 the good there is for them in school work, and 
 thereby determining the right action of their 
 wills. After much successful and unsuccess- 
 ful experience, Pestalozzi put this principle 
 into a few cogent words in the letter in which 
 he gives an account of his disastrous experi- 
 ence at Stanz in 1799: "Man readily accepts 
 what is good, and the child readily listens to 
 It; but it is not for you, master and educator, 
 that he wants it, but for himself. ... It 
 must be a good which is good in itself, and by 
 
HAND AND BOOK WORK TOGETHER 6i 
 
 the nature of things, and which the child can 
 recognize as good. . . . Whatever he does 
 gladly, whatever gains him credit, whatever 
 tends to accomplish his great hopes, whatever 
 awakens his powers and enables him truly to 
 say: *I can,' all this he wills." Pestalozzi's 
 method was to combine manual work in the 
 garden and fields in summer and in the house 
 in winter, with lessons in conversation, read- 
 ing, writing, and committing to memory. 
 He dealt almost exclusively with the poorest 
 and least fortunate of Swiss children, and al- 
 though his resources were always scanty, he 
 never failed to improve their health, strength, 
 and courage, and to make them capable not 
 only of steady manual work, but of good 
 book work also. 
 
 A twentieth-century movement is thus hark- 
 ing back to an eighteenth-century reform in 
 education; but it has to contend with the new 
 difficulties which the rush to cities has cre- 
 ated. Pestalozzi dealt chiefly with children 
 who lived in villages or small towns, which 
 had been devastated by war or pestilence, or 
 
62 IN EDUCATION 
 
 both. The hope of his Hfe was to contribute 
 to lifting the peasantry out of their misery 
 by the wise education of the children. The 
 movement toward industrial education to-day 
 is based on a similar hope and expectation. 
 It hopes to uplift the least fortunate classes. 
 It desires to prevent the great majority of 
 American children from leaving school at 
 fourteen as unskilled laborers, having re- 
 ceived at school no furtherance toward a use- 
 ful occupation, and having lost interest in 
 school studies, because they fail to recognize 
 in those studies any good for themselves. 
 The school studies do not accomplish the 
 child's hopes, awaken his powers, or enable 
 him truly to say: "I can." 
 ' This evil of stopping education without 
 having acquired any form of skill, and with- 
 out training toward any specific career, is by 
 no means confined to the elementary schools. 
 Many high-school graduates are in precisely 
 the same situation, and some college gradu- 
 ates. The reason is that the achievement- 
 motive and the career-motive have been neg- 
 
MOTIVE-POWERS IN EDUCATION 63 
 
 lected by school and college managers and 
 teachers, and the same authorities have neg- 
 lected manual work and the training of the 
 senses, in favor of book work and memory- 
 training. Considering that a long series of 
 great writers on education, from the sixteenth 
 century down, have protested against book 
 work as the chief element in the schooling 
 of children, is it not strange that American 
 schools have been so slow to recognize the 
 value of eye, ear, and hand work in developing 
 mental and moral powers, and so much afraid 
 of utilitarian motives in education ? The 
 American belief in freedom and the rights of 
 the individual has found very scanty expres- 
 sion in the conduct of American schools. 
 Even Herbart's doctrine that all school work 
 should interest the child has been slowly 
 and reluctantly accepted by many American 
 teachers, who seem to have believed that 
 mental "discipHne" can be imparted only by 
 forcing a child to work on uncongenial, or 
 even impossible tasks. At last the leaders 
 of American education begin to realize that 
 
64 IN EDUCATION 
 
 the end of education is the development of 
 internal motive-powers, such as the desire to 
 excel, the satisfaction that comes with achieve- 
 ment, the imitation of gentleness and nobility, 
 and the love of freedom. In order to effi- 
 cient collective action, the schools and colleges 
 must apprehend and utilize the effective mo- 
 tives of individualism. The reform of Ameri- 
 can education in these respects cannot be 
 brought about by individual action, although, 
 as in other centuries, a few leaders may show 
 the way to reform. It is only the public 
 schools that can effectively embody on an 
 adequate scale the new, or rather, the revived, 
 ideals. The reform must, therefore, be an 
 immense collective operation. 
 
 A democratic structure of society imposes 
 new duties on public education, and demands 
 of it a great variety of new services. The free- 
 dom of individual action which characterizes 
 a democracy results in great inequalities of 
 condition; and the immense material resources 
 of modern democratic society create an end- 
 less variety of occupations and grades of 
 
TRANSMISSION OF EDUCATION 65 
 
 serviceableness, which match an endless va- 
 riety of capacity in the individual citizens. 
 Democratic wealth and democratic education 
 combine to create among the citizens many 
 different levels of serviceableness, and many 
 different grades of physical refinement and 
 mental cultivation. In a democracy education 
 is the chief factor in determining the social 
 classification, although birth contributes, since 
 birth often determines the early material and 
 spiritual environment. The education of the 
 child, as Rabelais, Montaigne, Comenius, 
 Locke, Rousseau, and Pestalozzi understood 
 education, is the only way in a democracy of 
 transmitting high position from one generation 
 to another. The transmission of mere money 
 will not accomplish this result; and, moreover, 
 intellectual and artistic tastes, and personal 
 excellences of body and soul, are more surely 
 transmissible than property. 
 
 The demands of democratic collectivism 
 being in many respects novel and being also 
 very various, and American schools and. col- 
 leges having been built, Hke the English, 
 
66 IN EDUCATION 
 
 on sixteenth-century plans and models, it is 
 obvious that profound modifications of the 
 American educational system are necessary in 
 order to meet these needs. Wise and com- 
 petent individuals can lead the way, as when 
 a single rich man endows and sets at work a 
 trade school, or a technical institute, or a col- 
 lege or university with a wide range of instruc- 
 tion; but in order to give such good work 
 permanence, the individual benefactor must 
 immediately call to his aid the collective forces 
 of society, to incorporate his institution, and 
 enlist in its support a body of teachers, and in 
 many cases a large community. Then the 
 methods devised and illustrated in one private 
 institution must be adopted and imitated, so 
 far as may be, by the public school systems, 
 and be maintained by the collective intelli- 
 gence and resources. The idea that useful 
 knowledge cannot be cultural must be dis- 
 missed. Every possible concrete illustration 
 must be used throughout elementary and 
 secondary teaching. Every possible applica- 
 tion must be made of each abstract principle. 
 
CRAFTSMANSHIP AND EDUCATION 67 
 
 Every means of illustrating the usefulness of 
 a subject must be carefully provided. In or- 
 der to meet the needs of all classes of citizens 
 and of the community as a whole, certain sub- 
 jects should be added to all school programmes, 
 as, for example, hygiene, drawing, and music, 
 and to the programmes of rural elementary 
 schools, agriculture, and of urban schools, the 
 nature of municipal business. In the interest 
 of children who must go to work at an early 
 age in order to contribute to the support of 
 their families, part-time continuation schools 
 should be provided at public expense, and for 
 older children trade schools in large vari- 
 ety. The experience of the last hundred years 
 in the manufacturing countries, and the new 
 countries, proves that individuahsm, that is, 
 the immediate self-interest of a child or its 
 parents, cannot be depended on to secure the 
 transmission from one generation to another 
 of the skill in numerous arts and crafts al- 
 ready acquired by the race as a whole. In 
 order to preserve what has been already won, 
 collectivism must provide for the transmission 
 
68 IN EDUCATION 
 
 not only of the skill of the artisan, but of his 
 right spirit in work. 
 
 It does not follow that if all these right pro- 
 visions were made for the transmission of 
 intelligent skill in the great variety of mod- 
 ern arts and occupations, democratic society 
 would become subdivided into a great num- 
 ber of distinct layers or classes of a fixed and 
 impenetrable sort. The variety of occupa- 
 tions and services would exist, and social 
 groups would exist within the different layers; 
 but also the unusual individual would retain 
 large freedom to move from one layer to 
 another. 
 
 Two of the most important educational 
 movements of the last twenty-five years in the 
 United States have had to do with young 
 people who have passed the common-school 
 age, and with their parents and older friends. 
 One of these is the movement for the use of 
 public school-houses as social centres, that is, 
 as places where the youth and grown people 
 of a neighborhood may find, without cost, or 
 at trivial cost, pleasant, interesting, and in- 
 
,tWDLD BE LIFELONG 69 
 
 structive occupations in the evenings. This 
 movement recognized two conspicuous facts, 
 first, that education should not be an affair 
 of childhood only, but a continuous process 
 throughout life; and secondly, that the pro- 
 vision of the means and opportunities for 
 good play and refined entertainment is an 
 important collective function in modern so- 
 ciety. The movement has as yet gained but 
 little force in the United States, although its 
 merits have been demonstrated in several im- 
 portant centres of population; and for this 
 reason it urgently demands the attention of 
 all educational reformers and social workers. 
 This is not paternalism, or socialism, or an 
 imitation of the Roman "bread and games" 
 for the populace. It is just intelligent and 
 sympathetic educational collectivism, fighting 
 evil and degradation with good. It is the con- 
 tinuous use of the public school "plant" for 
 educational and upHfting purposes. There is 
 no doubt as to the nature of the activities 
 which should be in constant play in such 
 centres. Individualistic commercialism has 
 
70 IN ETTCrC'Al.^RA^. 
 
 demonstrated what the available means of 
 instruction and enjoyment are; it remains 
 for altruistic collectivism to use them effec- 
 tively. They are music, instrumental and vo- 
 cal, lectures with ample illustrations, moving 
 pictures, dramas, plays, tableaux, recitals, dra- 
 matic readings, dancing, and indoor games, 
 all these taken part in and enjoyed by youJig 
 and old together, and guided by skilful \nd 
 sympathetic teachers employed by the public. 
 Every city and large town in the United States 
 should organize these means of continuous 
 education and recreation just as effectively 
 as it organizes and conducts the elementary 
 and secondary schools, and pay for them as 
 wilHngly. Intelligent collectivism should pro- 
 vide all these means of enjoyment, freed from 
 vice and from temptation to vice, and should 
 not leave the bulk Cftf the population to get 
 their glimpses of joy and gladness in resorts 
 where the innocent are brought into contact 
 with the vicious, and where vicious indul- 
 gences by the patrons heighten the profits of 
 unscrupulous proprietors. It would not be 
 
PUBLIC MEANS FOR PLEASURES 71 
 
 inconsistent with the general scheme of social 
 centres, or limit their usefulness, if a moderate 
 admission fee, like five cents or ten cents, 
 were charged for the more attractive enter- 
 tainments, all receipts being applied to equip- 
 ment and fittings. 
 
 The American industrial city has been de- 
 veloped since the factory system came in, 
 labor was minutely divided, and the popula- 
 tion crowded into cities. In the couaitry, 
 hunting, shooting, fishing, and many other 
 interesting sports were easily accessible, and 
 therefore common, and a free out-of-door life 
 and the companionship of domestic animals 
 lent themselves to youthful imaginings and as- 
 pirations. In the congested cities there have 
 been no equivalents for such wholesome en- 
 joyments. The fact that the early settlers on 
 the coast of the United States and the pioneers 
 across the continent have been in the main 
 Protestants of a sombre sort, accounts in part 
 for the absence of provision at public expense 
 for the pleasures of the people. The CathoHc 
 Church has always taken a wise interest in 
 
72 IN EDUCATION 
 
 providing for the working people holidays, 
 processions and pageants out-of-doors, and 
 indoors interesting commemorative observ- 
 ances, occasional stirring revivals of religious 
 emotion, gorgeous spectacles, and great music, 
 and has used profusely for the enjoyment and 
 elevation of the people the resources of archi- 
 tecture, sculpture, and painting. The Ameri- 
 can Protestant churches, on the other hand, 
 have made only the slightest contributions to 
 popular enjoyment. If three-quarters of the 
 American people are going to live in tall tene- 
 ments on narrow streets, and to engage in 
 repetitive indoor work from youth to age, it 
 is indispensable that the forces of society at 
 large should be vigorously used to provide 
 these workers with the means of gratifying 
 their irresistible longing for natural joys, and 
 of giving themselves and their children visions 
 of a freer and more expansive life — whether 
 that life be something actually achieved by 
 human beings in the past, or imagined for 
 the future. 
 '^ The second movement toward continuous 
 
OPEN-AIR ENJOYMENTS 73 
 
 education and the provision of means of pub- 
 lic enjoyment, intended to combat the evils 
 accompanying concentration of population, 
 is the movement in favor of play-grounds, 
 open-air parlors, bathing places, boulevards, 
 gardens, and parks. It is only by collective 
 action through the use of public resources 
 that this movement can be carried on. Indi- 
 vidual action cannot be depended on either 
 to produce or to maintain it, in spite of 
 the fact that there have been some striking 
 individual gifts toward that public purpose. 
 European collectivism preceded American in 
 taking hold of this great subject; but a few 
 of the American cities, such as Boston, New 
 York, Chicago, and Washington, have made 
 much progress toward the adequate develop- 
 ment of public grounds, and many cities have 
 good plans under consideration. All such 
 open spaces have a strong educational effect; 
 but it is the smallest places which, under the 
 name of playgrounds and outdoor parlors, 
 have the most direct educational effects; they 
 require for their best utilization the continuous 
 
74 IN EDUCATION 
 
 employment of teachers or directors. Collec- 
 tivism must be prepared not only to police all 
 these open grounds, but to provide teachers of 
 outdoor plays and exercises, just as much as 
 it provides teachers in the public schools. 
 Playgrounds without teachers may do posi- 
 tive harm to children, just as public commons, 
 gardens, or parks v^ithout policemen may do 
 much harm as v^ell as much good. In gen- 
 eral, American working people know much 
 less than their European brethren about the 
 way to utilize for enjoyment and health public 
 grounds, whether large or small. 
 
 The right of eminent domain is essential to 
 the procuring of adequate public grounds in 
 a city or town that was originally laid out 
 without them, or with but a scanty provision 
 of them. This right is an extreme case of the 
 necessary domination of collectivism over in- 
 dividualism in modern society, and especially 
 in the recent developments of public educa- 
 tion. It has been freely exercised of late by 
 states and municipalities, and by duly author- 
 ized commissions, acting for the public, and 
 
PUBLIC RESERVATIONS 75 
 
 empowered not only to take private lands but 
 to maintain for the enjoyment of the public 
 the areas so provided. Another method of 
 holding open areas, large or small, free from 
 taxation for the enjoyment of the public, pro- 
 vides for the co-operation of the collective in- 
 terest with the individual interest through the 
 incorporation of trustees to hold public reser- 
 vations free of taxes, the trustees having no 
 right of eminent domain, and acquiring lands 
 only by gift or purchase. The legislative 
 action under which such trustees exist and act 
 is a good example of dominant collectivism 
 co-operating with enlightened and beneficent 
 individualism for the promotion of public 
 health, enjoyment, and elevation of mind — or 
 in other words, for public education. 
 
 In considering the relation of collectivism 
 to individualism in education, we have thus 
 far had chiefly in mind the lower grades or 
 regions of education, such as the primary or 
 elementary school, the lower technical schools, 
 and the public secondary schools. It is time 
 to discuss the new relations of the learned and 
 
76 IN EDUCATION 
 
 scientific professions, and the higher walks of 
 business and corporation services to the men 
 and women whose training has been prolonged 
 through professional and polytechnic schools 
 to an age which may be said to vary from 
 twenty-one to twenty-eight years, without 
 taking cognizance of abnormal extensions. 
 The professions of law and medicine used to 
 be callings which gave the individual member 
 of either a remarkable degree of self-reliance 
 and personal independence; and the ministry 
 was a calling whose members were not re- 
 sponsible to the community at large, and were 
 regulated, not by the community as a whole, 
 but by the ecclesiastical organization with 
 which each was affiliated. The members of 
 the priesthood were under the control of a 
 central ecclesiastical authority, but were 
 themselves in a position of authority over all 
 other social ranks. In the United States pro- 
 fessional men have been the most independent 
 of all workers, needing no machinery except 
 what they could easily own themselves, and 
 no money capital, except that required for 
 
PROTECTIVE LEGISLATION 77 
 
 their support during the long period of ed- 
 ucation — and the latter was often furnished 
 by parents or friends. Moreover, till within 
 forty years the community as a whole did not 
 regulate access to the professions, or make 
 practitioners conform to regulative laws. It 
 is far otherwise to-day. Collective action has 
 been taken with regard to admission to many 
 of the professions and even to some trades, 
 and the practice of most of the professions and 
 many of the trades must conform to restrictive^ 
 legislation. This new collective action has; 
 all been benevolently intended for the protec- 
 tion of society at large against ignorant prac- 
 titioners of the professions and trades; but 
 it has unquestionably imposed limits on an 
 individualistic freedom which was formerly) 
 highly valued. Incidentally this protective! 
 legislation has promoted the spread and im- 
 proved the quality of professional education 
 and of the training for the trades affected. 
 This improvement of professional education 
 in the United States in consequence of collec- 
 tive pressure co-operating with individual in- 
 
78 IN EDUCATION 
 
 itiative is one of the most important educa- 
 tional advances made in this country during 
 the past forty years. It could not have been 
 accomplished without a large amount of col- 
 lective action overriding individual rights. 
 Much work of this kind remains to be done, 
 either by government or by independent insti- 
 tutions which have a strong influence on pub- 
 lic opinion. 
 
 Another cause of the increasing regulation 
 of practice in the professions and many of the 
 trades is the increasing complication of both 
 corporate and municipal business, and the in- 
 creasing amount of such complicated and 
 difficult business. In all the great industries 
 and throughout all governmental work, na- 
 tional, state, and municipal, the change has 
 come about which is illustrated in the differ- 
 ence between an old-fashioned seventy-four 
 gun ship and a modern battle-ship. The na- 
 val machine itself has become immeasurably 
 more complex and more difficult to use, ad- 
 just, and direct; so that both in officers and 
 men a higher degree of individual intelligence 
 
THE DAY OF THE EXPERT 79 
 
 and a greater skill are required. Many of the 
 men need to be machinists, and all the officers 
 need to be experts. So in mihtary matters, 
 the shoulder to shoulder, automatic move- 
 ments being no longer available, individual 
 intelligence, skill, and initiative are needed in 
 the private soldier. All business, whether 
 public or private, needs to be directed by men 
 of long training and general intelligence, who 
 deserve the title of expert. The population 
 as a whole are beginning to perceive this; and 
 the first effect is to increase the number of 
 youth who go through the secondary schools 
 and the technical schools, colleges, and univer-; 
 sities. An urgent collective need determines a 
 multitude of individual careers. The change 
 is greatest in business administration; because 
 it used to be supposed that the best way to 
 train a young man for business success was to 
 bring him up from early youth in a private 
 business, without giving him any long school- 
 ing or delaying him to procure a comprehen- 
 sive training of his senses and his reasoning 
 faculties. This highly individualistic, or 
 
8o 7A^ EDUCATION 
 
 rather, non-social conception, is now passing 
 away. The increase of population, the con- 
 gestion of population in cities, that division 
 of labor which makes each class of laborers 
 absolutely dependent on the fidelity and suc- 
 cess of many other classes of laborers, and the 
 new social functions of government have con- 
 curred to bring about the adoption on a large 
 scale of better views concerning the impor- 
 tance of thorough schooling to a successful 
 career in business. It is the day of the expert 
 in all sorts of business, in the professions, in- 
 cluding teaching, and in every department of 
 governmental administration. Now, the ex- 
 pert is always a highly individualistic product; 
 but he is a product which an intelligent collec- 
 tivism calls for, regulates, and supports. He 
 is also a capitalist, but a peculiar kind of capi- 
 talist, whose sympathies are more likely to be 
 with the hard-working many than with the 
 luxurious few. His trained brains are an in- 
 dividual possession, owned and operated solely 
 by their possessor. They are capital because 
 they are the unspent product of diligent labor; 
 
COLLECTIVISM NOT SOCIALISM 8i 
 
 but they are individualistic capital, like the 
 farm, or the horse and wagon, or the kit of 
 tools which a man has bought with his own or 
 his father's savings and uses himself. Every 
 free nation abounds in this sort of intellectual 
 capitalist, product of individualism and ser- 
 vant of collectivism. 
 
 The effects of collectivism on education 
 are thus seen to have been broad and deep; 
 but many of them have been produced by 
 active co-operation between collective and in- 
 dividualistic forces. This co-operative action 
 strikingly illustrates the difference between 
 collectivism and socialism. In education, 
 collectivism pays very little attention to the 
 private property question, or to the question 
 of public ownership of the tools and machinery 
 of production. It is seeking the collective 
 welfare, but finds promotion of that welfare 
 consistent with all existing forms of private 
 property and private industrialism. In pro- 
 moting the collective interest it finds no diffi- 
 culty in promoting simultaneously the bodily 
 and mental welfare of the individual. It does 
 
82 IN EDUCATION 
 
 not enter into educational controversies, such 
 as the controversy about utilitarian and cult- 
 ural studies, or about a one-sided and an 
 every-sided education. It v^ants results. It 
 demands that experts be trained for its use; 
 but does not undertake to settle the question 
 v^hether the expert it wants may best be 
 trained by an almost exclusive devotion to the 
 study of Latin, Greek, and mathematics up 
 to twenty-one years of age, or by a more com- 
 prehensive scheme of instruction which ad- 
 mits the new sciences, with economics, history, 
 and philosophy, and even permits the youth 
 to choose among numerous available studies 
 those in which he can best succeed. It de- 
 mands that every kind of education shall pro- 
 duce useful men, filled with the spirit of ser- 
 viceableness. Collectivism probably believes, 
 with Dr. Arnold, that it is the duty of youth 
 to study those matters in which afterward it is 
 to be their duty to act; but it is not at pains 
 to determine at what time of life this dictum 
 is first to take effect. Moreover, the spirit of 
 collectivism in its dealings with individualism 
 
BUSINESS CAPACITY INCREASES 83 
 
 IS altogether constructive, having in it no de- 
 structive element, and having no belief that 
 any destruction must precede construction. 
 Indeed, in education — which is a slow process 
 — the attention of reformers is always con- 
 centrated upon modification, amelioration, or 
 transformation, and they are quite sure that 
 these changes require for complete fulfilment 
 not days or years, but generations. 
 
 The great and manifest increase in admin- 
 istrative capacity of all sorts within the past 
 fifty years, and particularly within the last 
 twenty years, is one of the fruits of the broad 
 extension and wiser direction of public edu- 
 cation. In all industries and in all govern- 
 ment administration, national, state, and 
 municipal, the unit of operation has been en- 
 larged, the scale of operation has increased, 
 and facilities for rapid work have been pro- 
 vided — hence a greater demand on the ad- 
 ministrative and inventive faculties of every 
 manager. The demand made on the think- 
 ing powers of the industrial and governmental 
 administrator to-day is much more serious 
 
84 IN EDUCATION 
 
 than it was in the active days of the preceding 
 generation of business men or public servants. 
 All over the United States men not yet forty 
 years old, men not yet twenty years out of the 
 technical schools and the colleges, are ex- 
 hibiting remarkable capacity for the conduct 
 of large affairs; and young experts appear 
 with trained powers in great variety competent 
 to comprehend and conduct the new processes 
 and vast organizations of recent industrial- 
 ism and public business. Public education 
 and the cultivation in selected individuals of 
 the power to imagine, invent, and co-ordinate 
 have kept pace with the amazing material de- 
 velopment of the nineteenth century. Amer- 
 ican progress in architecture, music, and the 
 other fine arts, including the drama, illus- 
 trates a similar increase of efficiency in imag- 
 ining, inventing, discriminating, and general- 
 izing. The advance made in industrial and 
 social legislation is another illustration of the 
 increased capacity to observe correctly, ac- 
 cumulate masses of fact, and deduce a wise 
 generalization from such material. Not only 
 
THE MASSES THINK 85 
 
 is the number of persons capable of sound 
 mental processes greatly increased, but men 
 and women by the million have learned to 
 understand the processes of the strong think- 
 ers, and to welcome their results with a con- 
 tagious enthusiasm. The expectation now 
 common that the masses should think is a 
 great tribute to the prompt effectiveness of 
 popular education. 
 
Ill 
 
 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 The novelty of most of the functions of 
 government since 1850 is very remarkable. 
 This newness appears in many ways — first, 
 many of the functions of government, national 
 state, and municipal, are new, and secondly, 
 all these new functions and the few surviv- 
 ing old ones are performed in new ways, that 
 is, with new instruments or machinery, and 
 under novel conditions. This novelty is most 
 striking in municipal government. Many 
 persons are still living who remember Boston 
 when it had no sewers, no public water-supply, 
 no gas, no electricity, no street railways, and 
 no smooth pavements; Albany, when pigs 
 roamed the streets, the only scavengers; Bal- 
 timore, when each householder emptied the 
 refuse from his house into the gutter in front 
 
NOVELTY OF GOVERNMENT WORK 87 
 
 of his door, and the streets were cleaned only 
 by animal scavengers and occasional rains. 
 Seventy years ago Massachusetts, as a state, 
 provided no hospitals for its sick, wounded, or 
 insane; issued no acts of incorporation with 
 limited liability, built no docks, improved no 
 harbors, regulated neither steam noi; electric 
 railroads, exercised no control over the issue 
 of shares or bonds of incorporated companies, 
 built no highways, and appointed no com- 
 missions to construct systems of sewerage, 
 water-supplies, or parks — in short, performed 
 none of the functions which to-day engage 
 most of the attention of its legislature and its 
 officials. In like manner, many of the most 
 interesting and important functions of the 
 national government at the present day are 
 new within a single generation. Thus, the 
 attempt of the national government to regu- 
 late interstate commerce is novel action. The 
 contributions of the government to education 
 through the land-grant colleges and the ex- 
 periment stations for agriculture and horticult- 
 ure, and to the progress of science through its 
 
88 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 museums, laboratories, and exploring expedi- 
 tions, the maintenance of national forests and 
 parks, the construction of great public works 
 for irrigation, the improvement of rivers and 
 harbors, the building of the Panama Canal, 
 the administration of remote insular posses- 
 sions — all these are functions of the national 
 government nev^ v^ithin fifty years — some of 
 them within ten years — and yet they engage 
 the greater part of the time and attention of 
 both Congress and the Administration. More- 
 over, all business is now done in ways of which 
 men in active life before 1850 had no concep- 
 tion. Diffused mechanical power, telegraphs, 
 telephones, stenography, typewriting, and 
 automobiles have made it possible for every 
 director or manager to accomplish many times 
 the amount of work the same sort of person 
 could have done before 1850, and have greatly 
 increased the product of every clerk, salesman, 
 mechanic, craftsman, farm-hand, or laborer. 
 Government now touches many of the most 
 fundamental interests of the individual citizen, 
 affecting favorably or unfavorably his prop- 
 
THE INDIVIDUAL MORE DEPENDENT 89 
 
 erty, his earning capacity, his mode of life, 
 and his family concerns. 
 
 Meanwhile, the individual citizen has be- 
 come much less independent than he was 
 before 1850. For example, thirty years ago 
 the people on Mt. Desert Island, Maine, 
 enjoyed an extraordinarily independent life. 
 They got their food from the sea, and from 
 their own farms and gardens on the shore, 
 and their fuel from their own wood-lots. 
 They raised their own sheep, spun their own 
 yarn, and wove their own cloth, except that 
 they had recently acquired the habit of buy- 
 ing cotton warps which they filled with wool. 
 They built their own vessels from the island 
 timber, and were masters of their own carry- 
 ing trade. They exported salt fish, lumber, 
 and granite, products of their own labor, and 
 imported very little except sugar, tea, and 
 coffee, cotton goods, metal tools, and crockery. 
 A Mt. Desert householder in those days was 
 an extraordinarily independent and self-con- 
 tained individual, who was touched by col- 
 lective action only at the annual town meet- 
 
90 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 ing, in the proceedings of which he took an 
 active part. He personally owned all the 
 instruments of production he needed; and if 
 he went fishing in a vessel larger than he and 
 his boy could manage, he went on shares in 
 an equitable co-operative fashion. The situa- 
 tion of the Mt. Desert householder to-day 
 is utterly changed. He now imports almost 
 everything he eats, drinks, or wears, and al- 
 most all the material with which his shelters 
 are built. He has become dependent on 
 other people and their industries for the nec- 
 essaries of life — as much so as the inhabi- 
 tants of a closely built city. He must do just 
 what city people have to do — sell his labor, 
 skill, judgment, or experience, for money 
 with which to buy the necessaries of life. He 
 perhaps has more health, comfort, and en- 
 joyment of life than he used to have; but he 
 is no longer an apt illustration of extreme in- 
 dividualism, and has become subject to col- 
 lectivism. 
 
 With this great change in the degree of in- 
 dividual independence has gone an equally 
 
LOCAL INTERESTS EXPANDED 91 
 
 great change in what used to be designated 
 as "local interests." When provisions and 
 building materials came from within carting 
 distance, or were water-borne from places 
 near by, when many a town had a common 
 for the grazing of cows, and each town had 
 Its own slaughter-house, each family its own 
 cesspool — if it did not run its sewage onto the 
 grassy slope below the kitchen sink — and each 
 family or group of families its own pump, the 
 phrase "local interests" had a somewhat 
 definite meaning. Each householder was in- 
 terested in the highway that brought him his 
 provisions from the next town or from the 
 wharf, in the sidewalk over which his children 
 walked to school and his whole family to 
 church, and in the fire-engine, drawn by man- 
 power, which might possibly arrive at his 
 house in time, if the snow or the mud were not 
 too deep. Not a single one of these local in- 
 terests survives in anything like its former 
 force, except perhaps the interest in a small 
 portion of some sidewalk; and the sidewalks 
 stretch away in every direction for many miles. 
 
92 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 The provisions or the building materials come 
 from hundreds or thousands of miles away. 
 Even country highways must be very differ- 
 ently constructed from those of the old time; 
 for they have to resist many novel kinds of 
 wear and tear. Urban sidewalks are thronged 
 every day with thousands of people who do 
 not live in the city, and contribute little 
 or nothing to its financial support. Every 
 dwelling used to have its own water, light, 
 and air at the discretion of its owner; now 
 all these elemental provisions are prescribed 
 by government, and ought to be much more 
 strictly regulated than they are. The old- 
 fashioned local interests exist no longer. 
 They have broadened out to such an extent 
 that many of them need the care of the na- 
 tional government, and many more the care 
 'of the state. Those that remain to the town 
 or city, that Is, to the local government, have 
 become so complex, and demand so much 
 knowledge and skill, that they need the con- 
 stant attention of highly trained men, who 
 deserve the name of expert. It is plain that 
 
NEW FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 93 
 
 collectivism has gained enormously on in- ^ 
 dividualism in every sphere of governmental . 
 action. It is plain that the individual citizen's 
 power to determine his own mode of life and 
 that of his family has been greatly abridged 
 since the middle of the last century. 
 
 The new functions of the national govern- 
 ment touch the industries of the country and 
 the occupations of its citizens at innumerable 
 points, and these points of contact are all the 
 time increasing in number. The heavy taxes 
 levied by the government through the tariff 
 and the internal revenue imposts affect very 
 strongly every consumer in the country. 
 Through the government's regulation of na- 
 tional banks the whole industrial finance of 
 the country is affected. Through its regula- 
 tion of railroads and of vessels on the oceans, 
 lakes, and rivers, all the conditions of trans- 
 portation throughout the entire country, for 
 both passengers and freight, have been and 
 are still to be profoundly modified. The 
 markets of the country all watch for govern- 
 ment reports on the condition of the crops, 
 
94 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 and on the outgoing movement of grains and 
 provisions from the various ports. The agri- 
 cultural statistics issued by the government 
 have no little to do with the determination of 
 prices. The quality of foods and drugs must 
 conform to government regulations. Ship- 
 pers of all sorts of goods, not content with the 
 regulation by government of railroad trans- 
 portation, call on the government to spend 
 hundreds of millions of dollars, raised by gen- 
 eral taxation, to secure the competition of 
 costly waterways with the railroads and the 
 improved highways. To the national courts 
 the people look for the means of controlling 
 monopolies, and putting just limits to the 
 power of labor trusts, on the one hand, and 
 associations of employers on the other. Final- 
 ly, when some pestilence originating In an- 
 other country threatens to invade the United 
 States, It is the national government which 
 must protect the ports, attack the Invader 
 wherever It gets a footing, and in so doing 
 override both state rights and Individual 
 rights. 
 
COLLECTIVISM IN THE STATES 95 
 
 Accompanying the development of collec- 
 tive action through the new functions and 
 new^ methods of the national government is a 
 corresponding development through the state 
 governments. Most of the present objects 
 and methods of social and industrial activity 
 being new since the Constitution of the United 
 States was adopted, these novelties have per- 
 force been dealt with in the first instance by 
 the states, because the national government 
 possesses only the powers specifically con- 
 ferred upon it by the written Constitution. 
 Accordingly, it has been the states that have 
 given charters to corporations with limited 
 liability, to towns and cities, and to educa- 
 tional and charitable institutions, and have 
 appointed commissions or commissioners to 
 supervise transportation companies, gas and 
 electric light companies, insurance companies, 
 fraternal and mutual-benefit organizations, 
 and co-operative building and banking socie- 
 ties. It is the states that have undertaken to 
 control the issue of the stocks and bonds of 
 public utility companies, and to standardize 
 
96 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 the accounts of such companies. It is the 
 states that license pharmacists, steam engi- 
 neers, plumbers, and chauffeurs. It is the 
 states that regulate the transportation and 
 sale of live stock, animal products, vegetables, 
 fruit, and milk. Finally, it is the states that 
 procure and publish all vital statistics, and 
 undertake to control the ordinary contagious 
 diseases and the occasional epidemics. It is 
 unnecessary to say that all these new powers 
 of the states are collective powers exercised in 
 the interest of the community as a whole, and 
 that they are all liable at any moment to re- 
 strict closely the liberty of the individual, 
 and, in fact, do habitually restrict that liberty 
 in important respects. The Massachusetts, 
 New York, or Pennsylvania farmer, mechanic, 
 or householder of 1825, ^^^ ^^ revisit his state 
 in 1900, would be amazed and horrified by 
 the innumerable restrictions which had been 
 imposed by collectivism on his familiar 
 methods of work and his mode of life, on his 
 sales and his purchases, on his dealings with 
 his children in sickness and in health, and on 
 
COLLECTIVE ACTION IN CITIES 97 
 
 his use and abuse of domestic animals, drugs, 
 and liquors. Above all, he would be aston- 
 ished at the increase of taxes, and at the small 
 proportion of the tax-money raised that was 
 applied in 1900 to the objects of public ex- 
 penditure famihar to him, such as roads and 
 bridges, schools, and the care of paupers. He 
 would think that the freedom he so highly 
 valued had been very much abridged for his 
 successors. 
 
 When we compare the work of city govern- 
 ments to-day with that done by city govern- 
 ments a hundred years ago, or even sixty 
 years ago, we perceive at once that the objects 
 and nature of the work have changed, and be- 
 come both more extensive and more compli- 
 cated. We see, too, that there is nothing po- 
 litical or legislative about it; that the state 
 legislatures through the exercise of the 
 charter-giving right have reduced city gov- 
 ernments to purely administrative functions. 
 A city government nowadays has merely a 
 large business to conduct; but a peculiar 
 business because no profit is to be made in it. 
 
98 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 All city administration is collective work, to 
 be well done in the interest of the community 
 — but with the expectation that the indi- 
 vidual's interest, though subordinate to that 
 of the community, will at the same time be 
 promoted. The collective force exercised by 
 city governments in these days is really very 
 remarkable, and it exhibits a strong tendency 
 to increase the amount of its pressure and the 
 number of points at which that pressure is 
 applied. The capacity to do well city busi- 
 ness is not to be expected of the ordinary 
 citizen. Even small-town business is getting 
 beyond the personal capacity of many of the 
 citizens, because so much expert knowledge 
 of engineering, medicine, and education is 
 needed for the successful administration of 
 a twentieth-century town. In the adminis- 
 tration of a large city it is impossible to pro- 
 cure efficiency, unless all its departments are 
 directed by experts. Appointments in reward 
 of political service and the employment of in- 
 competent or unfaithful men have become 
 not only wrong and unjust, but silly and 
 
COLLECTIVE ACTION INEVITABLE 99 
 
 absurd. By such appointments the public 
 purse is robbed, the public welfare is endan- 
 gered, and the innumerable interferences of 
 collective action with individual liberty do not 
 yield their proper fruit — the incidental pro- 
 motion of individual welfare. 
 
 Let us next consider the inevitableness 
 of this predominance of collectivism over in- 
 dividualism. The necessity of collective 
 measures and the impotency of individual- 
 istic methods are vividly exhibited wherever 
 population concentrates itself in large cities 
 or in closely built towns about mines or 
 factories, just as they did in the walled towns 
 and villages of mediaeval Europe. An agri- 
 cultural population, scattered loosely over con- 
 siderable areas, or a nomad people wander- 
 ing in search of pastures for their animals, 
 may continue to exist without much attention 
 to the interest of the group in comparison 
 with the interest of the single family; but 
 when thousands of men, women, and children 
 are crowded into small areas with only a few 
 cubic feet of space for each individual, close 
 
lOO IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 attention to the collective welfare is the only 
 way to make the individual reasonably safe; 
 and this principle applies not only to physical, 
 or bodily, welfare, but also to moral welfare. 
 Concentration of population is therefore re- 
 sponsible in large measure for the rapid gain 
 of collectivism on individualism. The meas- 
 ures taken during the past fifty years to pro- 
 mote and make secure the public health have 
 been forced on government as a consequence 
 of concentration of population. Most of 
 these measures interfere strongly with indi- 
 vidual rights and responsibilities, and many 
 of them control the habits and modes of life 
 both of individuals and of families, thus 
 abridging in many ways personal liberty. A 
 public water-supply leads to the construc- 
 tion of sewers, and makes possible the intro- 
 duction of plumbing into all sorts of dwellings. 
 The plumbing must be connected with the 
 sewers, and immediately many inventions 
 must be made, and much skilled labor applied, 
 in order to prevent the introduction of the 
 contents of the sewers, whether gaseous or 
 
PROTECTION OF PUBLIC* 'H^AtTH loi 
 
 liquid, into houses. There follows the in- 
 spection of privately owned plumbing by 
 public officials, and the licensing of plumbers 
 by public authority. The private owner, the 
 tenant, the shopkeeper, and the manufact- 
 uring company all submit to public regula- 
 tion, in order to avoid wide-spread injury to 
 the public health or, in other words, to the 
 health of numerous individuals. The public 
 inspection of provisions from the moment 
 of their production, through the period of 
 distribution, to the moment of consumption, 
 is another collective measure forced upon 
 society by the concentration of population. 
 The factory system with its smoke and foul 
 air, rapid transit with its noise and hurry, 
 and the quick despatch of business with its 
 nervous strain work their injurious effects on 
 the public health wherever population is con- 
 centrated, and nothing can offset these effects 
 except collective measures to secure a toler- 
 able supply of light and air, reasonable hours 
 of labor, wholesome food, and the means and 
 opportunities of recreation. It is quite impos- 
 
, , , I102 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 sible for the individual alone to protect him- 
 self and his family from serious bodily injur- 
 ies; even the richest man cannot make himself 
 \ or his family safe, unless the collective judg- 
 ment and energy are put forth to protect him. 
 ^Creyemive_jiLedid.ae..admjr illustrates 
 
 t he inte nse,jdeslrahleness of collecti.Ye,.actiaD 
 in the interest both of the mass and of the 
 individual, and the new efficacy and benefi- 
 cence of such action because of the recent 
 progress of applied science. Mankind has 
 learnt that by vigorous collective action it is 
 possible to prevent the ravages of many epi- 
 demic diseases, in the presence of w^hich man- 
 kind used to be absolutely helpless. For 
 example, the German Empire requires the 
 vaccination of every child three times at dif- 
 ferent ages. Under this law every recruit for 
 the German army is vaccinated just before 
 he enters the service. Since 1884, when this 
 law went into effect, not a single soldier in the 
 German army has died of small-pox. It was 
 Jenner's discovery, worked out and improved 
 upon by several generations of biologists and 
 
 \/ 
 
CONTAGION AND INDIVIDUALISM 103 
 
 physicians, which made possible this preven- 
 tive action against small-pox. The law and 
 the practice under it do not admit the right of 
 parents to determine whether their children 
 shall be vaccinated or not. The most civil- 
 ized communities now adopt regulations con- 
 cerning the treatment of diphtheria, scarlet- 
 fever, measles, mumps, and whooping-cough 
 among school children. When yellow-fever 
 appears in tropical or sub-tropical cities in 
 Central and South America, the public au- 
 thority invades the residences of the sufferers 
 with mosquito netting and other appliances 
 just as promptly and as forcibly as the fire 
 department invades a building on fire. In 
 all these cases collective action overrides the 
 individual right; but it does so to protect from-^*' 
 threatened injury the mass of the population. 
 If the preventive measures are successful, they 
 confer an immense benefit, industrial, com- 
 mercial, and social, on the community as a 
 whole, while they do no harm to the indi- 
 viduals who are suffering from disease. The 
 government inspection of j)assengers arriving 
 
I04 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 in this country to prevent the importation of 
 diseases is another good illustration of the 
 inevitableness of collective action if the people 
 of the United States are to be effectively pro- 
 tected from infection — and the larger the 
 agency of collective action, the better. A 
 national quarantine is better than that of a 
 state, and a state quarantine is better than 
 that of a city or town. Individualism and 
 competition could not have given mankind 
 the great safeguards against disease which 
 collectivism, informed by preventive medicine, 
 has provided; but collectivism means in this 
 connection law executed by government ad- 
 ministration. Without this sort of collective 
 action the concentration of population which 
 has taken place during the last hundred 
 years could not have been safely effected. 
 Its evils would have become intolerable. 
 
 The progress of applied science has made 
 possible much other protective action on the 
 part of government in the interest of the mass, 
 action which, though not needed by a sparse 
 agricultural population, became indispensable 
 
THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNIT 105 
 
 to a dense manufacturing population. Thus, 
 the regulation of the preparation and sale of 
 animal products used for food, of milk and 
 other dairy products, and of drugs and alco- 
 holic beverages has been literally forced on 
 the community by its new collective needs. 
 It often happens in these days that some of 
 the most urgent needs of dense populations 
 cannot possibly be supplied by individual 
 action or by "local government," as, for in- 
 stance, water supplies and sewer systems. 
 Boston and its vicinity afford a good case in 
 point. Within twelve miles of Beacon Hill 
 — Boston's summit — are more than thirty 
 separate towns and cities, each with its own 
 government and its own area. Through this 
 densely populated district of irregular surface 
 three small rivers flowed into tidal inlets and 
 thence into Boston Harbor. The rivers and 
 the inlets received not only the surface drain- 
 age, but the sewage of a large population and 
 the wastes of many factories, and poured the 
 foul mixture into the bays and onto the flats 
 of Boston Harbor. When this evil became 
 
io6 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 intolerable and a remedy was sought, it ap- 
 peared that Boston within its actual territorial 
 limits and through its local government was 
 quite unable, in spite of its central position 
 and its wealth, to protect itself against the 
 sewage evil on the one hand, or to provide 
 itself with an adequate supply of pure water, 
 on the other. The state was obliged to in- 
 tervene; and through commissions appointed 
 by the governor it constructed admirable 
 public works which provided for the safe dis- 
 position of the sewage of Boston and many 
 other municipalities, and for an adequate 
 water supply for a similar group of towns and 
 cities. Thus state collectivism successfully 
 accomplished what collectivism on the "local" 
 scale could not do for the public welfare. In 
 the same district the organization of a com- 
 petent poHce force and an effective fire de- 
 partment, both properly unified, awaits a 
 like intervention of state collectivism. 
 / The development of what is called "big 
 business" within the last twenty years has 
 also made necessary a great deal of collective 
 
BIG BUSINESS NEEDS CONTROL 107 
 
 action on the part of government, partly 
 directed to preserve or protect individual 
 rights, and partly to control great combina- 
 tions of capital on the one hand and of labor 
 on the other. The consolidation of railroads 
 and steamship lines, the concentration in the 
 hands of one corporation or trust of mines, 
 means of transportation, and metallurgical 
 works all directed to the production of a single 
 metal in various forms, the combination of 
 many factories in the same industry, once 
 scattered in different parts of the country and 
 managed by different persons or corporations, 
 but now brought together under one manage- 
 ment, and the agglomeration of banking cap- 
 ital in few hands, have been natural devel- 
 opments which tend to promote efficiency, 
 economy of effort, and stability of prices; but 
 since they also tend strongly to monopoly, 
 they have compelled the interference in their 
 affairs of government, national, state, and 
 municipal, and of all three departments of 
 governmental action, the legislative, the judi- 
 cial, and the executive. 
 
lo8 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 "Big business" may be big for any one of 
 several reasons. In the first place, the busi- 
 ness may cover a great area, v^hich far tran- 
 scends both municipal and state boundaries; 
 secondly, it may involve the use of a very 
 large amount of capital, either fixed or quick, 
 or both, and this capital may be practically 
 within the control of a small number of per- 
 sons; thirdly, the business may be large in the 
 sense that it employs and supports many 
 thousands of workmen with their families; 
 and fourthly, it may be large in any one of the 
 preceding senses and in one other, namely, 
 that it is a source of private profit for a large 
 number of persons, the shareholders, or the 
 members of a mutual or co-operative society. 
 For whichever of these reasons a given busi- 
 ness is large, the manner in which it is con- 
 ducted is something in which the whole com- 
 munity has a direct and keen interest. It is 
 not safe to leave any large business to be con- 
 ducted in private by individualism uncon- 
 trolled; it must be inspected and regulated 
 in the interest of society at large. Collectiv- 
 
GOVERNMENT INSPECTION 109 
 
 ism must protect the interests of society; or, 
 m other words, government, national, state, 
 or municipal — whichever branch has range 
 and power enough — must effectively super- 
 vise every business which is large in any of 
 the above senses, under laws wisely framed 
 to secure, so far as legislation can, adequate 
 knowledge of the business on the part of 
 government, proper conditions of labor, and 
 a continuous profit for the capital invested. 
 Such publicity and such competent govern- 
 mental inspection are as much for the interest 
 of the large businesses themselves as they are 
 for the public interest, particularly in those 
 great industries which produce necessaries of 
 life, raw materials needed in many other in- 
 dustries, or tools or instruments used by mill- 
 ions of workmen. Now that so much of the 
 buying and selling is done in public, it is easy 
 to overestimate the advantages of privacy in 
 any business not founded on a secret process. 
 The great consolidations of business in the 
 last twenty years have suggested to many 
 minds the idea that they are preparing the 
 
no IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 way for government ownership of the means of 
 transportation and of production in factories 
 and mines. It is a natural idea that the In- 
 terest of the community as a whole would be 
 promoted by carrying on all such Industries 
 without making any profit on them; that is, 
 by carrying them on just as the government 
 carries on the post-office, at cost, for the bene- 
 fit of the entire community; but it is by no 
 means clear that the abolition of corporation 
 ownership for such purposes, and the transfer 
 to the government of all the industries now 
 managed by great corporations, would result 
 in a residual benefit to the people at large. 
 Good corporation management by directors 
 who recognize the fact that they are trustees 
 for their stockholders has many advantages 
 over government management. From the 
 point of view of workmen by the million, it is 
 well to have many different employers — the 
 corporations and the strong partnerships — 
 competing with each other for good service, 
 rather than a single employer, the govern- 
 ment. Again, the motive of private profit. 
 
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP iii 
 
 which IS powerful in all corporations, is an 
 effective motive toward efficiency; but it is a 
 motive which cannot be kept in play in gov- 
 ernment service. Furthermore, the very val- 
 uable class of men capable of directing large 
 affairs is better off with a multitude of dis- 
 tinct corporations carrying on different in- 
 dustries, and competing with each other for 
 efficient managers, than they would be if 
 there were but one great employer of directing 
 or managing men, the government. Lastly, 
 experience shows that corporation service pro- 
 vides a surer promotion and a longer tenure 
 for capable men than government service 
 does in this country. This is a result, of 
 course, of the intelligent seeking of private 
 profit by a corporation. Under the ordinary 
 conditions of corporation service the proved 
 expert is always retained, unless some dis- 
 aster befall the business. 
 
 Governmental methods in the United 
 States have generally lacked continuity, econ- 
 omy, inventiveness, and efficiency, and in all 
 these respects have been distinctly inferior to 
 
112 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 the methods which have prevailed in vigorous 
 and successful corporations. The heads of 
 all the administrative services change fre- 
 quently in practice; and -under the "spoils 
 system there has been no continuky-ifl even 
 the humblest levels of the government serYici^. 
 Although the civil service of the United States 
 has been improved by the introduction of a 
 merit system for original appointment to the 
 low grades, it still lacks a merit system of 
 promotion, since all the higher offices are 
 filled by the spoils or patronage method. 
 Even if the patronage method of appointment 
 and promotion should be completely elimini- 
 ated from government service, national, state, 
 and municipal, all persons employed by the 
 government, from the highest to the lowest, 
 would still lack the powerful motive of private 
 profit as an inducement to fidelity and zeal. 
 Under a democratic government the frequent 
 shifting of the principal administrators is one 
 of the securities for freedom, and at present 
 there is no sign in any free nation of a change 
 in this fundamental policy. In the United 
 
THE MERIT SYSTEM ESSENTIAL 113 
 
 States, cities and towns, states, and the na- 
 tional government itself, all illustrate this 
 frequent change of the directing heads. So 
 long as this is the case, there will be a great 
 field in every free country for the corporate 
 management of large industries. 
 
 Until all civil servants are appointed and 
 promoted on the merit system, there is of 
 course no possibility of government managing 
 successfully any industry whatever, unless it 
 be a complete monopoly like the post-office, 
 and even then its management will fall far 
 below the standard of efficiency in many pri- 
 vate corporations. On the whole it seems 
 likely that the functions of a democratic 
 government will remain for many years to 
 come essentially what they have been, though 
 with many improvements in detail, first, legis- 
 lative — making the laws; then, judicial — in- 
 terpreting and enforcing the laws; and 
 thirdly, administrative — executing the laws, 
 best through long-tenure agents selected and 
 promoted for merit. The corporations, great 
 and small, will continue to render efficient 
 
114 I^ GOVERNMENT 
 
 service to the community; but they will be 
 regulated and controlled by public statutes, 
 courts, and government administration acting 
 under law. Both corporation action and gov- 
 ernment action are collective in high degree. 
 
 largely since 1850, and will make further gains 
 in the interest of the whole people; but they 
 will not abolish personal liberty and individual 
 rights, though they will restrict and modify 
 them. 
 
 The conflict between individualism and 
 collectivism is well illustrated by the use of 
 the United States post-office as a means of 
 preventing the diffusion of vicious knowledge 
 and vicious practices through the community. 
 The increase of postal facilities in both city 
 and country, and the invention of type-writing 
 and of the card catalogue, having brought 
 about a great increase of advertising through 
 the post-office, individuals who proposed to 
 make a livelihood, or a fortune, out of lotteries, 
 obscene books and pictures, quack medicines, 
 gambling houses, or brothels, were quick to 
 
VICIOUS USE OF THE MAILS 115 
 
 seize upon this easy and private method of 
 advertising. They procured, sometimes by 
 fair means and sometimes by foul, the Hsts of 
 addresses which universities, colleges, acade- 
 mies, correspondence schools, insurance com- 
 panies, pubHshers, bankers, brokers, jobbers, 
 and all sorts of retail stores prepare and keep 
 up to date. Many such lists can be bought — 
 as, for instance, the catalogues of schools and 
 colleges, "Who's Who," the social blue-books 
 and city directories, and the lists of learned 
 and scientific societies — and many others can 
 be procured by bribery. These address lists 
 serve good purposes, commercial, educational, 
 and social, but all of them can be used for the 
 bad purposes of vicious or unscrupulous in- 
 dividuals. The United States post-office, a 
 collective force, is the indispensable agent for 
 this kind of advertising. When furnished 
 with trustworthy information, the Post-office 
 Department will prevent the vicious use of 
 the mails, and in clear cases will furnish evi- 
 dence to public or private prosecutors in 
 courts. This is an instance of collective force 
 
Ii6 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 used against individual malefactors who 
 avail themselves of the means which govern- 
 ment suppHes of communicating directly and 
 privately with any number of scattered indi- 
 viduals. Through the post-office the lottery 
 business has been broken up in the United 
 States, and various other pernicious busi- 
 nesses have been effectively restricted, if not 
 suppressed. Such action on the part of the 
 post-office IS, however, in violation of each 
 individual's right to have any matter he may 
 put into the mails, properly addressed and 
 stamped, delivered without delay or scrutiny. 
 The urgent collective need of protecting the 
 mass from corruption overrides in the public 
 interest a precious individual right. 
 
 Although the subject of this lecture is col- 
 lective action in government, it is important 
 to observe, in passing, that not all collective 
 action is governmental. In the two earlier 
 lectures we have discussed collectivism in 
 industry and in education, and have found in 
 both these fields that there is a great deal of 
 collective action which proceeds from volun- 
 
VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS 117 
 
 tary associations or societies, not possessing 
 any governmental power. To be sure, in 
 trades-unions and employers' associations, 
 the collective action is that of a class, and not 
 of the whole community; and in education 
 the collective action of endowed private in- 
 stitutions is much less extensive than that 
 of government, though highly beneficial. It 
 remains to notice the collective action of vol- 
 untary associations organized to promote re- 
 forms and sanitary, social, or aesthetic improve- 
 ments. Such associations can of themselves 
 exert no force or compelling power. They 
 educate public opinion, and then through the 
 action of an informed public opinion procure 
 the enactment of new laws, behind which will 
 stand the courts and the executive. In other 
 words, they induce governmental action, and 
 prepare the way for it by appealing to the in- 
 telligence and moral sense of the community. 
 Even during the initial educational stage they 
 often interfere with what have been consid- 
 ered the rights of individuals. Thus, every 
 society for the prevention of cruelty to ani- 
 
ii8 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 mals will, if it can, interfere with the right 
 of an individual owner to maltreat, abuse, or 
 neglect his horse, dog, or cat; and every soci- 
 ety for the prevention of cruelty to children 
 will, if need be, interferejo prevent the abuse 
 or neglect of children by vicious or incom- 
 petent parents — in spite of any traditional 
 theories about owners' rights over animals or 
 parental rights over offspring. 
 
 An excellent illustration of the collective 
 force exercised by voluntary associations and 
 even by occasional gatherings of influential 
 people is to be found in the recent movement 
 in favor of the conservation of nationaL re- 
 sources. Consen^tiQii_relate& to^jijmera^^ — 
 including the constituents of the soil — water 
 powers, forests, lands either too wet or too 
 dry, and the public health. Until very re- 
 cently the most intfj.li gj^t and philanthropic 
 people thought that the public^ interest^ v^as^ 
 best promoted by the immediate exploitation 
 of these natural resources to any extent and 
 by any available means. The frugal use of 
 the great natural resources of the country was 
 
CONSERVATtbN NATIONAL iiy^ 
 
 not even thought of. Immediate develop- 
 ment by any individuals or corporations 
 possessing the necessary enterprise and the 
 necessary money was the thing desired and 
 advocated. Suddenly, far-seeing men began 
 to think, first, that most of these natural re- 
 sources were^xhaustible, and with the present 
 methods of exploitation would be exhausted 
 within a measurable time, and secondly, that 
 it was undesirable that great, fresh resources 
 should fall into^th^Jiaiids^ a jfe^^ 
 or corporations, to be bythem and their chosen 
 successors controlled for all time. The vol- 
 untary associations and the occasional gather- 
 ings called to consider conservation measures 
 have already come to the conclusion that ex- 
 ploitation, no matter how, is not for the in- 
 terest of the nation at large, either now or in 
 the future; and inasmuch as the great natural 
 resources are not limited by state boundary 
 lines, they see clearly that only the national 
 government can protect the rights of the whole 
 people against private monopoly, preserve for 
 future generations control over mines, water 
 
I20 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 powers, and forests, irrigate the dry lands, 
 drain the swamps, and so promote the health, 
 wealth, and general well-being of future gen- 
 erations. As yoty the conservation associa- 
 tions and congresses use only the powers 
 of persuasion and argument; but they also 
 persistently advocate new legislation which 
 would seriously restrict the powers which pri- 
 vate persons and private corporations have 
 heretofore been able to procure and exercise 
 on the public domain. This is clearly a case 
 in which collective action, to be effective, 
 must be national action. It is also a popular 
 movement in which far-sighted altruism dom- 
 inates selfish and near-sighted individualism, 
 and the present generation consents to take 
 account of the probable needs and wishes of 
 future generations. 
 
 Collectivism has in recent years used freely 
 for its own public purposes two ancient rights 
 of government which have always been exer- 
 cised against private property — the right to 
 tax, and the right of eminent domain. The 
 right to tax proceeds upon the idea of contri- 
 
TAXATION— EMINENT DOMAIN 121 
 
 bution, the total contribution being appor- 
 tioned among all property owners by some 
 rule of universal application; but the right of 
 eminent domain has no such sanction in uni- 
 versality and theoretical equity among citizens; 
 for the state may take one individual's property 
 for public uses without simultaneously taking 
 the property of any other individual. The 
 justification of such taking is wholly in the 
 public use. The power to tax is nowadays 
 used, however, for many other purposes be- 
 sides raising revenue by fairly distributed con- 
 tributions. It is used to start new industries, 
 to exclude from the national territory the 
 manufactured products of countries where 
 labor is cheaper than in our own, to compel 
 owners of unoccupied land either to improve 
 it or to sell it, to force owners of forests to 
 destroy them periodically in order to avoid 
 ruinous taxation, and to obtain for the state a 
 large share of all increases of value in land 
 or buildings which may be supposed to be 
 due to a new concentration of population or 
 to new social customs. The power to tax is 
 
IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 also used to compel the cutting up of large 
 landed estates at the death of the proprietor. 
 The state may also levy largely on estates in 
 process of transmission to heirs, on the ground 
 that society as a whole secures the right of 
 inheritance and may therefore rightfully take 
 for public use a portion of every inherited 
 estate, a portion large in proportion to the 
 magnitude of the estate. The right to tax 
 and the right of eminent domain are both col- 
 lective rights, which when broadly used de- 
 velop collectivism at the expense of individ- 
 ualism. It is interesting to observe that the 
 free use of the right to tax has a strong ten- 
 dency to make necessary the exercise of the 
 right of eminent domain. Thus, when in 
 outlying parts of a city the owners of large 
 open grounds are compelled by heavy taxation 
 to cut up their holdings and cover them with 
 dwellings or shops, an urgent necessity arises 
 of somehow creating other open grounds con- 
 secrated to public uses, and the right of 
 eminent domain has to be employed to pro- 
 cure such grounds. So when in the exercise 
 
EFFECTS OF TAXATION 123 
 
 of individual rights the whole surface of a 
 densely peopled ward of a great city has been 
 covered with buildings, the right of eminent 
 domain has to be exercised by the city to 
 obtain suitable school yards and playgrounds 
 for the children. The creation of the parks, 
 gardens, playgrounds, and parkways urgently 
 needed by most of the American cities has 
 been made possible by the free exercise of 
 the right of eminent domain, and the need of 
 these open spaces became urgent because the 
 use made of the power to tax made it the in- 
 terest of the individual contributors to the 
 government revenue to occupy with buildings 
 as much as possible of the land they owned. 
 In the same way, the tax laws of the several 
 states being adverse to the holding of forests 
 as private possessions, the interest of the 
 country at large requires the creation of forest 
 reservations, to be held by the national gov- 
 ernment, the state governments, or endowed 
 institutions which are exempt from taxation. 
 It remains to consider two phenomena in the 
 sphere of government which are highly collec- 
 
124 !^ GOVERNMENT 
 
 tive in tendency. The first is the enormous 
 bulk of new legislation proposed and the 
 great number of laws actually enacted every 
 year in the United States. The second is the 
 demand for uniform legislation in the several 
 States of the Union. The multitude of new 
 enactments is an inevitable consequence of the 
 numerous and far-reaching changes which 
 have occurred during the past hundred years 
 in industries, social organization, and habits 
 of life. The rate of change in all these re- 
 spects has been vastly more rapid since 1810 
 than ever before in the history of civilization. 
 Indeed, it is not exaggeration to say that 
 nothing is now done in the civilized world as 
 it was done a hundred years ago, and that 
 every sort of social organization, including 
 family, school, church, courts of justice, and 
 governing agencies, has been profoundly al- 
 tered. The very oldest industries, such as 
 spinning, weaving, and farming, have been 
 revolutionized, and innumerable new indus- 
 tries have been introduced. Not only has 
 educational discipline been changed, but the 
 
EXPECTATION OF PROGRESS 125 
 
 objects In view at school, college, university, 
 and technical school are not the same as they 
 were a hundred years ago. In all human 
 occupations there Is now a strong expectation 
 of improvement and progress, and a welcome 
 is given to new ideas and new hopes. How to 
 make progress in innumerable Industrial and 
 social directions has become an object of sys- 
 tematic study with appreciable numbers of 
 men and women. It would be very surpris- 
 ing if under such conditions there had not been 
 an eager demand for many new laws. The 
 law of common carriers, which had been 
 worked out during centuries for stage-coaches 
 and turnpikes, required many modifications 
 before it was well adapted for railroads; and 
 the modifying process Is not yet completed. 
 We shall not find It surprising that many laws 
 have had to be passed concerning the powers 
 and privileges of corporations. If we consider 
 that the corporation with limited liability has 
 only been In existence about sixty years, and 
 that it has become the most tremendous in- 
 dustrial agency of modern times. The courts 
 
12.6 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 have had the same experience as the legislat- 
 ures, as the voluminous reports of the United 
 States courts and the various state courts 
 abundantly testify. Much of the new legis- 
 lation has been crude, because hasty; but the 
 sound objection lies, not against new legisla- 
 tion, but against hasty legislation. The atten- 
 tion of reformers ought to be given to the im- 
 provement of the legislating bodies, by reduc- 
 ing the number of legislators, lengthening 
 their service, and shortening the ballots on 
 which they are chosen; so that laws may be 
 better considered before they are enacted. 
 That there should be many new laws so long 
 as society is in such a state of flux as it has 
 been for the last seventy years is altogether 
 desirable. They give evidence that the new 
 ideas and experiences of mankind and the 
 new social and industrial processes are grad- 
 ually getting settled into legal expressions of 
 general consent. 
 
 The second phenomenon is the desire for 
 uniform laws in the several states of the Union. 
 This movement is an outcome of the desire 
 
COMPETITION BETWEEN STATES 127 
 
 to regulate monopolies and to promote rea- 
 sonable competition. Under the fixed Consti- 
 tution of the United States labor problems 
 must be solved by legislation in the several 
 states. Since all the important questions 
 concerning labor, corporations, and inter- 
 state transportation are new since the Con- 
 stitution of the United States was written, 
 they have had to be dealt with so far as pos- 
 sible by the several states. Under the differ- 
 ing laws of different states, the conditions of 
 production in many industries were not the 
 same in one state as in another, or in others. 
 Fair competition in an industry carried on in 
 several states was therefore embarrassed. A 
 state which desired to adopt some humane 
 legislation which would increase the cost of 
 production in one of its industries had to con- 
 sider whether that industry could endure such 
 legislation, when the same industry in other 
 states would not be so burdened. The prog- 
 ress of humane legislation has been retarded 
 to a serious degree by this difficulty. The 
 competition between the states for the pecu- 
 
128 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 niaiy advantage to be reaped from granting 
 charters or acts of incorporation has distinctly 
 injured American legislation concerning cor- 
 porations. The advent of the automobile 
 brought into public view one of the incon- 
 veniences of independent action by diflFerent 
 states on the same subject. Some states rec- 
 ognize the licenses granted by other states, 
 but some do not — hence, grave inconveniences 
 for the owners of a vehicle which in some 
 regions can easily pass three or four state 
 boundaries in a day. The demand for uni- 
 form legislation means an effort to get round 
 the rigidity of the Constitution of the United 
 States, which was written a hundred and 
 twenty years ago, and the rigidity of many 
 of the state constitutions, some of which go 
 into such details that progressive legislation 
 IS made difficult. Sound collective action 
 against monopoly and in favor of rational 
 competition will be almost impossible through 
 state legislation, unless the doctrine of uni- 
 form state legislation comes to prevail. It 
 is only through a well-informed public opin- 
 
COLLECTIVISM CONSTRUCTIVE 
 
 y 
 
 ion, vigorously expressed, all over the coun- 
 try, that such a uniformity can be attained. 
 If attained, it will be a great triumph of na- 
 tional public opinion over individualistic state 
 opinion. 
 
 We have now demonstrated the rapid de- 
 velopment Qf_ collectivism ^ t_the expense of 
 individualknr in three great departments of 
 personal and social activity — industries, edu- 
 cation, and government. The development 
 has been constructive, not destructive, inev- 
 itable in consequence of other profound so- 
 cial and industrial changes, beneficial in the 
 present, and hopeful for the future. It tends 
 neither to anarchy nor to despotism. Its 
 theory is accurately stated in such accepted 
 sayings as these: "Thou shalt love thy 
 neighbor as thyself; "As ye would that men 
 should do to you do ye also to them likewise'*; 
 "Nothing human is foreign to me"; "We do 
 hold ourselves straightly tied to all care of 
 each other's good, and of the whole by every 
 one, and so mutually"; "Each for all, and all 
 for each." Its object is that stated in the 
 
I30 IN GOVERNMENT 
 
 preamble of the Federal Constitution — "To 
 promote the general welfare, and secure the 
 blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
 posterity." 
 
INDEX 
 
 Administrative capacity, increase of, 83-4. 
 Agricultural instruction, 56-9. 
 American colleges, wider instruction in, 44-5. 
 Associations, multiplication of, 23-5, 116-8. 
 Associations of employers, rise of, 15. ^ 
 
 "Big business," defined, 108; government super- 
 vision of, 109; tends to monopoly, 106-8. 
 
 Boston, sewer system of, 105-6; water-supply of, 
 105-6. 
 
 Building laws in cities, 30-1. 
 
 Business facilities, new, 88. 
 
 Canadian Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, 33. y 
 
 Careers based on capacities, 45-6. ^r 
 
 Centralization of government promotes collectivism, 9. 
 
 City government a business, 97. 
 
 Civilization must override barbarism, 54. 
 
 Collective action inevitable, 99. 
 
 Collectivism constructive, 129; gains of, 22-3; influ- 
 ences promoting, 7-8; in housing, 27; its effects on 
 education, 81-3; not socialism, 2-7; rise of, 7; y 
 through trade agreements, 21; vs. individualism, iv^ 
 
 CoUectivist doctrines, some, 5, 129. 
 
 Comenius, things and words, 51-2. 
 
 Competition, bad kinds of, 18; the desirable, 19; the 
 efforts to suppress, 17; value of, 16-8. 
 131 
 
132 INDEX 
 
 Concentration of population promotes collectivism, 8, 
 99-100. 
 
 Concrete illustration, 66. 
 
 Conservation a collective movement, 118-20. 
 
 Contagion and individualism, 103. 
 
 Cornell's, Ezra, conception of a university, 44. 
 
 Corporation ownership, advantages of, iio-i. 
 
 Corporations, collective forces, 15, 125; diffuse prop- 
 erty, 15. 
 
 Craftsmanship in education, 67. 
 
 Dangers of indiscriminate admission of aliens, 53. 
 
 Education a collective interest, 47-8; individualistic, 
 43-7, 50-1; main objects of, 50; should be life- 
 long, 69. 
 
 Educational reform must be collective, 64. 
 
 Educational system should be modified, 65-6. 
 
 Educational test for suffrage, 53. 
 
 Eminent domain, applied in education, 74-5; in gov- 
 ernment, 120-3. 
 
 Employers' associations indispensable, 15; resist 
 imion monopolies, 20; restrict employer's liberty, 
 20-1. 
 
 English social betterment, 36. 
 
 English tenants' societies, methods of, 27-30. 
 
 Expectation of progress, 125. 
 
 Expert, the day of the, 78-80, 92. 
 
 Factory system gregarious, 40-1. 
 Federal functions, new, 87-8, 93-4. 
 Franklin, an individualist, 6. 
 
INDEX 
 
 ^32, 
 
 General Education Board, 57. 
 
 Government ownership, doubtful benejBt of, 109-11; 
 
 work, novel, 86-8. 
 Government touches the individual citizen, 88. 
 Governmental changes in United States, 11 2-3; 
 
 methods, defects of, iii. 
 
 Herbart's doctrine of interest, 63. 
 
 Housing associations, 25; influence of, 24-5. 
 
 Individual less independent, 89-90. 
 y Individual responsibiHty, relief from, 37. 
 
 Individualism, early American, 5-6; in education, 
 43-7, 50-1; vs. collectivism, i. 
 
 Industrial betterment, 25. 
 
 Industrial education, hope of, 62. 
 
 Industrial individualism, revival of, 39-41; individu- 
 alists, 41. 
 
 Industrial training in public schools, 59. 
 
 ' Jeflterson, an individualist, 6; educational ideal of, 44. 
 
 Labor legislation, extent of, 36; justification of, 37; 
 
 rise of in England, 34. 
 Large employers, changes in status of, 41-2. 
 Learning by doing, 49. 
 Liberties, sacrificed to imionism, 12-4. 
 Life-career motive in education, 45 ; Locke's view of , 52. 
 ''Local government" inadequate, 105-6. 
 Local interests, expansion of, 91. 
 
 Merit system of appointment indispensable, 113. 
 Monopoly desired by unions, 17-8. 
 
134 INDEX 
 
 Monopolies sought by unions, 14. 
 
 Montaigne's essentials in education, 49-50; ideal edu- 
 cation, 44. 
 
 Motives in education, 62-4. 
 
 Mt. Desert householders, past conditions, 89; present 
 conditions, 90. 
 
 Municipal functions, new, 86-7; 97-9. 
 
 New enactments, multitude of, 124-8. 
 
 Paine, Thomas, an individualist, 6. 
 
 Pestalozzi, fundamental principle of, 60; his method 
 in education, 61. 
 
 Playground teachers indispensable, 74. 
 
 Preventive medicine and collectivism, 102. 
 
 Professions, improvement of, 77; independence of, 
 76; new restrictions of, 77. 
 
 Public health preserved by collective means, 101-6. 
 
 Public opinion, the greatest collective force, 31-2, 38, 
 128. 
 
 Public recreation indispensable, 71-2; open-air facili- 
 ties for, 73. 
 
 Public reservations, 75. 
 
 Public water-supplies, collective provisions, loo-i. 
 
 Publicity in business, secured by government, 109; 
 the remedy for abuses, 32. 
 
 Quarantines, collective provisions, 104. 
 
 Roman Catholic church, 71-2. 
 
 Schoolhouses as social centres, 68-71. 
 Secondary schools, coUectivist agencies, 56. 
 
INDEX 135 
 
 Secrecy a mischief in industries, finance, and legisla- 
 tion, 32. 
 
 Social betterment, English, 36. 
 
 Social centres in schoolhouses, 68-71. 
 
 Socialism, characteristic doctrines of, 2; effects of 
 such doctrines, 3-5. 
 
 "Sports," human, development of, 46-7. 
 
 State functions, new, 95-7. 
 
 State imiversities, 54-5. 
 
 Taxation, new uses of, 12 1-2; effects of, 123. 
 
 Tenants' societies, English, 27-30. 
 
 Tendencies, two opposite social, i. 
 
 Trades-union doctrines, 12; obligations, 12-3. 
 
 Trades-unionism, rise of, in England, lo-i; in the 
 United States, 11-2; seeks monopoly, 14. 
 
 Transmission of education, 65. 
 
 Trusts, general aim of, 16; monopolistic combina- 
 tions, 16. 
 
 Uniform state legislation demanded, 124-8; desirable 
 but diflficult, 127-8. 
 
 Union rules impair liberty, 13. 
 
 Universal education, effects of, 84-5. 
 
 United States postoffice a collective force, 115; pro- 
 tective use of, 116; vicious use of, 114-5. 
 
 Utilitarianism in education, 49, 66. 
 
 Variety in education indispensable in a democracy, 
 
 65-8. 
 Voluntary associations wield collective forces, 11 7-8. 
 
 Workmen's Compensation Acts, 34-6. 
 
RETURN 
 
 MAIN CIRCULATION 
 
 ALL BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO RECALL 
 RENEW BOOKS BY CALLING 642-3405 
 
 DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 
 
 n^ is |a>> 1% 
 
 Received 
 
 JUNjjjais 
 
 ClflCUUT/ONn ppT: 
 
 ^m-z 
 
 ^QQs_ 
 
 FORM NO. DD6 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELE 
 BERKELEY, CA 94720 
 
U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES 
 
 CDEDTLDS^? 
 
 VB 08188 
 
 ^ 
 
 <% 
 
 y 
 
 T^SR*. 
 
 z//e^/ 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY