WITH THE AUTHOR'S COMPLDTEin 
 
 THE HETERODOXIES OF THE SHIITES 
 
 ACCORDING TO IBN HAZM. 
 
 INTRODUCTION, TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY 
 
 ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER, Pn.D. 
 
 NEW HAVEN 
 1909.
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 The present treatise was originally published in the Journal of the 
 American Oriental Society. It consists of two parts, the first (covering 
 80 pages) and the second (covering 183 pages) having appeared respect- 
 ively in vol. xxviii. and in vol. xxix. of the above-named Journal. Of 
 the first part, pp. 1-28 contain the Introduction, pp. 28-80 the transla- 
 tion of Ibn Hazm's texts, with the critical apparatus in the shape of 
 footnotes. Of the second part, pp. 1-6 record the sources used in this 
 treatise ; pp. 6-136 contain a running commentary on the texts trans- 
 lated in Part I.: pp. 138-159 deal with the term Ratndfid; p. 160 gives 
 a genealogical list of the Alids mentioned in the treatise ; pp. 161-183 
 are occupied by indexes. 
 
 Some remarks of a prefatory nature will be found in Part I. on pp. 
 23-28 and in Part II. on p. 1 f. and on p. 6. 
 
 A few corrections have been collected on p. 136 (Part II.). Others 
 have been embodied in the Commentary. In the following, I enumerate 
 the passages (all in Part II.) containing such corrections: 6 f., 10 n. 1, 
 13 10 , 47- 6 , 48 15 , 55 16 , 63 10 , 76 3 , 79", 86", 94-*, 98 13 , 103", 127", 132 s4 , 136 5 , 
 150 n. 2, 160 n. 4. I also wish to correct Part I. p. 13 1. 3 from below : 
 Samuel for Joseph and Part II. p. 93 n. 1 : Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar. To 
 Part II. p. 82 n. 2 compare al-Kirkisani (a Karaite writer of the first 
 half of the tenth century), ed. Harkavy, Petersburg, 1894, p. 305 : 
 ' they (the Rabbanites) admit that he (Jesus) performed miracles, and 
 they maintain that this was possible for him by means of sorcery and 
 the Hidden Name (of God)." Cf. Talmud Babli Sanhedrin fol. 103 b . 
 On the name Ndnd (Part II. p. 10 n. 3) see also Harkavy in his Intro- 
 duction to al-Kirkisani, ibidem p. 259 n. 3 and p. 320. Al-Warrdk 
 ( Part II. p. 15 n. 3, cf . p. 136) is also quoted by al-Biruni. 
 
 Lastly, I beg to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Torrey 
 and Professor Jewett for the patient and considerate manner in which 
 they discharged their wearisome editorial duties in connection with 
 this treatise. I. F. 
 
 Jewish Theological Seminary. New York 
 April 1909. 
 
 2094373
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " BECAUSE of thee "with these words Muhammed is reported 
 to have addressed once his nephew and son-in-law Ali " because 
 of thee two parties will come to ruin : thy overzealous admirers 
 and thy passionate haters." 1 In this short sentence, put into 
 the mouth of the Prophet by a retrospective consideration of 
 history, is clearly indicated the main source of the decompo- 
 sition of Islam in the past and present. For endless woe has 
 been inflicted upon the professors of Islam by Ali and his 
 descendants, the Alids. In the first battle, in which, betraying 
 the principle of " jihad," Muhammedans fought against Muham- 
 medans, it was the name of Ali that served as the war-cry, and 
 his name is still the watchword which splits the Muhammedan 
 world into two hostile fractions. Streams of blood and, what 
 is perhaps more important, streams of ink, representing the 
 mental energy of the best and noblest in Islam, were shed to 
 defend or to reject the claims of the Alids. But their claims 
 are not yet settled, the minds by no means pacified, and the cry' 
 of revenge "Hasan! Husein!" sounds with undiminished vio- 
 lence through the lands of the Shi'a, arousing hatred and enmity 
 in the hearts of its believers. 2 
 
 1 Shahrastani, ed. Cureton, i, p. 15. 
 
 2 On the Shiitic Muharram festival see Dozy, Essai sur Vhistoire de 
 rislamisme, p. 449 sq. An extremely graphic description of an eye- 
 witness may be found in Horn, Geschichte der persischen Litteratur, 
 1901, p. 209 sq. 
 
 VOL. XXVIII. 1
 
 2 I. Friedh tender, [1907. 
 
 But more, perhaps, than to the outward destinies of Islam 
 has the influence of Ali and the Alids proved pernicious to its 
 inner development. With no merit, nay, with no intention on 
 their part, but merely as the result of a tragic constellation of 
 historical events, did the ill-fated Alids become the figure-heads 
 of certain movements within Islam which ultimately aimed at 
 undermining its foundations and giving it an entirely new 
 appearance. For Islam, represented by the Arabs, had subju- 
 gated not only countries and nations, but also religions and cul- 
 tures. The non- Arabic races of the conquered countries who 
 mostly for political reasons to get the full measure of the 
 benefits equally accorded by Islam to all its adherents became 
 converts to the new faith, could hardly find their spiritual satis- 
 faction in a religion which was so entirely different from their 
 own and in many respects decidedly inferior to it. Their dis- 
 appointment in finding their religious demands unsatisfied must 
 have been as keen as their disappointment in finding that their 
 hopes for political equality were unfulfilled. No wonder then 
 that under the guise of the new faith these converts persistently 
 clung to their old beliefs and even endeavored to smuggle into 
 Islam some of their most cherished ideas which were esseitf ially 
 un-Islamic and for the most part even anti-Islamic. The result 
 of these endeavors was the formation of a large number of sects 
 with a peculiar, often grotesque mixture of extremely hetero- 
 geneous elements. The Caliphs as the official heads of orthodox 
 Islam were no less hateful to these non- Arabic sectarians than they 
 were to them in their capacity as representatives of the Arabic 
 political supremacy. Under these circumstances the "House of 
 the Prophet" as Ali and his descendants were commonly 
 called which itself had been wronged, or had been considered 
 wronged, by the ruling powers, became the natural center of all 
 dissatisfaction economic, political, religious that had been 
 rapidly accumulating in Islam after its glorious inception. The 
 heterodox sects which arose in the first century of the Ilijra, in 
 themselves a violent, though veiled, protest against victorious 
 Islam, were thus driven towards Shiism, i. e. towards Ali and 
 his dynasty as the representatives of the opposition; with the 
 result, not less tragic than paradoxical, that the-" Mouse of the 
 Prophet," which derived its claim exclusively from its connec- 
 tion with the founder of Islam, was chiefly instrumental in 
 destroying or disfiguring his life-work.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The, Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 3 
 
 This remarkable process, which under the name of " Shiism " 
 has powerfully influenced the destinies of Islam, is known to us 
 but in the roughest outlines. The political tendencies in early 
 Islam are becoming more and more transparent, owing to recent 
 important investigations in this field. We are now able clearly 
 to pursue the rise and development of political parties within 
 Islam and the manifold tendencies that were working under 
 the surface. As far as the political aspect of Shiism is con- 
 cerned, it fully participates in the increase of our knowledge of 
 Muhammedan history. But we have a very imperfect notion of 
 the rise and development of the religious tendencies in Shiism 
 and the sources from which thev were derived. 1 
 
 1 The origin of Shiism is still a problem which is as little settled, or 
 perhaps less settled, than it was scores of years ago. Formerly the 
 influence of Persian ideas on the rise of the Shi'a was advocated as a 
 matter of course by men like Kremer, Dozy, 'August Milller, and recently 
 (although in contradiction with his sound remarks in the introduction) 
 by Blochet (le Messianisme dans I'heterodoxie Musulmane, Paris 1903). 
 This assumption is apparently based on two arguments: (1) on the 
 adherence of modern Persia to Shiism, and (2) on the resemblance 
 between the doctrine of incarnation taught by Shiism and a similar 
 conception current in Central Asia (cf. Kremer, Geschichte der herr- 
 schenden Ideen des Mams, pp. 14, 361, 377). But the former argument 
 is refuted by the fact that as late as 1500 A.D. Persia was in great part 
 Sunnite (Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, p. 101). As for the 
 latter argument, one does not see why the doctrine of incarnation should 
 not rather be attributed, as was already suggested by the great Ibn 
 Khaldun and even earlier Muhammedan writers, to the influence of 
 Christianity. Wellhausen (Die religios-politischen Oppositionsparteien 
 im alien Islam, Berlin 1901, p. 91) pointed to a certain heterodox doc- 
 trine of Judaism as the probable source of Shiism. But his view is 
 based upon the report of Tabari. which essentially contradicts that of 
 Shahrastani and similar writers (contrary to note 1 on p. 91) and deserves 
 as little credit as the information of Tabari about the political role of the 
 founders of Shiism disproved by Wellhausen himself (in his Skizzen und 
 Vorarbeiten, vi, p. 124). Again, van Vloten, as already de Sacy, laid, 
 among other things, great stress on the Messianic tendencies in early 
 Islam as the main source of Shiism (see van Vloten, Recherch.es sur la 
 domination arabe, le Cliiitisme et les croyances messianiques sous le Khali- 
 fat des Omayades, Amsterdam, 1894, p. 54 sq. and de Sacy, Expose de la 
 religion des Druses, I. xxxi sq. ). But they both erred in putting too much 
 confidence in the accounts of the Arabic writers on 'Abdallah ibn Saba, 
 the enigmatic founder of Shiism, accounts which can be easily proved 
 to be apocryphal (see the index to this treatise, s.v. 'Abdallah ibn Saba).
 
 4 Z Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Nearly three score and ten years have passed since Silvestre de 
 Sacv, the originator of modern Arabic scholarship, attempted 
 to give a systematic presentation of Shiism in the introductory 
 chapters of his Expose de la religion des Druses (two volumes, 
 1838). Almost a whole literature has since been rescued from 
 oblivion and access has been given to historical sources then 
 scarcely dreamt of. Yet a pragmatic history of Shiism which 
 would reveal to us the inner workings and the organic develop- 
 ment of this movement is still ^a desideratum, and will probably 
 remain a desideratum for a long time to come. This peculiar 
 condition is by no means due to a lack of zeal on the part of 
 modern Arabists. It can and must be primarily attributed to a 
 twofold circumstance: to the nature of the problem itst-1 f, and 
 to the character of the historical material dealing with it. 
 
 One of the main obstacles that prevent a proper understanding 
 of the Shiitic movement lies in the nature of the problem, i. e. 
 in the extremely heterogeneous character of its constituent ele- 
 ments. Possibly the rise, but certainly the development of 
 Shiism took place in 'Irak, in the province of ancient Babylonia 
 shortly before wrested from the Persians, in a country when-, as 
 perhaps in no other, different and even conflicting civilizations 
 succeeded and penetrated one another. For thousands of years 
 'Irak had been saturated with the overwhelming Babylonian 
 culture which, though in other forms and through other channels, 
 as, e. g., the movement of Mani or the peculiar sect of the 
 Maudaeans, exerted its influence centuries after it had disap- 
 peared from the surface. It passed through the hands of the 
 Seleucids and was for nearly eight centuries the seat of the 
 powerful civilization of Iran as represented by the Arsarids and 
 Sassanids. It sheltered for a long period a large Christian pop- 
 ulation which took an active, if not a leading, part in the 
 spiritual life of the country, serving as a medium not only for 
 
 The writer himself ventured to suggest (in his inaugural lecture on 
 " Die Messiasidee im Islam." printed in Festschrift zum siebzigsten 
 Geburtstage A. Berliner's, Frankfurt a. M., 1903, pp. 116-130) as the 
 germ of Shiism a combination of the Jewish belief in the advent of the 
 Messiah with the Christian heterodox doctrine of Docetism, so widely 
 spread in early Islam. This is not the place to enter into details. But 
 the variety of suggestions undoubtedly proves the uncertainty still 
 besetting this fundamental question of Shiism.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 5 
 
 the doctrines of Christianity, but also for various phases of 
 Greek thought. 'Irak was for many centuries the numerical 
 and spiritual center of the Jewish nation, and on its soil 
 Talmudic Judaism grew up and matured as a leading force in 
 Jewish life. All these so very heterogeneous influences came to 
 bear upon young Islam, and the latter, unsettled as yet, was not 
 able to resist this manifold pressure. Since the bearers of these 
 cultures were the non-Arabic races, and the latter, deceived in 
 their political expectations, joined the political opposition, 
 these new influences also came to be associated with this oppo- 
 sition, i. e. Shiism, and the foreign elements in consequence 
 found their first and foremost representatives in the sects of the 
 Shiites. In order therefore to gain a clear conception of the 
 elements of Shiism and of its subsequent .development amidst 
 foreign cultures, it will first be necessary to gain a clear concep- 
 tion of these foreign cultures themselves and of their condition 
 at the time when they came in contact with Islam ; a difficult 
 and complicated task which practically lies beyond the province 
 of Muhammedan historiography. 
 
 Another equally important drawback is to be found in the 
 character of the historical material dealing with Shiism. The 
 main source of our knowledge of Shiitic as well as Muhamme- 
 dan sects in general are the numerous books on " Religions and 
 Sects," mostly belonging to the third and fourth century of the 
 Hijra, of which the book of Shahrastani is the chief and best 
 known specimen. We certainly owe a debt of gratitude and 
 admiration to the authors of this " Milal wa?n-Nihal" litera- 
 ture; doubly so when we remember that they were orthodox 
 Muhammedans who firmly believed themselves to be the sole 
 possessors of divine truth and consequently must have consid- 
 ered it a mere luxury to describe and refute doctrines branded 
 beforehand as falsehoods and heresies. At the same time we 
 must not forget that it is the very same belief which greatly 
 detracts from the value of their historical endeavors. The cer- 
 titude with which they regarded their opponents as a host of 
 heretics who had forfeited their salvation and deserved physical 
 and spiritual extermination, was by no means conducive to his- 
 torical objectiveness. It was, on the contrary, likely to have the 
 reverse effect in inducing them to ascribe to these heretics 
 tenets which they never held, and to give to the tenets actually
 
 6 Z Jfriedlaender, [1907. 
 
 held by them such interpretations as would disgust and deter 
 the orthodox reader. 
 
 This difficulty is seriously aggravated by another circum- 
 stance ^which has had disastrous consequences for the whole 
 field of Muhammedan history of religion. Owing to a lin- 
 guistic misunderstanding of an old tradition, 1 probably also 
 under the influence of astrological ideas, 2 the Prophet was 
 credited with a saying according to which Islam will be divided 
 into 73 sects, of which 72 will be doomed and only a single one 
 will be saved. This hadith received its final shape in a com- 
 paratively late age. For the well-known traveller Mukaddasi 
 (wrote about 373/985), who displays so vivid an interest in all 
 matters theological, is still acquainted with another more toler- 
 ant, but to the Muhammedans, so jealous of their Paradise, 
 extremely painful form of the hadith, according to which only a 
 'single sect will be doomed, while the remaining 72 will be saved. 3 
 However this may be, the fact remains that the former less 
 tolerant variant gained the victory and "this hadith, which, 
 with very slight variations, soon came to be generally known, 
 formed the basis of the history of religions and sects in Muham- 
 medan literature."* Muhammedan writers on dogmatic history 
 start from this hadith as an indisputable fact and make convul- 
 sive endeavors to squeeze out the required number. As early a 
 historian as Mas'udi (died 345/956) considers himself bound 
 by this hadith. 5 'Abd al-Kahir al-Bagdadi (died 429/1038), 
 the author of a comprehensive description of Muhammedan 
 sects, 8 presents in the introduction to his book an itemized, 
 almost businesslike, account of the 73 sects. Shahrastani (died 
 545/1153) bases upon this hadith his account of Muhammedan 
 as well as Jewish, Christian and Zoroastrian sects. The same 
 
 1 Goldziher, " Beitrage zur Litteraturgeschichte der Schia," in Sitz- 
 ungsberichte der philos.-histor. Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der 
 Wissenschaften zu Wien, vol. 78 (1874), p. 445. The same writer in his 
 article ' ' le denombrement des sectes Mohametanes " in Revue de rhis- 
 toire des Religions, vol. 26 (1892), p. 129 sq. 
 
 2 See Steinschneider, "Die kanonische Zah.1 der muhammedanischen 
 Secten " in ZDMG. iv, p. 145 sq. 
 
 3 Mukaddasi, ed. de Goeje, p. 39. Fakhr ad-Din ar-Razi, died 6()6 h , is 
 still acquainted with this variant, Goldziher, le denombrement, etc., p. 
 132. 6 MurtiJ ad-Dahab, v, 475. 
 
 4 Goldziher, ibid., p. 131. 6 See later, p. 26 sq.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 7 
 
 holds good in the case of other contemporaneous historians. 
 Later writers go even further. The principle " ikhtilaf al-um- 
 mati rahmatun " "the difference of opinion in the community 
 (of Islam) is an act of (Divine) mercy '" which was laid down 
 to serve as an extenuating circumstance for the existence of 
 different legalistic sects in Islam, was, of course, not extended 
 to the heterodox sects. Here, on the contrary, the differences 
 and contradictions had to be regarded as a sign of warning, 
 indicating the perilous nature of these sects. The more numer- 
 ous and the more contradictory these differences appeared, the 
 more likely was the faithful Muslim to be deterred from any 
 connivance to their heresies. L#ter writers yield to this ten- 
 dency and, in consequence, widely exceed the number of 72, 
 claimed by the saying of the Prophet for the heterodox sects. 
 To satisfy their religious conscience, these writers interpret this 
 number as representing the principal non-orthodox sects and, 
 thus freed from the restraint of tradition, enumerate such a 
 motley multitude of sects and sections that the " ahl as-Sunna 
 wa'1-jama'a" cannot help recognizing the enormous superiority 
 of their own firmly established creed over the fluctuating false- 
 hoods of their opponents. Makrizi's account> of heterodox 
 sects 2 may be taken as a typical specimen of this artificial enu- 
 meration of sects. "The Rawafid (or Shiites), says Makrizi 
 (died 845/1442) who largely draws from old sources, number 
 tli >< i: Imndred sects, of which twenty are well-known." 3 "The 
 KhatTaniwa (a small faction of the Shi 'a) are divided into 
 
 . . * \ / 
 
 fifty s t'Cts." 4 Many other examples of this kind can easily be 
 quoted. 
 
 This tendency toward multiplying the number of heterodox 
 sects is unhappily strengthened by a peculiar feature of the 
 Arabic language, I mean the pliability of the nisba ending. 
 For by far more readily than any modern language with its 
 borrowed "isms" is the Arabic language able to handle its 
 ending " iyya" appending it with wonderful ease not only to 
 all kinds of nouns, either designating things, or persons, coun- 
 tries and the like, but practically to every part of speech. 
 This linguistic contrivance enables the theologians to manufac- 
 
 1 Cf. Goldziher, Zahiriten, p. 94 sq. 
 - Khitat, ii, p. 344 sq. 3 Ibid., p. 351. 4 Ibid., p. 352.
 
 8 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 ture any number of sects required for special purposes. Their 
 descriptions, in consequence, offer an artificial system of names 
 which for the most part lack all historical significance, being 
 nothing but variations of real names, and the identification of 
 the sects thus becomes a matter of utmost difficulty. 1 
 
 Before we shall be able to get at the historical kernel and 
 disentangle it from the chaos piled up around it by pious men- 
 dacity, the compulsion of a religious tradition and the deceptive 
 use of a pliable language, a long series of preliminary investi- 
 gations will have to be undertaken and concluded. As -for 
 Shiism in particular, the first thing to be done will be to make 
 accessible all the available material bearing on this important 
 section of Islam. This new material, together with that already 
 known, should then be carefully sifted and their respective data 
 critically weighed against each other. ' The results thus arrived 
 at, presenting, as they would, the actual, not the imaginary, 
 tenets of the Shiites, ought to be compared with and verified 
 by what we know of the cultures that might be thought of as 
 the possible sources of these tenets. Only then, when this pre- 
 liminary work will have been done, shall we be able to attain to 
 what is nothing perhaps in the eyes of Muhammedan theolo- 
 
 1 A few examples will suffice to illustrate the assertions made in the 
 text. They can be multiplied ad libitum. A part of the Keisaniyya 
 believed in the "bada"(see the index to this treatise s.h.v.). Incon- 
 sequence a special sect of Badaiyya figures in tji's Mawdkif (p. 848). 
 Some of the Shiites held the belief in the advent of the Mahdi (raj 'a) or 
 in the transmigration of souls (tanasukh). Makrizi therefore records 
 two new sects : the Raj'iyya and Tanasukhiyya (Khifat ii, 354). The 
 followers of Muhammed b. Nu'tnan with the nickname Shaitan at-Tak 
 are called the Nu'maniyya or Shaitaniyya (see index s.h.v.). But it 
 would not appear in any way strange, were this sect to be designated as 
 the Muhammadiyya (after his first name), the Ja'fariyya (after his 
 kunya Abu Ja'far), al-Ahwaliyya (after his by-name, al-Ahwal), or were 
 this sect to derive its name from the Mahdis worshipped or the tenets 
 professed by it. It will be seen in the course of this treatise, to what 
 extent the recognition of the actual relations between Shiitic sects is 
 hampered by this artificial variety of names. It may be mentioned in 
 this connection that the same tendency with the same disastrous results 
 prevails in Makrlzi's account on the sects of Judaism (Khitat, ii, 476-480). 
 Dozy(Essaisur Fhistoire de T Islamisme, p. 197) and Kremer (Culturge- 
 schichte ii, 400) have already pointed to the pernicious effect of the hadith 
 in the number of sects.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 9 
 
 gians, but is everything to us : a history of the development of 
 Shiism in connection with the history of Muharamedan culture. 
 In this light, as a contribution towards the building material 
 for a pragmatic history of the Shi 'a, this treatise is herewith pre- 
 sented, centering, as it does, around an account on Shiitic sects 
 by an Arabic writer who preceded Shahrastani by a full century. 
 
 This account, however, considerably increases in value and 
 interest when we think of the man from whose pen it came. 
 For 'All b. Ahmed ibn Hazm is one of those sharply marked 
 individualities who are so exceedingly rare in ijmd '-ridden 
 Islam, despite its enormous store of mental energy. Ibn Hazm 
 was not a pet of destiny. His greatness was neither recognized 
 by his jealous contemporaries nor duly appreciated by a narrow- 
 minded posterity. But should the mental products of Ibn 
 Hazm be rescued from the oblivion to which fanatical zeal and 
 unreasonable neglect had doomed them, he will be acknowledged 
 not only as the unrivalled representative of literary Spain, but 
 as one of the greatest men in the whole dominion of Islam. 
 
 'All b. Ahmad b. Sa'id b. Hazm b. Galib b. Salih 1 Aba 
 Mohammed was born in Cordova in the year 384/994, as the 
 son of Ahmad b. Sa'id, who occupied a prominent official posi- 
 tion under the famous Almansor and his successor. Ibn Hazm's 
 early life thus coincided with the most stirring period in the 
 history of Muhammedan Spain, when the mighty edifice of the 
 Omeyyad caliphate began to totter and in a series of terrible 
 shocks broke up into a number of petty states. Owing to the 
 position occupied by his father, Ibn Hazm could not and would 
 not stand aside, but took an immediate and prominent part in 
 the political vicissitudes of his country. It was however a for- 
 tunate circumstance for him, and still more so for Arabic litera- 
 ture, that the constellation of events put an early end to his 
 political career and, as it were, by force made of the brilliant 
 statesman a brilliant scholar. 
 
 1 This genealogy is recorded by al-Kifti, see Catalogus Codicum Ara- 
 bicorum Bibliothecae Academiae Lugdimo-Batavae^, i (1888), p. 269. A 
 short biography of Ibn Hazm is given by Wiistenfeld, Geschichtschrei- 
 ber der Araber. No. 202, and by Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabi- 
 schen Litteratur, i, 400. But some of their statements are erroneous, 
 at least misleading, as can easily be seen from a comparison of their 
 data with those given above. The sources for Ibn Hazm's biography 
 are quoted by Brockelmann.
 
 10 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 The ancestors of Ibn Hazm appear to have been Christians 
 who lived in the district of Niebla. His great-grandfather 
 Hazm is said to have been converted to the faith of Islam. 1 
 But this origin apparently possessed little attraction for a mem- 
 ber of the Moorish aristocracy who was -besides a passionate 
 hater of Christianity. He was therefore anxious to improve 
 his pedigree and followed the example of his father, who,, being 
 an Omeyyad official, shrewdly claimed as his progenitor a cer- 
 tain Persian who enjoyed the clientship of Yazid, a brother of 
 Mu'awiya, the founder of the Omeyyad dynasty. 5 Whether 
 this claim was the cause or the effect, Ibn Hazm at any rate 
 always remained an ardent partisan of the Omeyyads, and in 
 the terrible struggle that was raging around this dynasty gal- 
 lantly fought and staunchly suffered in their behalf. In 1013, 
 when the Berbers captured Cordova and gave full vent to their 
 wild passions, Ibn Hazm's beautiful palace in Balat Mugith, 
 the eastern suburb of Cordova, 3 fell a prey to the flames. 4 In 
 1016 Kheiran, the leader of the Slavs, having raised the Berber 
 'Ali b. Hammud to the throne, sent Ibn Hazm to prison for his 
 allegiance to the Omeyyad cause, and later banished him to 
 Azna'l-Kazar, near Seville. 5 Again in 1018, when the unscru- 
 pulous Kheiran, who had become tired of the independent 
 Hammudite, proclaimed 'Abdarrahman IV. al-Murtadha calif in 
 Valencia, Ibn Hazm hastened to join the Omeyyad prince, and 
 bravely fought on his side against the Berbers. 'Abdarrahman, 
 betrayed by Kheiran, was defeated and slain and his partisan 
 Ibn Hazm was captured by the victorious Berbers and kept in 
 prison for. some length of time. Once more was Ibn Ila/nu's 
 star to rise, but only to disappear speedily and forever. By a 
 desperate effort the Cordovans succeeded in ridding themselves 
 of their Berber oppressors, and on December 1, 1023, 'Abdar- 
 rahman V., al-Mustazhir, son of the murdered 'Abdurrahman IV, 
 was proclaimed by a plebiscit in the Mosque Caliph of Spain. 
 Ibn Hazm was soon near his youthful sovereign, who was also 
 his friend, and was at once raised by him to the dignity of 
 vizier. But in less than seven weeks 'Abdarrahman was 
 
 1 Dozy, Geschichte der Mauren in Spanien (1874), ii, 210. 
 
 2 Ibidem. 3 Catalogue, Leyden, i, 267. 
 4 Dozy, ib. p. 190. 5 Catal.' p. 268.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 11 
 
 attacked and slain by the treacherous mob of Cordova and Ibn 
 Hazm was once more taken prisoner. 1 When at last released, 
 he was unable to find a resting-place for himself. The hatred 
 of narrow-minded theologians pursued him wherever he went 
 and the rulers of the various states were induced by his enemies 
 to refuse him their hospitality. Finally he settled on his estate 
 Mant Lishfirn, near Labla, and there spent the rest of his life. 
 Cured of his political ambitions, he devoted himself exclusively 
 to literary activity, surrounded by a number of young students, 
 who were courageous enough to seek the company of the unpop- 
 ular and generally persecuted man. 2 He died -in the solitude of 
 his estate in the year 456/1064. 
 
 The leisure thus forced upon Ibn Hazm by adverse political 
 circumstances was utilized by him to its utmost limits. Ibn 
 Hazm became an author of that stupendous productivity which 
 we find so characteristically represented in Arabic literature. 
 The Arabic bibliographers who measure a man's greatness by 
 the size and weight of his wastepaper basket faithfully report 
 that Ibn Hazm's works amounted to "a camel's load," and we 
 are reliably told on the authority of his son that their number 
 reached the formidable sum of four hundred. 3 To be sure, 
 Arabic bibliography, ' as bibliography in general, is more con- 
 cerned with the title-page of a literary work than with its con- 
 tents, and is prone to confer the honorific title of a book where 
 one would rather speak of a pamphlet or even a circular. 
 Yet with all these limitations, Ibn Hazm's productivity lays 
 claim to our unreserved admiration. 
 
 We must, however, be careful not to become prejudiced 
 against Ibn Hazm's writings because of their quantity. We 
 would do the man gross injustice, were we to put him on the 
 same plane with some of the Arabic polygraphs, those living 
 writing-machines whose activity, is more a matter of persever- 
 ance than of ability. On the contrary, the trait that strikes one 
 in Ibn Hazm first is his originality and its outward Complement, 
 brilliancy. It is this originality, coupled with truthfulness and 
 fearlessness, which stamps Ibn Hazm as a really great man. His 
 originality is perhaps best testified by the fact that, though he 
 
 1 Dozy, ib. p. 205 sq. 
 Catalogue Leyden (first edition), i, 230. 3 Ibidem.
 
 12 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 himself was more orthodox than the orthodox, his writings were 
 accorded the honor of a public auto-da-fe in his lifetime 1 and 
 were pursued by prohibitions long after his death. 3 The light 
 in which posterity judged this originality is strikingly illustrated 
 by the protest of the famous mystic Ibn 'Arabi (died 634/1240), 
 who emphatically denies to be one of those who constantly 
 repeat: "Thus saith Ibn Hazm.' 13 As to the brilliancy of his 
 style, it is charmingly displayed in the graceful description of his 
 early love, which won for him the distinction, conferred upon 
 him by the best judge of Moorish culture, himself a brilliant 
 writer, of being the most thoughtful poet of Spain, 4 and it mani- 
 fests itself with equal power in the violent sarcasm of his polem- 
 ics, which originated the later phrase designating the tongue 
 of Ibn Hazm as a twin-brother of the bloody sword of the 
 famous general Hajjaj b. Yusuf. 6 
 
 One of the chief products of Ibn Hazm's literary activity is 
 the work to which this treatise is mainly devoted: his " Kit<'il> 
 al-Milal i0a'-n-JY7//a/," the "Book on Religions and Sort*."* 
 The originality of his mind shows itself in the very design of 
 the book, which is the first attempt termed "genius-like " by 
 the foremost authority on the religion of Islam 7 to extend the 
 legalistic system of the Zahirite school over the whole field of 
 Muhammedan dogmatics. As for the brilliancy of his style, it 
 is perhaps nowhere shown to better advantage than in the chap- 
 ters directed against Judaism and Chi'istianity, which are an 
 inimitable specimen of the Arabic art of " mujadala," and, 
 despite the abusive and sometimes even vulgar language, are a 
 delightful example of Arabic scientific prose. 
 
 This work moreover bears witness to other qualities of Ibn 
 Hazm which mark him as the most eminent historian of religion 
 in Arabic litterature and attach to his information exceptional 
 value and importance. One is struck at the outset with the 
 
 !/&. 230, 234. 
 
 * Haji Chalfa vi, 115. Ibn Chaldun, Mtikaddima, ed. Quatremere, i, 
 p. 4. 3 ZDMG. 52, 516. 
 
 4 Dozy, Geschichte, p. 211. 5 Ibn Khallikan, g.v. 
 
 6 On the variations in the title of the book see my article " Zur Kom- 
 position von Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n-Nihal " in Orientalische Studien, i, 
 (1896), p. 267, n. 1. 
 
 1 Goldziher, Zahiriten, p. 136.-
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 13 
 
 wide outlook of the author, which comprises within its compass 
 not only the whole of the Muhammedan world, but extends a 
 vast deal beyond it. It is not mere boasting on his part when 
 he occasionally remarks: 1 " We have come in contact with, and 
 received information from, people of distant countries, and have 
 always been anxious to enquire into things that were unknown 
 to us. We have had at our disposal numerous historical 
 works containing the records of many nations, both Arabs and 
 non-Arabs. We have also received information about the 
 kingdoms of the Christians, as far as the country of Rum 
 (Byzantium), also about the kingdoms of the Slavs, 2 Turks, 
 Hindus and Negros, both of ancient and modern times." The 
 work, written at the height of Moorish culture, displays that 
 broad universal istic spirit by which nothing human is deemed 
 foreign, and his arraignment of Judaism and Christianitv 
 reveals an intimate knowledge of other religions which is 
 quite unique during the middle ages and very rare even in 
 modern days. But though a scholar of vast erudition, Ibn 
 Ila/m was'by no means a book-worm.' Ibn Hazm learned from 
 men as much as, or even more than, he learned from books. A 
 vizier, the son of a vizier, he was in early life involved in the 
 vicissitudes of a stirring revolutionary period. He saw a good 
 deal of the world and came in contact with all sorts and con- 
 ditions of men, turning this living experience into excellent 
 account in his literary work. This breath of life is the most 
 refreshing and at the same time the most valuable feature of 
 Ibn Hazm's standard work. He enjoyed the personal acquain- 
 tance not only of representatives of various shades of Muhamme- 
 dan thought and dogma, but also of the foremost champions of 
 the two other religions of Spain, of Judaism and Christianitv. 
 When still in Cordova at the age of twenty, he discussed Bibli- 
 cal passages with the famous Jewish statesman and scholar 
 Joseph ibn Nagdela, 3 and the Bishop 4 as well as the Dayyan 5 
 of Cordova were counted among his friends. References to 
 Christian and more so to Jewish contemporaries are very fre- 
 
 '' Milal wa'n-Nihal, ed. Cairo, i, 175. 
 
 2 The Vienna manuscript adds ' Khazars." 
 
 8 M. wa'n-N., i, 152 and 135. 4 Ib. ii, 108. 
 
 5 M. wa'n-N., codex Vienna, fol. 100 b .
 
 14 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 quent in his book, 1 and, while adding considerable weight to his 
 information, they also bear splendid evidence as to Ibn Hazm's 
 many-sidedness and thirst for knowledge. 
 
 Another striking trait of Ibn Hazm's personality as displayed 
 in this book is his critical acumen and his keen power of obser- 
 vation. Ibn Hazm keeps an open eye on the world around him 
 and perceives things, and details of things, which would escape a 
 less keen observer. His statements are never blurred, but 
 always definite and admirably accurate.' Though a thinker of 
 no mean order, he never seeks refuge in ambiguous abstractions 
 but always carries the analysis of things down to their minute 
 details. Many an interesting specimen of this thoroughness 
 can be found in the j\Iilal wcCn-N'ihal. Discussing the passage 
 Matthew xiii, 31-32, he polemically remarks that the author 
 must have been completely ignorant of agriculture. "We s;i\\ 
 the mustard plant ourselves, we also knew others who had seen 
 it in distant countries. Yet we never saw nor were we told by 
 those who had seen anything of the plant that a bird could 
 dwell on it." 2 Referring to a wide-spread Jewish legend 3 which 
 told of a Jewish sage of Bagdad who miraculously came over to 
 Cordova 4 to punish a certain Ibn al-Iskenderani for having 
 oppressed the Jews of the latter city, he at once plunges into a 
 description of the man and his family and the place where they 
 lived, so as to prove the absurdity of the legend and the men- 
 dacity of the Jews. His lucid and scholarly expositions on chro- 
 nological, geographical and similar complicated questions of 
 Biblical criticism bear witness to the same effect. 6 
 
 But the characteristic which constitutes the real greatness of 
 Ibn Hazm and is of paramount importance for the subject dealt 
 with in this treatise is his truthfulness. " With reference to the 
 dogmas (of the Shiites), Abu Muhammed Ibn Hazm's l\it,'ih <tl- 
 Milalwai'n-Nilial a work, lam sorry to say, not yet sufficiently 
 studied, but in every respect worthy of further propagation and 
 
 1 Cmp. Goldziher in Kobak's Yeshurun viii (1872), p. 76 sq. and Hirsh- 
 feld in Jewish Quarterly Review xiii (1901), p. 222 sq. 
 
 M. wa'n-N.,ii,-64:. z Ib. i, 156. 
 
 4 The Edition (i. 156, J. 2) has xtr>..^ % which may only be a misprint. 
 The manuscripts of Leyden and Vienna have the correct reading. 
 
 s Cmp. his lengthy discussion of the number of the Jewish military 
 recruits, i, 165 sq., or his geographical explanations, i, 166.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 15 
 
 scrutiny certainly is an excellent source. He, too, is polemical 
 in the course of the whole work, and not without passion. 
 Nevertheless he is of sufficient historical fidelity." 1 Ibn Hazm's 
 truthfulness is of the right sort, being as anxious to say the 
 truth as to avoid an untruth. He is always ready to call a spade 
 a spade and to shower upon his opponents the inexhaustible 
 stream of Arabic invectives. His attacks, e. g., on al-Ash'ari, 
 the patron-saint of orthodox Islam, whom he stigmatizes as an 
 infidel, are of an incredibly violent nature, and they were proba- 
 bly the cause of the persecutions to which his writings were 
 subjected. But at the same time Ibn Hazm is ready to do jus- 
 tice to people with different and even opposite opinions. In his 
 attacks on Jews and Christians he is always anxious not to mis- 
 judge things, and he often quotes and carefully considers their 
 counter-arguments. '"We have already mentioned," remarks 
 Ibn Hazm in the ctfurse of his polemics, "that we shall not use 
 against them any quotation from their Torah which is not clear 
 in its meaning, since the opponent might reply by saying that 
 the Lord meant by it anything he likes." 2 In the same spirit 
 he solemnly pledges himself, in the introduction to his treatise 
 on the " depravities " of the extreme heterodox sects, a subject 
 which invites inispresentations, that he will never charge an 
 opponent \vith a heterodox view unless he can justify it by a 
 verbal quotation from the opponent's own writings, "be he an 
 unbeliever, a heretic or a mere sinner, since lying is not permissi- 
 ble against anybody."" This attitude raises Ibn Hazm far above 
 the level of other Muhammedan writers on similar subjects and 
 renders his statements singularly trustworthy. 
 
 Last, but certainly not least, Ibn Hazm's report on the sects of 
 Islam is of exceptional value because of its being, as far as we 
 know, the only one which is not fettered by the tradition on the 
 73 sects. In consequence of his rigid conception of Muham- 
 medan tradition, 4 Ibn Hazm completely ignores this hadith, 
 which is neither recorded by Bukhari nor by Muslim, and 'no 
 mention of it is made throughout the bulky work. The effect is 
 ,. at once evident in a more logical division of Muhammedan sects 
 
 1 Goldziher. Beitrage zur Litteraturgesvhichte der Schi'a. p. 443. 
 
 2 Milnl, i, 165. 3 Milal, iv, 178. 
 4 Cmp. Kremer, herrschende Ideen, p. 138 sq.
 
 16 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 (see later) and in a considerably reduced number of sect names. 
 We may safely assume that each name recorded in the 31 Hal 
 wa'n-Nihal represents a historical fact and nojt, as in the case 
 of all other writers, a mere product of imagination. 
 
 Having allotted so much space to the merits of Ibn Ha/m's 
 work, we would appear not quite unbiassed were we to suppress 
 all mention of its shortcomings. As early as in the fourteenth 
 century a well-known Mohammedan theologian emphasized the 
 superiority of Shahrastani's book over that of Ibn Hazm on the 
 ground that the latter was "scattered and without proper dis- 
 position." 1 Though the reproach expressed in these \\ords loses 
 much of its force when the history of the book is more closely 
 considered, yet it must be admitted that this criticism strikingly 
 characterizes the book of Ibn Hazm in distinction from that of 
 Shahrastani. Ibn Hazm with his agile mind and fiery tempera- 
 ment certainly did not possess the academic fishblood of the 
 scholar and systematize!- Shahrastani. Ibn Ha/nf s MHal 100*11- 
 Xihal, particularly the sections dealt with in the present treatise, 
 indisputably lack the systematic roundness and scientific classi- 
 fication, so conspicuous in the rival work. More especially the 
 account on the Shiites is quite unmethodical and often very 
 abrupt. But all these shortcomings fade into insignificance 
 before the great characteristics of Ibn Hazm's personality : his 
 breadth of outlook, his power of observation and, above all, his 
 fairness of judgment* 
 
 The Kitab al-Milal wd'n-Nilial is not a work of a uniform 
 and harmonious construction. Its composite nature can be easily 
 traced and demonstrated. On another occasion 2 1 endeavored to 
 disclose the original plan of the book and the way it was carried 
 out. Here it will suffice to state the results arrived at. Origin- 
 ally the JJffal n-fCn-Nihal was conceived as a mainly dogmatic 
 composition. The description of the religions and sects proper 
 occupied but a fourth of the work, while the rest scrutinized the 
 Muhammedan dogmas from the point of view of Zahirite doc- 
 trine. Subsequently, however, the author tried to do more jus- 
 tice to the title of the book by incorporating with it two large 
 
 1 as-Subki, quoted by Haji-Chalfa, vi, 116. 
 
 - In Orientalische Studien, 1906, published on the seventieth birthday 
 of Prof. Noldeke, pp. 267-277.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 17 
 
 monographs written previously, one consisting of a polemical 
 treatise directed against Judaism and Christianity, the other 
 being an account of the tenets of the extreme heterodox sects 
 of Islam. 
 
 Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n-Nihal is preserved in five manuscripts 
 which may here be enumerated in chronological order: 1) A 
 manuscript of the University Library of Leyden (henceforward 
 designated as L) in two volumes, the first dated 722 h , the second 
 734' 1 . 1 2) A codex in the British Museum (=Br) consisting of 
 two volumes both written in 734 h . 2 3) An incomplete manu- 
 script of the Hofbibliothek in Vienna ( = V) dated 109 1 1 '. 3 4) 
 A manuscript in Cairo of the year 1271 h (see later). 5) A 
 manuscript in three volumes in the library of Yale University 
 (=Y) written in 1298 1 '. 4 The Cairo manuscript was recently 
 reproduced in a printed edition (henceforward designated as Ed) 
 which appeared in Cairo in five parts in 1317-1321' 1 . A glance 
 at the various manuscripts reveals the existence of systematic 
 divergencies between them which can only be explained as repre- 
 senting various stages in the composition of the book. Fliigel, 6 
 \vlio only saw the Vienna manuscript, already observed that 
 the words" Says Abti. Muhammed," by which almost every para- 
 graph of the book is introduced, point to the fact that the book 
 was, from dictation or otherwise, written down and edited by a 
 strange hand. This observation seems to gain support from the 
 discrepancies in the dates mentioned in various sections of the 
 book. Thus at the beginning of his work Ibn Hazm speaks of 
 the reign of Hisham al-Mu'tadd (418-422 1 ') 8 as being contempo- 
 raneous. On the other hand, at the end of his polemics against 
 Judaism and Christianity he refers to the year 450 h 'and in a 
 passage shortly before to 450 and odd years. Again in a later 
 section of the book the year 440 is to be inferred as the date of 
 composition. 7 A more minute scrutiny disclosed the fact 
 
 1 Catalogue Leyden (1866), iv, 230 sq. 
 
 5 Rieu, Catalogus codicum mannscriptorum orientalium qui in Museo 
 Britannico asservantur, London 1871, ii, p. 726. 
 
 3 Fliigel, Catalogue Vienna (1865), ii, No. 975. 
 
 4 See later, p. 24. 
 
 6 Ibidem, p. 198 Anm. 1. 
 
 6 Milal, i, p. 16. The Edition has Jc+JCjLjJI. See Lane-Poole, Muham- 
 medan Dynasties (1894), p. 21, and Makkari i, 191, note c, and 282, note c. 
 Milal, iv, 94, 1. 2. 
 
 VOL. XXVIII. 2
 
 18 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 that the five manuscripts go back to two distinctly marked recen- 
 sions. The exact relationship between these two recensions can, 
 of course, be determined only by means of a careful collation 
 which would include all manuscripts and extend over the whole 
 book, a task which, in consideration of the size of the Milal 
 wotn-Nihal, would demand an enormous amount of time and 
 patience. Personally I have been able to collate all manuscripts 
 extant (with the exception of the Cairo manuscript, which is 
 reproduced in the printed edition) only for the portions trans- 
 lated in this treatise. I have also consulted the manuscripts of 
 Ley den and Vienna for many a passage in the earlier part of the 
 work, especially in the chapters bearing on Judaism and 
 Christianity, occasionally also in the latter sections. These col- 
 lations form the basis of the following observations, which, 
 because of the fragmentary character of the former, do not in 
 any way pretend to be exhaustive or definitive. The relation- 
 ship between the various codes seems to differ in the different 
 sections of the book. In the earlier part, the two oldest contem- 
 poraneous codices, L. and Br., belong to different categories, the 
 latter forming one group with V., the former siding with Y. and 
 Ed. The affinity between Br. and V. is here of so close a nature 
 that it can be explained only by assigning a common original to 
 both, or by regarding the one as the copy of the other. L. and 
 Y. as well as Ed. go, as a rule, together. But they also show 
 slight variations and in some important instances correspond with 
 Br. and V. The latter part of the work presents quite a different 
 aspect. Eliminating V. , which is defective, we can see at a glance 
 that L. and Br. on one hand and Y. and Ed. on the other present 
 two sharply marked types. The resemblance between the 
 manuscripts of each group is so striking that no doubt is left as 
 to the identity of their respective originals. 
 
 The observations just offered necessarily remain fragmentary 
 and uncertain, owing to the incompleteness of the evidence upon 
 which they are based. A closer investigation will no doubt 
 bring out more clearly the evidently complicated relations 
 between the various manuscripts. One fact, however, must be 
 noticed right here-. In the chapter bearing on Shiism, which 
 originally formed a part of a monograph on heterodox sects, 
 
 1 Zur Komposition, etc., p. 272 sq.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 19 
 
 the differences between the two recensions are not mere variants, 
 but frequently affect the contents to a considerable extent. 
 The group consisting of L.-Br. offers many an additional read- 
 ing which is of historical importance. Some variants directly 
 contradict one another. It is therefore important to establish 
 the relative age of the recensions. Happily there is one pas- 
 sage in the book which gives us an important hint in this direc- 
 tion. Speaking of the Mahdi of the Shiites, who was born 
 about '2 GO 1 ', 1 he slightingly remarks: " And they (the Shiites) 
 are still waiting fora lost object since 180 years." 2 L.-Br. read 
 "180 and odd years." This group would thus appear to be later 
 by a feAV years than the recension represented by Y. and Ed. It 
 must however be admitted that in face of the divergencies in the 
 <l;itcs in the various parts of the book, this evidence cannot be 
 regarded as conclusive, and may perhaps be valid only for the 
 latter part of the book, from which the passage under considera- 
 tion is derived. 
 
 The texts published in translation in this treatise consist of 
 four pieces derived from various sections of the Milal wd'n- 
 3 /'/>"/. The first piece is composed of Ibn Hazm's general 
 account of the sects of Islam and serves as an introduction to 
 his elaborate examination of the Muhammedan dogmas to which 
 the book is in main devoted. This account is very brief, quite 
 in accordance with its introductory character. It does not limit 
 itself to the Shiites, but presents a brief survey of all Muham- 
 medan sects. Since the description of Shiism is interwoven 
 with that of other sects, the piece had to be given in extenso; 
 a limitation to Shiism would have resulted in a motley number 
 of fragmentary passages. The second piece in this treatise is 
 represented by the chapter on Shiism taken from the originally 
 independent monograph on the extreme heterodox sects, which 
 is now incorporated with the Milal wd?n-Nihal. The third 
 piece gives an extract from the chapter on the Imamate, as far 
 as it has an immediate bearing on the tenets of Shiism. The 
 fourth, and last, piece gives a brief synopsis of Shiism which is 
 
 1 Or rather who was supposed to have been born. Ibn Haztn denies 
 his existence altogether ; see later, pp. 48 and 76. I take the date of his 
 father's death. The officially recognized date of the Mahdi's birth is 
 255 1 '. 
 
 3 Milal, iv, 94, 1. 2.
 
 20 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 extant only in the manuscripts of Leyden and the British 
 .Museum, and is therefore presented both in text and translation. 
 
 The reader will see at a glance that the second piece contain- 
 ing the chapter on Shiism is both in size and contents the most 
 important of the texts published below. It is, in fact, the 
 backbone of this treatise. To be sure, the chapter in question, 
 as has already been hinted at, is very far from being an exhaust i ve 
 or even comprehensive presentation of Shiism. As far as this 
 chapter is concerned, its incompleteness may be explained by the 
 fact that the monograph, of which it originally formed a part, 
 limited itself by the very title to the "depravities," i. e. the 
 extreme sects of the Shi'a. But it must also be admitted -that 
 even the description of the extreme sects is fragmentary and 
 abrupt, and that the same abruptness is to be noticed in the 
 other texts. Yet, in spite of this defect, Ibn Hazm's account is 
 of great historical value. It contains a number of facts which 
 have hitherto not been known at all, or been knoAvn only in 
 part or in different form. It also reveals a clear and original 
 conception of the nature of Shiism and of the development of 
 its sects. Apart from the general merits characterizing the lit- 
 erary activity of Ibn Hazm, we may conscientiously assert that 
 the information contained in the texts given below contributes a 
 considerable aiid valuable material,. towards the history of this 
 important religious movement. 
 
 The disconnected and abrupt character of the texts makes a 
 synopsis of their contents almost impossible. On the other 
 hand, this very same circumstance renders a synopsis unnecessary. 
 I will therefore limit myself to a few remarks on Ibn Ila/.in's 
 division of the sects of the Shi'a, which underlies his whole 
 account. The division of the sects of Islam in general is, 
 mainly because of the baneful hadith, a matter of extreme 
 difficulty and discussion. Shahrastani, in the introduction to his 
 Milal VDcfn-Nihcil, justly remarks that he has not found two 
 writers who agreed on this question, and an examination of other 
 Muhammedan histories of religion only confirms this observa- 
 tion. A similar confusion prevails in the division of Shiitic 
 sects in particular. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the 
 infirmity and arbitrariness of all such divisions. 'Abd-al-Kahir 
 al-Bagdadi (d. 429/1038), a contemporary of Ibn Hazm, 1 who 
 
 1 See later, p. 26.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 21 
 
 bestows great pains on a precise classification of the 72 
 heterodox sects, counts twenty of these to the Shi 'a. He dis- 
 tributes these twenty over three main sects: the Zeidiyya (4), 
 the Keisaniyya (1), and the Imamiyya (15). The Gulat ("Ex- 
 tremists") are not reckoned to Islam at all. Shahrastani (d. 
 548/1153), on the cqntrary, counts the Gulat (or Galiya) to the 
 Muhammedan sects, and enumerates five Shiitic sects: the 
 Keisaniyya, Zeidiyya, Imamiyya, Galiya, and Isma'iliyya. Mak- 
 rizi, again, (d. 845/1442) who knows Ibn Hazm's work and fre- 
 quently plagiarizes it, follows in the division of sects a system of 
 his own which is highly artificial. All the sects of Islam deviat- 
 ing from the Sunna are considered and called by him Gulat, "Ex- 
 tremists," i. e. driving to an extreme the moderate principles 
 of orthodox Islam. These Gulat, and with them all heterodox 
 sects, are divided into ten principal categories. The ninth is 
 occupied by the Shiites or, as Makrizi prefers to call them, the 
 Rawafid. 1 Twenty sects are numbered under this heading, 
 among them the Imamiyya, Keisaniyya and Zeidiyya, but also 
 many small and insignificant factions. At the end of his classi- 
 fication, Makrizi, stimulated by the tendency outlined above, 
 pours out a vast number of other heterodox sects which scarcely 
 have any reality beyond their names. 
 
 Ibn Hazm, who rejects the hadith in question, and is in con- 
 sequence not bound to any number, makes no attempt at an 
 elaborate enumeration of the sects of Islam. In spite of it, or 
 in ore- probably because of it, his division of Muhammedan 
 sects in general and of Shiitic sects in particular is the most 
 natural and logical. Islam is accordingly divided into five sects, 
 or, as the Sunna, properly speaking, is no sect, into four sects: 
 the Mu'tazila, Murji'a, Khawarij, and Shi'a, the two former 
 representing the dogmatic side, the two latter representing the 
 political side of Islam. Kremer, in his " History of the Leading 
 Ideas of Islam" (p. 16 sq.), rightly makes this division of Ibn 
 II a /,iu the point of departure for his consideration of Muhamme- 
 dan dogmas. As regards Shiism, Ibn Hazm shows the clearest 
 conception of the problem by laying down the question of the 
 Imamate as principium divisions. The whole Shi'a accordingly 
 appears divided into two large sections: on the one hand the 
 
 1 See the index to this treatise, s.v. Rawafid.
 
 22 Z Friedlaender, L 1907 - 
 
 Zeidiyya and on the other the Imaniiyya, or, to use the nomen 
 odiosum by which Ibn Hazm as well as other writers often 
 designate the latter, the Rawafid. Both sections agree in the con- 
 ception of the Imamate as the exclusive privilege of the descend- 
 ants of 'Ali. But they differ in their attitude toward the claims 
 of 'Ali himself, and consequently in their, judgment of 'All's 
 opponents. In the opinion of the Imamiyya, 'Ali was entitled 
 to the caliphate by virtue of a written will of the Prophet. The 
 " Companions," however, maliciously made this will disappear. 
 The first caliphs were consequently usurpers and, acting, as they 
 did, against the express wish of the Prophet, must be considered 
 infidels.- As such, they cannot be considered the bearers of 
 Muhammedan tradition, and thus, with the exception of the 
 Koran, a complete reorganization of Islam becomes necessary. 
 The Zeidiyya deny the existence of a written will. 'All's 
 claims to the Imamate merely lay in his superior qualities. His 
 rejection on the part of the "Companions" was not prompted 
 by any premeditated malice but solely due to an unintentional 
 lack of appreciation. The first caliphs consequently were legit- 
 imate rulers, and they as well as the other "Companions" must 
 be acknowledged as the rightful bearers of Muhammedan tradi- 
 tion. Thus the whole difference between the two sections of 
 Shiism reduces itself to their attitude toward the "Compan- 
 ions" as the bearers of Islam. It is evident that the Zeidiyya 
 are closely related to the Sunna, especially so when we remember 
 that the Sunna itself yielded more and more to the Alidic ten- 
 dencies prevalent among the masses of the Faithful, whereas 
 the very basis of the Imamiyya is a protest against orthodox 
 Islam as handed down by the "Companions." In a survev 
 which confines itself to the "depravities" of the Shiites there 
 is consequently little room for the Zeidiyya. Only one section 
 of them, the Jarudiyya, is quoted at the beginning of the chap- 
 ter on Shiitism (part B. of our text). But it is left unexplained 
 whether they owe this distinction to their belief that the rejec- 
 tion of 'All was an intentional act of treachery and that the 
 Companions were consequently infidels, or whether it is due to 
 their belief in the second advent of certain Mahdis, a belief 
 which they largely share with the Imamiyya. The tenets of the 
 latter, of course, occupy a much more prominent place among 
 the "depravities" of the Shiites, and the bulk of the chapter
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 23 
 
 is devoted to them. The Gulat on this point Ibn Hazm agrees 
 with al-Bagdadi are no Muslims at all. Only inasmuch as 
 their tenets are bound up with the personality of 'All, they are 
 counted among the extreme sects of Shiism. 
 
 Between these two well-defined parties the sect of the Keisa- 
 niyya, which in early Islam played so important a role, occupies 
 a somewhat ambiguous position. All other historians who regard 
 as the basis of Shiism common both to the Zeidiyya and the 
 Imamiyya the restriction of the Imamate to the descendants of 
 l-'i'iti inn, necessarily place the Keisaniyya, who believe in the 
 Imamate of Muhammed ibn-al-Hanafiyya, 'All's son by another 
 wife, in a separate category. Ibn Hazm, however, who con- 
 siders the underlying principle of Shiism the recognition of the 
 Imamate of the descendants of 'Alt, obviously makes the ques- 
 tion of a written will the point of departure, and, since the 
 Keisaniyya on this cardinal point agree with the Zeidiyya, 
 expressly coimts them among the sects of the latter. But our 
 author is not consistent. For in the course of the chapter he 
 reckons the Keisaniyya, on account of some peculiar tenets held 
 by them, among the Imamiyya. On the whole, it must be said 
 that Ibn Hazm's description betrays a painful lack of disposition. 
 The chapter on Shiism suffers particularly from this defect. 
 The various parts of the account cannot be, easily distinguished. 
 It is quite difficult to state where the report on the Zeidiyya ends 
 and that on the Imamiyya begins. Nor does the description of 
 the individual sects within this range show any proper order. 
 The value of Ibn Hazm's account on Shiism is not to be attri- 
 buted to its stylistic merits but principally to the facts it com- 
 municates and the historical material it contributes towards a 
 better knowledge of the sects of the Shi 'a. 
 
 The present treatise is based on a monograph by .the same 
 author written some five years ago in German. It reproduced 
 the texts now offered in English translation in the original 
 Arabic, as the Milal wtfn-Nihal had not yet appeared in print 
 and was only accessible in manuscripts. The first manuscripts 
 I was able to peruse were those of Leyden and Vienna, which 
 by the courtesy of the respective libraries were sent to me at 
 Strassburg (Germany), where I lived at that time. The text of
 
 24 I- Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 the piece which appears here as part A. was based on these two 
 manuscripts. For the second piece, the chapter on Shiism, I 
 was limited to the Codex of Ley den, the Vienna manuscript 
 being defective in this place. The contents of the chapter, 
 which teems with proper names, and the character of the manu- 
 script, which is practically void of all diacritical points, made it 
 impossible to construct any reasonable text on so inadequate a 
 basis. It was then that Professor Goldziher with characteristic 
 kindness offered me his copy of this chapter made by him in 
 1878 from two twin-manuscripts belonging to Count Landberg 
 one of which is now in the possession of the library of Yale Uni- 
 versity. 1 This copy presented a different recension of the J///*'/ 
 ica > )i-Xihal, but it was nevertheless of incalculable value for 
 the establishing of a critical text, and without it any attempt 
 at publication would have proved a failure. As for the last two 
 pieces, given here as C. and D., they were reproduced from 
 the Leyden manuscript only, since their contents on the whole 
 offered no unsurmountable difficulties. The texts constructed 
 in the described manner and accompanied by introduction and 
 notes constituted the said monograph, which was presented to 
 and accepted by the Philosophical Faculty of the University of 
 Strassburg as " Habilitationschrift " preliminary to the author's 
 admission as "Privatdozent." Subsequently, during several 
 visits to London, I was able to consult the codex of the British 
 Museum and, having settled in this country, I also had a<-cess to 
 the manuscript stored in the library of Yale University. In 
 the meantime, Ibn Hazm's MilaJ n-<tn-X!h<il had appeared in 
 print in Cairo, being the faithful reproduction of a modern 
 manuscript of that city. 
 
 All these circumstances greatly influenced the further desti- 
 nies of the monograph and considerably altered and widened its 
 scope. In the first place, it became necessary to utilize the new 
 material .afforded by the study of hitherto inaccessible manu- 
 scripts. With the publication of the Milal wcCn-Xilial the 
 value of the manuscript extracts was considerably impaired and 
 
 1 In Professor Goldziher's copy the two manuscripts are designated as 
 A and B. The Yale manuscript is unquestionably identical with B. as 
 can be seen from the few passages in which A and B slightly differ from 
 one another (cmp.. e. g., p. 48, n. 7). I have been unable to find out 
 where A is at present.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 25 
 
 it therefore became advisable to give the texts in translation 
 instead. On the other hand, it was impossible to disregard the 
 aid offered by the manuscripts at our disposal, two of which 
 (those of Leyden and the British Museum) are five hundred 
 years older than the manuscript reproduced in the printed 
 edition. The text of the edition had to be care'fully compared 
 with that of the manuscripts, and the variants had to be 
 embodied in the critical apparatus accompanying the translation. 
 A few remarks concerning the character of the translation 
 offered below may prove useful to the reader. It is an obvious 
 fact for the student of Ibn Hazm's Milal wcfn-Nihal that the 
 text of the edition represents a recension which _ essentially 
 differs from the manuscripts of Leyden and the British Museum 
 in the greater part of the work, and from the codices of Vienna 
 and the British Museum in the earlier part of it. The recension 
 offered by L. and Br. is apparently younger, and most probably 
 represents a revised edition of Ibn Hazm's work. In spite of 
 this fact the author of the present treatise deemed it his duty to 
 base his translation on the text of the edition which is generally 
 accessible. It was impossible to revise and amplify the printed 
 text by means of the manuscripts, as this would have resulted in 
 an unbearable mixture of recensions, which would have done 
 justice to neither recension. It seemed, on the contrary, advisa- 
 ble to relegate the manuscript variants, however important, into 
 the critical apparatus at the bottom of the translation. On the 
 other hand, it was impossible to reproduce the printed text word 
 for word, as the manuscript, of which the text is a slavish repro- 
 duction, is apparently fault}', and full of eri*ors and lacunae. 
 The text of the edition had consequently to be corrected first, 
 and then in this amended form be made the basis of the English 
 translation. The deviations of the latter from the printed Arabic 
 text are made noticeable to the eye: the corrected readings by 
 larger type and the words missing in the edition by square 
 brackets. As regards the various readings, only those were 
 recorded which appeared to be of some value in one way or the 
 other. Mere stylistic variations were disregarded. Wherever 
 the variants contained some historical information, or differed 
 materially from the translated text, they were made conspicuous 
 in type, so as to enable those readers who are merely interested 
 in the historical aspect of the texts, to recognize at a glance
 
 26 Z Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 the readings which ai-e of special interest to them. For the 
 convenience of the reader the text was also divided into para- 
 graphs. The manuscripts offer no breaks whatever, and the 
 division in the edition is apparently arbitrary, and in most cases 
 nonsensical. The headings of the various sections of the text 
 were added for'the same reason. 
 
 The introduction, offered herewith, had to be re-written, so 
 as to include the increased material, now at the disposal of the 
 author, and the results of his continued study of Ibn Hazm's 
 work. 
 
 The commentary endeavors above all to be what the word 
 designates: an explanation of the text, which is mostly abrupt 
 and frequently obscure. The scarcity of literature on our sub- 
 ject, however, made it imperative to widen the scope of the 
 commentary, and to include a careful and systematic discussion 
 of the topics treated or suggested by Ibn Hazm. In doing so, 
 the author tried to turn to account the modern literature on 
 the subject in various European languages, so far as it repre- 
 sents original research, and to compile all the material available 
 in Arabic literature. In the latter respect, the author was 
 fortunate enough to have at his disposal a valuable and not 
 inconsiderable material derived from manuscripts. The various 
 manuscripts, quoted in various pai'ts of this treatise, will be 
 designated in due course. Here I will confine myself to a gen- 
 eral reference to two manuscripts quoted throughout this treatise, 
 Avhich proved exceptionally valuable for our investigations. 
 Both manuscripts are stored in the Imperial library in Berlin, 
 and are closely related to each other. The one is the Kitdb 
 al-farJc beina 'l-firak, ' ' Book on the Differences between the 
 Sects," by Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Kahir b. Tahir al-Bagdfuli 
 (died 429/1038, see Ahwardt's Catalogue, No. 2800), and a work 
 of the same title by Shuhf ur b. Tahir b. Muhammed al-Isfraini 
 (died 471/1078, ibidem No. 2801). The former is known 
 from a few quotations by Schreiner in ZDMG. (vol. 52) and 
 in his book "Der Kalam in der jildischen Litteratur"; the 
 latter is often i-eferred to in Haarbrilcker's translation of Shah- 
 rastani, and in the notes to the edition of the Fihrist. Each of 
 these writers is quoted by Haji Chalfa (vi, 115) as the author of 
 a Kitdb ul-Milal wcCn-Nihal, of which frequent mention is also 
 made in the Kitdb al-fark of Bagdad! . It appears, in fact, that
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 27 
 
 the manuscripts in question are extracts from a larger work 
 which may have represented this Milal wa?n-Nihal. The two 
 manuscripts show a remarkable affinity, which deserves further 
 investigation. Materially they coincide nearly everywhere, and 
 frequently they also agree verbatim. As far as I am able to 
 judge, I am inclined to consider Isfra'ini's book an abstract from 
 that of Bagdad! . The latter displays its genuine character by 
 greater completeness, by personal recollections, by polemical, 
 often quite tolerable, rhymes against the heretics, and the like 
 features. Both manuscripts offer the great advantage of being 
 carefully pointed, which, of course, is of special value in deter- 
 mining the pronunciation of the proper names. But they also 
 contain extremely interesting material, and often supply us 
 with important historical information undoubtedly drawn from 
 old sources. Thus their account on the Sabaiyya offers the 
 fullest and most valuable description of this fundamental sect of 
 Shiism. 
 
 The disconnected character of the translated texts, which are 
 derived from various sections of Ibn Hazm's Milal wa?n-Nihal 
 written at various periods, make it impossible to pursue any 
 definite arrangement or disposition. This inconvenience, how- 
 ever, is removed by means of a detailed index, which enables 
 the reader to lay hand on all the material bearing on the sub- 
 ject in which he is interested. The list of the Alids mentioned 
 in this treatise which is appended at the end will," we expect, be 
 of service to the reader. 
 
 * * 
 * 
 
 Before concluding, I feel- obliged to tender the expression of 
 my thanks to all those men and institutions that have been help- 
 ful to me in the work embodied in this treatise. 
 
 The first and largest share of my gratitude I owe, as always, 
 to my dear master, Professor Theodor Noldeke, who has, Avith 
 untiring kindness, bestowed upon me the benefit of his instruc- 
 tion and his friendship. Without his continuous stimulus, 
 furtherance and advice, this work would have never been under- 
 taken or finished. 
 
 My heartfelt thanks are furthermore due to Professor Gold- 
 ziher, not only for his repeated public references to the import- 
 ance of Ibn Hazm's work and his contributions towards the
 
 28 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 appreciation thereof, but also for his great kindness in lending 
 me his copy of the chapter on Shiism, and in giving me, when- 
 ever required, his invaluable scholarly advice. 
 
 I feel greatly obliged to the University library of Strassburg 
 (Germany), where I gathered most of the material for this 
 work, to the officers of the Oriental department of the British 
 Museum, who were unceasing in their efforts to facilitate my 
 task, to the libraries of Ley den, Berlin, Vienna, Gotha and 
 Yale University, for allowing me the use of their manuscripts. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 A. The Heterodox Sects in general. 
 
 [Printed Edition (=Ed.) II, pp. 111-117 ; Codex Leyden (=L.) I, fol. 
 135" ff.; Codex British Museum (=Br.) 1, fol. 135" ff.; Codex Vienna 
 (=V.) fol. 201 ff.; Codex Yale (=Y.) I, fol. 137" ff.] 
 
 In the Name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful! 1 
 Says the Faklh 2 Abu Muhammed, *'A11 b. Ahmad Ibn Hazm, 
 may Allah be pleased with him 3 : 
 
 Having with the help of Allah finished with the (non-Islamic) 
 religions, let us with the assistance of Allah begin to describe 
 the sects of the Muslims and the difference of opinion among 
 the latter regarding these sects, to expound 4 the evils which 
 some of them (of the adherents of these sects) concocted against it 
 (i. e. against Islam) 6 by means of the special errors of their sect, 
 and to set forth the arguments which are indispensable in order 
 to indicate clearly the true sect among these (heterodox) sects, 
 in the same way as we proceeded in dealing with the religions. 
 *Much praise unto Allah, the Lord of all Created Beings: there 
 is no assistance nor strength except in Allah, the Exalted, the 
 Almighty! 8 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: Those that adhere to the community 
 of Islam are divided into five 7 sects: 1) the Sunnites, 2) the 
 
 1 Br. 
 
 2 Br. V. om. L. *Lx)!^! ^AJuJI "the poor, the Imam." 
 
 & \j 
 
 3 Br. V. om. 4 Br. V. + *x " all. 
 
 5 Ed. L. jo " against it," L. V. Y. LAJ " against them." See Commen- 
 tary. Br. V. om. 
 
 1 Ed. and Codd. x ... t A^ (instead of ip-t^} against the grammatical 
 rule.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 29 
 
 Mu'tazilites, 3) the Murji'ites, 4) the Shi'ites, and 5) the Khari- 
 jites. ' Each of these sects again is divided into a number of 
 (smaller) sects. 
 
 The greatest difference of opinion among the Sunnites prevails 
 in questions of religious practice and a few particulars of relig- 
 ious doctrine which will be explained hereafter. As to the 
 other four" sects, enumerated above, there are some among them 
 who differ widely from the Sunnites and others who differ from 
 them but slightly. 
 
 Among the sections of the Murji'ites the nearest to the Sun- 
 nites are those who follow the doctrine of the Fakih Abti Hanifa 
 that Faith consists in acknowledging the truth both with the 
 tongue and the heart and that the religious ceremonies are 
 nothing but l;iws and precepts imposed by Faith. The farthest 
 among them are the adherents of Jahm b. Safwan, 'al-Ash'ari 
 and 4 Muhammed b. Karram of Sijistan.* For *Jahm and al- 
 Ash'ari maintain 6 that Faith only consists in believing with the 
 heart, though one profess with his tongue Unbelief and the 
 doctrine of Trinity [112] and worships the Crucified (Christ) 
 *in the dominions of Islam without fear (i. e. compulsion). 7 
 *Muhammed b. Karram, on the other hand, maintains 8 that Faith 
 is only expression with the tongue, though one adhere 9 to Unbe- 
 lief in his heart. 
 
 Among the sects of the Mu'tazilites the nearest to the Sun- 
 nites are the followers of *al-Husein b. Muhammed an-Najjar, 
 Bishr b. Giyath of Maris (in Egypt), as well as the followers of 10 
 
 1 Br. : 4) Kharijites ; 5) Shi'ites. 
 
 - Ed. L. Y. incorrectly JUjxYl ; Br. V. j.yi . 
 
 3 Br. V. + v >Ls?! "and the adherents of." 
 
 4 Br. V. + " and the adherents of." 
 
 5 In Eastern Iran. Br. V. om. 
 
 6 L. Y. .tJfcij o^faJCifljL} "some of these maintain." This is a 
 
 later correction. See Comm. Instead of ,.jJ,Jij in Ed. read . 
 as in Br. V. 7 L. Y. om. 
 
 8 L. Y. .Jjij (ace. after Ls .jVU "and others maintain.' 
 
 9 Br. V. JoLX^L (V. corrected on the margin JJ&ct 1 
 
 10 Br. om. through homoioteleuton.
 
 30 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Dirar b. 'Amr. The farthest among them are the followers of 
 Abu'l-Hudeil. 1 
 
 Among the schools of the Shi*"ites the nearest to the Sunnites 
 
 O , 
 
 are those who count themselves among the followers of the Fakih 
 al-Hasan b. Salih b. Hayy 2 of the Banu Hamdan 3 who main- 
 tain that the Imamate is confined to the descendants of 'Ali. 4 
 It is, however, an established fact that al-Hasan b. Sulih may 
 Allah have mercy on him ! was of the same opinion as we are, 
 viz., that the Imamate extends to the whole of the Kureish, and 
 that he maintained a friendly attitude towards all 5 the Compan- 
 ions (of the Prophet), the only exception being that he gave 
 'Ali the preference over all of them. 6 The farthest among them 
 are the Imamites. 
 
 Among the sects of the Khdrijites the nearest to the Sunnites 
 are the followers of 'Abdallah b. Yazid al-Ibadi, 7 of Kut'a. 
 The farthest among them are the 'Azrakites. 
 
 As to the followei-s of Ahmad b. Ha'it, 8 Ahmad b. Yanush," 
 al-Fadl of Harran, 10 the extremists *among the Rawatid, the 
 Sufi's, 11 the Bittikhiyya," the followers of Abu Isma'il al-Bit- 
 
 1 Ed. misprint Joy^J! (with y ). L. Br. V. + " al-' Allaf ." See Comm 
 V. the whole passage mu 
 .Jt J^et ^t xx^A-li 
 
 V. the whole passage mutilated aLLwJ! J^o! ,J! J 
 
 vo v 
 2 L. c JLa>. , Br. V. -x^ . See Comm. 
 
 4 Ed. incorrectly ^ily^JI (with O ; Y. ^><cW^^ " of Hamadan " (in 
 Persia).' 
 4 Codd. -i- U>o^ "alone." 5 Br. om. See next note. 
 
 6 V. marginal gloss by another hand ^c xJLdjL) ,j^ ao! 
 boi ^jL^jLc " It is assumed that he gave him the preference over 
 'Othrnan only." ' Y. ^oLVf . 
 
 8 Ed. Y. Jojla. , V. Jajl^. (sic), L. JajU* , Br. iajLi. . See Comm. 
 
 9 Ed. (jw-JLo , L. (jwa-iU , Y. (j*-.jL> , V. j*-J.Lj , Br. (j*jl3 . See 
 Comm. 
 
 10 ^ &>^ - L - Br - Y - > v - 
 
 11 L. Y. Om. 
 
 15 Ed. ixsxLJt and sVJaxJ! with soft 
 
 -, .
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 31 
 
 tikhi. those of the 'Ajarida who deny the "Ijrna'" and others, 
 they do not belong to the Muslims, but are unbelievers in the 
 common opinion of the whole Muhammedan nation. Let us 
 seek refuge in Allah, when we are forsaken ! 
 
 sition of the fundamental tenets of each of these sects^ 
 being the characteristics by which they are distinguished. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed : As to the Murjfites, the pillar which 
 they hold fast is the question as to the nature of Faith and Apos- 
 t:i-y and the proper application of these terms, and Punish- 
 ment. 1 Outside of this they differ in their opinions as much as 
 the others. 
 
 A- :> the IhctazillteSi the pillar which they hold fast is the 
 question of Unity and the Divine Attributes. *Some of them also 
 add 2 the problem of Free Will, the application of the terms 
 Wickedness and Faith, and Punishment. In the question of 
 Divine Attributes the Mu'tazilites are joined by Jahm b. Safwan, 
 Mukatil b. Suleiman, the Ash'arites and other Murji'ites, as 
 well as by Hisham b. al-Hakam, Sheitan at-Tak whose proper 
 name was Muhammed b. Ja'far, of Kufa, 1 and Dawud al- 
 Hawari, who are all Shi'ites. 4 [113] Yet we mentioned this root 
 as a specific characteristic of the Mu'tazilites, because those who 
 speculate about it do not (eo ipso) renounce the doctrine of the 
 Sunnites or* that of the Mu'tazilites, while the Murji'ites and 
 Shi'ites. mentioned above, are discriminated by special teachings 
 which actually stand outside the doctrine of the Sunnites and 
 Mu'tazilites. 
 
 Ac T. the Shi'ites, the pillar of their speculation is the ques- 
 tion of the Imamate and the Degrees.of excellence of the Com- 
 panions of the Prophet. Outside of this they differ as much as 
 the others. 
 
 As to the KhdrijiteS) the pillar of their school is the question 
 as to the nature of Faith and Apostasy and the proper applica- 
 
 1 Br. Ju^L (sic). The original reading possibly was <X*-C,JI 
 
 Reward and Punishment." 
 
 'Br. V. -and." 
 
 * L. Y. om. .jyCff . 
 
 4 Ed. L. Y. auuui ; Br. V. J 
 
 4 L. Y. andX
 
 32 /. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 tion of these terms, the question of Punishment, 1 and the 
 Imamate. Outside of this they differ as much as the others. 
 
 We have set up these topics as characteristic of the parties 
 in question, because he who, e. g., maintains that the religious 
 practices of the body constitute Faith, since 2 the latter increases 
 through obedience 3 (by observing these practices) and decreases 
 through disobedience 4 (by neglecting them), and that a believer 
 becomes an unbeliever through the least transgression (regard- 
 ing these practices), or that even he who is a believer both in 
 his heart and 5 with his tongue may (nevertheless) suffer eternal 
 punishment in hell, is no MurjVite. He, however, who agrees 
 with them on these points, but differs from them in all other 
 matters regarding which the Muslims are divided in their opin- 
 ions, is a Murji'ite. 
 
 He who differs from the Jtfu'tazilites regarding the Creation 
 of the Koran, the Beholding (of God qn the day of Resurrec- 
 tion), the Anthropomorphisms, 6 or regarding their opinion that 
 the man who commits a capital sin is neither a believer nor an 
 unbeliever, but (merely) a sinner, does not belong to them. 
 He, however, who agrees with them regarding the above-men- 
 tioned points, is one of them, though he differ from them in all 
 other matters regarding which the Muslims are divided in their 
 opinions. 
 
 He who agrees with the Shinties that 'All is the most excel- 
 lent of men after the Prophet and that he and his descendants 
 after him are worthier of the Imamate than anyone, is a Shi'ite, 
 though he differ from them in all other matters regarding which 
 the Muslims are divided in their opinions. He, however, who 
 differs from them regarding the above-mentioned points, is no 
 Shi'ite. 
 
 1 Ed. erroneously <XfcJt "Reward." Codd. and previously Edl 
 
 * Ed. L. Br. Y. J,Ls ; V. " and that." 
 
 3 L. Y. om. LcUaJb . 
 
 4 L. Y. om. JLa*JL . 6 L. Y. "or. 
 
 6 Ed. correctly auuw&xJI. lit.: "and the comparing" (of God with 
 created beings). L. au^xJt , V. jou^uJ! , Br. Y.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 33 
 
 He who agrees with the Kharijites in denying (the right of) 
 appealing to judges and in regarding those that commit capital 
 sins as apostates, also shares with them the belief that rebellion 
 against tyrannical rulers is a religious duty, and that those 
 who commit capital sins suffer eternal punishment in hell, and 
 finally that the Imamate is also permissible outside of the 
 Kureish, is a Kharijite, though he differ from them in all other 
 matters regarding which the Muslims are divided in their opinions. 
 [If however] 1 he differs from them regarding the above-men- 
 tioned points, then he is no Khai'ijite. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: As to the adherents of the Sunna, 
 they (alone) are the adherents of truth, while all others are 
 adherents of heresy. For Sunnites were the Companions of 
 the Prophet and the best of the ''Followers" who walked in 
 their footsteps, then the masters of the Hadith (Oral Tradition), 
 *the Fakihs who succeeded them, generation after generation, 
 until this very day and the bulk of the people who emulated 
 their example in the East and the West of the Earth the mercy 
 of Allah upon them! 2 
 
 [114] Says Abu Muhammed: There wei*e, however, people 
 who usurped the name of Islam, though all the sects of 3 Islam 
 agree that they are no Muslims. Thus there were sections 
 among the KhCirijites who went to the extreme, maintaining that 
 the salat (obligatory prayer) was no more than one " bow " in the 
 morning and one in the evening. Others permitted the marriage 
 with granddaughters and the daughters of nephews. They also 
 maintained that the Joseph Sura did not belong to the Koran. 
 There were others among them 4 who maintained that the adulterer 
 and thief ought to be punished, but then be called to repent 
 their apostasy. If they do so, (then well and good) ; if not, 
 (only then) they ought to be killed. 
 
 There were also sections among the M-u'tazilites who after- 
 wards went to the extreme and held the belief in the Transmi- 
 
 i 
 
 1 Ed. om. ^{j through oversight. 
 
 2 L. only A ga-i-'s'i y.*,. "and those that succeeded them." 
 
 3 Br. V. om. ^_5*i 
 
 4 Here begins a lacuna of one leaf in Br. (between fol. 136" and 137"). 
 
 VOL. XXVIII. 3
 
 34 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 gration of Souls. Others among them maintained that the fat 
 and the bi'ain of swine was permitted. 
 
 Among the Murji'ites there were sections who maintained 
 that Iblis never asked permission from Allah to look (at Adam) 
 and that he never admitted 1 that Allah created him out of fire 
 and Adam out of dust. 2 Others maintained that prophecy could 
 be attained by right conduct. 
 
 There were others among the Sunnites who went to the 
 extreme, 3 maintaining that there were some pious who were supe- 
 rior to prophets and angels, and that he who attained the true 
 knowledge of God was exempt from religious laws and ceremonies. 
 Some of them held the belief that the Creator resides in the 
 bodies of his creatures, like al-Hallaj and others. 
 
 There were sections among the Shi'ites who afterwards went 
 to the extreme, some of them holding the belief in the divinity 
 of 'All b. Abi Talib and the Imams after him. Some of them 
 believed in his [as well as in their] 4 prophecy, also in- the Trans- 
 migration of Souls, like the poet as-Sayyid al-Himyar! and 
 others. One section of them believed in the divinity of Muham- 
 med b. Abi Zeinab, a client of the Banu Asad. Another sec- 
 tion believed in the prophecy of Mugira b. 6 Sa'id, a client of 
 the Banu Bajila, 6 in the prophecy of Abu Mansur al-'Ijli (of 
 the Banu Ijl), of the weaver Bazig, 7 of Bayan 8 b. Sam'an, 
 belonging to the Banu Tamim and the like. Others among 
 them held the belief in 'All's re-appearance on earth. They 
 
 1 V. + p.St i>fkXH _.xi *xLcl <X<u> " when he refused to prostrate 
 himself before Adam." See Comm. 
 
 2 V + (gap of one word) ---- xJU! ^b ^ auJLfr 
 
 " nor that Allah honored Adam more than him, nor that Allah . . . . " 
 
 3 Ed. erroneously LJLjtii instead of IJLxJ . 
 
 4 Ed. erroneously om. V^'AAj'. ; V. sjj. 
 
 5 Ed. and Codd. + Abi. See Comm. 
 
 6 Ed. xJLsi misprint for k 
 
 1 L. -*J>-5 , Ed. .fcJyJ , V. dLsyj (on the margin corrected by another 
 hand 
 
 L. ,oUj . See Comm.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 35 
 
 refused to believe in the open meaning of the Koran, asserting 
 that the open meaning should be interpreted allegorically. Thus 
 they maintained that "the Sky" was Muhammed and "the Earth" 1 
 his Companions. (In the verse) " Behold, Allah commandeth you 
 to slaughter a cow" 2 "a cow" means N.N., i. e., the Mother 
 of the Faithful. They equally maintained that "Justice "and 
 "Charity" 3 referred to 'All and that "Jibt" and "Tagut" 4 were 
 N.N. and X.X., alluding to Abu Bekr and 'Omar. They simi- 
 larly maintained that "salat" (obligatory prayer) meant suppli- 
 cation to the Imam, " zakat " (alms) donations to the Imair 
 and "hajj" (pilgrimage) going to the Imam. There were 
 among them stranglers and skull-breakers. 
 
 None of these sects cares in the least for logical demonstra- 
 tion. The only proof they possess is the claim of inspiration, 
 impudence and the capacity to lie openly. [115] They pay no 
 attention 5 to any argumentation. But it suffices to refute them 
 by saying: " What is the difference between you and those who 
 claim that they were informed by way of inspiration of the 
 absurdity of your belief ?" There is no way to extricate one- 
 self from this (reply). Besides, all the sections of Islam hold 
 themselves aloof from them, regarding them as apostates and 
 unanimously agreeing that their belief is not that of Islam. 
 Let us seek refuge in Allah, when we are forsaken ! 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: The reason why most of these sects 
 deserted 6 the religion 7 of Islam is, at bottom, this. The Per- 
 sians originally were the masters of a large kingdom and had 
 the upper hand over all the nations. They were in consequence 
 possessed with such mighty self-esteem 8 that they called them- 
 selves "nobles" and " sons," while the rest of mankind were 
 
 1 Koran XXX, 24. 2 Koran II, 68. 3 Koran XVI, 72. 
 
 4 Koran IV, 54 (the names of two idols). For " Jibt" Ed. L. errone- 
 ously o^Ar^l " abomination." 
 
 5 Ed. ^.JCftjUL} : L. Y. ,j,_sJiiAj ("to be amended''; Lane, s. v.) V. 
 
 Read Ji5| _._&. as in L. V. Y. om. J&| " most of." 
 
 1 V. jjjjlj " the circle.'' 
 / 
 
 8 Ed. _Ala=i.j . read
 
 3(j /. Friecllaender, [1907. 
 
 regarded by them as slaves. But when they were visited (by 
 God) and their empire was taken away from them by the Arabs, 
 the same Arabs who in the estimation of the Persians pos- 
 sessed the least dignity of all nations, the matter weighed much 
 more heavily upon them and the calamity assumed double pro- 
 portions in their eyes, and thus they made up their mind to 
 beguile Islam by attacking it at different periods. But in all 
 this Allah makes Truth come to light. Among their rebels 
 were Sunbeld, 1 UsteLdsis," al-Mukanna', Babak and others. 
 Previous 3 to these appeared with the same intention 'Ammar, 
 with the nickname Khidash, 4 and Abu Muslim* as-Siraj. s 
 When they saw that to entrap Islam by trickery was more profit- 
 able, some of them outwardly professed Islam and won the 
 sympathies of the people with Shi'itic inclinations, by feigning 
 affection for the members of the prophetic family and by con- 
 demning the injustice done to 'All. Thus they led them about 
 on various paths, till at last they carried them away from Islam. 
 Some people among them lured them into the belief that ;i 
 man by the name of " al-Mahdi" (the rightly Guided) was to be 
 expected, who was the only one in possession of true 7 religion, 
 since religion could not be accepted from those " Apostates," the 
 companions of the Prophet being accused by them of apostasy. 
 Some went as far as to believe in" the prophecy of those for 
 whom they claimed prophecy, and some of them, as already 
 mentioned, led them astray on the path leading to the belief in 
 
 1 Ed. ol&u , V. oUu^w , L. Y. (3&u* ' Makrizi, Khitat , 362 (quo- 
 tation from Ibn Hazm) jLftJui , Mas'udi, Murtij ad-Dahab (vi, 188) 
 
 . The correct reading Tabari, Annales III, 119. 
 
 2 Ed. Y. u^x.fcuUuJ , V. ^u*,UuJ , L. ^j^^LcuJ , Makrizi, ib. 
 U.XAXW! . The correct reading Tab. Ill, 354. 
 
 3 Ed. misprint Juu> for J.AJJ . 
 
 4 Ed. and Makrizi ^\ &~> , Y. ilcXs* , V. \i\si , L. unpointed. 
 
 5 Ed. misprint 
 
 V. j^! , Makr. _.^ww! . See Comm. 
 
 V. om..xjUJi^. . 
 
 8 L. V. Y. + .x) LJJ J> Lo "what we mentioned of.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 37 
 
 incarnation and exemption from religious ceremonies. Some 
 again made fun (of them) 1 by imposing upon them fifty obliga- 
 tory prayers 2 every day and night, while others reduced them to 
 seventeen 3 obligatory prayers, with fifteen 4 "bows" in each, 
 the latter being the opinion of 'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-Harith, 5 
 before he became a Kharijite of Sufritic persuasion. On the 
 same road also went the Jew 'Abdallah b. Saba, the Himyarite. 
 For he, too, Allah curse him ! outwardly professed Islam in 
 order to beguile 6 its adherents. He also was the main factor in 
 instigating the people against 'Othman. 'All b. Abi Talib 
 burned certain groups 7 of them who publicly proclaimed his 
 divinity. From [116] these baneful roots sprang up the Ismail- 
 ites and Karmatians, two sections who publicly renounce Islam 
 altogether and profess not only the purest Magism but also the 
 doctrine' of Mazdak 9 the Mobad 10 who lived at the time of 
 Amlshirwun b. Kabad," the king of the Persians, and who 
 advocated the necessity of communism regarding women and 
 property. Says Abu Muhammed: When they had brought 12 
 the people 13 as far as these two narrow passes, they turned them 14 
 away from Islam, as they pleased, which in fact was their only 
 intention. 
 
 Here Br. begins again (fol. 137"). 
 
 3 Ed. Br. Y. 17 ; L. V. 19. See Comm. 
 
 4 Ed. L. incorrectly ^&. jLv+i*. ; Br. V. s" xkc 
 
 5 Y. al-Harb. See Comm. 
 
 6 Ed. JyJU ; Codd. more smoothly 
 " Br. V. sing. 
 
 s V. more explicitly (^tftX+j . L. Y. 
 Ed. Y. Jox. 
 
 " Ed. Y. 
 
 11 Ed. jjU>' . Y - *>' - V. <>o , L. unp. 
 
 12 Ed. iJLj . Codd. correctly IjjJL} . 
 
 13 Y. |jw.jLJI " the unfortunate one," see next note ; V. on the margin 
 
 and the women." 
 
 14 Ed. L. Y. s_=> v :=-' " him," supporting the reading of Y. ; see preced- 
 
 ing note.
 
 38 L Friedlaender, 
 
 By Allah, "by Allah, ye servants of Allah ! Fear ye Allah in 
 your souls and be not by any means seduced by adherents of 
 unbelief and heterodoxy or by those who embellish their words 
 not with logical proof, but with mere forgeries, 1 who advise 
 (you) contrary to the messages of the Book of your Lord and of 
 the woi-ds of your Prophet: for there is no good in anything 
 besides these two. Know ye that the religion of Allah is open, 
 with no hidden' meaning in it, public, with no secret behind it, 
 all of it logical demonstration, with no laxity about it. Suspect 
 ve everyone who calls on you to follow him without proof and 
 everyone who claims for religion secrecy and a hidden meaning, 
 for (all such claims) are nothing but presumptions and lit-s. 
 Know ye that the Apostle of Allah did not conceal even a 
 much as a single word of the Law, nor did he allow even those 
 who were nearest to him, viz., his wife, daughter, uncle or cousin 
 on his father's side, or any of his companions, as much as a 
 glimpse into anything appertaining to the Law, which he should 
 have kept back from the Red and Black and the humblest 
 shepherds. The Prophet did not keep to himself any secret or 
 allusion or any hidden explanation, besides the message which 
 he brought to the whole of mankind. Had he withheld from 
 them anything, then he would not have delivered (his message) 3 
 as he was commanded. He who holds such an opinion 4 is an 
 apostate. Be ye on your guard against any opinion whose way 
 is not clear and whose proof is not distinct. Do not swerve 5 
 in the slightest from the views held by your Prophet and his 
 Companions ! 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: We have already set forth the dis- 
 graceful tenets of all these sects in a short book of ours, entitled:" 
 
 1 Ed. yyLg_}*-JCj the only correct reading. L. i_<-l a y Br. cuol+J, 
 V. tfyjUj , Y. ^L*xj . 
 9 Br. V. JJflb " absurd." 
 
 8 Br. V. [V^iJl? + " to them." 
 
 * Br. V. I jijC Y$. " another opinion." 
 
 6 Ed. L^aJJ*'- Codd. better !.=>...*:> ; Y. L^-ju in a similar meaning. 
 
 6 Ed. x+M/1 Codd. &4^*/ " designated as."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 39 
 
 "The saving advices against the disgusting infamies and per- 
 nicious depravities contained in the beliefs of the adherents of 
 heresy among the four sects: the Mu'tazilites, the Murji'ites, the 
 Kharijites and the Shi'ites." We subsequently appended it at 
 the end of our exposition on the sects in this work. 1 
 
 The consummation of all good 2 is that you should cling to the 
 text which your Lord wrote down 3 in the Koran in Arabic 
 language, making clear, with no negligence whatever as regards 
 clearness, everything as well as the words which are firmly 
 established as those of your Prophet through the traditions of 
 the reliable authorities 4 among the Imams (leaders) of 5 the mas- 
 ters of the Hadith, * in a chain leading up to the Prophet : 8 
 both ways [117] will enable you to attain the satisfaction of 
 your Lord. 
 
 We shall forthwith proceed [to discuss] 7 the topics which are 
 the pillar concerning which the Muslims are divided in their 
 opinions, i. e., Unity, Free Will, Faith, Punishment, thelmamate 
 and the Degrees of excellence (of the Companions) and then fin- 
 ish with those matters which the Mutakallimun call "latfi'if" 
 (subtleties). We shall set forth all *the proofs they adduce 8 
 and expound with convincing arguments the points of truth in 
 all this, in the same way as we proceeded previously, 9 with 
 Allah's assistance unto us and his support. There is no assist- 
 ance nor strength except in Allah, the Exalted, the Almighty. 
 
 1 L. Y. om. this sentence. See my essay : " Zur Komposition von Ibn 
 Hazm's Milal wan-Nihal" in Noldeke's Jtibelschrift, i, p. 273. 
 
 2 Br. V. -ArL! "information." 
 
 3 L. Br. V. XjuLc .Ed. Y. *XjJ.. is not as good. 
 
 4 Ed. erroneously spelt sl&j| . 
 
 5 Br. V. om. k 
 
 6 L. Y. om. 
 
 1 Codd. f^LO! (Br. *^jOU). Ed. om. probably owing to homoio- 
 teleuton. 
 
 8 Br. V, *-gjuo XftjLb Jo 2U 2s-a.t " every party of them adduces." 
 
 9 Br. V. instead JULJ! " with the religions."
 
 40 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 B. The Heterodoxies of the Shi'ites. 
 
 [Printed Edition (= Ed.) IV pp. 178-188; Codex Leyden (-L.) II fol. 
 135" ff.; Codex British Museum ( = Br.) Ill fol. 87 a ff.; Codex A III 
 fol. 105" ff.; Cod. Yale ( = Y.) Ill fol. 70" ff. The variants quoted anony- 
 mously are taken from L. and Br. and, if not otherwise stated, are 
 identical in both Codices. The readings of Y. are, if not otherwise 
 stated, identical with those in A. On Codex A and the other codices see 
 Introduction, pp. 17 and 24.] 
 
 1 Description of *the grave errors* leading to apostasy or 
 absurdity contained in *the views of the adherents of heresy: 
 the Mu'tazilites, the Khdrijites, the Murji'ites and the Shi'ttes. 3 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed : 4 We have already described in this 
 work the infamies of the religions opposed to Islam [and the 
 lies] 5 which are found in their Scriptures, viz., those of the 
 Jews, Christians and Magicians, besides which nothing remains" 
 for them, 7 so that nobody who becomes acquainted with them 
 (their Scriptures) 8 will doubt that those people are engrossed in 
 error. Now let us proceed with these four sects and describe 
 their detestable tenets so that this work may render clear to 
 every reader that they are engrossed in error and absurdity, and 
 may thus prevent those whom Allah wishes to guide the right 
 
 **w &A.?. a!.). See " Zur Komposition 
 von Ibn Hazm's Milal wan-Nihal," p. 272, n. 2. 
 
 ^ *** 
 
 2 *A*wJI ''the depravities." 
 
 iLaj! Jt cjo "the heresies of the 
 
 Rawafid, the Kharijites, the Mu'tazilites and the Mnrji'ites." See 
 " Zur Komposition, etc." p. 274, n. I/ See Comm. 
 
 4 Y. (also later) + x*o. 
 
 Ed. Y. om. i^j^Xdl. which is indispensable. 
 
 ' Ed. Y. &ub ; L. Br. &XAJ " proof." See Commentary. 
 
 >. aJU (Xfr^t. "Praise unto Allah, the Lord of all 
 
 Created Beings !"-also V Ux> instead of
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 41 
 
 way from joining them or from continuing [to be] 1 with them. 
 There is no assistance nor strength except in Allah the Exalted, 
 the Almighty. 
 
 \\ C wish, however, the reader of this our book 1 to under- 
 stand that we do not consider permissible as do those in whom 
 there is no good to quote in anyone's 3 name any statement 
 which lie 4 did not make verbatim, though the (general) view 
 (conveyed by the quotation) may go back to him (the quoted 
 person). For the latter may not always cling to the conse- 
 quences following from 5 his (general) view and thus a contra- 
 diction may appear (between the quotation and the actual 
 opinions of the quoted writer). You must know that quoting 
 in anyone's name be he an infidel, a heretic or a (mere) sinner 
 a statement Avhich he did not make verbatim is equal to tell- 
 ing lies about him, and lying is not allowed against anybody. 
 "On the other hand, they sometimes hide detestable ideas behind 
 ambiguous expressions, so as to make them more attractive to 
 ignorant people and to those of their followers who think well 
 of them 7 and to make it difficult for the bulk [179] of their 
 opponents' to grasp 8 (the full significance of) the heresy in ques- 
 tion. Thus when certain sections among the adherents of 
 
 > Ed. oni. ^ 
 
 8 Luo^^ " our words." 
 
 3 + (juc*j*a.s. ^.jc " anyone of our opponents." 
 
 \v. 
 
 4 aJLftJ ' ' we " which makes no sense. 
 
 5 ^jj II conclure, tirer des consequences (Dozy). Cf . also I. Fried- 
 
 laender, Sprachgebrauch des Maimonides I (1902) sub voce. Y. ^AXJ 
 " permitted b}'." C- 
 
 6 L. + "He says"; Br. + " Says Abu Muhammed." 
 
 ^ ci ** 
 
 ' I follow the reading of L. Br. .^j \ fc> It .w^sJ .^x* -JLc. . 
 Ed. Y. *_j -iixJ! ^**.s! is against the construction, both of the 
 phrase and the verb ( U j in this meaning being followed by ^i). 
 . Ed. Y. incorrectly 
 
 Om.
 
 42 , I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 heterodoxy and fallacy 1 say 2 : God cannot be described as hav- 
 ing the power to do something absurd, or unjust, or false, 3 or any- 
 thing of which he does not know beforehand that it will happen, 4 
 they (deliberately) conceal the gravest heresy in this proposition, 
 in order to mollify" the illiterate among their adherents 6 and 
 appease the crowd of their opponents. (They do so), because 
 they are afraid of openly declaring 7 their belief which in fact 
 means that the Almighty has no power over injustice, nor 
 strength over falsehood, nor might over absurdity. We are 
 necessarily compelled to disclose forgeries of this kind and expose 
 them in the clearest possible terms. We thus hope to get near 
 Allah by rending asunder their veils and disclosing their secrets. 8 
 " Allah is sufficient for us. He is an excellent Protector!" 9 
 
 Description of the Depravities of the Shi'ites. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed : The adherents of depravities (hetero- 
 doxies) belonging to this sect are divided into three sections. 
 
 I. The first of them is the Jdrtidiyya, a part of the Zeidiyya. 
 
 II. Then the Imdmiyya^ belonging to the Rawufid, and 
 finally 
 
 III. the Extremists. 
 
 "those who go astray from 
 the religion of Allah." 
 
 2 +>! " since " which makes no sense. It is probably to be corrected 
 
 " 1 
 in ^J " that." 
 
 < 
 
 3 + JJ0LJ! ^1 .>LfcjJ! J^c. Vj "or to call (mankind) to anything 
 nonsensical." 
 
 4 &JlxjL> " that he will do it." 
 
 6 Y. (LwwoLi' (L. Br. unpointed) ''to bring into despair" which makes 
 no sense. 
 
 6 + A ^Vlp^n- "and their imitators." 
 
 o ' 
 1 +vxxi. " the ugliness of." 
 
 8 +*^jJ^Lo .j-c. uwLJt ,xaxi'. "and to make people flee from 
 their fallacy." 
 
 9 Koran III, 167.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 43 
 
 I. As to the .TCtriidiyya, a part of them believed in Muham- 
 medb. 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan' b. 'Ali b. Abf Talib, 
 the same 2 who rose in Medina against Abu Ja'far al-Mansur. 
 The latter dispatched against him 3 'Isa b. Musa b. Muhammed *b. 
 'Alt b. 'Abdallah 4 b. al-' Abbas, who killed Muhammed b. 
 'Abdallah *b. al-Hasan, Allah have mercy on him! 6 This sec- 
 tion then believed that the said Muhammed was alive, 8 that he was 
 never killed, that he never died 7 nor will ever die until he has 
 filled the earth with justice as it is filled with iniquity. Another 
 section of them believed in Yahya b. 'Omar *b. Yahya 8 b. al- 
 Husein 9 b. Zeid d. -Ali b. al-Husein b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who 
 rose in Kufa *in the days of 10 al-Musta'in. Muhammed b. 
 'Abdallah b. Tahir b. al-Husein b. Mus' ab, the wali of Bag-- 
 dad for al-Musta'in, disDatched against him the son of 
 his paternal uncle al-Husein b. Isma'il b. Ibrahim b. 
 Mus'ab, the nephew of Ishak b. Ibrahim b. Mus'ab, 11 who 
 killed Yahya b. 'Omar, Allah have mercy on him! The said 
 section then believed that this Yahya b. 'Omar was alive, 12 that 
 he was never killed, *that he never died 13 nor will ever die until 
 he has filled the earth with justice as it is filled with 'iniquity. 
 
 1 Ed. and Codd. al-Husein. 2 +.JO . 
 
 " the son of his brother." 
 4 Om. 5 Om. 6 + |~JIJ,t " until this day." 
 
 ,-j.x! -^.Ls-Lj ^a> xjL " and that he lived in Hdjir 
 
 in the mountain of Radwd." 
 
 8 Om. 9 Al-Hasan. 
 
 10 Jet " against" instead of *L>t (also later). 
 
 11 I follow the reading of L. Br. yOtJiwL+JU jt Jou 
 
 J>Lb 
 
 o'L^fl .c^' Ed - . otXu^ -jo 
 
 (sic) jL*.. ^jj 
 "by order of al-Musta'in the son of his paternal 
 
 uncle (read ^p' ) al-Hasan (sic) b. Ismd'il b. al-Husein, the son of the 
 brother of Tahir b. al-Husein." See Comm. 
 12 + *JI J,! " until this day." 13 Om.
 
 44 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Another section believed that Muharamed b. al-Kasim b. 'All 
 b. 'Omar b. 'Ali b. al-Husein b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, who rose in 
 Talikan 1 in the days of al-Mu'tasira, was alive, that he never 
 died, *nor was ever killed" nor will ever die until he has filled 
 the earth with justice as it is filled with inquity. 
 
 The Keisdniyya, the followers [of Keisan Abu 'Omra, one of 
 the followers] 3 of al-Mukhtar b. Abi 'Ubeid 4 they are in our 
 opinion a branch 5 of the Zeidiyya in their tendency" that 
 Muhammed b. Ali b. Abi Talib i. e., Ibn al-Hanafiyya was 
 (still) alive in the mountains 7 of Radwa, having on his right a 
 lion and on his left a leopard, conversing with angels, his su>- 
 tenance coming to him in the morning and in the evening, that 
 he never died, nor will ever die until he has filled the earth with 
 justice as it is filled with iniquity. 
 
 II. *Some of the Imamitic Rawafid I refer to the sect 8 called 
 a.\-Mamttira believed that Musa b. Ja'far b. Muhammed b. 
 'Ali b. al-Husein b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib was alive, that he never 
 died [180] nor will ever die until he has filled the earth with justice 
 as it is filled with iniquity. Another group of them, viz, the 
 N&wusiyya, the followers of 9 Xawus 10 of Basra, 11 believed *the 
 same of his father Ja 'far b. Muhammed. 1S Another group believed 
 
 wx> " in the lands of Khordsdn." Om. 
 
 3 Supplied from L. Br. >_i *a^l +jo ,.\\* XT* ^ >| , .Lw^xJ . Ed. 
 
 CT~ c; ^ /^ i5' ^ 
 Y. om. through homoioteleuton. 
 
 AftxJ! " of the Banu Taklfa." 
 
 * Ed. correctly JUJLW , Br. juuni . L. J 
 
 Lit.: " path." L. Br. *-gJU~ plural. 7 Sing. 
 
 8 Merely auajf Jl o xio c^Jlj " a section of the Rawafid." See 
 
 Introduction, pp. 22 and 23. 
 9 L. Br. A. + Ibn. "> ^ J . 
 
 11 Ed. Y. _*nJ! " from Egypt." See Comm. 
 
 j |J 
 
 lx^>. " that Ja'far b. Muh. b. 'Ali b. al-Hus. b. 'Ali b. A. T. was alive, 
 )' 
 
 that he never died nor will ever die until, etc." The same elaborate 
 formula instead of uLo also later.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 45 
 
 the same of his brother Isma'il b. Ja'far. The Saba'iyya, 1 
 the followers of the Jew" 'Abdallah ibn Saba the Himyarite, 
 believed the same of 'Alt b. Abi Talib, adding 3 that he was in the 
 clouds. But I wish I knew in what particular cloud he is to be 
 found, there being so many clouds in the different zones of the 
 earth "that are compelled to do service between heaven and 
 earth," as Allah the Almighty said. 4 *The said 'Abdallah ibn 
 Saba, having received the news of 'All's murder, 5 expressed 
 himself in these terms: " Even if you had brought us his brains 
 in seventy bags, 6 we would not be convinced of his death. 
 He will surely not die until he has filled the earth with justice 
 as it is filled with iniquity." Some of the Keisaniyya *believed 
 that Abii Muslim as-Siraj was alive and has not died, and that he 
 will undoubtedly appear again. Others of the Keisaniyya 7 
 believed that 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. 
 Abi Talib was alive in the mountains of Isbahan until this day 
 and will undoubtedly appear again. This /Abdallah is the 
 same who rose in Faris in the days of Merwan b. Muhammed 
 and was killed by Abu Muslim, after the latter had kept him in 
 prison for a long time. 8 This 'Abdallah held detestable 9 opinions 
 in religious matters, being a Xihilist and seeking the company 
 of the Dahriyya. 
 
 1 Ed. Y. Sababiyya. Br. unpointed ; L. as above. See Comm. 
 
 
 
 ,^L*wVt g^l ? l_}J_2j iv)li "fo was a J cw &*** outwardly pro- 
 fessed Islam." Cf. p. 37. 
 
 3 tJLs. " maintaining." 
 
 4 Koran II, 159. 
 
 x> Jo- &*s . JjCi' i>j j! AAW ^-?V Joo j "When 
 
 it was said to Ibn Saba, after the murder of 'All had taken place: 'All 
 has died." 
 
 6 1 follow the reading of A. 5^0 ^.AJtAvA , see Comm. Ed. Y. 
 SV^^WAJUUA; "70 times." L. Br. So^o ^Br. unp.) "70 blows" which 
 
 makes no sense. 
 
 7 L. om. through homoioteleuton. 
 
 8 5 Joo " a while." 
 
 i "corrupt."
 
 46 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed : These people only follow in the foot- 
 steps of the Jews who believe that *Malkizedek [b. Falig] b. ' Abir 
 [b. Shalih] b. Arphakhshad b. Sam b. Nuh 1 and the servant 
 whom Ibrahim dispatched to woo Ribket," the daughter of 
 Bethu'ar b. Nakhur 4 b. Tarikh for his son Ishak, and Ilyas 
 (Elijah) and Phinhas b. Al'azar 5 b. Harun are alive until this 
 day. 6 The same direction is also taken, by some silly 7 Sufis, 
 who affirm that Ilyas and al-Khadir are both alive until this 
 day, some of them even claiming that they 8 met Ilyas in des- 
 erts 9 and al-Khadir on lanes and meadows, 1 " and that the latter, 
 whenever called, instantly appears 11 before the man who has 
 called him. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: How does al-Khadir accomplish it, *if 
 he is called in the East, the West, the North and the South 12 and 13 
 
 1 Ed. Y. J| Juo^s? ,jj (Y. 
 
 L. Br. also add Methusalem. but the reading is corrupt : ^^ 
 
 r 3 ^- (J"? ( Br - 
 
 _jj wj ("Br. ,Lfr) r*^ t-J 1 ^ n the readings adopted in the text 
 
 see Commentary. 
 
 2 Ed. Y. LAJ^ , L. Br. L*^ . 
 
 3 Ed. Y. Jlpo . 4 y*\ . 5 Algazar. 
 
 6 +*JC ^j! ( M.>cX.j ^5 LxJjJt 3 "on earth, but it is not known 
 
 where they are.' 9 
 7 Ed. Y. C^Y^ makes no sense. L. Br. ^+* (L. under it in tiny let- 
 
 ters ^wuJlie. ^.. t /^)= ^ plural of the elativ 
 
 8 Ed. Y. singular ( ^.iLL: aol), taking the preceding (jdju as " one." 
 The singular, however, contradicts the statement in the next paragraph. 
 
 ' j.jJLj &XwL*.4Jt " lonely (deserts) and met." 
 
 10 
 
 + -LgjVtj ,M.jotJf Lg^o <r^^ " in which there are wells and rivers." 
 (Br. om. 
 
 11 Br. Ja^. "presents himself." 
 i/ 
 
 ^ SyJ ^ <j " ^ the people call him 
 simultaneously in the extreme East, etc." ,*Q?! added to each direction. 
 
 Om.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 47 
 
 in thousand different places in the same instant ? (Yet) we met 
 several people 1 who held this belief, among them [Muhammed b. 
 'Abdallah b. Salam al-Ansari] 2 known as Shukk al-Leil, tradi- 
 tionist 3 in Talabira, who *in spite of it 4 belongs to the influential 
 circles and masters* a great amount of traditions; 5 among them 
 also the Katib Muhammed b. 'Abdallah, who told me that he 
 *many times 6 sat with al-Khadhir and conversed with him, and 
 many others. (They believe) all this, despite their knowing 
 the saying of Allah: "But (he is) the Apostle of Allah and the 
 seal of the prophets," 7 and the words of the Apostle of Allah: 
 "There is no prophet after me." 8 How then can a Muslim 
 think it permissible 9 to assume [after this that] 10 there is a pro- 
 phet on earth after Muhammed, with the exception, stipulated by 
 the Apostle of Allah, of the miracles which, according to relia- 
 ble tradition, are certain to take place in connexion with 'Isa b. 
 Maryam's advent at the end of Time? 
 
 The heretics of [181] Baragwatah expect *until this day" Salih 
 b. Tarif, who instituted for them their religion. 12 
 
 *The KitM^iyya, of the Imamitic Rawafid they constitute 
 the bulk of the Shi'ites, and to them belong the dogmatists and 
 thinkers as well as the large numbers (of the Shi'ites) all 
 believe 13 that Muhammed b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Muhammed *b. 
 'Ali 14 b. Musa b. Ja'far [b. Muhammed] 16 b. 'Ali b. al-Husein b. 
 
 "a large number.'" 
 Ed. Y. om. Supplied from L. Br. 
 
 3 Om. 4 Om. 5 Only Julj Jtj . 
 
 6 Om. ' Koran XXXIII, 40. 
 
 8 L. gives a long marginal gloss, on which see Comm. 
 
 9 .^^L**o (Br. imp.) "ask," which makes no sense. 
 
 Jou. Ed. Y. om. owing to homoioteleuton. ll Om. 
 
 " Until Allah stamped out their vestigfs altogether in our own time. 
 Praise unto Allah /" See Comm. 
 
 13 Differently worded ^x> aLyoLcV! ..^x *JC^ LgJlS' iLuL*iaJiJ! oJUj. 
 *Jfe^*JUOu p-g^ij (^*J' xxii! J! " All the K. 
 
 they now belong to the Imamiyya of the Rawafid and among them 
 are their dogmatists and thinkers as well as their center of gravity 
 believe." u Om. 15 Ed. Y. om.
 
 48 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 'Ali b. Abt Talib is alive, that he never died nor will ever die 
 until he will appear and fill the earth with justice as it is filled 
 with iniquity. He is in their opinion the Mahdi, the Expected. 1 
 A section of them maintains 2 that *the birth of this one who 
 (in reality) was never created took place 3 in the year 260 *the 
 year when his father died. 4 Another section, however, main- 
 tains that he was born some time after his father's death. Still 
 another section maintains that he was, on the contrary, born 
 during the lifetime of his father. They report this in the 
 name of flukeima, 6 the daughter of Muhammed b. 'Ali b. Mfisa. 6 
 *(They also report) that she was present at his birth and heard 
 him speak and recite the Koran the moment he fell out of the 
 womb of his mother, and that his mother was Narjis and that 
 she herself (Hukeima) was his nurse. 7 The majority 3 of them, 
 however, say that his mother was Sakil and a part of them say 
 that his mother was Sausan. "But all this is humbug, 10 for the 
 above-mentioned al-Hasan left no children," neither male nor 
 female. Such is the first folly 1 " of the Shi'ites and the key to 
 
 ! . * Ed. misprint J*AJ. . 
 
 " his birthdate (was)." 
 
 jt &j! (Br. Sy&o , L. S^Jo) 5^5jo ^ jJ! yyo * 
 _=*.! " This is the year of death of him whom (that section) 
 
 mentions as being (Br. whom we deny to be) his father. He is the last 
 of their Imams." 
 
 5 Xjt~&. viLfj t.x "they report about this a silly story." Instead 
 of SUjOC=. ..^. there is a blank both in L. and Br. 
 
 6 -f- -mS<+$\ ,-yAw.t &+ ^t o^=*l "the sister of 'Ali and the aunt 
 of the above-mentioned al-Hasan." 
 
 awl (jlj (jUiJ! ^ cub!. Ed. Y. 
 
 A. ooLT^ L^! 5 . 
 
 8 aLftjLb "a part." 
 
 9 +Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 fabricated lie." 
 
 $, 
 
 11 ^Lo! " at all." '2 J.j> "belief."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 49 
 
 their grave errors 1 of which this one is the least grave, though 
 (sufficient) to lead to perdition. 
 
 All these, 2 when 1 " asked to prove what they say, reply : Our 
 proof is Inspiration, and he who contradicts us is of illegitimate 
 birth. 4 This is strange 5 indeed ! I wish I knew the dif- 
 ference between them and the opposite attitude 6 of those who 
 claim Inspiration while proving the absurdity of their assump- 
 tions and (maintaining) that the Shi'ites 7 are of illegitimate 
 birth 9 , or that they are idiots 9 , or that they all have forking pro- 
 jections 10 on their heads. *What would they say of one who 
 had belonged to them but then went over to the others, or one 
 who had belonged to the others and then went over to them ? 
 Do you believe that he is transferred 11 from an illegitimate birth 
 
 1 (v4.-L^ which evidently stands for ^ g>*U -^ " their curiosities." 
 
 - IjJls xX^ viXJO 3 JLsXrLt . . . jv^3l (sic) |4jL^ ^jjO) . 
 
 3 Ed. and Codd. j! " since." Read I jl . 
 
 s 
 
 4 + Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 '> Ed. and Codd. Lib _b . I read LOJ Jc " strange" (Lane). 
 
 6 Ed. Y. -LxC from ^xc III " to equalize, adjust," which conveys no 
 
 proper sense. L. t>xc (Br. uncertain). I read oxfr from JoLc III " to 
 oppose, contradict." 
 
 I . 
 
 8 Ed. jjjui-, .Read 5 <X& J as in Br. Y. L. s<X& Jf . 
 
 9 Ed. k$lj which is perhaps to be read ~$J , comp. p. 46, note '7. 
 Instead of -HS^i *~&jl 5! the Codices have ^e .ygj J 
 
 "and that all of them, from the first to 
 
 the last, ineunt mulieres in latrinis suis." Ed. no doubt intentionally 
 omitted. 
 
 10 Ed. ^j*J* ..wo aujUw 3* ; L. Br. ^jui .6 . (Jf***- ()* " of 
 madness," om. in all Codices and is most probably a gloss. See Comm. 
 
 11 Differently worded ^i *&uO ^jl^^+jo ^.X.Lj' Lo ,vXJ J.JiJ AJ' 
 
 VOL. XXVIII.
 
 50 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 to a legitimate one or from a legitimate birth to an illegitimate 
 one ? Should they say : his case 1 depends on his condition at 
 his death, then one" ought to reply to them: (If so), then per- 
 haps you 3 are of illegitimate birth, since it is not impossible 
 that you will all one by one return to the reverse of what you 
 believe today. Surely, they all are -people of foul opinions, of 
 weak minds and of no shame. 4 Let us seek refuge in Allah 
 *from Error. 5 
 
 'Amr b. Bahr al-Jahiz one of those frivolous men who are 
 mastered by the desire for a joke, and one of those who lead 
 into error, 8 yet one, as we found, who in his books never sets 
 forth a lie deliberately and assertively, though he often enough 
 sets forth the lies of others (al-Jahiz) narrates the following : 
 Abu Ishak Ibrahim 7 an-Nazzam and Bishr b. Khalid 8 told me 
 that they once said to Muhammed b. Ja'far the Rafidite, known 
 as Sheitan at-Tak: *"Woe unto thee! 9 Art thou not ashamed 
 *before Allah 10 of what thou hast asserted in thy book on " the 
 Imamate " that Allah never said in the Koran : ' The second of 
 two : when they were both in the cave, when he said unto his 
 companion : Be not grieved, for Allah is with us !'"?" They both 
 continue to narrate: "By Allah, Sheitan at-Tak thereupon 
 
 jf " surely. 
 2 UJljJ "we." 
 
 , " whatever." 
 
 jo "from that with which he tempted them." 
 Ed. misprint y^i^ t lt J^L*a..M instead of the reverse. Y. + JL 
 
 j' *JUI " Allah says : Walk not proudly 
 
 in the land " (Koran XVII, 39). This is evidently the gloss of a reader. 
 
 7 Om. 
 
 8 iiJyui+J! Sj^j ..yjo Lo_>l J6 "he also was one of the leaders of 
 
 the Mu'tazilites." 
 9 Om. 
 
 ^*j yfc 
 Koran IX, 40. 
 
 aJUf oJut Lo! " doest thou not fear Allah?"
 
 Vol. xxviii.J Th e Heterodoxies of the Shiites, ete. 51 
 
 broke forth into a 1 long laughter so that 2 (we felt) as had we 
 been the evildoers." An-Nazzam narrates: "We often spoke 
 with 3 'Ali b. Mitam 4 as-Sabuni (the soapboiler) he was one 
 of the doctors of the Rawafid and one of their dogmatists and 
 we would occasionally ask him [for some information, which he 
 would give us. When we asked him] : 6 ' Is it (i. e., your informa- 
 tion) an opinion (of your own) or an oral information 6 (coming) 
 from the Imams ?" he would deny that he gave it of his own 
 opinion. We then reminded him 8 of what he had said about 
 the same thing on a previous [182] occasion." He (an-Nazzam) 
 continues : ' 'By Allah, I never saw him blush for it or feel ashamed 
 of having done it." 
 
 One of the tenets of the Imamites both ancient and modern 
 is that the Koran was interpolated by adding passages that 
 were not in it, by removing a great number (of verses) from it 
 and altering a great number (of verses) in it. The only excep- 
 tion is 'Ali b. al-Husein 9 b. Musa *b. Muhammed 10 b. Ibrahim 
 b. Musa b. Ja'far b. Muhammed b. 'Ali b. al-Husein 11 b. 'Ali 
 b. Abi Talib, who was 12 an Imamite, yet at the same time openly 
 declared his schism (in this question). He always denied this 
 belief *and declared those who entertained it apostates. 13 Of the 
 same opinion (with him) were his two followers Abu Ya'la 14 
 
 1 +!w3Le "sudden, unexpected." Originally said of an arrow of 
 which the shooter is not known. See Lane s.v. 
 
 L*J. " we had to blush and." 
 
 L-V *. 
 
 ,j&5 "('All b. Mitam) often spoke with us." 
 
 4 Ed. Y. *JUx> , Br. *AAXI , L. unp. See Comm. 
 
 5 Ed. Y. om. aJLwwJLs ^xSXJ kjlLw^A) ^s. owing to homoioteleuton. 
 
 6 SoUs " oral tradition." 7 Sing. 
 
 8 Ed. misprint S ,.x^Li . 9 Ed. Y. al-Hasan. 
 
 10 Om. Ed. Y. al-Hasan. 
 
 . 
 j " one of the heads of the Imdmites and one of their dogma- 
 
 tists. Yet, at the same time he openly and publicly declared his schism." 
 
 13 Only xj _RXJ which is probably a mistake for xj jljj vx -AJo. 
 
 14 Ed. Y. L. jou. Br. ^. is probably a correction.
 
 52 I. Friedlaender, [1907, 
 
 Sabalan (?)' of Tusand Abu'l-Kasim ar-Razi (of Rai-Teheran). 
 Says Abu Muhammed : The belief that there are interpolations 
 between the two covers (of the Koran) is pure 5 apostasy and 3 
 equal to declaring the Apostle of Allah a liar. 
 
 A section of the Keisdniyya believed in the Transmigration 
 of Souls and this belief was upheld by the poet as-Sayyid al- 
 Himyari, Allah curse him! Those who believed in it were so 
 possessed with this idea 4 that one of them would take a mule or a 
 donkey and hit it and torture it and withhold from it drink and 
 food, on the ground that it bears the spirit of Abu Bekr and 
 'Omar. 5 Marvel at this folly, 8 which has no parallel to it! 'For 
 by what right has this miserable mule or unlucky donkey been 
 distinguished by transferring to it the spirit (of Abu Bekr and 
 'Omar), more than all other mules and donkeys? They do the 
 same thing to a she-goat, on the ground that she bears the spirit 
 of the Mother of the Faithful. 
 
 8 The bulk of their 9 dogmatists like Hisham b. al-Hakam of 
 Kufa, 10 his pupil 11 Abu 'All ash-Shakkak 12 and others maintain 
 that God's knowledge is created and that he knew nothing 
 until he created knowledge for himself: 13 this is pure apostasy. 14 
 
 1 L. ^^**u , Br. unp. Ed. Y. J^yo . See Comm. 
 
 " unadulterated" (the. same variant also later). 
 
 3 xiV " because it is." 
 
 * Ed. Y. tf jo +J \ ilo ; L. Br. 
 
 "frenzy." 
 5 4- or 'Othmdn. See Comm. 
 
 7 + Lo^jjUu ouJ L> " I wish I knew." 
 
 8 +Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 + J^tt "early." 
 
 10 + <XbJ _Jo ^yo "a client of the Banu Asad." 
 
 11 Om. 
 
 14 Ed. Y. Jl^aJ! . L. Br. Jl^sDI (sic). See Comm. 
 13 +Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 ( L - om -) ^ "because it means to declare God 
 ignorant."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 53 
 
 The same Hisham, when once arguing with Abu'l-Hudeil al- 
 'Allaf, 1 declared that 2 his Lord was seven spans (measured) by his 
 own spans: this is pure apostasy. 3 Dawud al-Hawari 1 
 one of their greatest dogmatists, asserted that his Lord was flesh 
 and blood (and) of human shape. 
 
 They unanimously hold that the sun was turned back twice 
 for 'All. Is there more stiffness of face 5 , hardness of cheek, 6 
 lack of shame 7 and courage * to lie ? 8 (And all this) despite the 
 nearness of age 9 and the multitude of people. 
 
 10 A section of them maintains that God sometimes wants a 
 thing and decides upon it; then something occurs to him and 
 he leaves it undone. This view is known as that of the Keisaniyya. 
 
 "Among the Imamites there are some who permit *to marry 13 
 nine wives. Others forbid 13 cabbage 14 , on the ground that it only 
 grew from the blood of al-Husein, and had never existed before. 
 15 This assertion resembles in its small amount 18 of shame the pre- 
 vious one. *In the same way 17 many of them asserted that 
 'All *never had a namesake before him. 18 But this is frightful 
 ignorance. On the contrary, there were *many among the Arabs 19 
 
 1 + " in Mekka." 
 
 2 + cLio "the length of." 
 
 3 +JL=. yc. jJULj tJ*J auV "because it means ridiculing God." 
 
 4 Ed. ;5\tj4>! ; Codd. 
 
 Plural. Plural. 
 
 "life," which makes no sense. 
 
 J^e. " to stupefy all the peo- 
 
 ' / / 
 pie of the earth with lies." 
 
 9 + ^j9\\ viXJj ^i .^ ..MJO "to those who lived in that generation.' 1 '' 
 L. Br. om. 
 
 10 L. Br. om. the whole paragraph. " + " Says Abu Muhammed. " 
 
 <i f- 
 
 15 Om. 13 + J5 \ " the eating of." 
 
 14 Erroneously <_>i\Yt "hare." 16 +Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 16 ..JL& " lack" (of shame). 17 Om. 
 
 I I tX ,CW ^J 
 
 " a large number at the time of Ignorance." 
 
 18
 
 54 7. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 who were called by this name, like 'All b. Bekr b. Wa'il, to 
 whom every Bekrite in the world traces his origin. 1 *There was 
 an 'Ali among the Azd and an 'All among the Bajila as well as 
 in other (tribes). Every one of these was well-known in the time 
 of Ignorance. 2 Nearer than 3 this was 'Amir b. at-Tufeil with 
 the Kunya Abu 'Ali. 
 
 Their public assertions 4 are, however, more numerous than 
 those mentioned. 
 
 There is a section among them maintaining that Paradise and 
 Hell will decay. On the other hand, there are some among the 
 Keisaniyya who maintain that this world 6 will never decay. 
 
 There was one section among them called al-Bajaliyya fi [183] 
 tracing its origin to *al-Hasan b. 7 'Alt b. "Warsand al-Bajali. 8 
 He belonged to the people of Nafta," of the district of Kafsa 10 
 in Kastilia," of the lands of Ifrikiya. Then this infidel started 
 for as-Sus at the extreme end of the lands of the Masamida, 
 whom he led astray, also leading astray the Amir of as-Sus 
 Ahmad b. Idris b. Yahya b. Idris b. 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan 12 
 b. al-Hasan 13 b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib. They are very numerous 
 
 1 Om. au-wuj ,i . + iaJii Jo ..vj jCio -AJ _^iUk. . See Comm. 
 j w / (S 13 
 
 I ' o - 
 
 8 L. Br. instead : x e *n S. ^j V;*-^ cH r-"*-^ \J~? 
 
 \i" ^ / 
 
 ^^^ \J"? u^^ ^ ( Codd - 
 
 Uxi 
 
 Lfl_s! . See Comm. 
 3 Om. x : "the nearest." 
 
 4 x-aiUt s^?!.joL^? "the publ. ass. of the Rawafid." 
 
 5 L. *.t " Paradise." Br. as Ed. 
 
 8 Ed. iUJLadJ! , Y. &JU>Jt , L. xJlJj , A. auJLsJf , Br. 
 See Comm. "> Om. 
 
 Ed. J^sUi , Y. J^aJt ; L. Br. unp. 
 
 ' A. x|^fl> ; L. Br. unp. 10 Br. &^OAJ . 
 
 11 Om. Ed. Y. Rx^Lk^ .I read XjJLJxwwJ: iuoAi' " Kafsa in K." 
 
 '- Ed. Y. al-Husein. 'L. Br. al-Husein.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shtites, etc. 55 
 
 there, dwelling iu the environments of the city of as-Sus, openly 
 professing their unbelief. Their prayers are different from those 
 of the Muslims. They eat no fruit whatever whose root has 
 been manured. They maintain that the Imamate is confined 
 to the descendants of al-Hasan, *to the exclusion of the descend- 
 ants of al-Husein. 1 
 
 To them also belonged the followers of AbH Kdmil. One of 
 their beliefs was that all the Companions became apostates after 
 the death of the Prophet by disclaiming the Imamate of 'All, 
 and that the latter, too, became an apostate by conceding the 
 rule first to Abu Bekr, then to 'Omar, then to 'Othman. The 
 bulk of them, however, add that 'All and those that followed 
 him returned to Islam, having asserted his rights *after the 
 death of 'Othman 2 , by uncovering 3 his face and unsheathing 4 his 
 sword, while before this they had drifted away from Islam and 
 had become apostates and polytheists. Among them there were 
 also some who put the whole blame in this matter on the 
 Prophet, because he did not explain the question in a manner 
 removing all doubt. Says Abu Muhammed: All this is pure 
 apostasy and no hiding of it is possible. 
 
 These are the doctrines 5 of the Imamites, who among the sects 
 of the Shi 'a are *moderate as regards 6 "Extremism." 
 
 III. As to the Extremists among the Shi'ites, they are divided 
 into two parties: 1. one attributing prophecy after the Prophet 
 to some other person, 7 2. the other attributing divinity to any- 
 one beside Allah, thus joining the Christians and the Jews 8 and 
 betraying religion in a most detestable manner. 
 
 Merely aL*. "alone" + ^^1.3 ^ 
 
 #t>lj! x<U! \+.=^ c lia+Jf " We have now been told that 
 
 'Abdallah b. Yasin al-Muttawwi' (the Devout, see Lane and Dozy s.v.) 
 Allah have mercy on him destroyed them completely." 
 
 8 Om. 3 ,_Q^jQJ ? instead of 
 
 4 L. Ju.** , which makes no sense. 
 
 _ 
 xXu " the depravities." 
 
 " keeping back from." 
 
 1 Om. Sj-xi ; + j^u;2 ,-v.c. L^-^fi. i " thus deserting Islam." 
 
 8 Instead of "the Jews"; UjCJ! J>Lu/j "and therest of thelnfidels."
 
 56 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 1. The party which admits prophecy after the Prophet is 
 divided into various sects. 
 
 To these belonged the Gurdbiyya.* Their opinion was that 
 Muhammed resembled 'All more closely than one raven the other 
 and that Allah had dispatched Jibril with a revelation 2 to 'All, 
 but Jibril mistook Muhammed for him. 3 Yet 4 Jibril is not to 
 be blamed as he (only) made a mistake/ There was, however, 
 a section among them who said that Jibril did it purposely and 
 they declared him an apostate and cursed him, may Allah curse 
 them! Says Abu Muhammed : Did anyone ever hear of more 
 weak-minded people and more finished idiots than these here 6 
 who assume that Muhammed resembled 'All ? For Heaven's sake ! 
 *How could there exist a resemblance between a man of forty 
 and a boy of eleven years, so that Jibril should have mistaken 
 him ? 7 Besides, Muhammed was" above middle-size (tending) 
 towards tallness, 9 erect 10 like a spear, with a thick beard, big 
 black 11 eyes, full thighs, with little hair on his body, 1ml rich 
 
 1 L. auiUJI , Br. x 
 
 2 +&JL* J! " and a message." 
 
 * ' 
 
 3 Instead of jLt^V+j more explicitly cV t <P ^| -i'Ls " and he came 
 to M." 
 
 4 +xi'j otti ttjjLsJ .vJ " then they disagreed and a section of 
 them said " : this is probably the correct reading. 
 
 (Br. xxxio) .A*W ScXxcJ "by reason of the strong 
 resemblance between Muhammed and 'All." 
 6 Erroneously * a t. V instead of ..j' . 
 
 .j! LJL5"(j*UJ! li't 
 J.X=*. J^ai! 
 
 [V gt'^n "'How could a man of forty bear so strong a 
 
 resemblance to a boy of ten that the most perfect of all men should err 
 therein? How much less could err in such a thing the most excellent 
 of Allah's creatures and the most perfect of them, as regards discrimi- 
 nation and virtue !" " The most perfect of all men," which can only 
 refer to the Prophet, does not convey a proper sense in this connection. 
 8 +j^Ajua. "then." 
 
 9 +v-*jJ'l (JLbJIj!) " nearer " (to tallness). 
 
 10 L. (W uo , Br. ^ Jo . 
 
 11 Ed. Y. ^.ta! without sense. L. Br. ^-frjl as translated.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 57 
 
 curls. 1 'All on the contrary was 2 below middle size, (tending) 
 towards shortness, 3 stooping frightfully, as though he had been 
 broken and then reset, *with a mighty beard which covered his 
 chest 4 from one shoulderbone to the other, *when he had become 
 bearded, 5 with heavy eyes, 6 with thin thighs, [184] mightily 7 
 bald, with no hair on his head *except a tiny bit in the back of 
 it, 8 but with much hair on his body. 9 Marvel at the silliness 10 
 of this pack. 11 For even granted that Jibril made a mistake 
 though far be it from the faithful 12 Holy Spirit 13 , how could Allah 
 have neglected *to rectify and 14 to enlighten him and (how could 
 he) have allowed him to abide 15 by his mistake twenty-three 
 years ?' But even more strange 17 than all this : who could have 
 told them this story and who could have imposed upon them this 18 
 fable, since this can only be known to one who was present when 
 Allah gave the order to Jibril and then was present at his disobey- 
 ing it ? Upon them the curse of Allah, the curse of those who 
 
 1 + xx.ssJ! j! " with a rich beard." 
 
 - +,jl^ +*$ <M *J <3y-*t ,-A-O <XxAjL2>. " then a beardless boy. When 
 he had grown up, he was." 
 
 3 +(_>.j'! (-^flJL'tJ,!) " nearer " (to shortness). 
 
 i " ' 
 
 4 + Xx^Jf xx, ic vJW " with an exceedingly rich beard." 
 
 5 Om. 6 +LJ8wXx5' " both big." 7 $e,Juo " exceedingly." 
 
 s . S w 
 
 8 sLftJs ,i oLyfl o-o W "except a tuft on his occiput." Lit., " a 
 
 tuft which was tufted." I owe this explanation to Professor Torrey. 
 
 9 Ed. Y. JLys^JI "beard," which makes no sense. L. Br. 
 "body." 
 
 10 IsLsV " at the exaggeration." u xajUaJ! " party." 
 
 12 Om. 13 
 
 14 Om. I5 
 
 16 + VA&! ..w+J SvAJtJ ^ fl't^ ^ (jj. " Verily, in their stupidity there 
 is a warning for those who accept a warning I" 
 'I Ed. o*Ji! . I read o^bf . See p. 49, n. 5. 
 
 vile."
 
 58 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 curse 1 , and the curse of the whole of mankind 2 so long as human 
 beings will last before Allah in his world ! 
 
 One section believed in the prophecy of 'All. 3 Another sec- 
 tion believed that 'Ali b. Abi Talib, al-Hasan, al-Husein, 4 'All 
 b. al-Husein 5 , Muhammedb. 'All, Ja'farb. Muhammed, Musa b. 
 Ja'far, 'Ali b. Musa, Muhammed b. 'Ali, ['Ali b. Muhammed], 7 
 al-Hasan b. 'Ali 8 and the Expected, 9 the son of al-Hasan, were 
 all prophets. 10 Another section believed in the prophecy of 
 Muhammed b. Isma'il b. Ja'far only. This is the party of the 
 Karmatians. Another section believed only in the prophecy of 
 'Ali and his three sons: al-Hasan, al-Husein and Muhammed 
 b. al-Hanafiyya. This is the party of 11 the Keisdniyya. Al- 
 Mukhtar 12 was constantly attempting 13 to claim prophecy for 
 himself: he spoke in rhymes 14 and warned them against turning 
 aside from Allah, several groups 15 of the cursed Shi'ites follow- 
 ing him in 16 this belief. He 17 advocated the Imamate of Muham- 
 med b. al-Hanafiyya. 
 
 1 Cf. Koran II, 154; L. Br. + xJo^Jt. "and of the angels." 
 8 The following om. 
 
 3 + 5<Xs^" y^JLio ^1 ^ "b. Abi Talib alone." 
 
 Ed.Y. +{+&). 
 
 6 L. om. 'Ali b. al-Husein through homoioteleuton. 
 
 ov. 
 
 7 Ed. and Codd. om. See Comm. 
 
 8 Ed. and Codd. Muhammed. See Comm. 
 
 9 +4X4^? JO " i. e. Muhammed." 
 
 10 + JLJ aJUt Ju-s "Apostles of Allah." 
 
 11 Instead of ^./> aLftSUfl erroneously .jLx 
 
 18 +xJUt &JLxJ (Br. only aO*J) "Allah curse him!" 
 
 13 Ed. correctly fLa. ; Y. |*.cs , see Dozy s.v. Lit.: "turning around." 
 
 14 L. erroneously 
 
 16 JlftjLb "a group." 
 
 14 +i_aj<XoJ' " holding true." 
 
 11 +viHJ j*>o " at the same time."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 59 
 
 One section believed in the prophecy of al-Muyirb, b. Sa l id, 
 a client of the Banu Bajila in Kufa, the same whom Khalid b. 
 'Abdallah al-Kasri burned at the stake. This Mugira may 
 Allah curse him ! used to maintain that *the object of his wor- 
 ship 1 had the shape of a man with a crown on his head and that 
 his limbs were according to the number of the letters of the 
 alphabet, the Alif, for instance, corresponding with the thighs, 
 *and similar things, for which no tongue of one who belongs to 
 any branch of religion will ever loosen itself. 2 Allah is mightily 
 exalted above the assumptions of the Unbelievers ! He Allah 
 curse him ! also maintained that *the object of his worship, 3 
 when intending to create the world/ uttered his Greatest Name 
 which 5 fell down on his crown. Then he wrote down with his 
 finger [on his palm] 6 the actions of men, both the good and the 
 bad ones. But when he beheld the bad actions, sweat trickled 
 down from him on account of it. 7 From this sweat two lakes 
 were gathered: one salty and dark, the other light and sweet. 
 Then he looked into the lake and beheld his shadow. 8 *He 
 started to catch it,' but it flew away. *At last he caught it. 10 
 He plucked out the eyes 11 of his shadow and, grinding them, 
 created out of them the sun 12 and another sun. He created the 
 Infidels out of the salty lake and the Faithful out of the sweet 
 lake, with an ample mixture of both. One of his beliefs also 
 
 1 a!J% " his Lord." See Comm. 
 
 2 ^Lol KAjUCs! ,jLJ LJ yjJLkJLj V Lo JLJ3 JULJ. "and besides 
 
 'this (things) which to record no tongue will loosen itself for us in any 
 way." 
 
 3 SJ\ " his Lord." 
 
 4 Ed. Y. (JjJLiLl , lit. "the creation." L. Br. kLit " Paradise." 
 
 6 + sbj "flew and." 
 
 6 L. Br. +ja l *. ; Ed. Y. om. ' Om. xj . 
 
 8 Ed. aLjLb "darkness." Y. x^JLJC, L. Br. (and Ed. next line) cor- 
 
 rectly &JLib . 
 
 9 Br. om., apparently through oversight. 
 
 10 5tXiU &$N 3(j . u Incorrectly ^jyLxC . 
 13 + ^fljL " and the moon." See Comm.
 
 60 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 was that the prophets never differed in anything concerning the 
 religious laws. It has been assumed that Jabir b. Yazid al- 
 Ju'fi, the same who received traditions from ash-Shu 'bl, was 
 the successor of al-Mugira b. Sa'id, 1 when Khalid *b. 'Abdallah 
 al-Kasri 2 had burned him. When Jabir died, he was succeeded* 
 by Bekr al-A'war (the Blind) al-Hijri, and when he (too) died, 
 they transferred the leadership to 'Abdallah, the son of al- 
 Mugira, their above-mentioned head. 4 They existed in Kufa in 
 compact numbers. The last opinions at which al-Mugira b. 
 Sa'id arrived were his belief in the Imamate of Muhammed b. 
 [185] 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan 5 and the prohibition of 
 the water of the Euphrates and of any 6 river, well 7 or cistern, 
 into which, anything unclean has fallen. Under these circum- 
 stances those who advocated 8 the Imamate of the descendants of 
 al-Husein 9 held themselves aloof from him. 
 
 One section believed in the prophecy of Baydn b. >'<//// v///, 
 Tamimite by descent. Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri burned him 
 together with al-Mugira b. Sa'id on the same day. Al-Mugira 
 b. Sa'id shrank in a most cowardly manner from clasping the bun- 
 dle of wood, 10 so that he had to be tied to it by force. Bay an b. 
 Sam'an, on the contrary, ran to the bundle and clasped it without 
 flinching and without showing any sign of fear. Then Khalid 
 said to both their followers : "In everything, indeed, you behave 
 like lunatics. This one ought to have been your 11 head, not that 
 
 " over his companions." 
 
 2 Om. 3 +*.^.x3 " among them." 4 Om. 
 
 5 Ed. and Codd. al-Husein. L. Br. + joUJ. (Br. L V+<.) V. 
 
 b> '-Le. J^XioiJl v?"9 *oL& " who then 
 
 was alive, a youth of a little over twenty. Al-Mugira advocated the pro- 
 hibition." 
 
 6 Ed. Y. +*\uo "water of." It is most probably a repetition of the 
 word before. 7 Om. 
 
 Ji s* ^ ** 
 
 JL> ..wo Jo aJL* ^VAAJ . 9 Al-Hasan. 
 
 reed." + \^aJuo Lcy> V "and was exceedingly 
 terrified." 
 
 their."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 61 
 
 fool. 1 Bayan b. Sam'an, Allah 3 curse him, maintained that God 
 would entirely decay, excepting only his countenance. This 
 lunatic actually thought that he was supported in this his heresy 
 by the saying of Allah: "Every creation that is on it is subject 
 to decay, and remain will only the countenance of your Lord." 3 
 But had he only possessed an ounce of reason or understanding, 
 then he would have known that Allah's statement about decay 
 only refers to the things on earth, *in agreement with the text 
 of the truthful saying: 4 "Every creation that is on it is subject 
 to decay." But Allah does not attribute decay to *that which 
 is not on earth. 5 Allah's countenance is surely Allah, 6 not a 
 thing different from him. 7 *Far be it from Allah that division 
 and fraction should be attributed to him. 8 This is only the 
 attribute of the created, limited beings, but not the attribute of 
 one who is not 9 limited 10 and has no equal. 11 He Allah curse 
 him ! also maintained that it was he 13 who was meant by the saying 
 of Allah: " This is an illustration (bayan) for mankind." 13 *He 
 also adhered to the doctrine 14 that the Imam was [Abu] 15 Hashim 
 'Abdallah b. Muhammed *b. al-Hanafiyya 16 and that then it (the 
 Imamate) passed over to all the other descendants of 'All. 17 
 
 1 L. J^cLftJ! (Br. JuLfcJt) "coward." 
 
 2 L. om. 
 
 3 "glorious and honorable." Koran LV, 26-27. 
 
 ; JlJj wxc.. 6 + au*J "himself." 
 
 ' -i- \'-*g fr ^/. x^.vl^. V. J^*-; yfc " nor an organ, or a limb." 
 
 "olv^^j (j^-AJujJU oL^jJ ,jl (Br. +,j-c) jL*3'- 
 
 9 Y. om. 10 L. Ji^. , Br. ^A~>. " concealed "? 
 
 f- ' 
 11 + ..aS^ 3. " and no match." 14 +^ 
 
 * ' - 
 
 13 +/5cX#5 "and guidance." Koran III, 132. 
 
 14 Jjb jjtf. . 15 Ed. Y. om. 
 16 b. 'Ali b. A. T. 
 
 11 4- ,v4.Juo LgJ ^>JLo .^.A " those of them who were fit for it." .
 
 62 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 A section of them believed in the prophecy of 
 Manstir al-Mustanir'al-'Ijli (of the Banu 'Ijl) 3 , the same whose 
 nickname was "al-Kisf" 4 (the Fragment). He claimed 5 that 
 he was meant by the saying of Allah : "If they should see a 
 fragment of the heaven falling down." 6 He was crucified by 
 Yusuf b. 'Omar in Kufa. He also Allah 7 curse him! pre- 
 tended that he was lifted up to heaven and that Allah, patting 
 him on his head with his hand, said to him: " Go forth, [o] my 
 child, 8 and deliver (a message) from me." 9 The oath of his 
 followers was : " No, by the Word !" He also Allah curst- him ! 
 maintained that the first beings 10 created by Allah were 'Isa b. 
 Haryam and 'Ali b. Abi Talib. He held the belief in the unin- 
 terrupted succession of apostles. He permitted forbidden things, 
 viz. adultery, wine, (the eating of) dead animals, 11 swine and 
 blood, maintaining that they were nothing but proper names 
 of men, the bulk of the Rawafid are still of the same opinion 
 to-day. He abolished the obligatory prayei-s, alms, fasts" and 
 pilgrimage. His followers were all stranglers and skull breakers, 
 just as were the followers of al-Mugira b. Sa'id. Their reason 
 for this was that they did not permit the iise of arms before he 
 whom they expected would come forth. They consequently killed 
 the people only by means of strangling and breaking the skull, 
 
 1 Ed. Y. om. 
 9 Ed. r*Z~*J\ . 
 
 3 L. + auj-Lo ; Br. auxxJ-o = ixjuLfl or aJuuJLo by (his) descent. 
 
 4 Br. oLciJOL? . 
 
 8 Ed. erroneously JUb instead of J*Jb . 
 
 6 _ 5 I * . 
 
 6 +*j w>L^ '~VV. "tbey would say: it is a thick cloud." 
 Koran LII, 44. 
 
 I Br. om. 
 
 55 "^ 9 I I 
 
 8 o L> , probably more correct than Ed. Y. Li! . 
 
 9 Cf. Koran V, 71. 
 
 10 Ed. Y. ^o ; L. Br. Lo " things." 
 
 II +*^} ' the meat of." 
 15 Sing.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 63 
 
 while the Khashabiyya confined themselves to wooden arms. 1 
 Hisham b. al-Hakam the Rafidite* in his book, known under the 
 title " al-Mizan " (the Balance), he knew them better than 
 anyone else, because he was their neighbor in Kufa and their 
 *associate in doctrine 3 mentions that the Kisfiyya particularly 4 
 kill *both their adherents 5 and opponents saying: "We (only) 
 hurry 6 the Faithful to Paradise and 7 the Infidels to Hell." 
 After the death of *Abti Mansur 8 they used to deliver a fifth of 
 the goods taken away from those [186] they killed by strangling 
 [or breaking their skulls] 9 to al-Husein, I0 the son of Abu Mansur. 
 
 1 The last two sentences more explicit in L. Br. |V#sL*iAJ>l ,1 
 . v>~0jj!j (Br. 
 
 * 
 jJi - ^J5 *^* '*-^ ^ ^Lo! 
 
 j " The reason for their confining themselves to strangling 
 and skull breaking and the Keisaniyya confining themselves to fighting 
 with wooden arms only, is that they do not allow to carry any iron 
 weapon whatsoever, even if they be killed, until he whom they expect 
 will come forth, when they will again carry arms. They therefore kill 
 only by means of strangling and breaking the skull with stones and 
 wooden arms." 
 
 3 Ed. Y. ^JC tX 3 f*;^ L - Br - 
 
 " and their twinbrother as regards the pretensions of the Shi'ites" 
 
 4 +ab^.-v3-A-JI *JC " they are the Manstiriyya." 
 
 6 +*_$ AX aJUcis ^c NtXJs' "f* JL^!^ J^" "every one whom they 
 
 are able to kill, (both those belonging) to them." 
 
 ^ri "it is necessary that we should hurry." 
 " and that we should hurry." 
 8 Y. aZ-Mansur. L. Br. +aUxJ " (Allah) curse him !" 
 ! om. in Ed. Y. 
 
 > 
 
 10 Ed. Y. al-Hasan.
 
 64 Z Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 His followers were divided into two sections: 1 one maintaining 
 that after 5 Muhamrned b. 'Alt b. al-Husein 3 the Iniamate 4 
 passed over to Muhammed b. 'Abdallahb. al-Hasanb. al-Hasan; b 
 the other maintaining (that it passed over) to *Abu Mansur 6 al- 
 Kisf and would never return to the descendants of 'Ali. 
 
 One section 7 believed in the prophecy of Jiazig,* the weaver, 
 in Kufa. That this claim (to prophecy) should have been raised 9 
 by them in favor of a weaver is strange 10 uideed! *Another 
 section believed in the prophecy of Jfu'ammar, the corndealer, 
 in Kufa. 11 Another section believed in the prophecy of ' Omeir 
 at-Tabban 12 (the strawdealer) in Kufa. He was Allah 13 curse 
 him in the habit of saying to his followers: " If I wanted to 
 turn this straw into pure gold, I could do it." He presented 
 himself before Khalid 14 b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri and courageously 15 
 
 > " the death of." 
 
 3 Ed. Y. al-Hasan. 
 
 4 Ed. Y. erroneously *LoVI instead of x/ 
 6 Ed. al-Husein. 
 
 6 L. Br. al-M.; Ed. Y. Abu al-M. 
 1 +"o/ the Khattdbiyya." 
 
 8 L. Joj jo ; Br. 
 
 9 Ed. Y. >. . L. Br. i_4.wX? = ^-i^Jo " revealed itself." 
 
 10 Ed. ioj^kJ; Br. aub^iiJt, L. &AJ.kJ; Y. XftJ^ioJ . oL: \Je 
 " strange" (Lane). See p. 57, note 17. 
 
 11 Only in Ed. and A. Y. om. L. Br. instead -. ^ JLaSb onlJ9 
 
 " another group of the 
 
 Khatjdbiyya believed in the prophecy of Sari al-Aksam in Kufa." See 
 Comm. 
 
 14 ^jUcxJl . 1S Om. 
 
 14 +b. al-Walid, apparently owing to a confusion with Khalid b. al- 
 Walid, "the sword of Allah," the famous general under the first 
 caliphs. 
 
 15 Om. jJLsii.
 
 Vol. xxviii.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 65 
 
 denounced him. Khalid then gave orders to execute him and 
 he was killed, in addition to the curse of Allah. 1 *These five 
 sects all belong to the sects of the Khattabiyya. 3 
 
 A section of (our) ancients, 3 the partisans of the Abbasides, 
 believed in the prophecy of 'Ammar, *with the nickname 
 Khiddsh." Asad b. 'Abdallah, the brother of Khalid b. 'Abdal- 
 lah *al-Kasri, 6 got hold of him and killed him, in addition to the 
 curse of Allah. 6 
 
 2. The second party among the sects of the Extremists is 
 that which attributes divinity to anyone beside Allah. 
 
 The first of them were certain people among the adherents of 
 'Abdallah b. Sabd the Himyarite, may Allah curse him! 7 
 They came to 'All b. Abi Talib and said 8 in his face: " Thou 
 
 ' ^ 
 
 1 +k>L.J! (jw-AJ} "and an unhappy couch shall it be." Koran II, 
 
 202. 
 
 2 aJU! xAxJ ^UasLl jl v Lsft ^ p^Is" *Vjl# ^jl^ 'fall these 
 belong to the followers of Abu'l-Kha^tab, Allah curse him ! L. Br. + 
 
 " Among those who imitated his example in claiming 
 prophecy was the scoundrel who arose among the Banu 'l- l Uleis b. Dam- 
 dam b. 'Adi b. Jandb of the Kelb (and) who was burned in his battle 
 with (?) Tugj, also the leader of the Zenj who rose in Kufa,Allah curse 
 him ! They both pretended to be 'Alides and they were both liars in this 
 claim." See Comm. 
 
 3 L. Br. JotjV! "the ancients." Ed. Y. viJLS "those," does not 
 seem to convey a proper meaning. 
 
 4 , !*.=. jU _AJC*J! " with the Kunya AbH Khirdsh." 
 
 u ^y (S~ ' o 
 
 5 Om. here and add after "Asad b. 'Abdallah." \-"in KhordsAn.' 1 
 
 J,^ j-C "and his anger." 
 
 * 
 
 w * 
 
 7 L. om. " Allah." L. Br. -faLoL*-wwJ! ^.^ujJ^i X^JI. " t o whom the 
 Sabd'iyya trace their origin." 
 
 8 +xJ "to him." 
 
 VOL. xxvm. 5
 
 66 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 art he!" He asked them "Who is he?" and they answered 
 " Thou art Allah." 'All, however, took the matter very seriously 
 and gave orders to kindle a fire and he burned them in it. 
 While they were being thrown into the fire, they started shout- 
 ing: "Now we feel certain that he is 'Allah. For none but 
 Allah punishes by fire." 2 Regarding this (incident) he 3 said: 
 
 [Rajaz] "When I saw that the matter became an illegal 
 
 matter, 
 
 I kindled a fire and called Kanbar." 
 
 By Kanbar he refers to his slave, the same who was charged 
 with throwing them* into the fire. 4 Let us seek refuge in Allah 
 from being led into temptation through a created being and a 
 created being from being led into temptation through us, be it 
 in a great or small (thing). For the temptation of Abu '1-Hasan 
 (i. e. 'All) in the midst of his followers is like the temptation of 
 'Isa 5 in the midst of his followers, the Apostles. 
 
 "This sect still subsists today, (nay), is even increasing and 
 embraces large numbers. They are called the 'Ulydniyya.' 
 One of them was Ishak b. Muhammed an-Nakha'i (of the Band 
 an-Nakha'), al-Ahmar (the Red), of Kufa, who was one of their 
 dogmatists. He wrote a book on this subject under 'the title 
 "as-Sirat" (the Path). He was refuted 8 by al-Bhnki (?) 9 and 
 al-Fayyad *as regards (his views) mentioned above. 10 *They 
 maintain that Muhammed is the Apostle of 'Ali. 
 
 ; L. oo! viLt " thatthou art." 
 
 ,... xJLM ^Lxi' "Allah is exalted above their unbelief ." 
 
 yb '"All." 
 4 Om. 
 
 5 Ed. Y. + ivA-*'} ^^-^ *-Ut (J^ > the formula otherwise used only 
 after the mention of the Prophet. L. Br. the same formula after " the 
 Apostles." 
 
 6 + Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 " Br. auoLuLxJI . See Comm. 
 
 8 Ed. Y. *jJ*e (jdAJ (refuter, Dozy). L. JUOAJ , Br. auoib , probably 
 
 ' ^ ^ 
 meant i<^ajfc . 
 
 9 Ed. Y. here and later -.O- g-A.M ; Br. twice jjCx^xJI , L. here 
 ^Xx^xJ! , later jCi^xJI . Mas'udi, Murtijad-Dahab, iii, 265 
 
 10 Om. + b. 'AH.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 67 
 
 A group of Shi'ites, known as the Muhammadiyya, main- 
 tains 1 that Muhammad is Allah, but Allah is exalted above 
 their unbelief. To these belonged al-Bhnki and al-Fayyad * b. 
 'All. 2 The latter composed a book on this topic, which he 
 called "al-Kustas" 3 (the Balance). His father was the well- 
 known Katib, who first occupied this post under ' Abdallah b. 
 Kandaj, when the latter was Wali, 4 then 5 under the Commander 
 of the Faithful, al-Mu'tadid. 6 It was with reference to him 
 that al-Buhturi composed the well-known 7 poem, of which the 
 beginning runs thus: 
 
 [Khafif] Far from the inhabitant 8 of Guweir 9 is 
 
 [his (present) place of visitation 10 . 
 The (long) travels have emaciated him. But 11 
 
 [Allah is his patron. 12 
 
 [187] The said al-Fayyad, Allah curse him! was killed by al- 
 Kasim b. 'Abdallah 13 b. Suleiman b. Wahb, because he was 
 among those who denounced the latter in the days of al-Mu'ta- 
 did. The story* is well known. 
 
 1 In L. Br. corrupt probably owing to a homoioteleuton : ,.J,JLj 
 IcX+iS? (jl (J.?V^ ^^ ***"-N ( Br - " 
 
 Read 
 
 Vy**) '<X^?] (jf ,jJ..A.>. 
 
 - Om. + ^j tX*^? jj-? (^t ^.J u^^ 1 ^' yj wl b^5J ^j JJU! 
 
 ..oLxAJ! " mentioned just now. It is al-Fayydd b. 'Att b. Muhammed b. 
 al-Fayy&d." 
 
 3 Ed. Br. ^Ik-wJiJ! ; Y. ^lU^bM' ; L. .JflkujJ! (sic). 
 
 * +5 r .5' r 4.| " over Mesopotamia." 
 
 he was Katib." 
 
 6 L. om. " Om. 
 
 8 L. Br. -JL^nw "inhabitants." Buhturi, Divan (ed. Constantinople, 
 1300 H.) ii, 86 as Ed. 
 
 9 Ed. Y. L. /JjJi-M . Br. and Buhturi as above. 
 
 10 Ed. Y. SstyX ; L. Br. and Buht. styo (pronounce 5fCo) . 
 
 11 Ed. and Codd. ; Buht. o . 
 
 15 Ed. Y. jj.la. ; L. Br. and Buht. s.U* (=L 
 'Ubeidallah.
 
 68 Z Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Another section believed in the divinity of Adam and the 
 prophets 1 after him, prophet after prophet, down to Muhammed, 
 then in the divinity of 'All, then in the divinity of al-Hasan, 
 then 3 al-Husein, [then 'All b. al-Husein] ; 3 then Muhammed b. 
 'All, then Ja'far b. Muhammed, and here they stopped. The 
 Khattabiyya one day publicly proclaimed this belief in Kufa, 
 when 'Isab. Musab. Muhammed b. Alib. 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas 
 was Wali. 4 They came out in the middle of the day in large 
 crowds, attired in belts and cloaks like pilgrims, and shouting 
 at the top of their voices: "With thee, o Ja'far! with thee, o 
 Ja'far! " 6 Ibn 'Ayash and others say: "It is, as if I saw them 
 (as they were) that day." Isa b. Musa encountered them and 
 they fought against him. But he killed them and exterminated 
 them. 
 
 Then another section enlarged upon the above-mentioned 
 doctrine and believed in the divinity of Muhammed b. IsmtVil 
 b. Ja'far b. Muhammed. These were the KarmaticDt*. Anion<; 
 the latter were some who believed in the divinity of *Aln"i 
 Sa'&l al-Hasan b. Bahrdm al-Jannabi 6 and his sons after him. 
 *Some of them believed in the divinity 7 of Abti, '/-A'//'*//// </<>- 
 X<tj)dr, who rose in Yemen in the lands of the Banu Hamdan and 
 was called al-Mansur. 8 
 
 L. Br. om. by oversight. 
 
 2 Here and before each following name + aUJfiVb 
 
 3 Ed. om. 4 + " of Kufa." 5 + " AM Bekr." 
 L. Br. (Br. ^U^t) ^UsU <Xuu- . Ed. Y. 
 
 ^1x4-1 p'j-g-? See Comin. 
 
 7 L. Br. instead xx#YLj. -jLg^oV ***$ Xx^YLu "and in the 
 divinity of Ksr (?) of Isfahan and in the divinity." 
 
 } 
 
 He-Allah 
 
 curse him ! used to conceal his name. They say, his name was al-Husein 
 b. Faraj b. Haushab. His residence was in Ktifa. Another group
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 69 
 
 Another section of them believed in the divinity of ' Ubeidallah, 
 then of those of his descendants who ruled after him until this 
 day. 
 
 One group believed in the divinity of Abu'l-Khattab Muham- 
 med b. Abi Zeinab, a client of the Banu Asad in Kufa. Their 
 number grew so large that it exceeded the thousands. They 
 said: "he 1 is a god, and Ja'far b. Muhammed is a god. But 
 Abu'l-Khattab is greater than the other." They used to say 3 : 
 "all the descendants of al-Hasan [and al-Husein] 3 are the sons 
 and favorites 4 of Allah." They believed that they would 
 not die, but would be lifted up to heaven. The Sheikh whom 
 you see (now), affected the likeness with this one before the 
 people. 5 
 
 Then one group of them believed in the divinity of Jfu'ammar, 
 a corndealer in Kufa, whom they worshipped. *He w T as one 
 of the followers of Abu'l-Khattab, may Allah curse them all!' 
 
 Another group believed in the divinity of al-Husein 7 b. 
 Mansur [al-JlalldjY, a dresser of cotton, who was crucified in 
 Bagdad through the efforts of the Vizier "Hamid b. al-' Abbas, 
 may Allah have mercy on him! in the days of al-Muktadir. 
 
 Another group believed in the divinity of Muhammed b. 'All 
 b. ash-Shalmagan, 10 the Katib, 11 who was killed in Bagdad in 
 
 believed in the divinity of 'Alt b. al-Fadl b. Yazid, a client of the Band 
 Ziydd, who traced his genealogy to Abti Sufydn, who rose in Janad and 
 in the lands of the Du-Mandkh in Yemen. Another group believed in 
 the divinity of al-Bawdri, who rose in Sawdd." 
 
 1 | joe " this one." 2 +(jf "that." 
 
 3 Ed. and Codd. om. See Comm. 
 - 
 
 Om. 
 
 (Br. !<X$j) <iiJjo (j*lxJ! tj<. (Br. auuio, L. unp.) 
 
 "the mad Sheikh." The translation of this phrase is not cer- 
 
 tain. See Comm.. 
 
 6 Om. ' Ed. Y. al-Hasan. 
 
 8 Ed. Y. om. +Ibn. 
 
 10 Ed. A. L4-Lv*JI , Y. J scratched out, L. Br. here and later 
 See Comm. 
 
 11 +(Br. unp.) tXi'!_aJ! ,-vjL: O>.JU-H " known as Ibn al-Fardkid." 
 See Comm.
 
 70 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 the days of ar-Radi. *He ordered those of his followers who 
 were of higher attainments to have criminal intercourse with 
 him, 1 so as to make the Light penetrate into him. 
 
 All these sects advocate the communism of wives. 3 
 
 Another group of them believed in the divinity of X/iff><i*h, 3 
 who is still alive and resides 4 in Basra in our own time. 
 
 Another group of them believed in the divinity of Abii 
 Muslim as-Siraj. *Then one group of these believed 5 -in the 
 divinity of 6 al-Mukanna 1 - al-A'war (the Blind), the fuller, who 
 arose 7 to revenge Abu Muslim. * The name of this fuller was 
 Hashim. 8 He was killed may Allah curse him! in the days 
 of al-Mansur. 
 
 The Rawandiyya 9 believed in the divinity of Abu JaM'ar'" 
 al-Mansttr. They professed it publicly. *But al-Mansur came 
 out and killed them and wiped them out. 11 
 
 C- P" 
 
 1 (tfJ^V (V-g"*"* J^iist ^>-^? (jb KJ&Lo! -x>Lj (jL$j " Be used to 
 
 order his followers that the more excellent one of them should have crim- 
 inal intercourse with the inferior one." This is most probably correct. 
 
 Jydl J^c. Ja 
 
 (Codd. JUlt) J 
 
 (Br. <XliS?) f\j=?\ ^ ^x**^.! ^SjJi o^o &Jo! 
 
 -x r.+v^ l^i ^jl ^t iJU3 
 
 "Among those who were then killed because they believed in the 
 
 divinity of this cursed Ibn ash-Shalmagdn was the Vizier al-Husein b. 
 'Ubeidallah b. Suleiman b. Wahb b. Sa'id, called -Amid ad-Duula 
 (Pillar of the Dynasty), with the nickname Abu'l Jamal (Father of Ele- 
 gance). His mother was the daughter of the Vizier al-Husein b. al- 
 Jarah (Br. Mkhld). Together with him was killed for the same reason 
 Ibn Abi 'Aun (Br. +the Katib). Ar-Radi ordered their execution on 
 account of it. " 
 
 3 Ed. Y. U^IA^U ; L. Br. unp. The pronunciation is uncertain. 
 
 4 Ed. misprint *-oU^ 5 Only ^.j . 
 
 6 +Hdshim. ' +"inMerv." s Om. 
 
 Ed. Y. ioJ>i Jl .L. Br., kjjojj. See Comm. 
 
 10 + " the Commander of the Faithful." 
 
 11 xJJ) JUxJ ! virtixki 1 -xl au*AJo 
 
 " he himself came out and ordered to kill them. They were all killed, 
 in addition to the curse of Allah."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 71 
 
 Another group of them believed in the divinity of 'Abdallah 
 b. al-Harith 1 of the Band Kinda 2 in Kufa, whom they wor- 
 shipped. He believed in the Transmigration of Souls. He 
 imposed upon them 3 seventeen 4 prayers (every) day and 
 night, b each prayer having fifteen 8 "bows." Later, hoAvever, 
 [188], one of the dogmatists of the Sufriyya having argued with 
 him and having clearly put forth the arguments for the (true) 
 religion, 7 he became a Muslim 8 and his Islam was sound. He 
 renounced all the beliefs he had held previously. He informed 
 his followers of it *and openly showed his repentance. 9 There- 
 upon all his followers *who had worshipped him and had pro- 
 fessed his divinity withdrew from him. They cursed him and 
 deserted him, 10 and they all returned to the belief in the Imamate 
 of 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah b. Ja'far b. Abi Talib. 
 'Abdallah b. al-Harith, however, persevered *in Islam and 11 in 
 the doctrine of the Sufriyya till he died. * His party is still 
 known today as the Kharbiyya. 1 * 
 
 To the Saba'iyya, 18 who profess the divinity of 'Ali, belongs 
 a party' 4 known as the Nuseiriyya. lf ' They got hold in our own 
 
 1 L. and Ed. ii, 115 <ijy! ; Br. v^jl (with a soft _ under the 
 
 line). Ed. Y. here and later ^ *r=*\ See Comm. 
 * ' 
 
 "by descent." 
 
 " upon his followers." 
 
 4 Ed. Y. 19. See Comm. 
 
 6 L. every day (Br. +and night). 
 
 S -M*- ,))) 4 "* : Ed. Y. JM*. X ,w.^r>- . 
 
 7 " the religion of Islam." 
 
 8 -t-SvlxX^lj " by his own free will." 
 9 Om. 
 
 10 Differently worded a.j jjCr XxAicVLj , i vAJ. xj . JCAJU Ljl 
 > l '.77 > >/ j 
 
 11 Om. probably owing to homoioteleuton. 
 
 19 (sic) &JO.J.L (jjivAJ j^jJ! J! |v#j after "Ja'far b. Abi Talib." 
 
 13 Ed. Y. x.xjL*J! ; L. Br. aujL^JI . See Comm. 
 
 14 Ed. misprint iLajLb. instead of aLaS 
 
 15 Ed. Y. RjaJI ; L. xj-o-J! ; Br. A. jbaxjf . See Comm.
 
 72 Z Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 time *of the army of Urdunn in Palestine and especially of the 
 city of Tiberias. ' It is one of their tenets to curse 2 Fatima, the 
 daughter of the Apostle of Allah, and to curse al-Hasan and al- 
 Husein, the sons of 'All, to denounce them in a most detestable 
 manner, 3 to charge them with every possible calamity and to 
 assert positively that she and her two sons may Allah be 
 pleased with them and curse their haters ! were devils who 
 assumed the shape of human beings. 4 As regards their opinion 
 about 'Abderrahman 5 b. Muljam al-Muradi (of the Bantl 
 Murad), 6 the murderer of 'All may Allah be pleased with him 7 
 and may the curse of Allah (rest) upon Ibn Muljam J^these 
 (people) maintain *that 'Abderrahman b. Muljam al-Muradi 8 is 
 the most excellent of all the people of the earth and the most 
 honored 9 of them in the future world, because he purified 10 the 
 spirit of the Deity from what had stuck to it of the darkness 
 and turbidity 11 of the body. Marvel ye at this madness and ask 
 ye of Allah deliverance from the affliction of this and the future 
 world, for it is in his hands, not in anyone else's. May Allah 
 make our portion of it most plentiful ! 
 
 *Know ye that among all those that count themselves to the relig- 
 ion of Islam, while adhering to these abominable heterodoxies, '* 
 
 J c^ ? "one of their disgraceful tenets is the 
 denouncing." Instead of aJj' /.wo* (,jk>)VI L- blank. 
 
 4 Instead of (jujI L- ^.A*! . Br. ( j>t . 
 ', L. 'Abdallah. Om. 
 
 7 Ed. Y. + l> . (.W.C "with 'Ali." It is a gloss to aLLft which crept 
 into the text. 
 
 8 Only j! "that he." 
 
 9 A. jV^J6^5 | "the most repugnant." Y. 5 scratched out and . sub- 
 stituted. 
 
 10 (_>oXiOo (imperfect form). 
 
 11 Br. erroneously 5.jJOo ( = *J iXCi) instead of S>tX5^ 
 
 ^ L> erroneousl y om. ^jf) ^j! 1,-fJLttj 
 
 " Know ye that all those who reckon these abominable heterodoxies men- 
 tioned before, viz., the claim of Divinity, to the religion of Islam."
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 73 
 
 that their (vivifying) element are only the Shi'ltes 1 and 
 Sufis." For there are people among the Sufis who maintain 3 
 that he who has attained the knowledge of God is exempt from 
 the (religious) precepts. 4 Some of them add 5 : "and becomes 
 united with the Almighty." We have been told that there is 
 now in Nisabur in our own age a man, whose Kunya is Abu 
 Sa'id Abu'l-Kheir thus (two Kunyas) together 6 belonging to 
 the Sufis. Sometime he dresses himself in wool 7 , another time 
 he dresses himself in silk 8 which is forbidden to men. Now he 
 prays thousand " bows" on one day, now 9 he recites neither the 
 obligatory nor the voluntary prayer. This is pure apostasy. 
 Let us seek refuge in Allah from error ! 
 
 C. The Imamate of the 'Alides. 
 
 [Printed Edition (=Ed.) IV, pp. 92-94 ; Codex Leyden(=L.) II, fol. 87aff. 
 Codex British Museum (=Br.) II, fol. 22 b ff. The variants quoted 
 anonymously are taken from L. and Br. and, if not otherwise stated, 
 identical in both.] 
 
 Those who maintain that the Imamate is only permissible in 
 the descendants of 'All are divided into two parties. 
 
 One party maintains that the Apostle of Allah put down a 
 written statement concerning 'All, viz. that he was to be -the 
 
 j 
 
 the detestable." Read *juxJvJ! " Shi'ism." 
 
 the doctrine of the Sufis." +l/:Jo 
 
 j ^! JiM j*\lb j 
 
 <XwuLftJf "for both parties are advocates of (allegorical) interpretation 
 and of giving up the open meaning of the Koran through their corrupt 
 pretensions." 
 
 aJLi Jj' ,.wO " one of the views of some Sufis is." 
 
 4 kx^^XwJI JLt-tVt " religious practices." 
 8 t>K (instead of j|. ). 
 
 6 Lx/o (L. (jLcj^s?) (jU-Cj-*^? ^IjifjS' ! jjC$e " thus two Kunyas 
 
 joined together." + V _ - JB <XJ! Isu^. " of the Hanafltic school." 
 1 +L. .xicS.! " coarse." Br. erroneously ..w**^! " beautiful." 
 
 "pure." 
 
 # 
 
 9 L. * .j^ = LXJ j. "and one day."
 
 74 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 Caliph after him, but the Companions after him 1 unanimously 
 agreed upon doing wrong to 'Alt and upon keeping to them- 
 selves the statement of the Prophet. These are the so-called 2 
 Rawdfid. 
 
 The other party says: The Prophet never put down a written 
 statement concerning 'All. Yet he was the most excellent of 
 men after the Apostle of Allah and worthier of the command 3 
 than any of them. These are the Zeidiyya, who trace their 
 origin to'Zeid b. 'All b. al-Husein b. 'All b. Abi Talib. 
 
 Then the Zeidiyya fell asunder into several sections. One 
 group said that 4 the Companions did him wrong, and they 
 declared those of the Companions who opposed him apostates. 
 *These are the Jdrudiyya. 
 
 Another group maintained that the Companions 5 did not do 
 him any wrong, but he was pleased to concede his rights to 
 Abu Bekr and 'Omar, who consequently were Imams of right 
 guidance, some of them stopping at 'Othman, while others 
 observing a friendly attitude towards him. *A number of peo- 
 ple mention 6 that this was the doctrine 7 of the Fakih al-Hasan 
 b. Salih b. Hayy al-Hamdani (of the Banu Hamdan). 8 Says Abu 
 Muhammed: This is a mistake. *I have seen in the book of 
 Hisham b. al-Hakam the Rafidite of Kufa 9 , known under the 
 title [93] "al-Mizan" (the Balance), that he mentions al-IIasan 
 b. Hayy and also (states) that his doctrine was that the Imamate 
 was permissible in all the descendants of Fihr b. Malik. Says 
 Abu Muhammed: This is the only thing which suits al-Hasan 10 
 b. Hayy. For he was one of the Imams of the (true) religion 
 and Hisharo b. al-Hakam knew him better than those who attribute 
 to him other views. Hisham was his neighbor in Kilfa and 
 
 ..F-. 
 
 1 &Ju^e JULJ " after his death." *& ^a.Uc. . 
 3 J^.-Lb " the caliphate." 4 + J.f" all." 
 
 8 Om., probably owing to homoioteleuton. 
 
 6 
 
 - . 
 
 .^ L. aJLs ..wo jtflju r $3 " Some of those who write on 
 heterodox views.''' See Comm. 
 1 Jjj. 8 +"al-Kufi." 
 
 9 auUT^ JU> JLwii!JI tWc. jvX^I jjj pULtf ^ "for Hisham 
 
 b. al-Hakam, the pillar of the Rawafi<J, says in his book." 
 
 10 + b. Salih.
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 75 
 
 knew him better than all other people, having reached his 
 generation and having seen him personally. (Besides), al-Hasan 
 b. Hayy 1 may Allah have mercy on him! quotes 2 Mu'awiya 
 and Ibn Zubeir as authorities, as is well known from his books' 
 *as well as from the traditions of those who received traditions 
 from him. 4 
 
 5 A11 the Zeidiyya unanimously agree that the Imamate is per- 
 missible in all the descendants of 'All, as far as they go forth 
 appealing to the Book and the Sunna and carrying (?)' a sword 
 with them. 
 
 The Rawdfid maintain that the Imamate is due to 'All him- 
 self 7 on account of a written statement concerning him. Then 
 it (passes over) to al-Hasan, then to al-Husein they claim 
 another written statement of the Prophet concerning these two, 
 after their father, then to 'All b. al-Husein by reason of the 
 saying of Allah: "And those who are related by blood are the 
 nearest of kin to each other, according to the Book of Allah." 8 
 Therefore, they say, have the descendants of al-Husein 9 better 
 claims than [the sons of] 10 his brother. Then (the Imamate 
 passes over) to Muhammed b. 'Ali b. al-Husein, then to Ja'far 
 b. Muhammed b. 'Ali b. al-Husein. This is the doctrine of all 
 their dogmatists, viz. Hisham b. al-Hakam, Hisham al-Juwaliki, 
 I):'i\vud al-llawari," Duwud ar-Rakki, 'Ali b. Mansur, 'Ali b. 
 Mitam, 12 Abu 'Ali ash-Shakkak, 13 the pupil of Hisham b. al- 
 Hakam, Muhammed b. Ja'far *b. an-Xu'man 14 Sheitan at-Tak, 
 Abu Malik 15 of Hadramaut and others. 
 
 1 Salih. 
 
 9 +JlSLw*x> wxj _AA^^ "inmany of his religious responsa." 
 
 3 Singular. 
 
 4 cyLftxJf cyL>!,.J " through the traditions of reliable authorities." 
 
 5 + Says Abu Muhammed. 
 
 6 Ed. Jw^s*.. . L. Jj6.&. (sic). Br. i^a^S. _ ;,^- I cannot make 
 out what this reading means. I propose JL*^.. "and carry." 
 
 7 Om. s Koran VIII, 76. L. Br. oin. aJUf . 
 
 9 L. al-Hasan. w Ed. om. 
 
 ' 
 
 12 Ed- *" See Comm - 
 
 13 Ed. Br. lSLJ! . See Comm. 
 
 14 Om. + ^j ^j.wX^J! " known as." 
 
 15 Ed. and Codd. written
 
 76 1. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 The Rawafid then disagreed after the death of those ('Alides) 
 mentioned above, (especially) after the death of Ja'far b. 
 Muhammed. One party assigned the Imamate to his son Isma'il 
 b. Ja'far. 1 Another party assigned the Imamate to his son 
 Muhammed b. Ja'far. *But these are few. 2 *Still another 
 party maintained that Ja'far was alive and that he has not died. 3 
 
 The bulk of the Rawafid, however, assign the Imamate to his 
 son Musa b. Ja'far, then 'Ali b. Musa, then Muhammed b. 'All b. 
 Musa, *then 'All b. Muhammed b. 'Ali b. Musa, 4 then Al-Hasan 
 b. 'All. * This al-Hasan died without offspring and they were 
 (consequently) divided into several sections. The bulk of them 
 firmly assert that a male child was born to al-Hasan *b. 'Ali, 6 
 but he hid him. Other people, however, maintain that he was born 
 after al-Hasan's death from a slave girl of his by the name of Sakil, 
 *and this is the view most commonly accepted.' Some of them 
 however say: no, from a slave girl of his by the name of Narjis. 
 Still others say : no, but from a slave girl of his by the name of 
 Sausan. But the most probable 8 is that her name was Sakll. 
 For this Sakil pretended *to be with child after al-Hasan b. 
 'All her master," and his estate remained for this reason unsettled 
 for seven years, being contested by his brother Ja'far b. 
 'All. 10 A number of leading statesmen took her part, while 
 others took Ja'far's part. Then her pretension* of pregnancy 11 
 exploded and was annihilated, and Ja'far his brother took 
 possession of the estate. *The death of this al-Hasan took 
 
 ^ 5-^5 &*^ (Codd. cylxa.) " They claimed that he was 
 
 alive, and that he never died. But there is no doubt that he died during 
 the lifetime of his father. He was his eldest son." 
 
 2 Br. om. 3 L. om. owing to homoioteleuton. 
 
 4 Om. 5 Muhammed. 
 
 6 Om. i Om. 
 
 j^-.VI. " and the most commonly accepted among them." 
 Lo j! JucLa. 
 
 /-"*? 
 "The death of this al-Hasan took place in 260 in Surr man Ra'a." 
 
 Lx .
 
 Vol. xxviii.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 77 
 
 place in 260. ' But the contest of the Rawafid about this Sakil 
 and her claims still grew (worse), until al-Mu'tadid imprisoned 
 her, 2 twenty-odd years after the death of her master. She had 
 been accused 3 of living in the house of al-Hasan b. Ja'far an- 
 Nubakhti* [94], the Katib, 5 and she was (actually) found there 
 and then transported to the castle of al-Mu'tadid, where she 
 remained until she died in the days of al-Muktadir. But they 
 (the Rawafid) are still waiting for a lost object" since ISO 7 years. 
 There existed in oldeh times a party which is now extinct, 
 whose head was al-Mukhtar b. Abi 'Ubeid, 8 (also) Keisan Abu 
 'Omra 9 and others. They were of the opinion that after al- 
 Husein 10 the Imam was his brother Muhammed, known as Ibn 
 al-Hanafiyya. To this party 11 belonged as-Sayyid 13 al-Himyari 
 and Kutayyir 'Azza, the two poets. They maintained that 
 M uharnmed b. al-Ilanafiyya was alive in the mountains of Radwa. 
 
 1 Oru. here. 
 
 '' acquired her." 
 
 3 Ed. _x. does not seem to convey a proper sense. L. Br. y^ . 
 
 See Comm. 
 
 4 Unpointed. 
 
 5 +xJLcyj v^JiX^J! ' with the nickname Mizmala (?)." 
 
 6 Oni. yj(.*3 . 
 
 ' LxLc ^xiL^J. oJ.o^ *'-fr X-jLo tXxi "since hundred and eighty- 
 
 odd years." See Introduction, p. 19. + \J}f. oLuo ^! ^ LvJ?) 4 ^ 5 -^ 
 " They do not know in ivhich privy he may have sunk." Ed. in all 
 probability intentionally omitted. 
 
 8 + _AAxJ! " of the Bauu Takifa." 
 
 o 
 
 9 Ed. incorrectly U! ; L. Br. 
 
 - is a gloss to the first ^ i^o "clearly") 
 
 \vhich crept into the text. |V$&wyC* instead of the dual is probably due 
 to the ignorance of the copyist, who took the gloss for a new name. 
 10 L. al-Hasan. Br. JLc ,j.*^t (sic). 
 
 11 XAAk "lot." 
 14 +"b. Isma-il."
 
 78 I. Friedlaender, [1907. 
 
 They were addicted to eccentric ideas, for whose description 1 
 volumes would not suffice. 2 
 
 Says Abti Muhammed : The pillar of all these parties in their 
 arguments are interpolated and forged traditions, the produc- 
 tion of which is not beyond the reach of those who have neither 
 religion nor shame. 
 
 D. Synopsis of the Tenets of the Shi'ites. 
 
 [Codex Leyden (=L.) II, fol. 162 b ; Codex British Museum (=Br.) II, 
 125 b .] 
 
 <,- 
 
 RXAXiJ' oJUs ' XXxXyJI Jlfci' 
 
 J 
 
 .fc. 
 
 cVI 3U V^AX J^Us JU sii viJUj> 
 
 
 JJii (*--^ <^j' -- xl Ia^ iu^. 
 
 aJU! ^J4>j J^i V LJ tybJo Jl l^^j 
 
 U J 
 
 !tX5> ^ _ftJL5 NlJiJr ,j.. V^ o'UIo ,j..c 5 
 
 -2L*/ ^4^xil. L^.jLs?!^ \L*.AJI* /^r^ 
 
 .xx) JoLs JU s.jijL2. dL'3 ,^t Lx^i LJLs aLx-yi 
 
 "many." 
 
 JLfti v^A-XCiX^I ItXJC "J< ^as been mentioned that 
 
 at-Sayyid al-Himyari Allah curse him! was once asked: "who is thy 
 associate in this doctrine ?" and he answered : " a cobbler in Rai (Tehe- 
 ran).' 1 '' See Comm.
 
 Vol. xxviii.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 
 
 x> Jo Li' JUi^ x.i ^ jJiJI *iajij "VI ^^J 
 
 Synopsis of the Tenets of the Shi'-ites. 
 
 The Shi'ites say: 'All is the most excellent of the Companions 
 of the Apostle of Allah and worthier of the Imamate than any 
 of them. This having been settled and established, one of 
 them said: If the matter be such, then the nation committed a 
 sin by nominating Abu Bekr, then 'Omar, then 'Othman. Al- 
 Ilasan b. Hayy 1 and the bulk of the Zeidiyya shrank from this 
 (consequence) and turned aside from this narrow pass, while the 
 rest of the Shi'ites rushed into it. The sinfulness of the whole 
 nation having been established, 'one of them said: If so, then 
 the}' (i. e. the Companions who submitted to those nominated) 
 acted wrongly, and became irreligious and apostates, 2 since they 
 professed something that is forbidden, and it is therefore not 
 allowed to receive the religion of Allah from irreligious men or 
 apostates. Suleiman b. Jai'ir 3 , at-Tammar* and their followers 
 flee from this narrow pass, while the rest of the Shi'ites rush 
 into it. This having been settled and established, one of them 
 said: If this be so, then 'All also * became an apostate/ having 
 assisted the adherents of apostasy and having contributed 
 towards the annihilation of religion, since he did not uncover 
 
 i Codd. -A^ . 
 O 
 
 ! Br. om. UyA$5 (purposely). 
 
 3 Codd. fif^A- 
 
 4 Codd. " Ibn at-Tammar." 
 
 5 Br. om. See p. 55.
 
 80 I. Friedlaender, The Heterodoxies, etc. [1907. 
 
 his face; lie and they are therefore alike. All the Shi'ites flee 
 from this narrow pass, while Abu Kamil and those that follow 
 him rush into it. This having been established, one of them 
 said : *If the matter be such, then Muhammed is the guilty one 
 who set free all these (contentions) by not having explained the 
 matter (so as) to cut down all pretexts regarding it. 1 Another 
 one of them said : Surely, Jibril alone is guilty, because he passed 
 with the prophecy from All to Muhammed. 
 
 Says Abu Muhammed: They do nothing but show contempt 
 and make fun (of Allah). Let us seek refuge in Allah from 
 error ! 
 
 [The Commentary will follow in the next number of this Journal.] 
 1 L. om. owing to homoioteleuton.
 
 COMMENTARY. ' 
 
 THE Commentary herewith presented follows Ibu Hazm's 
 text published in Vol. xxviii of this Journal, pp. 28-80, by page 
 and line. In marking the lines, I have counted every line on 
 the page, including the superscriptions. The footnotes are not 
 quoted by the line but by the number prefixed to them. In the 
 case of some very long footnotes, I also added the line of the 
 footnote referred to. 
 
 I prefix a "List of Cited Works," giving all the authorities 
 (with short biographical dates) regularly or frequently quoted 
 in this treatise. The abbreviations under which they are quoted 
 are made noticeable to the eye. 2 Books only incidentally 
 referred to are omitted in this list. MS. before the title signi- 
 fies that the book has not yet appeared in print and has been 
 used in manuscript. 
 
 In quoting from Arabic sources I have discriminated between 
 printed works and manuscripts. The latter I quote in the 
 original ; the former I give except in cases of necessity in 
 
 1 Continued from Vol. xxviii, pp. 1-80. 
 
 3 To simplify the abbreviations, I purposely neglect the rules of exact 
 transliteration.
 
 2 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 translation, as the text itself is accessible to the specialist. In 
 translating from the printed edition of Ibn Ilazm's Milal, I 
 usually attach the important variants from the manuscripts at 
 my disposal. 
 
 I plead guilty to being inconsistent in transliterating the 
 Arabic. Such inconsistencies are scarcely avoidable. The 
 specialist will pardon them, the layman will hardly notice them. 
 
 As regards the index to this treatise, I refer the reader to 
 my remarks in Vol. xxviii of this Journal, p. 27. 
 
 List of Cited Works. 
 
 Abulfeda. Abu'1-Fida [d. 732/1331], Annales Moslemici, ed. 
 Adler, Hafniae 1789-94. 
 
 Abu'l-Maali. Abu'l-Ma'ali [wrote about 485/1092. Descend- 
 ant of Ali. Imamite], Kitab bayan al-adyan (in Persian), 
 printed in Schefer, Chrestomathie Persane, vol. I (Paris, 1883), 
 pp. 132-171. The quotations refer to the Persian text. 
 
 Agh. Abu'l-Faraj al-Isbahan! [d. 356/967], Kitab al-Agani, 
 Bulak. 
 
 Agh. Tables. I. Guidi, Tables alphabetiques du Kitab al- 
 Agani. Leyden, 1895-1900. 
 
 Anon. Sufi. MS. Anonymous work on Sufism. The author 
 quotes Yafi'i, who died 768/1366. Cod. Berlin; Ahlwardt, 
 Catalogue No. 3397. 
 
 Bagd. MS. On Bagdad! [d. 429/1038] and his work, see 
 Introduction to this treatise, p. 26. 
 
 Blochet, Le Messianisme et 1'heterodoxie Musulmane. Paris, 
 1903. Draws largely on Persian (Shiitic) sources. 
 
 de Boer, History of Philosophy in Islam. English transla- 
 tion. London, 1903. 
 
 Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur. I-II. 
 Leipzig, 1898-1902. 
 
 Diyarbekri. Diyarbekri [died after 982/1574], Ta'rikh al- 
 Khamls. Cairo, 1283 h . 
 
 Dozy, Isl. Dozy, Essai sur I'histoire de 1'Islamisme, traduit 
 du Hollandais par Victor Chauvin. Leyden-Paris, 1879. 
 
 Fihr. Nadim [wrote 377/988]. Kitab al-Fihrist, ed. Flflgel. 
 Leipzig, 1871-2.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 3 
 
 Gen. Leyd. MS. Kitab tahdib al-ansub wa-nihayat -al-a'kab. 
 An anonymous genealogy of the Alides [fourth century H.]. 
 Cod. Leyden (Warner 686). Not paginated. 
 
 de Goeje, Carmathes. de Goeje, Memoire sur les Carmathes 
 du Bahrain et les Fatimides [Memoires d'Histoire et de Geo- 
 graphie orientales No. 1J. Second edition. Leyden, 1886. 
 
 Goldziher, Muh. St. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien 
 I-II. Halle 1889-1890. 
 
 Goldziher, Shi'a. Goldziher. Beitrage zur Litteraturge- 
 schichte der Si 'a und der sunnitischen Polemik. Sitzungs- 
 berichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen 
 Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. 78 (1874), p. 439 ff. Vienna. 
 
 Haarbriicker. German translation of Shahrastani I II. Halle, 
 1850-51. Unless otherwise stated, quotations refer to vol. I. 
 
 lAth. Ibn al-Athir [d. 630/1234]. Chronicon quod Per- 
 fectissimum inscribitur, ed. C. J. Tornberg. Leyden, 185176. 
 
 IBab., Ithbat. Ibn Babuye [d. 381/991. Imamite], Kitab 
 fi ithbat al-gaiba wa-kashf al-haira, ed. Moller, Heidelberg, 1901. 
 
 IBab., I'tikadat. MS. Ibn Babuye (see above), I'tikadat 
 al-Imamiyya. Cod. British Museum (Add. 19,623). See de 
 Rieu, Catalogue p. 385. 
 
 I. H. Ibn Hazm [d. 456/1064], the author of our text. See 
 Introduction, p. 9ff. 
 
 IHaukal. Ibn Haukal [wrote 367/977], ed. de Goeje [Biblio- 
 theca Geographorum Arabicorum II]. Leyden, 1873. 
 
 Iji. Iji [d. 756/1355]. Mawakif, ed. Sorenson. Leipzig, 
 1848. 
 
 Ikd. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi [d. 328/940], al-'Ikd al-farid, I-III. 
 Cairo, 1293. If not otherwise stated, quotations refer to vol. I. 
 
 IKhald. Ibn Khaldun [d. 808/1406], Mukaddima, ed Qua- 
 tremere I-III. [Notices et Extraits des manuscrits de la Biblio- 
 theque Imperiale voll. 16-18] Paris, 1847-1858. 
 
 IKhall. Ibn Khallikan [d. 681/1282], Kitab wafayat al- 
 a'yao, ed. Wtistenfeld. Gottingen, 1835-43. 
 
 IKot. Ibn Koteiba [d. 276/889], Kitab al-ma'arif, ed. 
 Wiistenfeld. Gottingen, 1850. 
 
 Isfr. MS. On Isfra'ini [d. 471/1078], see Introduction, p. 26. 
 
 Istakhri [wrote 340/951], ed. de Goeje [Bibliotheca Geo- 
 gi-aphorum Arabicorum I]. Leyden, 1870.
 
 4 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Kashi. 1 Abu 'Amr Muhammed b. 'Omar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz 
 al-Kashshi (from Kashsh in Jurjan) [approximately 300 h . 2 
 Imamite\, Ma'rifat akhbar ar-rijal. Biographies of Shiitic 
 worthies chronologically arranged. Bombay 1317 h . The author 
 apparently draws on old and rare sources. 
 
 Kremer, Ideen. Kremer, Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen 
 des Islams. Leipzig, 1868. 
 
 Lubb al-Lubab. Suyuti [d. 911/1505], Lubb al-lubab fi 
 tahrir al-ansab, ed. P. J. Veth. Leyden, 1830-32. 
 
 Makr. Makrizi [d. 845/1442], Kitab al-mawa'iz wa'1-i'tibar 
 bi-dikri'1-khitat wa'1-athar, I-II. Bulak, 1270 h . Draws partly 
 on very old sources. Unless otherwise stated, quotations refer 
 to vol. II. 
 
 Masudi. Mas'udi [d. 345/956]. Muruj ad-dahab, ed. Bar- 
 bier de Meynard, I-IX. Paris, 1861-77. His information is 
 incidental and brief, but extremely valuable. 
 
 Mirza. MS. Mirza Makhdurn [about 1594], Risalat an-nawfi- 
 kid fi-radd 'ala-r-Rawafid. A polemical treatise against Shiism. 
 Cod. Berlin; Ahlwardt, Catalogue No. 2136. 
 
 Nawawi, Tahdib. Nawawi [d. 676/1278], Tahdib al-asma 
 wa'1-lugat, ed. Wtistenfeld. Gottingen, 1842-7. 
 
 PRE 3 . Protestantische Realencyklopadie, ed. Herzog and 
 Hauck. Third edition. 
 
 de Sacy. Expose de la religion des Druzes, I-II. Paris, 
 1838. Quotations in Roman figures refer to vol. I. 
 
 Shahr. Shahrastani [d. 548/1153], Kitab al-Milal wa'n- 
 Nihal, ed. Cureton I-II. London, 1842-6. Quotations refer to 
 vol. I. 
 
 Sibt, Imams. MS. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi [d. 654/1257], Kitab 
 sirat maulana Amir al-Mu'minin al-Imam 'All . . wa-auladihi. 
 
 1 Mr. Ellis, of the British Museum, kindly called my attention to this 
 work. 
 
 - I have been unable to find any statement bearing on the age of this 
 author. The date given in the text is based on the following calcula- 
 tions. al-Kashshi was a pupil of al-' Ayyashi (edition of his work, p. 379). 
 The latter is no doubt identical with Fihrist 195 14 , and Tusy, List of 
 Shy'ah books, No. 690. Neither of these authors give his age. But 
 according to Tusy, ib.., al-'Ayyashi " heard the disciples (ashab) of 'Ali h, 
 al-Hasan b. Faddal " who died 224 h (Tusy, No. 191). This justifies the 
 rough estimate given in the text.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 5 
 
 A biography of All and his successors in the Imamate. Cod. 
 Ley den (Warner 915). 
 
 Suyuti, Tarikh. Suyutl [d. 911/1505], Ta'rikh al-Khulafa, 
 ed. Sprenger and Mawlawl 'Abd al-Hakk. Calcutta, 1857. ' 
 - translated into English by H. S. Jarrett. Calcutta, 1881. 
 
 Tab. Tabari [d. 309/921], Annales, ed. de Goeje. 
 
 Tusy. Tusi [d. 459/1067. Imamite}. List of Shy 'ah books, 
 ed. Sprenger and Mawlawl 'Abd al-Hakk. Calcutta, 1853-5. 
 
 van Vloten, Chiitisme. van Vloten, Recherches sur la Domi- 
 nation arabe, le Chiitisme et les Croyances messianiques dans le 
 Khalifat des Omayyades. [Verhandelingen der Koninklijke 
 Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. Afdeeling Let- 
 terkunde, Deel I, No. 3.] Amsterdam, 1894. 
 
 van Vloten, Worgers. von Vloten, Worgers in Iraq [Feest- 
 bundel . . . van zijn tachtigsten geboortedag aan Dr. P. J. 
 Veth], Leyden, 1894. (See this volume, p. 92.) 
 
 Wellhausen, Opp. Wellhausen, Die religios-politischen 
 Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam. Berlin, 1901. [Abhand- 
 lungen der koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu 
 Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse. Neue Folge. Band 
 V, Nro. 2]. 
 
 Wolff, Drusen. Wolff, Die Drusen und ihre Vorlaufer. 
 Leipzig, 1845. Based on de Sacy. 
 
 Wiistenfeld, Register. Wtistenfeld, Register zu den gene- 
 alogischen Tabellen. Gottingen, 1853. 
 
 Wiistenfeld, Tabellen. Wtistenfeld, Genealogische Tabellen 
 der arabischen Stamme und Familie-n. Gottingen, 1852. 
 
 ZDMG. Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell- 
 schaft. 
 
 Zeid. MS. al-Kasim .b. Ibrahim al-Hasani [d. 246/860. 
 From Yemen. Zeidite], a volume containing miscellaneous 
 Zeiditic writings (19 in number). Cod. Berlin; Ahlwardt, 
 Catalogue No. 4876. Contains reliable and, in view of the 
 early date of the author, extremely valuable information. 
 
 Zeid. Mutaz. Ahmad b. Yahya b. '1-Murtada [d. 840 b . 
 From Yemen. Zeidite], Kitab al-Milal wa'n-Nihal. Chap- 
 ter on the Mu'tazila, ed. Arnold. Leipzig, 1902. 
 
 Yakut. Yakut [d. 626/1229], Geographical Dictionary ed. 
 Wiistenfeld I- VI. Leipzig, 1868-73.
 
 6 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 List of Abbreviations. 
 
 Codd. = Codices : the manuscripts of Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n- 
 Nihal in distinction from the printed edition. 
 
 Comm. = Commentary to Ibn Hazm's Milal published in this 
 volume. 
 
 Ed. = printed edition of Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n-Nihal. 
 
 Introd. = Introduction to this treatise in Vol. xxviii of this 
 Journal, pp. 1-28. 
 
 Milal = the manuscripts of Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n-Nihal: 
 
 Br = British Museum. 
 L = Leyden. 
 V = Vienna. 
 Y = Yale. 
 
 See Introd., p. 17. 
 
 Note, with a number following, refers to the footnotes under 
 the Text (see next). 
 
 Text^Text of Ibn Hazm's Milal published in Vol. xxviii of 
 this Journal, pp. 28-80. 
 
 Small figures above large figures indicate the line on the page 
 referred to. When underlined, the small figure indicates that 
 the lines are to be counted from below. 
 
 [28] P. 28, 1. 21 f. 1 I am not sure that I have correctly rendered 
 the words of the original (Ed. II, 111 6 ): x^ ^JLi lx> 
 
 .A (LVY read 
 
 The meaning of the sentence is not quite clear. It largely 
 5 depends on the interpretation of the verb <^JL& . The latter, 
 followed by (J^fr. , or ^ >, usually designates "to excite, stir 
 up evil, mischief or discord, against or among people" (Lane). 
 We have translated accordingly, taking au as referring to 
 
 *^Lu<Y! and L$J to J^ in the preceding sentence. But our 
 10 author, who is apparently very fond of this word, seems to use it 
 
 in a somewhat different sense. Thus Ed. II, 131 22 OUAJ L* 
 
 t 
 
 1 The reference is to Vol. xxviii of this Journal, as already stated.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 
 
 (J^rtl "contradiction to [28] 
 anything that has been logically demonstrated is nothing but 
 
 o ^ 
 
 w>*Xu, i. e., casuistry or sophistiy." I, 20 7 Jua*^vJ! <Jj&! \^j*& 
 "the casuistry of the Sophists." 19 19 : a certain heretic was con- 
 
 vincingly refuted v_ .JLxI j StX^e 1> ^> J . ' ' and nothing was 5 
 
 left to him except sophistic arguments." See also III, 214 12 , 
 
 V, 79% 80 1 , 93 2 *-$x^kx>. Comp. Dozy sub voce 
 "suppositions captieuses, sophismes " (from Makkari). The 
 
 verb is applied by Ibn Hazm in the same sense and construed 
 
 # 
 with v-j rei. Ed. Y, 15* I tX* Lgj '^*^ x^? p-frf f^JJ U 10 
 
 ^.Ld! ^j-gJI " we know of no proof whatever which they could 
 casuistically bring forward in favor of this nonsense." Ill, 203 s 
 
 feUd! 1-o.J ow+Xt JJiJ oo yjj JbV! JJO ^;W *-g.^JtJ v_^ixi Jo^ 
 
 " One of them sophistically assumes that the verse (Koran 17, 
 104) reads ''alimtu' with a 'damma' over the 'ta'." In 15 
 accordance with these quotations the sentence under considera- 
 tion ought to be translated: " and to expound the sophisms that 
 were brought forward by those of them who argue sophistically " 
 &j would then be the tXSLc (Wright, 3 Arabic Grammar II, 
 320A) of lx> and the variant LJ would be an intentional cor- 20 
 rection. &XJ^ ..^x &o LtAj l+<o is somewhat hard, but it can 
 scarcely be translated otherwise than it has been done in the text. 
 
 29, 1. 1. Ed. as well as Codd. write, as a rule, ix 
 (or iL^.*_J!) both with Hamza and Ya. This spelling may have 
 been chosen intentionally, so as to embrace the two interpreta- 25 
 tions given to the word, the one deriving it from L*>\ " to delay," 
 the other from the root *z*-\ "to inspire hope." Comp. Shahr. 
 103, Makr. 349^, Goldziher, Muh. St. II, 90, note 1. 
 
 - L. 10 f . For the better understanding of this paragraph 
 I insert here the synopsis of Murji'ite doctrines given in Milal^o 
 
 L II, 162 b : J^JLJ! ^ (jJ^OAJt .J* ^U->VI J^vJI oJU
 
 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [29] * JL JtX-flS i cX <M 
 
 
 JUi 
 
 j xo 
 
 _ftx3 x-J 
 
 i 4 
 
 sJo-jui-VU xjyolZXJL. See the detailed account on the Murji'a 
 Ed. IV, 204 ff. On the question as to the nature of "Faith " 
 see III, 188 ff. 
 
 - L. 11. AM Hanifa died 767 C. E. Shahr. 105 admits 
 that this famous Fakih is generally counted among the Murji- 
 
 io'ites. a He does so reluctantly, as the latter, in spite of their 
 close relation to the Sunna, are considered heterodox, and he 
 explains this, in a rather far-fetched manner, as the result of a 
 misunderstanding. But inconsistently enough, he himself later 
 mentions him among the prominent men of the Murji'a (p. 108). 
 
 15 - L. 15. Jahm was executed for his heterodox beliefs 
 towards the end of the Omeyyad period, Shahr. 19, 60. Makr. 
 349". 
 
 - Ibidem. On al-Ash'ari's (873-935 C. E.) doctrine see 
 de Boer, 56 f. At first opposed, "he was finally considered so 
 
 20 orthodox that anyone who attacked him was regarded as an 
 infidel who deserved capital punishment. The devout philoso- 
 pher was revered as a saint" (Dozy, Isl. 255). It is highly 
 characteristic that Makrizi, who quotes this passage almost 
 verbatim (345 18 ) 3 , omits al-Ash'ari's name both here and 1. 17. 
 
 25 Although himself a Zahirite like Ibn Hazm, 4 he did not possess 
 his courage or consistency to charge the patron-saint of the 
 Sunna with heterodox views. The same consideration probably 
 accounts for the variant in L and Y (see note 6). The printer 
 of Ed. repeatedly endeavors to defend al-Ash'ari against the 
 
 '30 attacks of our author. In a footnote to this passage (II, 111) 
 
 1 On the margin 3 
 
 2 Comp. IKot. 801. 
 
 3 Makrizi frequently plagiarizes Ibn Hazm ; see Goldziher, Zahiriten 
 202 ; Muh. St. II, 269. 
 
 4 Goldziher, Zahiriten, p. 196 f.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 9 
 
 he maintains that Ibn Hazm misrepresents al-Ash'ari's view, [29] 
 ascribing this circumstance to the geographical distance between 
 these two men (the former in Spain, the latter in Basra). In a 
 footnote to III, 206 he asserts that the difference between al- 
 Ash'arl and Ibn Hazm is merely verbal. 5 
 
 - L. 16. Muhammed b. Karram (died 256 h , Makr. 357 23 ) is 
 counted Makr. 349 9 (comp. 357 20 ff.) among the Mushabbiha. 
 On his view regarding the external nature of "faith" (our text 
 1. 21 f.) see Ed. Ill, 188, Bagd. 4 a . Comp. de Boer, 56. 
 
 L. 20. On the principle of "Takiyya" see Goldziher's 10 
 article ZDMG. 60, 213 ff. It is of special significance for the 
 Shi'a, ib. p. 217 ff. 
 
 - L. 24 f . See the chapter on the Mu'tazila, Ed. IV, 192 ff. 
 
 - L. 25 f. The three Mu'tazilites named here occupy an 
 intermediate position in the question of Kadar : It is God who 15 
 creates the actions of man, but man has the privilege of giving 
 assent to them. Shahr. 62, de Boer 56. 
 
 - L. 25. On an-Najjar (9th century C. E.) see Makr. 350^. 
 
 - L. 26. Instead of ^Lxfr (also Ed. IV, 45 10 , Makr. 350 13 ) 
 Shahr. 63 3 has v^ (Haarbriicker 94 8 'Attab). Makr. 350 17 2o 
 counts him among the Mujabbira, admitting, however, that 
 because of his other views he is generally reckoned among the 
 Mu'tazila. He died 218 h , Fihr. 182, n. 7. 
 
 30, 1. 1. On Dirar see Makr. 349^. Comp. Ed. I, 109. [30] 
 
 - L. 2. See on this famous Mu'tazilite p. 66" and passim 25 
 His peculiar position in the question of Kadar, de Boer, 51. 
 
 - L. 5 ff. See Text 74 19 ff. and Comm. 
 
 - L. 14. The synopsis of Kharijite views given in Milal 
 L II, 162 b will serve to illustrate this passage: -- ) 
 
 dU j ^. U-XJut LJllj lib" 
 J JL> ^ 
 
 & 
 
 -3L*, .+sijs 
 
 jtt oJLi dlJ j !A^ IZU 
 
 See Ed. IV. 188 ff., Shahr. 100. 
 
 88
 
 10 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [30] - L. 15. The Kharijite named here was an intimate friend 
 of the extreme Shiite Hisham b. al-Hakam (p. 65"), Masudi 
 V, 343. 
 
 - L. 17 f. The names of these three heretics appear in so 
 5 manifold and puzzling variations that it is well-nigh impossible 
 to arrive at any definite conclusion. 
 
 The father's name of the first occurs in the following forms : 
 
 1) iaSU. (or JojU>) Milal V 50% L II, 145 b , Masudi III, 207, 
 
 Shahr.18, 42, Makr. 347 14 , de Sacy XLII footnote, also in the 
 
 10 carefully printed manuscripts of Bagd. 49 b , 136 a and Isfr. 8% 
 
 62 b . We have adopted this reading in our text. 2) iajL^., 
 
 very frequently: Ed Y in our passage. Ed. I, 78", 90 17 , 
 
 Milal L I, 36% Iji 340, de Sacy, ibidem. 3) iajLa. L here 
 
 (so probably also V, see note 8), Ed. IV, 197-198 (several 
 
 is times). 4) iajU. Ed. Ill, 120 6 . 5) iojU* Br. here, L II, 
 
 162 b 1. 1 (iojU>). 
 
 Still more numerous are the variations of the father's name 
 
 of the second person. It is found written as follows 1 : 1) j^^JLx) 
 
 Ed. here. 2) u-^b Masudi III, 267. 3) u-jjls Milal V, 
 
 2 <>50 a . 4) (j-jjL* Ed. IV, 198 18 . 5) (j-jjb Br. here (V 
 
 (Jijjb). 6) (j"jjLc (,j? v_jjl (j-? <X^J) Shahr. 43. 7) 
 Y here (L unpointed); Isfr. 63 a y^jb (sic). 2 8) 
 
 Ed. I, 90 17 . 3 9) Jijjb (^jj ^>\ ^ <X-^I) Bagd. 103 b . 
 We have followed this reading of Bagd., owing to the careful 
 25 punctuation of the manuscript (see Introduction, p. 27). The 
 ending (j*^_=os appears in all these readings. This most 
 probably indicates Christian origin, the more so as the views of 
 these men (see later) distinctly show Christian influence. 
 
 1 Note 9 contains several misprints which must be corrected in accord- 
 ance with the text above. 
 
 2 " Manusch," as Haarbriicker (II, 419) transcribes the reading of Isfr., 
 is impossible in the manuscript. 
 
 3 Schreiner, Der Kaldm in der judischen Litteratur, p. 63, note 1, is 
 inclined to accept this reading, and to identify it with the Greek Ndvoc 
 which occurs as the name of several Syrian bishops (Harkavy, Hahoker 
 
 II, 17). But the latter name is transcribed in Arabic as lili (Harkavy. 
 ibidem).
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 11 
 
 The by-name of the third as given by Ed. is no doubt incorrect, [30] 
 as according to the express statement Ed. IV, 197 20 al-Fadl was 
 
 (as well as Ahmad b.Ha'it) from Basra. Instead of .-j'v^' we 
 
 i ' I o y 
 
 find: 1) ^^l Isfr. 64 a 1. 3. 2) ^^\ Ed. Ill, 120 7 , 
 
 IV, 197 20 ; (V here ^^ ', Br. L here and L II, 162 b , 1. 1 5 
 L II, 146 a (sic) ^sxJt). 3) ^ Shahr. 18; 42 
 
 .j JwO_aJI. 4) -JtX^-f Iji 340. It is impossible to 
 decide on the proper form. 
 
 The doctrines common to these three men consist mainly of 
 the belief in the divinity of Jesus and a fully developed theory 10 
 of Metempsychosis ; see the sources quoted above, especially 
 Ed. I, 90, Shahr. 42 f., Makr. 347. They are usually mentioned 
 together and designated as the pupils of the Mu'tazilite an- 
 Nazzam (p. 58 6 ), who himself betrays the influence of Christian 
 doctrine, comp. Schreiner, der Kaldm in der jtidischen TMtera-iz 
 tur, p. 4. According to Ed. I, 90 17 and Bagd. 103 b , Ahmad 
 b. Yanush (or whatever his name) was a pupil of Ahmad b. 
 Ha'it. 
 
 - L. 18. On the term "Rawafid" see Appendix A. 
 
 - L. 19. On the Sufis see Text 73 2 . The omission in L. Y. 20 
 (note 11) is probably intentional. Ibn Hazm as Zahirite has 
 naturally enough a particular aversion to the allegorical inter- 
 pretation current among the Sufis. 
 
 - Ibidem. Abu Isma'il belonged to the radical wing of the 
 extreme Kharijite sect of the Azarika (comp. above p. 9 35 ), 25 
 Ed. IV, 189. Makr. 349^ calls him Isma'il and counts him 
 among the Mujabbira. 
 
 31, 1. 1. On the 'Ajarida of the Khawarij see Ed. IV, 191 
 Shahr. 95. On the conception of "Ijma"' see de Boer 38. 
 
 - L. 17. Mukatil is counted Shahr. 108 (comp. ib. p. 106) so 
 among the Murji'a, but later on, p. 121, among the Zeidiyya. 
 
 - L. 20. See the names of these three Shiites in the Index. 
 On the close relation between the Shi 'a and the Mu'tazila see 
 ZDMG. 52, 216; 53, 380, 538; 60, 225, de Boer 43 ult. Comp. 
 Miiller, Islam, II, p. 9. The Shiites mentioned here all belong 35 
 to the Imamiyya. Still closer is the relation of the Zeidiyya to 
 the Mu'tazila. Zeid b. Ali (Text 74 9 ), the founder of the former 
 sect, was a pupil of Wasil b. 'Ata, the founder of the latter
 
 12 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [31] (Shahr. 116), whojn turn is said to have received the "science 
 
 of Kalam" from Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, Zeid. Mutaz. 10 
 
 penult. Typical is the utterance Makiizi's (348") "Seldom is 
 
 a Mu'tazilite found who is not a Rafidite, except a few." 
 
 s 33, 1. 23. "Went to the extreme," lit. "exaggerated " = 
 
 ~~ 
 
 This verb, which in the form of the participle (auJLfc or 
 
 has become the technical term for the ITltra-Shi'a, origin- 
 ally seems to have had a wider range and to have been applied 
 to other than Shiitic movements. Thus Ikd (249) has a special 
 10 chapter on "guluww" in asceticism. Makrizi applies this 
 expression to all sects of Islam and states in the case of each 
 sect the nature of. its "guluww," i. e., in how far it exaggerates 
 the correct principles of the Sunna. 
 
 - L. 24. This view is held by Abu Isma'il al-Bittikhi (p. 
 is II 23 ), Ed. IV, 189". 
 
 - L. 26. This view is held by the Meimuniyya, a section 
 of the 'Ajarida, Ed. IV, 190", Shahr. 96, Bagd. 4 b . They 
 slavishly adhered to the restrictions in Koran 4, 27. 
 
 - L. 27. This view, too, is attributed to the Meimuniyya, 
 20 Shahr. 95 f. , comp. Noldeke, Geschichte des Korans, p. 277 ff. 
 
 - L. 28 f. See Koran 24, 2; 5, 42 and comp. Ed. IV, 189 4 . 
 
 Milal L II, 25 b 1. 2 ' : 
 
 \ Jli' 
 
 j 
 
 JiAA^J! c 
 
 25 - L. 33. The doctrine of Metempsychosis was current 
 among the Mu'tazilites, Schreiner, der Kaldm in der jildischen 
 Litteratur, p. 62 ff. It was of vital importance for the extreme 
 Shi 'a, to whom it served as a metaphysical substructure for many 
 of their beliefs and practices (see Index s.v. " Transmigration of 
 so Souls"). Shahr., Makr. and others mention a special sect called 
 
 Tanasukhiyya. See also p. 26 10 ff. 
 [34] 34, 1. 2. This view is attributed to a certain Abu Gifar, 
 
 Ed. IV, 197 17 . L II, 145 b is more explicit: tX^I 3 ^Ui 
 
 1 1 cannot identify the passage in Ed. 
 
 2 L II, 162 b he is called as in Ed. lifc jf .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 13 
 
 '(sic) 
 
 - L. 4. Comp. Ed. IV, 206 ff. 
 
 - L. 7. Ibn Hazm (Ed. IV, 199") quotes in the name of 
 Ismu'il b. 'Abdallah ar-Ru'aini, an older contemporary of his, 5 
 who was known for his piety and asceticism, the doctrine " that 
 he who has reached the highest degree of righteousness and 
 purity of soul has attained prophecy and that the latter is by 
 no means a special faculty." 
 
 - L. 9. Instead of "pious" better translate "saints." 10 
 Comp. Ed. IV, 27 5 : "We often heard of Sufis who maintained 
 that a saint was superior to a prophet;" IV, 226 18 , "a part of 
 
 the Sufis claim that there are among the Divine Saints (^IxJJ 
 aJJI) some who are superior to all the prophets and apostles, 
 and that he who has reached the utmost limit of saintliness is 15 
 exempt from all religious precepts, as prayer, fast, alms, etc. 
 and is allowed all forbidden things, as adultery, wine, and so 
 forth." IBab. Ptikadat 24 a ascribes the same views to the ad- 
 herents of Hallaj (Text 69 18 ) : ^yS.^ S^JLf! 
 
 f. 
 
 -*^ > - Comp. also Ibn al-Athir's utterance 
 p. 14 10 . One might think of reading xIi-*oJf instead of J^l 
 
 &AAwJi (1. 8). But the author reviews the "exaggerations" of 25 
 each of the five sects of Islam (Text 28 ult.). The Sunnites 
 in consequence cannot be missing (cf. p. 12 5 ff.). 
 
 - L. 12. The belief in Incarnation (hulul) forms the basis 
 of the cardinal ultra-Shiitic belief in the Divine nature of the 
 Imams. Most historians of religion enumerate a special sect 30 
 called Hululiyya. See Index sub voce "Incarnation." 
 
 1 The change in gender because milk naturally refers to the female. 
 
 2 See p. 82".
 
 14 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [34] L. 13. On Hallaj see Comm. to p. 69' 8 . Ibn Hazm effec- 
 tively ridicules this belief in the divinity of Hallaj, Ed. V, 117. 
 He repeatedly quotes Hallaj as the type of a (pseudo) miracle 
 worker, e. g., Ed. I, 110 n and elsewhere. 
 5 - L. 16. See p. 78". 
 
 - L. 18. On as-Sayyid, see passages specified in the Index. 
 
 L. 20. See Text 69 6 and Comm. 
 
 - L. 21. See p. 79". 
 
 L. 22. On Abu Mansur, see p. 89 14 . 
 
 10 - L. 23. On Bazig, see p. 95 34 ; on Bayan, p. 88*. 
 
 - L. 25. See p. 24 27 ff. 
 
 [35] 35, 1. 1 ff. Comp. a similar utterance of Ibn al-Athir (VIII, 
 21). These heretics maintain "that all the religious precepts 
 have an inner meaning, and that Allah has imposed upon his 
 
 15 saints and those that have perceived the Imams and the " Gates " 
 (abwab, sufitic term) neither prayer nor alms nor anything 
 else." Makr. 352 ' 8 quotes in the name of the Khattabiyya 
 (Text 69) the same specimens of allegorical interpretation, with 
 a few characteristic modifications. Thus " Jibt " and " Tagut " 
 
 20 (1. 7) are interpreted as referring to Abu Sufyan and 'Amr b. 
 al-'As, while Abu Bekr and 'Omar are represented by "khamr" 
 (wine) and "maysir" (a gambling game), Koran 2, 216; 5, 92. 
 This is no doubt an attempt to soften somewhat the insult to 
 "the two Sheikhs" implied in the original interpretation. 
 
 25 Interesting, because reflecting the attitude of official Shiism 
 toward these exegetic endeavors, are the two anecdotes told 
 Kashi 188. " Abu 'Abdallah (i. e., Ja'far as-Sadik, see Index) 
 wrote to Abu'l-Khattab (Text 69 4 ) : 'It has come to my knowl- 
 edge that thou assumest that "adultery" means a person, that 
 
 so "wine," "prayer," "fasts" and "abominations" (fawahish, 
 Koran 6, 152; 7, 31) mean certain persons. It is not as thou 
 sayest.' Someone said to Ja'far: 'It is reported in thy name 
 that "wine," "maysir," "images," and "arrows" (Koran 5, 
 92) stand for certain persons.' He replied: Allah would cer- 
 
 35 tainly not have told his people something that they could not 
 know (i. e., understand by mere allusion)." 
 
 - L. 12. See p. 92" ff. 
 
 - L. 13 ff. See also Text 49 s . I. H. alludes to the same 
 attitude of the Shiites, Milal L II, 82 b (Ed. IV, 83) : Jahm 
 
 40 b. Safwan and Abu'l-Hudeil, as well as certain Rawafid, deny the
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 15 
 
 eternity of Paradise and Hell (comp. p. 74). He then pro- [35] 
 ceeds to refute Jahm and Abu'l-Hudeil. As for the Rawafid, 
 they deserve no refutation, as they do not rely on logical demon- 
 stration (the last sentence missing in Ed.). In another passage 
 (Ed. II, 94) I. H. elaborately argues against those of his co- 5 
 religionists who "take it for granted that religion cannot be 
 accepted on the basis of logical demonstration, thus gladdening 
 the hearts of the heretics and testifying that religion can be 
 established by means of assumptions and by superior force." 
 How deeply seated this aversion to argumentation was in Shi- 10 
 itic circles can be seen from the utterances of the famous 
 Imamite Ibn Babuye (Ptikadat 6 & ), who devotes a whole chapter 
 to this subject. I reproduce this interesting chapter in its 
 essential parts: 
 
 
 J..J9 
 
 CJt 
 
 L 
 
 > . i>^-- "> s >lt I "\ i si I 
 
 AS J QvxaJ. &AAXCO *J -jLl? dLxAJ Jo) J 
 
 *J' ^jt <X?yJ' 
 
 **? (j 
 
 |^LwuJ! &AJ* '^.AAXfc^J! ~Avot w'Li. aLLfr jtf-^AX 25 
 
 1 This is the Kunya of Ibn Babuye. 
 
 1 Koran 53, 43. 
 
 3 Shahr. 143 mentions in the name of al-Warrak (author of the Fihrisfi) 
 that this reply of Ja'far was transmitted by Hisham b. Salim (see Index) 
 and Muhammed b. an-Nu'man (p. 59), who strictly followed this injunc- 
 tion till they died. 
 
 4 i. e., Ali.
 
 16 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [35]Jls oiioLM JUJ4-H U J;' ^55 [ 7a ] vJ'Jo-o Jlx^L? 
 
 * - 
 
 xxLojl Lo *L& JLai 
 
 ^1 J^C- J Jcbl 
 
 This elimination of logic from the province of religion is 
 complemented and justified by the claim of a higher source of 
 knowledge, the claim of inspiration (1. 14). See on this p. 54". 
 
 - L. 22. The Ultra-Shiites are excluded from Islam by all 
 10 orthodox theologians, comp. Introduction, p. 23, 1. 1-2. I. H. 
 
 sees in this agreement of the orthodox the force of an "ijma'." 
 
 - L. 24 ff. The following significant passage was first com- 
 municated by Kremer (Ideen, p. 10) from the Vienna manu- 
 script. Makr. 362 4 ff. reproduces our passage without giving 
 
 15 credit to its author (comp. p. 8, n. 3). Ibn Hazm's view on the 
 origin of Shiitic heterodoxy is founded on the observation of the 
 role played by the Persian element in the Shiitic movement, a view 
 fully shared and frequently over-emphasized by modern scholars 
 (see Introduction, p. 3, note 1). This view, which conveniently 
 
 20 enough regards the introduction of " giduww" (see p. 12 5 ) into 
 Islam as a treacherous act of revenge 2 on the part of the subju- 
 gated nationalities, is voiced also by other Muhammedan writers, 
 comp., e. g., the utterance of Ibn al-Athir VIII, 21 (p. 14') 
 and Iji 349. I. H. gives repeated expression to this conviction 
 
 25 in his Milal^ comparing the treachery of the Persians with the 
 deceitful attitude of the Jews towards Christianity, the latter 
 having bribed the apostle Paul to smuggle the doctrine of 
 " guluww " into the new faith. 3 Thus in the chapter dealing 
 with Christianity (Ed. II, 38) I. H. endeavors to prove that the 
 
 30 Apostles were infidels. "Either they sincerely and firmly 
 believed in the divinity of Christ and "exaggerated" on his 
 
 1 Comp. Text 53 1 and Comm. 
 
 1 The expression ( ^V < wu^f! tXx5 is repeatedly found in this connection, 
 
 I ^ 
 
 comp. Ed. IV, 227 5 > 13 and elsewhere. 
 
 3 It is worthy of notice that I. H. repeatedly quotes the latter view as 
 being held by the Jews of his time.
 
 Vol. xxix.] TJie Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 17 
 
 behalf, in the same way as did the Saba'iyya 1 and the other sects [35] 
 of the Galiya as regards Ali, or as the Khattabiyya believed in the 
 divinity of Abu'l-Khattab (Text 69 4 ), the adherents of al-Hallaj 
 (Text 69 1S ) in the divinity of al-Hallaj and the other infidels 
 among the Batiniyya . . . , or they were seduced by the Jews, 5 
 as the latter claim, to corrupt the followers of Christ and lead 
 them into error, in the same way as 'Abdallah b. Saba the Him- 
 yarite, al-Mukhtar b. Abt 'Obeid, Abu 'Abdallah al-'Ajani, 
 Abii Zakariya al-Khayyat, Ali an-Najjar, Ali b. al-Fadl al- 
 Janadi 2 and the other emissaries of the Karmatians and Shiites 3 10 
 rose to lead into error the partisans (Shi 'a) of Ali." 
 
 Xext to the Persians, the largest share in the importation of 
 heterodox doctrines into Islam is attributed to the Jews, mainly 
 on the ground that 'Abdallah b. Saba (p. 18 36 ff.), the founder of 
 the first Shiitic sect, is said to have been a Jew. Thus I. H.,i5 
 in referring to the claim of the Jews regarding the apostle Paul, 4 
 thoughtfully adds (I, 222): "This is something which we do 
 not consider improbable on their part. For they tried the same 
 thing towards ourselves and our religion, although this time 
 they failed to carry out their cunning. I refer to 'Abdallah b. 20 
 Saba known as Ibn as-Sauda, 5 the Jew, the Himyarite may 
 Allah ciirse him! who embraced Islam in order to lead into 
 error as many Muslims as possible. He assumed the leadership 
 of an ignoble party, who stood on the side of Ali, so that they 
 might profess the divinity of Ali, in the same way as Paul 25 
 became the leader 6 of the followers of Christ that they might 
 believe his divinity. These are now the Batiniyya and Galiya, 
 
 1 Cod. L. (I, 105 s ) and V. (160") read Sababiyya, see p. 41". 
 
 2 See on most of these men the Index. 
 
 3 aLs \LcLfr.?!, "proprement les Orientaux, etait en Afrique le nom par 
 
 lequel on designait les Chiites " (Dozy s. v.). 
 
 4 How widespread this belief was can be seen from the elaborate 
 story, given by Isfr. (71 s ) and designated by him as generally known, 
 how Paul at the instance of the Jews became a Christian, studied in 
 the Christian monasteries and, having gained their confidence, smug- 
 gled into Christianity the belief in the Trinity, etc. 
 
 5 Ed. I, 222 3 ^...^J! . The correct reading in Codd. See p. 18 36 . 
 
 6 Ed. 222- ^J) . L. V. correctly ^j 
 
 ^- ' > ' 
 
 VOL. XXIX. 2
 
 18 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [35] and the least heretical among these are the Imamiyya." See 
 more on the relation of Judaism to Shiism, p. 19 10 ff. 
 
 L. 29. I owe the explanation of these two terms to a pri- 
 vate communication of Professor Koldeke: " Ibn Hazm's state- 
 
 i \tt i \it 
 
 sment with reference to ^Lojl and y^al is not quite exact. 
 
 frUuat are not the Persians as a whole, but those descendants of 
 the Persians (mostly or wholly arabicized) who conquered Yemen 
 at the time of the great Chosroes. In Yemen the ' Abna ' 
 were prominent as a class during the time of Muhammed and 
 10 his immediate successors. The same name was afterwards 
 (third century H.) applied in 'Irak to the descendants of the 
 Khorasanian warriors who won the empire for the Abbasids. 
 J v ^^| ('the free ones ') properly designates the Persian nobles, 
 
 (the IXevOepoi of the Parthians). About 600 C. E. the poets 
 15 apply this name to the Persians in general, and later writers use 
 the same appellation merely on the basis of a scholarly tradition." 
 See N5ldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der 
 Sassaniden, p. 225, n. 5 and 342, n. 7. 
 [36] 36, 1. 9. On Sunbad (or Sinbad) see Blochet, 1. 44 f, 
 
 20 - Ibidem (note 2). "The form of the name is still very 
 uncertain. I hardly believe that Ustadsis is correct. u^-A^^L^! 
 may represent many different forms of an Iranian name " 
 (Noldeke). 
 
 - Ibidem. On al-Mukanna' see Comm. to p. 70". 
 
 25 - Ibidem. On Babak comp. Fihr. 343 f. and notes. He 
 was crucified in Surra-man-ra'a in the year 223 h , Bagd. 107 b . 
 
 - L. 11. On Khidash see p. 98 19 . On Abu Muslim, see Index. 
 
 - L. 20-21. Comp. Introduction, p. 22" f. and Text, p. 79 20 . 
 [37] 37, 1. 2 f. Fifty prayers are mentioned in connection with 
 
 so the Karmatians and the Nuseiriyya, de Sacy CLIV ult. and 
 footnote, CLXX. This is apparently based on the Mohammedan 
 legend according to which Allah had originally prescribed fifty 
 prayers, but, yielding to Muhammed's presentations, reduced 
 them to five; comp. Goldziher, Jtfuh. St. I, 36. On 'Abdallah 
 
 35 (1. 5) see Comm. to p. 71 1 . 
 
 L. 7. On 'Abdallah b. Saba, also known as Ibn as-Sauda, 
 see Ibn Hazm's utterances pp. 16 30 , 17 17 and passages in Index. 
 The identity of Ibn as-Saba and Ibn as-Sauda is assumed by all
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 19 
 
 Muhammedan scholars, except Bagd. and Isf r. Tabarl's account [37] 
 (I 2941 ; comp. Wellhausen, Opp. 91) differs in several essential 
 points from the reports of the theological writers. Altogether 
 the data on this enigmatic personality are as interesting as they 
 are conflicting ; they deserve to be made the subject of special 5 
 investigation. He is generally considered the founder of Shi- 
 ism, and this, in connection with his Jewish origin, sufficiently 
 explains the endeavors of the Muhammedan theologians to 
 charge him with many a heresy which developed in the later 
 course of Shiism. His Jewish birth was a sufficient pretext forio 
 the Sunnites to brin^ Shiism in connection with Judaism. We 
 
 O 
 
 saw Ibn Hazm's remarks p. 16 f. Kashi, in the biography of 
 'Abdallah b. Saba, p. 70, plainly says: "On account of this 
 the opponents of the Shi 'a maintain that the root of Shiism and 
 
 o -* 
 
 Randism (g>oi Ju X,&.AJ! , see Appendix on Rawafid) was taken 15 
 over from Judaism." The famous theologian ash-Sha'bi (died 
 103) is reported to have drawn an elaborate and odious parallel 
 between the Shiites and the Jews (Ikd 269). He says among 
 other things, with special reference to Ibn Saba: "The Ran da 
 are the Jews of this nation. They hate Islam as the Jews hate 20 
 Christianity. They embraced Islam, not because they longed 
 for it or because they feared Allah, but because they detested 
 the Muslims and intended to overpower them." 
 
 On 'Abdallah's alleged participation in the uprising of 'Oth- 
 man see Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten VI, 124 f. On 25 
 1. 11 see p. 100. 
 
 - L. 12. On the Ismaelites see Shahr. 127, 145 f., Iji 349, 
 IKhald. I, 362, Dozy, Isl. 259 f., Kremer, Ideen 196 f., Miiller, 
 Islam I, 588 f., Blochet 54 ff. On the various appellations of 
 the Isma'iliyya see Shahr. 147 7 ff. and Blochet 50, n. 1. See so 
 also Text 73, note 1 and Comm. 
 
 - L. 13. On the Karmatians see Dozy, Isl. 268 ff., Blochet 
 61 ff., de Boer 82 f. A succinct presentation of their doctrine, 
 de Goeje, Carmathes 166 f. 
 
 - L. 15. On Mazdak see' Noldeke, G-eschichte der Perserzs 
 und Araber, p. 455 ff. Similarly I. H. expresses himself Ed. 
 
 I, 34 17 : "As for the Mazdakiyya (written with (j>), they are 
 the adherents of Mazdak the Mobad. They are those who 
 believe in communism as to property and women. The Khur-
 
 20 
 
 I. Friedlaender, t 1908 - 
 
 [37] ramiyya, the adherents of Babak, are one of the sects of the 
 
 Mazdakiyya. They are also the secret (basis) 1 of the doc- 
 
 trine of the Isma'iliyya and their (vital) element, as well as of 
 
 those who hold to the doctrine of the Karmatians and the Ban A 
 
 5'Obeid (mFatimides)." 
 
 [38] 38, 1. 7 # The following-sentences give emphatic expression 
 to the Zahirite conviction of the author; comp. Goldziher, 
 Zahiriten, p. 202. 
 
 _ L. 15. The author has apparently in view the belief held 
 
 10 in Shiitic, as well as in certain Sunnitic quarters, that the 
 
 Prophet bequeathed to 'Aisha, Fatima, 'Abbas or 'Ali, respec- 
 
 tively, some mystic lore; comp. Goldziher, Muh. St, II, 118. 
 
 L. 18. Comp. Ed. V, 26 penult. : " It is firmly established 
 
 regarding the prophet . . that he was sent to the red and the black." 
 
 ' "' 
 15 Comp. Kdmil, ed. Wright, 264 7 iU J A^. Lo 
 
 .. 
 
 _ L. 23. "As he was commanded," see Koran 5, 71. I. H. 
 uses the same argument Milal L II, 89 b (not found in Ed.) 
 
 ft+JU Lx> 
 
 20 jy Lo y-LDJ ^Ipd 2 JUi- JU ^ U5" 
 
 &JU! Jyj! Lo 
 JJii |!AW 
 
 * -f ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 Lxi JJaxi KLg-s* u*-lAU (jLuJU a 
 
 25 . ^cJLjJ! I0v X-U 
 
 39, 1. 11. In accordance with his Zahirite conviction, which 
 strictly and exclusively adheres to the bare text of the Koran 
 and the Hadith, I. H. lays special emphasis on the reliability 
 
 1 Ed. f*H. L. and V. -co " the worst." 
 
 2 Koran 16, 46.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 21 
 
 of the traditionists ; comp. Ed. II, 76 20 ff . and Kremer, Ideen [39] 
 138 ff. 
 
 40, 1. 11. "The Mu'tazilites, the Kharijites, the Murji'ites [40] 
 and the Shiites." The same enumeration of Muhammedan 
 
 sects (comp. Introduction, p. 21) Ed. IV, 2 15 : 
 
 - y^'j (read aus._Jtj) ibjLsUtj xLxjtj!^ JI*1M 
 
 - L. 15 (note 6). The words b&Juu *-gJ XAAJ Y Lo I inter- 
 
 pi-et in the sense that nothing remains to these infidels to boast 
 of, beyond (= except) the infamies and lies to be found in their 10 
 
 Scriptures. The reading of L. and Br. LjCtXju &Lo V L* (with- 
 out p-gJ) I would translate: "beyond which (sc. ^jUdjLH) 
 
 %^ 
 
 no proof (is needed)," i. e., the infamies in themselves are 
 sufficient to impeach the infidels. On this meaning of tX*J 
 see the glossary to Tabari, sub voce. 15 
 
 41, 1. 15. Characteristic of I. H.'s truthfulness (see Intro- [41] 
 duction, p. 15) is another utterance of his, Ed. IV, 108 16 : "If 
 
 we thought that dishonest quoting was permissible, we should 
 use as an argument (against the Shiites) the words reported (in 
 the name of the Prophet): 'Follow the example of those 20 
 after me, viz., Abft Bekr and 'Omar.' But this (tradition) is 
 not true, and may Allah guard us from using as an argument 
 anything that is not true." 
 
 - L. 17 (note 7). Comp. Text 42, 1. 5 and note 8. I. H. 
 uses a very similar phraseology Ed. IV, 207 19 : " We have here 25 
 set forth the depravities of the adherents of heresy (he refers 
 to the Murji'ites) in order to cause people to flee from them and 
 to frighten away the illiterate among the Muslims from becom- 
 ing familiar with them and from thinking well of their corrupt 
 words." 30 
 
 42, 1. 1 f. The heresies referred to are those of the Mu'tazi- [42] 
 lites. They are quoted as such Ed. IV, 192 (in the chapter on 
 the Mu'tazila). I. H. chooses them as specimens in his intro- 
 duction because, in the original disposition of the pamphlet 
 against the four heterodox sects, which is now incorporated 35 
 with his Milal^ the Mu'tazila occupied the first place. See my
 
 22 I. friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [42] essay "Zur Komposition von Ibn Hazm's Milal wa'n-Nihal" in 
 Orientalische Studien I, p. 274 f. 
 
 L. 17. See Introduction, p. 22-23. 
 
 L. 18. On " Rawafid " see Appendix A. 
 
 5 43, 1. 1. The founder of the Jarudiyya is called with his full 
 
 [43] name Abu'1-Jarud Ziyad b. al-Mundir al-'Abdi, Masudi V, 474, 
 
 Kashi 150, Tusy, p. 146 No. 308, Shahr. 121 ; Fihr. 178" and 
 
 Makr. 352" assign to him the additional Kunya Abu 'n-Najm. 
 
 Muhammed al-Bakir (died 117) called him "Surhub," which is 
 
 10 said to designate "a blind devil dwelling in the sea" (Kashi, 
 
 Shahr. 119), because he was born blind (Fihr., Kashi, Tusy). 
 
 The sect was accordingly called also the Surhubiyya (Kashi). 
 
 As regards their tenets, the Jarudiyya variously diff er from the 
 
 bulk of the Zeidiyya, whom they regard as infidels. They share 
 
 15 with the latter the central doctrine that Muhammed appointed 
 Ali as his successor, not, as the Imamiyya maintain, by means 
 of a written will which the Companions maliciously set aside, 
 but "by a description (of his qualities) without the mention of 
 
 his name" (Shahr.: au+ ,j^J olo. But they differ 
 
 20 from them in that they regard the Companions as infidels 
 because they did not endeavor to find out the man to whom the 
 Prophet referred and chose a wrong one in his place. Accord- 
 ing to Shahr. 118, Abu'l-Jarud went so far as even to deny the 
 Imamate of Zeid b. Ali, the founder of the Zeidiyya, on the 
 
 25 ground that the latter considered Abu Bekr and 'Omar legi- 
 timate rulers. Isfr., however, (9 a ult.) insists that the recogni- 
 tion of Zeid as Imam is common to all Zeiditic sects without 
 exception. It is strange that I. H. should omit the mention of 
 this typical heterodoxy of the Jarudiyya: the "Takfir as- 
 
 soSahaba." 
 
 As to the succession in the Imamate, the Jarudiyya agree 
 with the rest of the Zeidiyya that it is legitimate in the descend- 
 ants both of Hasan and Husein, and in these exclusively, on 
 condition that they are qualified for the Imamate and present 
 
 35 their claims with the sword in their hands. Of the three 
 Imams quoted in our passage one is a Hasanide, the other two 
 Huseinides. 
 
 On the Jarudiyya compare also the account of Bagd. 9 b .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 23 
 
 - L. 2 (note 1). "al-Husein" is also found Shahr. 118, [43] 
 Iji 352, Bagd. 17 b (also elsewhere) and Isfr. 12 a . It is known 
 how frequently these two names are confounded. Muhammed 
 died at the hands of 'Isa b. Musa, the governor of Kufa (died 
 167), in 145, IKot. 192, Tab. Ill, 189 ff. 5 
 
 - Note 7. On Radwa see p. 36 3 . Bagd. 17 b calls the 
 
 locality tXsi xx^-U ^x> J-*s- (with soft- under the line) -=Li.. 
 See further Text 60 10 and Comm. 
 
 - L. 7-8. The belief that the Imams have not died and will 
 reappear on earth is the central tenet of the Ultra-Shi 'a, andio 
 occurs, as can be seen in this treatise, in connection with nearly 
 every one of their sects. This belief is founded on two doctrines 
 which must have gained wide currency in heterodox Islam at a 
 very early period: the one is the Raj 'a doctrine, the other is a 
 doctrine derived from heterodox Christian Docetism. It is 15 
 necessary to gain a clear view of these two doctrines in order 
 to grasp in its full meaning the conception which practically lies 
 at the bottom of all Shiitic movements. 
 
 The doctrine designated as Raj^a l has apparently had its 
 history and presents in consequence a complex appearance. 20 
 Kremer (Culturgeschichte unter den Chalifen II, 397), in speak- 
 ing of this doctrine "which was widely current among the Shi- 
 ites of the earliest period," gives the following definition of this 
 belief: "For a man to believe in the 'Return' (Raj 'a) 
 amounted to the conviction that Ali would rise from the dead, 25 
 and that he himself would, after a certain period of time (as a 
 rule, after forty days), come to life again." According to the 
 national dictionaries, Raj 'a signifies "the returning to the 
 present state of existence after death, before the Day of Resur- 
 rection." (See Lane, sub voce, and the authorities quoted so 
 there.) It would thus appear that this belief in returning to 
 life after death, which was known to the Arabs as early as in the 
 time of Ignorance (Lane, ib.) applied to people in general, 
 without reference to specific personalities. Jabir b. Yazid al- 
 Ju'fi (died 128, see p. 86") believed in the Raj'a, Muslim, 35 
 S'thih (Cairo 1283) I, 51. This is more explicitly stated by 
 
 1 The pronunciation Rij-a is recorded, although not approved of, 
 by Nawawi on Muslim's Sahih (Cairo 1283) I, 51.
 
 24 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [43] Bagd. 18 a ,jl$j ^JCtXj! I jjc 
 
 i <,: 0^| 
 
 jooLuiJ! J^i' LojJI J! i>!jX>Vt xJt^vJ uJb. The poet al-Bash- 
 shar b. Burd (died 167) held the same belief, Agh. Ill, 24', and 
 this is again explained by Bagd. 17 a 
 5 auoLxaJI ^j JuJi Lo jJf J,! cyljxVI **-? (strike out 
 
 similarl Isfr. 12 a 
 
 J 
 
 y ^. 
 
 Kuthayyir (died 105) expressed on his death-bed the 
 conviction that he would return to life after forty days on a 
 
 10 fine horse (Agh. VIII, 33). ' 
 
 It seems, however, that this belief was, or became, mainly con- 
 nected with certain prominent individuals who, by reason of 
 their prominence, deserved a return to life. We find this belief 
 repeatedly in connection with Muhammed. When Muhammed 
 
 15 had died, 'Omar violently rebuked those who believed that the 
 Prophet was dead, and he gave emphatic expression to his belief 
 that he would " return " after forty days, "just as Moses had 
 done," Tab. I, 1815 f., IBab., Ithbat 31, Bagd. 5 a (here Muham- 
 med is compared with Jesus). 'Abdallah b. Saba, the founder 
 
 20 of Shiism (p. 18 f.), is said to have believed in the "Return " of 
 Muhammed. Referring to Koran 28, 85," he argued: "It is 
 strange that people who assert that Jesus will return should 
 deny that Muhammed will return, . . . Muhammed being 
 worthier of returning than Jesus." "And he laid down for 
 
 25 them the Raj 'a." Tab. I, 2941. 
 
 As a rule, the Raj 'a belief is found in connection with the 
 Imams of the Shi 'a, in the first place, of course, with All. The 
 
 1 This form of Raj 'a is probably the real basis of the belief current 
 among the Khattabiyya that they will never die (p. 72 29 ). An allusion 
 
 to this belief is perhaps found Agh. XI, 75 6 : A friend of 'Abdallah b. 
 
 wf . 
 
 Mu'awiya(p. 44 11 ) was called al-Baklf (p. 46 5 ) 
 
 * Hallaj composed a book bearing on this verse under the title 
 ! J3U ^Lif! JLJU Jy! ^JJI ^f (Fihr. 192 13 ).
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 25 
 
 idea that All was hidden in the clouds, whence he would return [43] 
 on earth, was very common in Shiitic circles (see p. 42 15 ). The 
 term Raj 'a /car' e^o^v very frequently designates this belief; 
 comp. Lisdn and Tdj al-^Artis, sub voce, Nawawi on Muslim, 
 
 "~ ~ ~ 1 1 
 
 Sahih I, 51, Kremer, Culturgeschichtefo. Makr. 354 11 : &xJL2..-M 5 
 5&tcXcl jj.x) p-aJ^oj ^.JUo g>\ jjj J^c. *^j*^i ^jjlSUJ! . The 
 Muhammedan writers, with extremely few exceptions, ascribe 
 the authorship of this belief to 'Abdallah b. Saba. 1 Apart 
 from the ordinary sources, see also the interesting notice IKhall. 
 Xo. 645 (p. 26 3 ) : al-Kalbi (died 146) "was one of the followers 10 
 of 'Abdallah b. Saba, who maintained that Ali had not died and 
 would return on earth." To the references given in the course 
 of this treatise (see p. 42 f.) may also be added Madaini (died 
 about 225/840), who reports that al-Hasan, the son of Ali, pro- 
 tested against the belief that God would bring Ali to life on 15 
 earth before the day of Resurrection (ZDMG. 38, 391). How 
 deeply rooted this belief was in the masses may be seen from 
 the curious anecdote narrated by 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas (Ikd 
 269). A man called on him at a very unusual hour and asked 
 him: "When will this man be brought to life?" "Which 20 
 man?" "Ali b. Abi Talib." I said: "He will not be brought 
 to life, until God brings to life those that are in the graves." 
 He said: "You speak like one of these fools." I said: "Take 
 him away from me, may Allah curse him!" 
 
 Next to Ali the Raj 'a occurs in connection with his son 25 
 Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya. It was the belief of the Keisa- 
 niyya, and its famous champions were the poets Kuthayyir and 
 as-Sayyid al-Himyari, Agh. VII, 24 18 , VIII-, 32 s , 33, 34, XI, 
 46"; see also Fawdt al-Wafaydt I, 24. 8 Ikd 268 designates 
 
 1 On Tabari's account see above. Makr. 356 ult., with characteristic 
 eclecticism, combines both views. 'Abdallah b. Saba believed 
 
 
 9 They believed at the same time in theirown Raj 'a, pp. 24 8 and 26". 
 Kuthayyir, who returns from a tour in the region between Mekka and 
 Medina, reports that he has found everything absolutely unchanged 
 
 x L xJ! 3 Zo. Xj Ij^C. "This will 
 
 remain so till we return to it (after death)." Perhaps it would be more 
 reasonable to read **-vJ and to translate " till he (Muh. b. al-Hanafiyya) 
 returns to it."
 
 26 I- Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [43] the belief in the "Return" of Ibn al-Hanafiyya as the belief of 
 the Rawafid in general. 
 
 In the later development of the Shi'a we find the Raj 'a belief 
 in connection with nearly every Shiitic Imam. Numerous 
 
 5 instances can be gleaned from Ibn Hazm's and Shahrastani's 
 accounts on Shiism. It was the salient feature in the contro- 
 versies of the Shi'a and the belief which characterized the 
 Wakifiyya in distinction from the Kitti'iyya (p. 50). 
 
 It now remains for us to state the relation of the Raj 'a doc- 
 
 10 trine to the belief in the Transmigration of Souls (Tanasukh al- 
 Arwah). This relation is perhaps best illustrated by the amus- 
 ing anecdote (told of as-Sayyid al-Himyari, who believed in 
 Raj 'a as well as in Tanasukh, 1. 26 f. and p. 28"). A man asked 
 as-Sayyid for a loan of a hundred dinars, promising to repay 
 
 15 them when he (the debtor) should return to life. As-Sayyid 
 answered: "Yes, and even more than that, if you will give me 
 a guarantee that you will return as a man." He said: "How 
 else can I return " ? as-Sayyid said : "I am afraid that you will 
 return as a dog or as a pig, and my money will be lost." {Ayh. 
 
 20 VII, 8. See the same anecdote with a few variations Fawdt al- 
 Wafaydt I, 25). The former possibility is Raj 'a, the latter 
 Tanasukh; in other words, Raj 'a signifies the return as the same 
 person, Tanasukh the return as a different being. The two con- 
 ceptions, though related to one another and, in consequence, 
 
 25 often found side by side, are by no means identical and are dis- 
 tinctly kept asunder. Kuthayyir, as well as as-Sayyid, believed 
 not only in Raj 'a but also in Tanasukh (Agh. VIII, 27'; he 
 claims to be the Prophet Jona, ib. 34). But it is expressly 
 stated that he believed "in Raj 'a and Tanasukh" (Agh. VIII, 
 
 so 27-). In the same way both expressions are found side by side 
 Shahr. 125 13 , 132". Makr. (354),. who enumerates a sect of 
 
 Raj'iyya (see above), mentions in the same passage a 
 
 UAJ fJtyW (jl (JJ-12L&M. Ibn Babuye, who staunchly 
 defends Raj'a, 1 violently rejects Tanasukh (see p. 75 1 ). Only in 
 
 In a special chapter on Raj 'a, I'tikadat 12 b : LJ! JUs>J! 
 
 He promises to write a special book on the subject which may be 
 identical with his Ithbat al-gaiba. Mirza 46 b makes the Imamites respon-
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 27 
 
 a few isolated instances do the two terms seem to be used as syno- [43] 
 nyms. Thus IKhald. (II, 164) says ^ auuLj 
 
 ^ "in a kind of Trans- 
 
 migration or in reality," i. e., returning in spirit as a different 
 being, or as the same person. The same close contact between 5 
 the two conceptions is apparently assumed, ib. II, 169. * Makr. 
 357 4 contradicts his own previous statements when he says: 
 "From him (i. e., 'Abdallah b. Saba) they also took over the 
 belief in the concealment 2 of the Imam and the belief in his 
 return after death on earth, in the same way as the Imamiyya 10 
 till this day believe it of "the man of the cellar," 3 and this is 
 the belief in TandsuJch al-Arwdh." Apart from these instances, 
 which are otherwise not very striking, the two ideas are clearly 
 separated from one another. 4 
 
 sible for this attitude of Ibn Babuye : JyiJ! aLxJ 
 
 ' ) ** 
 
 &J*Aj ^jJ cX+J? jy^AA^V JULwj 
 
 1 The Prophet says to Ali : " Thou art its (this nation's) Du'1-Karnein 
 (Alexander the Great)." See de Slane's translation, II, 196, note 4, and 
 Comm. p. 28. note 1 towards the end. 
 
 8 1 read aUxxj instead of aujyb . 
 
 3 The twelfth Imam, the Mahdi. 
 
 4 We have dwelt on this point at some length because Wellhausen, 
 Opp. 93, denies the explanation set forth above, and insists that Raj 'a is 
 originally identical with Tanasukh, and that the meaning usually 
 attached to it is a later development. His contention, however, practi- 
 cally rests on a single passage (Agh. VIII, 34) which, even if taken in 
 Wellhausen's interpretation, cannot stand against the numerous pas- 
 sages to the contrary. But the passage in question does not necessarily 
 prove Wellhausen's assertion. We are told that Kuthayyir used to give 
 money to the little sons of Hasan b. Hasan (b. Ali ; not, as Wellhausen 
 erroneously has it, "Hasan and Husein") and to call them "little 
 
 prophets " : RJUS. Jb ,.v*J <J^J (similarly on the same page before). 
 Wellhausen assumes that these words are meant to explain Kuthayyir's
 
 28 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [43] It can be seen from the preceding expositions that Raj 'a as 
 
 such leaves the question open whether the Imam had really died, 
 
 or whether he had merely disappeared and abides in concealment 
 
 pending his reappearance. On the strength of the instances 
 
 5 quoted above one is inclined to assume that the former belief is 
 
 the original one, while the latter is the later but the more popular 
 
 one. It is in this form as a correlative of "gaiba" ("con- 
 
 cealment" of the Imam) that Raj 'a became a predominant 
 
 factor in Shiism and still is the official belief of the Shiites of 
 
 10 today. 1 
 
 action, which can only have been the outcome of his belief in the Trans- 
 migration of Souls, and that consequently the two beliefs are identical. 
 That Kuthayyir was an adept of Metempsychosis is repeatedly stated 
 in Agh. (see in the text above). But the construction put on the 
 explanatory words is not irrefutable. On the same page a similar 
 action of Kuthayyir (he hugs Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah b. Ja'far (see 
 p. 45), who was a schoolboy at the time, and calls him a little prophet) 
 is recorded without the explanation appended here. The "words (-jLS^ 
 
 O wti 
 
 s w w . .jo_5 may signify here as little as in the statement regarding 
 
 as-Sayyid (Agh. VII, 24>) **=* Jb ,j"*>j ~U>t V;A> In 
 
 cases the explanatory remark may simply mean to imply that the 
 man in question was an abominable heretic, the belief in Raj 'a being 
 * regarded as a sign of extreme heterodoxy (comp. Agh. Ill, 24 9 ). At any 
 rate, the weight of the passage referred to by Wellhausen is largely 
 counterbalanced by the statement, Agh VIII, 27 7 . that Kuthayyir 
 believed in "Raj'a and Tanasukh," where the two ideas appear as dis- 
 tinctly different. 
 
 1 By way of appendix a few isolated usages of the term Raj'a may 
 find place here. Extremely interesting, but somewhat obscure, is the 
 passage Agh. Ill, 188. Omayya b. AM Salt, who is anxious to become 
 a prophet, goes to Syria and repeatedly enters a church, while his com- 
 panions have to wait outside. A monk who lives in that church had 
 told him that there were to be six Raj'at (see the remark on the margin 
 of Agh.) after Jesus, of which five had already come to pass. When 
 he comes another time, he is told by the monk : " The Raj'a has already 
 come and a prophet has been sent from among the Arabs." Thereupon 
 he gives up his prophetic ambitions. A very peculiar interpretation of 
 the Raj'a belief is found Mirza 46 b , but, in view of the polemical tend- 
 ency of his treatise, this interpretation may only reflect his own indi- 
 
 vidual conception of the Shiitic doctrine. He says: .jo
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 29 
 
 This conception, which regards the death of the Imams as a [43] 
 mere disappearance, indispensably needs a complement which 
 should account for the fact of their apparent death, the more 
 so as the Imams of the Shi 'a, with scarcely any exception, all 
 died an unnatural death. This complement is supplied by a 5 
 heterodox Christian doctrine borrowed from Docetism. 1 It can- 
 not be our task here to trace the influence of Docetism on Islam. 
 But it seems highly probable that- this doctrine came to the 
 Muslims through the medium of Manichaeism, which adopted 
 this belief and gave it a definite shape. "The Jesus of theio 
 Manichaeans then had no objective reality as man. His whole 
 human appearance, birth and baptism were a mere apparition, 
 and so were his sufferings. For it was not he who was really 
 crucified, but it was an emissary of the devil who tried to frus- 
 trate the instructive activity of Jesus, and who, as a punish- is 
 ment for his wickedness, was fastened to the cross by Jesus 
 himself" (Kessler, Article "Manichaer," PRE 3 , XII, 218. 
 Comp. Fliigel, Mani, 124, 336 f.). 
 
 Jo 
 
 [47-] 
 
 <r 
 
 ' * y 
 
 JUis eAj^fcXJl v_>j(3l5Vl stXJO ,i ab-oLlJ! 
 v > "- -7 
 
 t. Jo U! . The word is used by lira Hazm (Ed. I, 139 5 ) 
 
 to indicate the return (of a nation) to its former state of power and 
 prosperity: 5*>Ji 
 
 .wo *_g-k**.Aj! M.A4.j . But the word can scarcely be said to 
 
 have the meaning of a technical term. Fictitious is the meaning 
 ascribed to the word by de Slaue (Prolegomenes d'Ibn Khaldoun II, 196 
 note 5): a new period of time during which every past event will return, 
 or repeat itself. The passage referred to proves nothing of the kind. 
 
 
 It merely says c>jl^ Lx> J! )*x>VI p+?>) which has nothing to do with 
 
 the term Raj'a. In Ibn Khaldun's text (II, 169) the meaning of the 
 word is probably close to that of Transmigration of Souls, see p. 27 6 . 
 
 1 On Docetism see Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte (2nd 
 ed.) I, 164, and the passages specified there in the index.
 
 30 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 
 
 [43] This docetic belief, which afforded a satisfactory explanation 
 of the alleged death of the Shiitic Imams, was readily adopted 
 by the radical Shiites, and it often occurs in the very same form 
 which Manichaeism had given it : that not the Imam was really 
 
 / " G I t "- \ 
 
 5 killed, but a devil who assumed his shape (&i\j~oJ ^j-^- 5 (j^V**)- 
 
 We find this belief in connection with nearly every Imam of the 
 Ultra-Shiites. On its application to Ali, which is undoubtedly 
 historical, see p. 43 f. Bagd. and Isfr. mention this theory in 
 connection with the following Imams : Ali (in the name of 
 
 10 'Abdallah b. Saba) Bagd. 94% Isfr. 55 b f . ; Abu Muslim (see 
 Index), Bagd. 100% Isfr. 59 a ; Muhammed b. 'Abdallah b. al- 
 Hasan b. al-Hasan (p. 87), Bagd. 18 a f., 97 a ; Hallaj (Text69 18 ), 
 who is said to have stamped his features on someone else, Bagd. 
 102% Isfr. 61 b . The Imamites who believe in the ' ' return " of the 
 
 is twelfth Imam, the only one who was not murdered (at least 
 according to the Imamitic belief), and therefore insist that the 
 preceding Imams are really dead, have no room for this belief. 
 But it can be seen from the polemics of Ibn Babuye that this 
 docetic belief was widespread in Shiitic circles. After having 
 
 20 described the manner of (violent) death of the eleven Imams 
 a favorite topic in Imamitic works IBab. thus sums up his 
 
 O 55 o S 
 
 position (I'tikadat 23 d *, in the chapter ija.)*JiXj\j -liJ! ^sj ^): 
 
 Jo 
 
 . owJ 
 
 This docetic belief, in conjunction with the Raj 'a doctrine, 
 enabled the Ultra-Shiites to assume a position which made them 
 30 practically invincible. The former made their Imams invulner- 
 able: they were immune from death or murder. The latter 
 made them immortal and carried over their living influence to 
 posterity. 
 
 - L. 9. \^ ox^Li 1*5" Y<Xc \jo}i\ ^L*j ^A^. . This phrase, 
 35 as is well known, forms a part of the Mahdi tradition, IKhald.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 31 
 
 II, 142 ff. ; Snouck Hurgronje, Der Mahcli p. 13 ff. Apart [43] 
 from this generally accepted form of the hadith, we also meet 
 
 with the variant 
 
 IKhald. II, 149 4 ; IBab., Ithbat 35, Diyarbekri II, 
 288; Abu'l-Mahasin (Leyden, 1855) I, 243V Bagd. repeatedly 5 
 
 quotes the reading >iH~frJ instead of ^*J. One might think of 
 a scribal error. But the following story (Bagd. 96 b ) makes this 
 supposition impossible. Mugira b. Sa'id (p. 79 ff.) acknowledged 
 Muhammed b. 'Abdallah as Imam. But when the latter was 
 killed, Mugira was cursed by his followers, who maintained 10 
 
 au! 
 
 j \jo 
 
 See also fol. 9 b and Isfr. 12% who gives on the same page the 
 conventional form of the Mahdi tradition. 
 
 - L. 10. I have restored Yahya's genealogy with the help of 15 
 Gen. Leyd. Comp. Tab. Ill, 1515 16 note i^and 1403 16 (Addit.), 
 where the editor equally substitutes Husein (not a/-Husein, as he 
 expressly remarks). Iji 352 1 has Yahya b. 'Omeir. Yahya 
 \\as killed during the reign of al-Musta'in in 250 h , Tab. Ill, 
 1515 ff., Shahr. 119. The general of the Zenj (p. 98) pre-20 
 tended to be this Yahya, Tab. Ill, 1745 s (anno 255). 
 
 - L. 12 ff. The same fact is recorded Tab. Ill, 1518 s fci 
 
 . 
 
 ..^J J^tU.Aw! ^.j ^AA*s.f . Muhammed b. 
 'Abdallah was appointed Sahib ash-Shortah of Bagdad in 237 h , 25 
 Tab. Ill, 1410 8 , 2 IKhall. No. 366 (in the biography of his 
 brother and successor 'Obeidallah). His pedigree, as given in 
 our text and confirmed by Tab. and IKhall. (who deals bio- 
 
 1 Masudi V. 181 gives also the variant K...S.. 
 
 2 This Muhammed cannot very well be identical with the one men- 
 tioned Tab. Ill, 1314" who died eleven years earlier. They are erro- 
 neously identified in the Tabari index. In the last mentioned passage 
 S-Ut tXc .j is to be struck out with Cod. C.
 
 32 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [43 J graphically with everyone of his ancestors), is absolutely assured. 
 Just as certain is the genealogy of Husein b. Isma'il, whose 
 uncle, Ishak b. Ibrahim (1. 16), accepted a prominent post in the 
 police of Bagdad in 207 h , Tab. Ill, 1062". ' Under these circum- 
 
 5 stances it is difficult to account for the apposition *+ ^-i! 
 "the son of his paternal uncle" (1. 15). Perhaps our author 
 confounds the fact mentioned here with the one recorded Tab. 
 Ill, 1405 10 (anno 236), that Muhammed, the son of Ishak b. 
 Ibrahim, dispatched Husein b. Isma'il, this time his real cousin, 
 10 to put down a rebellion in Faris. Another not impossible, 
 
 though less probable, solution would be to explain *- ^-?' as a 
 cousin of a remoter degree, in this case a third cousin. Thus 
 Tab. I, 510 ( lAth. I, 142) Moses is called the '"amm" of 
 Phinehas. So far the reading of L. Br. As for the genealogy 
 is given in Ed. and the other codices, 2 it can scarcely be correct 
 
 and seems to be an attempt to explain * ,-jJi 
 [44] 44, 1. 1. The genealogy as given in our text is confirmed 
 
 by Gen. Leyd., Ya'kubi II, 576, and Masudi, VII, 116. 
 
 Elsewhere Muhammed's genealogy frequently appears in a 
 20 mutilated shape. IKhald. I, 361 (also de Slane's translation) 
 
 has one link too much (Muh. b. Kasini b. AH b. Ali (sic) b. 
 
 'Omar). Tab. Ill, 1165 and lAth. VI, 312 have one link too 
 
 little (Muh. b,Kasim b. 'Omar). Shahr. 118 penult, and Iji 352 
 
 even omit two links (Muh. b. K. b. Ali b. al-Husein b: Ali b. 
 25 A. T.). Muhammed was sent to prison by Mu'tasim in 219, 
 
 ! The relation of the three men mentioned in our text presents itself 
 as follows : 
 
 Mus'ab 
 
 al-Husein Ibrahim 
 
 Tahir Isma'il Ish&k 
 
 'Abdallah al-Husein Muhammed 
 
 I 
 Muhammed 
 
 al-Husein 
 
 Tahir Isma'il 
 
 I I 
 
 'Abdallah al- Hasan 
 
 I (sic) 
 
 Muhammed
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 33 
 
 and he died there, Tab., Masudi, Shahr. According to Masudi [44] 
 (VII, 117), there were many Zeidites at the time he was writ- 
 ing his history (332 h ) who believed in the "return" (Raj 'a) of 
 Muhammed. His followers were especially numerous in Kufa, 
 Tabaristan and Deilam. 5 
 
 - L. 6 ff. Ibn Hazm's references to the Keisdniyya, which 
 are frequent, though brief, substantially enrich our knowledge 
 of this important sect. This at once shows itself in the explana- 
 tion of the name, which is the only correct one among the 
 numerous interpretations offered by other writers. The con-io 
 ventional explanation derives the name from Keisan, which is 
 declared to have been a nickname of Mukhtar (p. 79 17 ), so the 
 Dictionaries: Jauhari (comp. IKhall. No. 570), Kamti,s, Lisdn 
 and TCtj al- l Ards, sub voce ^L*^; IKot. 300, Ikd 269", 
 Makr. 351^ (==de Sacy II, 592), Bagd. ll b . On the other is 
 hand, endeavors were made to connect the founder of this sect in 
 some way with Ali, or with his son Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, 
 whom the Keisaniyya regard as his successor and the heir of 
 his mystic knowledge (a point on which this sect lays great 
 stress). As there was a maula of Ali named Keisan (he falls, 20 
 while defending his master, in the battle of Siffin, Tab. I, 3293 
 = IAth. Ill, 247), he was declared the founder of the Keisa- 
 niyya and the disciple of Ali, or of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, 
 in the lore of mysticism, see Shahr. (who distinguishes between 
 the Keisaniyya and the Mukhtariyya), similarly Abu'l-Maali 25 
 157, IKhall. ib. (who also quotes the preceding explanation, 
 with the confession *-Le! *<Ut}), IKhald. I, 357, ' Makr. ib., 
 Kremer, Ideen 375. An attempt to reconcile both derivations 
 is the interpretation quoted by Bagd. (ll b ) "that Mukhtdr 
 acquired his heterodox opinions from a maula of Ali by the name so 
 of Kelson" or the explanation recorded by Kashi 75 that 
 Mukhtar was called Keisan after Ali's maula, "who induced 
 him to seek revenge for al-Husein's blood and pointed out to 
 him his murderers." Closest to the facts is Masudi V, 180: 
 "They were called Keisaniyya because of their relation toss 
 
 1 The suffix in V^ literally refers to Muh. b. al-Hanafiyya, and so it 
 is taken by de Slane, p. 403. In accordance with our expositions, how- 
 ever, the suffix must be referred to Ali, who is mentioned a little earlier. 
 VOL. xxix. 3
 
 34 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [44] al-Mukhtar b. Abi 'Obeid ath-Thakafi, whose name was Keisan 
 and whose kunya was Abu 'Omra . . . Some of them, /tow- 
 ever, hold that Keisdn Abti ''Omra is not identical irifh 
 al-Mukhtdr" (he refers for further information to his Makalat). 
 5 The only correct explanation is the one offered by Ibn Ila/.m 
 (here and Text, p. 77"), who designates Keisan Abu 'Omra as 
 the follower (sahib) of Mukhtar. The person referred to is 
 Keisan, the chief of Mukhtar's body-guard, Tab. II, 671 1 ( = 
 lAth. IV, 187). ' He was a maula of the 'Oreina, a clan of the 
 
 10 Southern Bajila (Wiistenfeld, Tabellen, 9 16 ), and stood at the 
 head of the Mawali. As the latter were the main actors in 
 Mukhtar's uprising (comp. especially the characteristic notice 
 Tab. II, 651 2 ), the sect, which first asserted itself on this occa- 
 sion, received its name (perhaps as a nomen odiosum) from the 
 
 15 leader of the Mawali. 2 
 
 So far the name of the sect. As for its tenets, they contain 
 elements both of the Zeiditic and the Imamitic creed, a circum- 
 stance which renders the classification of the Keisaniyya within 
 the bipartite division of Shiism extremely difficult. Their cardi- 
 
 20nal doctrine is the recognition of the Imamate of Muhammed b. 
 al-Hanafiyya. But while agreeing with the Zeidiyya in reject- 
 ing the strictly legitimate principle in the Imamate and basing 
 the claims of the Imam on his personal qualifications, 3 they 
 strongly emphasize with the Imamiyya his supernatural knowl- 
 
 25 edge of mystic lore." In consequence of this ambiguous position, 
 the theologians often count the Keisaniyya as an independent 
 sect, on an equal footing with the Zeidiyya and Imamiyya, thus, 
 e. g., Shahr. 109, Bagd; 9 b , Isfr. ? a . The latter two, however, 
 become unfaithful to their own classification and occasionall 
 
 so reckon the Keisaniyya among the Imamiyya: ^.tXxJ iLow*AxL 
 aUxL*Y! Isfr. 14 b (the same Bagd.). I. H., too, appears to 
 
 1 Kashi 75 strangely misses the point when he states that Mukhtar was 
 called Keisan "after his sahib ash-Shor^ah whose kunya was Abu 
 'Omra and whose name was Keisan." See his other explanation above. 
 
 2 Comp. Wellhausen, Opp. 89, and the footnote. 
 
 3 Ibn Hazm can scarcely he correct when he incidentally remarks 
 (Ed. IV, 103 4 ) that according to the Keisaniyya, Muhammed b. al-Hana- 
 
 fiyya was Imam through a written statement 
 
 4 Van Vloten, Chiitisme, p. 41-42.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 35 
 
 waver on this point. 1 While in our passage he expressly [44] 
 designates them as a branch of the Zeidiyya and he is the more 
 justified in doing so, as, in distinction from all other writers, 
 he regards as the cardinal doctrine of the Zeidiyya the recogni- 
 tion of the Imamate in all the descendants of All (not Fatima), 2 5 
 he counts them repeatedly (Text 45 14 , 53 12 , 54 11 ) among the sects 
 of the Imamiyya. 
 
 After the death of Muh. b. al-Hanafiyya, the Keisfmiyya fell 
 asunder into a number of factions. The most important of these 
 was the Hdshimiyya, which transferred the Imamate to his son 10 
 Abu Hashim and considered him the heir of his father's mystic 
 knowledge, Shahr. 112. Abu Hashim having died without 
 offspring, the Hashimiyya were again divided into a large 
 number of factions, which assigned the Imamate to various 
 pretenders. Only a fraction of the Keisaniyya, stimulated is 
 by the mystery that surrounded Muh.'s death, 3 denied his death 
 altogether, and believed that he was hidden in the Radwa 
 mountains, whence he would "return." This belief, as is 
 well-known, found its poetical expression through Kuthay- 
 yir and as-Sayyid, and became through them known as specific- 23 
 ally Keisanitic. 4 A notice by Bagd. (ll b ) has luckily preserved 
 
 the name of the originator of this belief: ..vJJ! i^j'jJCj *J' 
 
 1 See Introduction, p. 23. 
 
 2 See Introd., p. 23, and Text, p. 75 1 - 8 , 58 11 and Comm. 
 
 3 The year of his death fluctuates between 80 and 114 ! See IKot. Ill, 
 Masudi V, 267, IKhall. No. 570, and especially Nawawl, Tahdib 113. 
 The same uncertainty exists as regards the place of his death. See the 
 above-mentioned sources and Barbier de Meynard in Journal Asiatique, 
 1874, p. 165. 
 
 4 The dogmatic historians are very well aware of these differences 
 within the Keisaniyya. See also Istakhri 21 (-IHaukal 28), Yakut II,. 
 790 30 . Masudi V, 180.
 
 36 I. Friedlaender, ]1908. 
 
 [44] 
 
 Similarly Isfr. 10".' 
 
 The Radwa mountain (or rather mountains) is situated at a 
 distance of seven days from Medina, Yakut II, 790. It was 
 
 5 considered extremely fertile, and was believed to be one of the 
 mountains of Paradise." 
 
 The individual traits, with which the belief in Ibn al-IIana- 
 fiyya's sojourn in Radwa has been embellished, are properly intel- 
 ligible only when we bear in mind their origin, as well as the 
 
 10 origin of the underlying conception, which is no other than the 
 Messianic idea. On the overwhelming influence of this idea 
 over Islam, see de Sacy XXXI ff . , van Vloten, Chiitisme 54 ff . 
 and my essay "Die Messiasidee im Islam" (in Festschrift zmn 
 siebzigsten Geburtstage A. Berliner's, Frankfurt a. M. 1903, pp. 
 
 15116-130, especially 121 ff. and 127). This influence also shows 
 itself in numerous minor details which the Muhammedan theolo- 
 gians, being unaware of their origin, were bound to misunder- 
 stand, and which they in consequence purposely modified. A 
 striking example of this tendency is offered, in our opinion, by 
 
 20 the detail, also recorded by I. H., that Ibn al-Hanafiyya was sur- 
 rounded by beasts of prey. The original significance of this 
 conception can scarcely be doubtful when examined in the 
 form in which it appears in a poem of as-Sayyid (Agh. VII, 4). 
 In view of the importance of the question, I quote the decisive 
 
 25 verses in the original, adding the vowels and a translation : 
 
 1 Makr. 852 1 says briefly ^1 J^L? 
 
 jLxy! J6 OA.4.J *J a. au^A^I . Still briefer Abu'l-Maali 
 
 158 fiY VTiS 1 ? V 3 ' xojM. Isthis AbuKarb, of whom 
 nothing else is known, identical perhaps with j^.^XlM jt, whom Ali 
 banished for his extravagant doctrines, Ikd 269 ? 
 
 2 Interesting in this connection is Burton's remark (Pilgrimage to 
 al-Medinah and Mecca, ed. 1898, I, 222) : "I heard much of its val- 
 leys and fruits and bubbling springs, but afterward I learned to 
 rank these tales with the superstitious legends attached to it. Gazing 
 at its bare and ghastly heights, one of our party, whose wit was soured 
 by the want of fresh bread, surlily remarked that such a heap of ugli- 
 ness deserved ejection from heaven, an irreverence too public to escape 
 general denunciation."
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 37 
 
 rr - 
 
 r;' 
 
 "Years and months (has Ibn al-Hanafiyya been hidden). But 5 
 he can be seen in Radwa in a glen among leopards and lions. 
 He resides between land marks (?)/ while big-eyed kine and 
 the young ones of ostriches walk about at evening tide in the 
 company of speckled goats. Together with them graze beasts 
 of prey. Yet none of them attacks them to tear them with the 10 
 point (of their teeth?). They (the tame animals) are through 
 him 2 secure from destruction, and they feed together without 
 fear on the same meadow and at the same drinking place." 
 
 There is no need to prove that this description is a reflex of 
 the Messianic prophecy Isa. 11, and the parallel is far more strik- 15 
 ing when we take into consideration the orthodox Muhammedan 
 belief that at the end of Time, when Jesus shall have re-appeared 
 and introduced the Golden Age, "lions and camels, tigers and 
 oxen, wolves and lambs will graze peacefully together, and 
 boys will play with snakes without danger." 3 This original 20 
 idea of the eternal peace extending over the wild animals can 
 still be discerned in I. H.'s words, if we vocalize (Ed. IV, 179 21 ) 
 
 Go' - s o ^ 
 
 -J SVMJ j-j-fr} tX*J **+J \-f- and thus read the plural, which 
 is also found in as-Sayyid's poem (first line of our quotation). 4 
 In any event, the Messianic character of this conception was 25 
 misunderstood. The wild animals were taken to be the guard- 
 ians of Ibn al-H. The plural was accordingly substituted by 
 
 1 Comp. Lane s.v. *J . 
 
 r> 
 
 2 Through Muh. b. al-H. If the suffix referred to (-> iu, we should 
 
 expect aui, not xj. [See, however, p. 38, n. 1.] 
 
 3 Snouck-Hurgronje, Der Mahdi, p. 9. 
 
 4 In our translation, p. 44 10 f., we have followed the ordinary concep- 
 tion.
 
 38 I- Friedlaender, 
 
 [44] the singular, and in explanation the dual xjlk^sx.? was added, 
 which gives an entirely different appearance to the whole 
 description, thus, e. g., Shahr. Ill penult., Fcnrat al-Wafu;/<it 
 I, 24, Bagd. ll b , Isfr. 10 a . 
 
 5 The other details recorded in this paragraph equally show traces 
 of the Messianic idea. 
 
 " Conversing with angels" (1. 11) has its source apparently 
 
 in the words of as-Sayyid (Agh. VIII, 32, Masudi V, 183) 
 
 j > 
 
 Uo^jOt xJo^LJf &jLk.fJ>. The Messias residing in Paradise 
 
 io(comp. Bet Hamidrash, ed. Jellinek II, 29), he naturally holds 
 intercourse with the angels. 
 
 L. 12 apparently rests on as-Sayyid's verse Jj-^JI ^j.jl LJ 
 
 >' o> 2 
 J)\o V5 &. c^j'j Masudi V, 183, Dahabi, Tcfrikh al-Isldm VII. 1 
 
 Here the original conception obviously is that the Messiah gets 
 15 his food from the outside. I. H.'s words remind one vividly 
 
 of I Kings 17, 6. 
 
 Another form of this conception which strongly indicates 
 
 Messianic influence is that which makes Ibn al-H. derive his 
 
 sustenance from two fountains, one of honey, the other of water, 
 20 both flowing near him. Bagd. ~Ll b (and Isfr. 10 a ) : <=LJt .wo .xe. 
 
 tX=*L> JwwJLI! .-o jfr, Shahr. Ill: 
 
 sx 
 
 Ju*^fc. fcL^j ^Uy^ (jLxi^L^iJ , comp. Fawdt I, 24. This state- 
 
 ment is probably derived from a Keisanite poem which is gener- 
 
 ally assigned to Kuthayyir, Agh. VIII, 32, Masudi V, 182, 
 
 25 Shahr. Ill, IKhald. I, 358. 2 The real character of this conception 
 
 1 Ms. Strassburg (Spitta No. 12), in the biography of Muhammed b. 
 al-Hanafiyya. The Ms. is not paginated. Comp. Yakut II, 790'- 
 
 - 9 ^* 
 
 J. Istakhri 21 (=IHaukal 28) only has *jjL/o _^. 
 
 Only IBab., Ithbat 32, ascribes it to as-Sayyid. Similarly Agh. VII, 
 10, contrary to VIII, 32, and omitting the decisive verse, 
 
 Just what considerations led Barbier de Meynard (Journal Asiatique, 
 1874, p. 247) to decide in favor of as-Sayyid's authorship is difficult to 
 understand.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 39 
 
 is revealed in the undeniably older form which is preserved [44] 
 
 i 
 
 Bagd. 94'^. Ibn as-Sauda (p. 18 36 ) is quoted as saying: 
 
 ^ , to which assertion Bagd. 
 reasonably replies (95 a ) t^OvXo auL^f!^ ^A*^! aujt ci>Lo Jjj 
 
 This "honey and butter" which is the food of the Messias seems 
 nothing but the t^'3""Jl H^Pfl which, according to Isaiah's pre- 
 diction (7, ^2), "everyone shall eat that is left in the land. 
 It is but natural that to Kuthayyir, who was at home in Najd 10 
 and Hijaz, 2 water appeared a more appropriate article of food 
 than butter (or cream), which was accessible to every Bedouin, 3 
 the more so, since the Radwa mountains were believed to be 
 very rich in water. 
 
 L. 16. Musa b. Ja'far, with the by-name al-Kazim, was is 
 born 129 and died between 183-186, IKhall. No. 756, Tab. 
 Ill, 649, see also ib. 2509. He w T as imprisoned by the Caliph 
 Mahdi and, having been released for a time, again imprisoned 
 by Rashid. It is assumed that he was poisoned in prison, 
 IKhall. ib., Shahr. 127. He was buried in the Kureish ceme-20 
 
 tery (yioJ5 *jLftx> ^) in Bagdad, and his grave was still visited 
 by pilgrims in the time of Bagdad! : r^*^- >? ic-^V ^ A '* > * 
 OJJuL? *J! voLrl' i Oxx) (Bagd. 19 a ). 
 
 Isfr. 
 
 * 
 
 [add ^] ^.^-.J! ^ ^Vl ; JuoJ! 
 
 - 
 (read L-fl-JLx>) L^-ix! .j^L^Lj xJCjLAXi/* . 
 
 - Kuthayyir lived mostly in Medina; Brockelmann, Geschichte der 
 arab. Litt. I, 48. His poems are innumerable times quoted by Yakut 
 as loci probantes for localities of that district. 
 
 3 This also would speak in favor of Kuthayyir's authorship of that 
 poem. As-Sayyid lived mostly in large cities. Brockelmann I, 83.
 
 40 
 
 I. Friedlaender, t 1908 - 
 
 [44] The sect which recognizes Musa as Ja'far's successor in the 
 Imamate, his elder brother Isma'il having died before his father, 
 
 are called the Mtisawiyya (*Jj~y or (JjV*?*)' Shahr - 126 > 
 Bagd. 19 a , Isfr. 13 b , IHaukal 65" and others. After his death 
 
 5 his followers still denied that he was dead and believed in his 
 "return."* 1 They were for this reason designated by a more 
 comprehensive term as the Wakifa or Wakifiyya (see p. 51), 
 Shahr. 127; IBab., Ithbat 36. 2 Probably in consequence of 
 their having been deceived in this expectation, the Musawiyya 
 
 10 were branded by their opponents as the Mamtura: "those that 
 were rained upon." "The belief of the Wakifiyya attaches 
 to Musa b. Ja'far. They are identical with the Mamtura, and 
 it is by this name that this party is known in distinction from 
 other sects of the Shiites" (Masudi VII, 117). Zeid. says 
 
 is similarly (fol. 104 a ) : 
 
 Ss.-h^'. . See also Kashi 287, bottom. According to Shahr., 
 this nickname was coined by Ali b. Isma'il (p. 60"), who said 
 
 20 to them SsJa^jo ^^L^V^ *JCjl Lo. Bagd. ascribes it to Yunus 
 b. 'Abderrahman: 3 xj^^-Jt U^J-? y-^ 5 ^ ^-V 1 ^^' (J-* ^^ 
 
 Isfr. again ascribes this utterance to the well-known Shiite 
 Zurara b. A'yun. 
 
 1 Kashi 286 tells a story which satisfactorily accounts for the rise of 
 this belief. Two trustees of Musa, who were in charge of a fund of 
 80,000 dinars consisting of taxes that belonged to Musa, had squandered 
 the money while the latter was in prison. When Musa died, the trus- 
 tees, fearing the claims of his heirs, denied Musa's death, and endeavored 
 to spread the belief in his " return." 
 
 2 The opposition of the " Twelvers " to this belief vented itself in the 
 invention of utterances, usually put into the mouth of Ja'far. which 
 violently protest against the Musawiyya doctrine. Some very charac- 
 teristic specimens may be found in Kashi 284-288. 
 
 3 One of Musa's adherents, Fihr. 220 ; comp. Tusy, p. 366 f.
 
 Vol. xxix.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 41 
 
 - L. 20. The name of this sect is spelt JU~,UJ! and [44] 
 LUW^LAJY. Shahr. 126 is in doubt as to whether this name is 
 derived from a man \jj\-* or a place L^li. 1 The other sources 
 have nothing to offer on the subject. The reading al-Basri 
 (instead of al-Misri) adopted in our text is, apart from general 5 
 
 considerations, confirmed by the^ notice Isfr. 13 a : *# xI^.UJ! 
 
 The meaning of the last words is not quite clear to me. 
 is a vault, especially a sepulchral vault (Dozy, s. v.). 2 
 
 L. 21. Ja'far as-Sadik was born 80 or 83 and died in 10 
 Medina in 148 during Mansur's reign; IKhall. No. 130; 
 Nawawi, Tahdib, p. 195 ; see also Blochet 12. Ja'far occupies 
 
 a central position among the Imams of the Shi 'a. His author- 
 ity is considered final. See on this unique position of Ja'far 
 pp. 79 1 , 89" and Index. 15 
 
 45, 1- 1- On Isma'il, see Index. [45] 
 
 Ibidem. The reading Sababiyya (note 1) is frequently to 
 be met with in MSS. See, e. g., Text, p. 71, note 13; Comm. 
 p. 27, n. 2; Tab. Ill, 29, note k; Lubb. al-Lubab s. v. ^Lx**J! 
 note d ; the examples can be easily multiplied. The manuscripts 20 
 of Bagd. and Isfr., which bestow great care on the diacritical 
 points, consistently read the same way. This coincidence can- 
 not be accidental. The reading is satisfactorily accounted for 
 when we bear in mind that the characteristic and most objec- 
 tionable feature of Shiism, in the eyes of the orthodox, is the 25 
 
 "the denunciation of the Companions," especially 
 
 1 Yakut IV, 733 mentions a place XjuJai ,jwj, near Hamadan. 
 It is difficult to state whether this is the place to which Shahr. refers. 
 
 2 Is ,w..Lb mentioned among the celebrities of the Imamiyya 
 
 Shahr. 145 identical with our ^..Li? Tusy, p. 186 (No. 400), says of a 
 certain 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Abi Zeid al-Anbari Ja*JJ Lxx> (.j^ 
 
 Fihr. 198 4 reads instead JuuuiJI 
 
 But the reading &juw.UJ! is no doubt correct, as immedi- 
 ately afterwards a man is mentioned who also belonged to the party of 
 Ja'far.
 
 42 I. Friedlaender, [1908- 
 
 [45] of Abu Bekr and 'Omar. Attachment to Ali without this 
 
 6 Si 
 
 denunciation is ^^> /V^', Goldziher, Shi l a 443, n. 3, comp. 
 
 ZDMG. 50, 115. See Text 72, n. 2, and the characteristic anec- 
 dote, below p. 65. Typical is also the notice Agh. XI, 46": The 
 
 sKeisanite Khandak al-Asadi, having been assured by Kuthayyir 
 that his family would be taken care of, denounces in Mekka, 
 during the pilgrimage, Abti Bekr and 'Omar and suffers mar- 
 tyrdom for it. The Sunnites therefore designate the Shiites 
 as Sabbabun, "denouncers", Goldziher, ZDMG. 36, 280, n. 1. 
 
 10 As the name Sabaiyya is frequently applied to ultra-Shiitic 
 sects in general (p. 100), it was for polemical purposes, with a 
 slight change in the diacritical points, transformed into Saba- 
 biyya, or more correctly, Sabbabiyya. 1 
 L. 2. On Ibn Saba, see p. 18' 6 ff. 
 
 15 L. 3. The belief that Ali was hidden in the clouds whence 
 he would return on earth is ascribed by all theological wi'iters 
 (Shahr. 132 ult. ; Iji 343; Maki-357 1 ; see also IKhald. I, 358) 
 to Ibn Saba. While many, or most, doctrines attributed to this 
 founder of Shiism are apocryphal or of later origin, this belief 
 
 20 is no doubt authentic. This conception must have become 
 extremely popular among the Shiites at an early period, as 
 numerous early authorities bear witness to it. Muslim, Sahih 
 (Cairo 1284 h , I, 51) in the name of Sufyan (ath-Thauri, died 
 
 161) : v^-" &* ^ J}*-> SuaiU-N i' Zeid. fol. 104" 
 
 25 mentions a special sect called as-Sahabiyya (j^Ls^jJl -*-* 
 
 LIJLc. ^! ^j^cy.> *&j sLojLj *^JI^ VT*-^' Abu'l- 
 
 Maali 158 calls the founder of this sect Muhammed b. Ya'kub 
 
 Aj.Ji*xJt 
 
 JkJL5..y' ^ 
 
 1 Curiously enough there was also a sect called Sabbabiyya, named 
 after Sabbab, a client of the Omeyyad family, which throughout the 
 Omeyyad reign stood up for this dynasty and denounced its enemies, 
 Agh. XIV, 162. A certain 'Abdallah b. Sabbab is mentioned Ikd 269, 
 immediately after 'Abdallah b. Saba, as one whom Ali banished for his 
 extravagant doctrines. But I have nowhere found any reference to 
 this person.
 
 Vol. xxix.j The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 43 
 
 Jol LoJo y-?i c>^y )3- 'Abdallah b. Lahi'a, the well-known [45] 
 Shiitic traditionist (died 174), "who was a silly, weak-minded 
 old man, believed that Ali was in the clouds. He would sit in 
 our midst, then look up to the clouds and exclaim : ' Here is 
 Ali, passing in the clouds!'" (IKhald. II, 155, quoting from 5 
 an-Nasa'i, died 757 h ). The poet Ishak b. Suweid al-'Adawi 1 
 ridicules in a much-quoted poem 2 "the people who greet the 
 clouds when they mention Ali." This belief spread the more 
 easily, as Ali's grave was unknown, 3 Damiri, Hay at al-Hayawdn 
 (Biilak 1284 h ) II, 267. According to Ibn Asakir (died 571), 4 io 
 the camel which was carrying Ali's body to Medina to be buried 
 there disappeared with the body : ' ' for this reason the people of 
 'Irak say he is in the clouds." 
 
 On the Messianic basis of this conception, see my essay "Die 
 Messiasidee im Islam," p. 125. is 
 
 L. 9 ff . This utterance of Ibn Saba is in all probability 
 derived from the anecdote told by Jahiz, Sayan (Cairo 1313 h ) 
 II, 73, 5 on the authority of ash-Sha'bi (d. 103). A certain 
 Jarir b. Keis met Ibn as-Sauda (=Ibn Saba) in Madain. 6 "He 
 (Ibn Saba) said: What is the news? I said: the Commanders 
 of the Faithful (=Ali) has been killed ... He said: Even if 
 you had .brought us his brain in a hundred bags, we would 
 surely know that he would not die till he should drive you with 
 his stick." Bagd. 94 a tells the same story, perhaps drawing 
 
 from the same source, in a similar manner: woLfc 
 JUis JjCi Jo 
 
 
 1 Bagd. 94* , 43" c) Joufl. He was a contemporary of Wasil b. ' Ata, ib. 
 
 2 Bagd. ib.: Isfr. 29*; Kdmil ed. Wright 546 9 ; Ikd 267. 
 
 3 The Imamites, however, insist that he was buried in C ^J9 in Kufa, 
 
 Abu'l-Maali, 164 ; IBab., I'tikadat 22 6 . Their motive is plain, see 
 p. 30 14 . 
 
 4 Quoted by Suyuti, Ta'rikh 175, also by ad-Dimishki al-Karamani, 
 Akhbdr ad-Duwal (on the margin of I. Athir's Ta'rikh, Bulak, 1290 1 ') I, 
 22 1 1 . 
 
 5 1. H. quotes Jahiz also Text 50 9 and elsewhere. The passage in 
 Baydn was pointed out to me by the late van Vloten, Leyden. 
 
 * Ali banished Ibn Saba to Madain, Shahr. 132, Ikd 269, Bagd. 6, 94".
 
 44 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [45] aJ+? (J'tLoJ J jl-fl yj XfclxxX? bj+AAS- (read | jJ r !) ^jj &J 
 
 WAJ -A.=. c^+j x. 
 
 The reading adopted in the text (note 6) is in accordance with 
 these quotations. 
 
 5 On the two doctrines (Raj 'a and Docetism) underlying Ibn 
 Saba's utterance, see p. 23 ff. 
 
 L. 12 ff . The following are counted among the Keisaniyya, 
 because they regarded their Imams as the successors of Abu 
 Hashim, the son of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya (p. 89 T ). 
 
 10 L. 13. On Abu Muslim, see Index. 
 
 L. 15 ff. 'Abdallah rose under the last Omeyyad Caliph in 
 127, see the elaborate accounts of Agh. XI, 66 ff. ; Tab. II, 
 1879 ff. ; lAth. V, 246. He was forced to give up Kufa and to 
 retreat into the mountains of Media. He was in temporary pos- 
 
 15 session of the province of Faris, and this is significant in connec- 
 tion with 1. 16 the mountains of Isbahan. He went so far as to 
 strike his own coins (ZDMG. 46, 443). He was killed in 129 by 
 order of Abu Muslim, Tab. II, 1976 = IAth. V, 282. See about 
 him also Text 71 14 . Gen. Leyd. has the following notice about 
 
 20 him: (read (ja.*S) (joj3 J^^A+J! ^.jJaiLl -tlxiJi xLM 
 
 * 
 
 UmAa> &AM.LjtJt jJ.jJt v_.AA.LAO *JLwUO ^J 
 
 (sic) ^tXx^ji aJ JUu /*^>j-"? ***} W? (read 
 
 His followers were called Janahiyya, Bagd. 97 & , 103^ ; Isfr. 
 25 57 a ' ; Iji 345 ; Makr. 353", because his father 3 Mu'awiya bore the 
 by-name DiVl-Janahein, see especially Nawawl, Tahdib 339. 
 
 On the Imamate of the descendants of Ja'far b. Abi Talib 
 see I. H.'s remark (Ed. IV. 90 19 ) : "one party says: the 
 
 uf- 
 
 1 The text is corrupt ^A ^ (sic) 8j-OLJ! ^J &JU! tXxt cLxi! 
 
 2 On the sects deriving their name from the father's name of the 
 founder see Goldziher, ZDMG. 61, 75, n. 2.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 45 
 
 Imamate is permissible only in the descendants of Ja'far 1 b. Abi [45] 
 Talib. Subsequently they confined it to 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya 
 b. Abdallah b. Ja'far b. A. T." 
 
 His father Mu'awiya 2 must already have enjoyed a similar dis- 
 tinction. When he still was a school boy, the Keisanite this is 5 
 important on account of 1. 14 Kuthayyir would hug him 
 fondly and say to him: "Thou art one of the little prophets" 
 (Agh. VIII, 34, see p. 27, note 4.) 
 
 L. 20. 'Abdallah's teachings as described by Bagd., Iji and 
 Makr. are in the nature of other ultra-Shiitic doctrines : God's 10 
 successive incarnation in the prophets and Imams, 3 the belief in 
 Transmigration of Souls coupled with the denial of Resurrec- 
 tion (see p. 74) and the allegorical interpretation of the Koran, 
 Iji, Makr.=de Sacy II, 595. 
 
 1 Ed. erroneously All. Cod. L. II, 86" has the correct reading. 
 
 s 
 
 2 Interesting is the remark of Sibt, Imams: (read tXaJ) IcXsJ ivwO *j. 
 
 iJLS* ^.J aJJ! 
 
 Q 
 
 tX^-1 a ^" fr (read JOOLJ) Juxj *J^ viU jJ * 
 . Of his offspring Gen. Leyd. says: x Xxjb xj 
 
 xs , 
 
 ^JLfl ^.J J.4^? t 
 
 J^JD| ^e JLi LXJ. 
 
 f- 
 
 - 
 
 Bagd. 97* xJLo ^.x 8^!^ ^^ JOL? *LxiVt 
 
 
 cy Jj *J i>jiXO ^ *J r*t>l ^ ojL^ aJVl . Here the text 
 
 breaks off. Between 97* and 98 a something (in all probability one leaf) 
 is missing. This is to be added to Ahwardt's Catalogue No. 2800. On 
 this doctrine of successive incarnation see Text 68 1 and Comm.
 
 46 I. Fi-iedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [45] On the belief in 'Abdallah's concealment (gaiba) in the moun- 
 tains of Isbahan see especially Iji (who writes (jLg-aAs!) and 
 Isfr. 57". 
 
 - L. 22. On the Dahriyya see de Boer 80. One of his 
 stable companions was called al-Bakli, because he was of the 
 opinion that man is like a vegetable (al-bakl) "and when he 
 dies, he does not return (on earth)", see p. 24, n. 1, Agh. XI, 75. 
 'Abdallah's Stihib ash-Shortah is said to have been a Dahrite, 
 ibidem. 
 
 10 46, 1- 2 ff. The same belief of the Jews in four Immortals 
 [46] is mentioned by I. H., Ed. I, 187, in a brief survey on Jewish 
 history. After Joshua it was Phinehas who ruled over the 
 Jews for twenty-five years. '"A large section of them (the 
 Jews) maintain that he is alive till this day, he and three per- 
 is sons besides him, viz., Ilyas (Elijah) the Prophet, the Aronide,' 2 
 Malkisidek 3 b. Falig' b. 'Abir [b. Shalih] 6 b. Arfahshad b. Sam 
 b. Xuh, the servant whom Ibrahim dispatched to woo Ribka, 
 the daughter of Batuil, 7 the son of Nakhur, the brother of 
 Ibrahim." 
 
 20 In our passage (p. 46, note 1) L. Br. also add the name of 
 Methuselah. But it is clear from the parallel quoted here that 
 the name came in by mistake. 8 
 
 As to the four others above-mentioned, there can scarcely be 
 any doubt that, as far as Malchizedek is concerned, I. H. con- 
 
 1 The following variants are taken from Codd. L. and V. L. agrees 
 with Ed. See Introd., p. 18. 
 - V. missing. See p. 47*. 
 
 3 V. missing. 
 
 4 Ed. ^JLa, L. V. iJU. 
 
 5 V. ^JLo ^j (sic). Ed. L. missing. Supplied in view of Gen. 
 10, 24. - 
 
 6 So L. V. Ed. xjiix. 
 "L. V. Jjyb. 
 
 8 Methusalem is reputed in Jewish tradition as a "|^J p'1^ " a per- 
 fectly righteous man," Aboth di R. Nathan, ed-Schechter, ch. 33, and he 
 is counted among the seven Long-lived, Baba Bathra, fol. 121 b , comp. 
 Goldziher, Kitdb al-Mu'ammarin, p. XLII. But this has nothing to do 
 with immortality. Perhaps he is confounded here with his father 
 Enoch.
 
 Vol. xxix.) The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 47 
 
 founds the Jews with the Christians. M.'s immortality is taught [46] 
 as early as in the Epistle to the Hebrews 1, 8; 7, 3 ff., and it is 
 known from the polemics of the Church fathers to what extent 
 this belief, which found expression in a special sect called 
 Malchizedekites, was spread among Christian sectarians. 5 
 
 The genealogy of M. as given by I. H. (and other writers) 
 is only a modification of the early Jewish tradition (also recorded 
 by the Church fathers) which identifies him with Sem, the son 
 of Xoah ; see Louis Ginzberg, Die Haggada bei den Kirchen- 
 <'it "rn I, 118, II, 104. 10 
 
 Eliezer, "the servant of Ibrahim," is mentioned among the 
 nine Immortals who entered Paradise while still alive, Derekh 
 Eres Ztita, ch. 1. It is worthy of notice that in neither pas- 
 sage is Eliezer mentioned by name. He was probably desig- 
 nated in Jewish circles merely as DmDK "O#- " 15 
 
 Elijah's immortality, which is, of course, a direct consequence 
 of the Biblical report, is already implied in Sirach 48 10 ~". On 
 the Rabbinical legends clustering around Elijah see the exhaust- 
 ive article (by Louis Ginzberg) in Jewish Encyclopedia V, 
 122 ff. The notion that he was a Kohen, "an Aronide," is 20 
 very old and already known to the Church fathers, Jew. Enc. 
 V, 122 a bottom; Ginzberg, Die Haggada II, pp. 76-80. 
 
 Phinehas is in Jewish tradition commonly identified with 
 Elijah. This identification is very old and already known to 
 Orlgen, Ginzberg, Die Haggada II, p. 78. 25 
 
 - Note 7, 1. 2. Read v**JUi^ "brainless" (Turkish). 
 
 - L. 8. The literature on al-Khadir is too extensive to be 
 recorded here in detail. The best accounts on the Khadir 
 legends are found in Tha'labi's 'Arais (Cairo 1306 h ), p. 137 ff. 7 
 Damiri, Hay at al-Hayawdn (Bulak 1284 h ) I, 338 ff. (sub voce so 
 ^uyo v^s*) and Taj al- l Artis III, 187 (sub voce -loiLl). 
 The ubiquitous prophet is particularly popular with the Sufis 
 (see espec. Taj ib.), just as Elijah is with the Jewish mystics. 
 The famous Sufi Ibn al-'Arabi (died 638*) to quote one instance 
 out of many records in his al-Futuhat al-Makkiyya numerous 35 
 conversations with al-Khadir, Kremer, Ideen, p. 103, comp. p. 71 
 note. 
 
 The Shiitic sects which believe in the "concealment" and 
 "return" (gaiba and raj 'a, p. 28) of their Imams quote in con-
 
 48 L Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [46] urination of their belief the continued existence of al-Khadir 
 and Elijah, Shahr. 131, IKhald. I, 358. 
 
 L. 10. Elijah is usually associated with deserts and ruins, 
 see, e. g., Pirke Aboth, ch. 6, Berakhoth 3", Sanhedrin 98". 
 sal-Khadir ("the green Prophet") is, on account of his name, 
 brought in connection Avith water and vegetation. 
 
 - L. 13. The same objection is found in connection with 
 Elijah, who in the belief of the people is present at every cir- 
 cumcision. " How can it be imagined that Elijah should be pres- 
 
 10 ent at every circumcision that takes place in Israel ? How can 
 he accomplish it, since, Israel being a nation scattered and 
 divided, many circumcisions take place simultaneously in the 
 East of the World and the West thereof ? " Glasberg, Zichron 
 Brith la-Rishonim (Berlin 1892) p. 233. 
 
 is 47, 1. 3. " 'Abdallah b. Salam" is a lapsus calami for " 'Abd 
 
 [47] as-Salam." Muhammed b. 'Abd as-Salam is identical with Ibn 
 
 'Abd as-Salam, who defends the belief in al-Khadir, Taj al- 
 
 'Arrts III, 187. He is mentioned by Ibn al-Abbar, Comple- 
 
 mentum librias-Silah^ ed. Codera, Madrid 1887, p. .136, No. 483: 
 
 2oJudJt (sic) 
 
 Talablra is situated on the Tajo, in the district of Toledo, 
 Yakut III, 542. 
 
 - L. 6. I have not been able to identify this Kutib with the 
 not unusual name. He is mentioned by I. H., Ed. I, 111 : 
 
 25 He takes I. H. to a friend of his to show him the miracles he 
 
 is working. But I. H. succeeds in unmasking him as a juggler. 
 
 L. 11. Thishadith, which is recorded both by Muslim and 
 
 Bukhari and is in consequence canonical, reads fully as follows : 
 
 The Prophet says to Ali 
 
 xi! xc ^y \J^- Nawawi, Tahdib 438, Ibn 
 
 " ' 
 
 al-Athir, Usd al- Gdba IV, 26 s (with the variant (^tX*J S^AJ Y) 
 comp. ZDMG. 50, 119. The tendency of the hadith is trans- 
 parent. It is directed against the extravagant worship of Ali 
 (and the Imams) by the Galiya. On the beginning of the 
 
 1 Whether t5 AXicl p^L*J! tXx^ ^ 4X4^? repeatedly quoted by 
 I. H. in Isnads (e. g., Ed. I, 109 ult, V, 5-) is identical with our Muham- 
 med I am not in a position to determine.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 49 
 
 hadith see p. 135 30 . A similar tradition with the same fend- [47] 
 ency is quoted by Goldziher, Muh. St. II, 105. 
 
 - Note 8. Cod. L. contains the following marginal note 
 (in extremely illegible and unpointed characters) ..wo -#UaJf 
 
 
 
 XAJ.r^ 1 ^2-^ J,L*3'. The gloss is apparently 
 that of a reader. It is missing in Br. which is otherwise iden- 10 
 tical with L. 
 
 - L. 15. I. H. expresses himself similarly Ed. I, 77 6 : "It 
 is well-established that the Prophet said that there would be no 
 prophet after him, with the exception of what the reliable 
 traditions contain regarding the advent of Jesus, who was sent is 
 to the Jews and whom the Jews pretend to have killed and 
 crucified. It is necessary firmly to believe in all this and it is 
 well-established that the existence of prophecy after the Prophet 
 is absurd." 
 
 - L. 17. The Berber tribe Baragwata in the extreme North- 20 
 west of Africa formed an independent commonwealth under 
 Tarif, who claimed descent from the tribe Simeon. His son 
 Salih pretended to be a prophet and composed a new Koran of 
 eighty Suras in the Berberic language, Ibn Adhari, ed. Dozy 
 I, 44. For their doctrine, see ibidem 234 ff . During the reign 25 
 of their seventh king they still expected the "return" of Salih; 
 Dozy, Isl. 348 ff., Kremer, Ideen 200, 372. 
 
 - Note 12. The Baragwata Commonwealth was destroyed 
 by the Almoravides in 1030, Dozy, ib., Kremer, ib. 
 
 - L. 19. . The name of this sect alternates between Kat'iyyaso 
 
 and Kitti'iyya aLxXAaS. The former is found, e. g., 
 
 Masudi VIII, 40; Shahr. 17, 127, 128, 147; Makr. 351". The 
 latter form is consistently used by I. H., Bagd. and Isfr., also 
 .M.isudi V, 443, 475. The form Kitti'iyya as the more unusual 
 one seems to be original. 35 
 
 VOL. xxix. 4
 
 50 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [47] The nature of the Kitti'iyya can best be understood when 
 contrasted with its antithesis, the Wakifiyya or Wakifa, p. 40. 
 The point of controversy is the reality of the Imam's death (see 
 p. 30) and the question, dependent on it, of the election of a 
 
 5 successor. oiJ'j^&jy* J, v_aj'^ or ->^x> 3 L_iys means " to be 
 uncertain, to be in doubt,' as regards the Imam's death," i. e., 
 refuse to believe that the Imam is dead and, still recognizing 
 him as Imam, refrain from electing a successor. The exact 
 reverse of it is 2U*^J ni' "definitely to assert his death," 2 to 
 10 believe that the death of the Imam was real and, in consequence, 
 
 transfer (^L*/) the Imamate from the dead Imam to his suc- 
 cessor. This state of ,the case is still perfectly clear in Shahr., 
 
 "* " 
 
 as the following examples- will show: 173 . . . x2y* 
 
 aujt J,! aLxLoV! O^-*^ *2y+* /kj &j . 128 ^*-+ 
 
 15 5tX*J aL*Lx>at Lj'Lwu . . . ^Hy* (in opposition to the AVakifiyya, 
 
 p. 40). Then v^i' and ^-As*.'i were interpreted in their literal 
 
 meaning " to stand still " and the construction auX.(*_dJ3') oii* 
 
 came in use in the sense: " to stand still at him (at the Imam)," 
 
 i. e., to uphold his Imamate without electing a successor because 
 
 20 of the unreal character of his death. Substantially then this 
 
 expression is identical with the phrase xj-o ^ 
 
 and both are opposed to J'^-J *iaj ' l to believe in the Imam's 
 death and elect a new Imam." Thus Shahr. 127 *b-' 
 
 25UV.AJ, XX A*.' I LXjtJ -r J^MJ^ O 
 
 or p. 16: 1*4^*} Juts 
 
 1 See, e. g., Shahr. 131 viXJi ^ &1&I Jl jjjo ^.^Vi . "Then we are 
 in doubt concerning this." 
 
 2 See on this meaning of *iai' my Sprachgebrauch des Maimonides, 
 I, (Frankfort on M., 1902) sub voce.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 51 
 
 ^J'L* ^o , or ib. : iJjLu ^o *-^-*j &AJC&..J JLj x-yLt i^i'^ Jj^o [47] 
 
 
 Both the beliefs of the Kitti'iyya and Wakifiyya are in them- 
 selves merely relative conceptions and express but a certain 
 attitude of mind. They become real only when applied to 5 
 certain definite individuals. In consequence of this their rela- 
 tive character, their contents are somewhat elastic and change 
 in accordance with the person to whom they are applied. As a 
 rule, the contrast between the two sects hinges on the person of 
 Milsa b. Ja'far (p. 39 15 ), the succession down to Ja'far, hisio 
 father, being a matter of common agreement among the Shiites 
 (p. 104 2B ). Those that refuse to admit his death and await his 
 " return " are called Wakifiyya (also Musawiyya and, with their 
 nickname, Mamtura, p. 40 12 ). Those, on the other hand, who 
 admit his death and in consequence transfer the Imamate to his is 
 descendants are called the Kitti'iyya. Comp. the passages quoted 
 above from Shahr. See Masudi V, 443 : Hisham b. al-Hakam 
 (p. 65 11 ) was an intimate friend of Musa b. Ja'far. Yet he was 
 a Kitti'iy, i. e., he believed that Musa was dead. Bagd. 19": 
 
 Kashi in a special article on the Wakifiyya, p. 284- 
 288, understands and applies this term in the same manner. 
 
 The name, however, occurs also in connection with other 
 individuals of the Alidic famity. 
 
 Thus Wakifiyya is found as another designation for Isma-25 
 'iliyya, those who believe in the "return" of Musa's brother 
 Isma'il, Shahr. 127. 
 
 1 I have dwelt at some length on this point, as Haarbriicker in his 
 Shahr. translation utterly misunderstood the whole matter. He takes 
 *bjs in its ordinaiy meaning "to cut off" (abschneiden) and interprets 
 
 it in the sense "to cut off the series of Imams" and allow no further 
 Imam. In consequence, the contradictio in adiecto that those who 
 cut off (i. e., close) the series of Imams transfer the Imamate to their 
 descendants, is repeatedly to be met with in his translation. E. g., I, 25: 
 " Andere machen mit seinem Tode einen Abschnitt und fiihren das 
 Imamat auf seinen Sohn fiber," or, still more nonsensically, 192 : 
 "Andere schnitten mit seinem Tode (die Reihe der Imame) ab" and so 
 forth. The same, Wolff. Ifnisen, p. 82 ff . It is difficult to see how these 
 authors could make any sense out of this translation.
 
 52 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [47] The name Kitti'iyya is found in connection with All, the son 
 of Musa, Makr. 351". Zeid. 104" applies this term to the 
 "followers of AH b. Muhammed," apparently referring to Ali 
 an-Naki (died 254), the grandfather of the Shiitic Mahdi 
 5 "the man of the cellar." 
 
 Gradually, however, the two terms were used pre-eminently 
 in connection with the Mahdi, the Imam of. the "Twelvers." 
 Those who did not admit the death of his father, al-Hasan al- 
 'Askari, and consequently rejected his own claims to the Imamate 
 
 10 are called the Wakifiyya, IBab., Ithbat 39 (p. 36, however, 
 this term is used as a synonym for the Musawiyya) . Those agai n 
 who believed in al-Hasan's death and transferred the Imamate 
 to the Mahdi, were called the Kitti'iyya. With the spread of 
 the " Twelvers " and the extinction of the other Shiitic factions, 
 
 15 the term Kitti'iyya became the exclusive possession of this sect 
 and was generally used as a synonym for Ithna'asharivva, which 
 is probably of later origin (I. H. does not use it in his J//A//), 
 comp. I. H. in our passage; Shahr. 17, 127, 147; Masudi V, 
 
 475; Bagd. 19 & expressly iOvXLcUjj'Y! ^J JUbj and in the same 
 
 20 way Isfr. 13 >J ao^c^lAj'Y! (jj^t>4 ^)j*) 
 
 The old Marracci recognized the identity of the Kitti'iyya 
 with the Ithna'ashariyya. The rebuke preferred against him 
 by de Sacy (II, 590 n. 1 = Wolff, D-rusen, p. 83, n. 1) is without 
 justification. 
 
 25 48, 1- 3 ff. See I. H.'s remarks on the same subject, Text 
 [48] p. 76 7 ff. I. H.'s account on the Mahdi is extremely interesting 
 and in many a detail quite novel. 1 
 
 - L. 5. The year of al-Hasan's death is unanimously given 
 as 260. All other dates and facts of the Mahdi's life were 
 so early entangled in myth and legend. 
 
 This shows itself at once in the question as to the date of his 
 birth, which is extremely problematic. Conspicuous in its tend- 
 ency is the notion that he was born on the day on which his 
 father died, Blochet 21. It betrays itself through the explana- 
 tory remark that the Mahdi has, just like Jesus, been Imam 
 since his infancy. According to another supposition (comp. 
 
 1 Sibt, Imams, remarkably enough says nothing about the twelfth 
 Imam.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 53 
 
 Text here, 1. 7) he was born eight months after his father's [48] 
 death, Shahr. 130". Repeatedly to be found as the year of his 
 bii'th is 258, i. e., two years before his father's death, IBab. 
 Ithbat 44 1. 2 (read sJJy instead of StUj); Ibn Zulak (died 387 h ) 
 in IKhall. No. 573; Diyarbekri, II, 288. Very frequently 5 
 the year 255 is given, Abu'l-Maali 164; Anon. Sufi 170 a ; Abul- 
 fedall, 222; IKhall. ib. 1 See the various suppositions Shahr. 
 129-130. 
 
 The insinuation that the Mahdi was not born at all I have not 
 met with outside of I. H. He repeats the same charge Ed. IV, 10 
 96 & : "If so, what need is there for them (the Imams), espe- 
 cially so for the last 180 years? (see Introduction, p. 19). For 
 they pretend to have a lost Imam who (however) was never 
 created, just like the fabulous griffin." Gen. Leyd. omits the 
 Mahdi altogether, as it only records the Alides who had off- 15 
 spring. Al-Hasan, however, is designated as Abu Muhammed. 
 
 The identity of the Mahdi's name with that of the Prophet 
 which is demanded by the Mahdi traditions is regarded by the 
 Shiites as proof of the legitimacy of the twelfth Imam. 2 To 
 the same end the Prophet's kunya Abu'l-Kasim was conferred 20 
 on him. 3 The generally accepted Mahdi tradition demands, 
 besides, identity in the father's name. But there are variations 
 of this tradition which are so trimmed as to meet the special 
 circumstances of the twelfth Mahdi, comp. IKhald. II, 144 ff. ; 
 Diyarbekri, II, 288. 25 
 
 - L. 11 f. A more elaborate form of this anecdote see 
 Blochet 22 (who writes HakimeK). The motive of the anecdote 
 is the Shiitic tendency to pattern the image of the Mahdi after 
 that of Jesus, whose advent at the end of time is expected by 
 all Muhammedans. The miracle of "talking in the cradle" is so 
 ascribed to Jesus, Koran 3, 41; 5, 109; 19, 30 ff . ; comp. 
 Gerock, Versuch einer Darstellung der Christologie des Qoran 
 
 1 The latter gives besides 256, which he considers correct. Anon. Sufi 
 ib. quotes Yafi'i's Ta'rikh to the effect that al-Hasan died when the 
 Mahdi was six or five years old, which would imply 254 and 255 respect- 
 ively. 
 
 2 Already as-Sayyid al-Himyari refers to such a tradition, Agh. VII, 4. 
 
 3 Zeid. Mutaz. II 1 quotes a tradition according to which Muhammed 
 ordered Ali to give his son his (the prophet's) name and kunya. He was 
 referring to Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya.
 
 54 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [48] (1839), p. 47. The Sunnitic protest against the transferring of 
 this miracle to the Mahdi found expression in an interpretation 
 forcibly put upon the well-known hadith in itself an anti- 
 
 Shiitic protest j^yo" ^ g***A V! >&& V " there is no Mahdi 
 
 wv 'f- 
 
 5 except Jesus " ' : ^^^ f (read tX^O &&-&& 3 T^Sx* ^ i 1 
 "that is, none except Jesus talks in the cradle (al-mahd)." See 
 IKhald. II, 163 and 169. 
 
 Lines 13, 15, 16. On the name or names of the Mahdi's 
 mother see Diyarbekri, II, 288, IKhall. No. 573, who also adds 
 io"Khamt" 2 (a sort of fragrant milk). Narjis is given by the 
 authorities quoted by Blochet, p. 21. See also Anon. Sufi fol. 
 
 170 a : (j^jJ \-& JL*3 &1) (*' auo '- On the custom of giving 
 the slaves pet names of this description (jj*^vi "narcissus," 
 j-wwj "lily," hi**- see above, &$&*> "the polished one (?) "), 
 15 see the remark Miiller, Islam I, 570 footnote. 
 
 [49] 49, 1. 4. The Dictionary of Technical Terms (ed. Sprenger), 
 p. 1308, gives the following definition of "Inspiration" (al- 
 
 ilham) : s 
 
 men- 
 
 Jj yo J.j (read soLiXAw!) jU->Lax*J V 
 2otions a Stifi sect called al-Ilhamiyya aJa^ol Ji.s Jo! Uiil^x) jjLixj!^ 
 
 This claim of Inspiration is the reason why the Shiites object 
 to religious discussions, p. 16". 
 
 25 In the same way as here and Text p. 35 16 ff., I. H. expresses 
 himself Ed. IV, 104 8 : "Some of them (the Imamiyya) when 
 asked (to prove) the truth of their claim regarding the Imams 
 (i. e., that the Imams are the only source of religious knowl- 
 edge) take recourse to the claim of Inspiration in this matter. 
 
 1 Comp. Snouck-Hurgronje, Der Mahdi, p. 16. 
 
 "" 
 8 Ed. de Slane, p. 632, has U> ( ^ j ed. Wiistenfeld has incorrectly 
 
 y^ ^ * ^^
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 55 
 
 But if they arrive at this sophism, 1 then the latter is not beyond [49] 
 reach of any one man, and their opponents are very well able 
 to pretend that they have been informed by way of inspiration 
 of the absurdity of their claim." 
 
 A Shiitic writer of the eleventh century (Hijra) uses the fol- 5 
 lowing characteristic argument to prove the superiority of the 
 Imams and scholars of the Shi 'a, Goldziher, Shi'a, p. 509: 
 " because their words are not a matter of opinion or effort, but 
 of true knowledge. Their source is either a tradition which 
 every one of them has received from his father, the latter 10 
 from his own father and so on up to the Prophet, or Revelation 
 and Inspii-ation, so that both small and big are equal in this 
 respect among them. For this reason it has never been recorded 
 of any of them that he has ever gone to a teacher, or studied 
 under a master, or asked any question." is 
 
 - Note 5. The reading of Ed. and Codd. presupposes ouvif 
 and the same word is found in Ed. Text 57 13 , 64 8 (see also Ed. 
 IV, 97 10 ). It is possible to get along with the ordinary meaning 
 
 of oLs "clever, ingenious." 
 
 - L. 9 (note 10). I took this as an example of some mon-2o 
 strous (of course, imaginary) charge for which Inspiration might 
 be invoked. See a similar charge note 9. Prof. Noldeke (in a 
 private communication) objects to this interpretation. He pre- 
 
 fers to retain (j^- * ^j-* in the text and to translate "or that 
 all of them have a piece (lit. a branch) of madness in their 25 
 heads." 
 
 - L. 13 ff. (and previously). The tone in which I. H. speaks 
 of this charge of illegitimate birth shows that he takes it quite 
 seriously. I have not found any reference to it elsewhere. 2 
 The concluding words of this paragraph are characteristic so 
 of I. H.'s biting sarcasm: It is possible that you all may 
 still be saved by becoming orthodox Muslims. But then you 
 
 see P- 6 f . But perhaps ^ ^x! ' ' narrow path " ought to 
 
 be read, comp. Text p. 78-79 (repeatedly). 
 One is vividly reminded of the frequently quoted sentence VymO 
 
 {OH "If 00 ilOO #0tr Wl ^"O " as he is so impudent, it is clear that 
 he is a bastard." Comp. S. Krauss, Das Leben Jesu (Berlin 1902), pp. 188, 
 
 278.
 
 56 I. Friedlaender, 
 
 [49] will have proved, according to your own contention, that you 
 
 are all bastards. 
 [50] 50, 1. 9 if. Comp. I. H.'s notice (Ed. IV, 195 15 ) : ^ 
 
 (read jj^oJl) ^f*^ baAM (Cod. L. + ^) 
 5 *li:2jJi tXA+JUs yOj 1 jyo Ju Juii'j (read x-i- 
 
 Jahiz died in Basra in 255/869, over ninety years old, IKhall. 
 No. 479, 58 6 ; Brockelmann I, 152. 2 He was a pupil of an- 
 Nazzam (p. 58 6 ), whom he quotes in this passage. He himself 
 
 10 figures as the founder of a sect bearing his name, de Boer, 53. 
 I. H.'s remark bearing on Jahiz is reflected in the attitude 
 towards him of the Arabic literary critics, which is on the 
 whole .more hostile than favorable. "The style of his genius 
 is mediocre" is the verdict of de Boer (p. 54). The Muham- 
 
 ismedan writers, however, are ready to appreciate his literary 
 talent and particularly his eloquence, e. g., Masudi VIII, 34; 
 Shahr. 52 ; Iji 341. But his orthodoxy is held in great suspicion, 
 Goldziher, Zahiriten, p. 100. IKhall. (No. 186, p. 125), after 
 stating that Jahiz declared Ibn Mokaffa' to be an infidel, sar- 
 
 socastically adds: "But, as someone remarked, how could Juhiz 
 have forgotten himself ? " Still less favorably than his ortho- 
 
 doxy is judged his moral character. Masudi VIII, 34 says of 
 
 y 
 him briefly but poignantly >.^ci- xjl^ojt . He sells his literary 
 
 talent to the highest bidder and writes successively in favor of 
 25 the 'Abbasides, the 'Othmanides and Merwanides, ib. p. 56. 3 
 For an instance of his unprincipled attitude see later (p. 104 35 ff.). 
 Extremely intei'esting is the crushing criticism of Jahiz as 
 man and writer, by Bagd. and Isfr. I give the essential parts 
 of Bagdadi's remarks (fol. 69 a ) 4 as they are apt to illustrate 
 
 sol. H.'s utterance in our passage: ,-^ 
 
 ^.j jJI ^fl> 5 Joa.14-1 (sic) 
 
 1 Comp. Kashi 38. 
 
 2 Kremer, Ideen, p. 126, note 17 gives the erroneous date 235/849-850. 
 
 3 See Goldziher, Muh. St. II, 120. 
 
 4 Isfr. 37 a gives substantially the same. But the wording is quite 
 different.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 57 
 
 AJO J, la^Ull xJ<X? (jJLs? !^JCcl [50] 
 
 
 XSj [70 a ] .... l^lj, auJ! 
 
 ^.iX. S.AA XJuMXAJ ^SXil. RJyxJt^JI ^ ^Axi ..wO &j! ,v.\. 
 
 (read L_OAAS o*-axAfl *j ow4^X * U(j ^-^ -AOXI 
 
 /-2L*. aLxjLjvXJI ,^t kxilJa^vJiJt -&. 
 
 ^ ;1U+-M J>-^J >*->L^ L_dJUs *-Xi LIj>-ft ^ 
 
 ^ Sc^^-" 
 
 j. (jO^xaJJI JC^^ 
 
 cVSj c^l^UwtaJ! -xis 
 yc. j^xxjl.^.]! ^ aoLx 
 
 ^0 *Jo! ^LJ! >j! 
 
 1 See Makr. 348 9 . 
 
 2 Is this identical with his Kitab al-Bukhala? 
 
 3 Isfr. declares it to be his most important (,Jutt) work.
 
 58 I- Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 auJI slxJL/ Ja^LLL? /-^' ^j vsJU-'b [70 b ] 
 [JuolSJI] &xi ^UJt JyiT io^Ut 3 xllj! 
 
 )3 Vj. (j^^ 4^ ^^ L^Lo /-JW-4' /s^" 
 
 w , u ' 
 
 Jo ^ 
 
 - L. 14. Abti Ishak Ibrahim b. Sayyar an-Nazzam, a pupil 
 of Abu'l-Hudeil 3 (p. 66 31 ) and teacher of al-Jahiz, was one of the 
 most respected leaders of the Mu'tazila, " noteworthy as a man 
 and a thinker," de Boer 51. He flourished about 221 h , Kremer, 
 wideen 31; Shahr. 18, 37, 39 ff. ; Iji 337 ff. ; Makr. 346 12 . He 
 leaned towards Shiism ("Rafd"), Shahr. 39; Iji 338. Bagd. 
 
 49 a protests against the interpretation of his name as * 
 
 and explains that he was called 
 
 so because 5-ax ^y* 3, \ 
 
 is Ibidem. A man by the name of Bishr b. Khalid is other- 
 wise unknown. But the context and the additional remaivk of 
 Codd. L. Br. (note 8) strongly suggest that he is identical with 
 the highly respected Mu'tazila-Sheikh Bishr b. al-Mu'tamir, the 
 founder of the Bishriyya sect. He is mentioned together with 
 
 5oan-Nazzam, Shahr. 18; Zeid. Mutaz. 30; comp. Shahr. 44; Iji 
 338 and others. I. H., too, frequently refers to him in his Milal. 
 Ed. Ill, 126 18 , I. H. mentions an-Nazzam, Abu'l-Hudeil, Bishr 
 b. al-Mu'tamir and al-Jubba'i as remarkable for their specula- 
 tive and argumentative powers. 
 
 26 I. H.'s (or the copyist's) mistake in our passage may perhaps 
 be explained by assuming that Bishr's kunya was Abu Khali d. 
 For a similar mistake see p. 59 7 . 
 
 According to Zeid. Mutaz., Bishr was imprisoned by Rashid 
 on the charge of being a Shiite (Rafidi). But he denied it in 
 
 so one of his poems. 
 
 1 See van Vloten, WorgeYs 59, n. 16. 
 
 2 Jahiz was frightfully ugly, Brockelmann, Oeschichte der arabischen 
 Litteratur, popular edition, Leipzig 1901, p. 98. 
 
 3 Zeid. Mutaz. p. 25 ult., 27.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites , etc. 59 
 
 - L. 15. I. H. consistently designates this Muhammed as [50] 
 the son of Ja'far. All other sources call him "b. an-Nu'inan," 
 Fihr. 176; Bagd. and Isfr. frequently; Tusy No. 698; Shahr. 
 142; Iji 347; Makr. 348 24 , 353^; IKhall. No. 166; Kdm^a s.v. 
 
 Lubb al-Lubdb s. v. aAXcJ. Agh. VII 9 7 and 5 
 
 Kashi 122, 123 call him Muh. b. All b. an-Nu'man. His kunya 
 was Abd Ja'far (Fihr. 176; Shahr. 142; Kashi ib., Goldziher, 
 Shi'-a 509 1S ), hence probably the mistake. See p. 58 25 . 
 
 His nickname was Sheitan at-Tak (see the sources quoted 
 above), which, according to Kamus, signifies "the devil of at-io 
 Talc, a citadel in Tabaristan." 1 The Shiites, however, call him 
 Mu'min at-Tak, Tusy ib. ; Kashi 123. The sect founded by him 
 is generally called Sheitaniyya. Shahr. calls it Nu'maniyya, 
 (comp. Goldziher in ZDMG. 61, 75, n. 2). He was an adherent 
 of Ja'far as-Sadik (died 146), who valued him highly, Kashi is 
 122. He had a dispute with as-Sayyid al-Himyari about the 
 Imamate and came out victorious, Agh. ib. 
 
 His ready wit is attested in several instances quoted by Tusy 
 and Kashi. 
 
 His book on the Imamate referred to on 1. 17 is duly recorded 20 
 by Fihr. and Tusy. 
 
 - L. 18. This verse plays a prominent part in the polemics 
 between Shiites and Sunnites. Abu Ja'far at-Tusi, the author 
 
 of the List of Shy'ah books, wrote a ^j 
 
 xliJ! iUJL*fcX> (jtjLi, p. 355, No. 771. Hisham b. al-Hakam25 
 
 (p. 65 n ) is the author of a ^AXJ! v.jl^?! ^s. jJI i^UcS" by 
 which most probably our verse is meant. The Caliph al-Ma'mun 
 anxiously endeavors to refute the consequences to be drawn 
 from this verse in a discussion with a Sunnite, Ikd II. 2 
 
 1 Kashi explains the name in a very artificial manner. He was once 
 
 j> 
 
 shown a Dirhem and he said : \J)*Ji*j " it is forged" ^t *ff> Lo LJLfti 
 oliaJt jLUjL^. Comp. Barbier de Meynard in Journal Asiatique 
 1874, p. 245 note: " Quant an surnom Satan du portique, je n'en ai trouve 
 1'explication nulle part." Correct ibidem Hisham b. al-Hakain for Hi- 
 cham b. Malek. 
 s I have unfortunately lost the reference to the page.
 
 60 /. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [50] I. H., too, lays great stress on this verse as proving the 
 legitimacy of Abu Bekr's Imamate, Ed. IV, 144 21 ff. 
 
 51,1.1. The objection appears ridiculous in his eyes because 
 in his belief the verse is an interpolation of the Ashab, see 
 
 sp. 61 f. 
 
 - L. 3. His full name is Ali b. Isma'il b. Mitham 1 at-Tam- 
 mar (see the references later), but he is frequently called Ali 
 b. Mitham, so here and Text p. 75", Bagd. 21 b . 2 The variant 
 (VAX* (instead of ***) occurs frequently, see Text p. 75, note 
 
 io!2; Masudi VI, 369; Tab. (in the variants to the passages quoted 
 below n. 1) ; Makr. 351 22 (de Sacy II, 5H9 has, however, Ma'itham). 
 The reading and pronunciation Mitham is confirmed by Bagd. 
 See also Fihr. 174 note 4. Instead of at-Tammar, Fihrist gives 
 at-Tayyar. s The by-name as-Sabuni (the soap boiler) is not 
 
 15 found elsewhere. 
 
 His grandfather Mitham at-Tammar was an esteemed follower 
 of Ali, Fihr. ib. ; Tusy p. 212, No. 458 ; Kashi (in a separate 
 article) 53-58. Makr. 351 24 ( = de Sacy II, 589) erroneously 
 refers this adherence to Ali b. Isma'il himself. Ali was l>y 
 
 aooi'igin from Kufa* and was a client of the Banu Asad, but he 
 lived in Basra. He participated in conjunction with those 
 named Text p. 75 22 in a discussion in the Majlis of the Bar- 
 mekide vizier Yahya, Masudi VI, 369. He had a dispute with 
 Abu'l-Hudeil and an-Nazzam, Tusy ib. 
 
 25 He is regarded as the originator of the Imamite doctrine, 
 Masudi, Fihr., Tusy, Makr. (=de Sacy). Bagd 21 b : ^^^ ^ 
 x-o.il j_M. In spite of it, he is reported to have been moderate 
 in the deminciation of Ali's opponents, see Text p. 79 21 ; comp. 
 Wolff, Drusen, p. 80, 82. 
 
 30 He is in all probability identical with Ali b. Isma'il, who 
 gave the Musawiyya the nickname Mamtura, p. 40". 
 
 1 Tab. Ill, 249 13 , 254", 288 1 inserts between Isma'il and Mitham the 
 name Salih. See, however, ib. 288 note a. 
 
 2 Kashi 170 calls him repeatedly ^jo ..kjt, also Joui+AJ ^j J^. 
 _4JixJI. Goldziher, Shi'a 510 6 t i'^^Ji ( c f. ib. n. 5). 
 
 3 There is one xLJaJ! mentioned Kashi 176 s among the intimates of 
 
 Ja'far as-Sadik who may be identical with him. Ja'far alludes to the 
 meaning of the name (179 3 ), so that a mere copyist's error is out of the 
 question.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 61 
 
 - L. 11. Perhaps the reason for it is that the Rawafid have [51] 
 no hesitation to change their minds, as they attribute the same 
 (see on the Bada doctrine, p. 72 6 ) to God. 
 
 - L. 14. The belief in "tabdil" is, properly considered, 
 the basis of Shiitic doctrine. It accounts for the lack of the 5 
 Prophet's written announcement regarding the succession of 
 Ali and justifies the distrust toward the bearers of the Sunna, 
 which again is the starting point for a complete remodelling of 
 Islam. Isfr. 14'' ably summarizes the far-reaching consequences 
 
 of this belief : auyoLoV! ^%j ^ ^&\J> J$'& ^ *A*S> ,jl p-^'j 10 
 
 He. -It tXi' 
 
 JJjs ^./o ^LaJuJt^ Sk>L>UI XAJ oJW^ ,jl5 
 
 & - 
 
 iiuoLxi! ^fr (ja-iJ! xxi (jL^Jo xj' 
 
 -w^ [15] 
 
 V au! ^j ( t 
 
 * 
 
 -tXjl 3, ^xJ! jut.jj.xiJI 
 
 AJI oi-JXi' X 
 
 .v*.;. x -. 
 
 *Ub V j! JXJ! 
 
 More comprehensively, and, as is to be expected, from a 
 higher point of view does I. H. deal with this problem. Hav-25 
 ing proved that the Gospels had been intei-polated, I. H. (Ed. II, 
 76* ff.) quotes two Christian counter-arguments which he tries 
 elaborately to refute. The first is that the Caliph Othman 
 removed numerous readings from the Koran, and the other
 
 62 ./. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [51] "that the Rawafid maintain that the Companions of your 
 Prophet altered the Koran by way of omissions and additions." 
 The first objection I. H. discards briefly, though somewhat 
 superficially, by pointing out that in the time of Othman the 
 5 Koran text was already so wide-spread and so firmly established, 
 that the Caliph could not, even if he would, change it. 1 "As 
 for their argument regarding the Rawafid and their contention 
 that the Koran, readings were interpolated, the Rawafid do not 
 belong to the Muslims. They consist of a number of sects, the 
 
 10 first of which arose twenty-five years after the Prophet's death. 
 It was originally the response of some people abandoned by Allah 
 to the call of those who beguiled Islam, 2 a party which followed 
 the course of the Jews and Christians as regards falsehood and 
 heresy. They are divided into various sections. The most 
 
 15 extravagant of them assume the divinity of Ali b. Abi Talib and 
 of a number of people besides him. The least extravagant of 
 them believe that the sun was twice turned backwards for Ali. 3 
 How can one be indignant over lies coming from people whose 
 lowest rank in lying is such (as described) ? " He then pro- 
 
 2oceeds elaborately to refute this charge. He cleverly beats the 
 Rawafid with their own weapons by pointing (Ed. II, 80 16 ) to 
 the fact that Ali himself, "who according to most of them is a 
 god, a creator, and, according to some of them, a prophet 
 endowed with speech, while in the opinion of the rest he is an 
 
 25 infallible Imam, the obedience to whom is a religious command 
 imposed by Law," did not object to the Koran in its present 
 shape and, while Caliph, did not fight the interpolators, which 
 would have been his sacred duty. "Thus the mendacity of the 
 Rawafid becomes evident, and praise be unto Allah, the Lord 
 
 so of (all) Created Beings ! " 
 
 A brief reference to the same subject is contained Ed. IV, 
 146 16 : "unless the Rawafid fall back on ignoring the Koran 
 and (assuming) omissions and additions in it. This is some- 
 thing whereby becomes evident their impudence, ignorance and 
 
 35 stupidity." 
 
 A thorough discussion of the whole question and a refutation 
 of the charges raised as well by modern scholars can be found 
 in Noldeke, Geschichte des Qorans, p. 217 ff. See also Gold- 
 ziher, Muh. St. II, 111 ff. 
 
 1 Ed. II, 78 3 . <> See p 16 n 2 . 3 S ee p< 68-
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 63 
 
 L. 17. On Abu'l-Kasim AH Du'1-Majdein 'Urn al-Huda [51] 
 al-Murtada, the Nakib of the Shiites, 355/966-436/1044, see 
 Tusy, No. 472, p. 218; IKhall., No. 454. His negative atti- 
 tude towards the "tabdil" doctrine is perhaps implied in Tusy's 
 
 remark ao'^jJ! '^^aj ^i s-oo JoLw*x> aJj. His genealogy appears 5 
 both in Ed. and Codd. in mutilated shape. I have restored it 
 with the help of Gen. Leyd., Wiistenfeld, Tabellen Y 32, and 
 Tusy. IKhall. (and following him, Brockelmann I, 404) omits 
 Musa between Muhammed and Ibrahim. 
 
 Note 12. "Better to be translated : ' yet at the same time 10 
 he openly and publicly declared himself a Mu'tazilite.' (The 
 same in Text 1. 20.) Otherwise (*-$-** or ,g*c could not.be 
 missing." (Noldeke.) 
 
 L. 21 f. I could find nothing bearing on Abu Ya'la. As 
 a possibility I would suggest his identity with at-Tusi, the is 
 author of the frequently quoted List of Shy 'ah books. He calls 
 himself a pupil of AH al-Murtada (List. p. 218, No. 472). He 
 is counted Shahr. 145 among the writers of the Imamiyya. A 
 catalogue of his own writings, List, p. 285, No. 620. I^VA.** 
 as a proper name occurs Fihr. 180". The variant J^x* seems 20 
 much easier. But 4>^xxi designates the date, not, as we 
 expect here, the place of birth. 
 
 52, 1. 1. I have not been able to identify this Abu'l-Kasim. [52] 
 
 L. 5 f . The belief in Transmigration is not characteristic 
 of the Keisaniyya, but is rather, as I. H. himself points out 25 
 (Ed. IV, 198 13 ), a logical consequence of the Mu'tazilite doc- 
 trine of Divine Justice which necessitates an exact retribution 
 after death. 1 This belief, however, is attributed to several 
 men known as Keisanites, so to as-Sayyid al-Himyari (in our 
 passage), 2 Kuthayyir (p. 26 27 ), 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya (p. 44"), so 
 Abu Muslim, (p. 64'). Makr. 354 9 mentions a special sect 
 " Tanasukhiyya." 
 
 On the relation between Tanasukh and Raj 'a, see p. 26 f. 
 
 See also next note. 
 
 1 See Schreiner, Der Kaldm in der judischen Litteratur, p. 62 ff. 
 
 2 Dahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, vol. VII (MS. Strassburg, not paginated) 
 in the biography of as-Sayyid, quotes I. H. as authority for the assump- 
 tion that as-Sayyid shared this belief.
 
 64 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 52] L. 8 ff. The peculiar procedure described in this para- 
 graph is the outcome of the belief in Transmigration. I. H.'s 
 own expositions on the subject of Tanasukh (Ed. IV, 90 14 ff. in 
 a special chapter) are apt to illustrate and explain our passage. 
 5 "Those 1 that believe in the Transmigration of Souls are divided 
 into two sections: one section holds that the souls on leaving 
 the bodies are transferred to other bodies which 2 are different 
 from the kind of bodies they had left. This is the belief of 
 Ahmad b. Ha'it 3 [V -4- the pupil of an-Nazzam] 4 , of Ahmad b. 
 
 loNanus, 5 his pupil [V. : the pupil of Ibn Ha'it], of Abu Muslim 
 of Khorasan, of Muhammed b. Zakariya ar-Razl, the physician, 6 
 who expressly advocates this (doctrine) in his book entitled 
 "al-'Ilm al-Ilahi." This is also the belief of the Carmathians 
 [V-j-tfAe Keisdniyya and some of the Rdfida\ . . . These peo- 
 
 15 pie are of the opinion that the Transmigration of Souls takes 
 place in the form of Punishment and Reward. They say : the 
 soul of the sinner who has made himself guilty of bad actions is 
 transferred to the bodies of repulsive animals 7 which wallow in 
 all kinds of filth, which are forced to work, are inflicted witli 
 
 20 pain, and are used for slaughtering." See also Ed. IV, 198 7 ff. 
 - Note 5. The addition of L. Br. is not justified. The 
 hatred of the Rawafid concentrates itself on Abu Bekr and 
 'Omar. See the interesting remark Milal V, 60^ 8 -j JL3 
 
 &JLJ! & -+.+ 
 
 25 
 
 An instance of the intense hatred of the Shiites towards the 
 "two Sheikhs" which is as curious as it is typical is quoted 
 
 ' ' - - C > ^ ., 
 
 Mirza fol. 52 b : _**$' v^Lxxxa ^ s^ Lo &U^sJi *.^J'!.AiO ^>o. 
 
 1 I add a few important variants from Cod. V (50), L siding with Ed. 
 
 2 Ed. I 90" strike out ^L. V: c^ . .y, U .>L^ | 
 
 r 
 
 3 Ed. ,kjL>., see p. 10 11 . 
 
 4 See p. 58 6 . 
 
 5 V. ^oU. p. 10 19 ". 
 
 6 See de Boer, p. 77 fif. 
 
 7 The following differently worded in V. 
 
 =L. I, 42*. I cannot identify the passage in Ed. 
 
 8
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 65 
 
 o 
 
 &JUI 
 
 aJUt tXx: j| JULc l*jj utf JLi' 
 
 - WU' I 
 
 jjAjUoJCj Lib" ^.j jJI [53 U ] ^xisU^-' ,j* (read 
 X (sic) t<X&-U oiai* aJJ! ^5-"*) ,-v^ b JL&i ^j 
 
 xJU! Tjo J^LA* JJ! 
 
 The story is not impossible. At any rate : se non e vero . . . 
 
 - L. 17. On Hisham see also Text'p. 74 22 ff., 75 22 . Hishamio 
 b. al-Hakam Abu Muhammed al-Ahwal ar-Rafidi (al-Hai-rar, 
 Masudi VII, 231) was born in Wasit (Kashi 165), but lived in 
 Kufa as a client of the Banft Asad (Text 52, note 10), or of the 
 Banu Kinda (Kashi; Fihr. 175; Tusy, p. 355, No. 771). He 
 moved to Bagdad 3 in 199 and is said to have died in the same year. 4 is 
 He belonged to the intimate circle of Milsa b. Ja'far (p. 39 16 ), 
 but he had also, when still a young man (Kashi 167), come in 
 contact with Ja'far (Fihr., Tusy), who converted him from his 
 heresies to the orthodox Imamitic belief (Kashi). In spite of 
 the difference in opinion, he held intimate intercourse with 20 
 'Abdallah b. Yazid, the founder of the Kharijite sect Ibadiyya, 
 Masudi V, 343. 
 
 He was considered an authority on the Imamate question. 
 When a Syrian once came to Ja'far and insisted, among other 
 things, on having an argument about the Imamate, he was 25 
 referred to Hisham (Kashi 179). The theory of the Imamate 
 is the central point of his doctrine. He compared the Imamate 
 
 1 Ja'far as-Sadik. 
 
 - This either refers to Shei^an a$-T&k(p. 59 9 ) or to Hisham b. al-Hakam, 
 this page, 1. 11. They both bore the nickname al-Ahwal. 
 
 3 Kashi quotes an exact topographical description of his Bagdad resi- 
 dence by an eye-witness. 
 
 4 According to Kashi, he died in Kufa twenty years earlier, 179, during 
 the reign of ar-Rashid. But this can scarcely be correct, as he was a 
 young man during Ja'far's (died 140) lifetime. See the following. 
 
 VOL. xxix. 5
 
 66 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [52] with the heart in the human body, Masudi VII, 234, 236. See 
 his pretty and elaborate comparison of the limbs with the 
 Imamate, Kashi 176. * He belonged to the Kitti'iyya, who 
 admitted Musa b. Ja'far's death, p. 51 17 . 
 
 5 In the domain of Kalam, Hisham occupied a prominent 
 position. He was the representative of a grossly anthropo- 
 morphistic doctrine and, in conjunction with Hisham al-Juwaliki 
 (p. 132 36 ), was considered the founder of the Ilishamiyya sect, 2 
 Bagd. 19 b , 125 a ; Isfr. 14 a , 15% 54 b ; Shahr. 18, 60, 76, 141 ff . ; 
 10 Iji 346. 
 
 - L. 18. See Text 75 24 . Abu Ali is called the pupil or 
 adherent (sahib) of Hisham in the other sources as well. His 
 by-name is uncertain; see the variants p. 52 note 12 and 75 note 
 13. Masudi YI, 369 has JLCJI ; Shahr. 145 JlCi, the same 
 isFihr. 176 (var. JIX*/). I have adopted the reading of L 
 Text 75 24 : "ash-Shakkak," "the sceptic." Masudi expressly 
 designates him as Imamite. Shahr. counts him among the 
 writers of the Imumiyya. The title of his book recorded Fihr. 
 
 ib. points to the same thing : 
 
 20 
 
 - L. 19. Comp. the discussion of this question Ed. II, 12S. 
 
 An elaborate account of Hisham's theory of Divine Knowledge 
 
 is given Bagd. 20 & and Shahr. 59 ff. It became popular not 
 
 only with Shiites, e. g., the Sheitaniyya (p. 59 13 ), Isfr. 54 b ; Shahr. 
 25142; Iji 347; Makr. 353; or Zurara b. A'yun (Shahr., Makr.), 
 
 but also with Mu'tazilites, the famous al-Jubba'i approving of 
 
 it (Shahr. 59). 
 [53] 53,1- 1. . " Abu'l-Hudeil b, Makhul al-'Allaf, 3 a client of 
 
 the 'Abd al-Keis of Basra, one of the leaders and foremost men 
 aoof the Mu'tazila" (Ed. IV, 192 17 ), died about 235 (Shahr. 37; 
 
 IKhall. No. 617 4 ; Zeid. Mutaz. 28) at an extremely old age 
 
 1 Ja'far is so delighted with his expositions that he exclaims 
 ^y>j pALjf ^i? ^ v ^AJCo I j^O, ib. 177. [Cf. I Cor. 12, 12 ff.] 
 
 5 Makr. 348 & calls it also al-Hakamiyya, after the name of his father 
 (comp. Goldziher, ZDMG. 61, 75 n. 2). 
 
 3 Zeid. Mutaz. 25 oofc' S^oJL? Ssb ^ 
 
 IKhall. gives besides 226 and 227. Iji 336 has erroneously 135.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 67 
 
 (Zeid. Mutaz.). He was an opponent of anthropomorphism. [53] 
 On his doctrines see de Boer 49 ff. 
 
 On his disputes with Hisham b. al-Hakam see the sources 
 quoted p. 66, 11. 12-13, espec. Shahr. 18, 141. According to 
 Zeid. Mutaz. 26 and somewhat in contradiction with 53 note 1 and 5 
 this page, 1. 27, Abu'l-Hudeil, while on a pilgrimage to Mekka, 
 paid a visit to Kufa and there met Hisham and other opponents, 
 with whom he victoriously argued about subtle Kalam matters. 
 - L. 2. This utterance is attributed erroneously as Makr. 
 348 - 3 - points out to Mukatil b. Suleiman (p. II 30 ), see alsoio 
 Shahr. 141. The purport of this utterance is rather obscure, 
 in spite of the following two notices which sound more intelli- 
 gible. Bagd. 20 (i : St>^-ou> j, JU> xJ>! 
 
 Similarly 15 
 Mirza fol. SO'' from Imam ar-Razi's (died 606/1209) Milal wtfn- 
 
 vl J c \JLo ^1 *$^\. Accordingly, 
 the most proportionate human figure is that whose height 
 ("length," 53 note 2) is seven times the size of its own " span, "20 
 and Hisham, who was excessively anthropomorphistic (p. 66 9 ), 
 conceived God as a human figure of the most proportionate size. 
 But "span" (shibr) is too large in this connection. Perhaps it 
 signifies here a smaller mea'sure (see Dozy sub voce). 
 
 Interesting and characteristic of Hisham's doctrine is the 25 
 
 notice Bagd. 20" : *Lci.JC JiJ aut auJo (j*aju Jo<X$Jt _}! 
 
 &>>.*OIX> A$| Lj! xJL***J (JJ^A-O ,fd J^^ 1 <X*- 
 
 (add ^1) JLaj xxJU ^ ^JL) ^\ Jl .Lcoti JU 
 
 gjuo -vla^l J-^-' fj' "Hisham indicated that the mountain 
 towered above Him the Exalted, i. e. (he meant to say) thatao 
 the mountain was bigger than God." 
 
 - L. 3. The reading adopted in the text is found Text 
 p. 75" and Bagd. 124 a (with a soft ^- under the line). ^^ 
 occurs frequently, see the variants 53 n. 4 and 75 n. 11, Shahr.
 
 68 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [53] 77 ( Haarbr. 115) ; Wolff, Drusen4S. ^'^4-' is found Shahr. 
 143 (Haarbr. 215) ; Isfr. 55 a and is also reflected in the reading 
 of Ed. in our text, note 4. On his extravagantly anthropomor- 
 phistic doctrines see the sources just quoted, espec. Shahr. 143. 
 - L. 6. I. H. refers twice to the same belief in his Milal. 
 Ed. II, 78 8 : "Those of them (the Shiites) who are the least 
 extravagant (still) believe that the sun was turned back twice 
 for Ali b. A. T." Ed. V, 3 22 , in discussing the question whether 
 miracles can be performed by non-prophets, he refers to "the 
 
 10 claim of the Rawafid that the sun was turned back twice for 
 Ali b. A. T." He quotes as illustration a poem of as-Sayyid 
 al-Himyari referring to the turning back of the sun, in order to 
 enable Ali to recite the prescribed prayer (see later), and to the 
 same miracle happening a second time if the reading be cor- 
 
 isrect in Babylon ('Irak). 1 He further quotes a poem by Habib 
 b. Aus (Abu Tamam, died 231) of which the last verse reads 
 thus: " By Allah, I do not know whether Ali has appeared to us 
 and the sun has been turned back for him, or whether Joshua has 
 been among the people." He points out, however, that the 
 
 20 verse in this form is a forgery and that the correct reading 
 offers something entirely different. 2 
 
 1 The quotation from as-Sayyid which is found in L. II, 166'' is omitted 
 in Ed. and runs as follows: " 
 
 (L. unp.) 
 I am not certain as to the meaning of ^ A^ ( s i c ) ^JL^jLj. In L 
 
 follows a rhymed refutation by Ibn Hazm which is missing in Ed. The 
 text is too doubtful to allow of a reproduction. 
 
 2 j! JU* 
 
 This remark is missing in Ed. In the second verse L offers the 
 undoubtedly correct reading cC^sJf L-wwJi * 'r^ I gv-rv 7^ f 
 
 w
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 69 
 
 The miracle of tbe standstill of the sun is reported in con- [53] 
 nection with Ali in two cases. In one case the sun halted to 
 enable Ali to complete the conquest of a besieged city. The 
 Sunnites claim this miracle for the Prophet (see Goldziher, 
 Ifi'li. St. II, 331 and at the end of this note). In the other 5 
 Muhammed bids the sun to rise again to enable the belated Ali 
 to recite the afternoon prayer, Goldziher ib., and note 9. It 
 seems that official Shiitic tradition takes cognizance merely of 
 the latter case. At least it is the only one which figures as 
 ' ' the Hadith of the Turning back of the Sun " recorded by 10 
 Sibt, Imams fol. 32 a . I reproduce the chapter in extenso as it 
 gives an exhaustive presentation of the subject and contains, 
 besides,' numerous points of interest. 
 
 ..wMh CA. *-wwo j! Li! (jj*+x 
 
 tJLs --~_^. L*- > n *** 1 .-" 
 ^ 
 
 
 -^.j yo. * 
 
 V*\ &3 Mdu oOv- 
 
 auJLc. *Sj>,l3 JU.^N 
 
 ,53. >ioj^! liXso jj i-a*A:) Joj J ad.J! Uc^wj 
 
 ^ a jLi'^ c^Lcj^o^Jt 
 5J cv\Lo -o-xJ! S.*L. 
 
 [32 b ] 
 
 1 Jamal ad-Din Abu'l-Faraj al-Jauzl, died 597/1200, Brockelmann 
 I, 500. 
 
 2 Here begins the quotation. 
 
 3 See the definition given by Ta'rifat in Frey tag's Lexicon sub voce. 
 
 4 Died 544/1149, Brockelmann, I, 369.
 
 70 I. Friedlaender, [1908 
 
 yj ^ 
 
 [53] ^.^i s^j &jl '^UvioJI 
 
 ^53; 
 
 - 
 
 aJ JUi (Ms. ui.) eOi. 3*5 J; auJ! 
 5 jLoi V JLiLs 
 
 s 
 
 
 Jb cyliS' L^j'!^ ^LjCAjb' (jbo!^ Jt 
 
 /^~'^ 
 
 S.-AJ 
 
 gvy (j (jJ -"'j J [33 a ] 
 
 Q 
 
 J,! ^i^J .. 
 
 -J<^t <jV 
 
 > 
 
 xJLJ! ^-o Jb Jo (add ^LuoV!!.*-* ?) 
 
 1 Died 321/933, Brock., I, 173. 
 
 9 The author of Disputatio pro religione Mohammedanorum adversus 
 Christianas (wrote about 942/1535), ed. van den Ham, Leyden 1890, 
 p. 243, quotes this hadith almost verbatim.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 71 
 
 AJ [53] 
 
 * Jo.ct.Jt ^<ou -jut .. 
 
 -.i+ jj_*2.AX) j 
 
 iy*,iX/e aus>.UdLj * Jo.ct.Jt ^<>Lou!t 
 
 /-*ax 
 L^f v 
 ^ USLl /-^J' J^ ^^axx> ^jt J.LAJ 
 
 iwJj 5 
 
 1 * 1 W. (&?}** 
 
 *if 
 
 o- 
 
 i.*.^ -^-fr <? X! 5 *^) -* (j^. o.3i . 
 
 In conclusion follows a lengthy poem bearing on this hadith 
 by Ibn 'Abbad called Kafi'l-Kufat (died 385). 
 
 It is clear from this account that the legend wavers between 
 the standstill of the sun (see the legend quoted at the beginning ; 15 
 the verses just quoted speak in the same way of "Wukuf") 
 and its rising again, the latter being represented in the hadith 
 attributed to Asma. The two forms of the legend bear the 
 same relation to one another as the solar miracle of Joshua 
 (Joshua 10, 13) to the one under Hezekiah (II Kings 20, 11 520 
 Is. 38, 8). 
 
 The hadith owes its origin to the Shiitic tendency to pattern 
 the biography of Ali, the " wasi" (legatee, cf. Introd. p. 22) of 
 Muhammed, after Joshua, the wast of Mo^es. See another 
 instance of this tendency, Shahr. 132. I believe for this reason 25 
 that the miracle referred to p. 69 3 is originally a Shiitic invention 
 and its transfer to Muhammed a polemical attempt on the part 
 of the Sunnites. 
 
 1 Died 547 h . 
 
 - Or .fA+\. I am not quite clear as to the meaning of this sentence.
 
 72 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [53] - L. 9. I am not certain as to the meaning of this line. 
 
 Does the reference to the nearness of age (see note 9) imply a 
 
 reproach against Asma, the author of the hadith ? I cannot 
 
 make out what the reference to the multitude of people, which 
 
 5 is missing in L. Br., is meant to convey here. 
 
 L. 12. The doctrine of Bada (i. e. "pleasing " : if anything 
 pleases God, he may change a previous decision) presup- 
 poses the belief in the changeability of the Divine Will 
 (cf. p. 66") and is a counterpart of the orthodox belief in 
 
 10 Naskh (the abolition by God of a previously revealed Law). 
 Generally this doctrine is regarded as a specific tenet of the 
 Keisaniyya, Bagd. ll b ; Makr. 352 2 ; Iji, who makes no mention 
 of the Keisaniyya, enumerates in their stead the Bada'iyya 
 (348 4 ). This belief is supposed to have been invented ad //<>< 
 
 15 by Mukhtar (p. 79 17 ) when, contrary to his prophecies, he was 
 defeated in battle, Bagd. 15 a ; Isfr. ll a ; Shahr. 110. Well- 
 hausen, however, points out ( Opp. 88) that, according to Tab. 
 II, 732 10 and 706", it was 'Abdallah b. Nauf who originated 
 this doctrine, in opposition to Mukhtar. 1 
 
 20 The Zeidite Suleiman b. Jarir (p. 136') makes the Rawafid ( = 
 Imamiyya, Appendix A) in general responsible for this belief, 
 Shahr. 119 penult. 2 IBab., however, (I'tikadat fol. 6 a ) protests 
 against those who charge the Imamites with Bada. These peo- 
 ple merely imitate the Jews who prefer the same charge (he 
 
 25 apparently means Naskh) -against the Muslims. He quotes 
 Ja'far as-Sadik as saying that he who believes in Bada is a 
 Kafir. 3 
 
 A curious instance of the application of the Bada doctrine is 
 quoted lAth. VIII, 21. Abu'l-Khattab (p. 112) and his adher- 
 
 soents claimed that no sword could do them any harm. But when 
 some of them had been executed, he resorted to the pretext: 
 "since it pleased God to do otherwise, how can I help it"? 
 
 Ui *JJ Ijo AS tf I <M 
 
 1 It must be remarked, however, that Tab. II, 732 10 , a variant, reads 
 Mukhtar instead of 'Abdallah b. Nauf. 
 
 2 This passage is quoted Anon. Sufi fol. 120 a in the name of Fakhr 
 ad-Din ar-Razl (died 606 h ). 
 
 3 The text of this passage is apparently corrupt and does not allow of 
 a reproduction.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 73 
 
 L. 13, I have not been able to find an authority for [53] 
 this statement. The number of (official) wives legally permit- 
 ted by law is four, Koran 4, 4. 
 
 - L. 14. On similar dietary restrictions by a Carmathian 
 missionary see later p. 76 14 . The prohibition of cabbage is very 5 
 old. The pagans considered the eating of it disgraceful and 
 the Harranians in later times clung to the same custom, 
 Ohwolsohn, Ssabier II, 110. In our passage apparently the, red 
 cabbage is referred to. The reason given for the prohibition 
 reminds one vividly of the popular Shiitic notion which 10 
 originally was no doubt but a poetical figure that the sunset 
 glow represents the blood of al-Husein and never existed 
 before, Goldziher, Huh. St. II, 331. 
 
 - L. 18. This notion is probably the consequence of the 
 great emphasis laid by the Shiites on the significance of the is 
 name AH ("Exalted"). One is reminded of Koran 19, 8, 
 where the prediction of Yahya's (John's) birth is followed by 
 
 |- > O" O > -j ."0-?V. 
 
 the solemn declaration Lx*-^ J^xi' ^A aJ <>Ji^ *J. Comp. also 
 
 the stress laid on the identity of the Mahdi's name with that of 
 the Prophet, p. 53. 20 
 
 54,1.1. Comp. Wiistenfeld, Tabellen B 13. "Von ihm [54] 
 (i. e., Ali b. Bekr. b. Wail) kommen alle, die im Stamme Nizar 
 mit ihrem Geschlechtsnamen 'Alawi genannt werden " (Wiisten- 
 feld, Register, from Nawawi). 
 
 - Xote 1. See Wustenfeld, Tabellen C 13. 25 
 
 - L. 3. Azd. see ib., e. g., II 19 ' 21 ; Bajila, e. g., 9 16 . 
 
 Note 2. Ali b. Jasr b. Muharib b. Khasafa, ib. D 10. 
 Ali b. Mas'ud, II 19 . 'Abd Manat, N 9. Hisn, grandson of 
 AH b. Mas'ud, C 15. 
 
 - L. 5. 'Amir b. at-Tufeil, a contemporary of the Prophet, 30 
 ib. E 20. His kunya Abu 'All, see Agh., Tables sub voce 
 
 3- *' 
 
 - L. 9. This conception is not specifically Shiitic but rather 
 belongs to the domain of Kalam. Makr. 348 10 , at the end of his 
 
 O y 
 
 account on the Mu'tazila, mentions a special sect ^XSUUf JuAJi+JI 35 
 
 xt. x! tub. I. H. refers to it more explicitly Ed. IV, 
 83 31 ff. in a special chapter on "the eternal existence of the
 
 74 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [54] residents of Paradise and Hell": "All sects of the (Muhamme- 
 dan) Community agree that there is no decay for Paradise and its 
 pleasure nor for Hell and its pain. The only exceptions are Jahm 
 b. Safwan; Abu'l-Hudeil al-'Allaf and some of the Rawdfid. 
 
 5 Jahm maintains that both Paradise and Hell will decay and 
 their residents as well. 1 Abu'l-Hudeil, however, maintains 
 that neither Paradise and Hell nor their residents will decay. 
 But the movements of the latter will decay and they will remain 
 in an immovable state like a mineral. In spite of it, they will 
 
 10 be alive and enjoy pleasure and suffer pain respectively. The 
 party of the Rawafid referred to above believes that the resi- 
 dents of Paradise will leave Paradise and the residents of Hell 
 will leave Hell for some unknown destination (lit. : whither it 
 is Allah's desire)." 2 See Iji 336; Makr. 349". On Abu'l- 
 
 isHudeil's view see de Boer, p. 51. 
 
 A certain heretic by the name of 'Abdaljah b. 'Abdallah b. 
 Shuneif attacks a friend of I. H. on account of his belief in the 
 eternity of Paradise and Hell, Ed. I, 19. 
 
 - L. 11. The eternity of the world is taught by the Mu'am- 
 
 20mariyya, a section of the Khattabiyya, p. 114 11 , see Shahr. 137 = 
 Makr. 352* ; Iji 346. This belief is the outcome of the doc- 
 trine of Transmigration (Makr.), as the latter, taking the place 
 of Reward and Punishment after death, dispenses with Resiir- 
 rection and accordingly with the establishment of a new world. 
 
 25lsfr 57 b is apparently aware of this connection when he curtly 
 
 remarks: Jb JLoLuLft jCo 'J^ ~*&2 V IxijJt l 
 
 . ,j 
 
 ^^ 
 
 The way this view is contrasted with the belief in the decay 
 of Paradise and Hell suggests a connection betAveen them. In 
 so point of fact, the belief in Transmigration, when carried out 
 logically, not only necessitates the eternity of this world, but, 
 fulfilling the function of Reward and Punishment, dispenses 
 altogether with Paradise and Hell. IBab., Ptikdddt 12'' 
 
 1 Comp. Kashi 177 : an-Nazzam (p. 58 6 ) said to Hishani b. al-Hakam 
 (p. 65") : "The residents of Paradise will not exist in Paradise an eternal 
 existence " and so forth. 
 
 - The last words most probably refer to the belief mentioned later, 
 p. 85" ff.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc,. 75 
 
 fully recognizes this connection : ij"*^ LMW ^aJ-Uulj JJu!j [54] 
 
 *s**x .y y *s- 
 
 - L. 12, if. Bekri, Description de VAfrique Septentrionale, 
 ed. de Slane, Alger, 1857, p. 161, gives a brief description of 
 this sect which offers several important points of comparison 5 
 with the account of I. H. I give Bekri's passage in transla- 
 tion : ' ' To the right of the Banti Magus there is a tribe called 
 Banu Lamas. They are all Rawafid and known under the 
 name Bajaliyyun. There settled in their midst a Bajalite 1 of 
 the people of Nafta in Kastilia, before Abu 'Abdallah ash-io 
 Shi'i entered Ifrikiya. 2 His name was Muhammed b. Wrstd 
 
 (t\AAc>2 sic). He called upon them (read |V*L&t>j) to denounce 
 the Companions (of the Prophet) and permitted them forbidden 
 things . . . They still adhere to his doctrine to this day and 
 (believe) that the Imamate is permissible only in the descend- is 
 ants of al-Hasan, not in those of al-Husein. Their ruler was 
 Idris Abu'l-Kasim b. Muhammed b. Ja'far b 'Abdallah b. Idris." 
 The name of the founder of this sect appears here in a differ- 
 ent form. IHaukal 65 21 ( = Yakut I, 320) agrees with I. H. in 
 
 calling him (Xi-Osj i-v?', but they omit the mention of his first 20 
 name. The name and pedigree of their ruler are altogether 
 different and I have no means to decide which are the correct 
 ones. 3 
 
 As regards the cardinal doctrine of this sect the limitation of 
 the Imamate to the Hasanides Bekri agrees with I. H. (55, 1. 5). 25 
 In contradiction with it, IHaukal ( = Yakut) reports that they 
 were Musawites (cf. p. 40), i. e. acknowledged the Imamate of 
 Mflsa b. Ja'far, who was descended from al-Husein. The 
 former statement is no doubt correct, as the Idrisides who 
 ruled over them were Hasanides. 30 
 
 - L. 14. On Nafta see Yakut IV, 800. It is two days' 
 journey from Kafsa, mentioned in the same line, ib. Kafsa, a 
 small place (s*AJLo 8<Xo), lies three days from Keirowan, ib. 
 
 . , of the tribe Bajila? 
 
 - i. e. before 280 h . 
 
 3 Gen. Leyd. omits the Idrisides in Africa.
 
 76 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [54] IV, 151. Kastilia mentioned here is not the Spanish province, 
 but a region in Northwest Africa on the great Zab, Yakut IV, 
 97; see also I, 892, IV, 151. The emendation proposed, note 
 11, is not necessary. 
 
 5 It is worthy of notice that the people of this region, from 
 which the founder of this Shiitic sect came, were Kharijites, 
 Yakut IV, 97, 800. 
 
 - L. 16. The city mentioned here is as-Sus al-Aksa. It is 
 fully two months' journey from as-Sus al-Adna, Yakut III, 
 
 10 189. On the Masmuda tribes, see Kremer, Ideen 383, note. 
 [55] 55, 1- 2. According to IHaukal ( = Yakut) ib. the two par- 
 ties of the city (the others were Malikites) alternately wor- 
 shipped in the same mosque. 
 
 - L. 3. The prohibition seems to be of Hindoo origin. The 
 is Laws of Manu V, 5, forbid the priest to eat (among other 
 
 things): "garlick, onions, leeks and mushrooms, and all vege- 
 tables raised in dung.' 1 '' Comp. Chwolsohn, Ssabier II, 109. 
 
 - Note 1. On 'Abdallah b. Yasin, the founder of the 
 Almoravide dynasty (middle llth century), see Dozy, Isl. 359 ff. 
 
 20 The by-name al-Muttawwi' I have not found elsewhere. 
 
 - L. 7. See also Text, p. 80, 1. 2. On Abu Kumil, see 
 Bagd. 121% 136 a ; Shahr. 133; Iji 343; Makr. 352. 
 
 - L. 17. See also Text 80, 1. 4. The author of this con- 
 tention, which is certainly not unjustified, is unfortunately not 
 
 25 known. The contention itself is not mentioned in the other 
 sources. 
 
 - L. 22. -liJ! xJa*wJuJi more literally " who occupy the 
 
 middle as regards 'extremism'." From the point of view of 
 guluww the Shi'a appears divided into three parts: the Zei- 
 
 30 diyya who are entirely free from it, the Imamiyya who partly 
 adhere to it (comp., e. g., Raj 'a, Tanasukh, etc.), and the 
 Galiya who unflinchingly profess it. The reading of L. Br.' 
 (note 6) "who keep back from guluww" is thus justified. 
 However this may be, the Imamites themselves protest against 
 
 35 any affinity with the Gulat. IBab., Ptikdddt 22 b (in a special 
 
 chapter ^jL ^oj ^ emphatically declares that they are infidels. 
 
 Note 7. They betray Islam, because both Koran and 
 Hadith insist that Muhammed is the last prophet, comp. Text 
 47, 1. 8f.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 77 
 
 - Note 8. The reading of L. Br. is no doubt correct. Poly- [55] 
 theism is not the charge usually preferred against the Jews by 
 Muharamedan theologians. This would confirm our supposi- 
 tion as to the later date of Codd. L. Br., see Introd. p. 19. 
 
 56, 1. 3. On the Gurabiyya see IKot. 300; Iji 346; Makr. 5 
 353"; Bagd. 98 a ; Isfr. 58 b . The latter two and Iji state the [ 56 J 
 comparison more elaborately : "more than one raven the other one 
 and one fly the other one." The adherents of this sect curse the 
 " sahib ar-rish," i. e. Jibril. In a parallel between the Rawafid 
 and the Jews put into the mouth of ash-Sha'bi (IJcd 269, 10 
 comp. p. 19 16 ) the two are identified because of their dislike of 
 Gabriel. 1 Bagd. 98 b sorrowfully remarks that the Galiya are 
 even worse than the Jews, for the latter, though disliking 
 Gabriel, yet abstain from cursing him. 
 
 In his polemics against Judaism, I. H. (Ed. I, 138 9 )veryi5 
 cleverly draws a parallel between the Jews who believe that 
 Isaac confounded Esau with Jacob and the Gurabiyya. "This 
 contention (of the Jews) very closely resembles the stupidity of 
 the Gurabiyya 2 among the Rafida who believe that Allah dis- 
 patched Jibril to Ali, 3 but Jibril erred and .went to Muhammed. 20 
 In the same way Isaac blessed Esau, but the blessing erred and 
 went to Jacob. Upon both parties (may rest) the curse of 
 Allah ! " 
 
 - L. 13 f . Ali was about thirty years younger than the 
 Prophet (comp. Kremer, Tdeen, p. 315). Consequently he was 25 
 ten years old when Muhammed made his first appearance. The 
 same is assumed Ed. IV, 142 15 and in the variant of L. Br. to 
 our passage (note 7). The reading of Ed. seems to be incor- 
 rect. But there is a difference of opinion as to the date of All's 
 birth, see I. H in the quoted passage and Tab. I, 3467 12 ff. so 
 
 - L. 15 ff. On Muhammed's physical appearance see Ibn 
 Hisham I, 266 ; Tab. I, 1789 ff. ; Nawawi, Tahdib 32-33. It is 
 interesting to observe that I. H is unprejudiced enough to point 
 out that Muhammed was above middle-size. The other writers 
 
 1 Allusion to Koran II, 91, comp. Geiger, Was hat Muhammed aus 
 dem Judentum aufgenommen, p. 13. 
 
 * Ed. has XxJliJf, but V 80, and L I, 54* (which in this section of 
 Milal sides with Ed.) have the correct reading. 
 3 V. + xJL* JL Sj-yJU Ed. L. missing.
 
 78 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [56] anxiously insist that the Prophet was neither short nor tall, but 
 
 the exact medium between the two. 
 [57] 57, 1. 1 ff. On Ali's appearance see Tab. I, 3470 7 (=IAth. 
 
 Ill, 333); Tahdib 441 penult. Sibt, Imams fol. 4", gives a 
 
 " __ 
 
 5 similar description of Ali: ,j.xxxjuf +*?>x3.- xxoY! <Xs<X*i ,*o! ^o 
 
 JJalM ( j^> /-* 1 -*-'' J' VT 5 ' 
 
 ol (read *J-o!) *-Lol. Ali looked particu- 
 larly short because of his corpulence. Whenever Ali appeared 
 on the market of Kufa, the satirical Persians would exclaim 
 
 10 <Xo! ^JjCi! J.jj " Here comes the big-bellied man !" (ZDMG. 
 
 38, 392, from Madainl). It is characteristic that both Sunnitic 
 and Shiitic writers anxiously avoid to mention this feature of 
 Ali which is so repugnant to the Arabic taste. Of all the 
 
 sources at my disposal I find, besides the reference quoted 
 
 # 
 
 15 above, only one moi'e allusion to it in Ikd II, 274 (Llxnj). 
 
 - L. 11. The number 23 is not exact. The interval between 
 Mohammed's first appearance and his death was 21% lunar 
 years; see the list in Sprenger, Leben Muha)nme<Fs I, 205. 
 
 - L. 12. On obj-b (note 17) see p. 5o 16 . 
 
 20 58, 1. 3. The exclusive (note 3) reverence of Ali is charac- 
 [58] teristic of several sects: the Sabaiyya (Text 71 18 ) and the 'Ulya- 
 niyya and Nuseiriyya, which, according to I. H. (Text 66, 1. 17 
 and 71, 1. 18), are branches of the former. 
 
 - L. 4 ff. The persons named in the following are the 
 25 twelve Imams of the Ithna'ashariyya. The biographical data 
 
 concerning these Imams can best be learned from the list in 
 Abu'l-Maali, p. 164-165, see Schefer's Introduction, p. 184 f. 
 A more detailed account Diyarbekri II, 286-288. The omission 
 (in I. 6) of the tenth Imam, Ali b. Muhammed (al-Hadi at-Taki, 
 
 so born 214, died 254), is, it seems, not accidental. For in accord- 
 ance with it, Ali (1. 7) is changed to Muhammed. The same 
 omission and the same change are exhibited by Codd. L. Br. 
 Text p. 76, note 4 and 5.' Whether this peculiar error is due 
 to his proximity to the eighth Imam, who bears the same name, 
 
 3 or to some more significant circumstance, is difficult to determine. 
 
 1 Ed. IV, 103 10 > 11 his genealogy is given correctly.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 79 
 
 Note 6. It is worthy of note that the benediction acox is [58] 
 
 added only after the name of Ja'far. Ja'far as-Sadik (died 146) 
 was not only the patron-saint of the Shiites. He was also highly 
 ( -st reined by the Sunnites, see p. 105 12 . Of. ZDMG. 50, 123. 
 
 - L. 10. On the Carmathians, see p. 19, 1. 32. Muhammed 5 
 b. Ismfi'il at-Tamm, "the Completer," is the seventh and last 
 "open" Imam in the belief of the Sab'iyya, or " Seveners." 
 After him begins the series of hidden Imams, Shahr. 127 ff. , 
 140. The Carmathian missionary Yahya b. Dikrweih pretended 
 that he was this Muhammed, Tab. Ill, 2218 (anno 289). 10 
 
 - L. 12. Read: "This is a party." On the Keisaniyya, 
 see p. 33 ff. The Keisaniyya do not agree as to whether 
 Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya inherited the Imamate directly from 
 Ali, or indirectly through Hasan and Husein, Shahr. 110. 
 Kuthayyir (p. 134 28 ) speaks of four Imams, comp. Barbier de 15 
 Meynard in Journal Asiatique, 1874, p. 164. 
 
 - L. 13. On Mukhtar, see Shahr. 110 (he distinguishes 
 between the Keisaniyya and Mukhtariyya). Very elaborate 
 accounts on Mukhtar with specimens of his saj 1 can be found 
 Bagd. 12 6 ff. ; Isfr. 10 6 ff, Wellhausen, Opp. 74 ff., gives an 20 
 elaborate sketch of his personality. 
 
 59, 1. 1 ff. On Mugira see the passages in Index. Text 34, [59] 
 n. 5, Ed. and Codd. have bnu Abi Sa'id. Ed. I, 112 ult. and 
 elsewhere correctly. Sa'd instead of Sa'id occurs Agh. XIX, 
 58, Ikd 267. Abu'l-Maali 157, gives him the by-name 25 
 -*if. According to Shahr. 134, Makr. 353' (=de Sacy XLVI) 
 he was a "client" of Khalid al-Kasri, who afterwards executed 
 him. It is possible, however, that this is a mere inference drawn 
 from the fact that Khalid's clan Kasr belonged, as did Mugira 
 (1. 2), to the Bajila tribe (IKot. 203; IKhall. No. 212). He so 
 is specifically designated as al-'Ijli (of the Banu 'Ijl) Shahr. 
 134; Iji 344; Makr. 349% 353 1 ; Bagd. 95 b ; Isfr. 54 b , 56 a ; Tabari 
 Index (in the text the statement is missing). This is significant 
 in connection with van Vloten, Worgers, p. 57, and later, p. 
 89" ff. Mugira rose against Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri, the 35 . 
 wali of Ktifa, in 119, accompanied by twenty (Kdmil ed. 
 Wright 20 15 ; Makr. 353 2 ), according to Tab. II, 1621 5 only by 
 seven men. Despite their small number they spread such terror 
 around them (the reason, see p. 92 12 ff.), that Khalid, who chanced
 
 80 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [59] to be in the pulpit when he heard of their uprising, came near 
 fainting and asked for a glass of water, an action which made 
 him the object of general ridicule, KdmilVa., Ayh. XIX, 58, 
 XV, 121 (here they are called by the general name al-Ja'fariyya, 
 
 6 see p. 107 '"), Makr. 353 1 , van Vloten, Worgers, 58. The rebels 
 were crucified, Tab. I, 1620*; IKot. 300 ("in Wasit ") ; Ikd 
 267 (probably quotation from IKot.). According to another 
 version (Tab. 1620 b ff . ; I. H. Text 60, 1. 17; Ikd ib.), they 
 were burned at the stake. 
 
 10 An exposition of Mugira's doctrines is found Shahr., Iji, 
 Makr., IKot., Ikd, very elaborately Bagd. 95 b and, more 
 briefly, Isfr. 56 a . His tenets, which show all the earmarks of 
 "guluww," seem to have exercised a powerful influence in ultra- 
 Shiitic circles. The Imamites solicitously reject any connection 
 
 15 with Mugira, see the article on Mugira, Kashi 145 ff. Ja'far 
 
 as-Sadik is reported as saying that all the extravagant views to 
 
 -be found in the writings of his father's (Muhammed al-Bakir's, 
 
 died Il7 h ) followers are forgeries of Mugira, ib. 140, 147. 
 
 His system, if system it be called, presents an odd mixture of 
 
 20 ancient Eastern beliefs and distinctly shows the influence of 
 gnostic, notably of Mandaean and Manichaean, doctrines. The 
 Mandseans were very numerous in Irak ; at the time of the 
 Abbassides they are said to have had there 400 churches. Their 
 head resided in Bagdad. 1 The Manichasans, too, were identi- 
 
 25fied with 'Irak. Mani was born in Babylonia, and he was 
 believed (according to al-Biruni) to have been sent to the 
 people of Babylonia only. Their head had to reside in Baby- 
 lonia. 3 The Harninians, too, who may be mentioned in this 
 connection, were very numerous in 'Irak. 3 On these influences 
 
 so see van Vloten, Chiitisme 47; Blochet 135, the latter also in 
 Revue de Vhistoire des Religions, XL (1899), p. 25, note 1." 
 
 It can scarcely be doubted that ultimately all these influences 
 root in the ancient religion of Babylonia; see Kessler ibidem, 
 
 1 Kessler, Article "Mandaer" in PRE 3 , XII (1903), p. 172. 
 
 3 Kessler, Article "Manichaer" ibidem, p. 226, Fliigel, Mani 97, 105. 
 
 3 Chwolsohn, Ssabier I, 482 ff. 
 
 4 It is perhaps not insignificant that a part of the Banu 'Ijl (see above 
 p. 79 31 ) who lived in Bahrein "completely passed into the Persian nation- 
 ality." Goldziher, " Islamisme et Parsisme" in Revue de Thistoire des 
 Religions XLIII (1901), p. 23.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 81 
 
 passim, the same, " Gnosis und alt-babylonische Religion" in [59] 
 Abhandlungen des 5. Orientalistencongresses (Berlin, 1882), p. 
 297 ff. 
 
 In the following an attempt is made to point out the various 
 sources of Mugira's doctrines. It does not claim to be more 5 
 
 O 
 
 than an attempt. A closer acquaintance with the religions and 
 literatures under consideration will no doubt bring to light far 
 more numerous points of contact. 1 
 
 - L. 5. The corporeal conception of the Godhead was cur- 
 rent in Shiitic circles, see, e. g., p. 67. The crown in this con-io 
 nection is found in various philosophemes. In the Cabbala the 
 "Crown" prO) is the highest of the Ten Sefiroth (Spheres). * . 
 The latter are represented in the shape of a man with a crown 
 
 on his head; comp. the diagram in the Jewish Encyclopedia I, 
 181'' and in the Hebrew Encyclopedia (^N")^' ""))N), New is 
 York, 1907, I, 183. See also later, p. 83. 
 
 According to Shahr. ; Makr. 349 4 ; Bagd. 95 b f . and others, 
 Mugira believed that God was a man of light bearing a crown 
 of light. This reminds one of the Mandaean doctrine of the 
 "King of Light." Brandt, Mandaische Religion (Gottingen20 
 1889) 19-20, 80-81; the same, Mandaische Schriften (Got- 
 tingen 1893), p. 13-19. 
 
 - L. 6. Bagd. 96 a is less scrupulous and adds two more 
 instances: 'Am for the eye and Ha for the pudenda. A very 
 similar description of God is quoted in the name of the Gnos- 25 
 tics by Irenaeus, adversus Haereticos 2 XIV, 3. A Jewish paral- 
 lel, see in Gaster, "Das Schiur Komah," Monatsschrift fur 
 Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 37 (1893), p. 225. 
 Similar speculations about the shape of the letters in the name 
 aJI and J^.2? (the latter in Kufic), see Blochet, 133, 192. 30 
 
 - L. 12 ff . This peculiar theory of Creation is evidently the 
 reflection of a Gnostic doctrine. Irenaeus, adversus Haeret. 
 XIV 1, reports a similar theory in the name of the Gnostic 
 
 1 I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to my friend and colleague, 
 Prof. Louis Ginzberg, who lent me his effectual aid in pointing out the 
 Rabbinical illustrations, the latter, too, bearing witness to the same 
 influences. I profited by his valuable advice also in other parts of this 
 treatise. 
 
 5 The following quotations all refer to ihe first Book. 
 VOL. xxix. 6
 
 82 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [59] Marcus 1 : "When first the unoriginated, inconceivable Father, 
 who is without material substance, and is neither male nor 
 female, willed to bring forth that which is ineffable in Him, and 
 to endow with form that which is invisible, He opened His 
 5 mouth, and sent forth the Word, similar to Himself . . . 
 Moreover, the pronunciation of His name took place as follows: 
 He spake the first word of it which was the beginning [of all 
 the rest] and that utterance consisted of four letters. He 
 added the second," and so forth. In Jewish Mysticism similar 
 
 10 notions can be traced. Comp. Menakhoth 29 b : " God created 
 the two worlds (this and the future world) through the letters 
 He and Yod (constituting the Divine name Yah)." See also 
 Berakhoth 55 a . A similar theory is elaborately set forth in 
 Sefer Yesirah and is to be found in other ancient mystical 
 
 15 works. It may be mentioned in this connection that under the 
 influence of a similar notion the Mandrcan verb Kip " to call" 
 has assumed the meaning "to create." See Kessler, art. 
 "Mandaer" ibid. p. 164 39 and p. 165. 
 
 L. 12. The "Greatest Name" is, as was already pointed 
 
 20 out by de Sacy XLVII, note, identical with the "Shera ha-Me- 
 phorash," the "Ineffable Name" which occupies so prominent 
 a place in the Jewish mystical speculations of all ages (see M. 
 Grunbaum, Gesammelte Aufsatze (Berlin 1901), p. 238 ff. ; Revue 
 des Etudes Juives 19, 290 f.). It plays an important part in 
 
 25 Islam as well, and here, too, the belief is current that by means 
 of the Ineffable Name all miracles can be easily performed ; see, 
 e. g., Ikd 396, and (as an illustration) IKhall. No. 756. * 
 Most of the sources dealing with Mugira report that he claimed 
 
 1 1 quote the translation of Roberts and Rambaut, Edinburgh, 1868. 
 
 5 According to I. H., the Jews believed that the sorcerers were 
 able to resuscitate the dead by means of Divine names and that Jesus 
 was able to do the same and to perform miracles generally by the same 
 means, Cod. V 92* (missing in Cod. L and Ed. I, 156, which is shorter 
 
 in this part of the work): s^\J! ^j! j^fc ,jjLftJuo (V gJL^' 
 
 ij' -3 
 
 comp. S. Kraussin Jewish Encyclopedia VII, 171*
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 83 
 
 to be able to perform miracles and resuscitate the dead through [59] 
 his knowledge of the " Greatest Name." Tab. ib. puts into his 
 mouth the typical utterance that he had the power to bring to 
 life the 'Ad and Thamud and the generations that were between 
 them. ' 5 
 
 L. 13. Instead of ^sli" ^t s^a "and it (the Greatest 
 Name) fell (L. Br. : flew awe? fell) on his crown," Bagd., Shahr. 
 
 and Iji 343 give the important variant l:s.lj' &**.K ^c P*}* 
 "fell upon his head as a crown." He referred, as Shahr. and 
 
 .- u'f-d'O ^ vt *- * a <> w ^. 
 
 Bagd. tell us, to Koran 87, 1: ^tX-M J^V! ibp p-J 
 
 , as Bagd. explains, j& *J sJt ,v**< 
 * "he assumed that the Highest Name was identical 
 
 with this very crown." The same conception of the identity 
 of the " Shem ha-Mephorash " with the Crown is frequently 
 found in the Cabbala. It takes the form that the name was 15 
 engraved upon the Crown, see Jew. Enc. IV, 370 a and 372 6 
 (the references can be multiplied). On the crown, of the Man- 
 divan " King of Light " see Brandt, Mandciishe Schriften 13-19. 
 The Mandaean priests wear during the service a crown (taj) on 
 the right upper arm, Kessler, article "Mandaer," p. 214 ult. 20 
 
 - L. 14. Apart from the words left out in Ed. (note 6), 
 the passage reflects the ancient idea, also found in the Bible, 
 that man's actions are written down in heaven. The additional 
 words of L. Br. are confirmed by Shahr. 135 2 : 
 
 - L. 15 ff. This queer notion, too, has its root in some 
 Gnostic doctrine. Irenaeus, adv. Haeret. IV, 2, commenting 
 upon the Gnostic belief that from the tears of Achamoth 
 
 1 This is no doubt the original version. According to IKot. and 
 (probably quoting) Ikd 267, he claimed this power for Ali. This may 
 partly be the reason why these two writers designate Mugtra as one of 
 the Sabaiyya. For the latter was considered as the party of Ali KOT' 
 kt-ox.f/v, see p. 101 21 . 
 
 2 Prof . Ginzberg suggests a connection with Is. 49, 16: "Behold I 
 have engraved thee on my palms." It may be the consequence of some 
 mystic interpretation of this verse.
 
 84 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [59] (filDpn) "all that is of a liquid nature was formed," funnily 
 remarks that he could easily enlarge upon it. "For when I 
 perceive that waters are in part fresh . . . and in part salt, . . . 
 I reflect with myself that all such waters cannot be derived 
 5 from her tears, inasmuch as these are of a saline quality only. 
 It is clear, therefore, that the waters which are salt are alone 
 those which are derived from her tears. But it is probable that 
 she, in her intense agony and perplexity, was covered with 
 perspiration. And hence, following out their notion, we may 
 
 10 conceive that fountains and rivers, and all the fresh waters in 
 the world, are due to this source." A somewhat similar idea is 
 found in the Talmud (Hagiga 13 b ) : "Whence does the stream 
 Dinur (Daniel 7, 10) come ? From the perspiration of the Holy 
 living Creatures." 1 [Cf. Bereshith Rabba, ch. 78.] 
 
 15 The two lakes, then, are formed of the Divine tears and the 
 Divine perspiration respectively. They no doubt correspond to 
 the mdye siytiwe and the mctye hiwdre, the "dark and white 
 waters" of the Mandseans; see Brandt, Mandilische Religion, 
 pp. 30, 43, 51, etc. Instead of "sweet" (11. 17 and 22) read 
 
 20 "fresh." 
 
 - L. 18 ff. The same conception is found in several Gnostic 
 sj^stems, notably among the Mandseans. "When Life . . had 
 thus spoken, Abatur rose and opened the gate. He looked into 
 the Dark Water, and at the same hour was formed his image 
 
 25 in the, Dark Water. Ptahil 2 was formed and he ascended the 
 Place of the Borders." 8 
 
 Illustrative of 1. 19 is the passage in Irenaeus XIV, 1 : " The 
 world, again, and all things therein, were made by a certain 
 company of seven angels. Man, too, was the workmanship of 
 
 so angels, a shining image bursting forth below from the presence 
 of the Supreme power; and when they could not, he says, keep 
 hold of this, because it immediately darted upwards again, they 
 exhorted each other saying: let us make man after our image 
 and likeness." 
 
 35 - L. 20. Out of the two eyes of the shadow only two 
 luminaries could naturally be formed. For this reason I disre- 
 
 1 Comp. also Kessler, article "Manichaer," p. 236 ult. : ''The rain was 
 considered to be the perspiration of the toiling archont." 
 
 2 = Gabriel, the Demiurge of the Mandaeans. 
 
 3 Brandt, Manddische Schriften, p. 184, see also Kessler, ib. p. 210.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 85 
 
 gard the additional reading of L. (note 12). ' Shahr. 135* and [59] 
 very similarly Bagd. speak of the sun and the moon. But our 
 text seems to reflect a more complicated and, consequently, 
 more original conception. Perhaps one may combine it with 
 the well-known Jewish legend that originally the two lumi- 5 
 naries were of equally large size and that the moon was subse- 
 quently reduced in size on account of its jealousy. 
 
 - L. 22. Sin, and correspondingly Evil as being primitive 
 and co-existent with Creation, is a widespread Gnostic doctrine 
 and is a consequence of Dualism, which is at the bottom of all 10 
 Gnostic systems. According to Irenaeus XXIV, 2, Saturninus 
 "was the first to affirm that two kinds of men were formed by 
 the angels, 2 the one wicked, and the other good." ! On the 
 lakes see before. Instead of "the Faithful," Makr. 353 6 has 
 
 "the Shi'a." Bagd. says more explicitly: *&+ wt**iJI 15 
 
 *> || 
 
 ^..L<Oj-J1 . Extremely interesting iu this connection is the pas- 
 sage Ed. IV, 69* : " Some people among the Rawafid are of the 
 opinion that the spirits of the Infidels are in Burhut this is a 
 well in Hadramaut 4 and that the spirits of the Faithful are in 
 another place, I think it is al-Jabiya." B 2 
 
 60, 1. 1. This view is in all probability a reflection of the [60] 
 Clementine doctrine of the "True Prophet" who appears in 
 various ages under different names and forms, but is in reality 
 one, Clementine Homilies III, 12 ff., 20; Hecognition.es I, 16. 
 He is called Christ but he is also identical with Adam, Hecogn. 25 
 I, 45, 47. The persons in whom the true Prophet revealed 
 himself are given Homilies XVII, 4 (in a statement by Simon 
 Magus) as Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses; 
 in XVIII, 13 (in a reply by Peter) as Adam, Enoch, Noah, 
 Abraham, Isaac, Jacob [and Christ], In both the number so 
 
 1 Br. reads like Ed. Note 12 is to be corrected accordingly. 
 
 2 See above p. 84 29 . 
 
 3 See a similar conception of the origin of evil, Clementine Homilies 
 XX, 8, 9; XIX, 12 ff. 
 
 4 See Yakut I, 598, where this belief is derived from a tradition trans- 
 mitted from the Prophet, Ali and Ibn 'Abbas. Interesting is the remark 
 that the water of this well is dark and stinking. al-Jabiya is in Syria, 
 ibidem and II, 4. 
 
 5 Comp. Ma-dni an-Nafs, ed. Goldziher, p. 62*.
 
 86 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [60] seven is evidently intended. This is important in view of the 
 
 numerous Shiitic doctrines which are based on the same number 
 
 of prophets (see Index s.v. Seven). The conception of the 
 
 "true Prophet" is complemented, it seems, by the Clementine 
 
 5 belief that God has the power of changing himself: "for 
 
 through his inborn Spirit He becomes, by a power which cannot 
 
 be described, whatever body He likes" (Homilies XX, 6). 
 
 This is practically the doctrine of Incarnation, which is of such 
 
 fundamental significance for the Ultra-Shi'a. Another instance 
 
 10 of the adaptation of a Clementine doctrine, see p. 116 n. 2. 
 
 - L. 2. Jabir died 128 or, according to another version, 
 132 (Tab. Ill, 2501). Either date contradicts the statement 
 
 Bagd. 97 a that he was among those w T ho expected the " return" 
 
 & 
 of Muhammed b. 'Abdallah (see 1. 10) who died in 145: ^Yl#j 
 
 15 \JJI iXxc tX+^xx> V^\LbJoV aUxslJt .>,^ 2b< 
 
 see also 17 & . Jabir was a passionate admirer of Ali and main- 
 
 tained that the latter was meant by ^jO\^ abta " the beast of the 
 Earth" (Koran 34, 13); Goldziher, Muh. St. II, 113, comp. 
 soZDMG. 38, 301. The Imamites consider his traditions trust- 
 worthy, Kashi 126. He is briefly mentioned Tusy p. 73, Xo. 
 139. 
 
 - L. 3. 'Amir b. Shurahil ash-Sha'bi (ash-Shu'bi is mis- 
 print) died 103 or 104. The sources dealing with this cele- 
 
 ssbrated traditionist are enumerated Fihr. 183 note 14. Shahr. 
 145 counts him among the Shi 'a. He appears Ikd 269 (=Isfr. 
 15 a ) as a bitter enemy of the Rawafid. But the utterances put into 
 his mouth are no doubt spurious. [See Index s.v. ash-Sha'bi.] 
 
 - L. 4. Khalid al-Kasri (Kasr, a clan of the Bajila) was exe- 
 30 cuted in the year 126 by his successor in the governorship of Kufa, 
 
 Yusuf b. 'Omar ath-Thakafi, in a most barbarous manner. See 
 on Khalid, IKhall. No. 212; IKot. 203 ; Agh. XIX, 53 ff. ; Fliigel, 
 Mani 320-322. He frequently appears in our text as a relent- 
 less persecutor of heretics. But the motive for his attitude 
 35 was evidently not religious zeal but loyalty to the Omcyyad 
 dynasty, which was threatened by these heretics. His own 
 orthodoxy was of a rather problematic natui*e. He was a
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 87 
 
 powerful protector of the Manichaeans (Fltigel, Mani, p. 105), [60] 
 and his mother was a Christian. His achievements in the exter- 
 mination of heretics were rewarded by a hadith in which 
 the Prophet announces to his ancestor Asad b. Kurz that Islam 
 will be victorious through his descendants, Goldziher, Muh. St. 5 
 II, 45 f. 
 
 - L. 6. I find no reference bearing on Bekr, except the 
 
 notice Bagd. 97 
 
 C-Xi rv--^ aLu^XJ! au?- JLC. aLs -AJLJI 
 
 &j -frfc wj cuo -i rv--^ aLuX au?- LC. as -AJL 10 
 
 -A 
 
 - L. 10. On Muhammed see Text 43. I have not been 
 able to fix the date of his birth and cannot therefore confirm 
 the statement preserved in L. Br. (note 5). Bagd. 17 b and more 
 elaborately 96 a reports that after Muhammed's death the is 
 Mugiriyya claimed that a devil was executed in his stead (comp. 
 p. 30 J2 ) and that he himself was hidden in Hajir, in the moun- 
 tains of Radwa (Text 43 n. 7). They also believed that Muham- 
 med would bring to life seventeen men whom he would endow 
 with the seventeen letters of the "Greatest Name", so as to enable 20 
 them to perform miracles (see p. 82). They adduced in proof 
 of his Imamate his identity in name and father's name with that 
 of the Prophet (comp. p. 53 17 ). 2 
 
 The Mugiriyya referred to here are, of course, the followers 
 of Mugira, not Mugira himself, who died (anno 119) 26 years 25 
 before Muhammed (145). Bagd. reports the same beliefs in 
 the name of Jabir al-Ju'fi. 
 
 - L. 12. On the sanctity with which water is invested 
 among the Mandaeans and which is no doubt of old Babylonian 
 
 1 See for a similar claim p. 113 26 . 
 
 9 Isfr. 12" gives a similar account which is extracted by Haarbriicker 
 II, 412. It is remarkable that Iji 344 mentions as the Imam of the 
 Mugiriyya not Muhammed but a man named o i\ ) ^ a - jfl vj b>^ 
 
 ^c. ..vj ^^AAAfc^.! ^o (^", wn o is otherwise utterly unknown 
 (Ibidem read .^-L^. instead of ya-L^.. )
 
 88 I- Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [60] origin, see Brandt, Mandaische Religion 68, note 2 and 69, 
 Kessler, " Uber Gnosis und altbabylonische Religion" (Abhand- 
 lungen des 5. Orientalistencongresses, Berlin 1882), p. 300. 
 
 L. 16. The name of this sectarian appears in the form 
 
 5( jLo and vJ^AJ. Ed. as well as Codd. have indiscriminately 
 
 both (comp., e. g., Ed. I, 112 ult. and Text 34 note 8). The 
 
 general form, however, is ^^?. It is found Shahr. 113 (Haar- 
 
 briicker 171 : Bunan ; Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique 
 
 1874 p. 169: Bennan), Kashi (consistently, e. g., 188', 195 11 ' 
 
 io!96 10 etc.); Iji 344 (also quoted in Dictionary of T-l,),l,'<il 
 
 Terms sub voce) ; Mirza repeatedly; Lubb al-Lubab s.v. ^jl^x.'! 
 (see Appendix s.v. ^-iLuJ! where the editor argues against the 
 form ,jbj). In spite of this consensus, the only correct form, 
 as is apparent from the application of the name p. 61, 1. 17, also 
 
 isBagd. 95V is ^Lo. 
 
 On Baytin's teachings see Makr. 349', 352^; Bagd. 12% 91 a , 
 very elaborately 95 a ; Isfr. 56 a . Most writers ascribe to him 
 the same doctrines as to Mugira. According to Kashi 196, he 
 believed, on the basis of Koran 43, 84, that the God of Heaven 
 
 20 and the God of Earth are two different beings. For a similar 
 doctrine see later p. 127 12 . 2 
 
 - L. 17 ff. The following story is given Tab. II, 1620 
 (anno 119)=IAth. V, 154 in a different presentation. 
 
 [61] 61, 1- 12 f. Ibn Hazrn "most emphatically insists on the 
 25 uncorporeality of God and violently rejects the (Divine) attri- 
 butes," Ki'emer, Ideen p. 39. 
 
 - L. 16. For a very similar example see Text 62, 1. 4. I. II. 
 (Ed. IV, 198 18 ) reports that Ahmad b. Yanush (Ed. has y*.jjL*, 
 see p. 10 30 ) " pretended to be a prophet, maintaining that it was 
 
 so he who was meant by the saying of Allah (Koran 61, 6): 
 'Announcing an apostle who will come after me, whose name 
 will be Ahmad.'" 
 
 1 Whether the application is historically true or not, makes no differ- 
 ence. 
 
 2 -iUuJf .A$5 _yjt who is mentioned Fihr. 180 s among the 
 
 juo has certainly nothing to do with Bayan, as is assumed 
 by the editors in note 5.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 89 
 
 - L. 18. Abu Hashim died in Humeima (Palestine) in 78 [61] 
 or 79, Xawawi, Tahcttb 369; van Vloten, Chiitisme 45. On his 
 alleged concession of the Imamate to the Abbassides see Tab. 
 Ill, 24, 2500; IKhald. I, 360. Van Vloten (ib. 44) is inclined to 
 ascribe to the Hashimiyya the initiative to a systematic Shiitic 5 
 propaganda. However this may be, certain it is that Abu 
 Hashim, who left no children, 1 presents a turning point in the 
 development of Zeiditic or anti-legitimistic Shiism, in the same 
 way as does Ja'far as-Sadik, on account of his numerous children, 
 
 in the history of Imamitic or legitimistic Shiism. 10 
 
 - Note 17. This addition is in keeping with the Zeiditic 
 principle which demands the personal qualification of the Imam, 
 see Text 75, 1. 9. 
 
 62, 1. 1. On Abu Mansur see IKot. 300; JM267; Shahr. [62] 
 135 f. ; Iji 344; Makr. 353 17 ; Bagd. 91% 97 b ; Isfr. 56 b ; particu-is 
 larly van Vloten, Worgers 58. The appellation al-Mustanir, 
 which is not quite clear, does not occur in the other sources. 
 His nickname "al-Kisf " is explained Shahr. 136 in connection 
 with his assumption that he was lifted up to heaven, then hurled 
 downwards and thus became "a fragment falling down from 20 
 heaven." According to Ikd and Shahr. 136* (the later in con- 
 tradiction with himself), Abu Mansur applied this designation 
 to Ali. 
 
 - L. 2. Abu Mansur was by descent (note 3) a member of 
 the 'Ijl to which Mugira attached himself as maula (Text 59 2 ). 25 
 Interesting in this connection is the remark of Ibn Fakih (ed. 
 
 de Goeje), p. 185 15 : j*f. (jj 
 
 "To these 
 
 (the inhabitants of Kufa who pretended to be prophets) belonged 
 Abu Mansur the Strangler (see later, p. 92). He chose for his so 
 friends (?) 2 seven prophets out of the Banu Kureish and seven 
 out of the Banu 'Ijl." Comp. van Vloten, Worgers 58. On 
 the Banu Ijl, see p. 80, note 4. This remark alludes perhaps 
 
 1 Gen. Leyd., which enumerates only the Alides who left offspring, 
 does not enumerate Abu Hashim among the children of Ibn al-Hanafiyya. 
 
 2 Or " favored." The meaning of ^0 is not quite clear. See, however, 
 next note.
 
 90 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [62] to the Karmatian theory of the seven prophets and their substi- 
 tutes (cf. p. 79 6 ). 1 The significant passage Kashi 187 (parallel 
 195) may bear some relation to the subject in question. Ja'far 
 as-Sadik makes the following statement: "Allah revealed in the 
 5 Koran seven (pseudo- prophets?) with their names. The 
 Kureish, however, struck out six and left only Abu Lahab." 
 When subsequently asked about the saying of Allah (Koran 26, 
 221-222): "Shall I inform you of those on whom the Satan* 
 have descended? Descended they have on every sinful liar," 
 
 10 he replied: " They are seven: al-Mugira b. Sa'id, Bunan (see 
 p. 88 8 ), Sa'id an-Nahdi, al-Harith ash-Sha'mi, 'Abdallah b. al- 
 Harith, 2 Hamza b. 'Omara az-Zubeiri 3 and Abii'l-Khattab 
 (p. 112)." Abu Mansur is not mentioned. 
 
 - L. 7. According to Makr. 478 ult., the Jewish sectarian 
 
 15 Abu 'Isa al-Isbahani similarly claimed "that he was lifted up 
 to heaven and the Lord patted him on his head." The early 
 Jewish sects under Arabic dominion show a great many traces 
 which remind one of the early Muhammedan sects, especially 
 those of the Shi 'a. 
 
 20 - L. 9. Curiously enough Kashi 196 relates in the name of 
 a man who had it from Abu Mansur himself that God addressed 
 
 the latter in Persian /**.> \-2- The reading adopted in our text 
 
 (note 8) is confirmed by Shahr. 136 1. 4. 
 
 -L. 10. The "Word" (Logos) is Christ, as he is often 
 
 25 styled in Arabic, Comp. Ed. IV, 197 21 : Ahmad b. Ha'it and 
 
 Ahmad b. Yanush, the pupils of an-Nazzam (see p. 10 f.) " both- 
 
 maintained that the world had two creators : one who is eternal 
 
 1 1 am not certain, however, as to the meaning of the passage. i,j' 
 which is difficult (see preceding note) may signify " to become a maula " 
 
 (see Dozy s. v.). Then the nominative ought to be read: . . 
 
 ,. and the meaning would be the following : Among the pseudo- 
 prophets in Kufa seven attached themselves as maulas to the Kureish 
 and seven to the 'Ijl. The number seven is in any case noteworthy and 
 hardly accidental. See the Index to this treatise s.v. Seven. 
 
 P. 195 &L\ * &JU! tXx . See p. 124^. 
 
 197 8 
 
 Var. on the margin ^Jo^J! ; p. 195' 1 ^cjo Jt ;
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 91 
 
 and this is Allah, and the other one who is created and this is [62] 
 the Word of Allah (xJLJI JL$), Jesus Christ (^A^^-A^!), 
 
 the son of Mary am, through whom he created the world." 
 This distinctly points to Christian influence, whether directly 
 (see the quotation from Bagd. in the next note) or through some 5 
 gnostic medium, must be left open. 
 
 -L. 11. According to Shahr. 134, Mugira b. Sa'id (p. 79 ff.) 
 similarly believed that the shadows of Muhammed and Ali 
 (Bagd. 95^ mentions the shadow of Muhammed only) were 
 created first. Comp. preceding note. This doctrine is called 10 
 "tafwid" and is quoted alongside of "guluww" (Tusy, veiy fre- 
 quently, e. g., Nos. 281, 417, 415, 455 speaks instead of 
 
 ioxX^LM. JjJt). IBab. , Ptikadat 24 a has a special chapter ^ 
 (j*dj..AxJL J.iJ! ^ftj . He defines it as follows : xi! 1 8 JN\ 
 
 ,-j * 
 .. aJJt ,j! JJ.AJ oJUs 
 
 -'^-^^- -- 
 
 .^o 
 
 * -- 
 . aJLM tX. v^jtXS' JLfti Lj'L/ol. LAAA.!. 
 
 Bagd. 98^ states the matter more accurately : ^y> ito^ 
 
 *i 
 
 oJUJI -JtXjl- Masudi III, 266 calls Ahmad b. Ha'it and 
 Ahmad b. Yanush (see preceding page) (ja^/jAJul lol^fl 
 ia^t^J!^ " the adherents of " Tafwid" and Mediators (between 25 
 God and the world)." 
 
 1 On Zurara b. A'yun (died 150) see Tusy 141 ff. He was a favorite of 
 Ja'far as-Sadik, Fihr. 220. (See also Index to this treatise sub voce 
 Zurara.) 
 
 '- See p. 19. jj. apparently stands here for " adherent.''
 
 92 I. Friedlaender, 
 
 [62] At the bottom of this idea lies the Gnostic discrimination 
 
 between the " unoriginated, inconceivable Father" and the 
 
 Word (Logos) emanating from him which is the Demiui'ge ; see 
 
 preceding note and p. 82' ff. See also later, p. 127. 
 
 5 L. 12 f. C.omp. Ed. I, 77". Shahr,. 136 5 expresses it 
 
 negatively *aiLo & ^ <X? 
 This doctrine is probably the reflection of the Clementine con- 
 ception of the True Prophet, see p. 85". It contradicts both 
 Koran and Sunna, which equally insist that Muhammed is the 
 10 last prophet (p. 76 38 ). 
 
 - L. 15. The same is reported of the Khattabiyya, p. 14. 
 
 - L. 18 ff. Ibn Fakih (ed. de Goeje) 185' 5 speaks of " Abu 
 Mansur the Strangler." IKot. 300 says briefly: "to them (the 
 Mansuriyya) belong the Stranglers." Shahr. 136 9 says less 
 
 is distinctly: "his (Abu Mansur's) adherents thought it permissi- 
 ble to kill their opponents and take away their property." 
 Assassination is designated as a peculiarity of the Mugiriyya 
 and Mansuriyya (see Index sub voce Terrorism). Jahiz in 
 his Kitdb al-Hayawdn gives an account of the manners of these 
 
 20 terrorists of the eighth century. He who practised both 
 " strangling " and "skull-breaking " was styled "Jami'," "Com- 
 biner." This extremely curious and interesting passage is 
 reproduced and discussed by van Volten, Worgers in Iraq (in 
 a Dutch article. See List of Cited Works sub voce van Vloten, 
 
 25 Worgers). The Thugs in India, whose beginnings date as far 
 back as the first Muhammedan caliphs, also kill their victims 
 by strangling. 
 
 The theological substructure for this peculiar tenet is sup- 
 plied by I. H., Ed. IV, 171": "The command to do right and 
 
 so the prohibition to do wrong 1 must be carried out with the heart 
 and, if possible, with the tongue. It must not be executed by 
 (employing) the hand nor in any way by drawing the sword or 
 using arms . . . All the Rawafid hold to it, though they all 
 be killed (see the reading of L. Br., Text 63, note 1). But they 
 
 35 believe in it only as long as the "Speaking" (Imam) a does not 
 come foi'th. When he does come forth, then the drawing of 
 swords becomes obligatory. If not, then it is not (obligatory) . . 
 
 1 Koran 3, 100. 106. 110 ; 7, 156, etc. 
 Comp. the Ba^iniyya, p. 112 n. 3.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 93 
 
 Certain sections of the Sunnites, all the Mu'tazilites, all the [62] 
 Khaw&rij and Zeidiyya (corap. Text p. ?5 9 ) are of the opinion 
 that with reference to the command to do right and the pro- 
 hibition to do wrong, the drawing of swords is obligatory, since 
 the repulsion of wrong is impossible without it." See following 5 
 note. 
 
 63, 1. 1 and note 1. The Khashabiyya are connected with [63] 
 the Keisaniyya (ib. note 1) and originated simultaneously with 
 them in the uprising of al-Mukhtar. IKot. 300 thus explains the 
 name : " the Khashabiyya of the Rawafid : Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar 10 
 encountered 'Obeidallah b. Ziyad. The majority of Ibrahim's 
 followers were carrying with them wooden arms (al-khashab). 
 They were, in consequence, called the Khashabiyya." 1 Masudi 
 V, 226 (anno 67) relates that al-Mukhtar "began to go forth every 
 day to fight Mus'ab and those that followed him of the people is 
 of Kufa. Al-Mukhtar (on the other hand) had with him many 
 people of the Shi'a. They were called the Khashabiyya (belong- 
 ing) to the Keisaniyya." Comp. also the notice Agh. VI, 139 
 ( = Tab. II, 1798 4 ): " 'Othman al-Khashabi belonged to the 
 Khashabiyya who were with al-Mukhtar." When Muhallab, 20 
 who fought against al-Mukhtar, was besieging the city of Nisibis 
 which was defended by the Khashabiyya, he thus addressed 
 himself to the inhabitants: " O ye people! Let not these men 
 frighten you. They are only slaves and have in their hands' 
 (nothing but) sticks." (Agh. V, 155; comp. Tab. II, 684 I6 ) 2 25 
 These sticks were designated by a Persian word as oljj -so 
 "the heretic knockers," a name which is characteristic of the 
 
 1 Ikd 269 : " To the Rafida (also belonged) the Huseiniyya. They con- 
 sisted of the adherents of Ibrahim al-Ashtar. They used to march 
 through the lanes of Kufa at night-time and shout : "Revenge f or al- 
 Husein !" Hence they were called the Huseiniyya." Instead of 
 
 Xjy-*.AA^I is most probably to be read &x^&iU (see later). It seems, 
 however, that this reading is not a scribal error but due to the author 
 (or his source) who, neglecting the important detail that they were 
 carrying wooden arms (khashab), brought the name into connection with 
 the war-cry of the party ("Revenge for al-Husein !''). 
 
 2 Comp. Abu'l-Maali 157 
 
 
 - !> "~ i have not found this 
 
 elsewhere.
 
 94 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [63] part played by the Persian element in al-Mukhtar's rebellion. 
 Thus Tab. II, 694 IB (anno 66) relates that the Khashabiyya 
 who arrived in Mekka to liberate Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya 
 (comp. 693 4 ) entered the Holy Mosque, carrying with them the 
 5 " heretic knockers" and shouting: " On to the revenge for al- 
 Husein!" 1 The Kafir-kubat occur also later in the rebellion 
 of Abu Muslim (see the quotation in de Goeje, Bibliotheca 
 Geogr. Arabic. IV, 278) and as late as anno 257 (lAth. VII, 
 
 99 5 ). 2 
 10 The name Khashabiyya, it seems, never came into general 
 
 use. It is often written JUAxa. and, in consequence of the war 
 cry of this party (revenge for al-Husein\}, also au.ixAfc^.; see 
 the variants in Tab., van Vloten, Workers, and Ikd (Comm. 
 93, n. 1). 
 
 is Originally the name was probably meant to convey a social 
 contrast. It indicated the Mawali as "men of the sticks," that 
 is, as poor devils who could not afford to equip themselves with 
 proper arms (Wellhausen, Opp. 80). But it seems that this 
 social aspect of the name was early forgotten and the name 
 
 20 assumed a religious coloring. It is frequently used to designate 
 the Keisaniyya. Thus Agh. XI, 47: "It was Khindif al- 
 Asadi (cf. Comm. 42 5 , where "Khandak" is incorrect) who 
 converted Kuthayyir to the Khashabiyya doctrine (y^tfcXx) 
 auAA^U)." Kuthayyir was a typical representative of the 
 
 25 Keisaniyya. 
 
 This peculiar idea which makes the use of arms dependent 
 on the arrival of the Mahdi stands in a remarkable contrast to the 
 Messianic conception of the Prophets (Is. 2, 4; Micah 4, 3). 
 Perhaps it reflects the Messianic belief of post-biblical Judaism 
 
 so (adopted also by orthodox Islam), according to which the arrival 
 
 1 The same lAth. IV, 207, where the variant ci>U5lil5sJ! *$JLX> 
 is to be preferred. lAth. denies that the poor equipment gave rise to 
 the name. He gives a different interpretation to the incident. " They 
 were called Khashabiyya, because on entering Mekka they carried 
 sticks, being reluctant to display swords in the Holy District." Tab., 
 however, (II, 695 3 ) reports that they threatened Ibn az-Zubeir with their 
 swords. 
 
 2 De Goeje in the glossary to Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, 
 ibidem, maintains tha.t the word is an anachronism at so early a period 
 as al-Mukhtar. But the general role of the Persian element in that 
 movement and the passage in Tab. confirm the genuineness of the name.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the 8hiites, etc. 95 
 
 of the Messiah will be connected with a series of bloody wars. [63] 
 At any rate, among the parallels between the Jews and the Rawa- 
 fid put into. the mouth of ash-Sha'bl (Ikd 269, Comm. p. 19' 8 ) 
 appears also the following comparison : "The Jews say, there shall 
 be no fighting for the sake of God until the Messiah, the Expected 5 
 One, goes forth and a herald from heaven proclaims (his arrival). 
 The Ran* da say, there is no fighting for the sake of Allah until 
 the Mahdi goes forth and a rope 1 descends from heaven." 
 
 In view of the religious character assigned to the use of wooden 
 weapons, we may, with all due reserve, call attention to the utter- 10 
 ance of Ibn Saba recorded by Jahiz (Comm. 43 16 ) that Ali " would 
 not die till he would drive you with his stick," the more so, as, 
 quite independently of Jiihiz, Zeid. (Comm. 42") reports the 
 same form of the Shiitic belief "that Ali is alive and has not 
 died, but will drive the Arabs and Persians with his stick." ^> 
 Perhaps it is not accidental that Kuthayyir, who was a Khashabi 
 (see before) an'd had just returned from a visit to the neighbor- 
 hood of ar-Radwa, which in the belief of the Keisaniyya was 
 the hiding place of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, "appeared before 
 us leaning on a stick" (Agh. VIII, 33). 2 20 
 
 - L. 2. On Hisham and his book see Text 74 22 and Comm. 
 65 ff. 
 
 - L. 6. Extremely remarkable is the statement that these 
 adepts of Terror did not even spare one another. But the 
 reason given for it and the solemn assurance of Hisham's trust- 25 
 worthiness leave no doubt as to the meaning of the passage. 
 
 - L. 8. It is, of course, the fifth of the spoil originally to 
 be delivered to the Prophet, Koran VIII, 42. The Karmatian 
 leader Abu Tahir and his successors still were in the habit of 
 delivering this tax to 'Ubeidallah, whom they considered their 30 
 Imam, de Goeje, Carmathes, p. 82. 
 
 64, 1. 4. Most sources quoted p. 89 M f . state that Abu Man- [64] 
 sur laid claim to the Imamate only when Muhammed b. Ali 
 (al-Bakir) had died (in 117). 
 
 -L. 6. On Bazig see Shahr. 137; Iji 346; Makr. 352'. 35 
 His name appears among those of other sectarians Kashi 196, 
 
 1 V_>XA*> JyAJ; ? " Rope "gives no sense. Perhaps _>.*.* has here the 
 
 meaning recorded Dozy s.v. : " Introducteur," the person who introduces 
 one to the Caliph : The herald announcing the arrival of the Mahdi? 
 9 See on this passage p. 25 n. 2.
 
 96 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [64] 197. 196: (sic) &JjJ; v57*^S ^^ ^' 197: Ja ' far a ?~ 
 Sadik curses ^UarLl L?f^ ^v*J^ (sic) L*rV? 
 
 i**? ( s i) ^-?j (sic) 
 
 On some of these heretics see Comm. p. 90' and Index. 
 5 "When Ja'far was told that Bazig had been killed, he exclaimed: 
 "Praise be unto Allah! There is surely nothing better for 
 
 these Mugiriyya (read Jo*.AJLJf instead of SyAi+JI) than to be 
 killed, for they will never repent." (Kashi 197.) 
 
 On the variants of the name see Text here note 8 and 34 n. 7. 
 
 10 Ed. I, 112 ult. reads /*.-?:? Shahr. ascribes to him the inter- 
 esting view that a man who has attained to perfection cannot 
 be said to have died. 1 Probably in connection with this belief 
 he claimed that the best among his adherents had been raised 
 to the dignity of angels, Iji. His profession is mentioned 
 
 is only here and Ed. I, 112 ult. The weaver's trade was con- 
 sidered highly degrading, see Ferazdak ed. Boucher 211 10 f. ; 
 Wellhaiisen, Opp. 62 n. 3. The same view is held by the 
 Rabbis. Tosefta 'Eduyoth I, 2 it is designated as the lowest 
 trade in the world. 
 
 20 - Note 10. See p. 55 16 . 
 
 - L. 9. Mu'ammar appears again Text 69' 4 . For this 
 reason the reading of L. Br. (note 11) seems preferable. On 
 Sari al-Aksam (with broken front teeth) I have found nothing 
 except the bare mention of his name Kashi 196, 197 (see this page 
 
 25!. 1 f.). In his stead the other sources enumerate as one of the 
 
 sects of the Khattabiyya s^-^a ^ai*, Shahr. 137 and 
 others. 
 
 L. 10. 'Omeir at-Tabban is no doubt identical with /-V*-^ 
 
 i^kJt ,jLo ^ Bagd. 98 a ; Isfr. 58 a ; Makr. 352 12 ; Shahr. 137; 
 
 30 Iji 346 (the latter ^jLo instead of (j^f^, comp. p. 88 5 ). Most 
 probably {j\-& ^J (or ^Lo ^j) is only another reading for 
 
 which is confirmed by the alchemistic utterance 1. 12-13, 
 1 Comp. Text 69 n , Comm. 72 31 , 113".
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 97 
 
 not recorded elsewhere. Note the expression "this straw. "[64] 
 That he was an 'Ijlite is significant in view of p. 79 34 ff. 
 According to Makr., the ' Omeiriyya erected a special tent in 
 Kufa for the worship of Ja'far as-Sadik, see later p. 107. 
 
 65. 1- 1- This contradicts Shahr.'s and Makr.'s statement 5 
 that he was killed by Yazid b. 'Omar b. Hubeira (Makr. Jojj [65] 
 .-:*-* ^j), the governor of 'Irak under al-Mansur. 
 
 - L. 3. The same number is recorded in the other sources. 
 There is, however, a difference as regards the sects which con- 
 stitute this number. I. H. apparently counts as follows : 10 
 1) Mugira, 2) Abu Mansur, 3) Bazig, 4) Mu'ammar or, perhaps 
 more correctly, Sari (p. 96'" 3 ), 5) Omeir. The other writers, 
 including Bagd. and Isfr., count the Mugiriyya and Mansuriyya 
 apart and enumerate as the five sects of the Khattabiyya: 
 i) the Khattabiyya proper, then the followers of 2) Bazig, 15 
 3) Mu'ammar, 4) Mufaddal (p. 96 26 ) and 5) 'Omeir. 
 
 - Note 2. The notice, preserved only in L. Br., refers to 
 the event related Tab. Ill, 2217 13 ff. (anno 289). The Kar- 
 matian missionary Zikrweih b. Mihrweih endeavors to win over 
 the Kelbites. He sends to them his son Yahya. But no one 20 
 joined him "except the clan known as the Banu 'l-'Uleis 1 b. 
 Damdanr b. 'Adi b. Janab 3 and their clients. They swore 
 allegiance towards the end of 289 ... to Zikrweih's son whose 
 name was Yahya and whose Kunya Abu '1-Kasim." Comp. de 
 Goeje, Carmath.es, p. 48; Istakhri 23 2 =IHaukal 29 19 ; de Sacy25 
 ecu; Fihr. 187 n. 10. Yahya pretended to be a certain well- 
 known Alide. But it is not settled which Alide he tried to 
 impersonate. Tugj (1. 5 of note 2) was the governor of Damas- 
 cus. I connect this sentence with the notice Tab. Ill, 2219": 
 "The cause of his (Yahya's) death, according to some reports, 30 
 was that one of the Berbers struck him with a short spear 4 and 
 
 a torch bearer 5 followed him who threw fire at him and burned 
 
 1 lAth. VII, 353 reads jo.xJL:s ; Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen II, 506, 
 Kaliss. 
 
 - See the variants Tab. ib. 
 
 3 lAtli. v_ jlx^., comp. the reading of L. Janab, Wustenfeld, 
 Tab3llen 2-' 6 . On 'Adi b. Janab see Wustenfeld, Register p. 266, Lubb 
 
 al-Litbdb s.v. 
 
 4 See Glossary to Tab. s.v. 
 
 5 See ib. s.v. JeLai . 
 
 VOL. xxix. 7
 
 98 J. Friedlaender, [1908 
 
 J 
 
 [65] him." The construction ^si-b ^j.* is rather hard, for it is 
 
 VHP 
 
 scarcely probable that it stands here, as it often does in later 
 Arabic, as the exponent of the passive and signifies (burned) by 
 Tugj. Read *x> (in his encounter) with Tugj ? 
 
 5 - Note 2, 1. 10. On the Zenj see Tab. Ill, 1742 ff. (anno 
 255); Kremer, Ideen 195 f., 386. A graphic account of this 
 movement is given by Noldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, 
 p. 146 ff. Opinions differ as to the person of the Alide he 
 pretended to represent, comp. Masudi VIII, 31 ; Tab. 1742 11 , 
 
 101743. 1746". IKhald. I, 361 summarily states that he traced 
 back his origin to 'Isa b. Zeid, the son of Zeid b. 'All, the 
 founder of the Zeidiyya. 
 
 - L. 4. The reading of Ed. Y. (note 3) is correct (Gold- 
 ziher). ihen "those" would not refer to the Khattabiyya 
 
 15 mentioned immediately before, as they are not connected with 
 the Abbassides, but in general to those "who admit prophecy 
 after the Prophet," p. 56 1 . 
 
 - L. 6. The reading of L. Br. (note 4) stands quite isolated. 
 The correct pronunciation is Khidash; see Taj al-^Arus sub hac 
 
 20voce: 
 
 JC ji,tXi>j \^>^ o-:Oi.Xi>- . Comp. van Vloten, 
 Chiitisme, p. 49: "Khidache (de la racine Khadacha ' dechirer 
 avec les ongles,' puisqu'il dechira la religion)." Kremer, 
 Ideen p. 11, who quotes I. H., writes incorrectly "Chaddasch."- 
 
 25 'Ammar was executed in a most barbarous manner by Asad b. 
 'Abdallah in the year 118, Tab. II, 1588 9 . This 'Ammar is not, 
 
 ' at least is not meant to be, identical with 'Ammar al-'Ibadi Avho 
 was also a missionary of the Abbassides and was similarly 
 killed by Asad in 108, Tab. II, 1492.' 
 
 so - L. 12. On 'Abdallah b. Saba see p. 18 f. 
 
 - L. 13 ff. The incident is reported in all sources, see the 
 quotations later. Kashi offers several details which are not 
 recorded elsewhere. They numbered ten persons and were 
 
 1 The latter passage strangely contradicts Tab.'s account, p. 1488 (anno 
 107), according to which 'Ammar alone saved himself, while the others 
 perished.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc, 99 
 
 standing at the gate. When they had been let in to Ali, they [65] 
 said to him : " We maintain that thou art our Lord and- that thou 
 art he who created us and who gives us sustenance" (Kashi 48, 
 parallel p. 198). According to another version (p. 72), they were 
 
 seventy gypsies (JtoCJI). The tendency of all these stories is plain : 5 
 they are intended as a protest against the later " Exaggerators " 
 by showing that Ali himself rejected them. It can be easily 
 understood why the orthodox Shiites who were often made 
 responsible for the extravagance of the Gulat were so very 
 anxious to circulate these stories condemning the Gulat. 10 
 
 66, 1. 1 f. " Thou art Allah "; also Makr. 352"; Iji 343 with- [66] 
 out the preliminary " Thou art He " (1. 1); Kashi 70 j& ool, 
 72 y oot oot; Shahr. 132 more pointedly ool ^J>\ "Thou 
 art Thou," which reminds one somewhat of the Hindoo "Tat 
 twam asi." 15 
 
 r I w I c 
 
 - L. 5. The same Isfr. 54" : aJ aot SuLuLi! ^ U+Jle. 
 
 - L. 7. The verse is also quoted Kashi 48 and with vari- 
 ants 49. Bagd. 94 <T (similarly Isfr. 55'') quotes another locus 
 probans and gives a somewhat different version of this auto- 20 
 
 da-fe: 
 
 * 
 
 U^.i dUJ> Jl lrt>^ !^[ xS! *.CX ^x^ x-o c *J AAJ ^ 
 
 -olj 
 
 ^ ^ r? r 1 13t # ^ 
 
 According to Kashi 72, Ali killed the seventy gypsies (see 
 before) in a most ingenious manner by throwing them into a 
 number of pits which were connected through holes. Then the 
 pits were closed and smoke was let in through one of them, so so 
 that they were all choked. 
 
 - L. 10. Kanbar is designated as a servant ([i>L=>.) of Ali, 
 TaMib 514; Tab. I, 3257 (^)- He acts as such Kashi 48,
 
 100 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [66] 198. Tdj al-'Artis sub voce /.-*-*j', and Suyuti, Tarikh 159, call 
 him a maula of AH. He was wounded in the attack on Otlimaii, 
 Tab., ib. ; Suyuti, ib. 
 
 L. 11. All the authorities quoted throughout this treatise 
 sand a great many other writers equally attest that Ali burned 
 some of those who held "exaggerated" notions about him. 
 Most of them connect these " exaggerators " with Abdallah b. 
 Saba. 1 In spite of this consensus N of opinion, the historical 
 character of this narrative is more than doubtful. The histori- 
 
 icans proper (Tabari, Masudi, lAth. and the minor ones) are 
 silent on this point. The fact of an auto-da-fe at so early a 
 period is in itself extremely unlikely. The tendency of the story 
 is unmistakable (see p. 99"), and the way it is connected with 
 Ibn Saba is satisfactorily explained when we remember the pecu- 
 
 15 liar role assigned to this man and his sect by the Muhammedan 
 theologians. Being a Jew, Ibn Saba was made the scapegoat 
 for all the subsequent heresies in Islam. The name Saba'iyya 
 became synonymous with radical heresy and was applied to 
 heretics who lived long after 'Abdallah b. Saba.' Shahr.'s 
 
 20 account on Ibn Saba, is almost entirely a projection of later 
 doctrines on the founder of Shiism. It is therefore natural 
 that he should figure in an execution of heretics by Ali. 
 
 I regard this story as an anticipation of the frequent execu- 
 tions of Shiitic sectarians by Khalid al-Kasri and his successor 
 
 25 Yusuf b. 'Omar. Ikd 267 characteristically, though uncon- 
 sciously, states this relation: " al-Mugira b. Sa'd (read Sa'id, 
 see p. 79 74 ) was one of the Saba'iyya whom Ali burned at the 
 stake.": Mugira, however, was burned by Khalid as late as 119. 
 Similarly IKot. 300, who mentions Mugira immediately after 
 
 30 'Abdallah b. Saba and designates him as a Saba'i. 
 
 A striking parallel to our incident and perhaps its prototype 
 is Tab.'s account (III, 418) on the Rawandiyya who worshipped 
 the Caliph al-Mansilr. " They came forward shouting to Abu 
 
 1 See, e. g., IKot. 300; Ikd 267. According to Kashi 70, Ali burned 
 'Abdallah himself. This, however, is contradicted by all other sources 
 as well as by the facts, see p. 43. 
 
 2 Thus al-Kelbi (died 146) is designated as an adherent ( ( _^s.Lo) of Ibn 
 Saba, IKhall. No. 645. p. 26. See Comm. 25". The same is the case 
 
 .with Mugira (d. 119), see this page 1. 30. Cf. Wellhausen, Opp. 12 n. 1.
 
 Yol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 101 
 
 Ja'far (al-Mansilr) : 'Thou art Thou!' (The narrator) says: [66] 
 he (al-Mansur) himself came out against them and fought 
 them. While they were fighting, they came forward crying: 
 ' Thou art Thou !' " The origin of the Rawandiyya which 
 points to Khorasan (see p. 123 6 ) 1 and the time to which the inci- 5 
 dent is assigned strongly support the historicity of Tab.'s account. 
 
 - L. 15 f. The temptation of Jesus consisted in the 
 "guluww" of the Apostles, i. e., in their belief in his divinity 
 (comp. p. 16 31 ). The Prophet himself is reported to have com- 
 pared Ali with Jesus who fell a victim to the love of the 10 
 Christians and the hatred of the Jews (ZDMG. 38, 391). " As 
 for the Rfifida, they strongly exaggerate concerning Ali; some 
 of them follow the doctrines of the Christians concerning 
 Christ. They are the Saba'iyya, the followers of 'Abdallah b. 
 Sabfi, Allah's curse on them." (Ikd 267). 2 More thoughtfully IB 
 is this relation between the Ultra-Shiitic and the Christian 
 doctrines stated by IKhald. I, 358: "The Gulat have trans- 
 gressed the limits of reason and religion by assuming the 
 
 divinity of these Imams. As for Ali, he (read xiLs) is (con- 
 sidered by them) a human being which has assumed the attri- 20 
 butes of the Deity and (they believe) that God has embodied 
 himself in his human (corporeal) essence. This is the doctrine 
 of Incarnation which corresponds to the teachings of the Chris- 
 tians concerning Jesus." 
 
 - L. 17. The sect named in the following is considered an 25 
 outgrowth of the Saba'iyya because it shares with the latter 
 the deification of Ali. The Saba'iyya is the Alidic sect KO.T 
 eoxr?v. Cf. Text 45 1 f., 65" f. 
 
 - L. 18. Apart from JLoLuLe., the readings aujL-Le. and 
 aUjlAXc. are frequently found, see Text n. 7, Masudi III, 265 and so 
 the references to be quoted presently. The founder of this 
 
 sect is called Makr. 353 26 J^uu _**<XJ! clxj ,.jj 
 ^^AA/Yt. Shahr. 134, however, (sic) _**^<XM pK3 ^3 
 
 1 See Kremer, Ideen. p. 377. The general Afshin (under Mu'tasim) did 
 not interfere with the inhabitants of the province Osrushna who styled 
 him "Khoda" (God), Dozy. Isl. p. 231. 
 
 2 As-Sayyid composed a poem in which he protests against calling Ali 
 a " son of God," ib.
 
 102 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 1 The 'Ulyaniyya are designated as Dam- 
 miyya ("the Blamers," Shahr., Makr.) because they blamed 
 Muhammed for having usurped the dignity to which All was 
 entitled. The 'Ulyaniyya, in particular, preferred Ali to 
 5 Muhammed, claiming that Muhammed was Ali's apostle. See 
 also Bagd. 98*. 
 
 - L. 19. This Ishjik is most probably identical with ( 
 
 cX.,sx/o ^.j , who frequently figures in Agh. as a nar- 
 rator of biographical stories from the life of as-Sayyid al- 
 
 loHimyari, 2 e. g., VII, 2 penult., 9^, 11, etc. 3 Shahr. 133 f., 
 Iji 21 and 348 he appears, independently of the 'Ulyaniyya, as 
 the representative of a special sect which is called after him the 
 Ishakiyya and is closely related to the oSTuseiriyya (p. 127 19 ). 
 De Sacy II, 593 quotes besides a sect called Hamrawiyya, which 
 
 is he rightly connects with this Ishak whose by-name was al- 
 Ahmar. On his book and the following passage in general see 
 later." 
 
 [67] 67,1- Iff- The Muhammadiyya 6 who believe in the divinity of 
 Muhammed are the counterpart of the 'Ulyaniyya who believe 
 
 20 in the divinity of Ali. The literary champions of the Muham- 
 madiyya are al-Bhnki and al-Fayyad, while Ishak b. Muham- 
 med represents the other party. Shahr. and Makr. spe.ak of 
 the two sects but allusively. Thus Shahr., in speaking of the 
 Ilba'iyya (= 'Ulyaniyya, see p. 101 29 ), makes the following 
 
 25 remark: "Among them are such who believe in the divinity of 
 both (Ali as well as Muhammed), but they give the preference 
 
 1 Comp. Goldziher, ZDMG. 50, 120. 
 
 2 Like all Rawis, his name is missing in the index of Agh. 
 
 3 Kashi 167 15 quotes him as authority for an account on n discussion 
 between the Barmekide Vizier Yahya b. Khalid and Hisham b. al- 
 Hakam. 
 
 4 As he appears in connection, with the Keisanite as-Sayyid, we may 
 identify him with Ishak b. 'Omar who is mentioned Abu 'l-Maa.H 158 
 as the founder of the Ishakiyya, one of the four Keisanite sects. There 
 is no evidence, however, for his identity with a certain Ishak who acts 
 in Transoxania as an agitator for Abu Muslim, Fihr. 344 30 , as is con- 
 fidently assumed p. 180 ib. 
 
 5 Not to be confounded with the Muhammadiyya, as those who believe 
 in the Imamate of Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan, 
 Text 43 1 and 60 10 , are designated by Bagd. 17 b , 97 ft and Isfr. 12 a .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the /Shiites, etc. 103 
 
 to AH in matters divine. They are called the 'Ainiyya. [67] 
 There are among them such who believe in the divinity of both 
 but give the preference to Muhammed as regards divinity. 
 They are called the Mimiyya." 'Ain and Mim are apparently 
 the initials for Ali and Muhammed respectively. The name 5 
 Muhammadiyya I find only here and Masudi V, 475, VII, 118 
 (referring to his Sirr al-Hayat), III, 265. The latter passage 
 has an immediate bearing on our subject and is possibly the 
 source of I. II.'s account. I reproduce the passage in transla- 
 tion: Certain heretics quote a poem by al-' Abbas in confirma-io 
 tion of their guluww. "This is mentioned by a number of 
 their writers and their cleverest critics, out of the sects of the 
 Muhammadiyya, the 'Ilbaniyya (see p. 101 30 ) and others. One of 
 them, Isliak b. Muhammed an-Nakha'i, known as al-Ahmar, 
 (did it) in his book entitled ' as-Sirat. ' It is also mentioned 15 
 by al-Fayyad b. Ali b. Muhammed b. al-Fayyad (see Text, 
 p. 67, note 2) in his book known as 'al-Kustas,' in his refuta- 
 tion of the book 'as-Sirat.' It is further mentioned by the 
 (man) known under the name of an-Nahkin! (? see Text, p. 66, 
 note 9) in his refutation of the book entitled 'as-Sirat. '20 
 These (two men) belong to the Muhammadiyya. They refuted 
 this book (of Ishak) which was (written) according to the doc- 
 trine of the 'Ilbaniyya." 
 
 - L. 6. The name of the Katib is Ali b. Muhammed b. al- 
 Fayyad (note 2). I have found no reference to him elsewhere, 25 
 except the superscription to al-Buhtuii's poem (see later). 
 Ishak b. Kandaj died 279. ['Abdallah Text 67 is oversight.] 
 
 - L. 9. Al-Walid b. 'Obeid at-Ta'i al-Buhtur! lived 205- 
 284, Bi-ockelmann I, 80. The verse quoted by I. H. is found 
 in al-Buhturi's Divan, ed. Constantinople (1300 A ), vol. II, p. 86. 30 
 
 The Kasida is headed +. . 
 
 (another poem, I, 23 is headed jjo^ft! ^j ~^.-. 5)- The 
 verse is the beginning of a nasib. 
 
 - L. 11. Guweir is a drinking place of the Kelb between 
 'Irak and Syria, Yakut III, 827. Bekri, Geographical Diction- 35 
 ary, ed. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen 1876/7, p. 703, pronounces the 
 
 name -j.iJf .
 
 104 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [67] - L. 16. AbiVl-Husein al-Kasim b. 'Abdallah (or 'Ubeidal- 
 lah) died during the reign of Muktafi in 291, only over thirty 
 years old. He is described as being very bloodthirsty, IKhall. 
 No. 474. The fact recorded by I. H. al-Fayyad's execution 
 5 at the hands of al-Kasim is not found in any other source at 
 my disposal. 
 
 [68] 68, 1. 1 f. " Adam " here apparent!} 7 stands for the "original 
 
 man," the *J.J>J Iy jw*i of the Manicha?ans, the 
 
 of the Cabbala, see Louis Ginzberg in Jew. JSnct/cl., vol. I, s.v. 
 
 10 Adam Kadmon. Shahr. 114 ascribes to Bay an (p. 88 16 ) the 
 belief that Adam possessed a "Divine particle" which made 
 him worthy of the worship, of the angels. A similar concep- 
 tion the " Divine Element" inherent in Adam as the immedi- 
 ate creation of God, passing through the pious descendants <>1' 
 
 15 Adam to Jacob and through him to the Jewish nation is the 
 basis of Jehuda Halevi's (twelfth century) philosophical system 
 in his Kusari (Book I, 47, 95). From Adam to Muhammed 
 there were seven prophets (comp. p. 127' 5 ). This number of 
 prophets occurs very frequently in connection with Shiitic sects, 
 
 20 see p. 89 f . ; p. 79 6 (the Karmatians); p. 127 (the Nuseirivya) ; 
 Blochet 56 (the Isma'iliyya). The origin of this conception goes 
 back to the Pseudo-Clementines, see p. 8o 26 ff. 
 
 L. 5. It is possible that here, too, the number seven is 
 intended. Ja'fai is the seventh prophet beginning with 
 
 25 Muhammed. Zeid. fol. 104 :i designates as Rawah'd pure 
 
 S 
 
 and simple those who pass the Imamate down to Ja'far: 
 
 AJ' au.o J| (j! ^-*^ <Xfr^Vx> ^J r**-?* ^ *<y?-'' fjOli J>f 
 [V$&j *" Ja'far as-Sadik occupies a central position 
 
 among the Shi'a. He is called cKw ***.?> "the Great Ja'far" 
 
 / 
 
 so by the Persian theologians (Blochet 53, note 1) and his name 
 permanently figures in Shiitic literature as authority for every- 
 thing that bears on religious doctriue. He was also highly 
 esteemed by the Sunna. Typical of this unique position of 
 
 Ja'far is the anecdote told by Isfr. fol. 16": ^ 
 
 ^ *> 

 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 105 
 
 |JCI ^J v^U |VJ JUi GU5 LJ vJI^ U^y oJlS 'UL^i 
 
 ^ -a- , # e > 
 
 is xo J<. LJ5 f 6J. a 
 
 Jjj' ao! (sic) (jyyij ~Jj-..ejJ U-ui (sic) 
 
 ' -* & <^t cJ 
 AX. &AJ! (Ms. ^jtXAAJ) ^.tXAJwa-j *-^y** (V^-- o>-fc* 
 
 '! 
 
 The purpose of this Sunnitic invention is plain. It is meant 
 to ridicule the constant references of the Shiites to the authority 10 
 of Ja'far (see the passages in the Index to this treatise s.v. 
 Ja'far). But it also shows the great esteem in which Ja'far 
 was held even by the orthodox. 
 
 The knowledge of mystic lore with which the Shiites credit 
 all their Imams is attributed in even a higher degree to Ja'far. 15 
 Zeid. 101 & defines this belief in the omniscience of the Imams 
 
 in the followin characteristic manner: .x> .jix^ Jli' 
 
 j * 
 
 y 
 
 L.*Jt 3 Lo. ^i^JI xa.jLv.JI 
 
 .(read 
 
 It is interesting to note that the more moderate among the 
 Shiites oppose this extravagant belief in Ja'far's omniscience 
 and they quote Ja'far himself as indignantly protesting against 
 it. When Ja'far was told that people believed that he knew 25 
 
 1 See page 56' 23 f . 
 
 1 ,v\ with the by-meaning of "telling a lie," see Goldziher, Muh. St. 
 
 II, 51.
 
 106 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [08] "hidden things" (^AiJf), he passionately exclaimed: "Praise 
 unto Allah! Put thy hand on my head! By Allah, there is 
 not a single hair on my body which does not stand on edge!" 
 (Kashi 196). 
 
 5 An outgrowth of this conception is the peculiar belief in the 
 existence of a mystic book called " Jafr" containing a record of 
 all past and future events "from Creation to Resurrection", ' 
 the authorship of which was assigned to Ja'far. This mysteri- 
 ous volume with the mysterious name 2 plays an important part 
 
 10 in the development of the Shi'a. See on this book, de Goeje, 
 Garmathes 115 f., van Vloten, Chiitisme, 54 f., IKhald. II, 184 f . 
 Bagd's remarks on the subject (fol. 99*) are worthy of repro- 
 
 duction : K-ftxs* ! OM..CX 
 
 15 (Ms. ^yAJ. Jij zu 
 
 XAJ L/C 
 
 
 " "! a f "- 
 
 ..ydi' J1 ^ji *.J 
 
 1 Comp. Blochet, p. 13. There was a white and a red "Jafr," ib. 
 
 2 IKhald. II, 184 maintains that "Jafr" signifies dialectically " small " 
 and that the book was so called because it was written on the hide of a 
 small (young) ox. According to Taj al-'Arus, the word signifies sheep 
 in the first few months of life. Neither explanation is in any way satis- 
 factory. The real meaning of the word was evidently early forgotten. 
 Van Vloten, Chiitisme, p. 56, note 6 is inclined to regard it as a foreign 
 word and to connect it with Greek ypatyri. I am rather inclined to think 
 that Jafr is merely a variation of Ja'far to whom it is assigned. [I have 
 since noticed that Goldziher, Shi'a, p. 456 n. 5, incidentally gives the 
 same explanation.] 
 
 3 See Text, p. 68, 1. 6. 
 
 4 Comp. Makr. 352 16 . 
 
 6 The verses are quoted anonymously IKhall. No. 419. The authorship 
 of Harun b. Sa'd (Kashi 151, Sa'id) is rather precarious, for it is he who 
 is mentioned IKhald. II, 184 as the Rawi of this book. (He is designated 
 in the same passage as the head of the Zeidiyya.)
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 107 
 
 - L. 8 ff. The episode presupposes the allegorical method [68] 
 of Koran interpretation current in Shiitic circles which explains 
 the religioiis prohibitions as the names of persons and brings 
 all religious commands in relation to the Imam, see Text, p. 35, 
 and Comm. p. 14' ff. It is obvious that the Hajj precept, if for 5 
 no other than political reasons, had to succumb to the same 
 allegorical transformation 1 and to become a mere "going to the 
 Imam" (Text, p. 35 11 ). Accordingly, the Gulat of Kufa arrange 
 a regular hajj to Ja'far with all due requisites, including attire 
 and religious exclamations (Labbaika Ja'far, 1. 10). An inter- 10 
 esting parallel to this story is the incident related Agh. XV, 
 121. The Ja'fariyya (as is evident from XIX, 58, identical with 
 the Mugiriyya, the adherents of Mugira b. Sa'id, Comm. p. 80) 
 rebelled against Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri, the wall of Kufa 
 (Comm. 79 36 ), "and they came out in short trousers, 2 shouting: 15 
 'with thee ("labbaika") o Ja'far! with thee, o Ja'far! '" At first 
 sight one might feel inclined to identify the two stories. But 
 chronological considerations stand in the way of this identifica- 
 tion. For the rebellion of Mugira took place in 119 (Tab. II, 
 
 1 How anxious the Shiitic leaders were to abolish the hajj to Mekka, 
 the center of Sunnitic Islam, can be inferred from the pregnant utter- 
 ance of Abu Ja'far at-Tusi (the author of List of Shy'ah books, died 
 
 459/1 060) quoted by Mirza, fol. 65 b : ^ g-grv .y. . 
 
 ( read 
 
 aJLJ! 
 
 ,.2* 
 
 X-U! wd X. \ ** U>J > 
 
 
 ) " ~ ' 
 
 2 ( .wAjLo pi. of ,jlxi' small breeches " without legs such as to conceal 
 
 the anterior and posterior pudenda" (Lane), indeed a sort of sanscu- 
 lottes. It was the dress of the Mawali, van Vloten, Chiitisme, p. 70, 
 
 note 2. Prof. Noldeke is inclined to take it as the plural of ^Qj' and 
 to translate (^^AAJ! \Jjy~ ^=) ^xAlxJ! ^: "on the market of 
 the Strawdealers."
 
 108 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [68] 1619 f.), while the story related in our text plays in the begin- 
 ning of the Abbasside period. Wellhausen, Opp. 97, note 1 is 
 sceptical with reference to the hajj incident told in Agh. But 
 it is not only supported by I. H.'s account. The general character 
 s of the Ultra-Shiitic tenets makes an incident of this sort quite 
 probable. 
 
 - L. 11. Abu Bekr Ibn 'Ayash died in 193, lAth. VII, 153 ; 
 
 t*- ~ 
 Dahabi, Huffaz VI, 20. ' The words J^A** *4xJI Joj! .-3U 
 
 + - . * \ y ^* 
 
 I take (with a great deal of reserve) to indicate that he remem- 
 lobers the incident so vividly, as if it were before his eyes. 
 Ibn 'Ayash probably narrated the incident long after it passed. 
 He died 193, while 'Isa b. Musa, who fought against the secta- 
 rians, died in 167. 
 
 - L. 17. See Comm. 19 32 . Muhammed b. Isma'il is the 
 15 seventh Imam beginning with Adam, de Goeje, Carmathes 168; 
 
 comp. Comm. p. 104. 
 
 - L. 19. Al-Hasan b. Bahrain was the head of the Kur- 
 matians of Bahrein. He was killed by his servant in 301, 
 
 IKhall. No. 186, p. 122; Tab. Ill, 2291. The reading ^^ 
 
 20 (n. 6) is found elsewhere, see de Goeje, Carmathes 111, note 3. 
 
 The name al-Jannabi comes from Jannaba, a small place on 
 
 the coast of the Persian Gulf, opposite the island Kharak, 
 
 Yakut II, 122. IKhall. ibidem and No. 650, p. 40, maintains 
 
 that Jannaba is a place near Bahrein. Yakut, however, brands 
 
 25 this assumption as a gross error. 
 
 - Note 7. The form -**$ as given in Codd. does not neces- 
 sarily represent the consonants KSR. The middle letter may 
 stand for a great many combinations of consonants with dia- 
 critical points which it is impossible to make out. The man 
 
 30 himself is no doubt identical with " the Isbahanian," de Goeje, 
 Carmathes 129 ff. He managed to pass as a saint in the eyes 
 of Abu Tahir, the son of Abu Sa'id (see preceding note), who 
 believed in him and paid him Divine honors. He carried him 
 about in a tent so as to hide him from the graze of the multi- 
 
 1 lAth., who gives the exact pronunciation, has no Tashdid. Yet, 
 
 is frequently found, see, e. g., Tab. Ill, 2508 1 . Goldziher, 
 Zahiriten, p. 3, writes " "Ajas," the same ZDMG. 50, 492 " 'Ajjas."
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 109 
 
 tude (Arib, p. 162). Ultimately, however, he was found out [68] 
 and then killed by Abil Tahir's sons. lAth. VIII, 263 f. places 
 these events in 326, de Goeje in 319. The same man is unques- 
 tionably identical with "the Isbahanian," briefly mentioned by 
 Ibn Adhari, ed. Dozy I, 232: "Abu 'Obeid (read Abu 5 
 Sa'id) al-Jannabi . . . advocated publicly adultery, unnatural 
 vice, lying, wine drinking and the omission of prayer. Simi- 
 
 larly to it acted the Isbahanian ( _j$XAo!)/' Masudi, Tanbih, 
 ed. de Goeje, 391 16 describes him as "the young man (*ik*JI) 
 known as az-Zakari, one of the descendants of the Persian 10 
 kings of the lands of Isbahan.' 1 The other sources also give 
 his first name, but in so many forms that it is impossible to 
 make out the correct form; comp. de Goeje, ibidem. 
 
 - L. 20 and note 8. The man spoken of here is usually 
 designated as Ibn Ilaushab; comp. IKhald. II, 185.' The other is 
 names differ widely in the various sources. The nearest to I. H. 
 is Makr. : Abu '1-Kasim al-Hasan (or al-Husein) b. Faraj b. 
 Ilaushab al-Kvlfi (de Sacy, CCLV note). lAth. VIII, 22, Abul- 
 feda and Bibars Mansuri (quoted de Sacy, ib.) call him Rustem 
 b. Husein b. Ilaushab b. Zadan (lAth. ^j!3!*>) an-Xajjar. 20 
 Nuweiri again (quoted de Sacy, p. CCCCXLIV) has Abft '1-Husein 
 Rustem b. Karhin b. Haushab b. Dadan an-Xajjar. Dastur 
 al-Munajjimin (de Goeje, Ccirmathes 204 5 ) gives Abu '1-Kasim 
 al-Faraj b. al-Hasan b. Ilaushab b. Zadan. The reason for this 
 vacillation lies in the fact recorded, though, it seems, no morels 
 understood, by I. II. that he "was called al-Mansur." Al- 
 Mansur was the title of the Karmatian Missionary-in-ehief 
 which approached in significance that of the Mahdi. 2 There 
 was a Mansur al-Bahrein as well as a Mansur al-Yemen who is 
 referred to here; see de Goeje ib.^ p. 170, n. 1, 204". Ibn so 
 Ilaushab made his public appearance in Yemen in 270, de Goeje 
 ib. 204". Abu 'Abdallah ash-Shi'i (p. 75') was one of the best 
 officers of Ibn Ilaushab (Blochet, 70), to whom he had been sent 
 by 'Ubeidallah and Muhammed al-Habib (IKhald. II, 185, in 
 the name of Ibn ar-Rakik, d. 340/952). On the death of 35 
 
 1 Blochet 70 erroneously transcribes Abu'l Kasem ibn Djoushem (sic). 
 - On Mansur as the title of the Mahdi (Messiah) see Goldziher, ZDMG. 
 56, 411: van Vloten, Chiitisme, p. 61; de Goeje, ib. p. 73.
 
 110 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [68] Halwani and Abu Sufyan, the Karmatian missionaries in Magh- 
 rib, Ibn Haushab dispatched him to that country (Makr. II, 
 10 ff., Blochet ib.). 1 
 
 - Note 8, 1. 3-4. 'Ali b. al-Fadl (al-Janadi from the prov- 
 5 ince Janad in Yemen, Ed. II, 38 23 , see Comm. p. 17 9 ) was the 
 
 Janah (a Karmatian technical term designating a sort of aide- 
 de-camp) of Ibn Haushab and accompanied him to Aden La 'a, 
 de Goeje ib. 204'. The latter gives his name, similarly to I. II., 
 as Ali. Otherwise he is called Muhammed, e. g., Istakhri 24, ~ 
 
 10 de Sacy CCLV. Nuweiri (quoted de Sacy CCCOLVI) has Abfl'l- 
 Kheir Muhammed b. al-Fadl, comp. Weil, Geschichte der 
 Chalifen II, 510, Miiller, Islam I, 595. The Banu Ziyad 
 traced back their origin to Ziyad, who pretended to be a son of 
 Abti Sufyan and was afterwards acknowledged as brother bv 
 
 i^Mu'awiya, IKot. 176. They were settled in Zebid. The Du- 
 Manakh lived in the neighborhood of Aden, Yakut IV, 472. 
 
 - Note 8, 1. 5. (jly-^-J! is most probably identical with 
 
 -itxj^Jt , mentioned de Sacy ccx. I quote this passage, as it 
 Is of great significance in connection with I. H.'s text. "En 
 soannee 295 un nouvel imposteur, nomme Abou Khatem. etablit 
 une secte particuliere parmi certain Karmates du Sawad que 
 1'on nommait Bouranijja, du nom de leur Da'i Bourani (^-jK^xM). 
 Abou Khatem interdisait a ses disciples 1'ail, le poireau et les 
 raves 3 . . . Cette espece de Karmates fut nommee Xakalijja 
 
 I bn Adhari I, 292 is probably identical with Ibn 
 
 Haushab. Read ^.j. It is possible that )^ i-, wn o is men- 
 
 tioned Comm. 17 9 among the Karmatian missionaries immediately 
 before 'Ali b. al-Fadl (see next note), is identical with our man. t j| 
 JU! Jocc (ib.) is perhaps identical with Abu 'Abdallah 
 
 __ 
 o 
 ash-Shi'i. 
 
 * The variant in note n "iaxi JiJl ^c. ^Jlii' ->^; instead of 
 
 may be due to the difference in name. 
 8 See above page 76 16 . A certain Mu'tazilite ^. _ j __ jC_. 3 
 
 tX^.!J! JLX.. (frequent variant o^J) v_>-wi.^! prohibited garlick and 
 onions, Isfr. 48*. On the prohibition of certain vegetables, see Chwol- 
 sohn, Ssabier, II, 10, 109 ff.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. Ill 
 
 . 1 ' The name Burani does not occur elsewhere, 1 but [68] 
 Nakaliyya is found in various form's. Arib (ed. de Goeje) 
 p. 137 (anno 316) speaks of the Karmatians known (sic) auXaxJU 
 cyts-ftji t>LriMJ. As one of their leaders is mentioned a certain 
 
 v.=>. ^-? t>jjL*AfcX>, who is no doubt identical with ^.J oo^a. 
 
 x lAth. VIII, 136 (also anno 316). Interesting is 
 Mas'ildfs remark (Tanbih 391 s ): he had already mentioned in 
 
 former works <3u~wwO (sic, see note e) xxXixJI iii/cl^ji 
 
 . r;i jU~/ ^i JJj. 
 
 ^>J!c>j>.afc, comp. de Goeje ib. p. 99. I consider the reading 
 
 s^ 
 
 Bakliyya the only correct one, as it no doubt stands in some 
 
 relation to the prohibition of certain vegetables Jjij recorded 
 by de Sacy. The connection, assumed in the glossary to 
 Mas 'Adi's Tanbih (s. v. xxAJb), between this sect and a certain is 
 al-Bakli (Agh. XI, 75' 3 , see Comrn. p. 46 & ) is impossible. Both 
 material and chronological discrepancies (anno 129 anno 316) 
 speak against the identification. 
 
 69, 1.1. On 'Ubeidallah and the rise of the Fatimides see [69] 
 the detailed accounts by de Goeje, Carmathes, p. 5 ff. (the larger 20 
 part of the essay bearing on this subject), Blochet, p. 77 ff. 
 
 - L. 4. The Khattabiyya and the numerous factions belong- 
 ing to it are frequently mentioned by I. H. (see Index). The 
 name of the founder as given by I. H. is found Fihr. 186 ult., 
 Shahr. 136, lAth. VIII, 21. Kashi, who devotes a very long 25 
 article to him (pp. 187-199), calls him Muhammad b. Abi 
 
 1 Perhaps jLLJi jvJ'Ls*. ,j.J <X.^? ..vJ *.J't^- from Baran, one of the 
 towns of Merv (Yakut I, 462), may be the same man. Lubb al-Lubdb 
 
 explains "jl^J! as referring ^^aiJI jj^o ^L.J! J^c J.I 
 i..^. . In the Appendix sub hac voce the editor remarks : ' In separato 
 
 articulo agit Ibn al-Athir de _KM/!, quae cst alia tantum eiusdem 
 nominis forma." I have not been able to locate the passage in lAth.
 
 112 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [69] Zeinab, but adds that his name was ^-sUo^! ^j! ..o 
 
 b! Ldjf ^Ijoj JiAAU-J b! {5 lLj ^tXu,Vi J^>Y! ollJt 
 
 i^LuJoJ! (p. 187). Makr. 352 3 gives his name as ^\ ,-j.J tX+,3? 
 
 ^j3, or tXJW g>\ ^J ; the latter Kunya is declared to be correct 
 
 5 by de Sacy CCCCXL, note 2. Zeid. fol. 104" differs from all 
 
 other authorities in calling him al-Hattab (with soft under 
 
 the line and without Abti) : JLoUiiU *^.J Jli.J Js^ 
 . 
 
 10 The Khattabiyya occupy a commanding position in heterodox 
 Islam. Makr. 352 4 estimates their subdivisions at no less than 
 fifty. Abu'l-Khattab is designated as the originator of the 
 allegoi'ical method of Koran interpretation, see p. 1-4. IKot. 
 300, on the other hand, confesses to know nothing about him, 
 
 is except that he permitted perjury against the opponents of his 
 sect 2 as well as murder and adultery. The latter is also attributed 
 to him by other writers. 
 
 The central point of the Khattabiyya doctrine is the worship 
 of Ja'far. They claimed to be in possession of his mystic work 
 
 2o"Jafr," see p. 106. Fihr. 186 ult. ascribes to him the belief 
 in the divinity of Ali. But this appears to be correct only in 
 so far as he regarded all the Imams as higher Divine beings. 
 According to Shahr. and Isfr. (56 b ), he claimed prophecy only 
 when Ja'far had withdrawn from him. Zeid. (ib.) however 
 
 25 maintains that he asserted his claims only after Ja'far's death, 
 pretending to have been designated by him as his successor." 
 
 1 On Raj 'a see p. 23 ff. 
 
 2 See Makr. 852 1 . Comp. Goldziher, ZDMG. 60. 222. 
 
 3 Isfr. 5Q h and Makr. 35'3 5 assign to the Khatt&biyya the belief in a 
 "speaking" and "silent'' Imam (Natik and Samit), a conception which is 
 of such incisive importance in the propaganda of the Ba^iniyya. One 
 might feel reluctant to admit the existence of this belief at so early a 
 period. But Fihr., too, assumes a connection between the Khattabiyya 
 and the Meimuniyya, the party of Meimun al-Kaddah, the originator . 
 of the Ba^iniyya movement. Comp. de Sacy, CCCCXLI.
 
 Vol. xxix.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 113 
 
 The orthodox Imamites are anxious to get rid of this unpleas- [69] 
 ant partnership. Hence the numerous utterances put into the 
 mouth of Ja'far which curse Abu'l-Khattub (Kashi repeatedly, 
 see esp. p. 195) and declare those Avho follow him to be worse 
 than "Jews, Christians, Magians and heathens" (p. 192, 194; 5 
 in the year 138, p. 191 below). They maintain that Abu'l- 
 Khattub told lies about Ja'far (ib. 195, 146) and that his 
 adherents "to this very day smuggle these traditions into the 
 books of the adherents of Abu 'Abdallah (i. e., Ja'far)" (ib, 
 146).- 10 
 
 Abu'l-Khattab was crucified in Kufa by 'Isa b Musa (d. 167), 
 Shahr. ib., Isfr. 56^. 
 
 - L. 7. Comp. Iji 346 (read L!) ^\ ^J ,J?*>Laft Juu*>; 
 uo J^LS! vjUarlt , similarly Bagd. 99^, Isfr. 56*. 
 
 - L. 9 f . jL<yj aXM *Ujf is quoted Koran 5, 21 as the is 
 
 pretension of the Jews and Christians. According to Shahr., 
 Abu'l-Khattab applied this expression to the ancestors of Ja'far, 
 i. e., to the Huseinids only. Makr. (352 5 ) states that he believed 
 that "the Imams were like Ali and that his (i. e., Ali's) chil- 
 
 s ., ~ 
 dren were all prophets." More distinctly Iji ib. : aL^JJ JU-2VI 
 
 and quite unequivocally Bagd. 99^ UcL^5 
 x-UI frU-j! Ujojl A*!S.| ***i! (l. Our text 
 
 accordingly cannot be correct. On the basis of the above state- 
 ments I have inserted the name of al-Husein. I read either 
 
 or, perhaps more acceptably, ^J.XA**S.. 25 
 
 - L. 11. This strange belief was widespread in these cir- 
 cles, see p. 72 30 . Thus the Mu'ammariyya (p. 114 11 ) believed 
 that "men do not die but their spirits are lifted up into other 
 (men?)" (Makr. 352 9 ). This is evidently the belief in Trans- 
 migration. Philosophically tinged is the opinion of the Bazi- 30 
 giyya "that the man who has attained to perfection cannot be 
 said to have died" (p. 96"). 
 
 VOL. xxix. 8
 
 114 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [69] L. 12. Instead of the translation offered in the text, 
 which conveys no proper meaning, I would suggest to punctu- 
 ate the Arabic phrase Ed. IV, 187' 4 in the following manner: 
 
 "the most uncertain 
 
 5 in the opinion of men regarding this (the claim not to die and 
 to be lifted up to heaven) is the Sheikh whom you see (i. e., 
 Abu'l-Khattab)." In other words, if anyone, then it is Abu'l- 
 Khattab who has no chance to get to heaven. L Br (note 5) read 
 
 Pei'haps in Ed., too, &A-& is to be corrected into 
 10 The two readings would then coincide. 1 
 
 - L. 14. On the Mu'ainmariyya see Shahr. 137, Makr. 35 2 : 
 (who agrees with him verbatim). This Mu'ammar is po^ibly 
 
 identical with, the Mu'tazilite ^4-w t^x-fr ^.J -+mc Makr. 
 347 28 , Iji 340, who expresses similar opinions, and with Mu'am- 
 
 15 mar who advocates the Imamate of 'Abdallah, the son of Ja'far 
 as-Sadik, Makr. 35 1 30 . The latter view is assigned by Shahr. 
 126 to the Aftahiyya sect, which derives its name from al- 
 Aftah, the by-name of 'Abdallah b. Ja'far. The name of the 
 founder is omitted. 
 
 20 - L. 18. Abu Mugith (Tab. Ill, 2289, Abu Muhammed) al- 
 Husein b. Mansur al-Hallaj, whose grandfather is said to have 
 been a Magian (Zoroastrian), came from the town Beidu in 
 Faris. He was executed in 309/922 during the reign of al- 
 Muktadir and his ashes were strewn in the Tigris. His adher- 
 
 2sents considered this the cause of the rise of the Tigris in that 
 year. Many expected that he would return to life after forty 
 days (comp. p. 23 27 ), asserting that it was not Hallaj who was 
 executed but an enemy of his on whom he had pressed his own 
 features, IKhall. 186, see Comm. 30 12 / He exercised a powerful 
 
 so influence not only on his own age but on posterity as well. He 
 had numerous admirers among orthodox Mohammedans (Bagd. 
 
 1 One thinks of Makr.'s words (352 10 ) in his account on the Bazigiyya 
 that Ja'far was a god (J^c. xlxco' Uitj (j*LJ! L.s ^jj! 5> ^xJ , 
 
 iwwLAJ! . But I do not know how to bring this meaning into I. H.'s 
 sentence.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 115 
 
 101*) 1 and even among non-Muhammedans. 2 See on 'Hallaj, [69] 
 Fihr. 100 14 ff. (with a list of his writings), Arib (ed. de Goeje) 
 86 ff., Bagd. 101% Isfr. 60 a f. (an extract from the latter, 
 Haarbrucker II, 437), Dozy, Isl. 324 f., Kremer, Ideen 70 f., 
 130 note 26. 5 
 
 - L. 19. IKhall. No. 186 similarly has Hamid (not Ibn H., 
 note 9). He died 311. 
 
 - L. 22. The by-name of this sectarian is iisually given as 
 
 , from Shalmagan, a town in the neighborhood of 
 
 AVasit, lAth. VIII, 216, Yakut III, 314. It is evident thatio 
 I. H. took the name Shalmagan to be that of a person (see also 
 note 10). Similarly IKhall. No. 186, p. 129 has Ibn ash-Shalma- 
 gani. Interesting in this connection is Yakut's remark (ib.) : 
 " ash-Shalmagan is the name of a man; possibly this town 
 derives its name from him. But it is a mistake." He admits, 15 
 however, that elsewhere this word is found as a personal name, 
 as can be confirmed b a verse of al-Buhturi. Aside from 
 
 , we also find ^ji+ , Fihr. 176 2 *, note 13 (this 
 coincides with the reading of A, note 10 of our text) and 
 ^JUi+XwJ! Bagd. 102*. I. H. is the only one who designates 20 
 him as Katib. Perhaps this is due to a confusion with the 
 Katib mentioned soon afterwards (Text, p. 70, note 2, 1. 5). 
 
 The reading cVJsluLM (note 11) is confirmed by the variant 
 L-^i'lvi, IKhall. No. 186, p. 129. The vast majority of writers, 
 
 1 I. H. quotes him repeatedly as the type of a miracle worker, e. g.. 
 Ed. I, 109 21 , 110" ; he ridicules (V, 117 13 ) the " adherents of Incarnation 
 and the extremists among the Rafida " who believe that people like 
 Hallaj, yjiJ! j| ^.j! (probably abbreviation for _s!ya.J! ^j| ,j,jl , 
 
 see Comm. 116 n. 1) and others are Divine beings, while they sit in their 
 company, discharge the lowest human functions and exhibit human 
 desires. 
 
 - See a poem of his transcribed in Hebrew characters published by 
 Hirschfeld, Jewish Quarterly Review, 15 (1903), p. 176, 180 f. I myself 
 found in the Oxford Genizah (Ms. Hebr. d 57) a poem of a similar nature 
 
 in Hebrew characters with the superscription au.fr &XJ! c -^) 
 (He plainly says there Ijl ^JU!.)
 
 116 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [69] however, give him the Kunya -styxJI j-?!. 1 Bagd. 91 a , 102 a 
 and Isfr. 61 b call his adherents SJiLxM. IAth. VIII, 216 reads 
 ^Sl J> . Masudi III, 267 has r^r*^ j-?'- 
 
 The cardinal point of ash-Shalmagani's doctrine is the theory 
 5 of the "Addad" (Contrasts), the simultaneous revelation of 
 God in a good and evil principle. Thus, e. g., he revealed 
 himself first in Adam and Iblis, etc. 2 He called Moses and 
 Muhammed impostors, because they merely were the apostles 
 of Aron and Ali respectively and usurped a dignity to which 
 
 10 they were not entitled. IAth. and Abulfeda II, 382, from 
 whom I have drawn this information, point out the resemblance 
 between this doctrine and that of the Nuseiriyya (p. 126 f.), 
 suggesting that they are identical. 
 
 On ash-Shalmagani see also Fihr. 176", 147 22 , 196 19 , de Slane's 
 
 is English translation of IKallikan I, 439, note 18 (a biography 
 extracted from Dahabi's Tdrlkh al-Isldm), de Sacy CCXLII, 
 Kremer, Ideen 75 ff. 
 
 Worthy of note is the relation of the official Shi 'a to this 
 heretic. Tusy allots him some space in his work (p. 305, No. 
 
 20662), but cautiously adds 
 Mirza fol. 55 6 rebukes the Imamites for this ambiguous attitude: 
 
 w 
 
 Ij-Uj p-gj! k-ojl JaJ! ^xj 
 (sic) ^o 
 
 is > of course, a variant of Jot.^1!. If Ed. V 117 14 
 
 _j! stands for ityjj! _j| ^_>! , then this would be the original 
 
 form of the name and the difference between I. H. (note 11) and the 
 other writers could be easily explained. IAth. VIII, 372 calls him Ibn 
 Abfl-Kardkir. 
 
 2 This idea is clearly identical with the Syzygy doctrine taught in the 
 Pseudo-Clementines, RecognitionesIII, 59, 61; Homilies, II, 15 ; Eecogn. 
 Ill, 61 assumes ten such opposite pairs. 
 
 3 Died 726 1 ', Haji Khalfa II. 194.
 
 Vol. xxix.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 117 
 
 xiLi JUs (J>4>LflJf ;jt &Jt=>x 3 1 3^ 
 
 70, 1. 1 f . and note 1. Comp. Bagd. 102" : p*jj Jbl^JU! ~l?fj [70] 
 
 7j 
 
 5xJ &.^L} . He believed that the union in spirit is 5 
 possible only through the union in flesh, de Sacy II, 572. 
 
 - Note 2, 1. 2-4. Al-Husein b. 'Ubeidallah 2 was Vizier 
 under al-Muktadir. I. H.'s assertion that he was killed con- 
 flicts with the statement of all other authorities that he renounced 
 ash-Shalmagani in time and thus saved his life. Bagd. reports w 
 that the ShafSite and Malekite judges were of different opinion 
 regarding the admissibility of his repentance, the former voting 
 'for, the latter against its acceptance. 
 
 - Note 2, 1. 5. Ibrahim b. Ahmad b. Muhammed b. Abi 
 'Aun (so Yakut III, 314; IKhallikan ib. omits Muhammed; is 
 
 Bagd. ib. has f^-Jt ^ tX*=>>! ^ <X^? ^J ,vA;oLj!) was a wri- 
 ter of note, celebrated for the elegance of his style, Yakut, IKhall. 
 Contrary to the vizier al-Husein (see preceding note), he refused 
 to renounce ash-Shalmagani and was crucified and then burned 
 in t"he year 322. 20 
 
 - L. 5. The same man is mentioned by I. H. as a typical 
 sorcerer Milal V, fol. 62 a '(Ed. I, 109 20 ff. as well as Cod. L 
 leave the name out and differ considei-ably) : ^jD P j-^ IcXsC ^V5 
 
 JaJii ^AjljXH r^^ ^vxxJ! (sic) (j*LjuX-j (j^r? *+& See 
 
 the variants in our text note 3. There is no means to deciders 
 which is the correct form. This person seems to be identical 
 
 with a man merely designated as (^j-^axJ! and dealt with by 
 lAth. VIII, 372 (anno 340). He pretended that Ibn Abl'l 
 Karakir (see p. 116 n. 1) had embodied himself in him and he had 
 then become the legitimate head of the Karakiriyya. The so 
 
 1 Comp. Brockelmann I. 406. 
 
 ' J The same form of the name also IKhall. 186, p. 129 (=de Slane's 
 edition 224 5 ), lAth. VIII, 217, Abulfeda II, 382, Bagd. 102% Isfr. 6l b ; 
 only Tab. Ill, 2162 1 has ^Zm'1-Husein.
 
 118 I. Friedlaender, . [1908. 
 
 [TO] identification suggests itself the more readily, as in I. H.'s 
 
 account he also follows immediately after ash-Shalmagani. The 
 
 clause "in our time" is scarcely correct, as I. H. was born 384 h 
 
 (died 456). The mistake, however, is excusable when we think 
 
 5 of the distance between Cordova and Basra. 
 
 - L. 7. Abu Muslim, usually styled Sahib ad-Daula, was 
 born about 100 h and was assassinated at the command of Man- 
 stir about 140, IKhall. No. 382; IKot. 191 gives the year 137. 
 The by-name -t*-uJ! (as-Siraj "Lamp" or, better, as-Sarraj 
 
 10 " Saddler "?) I found only in I. H. (Text here, 36 11 , 1 45 13 ). 
 
 Abu Muslim was dealt with Text 45 13 . Here I. H. records the 
 additional belief in his divinity. According to Shahr. 114, it 
 was the Rizamiyya who advocated this belief. The founder of 
 this sect, Rizam b. Sabik, 2 rose in Khorasan during the lifetime 
 
 15 of Abu Muslim. He maintained that Ali transferred the 
 Imamate to Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, 3 who passed it over to 
 Abu Hashim, who, in turn, bequeathed it in writing to the 
 Abbassides. At the same time he believed that Abu Muslim 
 was an associate in the Imamate and an incarnation of the 
 
 20 Divinity. Similarly Iji 347. Bagd. 100 a (and alike Isfr. .V.i") 
 confine these doctrines to a fraction of the Rizamiyya : i^l U+-CS iW 
 
 tun ^vJi'j *-Lw*x> ^j| ^t (read ^Lo) xLo ^La^ 
 
 # w 
 
 ^AX) ;\i*i Y! x.j^/0. .JLifcX j! 
 au! l+*) ^ty **\ *^-*** ^ 3 
 
 L! 
 
 1 Makr. reads -.wA^Jt, see Text ib. note 6. 
 
 2 Instead of ^jj^ Cureton's edition has a blank. It was apparently 
 missing in his Ms. I have supplied the name from Makr. 353&. Haar- 
 briicker, p. 173, curiously translates : " Die Anhanger von Rizam, clem 
 Sohne eines unbekannten Vaters " ! 
 
 3 Hence their classification among the Keisaniyya. 
 
 4 The Bazlgiyya (p. 95 34 ff.) believed "that some among them were 
 better than Gabriel, Michael and Muhammed,'' Makr. 352 11 .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 119 
 
 jl^ LJLs \-o.x+JI tJj.2 ^<XM ^.^ 
 
 i "VI, 186, on the whole, agrees with this 
 presentation: " When the (news of) the assassination of Abil 
 Muslim reached Khorasan and the other mountainous regions, 5 
 the Khurramiyya (comp. the variants) became agitated. They 
 are the party called Muslimiyya, which believed in Abu Muslim 
 and in his Imamate Some among them were of the opinion 
 that he has not died nor would he ever die until he has appeared 
 and filled the earth with justice." Fihr. 344 27 ff. similarly 10 
 describes the Muslimiyya as the sect which believed that Abil 
 
 G *M 
 
 Muslim was alive (i^J'x^j -. aul, comp. Comm. 38 13 ). He men- 
 tions particularly a certain Ishak who acted in Transoxania as Abu 
 Muslim's missionary, claiming that the latter was imprisoned in 
 the mountains of ar-Rayy and that he would come forth at a is 
 certain time which was known to him only. Makr. 353 1 is 
 not correct when he describes the Rizamiyya as the party which 
 passes the Imamate down to as-Saffah and quite separately 
 enumerates among the Rawandiyya (p. 121 ff.) the aLx^X^J (see 
 footnote below) which transfers the Imamate from as-Saffah to 20 
 Abu Muslim. 2 
 
 1 See p. 30'. 
 
 2 Makr. 354- j^lxxjt ^o &JjJ v_/^.Lo SLJLw _j|, also 1. 3, 
 
 is to be read instead of jLJLu; f^>\. de Sacy T.TX connects 
 
 ^ 
 
 the XA^JLwwO with Abu Salma, Abu Muslim's general. But then it 
 would be most surprising that Makr. mentions nothing about the 
 worship of Abu Muslim and that the other sources again mention 
 nothing about Abu Salma. Besides, Abu Salmy, would scarcely be 
 styled "Sahib ad-Daula." The proposed emendation removes these 
 difficulties. The name of the sect SU+JLwtxN is either to be read 
 (as Masudi and Fihrist have) or to be explained as a con- 
 
 tracted Nisba for iu^Xw^xJ .-?! (as Bagd. gives), e. g., ^..Ju from 
 
 from jw.+xiJI tXx, comp. Wright, Grammar 
 
 of the Arabic Language (3d ed.) I, g 264 Rem. b. True, this contraction 
 does not exactly correspond with the examples given, I, p. 162 A. But 
 one knows that the abstractions of the Arabic grammarians are of little 
 avail, especially in the case of the Nisba endings.
 
 120 /. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [70] On Abu Muslim and his connection with Mazdaism, see 
 Blochet 43 ff. 
 
 - L. 9. See also Text 36 9 . The first name of al-Mukanna' 
 is not certain. IKhall. No. 431 gives 'Ata and Hakim respect- 
 5 ively. The latter name is recorded Tab. Ill, 484' 5 and lAth. 
 VI, 25. Hashim (reading of L. Br, note 6) is also found Makr. 
 354 s , while Bagd. 100 a , perhaps correctly, calls him Hashim b. 
 Hakim. He was from Merv (note 7), according to Bagd. 
 
 u!t> (jLj^s\l^ LgJ JLftj ibjj' J^ef ^o. He was a fuller by 
 10 profession, I. H., Bagd. Abulfeda II, 44, lAth. VI, 25 (read 
 
 KLiai' instead of Lx*ai'). He belonged to the Ri/amiyyn 
 (Shahr. 115, Bagd.) and believed in the divinity of Abu Mus- 
 lim, regarding, himself as his incarnation (lAth.). He commit- 
 ted suicide while besieged in his stronghold in 163. According 
 
 15 to one version, he died through poison, Tab. Ill, 490 10 , IKhall. 
 ib., Abulfeda ib., Dozy, Isl. 245 f. According to another 
 (recorded by Bagd. and Isfr.), he threw himself into a burning 
 furnace so that his adherents were unable to find his body and 
 were therefore induced to believe that he had been lifted up to 
 
 20 heaven. lAth. VI, 34 f. gives room to both versions. Bagd. 
 100 b (shorter Isfr. 60 a ) adds the following interesting notice 
 about the adherents of Mukanna' at the time of this 'writer: 
 
 aui ^j^-Laj V 
 
 A^.AAW. 
 
 9 ^t (j3}+ 5 y^ f |- Y- 
 
 -xi. .-aiJ. 
 
 . JLJ3 
 Very important is Bagd's statement (lOO*) concerning his 
 
 30 doctrine: s^x 1 \^ ( ^ ^j *-'! J** *" 
 
 
 1 On the border of Fargana, Yakut I, 421. 
 
 f 
 
 2 This word gives no sense. Isfr. has instead . > ^LA'/w.^ .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 121 
 
 [70] 
 
 II pLuuV! \^a _5 *.-o.-' *.j' */.'_.:' Sv..xiJ (then in 
 
 " ' /^ O /-' / ' /' 
 
 w 
 
 Ali, his sons, finally in Abti Muslim) 2oL*A _s xi! *^X xil *-> 
 
 c? ,5 f.. (j/. i*** 11 
 ^ 
 
 See on this doctrine p. 85 21 ff. 
 - L. 13. Read Rawandiyya (with long a in the first syllable). 
 
 The name Rawandiyya is generally applied to the people who 
 came in 141 or, according to another version, in 136 or 137, to 10 
 Hashimiyya, then the capital of the Caliphate, to pay divine 
 homage to the Caliph al-Mansur, Tab. Ill, 129 = IAth. V, 383; 
 Dozy, Id. 242; Kremer, Ideen 12; Miiller, Islam I, 494; Weil, 
 Geschichte der Chalifen II, 37 f. ; van Vloten, Chiitisme 48. 
 This application, however, is correct only in part. Originally, 15 
 it seems, the Rawandiyya were but a political party which 
 assigned the Imamate to the Abbassides, just as other parties 
 assigned it to the Omeyyads or Alides. Masudi repeatedly 
 describes them as the (j*LuJf tXJj XJUyi who justified the trans- 
 fer of the Imamate to the Abbassides on the basis of Koran 8, 76 20 
 and who hired the corruptible al-Jahiz (d. 255/869) to write 
 for them to order the book " Kitab Imamati waladi'l-' Abbas." 
 (Masudi VIII, 56.) The latter fact alone, which brings 
 the Rawandiyya down to the third century H., suffices 
 to show that the Rawandiyya, at least, chronologically, 25 
 extend far beyond the ill-fated " guluww " attempt in 141. It 
 was only at a later time that the Rawandiyya claimed that the 
 Imamate had been transferred to the Abbassides by a written 
 will of Abu Hashim, the son of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya 
 ( .Masudi VIII, 58), thus appearing as a branch of the Keisaniyya. 30 
 Bagd. apparently holds the same view on this matter when, in 
 formulating the orthodox doctrine of the Imamate, he adds 
 
 (fol. 133 a ): Jo
 
 122 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 <'- 
 
 [70] (sic) Jbjoj J! J^i' oSLskj x^diU! 
 
 Comp. also fol. 12 a . 
 I. H. expresses himself similarly Ed. IV. 90 18 : "Another party 
 says: the Caliphate is only permissible in the children of al- 
 
 5 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib. This is the opinion of the Rawan- 
 diyya." 2 
 
 It was only a small group out of this large party which 
 cherished extravagant ideas and, as the Muhammedan theologians 
 would say, exaggerated concerning the 'Abbassides. This is 
 
 10 still evident from Tab.'s statement III, 418', that it was a cer- 
 tain man called Ablak who arranged the attempt at the deifica- 
 tion of Mansur and "called upon the Rawandiyya to join him," 
 in other words, used an already existing party for his special 
 purposes. 3 
 
 15 The name of the sect is written abtXij!^ Tab. ib., 4 I. H. and 
 others; *J<X>) Bagd. and Isfr., and iotXijJj Suyuti, 7<>V/77<. 
 263, which the English translator, p. 266 note, unjustifiedly, 
 as will presently be seen, regards as incorrect. For it is the 
 latter variant, reflected as well in the reading of Ed. Y. 
 
 20 (our text, note 9) and this page, note 2, which gives us 
 the clue to the origin of the sect. As a matter of fact, the 
 Rawandiyya are unanimously connected by the Arabic authors 
 with the province of Khorasan, which was, as is well known, 
 the centre of the Abbasside propaganda (Masudi VI, 54, Tab. 
 
 _>5 III, 82, 129 15 =IAth. V, 383, comp. Abulfeda II, 13). A 
 locality by the name of Rawand, however, is unknown in that 
 province. A place of that name is mentioned by Yakut II, 741 
 as being in the vicinity of Isbahdn. Accordingly, Dozy, Isl. 
 242 and Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen II, 38 (the latter quotes 
 
 may refer to the Prophet 01 to Ali. The latter is more prob- 
 able, for Masudi, too, tells us that they made an exception in the case 
 of Ali. 
 
 2 Cod. L. joJo.UI, see later. Masudi VI, 26 says rather vaguely : 
 "The Rawandiyya (maintain) that the Imamate is permissible in the 
 Kureish only." 
 
 3 The view set forth in the text is in the main anticipated by de Sacy 
 LVI f. who similarly takes Mas'udfs statement as the point of departure. 
 
 4 It is to be regretted that the editor omitted the variations of this 
 name, which he declares (III, 82, note b) co be numerous.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 123 
 
 also other views, note 1) seek the origin of this sect in that [70] 
 region. But this view contradicts the express statements of the 
 Arabic sources. Considering the variations of the name of this 
 
 sect, I am inclined to place its origin in tXi-rj > a region near 
 Xisabur, the capital of Khorasan, Yakut II, 891, comp. Ltibb 5 
 al-L,ubdb s. v., ^cXi->>J! . This conjecture is raised to cer- 
 tainty by the fact that IKhall. calls the very same region <X3tj 
 (No. 34, in the biography of ^tXJjIvJt ,c^t i-J-? tX+^-t). In 
 other words, tXJ^K and cXJ.._> are two various pronunciations of 
 the same name which in Persian sounded Revend. 1 10 
 
 Aside from this geographical explanation of the name, another 
 derivation is found which must be discussed here. Isfr. 10 a , 
 speaking of the succession of the Imamate after Abu Hashim, 
 
 remarks as follows: ^jl Jou (aLoLoyt ,5^*^) o^*^ |*S JUs *j 
 ^ auojj J--W*- (jJ -Ut <X**. ^ J (add? {* ^-?) t\4^? Jl (*-cibe 15 
 (Ms. ,j.j) ^1 J^J ttX5>^ L^J aJ (VAwU 6 ^1 (strike out ^?) 
 
 I combine this statement with the notice 
 Makr. 35 l u (in his enumeration of the sects of the Rawafid) 
 
 s 
 
 -Xj 
 
 aur. adJI ^Xiojt tXxc j *Lx*J! 
 
 (j*x 
 
 I do not hesitate to read 
 and ^<XJj-J Jt (instead of 2ujuj.ji and 
 
 and, taking into account their identity in doctrine, to regard 
 them as one. 
 
 Examining our material as a whole, we are led to believe 
 that there were two sects of this name : the one, properly so 
 called, from Riwand in Khorasan , appeared in the time of Abil 
 
 1 De Sacy LVII recognized in part this relation.
 
 124 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [70] Muslim and professed the extravagant doctrines set forth above ; 
 
 the other, called so after their founder or leader ar-RAwandi, 
 
 was a political party for which al-Jalm as late as in the third 
 
 century composed his treatise in favor of the Abbasside claims 
 
 5 to the Imamate. 
 
 Finally, attention may be called to another sect which stands 
 in a peculiar relation to the Rawandiyya. It is a remarkable 
 fact that our sect which, as can be' inferred from the above, is 
 by no means insignificant, is mentioned neither by Shahr. nor 
 iolji nor Makr. In its stead we find the Rizamiyya, credited 
 with exactly the same views, as have been set forth above as 
 those of the Rawandiyya. And what is even more significant, the 
 Baslamiyya (or Muslimiyya, see p. 119 n. 2), which worshipped 
 Abu Muslim as a Divine incarnation and is counted among the 
 15 Rawandiyya (Makr. 353 ult. , the only passage in which the 
 name occurs, Tab. Ill, 129 15 = IAth. V, 383; Bagd. 103 b : 
 
 *J.*wX> ^a! abcX^j J! ^~* j*J .sj^ 1 ^ *iUtX$), figures in the 
 
 other sources among the Rizamiyya (p. 118 f.). It is clear that 
 the two sects are intimately connected with one another. One 
 -'o feels naturally inclined to take them for one. The difference 
 in the names and their derivations seem to speak against their 
 identity. 
 
 - L. 15. See p. 100 32 ff. 
 
 [71] 71, I- 1- A great deal of confusion prevails with regard to 
 
 25 the name of this sectarian. The extant forms may be classified 
 
 as follows: ^>J.f +s. &JLJI Ju^ Text 37 5 , Makr. 3G2 18 
 
 (quotation), Shahr. 112, Bagd. 12 a (promiscue sr*-^ and 
 Isfr. 10 a , Kashi 195"; <^^>\ ^ &JJ? Jy^ Text 71, note 1 
 (reading of L Br), Kashi 188 1 (parallel to 195"), Makr. quoted 
 30 by van Vloten, Worgers p. 61, note 8; ^>J .JT 4 "^ cJ"? *"^ <Xvfr 
 ^>y^\ (or Vr^) Bagd. 97% Shahr. 112 ult., Text 37 5 (reading 
 of Y) ; VT^ <J"? *^ <^ !s fr - 56 b , Abu'l Maali 158; &XM cW 
 ^ Text 71, n. 1 (reading of Ed. Y). The name of 
 
 the sect is written &o-i.t Bagd. 97% Abu'l-Maali 158, van 
 
 35 Vfoten in his edition of Mafdtih al- 1 Uldm, Leyden 1895, p. 6; 
 
 JLo^iL! ib. as a variant, Makr. quoted van Vloten, Worgers, p.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 125 
 
 61, n. 8, 1 Text 71 17 (see note 12). Very interesting in this con- [71] 
 nection is Makr.'s notice quoted from a manuscript by van 
 
 . - 
 
 Vloten, Worgers ib.: O*=U ^ aJJ! &*.. cLo'l aujv 
 
 ,JJ OjA^X! ^J |V-L Ci 
 
 ^~ 
 
 The notice is not quite clear, but this much can be 
 
 inferred from it that there is both ^1? and i*. >y among 
 'Abdallah's ancestors who may be responsible for the variations 
 and that the name of the sect does not, at least in this case, 
 necessarily conform with the immediate ancestor of the founder. 3 10 
 
 Very peculiar is the notice Shahr. 113 that after 'Abdallah 
 b. Mu'iiwiya's death (comp. Text 71' 4 ) his adherents believed 
 that his spirit was transferred to " Ishak b. Zeid b. al-Harith 
 al-Ansari. These are the Hdrithiyya who permit forbidden 
 things and live the life of one who has no duties imposed on is 
 him" (comp. de Sacy, II, 593). It would thus seem that the 
 Harithiyya are not identical with the Harbiyya and represent 
 but a later development of the Harbiyya (or Kharbiyya). 4 
 
 1 Van Vloten is inclined to pronounce the name al-Kharibiyya to suit 
 the metre. This is scarcely permissible considering that the word 
 itself stands in the verse by emendation. 
 
 The genealogical chain Marta 4 Thaur Mu'awiya al-Harith Mu- 
 'awiya is found Wiistenfeld, Tabellen, 4 21 . 
 
 3 Comp. Goldziher. ZDMG. 61, 75 n. 2. 
 
 4 I have no means to ascertain whether the followiDg passages have 
 any bearing on this sect, although several points seem to suggest it: 
 
 Beladori, Fntuh al-Bulddn, ed. de Goeje, 295 penult. : 
 _j^xJI xXMtXcc ..O ^r^- ^ (see variants); 'Abul-Mahasin . Leyden 
 1855, I, 397 (anno 147): ^J Vr 5 " (u***^ ^tX-*"? ,5**^.) ^-? U^J 
 
 ^' )"< 
 
 &AJ! ^J3 tXJ! JojlJt xJU! JULC IKhall. 
 
 r 
 
 No. 19, p. 30 (biography of Ahmad b. Hanbal): 
 
 &JJ' lXx .vJ ^.'^i i' v^vMfJi/0 
 
 u-- . r o .r~ 
 
 ^
 
 126 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [71] According to Bagd. 97 a , 'Abdallah adhered to the doctrine of 
 Bayan that God embodies himself in the prophets and the 
 Imams, claiming that the Divine spirit went over from Abu 
 Hashim to him; comp. Shahr. 112 penult. 
 
 5 - L. 4. On the number of prayers see the variants here and 
 Text 37, n. 3. 17 is attested by most manuscripts, Makr. 362 16 
 (quotation ffom I. H.), also in the notice quoted by van Vloten, 
 Worgers ib. Is 17 (7+10) a holy number? The "Greatest 
 Name" is said to consist of 17 letters, p. 87 S0 . 
 10 L. 6. The Sufriyya (or Sifriyya, see Haarbriicker, II, 
 406) is a very moderate Khurijite sect. 
 
 - L. 8. Makr. quoted van Vloten, Worgers, ib. express's 
 
 c- 
 
 himself similarly x*Ls?t aJLxi ^xs _ J 
 f&J>f^ !yL?j ^>b U. The words Shahr. 113 1 L 
 loXiLjJj jvXJt ~M /"^r^ U^ (Haarbriicker 170 "aber der Mann 
 
 kehrte nicht zum Wissen und zur Religiositat zuriick ") arc 
 impossible, both as regards contents and grammatical form 
 (subject before verb, /*^-rJ ^j for a single action). AY hat 
 Shahr. meant to say is most probably, judging by the state- 
 
 2oments of I. H. and Makr.,*the exact reverse of it: that 'Abdal- 
 lah did return to (true) knowledge and religion, and was con- 
 sequently desei'ted by his followers. 
 
 - L. 14. On 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya see Text 45 15 , Coniin. 
 44" ff. and Wellhausen, Opp. 98 f. 
 
 25 - L. 19. The name of this sect alternates between &!*.*iJ 
 and XJwyfl.i (see the readings note 15). The former is also 
 found Abulfeda II, 388 (lAth. VIII, 220, which is his source. 
 reads abwuojJI), Dictionary of Technical Terms, p. 1385 (quota- 
 tion from Iji; eel. Sorenson has iLjwyaiJI). This difference 
 
 so is of importance for the understanding of the origin of the sect, 
 which is controversial; see de Sacy CLXXXIII, II 559 ff., 
 Wolff, Drusen 214 ff. Abulfeda derives the name from the 
 citadel Nasariyya and places the origin of the sect in the year 
 270/891. Nuseiriyya again is interpreted as a term of con- 
 
 35 tempt : " little Christians," ZDMG. Ill, 3C8 note. On the other 
 hand, Guayard, "Un grand maitre des Assassins," lour mil
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 127 
 
 A*!<itique 1877, I, p. 349, derives the name from a man called [71] 
 Muhammed b. Xuseir, an adherent of al-Hasan al-'Askari 
 (died 260), the eleventh Imam of the Imamiyya, Text 58 7 . The 
 Catechism of the Druzes considers the founder of the Xuseiriyya 
 a man named Xuseiri, Blochet 101. 5 
 
 The cardinal point of the Nuseiriyya doctrine is the deifi- 
 cation of AH. This accounts for the fact that they are con- 
 sidered by I. H. an outgrowth of the Saba'iyya. Ali, they 
 believed, existed before the world was created, Shahr. 144. To 
 the question "who has created us ? " the modern Nuseiriyya cate- 10 
 chism gives the reply: " Ali ", ZDMG. Ill, 302. In other words, 
 Ali is the Demiurge, see p. 91. They believed in the simulta- 
 neous incarnation of God in a good and evil being (Shahr. 144, 
 Iji 348), more exactly, in seven such successive incarnations; 
 see the list of the seven incarnations, ZDMG. Ill, 303; on the is 
 number seven see Index s.v. Seven. This theory strikingly 
 resembles ash-Shalmagani's doctrine of the Addad, p. 116. 
 Muhammed was All's apostle and was sent to bring mankind to 
 his recognition, ZDMG. Ill, 302. 
 
 The Xuseiriyya are closely related to the Ishakiyya (p. 102 13 ). 20 
 They are mentioned together, Shahr. 143, Iji 21, 348. Yakut 
 III, 275, appears to identify them. He says briefly of ash- 
 
 Shorta, a district near Wasit, XJ*^" aUJsL^t Lg-X$" L^Jje! . 
 
 72,1.1. Instead of "army" read "district." JuL=. , pi. [72] 
 
 t, originally "army district," became afterwards a pure 25 
 geographical designation. The Jordan district with Tiberias 
 a- capital corresponds to the Roman province Palestina Secunda 
 (Prof. Xoldeke in a private communication). I have found no 
 reference to this occupation of Palestine by the Nuseiriyva 
 outside of I. II. 30 
 
 - L. 2 ff. Yakut probably refers to the same fact when he 
 
 says, referring to them (II, 338, sub voce 
 
 . The reason for their hatred of Fatima and 
 her children lies probably in their conception of Ali as Divine 
 being, who, as such, can have neither wife nor children. Abu'laa 
 Maali 158 enumerates among the Galiya a sect Azdariyya: 
 " They say that he who was the father of Hasan and Husein was
 
 128 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 not the (real) All. He was rather a man called All al-Azdari. 
 
 But the AH who is an Imam has no children, as he is the 
 
 Creator." I. H.'s statement contradicts the assertion of Shahr. 
 
 144 5 (comp. Haarbrucker II, 413), Iji 21, 348, see de Sacy II, 
 5 559, that the Nuseiriyya (and Ishakiyya) worshipped the chil- 
 
 dren of Ali as well. The modern Nuseiriyya catechism (ZDMG. 
 
 Ill, 305) also recognizes this relationship of Ali in his capacity 
 
 as man. 
 
 - L. 8. This is a reflex of the belief in Docetism, p. 30. 
 10 - L. 13. In his polemic against the Saba'iyya, who believe 
 
 that a devil was killed in Ali's stead, Isfr. 56 a uses the same 
 
 ^ o 
 
 argument! .j-rtj Ljl n* >M \^o j*-^-* .^ &Xxi 1^5 jJ! , 
 
 *. jj 
 
 [73] 73, note 2. The addition in L. Br is characteristic of I. H.'s 
 15 Zahirite standpoint. 
 
 - L. 3. See Text p. 34" and Comm. p. 13" ff. 
 
 - L. 4. The words enclosed in quotation marks make the 
 impression of a citation from some Sufi author. Perhaps it 
 would have been more correct to translate (jiflJU as "one": 
 
 20 "one of them adds." 
 
 - L. 6 f . The name of this Sufi is Abu Sa'id Abu'l-Kheir, 
 as I. H. expressly. states, with two kunyas joined together; 
 de Sacy, Journal des Savants 1821, p. 725 gives the same 
 form of the name. Browne, A. Literary History of Persia,, 
 
 25 New York 1906, writes consistently Abu Sa'id bnu Abi'l-Kheir 
 (see passages in his index). The same Dozy, Isl. 320, Gold- 
 ziher, Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie I, 186, note 3 
 (from Ibn Abi Useibi'a, ed. Milller II, 9 17 ). 
 
 Abu Sa'id was born December 7, 967 and died January 12, 
 
 30 1049. He was a contemporary of Avicenna (980-1037) he is 
 said to have been his friend, Goldziher, ibidem 1 and consequently 
 of I. H. (Text 73"). According to Dozy, however, ib. ( = Kre- 
 mer, Ideen, p. 66), he founded a monastery (Khankah) in 
 Khorasan as early as in the year 200/815. But the date is no 
 
 35 doubt incorrect. 
 
 The Sufis regard him as the originator of their doctrine. De 
 Sacy ib. thinks that this is unhistorical. 
 
 1 He is buried by his side, in Hamadan. See the picture of their 
 tombs in Jackson, Persia Past and Present ;New York 1906), p. 167.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 129 
 
 Abu Sa'id was a famous Ruba'i poet, Browne, ib. 261 if. [73] 
 Even now his Rubu'is are believed to have a magic power. 
 They are recited a certain definite number of times as prayers 
 for forgiveness of sins, for rain, etc. 1 
 
 On his spiritual conception of the religious obligations comp. 5 
 Browne, ib. p. 268. 
 
 - L. 9. On the prohibition of silk see Hughes, Dictionary 
 of Islam, sub voce Dress. 
 
 - L. 21 ff. The belief in a written will (o^i) of the Prophet 
 bequeathing the Imamate to Ali is the cardinal tenet of the 10 
 Imamites in contradistinction from the Zeidites; see Introduc- 
 tion p. 22, Shahr. 122 ff., Iji 353, Makr. 351, IKhald. I, 356. 
 On the reflex of this struggle in the Hadith see Goldziher, Muh. 
 St. II, 115 ff. 
 
 74, 1. 4. On the name Rawafid see Appendix A. is 
 
 - L. 9. On Zeid see Shahr. 116. He was a pupil of Wasil 
 b. 'Ata, the founder of the Mu'tazila. 
 
 - L. 13. See p. 22. 
 
 - L. 15. Ali's voluntary concession of the Imamate to the 
 three first Caliphs is taught, according to Shahr. 121 3 , by these 
 Salihiyya, the adherents of al-Hasan b. Salih (p. 130 f.), and the 
 Butriyya, the followers of a certain al-Abtar. Bagd. 10 a applies 
 the name Butriyya to both sects. They accordingly considered 
 Abu Bekr and 'Omar legitimate Imams. Suleiman b. Jarir (p.. 
 136 7 ff.) agreed with them on this point, but differed from them 25 
 regarding 'Othman. Suleiman declared him an infidel, while 
 the others reserved their opinion concerning him (Shahr., 
 Bagd). Kashi 152 applies the appellation Butriyya to the 
 adherents of several men who held the same views on the Imamate. 
 Al-Abtar, however, is not mentioned by him 2 : 
 
 3 (sic) ^ (sic) ^ ^ .JLo ^j~? 
 
 1 Zhukovski in the Memoires (Zapiski) of the Oriental Department of 
 the Russian Archeological Society, XIII (1900), p. 145. 
 '-' See following note. 
 3 Of. p. 130 30 . Makr. 352" curiously connects the two men xjyAAJt 
 
 VOL. xxix. 9 
 
 t
 
 130 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 [74] (sic) p:\j J^^ (j-r JU-Lwj S-^y^ ^J-? p^*^ aUa-a^ j! ^j! 
 bYj ^jf 1^0 ^ JJt ^ iMjolf (sic) vs*jLj 
 
 5 
 
 - Note 6. The word xJLixi in the sense required here is 
 not found in the dictionaries. It obviously stands here for 
 "heterodox viewer belief, heresy." 1 The word is frequently 
 found in the kindred literature. Thus I. H. at the very begin- 
 loning of his Milal Ed. I, I 17 says: The previous writers on the 
 same subject omitted "many of the strongest objections of the 
 
 y 
 adherents of, makalat, heterodox views." IV, 188"l oi*J *$ 
 
 *+?> ^-f "It has been mentioned 
 by some (or one) of the compilers of the heterodox views of 
 15. those who (wrongly) consider themselves Muslims." Comp. 
 also IV, 189 3 ; III, 23* and often. Shahr. uses the word in the 
 
 same sense: I 5 ; 60 l cyu ^a ^^ftA^fl^ the heresiologists, 
 (Haji Khalfa VI, 117, 118 ^UiJ! v^O- Masudi V, 473 
 similarly refers to the cu^Lft+Jt ^.'if Ax^ix>. His well-known, 
 
 20 unfortunately lost, work bore the title ^ >c^Uu.M ^3 vjLxX3! 
 v^LiUtXJ! u^o! . It appears from this as well as from Ed. I, 
 I 4 and Shahr. 2' 8 that i?^Lax> is contrasted with ci>liLi> 
 "the religious (and legitimate) views." 
 
 - L. 19. See Text 30 6 , 75 s . The name of this theologian 
 
 25 is subject to a great many variations. It appears most fre- 
 
 quently in the form ^s ^> ^^ A ^-? ^*^' , the latter name 
 
 also in the form of /*^ variously pointed as /C^T*"' ($+^ an( ^ 
 
 ^^ I see the readings Text 30, note 2; 79 n. 1; lAth. in the 
 
 index ; Masudi V, 474 and VI, 24 (comp. p. 490 ; the editors make 
 
 so of it (5 *=)', Kashi 152" (sic) ^ ^ ^ (J-? c ^**^'- I. H. 
 
 1 Freytag records a slightly similar significance of the word from Golius: 
 opinio, sententia."
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 131 
 
 calls him -promiscue al-Hasan b. Salih (b. Hayy), Text 30 7 , 74 19 [74] 
 (note 10), 75 n. 1, and al-Hasan b. Hayy, 74 23 > 26 , 75", 79 13 . This 
 peculiar circumstance is rendered intelligible by the fact that 
 Hayy or, more exactly, Hayyan is identical with Salih; see Tab. 
 Ill, 2516 12 , 2517 s (and notes), Wustenfeld, Tabellen 9 11 . Fihr. *> 
 178', however, calls his father Salih bnu Hayy. 
 
 Al-Hasan, with the Kunya Abu 'Abdallah, was a member of 
 the Thaur Hamdan (Bagd. 10 ;v , comp. Isfr. 9 a , 1. S). 1 His 
 daughter was married to 'Isa, the son of Zeid b. Ali, the 
 founder of the Zeidiyya. Together with his son-in-law, who 10 
 was pursued by the Caliph Mahdi, he was compelled to hide in 
 Kufa for seven years. He died in the same city; the year of 
 his death is variously given as 167, 168 and 169; see Wusten- 
 feld, Register, sub voce, Tab. ib., Fihr. ib., Dahabi, Huffaz 
 V, 45. He was famous for his piety, see especially Dahabi. 15 
 Muslim iu his ftahih quotes him as Rawi, while Bukhari men- 
 tions him honorably, Bagd. 10 a (comp. Isfr. 9 a ) : - -=!! Jjj 
 
 - sLsoJI oyc-u' ,-vJ c*.- - * 
 
 JLs aJXl 
 
 - s a. 
 
 20 
 
 A*u U-vu VC^x). *>J-2- ,->? v-wu ,*< _ ^S* ..vJ 
 
 ... .x> yc jo. 
 
 I. H.'s account on al-Hasan's views flagrantly contradicts the 
 statements of the other sources. The latter generally count 
 him among the Zeidiyya, who confine the Imamate to the 25 
 descendants of AH or, still narrower, to those of Fatima (see 
 later p. 132 1 ' ff.), Shahr. 121, Bagd., Isfr. ; IKot. 301 counts him, 
 more vaguely, among the Shi'a. Fihr. 178 20 , who mentions him 
 
 among the SbtXjyJt autxxiJ! ^L*.^ registers a book of his entitled 
 "A book on the Imamate of the descendants of Ali by Fatima." 2 30 
 
 1 The South -Arabic tribe Hamdan in 'Irak adhered to the Alides, 
 Kremer, Cidturgeschichte unter den Chalifen, II, 144. 
 
 4 The editors (note 16) bring al-Hasan b. Salih in connection with the 
 Mu'tazilite sect Salihiyya, Iji 340 2 , comp. Shahr. 107. This assumption 
 is inadmissible. Our al-Hasan is rather connected with the Salihiyya 
 among the Shiites, Shahr. 120 and the Buteiriyya, Iji 353. Comp. 
 Masudi V, 474 and Comm. p. 129" ff.
 
 132 I. Friedlqender, [1908. 
 
 [74] In contradiction to all these authors, I. H. insists that al- 
 
 Hasan shared the orthodox view which admits the Imamate " in 
 
 all the descendants of Fihr b. Malik," i. e., the Kureish (comp. 
 
 Wtistenfeld, Tabellen O 11 ). One might feel inclined to charge 
 
 5 1. H. with the attempt to claim this famous theologian for the 
 
 Sunna. But it must be remembered that I. H. quotes as his 
 
 authority an Imamite. Quite isolated is Masudi's statement 
 
 (VI, 25) that he went as far as to admit the Imamate even out- 
 
 side the Kureish. 
 
 10 - L.'22. On Hisham see p. 65" ff. 
 
 - L. 23. The book is recorded Fihr. 175, Tusy p. 355, Xo. 
 771 
 
 [75] 75, 1. 4. This is intended to show that al-Hasan considered 
 even these men legitimate Imams. Al-Hasan was also very 
 15 mild in his opinion about 'Othman, see p. 129 10 ' 27 . 
 
 - L. 8. I. H. stands quite alone with this assertion. 
 According to all other authorities, including Masudi V, 474, 
 IKhald. I, 357, comp. Kremer. Ideen 375, the Zeidiyya restrict 
 the Imamate to the descendants of Fdtima. The Keisaniyya 
 
 20 are thus excluded. See Introduction, p. 23 and Comm. p. 35. 
 
 - L. 9. Comp. IKhald. ib. The Zeidiyya recognize the 
 Imamate of every descendant of Fatima jLY! ^jXj ^j! icx!*: 
 
 - Note 6. Instead of the enigmatic words of Ed. 
 _U.AA**.)! J-w I would suggest (although with some hesita- 
 
 UJ * 
 
 tion) to read aut/ov_d**wwJi JJL V^ "and the love of unsheath- 
 
 ing the sword is in him." 
 
 - L. 14. According to IKhald. I, 356, the Imamiyya claim 
 a written will of AH in favor of Fatima's sons. 
 
 so -L. 20-21. Similarly Shahr. 124 10 : "They (the Imamiyya) 
 agree as to the transfer of the Imamate down to Ja'far b. 
 Muhammed as-Sadik. They disagree as to the person he 
 appointed (Imam) by a written will after him." See Text 76 s 
 and Comm. p. 104" ff. 
 
 35 L. 22. On Hisham b. al-Hakam. see p. 65 11 ff. 
 
 - Ibidem. On Hisham b. Sail in al-Juwaliki see Shahr. 141. 
 See also Fihr. 177 24 , note 20, Tusy p. 356, No. 772, Kashi 
 181 ff. On his anthropomorphistic doctrine comp. p. 66".
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 133 
 
 - L. 23. On Dawud al-Hawari see p. 67" ff. [75] 
 
 - Ibidem. On Dawud b. Kathir ar-Rakki, from Rakka in 
 Babylonia, see Kashi 256 f. Tusy Xo. 281, p. 131 designates 
 him as " weak," because the " Gulat " quote him as authority for 
 their traditions. Kashi 257 defends him against this charge. 5 
 He is said to have died about 200 h , Tusy ib., comp. Kashi ib. 
 
 - Ibidem. 'AH b. Mansur is enumerated Shahr. 145 among 
 the writers of the Shi'a. Masudi VI, 369 calls him an Imamite 
 and a follower of Hisham b. al-Hakam. He is mentioned in 
 connection with the latter, Kashi 165 ult. See also below 1. 22. 10 
 
 - Ibidem. On 'Ali b. Mitham see p. 60 6 ff. 
 
 - L. 24. On ash-Shakkak see p. 66 14 ff. 
 
 - L. 25. On Sheitan at-Tak see p. 59. 
 
 - L. 26. Abu Malik al-Hadrami is mentioned Bagd. 21 b in 
 connection with Ali b. Mitham, both being styled ^^.xXuis 
 (jfl.iU.jl. Filii'. 177" counts him among the dogmatists of the 
 
 Shi'a (&&-uiJt +k&A ^J"*)- 1 Contrary to this, and no doubt 
 incorrectly, Masudi VI, 369 designates him as a radical Khari- 
 jite. He took part, together with most of the other men men- 
 tioned in our text, in the famous discussion before the Barmekide 20 
 Vizier Yahya, Masudi ib. ; comp. on this discussion Kashi 
 167 ff. Abu Malik is mentioned, together with Ali b. Mansur 
 (see above 1. 7), Kashi 179 ult. They both belonged to Ja'far's 
 circle. They outlived Ja'far, ib. 
 
 76, 1. 3 and note 1. According to most authorities (quoted 25 
 Comm. p. 19 27 f.), Isma'il died before his father (five years, [76] 
 Blochet 51). The Isma'iliyya remove this difficulty by the 
 assumption that Ja'far purposely spread the rumor about his 
 death so as to save his life. See the story told Shahr. 146. 
 
 - L. 4. These are the Karmatians. See on these Comm. 30 
 p. 19 32 and p. 79 s . 
 
 - L. 7. These are the Ithna'ashariyya, see p. 78 25 
 
 - L. 10 ff. See on this passage Text p. 48 and Comm. 52 ff. 
 
 . dUL.>o ^j| which follows immediately is most prob- 
 
 ably a dittography from the next line. The editors identify this name 
 with Abu Malik. The difference in the Kunya (Abu Malik and Abu 
 'Abdallah) as well as in the Nisba (al-Hadrami and al-Isfahani) speak 
 decidedly against this conjecture.
 
 134 I. Friedlciender, [1908. 
 
 [76] - L. 20. On the contest about the inheritance see the 
 allusive statement Shahr. 129 and a more elaborate account 
 IBab., Ithbat 41 penult. It is natural that Ja'far gets the 
 worst of it. 
 
 5 77, note 3. I prefer the reading of L. Br gj y+. "People 
 
 [77] sneered at her." See on this expression Goldziher, Mult. St. 
 
 II, 143 ult. and note 7. The nature of the accusation is not 
 
 quite clear. Did she become the concubine of al-Hasan b. 
 
 Ja'far? 
 10 - L. 5. I have not been able to find any reference to this 
 
 Katib. The details set forth here are not found elsewhere. 
 L. 8. In the time of Abu'l Maali (wrote about 485 1 ') 
 
 people made pilgrimages to the cellar (sardab) in which he was 
 
 said to have disappeared, . Blochet 155. Even as late as Ibn 
 isKhaldun a peculiar ceremony connected with this cellar was 
 
 still in vogue. Comp. the interesting passage, IKhald. I, 359. 
 
 - Ibidem (comp. note 7). The same number of years (180) 
 also Ed. IV, 96 6 . 
 
 - L. 10. On Mukhtar see p. 79 17 . On Keisan and the 
 2oKeisaniyya p. 33 ff. 
 
 - L. 13. Muhammed b. Isrna'il as-Sayyid al-Himyari was 
 born 105/723 and died 173/789, Brokelmann I, 83. To the 
 sources quoted by Brockelmann add the biography in Dahabi's 
 Tcfrtkh al-Isldm (Ms. of Strassburg University Library, not 
 
 25 paginated), which is in part closely related to that given in 
 Faw<'it a I- Wafciydt I, 24. On as-Sayyid comp. also the index 
 to this treatise. 
 
 - L. 14. Kuthayyir 'Azza, so called because of his love to 
 'Azza, a girl of the Khuza'a tribe, died in 105, the year in 
 
 so which as-Sayyid was born, Brockelmann I, 48. ' 
 [78] 78, note 2. The drift of this anecdote is probably this, 
 that, as no decent man shared the views of as-Sayyid, he could 
 only point to a cobbler in Ray as his associate in doctrine. 
 
 1 The remark in Agh. Tables p. 395" s.v. ^._x+-Lt jJ.**J! I " loue 
 
 par Kutayyir" is, of course, a misunderstanding. The passage referred 
 to (Agh. VIII, 32) merely states that the verses quoted there in the name 
 of Kuthayyir are ascribed by others to as-Sayyid. Comp. Agh. VII, 7.
 
 Vol. xxix.] T7ie Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 135 
 
 - L. 4. The accusation of forgery, which is certainly more [78] 
 justified than the reciprocal charge of " tabdil " (see p. 61 f.), is 
 often made against the Shiites, see Goldziher, Muh. St. II, 111. 
 lAth. (VIII, 21) puts it forcibly as well as briefly: " When the 
 enemies of Islam gave up the hope to uproot it by force they 5 
 took to inventing false traditions." The Rawafid are on this 
 score brought in comparison with the Jews and this comparison 
 
 is put into the mouth of ash-Sha'bi (d. 103), Ikd 269 (in a 
 briefer form, also in the name of ash-Sha'bi, Isfr. 15"), see 
 p. 19 16 . Ash-Sha'bi, of course, is not responsible for thisio 
 invidious comparison. The Sunnites in protesting against the 
 Shiitic forgeries found no better spokesman than ash-Sha'bi, 
 who was revered by the Sunna and at the same time known as 
 a Shiite. It must be noted, however, that, according to Isfr. 
 70^ penult., th'e tertium comparationis in the analogy between is 
 the Rawafid and the Jews is not the forgery of traditions but 
 " tashbih," the anthropomorphistic conception of God. The 
 Shiites. incline towards "tashblh" (see, e. g., p. 66 7 ) and the 
 latter is regarded as characteristic of Judaism by the Muham- 
 medan theologians. [Cf. Kauffmann, Attributenlehre 81.] 20 
 
 The Sunnites answer the Shiitic forgeries with forgeries of 
 their own which are directed against their opponents (Gold- 
 ziher, Muh. St. II, 117 ff. A few instances can be found Isfr. 
 15 & f. Some of them are rather clumsy. Thus the Prophet is 
 reported to have ordered AH to kill the Rawafid. [See p. 143 ult. ] 25 
 
 - L. G. In the expositions following in Ed., I. H. endeavors 
 to refute the Shiitic view that the Imamate is admissible only 
 in the descendants of Ali. His expositions, however, are of a 
 theological nature and do not offer any historical material. 
 
 The author very cleverly points out that the hadith -xx> oo! so 
 
 _.o V &jf V ( g*jA ^JJQ (Jj)'-* *-M-*-? which is a stand- 
 ing argument of the Shiites it is at the same time binding for 
 the Sunnites as being recorded in the two Sahihs (Nawawi, 
 Tahdib 438) proves nothing in favor of Ali, as Joshua, and 
 not Aron, was the successor of Moses. 35 
 
 1 Comp. Goldziher, ZDMG. 50, 119. See Comm. p. 48 29 .
 
 136 I. f}-iedlaender, The Shiites, etc. [1908. 
 
 
 [78] - L. 10. J^i+'J here and in the passages quoted Comm. 
 
 p. 7 30 and 9 s " obviously means "Synopsis." This meaning of 
 the word is not recorded in the dictionaries. 
 
 w ' 
 
 - L. 17. Read vLw (misprint). 
 
 5 79, 1. 3. Read ^A^u-JI "who caused" (Xoldeke) ; correct 
 [79] 
 
 accordingly Text 80 5 . 
 
 - L. 12. This is the opinion of Suleiman b. Jarir (see 1. 21). 
 Comp. Shahr. 119: "The nation committed ... a sin which 
 does not reach the degree of impiety." See Iji 3o:>, Mnkr. 
 
 10 352" (ft*"-*' instead of ^jU^Lu), Masudi V, -474. His party 
 is called Jaririyya 1 ; Isfr. 7" calls it Suleimaniyya. 
 
 - L. 13. On al-Hasan b. Hayy see p. 130 f. 
 
 - L. 18. This is the view of the Jarudiyya,' see p. 22 20 ff. 
 
 - L. 20. Comp. a similar utterance Ed. I, 41 2 (directed 
 isagainst the Apostles): "It is not permitted to believe an 
 
 apostate nor to receive (true) religion from an apostate." 
 
 - L. 21. On at-Tammar see p. GO" f. 
 [80] 80, 1. 2. On Abu Kamil see p. 76" f. 
 
 - L. 7. See Text 56 5 ff. 
 
 1 Comp. Goldziher, ZDMG. 61, 75 n. 2. 
 
 CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Introduction, p. 13 1. 3 from below : Joseph is oversight for Samuel. 
 
 Comm. p. 15, n. 3. Al-Warrak is probably identical with Abu 'Isa 
 Muhammed b. Harun al-Warrak, of Bagdad, quoted by Mas'udi, Mnruj 
 VII, 236. 
 
 Page 78 1. 15. Comp. also IKot. p. 106: ,jiaxJ! *+& .
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 The term " 
 
 THE term. Rawdji.d which figures so conspicuously in the 
 literature bearing on Shiisni as well as in the texts of Ibn 
 Hazm can lay claim to a long and eventful history. The word 
 lias undergone numerous changes and modifications which are 
 sometimes of so fluctuating a nature as to defy all exact defini- 
 tions. In the following an attempt is made for it cannot be 
 more than an attempt to trace the principal stages in this 
 development and to classify the various, sometimes contradic- 
 tory applications of this word. 
 
 Rawdfid, in the collective singular Rafida* occasionally 
 A.rfar and Rdfidtin^ in the singular RCijidl,' originally signi- 
 fies "an army, or a military force . . . which has deserted its 
 leader" (Lane), in other words "deserters," or "traitors." 
 It is obviously meant as a nickname, more exactly, an abusive 
 nickname, a nomen odiosum." Its application, in consequence, 
 
 1 The abbreviations under which the sources are quoted in this appen- 
 dix are the same as in the body of the article. 
 
 2 The form *>Aj> which may only represent a different spelling of 
 
 aLwiiU is quoted by Goldziher, ZDMG, 36, 281, n. 1, and Shi 1 a, p. 511 6 . 
 Another example is recorded by Dozy sub voce (from Nuweiri). 
 
 3 Comp. Taj-al-'Arus (see Lane s.v.), Dozy s.v. and Goldziher, ZDMG. 
 36, 280, n. 1. 
 
 4 See p. 140, n. 3, and Comm. p. 106 18 , Goldziher, Shva 460 6 . The first 
 two examples occur in poetry, the third in rhymed prose. 
 
 5 Whether the variant (jidilJI (Text 63, n. 2) represents an actual 
 usage or is merely a scribal error is difficult to determine. 
 
 6 Mukaddasi (p. 36 ls ) counts the Rawafid. among the sects which are 
 
 designated by a nickname: SwxSX+JI, (jtdil.^JLs RxJlX^! LoLj 
 . The abusive nature of the name is evident from 
 
 the remark immediately following: xJLwJt J.J&L3 2L&.(XX+4Jt Lol. 
 
 . *sJ! tU^ydt
 
 138 , I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 largely depends on the mental attitude of the person using it. 
 Hence its preeminently polemical character. ' 
 
 Historically the name is connected with Zeid, the great- 
 grandson of Ali, the originator of the Zeidiyya. Tabari 3 has 
 preserved an elaborate account of the incident to which the 
 word owes its origin. 
 
 Zeid b. Ali b. al-Husein b. AH b. Abi Tulib had been 
 encouraged by the people of Kufa to assert his claims to the 
 throne of the Omeyyads. Relying on their promises of assist- 
 ance, he organizes in the year 122 h an open rebellion which is 
 to take place on a prearranged day in Kufa. The governor 
 Yusuf b. 'Omar receives timely information and takes energetic 
 measures to nip the rebellion in the bud by getting hold of its 
 organizer. In this moment of danger the leaders of the rebel- 
 lious Kufiotes, who had always been noted for their fickleness 
 of character, gather around Zeid to cross-examine him as to the 
 legitimacy of the first two Caliphs, Abu Bekr and 'Ornar. 
 "Zeid 3 said: 'May Allah have mercy on them both and grant 
 them forgiveness! I have never heard anyone of my family 
 repudiating them 4 or speaking of them otherwise than favor- 
 
 1 The Shiites never designate themselves as Rawafid. According to 
 Mukaddasi (p. 142, n. 6), they apply this word to their opponents. 
 As-Sayyid protests against the affront implied in it (p. 140, n. 3). The 
 expression has, it seems, always (see, however, p. 151, n. 5) carried with 
 it a derogatory meaning. The term Mu'tazila, " secessionists " or 
 "schismatics", affords, both as regards origin (see Shahr. 33 11 and the 
 other sources) and subsequent development, an interesting parallel to 
 Rawafid. The Mu'tazila themselves prefer the designation Ashdb (or 
 ahl) al-'adl wa't-tau-Md (Shahr. 29 bottom, cf . preceding note, and Zeid. 
 
 Mu'taz. p. 2). Bagd. 40", 137" uses the word polemically ; i-s JJiJI 
 /k^f .. iJyXjL+Jt while Zeid. Mu'taz., who is himself a Mu'tazil- 
 
 ite, endeavors to find for the name a different and more complimentary 
 derivation. 
 
 2 II, 1698 ff. 
 
 3 Tab. II, 1699. We quote the passage verbatim, as it strikingly 
 illustrates the fundamental points of difference between the two most 
 important sections of the Shi'a. 
 
 4 U-g.** 'Y^^- The expression ^A^XwJI (or ( j^o) ^. ^jxxjf 
 is the technical term in this connection. The opposite attitude is desig- 
 
 nated as ^.sEUiJI ^. vXM . See Goldziher, ZDMG. 36, 280 n. 2, 
 Snouck-Hurgronje, Mekka I, 33 n. 2, and the references quoted in the 
 course of this appendix,
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 139 
 
 bly.' They said: 'Why, then, do you seek the blood of this 
 family (the Omeyyads), if they have not (illegally) seized upon 
 your throne and wrenched it from your hands?' He replied to 
 them : ' The most I can admit in the question you are discuss- 
 ing is that we (the family of All) were the worthiest among 
 men of the Prophet's throne and that the people appropriated 
 it in preference to us and pushed us away from it. Yet, this, 
 in our opinion, does not constitute apostasy on their part. 
 They 1 were Caliphs, they were just in their dealings with the 
 people and acted in accordance with the Book and Tradition.' 
 They said : ' If those did not wrong you, then these (the Omey- 
 yads) have not wronged you either. Why, 'then, should you 
 call (us) to fight people who are not doing you any wrong?' 
 He answered: 'These here are not the same as those. These 
 here do wrong me and you and themselves. For we only call 
 you to Allah's Book and the Prophet's Tradition (so that) the 
 traditions be revived and the innovations extinguished. If you 
 follow us, you will be blessed. If not, I am not responsible 
 for you !' Thereupon they withdrew from him, violating their 
 oath of allegiance, and declared : ' the Imam has died ! '% hence- 
 forward maintaining that Abu Ja'far Muhammed b. Ali, the 
 brother of Zeid b. Ali, was the (legitimate) Imam. The latter, 
 however, had. died in the meantime, but his son Ja'far b. 
 Muhammed was alive. So they declared: 'Ja'far is now our 
 Imam after his father. He is the worthiest of the Imamate after 
 his father. We Avill not follow Zeid b. Ali, for he is no Imam.' 
 Zeid thereupon called them Mdfida. At present, 3 however, they 
 maintain that it was al-Mugira who called them Rafida at the 
 time when they had withdrawn from him." 
 
 The last sentence is highly significant. The partisans of 
 Zeid apparently repented their faithless action which resulted 
 
 1 Abu Bekr and 'Omar. It is not clear whether 'Othman is included. 
 The attitude of the Zeidiyya toward the latter is vacillating. See 
 Comm. p. 129- 6 . 
 
 - ,o l3*-*w . On this meaning of IO.AAW see Tabarl glossary sub 
 voce and compare the next sentence. 
 
 3 * fc A.M . Codex B omits it. The narrator was a contemporary of 
 Zeid. See later p. 141.
 
 140 I. Friedlaen*/, r, [1908. 
 
 in his pitiful death. They felt the scathing shame of having 
 been branded as "deserters" or "traitors" by so distinguished 
 and pious a descendant of Ali. Shrewd as they were, they pre- 
 tended that this name was hung on them by al-Mugira b. Sa'id 1 
 under whom they had risen shortly before and from whom they 
 had betimes withdrawn. 2 To have been thus nicknamed by so 
 rank a heretic constituted, in their opinion, a title of honor. 3 
 
 Tabari's derivation of the word from the unfortunate upris- 
 ing of Zeid b. Ali in 122 is almost universally confirmed by the 
 Arabic authorities. 4 So all the national lexicographers (see the 
 quotations in Lane sub voce) 6 ', Bagd. 10 b f. 6 ; Isfr. 9 a ; Shahr. 
 
 1 The text merely gives al-Mugira. But if this is to have any mean- 
 ing, it can only be taken as referring to al-Mugira b. Sa'id, Text 59 f. , 
 Comm. 79. This identification is also assumed in the index to Tabari. 
 Wellhausen, Opp. 96 n. 1, substitutes, without justification, the name of 
 al-Mugira b. Shu'ba. It is difficult to account for his name in this 
 connection. 
 
 2 Cf . Text 60 U . 
 
 3 The derogatory character of the word (comp. p. 137 n. 6) is aptly 
 illustrated by a verse of as-Sayyid, Agh. VII, 17. The latter had been 
 accused by the poet Saw war, in the presence of the Caliph Mansur, of 
 being a fanatical Shiite. As-Sayyid replies to Sawwar in a scathing 
 poem in which he says : 
 
 " We, however, are whether you like it or not men who ' desert ' 
 people of error and ungodly works.'' This apparently means : You may 
 nickname us " deserters." But we are such only because we " desert " 
 Abu Bekr and 'Omar who disregarded the Prophet's will and usurped 
 the Caliphate rightly belonging to Ali. See later p. 142 f. Barbier de 
 Meynard, Journal Asiatique 1874, p. 210 misunderstood the verse. 
 
 4 A few (see later p. 142, n. 6) add another explanation which is no 
 doubt secondary. 
 
 5 Comp. also Nawawi on Muslim's Sahih I, 51. 
 
 Comp. fol. If: jj4JiLcL9> *..$J Jli' ~Z>- iU3 cXA-C 5,.isLft3 
 lv U-t-*v LXXx>.j 'V }' Bagd. winds up his lengthly account with 
 the interesting observation x.i_^Jl
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the SMites, etc. 141 
 
 17, 116; IKhald. I, 357; Makr: 351 8 (=de Sacy XLYIII, II, 588) 1 , 
 and others. Mukaddasi, who records various applications of 
 our term, distinctly states 2 : "with the Zeidiyya (it signifies) 
 those who denied the Caliphate of Zeid b. Ali, and this is the 
 original meaning." 
 
 It is well known that historical incidents quoted by Muhamme- 
 dan authorities for the purposes of philological interpretation 
 cannot always be relied upon, as they are not infrequently man- 
 ufactured for the occasion. But no such scepticism is justified 
 in our case. Tabari's report is derived from AbH Mikhnaf, who 
 was a contemporary of Zeid, lived in the same city and is the 
 best authority for the early history of Islam, especially in 
 'Irak. a Besides, the incident has every internal evidence in its 
 favor. Zeid b. Ali was the pupil of "VVasil b. 'Ata, the founder 
 of the Mu'tazila. 4 Like the latter, he looked at the problem of 
 the Imamate from a rational point of view. 6 To Zeid and his 
 followers the Zeidiyya the Imamate was essentially a question 
 of personal qualification." They denied the existence of a 
 written will 7 and, while maintaining the superiority of Ali, they 
 justly enough admitted that the first two eminently successful 
 Caliphs were legitimate rulers. 8 To Zeid's opponents the 
 Imamate was exclusively a question of birth. It was heredi- 
 tary in its very nature and bequeathed to Ali by the Prophet. 
 Accordingly, Abu Bekr and 'Omar were usurpers and, dis- 
 regarding, as they did, the express will of Allah's Prophet, 
 
 1 Who also quotes the other explanation, p. 142, n. 6. 
 
 2 See p. 142, n. 6. 
 
 3 See on this historian Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich, Preface. 
 
 4 See Comm. II 36 . 5 Comp. Iji 297. i 
 6 Comp. Text 75 9 and Comm. 
 
 1 Comp. Introd. p. 22 and Text 74 5 . 
 
 b Makr. 352 23 sums up Zeid's standpoint in the words LJLc 
 
 j JyUI *xi 4^ Jo ^j! l j*je. Comp. the quotation in 
 Snouck-Hurgronje, Mekka I, 33, n. 2 aj.3' *x Udj! <X>\ ^jo* 
 
 *" 
 
 This view is based on the belief in the legitimacy of J,xiA4.Jt x*Lo 
 "the Imamate of the Inferior." See on this important point Shahr. 
 116 and Ibn Hazm, Ed. IV, 163 ff.
 
 142 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 they are to be looked upon as apostates. 1 Thus the "repudia- 
 tion of the two Eiders" became the equivalent and complement 
 of the recognition of the claims of the Alids. It was the pro- 
 pelling force of all Shiitic uprisings and it is but natural that 
 the same question formed the point of issue between the legiti- 
 mists of Kufa and the rationalistic and fair-minded Zeid at the 
 moment when they were both about to take up arms against the 
 ruling dynasty. 
 
 Thus we may consider it certain that the word Rawdfid 
 originated in Kufa in the year of the Hijra 122, a in connection 
 with the rebellion of Zeid b. Ali. 3 
 
 The specific characteristic of the RaAvafid, of those who 
 deserted Zeid and were termed by him "deserters," was the 
 negative attitude towards Abu Bekr and 'Omar, and, in a ICSMT 
 degi'ee, of 'Othman and the other Companions, 4 an attitude 
 which was not a mere theoretic notion but soon grew into vio- 
 lent hatred and vented itself in the action believed to be 
 
 meritorious of au^fij! ^~* "the public denunciation of the 
 Companions." 6 Hence JKafd or Taraffud, i. e. "to act as 
 Rdfida " became the designation for this hostile attitude toward 
 the "two Elders" and the Companions, Itawdfid and its paral- 
 lel forms the name of those who maintain this attitude/' Thus 
 
 1 See Introd. 22 and Text 79' 8 . 
 
 8 Ash-Sha'bi's (died 103) reference to the Rafida (Comm. p. 19' 6 ) is no 
 doubt apocryphal. This scathing criticism of the Rafida is attributed 
 to him purposely because he was known to be favorably inclined 
 towards Shiism. The sentence quoted ibidem 19' 20 t>..2~s jjiijI.vJt 
 
 kx>^!*StX$0 is attributed Isfr. 15" to the Prophet himself, whilst accord- 
 ing to ash-Sha'bi (see p. 144 3 ), the Rawafid were even worse than the Jews. 
 Again, according to Shahr. 9, the Prophet compared the Rawafid with 
 the Christians. 
 
 3 Whether Zeid gave his opponents that name or it was given to them 
 by others in connection with that event is quite immaterial to us. 
 
 4 Of. p. 139. n. 1. 
 
 6 On "Sabb" see Goldziher, Shi'a 455 ff. and ZDMG. 36, 280. For 
 some very characteristic instances see Comm. 28. n. 1 (quotation from 
 Mirza), 42 4 ff., 65 1 ff. and Goldziher, Shi'a 456 middle. 
 
 6 This, in our opinion, accounts for the additional explanation of 
 "Rawafid" as -4^5 -Jo I- 1 L^iiv. as those who deserted Abu Bekr 
 and 'Omar, so Ikd (cf. p. 148). Makrizi 351 s , who defines (ib.) the
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 143 
 
 Bagd 12 b introduces with, the words *xi3^ -*.* JLs^ the 
 following two .verses as characteristic of "Rafd": 
 
 Rawafid as 
 
 J& 
 
 o _s j^juo. auot. (^+e. /**?' <l uotes 
 
 explanations: 1) those who " deserted the opinion" of Zeid ; 2) those 
 who " deserted the opinion" of the Companions in electing Abu Bekr, 
 cf. de Sacy XLVIII, 11,588. Very significant although not unmistak- 
 
 able is the remark Mukaddasi's (38 5 ): \jo juiAXcJI <XLc 
 
 O.,,- ' vu f- 
 
 ^Jv4JlJI &i^L=. LaJ ( j^0 fSfcvA.t <X^&2 L^ W^i>. y-^'' f r 
 
 which Codex C reads more elaborately : yi.Lj' jutjuiJ! JCA. 
 
 JbJk..5yJ! 
 
 Uj *> < <s 
 
 20! c .AS../) IcJC. . We are thus pi-esented with three 
 
 derivations of the name : 1) according to the Shiites, the name applies 
 to those who gave the precedence to someone else over Ali in the Cal- 
 iphate, i. e. who elected Abu Bekr (and 'Omar) instead of Ali. 2) Accord- 
 ing to the Zeidiyya, it applies to those who rejected Zeid's Caliphate (in 
 122), 3) According to the others (i. e. the Sunnites), Rawafid are those 
 who rejected the Caliphate of Abu Bekr and 'Omar. Historically, the 
 first and third explanation are identical : they both assign an earlier ori- 
 gin to the name, deriving it from the events following Muhammed's 
 death. They are substantially identical with the second explanation 
 quoted by Makrizi. The second derivation of Mukaddasi assigns the 
 name to the year 122. This explanation is, according to Mukaddasi, the 
 original one, while the third, although the ordinary one, is apocryphal. 
 From the expositions in the text it will have become obvious why the 
 latter explanation had become so favorite. From the remark above 
 quoted we also learn the fact otherwise unknown that the Shi'a, 
 in this case the Imamiyya, see later p. 158, applied the same nickname 
 to their adversaries. This apparently means that the Rawafid, smart- 
 ing under the offence implied in that term (comp. p. 140), endeavor to 
 explain it differently : i. e. as those who deserted Ali, the opposition to 
 Ali being objectionable even in the eyes of many Sunnites. Another 
 example of a polemical explanation of Rawafid is found in a hadith 
 (apocryphal, of course) quoted Isfr. 15 b penult: (sic) -^ *. c .
 
 144 I. Friedlaender, [1903. 
 
 j! ..X*' e^^ S'iXc 3^ (^AXi; .V' ; O-Jyr 1 ,+ r 
 
 In a dictum quoted Isfr. 15 a in the name of ash-Sha'bi 
 
 G x 
 
 (d. 103) 7 the Rawafid are characterised thus: ^\jo & 
 
 ** !y>L5 ^.jJI [io b ] 
 
 ULai RxiYl 8cX* "xt . 
 
 "These here are Rdfida, those opposite them are Suunites 
 .... the Sunnites are pleased with 8 Abu Bekr and 'Omar, the 
 
 JUb C-? ; = Mahdl ?) ^i ^jj ^jj ^LxJI ^sJ 
 ^"J- Th e same hadith with 
 
 a different isn&d and a few variations is quoted Goldziher, Shi'a 444. 
 f- _ 
 
 seems to be more archaic than the ordinarily used form 
 
 Thus, according to al-Asma'i (died 215, quoted Lisdn sub voce 
 (, Zeid was told ^x^V.xviJ! ..y^o lyjt. Kdmus (s. v. 
 
 says instead ^xS\.AA ..wo wAJ' . 
 4 Arwa was 'Othman's mother. 
 
 3 Ms. LjiA+a* I corrected according to Agh. VII, 24 (see n. 6). 
 
 4 i. e. Abu Bekr. 
 
 5 sic ! "was proclaimed*." 
 
 6 Agh. VII, 24" ascribes these two verses to as-Sayyid, who is said to 
 have uttered them with his last breath. The second verse appears here 
 in a considerably different form : 
 
 LuAxu-Jt ^yo! Leo !j*.. ^ eK^** eJ* 1 } V'-F'- l ^ Jt ' cJ'' ? 
 
 The elimination of Abu Bekr's and 'Omar's name is certainly not acci- 
 dental. See on Abu'l-Faraj al-Isfahani's attitude towards Shiism, and 
 especially towards as-Sayyid, Goldziher, Shi'a 441 f . 
 
 7 See p. 142, n. 2. Although apocryphal, the utterance illustrates the 
 meaning attached to ' ' Rawafid " by those who invented it. 
 
 Cf p- 138> n> 4-
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 145 
 
 Rafida denounce them" (Dozy sub voce aud3\ from N"u- 
 Aveiri). 
 
 Characteristic is the anecdote Agh. XVIII, 59 4 : the poet 
 Di'bil (died 246 h ), who is an enthusiastic Shiite, 1 denounces a 
 descendant of Zubeir, the son of Safiyya bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, 
 the Prophet's aunt. The Kadi 'Amr b. Humeid interposes on 
 the plea that this is equal to insulting a close relative of the 
 Prophet. Di'bil retorts: "I have never seen anyone more 
 stupid than thyself, except the one who hath appointed thee 
 .... Thy mind can conceive that I am a Rafidi because of 
 calumniating Safiyya the daughter of 'Abd al-Muttalib ... Is 
 calumniating Safiyya a religious tenet of the Rafida?" Di'bil 
 shrewdly implies that other personalities, far more important 
 than Safiyya, are the target of the Rawafid's hatred. 
 
 Because of this "denunciation of the Companions" the 
 Rawafid are nicknamed "Sabbabun," "denouncers." 2 
 
 To realize the full significance of this usage, we must bear in 
 mind the fact so lucidly expounded by Goldziher, 3 that the Shi 'a 
 
 1 Cf. Agh. XVIII, 29. 
 
 ZDMG.36, 280, n.l. This 
 
 general aspect of our term is to be thought of, whenever it is found dif- 
 ficult to assign it to any of the more definitely circumscribed categories 
 to be mentioned in the course of this article. Mukaddasi affords us two 
 interesting examples derived from his personal experience. While 
 travelling in 'Irak, where there are "Galiya, exaggerating their love 
 for Mu'awiya" (p. 126, 1. 14 and note m; cf. Comm. 12 8 J, our author 
 hears in the principal mosque of Wasit a man reciting a hadtth (forged, 
 of course) in favor of Mu'awiya. He remonstrates. The man shouts 
 
 V3 ^( ft fj^jc f.tX~> and the mob advances to attack him (p. 126;. 
 
 Similarly, in Ispahan, which is equally distinguished by its " Guluww 
 for Mu'awiya " (cf . also Goldziher, Shi'a 495, n. 3) the author protests 
 against a man who denounces AH and is angrily pointed at as 
 
 x 
 
 o 
 
 -x 
 (p. 399 13 ). This does not necessarily imply that " orthodoxi fana- 
 
 tici c jaj\\ vocant quoque orthodox os moderates " (Glossary to Mukad- 
 dasi s.v. (jojy) , but simply means that the people seeing that he 
 objects to Mu'awiya or that he defends Ali. think that he is a " repudia- 
 tor" of the Companions. In point of fact, Mukaddasi is very favorably 
 inclined toward the Zeidiyya (see p. 158). 
 
 3 ZDMG. 36, 280 f., 50, 111 f., Shi'a 460 ff., Muh. St. II, 110 f. Cf. 
 Snouck-Hurgronje. Mekka I, 33. 
 VOL. xxix. 10
 
 146 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 but slowly and gradually developed into an independent relig- 
 ious organism and at first represented rather a different current 
 within Islam than a separate sect. Shiism (Tashayyu 1 ) in itself, 
 i. e. attachment to Ali and the Alidic family, is, from the Sun- 
 nitic point of view, by no means objectionable, nay, is even 
 commendable ; the word Shi^a in itself does not imply any 
 heresy. 1 It does become objectionable when the attachment to 
 Ali is coupled with the denunciation of the Companions, in the 
 first place of Abu Bekr and 'Omar. 2 Hence, even in later times, 
 Rawdfid is frequently used side by side with and at the same 
 time as distinguished from Shi'-a, the former denoting the radi- 
 cal and improper expression of Alidic sympathy, the latter the 
 moderate and permissible one. Thus Ibn Hajar al-'Askelani 
 
 (died 852/1449) characteristically says 3 : X.Aol_s 5j._J 
 4 . jjdijJ! -3 LAJLC. StXlj LiJj -Lc. ^' >_>* -A.C ,..x) L 
 This differentiation has even found expression in a hadith, 
 quoted Isfr. 16 a : <^^ ^ *^ al-'l ^^ -+ (sic) \j* g))) 
 
 aJJ! 
 
 -Xj U 
 
 JUi '^j 
 
 xx*4" (*-g-J ^^? V Jlis xJJt vJ^w^ LJ 
 U! ^.^.AXio. Thus even the partisans (Shi'a) of Ali 
 
 1 S/u'a 443, n. 3. Cf. Snouck-Hurgronje ib. 32, n. 1. 
 
 2 Comp. the characteristic utterance Damiri's (quoted Shi'a ib.) 
 
 AJiAi" -xc ..wX! c>.Ax Jjc J.AAOAAJ ^-fc.-. LwCi. t^xio A*LXj 
 
 ibL^J! ,j.xi tX-^-V . See other examples quoted ib. 
 
 3 ZDMG. 36, 280 n. 2. 
 
 4 Similarly the well-known Shiite Zurara b. A'yun is said to have been 
 
 (jalj\ ii^UJ! JoJ (Makr. 858"). 
 
 5 Ms. dLoVj . 
 
 6 Comp. the hadith quoted at the end of p. 142, n. 6. 
 
 1 Comp. the hadith quoted Goldziher, Shi'a 447 14 : ^o ^jt-^-. <^-t
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 147 
 
 are sent to Paradise, while those partisans who cannot refrain 
 from denouncing Abu Bekr and 'Omar 1 deserve extermination. 2 
 In consequence, x^asLJI^ xxxAJ! for the moderate and radical 
 wing of Alidic sympathizers is an expression often to be met 
 with. Several examples can be gleaned from the abundant 
 polemical material collected by Goldziher in his Shi 1 a: 453 ult., 
 486 1. 6, 511-1. 6, 3 512 1. 17 and penult. A further instance may be 
 added from IKhald. Ill, 74. Speaking of the later Sufis, Ibn 
 
 1 The hadith is shrewdly enough transmitted through the son of 'Omar. 
 
 ' 2 Goldziher, Shi'a 444, quotes a hadith which is obviously identical 
 with ours. But it is undoubtedly expurgated and almost entirely shorn 
 of its pro-Alidic one might almost say, Zeiditic tendency. The words 
 
 . r c>j (jf* are left out an( * tne 
 Prophet's reply is more in keeping with strict orthodoxy : 
 
 oLLwwJI ^t .j^xia..}* viJLo (j+l U-? I n the latter form the 
 Prophet also protests against those who, like the Zeidiyya, acknowledge 
 Abu Bekr and ; Oniar but reject the other Companions. 
 
 3 In this passage the author (a Persian Shiite of the eleventh century 
 of the Hijra) incidentally explains the origin of the word aupjL (or, as 
 he spells it, x^oiv, cf. 137 n. 2) in a manner different from the explana- 
 
 tions previously quoted. He says, Shva oil 1 - ff. : -jUCs Y 
 
 and 
 
 those who do not defy their reason or senses are truly and positively 
 aware that these maid servants and male servants (of the Alids) and 
 the students of the doctrine of the Prophet's family were nearer to the 
 latter (cf . Goldziher ib. 508, n. 6) and better acquainted with their funda- 
 mental and derivative principles. For the Prophet's family is best 
 aware of what is in the Family. It was for this reason that they 
 (apparently referring to the people mentioned at the beginning of the 
 quotation) were called Shi'a and Rafida." Shi'a partisans of All. 
 RCtJida seems to convey to the author's mind an essentially positive 
 meaning : intense devotion to the Alidic family, while originally this 
 meaning was merely the complement of the negative idea: the repudi- 
 ation of the Companions.
 
 148 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Khaldun says: They exalt All above all other Companions 
 
 t = 
 
 *A*ujJI cX2uifr *x Ubej "in accordance with the beliefs of 
 
 Shiism," shortly afterwards remarking: ^e ^>^-\uo *.& L+J!^ 
 
 S "This (the system of 
 
 the Sufis) is merely borrowed from the religious philosophy of 
 the Shi^a and Rdjida and their doctrines in their writings." 
 All these examples are of rather late origin. 2 For an earlier 
 instance see the curious quotation from an ancient poet, Makkari 
 I, 799: "Thou sayest: 'Shiism consists in the love of the Bald 
 one of Hashim.' 3 Be then, I pray, a Rafidi, if thou wishest it, 
 or become thou a Shiite!" As clearly differentiated the two 
 terms appear in the definition Ikd 267: "They were called 
 Ratida, because they 'deserted' Abu Bekr and 'Omar" (cf. p. 
 
 -5 * 
 
 142, n. 6) . . . J-c- 
 
 -Xj 
 
 LJ! ^jyjJj* ^jL*Jtc " the Shi'a, however, are outside 
 of them (the Rafida). They are those who prefer AH to Oth- 
 man but follow Abu Bekr and 'Omar." 5 Compare also above, 
 Comm., p. 19 15 . 
 
 In this connection may also be mentioned the title of Jahiz' 
 
 treatise (Masudi VI, 57), ^J K^^W ^.xxxi^Jf ^yo! s.x>(jo\ ^)(.X$ 
 
 &J >La-XjVt 3 (jl^-ft,*/ j! 
 . iLo.it Jl 
 
 With the consolidation of the Shi'a the "deserters" of Zeid b. 
 Ali in 122' 1 developed into the Imdiniyya sect which out of the 
 belief in the hereditary nature of the Imamate and the repudia- 
 
 ! In this case, however, and possibly in some other cases Rdfida may 
 be taken in the more limited meaning of Imamiyya, see later in the 
 text, p. 149 f . 
 
 4 For a few more equally late examples see Ahlwardt's Berlin Cata- 
 logue No. 2152. 
 
 3 Ali was bald, cf. Text 57 6 . 
 
 Cj . The pun contained in these 
 
 words is as clever as it is frivolous. 
 6 See later p. 158 middle.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 149 
 
 tion of the Prophet's Companions evolved an independent system 
 of religious doctrine and pi'actice. Their antipodes within the 
 Shi 'a were the Zeidiyya^ the followers of Zeid b. Ali. Hence 
 Hawdfid very aptly became the equivalent for Imdmiyya. 1 In 
 this application our term is consistently used by Zeiditic and very 
 frequently by Sunnitic writers. Thus a Zeidite writes v.jLx> . 
 
 2 iLoJt J! ^c. t> Jl. The early Zeidite al-Kasim b. Ibrahim (died 
 246 h ) applies the word in the same manner, e. g., Comm. 104 28 , 
 similarly Zeid. Mutaz., p. 48. The Zeidite Suleiman b. Jarir 
 (see Comm. p. 72 20 ) JLcLsU! 3, ^.xio "criticized the Rafida," 
 
 i. e. the Imamiyya (Shahr. 119). Jahiz begins his "Epistle on 
 the Doctrines of the Shi'a" (Jfajm&'at ar-Rasdil, Cairo 1324 h , 
 p. 178) with the characteristic words: "Know . . . that the 
 
 Shi'a of Ali is Zeidite and Rafidite (IxisL. " Jo\). The rest of 
 
 them are isolated and not classified. The description of these 
 two (Zeidites and Rafidites) makes (the description of) those 
 outside of them unnecessary." Masudi VI, 23 designates as the 
 
 sects of Islam ab^xixtj abtXjUl^ Jiuai J!j aujj+ ~y\ the 
 same meaning apparently 'attaches to the word ibidem, V, 442. 3 
 
 So, also, Tab. Ill, 1684 15 JbJ^Xj . . . judi*. 
 
 In the same sense our word is constantly applied by Ibn 
 Hazm. He consciously defines it as contradictory to Zeidiyya 
 Text 74 ff . and veiy often applies it in this meaning in his Milal. 
 
 Thus Ed. IV, 176": *Ju 
 163 1 
 
 similarly IV, 171 ia- 10 . Famous Imamites are designated as 
 
 1 Comp. Snouck-Hurgronje, Mekka I, 33 ult. : " Ursprimglich bildeten 
 die Zeiditen einen Gegensatz zu den Rafidhiten." 
 
 * Fihrist 193 ult. For another example see Brockelmann 1, 186. " Die 
 imamitische Sekte der Zaiditen," ibidem, p. 185, is a contradictio in 
 adiecto. 
 
 a Elsewhere (V, 473) he allusively refers to the origin of the name of 
 the Zeidiyya, for which he claims to have several explanations. 
 
 4 In this passage I. H. exactly defines the position of the Imamiyya in 
 the question of the " Imamate of the Inferior" (cf. p. 141, n. 8).
 
 150 Z Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Rafidis, e. g., Ali b. Mitam (Comm. 60 25 ), 1 Text ol 4 , 2 Hishain 
 b. al-Hakam (Comm. 65 11 ), Text 63 s , 74", Ed. II, 121 s ,' Muham- 
 med b. Ja'far (Sheitan at-Tak, Comm. 59 9 ), Text 50' 5 . As 
 synonymous with Imamiyya the word also appears Test 62 16 ; 
 Comm. 14 4 ", 15 2 ; Ed. IY, 100 f. and elsewhere. 
 
 It is only a slight variation of this usage when I. H. employs 
 Rawafid as an apposition of Imamiyya. Thus Test 44 15 (= Ed. 
 
 IV, 179 penult.) ^xJt SuLiM ^ aLycLoVt 
 
 JY 47 19 (=Ed. IV, 181') 
 
 j p^JLTauaiyi JUx>UVI, or Tfcrf 31 20 ( = 
 112 ult.), where several Imamites are characterized as 
 Juuui, for which Br. and V. (see ib. n. 4) read JudjK aut>yi 
 
 On the other hand, the original meaning of Rawafid as 
 " repudiators," without the restriction of an organized sect, 
 seems to be unconsciously present in Ibn Hazm's mind when he 
 
 speaks of iLastjJt ^jo aux>Loa! , see this page note 5 and !'>.< t 
 
 42 18 =Ed. IV, 179 8 . 
 
 As an equivalent of Imamiyya our word shares in all the 
 modifications of that term, embracing all those who believe in 
 the hereditary nature of the Imamate and in a written will of 
 the Prophet (comp. Text 74). Thus the Zeidite al-Kasim con- 
 sciously defines Rawafid as those who carry the Imamate 
 
 1 Bagd., too, counts him among the jLo,j!J! ^, +*., (ib.). 
 
 2 In the Arabic text (Ed. IV, 181 penult.) ,jl^ is to be read instead 
 
 rfJJT,. 
 
 3 Comp. Masudi VII, 231. 
 
 4 L. and Br. merely read (ib. note 8) x^pL It jjo xjj._s ow'Li' . 
 
 5 L. Br. instead (ib. n. 13) aLLoLoV! w/o *^ LJlS aUxxiiaJ 
 
 see later. 
 
 6 Comp. Burton, Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to al-Medinah 
 and Meccah (ed. 1898),!, 206: "The Maghrabis, too, hearing that the 
 Persians were Rafaz (heretics) crowded fiercely round to do a little 
 Jihad, or Fighting for the Faitb." The Persians were no doubt 
 " Twelvers."
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 151 
 
 down to Ja'far. 1 In the same sense probably, 2 IKhald. counts 
 (II. 165, III, 72, 74) the Isma'iliyya, who transfer the Imamate 
 from Ja'far to his son Isma'il, and for a similar reason 
 the Fatimides (III, 8) among the Rawafid. 3 Ja'far's son 
 Musa is termed "Imam ar-Rafida," 4 and so is al- Hasan al- 
 'Askari, the Mahdi's father. 5 With the spread of the Ithna'ash- 
 ariyya, Rawafid just as Imamiyya 6 became a designation of 
 the "Twelvers." Thus Mirza 49 a unmistakably says 
 
 His treatise 
 
 entitled (jait^vJ! > ^ (jdJiLjJt xJLu/v is directed against the 
 same sect. I. H. applies the word similarly, Ed. I, 139 7 and 
 Text 76', 77 1 . 
 
 The further development of our term seems to have been 
 influenced by the relation of the Sunnites to the Imamiyya. 
 However bitterly the former resented the Imamiyya's attitude 
 towards the Companions, they still regarded them as being 
 w r ithin the fold of Islam. 7 Excluded from the Muhammedan 
 community were only the G-ulat or Galiya, 8 who were considered 
 
 1 See Comm. p. 104 s5 . 
 
 2 Another explanation is possible, see p. 152, n. 4. 
 
 3 One must, however, bear in mind that under the Fatimides the 
 *' repudiation " of the first Caliphs became obligatory as a state law, cf. 
 Goldziher, Shi'a 456. 
 
 4 1 Bab., IthbatBS. 
 
 5 Ib. 41. It is worthy of notice that al-Hasan is so designated by one 
 of his admirers (although not a Shiite). This would indicate that, in 
 Shiitic countries at least, our appellation lost much of its derogatory 
 character. 
 
 6 Comp. IKhald. I, 362 **J.J LJo.~. UoL 
 
 1 See following note. 
 8 Comp. Bagd. 6 b 
 
 . 
 
 see ib. 99 a and Makr. 345. Comp. also 
 Introduction, p. 21.
 
 152 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 an outgrowth of the Imamiyya, 1 but not identified with them." 
 The nature of our term as a no men odiosum sufficiently accounts 
 for its occasional application as Gulat in distinction from the 
 Imamiyya. Thus IKhald. II, 164, in speaking of the Sufis who 
 
 believe in the Divine nature of the Imams, observes: 
 
 "they share this belief with the Imamiyya 
 
 and Rafida (i. e. Gulat 3 ), because they maintain the divinity of 
 the Imam or the incarnation of the Deity in them." Ibidem 
 1. 1: "the tenets of the Imamiyya and Rafida of the Shi'a as 
 to the recognition of Ali's superiority and the belief in his 
 Imamate, owing to a written will of the Prophet, as well as the 
 repudiation of the two Elders."' As Gulat our word is proba- 
 bly to be explained Masudi VI, 26: /-^^ sJu.J^ .j! ^#3. 
 
 /-**'5 T} /j) i-V r:>- 
 
 ^ !^ 
 
 "Abu Hanifa (Comm.' 8 e ), the majority of the Murji'a, 
 the majority of the Zeidiyya, such as 5 the Janldiyya (Comm. 
 
 1 IKhald. I, 359 speaks of XAX>lxVt S^Lc, see the following note. 
 
 2 Comp. the sharp distinction drawn by Ibn Hazm, Text 55' 21 ff. The 
 Imamites themselves energetically deny any connection with the Gulat, 
 comp. Goldziher, Shi'a 466, n. 2 and Comm. 91 18 . 
 
 3 Comp. IKhald. I, 358 : 4i The Gulat have transgressed the limits of 
 Reason and Faith by believing in the divinity of these Imams." See 
 Ibn Hazm, Text 55". 
 
 4 Outside the Imamiyya, it is only the Gulat who hold these beliefs. 
 The Zeidiyya reject them. On the other hand, if we take Imamiyya 
 in its restricted sense as Ithna'ashariyya (comp. p. 151 n. b), Rafida 
 here might possibly stand for the Isma'iliyya. Again, in the expres- 
 
 sion x^ii! J! ..^x klJLccL^wwVI (P- 151) the latter might designate 
 Gulat, as the Isma'iliyya hold guluww doctrines. Ib. Ill, 74 IKhald. , 
 alongside of the expression just quoted, says 
 
 5 1 take
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the tfhiites, etc. 153 
 
 22) and other sects' and the remaining sects of the Shi 'a 1 
 and the Rnfida 3 as well as the Rawendiyya (Comm. p. 121 ff.) 
 hold that the Imamate is permissible only in the Kureish 
 tribe." A clear case of this usage is found lAthir VII, 341 1. 4, 
 
 where instead of JuijJ! 3 (read L^U-*) ^|Utxi ^^ three 
 codices read y^^Jo . A curious as well as instructive example 
 
 is afforded by the anecdote told Kdmil, ed. Wright 547 and 
 Agh. Ill, 24. Wasil b. 'Ata, the founder of the Mu'tazila 
 (Comm. p. II 36 ), was suffering from a linguistic defect and was 
 consequently unable to pronounce the letter ltd. He bears a 
 deadly hatred towards the ultra-Shiitic poet Bashshar b. Burd, 
 who had derogated him in one of his poems. Wasil bitingly 
 
 retorts: he would hire assassins to dispose of him JtbiJ! ,1 V.J 
 
 were not assassination a specific 
 quality of the Galiya." 4 Here the narrator remarks: Wasil said 
 
 Gdliya jb^oxj' Vj w^**- 1 ' <&r>. |J; (Kamil, ib.) "but he 
 did not say al-Mansilriyya nor al-Mugiriyya," two ultra-Shiitic 
 sects known for their terroristic practices 5 because of the ltd 
 contained in their names. This remark of the narrator is repro- 
 duced Af/li. with a significant variant: JudiLJ! JJb *Jj Wdsil 
 said Gdliya, but not Rdjida. To the narrator in Agh. then the 
 two expressions seemed synonymous. 6 
 
 1 Soil, "of the Zeidiyya." The Jarudiyya appears everywhere as the 
 first sect of the Zeidiyya, cf. Shahr. 118 4 , Iji 352, Makr. 352- 4 , comp. 
 
 Text 42 17 . Tab. Ill, 1617 says : j Jo !j Jo^l , taking the former 
 as an independent sect. 
 '- Probably referring to the various sections of the Imdmiyya. 
 
 3 It is not clear whether xii! JL or auoi! J! is to be read. 
 
 4 To whom Bashshar (Comm. 24*) belonged. 
 
 5 See Comm. 92 12 ff . 
 
 6 It is possible that this meaning of the word is unconsciously present 
 in I. H's mind when he declares (Comm. 62*=Ed. II, IS 4 ): " the Rawan'4 
 do not belong to the Muslims." For the Imamites are not excluded by 
 I. H. from the community of Islam (cf. p. 152, n. 2). On the other hand, 
 the belief in "Tabdil" with which the Raw&fid are charged in the 
 above-mentioned passage is characteristic of the Imamites (cf. Text 51"
 
 154 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 This application, however, cannot be said to be more than 
 incidental. Often enough it is impossible to distinguish it 
 from the usages enumerated before, the " Exaggerators " being 
 at the same time "Repudiators." Besides, the Galiya never 
 became an independent organism as did the Imamiyya. The 
 constituency of the Galiya is as fluctuating as is the name, which 
 only later and even then not uncontestedly became the technical 
 term for Ultra Shiites. 2 At any rate, the cases in which Raw:"i- 
 fid appears as a synonym of Galiya are counterbalanced by the 
 examples in which they are distinctly kept asunder. Thus 
 Jahiz (van Vloten, Worgers, p. 58 ult.) expressly says JUojIJ! 
 aUJLiJI *J'. I. H. draws a similar line of distinction. Cf. T< .<> 
 42 18 (= Ed. IV, 179 8 ) ,jjo jUxlcVl ^ abJojJ! ^ 5">>jl=M 
 
 J' 3 XA3.il *JI. In other passages he uses the expression 
 \ ^J-A aLxJljLM , applying the word in the general sense 
 of "Repudiators"; Text 30 18 (= Ed. I, 112"), Ed. IV, 206", 
 or xx-LjUl SUJU Ed. V, 117 13 . 
 
 Vastly different from the applications recorded till now is the 
 use of Rawafid as a synonym of Shi' a, embracing all Shiitic 
 sects, the Zeidiyya included. This generalization is probably 
 
 and Comm. 61'). Strange is the meaning implied in our word in the 
 anecdote Agh. XII, 23 20 : A company of poets is sitting at the wine 
 table. The poet Mansur an-Namari refuses to partake of the forbidden 
 liquor. He is thus accosted by the company : ' ' You only refrain from 
 wine drinking because you are a Rd.fidi . . . not from piety." I have 
 found no reference testifying to a particular scrupulousness of the 
 Shiites as regards wine drinking. On the contrary, certain Shiitic sects 
 and individuals are accused of transgressing this prohibition (cf. Text 
 62 14 , Comm. 14 50 , 28 !0 ), not to mention the modern Shiites, at least, as far 
 as they are represented by the Persians. 
 
 1 Thus Comm. 42' 24 it is difficult to say whether the Rafida are desig- 
 nated as such because of the extravagant belief referred to there or 
 because of their exclusive adherence to Ali, which implies the repudia- 
 tion' of the other Companions. 
 
 2 Mukaddasi still uses the term in an entirely different sense (cf. p. 145, 
 n. 2.) See also Comm. 12 5 ff. 
 
 3 Comp. p. 150 n. 5. 
 
 4 Similarly Shahr. 8 13 (jdit, Ji 
 
 *}
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 155 
 
 the outcome of a more hostile attitude toward the Shiites, par- 
 ticularly towards the Zeidiyya, on the part of the Sunnites, who 
 now indiscriminately brand by this derogatory term all those 
 who swerve from the Sunna. 1 Thus the Dictionary of Technical 
 Terms, ed. Sprenger, bluntly declares: OvA-M yS ^j.x> (jdit^J! 
 
 & * 
 
 Lojl xjLAXwJlj ^4-w*J' x-yo^Lw*VI . Bagd. and Lsfr., who elab- 
 orately derive the origin of the word from Zeid b. Ali, consist- 
 ently apply Rawafid to all the sects of the Shi'a without 
 exception. To quote a few examples out of many: Bagd. 6 b 
 
 J *j 
 (cf. ibidem 22 a ), 9 a 4\i' 
 
 93 b RxxiLxi^! k^aiU^ abcXjjJ! R^iitJt ^tXj, 112 b 
 
 j! IsLo 
 
 As the Zeidiyya and Imamiyya,-so are the Gulat and their various 
 sections counted amon the Rawafid: fol. 103 a JuJUJt x^ist 
 
 14 a x-AoiI ^ ^. kxjx^, 103 b 
 .xt x-oLxA*JI. 4 Isfr.'s use of the word is identical 
 
 1 This again may be explained by the change in the attitude of the 
 Zeidiyya themselves, for it is only with reference to the Zeidiyya that 
 this usage of our word differs from the one preceding it. Thus Shah- 
 rastani, having narrated the incident with Zeid b. Ali anno 122 h , 
 
 observes (p. 118 3 ) : aLeLolj JLaJ! l j*c vilj 3 JotJ &j JovJI Ji5l v^ 
 
 J..A3.A4J! . For a characteristic 
 
 example of this changed attitude see Snouck-Hurgronje, Mekka I, 33 
 n. 2. Misbah's remark (quoted by Lane s.v. (jajj.j) probably refers 
 
 to the same fact : ' Afterwards (i. e., after Zeid b. Ali) this appellation 
 became applied to all persons . . . speaking against the Companions." 
 
 2 Cf . preceding note. 
 
 3 Cf. Comm. 41 ". 
 
 4 Wellhausen's statement (Opp. 96, n. 1): il Sabaijja ist ein alterer, 
 Rafida ein spaterer Name f iir dieselbe Sache " is not in accordance with 
 the facts set forth above.
 
 156 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 with that of Bagd. : Isfr. 8 b JbJoj-M O>i &A-L: ^.t.+j^' y^iJ^ Jf 
 
 7 
 
 Makrizi in his account on Muhammedaii sects employs the word 
 in the same general sense, including among the Rawafid the Iinam- 
 iyya as well as the Zeidiyya. 2 This usage is also found much 
 earlier. IKot. 300 presupposes it when he remarks : *J& So JoyJt 
 
 ~ f i, 
 
 Rxiil Jt j 
 
 > 
 
 7T T^ \3~* /** FT}^*^ U.57^' 3 ^e same meaning is apparently 
 assumed Tab. Ill, 1465 (anno 247) : a man recites before 
 Mutawakkil a poem against the Rdfida in which it is argued 
 that a daughter has no hereditary claims, and receives from the 
 overjoyed Caliph 10,000 Dirhems and the governorship of 
 Bahrein and Yamama. This argument, which is directed 
 against the descendants of Ftitlma, affects the Zeidiyya as. well 
 as the Imamiyya. 4 
 
 Ibn Hazm seems to refrain from this unrestricted use of the 
 word. The only exception and this perhaps a deceptive 
 one 5 is found Text 40 1 ' 1 (Ed. IV, 178 16 ), where, instead of the 
 
 1 The Gulat are excluded from Islam. Bagdadi, who counts four sec- 
 tions (p. 155 10 ), is inconsistent, cf. p. 151, n. 8. 
 
 - Makrizi's statement (Comm. 12 4 ) may apply to the Shi'a in gen- 
 eral or to the Imamiyya of whom he speaks in the quoted passage. On 
 the relation of the Mu'tazila to the Imamiyya, see also Goldziher, Shi'a, 
 p. 484. 
 
 3 This is apparently the source for Ikd 269 ; aoJoJf L<a.5t>Jl -yA* 
 
 Jjs! p&j ^jLw-L^ JjJCiJ! ^. ^ &ij 
 
 This 
 
 v 
 
 somewhat inconsistent with the statement p. 148. Elsewhere (cf. 
 Comm. 5J6' 2 ) Ikd designates as Rawafid those who believe in the " return " 
 of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, i. e., the Keisaniyya. 
 
 4 See Introduction, p. 21. Snouck-Hurgronje's observation (Mekka I, 
 34) : "im 12. Jahrhundert konnte man die Zeiditen Arabiens als Rafid- 
 hiten bezeichnen, weil sie dort und damals den Orthodoxen schroff gegen- 
 iiberstanden " must needs be amplified : the designation of the Zeidiyya 
 as Rawafid is older than the 12. century and by no means restricted to 
 Arabia. 
 
 5 For the author speaks of the " depravities" of these sects, cf. Intro- 
 duction, p. 22.
 
 Vol. xxix.] TJie Heterodoxies of the S/iiites, etc. 157 
 
 superscription of Ed. and Y. x!CA4-H 
 
 iLtj , L. and Br. read _->!y^ x.oj! J! 
 
 
 Those who have perused the material presented in this appen- 
 dix with some measure of attention will have observed that the 
 word Shi'-a not unlike Rawafid is not a sharply and definitely 
 circumscribed term but is subject to not inconsiderable modifica- 
 tions. In distinction from Itawiififl, the term Shi'' a has nothing 
 objectionable or derogatory about it 8 : the Shiites themselves 
 unhesitatingly assume this appellation. 4 To the Sunnites as well, 
 owing to the ever increasing prevalence of pro-Alidic senti- 
 ments among the masses, 5 Shi^a even in the sense of "Shi 'at 'All" 
 conveys no objectionable meaning, this, as it were, respect- 
 able character of the word being, in our opinion, the main 
 reason for the gradual spread of Rawdfid at its expense. The 
 application of Shi^a by the Sunnites, just as that of Hawd- 
 _A*'A is largely conditioned by their attitude towards the Zeid- 
 iyya. The disagreement between the Sunna and Zeidiyya is 
 not one of deep-seated antagonism. In point of fact, the 
 whole difference reduces itself to the question as to the candi- 
 dacy for the Imainate. According to the Zeidiyya, the Imamate 
 is confined to the descendants of Fatima 6 ; the Sunnites extend 
 it to the whole of Kureish. Since, however, the Sunnites for 
 the most part agree with the Zeidiyya as to the excellence of 
 
 1 Cf. also Comm. 31. 
 
 - The former superscription however is the original one, see the refer- 
 ence quoted Text 40, n. 3. 
 
 3 Cf. p. 146, n. 1. 
 
 4 Cf . Shahr. 143 8 (in a quotation from Ibn an-Nu'man. Comm. 59 2 ), also 
 Goldziher. Shi- a 470, n. 2. 
 
 5 Cf. ZDMG. 50, 111. 
 
 6 i. e., Hasanides as well as Huseinides, provided, of course, their 
 personal fitness (cf. Text 15" IF. and Comm.). Wellhausen's assumption 
 (Opp. 93) : " Sie (die Zeidijja) unterscheiden sich von der Rafida durch 
 ihr Eintreten fiir das Haus Husains" contradicts one of the fundamental 
 tenets of the Zeidiyya. That Zeid b. Ali was a descendant of Husein 
 was mere chance and wholly indifferent to the Zeidiyya or to Zeid him- 
 self. Cf. Comm. 22 31 ff.
 
 158 /. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Ali and his family, and the Zeidiyya, on the other hand, agree 
 with the Sunnites as to the legitimacy of the two Elders, the 
 gap between them seems practically to close. " The Zeidiyya," 
 says Makr. 354 7 , "are the best among the Shi'a, for they admit the 
 Imamate of Abu Bekr and deny the existence of a written will 
 concerning the Imamate of Ali." This stands to reason why 
 Mukaddasi, e. g., places the Zeidiyya outside the Shi ; a, apply- 
 ing the latter term to the Imamiyya and other radical sections 
 of the Shi'a. Thus p. 38 n. d (see above p. 142 n. 6): 
 
 t, or p. 37" 
 
 " the Shi'a prevailed upon the Zeidiyya," or p. 128 1 
 
 JuuuiJ! 5 ^ ) |*"" ^*+- <*J 
 
 The " stupid Shiites " can only refer to the Imamiyya and other 
 radical sections, 1 as the Zeidiyya, on the whole, refrain from 
 attacking the four Caliphs. 2 
 
 It is nothing but a different consequence of the same attitude 
 of mind when, on the contrary, we find that the term A'///v/, with- 
 out any objectionable by-meaning, 3 is applied to the Zeidiyya, 
 to the exclusion of the Imdmiyya who are designated as RawA- 
 fid. This is clearly the case with the utterance of //</, p. 148 4 
 and the hadith p. 14G (cf. p. 147 n. 2). It may also be applic- 
 able in the phrase aLxiit Jl^ aui.uiJ!, of which several examples 
 were quoted p. 147 f., notably so in the case of IKhald. p. 148. " 
 
 With the rise within the Zeidiyya of sections which, unfaith- 
 ful to their founder, did not refrain from the "denunciation of 
 the Companions," " the attitude of the Sunna became one of 
 hostility and the term Shi'a, gradually assuming a distinct 
 
 1 This is clearly shown by the variant (note a) 
 /o >^Lft*Jt 
 
 . (j>j j . + 
 
 - As clififerent from Zeidiyya, Shi'a is also applied by Masudi, see p. 152. 
 
 * Cf. p. 146, n. 1. 
 
 4 This is in contradiction with Ikd, p. 156, n. 3. But the latter passage 
 is borrowed from Ibn Koteiba, see ib. 
 
 5 Ibn Khaldun speaks of their writings, which would point to a 
 dogmatically consolidated sect. 
 
 6 Cf. p. 155, n. 1. The sect mentioned Comm. 75 limits the Imamate to 
 the Hasanides, yet indulges in the denunciation of the Companions.
 
 Vol. xxix.] TJie Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 159 
 
 heterodox character, was now applied to all sects of Shiism, 
 from the Zeidiyya to its farthest ramifications, the Gulat. 1 
 
 Lastly, mention must be made of a term used by the Shiites for 
 the same polemical purposes as was Rawdfid by the Sunnites. 
 \\'r refer to the expression Xmrdsib, which seems to have been 
 patterned after Rawdfid* Ample information about the mean- 
 ing and history of this designation can be drawn from Gold- 
 ziher's writings. 3 Originally JVaicdsib stood for the exact 
 revei'se of Rawafid: the "enemies" or "haters" (of Ali), 4 
 and was confined to the extreme Kharijites. Gradually its 
 meaning expanded so that it finally embraced all Sunnites, 
 however far they wei'e from hating Ali. 
 
 In addition we may remark that the Imamiyya polemically 
 apply the same term even to the Zeidiyya, with whom the 
 superiority of Ali is a cardinal doctrine. Kashi 149 quotes 
 
 * 
 
 Ja4'ar as-Sadik as saying : 5 ^UkxJt *& aL><X>jJ!. Further utter- 
 ances of a similar tendency can be found in the same 
 
 passage. 
 
 1 So nearly all writers. On the relation of the Gulat to the Shi'a 
 comp. Introduction, p. 21 and Index s.v. Shi'a. 
 
 2 Cf. Mukaddasi 38': io 
 
 . ibidem 37 16 (j^jtj JU XAJiJU! UcU 
 
 *..! s.A^:>4..'L SvA^xJL. Thus the Hash wiyy a correspond with 
 
 the Murji'a and the Navvasib with the Rawafid. 
 
 3 Shi'a 491 ff., ZDMG. 36, 281, Muh. St. II, 120. 
 
 , o * 
 
 4 Muhtt al-Muh it explains it in this way: s.^Lc ^! &J ixxaj . 
 
 5 The form Nussdb. which occurs several times in Kashi, is not recorded 
 in the dictionaries.
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
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 g ^ o ^ a 
 
 
 
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 W grj - r- p^i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 r^J 
 
 ^ CD 1 S 2 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ^ = 1. X i, ;- 
 
 
 
 
 
 5s 
 
 JN 
 
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 03 co cS 
 
 Q " W oo 
 
 
 
 
 
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 c 
 
 
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 1-1 
 
 
 
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 Muhammed (al-Bakir, d, 
 
 1 
 
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 co" 
 
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 2l/t (ar-Rida, d. ca. 203) 
 . Muhammed (at-Taki, k. 
 
 IO 
 
 a 
 S- 
 
 [. al-//asan(al-'Askari, d. 
 J. Muhammed (al-MAHDI) 
 
 ea 5 85 H J 
 
 IS g * ~ , b 
 
 "3 <3 % Z ' % 
 
 ~ P I-l ,S 5 x 
 
 43 03 ^ iC cS 
 
 Ilii^i 
 
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 amme 
 
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 'S o . 'S S o 
 
 ^r s" ' 'l j "S 
 
 H "a M H S
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS. 1 
 
 Abatur, deity of Mandseans, II. 84' 23 . 
 al-'Abbas, II. 30", 103. 
 'Abbasids, see Imamate. 
 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas, II. 2o'\ 
 
 b. 'Abdallab b. Shuneif, II. 74 16 . 
 
 b. Ahmad b. Ab! Zeid, II. 41 n. 2. 
 
 b. 'Anir b. al-Harb (II. 124 3 "), see 'A. b. al-Harith. 
 
 b. " b. al-Harith (II. 124' 6 ), see 'A. b. al-Harith. 
 
 b. al-Harb (II. 124 3 -), see 'A. b. al-Harith. 
 
 Harbiyya, II. 124 f. 
 b. al-Harith, I. 37 5 , 71, II. 90", 124 ff. 
 b. Ja'far b. Abi Talib, II. 45 n. 2. 
 b. al- Aftah. II. Il4 la ff. 
 
 Aftahiyya, ib. 
 b. al-Kharb (II. 124 33 ), see 'A. b. al-Harith. 
 
 Kharbiyya, I. 71 1 ', II. 124 f. 
 b. Lahi'a, II. 43'. 
 
 b. Mu'awiya, I. 45' 5 , 71 14 , II. 24 n. 1, 44 ff., 126". 
 Janahiyya, see Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah. 
 b. Mugira b. Sa'id, I. CO 7 . 
 b. Nauf , II. 72 18 f. 
 
 b. Saba, called Ibn as-Saudd. accounts on, I. 3. n. 1, 
 II. 19, 100; Jew, embraced Islam to injure it, 
 
 I. 37 : , 45'. II. 17; against 'Othmdn, I. 37"', 
 
 II. 19 i4 ; originates Raj'a and Gaiba, II. 27 8 ; 
 Raj 'a of Muhammed, II. 24 19 , 25 n. 1 ; Raj'a of 
 
 1 The authorities quoted as such throughout the treatise have been 
 excluded from this index. On account of lack of space only the most 
 important items have been specified. Unless otherwise stated, the 
 names are those of persons. The words ending in -iyya designate sects. 
 The latter appear under the heading of the person to which they 
 belong, a cross-reference always indicating that person. The words 
 printed in italics will be found as special items. The quotations refer 
 to line and page. Where the line is left out, the whole page or most of 
 it deals with that item. I. refers to the first part of this treatise (vol. 
 xxviii. of this Journal); II. to the second (vol. xxix). In the alphabeti- 
 cal arrangement the article in its various forms and b. (=bnu) have 
 not been counted, s. v. refers to the preceding item in italics ; ib. to 
 the preceding figure. Fatha is rendered by a, occasionally by e, damma 
 by u and o : the diphthong fatha + r/d by ai and ei. A list of Arabic 
 words is appended to this index. 
 VOL. xxix. 11
 
 162 /. Fi-iedlaender, [1908. 
 
 'All denying that he died, I. 45, II. 25, 30"\ 43 f., 
 95 11 , cf. 39 3 , 128 10 , and maintaining that in clouds, 
 
 I. 45, II. 42'* ff. ; belief in divinity of 'All, I. 65 
 ult. ff., II. 17", 99-. cf. II. 91 15 ; banished by 
 'Alt, II. 42 n. 1, 43 n. 6, or burned. II. 100 n. 1 : 
 his adherents burned by 'AH, II. 99 f . 
 
 Saba'iyya, I. 45', 65 n. 7, II. 17', 101 14 , 155 penult. : 
 called Sabbabiyya, II. 41 f.; principal Alidic sect, 
 
 II. 101 2S ; synonymous with radical heresy, II. 
 100", cf. 83 n. 1, 100 2 ' ff. : and Rcnrafid, II. 155 
 n. 4. 
 
 'Abdallah b. Sabbab, II. 42 n. 1. 
 
 b. Yasin, I. 55 n. 1, II. 76' 8 . 
 b. Yazid al-Ibadi, I. 30'% II. 10', 65". 
 'Abdarrahman b. Muljam, I. 72 9 , II. 128 12 . 
 Ablak, II. 122". 
 
 Abna, appellation for Persians, I. 35 ult., II. 18 6 . 
 al- Abtar, II. 129" ff. See Kathir al-Abtar. 
 
 Butriyya ib., or Buteiriyya, II, '131 n. 2. 
 Abu '1 'Abbas ar-Rububadi, II. 12S 31 . 
 
 Rububadiyya, ib. See ar-Rawandi and 
 
 Rawandiyya. 
 'Abdallah al-'Ajani, II. 17 8 , 110 n. 1. 
 
 " ash-Shi'i, II. 75', 109 31 , 110 n. 1. 
 " 'Ali (ash-Shakkak), I. 52 penult., 75 24 , II. 66 i: . 
 " Bashshar al-Ash'ari, II. 96 3 . 
 
 Bekr and 'Omar, legitimate Imams, I. 22, 74 16 , II. 21 21 , 129 24 , 
 130 s , 138 f., 141, 158, or illegitimate, I. 79 12 , 141 penult. ; 
 hated and denounced by the Shi'a. I. 35 8 , 52', II. 14' 1 , 28 
 n. 1, 42'. ', 64 M , 65, 142-148, 151 n. 3, 152 13 . See Com- 
 panions. 
 
 " " b 'Ayash, see Ibn 'Ay ash. 
 
 ' '1 Faraj al-Isfahani, author of Agani, II. 144 n. 6. 
 Gifar, II. 12 32 f. 
 
 Hanifa, I. 29", II. 8 s , 152 penult. 
 " Hashim 'Abdallah b. Muhammed H. 89', 126 3 . See Imamate. 
 
 Ha^himiyya. II. 35 1(l ff., 89 5 . 
 
 " '1 Hudeil, I. 30 2 , 53 1 , II. 14 ff., 16', 58"- M , 60 24 , 66 f., 74. 
 " Hureira ar-Rubiibadi, see Abu '!-' Abbas. 
 " 4sa al-Isfahani, II. 90'\ 
 
 Isma'il al-Bittikhi, I. 30 ult., II. II 24 , 12 14 . 
 
 Bittikhiyya. I. 30 ult. 
 " '1 Jarud, called Surhub, II. 22 6 . 
 
 Jarudiyya, I. 42 n , 43 f., 74 13 , II. 22, 136 13 , 153 
 
 n. 1. 
 
 Surhubiyya, II. 22 1 -. 
 Kamil, I. 55% 80 s , II. 76 SI .
 
 Vol. xxix.] Tlie Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 163 
 
 Abu Karb, II. 35- 4 , 36 n. 1. 
 
 Karbiyya, ib. 
 
 " '[ Kasim 'All al-Murtada, I. 51", II. 63. 
 ' '1 " an-Najjar, see Ibn Haushab. 
 '1 " ar-Razi, I. 52 1 , II. 63 23 . 
 " Khatim, sec al-Bawari. 
 
 " '1 Khattab, II. 112 ff., divinity of, I. 34 19 , 69 4 - 7 , II. 17 3 ; attacked 
 byJa'far as-Sddik, II. 14 28 , 90 12 , 96-. 
 
 Khattabiyya, II. 112 ; factions of, I. 7, 64 f., 
 69 16 , II. 96 f. ; worship Ja'far as-Sddik, I. 68, 69 7 , II. 
 106' 3 ; allegorize Koran, II. 14: claim to avoid death, I. 
 69', II. 24 n. 1, 72 30 . 
 Khirash (I. 65 n. 4), see Khidash. 
 Kubeis, mountain, II. 67' 27 . 
 ' r l Kurus, II. 36 n. 1. 
 Lahab, II. 90 6 . 
 
 Malik al-Hadrami, I. 75 ult., II. 133 14 . 
 
 Mansur al-'ljli, called al-Kisf, I. 34-*. 62 ff., II. 89 ff., 92 12 ff., 
 95 31 . 
 
 Mansuriyya, or Kisfiyya (cf. I. 63 n. 4), I. 63, 
 
 II. 92 U > 1S , 97 1S . 188". 
 " Muzaffar b. Ardshir, II. 71. 
 " '1 Mikdam Tha'it (?) al-Haddad, II. 130*. 
 Mikhnaf, II. 141'. 
 
 Muslim, I. 36 U . 45, 70 7 , II. 30 10 , 44 18 - , 64', 94 7 , 118 f., 120 12 , 
 124 14 ' . 
 
 Abu-Muslimiyya, II. 118- 3 , 119 n. 2, or 
 Muslimiyya, II. 119 7 > n . See Abu Salma ; 
 
 Ishak. 
 Sa'id Abu '1 Kheir, I. 73", II. 128 f. 
 
 " al-Hasan b. Bahram al-Jannabi, I. 68 la , II. 108", 109 5 . 
 Salma, II. 119 n. 2. 
 
 Baslamiyya ib., 124 13 . 
 Sufyau. father of Mu'awiya, I. 68 n. 8, II, 14 20 , 110 U . 
 
 " . Karmatian, II. 110'. 
 Tahir, II. 95 29 , 108 8S ff. 
 Ya-la. I. 51 ult., II. 63 14 . 
 ' Zakarij^ya al-Khayyat, II. 17 9 . 
 Acbamoth, Gnostic hypostasis, II. 83 is . 
 Adam. I. 68', II, 45 n. 8, 104, 116% 121 1 ff. 
 Addad, see Clementines. 
 Aden, in Yemen, II. 110"- 16 . 
 Afshin, II. 101, n. 1. 
 
 Aftahiyya, see 'Abdallah b. Ja'far al-Aftah. 
 Ahmad b. Habit ill. 10 11 ), see next. 
 
 b. Ha'it, I. 30", II. 10 1 ff., II 8 . 17 , 64 9 f., 90", 91 23 . 
 " b. Idris, I. 54 penult. 
 " b. Nanus (II. 10"). see A. b. Yanush.
 
 164 I. Friedlaemt' /-, [1908. 
 
 Ahmad b. Salih, II. 70 9 . 
 
 b. Yanush, I. 30'% II. 10 11 flf., 64 10 . 88 2 >, 90 56 , 91 i4 . 
 Ahrar, appellation for Persians, I. 35 ult., II. 18 13 . 
 al- Ahwal, II. 65 n. 2. 
 'Ainiyya, II. 103 1 . 
 'A'isha, I. 35 5 , 52 16 , II. 20 11 , 130 4 . 
 'Ajarida, Kharijite sect, I. 31 1 , II. II 58 , 12". 
 
 'All b. Abi Talib, name, I. 53 penult., II. 73; age, I. 56 i4 , II. 7T- J : 
 appearance, I. 57. II. 78; grave unknown, II. 43 9 flf.. or 
 buried in Kufa, II. 43 n. 3 ; worthiest of Imamate, I. 32' M . 
 74, 79 8 , II. 139 5 , 159 15 ; acknowledged even by Rdwan- 
 diyya, II. 122 n. 1 ; loved by Sunna, II. 143 n. 6, 146 ; 
 exalted by Sufis, II. 148 1 ; conceded Imamate to three first 
 Caliphs, I. 74 15 , II. 129 i9 , hence declared apostate. I. 55"'. 
 79 24 ; denounced, II. 145 n. 2 : hated by Khawarij, II. 64- 4 ; 
 Imamate of : and eleven descendants, see Twelvers, and 
 three sons, see Keisaniyya, and two sons, II. 113 15 ff., he 
 alone Imam, I. 58 3 , II. 78, 154 n. 1 ; possessed and 
 bequeathed Mystic lore, II. 20' ' *'-, 33 ; stops sun, I. 53", II. 
 62 n . 68 ff. : resuscitates dead, II. 83 n. 1 ; was not killed 
 and will return, I. 34 ult., see 'Abdallah b. Saba; in the 
 clouds, s. v.; divinity of, s. v., I. 72 15 , II. 62 15 - - 3 , 102 f., 112-', 
 127; Demiurge (Creator), I. 62", II. 91, 99 f., 127, 128 2 :as 
 such had neither wife nor children, II. 127 35 ff. ; punishes 
 'Abdallah b. Saba, s. v., and other exaygerators, I. 37'". 
 66, II. 99 f.; designated as al-Kisf, II. 89", as ' dabbat al- 
 ard," II. 86 17 ; compared with Aaron. II. 48- 9 , 135", Avith 
 Jesus, s. v., with Joshua, II. 68, 70 f., 135 : warned 
 by Prophet against Rawafid, II. 146 ; objects to religious 
 discussions.il. 15 25 . Seealso Imamate, Imamiyya, Muham- 
 nied. Nass, Zeidiyya. 
 al-Azdari, II. 127 3B ff. 
 
 Azdariyya, ib. 
 
 " b. al-Fadl. I. 68 n. 8. II. 17 9 . 110' ff. 
 " b. Haitham, see 'A. b. Mitham. 
 " b. al-Hasan b. al-Fadl, II. 4. n. 2. 
 " b. al-Husein b. 'All, I. 58 4 , 68 4 , 75 1S . 
 " b. " b. Musa, see Abu '1-Kasim 'All. 
 
 " b. Isma'il b. Mitham, see 'A. b. Mitham. 
 " b. Mansur, I. 75* 8 , II. 133" --'. 
 " b. Mitham, I. ol 3 , 75-' 3 , II. 40 19 , 60, 133 15 , 150'. 
 " b. Muhammed b. 'All, I. 58 6 , 76 9 , II. 52 3 , cf. 78 29 . 
 " b. b. al-Fayyad. II. 103 i4 - 8 >, cf. I. 67 6 . 
 
 " b. Musa b. Ja'far, I. 58 6 , 76 8 , II. 52'. 
 
 an-Najjar, II. 17 9 , 110 n. 1. 
 ' b. al-Warsand (I. 54 n. 7), see Ibn Warsand. 
 Almoravides, II. 49 29 , 76 19 . 
 'Amir b. Shurahil, see ash-Sha'bi.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 165 
 
 'Amir b. at-Tufeil, I. 54 5 , II. 73 30 . 
 'Ammar al-'Ibadi, II. 98". See Khidash. 
 'Amr b. al-'As, II. 14 20 . 
 
 " b. Humeid, II. 145. 
 Aristotle, II. 57 18 . 
 Arms, use of, see Khashabiyya. 
 Asad b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri. I. 65 6 , II. 98 25 ff. 
 
 " b. Kurz, II. 87 4 . 
 Ashab, see Companions, 
 al- Ash'ari, I. 29' 5% ff., II. 7 3 ', 8 18 , 9 1 . 
 
 Ash'ariyya, I. 31 17 , II. 8 5 . 
 Asnm bint 'Umeis, II. 69 18 , 70". 
 Avicenna, II. 123 30 . 
 al-'Ayyashi, II. 4 n. 2. 
 
 'Azakira. sect, see ash-Shalmagani. 
 
 Azarika, Khanjite sect, I. 30 16 , II. 9 33 ff., II 25 . 
 
 Azdariyya, see 'All al-Azdari. 
 
 Babak, I. 36 9 , II. IS", 20'. 
 
 Babushiyya, II. 41 n. 2. 
 
 Babylonia, ancient, II. 80 33 ff., 87' 29 . See 'Irak. 
 
 Bada (doctrine), I. 53 10 , II. 61 a , 72. 
 
 Bada'iyya, II. 72 13 . 
 
 Bagdad, I. 69 19 flf., II. 39- 1 , 65' 5 , II s , 80 34 . 125 n. 4. 
 
 Bahrein, II. 80 n. 4, 108 :s - 24 , 109 2 . 
 
 Bajaliyya, see Ibn Warsand. 
 al- Bakli, II. 24 n. 1, 46 5 , 111 16 . 
 
 Bakliyya, II. 111. 
 
 Baragwata (commonwealth), I. 47, II. 49. 
 
 Baran. town. II. Ill n. 1. 
 al- Bashshar b. Burd, II. 24 3 , 153. 
 
 Baslamiyya, see Abu Salma. 
 
 Bara, I. 70 6 , II. II 3 , 41', 56 4 - 1 , 58 14 , 60", 66 30 , n. 3. 
 al-Bari, I. 70% II. 117f. 
 
 Batiniyya, II. 17 5 ", 92 n. 2, 112 n. 3. 
 al- Bavvari, I. 68 n. 8, II. 110 f . See al-Burani. 
 
 Bayan b. Sam'an, I. 34 23 , 60 f., II. 88, 90', 96', 126 7 . 
 
 Bazig, I. 34, 64, II. 95 w flE., 113 30 . 
 
 Bazigiyya, II. 114n. 1, 118 n. 4. 
 
 Beida, town, II. 114 M . 
 
 Bekr al-A'war, I. 60 6 , II. 87 8 . 
 " b. TJkhshub, II. HOn. 3. 
 
 Berkukiyya, II. 119'. 
 al- Bhnki (?), I. 66 n. 9, 67 3 , II. 102 f. 
 
 Bishr b. Giyath. I. 29 ult., II. 9 19 . 
 " b. Khalid. see next. 
 
 " b. al-Mu'tamir Abu Khalid, I. 50 14 , II. 58 15 . 
 Bishriyya, II. 58 19 .
 
 166 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 see Abu Isma'il. 
 al- Buhturi, I. 67 9 , II. 103 28 , 115 17 . 
 
 Bunan (II. 88), see Bayiin b. Sam Tin. 
 al- Burani, see al-Bawari. 
 
 Buraniyya, II. 110-. 
 Burhut, well, II. 85 18 . 
 Butriyya, or Buteiriyya, see al-Abtar. 
 
 Cabbage, see Dietary regulations. 
 
 Cabbala, II. 81 ff., 104 9 . 
 
 Carmathians, see Karmatians. 
 
 Christ, see Jesus. 
 
 Christians and Christianity, I. 3 n. 1, II. 10- 7 , ll lfl . 47', 61", 87*. 91, 
 
 101. See Jesus. 
 Clementines (Pseudo-), the True Prophet (or Successive Incarnation . 
 
 II. 45", 85 f., 92', 104--, 121 l ff., cf. I. 60', 62 13 ; Syzygy (Addnd). 
 
 II. 116, 127 13 ff.; origin of evil, II. 85 n. 3. 
 
 Communism, of wives (and property), I. 37 17 , 70 4 , II. 19 39 , 120". 
 Companions, of Prophet, hide Nass,I. 22, 74', II. 22", 61 s - 13 : declared 
 
 apostates, I. 74 1 ' 2 , 79 18 , II. 22' 20 , 142 1 ; hated and denounced by 
 
 Sht-a, I. 35 4 , II. 41 s6 f., 60 2 % 61" , 75 13 , 130 4 , 142-147, 155. 158. C/. 
 
 Abu Bekr and 'Omar. 
 Concealment, of Imam, see Gaiba. 
 
 Dahriyya, I. 45 ult, II. 46 J > 8 , 54 J1 . 
 
 Dammiyya, II. 102 1 . 
 
 Davvud al-Hawari (or al-Jawari, or al-Ja\varibi). I. 31 19 . 53 3 , 75 53 , II. 
 
 67 3i ff . 
 " b. Kathir ar-Rakki, I. 75 53 , II. 133 2 . 
 
 Death, claim to avoid, II. 96 12 , 113 26 ff. See Abu'l-Khattab. 
 
 Deilam, province, II. 33 5 . 
 
 Di'bil, poet, II. 145. 
 
 Dietary, regulations, entirely abolished, see Precepts ; swine partly 
 permitted, I. 34 1 , II. 13 1 ; cabbage forbidden. I. 53 14 , II. 73 6 , 
 other vegetables, II. 76 16 , 110 f.; all fruits or vegetables raised 
 in dung, I. 55% II. 76 16 . 
 
 Dikrweih, see Zikrweih. 
 
 Dirarb. 'Amr, I. 30', II. 9 24 . 
 
 Discussions, religious, forbidden, I. 35 13 ff., 49 3 ff., II. 15. 
 
 Docetism, I. 3 n. 1, II. 29 f., 128 9 ff. Cf. I. 45" f.. 72", II. 50 f., 119-. 
 
 Druzes, sect, II. 127 4 . 
 
 Du Manakh, tribe, I. 68 n. 8, II. HO 1 *. 
 
 Eliezer, servant of Abraham, still alive, I. 46 3 f., II. 46 17 , 47 n . 
 Elijah, still alive, I. 46, II. 46 ff. 
 Exaggerators, or 
 Extremists, see Gulat. 
 
 al- Fadl, of Basra, I. 30'". II. II 2 . 
 Faith, nature of, II. 8'>, 9 s .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the 8/mtes, etc. 167 
 
 Fakhr ad-Din ar-Razi, II. 6T 16 , 72 n. 2. 
 al- Faraj b. al-Hasan b. Haushab, see Ibn Haushab. 
 
 Faris, province, I. 45 1S , II. 32', 44 15 , 114 93 . 
 
 Fatima, I. 72% II. 20 11 , 127 33 ff. ; descendants of, see Imamate. 
 
 Fatimids, II. 151 4 , n. 3. See 'Ubeidallah. 
 al- Fayyad b. 'Ali, I. 66 f., II. 102 f., 104 4 . 
 
 Fifth, tax to Imam, I. 63 8 , II. 95 47 . 
 
 Gabriel (Jibril), I. 56, 80 7 , II. 77, 84 n. 2. 
 
 Gaiba, II. 27 s , 28. 46 1 , 47 31 . 
 
 Galiya, see Gulat. 
 
 Gifar, see Abu Gifar. 
 
 Gnosticism, II. 80 ff., 91", 92 1 . 
 
 God, attributes, I. 31'. 61 14 , II. 88 25 ; his knowledge, I. 52 penult., II. 
 66' 2 - : his will. I. 53 10 , II. 72 8 ; anthropomorphistic conception of 
 (Tashbih), I. 53 l ff., 59, 61 1 , II. 67 f., 135" ; alphabet used for 
 description of, I. 59, II. 81 23 ; crown on his head, I. 59'* 13 , II. 81, 
 83 : the Greatest Name (and names) of, I. 59 12 , II. 13", II. 82 f., 
 87- ; more than one God, II. 88*, 90 27 ff. See Imams, Incarna- 
 tion. 
 
 Gulat and Guluww, I. 42 ult., 55 ff., 65 ff.. II. 17", 154 ; original mean- 
 ing of, II. 12 6 , 145 n. 2 ; relation to Shi'a, I. 21, II. 76 S1 , 116 18 , 152 ; 
 excluded from Islam, I. 55 n. 7, II. 151 n. 8, 156 n. 1 ; smuggled 
 into Islam by Persians, II. 16 f., by Jews, 17, into Christianity 
 by Paul, 16 i8 ff., 17 ; compared with Christians, II. 101. See also 
 Imamiyya, Rawafid, Shi'a, Zeidiyya. 
 
 Gurabiyya, I. 56, II. 77. 
 
 Guweir, drinking place, I. 67' l , II. 103 34 . 
 
 Habashiyya (II. 94 U ), see Khashabiyya. 
 
 Habib b. Aus, II. 68 16 . 
 
 Hadith, see Traditions. 
 
 Hadramaut, II. 85 19 . 
 
 Hajir, mountain, I. 43 n. 7, II. 23 6 . 
 
 Hajj (Pilgrimage), I. 68, II. 107 f. 
 al- Hakam b. 'Uteiba, II. 130'. 
 
 Hakamiyya, see Hisham b. al-Hakam. 
 
 Hakima, see Hukeima. 
 al- Hallaj, I. 34 13 , 69 17 , II. 18", 14 1 , 17 4 , 24 n. 2, 30 13 , 114 f. 
 
 Hallajiyya, II. 13 19 . 
 al- Halwcim, II. HO 1 . 
 
 Hamadan, city, II. 128 n. 1. 
 
 Hamdan, tribe, I. 68 penult., II. 131 n. 1. 
 
 Hamid b. al-'Abbas, I. 69 19 , II. 115 6 . 
 
 Hamrawiyya, see Ishak b. Muhammed . 
 
 Hamza b. 'Omara, II. 90 1 ' 2 , 96 3 . 
 
 Harat, province, II. 44- 1 , 119'. 
 
 Harb b. 'Abdallah, II. 125 n. 4. 
 
 Harbiyya, see 'Abdallah b. Harb.
 
 168 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 al- Harith <=Suleim b. Mas'ud), II. 125 4 . 
 
 " ash-Sha'ml, II. 90 n . 
 Harithiyya, see Ishak b. Zeid. 
 Harranians, II. 73', 80 28 . 
 Harun b. Sa'd, II. 106 1 ", n. 5. 
 al- Hasan b. Abi Mansur, I. 63 n. 10. 
 
 b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, II. 25" ; descendants of, I. 55 5 , II, 
 75 15 > 24 ; and al-Husein, I. 58 4 - 11 , 68 3 , 72 3 , 75 13 , II. 113--. 
 127 ;i7 ff. See Imamate. 
 b. " b. Muhammed al-'Askari, I. 48, 58', 76, II. 52 f., 
 
 127*, 151 5 , n. 5. 
 
 " b. " b. "Warsand, see Ibn Warsand. 
 " b. Bah ram. see Abu Sa'id al-Hasan. 
 " b. Faraj b. Haushab, see Ibn Haushab. 
 b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, II. 27 n. 4. 
 b. Hayy (II. 131*), see al-H. b. Salih. 
 b. Isma'il b. al-Husein, I. 43 n. 11, II. 32 n. 2. 
 b. Ja'far an-Nubakhti, I. 77 4 , II. 134 s . 
 b. Salih b. Hayy (II. 130 2(i ), I. 30, 74 f., 79 13 , II. 129, 130 ff. 
 Salihiyya, II. 129 21 , 131 n. 2. 
 Butriyya (or Buteiriyya), see al-Abtar. 
 Hashim b. Hakim, (II. 120 1 ), see al-Mukanna'. 
 Hashimiyya, sect, see Abu Hashim. 
 Hashimiyya, city, II. 12i n . 
 Hatim b. Muhammed, II. Ill n. 1. 
 
 al- Hattab and Hattabiyya (II. 112 7 ), see Abu '1-Khattab. 
 Hayy and Hayyan (= Salih), II. 131 4 . 
 Hell, see Paradise, 
 al- Hilli, II. 116 24 . 
 
 Hindpo, II. 76 14 , 99 14 . 
 
 Hisham b. al-Hakam, I. 63 2 , 74* 9 , II. 59* s , 65, 132' ; called Rafidi, II. 
 ISO 1 ; associates with a Kharijite, II. 10'-, with 
 Mtisa b. Ja'far, II. 5V", with al-Hasan b. Salify, I. 
 74 ; disputes with Abu 7 Hudeil, I. 53 1 . H.^ 16-, 67, 
 with Yahya b. Khdlid, 102 n. 3 ; views on nature 
 of God, I. 53, II. 67, on Kaldm, I. 31' *, 52'. ", II. 
 66 3 , cf. 74 n. 1, on Imamate, I. 75 i2 , II. 65- 3 ff., cf- 
 133 9 . 
 
 Hishamiyya (also referred to Hisham b, 
 
 Salim), II. 66 9 . 
 Hakamiyya. II. 66 n. 2. 
 
 " b. Salim al-Juwaliki, I. 75", II. 15 n. 3, 66 : , 132 :w . 
 Hishamiyya, see preceding name. 
 Hukeima, I. 48', II. 58. 
 Hulul, see Incarnation. 
 
 Hululiyya, II. 18". 
 Humeima, in Palestine, II. 89 1 . 
 Hureith b. Mas'ud, see Mas'tid b. Hureith.
 
 Vol. xxix.l The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 169 
 
 al-Husein b. Abi Mansur, I. 63 10 . 
 
 b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, I. 53 1S , II. 39 5 , 72 12 ; revenge for, II. 
 93 n. 1, 94 6 - 12 : pilgrimage to, II. 107 n. 1 ; descend- 
 ants of, I. 75'", II. 113 18 . See al-Hasanb. 'Ali b. A. T. 
 ' b. Faraj b. Haushab, see Ibn Haushab. 
 b. IsnuVil b. Ibrahim, I. 43'% II. 81", 32 9 . 
 b. al-Jarah, I. 70 n. 2. 
 ' b. Mansur, see al-Hallaj. 
 
 b. Muhammed an-Najjar, I. 29", II. 9 IS . 
 b. 'Ubeidallah, I. 70 n. 2, II. 117". 
 Huseiniyya (II. 93 n. 1. 94 12 ), see Khashabiyya. 
 
 Ibadiyya, Kharijite sect, II. 9 3i . 
 
 Iblis, I. 34 4 , II. 13 3 , 116 1 . 
 
 Ibn 'Abbad Kafi'l-Kufat, II. 71 I:i , 
 
 Abi 'Aun, I. 70 n. 2, II. 117 14 . 
 " al-'Arabi, I. 12, II. 47 34 . 
 'Ayash, I. 68. II. 108 1 . 
 
 Babuye (cf. II, 3), II. 26 33 , n. 1. 30 18 . 
 
 Dawud, II, U7 1 . 
 " al-Farakid (I. 69 n. 11, II. 115 23 ), see ash-Shalmagani. 
 
 Hamid (I. 69 n. 9), see Hatnid b. al-'Abbas. 
 ' al-Hanafiyya. see Muhammed b. al-H. 
 
 Haushab, I. 68 20 , n. 8, II. 109. 
 
 Hazm, life, I. 9 ff.; writings, I. 11 f.; truthfulness, I. 15. 40 f,, 
 II. 21' 6 : Zahirite, I. 38 f., II. 11 s ', 20^, 128 15 ; view on 
 origin of Sht'a, I. 35 f., II. 16 f., on division of its sects, 
 
 I. 21 ff.. on attributes of God, II. 88"; pamphlet against 
 heterodox sects, I. 16 f., 39' : misrepresents al-Ash'ari, II. 
 9 1 , quotes a\-Jdhiz, II. 43 n. 5 ; plagiarized by airMakrizi, 
 
 II. 8 n. 3, 16 1 '. 
 
 Mitham (II. 60 n. 2), see 'Ali b. M. 
 
 Mukaffa', II. 56 19 . 
 
 Mumlik al-Isfahttni, II. 133 n. 1. 
 
 Nawus (I. 44 n. 9), see Navvus. 
 
 '' an-Nu'man (II. 157 n. 4), see Muhammed b. Ja'far b. an-N. 
 " ar-Rawandi, see ar-Rawandi. 
 
 Saba, see 'Abdallah b. S. 
 " as-Sauda (II. 18 3S ), see 'Abdallah b. Saba. 
 
 Shadan, II. 59 :5 . 
 
 ' ash-Shalmagan. see ash-Shalmagani. 
 " at-Tammar (I. 79 n. 4). see at-Tammar. 
 
 Waki' al-Buniini, II. 88 n. 2. 
 
 Warsand al-Bajali, I. 54 f., II. 75. 
 Bajaliyya. ib. 
 
 Zubeir, I. 75 4 , II. 94 n. 1. 
 Ibrahim b. Ahmad, see Ibn Abi 'Aun. 
 " b. al-Ashtar, II. 93 1U , n. 1 [add &.].
 
 170 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Idris b. Muhammed, II. 75". 
 
 Idrisids, II. 75 29 . 
 
 <Ijl, tribe, II. 79 3 ', 80 n. 4, 89, 97 2 . 
 
 Ijma', I. 31', II. II 29 , 16". 
 
 Ilak, mountains, II. ISO 23 . 
 al-'Ilba b. Dim- (II. 101 33 ), see 'Ulyan. 
 
 'Ilba'iyya, or 'Ilbaniyya, II. 101 29 . 
 
 Ilham, see Inspiration. 
 
 llhamiyya, II. 54 80 . 
 
 Imams, divinity of, I. 34 16 , 68 3 , II. 13 29 , 101 19 , 112*% 113 20 , 152; super- 
 natural knowledge of, II. 33 19 , 34 85 , 54 f., 105 f.; "speaking" and 
 "silent," II. 92 36 , 112 n. 3 ; twelve (II. 78' 25 ), see Ithna'ashariyya : 
 seven (II. 79 ; ), see Sab'iyya. 
 
 Imamate, fundamental doctrine of Shfra, I. 31 28 , of Khawarij, I. 32- : 
 book on, by Muhammed b. Ja'far b. an-Nu'mdn, I. 50 17 , II. 58-" : 
 theory of, see Hisham b. al-Hakam ; depends on personal qualifi- 
 cation, according to Zeidiyya (and Keisdniyya, II. 34' J3 ), or heredi- 
 tary and depends on Nass, according to Imdmiyya, I. 22, 74 f., II. 
 22, 129 9 , 132 21 , 138-142; of Inferior, II. 141 n. 8, 149 n. 4, 155 n. 1; 
 of Kureish, I. 74 J5 , II. 132 3 , 153 3 , 157 penult., outside of Kureish I. 
 33", II. 132 9 ; of descendants of Ja'far b. Abi Talib, II. 45' ; of 
 Abu Bekr, II. 60 2 ; of 'AH only, s.v., refuted by Ibn Hazm, 
 II. 135 2li ff. ; of all descendants of 'AK, I. 75 s , II. 35 5 , 130 5 , cf. I. 
 61 ult., or those of Fdtima (both according to Zeidiyya). I. 23. II. 
 22 33 , 131 30 , 132, 156 14 , 157 n. 6 ; of descendants of al-Hnsein only 
 (Imdmiyya), s.v. al-Husein b. 'Ali ; of those of al-Hasan only. 
 s. v. ; of Muhammed b. al'Hanafiyya (Keisdniyya), I. 58 11 - 16 , 77'-. 
 II. 34-, 79 13 , and his son Abu Hdshim, I. 61 ls , II. 35 n , 44 8 , who 
 bequeathed it to 'Abbasids, II. 89 :J , 118", 121 29 , 123 16 . See also 
 'All b. Abi Talib, Ja'far b. Muhammed, Keisaniyya, Zeidiyya. 
 
 Imamiyya, -I. 44-55, 57 ; founder of, II. 60- 5 ; reject Abu Bekr and 
 'Omar, s.v., and denounce Companions, s.v., cf. II. 127 32 , hence 
 called Rawdfid, s.v. ; Ithnd'ashuriyya, II. 151 s , n. 6 ; believe in 
 Mahdi, s.v. ; in interpolation of Koran, s.v., in Badd, II. 72- 1 ; 
 claim Inspiration, s.v.; and Sunna, II. 151 ; and Mu'tazila^ s.v.; 
 and ShPa, I. 30 13 , II. 158 : and Keisdniyya, I. 23, II. 34 ; and 
 Zeidiyya, II. 149, see Imamate; and Guldt, I. 55-*, II. 18 1 , 76 30 , 151 
 f. ; against Guldt, II. 80 15 , 91, 113', 133 1 , see, however, II. 86-, 
 116' 22 ; against Docetism, II. 30 U , 43 n. 3 ; men designated as, II. 
 41 n. 2, 66 19 . See Rawafid, Shi'a, Zeidiyya. 
 
 Incarnation, I. 34 12 , 37 1 , II. 13 28 , 126 2 , 152 ; borrowed from Christian- 
 ity, I. 3 n. 1,11. 101 23 ; of Abu Muslim, II. 118, al-Basri, 117-' 9 , 
 a\-Halldj, 13-, 115 n. 1, sl-Mukanna' , 120 13 : successive, see Clem- 
 entines. 
 
 Inspiration, claim of, I. 35 14 . 49 4 , II. 16 8 , 54 f. 
 
 'Irak, I. 4 f., II. 43 13 , 80, 141 13 , 145 n. 2. See Babylonia, 
 
 'Isa b. MCisa, I. 43 4 , 68', II. 23 4 , 108". 
 " b. Zeid, II. 98", 131 9 .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 171 
 
 Isbahan, I. 45 16 , II. 44 t6 , 45 n. 2, 46*, 122 2S ff., 145 n. 2. 
 al-Isbahani, I. 68 n. 7, II. 108 f. 
 
 Ishak, agitator for Aba Muslim, II. 102 n. 4, 119 13 . 
 " b. Ibrahim b. Mus'ab, I. 43 16 . II. 32 3 . 8 . 
 
 b. Kandaj, I. 67 6 ['Abdallah is oversight], II. 103". 
 b. Muhammed al-Ahmar, I. 66' 9 . II. 102 f. 
 
 Ishakiyya, II. 102 13 , n. 4, 127-" ff., 128 5 . 
 Hamrawiyya, II. 102 14 . 
 " b. 'Omar, II. 102 n. 4. 
 
 Ishakiyya, ib. 
 b. Suweid, II. 43. 
 b. Zeid al-Harith, II. 125 13 ff. 
 
 Harithiyya, ib. 
 
 Ishakiyya, 1) see Ishak b. Muhammed ; 2) see Ishak b. 'Omar. 
 Isma'il b. 'Abdallah ar-Ru'aini, II. 13 5 . 
 " al-Bittikhi (II. II' 26 ), see Abu Isma'il. 
 
 b. Ja'far, I. 45 1 , 76 3 , n. 1, II. 40 2 , 51*', 133 2S . 
 
 Isma'iliyya, I. 37 1 ' 2 , II. 19' 27 , 20% 51, 133 2 ', 15t 2 . 
 Ithua'ashariyya, I. 58, II. 40 n" 2, 52, 78" ff., 133 32 , 150 n. 6, 151, 152 
 
 n. 4. 
 lyad. Kadi, II. 69 25 . 
 
 al-Jabia, in Syria, II. 85 50 . 
 
 Jabir b. Yazid al-Ju'fi, I. 60 s . II. 23 34 , 24', 86". 87? 7 . 
 Ja'far b. 'All, uncle of the Mahdi, I. 76" ff., II. 134 3 . 
 
 " b. Muhammed Abu 'Abdallah as-Sadik, II. 41 1C ; and his son 
 Ismd'il, II. 133 28 : commanding position in Shi'a, II. 
 104 ff . ; esteemed also by Sunna, II. 79 2 , 105 13 ; one of the 
 twelve Imams. I. 58 s ; Imam instead of Zeid b. 'AH, II. 
 139 ; his Imamate unanimously acknowledged, I. 68 5 , 
 75 20 ff., II. 51 10 , 104 26 , 182 31 , 151 1 ; dissension after his 
 death, I. 76- ff., II. 89 9 ; is still alive and will return, I. 44 
 penult., 76 6 , 112 9 ; divinity of, I. 69 1 , II. 97 4 , 112, 114 n. 1 : 
 omniscient, II. 106: hajj in his honor, s. v. ; apocryphal 
 utterances (cf . II. 105 4 ) against : allegorical interpreta- 
 tion of Koran, II. 1 4- 1 - 3 -, religious discussions, II. 15 18 ff., 
 Badd, 72 26 , Tafwid, 9l 15 , supernatural knoidcdge of 
 Imams, 105 24 , Musawiyya, 40 n. 2, 'Omar, 65 1 , Zeidiyya, 
 159 16 , Mugira b. Sa'td, 80 16 , Abu 'l-Khattdb, 113, ash- 
 Shalmagdm, 117 1 . and other Guldt, 90 3 , 96' ff.; men 
 belonging to his circle, II. 41 n. 2, 59 15 , 60 n. 3, 65. 66 n. 
 1, 91 n. 1, 133 53 . 
 
 Ja'fariyya, II. 80 4 , 107 12 . 
 
 Jafr, book attributed to Ja'far, II. 106, 112 20 . 
 al-Jahiz, I. 50, II. 56 ff., 104 35 , 121", 124 3 , 148 19 . 
 Jahiziyya, II. 56'' 30 . 
 
 Jahm b. Safwan, I. 29 15 ff.', 31 16 , II. 7 32 , 8 15 , 14 39 , 15' 2 , 74 3 . 
 Jahmiyya, II. 8 4 .
 
 172 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Janad, in Yemen, II. HO 5 . 
 
 Janahiyya, see Mu'awiya b. 'Abdallah. 
 
 Jannaba, town, II. 108 n ff. 
 
 Jarir b. Keis, II. 43 19 . 
 
 Jaririyya, see Suleiman b. Jarir. 
 
 Jarudiyya, see Abu '1-Jarud. 
 al-Jauzi, Jamal ad-Din, II. 69 n. 1. 
 
 Jehuda Halevi, II. 104 16 . 
 
 Jesus, return at end of Time, I. 47 15 , II. 37", 49 15 ; divinity of, I. 62". 
 IT. It 10 , 16 31 , 17", 90 f. ; unreal (Docetism), II. 29 ; miracles, II. 
 82 n. 2 ; compared with 'Alt, I. 66 15 , II. 101, with the Mahdi, II. 
 52 35 , 53 f., with Muhammed, II. 24 19 - 54 . Cf. Christianity. 
 
 Jews, Jewish, and Judaism, believe in miracles of Jesus, s. v. : bribed 
 Paul II, 16- 16 . 17 16 , n. 4; and Shi'a, II. 19, 95'-. 135 : ' 1S ; and Guldt, 
 s.v. ; and Badd, II. 72- 4 ; and Tashbih, II. 135 19 ; believe in 
 Immortals, I. 46, II. 46 ff. : sects, II. 90" ; Jewish illustrations, 
 II. 85\ 96 18 . See 'Abdallah b. Saba, Cabbala, Messiah. 
 
 Joshua, see 'Ali. 
 al-Jubba'i, II. 58- 3 , 66 26 ; cf. 108 19 . 
 
 al-Ka'bi, II. 57 4 . 
 
 Kadar (Free Will), II. 9 15 ' 2ti . 
 
 Kafsa, district and town, I. 54 14 , II. 75 31 . 
 
 Kalam, doctrine, II. 12*, 66 5 , 73 :i4 . 
 
 Kanbar, I. 66 l , II. 99 : ff. 
 
 Karakiriyya, sect, see ash-Shalmagani. 
 
 Karbiyya, see Abu Karb. 
 
 Karmatians. I. 37 13 , 58', 68", II. 19 !i , aO 4 , 54-, 133 30 : emissaries of, 
 II. 17 s ff., 95", 97 19 , 108 ff. ; seven Imams of, II. 79 s , 90 1 ; believe 
 in Transmigration, II. 64 13 ; dietary restrictions of, II. 73 4 : fifty 
 prayers of, s. v. 
 
 Karramiyya, see Muhanamed b. Karram. 
 al-Kashshi, II. 4 n. 2. 
 al-Kasim b. ' Abdallah (or ' Utjeidallah) b. Suleiman, I. 67 1S , II. 104 1 . 
 
 Kastilia, province in North Africa, I. 54 15 , II. 75 10 , 76'. 
 
 Kathir an-Nawwa, II. 129 31 . See al-Abtar. 
 
 Kat'iyya, see Kit^i'iyya. 
 
 Kaze keiman dat, town, II. ISO 9 . 
 
 Keisan, II. 33. 
 
 " Abu 'Omra, I. 44*, 77'", II. 34. 
 
 Keisaniyya, origin, II. 33 f. ; position within 
 Shi-a, I. 23, II. 34 f., 155, 156 n. 3: accept Imamate of 'Ali, 
 al-Hasan, al-Husein and Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, I. 58 12 , 77 1? , 
 II. 79 11 ff . ; the latter hidden in Radwa. I. 44* ff . , 77 ult. , II. 25 2S ff . , 
 35 ff., 95 19 ; use wooden arms only, hence called Khashabiyya, 
 I. 63', n. 1, II. 93 ff.: believe in Bada, I. 53', II. 72 1 -, in Transmi- 
 gration. I. 34", 52 5 , II. 63- 9 , 64 14 , in eternity of world, I. 54 11 : fac- 
 tions among, I. 45 11 ff., II. 35. 44', 102 n, 4, 118 n. 3, 121 30 . See 
 Imamate. 7,eidiyya.
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 173 
 
 Kelb, tribe, II. 97 20 . 
 al-Kelbi, II. 25", 100 n. 2. 
 al-Khadir, prophet. I. 46 f., II. 47", 48, 49 8 , 
 
 Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Kasri, I. 59', 60, 65 1 (cf. II. 97*), II. 79 f., 86 f., 
 100 24 , 107 14 . 
 
 Khamt, mother of Mahdi, II. 54'. 
 
 Kharbiyya, see 'Abdallah b. al-Kharb. 
 
 Khashabiyya, see Keisaniyya. 
 
 Kha^tabiyya, see Abu 'l-Khat^ab. 
 
 Khawarij, I. 30 14 , 31 penult., 33'- - 3 , II. 9 28 , 76 6 , 93 2 , 159 10 . 
 
 Khidash, I. 36", 65 5 , II. 98. 
 
 Khindif al-Asadt, II. 42 5 [Khandak is oversight], 94 21 . 
 
 Khorasan, I. 44 n. 1, 65 n. 5. II. 10P, 118 14 , 119% 122- 3 , 123''- 29 , 128 34 , 
 
 Khurramiyya, II. 19 39 , 119. 
 
 Kisfiyya, see Abu Mansur. 
 
 Kitti'iyya, I. 47' 9 ff., II. 26 8 , 40 s1 , 49 if. 
 
 Koran, interpolated (Tabdil), I. 50 18 , 51 f., II. 60 3 , 61 ff., 153 n. 6, cf. 
 also I. 33-' 7 , II. 12 1!) ; allegorical interpretation of, I. 35, 73 n. 2, 
 II. 14 1S , 45 13 , 107 ; in Berberic language, II. 49". 
 
 KSR (?) (I. 68 n. 7), see al-Isbahani. 
 
 Kufa, 'Alt in, II. 39 3 , 43 n. 3, 78 s , 99-' 3 , al-Mukhtdr in. II. 93. Muham- 
 med b. al-Kasim. II. S3 4 ; Yahya b. 'Omar, I. 43", Zeid b. 'AK, 
 II. 138 f.. Zenj, I. 65 n. 2 : 'All b. Mitham, II. 60 SO , sal-Hasan b. 
 Sdlih, I. 74 ult.. II. 131", Hisham b. al-Hakam, I. 63 3 , 74 ult., II, 
 65 13 . n. 4, 67', 1'on Haushab, I. 68 n. 8 ; people of, known as stingy 
 and treacherous, II. 140 n. 6. ; Gulat in, I. 62 6 , 64, 68 f., 71 2 , II. 
 79 36 , 89 W , 97 4 , 107 ; Persian spoken in, II. 78'. 
 
 Kureish, II. 39 80 , 89" ? 90 6 . See Imamate. 
 
 Kuthayyir. II. 134 38 : Keisanite, I. 77 14 , II. 25", 35", 79 15 : Keisanitic 
 poem ascribed to him (or as-Sayyid), II. 38 f. ; Khashabi, II. 94 9a , 
 95 16 ; believes in his own return, II. 24 8 , 27 n. 2, in Transmigration' 
 II. 26-", 27 n. 4, 45 6 ; aids Khindif, II. 42 5 ; denounces Companions, 
 II. 143 f. 
 
 llamas, tribe. II. 75 s . 
 
 Logic, elimination of, from religion, II. 15. 
 
 Luminaries, creation of, I. 59- ', II. 84 :! " ff. 
 
 Madain, city, I. 43 IS , n. 6. 
 al-Mada'ini, II. 57 18 . 
 
 Maghrib, Karmatians in, II. 109 ff. 
 Magus, tribe, II. 75 7 . 
 Mahdi, Caliph, II. 39 18 , 131". 
 
 Messiah, s. v., cf. I. 36 19 : of the Ithnd'ashariyya, see 
 Muhammed b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali ; traditions about, II. 
 30 : ff.. 53'*ff. 
 al-Makrizi, I. 7. II. (4). 8' 4 . 16 14 .
 
 174 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Malchizedek, I. 46', II. 46 f. 
 Malikiyya, II. 76 1S , 117 11 . 
 
 al-Mamtura, sect (= Mtisawiyya), I. 44 16 , II. 40, 51 U , CO 31 . 
 al-Ma'mun, Caliph, II. 59". 
 
 Mandsean, influence, I. 4, II. 80 ff., 84 1S , 87- 9 . 
 Mani ? II. 80 25 . 
 
 Manichaean, influence, I. 4, II. 29 f., 80, 87', 104 8 . 
 al-Mansur, Caliph, I. 70 penult., II. 100 f., 118", 119 s . 121'- ff., 125 n. 4, 
 
 140 n. 3. 
 
 ' an-Namari, poet, II. 153 n. 6. 
 " , title of Karmatian missionary -in-chief, II. 109. 
 Mansuriyya, see Abu Mansur. 
 Marcus, Gnostic, II. 82'. 
 Marriage, with forbidden relations, 1. 33- 5 , II. 12 16 ; with nine wives, 
 
 I. 53 13 , cf. II. 73'. 
 
 al-Masa'il an-Nasiriyya, book, II. 29 footnote. 
 Masamida (or Masmuda), tribe, I. 54 J6 , II. 76 10 . 
 Mas'ud b. Hureith, II. Ill 5 - 10 . 
 Mawali, II. 34, 94 16 , 107 n. 2. 
 Mazdak, I. 37 15 , II. 19 35 , 120 1 . 
 
 Mazdakiyya, II. 19 37 , 20-. 
 Medina, I. 43 3 , II. 39 n. 2. 
 Meimun al-Kaddah, II. 112 n. 3. 
 
 Meimuniyya, ib. 
 
 Meimfiniyya, Kharijite sect, II. 12">- 19 . 
 Mekka, I. 53 n. 1, II. 42, 67, 94 3 , n. 1. 
 Merv. city, I. 70 n. 7, II. 119 1 , 120 s . 
 
 Messiah, and Messianism, I. 3 n. 1, 45 4 , II. 36 ff., 43 14 , 94- 7 ff. 
 Metempsychosis, see Transmigration of Souls. 
 Methusalem, I. 46 n. 1, II. 46", n. 8. 
 Miklas b. Abi '1-Khattab, see Abu '1-Khattab. 
 
 Milal wa'n-Nihal, literature on. I. 5: by Ibn Hazm, literary char- 
 acter of, I. 12 ff., manusci'ipts of, 17 ff., compared with work of 
 ash-Shahrastani, 16. 
 Mimiyya, II. 103 4 . 
 Mithani at-Tammar, II. 60'. 
 Moses, II. 70 1S , 116% 135 31 . 
 Mu'ainmar, I. 64 9 , 69 14 , II. 96 3 - -\ 114" ff. 
 
 Mu'ammariyya, II. 74", 113 s ', 114 11 . 
 b. 'Abbad, II. 114 13 . 
 Mu'awiya, Caliph, I. 75", II. 145 n. 2, 148 19 . 
 
 " b. 'Abdallah Du'1-Janahein, II. 27 n. 4, 44 55 , 45 4 , n. 2. 
 
 Janahiyya, II 44 24 . 
 Mufaddal- as-Seirafi, II. 96'- 6 . 
 Mufawwida, sect, see Tafwid. 
 
 al-Mugira b. 'Sa'id, I. 34' 21 , 59 f.. II. 31 s , 79 ff., 90 l , 96 s ; called SaM'i, 
 II. 100 27 30 . See Rawafid.
 
 Vol. xxix.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 175 
 
 > 
 
 Mugiriyya, II. 87", n. 2, 96% 153'"; terrorists, 
 I. 62 19 , II. 92" ; hajj in honor of Ja'far as-Sddik, II. 107 13 ; 
 relation to Khattabiyya, II. 97 13 . 
 al-Mugira b. Shu'ba, II. 140 n. 1. 
 Muhallab, II. 93-. 
 
 Muhammed, the Prophet, resembled 'Alt, I. 56, II. 77 f., hence mis- 
 taken for him, ib. ; apostle of 'AH, but usurped prophecy, I. 66 
 ult. (cf. I. 56), II. 102% 116 s , 127 18 ; responsible for strife about 
 Imamate, I. 55 n , 80 4 , cf. II. 76" ; divinity of, I. 67*, 68% II. 102 f., 
 Demiurge, 91 s ; return of, II. 24 14 , 25 n. 1 ; stops sun, II. 69 4 , 71". 
 See 'Ali b. Abi Talib, Mystic lore. 
 
 Muhammediyya, believe in his divinity, I. 67', 
 
 II. 102 f. 
 Muhanimed b. 'Abdallah, Katib, I. 47*, II. 48 23 . 
 
 b. b. al-Hasan, I. 43 1 ff., 60 10 , n. 5, 64 3 , II. 
 
 23 3 , 30", 31 9 , 86 14 , 87. 
 Muhammediyya, II. 86 15 , 102 n. 5. 
 b. b. Tahir, I. 43 13 , II. 31*. 
 
 b. 'Abd as-Salam, called Shukk al-Leil, I. 47 3 [see II. 
 
 48' '], II. 48 16 , n. 1. 
 b. Abi Zeinab, see Abu'l-Khattab. 
 b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas, II. 123 15 . 
 b. " b. Abi Talib, see M. b. al-Hanafiyya. 
 b. " b. al-Husein al-Bakir, I. 58% 64-, 68 4 , 75-", II. 
 
 22 s , 80", 95 33 , 139. 
 
 b. " b. Musa, I. 48', 58, 76 s . 
 b. " b. an-Nu'man (II. 59 6 ), see M. b. Ja'far. 
 b. " b. ash-Shalmagan, see ash-Shalmagani. 
 b. al-Fadl. see 'Ali b. al-F. 
 b. Habib. II. 109 s4 . 
 
 b. al-Hanafiyya, significance of name, II. 53 n. 3 ; wor- 
 shipped by Keisaniyya, s.v. ; defended by Khasha- 
 biyya, II. 94 :! ; supernatural knowledge of, II. 33, 
 cf. 12*. 
 
 b. al-Hasan b. 'Ali, Mahdi of Ithnd'ashariyya, I. 47 f., 
 58 1 , 76, II. 52 ff., 61 11 ; "man of the cellar, 1 ' IL 
 27", 134'--'ff., cf. I. 77 n. 7. 
 b. Ishak b. Ibrahim, II. 32 8 . 
 b. IsmjHl b. Ja'far b. Muhammed, Mahdi of Sab'iyya 
 
 (and Karmatians), I. 58 9 , 68 16 , II. 79 s , 10S 14 . 
 b. Ja'far b. Muhammed, I. 76 3 . 
 b. ' b. an-Nu'mau, called Sheitanat-Tak, I. 31 19 , 
 
 50 f., 75 penult, II. 15 n. 3, 59, 65 n/2, 150*, 157 
 n. 4. 
 
 Nu'maniyya, II. 59 13 . 
 Sheitaniyya, II. 59 1:1 , 66- 4 . 
 b. Karram, I. 29" ff., II. 8-, 9". 
 
 Karramiyya, II. 8 5 . 
 b. al-Kasim b. 'Ali,' I. 44', II. 32' ff.
 
 176 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 * 
 Muhammed b. an-Nu'man, see M. b. Ja'far b. an-N\ 
 
 b. Nuseir, II. 127*. 
 
 " b. Salih b. Mu'awiya, II. 45 n. 2. 
 
 " b. Wrstd, see Ibn War sand, 
 
 b. Ya'kub. II. 42'- 8 f. 
 
 Ya'kiibiyya, ib. 
 
 " b. Zakariyya ar-Razi, II. 64". 
 
 Muhammediyya : 1) see Muhammed, the Prophet ; see Muhammed b. 
 
 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan. 
 
 Mujabbira (or Mujbara), sect, II. 9", II 2 ", 88 n. 2. 
 al-Mukaddasi. on number of sects, I. 6 : and Shi'a, II. 145 n. 2. 
 al-Mukanna', I, 36 9 . 70 9 , II. 120 f. 
 
 Mukatil b. Suleiman, I. 3l 17 , II. II 30 , 67'. 
 al-Mukhtar b. Abi 'Ubeid, I. 44 1 , 58 13 , 77 10 , II. 17*. 33 f., 72, 79", 93 f. 
 
 Mukktariyya, II. 33 <25 , 79 18 . 
 
 Mu'min at-Tak (II. 59'-), see Muhammed b. Ja'far b. an-Nu'man. 
 Murji'a, sect, I. 29", 31% 32, 34*. II. 7- :i - 30 , II 31 , 21 2 ', 152 penult. 
 Musa b. Ja'far b. Muhammed al-Kcizim. I. 44 16 . 53% 76% II. 39 U , 151 5 . 
 
 IMusawiyya. II. 40, 50 ff., 60, !&'. 
 Mus'ab, II. 93 15 . 
 
 Mushabbiha, sect, II. 9 : . Cf. Tashbih. 
 Muslimiyya, see Abu Muslim. 
 al-Mu'tadid, Caliph, 1. 67 s , 77- s . 
 al-Mu'tasim, " II. 32 is . 
 al-Mutawakkil, " II. 156 in . 
 
 Mu'tazila, I. 29-' 4 , 3l 12 . 32 1S . 33 penult., II. 9, 21 31 ; origin of name, II. 
 138 n. 1 ; Transmigration, II. 63- 6 , other doctrines. II. 6<r' 6 . 93' ; 
 and Shi'a, II. II 33 ff., and Imdmiyya. ll :i % cf. 63 n , and Zeidiyya 
 II 3 ' ff. 
 
 Muzaffar b. Ardshir, see Abu Mansur Muzaffar. 
 
 Mystic lore (supernatural knowledge), of Muhammed. I. 38, II. 20 1 ' 2 , 
 of 'AH, II. 33, of Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya. II. 33 f. See Imams. 
 
 Nafaliyya. see Bakliyya. 
 
 Naf^a. city in district of Kafsa. s.v. 
 an-Nahkini (II. 103 19 ), see al-Bhnki. 
 
 Nahliyya ( = Bajaliyya, I. 54 n. 6, n. 8), see Ibn Warsand. 
 an-Najjar. 1) see al-Husein b. Muhammed : 2) see Ibn Haushab. 
 
 Nakaliyya, see Bakliyya. 
 
 Name, of God, s.v.; of 'AH, I. 53 penult.. II. 73; identical with that 
 of Prophet, II. 53, 87" ; allusions to, found in Koran, I. 61 16 , 62 s , 
 II. 88", cf. I. 35, II. 14. 
 
 Narjis, mother of Mahdi, I. 48 l:i , 76 16 , II. 54 10 . 
 
 Nasariyya. citadel, II. 126 i3 . 
 
 Naskh ("abrogation"). II. 72'" \ 
 
 Nasriyya (II. 126 i7 '). see Nuseiriyya.
 
 Vol. xxix.J The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 177 
 
 Nass, written bequest, of Muhammed to 'All, I. 22, 73 ff., II. 66 S1 , 
 158 5 ; of or through 'AK to al-Hasan and al-Husein, I. 75 14 , II. 
 132 29 , to Muhammed b. al-Hanafiyya, II. 34 n. 3 ; of Ja'far as-Sddik 
 to one of his sons, II. 132 33 ; hidden by Companions, s.v. ; point of 
 issue between Imamiyya and Zeidiyya, see Imamate. 
 
 Nawasib, nickname for opponents of SM'a, II. 159. 
 
 Nawus, I. 44 20 , II. 41. 
 
 Nawusiyya, ib. 
 an-Nazzam, I. 50 14 , 51 2 , II. II 14 , 56 5 , 57 14 , 58, 60 24 , 64 9 , 74 n. 1. 
 
 Nisabur, I. 73 6 , II. 123 5 . 
 
 Nisba, influence of, on enumeration of sects, I. 7 f . ; artificial forma- 
 tion of, II. 119n. 2. 
 
 Nisibis, II. 93". 
 
 Nu'maniyya, see Muhammed b. Ja'far b. an-Nu'man. 
 
 Nuseiri, II. 127 5 . 
 
 Nuseiriyya, I. 71 f., II. 18 SO , 102 13 , 118", 126 ff. 
 
 'Omar, see Abu Bekr. 
 Omayya b. Abi Salt, II. 28 n. 1. 
 'Omeir at-Tabban, I. 64 10 , II. 96 28 . 
 
 'Omeiriyya, II. 97 s . 
 Osrushna, province, II. 101 n. 1. 
 Othman, Caliph, interpolated Koran, II. 61 28 ff. ; uprising against, 
 
 I. 37 10 , II. 19 24 ; hated by Imamiyya, I. 52 n. 5, and Khawarij, 
 
 II. 64 24 , while Zeidiyya vacillating, see I. 74", II. 129 SO , 132 15 
 and 129 26 , 130 4 , 139 n. 1. 
 
 " al- Khashabi, II. 93 19 . 
 
 Paradise, nine enter while alive, II. 47 12 ; and Hell will decay, I. 
 54 9 , II. 15', 73 f., cf. 75 2 . 
 
 Paul, apostle, see Gulat. . 
 
 Persians, and Shi' a, I. 35 f., II. 16 ; and al-Mukhtdr, II. 94 1 ; absorb 
 'Ijl, II. 80 n. 4 ; derogate 'All, II. 78 9 ; call themselves "sons" 
 and "nobles," I. 35 ult., II. 18 5 ; Persian language, II. 90 22 , 93 96 , 
 cf. 78 9 . 
 
 Phinehas, still alive, I. 46 6 , II. 46 12 , 47 23 . 
 
 Pilgrimage, see Hajj. 
 
 Prayers, two a day, I. 33 24 ; seventeen (or nineteen), I. 37 4 , n. 3, 71 4 , 
 n. 4, II. 126 5 ; fifty, I. 37 2 , II. 18 29 . 
 
 Precepts, religious, saints exempt from, I. 34 n , 37 1 , 73 3 , II. 13 16 , 14 15 ; 
 have inner meaning, I. 35, II. 14, 107, 129 5 ; abolished by AbH 
 Manstir, I. 62 17 , by Hdrithiyya, II. 125 14 , by Imamiyya, 61 20 , by 
 Karmatians, 109 5 , by Khattabiyya, 14, 112 15 , by o\-Mukanna l , 120 25 
 
 Prophecy, can be acquired, I. 84 6 , II. 13 8 ; inadmissible after Muham- 
 med, I. 47", 55 n. 7, 56', II. 49, 76 38 , 92 9 ; True Prophet, see Clem- 
 entines. 
 
 Ptahil, deity of Mandaeans, II. 84 25 . 
 VOL. xxix. 12
 
 178 I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 ar-Radi, Caliph, I. 70 n. 2. 
 
 Radwa, mountain, I. 43 n. 7, 44 10 , 77 ult., II. 35 ff., 39 13 , 95 18 . 
 
 Raj'a, see Return ; miscellaneous uses of word, II. 28 n. 1. 
 ar- Rashid, Caliph, II. 39 19 , 58* 8 . 
 
 Ray, city, I. 78 n. 2, II.. 134 33 ; mountains, II. 119 15 . 
 
 Rawafid, term, see Appendix A; different forms of word, II. 137, 
 origin, 138 ff., supposed to have been coined by al-Mugira b. Sa'id, 
 139 f., coined by Zeid b. 'Alt, 139, 141 4 , 142 n. 6, derogatory mean- 
 ing of, 138 n. 1, 140 n. 3 ;=" repudiators" (of Abti Bekr and 
 'Omar and Companions), II. 64 f., 142 ff.; and SM'a, II. 146 ff.; 
 applied to Keisaniyya, II. 156 n. 3, to Imamiyya (excluding 
 Zeidiyya), I. 44 15 , 47 19 , II. 148 ff., to. Itlmd'ashariyya, 151, to 
 Gulat 151 ff., to a/rShiitic sects (including Zeidiyya), 154 ff.: 
 acknowledge Imamate of Ja'far as-Sadik, II. 104 28 , 150 ult.; are 
 no Muslims, II. 62 8 , 153 6 ; compared with Jews, II. 19-, with 
 Christians, 142 n. 2, worse than Jews and Christians, 144 4 , cf. 7? 13 . 
 See Shi'a. 
 
 Rawand, near Isbah&n, II. 122 S6 ;=Riwand (in Khorasan)), II. 123. 
 ar-Rawandi, II. 123 f . 
 
 Rawandiyya, I. 70 13 , II. 100 3 -, 121 ff., 153". 
 
 Reappearance, see Return. 
 
 Resurrection, denied, II. 45 19 , 74 s *. 
 
 Return, after death (Raj'a), I. 34 ult., II. 23-28, 50 f., 86 13 , 114 96 . 
 Raj'iyya, II. 24', 25 5 . 
 
 Riwand, see Rawand. 
 ar-Riwandi (II. 123 24 ), see Rawandiyya. 
 
 Rizamb. Sabik, II. 118 14 . 
 
 Rizamiyya, II. 118 f., 120 U , 124 10 . 18 . 
 
 Rububadiyya, see Abu'l-' Abbas. 
 
 Rustem b. Huseiu b. Haushab, see Ibn Haushab. 
 ' b. Karhin b. Haushab, see Ibn Haushab. 
 
 Saba'iyya, see 'Abdallah b. Saba. 
 Sabbab, II. 42 n. 1. 
 
 Sabbabiyya, ib. 
 
 Sabbabiyya, or Sababiyya (H. 17 n. 1, 41 f.), see Saba'iyya. 
 
 Sabuyya, II. 79% 108 16 . 
 as-Sadik, see Ja'far b. Muhammed as-S. 
 as-Saffah, Caliph, H. 118 2S , 119 18 . 
 
 Safiyya bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, aunt of Prophet, II. 145. 
 
 Sahabiyya, II. 42- 6 . 
 
 Sa'id an-Nahdi, II. 90", 96 s . 
 
 Saints, superior to prophets, I. 34 s ", n. 13 12 ' 14 ; exempt from religious 
 precepts, s.v. 
 
 Sakil, mother of Mahdi, I. 48 15 , 76, II. 54 14 . 
 
 Salat, see Prayers. 
 
 Salih b. Tarif, I. 47, II. 49 5 -
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 179 
 
 Salihiyya : 1) see al-Hasan b. Salih ; 2) sect of Mu'tazila, II. 131 n. 2. 
 Salim b. Abi Hafsa, II. 189>. 
 
 " b. Mas'ud (=al-Harith), II. 125 4 . 
 Salma b. Kuheil, II. 130'. 
 Samak b. Harb, II. 131 21 . 
 
 Samuel b. Nagdela, I. 13 (1. 3 from below). [Joseph is oversight.] 
 Sarhat at-Tabari, n. 93 n. 2. 
 Sari al-Aksam, I. 64 n. 11. II. 96. 
 Saturninus. Gnostic, II. 85". 
 Sausan, mother of Mahdi, I. 48 16 , 76 18 , n. 54 14 . 
 Sawad, province, I. 68 n. 8, EL 110", 111 4 . 8 . 
 Saw war, poet, n. 140 n. 3. 
 as-Sayyid al-Himyari, II. 134, cf. 39 n. 3 ; argues with Muhammed b. 
 
 Ja'far b. an-Nu l man, II. 59 16 ; his rawi Ishak b. Muhammed, II. 
 
 102 9 ; believes in return of Muhammed 6. al-Hanafiyya, I. 77 13 , 
 
 78 n. 2, II. 25 28 . 35* c , 36 ff., cf. 27 n. 4. in Transmigration, I. 34 1? , 
 
 52 6 , II. 26 13 , 63 n. 2 ; on name of Mahdi, II. 53 n. 2 ; on sun miracle, 
 
 II. 68 11 ; against divinity of 1 AU. II. 101 n. 2 ; against Rawafid, II. 
 
 140 n. 3 ; denounces Companions, II. 144 n. 6. 
 
 Sects, number of, I. 6 f.: classification of, I. 20 ff., 29 1 , 40 11 , II. 21 3 . 
 Sefer Yesirah, II. 82 14 . 
 Sem, identical with Malchizedek, II. 47 8 . 
 Seven, Imams, see Sab'iyya ; angels, II. 84 59 ; prophets, II. 86', 89 f., 
 
 104i8,s4 . incarnations, II. 127 15 . 
 Seveners, see Sab'iyya. 
 ash-Sha'bi, I. 60 3 , II. 86 23 ; on 'AbdaUah b. Sabd, II, 43 18 - 26 ; utterances 
 
 against SM'a, II. 19' 6 , 77 10 , 95 s , 135, 142 n. 2, 144. 
 Shafi'iyya, II. 117". 
 ash-Shalmagani, Ibn Abi '1 'Azakir (also written Karakir), I. 69 ult. ff., 
 
 70 n. 2, II. 115ff., 127". 
 
 . 'Azakira, II. 116 2 . 
 
 Karakiriyya, II. 117 30 . 
 Sheitan a^-Tak and Sheitaniyya, see Muhammed b. Ja'far b. an- 
 
 Nu'man. 
 Shi'a, name, II. 157 f., applied to Imamiyya, 158, to Zeidiyya, ib., to 
 
 both, 159 1 ; origin I. 3 n. 1 ; character, I. 4 f . ; division of sects, I. 
 
 21 ff., 42 15 , II. 155 10 , 156', cf. I. 30 3 ; fundamental beliefs of, I. 
 
 31 Z1 , 32* 4 , 78 ff. ; " exaggerations" of, I. 34 f. ; anthropomorphistic, 
 
 II. 135" ; relation to Mu'tazila, I. 31 20 . II. II 33 ff., to Chdat, s.v. ; 
 
 compared with Jews, see ash-Sha'bi ; Traditions against, s.v. ; of 
 
 illegitimate birth, I. 49 f., II. 55 28 . See Imamiyya, Rawafid, 
 
 Zeidiyya. 
 
 Shibash, see al-Basri. 
 Shinas, see al-Basri. 
 ash-Shortah, district near Wdsif, II. 127 !3 . 
 
 Shukk al-Leil, see Muhammed b. 'Abd as Salam. 
 Simeon, tribe, II, 49 W . 
 Simon Magus, II. 85 27 .
 
 ISO I. Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Sufis, originated by Abu Sa'id Abu "l-Kheir, s.v.; in Isbahdn, II. 45, 
 n. 2; believe that Elijah and a\-Khadir alive, I. 46 7 , II. 47 32 , that 
 saints superior to prophets, s.v., and exempt from religious pre- 
 cepts, s.v.; follow Shi'a, II. 148, and Guldt, I. 73 2 , II. 152 ; are no 
 Muslims, I. 30 ult., n. 11, II. II 20 . 
 
 Sufriyya, Kharijite sect, I. 37 6 , 71 6 . 1 *, II. 9 30 , 34 , 126 10 ' 13 . 
 
 Sufyan ath-Thauri, II. 42 s3 . 
 
 Suleiman b. Jarir, I. 79 81 , II. 72 20 , 129 24 , 136", 149 9 . 
 Suleimaniyya, II. 136 11 . 
 Jaririyya, ib. 
 
 Sunbad (or Sinbad), I. 36 9 , II. 18 19 . 
 
 Sunna, I. 20 4 , 33 U , 34 8 . 
 
 Supernatural knowledge, see Mystic lore. 
 
 Surhubiyya, see Abu'l-Jarud. 
 
 Surr-man-ra'a (Samara), city, I. 76 n. 10, II. 18 26 . 
 as-Sits, city, I. 54", 55', II. 76 8 . 
 
 Syzygy, see Clementines. 
 
 Tabaristan, province, II. 33 s . 
 
 Tabdil, see Koran, interpolated. 
 
 Tafwid, doctrine, II. 91. 
 at-Tahawi, II. 70. 
 
 Tahir b al-Husein, I. 43 n. 11. 
 
 Takhlit, doctrine, II. 91 13 . 
 
 Takiyya (" compulsion"), II. 9 10 . 
 
 Talabira, city in Spain, I. 47 4 , II. 48 2S . 
 
 Talikan, city in Khordsdn, I. 44 3 . 
 at-Tammar, I. 79 21 , II. 60 6 ; see 'All b. Mitham. 
 
 Tanasukh, see Transmigration of Souls. 
 
 Tarif, II. 49 22 . 
 
 Tashbih, see God. 
 
 Tawus, II. 41 n. 2. 
 at-Tayyar, (II. 60 14 ), see 'Ali b. Mitham. 
 
 Terrorism, among Shiitic sects, I. 35", 62 f., II. 92 f., 95- 4 , 153. 
 
 Thugs, in India, II. 92 25 . 
 
 Tiberias, I. 72 2 , II. 127 56 . 
 
 Tiflis, II. 125 n. 4. 
 
 Tigris, rise of, II. 114 25 . 
 
 Traditions, forged or interpolated by Shi'a, I. 78 4 , II. 135 ; by Khat- 
 fdbiyya, II. 113 8 ; by Sunna against Shi'a, II. 48'", 135 21 , 146, 
 against Zeidiyya, II. 147 n. 2. 
 
 Transmigration, of Souls (Tanasukh), belief of Mu'tazila, I. 33 ult., 
 II. 12 25 , of Keisdniyya, s.v., of other heretics, I. 71 3 , II. II 11 , 45 12 , 
 113 19 ; relation to Return, II. 26 f. ; consequences, I. 52, II. 74. 
 Tanasukhiyya, II. 12", 26 3i , 63 3 *. 
 
 Trinity, II. 91 23 . 
 
 Tugj, I. 65, n. 2, II. 97 28 .
 
 Vol. xxix.] The Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 181 
 
 at-Tiisi, II. (5), 59 23 , 107 n. 1. 
 Twelvers, see Ithna'ashariyya. 
 
 'Ubeidallah [b. Mnhammed al-Hatnb], divinity of, I. 69 1 , H. 20 s , 95 30 , 
 
 109 M , 111 19 , 
 b. Ziyad, II. 93 U . 
 al-'Uleis, tribe, I. 65 n. 2, II. 97*'. 
 'Ulyan b. Dira', II. 101 32 . 
 
 'Ulyaniyya, I. 66 18 , II. 101 f. 
 Urdunn, district in Palestine, I. 72', II. 127 26 . 
 Ustadsis, I. 36 9 , II. 18 s1 . 
 
 Vice, unnatural, I. 70*, II. 109 6 , 117 3 . 
 
 Wakifa, or Wakifiyya, II. 26 s , 40, 50 ff. 
 al- WaiTak, II. 15 n. 3, 136 (Corrections). 
 
 Wasil b. 'Ata, II. II 38 , 43 n. 1, 129 16 , 141", 153. 
 
 Wasit, city, II. 41 n. 2, 65 12 , 80, 115 10 , 127 23 , 145 n. 2. 
 
 Water, sanctity of , I. 60 12 , II. 87 i8 ; "dark" and "white" waters of 
 
 Mandceans, II. 84' 7 ff. 
 Weaver's trade, despicable. II. 96 15 . 
 World, creation of, I. 59, II. 81 ff. ; eternity of, I. 54 U , II. 74 19 . 
 
 Yahya b. Dikrweih (or Zikrweih), II. 79 9 , 97. 
 
 " b. Khalid, Vizier, II. 60 23 , 102 n. 3, 138 s '. 
 
 " b. 'Omar b. Yahya, I. 43 10 ff., II. 31 f. 
 Ya'kubiyya, see Mubammed b. Ya'kub. 
 Yazid b. 'Omar (or 'Omeir), II. 97 6 . 
 Yemen, I. 68, II. 18 9 , 109 f . 
 Yunus b. 'Abdarrahman, II. 40', 51 S0 . 
 Yusuf b. 'Omar, I. 62", II. 86 31 , 100 25 , 138 12 . 
 
 Zahirism, I. 38 f., II. 8 24 , 128 15 . 
 az-Zakari (II. 109 10 ), see al-Isbahani. 
 
 Zakariyya b. Muhammed, II. 87 n. 2. 
 
 Zebid, in Yemen, II. HO 15 . 
 
 Zeid b. -Ali b. al-Husein, 1. 74 9 , II. II 3 ", 22 24 , 129 16 , 138 ff., 141 f. 
 Zeidiyya, onlmamate, s.v. (twice) ; on Imam- 
 ate in Kureish, II. 152 ult. ; acknowledge Ab& Bekr and 'Omar, 
 I. 22, 74 16 , 79 13 , II. 22 25 (see also s.v.), and doubtful about 'Othmdn, . 
 s.v. , but change their attitude, II. 155 n. 1, cf. 158: believe in 
 Muhammed b. al-Kdsim, II. 33* ; and Sunna, II. 155, 157 f. ; and 
 Mu'tazila, s.v. ; and Keisaniyya, I. 23, 34 f.. 44"; and Jdrftdiyya, I. 
 42 n , 74 13 , II. 153 n. 1 ; and Imdmiyya. s v. ; and Guldt, II. 76 29 ; 
 designated as Shi'a, II. 158 ; nicknamed Nussab, II. 159 10 ; tradi- 
 tions against, s. v. ; men belonging to, II. II 31 , 72 20 (cf. 129 26 ), 106 
 n. 5, 131"- 89 . Cf. Imamiyya, Rawafid, Shi'a.
 
 182 I, Friedlaender, [1908. 
 
 Zenj, I. 65 n. 2, II. 31 20 , 98 5 . 
 
 Zikrweih (or Dikrweih) b. Mihrweih, II. 97 19 . 
 
 Ziyad, tribe, I. 68 n. 8, II. 110 12 . 
 
 " brother of Mu'duriya, II. 110 13 . 
 Zubeir b. Safiyya, cousin of Prophet, II. 145. 
 Zurara b. A'yun, II. 40 24 , 66 26 , 91 n. 1, 146 n. 4. 
 Zutt (Gypsies), II. 99. 
 
 LIST OF ARABIC WORDS. 1 
 
 18 6 ff. 
 18 13 flf. 
 see 
 
 s 
 
 21' 4 . 
 
 Co 138 n - 4 ' 144 n - 1 - 
 91 13 . 
 
 see (jLs\ . 
 
 138 n. 4, 144 n. 8. 
 > 
 
 !XJ' 146, see & 
 
 AXX 
 -U 
 
 - 28n - L 
 
 jiuaJs, jiudiU, -,o.ifs, ^j-oj|*, (jfiLsJ 137. See 
 O and 
 
 d\ . -L>flJ*J 142. 
 105 n. 2. 
 50 11 , 51'. 
 
 Quotations exclusively refer to the second part of this treatise.
 
 Vol. xxix.] TJie Heterodoxies of the Shiites, etc. 183 
 
 145 n. 2. 
 95 n. 1. 
 139 n. 2. 
 
 & 67 23 . 
 
 x~ 6 f., 55 n. 1. 
 
 157 f. 
 
 U. &UUO 147 f. 
 
 fb Ji 55 1S . 
 
 32. 
 
 c. 12 5 ff., 145 n. 2. 
 
 t 134 5 . 
 
 s' 50, 51 n. 1. 
 
 93 5 ff. 
 
 97 n. 4. 
 
 17 n. 3. 
 
 130. 
 
 109. 
 
 A^>Lj 159. 
 j 97 n. 5. 
 
 AS. ("and Lai^j'^ 50. 
 
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