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 v> 3 
 
 An Hiftorical 
 
 RELATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 B Y 
 
 A L N S D E VA LLE, 
 
 O F 
 
 The Company q{ JESUS, 
 
 A Native of St, Jago of Chile, and Procurator 
 at Rome for that Place. 
 
 Printed at/?o^^ by Francisco Cavallo, 1^49. 
 with Licence of his Superiors. 
 
 Tranflated out of Sfanip: into Englijh. 
 
 Printed for Henrv Lin tot; and John Osborn, at the Golden-Ball in Paier- 
 
 mjter Row. 
 
 lv'CSG.l
 
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 M O ^ i I ' A n 
 
 1 lliO .. ... 
 
 
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 [Java: k)^^I^/[A>l^LYc^y^v\v^V\:)^. i;jjnh^ 
 
 
 nj bnfi ; TOT V.lA
 
 THE 
 
 Tranflacor s PREFACE. 
 
 ^ "Y "THEN the tranflition of the hiftory of Chile was firft- undertaken, it was 
 % M / more out of confideration of making that part of the world, fo remote 
 %/ \l from ours, better known, as to the geographical part, the natural hiftory, 
 T ▼ and the firft fettlements of the Spaniards^ than to enter into a diftincl nar- 
 rative of the events of that invafion, which contain little inftruiStion, being between a 
 people of great arts and abilities on one fide, and another of great natural courage, and 
 no culture of the mind or body, on the other. The cafe was fo extravagantly unequal 
 between them, when the odds ol- guns, armour, horfes, and difcipline, are weighed a- 
 gainfl; nakednefs, anarchy, panick terrors, and fimplicity, that it feems a kind ot prodi- 
 gy that the love of liberty and a ftock of natural unpolifh'd bravery, fliould hold a con- 
 teft with armed avarice, fpirited by fuperftitious zeal, for alrnofl: a whole century. 
 
 The natural hiftory of Chile is fo admirably performed, that it may be a model for mofl 
 relations of that kind ; for there are exaft defcriptions of all the bcafts, birds, fifties, 
 plants, minerals, coafl:s, rivers, bays, and inhabitants of the country, that can be wiftied 
 for. There is, befides, an excellent account of the climate, the feafons, the winds, the 
 manner of living both of the Indians and the Spaniards. Tlie defcription of the great 
 Cordillera, or chain of mountains, which runs for almoft a thoufand leagues in a parallel 
 line with the South-Sea, and divides Chile from tiie ultra mountain provinces, is fo accu- 
 rate, that nothing of that kind can be more fo : The narrative of the manner of travel- 
 ling through thofe vail plains oi Cuyo and ^ucuman, as far as Buencs Ayres, and the river 
 of Plata; the topographical defcription of the ftreights of Magellan, with all i;s bays, 
 ports, and its whole navigation, are of great inftruftion, as well as very entertaining. 
 
 In all this the jefuit, who was the author of this hiftory, muft be confeflTed to have de- 
 ferved the charader of a candid inquifitive philofopher ; and in what he has performed 
 befides, about the fettlements of the Spaniards, he is very particular, efpecially in his de- 
 fcription of the city of St. Jago de Chile ; where any one may fee the progrefs of prieft- 
 cratt in that new world, by the vaft riches of the convents, monafteries, and nunneries: 
 But above all the inftruftive chapters of this treatife, there is one about the methods of 
 driving a trade between Europe and Chile to and from the Philippines and Eaft-Indies, 
 which contains fecrets ot commerce and navigation, which I wonder how they were pub- 
 lifiied, and 'tis pofllble may, e're it be long, be praftifed by the Spaniards and other na- 
 tions, if the navigation of the Mexican gulph becomes fo troublefome, as it is like to be 
 made by the naval powers of Europe, who feem to have chofe thofe feas for the fcene 
 of all their maritime power to exert itfelf in. 
 
 There is a digreffion about the firft difcovery of the iftands and continent of America 
 by Columbus, and a progrefTive narration of all the other difcoveries, as they were made, 
 and by whom, which is very curious -, but as it is borrowed from other writers, the au- 
 thor can challenge no other merit than that of a judicious compiler. 
 
 All that needs to be added to this preface, is, to let the world know that the tranf- 
 lation was firft encouraged by the Royal Society, of which the tranftator has the honour 
 to be a member •, and that it was two liimmers work, that it might be the lei's fubjecfc 
 to errors •, and to prevent them, that worthy encourager ot all natural knowledge, as 
 well as of his own profclTion, in which he excels. Dr. Hans Shane, has contributed very 
 obligingly fome of his care and attention. 
 
 VeL. III. B THE
 
 THE 
 
 Authors PREFACE. 
 
 B 
 
 RING come from the kingdom 0/ Chile info Europe, / obferved that 
 there li-us jo little knoisn of the parts, I came from, that in many places 
 the very name of Chile had 7iot been heard of This made me think my- 
 felf obliged to fatisfy, in fame meafure, the defire of many curious perfons, inho 
 prejjcd me to communicate to the ivorld a thing fo worthy of its knowledge. 
 But I found nnfelf in great difficulty how to comply with their prefjing injlances^^ 
 being dejlitute of all the materials requifte for fuch a work, and at fuch a di- 
 ftance from the place that could fur nip them, that I dcfpaired of giving a jiifl 
 fatisfaBion : however, in obedience to thofe whofe commands I can?iot but rejpe^, 
 I refolved to write this account, more to comply with my duty, and give fome iti- 
 formation of thofe remote regions, than to pretend to a perfcSi and exaB hijlory, 
 which this relation, in all its parts, {I coffefs,) comes veryJJjort of. The rea- 
 der, then, being thus prepared, will, J hope, have a regard to the little help 
 I could have in this work, at fuch a dijlance as Rome and Chile are from 
 It has not one another ; and by his prudence and goodnefs, excufe any thing that may feem 
 yet ap- Icfs fnifjed in this work ; particularly fince there is hopes of a general hiflory of 
 {h^'wor'ld. Chile, which cannot be long before it isfinijhed. 
 
 In the mean time, the firfi and fecond booh of this relation will fhew the na- 
 tural (late of the kingdom of Chile, both as to its climate and produSl ; the 
 third will dcfcribc the qualities of its firft inhabitatits ; the fourth and fifth 
 will defcribe the firfl entrance of the Spaniards zw/o //, and the conquefi of if 
 by them -, the fixth will contain the various events of the war, caufed by the 
 noble refijlance made by the Araucano's ; the feventh will pew the firfi means 
 of peace attempted by father Lewis de Valdivia, of the company of Jefiis, in 
 order to facilitate the preaching of the holy gofpel, and the glorious death of his holy 
 companions ; the lafi book, which is alfo the largeft of all, will contain the firfi 
 weans of planting the Chriflian faith, and its propagation among the Indians, 
 which was particularly compajjcd, and is fiill carried on, by the mifiiov.s and mi- 
 nijlry of our company ; all which endeavours of theirs I explain and difiiitguifii 
 under fix heads, Jl.'eiifing the necefjity of the fpiritual help that thofe new Chri- 
 fiiafis lie under, both as to preaching, and informing them in matters of the 
 Chrifiian faith. 
 
 I mujl give here five advcrtifements : The firfl. That in what I have feen 
 myfelf I have fiot departed fro?n the truth in any thifig I have writ : As to 
 what I relate by hearfay, or by authority from other writers, I report it with the 
 fame candour as I heard and read it, without addi?ig or diminifjing any thing of 
 the truth ; and though all thofe I cite in this work are worthy to be believed, \et 
 the leaf to be fufpeBed of partiality, are fuch foreign writers who extol and com- 
 mend this kingdom of Chile with fuch repeated ettcomimns. My fecond advertij'e- 
 ment is. That confidering the kingdom c/" Chile was the lafi part of South Ame- 
 * rica
 
 The Author's PREFACE. 
 
 rica that ivas difcovered, and the nearefl to the Antartick Pole, 7 could mt trcct 
 of its difco'-dery ivith good groutids^ ivithoiit touching a little upon the neiglboiiriv':' 
 kingdoms of Peru and Mexico, which were as a pafage to it : and if I have 
 enlaigcd now and then on the praifes and dcfcription ofthofe parts, it was, becaufe 
 I thought it might not be difagreeahk to the reader ; in which, if I am mijlaken, 
 he has only to Jkip fotne chapters of the fourth book, and go dirctlly to thofe which 
 treat of the fir ll entrance of Don Diego de Almagro in!o Chile. Tbirdh, I nni/l 
 take notice, that though I do fo7netimes, in fpcaki?ig of the land of Chile, report 
 fome particularities which fern trifes, and ?iot Jo proper for hiftcry, I do not re- 
 late them as fingular a7%d proper to that country alone, but rather to Jkew the uni- 
 formity both of nature and cujloms, as to life and religion, in all thofe parts ; 
 midfbme things are mentioned to encourage thofe new countries to drive on the ad-' 
 'vancement of religion, politenefs, learning, and good morals. 
 
 Fourthly, I mufl take notice. That fince I do not here make a general hifior^ 
 of Chile, I have not bad occafion to mention all the illiflrious men, and noble 
 commanders and foldiers, who have flourifi:ed in thofe parts f-otn the beginning of 
 the conquefi : I only, therefore, take notice of fuch as I find named in the au- 
 thors whom I cite ; and they too not making it their bufincfs to write a difiitiB 
 hiftory of Chile, but only to relate fome particidar event, and fo mention only fome 
 part of the government of fome governors, or their wars, cannot be exaB in the 
 account of all thofe who have in different times and occafmis aSled in thofe wars > 
 and by this falvo I cover the honour of all our gallant commanders and foldiers 
 of Chile, whof'e aBions I omit, though they are worthy to be graven in marble 
 or Bronze, only for this reafon. And though I own, that I am not ignorant of 
 many who have flourifijed in my time, and before it, yet I have not fo diftinB an 
 information as would be Jieceffary to give them their due commendatio}is, and fet 
 their aBions in that light which their valour deferves ; therefore the general hi- 
 fiory of Chile will perform that part. Perhaps, even before that, this work of 
 mine may excite fome body to employ their talent in making a particidar book of 
 their elogiums and praifes, which canjiot fail of being well received in the world, 
 fince fo many noble and ilhifirious families of Europe will be concerned 
 in it. 
 
 Lafily, I advertife, That though the principal motive of my writing this rela- 
 tion, was to publiflo the fpiritual minifiery of our company in the converfion of 
 
 fouls in this kingdom of Chile, yet I could not but treat firft of the land and in- 
 habitants, as being the objeB and fubjeB of their endeavours ; and I have been 
 
 forced to be more diffufe in it, than I would have been about a place already 
 known to the world by any hiftory or relations made of it. For this reafon, I 
 have employ d fix books in the defer ipt ion of the land, and the valorous fierce difpofi- 
 tion of its inhabitants, that the force and efficacy of the divine grace might fhine 
 out the more in the beginnings of the converfions of that untraBable nation, men- 
 tioned in my two lafl- books, which are almoft as comprehenfive as my fix firfi, 
 which were divided into fo majiy, only to anfwer the diver fity of matter which 
 they contain. 
 
 Thus I have informed my reader of this work, in which be will find variety 
 of entertainment. Some things will anfwer the curio fity of thofe who delight in 
 knowing natural caufes ; others will be moved and incited to valiant aBions by 
 the examples of thofe performed here. Thofe likewife, who love hiftorical relati- 
 ons, will be plea fed, fincc here is an epitome of the difcovery of the beft part of 
 the Indies, according to the order of times, and perfons concerned in the conquefi S 
 and difcoveries of fo many kingdoms; and, laftly, the pious difpofition of devout 
 minds will be elevated to praife God for the fignal favours, which the queen of 
 heaven has befiowed on the kingdom of Chile /// particular \ and adore the Lord
 
 8 The Author's PREFACE. 
 
 of all things, for having in little more than one century made his name knoivn, 
 and his ivorjhip introduced among fo many heathen nations, even to bri?ig the 
 untamed and po^^verful Araucano's upon their knees to him, after fo many years 
 flubborn refijling the entrance of the Gofpel. I cannot defire my reader to ex- 
 frcfs any acknoicledgmcnts for this liork of mine, becauje I do not judge it de- 
 Jerves Jo great a reicard; but I Ijope he may, with indulgence, excife its Jaults, 
 and make me fome alioivance for the little helps I have had in writing. I have 
 endeavoured to pleafe all; but, particularly, to Jl:ew how th kingdom of Chriji 
 may be advanced in that new world, if the apojiolical zeal of the evangelical 
 workmen will employ itf'lf in this great harveji of fo extended a gcntilifn and 
 new Chrijlianity. 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 THE firft fix books being the only ones that contain the hiftorical and 
 natural accounts, they alone are tranflated; and fome chapters even out 
 of thcrn omitted, for their tedious fuperftitious narratives. 
 
 THE
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 Kingdom of C H I L E. 
 
 Ol'ALLE^ 
 
 1646. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the fituation^ climate^ and. dimjion of the kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 Climate. 
 
 T 
 
 , H E kingdom of Chile, which 
 is the uttermoft bounds of ^outh 
 America, and has the kingdom 
 of Peru to the north, begins 
 at the 25th degree of fouth latitude, to- 
 wards the antarcick pole, and is extended 
 in length five hundred leagues, as far as the 
 ftraights of Magellan, and its oppofite land, 
 called La Tierra del Fucgo, which reaches 
 to [he 59th degree. The breadth of Chile 
 is v.irious ; for it may be faid to extend it- 
 felf one hundred and fifty leagues eaft and 
 weft, becaufe though that which is properly 
 called Chile, is not in many places above 
 twenty or thirty leagues broad, which is 
 generally its extent fiom the fea to the fa- 
 mous Cordillera Nevada, or chain of moun- 
 tains covered with fnow (of which we fliall 
 fpeak in its proper place,) yet in the divi- 
 fion of the bounds of the feveral govern- 
 ments of America, the king added to Chile 
 thofe vail plains of Cttyo, which run in 
 length as far as Chile does, and are above 
 twice as broad. 
 
 The oppofite part of the world to this 
 kingdom, is the meridian that pafles be- 
 tween the iiland T^aprobana of the ancients, 
 which is Zeilon, and cape Comorin, begin- 
 ning at twenty-fix degrees north of the equi- 
 nodial line. The inhabitants are properly 
 antipodes to thofe of Chile; and thofe who 
 inhabit the countries that reach from thirty- 
 feven degrees to forty-four of the moft 
 wefterly parts of New Guinea, would be 
 alfo diametrically antipodes to the inhabi- 
 tants of Ci7/?/7/£f, but 'tis yet uncertain, whe- 
 ther that part of the world is land or water ; 
 but this is certain, that it falls out in the 
 divifion oi Ciifiillr, and is oppofite to it, and 
 is weft from Chile one thouland feven hun- 
 dred leagues. 
 
 This kingdom is comprehended in the 
 third, fourth, and fifth climate : In that 
 pare of it which is in the third climate, the 
 longeft day is thirteen hours ; and in the 
 fifth cli.Tiate, the day at longeft is about 
 fourteen hours, and Ibmeihing more, quite 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 contrary to Europe, as being oppofite to it, 
 but not diametrically ; for the longeft day 
 in Chile is St. Lucia's, and the fhorteft 
 St. Bnrnaby's, ; the fun is always there to- 
 wards the north, and the fhadows to the 
 fouth. 
 
 This is the fituation of the kingdom of 
 Chile, which borders upon the north with 
 the province ot Aracama, and the rich 
 mines of filver of Potoji, where the king- 
 dom of Peru begins -, and on the fouth it 
 has the great fea to the pole, and the iflands 
 difcovered in it. Abraham Ortelius was of 
 opinion, that there was on this fouth fide 
 of the kingdom of Chile, a land which was 
 contiguous with New Guinea ; and this opi- 
 nion lafted till we were undeceiv'd by thofe 
 who having paffed by the ftraight oiSt. Vin- 
 cent, otherwife called the ftraight of Le 
 Maire, went round that fouth land called 
 the Tierra del Fuego, and returned to the 
 north fea by the ftraights of Magellan ; 
 proving evidently the faid land to be an 
 idand, intirely feparated from any other 
 land ; as I flrall fhew further in its proper 
 place. 
 
 Chile has on the eaft Tucuman and Buenos 
 Ayres, and to the north-eaft Paraguay and 
 Brajil ; to the weft it has the South-Sea, 
 which, according to the opinion o^ Antonio 
 de Hcrrera, is all that is comprehended be- 
 tween Chile and China, and begins at the 
 Golden Cherfonefus, or the ifland oi Sumatra ; 
 and that fea is in breadth, eaft and weft, 
 two thoufand fcven hundred leagues. 
 
 According to what has been laid, we Divifion. 
 may divide this kingdom into three parts : 
 The firft and principal is that which is com- 
 prehended between the CordilLra Nevada 
 and the South-Sea, which is properly called 
 Chile. The fecond contains the iilands 
 which are fow'd up and down upon its coaft 
 as far as the ftraights of Magellan. The 
 third contains the province o| Chv<?, which 
 is on the other fi !e of the fnowy mountains 
 called the Cordillera Nevada, and run in 
 length all along as far as the ftraights, and 
 C m
 
 10 
 
 Of the Nature and 
 
 Ova I. LE. in brcadtJi extends to the confines of Tucu- 
 "646. „(,„ 
 
 ^■""""'^^^ To brgiii then wiih that part which is 
 moft properly called Chile : I corifcfs I had 
 rather the dcfcription of it had fallen to 
 the lot of fome ilranger who had iccn it ; 
 tor then tlie tlanger ot pafiing tor too par- 
 tial for one's own country, (to wliich are cx- 
 pofed all thole who write of it) would have 
 been more eafily avoided, and fuch an one 
 might with kis ajiprehenfion enlarge upon 
 the excellent properties which God has been 
 ]>leafed to endow it with. The common 
 opinion of all thofe who have come from 
 Europe to ir, is, that its foil and its climate 
 exceed all others th.ey have feen ; though, 
 perhaps, in that they only make a return 
 lor the kind welconte they all tneet with in 
 thofe parts. As for my part, all I can 
 fay, is, that though it be like Europe in 
 every thing, except in the oppofuion of the 
 feafons, which are tranfpofed, it being fpring 
 and fummer in the one, when it is autumn 
 and winter in the other, yet it has fome 
 properties which do really fingularize ir, 
 and deferve the praifes given it by travel- 
 lers ; tor, tirlt, neither the heat nor the 
 cold are fo exceflive as in Europe, particu- 
 larly as far as the 45th degree of latitude, 
 tor from thence to the pole the rigorous 
 and excefiive cold begins. 
 Tempera- The fituation accidental of the land of 
 tureof theC^;Yt', muR be the caufe ot this temperature 
 '"■• of the air; for being covered on the eaft 
 
 by the high mountains of the Cordillera, 
 which arc all fo prodigioufly elevated, it 
 receives the irefli and cooling breezes from 
 the fea •, and the tides which penetrate as 
 far as the foot of the mountains, joining 
 with the coolnefs of the fnow, with which 
 they are covered, refrefh the air fo, that 
 about four o'clock in the afternoon the heat 
 is no ways troublefome. Nay, if one is in 
 the thade, one may fay, that in no hour of 
 the day the fun is infiapportable, efpecially 
 trom thirty-fix degrees, or thereabouts, nei- 
 ther day nor night the heat can be com- 
 plained of; which is the caufe, that at the 
 town of the Conception, which is in that 
 fituation, the covering for beds is the fame 
 winter and fummer, neither of thofe leafons 
 being any ways troublefome. 
 Chile free Another good quality of this country is, 
 fromligh-to be free from lightening-, for though 
 tening. ibmetimes tliunder is heard, 'tis at a gre.it 
 diftance up in the mountain. Neither does 
 there fall any hail in the fpring or fummer -, 
 or are thofe ftorms of thunder and lighten- 
 ing feen here, which in other parrs make 
 tlie bells be rung out, and the clouds to be 
 exorcized ; neither are there to many cloudy 
 days in winter as in other parts -, but moft 
 commonly alter the rain has Lifted two or 
 three days, the heavens clear up, and lock 
 2 
 
 creaturesj 
 
 Properties of the Book 
 
 as if the fky had been wafhed, without the 
 leaft cloud, in a very fhort time after the 
 rain ; for as foon as ever the north wind, 
 wliich brings the cloudy weather, ceafes, 
 the fouth fucceeds, and in a few hours drives 
 away the rain ; or if it be in the night- 
 time, the dew tails, and the fun rifcs brigh- 
 ter than ever. 
 
 This country is yet to be valued upon And all 
 another propriety of it, which is, that it poifonous 
 is tree from poifonous creatures, fuch as 
 vipers and fnakes, fcorpions or toads •, fo 
 that one may venture to Gt under a tree, or 
 lie down and rowl on the ground, without 
 fear of being bit by them. Neither are 
 there tygers, panthers, or any other mif- 
 chievous animals, except fome lions of a 
 Imall kind, which fomedmes do harm to 
 the flocks of theep or goats, but never to 
 men, whom they fly from ; and this is not 
 only in the cultivated land, where men are 
 frequent, but in the woods and folitude, 
 and in the thickeft groves, of which there 
 are fome fo dole with trees, that one can 
 hardly break through them afoot. I heard 
 a friar of ours, who was an excellent buil- 
 der, fay, that having gone for three months 
 together in woods, where there was no fign 
 of any one's having pafied before, to find 
 out trees proper for the timber of the church 
 of St. J ago, he had never met with the 
 leaft poifonous creature, that could either 
 caufe a naufeous idea, or a dangerous efFeft. 
 
 There is another moft wonderful fingu- No bugs 
 larity of this fame country, which is, that will live 
 not only it does not breed, but will not 
 fuffer any punaizes, or bugs, to live in it ; 
 which is the more to be admired, that on 
 the other fide the mountains they fwarm. 
 I never faw one in it alive, tor Ibmetimes 
 there are fome in the goods and furniture of 
 people who come from the province o^Cuyo; 
 but as foon as they feel the air of Chile they 
 die. The experience that was made of this, 
 by one that was either curious or malicious 
 enough, was wonderful ; for coming from 
 Ciiyo to Chile, he brought fome ot thofe 
 creatures with him, well put up in a box, 
 and fuch food provided for them as to keep 
 them alive ; but no fooner were they come 
 to the valley of Aconcagua, which is th6 
 firft valley coming down from the moun- 
 tains, but they all died, not fo much as 
 one remaining alive. 
 
 I do not fay any thing here of the mines 
 of gold, nor ot thofe excellent waters which 
 running from them, are cordial and heal- 
 thy ; nor of the abundance of provificns 
 for life, nor of the phyfical plants, nor of 
 many other rare qualities in which this coun- 
 try exceeds others, as well to avoid confu- 
 fion, as bccaufe thofe things will be better 
 Ihewed when we come to treat of each of 
 them in particular in their proper place. 
 
 In 
 
 ycli 
 
 a 
 
 li,' 
 
 •fit 
 lilt 
 
 there. 
 
 f'tti
 
 Kingdom c/ C H I L E. 
 
 Chap. i. 
 
 The cli- In all Other things the land of Chile is 
 mate and j-^ [jj-g Europe, both in climate and foil, 
 Chile very f^^"^ there is very fmall or no difference; 
 like thole and it is very remarkable, that in fuch va- 
 ol Europe, ricty of difcovcrics made in America, none 
 is fo conformable in every thing with the 
 European conllitution, as this traft of 
 Chile ; for in mod of the places between 
 the tropicks, as Brafil, Cartagena, Pana- 
 ma, Portobello, and thofe coalts in that fi- 
 tuation, the heats are violent, and conti- 
 nual all the year •, and in fome other places, 
 fuch as Potoji, and the mountains of Pei'u, 
 the cold is as exceffive -, in ibme they have 
 a winter without rain, and have their rain 
 in fummer, when their heat is higheft ; 
 others there are, where they have neither 
 wine, oil, nor wheat of their own product ; 
 and though in fome they may have thefc 
 prodtidtions, yet the other fruits of Europe 
 do not take with them ; but Chile has, juft 
 as Europe, its four feafons, of fpring, fum- 
 mer, autumn, and winter -, it does not rain 
 in fummer, but in winter ; and all the pro- 
 duft of Europe agrees with their foil. 
 
 One thing is much to be admir'd, and 
 that is, that the land of Cuyo, that of Tu- 
 cuman, and Buenos Ayres, being all in the 
 withChile ^"^f"^ latitude with Chile, are neverthclefs 
 yet much fo different in climate from it and from 
 differingin Europe ; for though in thofe parts it freezes 
 chmate exceedingly, fo as to freeze water within 
 amTfiu- do rs, and that their cattle, if left abroad, 
 die with cold, yet there does not fall a 
 drop of rain all the winter, and the fun 
 fhines out fo bright and clear, that not a 
 cloud is to be feen : But in the fpring they 
 have fuch abundance o\ rain, that it 
 would drown the whole country, if the 
 Ihowers lafted as long as in Europe or in 
 Chile ; for when the rain lads but an hour 
 and a half, the ftreets are full of ftreams in 
 the towns, and the carts are up to their 
 
 it 
 
 Several 
 lands in 
 the fame 
 latitude 
 
 rope. 
 
 'Y-^ 
 
 axle-trees, though they are very high inO^'^'-'-'^- 
 thofe parts, and all the country is as it '°4<'- 
 were a fea : I'here tall likewife at that time 
 thunder-ftones, and hail as big as a hen's 
 egg, nay, as geefe eggs, and iometimes 
 as big as oftriches; as I myfelf have 
 feen. 
 
 All thefe ftorms and varieties or weather 
 form themfelves in the high mountains, 
 that are a kind of wall to the kingdom of 
 Chile ; and they never come lb far down as 
 to invade its territories, but flop at them 
 like a barricado ; for in Chile the weather 
 is always fteady and conftant, without fud- 
 den changes, all die fpring, fummer, and 
 autumn ; in winter, indeed, there are de- 
 grees of heat and cold, as there is a diffe- 
 rence in the length and fliortnefs of the 
 days, according to the degrees of the lati- 
 tude, and courfe of the fun, which caufes 
 the fune variation as in Europe, though in 
 oppofite months. 
 
 From hence it follows, as authors do A great 
 obfcrve, and experience teaches, that there 'ei'em- 
 mull be, and is, a great refemblance b^. Glance be- 
 tween the animals and other productions of g^imals 
 Chile and thofe of Europe. As a proof and other 
 of this, I have feen leveral gentlemen that produc- 
 came to Chile from other parts of America, "°"^ °* 
 either as commanders, or for other employ- jhofe^of 
 ments, which are in the king's difpofal, in- Europe. 
 credibly overjoy'd at this conformity with 
 Europe ; for they think themfelves, as it 
 were, in their native country, the air and the 
 provifions of both fo like in their qualities : 
 The meats are more nourifliing than in hot- 
 ter climates-, and when thoie who have 
 been either born or bred in thofe hot coun- 
 tries come to Chile, they are forced to ab- 
 flain, and keep a watch upon their appe- 
 tites, till their ftomachs are ufed by little 
 and little to the Itrength of the food of 
 that country, and can digetl it. 
 
 c PI A P. ir. 
 
 Of the four fei^fons of the year, and particularly of the Winter and Spring : 
 With a dcfcription of Jonic Jloivers and medicinal plants. 
 
 after fun-rife, except in fome cloudy days^ 
 that the ificles laft from one day to an- 
 other ;) the winter ends again about the 
 middle of Atiguft. *Tis very feldom that 
 the fnow falls in the valleys or low grounds, 
 though fo great a quantity is upon the 
 mountains, that it fills up fometimes all 
 the hollow places to the height of leveral 
 pikes, and there remains, as it were, in 
 wells and refervatories, to provide, as it 
 does in due time, fo many iprings and ri- 
 vers with water, ib fertilizing the valle\s 
 and plains, that they produce infinite crops 
 of all forts in the autumn, and enrich the 
 kingdom. But notwithltanding that it 
 
 fcldoni 
 
 The four T"* H E four feafons of the year, which 
 feafons. 1 are in £z<ri;/)f, the fpring, the fummer, 
 the autumn and the winter, are with the 
 fame duration of time enjoyed in Chile, 
 though not cxaftly under the fame names, 
 at the fame time ; for the fpring begins 
 about the middle of the European Augujl, 
 and lafts to the middle of November ; then 
 begins the fummer, which holds to the 
 middle of February \ which is follow'd by 
 the autumn, which lafts to. the middle of 
 "'i^ inter. ]\,i(,y . jmd then the winter enters, and 
 makes all the trees bare of their leaves, 
 and tiie earth cover'd with white frofls, 
 ', which never! helcfsdiffolve about two hours
 
 II 
 
 Oval I.E. 
 1646- 
 
 Of the Nciture and Fropertics of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 Thorn- 
 bullirs in 
 abun- 
 dance, af- 
 lording 
 pleniy of 
 fewcl. 
 
 Ever- 
 greens. 
 
 Spring. 
 
 Dtrfcrip- 
 iKin ut 
 I'linc 
 rlowcrs. 
 
 fcklom fnows in the valleys and plains, yet in a fliort time two and forty forts, fo ad- 
 
 ic is fo cold in them, that few p.irtsof Eu- mirable was their variety ; and yet I do not 
 
 rope are colder ; which proceeds not only reckon among thefe the cultivated ones in 
 
 from the degree of elevation this land is in, gardens, nor thofe that were brought from 
 but alio from its neighbourhood to thofe 
 
 v-ift moiintai!-.s called the Cordillera, which 
 fend out fuch fharp and piercing winds, 
 that fomccimcs ihcy are infupportable •, 
 therefore the fca-coall: is much more tem- 
 perate and warm ; bu: in return much 
 
 Europe, fuch as carnations, rofes, ftock- 
 gilly-flowers, orange, lillies, poppies, lu- 
 pins, &c. I only fpcak of thole that grow 
 wild, which are lb odoriferous and fweet- 
 fcented, that 'tis out of them that they 
 dillil a water call'd aqua d^angeles, or, an- 
 
 niore expofed to vehement tcmpefls of gel's water. The fmell of thefe flowers is 
 
 winds, than the inland pans, where thefe 
 ftorms are in Ibme meafure fpent before 
 they reach them, and fb cannot whip 
 them and torment them as they do the Ica- 
 coafts. 
 
 For fome proteftion againfb thefe (harp 
 cold winds, God Almighty has placed fe- 
 veral great clullers of thorn-buflies, which 
 thrive lb well, that it is the ordinary fewcl 
 of all the countries about the town ot 
 .9.'. Jago, and the valleys near it. It is a 
 plant not unlike an oak, though more du- 
 rable-, the heart of the wood is red, and 
 incorruptible •, of it they make coals for the 
 furnace, and other fhop ufes. In other 
 parts the true oak fcrves for the fame pur- 
 pofe •, as in the territory of the city of Con- 
 ception, where there are very large woods 
 of them, which arc fo thick, that though 
 they have already fcrved for the ufes of the 
 natives fb many years, yet when they are 
 enter'd, they can hardly be pafTed in the jufl efleem that is made of them, do all 
 
 perceived fweeteft at the rifing and fetting 
 of the fun •, which mingled with the fcent 
 emitted by the herbs, which are very aro- 
 matick, produce a mofl admirable perfume, 
 and for that reafon they put the fproutsand 
 tops of them among the flowers which 
 make the angel water. 
 
 It is fcarcc pofTible to exprefs the force 
 with which the earth puts forth thefe plants, 
 which is fb great, that in many places 'tis 
 hard to diftinguifh the cultivated from the 
 uncultivateil lands. One would think at 
 firft that all had been plowed and fowed 
 alike •, and with the continuance of the 
 rains, the grafs runs up fo ftrong, and ' 
 
 grows fo intricate, that a horfc can hardly '■ 
 
 break through it, it coming in moll places 
 to the faddle girts. ,, 
 
 Muftard feed, turnips, mint, fennel, Plants,&c. 
 trefoil, and other plants, which I fee are 
 fowed and cultivated in Europe, for the 
 
 middle ; and this within half a league of 
 the city •, for further up in the country there 
 are forefts, where no man ever fet his 
 toot. 
 
 Though thefe oaks, as alfo the fruit- 
 trees, lole their leaves in winter, yet there 
 are wild trees which do not, though all co- 
 vered with ice and fnow -, and the cold is 
 fb far from injuring them, that when the 
 fun melts the froft, they look brighter and 
 more beautiful. As foon as the firft rains 
 come, the fields begin to be cloathed in 
 green, and the earth is covered in twenty 
 or thirty days with grafs -, amongil which 
 nature produces a fort of yellow flower 
 in fuch abundance, that the plains and 
 valleys look like carpets of green and 
 yellow. 
 
 Thefe firft rains feem to prepare the 
 earth for its ornamental dreis ot flowers 
 with the fpring, which begins about the 
 middle of Augujl \ and they lafl till De- 
 cember, that the heats come in, and tliat 
 with fuch variety and abundance of fb 
 many kinds, that the fields look as if they 
 had been painted, producing a mofl de- 
 lightful object. I remember once, as I 
 v.as travelling, I faw fo great a diverfity 
 of thefe flowers, fome fcarlet, others blue, 
 yellow, red, flraw-colour, purple, i£c. 
 tliat I V.MS mov'd to tell them, and I t.ld 
 2 
 
 grow wild in Chile, without fcrving to the 
 ule of life at all, otherwife than by the 
 cattle's feeding on them, which they may 
 do for feveral leagues together. The mu- 
 ftard plant thrives fb mightily, that it is 
 as big as one's arm, and fo high and thick, 
 that it looks like a tree. I have travelled 
 many leagues through muftard groves, 
 which were taller than horfe and man ; and 
 the birds build their ncfts in them, as the 
 gofpel mentions in thefe words, ita ut vo- Matt, xiiij 
 lucres cixli veniant Is! habitent in ramis ejus ; 3 1 . 
 lb that the birds of the air come and lodge 
 in the branches thereof 
 
 There are many plants of great virtue Charafter 
 in phyfick, and known only to the Indians, °^ '!"? 
 call'd Machis, who are a race of men that t j^, ''* *" 
 
 1 • J r-i T^p - 1 I Indian 
 
 are their doctors. Thefe piants they conceal doflors. 
 
 carefully, and particul. rly from the Spa- 
 niards, to whom if they communicate the 
 knowledge of one or two, it is a grea": 
 mark ot their friendfhip -, but the know- 
 ledge of the reft they referve, and it paf- 
 fes from father to fon. Thefe Machis, or 
 dodlors are not only eftecm'd by the In- 
 dians, but by the Spaniards themfelves, who 
 have recourfe to tliem in the grcateft extre- 
 mities, when the dileafe prclTcs moft. They j 
 find wonderful etfedts from the application 
 ot thefe fimples, Wiiich they ufe in a leffer 
 dofe with the Spaniards than with the In- 
 dians, 
 
 'k. 
 
 ' I 
 
 lOlf.
 
 Kingdom e/" C H I L-E. 
 
 ^ 
 
 dians, who are of a more robuft naturcj 
 and itronger conftitution. 
 
 I law one of our order much troubled 
 with the faUing-ficknefs and fwooning fits, 
 fo as he was forced to have always Ibme 
 body in his company, or elfe he might have 
 fallen down ftairs, or otherwife killed him- 
 felf: he had ufcd all the remedies that the 
 learning of phyficians and the charity of re- 
 ligious men could fugged:, but without any 
 eft'edl at all : nay, he was worfe and worie 
 every day. Our fiithers learned at laft, 
 that about twelve leagues off from that 
 place there lived an Indian Macbi : they 
 fent for him ; and being come, and having 
 heard the relation of his diftemper, he gave 
 him as much of a certain herb in wine as 
 the bignefs of a nail •, and it had fo great an 
 effeft, that it took away the diftemper, as 
 if he had taken it away with his hand, the 
 perfon being never troubled with it more, 
 all the time I knew him. 
 
 I have feen many other cures performed 
 by thefe Machis, particularly in cafes of 
 poifon -, for in that fort of diftemper they 
 are very eminent. I ftiall mention but one 
 inftance, of a gentleman who had been pi- 
 
 Hiap?, Oi-.M.Li. 
 
 Oefcrip- 
 I ion of 
 [ bme me- 
 ! Ucinal 
 kerbs. 
 
 nmg away for feveral years, and often at 
 death's door : once, being in extreme dan- 
 ger, he heard of a famous Machi who lived 
 a great way off, but was a flie-do6tor, (for 
 there are women amongft them eminent in 
 the art :) he procured, by prefents, to have 
 her lent for ; and having promifed her a 
 confiderable reward, befides what he gave 
 her in hand, which he was well able to per- 
 form, being very rich and powerful, fhe 
 began to apply her remedies, which were 
 herbs -, and one day, when fiie faw his 
 body prepared to part v/ith the poifon, flie 
 caufed a great filver voider to be fet in the 
 middle of the room, and there, in the pre- 
 fence of many people, the gentleman having 
 firft been very fick in his ftomach, he caft 
 up the poifon which had been given him 
 many years before, wrapp'd up in hair, 
 which came up with it; and he was perfeft- 
 ly well after this, as he himfelf related to 
 me. 
 
 Though, as I have faid, the Indians are 
 fo clofe in keeping fecret the herbs they ufe, 
 yet many of them, perfuaded by realbn, 
 and induced by friendfhip, do communi- 
 cate fomething; and time and experience 
 has difcover'd fo many more, that if I 
 fhould mention them all, I fhould be forc'd 
 to make a book on purpofe of them ; there- 
 fore I fhall only mention three that I have 
 more prefent in my memory, the effeds of 
 which are prodigious. 
 
 The firft ftiall be the famous plant call'd 
 
 ^inchamali, which rifes not a foot above 
 
 the ground, and its branches fpread like a 
 
 nofegay, and end in little flowers at the 
 
 Vol, III. 
 
 points, which, both in colour and 
 are not unlike the fiHron call'd 
 They pull up the herb, and boil it entire, 
 with its root, leaves, and flowers, in fail- 
 water, which is given to the patient to 
 drink hot : amongft other eft'eCts it pro- 
 duces, one is to diffolve all congulatcd 
 blood in the body, and that very quickly ■, 
 fo that an /K^:rt« feeling himfelf wounded^ 
 takes it immediately, to hinder the blood, 
 that could not come out at the Wound trom 
 congealing inwardly, and fo prevents all im* 
 pofthumation, and the corruption of the reft. 
 There happened in our college ot St. Jngo 
 an accident, which gave proof of this ad- 
 mirable herb -, which was. That an Indimt 
 belonging to us being gone to the great 
 place to fee the bull-lealt, a bull, to his 
 great misfortune, catch'd him up, and tofs'd 
 him in the air, and left him almoft dead on 
 the ground •, he was brought to our hcufe, 
 and the phyfician, being called, faid he 
 was a dead man, and nothing could Hive 
 him: but, however, he told the fiuher that 
 has care of the fick, that it would coft but 
 little to give him the ^(inchamnli, wrap 
 him up warm, and leave him alone fome 
 hours. It was done accordingly •, and afttr 
 fome time, the father reforting to the place 
 where they had laid him, to fee if he wr.s 
 dead, he was found not only alive, but out 
 of danger, and the ftieet all full ol blood, 
 which the herb had caus'd him to void 
 through the pores of his body, fo as he re- 
 main'd perieCtly well in a little time. 
 
 The lecond herb is that which we Spa- 
 niards call Albaaquilla, and the Indians.^ 
 Cukn, becaule its leaves are like the leaves 
 of fweet bafil: it grows in bufties fo high, 
 that they feem to be trees ; the leaves are 
 very fragrant, and fweet like honey: be- 
 ing bruifed, it is applied to the wound out- 
 wardly, and fome drops of its juice are 
 to be poured alfo into the wound -, aftef 
 which, moft admirable effedts of its efficacy 
 are feen. 
 
 I was told by captain Sebajlian Garcia 
 Carrero, the founder of our novitiat-houfe 
 of Bucakmo, 
 
 that as he was travelling with 
 a dog in his company, which he loved 
 extremely, fome wild monkeys that live 
 in the mountains fell upon him, and io 
 worried him among them by biting him, 
 fome on one fide and fome on the other, 
 that they left him full of wounds, and 
 particularly with one large one in 
 throat: his mafter came up 
 found him without fign of 
 much troubled for the l::fs 
 and lighted to fee what he 
 
 his 
 
 at lail", and 
 
 life: he was 
 
 ot his dog, 
 
 could do tor 
 
 him. This Albaaqiiilla is an herb that 
 
 grows every where m the fields •, and the 
 
 gentleman, at a venture, gathering three or 
 
 four handfuls of it, bruiled them between 
 
 D two
 
 Of the Nitttire ami Properties of the 
 
 OvALLE.two ftones, and poured the juice into the 
 
 1646. t^og's wounds, and into the great one ot 
 
 ^^^"^ his thro.u lie thrult a handful ot" it, and lb 
 
 left him without hopes of life : but it fell 
 
 out wonderfully, that after a few leagues 
 
 on, turning back to look at 
 
 he Hiw his dog following at a 
 
 difl:ance,^who was fo well cured that he 
 
 liveil many years after. 
 
 The third herb, that I can remember, is 
 like a knot of fine hair, and which is not 
 commonly met with: this is an admirable 
 herb in fevers and pleurifies-, it is boiled 
 
 Book 
 
 T 
 
 travelling 
 fomething. 
 
 cured ; as I myfelf have had the experience 
 
 of it. 
 
 There are feveral other plants, fome of 
 which cure the pains of the liver ; others dif- 
 folve the ftone in the bladder, and break it 
 to pieces; fome are excellent for the fciatica 
 and other infirmities ; all which, it I were 
 to relate in particular, I Ihould make a 
 new diofcorides, or herbal, which is not my 
 intention. We will therefore leave the 
 flowers and herbs of the fpring, the har- 
 mony of the ringing of birds, which fo re- 
 joices the mornings, and the ferene and 
 
 in water, and drank*; it purifies and clean- quiet days of diis leafon, to draw near the 
 fcs the blood, expelling that which is bad, fummer-, which will afibrd us matter ot 
 and fo the fick body remains perfedly dilcourfc. 
 
 ituu 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Summer. 
 
 Defcrip- 
 tion of 
 fruits. 
 
 Of the Summer and Autumn, mui their prodiiB. 
 
 THE 6'«ww/t'r begins in the middle of 
 November^ antl laib to the middle of 
 February, fo that the greatcft heats are at 
 Chrijlnias ; and we are torcVl to have re- 
 courfe to our faith, to confider the child 
 God trendiling with cold in the manger-, 
 lor when wc rife to fing matins, particu- 
 larly in Cuyo and Tumman, where the heats 
 are excelFive, we are ready to melt with 
 heat. In Chile the heats are not fo excef- 
 five, becaufe the country is more tempe- 
 rate ; but flill the weather is not fo cold 
 jis it was in Bethlcm. About this time the 
 tiuits begin to ripen, which are in great 
 variety ; and there are but few of thofe of 
 Europe that are wanting ; for as foon as 
 any of them are brought, either in ftone, 
 i'eed, or plant, they take, and 'tis wonder- 
 ful to fee how they thrive. I remember 
 about thirty years ago there were no cherries; 
 there coming by chance a little tree from 
 Spain, from v/hich all the curious began to 
 multiply them in their gardens, (it being 
 both a rarity, and a valuable fruit ;) in a 
 fniall time they were fo increafed, that 
 they were banifli'd from the gardens to 
 the fields, becaufe they produced fo ma- 
 ny young plants from their roots, that 
 they took up all the ground about 
 them. 
 
 Of the fruits o^ Peru, Mexico, and all 
 the continent of America, not one will grow 
 in Chile ; and the reafon is, the oppofition 
 of the climate of Chile ; nay, though they 
 bring either plant, feed, or fetting, they 
 never thrive ; for thofe countries are within 
 the tropicks, and Chile is out of them : 
 for which reafon alfo the fruits of Eu- 
 rope take fo well in Chile, fuch as pears, 
 apricots, figs, peaches, quinces, &c.. 
 v/hich bear infinitely ; and if there is not 
 care taken to Icflen their number when lit- 
 tle, it is imp odible for the boughs to bear 
 
 the weight of the fruit, fo that they are 
 fain to prop them up with forks when they 
 grow near ripe. 
 
 The fruit that exceeds all the reft for 
 bearing, is the apple of all kinds, of 
 which there are prodigious orchards ; and 
 of thefe, though they leffen the number, 
 yet the others increafe lb much in weight, 
 that the trees are brought down to the 
 ground ; lb that there are many windfalls, 
 filling all the ground about them, and the 
 very rivers on which they ftand, and flop- 
 ping tb.e courfe of the water. 
 
 All the crops of oats, wheat, maiz, and Grain. 
 all other garden produdt, begin to be cut 
 in December, and fo on to March ; and they 
 feldom produce lefs than twenty or thirty 
 for one, nay, fome a hundred for one, and 
 the maiz four hundred for one ; and 'tis very 
 feldom that there is any fcarcity of grain, 
 but it is very cheap moft commonly. 
 
 As for the fruit of the gardens, it is ne- 
 ver or rarely fold, but any body may with- 
 out hinderance, flep into a garden or or- 
 chard, and eat what they will; only the ftraw- 
 berries, which they call Frutilla, are fold ; 
 for though I have feen them grow wild for 
 miles together, yet, being cultivated, they 
 are fold very dear : they are very different 
 from thofe I have feen here in Rome, as 
 well in the tafte, as in the fmell ; and as 
 for their fize, they grow to be as big as 
 pears, moft commonly red, but in the ter- 
 ritory of the Conception there are of them 
 white and yellow. 
 
 About this time alfo the herbs that fatten 
 the catde grow ripe ; and then they begin 
 to kill them with great profit, it being the 
 chiefeft riches of the country, by reafon of 
 the tallow and hides which are fent kx Peru. 
 They kill thoufands of cows, flieep, goats ; 
 and the fiefli, being fb cheap that it is not 
 v.'orth faving, they throw it away into the 
 
 fea 
 
 'iiiei 
 
 ires 
 iib!e 
 
 (licl 
 
 1 fel
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 15 
 
 Autumn. 
 
 fea or rivers, that it may not infect the air ; 
 only they fait the tongues and loins of the 
 cows, which they fend for Peru as prefents 
 to their friends ■, and they who are able, 
 and underftand it, fend likewife fome dried 
 falt-flefh for the king's forces, or keep it to 
 feed their own flaves or fervants. 
 
 Autumn begins about the middle of Fe- 
 bruary ; fo lent proves the mod delicious 
 time of the year -, for befides lobfters, oy- 
 fters, crabs, and other forts of fhell-fifli 
 and fea-fi(h of all kinds, they fifli in the 
 ponds and rivers for trouts, Vagres^ Peje- 
 rcges, and other very choice river-fifli of 
 feveral kinds ; and at the fame time there is a 
 great plenty of legumes, and garden-produft, 
 as gourds, all forts of fruit, particularly 
 quinces, which are as big as one's head, 
 and another kind called Lucumas, of which 
 they make fo many difhes, that the mortifi- 
 cation of fafting is hardly perceived. 
 Time of In the end of autumn they begin to ga- 
 , gathering ther the olivcs and the grapes -, and this lafts 
 olives and ^]^^ months of May and June. The wines 
 ' NoWe and ^^"^ "^o^ noble and generous, and fam'd by 
 the authors who write of this country : 
 there is fuch plenty of them, that the 
 
 generous 
 1: wines. 
 
 plenty is a grievance, there being no ventO^^'-t-Ei 
 for fuch quantities: it kills the Indians, be- '^"^^.j 
 caufe when they drink, 'cis without inea- "■"^^'^^ 
 fure, till they fall down -, and it being very 
 ftrong, it burns up their inward parts : the 
 beft kind is the Mifccitel. I have fccn fome 
 that look like water ; but their operation 
 is very different in the ftomach, which they 
 warm like brandy. 
 
 There are white wines alfo very much ^^'h'te 
 valued ; as thole of the grapes called Uba ^^■'""* 
 Torrontes, and Albilla : the red and decp- 
 colour'd are made of the ordinary red grape, 
 and the grape called Mollar. The bunches of 
 grapes are fo large, that they caufe admira- 
 tion -, particularly I remember one, which 
 becaufe of its monftrous bignefs, was by 
 its owner (a gentleman) offer'd to our lady's 
 flirine : it was fo big as to fill a bafket, and 
 to feed the whole convent of friers for that 
 meal, and they are pretty numerous. The 
 branches of the vines are by confcqucnce ve- 
 ry big, and the trunk or body of them is in 
 fome places as thick as a man's body, 
 and no man can incompafs with extended 
 arms the heads of them, when they are in 
 full bloom. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the natural riches of the Idngdom of Chile ; nvhich are its mines of gold, and 
 other metals j as alfo of the indufrious }ua?iagemc7it of its other prodiiB. 
 
 Two forts '-T-^ H E riches of Chile are of two forts : 
 of riches. J[^ <n.xSS., thofe which nature has be- 
 ftowed on it, without the help of human 
 induflry ; and, fecondly, thofe which have 
 been produced and invented by the inha- 
 bitants, to improve and enjoy its fertility. 
 To the firft kind belong its mines of gold, 
 filver, copper, tin, quick-filver, and lead, 
 with v/hich heaven has inriched it. Of the 
 copper of Chile are made all the great 
 guns for Peru and the neighbouring king- 
 doms, in the garrilbns of which there are 
 always ftores, particularly on the coafls : 
 all the bells of the churches, and utenfils 
 for families, are of this metal -, fo that fince 
 the working of thefe mines, no copper has 
 come from Spain ; for the Indies are fufH- 
 ciently fupplied by them with all they 
 can want, 
 ittlelead. There is little lead work'd, becaufe 
 .nd lefs there is litde ufe of it •, quick-filver lefs, be- 
 caufe the mines are but newly difcovered ; 
 and as they were going to work them, the 
 obftacle to thofe of Guancahilica in Peru 
 was removed, and fo there was no need of 
 working thofe of Chile. Thofe of filver 
 likewife lie unwrought, becaufe the gol- 
 den mines are of lefs charge, and fo 
 every body has turned their induftry to- 
 
 ijuick- 
 lilver. 
 
 wards them : they are fo many, and fo 
 rich, that from the confines of Peru to 
 the extreamefl parts of this kingdom, as 
 far as the ftreights of Magellan., there is 
 no part of the country but they- difcover 
 them i which made fither Gregory of Leon., 
 in his map of Chile., fay. That this coun- 
 try ought rather to have been called a plate 
 of gold, than to go about to reckon 
 up its golden mines, which are innume- 
 rable. 
 
 All the authors who have writ of this 
 country, do mightily enlarge upon its 
 riches ; and the lame is done by all thofe 
 who have navigated the ftreiglits of Ma- 
 gellan : Antonio de Herrera., in his general 
 hifl:ory of the Indies, fays, That in all the 
 IVefi- Indies, no gold is fo fine as that of 
 Valdivia in Chile, except the famous mine 
 of Carahaya ; and that when thoie mines 
 were firft work'd, (which was before thofe 
 Indians who are now at peace with us were 
 at war,) an Indian among them did ufe to 
 get from them every day 20 or 7,0 pefo's of 
 gold, which comes to near 500 reals of 
 plate, and was a wonderful gain. 
 
 And the already-cited John and 'Theodore q^^^^ 
 de Brye fay, I'hat when the Nodalcs palled piety of 
 the ftreights of St. Vincent, otherwife goia. 
 
 called
 
 i6 
 
 OVALLC. 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Tropertfcs of the 
 
 Book I 
 
 called ftreights of Le Miirf, there came 
 fonie Indians from the country called La 
 rUrra del Fuego, who exchanged with the 
 Spaniards a piece of gold of a toot and a 
 half long, and ;is broad, for fciniirs, knives, 
 needles, and other things of litde value -, 
 for they do not value it as we do. Other 
 authors fay, that molt of the gold that was 
 laid up in the Ineas treafiire, w.is brought 
 to him from Chile, though having never 
 fubjccted the Araucanos, he could not have 
 that quantity which this rich country would 
 elfe have afforded. 
 
 But what need I weary myfelf m cita- 
 tions of people abroad, when thofe who 
 live in the country of Chile, and fee it eve- 
 ry day, are the beft tettimony of the great 
 riches that the Spaniards have drawn trom 
 thefe mines ; which was lb great, that I 
 have heard the old men lay. That in their 
 feafts and entertainments they us'd to put 
 gold-dull in their falc-fellers, inftead of 
 lalt -, and that when they fwept the houfe, 
 the fervants would often hnd grains of gold 
 the fwccpings, which they would wafli 
 being the perfons that 
 they would often 
 
 was, 
 
 in 
 
 out, for 
 brousiht 
 
 the Indians u^i.-g, 
 it to their lords. 
 
 let fome fall. 
 Gold more I have fold 
 
 before, that it was much 
 plenty more eafy to get gold than filver out of 
 thanfilver. the mines, becaufe this laft cofls much 
 pains -, firft, to dig it from the hard rock, 
 then to beat it in the mills to powder, 
 which mills are chargeable, as is alfo the 
 quick-filver, neceflary to be us'd to make 
 the filver unite, and all the reft of the ope- 
 rations requifite to refine it ; but the ad- 
 vantage of getting gold has no other trou- 
 ble in it, than to carry the earth in which 
 it is found to the water, and there wa/h it 
 in mills on purpofe, with a ftieam which 
 carries oft" the earth-, and the gold, as being 
 heavicft goes to the bottom. 
 
 'Tis true, that fometimes they follow 
 the gold vein through rocks and hard places, 
 where it grows thinner and thinner, 'cill at 
 laft the profit that arifes is very fmall ; yet 
 they perfift to follow it, in hopes it will 
 grow larger, and end at laft in that which 
 they call Bolfa, which is, when coming to 
 a fofter and eafier part of the rock, the 
 vein inlargcs fo, that one of thefe hits is 
 enough to inrich a family for all their lives. 
 There is now lefs gold found than formerly 
 by realbn of the war the Spaniards have 
 had with the nation of Araucar.Oi ; but 
 ftill fome is found, particularly in Co- 
 quimho, where, in the winter, when it 
 rains much, is the great harveft of gold -, 
 for by the rain the mountains are wafh'd 
 away, and the gold is eafier to come at. 
 There is likewife fome gold in the terri- 
 tory of the Conception ; in which I was 
 told, by a captain who enter'd into our 
 I 
 
 fociety. That there 
 a league from the town, 
 ing-water, which is not 
 the heidit of a man ; 
 
 not above half 
 a pond, or ftand- 
 
 deeper than half 
 
 and that when the 
 
 Indians\ivc nothing to Ipend, they fend 
 
 their wives to this pond •, and they going 
 
 in, feel out with their toes the grains of 
 
 gokl ; and as ibon as they have found 
 
 them, they ftoop and take them up. They 
 
 do this 'till they have got to the value of 
 
 two or three pcfo's of gokl ; and then A pefo is 
 
 they feek no longer, but go home, and about the 
 
 do not return for any more as long as that ^J^'jjf °^, 
 , ^ ,. , ■' '^ , eight ihil- 
 
 lafts •, for they are not a covetous people, y"^^^ 
 
 but are content to injoy, without laying 
 
 up. 
 
 I brought with me to Ilaly, one of thefe 
 grains thus found, of a pretty reafonable 
 bjgnefs; and fending it to Seville to be 
 touch'd, without either putting it in the 
 fire, or ufing other proofs, it was allowed 
 to be of twenty-three carats, which is a 
 very remarkable thing. Now the peace 
 is made, and the warlike Indians quiet, 
 the Spaniards may return to fearch for 
 the gold of Faldivia, and other mines 
 thereabouts, which will extremely increafe 
 the riches of the country. 
 
 As for the produft made by the induftry Breeding 
 of the inhabitants, it confiffs particularly °/^""!* 
 in the breed of their cattle of all kinds, produflo) 
 as I have obferv'd above ; fending the tal- chik. 
 low, hides, and dried flefl-i, for Lima; 
 where having firft retain'd the necelTary 
 proportion for themlclves, which is about 
 twenty thoufand quintals of tallow every 
 year for that city, and hides accordingly, 
 they diftribute the reft all over Peru: the 
 hides, particularly, are carried up to Po- 
 tojl, and all that inland trad of mines, 
 where moft of their cloathing comes from 
 Chile; they are alfo carried to Panama, 
 Carthagena^ and the reft of that continent ; 
 fome of this trade extends itfelf likev/ife to 
 Tucuman and Buenos Ayres, and from thence 
 to Brafil. 
 
 The fecond produft is the cordage and Cordage, 
 tackling, with which all the fhips of the tackling 
 South-Seas are furnifh'd from Chile ; as alfo fo'-_ fhips. 
 
 the match for fire-arms, with which all the 
 
 king's garrifons 
 
 along 
 
 and matcl 
 for fire- 
 
 the coaft are provi- arijs. 
 ded from thofe parts ; for the hemp which 
 makes the firft material of all thefe provi- 
 fions, grows no where in the Weft-Indies 
 but in Chile: there is alfo packthread ex- 
 ported, and other fmaller cordage. 
 
 The third produft is mules, which are Mules, 
 fent to Potofi, through the deiart of Ara- 
 cama. 
 
 The fourth produdl is the cocoa-nuts, Cocos- 
 which are the fruit of the palm-trees ; and "'^t^- 
 do not, indeed, proceed from induffry, 
 but grow wild in the mountains, without 
 any cultivation, fo thick, that I have {ctn 
 
 fevcral
 
 ckliij 
 rlki'n 
 
 f. 
 
 Chap. 5. 
 
 Almonds, feveral leagues of this tree. Almonds 
 likewife, and the product of gardens, 
 which do not grow in Peru, are carried 
 thither with great profit, fo as to be able 
 to fet up a young beginner. When I 
 cmie to Lima, I obferved that the anni- 
 fccd which had been bought at Cbile for 
 two pieces of eight, was fold there for 
 twenty, and the cummin feed, bought at 
 twenty, was fold for fourfcore ; wiiich 
 malces merchants very wilHng to trade 
 to thofe parts, as hoping to grow rich in 
 a iinall time •, and this increales the riches 
 of Chile, by drawing every day thither 
 men with good (locks. The gains made 
 this way arc fo: confiderabie, that a man 
 who has about forty thoufund crowns to 
 employ in land, flocks, and flaves, to take 
 care of them, may every year have a re- 
 venue of ten or twelve thoufand crowns, 
 which is a gain of twenty-five per cent. 
 very lawful, and without any trouble to 
 one's confcience, or fubjeftion to the 
 dangers of the feas •, for thofe who will 
 run the hazards of that element gain 
 much more-, for the merchants, by many 
 coinmodities, get a hundred, and two 
 hundred, nay, three hundred per cent, in 
 a navigation of about three weeks, which 
 is the time ufually employed irom Chile 
 to Lima, without any tear of pirates, all 
 thofe feas being entirely the king of 
 Spain'i, and fo free from thole robbers. 
 Befides, 'tis very feldom that any ftorms 
 are felt in that voyage, or, at leaft not any 
 that endanger the lois of the fhips. The 
 greateft danger proceeds from the covetouf- 
 iiefs of the owners and merchants, who 
 truiling to the peaceablenefs of thofe feas, 
 and that they fail all the way from Chile to 
 Liim before the wind, they load up to the 
 mid-malt. 'Tis not exaggeration ; bccaufe 
 I have ittn them go out of the port with 
 provifions for the voyage, and other necef- 
 iaries, as high as the ropes that hold the 
 mafts ; and though the king's officers are 
 prefent to hinder the (hips from being over- 
 loaded, yet generally they are fo deep in the 
 water, that they are but juft above it ; and 
 with all thefe, there are many goods left 
 behind in the magazines of the port ; for 
 the land is fo produiitivc of every thing. 
 
 liingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 Great en- 
 courage- 
 ment to 
 aerchnnts 
 
 ys. 
 
 17 
 
 that the only misfortune of if, i^ to want aOvAi.LE. 
 vent for its produd, which is enough to '^46- 
 fupply another Lima, or anotiier Potofiy"^^^^^^ 
 it there were one. 
 
 'Tis upon this foundation, that 'tis af- 
 firmed generally, that no country in all 
 /Imerica has a more folid cllablilliment 
 than Chile \ for in proportion to the in- 
 creafe of inhabitants in Peru, Chile mull 
 incrcafe too in reaches, fince ic is able to 
 fupply any great confumption, and yet 
 have enough of its own in all the kinds 
 of corn, wine, flefli, oil, fait, fruits, 
 pulfe, wool, flax, hides, tallow, chamois, 
 leather, ropes, wood, and timber, medi- 
 cinal remedies, pitch, fiHi of all kindj, 
 metals of all forts, and amber. There 
 wants filk •, and 'tis to be wifl^'d that 
 it may never get thither, but for orna- 
 ment to the altars ; for it is already the 
 bfggering of the country, by reafon of 
 the great expence in rich clothes ; parti- 
 cularly by the women, who are not out- 
 done in this, even by the bravefl: ladies of 
 Madrid, or other parts ; but yet the land 
 is fo proper for filk-worms, that if: any 
 one carries the feed of them there, I am 
 perfuaded it will take with great abun- 
 dance, the mulberry-trees being there al- 
 ready as full grown, and in as great beauty 
 as in Spain. 
 
 The wax likewife comes from Europe, 
 though there are bees which make both 
 honey and wax. Pepper, and other Eofi- 
 India fpices, come from abroad, though 
 there is a kind of fpice which fupplies the 
 want of them very well ; and the authors 
 above cited fiy. That in the ftreights of 
 Magellan, there is good cinnamon ; and 
 that on thofe coafts there grow trees of a 
 mofl: fragrant fmell in their bark, and which 
 have a tafl:e like pepper, but of a more 
 quick favour, as it fliall be made out when 
 we treat of that flireight. 
 
 In the whole kingdom, the herbage and Hcrbagf. 
 the filhing are in common ; as alfo the fi!lii"g. 
 hunting ; and the woods for fewe! and lini- *'""""£• . 
 ber ; and the fanie is praftifed as to the filt fewel' Zd. 
 mines. There is no impofition on uade hh mines 
 through all the kingdom, every one beino »" '" toft* 
 free to tranfport what goods he pleafes, ei- 
 ther v>'itliin or without the kingdom. 
 
 mon. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the famous Cordillera of Chile. 
 
 •Oefcrip- 
 tioD of 
 the Cor- 
 
 liillera. 
 
 THE Cordillera, or high mountains 
 of Chile, are a prodigy of nature, and 
 without parallel in the world : 'Tis a chain 
 of high mountains, which run from north 
 to fouth from the province of ^ito, and 
 the new kingdom of Granada, to Chile, 
 N°. 88. Vol. III. 
 
 above a thouliind Caftillan leagues, accord- 
 ing to Antonio de Herrcra, in his third tome. 
 Decade 5. to which adding the length of 
 the kingdom of Chile to the llrcights of 
 Magellan, it will make in all little \f\\ than 
 1 500 leap;ues. The remoteft part of Cbile 
 ' E is
 
 i8 
 
 Of the Nature arid Properties of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 Ov A I r. R 
 1646. 
 
 Defcrip- 
 tion of fe- 
 vcral ani 
 mah. 
 
 Hogs. 
 
 Monke)'; 
 
 Goats. 
 
 is not above twenty or thirty leagues from 
 the lea. Thefe mountains are torry leagues 
 broad ; with many precipices, and interme- 
 diate valleys, which are liabitable til! one 
 comes to the tropicks, but not beyond them, 
 becaufe of the perpetual fnows with which 
 they arc always covered. 
 
 Antmio de Herrera, already sited, puts 
 two chains of mountains -, one miich lower, 
 coverctl with woods and hantiibme groves, 
 becaufe the air is more temperate near it •, 
 the other much higher, which by reafon of 
 the intcnle cold, has not fo much as a bufh 
 on it, the mountains being fo bare, that 
 there is neither plant nor grafs oii them ■, 
 but he fays, that on both thefe forts of 
 mountains there are feveral animals, which 
 becaufe of the fingularity of their kinds, I 
 fliall here defcribe feme of them. 
 
 One of the molt remarkable, is a fpecies 
 of hogs, that have their navel in their back, 
 upon the back bone ; they go in herds, and 
 each herd has its leader, who is known 
 from them all -, becaufe when they march, 
 none dares go before him, all the reft fol- 
 low in great order. No hunter dares fall 
 on thefe herds till he has killed this captain, 
 or leader -, for as long as they fee him, they 
 will keep together, and fhew fo much cou- 
 rage in their own defence, that they appear 
 invincible •, but as foon as they fee him 
 killed, they are broke, and run for it, gi- 
 ving up the day, till they chufe another 
 captain. 
 
 Their way of eating is alfo admirable ; 
 they divide themfelves into two bodies ; one 
 half of them goes to certain trees which are 
 in a country called Los S^tiixos, in the pro- 
 vince of ^f!lo, and are like the cinnamon- 
 trees-, thefe they fliake to bring down the 
 flowers, which the other half feeds on -, and 
 when they have eat enough, they go and 
 relieve the other half of the flock, and make 
 the flowers fall for them -, and fo return the 
 Icrvice to their companions, that they have 
 received from them. 
 
 There are many forts of monkeys, which 
 differ mightily in their fliapes, colour, and 
 bignefs, and other properties ; fome are 
 merry ; fome melancholy and fad -, thefe 
 whifl;le, the others chatter ; fome are nim- 
 ble, others lazy -, fome cowards, others 
 flout and courageous -, but yet when one 
 threatens them, they get away as faft as they 
 can. Their food is fruit and birds-eggs, 
 and any game they can catch in the moun- 
 tains : They are very much afraid of water, 
 and if they happen to wet or dirty them- 
 felves, they grow dejedcd and fad. There 
 are alfo great variety of parrots. 
 
 The wiUi goats arc numerous -, they are 
 called Vicunnc.s, and have fo fine hair, that 
 it feems as foft as filk to the touch ; this is 
 ufed to make the fine hats fo much valued 
 
 in Europe. There are likewife a fort of 
 fheep of that country, they call ^.anncos, 
 which are like camels, but a good deal lefs, 
 of whofe wool they make waiftcoats, which 
 are woven in Peru, and are more valued 
 than if they were of filk, for their foft- 
 nefs, and the finenefs of their colours. 
 
 The fmie author fiys, moreover. That T«o fa- 
 through this chain of mountains there went "1°"^ 
 two highways, in which the higas fliewed '"g''*^^)'* 
 their great power -, one of them goes by the 
 mountain all paved for nine hundred leagues, 
 from Pqfloto Chile : It was five and twenty 
 feet broad, and at every lour leagues were 
 noble buildings ; and to this day there are 
 the places called Tambos, which anfwer our 
 inns, where every thing necefiliry is to be 
 found by travellers ; and that which was 
 moft admirable, at each half league there 
 were couriers and ports, who were defigned 
 for the conveniency of pafTengers, that they 
 might fend their letters and advices where 
 they were requifite. The other way, which 
 was alfo of twenty-five feet broad, went by 
 the plain at the foot of the mountains, with 
 the fame proportion and beauty of inns and 
 palaces at every four leagues, which were 
 inclofed with high walls •, as alfo ftreams 
 and rivulets running through this way, 
 brought thither by art, for the refrelhment 
 and recreation of travellers. 
 
 This is what Anion'io de Herrera, and 
 other authors, who treat of the Indies, do 
 tell us about this famous Cordillera. Now 
 I fliall relate what I myfelf have feen, and 
 do know about it. 
 
 And firfl:, I muft fuppofe, that though 
 thefe two highways run feparate and diftinrt 
 through all Peru and Shiito, yet they muft 
 grow nearer each other as they rife higher 
 in the mountain ; for when they come to 
 Chile, they are no longer two, but one. 
 This is clearly found, by experience, in thofe 
 who crofs the Cordillera, to go froin Chile to 
 Cuyo, as I have done feveral times, that I 
 have pafled this mountain, and never could 
 fee this divifion, but always continual and 
 perpetual mountains, which ("erve for walls 
 and fortifications on each fide to one which 
 rifes in the middle infinitely higher than 
 the reft, and is that which moft properly 
 is called the Cordillera. I am alfo perfua- 
 ded, that the two ways aboveinentioned 
 came but to the boundaries of Chile, and 
 ended in thofe of Peru. I have, indeed, in 
 pafling the Cordillera, met with great old 
 walls of ftone on the top of it, which they 
 call the Ingah ; which, they fay, were en- 
 campments, (though not his, for he never 
 came to Chile) but of his generals and armies 
 fent to conquer the country; and 'tis not im- 
 pofllble but the faid two ways might be 
 continued on to thefe buildings ; but it Wiis 
 nor prafticable, that it could be with that 
 
 nerfec-
 
 Ghap. 5* 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 t(^ 
 
 perfeAion, as in that part of the mountain 
 contained within the tropicks \ where be- 
 caiife tiie hills are more tradable, iuch ways 
 might be made as they defcribe-, but not in 
 rlie mountains of Chile, wJrich are one upon 
 anotlier fo thick, that it is with great diffi- 
 culty that a fingle mule can go in the paths 
 (>f it : and the Cord&rllla grows rougher and 
 rougher, the more it draws nearer the pole, 
 fo that it appears to be above the compafs 
 of liuman power to open a way through it, 
 fo curioufly and finely contrived as it is re- 
 prefcnte<l. It was not necelTary that the /«- 
 ga fliould ufe fo much art and induflry^ to 
 make admirable that wliich is already fo 
 much fo, as this mountain is in its whole 
 courfe throu";li the kingdom of Chile, as it 
 fliall be ftiewed Tvher> vv^difcourfe.m parti- 
 cular ot its fcvcral parts and properties. 
 For firlt, luppofing what wc liavc faiu, of 
 us running fifteen hundred leagues in lengthy 
 and forty in diameter, its wonderful height 
 makes it allcnilhing : the afcent is fo pro- 
 digious, that we imploy three or four days 
 in arriving to the top -of it, and as many 
 more in the defccnt, that is, fpeaking pro- 
 perly, and only of the mountain, for other- 
 wife it may be affirmed, that one begins 
 to mount even from the fea-fide, becaufe 
 -all the way, which is about forty leagues, 
 is nothing but an extended (helving coaft •, 
 for which reafon the rivers run wiih fuch 
 force, that their dreams are like mill- 
 rtreams, efpecially near their heads. 
 »uddeh When we come to afcend the higheft 
 
 Aange of point of the mountain, we feel an air fo 
 piercing and fubtilc, that 'tis with much 
 difficulty we can breath, which obliges us 
 to fetch our breath quick and ftrong, and 
 to open our mouths wider than ordinary, 
 applying to them likewife our handkerchiefs 
 to condenfe our breath, and break the ex- 
 treme coldnefs of the air, and fo make it 
 more proportionable to the temperament 
 which the heart requires, not to be fuftb- 
 cated : This I have experienced every time 
 that I have pafTed this mighty mountain. 
 
 Don Antonio de Herrera fays. That thofe 
 who pafs it in Peru, fufter great reachings 
 and vomitings ; becaufe no one thing pro- 
 duces fo great an alteration at once, as a 
 fudden change of air -, and that of the moun- 
 tain being fo unproportioned to common 
 refpiration, produces in thofe who pafs 
 over it thofe admirable and painful effefts. 
 He fays moreover, that thofe who have en- 
 deavoured to dive into the caufes of them, 
 do find, that as that mountain is one of the 
 higheft in the world, the air of it is fo ex- 
 tream fubtile and fine, that it difcompofes 
 the temperament of the animal, as has been 
 faid. 'Tis true, that in that part of the 
 Cordillera in Peru, v/hich they call Pariaca- 
 m, tliere may be a concurrence of other 
 
 lur. 
 
 caufes and difpofition of the climate, toOvALLi;. 
 which may be attributed fome of thcfe ef- '^+^' 
 fefls i for if they were to be attributed on- ^'"V"^ 
 ly to the height of the mountainj we that 
 pafs it in Chile ought to find ihofc inconve- 
 niencies as much, or more, becaufe the 
 mountain is higheft without comparifon \ 
 and yet I never endured thofe teachings of 
 vomitings, nor have feen any of thofe m.o- 
 tions in others, but only the difficulty of 
 breathing, which I have mentioned. 
 
 Oth.ers experience other efl'efts, which I Exhala- 
 have often heard them relate -, for the ex- ^"?"''' ^"" 
 halations, and other meteors, (which from \^^jl "**' 
 the earth feem fo high in the air, that fome- 
 tinics we take them for ftars,) are there un- 
 der the feet of the mules, frighting theni, 
 and buzzing about their ears. We gq 
 through the mountains, treading, as it were, 
 upon clouds ; fomctimes Vv-e fee the earth 
 without any oppofition to our fight, and 
 when we look up, we cannot fee the hea- 
 vens for clouds ; but when we arc alcend- 
 ed to the higheft of the mountain, we can 
 no longer fee the earth for the clouds below, 
 but the heavens are clear and bright^ and 
 the fun bright and fliining out, without aay 
 impediment to hinder us from feeing its 
 light and beauty. 
 
 The his, or rain-bow, which upon the f^ainbow.' 
 earth we fee croffing the heavens, we fee it 
 from this height extended under our feet ; 
 whereas thofe on the lower parts fee it over 
 their heads ; nor is it a lels wonder, that 
 while we travel over thofe hills which are 
 dry and free from wet, we may fee, as t 
 have done often, the clouds difcharge them- 
 felves, and overflow the earth with great 
 force ; and at the fame time that I was 
 contemplating, at a diflance, tempefts and 
 ftorms falling in the valleys and deep places, 
 as I lifted up my eyes to heaven, I could' 
 not but admire the ferenity over my head, 
 there being not fo much as a cloud to be 
 feen, to trouble or difcompofe that beautiful 
 profpeft. 
 
 The fecond thing which makes this®"'^''- 
 motmtain admirable, is the prodigious fnov/ 
 which falls upon it in winter, which is lb 
 great, that though thefe mountains are fo 
 high and broad, there is no part of them 
 uncovered with fnovv, being in many places 
 feveral pikes deep. I am not informed l:ovv 
 it is in the higheft part of all, which is moft 
 properly called the Cordillera, becaufe this 
 being lb very high, that it is thought to 
 furpafs the middle region of the air, its 
 point alone may perhaps be uncovered ; at 
 leaft when I paiTed it, which has been fome- 
 times in the beginning of winter, I have not 
 {c^w a crum of fnov/ ; when a little below, 
 both at the coming up and going down, ir 
 was fo thick, as our mules funk in without 
 being able to go forward. 
 
 But
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 lb 
 
 Oval I.E. But that which I have obferved, is, thnt 
 it+6. jffgr jj glut of rain^ which has lafted two 
 )j^^ or three days, and the mountain appears 
 dillera clear, (for all the time it rains 'tis covered 
 whitefrom with clouds,) it fecms white from top to 
 top to bot- bottom, and is a moft beautiful fight ; for 
 torn after j^ j j^ ^-^ fcrcne in thofe parts, that when 
 
 a elut of ^ . , , ^ r 1 • 1 
 
 ra,n. a norm is over, the heavens are io bright, 
 even in the midfl of winter, that there is 
 
 Book 
 
 not a cloud to be feen in them for many 
 days ; then the fun fhiping upon that pro- 
 digious quantity of fnow, and thofe coafts 
 and white flielvings all covered with ex- 
 tended woods, produces a profpeft, which 
 even we that are born there, and fee it eve- 
 ry year, cannot forbear admiring, and 
 draws from us prailes to the great Creator 
 for the wonderful beauty of his works. 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. \ I. 
 
 Of the V'ulcanos, and the mines of gold and fiher of the Cordillera, 
 
 \ulcano5 
 
 T 
 
 'MERE are in this Cordillera, or 
 chain of mountains, fixteen Vulccinos 
 which at fcvcral times have broke out, and 
 caufed effcds no lefs admirable than terri- 
 ble and aftonifhing to all the country : a- 
 mongll the reft, that which happened in 
 the year 1 640. is worthy to be remembered. 
 It broke out in the enemy's country, in the 
 territory of the Cacique Mante, burning 
 with lb much force, that the mountain clea- 
 ving in two, lent forth pieces of rock all 
 on fire, with fo horrible a noife, that it 
 ■was heard many leagues off, juft like the 
 going off of cannon. In all that territory 
 the women mifcavried for fear, as iTiall be 
 related more particularly in its proper place, 
 in the account I fhall give of the fubjccl-ion 
 of all that country to our Catholick king, 
 being moved thereunto by this and other 
 prodigies. 
 
 The firft of thefe Vulcanos is called the 
 Vulcano of Copiago, and is in about twenty- 
 fix degrees altitude of the pole, about the 
 confines of Chile and Peru •, in thirty de- 
 grees is that of Coquimbo; in thirty- one and 
 a half that of La Ligua; in thirty-five 
 that of Peterca ; in thirty-fix and a half 
 that ot Chilau -, in thirty-feven and a quar- 
 ter that of Antoco : this is followed by that 
 oi ISIotuco in thirty-eight and a half-, that 
 ot Villarica is in thirty-nine and three quar- 
 ters ; near this is another, whofe name I 
 know not, in forty and a quarter •, and in 
 iorty-one is that of Oforno ; and near that, 
 in lefs than a quarter of a degree, that of 
 Cuanahuca ; and in a little more than for- 
 ty-two degrees that of ^lehucabi : and laft 
 of all are two more ; one without a name, 
 in forty-four-, and that of 6'/. CtewH/, which 
 is in forty -five and a half. 
 
 Thefe are the known Volcams of Chile : 
 we have no knowledge of others, which may 
 be as far as the Tierra del Fuego^ becaufe 
 till this time our dilcoveries have not gone 
 fo far-, but there is no doubt but there are 
 fome, as they are to be found before one 
 comes to Chile^ in the kingdoms ot Peru 
 and ^ito. Diego Ordonnes de Salvos, in 
 the third book and eighteenth chapter of 
 2 
 
 his Voyage through the luhole "world, men- 
 tions, among the reft, one that is near the 
 fall of the river, in the valley of Cola ; and 
 fays, it is on a mountain in the form of a 
 fugar-loaf, like that of La Plata in Potoft; 
 and that in winter it throws out lb much 
 fmoak and afhes, that it burns up all the 
 grals within two leagues round about it. 
 
 He likewife mentions another in the en- 
 trance of the province of Los ^ixos, near 
 the town of Ma/pa -, and fpeaks of another, 
 which broke out near ^ito, in a mountain 
 called the Pinta: and he affirms, that the 
 allies fly two leagues and a half from the 
 mountain-, and he has '[ttn them lie on the 
 houfes about four feet deep in the neareft 
 places to the mountain. 
 
 Laflly, he tells of that of y/r/^«//)^, which 
 buried the vineyards, and had almoft over- 
 whelmed the city. To this day there are 
 feen the effedts of that defolation, which 
 ruined many families, by deflroying theif 
 houfes and poffefllons. At the fime tinie 
 he obferves, that the earthquakes which be- 
 fore were frequent, ceafed from that time ; 
 and this perhaps may be the reafon why the 
 earthquakes in Chile have always been con- 
 fiderably lets than thofe of Peru, becaufe 
 Chile has more breathing holes for the va- 
 pours to exhale by. 
 
 There is no room for doubting of the im- 
 menfe riches which thele mountains inclofe 
 in their bowels -, for 'tis a certain argument, 
 and proof it, to fee only the mineral 
 riches of Chile, which are, as it were, in- 
 dixes of what may be contained in thofe 
 rocks, as the rivers which fertilize the coun- 
 try are a proof of the unexhaufted fountains 
 contained in the rocks and precipices. 
 
 I think there may be two caufes afligned, 
 why thele riches do not manifeft themfelves 
 nor appear more : the firft is, that general 
 ftate rcalbn, and inviolible maxim amona 
 the Indians, to conceal and not difcover 
 them to any other nation. This they ob- 
 ferve fo punctually, that it is among them 
 a capital crime, punilhable with death, to 
 break filence in this matter, which they 
 make lacred and indifpenfible ; and if any 
 
 one 
 
 ■2 
 
 The con- 
 cealing of 
 treafure 
 from all 
 foreign 
 nations, w; 
 a maxim 
 of itate 
 among the 
 Indians.
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 It 
 
 one among them, either out of intereft, 
 negligence, or any other motive of conve 
 
 niency, difcovers any thing 
 
 and 
 
 of this kind, 
 no power on 
 
 A remark- 
 able rela- 
 tion of a 
 journey 
 underta- 
 ken in 
 fearch of 
 feme rich 
 mines. 
 
 his death is infallible. 
 earth can fave him. 
 
 I remember on this fubject, that fome 
 gentlemen having, by prefents, infinuations, 
 and flatteries, come to the knowledge of 
 foivi? treafure by the means of an Indian^ 
 and prevailed with him at lad to guide 
 them to fome very rich mines in a remote 
 mountain, he begg'd earncllly of them to 
 be fecret, or otherwife he was a dead man, 
 let them take never fo much care of him. 
 They promifed him accordingly, and fo 
 they fet out, and he brought them through 
 horrid rocks and precipices, where it look'd 
 as if never man had fet his foot, nor fcarce 
 any living animal. Every day they met 
 with certain marks, which the Indian had 
 told them of beforehand: Firft, after fo 
 many days they difcovered a red mountain ; 
 and then at certain dillance from that a 
 black one on the left hand ; then a val- 
 ley, which began from a monflrous high 
 mountain or rock ; then at fo many leagues 
 a mountain of chalk. All which figns the 
 guide went fhewing them, verifying there- 
 by the relation he had given them before- 
 hand, and comforting them up to endure 
 the hardship, by the hopes of fulfilling at 
 laft their expectation, and feeing their la- 
 bour rewarded. 
 
 Their provifions failed them, and they 
 were forced to come back to provide more, 
 to purfue their enterprize. The Indian 
 was always in fear of being difcovered, 
 knowing that he run in that no lefs a ha- 
 zard than that of his life. They returned 
 then to a town -, and to fecure their Indian 
 from his fright of being difcovered, they 
 locked him up in a room very fafe ; but the 
 night before they were to fet out again, 
 without ever being able to difcover how 
 it was done, (for there was no figns by the 
 door of any body's going in that way,) as 
 they went to call the Indian in the morning, 
 they found him ftrangled ; by which 
 means, being deprived of their intent, and 
 having loft the hopes of fttisfying their de- 
 fire, they returned to their own homes, 
 though with a refolurion to try again, be- 
 ing encouraged by fo much as they had 
 already difcovered. 
 
 The other reafon to be afTign'd for not 
 feeking after thcfe mines, is the great 
 plenty of every thing neceiTary for life; fo 
 that hunger, which is the prompter of co- 
 vetous defires, being wanting, there are 
 few that care to run a hazard, and lofe 
 their conveniencies at home, to go through 
 imprafticable ciefarts upon fearch after hid- 
 den treafure; pardcularly finding already 
 fb much in thu valleys, bottoms, rivers, 
 Vol. III. 
 
 and fountains ; nay, even thefe mines in the Oval ls. 
 low countries are not wrought, becaufe the '^46- 
 profit of other produfts is caficr. 'Tis ^-"^V^^J 
 probable that people will increafe; for 
 every day there is a new addition ; and 
 there then being more confumers, the pro- 
 duct ot the land will be dearer ; and pro- 
 v.fions not being fo cheap as now, men 
 will be more ingenious and induftrious to 
 feek for fullenance under ground, by the 
 mines and treafures hid there by provi- 
 dence. 
 
 Thefe few years laft paft have given be- 
 ginning to a difcovery of fome golden 
 mines, and filver ones, on each fide of the 
 Cordillera : lor as I paiTed over it once, I 
 remember that the fight difcovers a black 
 mountain at a dift.ince, whole top fliines as 
 it it were covered with filver ; and it is a 
 common tradition that it contains it, and 
 great treafures bcfides, in its bowels ; but 
 tiiey are at prcfent ulelefs, for t!ie reafons 
 nlledged ; and becaufe one half of the year 
 the mountain is covered with fnow, and ib 
 not only uninhabitable, but impenetrable. 
 
 They write me word, that on the fide Difcovery 
 of the province of Cuyo, they have begun of feveral 
 to difcover other very rich mines, which ^^.''>'^''"^^ 
 being below the rougheft part of the moun- 
 tain, may be wrought all the year round, 
 and with great conveniency of the miners, 
 and other neceflary workmen, becaufe carts 
 may come to the very fuuation of the mine, 
 which is of confideration for the price of 
 the metal. They fpeak of it with great 
 expediation, by reafon of the good proofs 
 they have already had in the aflaying of 
 it in fmall quantities. 
 
 Befides the mines of gold, and filver, 
 and brafs, and lead, which are work'd ia 
 Ccquimbo, and thofe of quickfilver, which 
 have been difcovered within thefe few years 
 in Lamache, which is a valley in Chik^ 
 I do not know of any others of any other 
 fort in this Cordillera. I am verily per- 
 fuaded there are fome of chryftal; for, 
 confidering the nature ol the place, I cannot 
 think there is one any where more proper. 
 Being in the valley of Rancagua, I heard 
 one of our nation tell an Indian, that up- 
 wards in the mountain he had found a great 
 deal of chryftal : he hearing this, out of 
 c ;riofity went up to fee what it was ; and 
 I heard him tell, that after having gone 
 over feveral rocks, he ftw on the top of a 
 precipice a great opening, and that draw- 
 ing near to it, he faw a profound cave, 
 and in the bottom of it a great plank or 
 table of chryftal, which appeared to him 
 of the fineft Ibrt; but wanting help and 
 inftruments to get it out, he returned with 
 only this information, and fome little pieces 
 of a chryftal ftone which he found on the 
 top. 
 
 F CHAP.
 
 21 
 
 Of the NtitHre md Properties of the 
 c II A r. VII. 
 
 Cy tbf fountains, rkers, and brooks of the Cordillera. 
 
 Book 
 
 
 a- 
 
 i 
 
 Vail num- 
 ber of 
 
 fountiiins, 
 fpringv, 
 bnioks, 
 and rivers. 
 
 Many pla- 
 ces fcarcc- 
 \y paflable 
 
 Rapid ri- 
 vers. 
 
 THAT which contributes not a little 
 to the :idmir.ition wc have for this 
 great chain ot mountains, is the vail num- 
 ber o\ fountains, Iprings, brooks, and ri- 
 vers, which we nvet with ever and anon, 
 when we <^o over it : they are fo nume- 
 rous, that 'tis a thing rather to be feen 
 than related, though the travellers reap 
 but little benclit by the curious obferwition 
 ot" them ; ibr by them the ways are the 
 nioft broken and troublefome that 'tis pof- 
 Jible to imagine : they lal1: aboiTt eight 
 days journey. One mull: fuppofe too, that 
 the fummer is pretty well enter'd ; for in 
 winter they are able luteiy impafTable, and 
 in the foring not without evident danger 
 of one's life •, becaufe one travels all the 
 \Vay on a path fo narrow, that there is but 
 jull ro(.ni for a mule's feet. On one fide 
 are prodigi(;iis precipices, which have at 
 the bottom a furious and profound river; 
 and on the other hand huge rocks, and 
 Ibme part of them ftanding out fo, that if 
 the mule's loading, (as it often happens, 
 and I have feen it,) touches part of them, 
 it throws down the mule headlong, and 
 iends her rowling down till fhe comes to 
 the river at the bottom, which carries her 
 away to the fea without flopping, except 
 it happen upon fome turning of the river 
 to get it on fhore ; where, though the la- 
 ding may be faved, yet not the mule's life, 
 becaufe it is impofTible almoft to get her 
 up again. 
 
 Ih many places one is forced to light; 
 and even a man on foot is not very fafe, be- 
 caufe fome of the coafls are fo ftraight and 
 flippery, that it frights one to walk on 
 them. The afcents and defcents of the hills 
 are fo fleep, that when froin below one 
 looks at thofe who are above, they look like 
 figures -, and for my part I thought it a te- 
 merity, if not an impolTibility, to venture 
 to get up to them. 
 
 The brooks and rivers which crofs the 
 ways every flep are fo violent, that there 
 is no head fo ilrong, but it turns to look 
 on their current-, which is fo fwifr, that if 
 it comes up to the mule's faddle, there is 
 no paffing without evident danger of one's 
 life ; for thefe ftreams coming from on 
 high, have the flrcngtli of a mill-ftream, 
 .carrying along with them loofe ftones, which 
 overturn a loaded mule as it were a chicken ; 
 fo that 'tis necefiliry fometimes to flay two 
 or three days til! the fun does rrot fhine ; 
 for then thefe biooks are lower, becaufe 
 <here is lefs fnow melted : and for this rea- 
 fon 'cis always beft to pafs early in the 
 "- • 2 
 
 morning, they having had all the night to 
 run lower. 
 
 It was neceflliry for an allay of the dan- The great 
 gers and ii kfomenefs of thefe ways, that "^'^^^^jl 
 God fhould temper the rigour of the fuf- ^^jYvert- 
 fcrings, by the variety and diverfion which jng. 
 fo many waters give in their rife and courfe: 
 fome are to be feen breaking out from almoft 
 an imperceptible height, and meeting with 
 no intermediate objeft, the whole mafs of 
 water, which is ufually very great, dilTolves 
 itfelf by the way into fo many drops, which 
 make a lovely profpecl, like fo inuch pearl 
 filling; and being mingled by the force 
 of the air, which drives them acrofs one 
 upon the other, it feems a chain hanging 
 from its firll iflue to the earth ; where, 
 taking another fhapc, it becomes a run- 
 ning brook, and unites with the current 
 of the chief river which runs in the middle. 
 
 I fiiw others, which before they got to 
 the earth, divided into two branches, form- 
 ing like a thick lliower in the midfl of the 
 way, or atoms in the fun-beams ; but 'tis 
 impofnble to paint all the variety of ob- 
 jeCls produced by thefe feveral motions and 
 compofitions of ftreams and fountains. I ^^ • 
 cannot leave them without mentioning one dg aqua, 
 called the Eyes of Water, which is very or fprings. 
 remarkable ; 'tis in the laft me[a but one, 
 at the foot of the mountain. I called it 
 tnefa, becaufe providence has, for the re- 
 lief of travellers, difpofed at fome leagues 
 diftance, little vallies and agreeable plains, 
 which eafe the travellers in this moll te- 
 dious and long afcent. 
 
 This valley is invironed with a wall of 
 moft prodigious high rocks; it may be a 
 mile or thereabouts in its diameter, and is 
 all the year round full of greens, odorife- 
 rous plants and flowers, which make it a 
 pifture of paradife: in the midfl of it 
 fprings up this fountain, or fountains, be- 
 caufe the fprings of water are many that; 
 rife from the ground all about, leaping 
 with great force into the air, which in a 
 little fpace all unite, and make two great 
 bodies, each of them full of water, as clear 
 as chryflal. Thefe two heads begin a kind 
 of combat a little below, and mingling 
 in their courfe with one another, as if fome 
 ingenious artift had ordered it, make a 
 great many turnings and windings, fome- 
 times tar from one another, and fom.etimes 
 united through the whole valley, 'till at 
 the. end of it, joining together, they fall 
 into one canal, which empties itfelf into 
 the principal river, conipofed by many of 
 thefe rivulets. 
 
 One 
 
 bit
 
 IIhap. 8. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 One property of all thefe chryftal flreams, 
 is extream coolnefs, which they never lofe, 
 no, not when the fun (hines out moft in 
 the heat of the day ; it is fuch, that no 
 body can drink half a cup full of it with- 
 out rcfting, or taking breath •, and though 
 all thefe fprings have this quality, yet 
 none in fo intenfe a degree as this fountain 
 of Los. oJGs de aqua ; of which, though the 
 weather be never fo hot, 'tis not pofTible 
 to drink above two or three fups •, and one 
 can hardly endure to hold the water in one's 
 hand above a minute. 
 
 Behind one ot thofe high mountains 
 which is to the eafl of this fountain, there 
 is a great lake or pond, fo deep and clear, 
 that it appears as if it were of azure ; and 
 there is a tradition, that the lad of the/«- 
 gns, kings of Pttu, caufcd vaft quantities 
 of treafure to be thrown into it, when he 
 faw that he could not redeem himfelf, nor 
 lave his life by them -, though it feems hard 
 to believe they fliould go fo far to do a 
 thing they might have executed much near- 
 er home. The waters of this lake have no 
 iflue, being inviron'd on all fides with very 
 high rocks, and therefore 'tis thought that 
 it comes under ground to thofe fountains 
 called the Ojos de aqua, and empties itfelf 
 by them. 
 
 I cannot pafs over in filence another foun- 
 tain v/hich is at the foot of the Cordillera, 
 on the other fide towards Cuyo. There is 
 a river called the Rio de Mendofa, which 
 comes down from the eaft, not inferior to 
 that of Aconcaqua in Chile, which runs to 
 the weft into the South Sea. Into thefe two 
 rivers are emptied moft of the little ftreams 
 ot the mountain •, that of Mendofa meet- 
 ing in its way with a chalky mountain, 
 bores it quite through, and leaves a bridge 
 broad enough for three or four carts to pals 
 a-breaft. Under this bridge is a great ta- 
 ble of rock, over which run five difr'erent 
 flreams of water, proceeding from fo many 
 fountains ; which water is excream hot 
 and very good for many diftempers. The 
 ftones over which it runs are of a green, 
 like emerald. The vault of this bridge 
 furpafles in beauty all that human art can 
 produce •, for there hang down from it fe- 
 veral ificles, in rtiaoes of flowers, and 
 pendants of ftone like ' fait -, for the hu- 
 midity which penetrates from above, makes 
 it congeal like points of diamonds, and 
 
 H 
 
 other figures, which adorn this vault jOvallr 
 thro' which there falls perpetually a quan- '^4^- 
 tity of great drops, as big as peafc fomc, "^^ ^^ 
 and others as big as yolks of eggs ; which, 
 falling upon the ftone table I have men- 
 tioned, are turned into ftones of feveral 
 fliapes and colours, of no fmall value. 
 
 'I'here is another bridge on the other The 
 fide, call'd the hga's bridge, eitlur bcc.:ufe^"8-''' 
 he caus'd it to be built, or (becaufe as is ^"^'^^' 
 more probable) his generals were the firft 
 dilcoverers of it, and palL'd over it; for it 
 is not poftible that any human art could 
 make fo bold an attempt as has been 
 brought to pafs by the author of nature 
 in this place. This bridge is form'd by 
 a moft prodigious high rock, which is clo- 
 ven in two, as if it had been fiwed down, 
 only cover'd on top; it is hollow to the 
 very river, which is large and rapid, and 
 yet the noife of it is no more heard on the 
 top, than if it were a little brook ; which 
 is a ftrong argument of the great diftance 
 there is between the top and the bottom 
 of the mountain ; for the opening not be- 
 ing above eight feet over, it being eafy 
 to leap from one fide to the other, it • 
 would be thought, that a great river be- 
 ing fo ftreightened as to go through it, 
 fhould make a very great noife in paftlng 
 fuch a ftreight place with fo much force; 
 and if the noife does not reach the ear, 
 'tis becaufe of the great diftance. I my- 
 felf have gone to rhe fide of this bridge, 
 and look'd down (though with great hor- 
 ror, for it ftrikes a Ihivcring into one, 
 to contemplate fuch a depth, than which 
 I have not feen a more terrible one;) I 
 not only did not hear any noife, but that 
 great river appear'd a little brook, hardly 
 to be difcern'd. 
 
 Thefe are the entertainments for the eye 
 in pafting this part of the Cordillera : As 
 for the many others which may be met with 
 in fo vaft an extent, who can relate them ? 
 I believe there are thofe who know much 
 more than what I have here defcrib'd, which 
 is only what I have feen ; but from fo lit- 
 tle 'tis eafy to infer more ; for if only the 
 rife of two rivers have afforded fuch mat- 
 ter of admiration, what may not be pro- 
 duced in the birth and courie of fo many 
 others, as we fhall defcribe in the follow- 
 ing chapter ? 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the vajl number of riven which take their rife in this mountain, and 
 
 empty themf elves into the fa. 
 
 '~Xf W E great auth.or of nature has range of n%ountains call'd the Ccrdilkra, 
 
 I. founded the beft part of the beauty in v/hich, as in a bank that can never break, 
 
 and fecundity of the fields of Chile in this he has depofited its treafure and riches, by 
 
 afluring
 
 ^4 
 
 OvALLE. aduring 
 1646 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the Book h 
 
 a fort of delicate fliell-fifli, which they call f 
 
 The Salt 
 liver. 
 
 Copiapo 
 
 Guafco. 
 Coquimbo 
 
 Tongoy 
 and Li- 
 
 Chuapa. 
 
 the annual tribute of fo many 
 brooks" and ample rivers which are to fer- 
 tilize the earth •, for neither can tiie coun- 
 try maintain its fertility without fuchmoi- 
 Oure, nor fuch a moiilurc maintain itfcU all 
 the year without fuch quantities ot fnow, as 
 are laid up in the deep hollows ot it in the 
 winter, to teed in the fummcr the many ri- 
 vers that are derived horn it. 
 
 AVho can dcmonftrate the number of 
 tlK-m at their rife ? But one may guefs at 
 the prodigious quantity of fnow which fup- 
 plies them •, for though it cannot be feen 
 all in a mafs, becaufc its relervatories are 
 impenetrable, yet its effects do manitefl: it ■, 
 for befides the feeding of innumerable ri- 
 vers which run to the eaft, and empty 
 themfelves into the north fca, and fupply- 
 irg prodigious lakes in the province ot 
 Cuyo, thofe which run to the weft, and 
 enter the Soidh-Sca, (not reckoning wliat 
 may be by the ftreights ot Magellan, and 
 the Tterra del Fuego,) are above fifty, 
 which may be well multipliai by four a- 
 piece more which they receive, and fo 
 make two hundred ; which arrive at the 
 fea fo lull and deep, that fome of them have 
 water enough lor the navigation of the gal- 
 loons and fhips of great burden ; which is 
 t!ie more to be admir'd, becaufe their courfe 
 is fo fliort, the moft extended of them not 
 pafling thirty leagues in length. 
 
 The firft river of this kingdom, begin- 
 ning from the confines of Peru about the 
 25th degree of latitude, is the river called 
 the Salt River, which comes from the Cor- 
 dillera, running through a deep valley : Irs 
 waters are fo fait, that they cannot be drank -, 
 and when fometimcs horfes, deceived by its 
 pure clear colours, happen to drink ot them, 
 they are turned into fait by the heat ot thr: 
 fun, fo that the bodies feem of pearl, they 
 beginning to petrify by the tail. 
 
 The next to this is the river ot Copiapo, 
 in 26 degrees; it runs 20 leagues trom 
 eaft to weft, and makes a bay at its en- 
 trance into the fea, which lerves tor a har- 
 bour for fliips. In 28 degrees the river of 
 Guafco does the fame, and forms a port. 
 
 After this comes the river of Ccquimbo, 
 in 30 degrees, whole port is a noble bay, 
 adorn'd on the (hore with frefli and beauti- 
 ful myrtles, and other trees, which con- 
 tinue within land as tiir as the town, and 
 make a noble and pleafant grove, which 
 out-does all the contrivances of art. There 
 are fifli'd in this coaft tunny-fifh, alhucores, 
 and many forts of excellent fifh, as alfo oy- 
 llcrs and great variety ot fhell-fifh. 
 
 The next to the river of Ccquimbo are 
 
 thofe of Tongoy and Limari, about 30 
 degrees and a half eaft ; and then in 31 de- 
 grees the river of Chuapa empties iifelf 
 into the fea. Upon that coaft there is found 
 
 2 
 
 jdcas. 
 
 Between the one and thirtieth degree, 
 and the two and tiiirtieth, the v'wtxs, Longo- Longoto- 
 toma and La Liga enter the fea •, and about '^' ^^^ 
 thirty three degrees that of Aioncogua, ^cor'cj. 
 which is the great river which comes down, gua. 
 as we have laid, by the way of the Cordil- 
 lera. This is a very deep river ; and 
 though it runs through the large valleys of 
 Curimou, Aconcagua, i^alota, and Concon, 
 which Ijeing cultivated with all kinds ot 
 produdb, particularly wheat, ftax, hemp, 
 isc. and by confequence well water'd, yet 
 this river arrives at the fca as full and deep 
 as if they had not drained it by the way to 
 fertilize their fields. 
 
 About thirty three and a half, follows 
 the famous river Mi7v/)c, which I cannot Maypo. 
 tell whether it be more famous for its gocd 
 qualities, or lor the danger and difficulty 
 of pafting it ; many having been drowned 
 in it, and every day milcarrying by it. It 
 is of fo rapid a current, and fometimcs 
 fwells fo high, that no bridge can refill its 
 fury, but it is carried away by it ■■, for 
 which reafon, at this day it has no other 
 but one of many cables join'd together, 
 and lying a-crofs from one fide to the 
 oiher. Ls waters are ordinarily thick -, and 
 it enters the fea with fo much force, that 
 it makes its way in it diftinft for a good 
 while ; its waters are pertedly known from 
 thofe of the fea by a circle they make : 
 They are befides very cold, arid yet it 
 quenches thirft but ill, for it is brackifli, 
 which makes the flefh of the theep which 
 feed near it, to be excellent in tafte. There 
 are fifh'd here alfo n:ioft excellent fiili, 
 particularly trouts, eftecm'd all over the 
 country. • 
 
 There falls into this river, among others, 
 that of St. J ago, otherwife called the St. Jago,, 
 river of Mcpocho, which is divided into or Mapa 
 feveral ftreams, to water the diftrift of*^""* 
 that city -, and it docs it fometimcs more 
 than we could wifti, when it overflows. 
 Not far from the city, it hides itfelf under 
 ground, leaving a bridge of two or three 
 leagues over ir, while it maintains a filent 
 courfe underneath -, at the end ot this fpace 
 it comes out in bubbles among a grove of 
 cherry trees, with its waters as clear and 
 purified as chryftal ; io that though it 
 teems to hide itfelf, and die, it is only 
 to fpring up again more beautiful and 
 ftately, being of a ftronger current, be- 
 fore it is again fpread and diffufed to fer- 
 tilize the fields. At this place of its fe- 
 cond birth, there ftands an ancient and il- 
 luftrious convent of St. Francis, which, 
 becaufe it is within fight of a vaft fo- 
 reft of trees, is called St. Francis cf the 
 Ivhuntain, in which there have been, from 
 
 time
 
 Chap. 8. 
 
 Kwgclo'tn o/" C H I L E. 
 
 15 
 
 Poangue. 
 
 DeColina 
 and Lam- 
 pa make 
 the famous 
 lake of 
 Cudaguel. 
 
 Mi|» 
 
 time to time, moft holy men of the firft 
 founders in that province, ;\nd who im- 
 ploy themfclves in the worfiiip ot God, 
 and help of their neighbours, with great 
 zeal and reputation of their order. 
 
 The river of Poangue, which fills like- 
 wife into Maypo, runs alio many leagues 
 under ground : this cannot rife with more 
 advantages than at its firft fountain -, for 
 its waters are, at the very Iburce, fo clear, 
 delicate and fweet, that they cannot be 
 mended -, it has not its original like all the 
 reft from fnow water, but from minerals 
 of gold, through whofe veins it makes its 
 way, as if it had an aqueduft of that pre- 
 cious metal : its courfe is border'd on each 
 fide with moft beautiful trees, which con- 
 tribute to make its waters wholelbme : they 
 are indeed of themfelves a remedy ; for 
 they help digeftion fo vifibly, that if any 
 one has exceeded and eat more than his 
 ftomach can well embrace, one draught of 
 this water will relieve him, fo that he fhall 
 be hungry again in a little time. Neither is 
 it ufelefs under ground ; for while it is 
 there, it communicates itfelf to the whole 
 valley by fubterranean conduits : the efFeft 
 of which is vifible -, for though in the fum- 
 mer it does not rain a drop, and the valley 
 has no other watering, yet it brings as fea- 
 fonable a crop, and as relifhing truir, as 
 any other that has the help of rain and 
 other irrigations; neither have I feen any 
 where larger or more delicious melons, nor 
 more abounding and well grown maiz, than 
 in this valley. 
 
 There are two other rivers which fall 
 into Maypo, which are call'd De Colina 
 and Lampa ; which uniting together about 
 ten or twelve leagues from their firft rife, 
 make the famous lake of Cudaguel fo 
 profound and deep, that great Ihips might 
 fwim in it : this lake is about two leagues 
 long, all bordered with delicate willow 
 trees, and other greens, which keep their 
 frelhnefs and greenefs all the year round ; 
 and, that nothing may be wanting to its 
 agreeablenefs, it is full of excellent trouts 
 and vagres, which fometimes are fo plen- 
 tiful, that they are eafily catched; and 
 this ufes to be one of the greateft diver- 
 fions of the citizens of the city of St. Ja- 
 go. There are other lakes, as thofe of 
 yiculco, which empty themfelves into this 
 river of Maypo., on the contrary fide to 
 that of the clear river : there are alfo bred 
 in it fmelts of above a foot long •, the 
 very name in Spanijh declaring their excel- 
 lency, it fignifying a royal fifh: fome 
 years there is fuch plenty of them, that 
 the whole city may keep Lent with them 
 alone, without buying any other fifli from 
 the fea ; which, though it is very good, 
 yet it Fiever attains to die delicacy of the 
 Vol. III. 
 
 fweet and healthy, O**!-'-^- 
 'cn to the lick and '^46- 
 
 -v^O 
 
 river filli, which is fo 
 that it is ufed to be gi 
 convalefcent. 
 
 After Maypo, is the river of Rapcl, notRapel, 
 at all inferior to the other; it enters the^-''"^''=>P°^^ 
 fea about the ?4th degree, and as many^'V . 
 minutes; about four or five leagues before 
 the two famous rivers ot Cacbapcal and 
 Tinguiritjca join together, and are no lefs 
 in debt to mankind for the many people 
 they have iwallowed, than that of Maypo. 
 Among others which increafe their rapid 
 current, are the rivers Mellua and Cham-uMMn 
 baronigo : on the banks of this the orderandCham- 
 of the Redemption has a convent, for the in-'^^'°"'S°- 
 ftruftion and edification of all that coun- 
 try. The Jefuits have alfo a novitiate, 
 who have for neighbours a monaftery of 
 St. Dominick. The lands thereabouts are 
 extreme fertile, have excellent paftures for 
 the fattening of cattle, and are much va- 
 lued all over the country. In thirty-four 
 degrees and three quarters is the river 
 Delora, which receives thofe of Teno, Dehra, 
 Peterroa, and Metaquito, whofe ftream isT^'enoF Pe- 
 fo rapid, that many perifh in it. Theic"^''™^' 
 rivers water moft rich lands, and a deli- -^J 
 cious country for the breeding and feed- 
 ing of all forts of cattle; and indeed there 
 is not a foot of ground unimployed in 
 them. 
 
 The great Mau!e appears at thirty-five .pi^^ 
 degrees; and it makes the limits of the^aule. 
 archbiflioprick and jurifdi6fion of the city 
 ot St. Jago : all that was inclofed between 
 this and Rapel, Cachapoal, and Tinguiri- 
 tica, was called by the natural Indians, Pro- Promo- 
 mocaes, that is, a place of dancing and de-*^^"- 
 light, to exprefs the pleafantneis of that 
 country. They were not out in this cha- 
 racter at all : I remember once, that tra- 
 velling in this country, when I came to a 
 farm of any Spaniard, he would entertain 
 me with nothing but the praifes of it, and 
 that with fo many particulars, that I could 
 not imagine it could be out-done by any 
 in the world ; but when I came to another 
 tarm, the mafter of it would relate to me 
 fuch admirable properties of his, that the 
 firft feemed but ordinary to me. Thus 
 I found every one fo in love with the fpoc 
 he lived on, that I could not but admire 
 the whole, and have a great idea of 
 the excellency and temperament of this 
 land, as well as of its provilions. Par- 
 tridge are abounding, and all manner 
 of game; and as tor fifh, there are fuch 
 quantities of fmelts and trouts, that they 
 take them wiien they will, being as fure 
 almoft to catch them, as if they had them 
 in ponds at home. I have heard them 
 often lay, that when they were fat down to 
 table, if any one longed for a frefli trout, 
 they had no more to do, than to fend and 
 G catch
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 tion. 
 
 Itata. 
 
 ;6 
 
 OvALi.^ circh one, which tliey would have ready 
 '^46- drcfled before they rile from tlie table. l"he 
 ^'^''^^^ river Mtjuli receives the clear river, and that 
 Cauquc- ol' Caiiquenes ; and though it be as deep 
 nw. again as either of them, yet it is lefs dan- 
 
 gerous for paflengcrs, and fewer people are 
 drowned in it ; becaufe near the lea, by the 
 yard lor building of Ihips, it fprcads itfell, 
 and makes a lirge paiVage, where the king 
 has a ferry for theconveniency of pallengcrs. 
 I'iie Aiijlm Iriivrs have aifo a convent here, 
 and take care of the Spaniards, and their 
 black and Indian fervants, who people ail 
 the banks of this river, and are numerous, 
 living in feparate farms all along the coun- 
 try: thefe tiiey call Ejlancias. 
 Cityof the Now we enter the jurildidion of the city 
 Concep- Qf ti^j. Conception, where the governor re- 
 fides ; and there is a garrifon of the militia. 
 The bilhoprick of the city of Imperinl be- 
 gins alio at this river, which has for next 
 and immediate neighbour the peaceable and 
 noble river of Lata, three times as large, 
 and as deep as the A'laule, and enters the 
 fea at about thirty-fix degrees; its couife is 
 among rocks, and fo is lefs ufeful to the 
 land, becaufe it cannot water it: Tliey 
 pafs it upon rafts, and there are alfo fords 
 in fome places. About the middle of its 
 Nuble. courfe, the furious torrent called A'«^/i? joins 
 it: this waflics the walls of the city of 
 Si. Bartholomew of Chilian, an antient gar- 
 rifon of the Spaniards, and a fingular proof 
 of their bravery and fidelity. 
 Bay of the Immediately next to this river is the 
 Concep- ipacious and agreeable bay of the Concep- 
 "°"- tion, into which the flow and filent river of 
 
 Andalien empties itfelf at thirty-fix degrees 
 and tiiree quarters. There is another fmall 
 river which pafTes through the middle of 
 the city, having firft precipitated itfelf from 
 a high rock, and afi:ording matter to the 
 indullry of the inhabitants, tor all forts of 
 water- works among pleaiant groves of lau- 
 rels, and myrtles, and other odoriferous 
 plants which adorn its banks ; and as it 
 falls from fo high, it invites the induftrious 
 planters to contrive mills for the fuftenance 
 of the city ; of which there are already a 
 great many. 
 Eiobio. T^^° leagues further from this bay, in 
 
 the thirty-feventh degree, the fo much cele- 
 brated Biobio enters the fea. It is the moft 
 powerful river of all Chile: it has at its en- 
 trance two or three miles in breadth, more 
 or lefs, according as it fwells or fhrinks, 
 v;hich is a great deal, confidering its fliort 
 courfe: but that is not the chief thing 
 which makes it fimous, and deferve fo much 
 praifc -, it is its wholefome waters; for (be- 
 fides the particular excellence they may ac- 
 quire, by pading through veins of gold, 
 which ncverthelefs many other rivers of this 
 
 Book I 
 
 country have too,) it has a fingular advan- 
 tage, by a fmall river which lalls into it -, 
 which river, taking its rife and courfe 
 among Sarzaparilla roots, communicates 
 to the other its virtue and good qualities, 
 and makes it a cure for many infirmities. 
 There is a tradition. That at the fource of 
 this river there \\ ere moft rich n-)ines, work'd 
 before ever the Spaniards came into thefe 
 parts. Upon this information, Don Alonfo 
 de Sottomayor, prcfident of the country, fent 
 a band of foldiers to view them, as they 
 did ; though as they came back, they were 
 laid wait for by the ludians, our enemies, 
 and had a fmart engagement with them, 
 and had much ado to elcape with their lives. 
 This Indian people do always as much as 
 they can to hide from the Europeans the 
 treafures and riches of their country, as it 
 has been faid already. 
 
 This river is the bounds which divides 
 the Spaniards and our Indian friends from 
 the Indian enemies: in winter the river 
 overflows fo, that all the fords are unpaf- 
 fible ; and fo the foldiers may take fome re- 
 pofe 'till the fpring, at which time they are 
 to begin their inroads again. The enemy on 
 his fide has no garrifon, nor place of 
 fl:rength ; for they truft to their mountains, 
 to which they can retire at any time : but 
 the Spaniards have many garriibns all along 
 the river, with which they bridle and keep 
 in awe the potent rage of their proud ene- 
 my, who alone has given them more trou- 
 bld than all the refl: of America. 
 
 Their chief forts, befides the cities of 
 the Conception and Chilian, are thofe of A- 
 rauco and St. Philip, in which there are ge- 
 nerally about fixteen hundred natural Spa- 
 niards, befides the Indian allies, who are 
 numerous. The firfl: of thefe is upon the 
 fea-fide, and the other nearer the Cordillera, 
 There are others between on each fide of 
 the river, and fome pretty far into the ene- 
 mies country. I can name nine of thefe 
 forts -, which are, that of St. Angol, of the 
 Nativity, of St. Anne, of St. Rofendo, of Good 
 Hope, of Talmacahuida, of St. Peter, of Col- 
 ciita, and that of hevo. Thefe are all pro- 
 vided with great guns, and a fufficient num- 
 ber of foldiers •, and at fuch proportionable 
 difl:anccs from each other, that they can 
 foon receive notice of what is necelTary to 
 be known from the firfl: to the laft by the 
 cannon-fliot, according as it may have been 
 concerted beforehand. 
 
 The company of 'Jejus has here two \<t- 
 fidencies, one in Araiico, and the other ia 
 the fort of Good Hope •, frprn whence they 
 alfo make their attempts, not againll the 
 bodies, but to fave the fouls of their enernies, 
 engaging with hell itfelf, and obtaining 
 over k daily and glorious victories, as ic 
 
 Ihali
 
 Chap. 9: 
 
 iCmgdom c/ C H I L f. 
 
 Colcura, 
 Arauco, 
 t,avapie, 
 and Levo 
 
 Ralemo, 
 or Coypo. 
 
 Imperial. 
 
 Ladies 
 river. 
 
 fhall be told in its proper place ; for now 
 we muft follow the defcription already be- 
 gun of the rivers ot Chile. 
 
 After B'tobio follow four others much in- 
 ferior to it : they are the rivers of Colcu- 
 ra, Arauco., Lavapie, and Levo., which 
 empties itfelf near the thirty-eighth degree ; 
 and a little further, that ot Ralemo, which 
 a little from its fource, is called Coypo, in 
 near thirty-nine degrees. The pleafant and 
 peaceful river of the Imperid enters the fea, 
 having firft incorporated with its ftream, 
 the river called the Ladies River, becaufe of 
 the delicacy of its waters and quiet current. 
 More above, nearer its fource, it receives 
 
 17 
 
 the two rivers of Curarava and £>■««>, Ova i-tt, 
 which, before they meet to enter the river '646. 
 Imperial, form the much celebrated lake o'i ^ "' ^^ 
 Puren, a moft unconquerable fbrtrels of the snTiTyow 
 Indians, who are more fecure in it, than the form Uie 
 Spaniards in any of theirs. '^ke oi 
 
 About half a degree beyond the river '*""^" 
 Caiiren, which is the lame as the Imperial^ 
 the river Toltcn pays its tribute to the lea, -^ , 
 and is deep enough for great (hips. About 
 eight leagues furtiier the river .%f«i' does Queui- 
 the liime ; which, though fmall, yet re- 
 ceives barks in it, and is about nine leagues 
 upon a north and fouth line from th-; fiir; 
 mous river of Valdivia, ■.: 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the famous fort and river of Valdivia. 
 
 TH E river and port of Valdivia, never 
 enough commended by foreign wri- 
 ters, and no lefs admired by thofe who have 
 leen it, had its name from Pedro de Valdi- 
 via, firft governor and conqueror of Chile. 
 It is, as it vvere, in the centre of the whole 
 kingdom, at almoft forty degrees latitude, 
 fouth-weft from Seville in Spain ; upon a 
 plain map one thoufand nine hundred and 
 ieventy leagues, meafured by the heavens. 
 The fun is five hours, and a third part of 
 an hour, in going from the meridian of Se- 
 villa, to the meridian of Valdivia ; fo that 
 when it is noon at Seville, it is in Valdivia 
 fix o' clock and forty minutes in the morn- 
 ing. Its longeft day is of fourteen hours, 
 or thereabouts, 
 crip- This river has its opening to the north •, 
 j ition of the and becaufe of the depth of its waters, great 
 fliips can go up to the very city, which is 
 
 ! river of 
 Valdivia. 
 
 two or three leagues from the fea : when 
 they are there, they can lie fo near the 
 fhore, as with a plank to go in and our, 
 and take in and unlade their cargo, with- 
 out the help of boats. There is juft over- 
 againft the city, a fine ifland, called the 
 IJland of Conftantine, with two little ones, 
 one before, and the other behind the ifland. 
 The river is navigable on both fides the 
 ifland ; but becaufe the fouth branch has 
 more depth, the great fliips come in that 
 way, and the lefl^er by the north branch. 
 
 There are two high points of land, like 
 rocks, which mark the entrance of this ri- 
 ver •, the biggeft is to the north, and is 
 called Bonifacio's Hill ; the fouth is lefTer, 
 and is called Gon^alo's Hill. When one is 
 entred fome way up the river, there is an- 
 other ftraighter pafl!age, which is the key 
 of the port, or rather ports, becaufe there 
 are many harbours within. This entrance 
 has alio two hills, which come fo near each 
 other, that I have heard a captain, who 
 was lent to found the river, relate, that in 
 
 the middle he was within mufket-lhoi o( 
 either hill; the fouth one 1% cixWiid Morro 
 de los Manfanos, and the oppofite Morro 
 de Niera : fo that, according to this ac- 
 count, there might be an iron chain laid 
 from the one to the other, with v/hich, and 
 two forts raifed on each fide, the entrance 
 would be made impenetrable. 
 
 As foon as this ftraight is pafTed, there ^, 
 is on the fouth fide a noble port ; for though ^°' ' 
 all the river may be called lb, for the quiet- 
 nefs of its water, yet this is more advanta- 
 gioufly fituated, by being covered with the 
 mountains of the land: tis called the port 
 of the Corral : it forms a bay capable of re- 
 ceiving great fleets. When you have pafl^ed 
 this port, there appears the firfl: ifland ; 
 between which and the land on the fouth 
 fide, there are many (hoals and fands; 
 wherefore the fliips take the north fide, and 
 go between this ifland and the great one ; 
 and then follow their courfe up to the city, 
 by the channel of the great ifland. The lefler 
 veflels may keep the other fide of the ifland. 
 
 Befides all thefe good qualities, this port 
 has other advantages from the land, by the 
 fertility of the country, which produces 
 corn, and fruits of all kinds, except grapes, 
 which do not ripen here fo well as in other 
 parts of Chile, from which wine is brought 
 to thefe parts : but it has great plenty of 
 beef and mutton, fowls and venifon. It has 
 alfo wood for the building of fliipping ; and 
 that which is above all, it has the richefl: 
 mines of the fineft gold in Chile ; and in all 
 America there is none comes up to it, but 
 the gold of Carabaya. 
 
 This is the account oi Antonio de Herre- 
 ra. He adds, that there was an Indian, 
 who had every day a revenue of twenty-five 
 or thirty Pefos of gold ; which being ob- 
 ferved by the governor Valdivia, he lent 
 the Adelantado Hyeronimo de Alderate to 
 Spain, to inform his Cacholick niajefty of 
 
 the
 
 iS 
 
 Of the Nitture and Properties of the 
 
 Book, I 
 
 1552. 
 
 Rccloma, 
 :i famous 
 Indian 
 Wy. 
 
 tlie grtMt lichcs of the kingdom of Chile, 
 that his mnjcfty might make the more c- 
 lleem of it ■, ancl to invite foreigners to come 
 and people the country, and help him to 
 conquer ir, he fent fomc Spajiianls by land, 
 whofe ftirrups, breaft-plates, and all that ule 
 to be of iron about a horfe, were of fine 
 gold ; and that, not fatisfied with this, he 
 had refolved to go in perfon, to inform his 
 majtlty, and obtain from him the confirma- 
 tion of his government : to which end he 
 employed twenty thoufand Indians to bring 
 him gold, dcfigning to imbark and fail 
 through the flraights of Magellan, if death 
 had not prevented him. 
 
 This city was founded by the governor 
 Vahiizia, in the year 1552. upon a high 
 fifing, but plain fide of a hill, and above 
 the reft of the country. 
 
 The famous Indian lady Recloma was ve- 
 ry inftnimental in helping towards its con- 
 qucft and foundation. The ftory was thus : 
 the SpaniJI:) forces were come to this river, 
 conquering the country all the way before 
 them ; but here the Indians not being wil- 
 ling to let foreigners fettle in their country, 
 took up arms, and making the river ferve 
 for their defence, hindred the progrefs of 
 Valdivia, and gave him great trouble. But 
 he being a man of great courage, was not 
 daunted by this refiftance, but endeavoured 
 to pafs the river to engage the enemy. 
 
 Upon this occafion, this brave Indian la- 
 dy, either infpired by heaven, or touched 
 by compafTion of fo much blood as muft be 
 nied on both fides, in the rencounter, of- 
 fered the governor, that fhe alone would 
 gain him the viflory, without any other 
 force, than that of her eloquence and coura- 
 gious mind. Stay here, lays ihe, and go no 
 further ; for I ivill put all this province into 
 thy hands, and will make thee this day lord cf 
 (ill that thy eyes can difcover. Stay for my 
 return here, and do not fuffer any of thy fol- 
 diers to pafs on a flep further. The gover- 
 nor promifed to do fo; and, upon his word, 
 and promife of good treatment to the In- 
 dians who fhould fubmit to his God and his 
 king, fhe threw herfelf into the water, and 
 in the prefence of them all, fwam the river. 
 When flie was landed, fhe defired audience 
 of the general of the Indians -, to whom fie 
 delivered her mefTage with fo much force of 
 eloquence, that they fubmitted to her rea- 
 fons, promifed to accept of what terms 
 fhould be given them. With this the fa- 
 mous Recloma returned to the Spaniards, 
 finging vidory, laying at their feet the 
 richeft prize they could wifh ; and fuch a 
 one, as after much time, expcnce, and blood- 
 flied in the conqueft of it, they would have 
 thought themfelves well paid to be mafters 
 of fuch a country, whofe golden mines 
 they prefently began to work : by which 
 
 means the city increafed fo faff, that if the 
 devil had not troubled the peace, and cauled 
 the rebellion of the Indians, which ruined 
 ir, it had been one of the firft and beff ci- 
 ties of the Indies. 
 
 The Hollanders, our enemies, are well in- 
 formed of the nature of the country, and 
 the excellency of the port, and do all they 
 can to get poffefTion of it •, but our Saviour, 
 who by his grace has hitherto preferved 
 thofe countries free from herefy and its cor- 
 ruption, will not permit that this Hydra 
 of hell fliall m\ct\. that air with its venomous 
 breath, nor breed a contagion in the puri- 
 ty of its faith, which is propagated fo fin- 
 cere and true in the hearts of thofe new 
 Chriftians. 
 
 This has been proved by the fuccefs of a 
 fleet of theirs in the year 1643. when thefe 
 rebellious pirates pafTed the ftraights of Ma- 
 gellan, with a dcfign to fettle at Valdivia % 
 for though in effeft they did people the 
 place, having firft pafl^ed by the ifiands of 
 Chiloe, where our company has fo many 
 glorious miffions -, in which they threw 
 down the altars and the crofl"es, and com- 
 mitted other enormities proper to their im- 
 piety and obftinacy, yet at laft they came 
 off no laughers, but had reafon to lament 
 rather. The fame befell another of their 
 generals, called Antonio Sivafiro, many of 
 his fleet being taken prifoners, and thirty 
 of them hung up by the feet, as is related 
 by their own authors, John and "Theodore de 
 Brye. 
 
 But in this fecond occafion, they paid yet 
 more feverely for their attempt ; for in the 
 very fame ifland, where they had commit- 
 ted all thefe diforders, God took the life of 
 the general, punifliing his unhappy foul with 
 the due chaftifement of fuch an undertaking. 
 They loft the fhip which carried their pro- 
 vifions, their ammunition, thirty pieces of 
 artillery, all the brick and lime, and other 
 materials for building three forts, which 
 they had orders to raife in the river of Val- 
 divia, and on the ifland ofConJlantine in that 
 river ; and having afterwards got to Valdi- 
 via, and begun to people, their new general, 
 whole name was Elvis /Iranians, was forced 
 to fhut up all his people in the ifland of Con- 
 flantine, becaufe they run from him continu- 
 ally, and for.'ook him ; befides the prifoners 
 made in the iflands of Chiloe, and others 
 deftroyed by us, and the warlike Indians. 
 
 In fhorr, God having efpoufed this caufe 
 as his own, they were tormented with hun- 
 ger ; and before the Spaniards, who were 
 on their way, could come up to them, their 
 own difeafes and lolFes obliged them to 
 weigh anchor, and be gone. This was their 
 wifeft courfe ; for if they had ftaid till the 
 fleet from Peru had come up to them, and 
 the land forces from Chile had attacked 
 
 them. 
 
 1643.
 
 ^HAP. 10. 
 
 liingclom of OWlhY., 
 
 them, they had not got off fo well ; for 
 tlie marquis of Manj'cra being fo good 
 ;i foldicr himfelf, and fo zealous for God 
 and his king, immediately, upon the firft 
 news of tlicir arrival, had fet out ten liiil, 
 whicii he provided with powder and am- 
 munition, and difpatched them to give 
 advice along the coaft ; then he prepared 
 a navy, which was to be of i6 galloons 
 and ihips, and 4000 Spaniards, rcfolving 
 to go in perfon, or at Icaft to lend his fon. 
 
 I'iie governor of Chile^ the marquis of 
 Baydts, widi his accuftomed vigilancy and 
 readinefs in things, where the fervice of 
 God and the king are concerned, and as a 
 caprain of that valour and experience, 
 which he fhewed in Flanders, was ready to 
 enter by land, after having provided all 
 the ports of the kingdom with the army 
 kept on foot by his majefty ; lb that if 
 the Hollander had had yet more force 
 than he had, being fo hard preflTed both 
 by fea and land, he muft either have 
 relinquifhed the port, or periflied there 
 for ever. 
 
 It has been fecn on this occafion, that 
 one man is as good as many in the defence 
 of thi caufe of God and their country, 
 againft any invader whatlbever, every one 
 defpifing rd' dangers on fuch an account ; 
 but particul.Lrly colonel de Villa Nue-va 
 Sobcn.l fignaliz-d himfelf at this time •, for 
 being general ot the kingdom, and gover- 
 nor of the country of Arauco, he ventu- 
 red himfelf in i: iinall bark in the midfl; 
 of winter, to follicite at Lima the nccellliry 
 fuccours, and afTift the viceroy for a more 
 quick difpatch of all things. 
 
 He took with him father Domingo La- 
 "zaro, of the company of Jcfiis, that he 
 might inform him as an eye-witnefs of all 
 that had palled, he being at that time 
 employed in Chiloe, in the apoftolical mif- 
 fions when the Hollanders landed : he, ne- 
 
 -■»'>J 
 
 29 
 
 verthelefs, with undaunted cour^igc, cm-OvM.i.&. 
 barked in the midfl: of the winter in a tern- »'^4''- 
 pjftuous fea, as it is at that time ; and ' 
 wiihout apprehenfion of all thofe dangers, 
 and of being made a prifoner by the Hcl- 
 landcrs, who lay in his way, and could 
 fcarce be avoided, he arrived at the ciiy of 
 the Conception, where he gave an account of 
 all that had happened ; by which means 
 the country was immediately prepared, and 
 in arms for their defence. 
 
 There is another action which ought not 
 to be concealed, as well becaufe it Oicws 
 the great prudence of the marquis de Bay- 
 desy as the outrage of 20 Sp.mip foldiers. 
 It being uncertain whether the enemy were 
 ftill at Valdivia, or whether he had aban- 
 doned it, they ofl'ered to go in a boat up 
 the river, as they did by the governor's 
 command ; and widiout being terniied by 
 the maniteft danger they expofed them- 
 felves to, they went as high as the town ; 
 and having difcovered the ill condition of 
 the enemy, and his defign of leaving the 
 place, they returned with that advice. This 
 moved the general not to attack them, as 
 was at firft refolved -, but it did not hinder 
 his intention of peopling the place, (as I be- 
 lieve was done by laft furnmer ;) for I have 
 advice Irom Panama, that there is a gar- 
 rifon of 600 Spaniards left there ; to which 
 our Indian friends being joine.i, and the 
 coaft Indians alio, that poft will be hence- 
 forward inexpugnable, and by it the South- 
 Sea will be fecured -, for it being already fo 
 dangerous to fail through the ftreights, and 
 fo eafy for us who are at home to defend this 
 poft of Faldivia, and having all the land our 
 friends, we receive fuccours both from the 
 Spaniards and Indians, who aie fo friendly, 
 that their caciques lent to offer their affi- 
 ftancc of their own accord againft the Hol- 
 landers ; I lity it will be very hard hencefor- 
 ward for any one to give us any difturbance. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 A continuation of ike dejcrijtion of the rivers of Chile, and particularly of 
 tJjofe ivhich run to the eajl -, and of the difference betiveen the o?ie and the 
 other fide of the great Cordillera. 
 
 Chalbin. 
 
 THE river next to that of Valdivia is 
 that which is called Chalbin ; it is deep, 
 and capable of great veffcls. From this ri- 
 ver, to a place called the Punt a de Galera, 
 'tis about two leagues •, and from this to 
 Rio Bueno feven •, into which fall five rivers 
 inore, and one which is beyond the bounds 
 of Valdivia. 
 iRjoCliico. After this is the Rio Chico, which comes 
 from a lake at the foot of the Cordillera ; in 
 which lake are baths to cure leprofy and 
 other infirmities. Next to this is the Rio de 
 Vol. III. 
 
 la Ballena, which is clofe to the cape of that De la 
 name, lb call'd becaufe of a whale of prodi- Ballena. 
 gious bignefs, which died upon that coaft. 
 After this, you come to the Archipelago of 
 iflands, into which falls the river called De 
 los Rabudos, becaufe of an Indian nation of 
 that name, fo call'd, becaufe 'tis laid they are 
 born with tails, as father Gregory of Leon 
 defcribes them in his map. More on to the 'pj^^ • 
 fouth is the river D: los Coronados, named fo De los 
 by the company of a fliip which put in there Coronado* 
 on the day of the/or/y martyrs lo called. 
 
 H After
 
 30 
 
 0/ the Nitture and Fropertics of the 
 
 Book I 
 
 OvAbt.E 
 16+6 
 
 Do la K I". 
 peronia. 
 
 Rio fin 
 funilo. 
 
 Gallego:;. 
 
 De los 
 
 Maityrcs 
 and Dc los 
 Apoiloks. 
 Dclos 
 Cjigances. 
 
 Pe la 
 
 Campana. 
 
 De los Pa- 
 xaros. 
 
 St. Viflo- 
 rian. 
 
 The ri- 
 vers of St. 
 John and 
 Mendoga. 
 
 Afccr thefe there are many rivers all 
 along the coafl: -, the firft is called D.' la 
 Flpncmfa, or ot" hope, becaulc of the 
 w'irtiis, that one day the light of the goi- 
 pcl may reach to thofc pans by means ot 
 the minifters of it. The fccond is called 
 Riof.n funtlo, or the river without a bot- 
 tom, bccaiife of the great depth of it. 
 The rhird is called tiie Galkgcs, from a 
 Spnn.ard of that name who lail'd alor.g 
 tiiole coafts, and like anodier Icnrus, gave 
 his name to one of them, by being drown'd 
 in the lla hard by it, at a cape which has 
 the iame name. I'hcn follow the rivers Df 
 los Manyres, and Dc los Apofioles ; and im- 
 mediately after them two others : The firfl 
 has no name, the fecond is called De los 
 Gigai'/es, or of the Giants, becaufe here 
 they were begun to be feen, and they 
 reach all along the Slreights. The la- 
 mous river call'd De la Cawpa;:a, enters 
 at a place named El Amonfin falida: This 
 name was given to the river, becaufe its 
 two arms feem to form the fhape ot a bell. 
 Tiicre are two rivers more belore you come 
 to the Streights, to wit, that of De los Pa- 
 xaros, or ot birds, by realbn of the vaft 
 quantity of them that were upon it, in 
 that pirt which comes towards the Sirelgbts; 
 and the other of St. Vlcioricn, called fo 
 from the opening, to which the fame iiiint 
 gives its name. As for the other rivers 
 which run among the iflands, and thofe 
 which empty themfeives into the Strejghls, 
 they are many, and fhall be defcribed in 
 their proper places. 
 
 Hitherto we have defcribed the rivers of 
 moft renown of this long extended king- 
 dom, which run from eaft to weft, and 
 empty themfeives into the South-Sea ; thofe 
 which run from the oppofite part of the 
 Ccrdillera, towards the Ncrth-Sea, are not 
 lb well known, becaufe thofe parts are lefs 
 inhabited, at Icaft, by fuch as can give us 
 a good account of them. The moft remark- 
 able of them are thofe ot St. John, and of 
 Mendoga, which are very large rivers, and 
 empty themlelves into the famous lake of 
 Guanacache. 
 
 The governor Hieronimo Lewis de Ca- 
 hrem, a gentleman of great valour and 
 merit, met with leveral great rivers in hi 
 
 IS 
 
 palTage over thofe vaft plains call'd the 
 Pampas, where, as at fea, people are fain 
 to travel by the compafs, not to lofe them- 
 feives : He was in queft of a nation call'd the 
 Cejfates, of whom we fhall treat hereafter in 
 its proper place. They were forc'd to pafs 
 many great rivers, and without doubt there 
 are many more as far as the Pole. 
 
 Ncverthelefs I am perfuaded, that thefe 
 rivers do not equal thofe which run oppo- 
 fite, and enter the il'a on the coaft of Cbilt' •, 
 and this may be clearly gathered from the 
 2 
 
 difference which may be obferv'd in paffing 
 the Ccrdillera, between each fide of the 
 mountain, which is fb great, that they 
 feem two different worlds, the eaft and weft 
 parts ; and one would think heaven had 
 put thefe mountains to divide them as a 
 wall, and keep off from the weft, all the 
 ftorms and ill weather of the eaft, where 
 are the provinces of Cuyo and 'Tucutna?!, 
 not to diiliirb the fcrenity and tranquillity 
 oi'Chik and the weftcrn parts. Anyone 
 that travels to the top of the high chain 
 of mountains, may experience this clearly -, 
 f(;r there he difcovcrs both horizons, and 
 when he looks to the eaft, all is cover'd 
 with grofs vapours, which feem to hinder 
 the f ghr, and if.adow all the country ; and 
 at the lame time looking weft, the heaven 
 is fo chriftalline and bright, that it caufc-s 
 plealiire and joy to look on it. The eaft fide 
 IS lull of a cloudy thick air, which engen- 
 ders ftorins and hail, with horrible thun- 
 ders and lightnings, which fright all the in- 
 habitants : On the other fide, in the weft, 
 there is not a cloud to be fcen, but clear and 
 bright, as if in the heavens themfeives there 
 were fuch a partition as the Cordilhra to di- 
 vide the climates, as that upon earth does 
 produce a difference in the trees, plants, and 
 animals on each fide. 
 
 A curicus obfervcr contemplating once, The vaft 
 from this heighih, this fo remarkable difference 
 diflerence, laid, That nature, in the fit- between 
 brick of this part of the world, feem'd ^o i^\^^°^^'' 
 have turn'd her back upon the eaftern pro- the eaft, 
 vinces, and lock'd with her face only upon and thofe 
 Chile, giving ble.Tings with both hands ro^"'''^^^* 
 
 this laft, and leaving the other, as it were, A ,°,, ' 
 ,. , ? 1 ° • 1 .' Cordillera iIr 
 
 dilinherited, and gneving at the pre-cmi- confidei'd. 
 nencies of its elder brother. In going 
 down to the eaftward there are fewer 
 fountains and rivers, and thofe muddy, 
 the face of the land melancholy, without 
 fo. much as one green tree to recreate the 
 fight, nor any pleafint verdure ; and 
 when at laft there is lome, as in the 
 valley of Ufpallata, the heats begin to be 
 fo intollerable, that all things feem af- 
 flifting and unkind. On the other fide, 
 when we go to the weft, 'tis quite con- 
 trary ; for as fbon as we begin to defcend, 
 we meet with lovely fprings •, the trees are 
 green, the groves frequent and pleafimt, and 
 the little valleys, Vvhich are like fo many 
 refting places in that great ftair-cafe, where 
 pafTengers take breath, and are refrefli'd 
 with the verdure and flowers of them, the 
 air ftill grows purer and purer -, and 
 the more they come down, the more they 
 leave behind them all the inclemencies of 
 the climate of the other fide, enjoying 
 the advantages of the temperate Chile ; 
 for from the very foot of the mountains 
 one feels the mildnefs of the fea air, and 
 
 one 
 
 1
 
 Chap. ir. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 5^ 
 
 one is rejoic'd with the harmony of the 
 birds, and other delightful objedls, ib as 
 to forget the trouble and danger oi the 
 way one has pafs'd. 
 
 There is the fame difference in the very 
 land at the foot of the mountains -, for on 
 the eaft fide there are few fountains ; the 
 land is barren, and little cultivated ; nei- 
 ther are there tiocks of any kind either fed 
 or bred, lb that the fields look like a ufe- 
 lefs barren ground, except it be that the 
 thinnefs of tlie people has not as yet given 
 way to try the fertility of the earth ; for 
 the plains below thefe are extremely fertile, 
 where they are cultivated -, but at prefent 
 there is nothing but thorns and barren dry- 
 nels in thofe parts. 
 
 'Tis not fo to the weft, where fountains 
 break out continually, which in the winter 
 are temperate, and in the fummer as cold 
 as ice, and that fo much the more as the 
 weather grows hotter and hotter. Thefe 
 fprings do fo fertilize the fields at the foot 
 of the mountains, that they keep the earth 
 frefh and green all the year, though it be 
 but a patch ; for moft of the ground is 
 woody, and there is liich variety of wild 
 trees, that one would think they were ar- 
 bors and groves planted by the hand of 
 man : Many of thefe are loaded with fruits 
 of the country, of which the Indians make 
 
 excellent drinks, and fome of them areOvALLE. 
 very good to cat. The valleys are full of '^*^- 
 odoriferous beautiful flowers, brought forth ^^^^ 
 by nature, without any human induftry : 
 There are alfo among them moft extraordi- 
 nary phyfical platits of a beautilul afped. 
 The little hills and plains afford excellent 
 paflure for all Ibrts of cattle and flocks . 
 There are alfo admirable valleys for plant- 
 ing of olives and almond-trees, and all 
 forts of fruit-trees. At the lower part^ 
 about a league in the plain, there are vine- 
 yards, of which are made excellent wines, 
 particularly mofcatells, which are in great 
 erteem. 
 
 There are likewife in this defcent of the Excellent 
 mountain, adtnirable paftures, where great pailures. 
 flocks are bred, and do incrcafc wonder- 
 fully •, their {ItOi is extreme favory, and 
 the milk of the goats is lb fat, that by 
 only boiling and Ifirring it gently over the 
 fire, I have feen it grow as thick as if flower 
 had been put into it ; and yet in otlier 
 parts this milk is of its nature very thin. 
 This may be laid particularly of the young 
 flie-goats ; and the milk thus boil'd has a 
 Iweetnefs and delicacy which paifes ordina- 
 ry milk, even with the things that are put 
 in to mend it -, all which are arguments 
 of the great fubftance and nourifhment of 
 that land. 
 
 C H A P. XI. 
 
 Of the eff'eSfs produced by the great Jhow of the Cordillera. 
 
 TT'T' ITH the firft rains of the winter, 
 
 which are about the middle of M<7>', 
 the Cordillera begins to be cover'd with 
 fnow, and to put on, as it were, a white 
 armour, to hinder its being pafs'd, not only 
 by men, but even by animals and birds, 
 which are lb driven out of it by the ri- 
 gour of that feafon, that there is not one 
 remaining in ir. 
 intolera- Even the Silguerilks and Sorfaks, birds 
 lie cold, which of their own nature are fo hot, that 
 in the very beginning of the fummer they 
 take to the mountain, as foon as they per- 
 ceive that the vyinter draws near, come in 
 flocks down to avoid its rigour in the 
 mountains ■, and then it is that the taking 
 of them is eafy, and that as foon as the 
 cold pinches, the ground being almofl co- 
 ver'd with them, it proves the fealbn of 
 moft pleafure for the youth of the country, 
 who going out, take fo many of them, ei- 
 ther with glue or nets, that they carry 
 loads of them home, relerving thofe of the 
 iineft colours to put in cages, for their har- 
 mony is very fweet. The Ccrdillera is fhut 
 up five or fix months in the year ; fo that 
 all Oifober or Novanber, it cannot be paffed 
 
 without manifeft danger of one's lif*e ; and 
 in the midft of winter not at all, becaufe 
 all the paths and ways are cover'd with 
 fnow to the heiglit of many yards ; and 
 if any one fhould be rafli enough to attempt 
 it, he would after a little going, fink in 
 every where, fo that he would not be able 
 to go a ftep forward nor backward, as has 
 happened to feveral, who either for fome 
 very prelTing concern and intereft, or flying 
 from a death which tbreaten'd them for 
 their crimes, have found it in thefe defarcs 
 more certainly than perhaps they would 
 have done in the prifons where they fear'd it. 
 
 Thefe are buried, not in fepulchres 
 whitened on the outfide, nor under cold 
 marble, but in the very bofom of troft and 
 fnow, which preferves them without being 
 imbalm'd, and yet keeps them as incor- 
 ruptible and dry, for fo they have been 
 found after many years •, for fuch is the cold 
 of thofe mountains, that it dries up all the 
 moifture that can caufe corruption in dead 
 bodies, and fo preferves them. 
 
 This fo infuperable difficulty of paffing 
 the Cordillera, is lefs at the entrance, than 
 the end of the winter, becaufe the drifts of 
 
 fnow
 
 Of the NiUure and Properties of the 
 
 OvALtE.fnow are not then fo violent as to llnir up 
 1646. ji^g ^v^ys entirely •, for in thole lealons Ibnie 
 
 ^•^^^^^^ do venture to pals, though never but wiih 
 great danger, and upon urgent occafions : 
 It" Ibmetinies they are lb lucky as to get olT 
 well, becaufe they meet with a clear flcy, 
 yet at oiher times it colts them dear; and 
 always 'tis with infinite labour that they 
 
 get through. , , ■ , , • 
 
 I have It-en others who elcaped with their 
 lives by God's mercy, bccaule the ftorm 
 catch'd them belbre they were too far en- 
 gaged in the mountain, and fo ihcy could 
 yef make a retreat to the low countries -, 
 others have been forc'd to open their mules 
 bellies that they ride on, and hide thcm- 
 felves in them -, and by that warmth, and 
 other defence of tloaths, they make a fliift 
 to «et over the ftorm of fnow, if it does 
 not^laft long 1 after which they gain the 
 plains on foot, if they are not too tar en- 
 gaged, and fo avoid the danger, but not 
 die" long-fufferings which follow generally 
 after fuch adventures. 
 
 In fliorr, every body has fome ftory to 
 tell of the mountain, and complain ot it ; 
 for fome lofe their toes, others their fingers; 
 fome their fight ; fome are benumm'd and 
 lam'd, and lo remain all their life with 
 great infirmities. And I do not wonder at 
 all this, becaufe though one Ihould pafs 
 without a ftorm, yet the cold is fo terrible, 
 that it cannot Ijut injure nature extremely 
 in that feafon, fince even in the midft of 
 fummer, when we pafs this mountain, and 
 in the lower part of it fweat with heat, 
 as foon as we come to pafs the top, we are 
 forced to put on double cloathing, and 
 prepare the ftomach with good warm things, 
 to withftand the (harpnefs of the cold, and 
 the fubtilenefs of the air, which penetrates 
 the body through and through, it it be not 
 well cover'd. 
 
 Among the feveral times that I have 
 pafs'd this mountain, one was in the begin- 
 ning of /Ipril, when autumn in thofe parts 
 is at an end, and the winter begins to threa- 
 ten, and I muft own, that the cold was fo 
 
 EOOK 
 
 late what was endui'd by the Adelanlado 
 Don Diego de Jhmgro with his army, and 
 by ihofe who afiervsards fbllow'd him, and 
 palled this mountain, in which they were 
 fo ill handled, that fome were ftruck blind, 
 others lame ; fome loft their fingers with- 
 out feeling it, becaufe the exceflive cold 
 t<iok away all fenfe ; fome were frozen to 
 death, and with them fome horfes, v. horn 
 fix montiis after fome other Spanin-ds 
 tbund fo frefli and well preferv'd, that they 
 eat of them ; and to fecure themfelves from 
 cold, made a defence ot thofe dead bo- 
 dies; nay, fome got into them. About 
 fix years after, others going that way, 
 tbund a Negroe, wlio at that time was fro- 
 zen to death, leaning againft the fide of a 
 rock, with a lead horfe, and the reins in 
 his hand, though confumed with time. 
 They who have a mind to know more par- 
 ticulars, let them read Don Antonio de Her- 
 r«v7. Decade 5. Book 10. and Chap. 5. and 
 alfo Gareih;Jj'o de la Vega, in his firft tome. 
 
 'Tis necefiary to undcrftand, that it is 
 of this cold ot the mountain that authors 
 fpeak, when they fay. That the cold of 
 Chile is fo fevere, that the rivers are frozen 
 up, and men trozen to death in the fields ; 
 for this is only true of thofe uninhabitable 
 mountains, where I believe at that feafon 
 the rivers do not run, but are turned into 
 Ci'.ryftal ; and if any fprings do efcape, 
 they are very few, and that in the valleys 
 molt fecur'd and flielter'd ; that appears 
 by the rivers which run in the plain coun- 
 try, which are almoft dried up, in compa- 
 rifon of the quantity of water that they 
 carry with them in the fummer. 
 
 And thus the truth of what hiltorians re- 
 late may be faved from contradiftion ; for 
 they not knowing the country, make no 
 diftinftion between the mountain and the 
 plains, in which there never was feen any 
 luch elTedt of cold in any part of them ; 
 for the lea air, which is thick and moift, 
 tempers the fliarpnefs of the blaits trom the 
 Cordillera ; and for this reafon it is, that 
 the colds of Pampas of Cuyo and Tucu- 
 
 intenfe, that it fcem'd a different fpecies of man are fo infupportable ; as alio thofe of 
 
 cold from all thofe I ever felt either in In- 
 dia or Europe ; though even then it had not 
 begun to fnov/, the cold was fo fierce that 
 it made one's hands cleave ; nay, it had an 
 effeft upon the very rocks, for I remember 
 the fun v/as refleiled by them as by a look- 
 ing-glafs. When we come to treat of the 
 firft difcovery of this kingdom, I ftiall re- 
 
 Buenos Ayres, which being at fuch a di- 
 ftance from both feas, and not enjoying 
 the wa.-mth of its vapours, the air in fum- 
 mer is intolerably fcorching, and in winter 
 fo cold, and for want of rain ib dry, that 
 'tis common tor animals to be found dead 
 in the fields, as well as the men too fome- 
 times. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of the fount a'ms which rife in other parts of Chile, hefules the Cordillera. 
 
 BESIDES the rivers and fprings of admirable properties. I fhall mention fome, 
 
 the Cordilkra, there are others which for 'tis impofiible to rehearfe them all, nor 
 
 rife in the plains and valleys, which have can I remember but a few. Firlt, that 
 
 2 which 
 
 Fountains
 
 Chap. ii. 
 
 Kingdom of C FI I L E. 
 
 a 
 
 which rlies at the foot of the high volcano 
 of J'llli Ria.\ fo fiiiious in that kingdom 
 for its terrible effects, for which God Al- 
 mighty makes himfelf to be feared and re- 
 fpected by mankind ; riles, I u-.y, at the 
 loot of this mount with fiich force, that 
 it Iprings out of the earth in two fources, 
 each as big as a man, and lufficient to form 
 alone a good ilream, and runs into a lake 
 which is made by its waters. 
 Rio Clii- In another lake, out of whicii comes the 
 ■J- river call'd Rio Chico, there rifes alfo a 
 
 fountain of hot water, moft efficacious for 
 the cure of leprofies, and all contagious in- 
 firmities. There h another fprings up in 
 the Maguey, yet moft admirable; for there 
 are two fources juil by one another, the 
 one of hot, the other of cold water-, the 
 hot one is fo hot, that no one can endure 
 his hand in if, the cold one is let in to 
 temper the bath which is made for the 
 fick. The baths of Rancagun are alfo ve- 
 ry famous, and like tiiefe ; which, for be- 
 ing near St. J ago, and in the greatefl inter- 
 courfe of the kingdom, are very ufeful, 
 and much frequented. There arc others in 
 other parts -, but not remembring them 
 ciilllnftiy, I can fay little of them. Among 
 fountain the fountains, that of Ramon is very fa- 
 fljamon. ijious, as well for the goodnefs, as abun- 
 dance of its waters •, which is fuch, that 
 they alone are fufficient to water many 
 fields : it is about two leagues eaflward of 
 St. Jago, and in that diftrift. There are 
 ?aren. many others, among which that of Caren 
 is worth taking notice of: it fprings in a 
 beautiful meadow, of about five or fix 
 leagues in length, affording a delicious 
 ■profpeft; its water is very fweet, and enters 
 into the meadow ; the earth of which is fo 
 porous, that whoever treads hard upon it. 
 Feels it fliake under him: it is all the year 
 green •, and the grafs is a kind of fmall tre- 
 foil, called by the inhabitants Caren, and 
 is pleafant to eat. Neither ought I to pafs 
 over in filence another fountain between 
 thefe two, very plentifully furniflicd with 
 delicate iweet water, which is always fo 
 much the cooler, as the weather is hotter -, 
 layten. it is call'd the fountain of Maytcn, by rea- 
 fon of a tree of that name, which grows at 
 the foot of a great fquare table of live rock, 
 where people ufe to go and eat their colla- 
 tions, the tree fheltenng them all the 
 while from the heat ; for 'tis a tree whofe 
 leaves are green all the year, fomething like 
 a mirtle, but much larger, and without 
 difpute of a more beautiful green: by its 
 foot runs this fountain, whole fource is a 
 little higher in x valley, from whence it 
 comes murmuring upon pebble floncs, and 
 among pleafant groves full of beautiful herbs 
 and flowers. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Ovam.e, 
 
 1646. 
 
 .A Jtligiit- 
 fj] nru- 
 fpctt. 
 
 The trees, though v.ild, yet bear very 
 fivoury fruits of that foil ; and in them are 
 great variety of birds, who, with d-!cir 
 harmony and fweet notes, make the enter- 
 tainment more delightful for thofc that fre- 
 quent the place. 'l"is not the Icalt part of 
 their enjoyment, to difcover at the end of 
 thefe woods a profpect for many leagues 
 over plains, which being of fo great ex- 
 tent, many of them lie uncultivated -, fo 
 that among the vineyards and plowed l.uids, 
 the wild unctiltivated part is fo beautiful, 
 particularly in the fpring, that one wouki 
 think art had help'd nature. There are in 
 one pLice great fpots of yellow flowers, 
 v/hich cover the cnnh, fo that for a great 
 fpace nothing elfe is to be fecn ; then you 
 have white, blue, fiUemot fpots of the 
 fame proportion •, the green meadows min- 
 gle in this with the v/aters of the river 
 Mapocho, which is feen from this dirtance Mapocho. 
 fometimcs entire in its bed, then divided 
 into feveral arms, and at lail drained into 
 the fields of the neighbouring grounds, to 
 fertilize them. The profpcdt is terminated 
 with feveral firms, which are called 67?^?- 
 crah, with their churches •, and in the midlt 
 of all, the city of St.Jago, the capital of 
 Chile, which being not above two leagues 
 off, and the heavens fo fercne, the towers of 
 it are eafily diflinguiflied, and the bells 
 heard Ibmetimes. 
 
 This diftri6t is full of a great many more 
 fprings, ail widiin the compafs of a mile of 
 each other ; and their waters are excellent 
 and healthy. 
 
 That which is to the north of the city of Conchalll, 
 St. Jago, called Conchalli, is likewife high- 
 ly commended -, it fprings in a little valley, 
 called the Salto, or Leap, becaufe of the 
 fall of the river Mapocho. This river coines 
 running in a plain to a certain place ; where 
 being divided (for it is the v/ork of indu- 
 ftry) into two branches, the gieatcff of 
 which runs in its natural channel, the lelfer 
 is derived to water this valley ; which to- 
 wards the weft is even ; but towards the call 
 the land is fo high, through which the river 
 runs, that it is two or three mile from the 
 bottom of the valley to the high ground.s, 
 from whence the river falls. It is precipi- 
 tated with great noife, making lovely and 
 various cafcades by the rencounter of the 
 rocks and other obftacles, which by their 
 flraight pafTages retard its courfe, till at lafl 
 it comes entire to the valley, and is divided 
 into cuts and channels for the watering it ; 
 which is not ungrateful, to make a more 
 than ordinary return to thofe who cultivate 
 it, nof only in corn, moll excellent wine, 
 and moft favoury fruits of all kinds, but 
 alfo it ripens them above a month before 
 any other place thereabouts ; and it is very 
 I remark-
 
 Of the Nature and F roper ties of the 
 
 EOOK I 
 
 remarkable, that in tliis valley, which is on- 
 ly li.iU"a leaj^uefrom the city olS'.J.igo, the 
 ligs ule to be ripe in it, when in the gardens 
 of the city, and all its neighbourhood, they 
 Icarce begin to change colour : therefore, as 
 well tor this as for ihe game it affords, ot 
 partridges on the hills, and wild fowl in the 
 wateis and ponds of it, it is the greatcll en- 
 tertainment all tiiofe par'.s afford. 
 
 I ihall not dilate upon more of thefe 
 fountains, which are lb frequent ; tor it I 
 were to mention them all, I fhould never 
 have done -, tor lince thofe alone ot the Con- 
 ception, Jramo, and the country ot the li- 
 mits upon the warlike Indians, would re- 
 quire a large treatife, befides thole of the 
 dillri(5l ot 6'/. Jcgo, what would it be then 
 in the territories of the ancient cities, which 
 are yet tarther in the country ? for it abound- 
 ing extremely in rivers, it is to be prelumed 
 that it muft be lb in tbuntains and fprings ; 
 all which proceeds from the abundance of 
 moilture of the Cordillera. 
 
 Of thefe Iprings, the moft agreeable tor 
 their good waters are the tariheft of^ from 
 the Cordillera, becaufe they are more puri- 
 fied by a long motion, and retin'd by the 
 good qualities of the earth they run through, 
 particularly the mineral impregnations are 
 lingular : I cannot but mention one, v/hich 
 is in the novitiate of the company ot the 
 Jefuits of BiuaLmc, whofe waters are not to 
 be match'd, at Icatt I never met with the 
 like ; for without drinking them, one may 
 difcover by the touch their noblenefs, their 
 foftnefs being like that of new butter ; and 
 they do make the hands that are waih'd in 
 them in a few days Imooth, and thereby 
 prove their vatl difterence from other wa- 
 
 ters. 
 
 I'his touniain fprings in a litde valley, Amedici- 
 very plea'ant, under lomc liill?, about a "^' '^^'"^• 
 league from the fta -, ami it bubbles up be- '"'"' 
 tween a whire land, in which there is gold, 
 as if ic had a tire under it to make it boil. 
 It is wonderful to obi'erve, that it they 
 throw any bough or flowers upon it, it 
 fcems to take it ill, and never is at reft till 
 it has fwallowM it up, leaping up againft: 
 it levcial times, till it has made it his own, 
 and hid it trom our fight ; and this it will 
 do tor a whole evening, if they continue 
 throwing flowers or branches ot trees into 
 ir, without any botly's being able to tell 
 v/hat becomes ot them all. 
 
 The efledts tliat this water caufes in the 
 ftomach are admirable : ic helps to digefl; 
 the ineat with moreeafincfs ; it deftroys cru- 
 dities, diflblves phlegms and grofs humours, 
 and evidently prolongs lile, elpecially to old 
 men. This was moll particularly made clear 
 in the perfon of that famous captain Sehajti- 
 an Garcia Caretio Chumazero, the founder 
 of that noviciate, ivho lived there manv 
 years, and came to be ninety years old in 
 good health, and lb vigorous, that he did 
 to the laft go on horfeb.ick through the 
 woods and mountains, as it he had been a 
 young man. I heard him fay many times, 
 that this fountain was his life -, for as fbon 
 as he found himielf any ways out of order, 
 he fent immediately for the water of it, and 
 drinking it freth trom the Ipring, he uled to 
 go to bed upon it ; where falling afleep, he 
 would after Ibme time awake well difpofed : 
 this I have often been witnefs of. The old 
 Indians thereabouts experimented the fitme, 
 and did attribute their good ftacc of health 
 to this fpring, without ufing any other phy- 
 fick or remedies. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the lakes of Chile, and the fait that is gather d from them. 
 
 Lakes. A FTER having treated of the foun- 
 
 XV tains and rivers, it feems natural to 
 treat of the lakes and (landing waters 
 form'd out of them, and by fome inunda- 
 tions of the fea in winter, when it fills 
 them, and leaves them provided for all the 
 fummer. Thofe made by rivers come firft 
 in rank •, and I wifh my memory would 
 I'crve to place them here, with their feve- 
 ral qualities. Omitting then to repeat 
 what we have laid of thofe of Aculco and 
 Pudaguel, which being near St. Jago, make 
 the "reatefl: divcrfion of its inhabitants, we 
 
 J.2,ie oi y^\\ begin with the lake of Tagataguas, 
 
 1 ^S*'*' about lourteen leagues from that city, and 
 
 which once was more in eftcem ; for the 
 trouts catch'd there are of a larger fize, 
 and the game for wild fowl fo much more 
 diverting, that there is no comparifon be- 
 
 tween thefe waters and others. I do not 
 defcribe here particularly the variety of wild 
 fowl, becaufe I intend to do it when I 
 treat of the variety of birds of this coun- 
 try. The lakes of Villa Rica are of great 
 renown, though I confefs I know little of 
 their properties. 
 
 The lake of Puren has been famous, ha- Lake oi 
 ving been an impregnable fortrefs for the Puren 
 warlike Indians our enemies, by reafon of 
 the diipofition and qualities of its ficuation ; 
 for from thence they have for many years 
 maintain'd a war with whole armies of Spa- 
 niards, without being fubdued : their advan- 
 tage lay in this. That upon any rout given 
 them by us, they had here a moft certain 
 and fate retreat, which when once they had 
 recovered, they were out of all danger ; for 
 none could hurt them either by fword or fire. 
 
 The
 
 Chap. 
 
 Sea lakes. 
 
 H' 
 
 Kingdom tj/ C H I L E. 
 
 The Tea lakes afe alio many, and of great 
 profit to their owners -, tor the fiflieries in 
 ilieni are nuich more certain than in the lea: 
 lor which reafon tliey furnifli the bed part 
 of the ienten tare, though tiie lea affords a 
 great deal too. Among the rell the lake 
 Lake of f>t Rapel brings a great revenue : it runs in 
 Rape!. lengrh above two leagues within the land. 
 In the winter time the lea is joined to it •■, 
 tor by its ftorms it forces an entrance, but 
 it leaves it full of all forts of fifh -, which, 
 with thole that are bred there, furnifli it tor 
 the whole year, and enable it to fupply all 
 the neighbouring country ; and that not 
 only with filh, but with talt too in abun- 
 , dance ; for, about January, the commu- 
 
 nication ceafing between it and the lea, 
 when the fun is at its hotteft in that cli- 
 mate, the water is congealed fo, that it 
 has a cruft of a foot or more thick of a 
 moll: excellent white fait. This, indeed, 
 i.loes not happen every year -, for it requires 
 an extreme heat to do it, the lake being 
 deep, and the climate there more inclining 
 to cold : but they provide themlelves in 
 one, for many oJiers -, and the falt-pits 
 made by hand fcldom fail -, for they not 
 bjing ot great extent, the water that is let 
 into them turns to fait with lefs heat, the 
 matter to be congealed being lefs in itfelf. 
 And fince we are mentioning fiilt, I cannot 
 omit to relate what I myfelf have feen in 
 1 Salt found the valley of Lampa, which is about three 
 ; on an herb ]g,^gygg f^Q,j.j g^^ J ago; and it is this, 
 
 ' ^™the"\^al- t'^^^^ grows there an herb, not unlike to 
 ley of Sweet Bajily only its green is upon an afh- 
 
 |l Lampa. colour, and not fo gay ; it rifes about a 
 foot above ground : this plant, in the fum- 
 nier, is covered over with tmall grains ot 
 fait, like pearl, which is congealed upon 
 its leaves, either from the dew of heaven, 
 or by fome vapour railed by the fun from 
 
 3J 
 
 that earth; or cite the nature of the herbOvALLc. 
 itfelf is fuch, as to fweat cut this humiiii- '^+*^- 
 ty, which being afcerw.irds congeaL'd by -'''^"^ 
 tlie heat of the lun, is turned into fait. Let 
 tb.c caufe be what it will, the cfied is feen 
 ro where but in this valley, ^.nC\ upon that 
 fpecies of herb ; which is therefore much 
 valued by the Indians, the fait of it being 
 more favory, and of a finer flavour than 
 any o:hcr. 
 
 I cannot tell whether Jchar.ncs de Laet 
 means this in his ilefcription cf the new 
 world i for having mentioned the kingdom 
 ot Chile, to which he gives the prelerence 
 tor its excellent properties, he lays, that 
 in that kingdom, in fome of its vallics^ 
 there falls, at certain times of the year, a 
 dew fo thick upon the leaves of the plants, 
 that it is like fugar, and fcrves, being kept 
 fome time, tor the llime ufe as manna. /In- 
 tonio de Herrera, reports the fame thing, in 
 his general hiftory of the IVeJl-Indics ; and, 
 amongft other commendations he gives this 
 noble kingdom, he relates the fame thing 
 of this flrange and admirable dew. I fay 
 upon this, that I know not whether they 
 allude to what I have reported of the valley 
 ut Lampa by my own fight, and have no 
 knowledge of that other thing they men- 
 tion ; though one would think, fuch authors 
 fliould diflringuifli things fo different in their 
 etfefts ind favour, as fait and fugar. 'Tis 
 pofllble, God may have done both, having 
 been fo wondertully liberal to that country, 
 where the Angularities are fo many and 
 wonderful ; and it would therefore be no 
 wonder fome of them fhould not be known, 
 efpecially, confidering that we, who are 
 there employed for the converfion of fouls, 
 have not the time to fearch after curiofities, 
 and fecrets of nature. 
 
 >Sea of 
 Chile. 
 
 CHAT'. XIV. 
 
 Wherein h treated of the fca of the kingdom of Chile, mul of the etyfiwlogy of 
 
 its juimc. 
 
 '~T^ H E fountains, fprings, rivers and 
 JL brooks, carry us along with them 
 naturally to the fea, where their ccurfe ends, 
 and where there is room for my pen to ex • 
 ercife itfelf, if the brevity of this narration 
 did not confine my flight : I muft therefore 
 be content to fay fomething of this element, 
 that the nature of it may not be unknown 
 as to this new world. 
 PEtimology Beginning therefore with the etymology 
 of its name: 'Tis well known that all com- 
 monly call it the South-Sea, becaufe it is 
 towards the antartick pole, from whence 
 generally the fouth wind blows, in oppofi- 
 tion to the tramontano, or north, which 
 
 of the 
 name of 
 I Chile. 
 
 reigns in the ocean as far as the artick pole. 
 But leaving thefe difputes to the fchools, or 
 rather to that abyfs of Divine Wifdom, qui 
 p-cfert venlos de thefauiis fuis, 'tis a known 
 truth, that the efFedls which the v/ind of the 
 artick pole caufcs In Its juriidiftion towards 
 the oppofite part, the fame Is cauled by the 
 fouth wind in Its motions from the antar- 
 tick towards thefe parts. 
 
 In Chile we look upon the fouth wind as The fouth 
 a tlivourable wind, as in Europe the north is V'"^ 
 in the tlime efteem. The north v/ith us co- .'!^j 
 vers the heavens with clouds, caufes tcm- 
 pefts and ftorms at lea, and makes all the 
 land dark and fid : the fuuth, on the 
 
 contrary. 
 
 wind molt 
 ourable 
 at Chile.
 
 ^^ 
 
 Of the Nature ctnd Properties of the 
 
 Look I. 
 
 OvAi-LE. contrary, clears the fky, fcrenr*! the air, and 
 '^'♦^- m.ikcs the !ca as c.ilm as milk: on tlr-: con- 
 
 '^^ ^^^^ trary, this iiime fouth wind, in the norrh 
 fea, is ftormy, and covers the heavens with 
 clouds, ai.d ruifes thole t. .-njiefts, which do 
 \'o cnd.angcr fhips: wtienas the north, called 
 tl-.erc trr.mcnta)!0, clears all again, ami 
 makes the fine days. 
 
 From hcncs proceeds that in America 
 the Ibuthwind reigns in fumincr, when the 
 fea is c.ilm, and iIk- norrh in winter, when 
 it is tcmpeftuoiis: the north does n>oll cer- 
 tainly bring with it the rains, particular- 
 ly from thirty-fix degrees to the pole, and 
 
 that lb Suddenly, that lometimes, in 
 
 the 
 
 moment the wind comes to the north, the 
 rain falls, and moll commonly it is within 
 half an hour after its change -, and vvhen in 
 thofc p.irts in winter the fun is clear, and 
 the weather fair, 'tis when the fouth wind 
 overpowers the north ■, for the fouth in thofe 
 parts is cold and dry, and lb drives away 
 the clouds, lb as it happens fometimes that 
 the heavens are dark -, and as foon as the 
 clouds are dilcharged, if the fouth appears 
 d litde the flronger, 'tis an infallible fign 
 of calm weather, which generally follows in 
 a trice ; for this wind drives all the cloud:; 
 fo before it, that when it blows, it dees not 
 leave one in the (ky. 
 
 The contrary of this is fecn in Europe, 
 where the Ibuih winds bring humidity, and 
 the north drives it away : the fouth re- 
 Lixes the body, and affefts the head -, but 
 the north llrengthens the body, purifies the 
 air, and dries up fuperfluous hu'mours. In 
 fhort, thefe two winds caufe quite different 
 efFefts in Europe and in America, that we 
 may call the Europeans fons of the north, 
 and thofe of South America children of the 
 fouth. 
 
 From this there follows another very po- 
 table and well-known difference, which is, 
 that as to go from Europe to the Indies, 
 the north is the proper wind, and carries 
 us before it, and by confequence is contrary 
 to our return -, fo in the South-Sea, failing 
 from die pole towards rhefe parts, the fouth 
 is die favourable wind, and contrary to our 
 return: from whence it proceeds, that the 
 voyage from Spain to Carthagena being by 
 the North- Sea, and made in thirty, forty, 
 and fifty days, the return to Spain ufes to 
 laft fourfcore, and a hundred, and more 
 days. On the contrary, in the South-Sea, 
 where the voyage from Chile to Li7m is 
 ■b.it of about a fortniglu, and as much more 
 to Pana;na, or thereabouts, the return on- 
 ly ro Lima is of two months, and from 
 th'cnce to Chile forty days. The South-Sea 
 "is alfo called rhe Pruifick-Sea, to dillinguifli 
 it from the North-Sea, whofe florms and 
 tcnipefls are fo frequent ■, whereas in rhe 
 Szitb-Sea they are rare : but, in my opi- 
 
 2 
 
 nion the difference is for another reafon, 
 which I fliall alledge here. 
 
 Tlie moll frequent navigations of theRen,3,|^j 
 Smth-Sca are from Peru to Panama, and on the na- 
 from thence to Ntiv Spain and t he Phili- vigation 
 pinas; and thofe from Peru to Chile are lefi°' ^^^ 
 iifed : by which it appears, that the bell 
 part of the South-Sea navigations are between 
 the tropicks -, and fo the fun has lo much 
 force, as to keep the winds from b^ing fu- 
 rious, and making fuch Jailing (lorms as 
 thofe which are railed without the tropicks, 
 and in parts nearer the pole ; fortius rea- 
 fon the failor?, in thele warm climare.s, 
 where there never is any winter, called this 
 fea the Pacifick-Sea, from the good cfl cils '^^''^'^ a"<» 
 they cxperimenr in it. The contrary of this^J. /'^'' 
 IS in the North-Sea, where mofl of the na- 
 vigations are out of the tropicks ■, where 
 the fun having lefs force, the winter predo- 
 minates, and raifes mighty ftorms. Now 
 the Europeans, who firft navigated the 
 South-Sea, being fuch as were ufed to thofe 
 dangers, to which the navigators of the 
 northern parts are mofl commonly expofed, 
 when they found fo quiet a fea as that un- 
 der the line, and in thofc which particu- 
 larly are the feat of commerce with Ne-zv 
 Spain, Panama, and Peru, they gave it the 
 name of Pacifick, without examining any 
 further the caufe of the difference of th? 
 effects, which they experienced in both Teas : 
 but if they had tried that very South-Sea 
 beyond the tropick of Capricorn, they would 
 not fo eafily have named it Pacifick. 
 
 I know that this difcourfe will be ap- 
 proved by thofe who have had experience of 
 the hardlliips which are fuffered by the na- 
 vigators, from the tvventy-fixth degree of 
 latitude on the ccaft of Chile, to fifty-three 
 degrees ; for there, as fbon as the v/incer be- 
 gins, the fea cannot be navigated without 
 manifeft danger, the florms being no ways 
 interior to the greateft in the Norih-Sca ; 
 and though at that fealbn it is not fo dan- 
 gerous for fhips to fiil from Chile to Lima, 
 becaufe they every day get into a lefs lati- 
 tude, and fo enjoy a quieter fea, yet from 
 Peru to Chile it is extreme dangerous, not 
 only becaufe they come into a greater lati- 
 tude, and go out further to tea, to avoid 
 tlie fouth wind's oppoucion, but alfo be- 
 caufe the vapours of the fea, and cold mifts 
 of the earth do raife fuch fogs and dark 
 clouds, that they cover the land lb, that 
 when they make their port, they are in 
 great danger of fplitting upon the rocks. 
 
 This, I fay, is only of thofe coafts of 
 Chile which are in the leaft latitude •, for 
 from the city of the Conception, towards 
 the pole, even in fummer, they are dan- 
 gerous ; and the fliips which are bound for 
 the iflands of Chiloe have not above two or 
 three months in the year to go in and out 
 
 con-
 
 Cha?. tS. 
 
 Kingdom o/" C H I L E. 
 
 37 
 
 conveniently, Gr they heither go in nor 
 out till the year following : this is under- 
 llood as far as forty-four or forty-five de- 
 grees, in which this archipelago of iflands is 
 placed •, for from thence to the ftraights ot 
 Magellan, thofe may relate the dangers who 
 have experienced them, and pafTed thofe 
 ftraights : all that I know of it is, that 
 they all have matter enough to difcourfe ot 
 at their return. 
 
 So that we may fiy, that the name of 
 Pacifick does not abfolutely belong to the 
 South-Sea, according to its whole extent, 
 but only as to thofe parts of greatefl inter- 
 courfe, which, becaufe they are within the 
 tropicks, are the freeft from ftorms-, and 
 yet it cannot be denied, but that the 
 South-Sea has an advantage over the North- 
 Sea, even within the tropicks, which is, that 
 it is free from thofe great fands which are 
 fo common in the North-Sea, sboutCartha- 
 gena. La Havana, and other iflands, nay, 
 even in the canal of Bahama ; which indeed 
 are fo many, that let a ftorm be but mo- 
 derate, they make it ftill greater, and more 
 dangerous, by fhortening the fea-room, and 
 force the failors to be always heaving the 
 lead, or elfe to fplit upon the rocks, which 
 may be clearly feen and diftinguifhed from 
 the fhip's fide. 
 
 I find fikewife, that the South-Sea may 
 be called Pacifick for another reafon, which 
 is, becaufe of the extreme quiet it enjoys 
 in its navigation, without difiurbance from 
 any of its enemies, who are fo frequent on 
 all the fhores of the North-Sea ; for there be- 
 
 ing no other entrance into tht SQUlh-Sed,OvA\.i.i. 
 but by the ftraights of Magellan and St. '^4'J 
 Vincent, which ate at fuch diftance^ and -^^V*^ 
 defended by nature itfelf, the enemies of 
 our quiet do not care to ingage in fo ufelets 
 and dangerous a defign, with fo manifeft 
 a deftrudtion, and fo little advantage, as 
 hath happened already to foine hercticks 
 who have attempted it ; for ha\ing no iet- 
 tlement, nor landing place in all that vail 
 fea, they have been forced to fail to the 
 Philippinas : therefore the fliips of the 
 South-Sea are free from any fear of enemies, 
 and go and come without any apprehenfion 
 of danger on that fide. Antonio de Hcrrera^ 
 in the fifth Decade of his General Hijlory, 
 folio 319. relates the motive thu JVhgellan 
 had to call this the Pacifick Sea, and that 
 is, becaufe there is not in all that element 
 a more fpacious career for the winds and 
 tides ; and becaufe there reigns between the 
 tropicks fo fteddy and ftrong a levant, that 
 in many days the feamcn need not hand 
 their fails, nor the fteerfman his helm, fail- 
 ing through thole vaft feas as if it were in 
 a canal or river. And the fame author 
 adds, that this motion of this wind pro- 
 ceeds from the courfe of the firfl Mobile, 
 which is proved by its perpetual invariabili- 
 ty, and the increafe of its vehemence, as it 
 draws nearer the equinox. Some difpute, 
 whether it ought to be called a wind, pr 
 an impulfe which the air receives from Tu- 
 perior orbs, communicated to them by the 
 firft fphere. So far this author. 
 
 C H A P. XV. 
 
 Of the fea-coctjis of Chile, and its ports a?id ha'uens. 
 
 Spilberg's 
 oblerva- 
 tion of 
 twenty- 
 five ports 
 in the 
 ftraights 
 of Magel 
 Ian. 
 
 IT would be too great an excurfion be- 
 yond my purpofe, to mention all the 
 ports and creeks along the coaft of Chile ; 
 for they are very numerous. George Spil- 
 krg, admiral of a fleet of fix fail, whofe 
 names were, The new fun, 'the new moon, 
 The hunter. The pole-Jlar, Eolus, and Luci- 
 fer, fays, he obferved twenty -five ports in 
 the ftraights of Magellan alone, before he 
 entered the South-Sea : he commends them 
 mightily, but particularly he is much plea- 
 fed with the twenty-fifth ; for he ftaid in 
 it fome time, and gave it his own name : 
 he calls it a noble port, by reafon of its 
 fafenefs for fhipping, as alfo for the plea- 
 lantnefs of the fields, which he fays, were 
 all covered with fruit ; which, I fuppofe, 
 were ftrawberries, according to the defcrip- 
 tion he makes of them. He found there 
 likewife abundance of excellent oyfters, at 
 the mouth of a river, which beautified that 
 port extremely, it falling into it from high 
 N«. 89. Vol. III. 
 
 mountains. But this retreat did not ferve 
 them long ; for having feen fome very fine 
 coloured birds, they purfued them on fliore, 
 and hunted them ; which they had no 
 fooner begun to do, but they were aflTault-gpjijjgfg 
 ed by a troop of Indians, with clubs inaffaulted 
 their hands, and fome of them were killed, by the In- 
 and the reft forced to retire to their fliips, '^'^"" 
 and fet fail in hafte ; which is a great mark 
 of the valour with which thofe people en- 
 gaged them ; for though they had fire-arms, 
 they could not withftand the charge. 
 
 The moft famous port in all the coaft, Port of 
 befides that of Valdivia, which we have de- Coqmri- 
 fcribed already, is that of Coquimho, men- ^°- 
 tioned in our fevt:nth chapter ; and it d^- 
 ferves all forts of commendation, as well 
 for its lovely bay, where fliips ride as iaie 
 as can be, as alfo for the pleafantnefs of 
 the country about it ; which is one of the 
 moft delicious of all Chile. The produ6h 
 of the country are paiticularly gold and 
 K copper,
 
 Of the NiUiire and Properties of the 
 
 Book I. 
 
 Copiapo, 
 Guaico, 
 and Pacu- 
 do. 
 
 Quintero. 
 
 Coucon, 
 or Quillo- 
 ta and Val 
 Pataifo. 
 
 copper, which is carriecl from thence to 
 Peru ; for the- m:i!;ing of artillery, calling 
 of bells, and other houfhold furniture. 
 
 The ports alio of Copinpo and Ctuifco are 
 efteemcd, and more defervedly that of Pa- 
 cutlo, -A hich is a private hidden bay, where 
 the fliips of Peru come to load with the 
 hides and taiiow of Chuapa ; as alfo with 
 tar and tackling for Oiips, which is made 
 in that valley, ami is whiter and butter than 
 any in Chile, by rcafon of the excellent wa- 
 ters they make ufe of in its making. 
 
 The next g(X)d port to thele, is that of 
 i^imero, where the general of the fix fliips 
 above-named landed -, and it being a place 
 uninhabited, met with no oppofuion, but 
 refreflicd his men with a large fiflilng which 
 they made. They do fo commend the 
 place, that they cannot fufiiciently (they 
 fiiy) extol the pleafantnefs of the land, the 
 fweetncfs of the water, the fecurity for 
 ftiips, and, in fliort, all forts of conve- 
 niencics for human life •, and after thefe 
 many encomiums, the hiftorian concludes 
 thus, porius hie nulli fcamdus, this port 
 yields to none ; and yet this port of i^««- 
 tero is none of the famous ones of Chile ; 
 by which it may be inferred, that he was 
 but little acquainted with the reft. He 
 could not land in them ; for he found them 
 all guarded by the militia, who expefted 
 him -, and though coming to Val Paraifo, 
 he had begun to land fome men, yet, up- 
 on advice that the horfe of St. Jngo were at 
 hand to hinder the defcent, he took them 
 on board again -, and failing at midnight, 
 caft anchor at ^intero, where they water- 
 ed, and cut wood, the admiral himfelf 
 landing with many foldiers to protedt his 
 men : there they drew up a trench, with 
 a kind of half-moon, to fecure their retreat 
 againft the Spaniards, who began to appear 
 upon the hills ; but they did not flay for 
 them, but embarking again, followed their 
 courfe towards Peru, not landing any where 
 elfe ; but yet they commend the land ex- 
 tremely. 
 
 After thefe follows the port of Coucon, or 
 S^illota, which ferves to imbark the pro- 
 duft of thofe valleys ; and hard by that, 
 the port of Val Paraifo, where are landed 
 all the goods brought for the city of 6"/. 
 Jago : from whence they are diftributed all 
 over its territory, and as far as Cuyo, and 
 Tucuman: This port is every day more 
 and more inhabited ; and there is building 
 a convent of Aufiin friars, which will be of 
 great relief to the fouls of the inhabitants, 
 and of all thofe who go and come, who are 
 not a few ; for this is the port of the great- 
 eft commerce with Peru : 'tis diftant from 
 St. Jago twenty-four leagues, all plain and 
 good way, fit for carriage ; and fo all the 
 
 goods. 
 wards, 
 ceplion. 
 coafts ; 
 
 commodities of both kingdoms are convey- 
 ed and exchanged by it. 
 
 Near the port of Val Paraifo is that of 
 St. yhitonic, which is alfo very fafe and 
 good, and is at the mouth ot the river May- 
 po. There is a miftake in authors about this; 
 for they place the port of Val Paraifo at the 
 mouth of a river, which they make in their 
 maps to come from St. Jago ; which is a 
 very great error, becaufe at Val Paraifo there 
 is no river ot any note, but only fprings and 
 fountains, which rife out of the rocks clofe 
 by the fea, which are moft excellent waters. 
 There arc alfo otheis of a co.'.rfer nature, 
 with which the fhips fill their provifion, be- 
 caufe they having more body, they refift 
 better at lea againft corruption. 
 
 There are feveral other ports between 
 that and the Conception, in the bays and 
 mouths of rivers; but not much ufed, be- 
 caufe they are not neceffary ; all thofe val- 
 leys from Maule to S^uillota fending their 
 commodities to Val Paraifo. I believe in 
 time other ports will be imployed, becaufe 
 the produdts of that kingdom multiply 
 apace, and fo people will be willing to feek 
 out the neareii ports for embarking their 
 All the produd from Maule up- 
 is carried to the harbour of the Con- 
 which is the bcft bay in all thofe 
 and it being a very large one, pro- 
 vidence placed at its entrance the ifland of 
 S^iriquina ; under which, as under a mole, 
 fliips are fecured in foul weather. At the' 
 largefl entrance of this bay is the port of 
 la Herradura, or Horfe-fhoe, it being in La Herra-i 
 that form ; and oppolite to that is that of ''u'^- S'- 
 St. Vincent ; and a little farther, that of Jj"^^'^ 
 Camera, called lb for the refrcfhment ii; af-nero. 
 forded to one of the fhips of the bifhop of 
 Palencia, who, by order of Charles V. paf- 
 fed the flreights of Magellan with fix fail, 
 and having loft their Patache, were forced 
 to the Moluccas. 
 
 Next to thefe are the ports of tirva and several 
 ^edal. La Baia Chica, that of Puralla, other 
 the port of St. Cehrian, that oi SanSia Clara, ports. , 
 that of St. Domingo, St. Efieran, Los Reyes, 
 that of Baixas, that of the Innocents, and 
 many others lefs confiderablc, as far as the 
 ftreights of Magellan. 
 
 Befides thefe ports which we have mark- 
 ed upon the terra firma, there are feveral 
 others, well known in the illands of Juan 
 Fernandes, La Moiha, SanCla Maria, in the 
 iflands of Chiloe, Alfze, where the moft fre- 
 quented are that of Carelmapo, and that called 
 the Englifh Port, becaufe formerly an Englijh 
 fhip landed there, and the men and fhip, with 
 all its artillery, were riiade prize. There arc 
 alfo feveral other pons in the archipelago of 
 Chiloe, which I iorbeai' mentionhig, becaufe 
 I have not a perfcd account of them. .; 
 
 Ifland of 
 Quinqui- 
 na. 
 
 ii 
 
 CHAP.
 
 I. 
 
 IChap. i6> 
 
 ■ Kingdom 9/ C H 1 L E. 
 CHAP. xvi. 
 
 Of the fertility of the ivhole coaft of Chile. 
 
 S9 
 
 Ova LLE. 
 1646. 
 
 THE abundance and fertility of this 
 kingdom is not only perceived in its 
 vallies and fields, but likevvifc in its whole 
 coart, even on the rocks, where the fea 
 beats. It will be hard to make this appear 
 by particulars, becaufe though in other 
 parts of the world the rocks produce fhell- 
 fifl), yet I do not know that it is in fuch 
 quantity, nor fo large any where as in Cbilc^ 
 nor of fo many dilTerent fpecies. Firft, I 
 will ipcak of that which is moft common 
 and intelligible : There grows along the 
 iThe herb ^oaft every where an herb not unlike to 
 ,nche. endive-, they call it Li'.che, which they pull 
 from the rocks : it is gathered in the !pring, 
 when 'tis moft grown ; and being dried in 
 the fun, 'tis made into loaves, which are 
 look'd upon as a great delicacy far trom the 
 fea, particularly in Ptru, Cuyo, and 'Titcu,- 
 man ; Lr it ferves lor many fauces. It 
 grows upon the tops of rocks, liich as are 
 above the water. At the foot of the rocks 
 are found certain roots, which bring forth 
 k'he root a trunk as thick as one's wrill, called Ulte- 
 ^kezaeiie. aiefte : this they cur, and laying it before 
 the fire, they pare it like a lettice, or car- 
 doon, or thiftle, but it has a much difi-e- 
 rent tafte. From thefe trunks fliOot out 
 certain long cods, of three or four yards 
 long, and fome of about fix or eight fin- 
 gers in breadth : thefe they call Coehauyo ; 
 and there are two forts ot them, which, 
 though they refemble one another, yet the 
 Indians make a great difference between 
 them, referving the good, which they cut 
 and dry, and make provifion of them tor 
 Lent ; the others they leave to the fea, 
 which heaps them up upon the fhore, where 
 they lie in heaps very ufelefs. So much 
 for the herbs. Now let us fpeak of the 
 fea fhell-fifh. The beft of this kind are 
 i)>'fters. oyfters, both great and fmall, fo much 
 talked of by the Hollanders with great 
 commendations: they found them in the 
 ftreights oi Magellan; but the greateft plen- 
 ty of them is on the coaft ot Coqmmbo, 
 where they are very large and dehcious ; 
 the lelTer fort they call 'Tacas, very much 
 valued too, and taken all along that coaft. 
 But thofe of greateft renown are the oyfters 
 of Chuapa ; in the great ones are bred 
 pearls, as the Dutch lay, and, according 
 to Jobn and Theodore de Brye, they bought 
 fome of the Indians in the ftreights very 
 finely wrought. 
 Jioro3. That which they call Choros is alfo a 
 
 fine fort of fliell-fifti, and in its ftiell, as 
 j^lnlonio de Herrera fays, there are pearl ve- 
 ry white. That fort which I have feen is 
 
 not fo big ; but fince they are to be found 
 every where, there may be of all forts of 
 them ; for they are caught in abundance, 
 both little, middle fize, and large ones, 
 fome as broad as my hand. The choiceft 
 of them are thofe which h.ive the fi(h of a 
 yellow colour, though the black ones are 
 good too. 
 
 There is another fhell-fifh, called Mane- ^ 
 gues, which is in two round ffiells, fuch ^"''2""' 
 as ferve for models in architedure ; the fifh 
 within is but coarfe meat, but of good 
 fiiftenance. In one kind of thefe, which is 
 the little fort, in opening the ftiell, which 
 in the infide is like mother of pearl, when 
 one takes out the meat, one may fee the 
 imprefTion on the fliell, of a purple co- 
 lour, which reprefents the image of the 
 moft holy virgin, with her mantle, and her 
 child in her arms, which caufes great devo- 
 tion and comfort ; and, though they all 
 have this imprefTion, yet fome"have it fo 
 perfeft, that it is wonderful. 
 
 A fifli they call Locos may alfo be rank- 
 ed among the fliell-fini: they call them al- ^1°'' °' 
 io Jfi's Hoof, becaule they are of that ftiape : Hoof. 
 They are very favoury, but hard and in- 
 digeft ; for which reaibn they are to be 
 eaten fparingly, though in the drcfling of 
 them they macerate them between two 
 ftones, to foften them. I fhould never 
 have done, to go through all the kinds of 
 fliell-fifli; as likev/ife of fnails, which are 
 alfo good to eat, and are produced on the 
 rocks. There are fome caft up by the fea, 
 in fuch quantity, that fliip-loads may be 
 had of them, of fuch variety of figures and 
 colours, that I doubt not but the curious 
 in Europe would value them, and our ar- 
 tifts would make curiofities of them-, but 
 they, for want of fuch artificers, are good 
 for nothing in the Indies, but to make chalk 
 of, by burning them in a furnace ; yec 
 they are in fuch vaft quantities, that the 
 fliore is covered with them, and they make 
 a fine fhcw. 
 
 The fhell-fifli called Pieos de Papagayos, 
 are another kind much efteemed : they are PIcos de 
 fo called, becaufe for their fhape and big- P-^pagay- 
 nefs, they are juft like parrots heads ; and "*■ 
 as thefe birds build their nefts on fhore, in 
 fome hollow rocks and caves, fb this fifli 
 breeds in a kind of ftone-work, hollow, 
 like little cells, where it grows till it comes 
 to be of the bignefs of thofe he.ids. They 
 drefs them in thofe very nefts, which 
 ferve for pots, and when they are enougli, 
 take them out. They are excellent 
 meat 
 
 Thofe
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book '. 
 
 Kcricos. 
 
 Crabs, 
 Apavico- 
 ras, and 
 Praunes. 
 Lobllcrs. 
 
 Tholl- which they call Kericos, though 
 common in other parts, yet I never faw 
 them fo large as in thole parts ; and being 
 taken in the increale of the moon, they 
 have very large tongues, tar, and of about 
 two fingers breadth. 
 
 The Crabs, .Ipavicorns, and Praunes, 
 are hkewife very good, and of leveral 
 forts and fizes. The Lobjlm, and thofe of 
 that kind, are iikewife much efteemcd ; 
 they breed under the rocks, and are Hfhed 
 for, as all the reft, not with nets, but only 
 by the Indians going into the lea up to 
 their middle, and knocking them from the 
 rocks with fticks in their hands. So much 
 for this kind of eatables. There are others 
 which live a little more in the fea, which 
 are of a beautiful form ; fome they call fea- 
 ftars-, fome the fun •, others the moon ; be- 
 caufe they are of the form of thole planets, 
 as they are commonly painted. Theic- may 
 be eaten too ; but they have one very lin- 
 gular propriety, which is, to cure the vice 
 of drunkenncfs, being rcduc'd to powder, 
 and given in wine to drink ; and this is of 
 
 fo certain an effcft, that thofc, who before 
 they took it had no greater delight than 
 drinking of wine, did afterwards fo abhor 
 it, that they would not touch it, though 
 they were hir'd. 'I'his is a healthy remedy, 
 as well as fure ; and therefore us'd by the 
 Negroes to avoid taking another -, which, 
 though as certain, is very dangerous ; which 
 is, drinking the fweat of a horle mingled 
 with wine. They fay, this puts thofe who 
 take it, in danger of lofing fome of their 
 fenfes -, though I knew one, who being ex- 
 ceedingly given to drunkennefs, his wife 
 gave him this remedy without his know- 
 ledge, and it did him no other hurt than 
 to make him hate wine, fo that he could 
 not bear the fmell of it •, but, as I faid, the 
 Negroes ufe the powder of the ftar-fifli -, anci 
 though I have obferved, that with fome it 
 is not fo efficacious, but they long for wine 
 again after a while, yet it is but to repeat 
 the remedy as foon as that ill inclination 
 prevails again ; and this is commonly fo 
 praftifed upon the Negroes, who are much 
 given to that vice. 
 
 C H A P. XVII. 
 
 Of the various kinds ofjijlj ivhicb are ff.ed on the coajl of Cliile. 
 
 The T ET the whale appear firft, fince by 
 
 whale. I J its bignefs it is a kind of king of the 
 fea -, and if where the king is, the court is, 
 wc may give that title to the fea of Chile, 
 where there is fuch ftore of whales, that I 
 know not any place where they abound 
 more ; and they are accompanied by fuch a 
 court of little fiflies of all kinds, that thofe 
 who have navigated thofe feas, cannot but 
 mention it with admiration. Among the 
 relt, TVillihm Secrtetf, who came with a 
 fleet through the (heights, fays. That they 
 met with fo many whales near certain 
 iflands, that they were forced to fail with 
 great care and attention to avoid them, 
 they being fo many, that they were almoft 
 alway.s in the fliips way, and endangered 
 the lofs of them, being fo big that they 
 look'd like rocks: They are all along the 
 coaft of Copiapo and Guafco, and are of no 
 fmall profit, by the ambergreece they caft 
 on fhore. The journals of thofe who have 
 pafled the fireights do mention much of this 
 amber floating on the fea, and therefore no 
 doubt but a great deal of it is on fhore ; 
 but it is loft, for the Indians having no vi- 
 lue for it, know it not •, and 'tis but with- 
 in thefe twelve years that the Araucanp's 
 ^ minded it ; by feeing fome Spanifi foldiers 
 
 look for it, they did fo too, and found a 
 great deal, and very good, on the coaft. 
 Of the grey fort, which is the beft, they 
 found great pieces of an afh colour, with a 
 nobler and more delicate fmell i the ordi- 
 
 nary forts are yellow and black, and it has 
 a quicker, though not fo fweet a fmell as 
 the grey. I have heard the people of thofe 
 parts fay commonly, that the difference is 
 very accidental^ and that it depends only 
 upon being more or lefs prepar'd by the 
 fun-beams -, and experience feems to con- 
 firm this thought -, for I have obferv'd that 
 the black does in time grow white, by be- 
 ing expos'd to the fun in a box -, but if it 
 be laid open, fb as both fun and rain come 
 upon it, the experiment will be more ma- 
 nifeft ; and as for the harftinefs of the fmell, 
 it may be remedied by infufions in rofe 
 water, expofing it firft to the dews for nine 
 days, and then to the fire, by which means 
 it grows perfedl. 
 
 Though 'ris known that amber is a thing 
 which the v.'hales caft from them, there is 
 diverfity of opinion about the manner, be- 
 caufe fome think that this noble produft is 
 form'd at the bottom of the fea, or upon 
 tome rocks ; and that the whales eat it for 
 food, and not being able to endure it in 
 their ftomachs, becaufe it is naturally ex- 
 tream hot, they get to the ftiore to caft it 
 up ; others fay, it is the whales excrements. 
 'Tis not my bufinefs to decide this difpute. 
 The other great advantage which the 
 whales are of to the country, is the oil 
 they afibrd after they are dead ; and it is a 
 great deal that one whale will yield •, it 
 ferves for various ufes of life. We do not 
 know that thefe fifhes die of a violent 
 
 death.
 
 Chap. 1 8. 
 
 Kingdom of CH I L K 
 
 4t 
 
 i Tunny- 
 ifli, and 
 
 death, becaufe their vafl bulk defends thcni 
 both trom men, and all other animals, that 
 may be their enemies ; but yet being llib- 
 ject to pay the common debt ot nature, 
 when they find themfelves near death, they 
 draw near the land, and arc often caft on 
 Ihore by the lea, which will not bear any 
 corruption in its waters •, and 'tis ftrange 
 to fee how they are thrown up in great 
 numbers on thole coafts. The oil is made 
 by the heat of the fun, and when the wea- 
 ther has conium'd the flefh, the ribs and 
 other bones remain white ; and the Indians 
 make ufe of them for feats ; much more 
 ronveniency and curiofuy might be afforded 
 by them to other workmen. 
 
 There is another fort of fifh which are 
 found mod on the coaft of Coquimbo^ which 
 are not fo big as whales, but yet are very 
 large, and a good fifh to cat, which are 
 the tunny-fifh, and the Albacoras^ which 
 the Indians kill with great dexterity -, they 
 
 Ubacoras go into the fea a good way upon floats of 
 feal-fkins, well fewed together, and blown 
 up like a bladder -, they carry with them a 
 kind of trident with fharp tongues ; this is 
 faflened to a long, flender, but ftrong rope ; 
 the Indian guides his float near the fi(h he 
 choofes, and then darts it with his trident ; 
 the tunny, as foon as wounded, goes out 
 to fea like lightning ; the Indian gives him 
 rope enough, and follows him the way that 
 he runs, till the fith has fpent itlelf by lofs 
 of blood V and then theJndian draws in his 
 rope, and the fifh with it, either dead or 
 dying, and lays it on his float, and he 
 returns to port with his prey rejoicing. 
 There are many other forts of fifhcs ; one 
 of the mofl extraordinary is the flying- 
 fifh, which fly with wings, and follow a 
 
 ion fi(h. fhip like birds. The lion-fifh is alfo ad- 
 
 Imirable : They are found in great quantities 
 about the Streights of Magellan, near a 
 port, called Port Defirc : They are very 
 good to ear, but very hard to take; for 
 though they wound them with fhot in ma- 
 ny places, yet if they do not hit them in 
 the head, or the flomach, they do not 
 yield : They are as big as a colt, and have 
 a lion's head, with a perfeft mane -, which 
 the females of them have not, neither are 
 they above half as big as the males, and 
 have a thinner fkin. Thofe who have fliil'd 
 through the Streights, talk much of thefe 
 
 ilying 
 h. 
 
 fea-lions, and do alfo mention many other Ova i.lf. 
 forts of fiflies which ihcy took there, foir.e ^^^^'' 
 of fixtcen feet long, very lavoury and good "^ * ^ 
 to eat. Antomo de Ihrrera lays. That 
 there are filhes taken in the illand of ^V^^/^V^ 
 Alaria, out of wbofc eyes they take a fort 
 of coarfe pearl, which have a giofs like 
 the true ones, and arc worn by the women -, 
 and if, as they are foft, they were a litdc 
 hard, they would be better tiian pearls. 
 
 The fea-wolvcs or feals, which are found ^"' 
 on all the coafls, are innumerable. 1 have ^^|"'' "^ 
 feen whole rocks covcr'd with them, and ""^ '' 
 they lay even one upon another, fo as fomc 
 of them rolled down into the fea ao-ain^ 
 there not being room for lb many : They 
 are as big as calves, and make a noife like 
 them. 
 
 Antonio de Henera, in the voyage of 
 Magellan fays, That in the river of the 
 Crojs, m the Streights, they took one (b 
 large, that without his head, fkin and fat, 
 he weighed nineteen Caftillan Arrobas. The An Arro- 
 Indians take them for their fkins, which are ^^ " 
 very hard and ftrong, and foine eat tl"'e;r j:'^g"||[,' j 
 flefli. As to the plenty of the ordinary **'*P°'"* ' 
 filh of thofe feas, the authors already cited 
 fpeak very advantageouily of their kinds, 
 particularly William Scozvten, who coming 
 with his fleet to the ifland of Juan Fernan- 
 des, in thirty-three degrees, and forty-eight 
 minutes, the quantity of fifh they met with 
 was fb great, that in a very little time 
 they catch'd a great quantity of Robalos, 
 which is the beft and moft wholefome fifh 
 of all thofe parts. They did not take 
 them with nets, becaufe they had not time 
 to land, but with hooks at fea, by the 
 fhip's fide, and that as fafl as they could 
 throw in and pull up. 
 
 What 1 myfelf have feen, is in the great 
 lake of Rapel, all the fides of it cover'd 
 witli Pejereges, by the vafl quantity ofPejeregaj. 
 them which came upon the coafl, as the 
 droves of pilchards by the bay of^ Concep- 
 tion, and in Chiloe, fb that they take them 
 with blankets. I have feen the lame droves 
 of tunny-fifli, which come leaping over 
 one another's backs, as if there were not 
 room for them ; and indeed, that climate 
 being lb favourable to multiplication in all 
 animals on fhore, as fhall be fliewed in its 
 proper place, it cannot well be otherwife 
 as to the fifhes. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the birds of Chile. 
 
 TH E birds and fillies feem to be bro- difpatch all the creatures of this country, 
 
 thers of the lam.e venter, the author having treated of the firfl, it feems that the 
 
 of nature having created them both out of chain of an orderly narration obliges us to 
 
 the element of water ; and therefore, to fiiy fomething of the others. To fpeal: 
 
 Vol. III. L generally
 
 4^- 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 EooK I 
 
 1 
 
 crcncnllv it may be truly laid of the air il.ch variety and abundance that people are 
 
 of that hcmifphcrc, that it has a great ad- 
 vaiityc over ihe earth, though fo fertile, 
 lb rich, and lb delicious, as we have rcpre- 
 fentcd it •, tor though it is true, that it now 
 produces the animals and fruits of £urope, 
 with fuch an incrcafc as is wonderful, yet 
 it cannot be denied, that before the Spa- 
 «MrAcanK-d thither the feeds and animals 
 which are now fo multiplied, (for they had 
 them not in any fort, though perhaps others 
 •which fupplied the want of them,) the air, 
 wichoui being at all enrich'd by the accef- 
 fion of foreigners, has maintained always 
 
 fain to guard their vineyards from them as 
 foon as die grapes begin to lipcn -, and yet 
 'tis impoffible to hirtder them from doing a 
 great deal of mifchief, they being fo nim- 
 ble, and having fo fecure a retreat, though 
 all fons of inventions, fuch as guns, crofs- 
 bows, flings, fcare-crows, are put in ufe -, 
 fo that if any are negligent, they may be 
 fure to find their vintage made to-theirhand. 
 And this mifchief is not only for their vine- 
 yards, but likewife for all i'eeds, which is 
 tain to be watched -after 'tis fewed, till it 
 
 The eagle. 
 
 164c. 
 
 fprouts; and as foon as the wheat and maiz 
 fuch an abundance of'the volatile kind, that begin to ripen, the guards muft be renew'd -, 
 it needed no kipplics from Europe, but ra- for there comes whole armies ot birds to 
 ther has many to nuke up any one defcdl. attack them, and do them as much mif- 
 
 To be"in with the king of them all, the chief as it they were Xerxes's armies, 
 cicrlc • There are there abundance of them -, In particular, the parrots are fo voracious Parrots. 
 
 thole which arc called royal or imperial and greedy, and have a bill that cuts hke 
 have b-en feen here only twice ; firft, a razor ; they come in flocks of fuch an 
 when the Spaniards firft entcr'd that king- extent, that when they rife they cover the 
 dom ; and the fccond time in tlie year 
 1640. when the jirancc.nas fubmitted their 
 untam'd necks to their God and the -king ; 
 they interpreting this as one of the figns of 
 God Almighty's will to incline them to 
 take that refolution which they then took. 
 
 air, and fill it with fuch a confufion of cries, 
 that I cannot find any thing to compare it 
 to. This kind of birds is bred all over 
 Chile, in the mountains and in the Cordil- 
 lera ; and 'tis wonderful to fee how exaftly 
 they come to an hour, as if they were call'd 
 ArtbrThe ordinary eagles, which do not dif- by a bell, or had fome notice where and 
 
 when the fruits are ripe, and in feafon for 
 them to enjoy them : They come down from 
 the mountains in the evening ; and the noife 
 they make in flying, though they fly high, 
 is fuch, that one would think them clofc 
 by : They have a thrill clear voice, and they 
 
 ! 
 
 fer much from the others, they have al- 
 ways been and are ftill in the country very 
 Faulcons. common. Tiierc are likewife bred faul- 
 cons, lb large and ftrong, that for their 
 beauty they have been carried from thence, 
 though lb far, as a prefent to the king of 
 
 Spain ; and they are commonly carried to fly all fcreaming at once, fo that their 
 
 Birds 
 prey. 
 Singing 
 buds. 
 
 Perti, particularly that kind which are cal 
 led primas, or firfl:, though thofe call'd fe 
 of cond are very large too. There are befides, 
 all other birds ot rapine and prey •, and ot 
 the finging-birds, there are linnets, bul- 
 nnches, nightingales, blackbirds, and ma- 
 ny others, who form fome a bafs, and fbme 
 a tenor, with all the other parts of a har- 
 mony, beyond belief, particularly in fum- 
 mer, under the fhades of trees. 
 
 The birds for game are herons, par- 
 tridges, wild pigeons, thrudies, turtles, par- 
 rots, wild ducks of a thoutiind forts, fome 
 of one colour, and fome of another, and 
 all very good. The domeftick tame fowls 
 are hens, ducks, geefe, turkeys -, and that 
 Swallows, nothing may be wanting, Iwallows in ii.im- 
 mer, which go away in winter, as they do 
 Owls and in Europe, to warmer cliinates ; fcreech-owls, 
 bats. and other night-birds •, as allb bats. 
 
 Thefe are the birds of the European kind, 
 which are found in thofe parts, as well as 
 I can remember •, and there is hardly a bird 
 here in Europe, that I obferve in the fields, 
 that I have not obferv'd the like fomewhere 
 in CIjUc, with very little difference. 
 
 Who now can defcribe the variety of 
 native birds of that climate ? which are in 
 2 
 
 Birds of 
 game. 
 
 Tame 
 
 fowl. 
 
 noife is very loud : They are all green and 
 yellow, and have a blue circle about their 
 neck, and very good to eat, particularly 
 the young ones. 
 
 Thofe years which are to prove rainy, 
 as the natives obferve, as foon as the wea- 
 ther grows cool, before the winter begins, 
 one may fee every evening, for many days, 
 great quantities of crows come down from Crowf. 
 the Cordillera into the plains: They come 
 about an hour before fun-fet in fquadrons, 
 forming a triangle or pyramid, the point 
 of which is led by one fingle one, before 
 whom none dare go : The figure they make 
 is moft: regular, with great correfpondency 
 to each other, as if they were fixed in the 
 air, and immoveable, fo equal and well- 
 concerted is their flight. 
 
 There is likewife a bird which we call Talta!es,i 
 Taltaks, or Galinafos : It is like a duck, buto''GaliM 
 has bigger wings : They are either black or 
 brown, and very voracious of carrion. lo 
 the time of flaughtering, which is every 
 year in Chile ot moft beafts, there is a 
 great deal of flefli loft -, then thefe birds' 
 come, as if one had Ibunded a diarge 
 to them, and fall upon the carrion with 
 fo much greedinefs, that having eaten their 
 
 fill.
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 litngdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 43 
 
 tim 
 
 fill, they cannot rife again, and are eafiiy 
 knock'd on the head with fticks : the bones 
 of their legs arc valued to make fcifTers, and 
 their quills, which are as thick as ones fin- 
 ger, ferve for harpficals, and otlrer curiofi- 
 ties. Out of this flaughtering-time they 
 die with hunger •, but among all the ways 
 they have of maintaining themfelves, their 
 way of hunting young goats and lambs is 
 admirable : they fit upon high trees, and 
 from thence fpy the flocks of fheep and 
 goats, watching till any of the young-ones 
 ftray from the guard of its dam, as they 
 often do, either flaying behind to feed, or 
 climbing fome rock : this the Taltnle quick- 
 ly feeing \ and that the young-one is far 
 
 from the defence either oT the fliepherd orOvALta. 
 old-one, it leaps upon ir, and the fiift thing '^46- 
 it does, is to peck out its eyes, and cat its -^"^^^ 
 brains ; Which it does fo quick, that though 
 it cry, and the fliepherd or mother come to 
 its relief, 'tis too late. Very like to thcie are 
 another fort of bird, both as to bignefs, co- 
 lour and ihape, and its difpofition to prey •, 
 they call them Peuques, only they are feme- Pcuques. 
 thing lefs, and of a nicer diet, being pleafed 
 with nothing bat hens or chickens, which 
 they take very dexttroufly ; they are fo 
 bold and nimble, as to get into a lien-roofV, 
 and carry away their prey, even in prefence 
 ol the owners. Without being flopped or 
 prevented. 
 
 CHAP. XiX. 
 
 The fame matter is purfued, and the fying of haivks treated of 
 
 IFIamen- 
 icos. 
 
 W 
 
 AMONGST the great number of 
 birds which are bred in lakes and 
 ponds, and on the fea-fide, which are of 
 great variety, none are more remarkable 
 than the birds called Flamencos: they are 
 white and fcarlet, bigger than turkeys, but 
 fo long legg'd that they walk through a 
 lake with great gravity, the Water not 
 touching their feathers by a foot or two : 
 the Indians delight in making works of 
 their white and fcarlet feathers, for their 
 dances and their feafts. 
 The Child There is another bird, called the Child- 
 iBird. l)ii-cl^ becaufe it looks like a fwadled child 
 with its arms at liberty : I have not feen 
 them any where but at fea ; perhaps they 
 are the fame, called Pinguins, of which fre- 
 quent mention is made by thofe who pafs 
 the Strei^hts of Magellan : They are ge- 
 nerally painted in the maps -, and they fiiy, 
 there are abundance of them in thofe parts, 
 and that they are good meat. 
 iHerons- There are other birds which furnidi the 
 feathers, tufts of feathers, called Herons-feathers, 
 which though fo narrow, yet are fo valued, 
 that formerly every feather was worth two 
 rials : thofe which grow under their wings 
 are larger and better, though thofe on their 
 heads, which they wear as aigrettes, are 
 very fine. There are but few of this kind 
 of birds •, for they do not increafe fo much 
 as others. There are more of that kind, 
 call'd Garfolas, which ferve for foldiers 
 feathers, and other ornaments. There are 
 many others of great variety of colours, of 
 which the Indians ufe to make their orna- 
 ments, called Mallengues, which are made 
 for the head like a garland of moll fine co- 
 lours of wool, and in that they flick a 
 plume of feathers, for their dances, and days 
 of rejoicing. 
 I Voycas. The birds called by the Indians, Foycas, 
 
 m 
 [«&> 
 
 Garfolas. 
 
 are very famous among them, in whole 
 notes, at certain times and places, they find 
 great myfteries, prognoflicating by them, 
 either their own, or their children, or their 
 friends death, or ficknefs, or other misfor- 
 tune ; and they remain with great appre- 
 henfion and fear. The Spaniards call thefd 
 birds Pechicolorados, that is, marked on the 
 breafl -, becaufe there is no fcarlet deeper, 
 nor brighter, than the red on their brcall : 
 the other feathers of their wings and body 
 are brown. There are other very little ones, 
 called PitigUedas, whofe body is not much Pinguedasi 
 bigger than an almond : thefe live upon 
 flowers ; and that they may come at the 
 honey of them, nature has given them a 
 bill, which, when 'tis fliur, is like a needle 
 to low with •, and for this reafon they feed 
 flying, like bees, from flower to flower, 
 without lighting but very feldom on 2 
 branch of it, and that very flightly. Thefe 
 birds are of the greatefl: beauty imaginable; 
 for if they were made of poliftied gold, they 
 could not fhine brighter : they have a green 
 mingled with this g6ld colour. The males 
 are diftinguifhed fron\ the females, in that 
 they have on the head a lively orange co- 
 lour, which is like fire. Thofe on the 
 other fide of the Cordillera are yet more: 
 beautiful, becaufe their tail is alfo of the 
 colour of theif head -, and though they have 
 fo little a body, their tail is i foot long, 
 and two inches broad. 
 
 There is likewife a very odd bird, to 
 which the Spaniards have given the name of 
 iVood-Pecker ; becaufe though they are but Wood- 
 litde, they have fo ftrong and fharp a bill. Pecker, 
 that they form their nells with it in the 
 trees, forming a hollow place fit for them 
 as exa6tly, as if they had an infl:rument to 
 do it. Of thefe I have fecn but few ; but 
 there are great numbers of akirtd of birds,- 
 
 called
 
 44 
 
 OVALLE 
 
 l64f). 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book 1 
 
 Franco- 
 lins. 
 
 OAriches. 
 
 Variety of 
 diverfions 
 in hunt- 
 ing, hawk- 
 ing, &C. 
 
 called Condores^ which are as white as er- 
 min, and ot their fl<ins they make iiuitls, 
 it being of a very fofc touch, and extream 
 warm ; but the bellies ot the buzzards are 
 much more lb, being admirable to make 
 llomaciiers lo cover the pit of the (lomach, 
 and iiclp digcflion. 
 
 I have not fcen fuch variety of birds on 
 the otlier fide of the Cordillera-, and the 
 caulc, I believe, is the drynefs ot the land, 
 and the want of that fhelter ot woods and 
 groves which are on Cbile fide-, but in thofe 
 plains, called the Pampas, there are Fran- 
 tclins to be found, which are a fort of wild 
 hens, and as big, but much better meat, 
 and of a higher relifh. I'here are likewife 
 Q/;';-/Vte, which are a mighty bird, and very 
 numerous there. They often find their 
 nefts, and in them fuch a quantity of eggs, 
 as one nefl: will feed a great company ; one 
 of them alone being beaten and fry'd, 
 makes a pancake big enough to dine feve- 
 ral people : Their feathers are employ'd for 
 umbrelloes to keep off the fun, and other 
 good ufcs. 
 
 'Tis a pleafant fight to fee the taking of 
 the Francclins : The Indiau, with a firing 
 made at one end into a running knot or 
 noofe, at the other having a little piece of 
 fliarp cane f^aftened to it, goes out to find 
 them, which when he has done, he draws 
 gently near, fo as not to fright his game ; 
 when he is at a due diftance, he begins to 
 go round the bird, making with the cane 
 feveral circles over his head. The Franco- 
 lin is of its own nature a very fearful bird, 
 and fimple, and dares not rife, becauie he 
 thinks he is encompafTed round, but goes 
 into the middle of the circle -, where the 
 Indian lefl"ening fllll his rounds, follows it, 
 fo that at lafl it Iquats down upon the 
 o-round, and lets the Indian put the noofe 
 over its head •, which when he has done, 
 touching it on the wing with the fharp end 
 of the cane, the bird flies up, and draws 
 the noofe clofe, and fo is catch'd like the 
 fifhes by an angling rod. 
 
 'Tis not fo eafy to catch the OJiriches •, 
 for though they do not fly, yet they have 
 fuch large wings, that though a greyhound 
 be very Iwift, if the bird has law of him, 
 he will hardly overtake him -, but if by 
 chance he comes up with him by furprize, 
 or otherwife, 'tis wonderful to fee the art 
 the Ofirich ufes to avoid his teeth ; for 
 when the dog is juft going to feize, the 
 Ofirich lets down one of his wings, and fixes 
 it to the ground, covering with it its whole 
 body : The greyhound thinking he has him 
 furc, takes hold with open mouth -, but he 
 fills it only with feathers, and is cheated ; 
 for immediately the Ofirich, before the dog 
 can clear his mouth, fets a running, and 
 gets a good length before him j and often 
 
 2 
 
 efcapes, if the greyhound docs not make 
 extraordinary halte to overtake it. 
 
 This is a very diverting fport -, but that 
 which is ufed in Cbile with Faulcons is much 
 more fo : Not to fly partridges, for that is 
 a known fport every where ; but with an- 
 other fort of bird, which the Indians call 
 (^lulleu, from the found of its note when 
 it fings, which founds lb. Thefe are as big 
 as hens, and have very large wings, and 
 u{)on their wings they have, in the joining 
 place, provided by nature for their defence, 
 certain fharp points. The Spaniards call 
 the.'e birds Friers, either becaufe they al- 
 ways go two and two, or three and three, 
 or becauie the colour and order of their fea- 
 thers is fo, that one would really think they 
 have a hood and a frock. 
 
 For this fport 'tis not enough to have one 
 Faulcon, but there muft be two, and thofe. 
 very well taught, and dextrous to affift 
 one another. There ufes to be very good 
 company to fee the engagement, as wc 
 may call it ; for it is worth feeing. Coming 
 then to the place that theie birds haunt, 
 which is generally fome meadow or watery 
 ground, (tor that they never fbrfake, their 
 laft defence being in the water, as foon as 
 they are fprung) one at a time, the Iportf- 
 man flies one Faulcon at them, who, as if 
 he minded not his game, endeavours to get 
 as high as he can, and get the wind of his 
 prey, who, at the fame time, does the fame 
 thing, and contends for place with his ene- 
 my i fo that they both get almofl out of 
 fight •, but at laft the Faulcon having the bet- 
 ter wing prevails. When he has got advan- 
 tage enough over him, he comes down up- 
 on him like lightning ; but the ^uheu 
 defends himfelf, either by avoiding the 
 blow, or by oppofing the armed points of 
 his wings •, upon which often the unwary 
 hawk is wounded in the breaft. When the 
 Iportfman fees the engagement lafl too long, 
 fearing his hawk may tire, or be balked 
 before the vidory declares for him, he loofes 
 his other Faulcon to help the firft, which be- 
 ing frefh, foon joins his companion, and 
 both together fall upon the Sljjulteu, but not 
 at the lame time, left they fiiould hinder 
 one another : One gives him a blow, and 
 then the other another •, and ib, though he 
 make a good defence, he is forced to yield, 
 which he does, by making away for the wa- 
 ter, where he has his laft retreat to defend 
 his life: Here he expefts his enemies upon 
 his back, with the points of his armed 
 wings turned towards them : The Faulcon 
 defpifing the danger, comes down with all 
 his force, and feizing her with one foot, 
 tears her to pieces ; but tis not v.'ithout 
 receiving fometimes dangerous wounds. The 
 viftory does not always coft fo dear; for 
 that is according to the ftrength of the con- 
 tenders.
 
 !^HAP. 10. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 45 
 
 tenders. I omit the (hooting of wild-fowl 
 in the fens and waters, which is neverthelefs 
 very entertaining, as are hlcewife the In- 
 dians ways with nets, noofes, arrows, night- 
 lights ; nay, the manner of catching the 
 Faulcons themfelves is as diverting : 'tis done 
 
 with fine nets, in which they involve thefn^OvALLE.-, 
 that they may not hurt their wings. '646- 
 
 This is fufficient about the birds ; and "^^^^^"^ 
 fince we are in the region of the air, fo near 
 heaven, let us fay fomething of it before wc 
 come down to the earth again. 
 
 CHAP. XX. ; 
 
 Of the heaven, and Jiars, ivhich are p-oper to ihe kingdom and region of 
 
 Chile. ; 
 
 * T~" IS the common opinion of all thofe 
 
 J, that have feen and dwelled in Chile^ 
 that its foil and heaven, if they have 
 their equal, have not their fuperior in the 
 world ; and though Ibme fay the ftars of 
 the artick pole are larger than thofe of the 
 antartick, yet as to their brightnefs and 
 beauty, and the light they give, and as to 
 their numbers, with the clearnefs of the 
 heavens where they are, there is none but 
 muft own the advantage on the fide of the 
 antartick. We may give, as a natural rea- 
 fon of this, the temper of the climate, both 
 as to the air and earth ; for though there are 
 in it fo many rivers, as we have obferved, 
 yet they being rapid, and fwift in their 
 courfe, do not caufe overmuch humidity by 
 their ftay, but afford only what is nccefla- 
 ry for its fertility •, and, of the two ex- 
 tremes, the country is rather dry than moid, 
 particularly as far as thirty-four or thirty- 
 five degrees, as is manifeftly made out by 
 two experiments : firft, by the facility with 
 which all wounds are cured, which ufe to 
 be much longer in wet countries •, and, fe- 
 condly, 'tis proved from the habitations and 
 houles, where the bed apartments are repu- 
 ted to be on the firft floor, they being look- 
 ed upon in fummer for cooleft, and in win- 
 ter tor warmeft ; and, though they are wa- 
 tered every day in the year, and the floors 
 mofl cominonly but of earth, not at all up- 
 on vaults, yet they are never unhealthy ; 
 and there is no need of board -flooring, or 
 mats, let the winter be never fo fliarp. This 
 is a convincing argument, that the country 
 inclines to drynefs rather than to humidity ; 
 from whence it follows, that the fun raifes 
 fewer vapours ; and therefore the air being 
 clearer, the brightnefs of the ftars is more 
 confpicuous ; and for this reafon the fun fets 
 and rifes fo glorious, calling out refplendent 
 beams of light, which is not fo on the other 
 fide of the Cordillera ; for there I have feen 
 the fun pretty high, and its whole body vi- 
 fible, and yet no ways dazzling, the vapours 
 of the earth taking away the radiant beauty 
 of its beams. 
 
 The experience of this is yet more ad- 
 mirable to thofe who feil from Peru iorChile ; 
 for though they keep out a great way from 
 Vol. III. 
 
 land, yet they know prefently by the hori-r 
 zon when they come to the height of Chile; 
 for they begin to fee it all difengaged from 
 clouds and ferene, gilded and glorious, 
 and its beauty increafing upon them every 
 day, as they gain more heighth towards 
 the pole. On the contrary, when they fail 
 for the line from Chile, the nearer they 
 grow to the tropick, that light ar.d fplen- 
 dor grows duller and duller ; fo that in 
 my voyage for Panajua, I faw all the ho- 
 rizon muddy, fad, and clouded, which con- 
 tinued till I got to the Havamia •, where be- 
 ing in eighteen degrees north latitude, the 
 horizon cleared up and grew every day bet- 
 ter and better, till we got to Spai}t. 
 
 So much for the clearnefs and beauty of 
 the heavens and ftars, which may be con- 
 firmed by all thofe who have feen the place ; 
 but it is not fo of the bigneis of the ftars. 
 The aftrologers pretend, that the contem- 
 plation of them, and their meafure, be- 
 longs entirely to their art, as undcrftand- 
 ing beft the difpofuion of the celeftial 
 fphere ; but, in my judgment, they who 
 can beft fpeak of [his matter, are thofe who 
 have feen both poles, as is well obferved 
 by John and 1'heodcre de Brye, in the eighth 
 and ninth part of their twelve curious book?, 
 where they relate variety of hiftories, ob- 
 fcrvations, and voyages, which have been 
 in the North and South America, as far as 
 the ftreights of Magellan. They report 
 then the opinions of learned men, who, in 
 failing on the South-Sea, obferved what I 
 fliall here produce, tranflated faithfully from 
 their elegant Latin into our vulgar tongue, 
 in thefe words : 
 
 The learned of our nation^ "who have fail- John and 
 ed on the South-Sea, do relate to us ?;;^«j Theodore 
 things of that sky, and its flars, as "well of^^ ^''^*" 
 their number, as beauty and bignefs ; and 
 my opinion is, that the ftars we Jee here, are 
 no ways preferable to the njeridional ones ; 
 but rather do affirm, without difpute, that 
 thofe ftars which are near the antartick pole 
 are more in number, and brighter and big* 
 ger. 
 
 He adds, befides, fpeaking of the ftars 
 
 of the conftellation of the Cruzero, that 
 
 their fplendors and beauty is extraordinary, 
 
 M and
 
 4<5 
 
 OvALtE. 
 1646. 
 
 The four- 
 teen con- 
 ftellations 
 of the he- 
 rn ifphere 
 •r Chile. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book 
 
 and that the Via LaHea^ or Milky-JVay, 
 is much brighter in thde parts. This is 
 all ftx)m thole authors. 
 
 Peter Theodore, a moft (kilful pilot and 
 aftronomer, relates in parcicular the ftars of 
 that hemifphere, and the fourteen figures or 
 conftellations they make. The firft is the 
 Cameleon, which contains ten ftars ; the fecond 
 is the Indian Jfpick, made up of four ftars ; 
 the third is the Flying-Fijh, which is*madcup 
 of fcven; the fourth called the Fijh Dorado, 
 is compofed of five ; the fifth is called the 
 Hydra, and is of fifteen ; the bird Toman, 
 which is the fixth, has eight ftars ; and the 
 Phxnix, which is the fcventh, has four- 
 teen ; the Crane has thirteen, which is the 
 
 eighth -, in Noat^s Dove, which is the ninth, 
 there appear eleven ; the Indian Sagittary, 
 which is the tenth, has twelve •, the Pea- 
 cock, which is the eleventh, is compofed of 
 fixteen -, the Bird of Paradife, otherwife cal- 
 led Maaucodiata, has twelve; the thir- 
 teenth is the Triangle, and contains five ; 
 and the laft is the Cruzero, in which are 
 four, which make a crofs, with a little 
 one dole by it, which makes the foot of the 
 crofs. And though this Cruzero is the 
 truide of thofe who fail in the South-Sea, as 
 the Cynofura is to thofe who navigate the 
 Norih-Sea, yet it is not immediately at 
 the pole, but thirty degrees from it -, but 
 there being no ftars of that bignefs near
 
 hiAP. 2 1. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 47 
 
 ir, it Is made uJe of for that effe£l, but not 
 for the needle ; for that in eicher fea, v.he- 
 ther foiuh or north latitude, always turns 
 to the north ; though when one is in the 
 South-Sea, the whole globe of the earth, or 
 the beft part of it, is between them and the 
 north, according to the circle that the 
 Cruzero makes. The fixM point of the 
 pole feems to be between two, as it were, 
 great clouds, though they are not fuch, but 
 cluilers of ftars, not well diftinguifhable, 
 luch as compofe the Via LoMea •, and they 
 are always fixt, without ftirring -, and when 
 
 the heavens are clear, they are brighter, and Ovai,l». 
 better feen, There arc other Itais nearer '^"^^j 
 thefe clouds than the Cruzero ; but not be- ^^ 
 ing fo big, there is little notice taken of 
 them, but only of the C/KZi'rc liars, which 
 are indeed very beautiful, and fliine with 
 great livelinefs. I fuppofe that thofe who 
 have not feen them in their own place and 
 fituation, would be glad to fee a draught 
 of them ; which therefore I have placed 
 in the foregoing page, reprefenting them 
 as they are feen there. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of the anmah, as well proper, as new comers to the kingdom o/" Chile j ami cljb 
 
 of the Bezoar-flones. 
 
 '^r^ ILL the Spaniards came to thefe 
 A Jmtrican parts, there never had been 
 feen in them either cows, horfes, fheep, 
 hogs, houfe-cats, nor rabbits tame or wild : 
 nor dogs, except thofe called cur-dogs ; 
 but no hounds, greyhounds, nor other dogs 
 for game, either by land or water •, no maf- 
 tiffs, nor little dogs, which we call lap- 
 dogs V no goats, nor afles : but as foon as 
 the Spaniards were fettled in Chile, and 
 found the land fo proper for the breed of 
 cattle and flocks, they have increafed them 
 to a degree of fuperfluity -, fo that there is 
 not only enough for the fupport of human 
 life, but alfo for thofe animals who are car- 
 nivorous ; for, as we have feen above, in the 
 flaughtering time, much flefh lies wade in 
 the fields, fp that 'tis neceffiiry to burn it, 
 and throw it into lakes and rivers, to hin- 
 der its corrupting the air. That which in 
 other parts is called a calamity and defola- 
 tion of the country, which is a murrain 
 among cattle, in Chile is thought a necefla- 
 ry purge of the too great abundance of it. 
 This may feem a paradox ; but yet is found- 
 ed upon experience, becaufe the cattle in- 
 creafing as it does, and the land being fo 
 good, that it fattens them to a wonderful 
 degree, (there being often taken out of one 
 cow an hundred and fifty pounds weight of 
 tallow, each pound of fixteen ounces,) there 
 is enough to do to get a vent for it. The 
 fame may be faid of the hides ; for though 
 Peru, where the befl part of the confump- 
 tion is made, is fo great, yet fuch is the 
 product of Chile, that it wants another 
 Peru to confume it -, for this reafon 'cis a 
 gain to lofe the increafe of the cattle, for 
 then the profit is more, with lefs trouble 
 and cofl of fervants. In the beginning of 
 the fettlement in Chile, Don Antonio de Htr- 
 rera fays, that horfes were commonly fold 
 for a thoufand pieces of eight a horfe •, and 
 Careilajfo fays, that at firli a horle did 
 
 not ufe to be fold in Peru at all, except 
 upon the death of the owner, or upon his 
 returning to Spain ; and in that cafe they 
 were fold for four, five, or fix thoufind 
 pieces of eight a horfe. He fiys, he him- 
 felf knew a foldier who had an excellent 
 horfe, and that a Negro going one day by 
 with him in his hand, a gentleman, who 
 faw them, fent to o?itv the foldier ten thou- 
 fand pieces of eight for the horfe and Ne- 
 gro, which he refufed with contempt : but 
 fince that time horfes have multiplied fo, 
 that there being not people enough to fee<i 
 and tend them, they arc fallen extremely. 
 The cows too have increafed fo as to cover 
 the fields -, and it is a wonderful thing to 
 fee in thofe great plains of 'tucuman and 
 Buenos Ayres, vaft herds of them feeding, 
 without any other maftcr than the firfb that 
 will take them, if he can. I have feen in 
 Chile, in the territory of St. Jago, horfes 
 already drefled for war, fold for two 
 crowns a-piece, to fupply the army, and 
 yet for fhape, courage, and good qualities, 
 they yield to no Neapolitan horfe I ever fiw; 
 no, nor to the Andaluzes, from whom they 
 are defcended •, for they have had no rea- 
 fon to degenerate in fo good a land. The 
 cows too, which were at firft out of all 
 price, I have feen fold for a crown a piece, 
 and the calves for half a crown : the flieep, 
 fuch as I have feen bought in flocks for 
 Cuyo and Tucuman, have been fold for three 
 pence, or three halfpence a-piece. 
 
 Theodore, and John de Brye, do mention 
 fome author who fays, that rats were like- 
 wife ftrangers to Chile, and were carried 
 thither by an Antwerp Ihip that pafled the 
 ftraights of Magellan : they muft not mean 
 the ordinary houfe rats and mice, but thofe 
 great ones which have a large taiJ, and 
 are about a foot long : they are called Pe- Pericot«, 
 ricotes, and are very mifchicvous. This ^ '^rge 
 fhip, without doubt, took port in fome "' 
 
 of 
 
 raci.
 
 48 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book I., 
 
 OvALLe of thofe of Ckik, where it left thefe ani- 
 • 646- nials, fo prejudicial and hard to deftroy -, 
 ^•^^^^ tor they refift the cats, and 'tis a flout one 
 that can kill them. But it is a wonderful 
 thing to obll-rve, that though in fca-towns 
 the magazines, (hops, and warehoufcs, are 
 lull of them, yet they never go further 
 into the land, which they might eafily do, 
 by fo much carriage as the commerce of 
 thofe parts requires. I believe the air of the 
 CordUkra does not agree with them, and fo 
 may have killed thole which have been car- 
 ried by chance with goods ; for I do not 
 remember I ever iiiw one in St. Jogo., nor 
 in any town tar from the fea fide. 
 Sheep. Among the animals that are proper to 
 
 Chile, the firft may be reckoned thole which 
 are called the flieep of that country : they 
 are of the fhape of camels, not lb big, nor 
 vail, and without the bunch that camels 
 have : they are white, black, brown, and 
 Ibme are afli-coloured. The authors above 
 cited fay, that anciently they ferved to 
 plow the land in fome parts, before there 
 were oxen in it •, nay, in the relation of 
 George SpiWerg and his fleet, 'tis fiiid, the 
 Butch palling by the ifland of Mocha, faw 
 the Indians ufe them in that work. 
 
 They are made ufe of at this time in 
 fome parts, for carriage of wine, wheat, 
 maize, and other provifions •, and I remem- 
 ber to have feen them about thirty years 
 ago ferve to carry water at St. Jago from 
 the river to the houfes, for the ufe of the 
 hxmVj ; but now they are not at all em- 
 ployed there in this kind of labour, there 
 being fuch quantities of mules and alTes for 
 nil that fervice. Thele fheep have their 
 upper lip flit, with which they do, as it 
 were, fpit at thofe who vex them •, and the 
 children, who ufe to do it, when they fee 
 them ready to fpir, run away -, for they 
 knov/, and 'tis a common truth, that where- 
 ever their fpitting falls, it caufes a fcab ; 
 and having a very long neck, about three 
 feet long, they ufe thefe defenfive arms the 
 better. Their wool is extremely valued •, for 
 of it are woven cloaks, or mantles, lb fine, 
 that they look like camblct : they govern 
 them by a kindle of bridle, which they put 
 through holes in their ears, and fo by pul- 
 ling the reins, turn them which way they 
 will : they kneel down to be loaded, and 
 when the loading is well fitted and fattened, 
 they rife and carry it very gravely. 
 Pegues, a There are likewile natural to that coun- 
 fmall fort try a Ibrt of little rabbits, called by the In- 
 dians Pegues, which they eat with much 
 pleafure : they are wild. The taking of 
 them is very good fport : for they carry wa- 
 ter in great tubs to their holes ; and though 
 they are very deep, and have fecret ifllies 
 and correfpondencies with each other under 
 ground, to avoid being purfued by the 
 
 of wild 
 rabbits. 
 
 hunters or their dogs, yet the water over- 
 comes them ; and while they fly from it, 
 the Indians watch for them at their other 
 holes, and with their dogs take them as 
 they come out to avoid the water. 
 
 There are another fort of little rabbits. Small 
 which are like thefe, but they are tame, and ^J^^ "**; 
 the Indians call them Cuyes, which are alfo^^' """* 
 very good meat : they are of pretty colours, 
 and ijpotted : they are very common every 
 where. 
 
 The fquirrels are not fo -, and I do not Squirrels, 
 know they are to be found any where in 
 Chile, but in the valley of Guafco : they are 
 grey or afli-colour'd, and their fkins are 
 mightily valued for furs, for their warmth 
 and finenefs of the touch. 
 
 The animals called Guanacos, Chamois, wild 
 or -xild goats, are very like thefe country goats, 
 fheep, as well in their fliape as motions ; 
 but they are of a different colour ; for they 
 are red, of a clear colour : they never can 
 be tam'd, but go in flocks, feeding in the . 
 fields -, and 'tis as much as a very fwift horfe 
 can do to overtake them running -, and if 
 they have the leaft fbart of them, they feem 
 to play with them -, for by an eafy gallop, 
 they make the horfe flrain ; in which they 
 are much help'd by their long legs, for by 
 them they gain more ground at every reach : 
 yet 'tis very eafy to catch the young ones, 
 or thofe that are not ufed to be hunted ; be- 
 caufe being fo tall, and their bones, becaufc 
 of their youth> not well knit, they are ea- 
 fily tired ; fo that by following a flock of 
 them on horfeback with dogs, (and they go 
 three or four hundred in a flock,) the young 
 ones are forced to lag behind, and fome are 
 killed by the dogs, fome are knocked on 
 the head with a flick by the hunter. I have 
 feen them bring thus three or four dead at a 
 time. And this is not only a pleafint, but 
 a ufeful fport ; for the flefh of thefe young 
 ones is like kid's flefh, and is eaten frefh : 
 but that of the old ones is not fo, but dried 
 and fmoaked : 'tis the beft of that kind in 
 the world. 
 
 Thefe creatures breed, in a bag they have ji^e {,e- 
 under the belly, the bezoar-ftones, which zoar ftona 
 are fo valued againft poifon, and malignant 
 fevers, good to rejoice the heart, and other 
 admirable effefts. The matter out of which 
 they are made, are herbs of great virtue, 
 which thele animals eat to cure themfelves 
 of any thing they ail, and preferve them- 
 felves from the poifon of any venomous 
 creature, as ferpents, or poifonous plants, 
 and other accidents. 
 
 Thefe ftones are found in the oldefl gua- 
 nacos ; and the reafon is, that their natural 
 heat not being altogether lb fl;rong as the 
 heat of the young ones, they cannot con%'ert 
 into their fubftance all the humour of the 
 herb they take to remedy their indifpofition •, 
 
 and
 
 Chap, til 
 
 Kingi 
 
 om 
 
 0/ C H I L E, 
 
 and fo nature has provided, that what re- 
 mains may be depofited in that bag, and 
 be made a ftone to cure in men the l-ime 
 infirmities: according td. this notion one 
 may obferve, that the ftone is compofed of 
 feveral coats, fome thicker and fome thin- 
 ner, according to the quantity of matter 
 that is gathered together at each time, juft 
 as a wax candle is made by feveral coats 
 given it at feveral times to form its bignefs. 
 
 It is likewife a thing well experienced, 
 that in thofe countries, wiiere there are 
 moft vipers and other poifonous animals, 
 thefe ftones are moft plentiful -, and the 
 caufe is manifeft, becaufe thefe animals, 
 and the deer-kind, do beat fo nAich ground 
 for their livelihood, they are more expofed 
 to venomous creatures, which, when trod 
 upon, wound them forely, and they run 
 naturally to their remedy in thefe herbs -, 
 and as they do this more frequently in thofe 
 parts where they receive moft damage, by 
 confequence there are more of thefe ftones 
 engendered. 
 
 From hence it happens, that in thofe 
 parts of Cuyo^ there is a greater quantity of 
 thefe bezoar-ftones to be had, than in that 
 which we call properly Chile •, for there are 
 many vipers and poifonous creatures, of 
 which Chile is very free, as wc have faid : 
 and yet there are taken fome ftones here, 
 but the greateft part come from Cuyo ; to 
 which likewife it is of fome confideration, 
 that there are bred more guanacos and ftags 
 than in Chile -, for that country being not 
 fo populous, and having fuch vaft plains, 
 thefe animals have room enough for food 
 and for incrcafe ; but it is not fo towards 
 the fea-ftde of Chile, for that being very 
 populous, and full of cattle and flocks, 
 there is no room tor the wild ones, except 
 upon the edges of the Cordillera^ from 
 ■whence they come down into the plains 
 
 c. 
 
 lometmies. 
 
 The bignefs of thefe ftones is in propor- 
 tion to the animal that breeds them ; the 
 moft certain rule is, that if they are little, 
 
 49 
 
 there are many in the bag, and fewer ifOvAtLn. 
 large} and fometimes, when very lar»ej '^46- 
 there is but one. I carried with mc to haly ^-'"Y^^ 
 one that weighed thirty-two ounces; and 
 yet that was not it which made it fhe moft 
 valuable, but its virtues and fhape, for it 
 was a perfeft oval, as if it had been turned 
 by a turner : the Indian who found it had 
 feventy pieces of eight for it •, becaufe when 
 a great ftone is found, it is not Ibid by 
 weight, but according to the eftimation of 
 the owner, and tlie bigger the dearer. 
 
 The virtue of thefe bezoar-ftones is very 
 well known and experienced ; and people 
 of quality take them, not only in the time 
 of their ficknefs, but alfo in health, to pre- 
 ferve it : the way of ufing them is to put 
 them whole into the velTel that holds either 
 the wine or water, or into the glafs out of 
 which one drinks, and the longer they ftay 
 in, the more virtue they communicate. 
 And if a perfon be not much indifpofed, 
 there is no need of ufing them any other 
 way i but if any one Oiould be attacked 
 by any diftemper of confequence, and be 
 fick at heart, or be affeded with melan- 
 choly fits, it would have more virtue to 
 grate a little of the ftone to powder, and 
 drink it ; whatfoever way it is taken, it 
 comforts the heart, purifies the blood ; and 
 the ufing of it is looked upon as a prefer- 
 vative againft all infirmities. 
 
 There are alfo bred in the Pampas, or Hares; 
 the plains of Cuyo, many hares -, and one 
 fort, called Chirichinchos, whofe flefh taftes 
 like that of fucking pigs. But the greateft 
 increafers are the Guanacos, and the deer. 
 It has been faid already, that in Chile there 
 are but few, for the reafons alledged ; but 
 there is great quantity of wild cows and n-ild 
 wild mares, which came at firft from fome cows, 
 which went aftray, by the negligence of Wild 
 the owners \ and being once in thofe moun- '"^f"' 
 tains, they have increafed fo wonderfully, 
 that they are become a game, and many go 
 to kill them, or take them for profit. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the trees growwg m Chile. 
 
 AMohgft other obligations which the 
 land oi America has to Spain, one is 
 the having enriched it with fo many noble 
 plants, trees, and feeds, which it wanted ; 
 for before the Spaniards conquered it, there 
 were not in all Jmerica either vines, fig- 
 trees, olive-trees, apple-trees, melicotoons, 
 peaches, auberges, quinces, pears, pome- 
 granates, cherries, apricots, plumbs, oran- 
 ges, lemons, citrons, nor almonds. As 
 tor feeds, there was neither wheat, barley, 
 nor oats, anifeed, coriander-feed, cumin, 
 Vol. III. 
 
 nor oreganum, linfeed, flax, peafe, beans, 
 nor cabbage, lettice, radifties, cardoons, 
 chicory, or indive, berenguenas<, gourds, 
 melons, cucumbers, parfley, garlick, or 
 onion. But inftead of thefe trees, fruits* 
 and plants, the author of nature had pro- 
 vided them with others of great ufe and 
 good relifh, fuch as maize all over /fwf^ 
 rica : Frifoles, Las Papas el Madi, Los Ca- 
 pallos, and fome others, are proper only to 
 Peru, and the land within the tropicks -, 
 the CafHOtes, Gtiayabas, Mammeycs, Plan- 
 N lanoi.
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 50 
 
 0\M.it.l,ntoj, Zipilapotes, Jrtones, Nifpfos, /Iqua- 
 1646. [(iigs_^ Pinna J J Guanabanoi, Papayas^ Pi- 
 
 ^■^"^^^ tiwayns, and many others, which, though 
 highly commended, do not generally come 
 up to the rcli(h of the European fruits. 
 And the bread and wine has been a fingular 
 addition to them, fuch as the Indians va- 
 lue more than all their produdt, and parti- 
 cularly the wine, which is their chief de- 
 light ; as for bread they value it, but not 
 fo much. 
 
 Though America is obliged to Europe 
 for all this addition, yet Chile much more, 
 as having the greatell advantage by it, and 
 with more plenty than any other part of 
 that new world •, for though all that we 
 have named of European plants are to be 
 found lomewherc, yet not all every where ; 
 for in fome there grows corn, and not wine ; 
 in others both thofc, and not oil ; in 
 others neither corn, wine, nor oil, but 
 other fruit-trees. The fame thing may be 
 fiid of the animals to eat ; fome have beef, 
 others mutton, others pork, which on the 
 continent is a delicacy, and is given to the 
 fick ; fo that running over all America, wc 
 may find that this communication ot new 
 creatures has reached fome parts for one 
 thing, and fome for another. But as for 
 the kingtlom of Chile^ it may be faid to 
 have been totally obliged and inriched -, for 
 all the trees, feeds, plants, and all the ani- 
 mals, iic. of Europe^ are to be found 
 there, and that almoft in every part of it, 
 for it is rare to fee any thing take in one 
 place, and not in anodier ; but if it does, 
 they may eafily have it from their neigh- 
 bours, if it be not fo good, or not at all 
 with them. 
 
 In the third chapter of this book, we 
 have already mentioned how all thefe Eu- 
 ropean fruits and feeds take in Chile, but 
 we can never enough dilate upon that fub- 
 jeft : It will hardly be believed by moil 
 people, particularly by thofe who never 
 having been out of their own country, are 
 fo in love with it, as not to imagine there 
 can be any equal to it, much lefs exceed if, 
 and we relating things lb diftant, of which 
 we cannot bring ocular witneflTes, we are 
 the more liable to contradiction -, but fincc 
 we are writing a hiftory, we mull fpeak the 
 truth as we know it, and it really is. 
 
 T/ees Some trees do not exceed in bignefs thofe 
 
 of Europe of the fame kind, as cherry-trees, 
 quince-trees, almond, peach, and pome- 
 granate-trees, olive, orange, lemon and 
 citron-trees, melicotoons, which lafl in Tu- 
 cuman are neverthelefs very large, and to 
 that degree, that three or four men fome- 
 timcs cannot embrace the body of one of 
 thofe trees. I have feen fome apple-trees as 
 big as elm-trees ; the pear-trees are yet 
 bigger, and much more the mulberry. trees, 
 I 
 
 Book 
 
 T 
 
 X' 
 
 and walnut-trees, though as to their fruit, 
 it is not ib large as that of Europe, the nuts 
 having the fliell as thick again, and by 
 confcquence lefs meat. This is as to the 
 garden-trees brought from Europe. 
 
 As for the trees natural to that country, 
 they are of two forts, the one is fruit-trees, 
 the other not : of the firft I find only three 
 kinds or fpecics of thofe, which are like- 
 wife in Europe, which are the avellanoSy 
 or halll-nut, the pine-tree, and the algar- 
 rabos, or cod- tree. Of thofe which are 
 not properly fruit-trees, there are the lau- 
 rel, the oak, the willow, the cyprefs, 
 which are in great abundance, and very 
 large ; out of thefe they have boards very 
 fit for boxes and trunks, which are no ways 
 pieced, but of one plank ; the doors and 
 coverings of the churches are alfo of this 
 cyprefs-wood. 
 
 Thefe trees grow moft commonly in the Cyprcfs- 
 precipices of the Cordilkra, which being tree. 
 very deep, the cypreffes are extreme large 
 and tall, for they (hoot up till their tops 
 can be warmed by the fun-beams •, fo that 
 they are as ftraight as a wax-candle, and of 
 fo fine a fmell and perfume, that though it 
 be fo plentiful, it bears a good price, and 
 a greater in Peru, to which it is carried, as 
 well as the cedar, which does not fell fo 
 well, becaufe there are more of them. 
 
 Thefe cedar-trees are without compari- Cedar- 
 fon bigger, and have larger heads than the tree, 
 cyprelb-tiees, and of one of them are made 
 icveral planks ; but more of this when we 
 come to fpeak of the iflands of Chiloe, 
 tor there they are larger than in any other 
 part. The colour of the wood is red when 
 it is firft work'd, but in time, and by de- 
 grees, it lofes that lively colour, and comes 
 to be of a kind of walnut-tree colour -, the 
 planks arc of the fafhion of cedar planks, 
 not fo fuDJeft to the worm, but more eafy 
 to work. 
 
 The oak alfo yields very large planks, The oak. 
 for they thrive exceedingly, and grow very 
 thick ; fome of them are white, and the 
 wood of them is corruptible ; others are red, 
 and incorruptible. . 
 
 The planks from the paragua-tree areParagua- 
 the mod in ufe, but lefs valuable. The tree, 
 tree is a handfome branching tree, keeping 
 its leaves green all the year: they are like 
 elms. 
 
 The moft common wood of all, and thatci'nna- 
 of which there is mofl: plenty, which ferves mon-tree. 
 for the covering of houfcs and roofs, is the 
 cinnamon-wood. Thefe are very large trees, 
 of a beautiful afpedt j they keep their leaves 
 all the year, and are like that which in 
 Italy they call the laurel royal. The gua- Guayae- 
 yac-tree is bred in the mountain or Cordil- tree. 
 lera, and from thence has its hardnels and 
 heaviriefs, which is fuch, that it is like iron •, 
 
 and 
 
 ,-]
 
 Chap. 11. 
 
 iGngdom of CHILE. 
 
 ijandal- 
 
 iPalra-tree, 
 
 and the balls made of it to play at billiards, 
 are alinoft as hard as the ivory ones ; the 
 tree is no large tree, and the heart of the 
 wood is a yellow mix'd with green -, the 
 decodlion of it is good for many infirmities. 
 The fandal-tree is very odoriferous -, there 
 are great quantities of them in the iflands 
 which are nam'd from Juan Fernandes ; 'tis 
 a prefervative againft the plague, and is 
 us'd by the confeflbrs, and others, who are 
 bound to approach infedted people. There 
 are other trees and flirubs ot admirable vir- 
 tue, for feveral infirmities, of which the 
 Indians have a particular knowledge, and 
 perform admirable cures with them. 
 
 The fruit-trees bred in the mountains are 
 many, and of great variety : let us firft treat 
 of that which indeed carries the palm, not 
 only becaufe of its name, but that its 
 height, beauty, and abundance, and that 
 of its moft excellent fruit, challenges the 
 firft place among all the reft. 
 
 They grow generally upon the moun- 
 tains, and in precipices, fo thick together, 
 that feeing them at a diftance, one would 
 think they were a clump fet by hand ; they 
 are very thick and high, all the body of 
 the tree is naked 'till the top or firft I'prout •, 
 its nature is to lofe all its old branches as 
 the new ones come out -, by v/hich means 
 the body of the tree rifing free, and difen- 
 cumber'd from fuch boughs as ufe in other 
 trees to grow out of the fides of them, is 
 totally employed in feeding the top, and 
 the fruit which grows within it, being, as it 
 were, a pyramid round it, to preferve it by 
 the admirable texture of its leaves and 
 branches which incompafs it. 
 
 Thefe palm-trees have a wonderful pro- 
 perty, and moft certain, which is, that 
 none of them give their fruit, except they 
 are in fight of each other ; and if it hap- 
 pens that one comes up alone, without a 
 companion, though it thrive to a great 
 largenefs, yet it never bears, except another 
 be planted by it, and this they call the fe- 
 male ; and as foon as the female is planted, 
 though never fo litde a one, yet the great 
 ones bear, and the fecjnd in its time, when 
 it is big enough : I have feen the experience 
 of this; and 'tis a thing well known to all. 
 The fruit of thefe trees is called Cocos, 
 and is like filberds, though bigger by half, 
 and the meat within the fliell is not folid, 
 but hollow, and is, round the edge, about 
 the thicknels of a crown-piece, and in the 
 reft of the hollow is a kind of milk, or wa- 
 ter, of an excellent relifh ; and lb is the 
 flefh of it, which is white, and ferves to 
 preferve the liquor like a Viol, which ftays 
 in it 'till it be imbibed by the Coco^ which 
 happens in fome months j and then they are 
 not fo good to eat as when they are frefh ; 
 but then they are good to preferve, as al- 
 
 51 
 
 monds are, and other kernels of that na-OvAtiE. 
 ture. « 646. 
 
 Antonio de Herrera, and other authors, ^-"'"Y^^ 
 fay, that theli; Cocos are good againft poi- 
 fon ; and nature feems to fet a value upon 
 it, by the many covers in which it is in- 
 volved ; fiift, the kernel is cover'd with a 
 ihell harder than that of the almond, then 
 it has another cover of a green colour, and 
 fometimes yellow, which is woven fo clofe 
 about it, and fo ftrongly, that when it is 
 green, 'tis eafier to break it than to peal it 
 off. The fruit grows clofe to a ftalk, 
 which fometimes will have above a thoufand 
 on it; and this is inviron'd by a great fhell, 
 which grows bigger and bigger with that 
 bunch it contains, till at laft the fruit makes 
 it burft and open into two parts, which are 
 like two boats, each of above half a yard 
 long, and two fpans diameter in the broad- 
 eft place, and the bunch within all of a fine 
 yellow, very beautiflil to look on. It hangs 
 on the branches till it be ripe, and then fails 
 to the ground, where it is gather'd, and 
 great provifion is made of it for Pei'u; for 
 befides their being made a fvveetmeat, the 
 children rid the merchants of them for 
 play-things, it being one of their greatcft 
 entertainments. 
 
 The palm-trees which bear dates, do not 
 feem to be natural to this country, but 
 brought from abroad ; for I never favv them, 
 as others, wild in the fields, but only in 
 gardens. 
 
 There are other fruit-trees wild, which The Pen- 
 come in the fields, and are call'd Pengue ; they g"«- 
 have a red fruir, fomething bigger and more 
 oval than the filberds ; thefe the Indians eat 
 boil'd with other ingredients. There are 
 alio trees call'd Magues, which are very-^j^g 
 beautiful and cooling ; the leaves are admi- Mague. 
 rable againft a burn ; the fruit is black like 
 a myrtle-berry ; 'tis very well relifh'd, ha- 
 ving a dulccpiquante very agreeable ; it 
 blackens the mouth and hands when it is 
 eaten, and for that reafon the more civiliz'd 
 people do not ufe it fb much. There are 
 alfo fruits of which the Indians make their 
 fermented liquors, whofe names and proper- 
 tics I cannot call to mind ; only I know 
 there is great variety of them ; and I can 
 remember one call'd ^elu : the fruit is 
 very fweet and fmall, between red and 
 yellow ; of this they make a drink extra- 
 ordinary f'weet. They make another drink 
 of that which they call Iluigan, and the 
 Spaniards, MoUe; it is of the fliape and 
 colour like pepper; the tree en which they 
 grow is but little, but a great bearer: this 
 drink is very agreeable, and coveted even 
 by the greateft ladies. The moft common 
 drink of the Indians is made of maiz, w hich 
 is the ordinary bread and fuftcnance of the 
 Indians, 
 
 Lee
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 5i 
 
 OvALLE. Let US end with the tree called murtilla •, 
 «646. though, if vvc believe the authors who treat 
 ^j^Jj^^.of it, it deferves to be ranked in the firft 
 lilla. place. Antonio de Herrera fpeaks lb well 
 of this tree in the ninth Decade of his hifto- 
 ry of the Indies, hook IX. and folio 247. 
 that I will relate only what he fays, and 
 that in his own words, which are as fol- 
 Ant. dc low : [There is a kind of fruit of trets that 
 Herrera. grow on the mountains, which grozu from 
 thirty fevcn degrees upwards, and in thofe 
 countries 'tis a common food ; the natives call 
 it Uni, and the Caftillans, Murtilla. It is 
 red, and like a fmall grape, fomething bigger 
 than afivolen pea ; its fhape and colour is like 
 the pomegranate grains, its fmell and tajle 
 agreeable, and not unlike a grape. It has lit- 
 tle grains like a fig, which are almoft imper- 
 ceptible to the tongue ; its temperature is hot 
 and d>y : of this they make a wine, tvhich 
 exceeds all other liquors, even that of the Eaft- 
 India coco, or palm-tree: neither cyder, 
 mad, nor beer, nor all the other drinks de- 
 fer i bed bf Andres de Laquuna,' are to be 
 preferred to it. This wine is clear, fine, 
 warm, and very agreeable to the tafie, as 
 well as profitable to the ftomach. It confumes 
 all vapours in the head, its heat warming the 
 ears without going any further : it comforts 
 and cherifhes the flomach, increafes appetite, 
 and never takes it away. It never offends 
 the head, or makes it heavy, or burthens the 
 ftomach ; and it bears as much water again 
 as wine will do. Thofe who have tafted it, 
 commend its colour and favour, as much as 
 that of grapes. Its colour is golden, and migh- 
 ty bright ; and it is as fwcst and good as the 
 wine of Ciudad Real. There is little of it 
 made, and fo it lafts but eight months ; for 
 which reafon 'tis not known how many years 
 it would keep. It takes up as much labour 
 and care as wine, in the making : if it be left 
 to itfelf, and without fire, 'tis forty days be- 
 
 Eoo 
 
 K 
 
 fore it ferments. It cafts down a Ice, and 
 works out the frothy part at the top of the vef- 
 fel ; and for that reafon care is taken to fum 
 it as it boils, and then 'tis drawn off into an- 
 other veffel. JVhen 'tis turned to vinegar^ 
 its vinegar has a better tafte and colour than 
 zi'ine vinegar ; for it retains the colour of the 
 fruit, which is voy odoriferous and fweet.] 
 Thus fiir this author: from whence it may 
 be inferred, that this land had good wine 
 of its own; and it had alio very good oil 
 made of a feed called Madi ; it is extreme- 
 ly well relidied ; but now 'tis not much in 
 ufe, becaufe that of olives is lo common. 
 
 It is not poflible to defcribe particularly, 
 one by one, all the various forts of trees 
 that are bred in the woods and mountains 
 of Chile ; and it would take up a very large 
 treatife, which is not my purpofe; yet 
 when we come to treat of the ftreights of 
 Magellan, we will fpeak of the cinnamon- 
 tree, which is to be found there, and of the 
 barks of fome other trees of that foil, which 
 have the fame tafte as the Eaft- India ^x^pper. 
 All that I can fay at prefenr, is, that there 
 are few of thefe trees that lofe their leaves 
 in winter, particularly thofe which grow 
 wild in the woods, which arc generally aro- 
 matick, and of a very fragrant fmell ; and 
 of them, all the fineft of this kind are bred 
 in the territory of the Conception. I would 
 not have believed it, if I had not feen it •, 
 for in travelling I met with lovely groves, 
 which bordered the highways, and caft out 
 fo rich a fmell from their leaves, that the 
 flowers of jafmin did not appear fweeter. 
 There are alfo abundance of myrtles and 
 laurels, which grow in great groves natu- 
 rally •, and yet among them there are trees 
 whofe leaves exceed them infinitely in the 
 perfume of their fmell ; infomuch that paf- 
 fing one's hand over them, one would think 
 one had amber gloves on. 
 
 BOOK
 
 n 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Treating of the fecond and third Part 
 of the Kingdom o£ C H I L E. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the ijlands of the kingdom tf Chile. 
 
 Cvat.lb. 
 
 i6a6. 
 
 Illands. 
 
 Del Sobo- 
 ral, De 
 Muxillo- 
 nes, De 
 los Paxa- 
 ros, and 
 ■ many o- 
 thers. 
 
 HAV I N G, for the better defcrip- 
 tion of the kingdom of Chile, 
 divided it into three parts, we 
 have treated of the firft and 
 principal one, which is that 
 which is properly called Chile., in which 
 many things are faid which are common to 
 all the three parts ; therefore in thefe two 
 which remain, we fhall take notice of that 
 only which fhall be peculiar to them, to 
 avoid repetition. 
 
 We come now to the fecond parr, which 
 are the illands which are fpread all along 
 the coaft of the South-Sea, as far as the 
 ftreights of Magellan ; I fay, they are ma- 
 ny in number, and fome of them very large 
 ones ; as that of SanSla Maria, La Mocha, 
 Juan Fernandes, and, above all, that of 
 Chiloe, in which is founded the city of Ca- 
 ftro. Some make thefe iflands fifty, fome 
 feventy leagues in length, and about fix or 
 feven leagues in breadth. In the fame fea, 
 or archipelago, there are many more, fome 
 of ten leagues, and others lefs ; and in all, 
 reckoning thofe that are within the ftreights 
 of Magellan, there are above two hundred 
 difcovercd. 
 
 . Jutt over-againfl: Coquimho there are three, 
 which are called Del Soboral, De Muxillo- 
 nes, and De los Paxaros, in thirty degrees 
 latitude; two more in thirty three and forty 
 degrees : there are eight fmall ones juft over- 
 againfl Val Paraifo, which are called the 
 iflands of Juan Fernandes -, who dying, left 
 them to the Jefuils. Then follows the 
 ifland ^ariquina, which is in the bay of the 
 Conception. Juft over-againft Arauco is the 
 i^xnAoi Sancla Maria, in the thirty-leventh 
 degree ; and in thirty-eight that of L,a 
 Mocha. Hard by Valdivia, about forty 
 three degrees, comes the archipelago of 
 Chiloe, which is compofed of forcy iflands j 
 and hard by it is the province of Calbuco, in 
 which there are twelve more. Thofe of 
 Los Chojios are as many, in forty- five de- 
 grees ; and in fifty degrees are the eighty 
 Vol. III. 
 
 iflands difcovered by Pedro Sarmienlo, as 
 fliall be related hereafter. 
 
 The iflands of Chiloe are reputed barren ; ines of 
 but their foil is not re.illy fo, only the ex- Chiloe. 
 cefllve rains choak the feed, and do not let 
 the corn thrive -, fo that they are without 
 wheat, wine, or oil, or any other plants 
 which need much fun. The nature of the 
 climate of this archipelago is fuch, that it 
 rains almoft .ill the year, fb that only maiz, 
 or other fuch grains can ripen, that do not 
 want fo much fun. The nourifliment or 
 diet of the natives, is moftly of a root cal- 
 led Papas, well known over all the IVefl- 
 Indies, of a good nourifliment ; and they 
 grow there bigg-r than in any other place. 
 They have bcfidcs fome maiz, fome fiOi, 
 and particularly fliell-fifli, which is excel- 
 lent in thofe feas. They have few fheep, 
 but very good poultry, as well as hogs, 
 and fome beef; with which, and what be- 
 fides is brought to them from St. Jago, and 
 the Conception, the Spaniards, both of the 
 garrifon and city of Caftro, make a good 
 fliitt. This city is the capital of the chi.-f 
 ifland -, in which, and in the reft, there is 
 great quantity of honey and wax made. 
 And Herrera and other hiftorians fay, there 
 are mines of gold upon the fliore ; and they 
 remark it as an extraordinary thing, and 
 hardly heard of in any other place. 
 
 The manufadures of thefe iflands are Xfiniif?:- 
 the cloathing for the Indians, who have a '"''^ °f '*'• 
 kind of veft which they call Macun, and '^■'"^^• 
 it is without fleeves, becaufe their arms are 
 naked -, and over this they put a garment 
 called Choni, which ferves for a cloak, and 
 is like that which painters give to the apo- 
 ftlcs in their pictures. They have another 
 commodity from their Vv^oods, particularly 
 of the plank they make of a iree, which is 
 a cedar, and of which they have vaft woods< 
 and in them trees of a prodigious fize ; for 
 frier Gregory of Lson, of the order of St. 
 Francis, in his map of Chile, which he de- 
 dicates to the pi^efident Don Loiiis Fernandes 
 O it
 
 0/ the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IL 
 
 I/les of 
 Chono. 
 
 Ifles of Ju- 
 an Fer- 
 randes. 
 
 Fine 
 Ifland. 
 
 ■ ill' Cofiiouj, Senior del Carpio, fays, that 
 Ibmc of thefe trees are fo big that they 
 cannot be hardly encompafled by a rope ot 
 fix yards long •, and out of the wood of the 
 boughs there has been made fix hundred 
 planks, of twenty five feet long, and two 
 Icet broad ; apd that >vhich is confiderable, 
 is, -that this plank is nor fawed, but cut 
 with axes ; in whi(;li there is much niore 
 lofs. This author defervcs belief, as well 
 from the experience of forty two years that 
 he lived in Chile, as from having been de- 
 finitor of his order. And what I have heard 
 from the mouth of a colonel, who was both 
 born and bred in that country, will ferve to 
 confirm this-, which is. That if two men 
 on horfeback are on each fide of the tree, 
 when it lies along, they cannot fee one ano- 
 ther J igf the body of the trunk hinders 
 them. Thefe planks are carried to Chile 
 and Peru ; and in exchange they bring back 
 provifions to liye on. The iflands ot Chono 
 are yet poorer than thefe -, becaufe, that 
 being nearer the pole, their fummeris fliort- 
 er, and their rains more copious, infbmuch 
 that they drown the cardi, and hinder it 
 from producing. 
 
 We have little knowledge of any other ierg 
 iflands befides thefe of Chiloe ; becaufe the 
 continent being fo large, and yet not 
 throughly peopled, there has been little oc- 
 cafion of inhabiting any more than fome 
 few of the iflands •, by which means there 
 is but fmall difcovery made of their quali- 
 ties -, though 'tis reafonable to think they re- 
 femble the land over-againll which they lie. 
 As for the iflands of Juan Fernnndes, I 
 will relate what I find writ about them in 
 Theodore and John de Brye. in their relation 
 of the voyage of John Scutten : They foy 
 then, that thefe two iflands are very high 
 land -, the leafl: of the two, which is the 
 weftermofl-, appeared to them barren, as 
 being covered with wood, and very moun- 
 tainous •, though not landing on it, they 
 could make no judgment of the infide ot 
 the ifland. The bigger ifland, which is the 
 cafl;erniofl, is likewife mountainous, but has 
 great variety of trees, and much grafs, with 
 which are fed great herds of fwine and goats, 
 bred from fome fev/ which were put on fhore 
 by John Fernandcs, who began to cultivate 
 thefe iflands as his own •, but he dying, and 
 the Spaniards finding greater advantages up- 
 on the continent, they forfook thofe iflands, 
 which were out of all trade, leaving their 
 flocks of cattle behind them, which now 
 are infinitely multiplied. 
 
 They fay befides, that coming to this, 
 which they call the Fine Ijland, they found a 
 port very fafe for their fliips, having twenty 
 or thirty fathom depth, the fliore all ll;ndy 
 and even, with a delicate valley full of trees 
 qf gll Ibrts, and wild boars, and other ani- 
 I 
 
 mals feeding in it •, but they could not di- 
 ftinguifli them, by reafon of the diftance 
 tjiey were at. Tliey extol particularly a 
 moif beautiful fountain, which coming 
 down from high rocks, rowls into the fea 
 by different canals, which form a pleafiint 
 urofped:, and its water is very fweet and 
 agreeable. They faw alio great flore of 
 fcals, and other fiflv, .which they caught in 
 great plenty. In fliort, they were fb in love 
 with this ifland, for the good qualities they 
 difcovered even at its entrance, that they 
 were very unwilling to leave it, though 
 prefled in point of time. 
 
 I do not doubt, but this is a very plea- 
 fant fituation -, Ibr in its temperature, and 
 other properties, it muft be very like Vol 
 Pariafo and St. Jago, becaufe 'tis almofl: in 
 the flmic degree weft ; and without doubt 
 thefe iflands will be peopk-d in timej. w]^^ 
 the continent grows populous, as it dc&es 
 every day ; for then people wiJl be feeking 
 new habitations ; but at prefent they only- 
 go thither fometimes to fifh, to fend it to 
 Peru, where they have it not fo plentifully. 
 The fame authors, giving an account of 
 the other Dutch fquadron under George Spil- 
 fay. That they came to the ifland of 
 Mocha, and found the north fide of it plain 
 and low, but the fouth full of rocks : they 
 landed •, and the good reception they found 
 from the Indians, is an argument of the fer- 
 tility of the place. Thofe Indians are a 
 noble fort of people, and very good na- 
 tured. When they had refrefhed themfelves 
 much at their eafe, they made provifion of 
 great ftore of fheep, who are very large, 
 and in great plenty there, as likewife of 
 hens, eggs, fruit, and other provifions. 
 They treated the Indians on board, and 
 fhewed them their great guns, and their 
 men in order for fighting : they prefented 
 them alio with European commodities, fuch 
 as hats, cloaths, axes, and things which 
 they valued. Afrcr this, they let them 
 again on fhore -, and the Indians made figns 
 to them to go back to their Ihips, as they did. 
 But they were very differently received in 
 the ifland of San^a Maria, where the vice- 
 admiral landed with fome of his men, and 
 were invited by the Indians to eat ; but from 
 the fhips they law a great army coming 
 down upon them, as they were going to fit 
 down to table : whereupon they made figns 
 to them to retreat to the port ; which they 
 did, and had jufl time to embark. But they 
 likewife carried off about five hundred flieep, 
 and other refrelhments, having found the 
 ifland very fertile and well provided, as well 
 as very temperate, being about 1 3 leagues 
 fouth-weft from the city of the Concep- 
 tion, about thirty-feven degrees, and not above 
 three leagues from Arauco ; which makes 
 Ibnie think, that formerly this ifland was 
 
 faftened
 
 'Chap. ^2. 
 
 'h V' ^J^^'i'V^dtm of C HI L E. 
 
 55 
 
 faRened to the inain'liridi -^nd thttt the Tea 
 had in length of ■ time -made- the. divrfion 
 which :rtow forms the -bay bf Jrauco; 
 
 •Vhere is little to be laid that.i-sitpanticu- 
 lar-cbF all fhe other iflands to- the llraightsrof 
 ■Alagdlan, firiee it has not ; prleafeU God to 
 ■ Jet them be peopled by Spaniards, ;tnd io 
 -give an entrance to the igofpei ; by whicli 
 means.thei prodaftand riatvire of them might 
 •be known, and many fouls faved which in- 
 habit them. • ' jig -'■!■' 
 
 All that -^jveknownow of thcm,-is,rTfiat 
 in the voyage oi ■ Pedro de Sunnimto to 
 Spain, bchag fent-by tlie viceroy tochaftife 
 
 'Friincis -Brake, I'for his boldiiefs lur infell- Ov.xii.F. 
 ing thoTe coafts •, ' in his Way, onthis fide '^+''- 
 the ffraights of A&^^(.%>7, he difcovertd .i '"''^^^ 
 grciit iii-chipelago of illancis, which they 
 ltold'to.\he nnhibcr of eighty, which lie 
 named by fcvefai names, and took poflel- 
 fion ot them in the name ot his king. He 
 alfo dilcovered more iflands in fifty one de- 
 grees, to which he did the fame. 'Tis 
 known hkcwifc, that in the Ibaights them- 
 felves there are many illands, fomc ol which 
 we'fhall mention when wc treat oi the 
 ftraights of Magellan. 
 
 :r-ui 
 
 . ,r. ^j.ibd iii.'. 
 
 ,gm A p. 
 
 II. 
 
 Of t'hetm^d called Tierra del Fiiego. 
 
 THE land called Tierra del Fuego, (fo 
 famous in the relations and maps we 
 have of the Itraights of Magellan,) has de- 
 ceived many by its name, people believing 
 that it had been given it for fome Vdlcanos, 
 or burning mountains, or other iubterra- 
 neous fires ; but it it not fo, for this name 
 had no other occafion, than thit the firft 
 navigators through the ftraights difcovered 
 upon it many fires and great fmoaks, made, 
 as they fuppofed, by the numerous inhabi- 
 tants of it -, and fo they called it the Land 
 ■of Fire. There arofe likewife another mi- 
 ftake from its great extent-, for it was jud- 
 ged to be a great continent, of which in 
 time the world was undeceived, as we fhall 
 fee hereafter. 
 Situation This land, called Sierra del Fuego, is 
 3f Tierra that which forms the fouth fide of the 
 klFucgo. f^r^ighfjof Magellan, extending itfclf the 
 whole length ot the ftraights, eaft and weft, 
 above one hundred and thirty leagues. For- 
 merly, before the ftraights of St. Vincent, 
 otherwife call'd the ftraights of Le Maire, 
 were difcover'd, this land was thought to be 
 joined to fome other great continent of the 
 '■Terra ylujlj-alis, which was fuppofed to join 
 to Neiv Guinea, or the iflands of Solomon ; 
 and Ortelius, in his Geography, is of this 
 opinion ; but upon the difcovery of the other 
 ftraights of St. Vincent, that doubt has been 
 I clear'd, feveral having gone through them 
 
 j to the South-Sea ; and among the reft, two 
 
 1 caravals, fet out by the king's command, in 
 
 the year i6i8, on purpole to view thefe 
 ftraights, which it was faid had been difco- 
 ver'd by James Le Maire, which caravals 
 were commanded by Don Juan de More. 
 
 Thefe two veflels fet out irom Lisbon in 
 the month of OHober, i6i8, and being 
 come to the eaft entrance of the ftraights of 
 Magellan, they pafled by ir, and run along 
 all that coaft, without finding any entrance, 
 till they came to that of Le Main, v/hich 
 they went through in lefs than one day's 
 
 i6i8. 
 
 time •, after which they turn'd to the foutli, 
 and afterwards to the weft : they went round 
 all the Tierra del Fuego, and failing north, 
 "cibe to the weft entrance of the ftraights 
 of Magellan, into which they enter'd, and 
 lail'd through them to the North- Sea. Ha- 
 ving thus made a circle clear round the Ti' 
 erra del Fuego, they proved it demonftra- 
 tivcly to be an iftand feparate from all other 
 land. I'iie fame was done by Sir Richard 
 Haukins, an Englijio gentleman, who having 
 pafs'd the ftraight of Le Maire, Jaii'd for 
 five a:nd forty days to the fouth, without 
 finding any land contiguous to the Tierra 
 del I'uego, but many iilands, as is related 
 by Antonio de Herrera, chop. 27. of the 
 defcription of the Wcji-Indus. The fame 
 has been confirm'd by feveral, who being 
 driven by ftorms from their intended courle, 
 have been forc'd to run towards the fouth 
 pole •, amongft the reft by Francis Drake, 
 who having pafs'd the ftraights of Magellan, 
 the fixth oi September, 1572, and being got 
 on the feventh, a degree from the ftraights, 
 was carried by a ftorm two hundred leagues 
 to the fouth -, and coming to an anchor in 
 fome of thofe iflands, he there found that 
 the fun being eight degrees from the tro- 
 pick of Capricorn, the days were fo long, 
 that there was not above two hours night •, 
 from whence he inferr'J, that when the fun 
 came to the tropick, there muft be a per- 
 petual day of twenty-four hours. The lame 
 was experimented about two years ago by 
 the fleet of general Henry Brum; which ha- 
 ving pafiTed the ftraights in April, v/ere by 
 the force of ill weather carried into feventy- 
 two degrees, and eaft anchor at the ifland 
 of St. Bernard, to which they gave the 
 name of Barnevclt •, and it being about the 
 entrance of winter, the clays were not above 
 three Irours long, lb that they expefled ihey 
 would ftill fhorcen till Jniic, when the fun 
 being furtheft oft" from that hcmifphere, 
 v/oufd leave thetii in a total night ; for this 
 
 rcafon.
 
 56 
 
 Ov A L L E . 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature md Properties of the 
 
 Book I 
 
 Iflands of 
 New Gui- 
 nea. 
 
 Iflands of 
 Ijoloraon. 
 
 Ifleof 
 St. Paul. 
 
 reafon, and becaufe of the hardnefs of the 
 weather, which increas'd every day^ they 
 diirll not winter in that ifland^ as they had 
 a mind, but after a fortnight's ftay in ir, 
 weigh'd anchor, and iail'd for Chile. In 
 which voyage they made but little advance, 
 having always the wind a-head, infomuch 
 that they were a whole month doubling 
 .one cape, and loft in the endeavour their 
 Tender, in which was the bell part of their 
 provifion. 
 
 So much for the iflands belonging to the 
 coaft of Chile ; but having alfo mention'd 
 the iflands of Solomon and Nezi> Gimiea, to 
 which antiendy it was thought that the 
 land of Tierra del Fiiego was join'd, it will 
 be well to fay Ibmething of them. 
 
 The author who writes the beft of them, 
 is Anlonio de Hcncrn, and from Itkn is ta- 
 ken what John and 'Theodore de Brye fay of 
 them -, which is thus: 
 
 The iflands of New Guinea run from 
 Ibmething more than one degree fouth of 
 the pole antartick, three hundred leagues 
 eaft to the fifth or fixdi degree •, accordiiig 
 to which reckoning, they tall about tlie 
 weft of Peiyta. The iflands of Solomon fall 
 to the weft of Peru, about eight hundred 
 leagues from its coaft, and extend them- 
 felves between the feventh and twelfth de- 
 cree: They are diftant from Lima about 
 fifteen hundred leagues : They are many, of 
 a good fize : There are eighteen principal 
 ones, which are feme three hundred, fome 
 two hundred, fome one hundred, fome fifty 
 leagues, and lefs in compafs. Between 
 them and Peru, inclining to the land of 
 Chile, there is another call'd the ifland of 
 6'.'. Paul, about the latitude of fifteen de- 
 crees, and about feven hundred leagues from 
 the terra firma. 
 
 The fleet of William Seozvten having run 
 
 along the coaft of Chile in the year 161 5 '^J'S' 
 or 1 6 16. from the Streights of Magellan, 
 took their courfe to the weft, when they 
 were about the latitude of eighteen degrees, 
 to try to find out fome new ifland, and found 
 one in fifteen degrees ; which, according to 
 their computation, was diftant from the 
 coafts of Peru about nine hundred leagues. ' 
 
 After this they difcover'd two more, which 
 they call'd the Cocoa iflands, by reafon of TheCoc 
 the great plenty of that fruit that was iflands. 
 there, that the inhabitants did ufe to drink 
 the Iweet liquor that was bred within the 
 Cocoas, h\it when it was at an end, they 
 made a Ihift with fait water; to which, 
 being accuftomed from their youth, it did 
 not hurt them. They Hiy more, that the 
 inhabitants go naked, though not quite ; 
 and that their way of being civil and falu- 
 ting, is to give themfelves blows upon 
 the temples, which is the fame as with 
 us the pulling off the hat or cap. At firft 
 they laughed at the fire-arms, till they faw 
 one fltll much wounded, which undeceiv'd 
 them, and convinced them that it was not 
 only noife which proceeded from thofearms. 
 Thefe iflands are diftant from Peru 15 10 
 German leagues, which are longer than the 
 Spanip leagues, th.ough not fo long as the 
 Indian ones. There were found alio other 
 iflands in the latitude cf twenty nine de- 
 grees, which perhaps were thole which at 
 firft they call'd the iflands of Solomon. 
 Others fiy, that there aic others more to 
 the weft, oppofite to Chile. Whofoever is 
 curious enough to know the particulars of 
 all thofe iflands, their temperature, inha- 
 bitants, their good and ill qualities, may 
 'find them in the above-cited authors, who 
 treat of them more at large ; for- my ia- 
 tention, 'tis enough to fjiy what I have re- 
 ported. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the t^o jlrcighti of Magellan and St. Vincent. 
 
 THE Sir eight of Magellan receiv'd its 
 name from that man, who eterniz'd 
 his own, by being the firft who difcover'd 
 and pafs'd it. This was that famous Por- 
 tugi'.efe captain, Hernando de Magellanes, 
 whofe intrepid foul going almoft beyond 
 the true limits of all ordinary valour, feems 
 to have border'd upon temerity and rafia- 
 nefs, by engaging himfelf to difcover a 
 palTage altogether unknown, and fo narrow, 
 that It was very dangerous for ihips, being 
 befides in the fifty-fourth degree, which 
 makes it very cold. This bold captain 
 begun to enter the Streight by the North-Sea 
 the twenty-feventh of November, in the 
 ye.tr 1520, and in twenty days, which was 
 a happy paflage, he entet'd the South-Sea ; 
 
 from thence he lail'd to the Philippine 
 iflands, where he was kill'd in one of thofe 
 iflands called Matan, to which he went from 
 another called Pezebu, to fight ag.iinft the 
 king of the firft, becaufe he retulcd to fub- 
 jedt himfelf to one of thoie kings who had 
 turn'd Chriftian ; engaging him with more 
 courage than condurt, and fo he perifh'd 
 by the great number of his adverfaries. 
 His death was very much lamented, and he 
 much mifs'd in the difcoveries of that new 
 world ; for, without doubt, if he had lived 
 longer, he would have made great difcove- 
 ries in the the terra frma and iflands. 
 
 To give a more certain account of this 
 Streight of Magellan, I will make ufe of the 
 memoirs of diole who have pafs'd it, and
 
 Chap. 3, 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 left relations of it, who, as eye-witncfics, 
 were iefs fubjcCl to mlftake. And firlt I 
 will give thofe fworn relations given in 
 Caftilla by thole who fet fail from the Co- 
 ri'Jiiia, bv the emperor Chnrks the fifth's 
 order, in fix fhips under the command of 
 Fray Garcia Jofre de Loayfa, a knight of 
 Malta, and born at Civedad Real. 
 
 They iay in their report, That the find 
 ftreight is a hundred leagues in length, from 
 the cape of the Eleven 'Tbotifand Virgins, 
 which is at the entrance of the North-Sea 
 to the cape of Defire, which is at the en- 
 trance of the South-Sen •, and they fay more, 
 that they found in the ftreight three great 
 bays, of about feven leagues wide from 
 land to land, but the entrances of them are 
 not much more than half a league over •, 
 the firft is about a league deep -, the fecond 
 about two leagues •, the third, they fiy, is 
 encompafs'd with mountains of fuch a 
 height, that they feetn to be in competi- 
 tion with the Itars, and the fun does not 
 enter within them in the whole year ; which 
 was the caufe of their enduring there an 
 extreme cold ; for it fnows almoft conti- 
 nually, and the fnow never melting by the 
 fun-beams, it looked with a kind of bluifli 
 colour. They fiy, moreover, that the 
 nights were twenty hours long ; they met 
 with good water, and trees of feveral forts, 
 among which many cinnamon-trees •, and 
 that the leaves and boughs of the trees, 
 though they appeared green, yet burnt in 
 the fire as if they were dry ; that they found 
 many good fifhing-places, and faw many 
 whales, (fome mermaids) many of the 
 tunny-fifh, fharks, cods, great ftore of 
 pilchards and anchovies, very great oyfters, 
 and other fliell-fiih. That there were alfo 
 very good harbours, with fifteen fathom 
 water -, and in the ftreights itfelf above five 
 hundred fathom, and no where any finds 
 or flioals. They obferv'd feveral plealant 
 rivers and ftreams, and faw that the tides 
 of both feas came each of them above fifty 
 leagues up the ftreight, and meet about the 
 middle of it with a prodigious noife and 
 formidable fhock. Though a Portnguefe 
 captain, who had pafs'd this ftreight, told 
 me. That thefe tides were only fome high 
 floods, which laft a month, or thereabouts, 
 as the winds blow •, which makes the fea 
 fometimes rife to a great height, and at 
 other times fall as much, leaving the fliore 
 dry for a great way ; and the ebbing is 
 fometimes lb faft, that (liips are left dry, 
 as this captain's fhip was, fo that he was 
 forc'd to dig his way out to get into deep- 
 er water. They found feveral other entran- 
 ces in this ftreight ; but for want of provi- 
 fion they could not ftay to fearch them : 
 They loft one fhip off the Virgins Cape ; 
 and they had fcarce enter'd the ftreishts, 
 N°. 90. Vol. III. 
 
 when a ftorm blew them back to the river O^'at i.t. 
 of St. Ildefcnfo, and to the port of SavHa '^!'''' 
 Croce, where they found ferpcnts of various "'^^ 
 colours, and ftones that were good for 
 ftanching of blood -, all this may be feen 
 in Antonio de llerrera, in the fecontl to.mc. 
 Decade 3. and in the ninth book, fol. 335. 
 and it does not difxgree with the other re- 
 lation of Magellan'?, voyage, though this 
 makes the ftreightcft part yet Icfs, allow- 
 ing it nor above a mufquct-lliot over, and 
 from one entrance to another it reckons 
 a hundred leagues, the land on both fides 
 being very rich and beautiful. 
 
 This is, in fhort, the relation given in 
 to the king. There are fome other authors 
 who neither make the ftreight lb long, nor 
 do they make the narroweft part fo ftreight ; 
 for fome allow but fourfcore and ten leagues, 
 or Iefs, to its length ; but yet 'tis proba- 
 ble, that the firfl give the moft credible 
 account, becaufe they cxamiii'd it with 
 fuch care and punctuality, in order to in- 
 form his majefty. All agree in one thing, 
 which is, in the good qualities of the fea, 
 land, and ifiands of the flrcight, as w.-li as 
 of the fliore on both fides, and of the good 
 parts that are in it, and of fome particu- 
 larly fo fectire, that the fhips rid in them 
 without being faftened, being as fafe as it" 
 they had been in a box. 
 
 Among the reft the Hollanders celebrate 
 much the twenty-fifth port, call'd the Fa- 
 vwiis ; and it is fo much fb, that George 
 Splkrg, their general, gave it that name, 
 for the excellent reception they found there : 
 They fiw the whole earth about cover'd 
 with various fruits of various colours, and 
 of excellent taftc. To delight them the 
 more, there was a fine brook of excellent 
 water that fell from a high rock, and wa- 
 ter'd all the valley entring into the port ; 
 and befides thefe five and twenty ports or 
 liarhours, there were many others in the re- 
 maining part of the ftreight, which might 
 ■ be a third of it, all which were very re- 
 markable. 
 
 There is a harbour call'd De la Pimienta, H.^rbmir 
 or xhe: Pepper Harbour, for the fd<e of fome De I.; i'l- 
 trees they found in it, whofe barks had a""^'""' 
 moft aromatick fmell, and a tafte of pep- 
 per, fomcthing more burning and quick 
 than that of the Eajl-Indies. When the 
 Nodales pafs'd this way, they gather'd a 
 great deal of this bark ; and authors fiy, 
 that when they brought it to Seville, it was 
 fo valued there, that it was fold lor fixtecn 
 ryals, or two crowns a pound. 
 
 The lame authors report, that they found 
 cinnamon-trees, which bore good cinna- 
 mon ; and in the fecond narrow pafliigc 
 fome others, that bear a fort of black fruit, 
 of moft excellent tafte and favour. In 
 other places they faw molt beautiful woods 
 P and
 
 58 
 
 Of the Niiture and Fropertns of the 
 
 EOQK U. 
 
 OvALLE.and groves, plcafant plains, agreeable 
 '646- valleys, and intervals of great beauty, 
 ^-"^'^^ with high mountains •, fome cover'd with 
 fnow, from whence there defcended lovely 
 ftreamsi others all cloathed with greens of 
 various lorts ; and in them they defcried 
 many animals going to and tro, fiich as 
 deer, ollriches, and others, as alfo great 
 variety of moft beautiful birds oi all co- 
 lours i and among the reft they kill'd one 
 fo large, that mcaluring one of its wings, 
 they found it above a yard long ; and they 
 were fo tame that they flew to the fliips, 
 and furtcr'd thL-mfclves to be handled : They 
 found alfo another fort of large birds, which 
 they callM lea-gccii, every one of which 
 after they had been plum'd and pull'd, 
 weigh'd eight pounds of Qijlik ; and they 
 wer^ fo numerous, that the ground was co- 
 ver'd with them, fo that they kill'd what 
 quantities they pleas'd. They law another 
 fort of bird, much of the fliape of a pi- 
 geon, all white, only with red bills, and red 
 feet •, all which were a grand entertainment 
 ^o them as they fiil'd along. They com- 
 mend alfo the harbour, which they call 
 Mofl Beautiful, where the city of St. Phi- 
 lip was founded ; there they faw the traces 
 of feveral animals, which us'd to come to 
 drink in thofe chryftal fountains. After 
 the third flreight place, there is to be feen 
 a moft excellent harbour, call'd the Shell- 
 Harbour, by realbn of the vaft quantities of 
 oyfters and other fhell-fifh that they found 
 there, which fufficed to feed the whole 
 fleet feveral days, carrying away with them 
 a good provifion likewife for their voyage, 
 all owning that they were better than thofe 
 of Europe. 
 
 There are found in the great canal of the 
 
 ftreight feveral iflands, which are as efti- 
 
 mablc as the terra firma ; they are generally 
 
 in the wideft parr, where the fca is feven 
 
 or eight leagues over -, the chief are thofe of 
 
 Iflet of St. Lawrence and St. Stephen, otherwife 
 
 ^'' ^^^ d '-^^'^'^ ^^^ \'^m'^ Barnevelt. Before they 
 
 St. Ste- f^^me to thefe, they found other iflands, 
 
 pben. which they call'd the Pinguin Iflands, for 
 
 Pinguin the great quantity of that fort of birds 
 
 iflands. ^}^^^ ^^^ ]^^^^ there. There is another, 
 
 Holy call'd the Holy Ki>ig's Ifland, which is in a 
 
 King's river, which enters into the ftreights, and 
 
 ' they faw in it many feals. Others of thefe 
 
 Ifles of iflands are named Sevaldo, from the name 
 
 Jtvaldo. Qf },jn-j tj^^j difcover'd them, near which 
 
 there were ftore of the pinguin birds, and 
 
 abundance of whales. After having pafs'd 
 
 the fecond ftreight, there are ftill more 
 
 iflands, the firft is call'd of the Ajigels, and I^^s cf 
 is full of the birds we have mention'd. The''^"^^^'' 
 fecond is nam'ii the ifland of the Patagocns, Ifle of" Pa- 
 or giants, becaule they law there fome of '^S°o"^' 
 
 them. Ne.ir the fhe!!-port there are other", f^*^' 
 
 • 1 -n 1 1 1- I 1 f 1 f*' ethers, 
 
 eight iflands •, and a little beroie the en- 
 trance into the Soulb-Sea, there are feveral 
 other iflands, which mull: be very little, 
 tor the flrcighrs are there very narrow. 
 Some may defire to know, whether, befides 
 this entrance of the ftreight of Magellan, 
 there are any other, by which fliips may 
 fail from the Nortk-Sca to the South. Touch- 
 ing which, the relation of George Spilberg 
 f^iys, that there is one by the cape, which, 
 they called Prouvaert. Some Engliflo like- 
 wife, who have liiil'd that way, are of the 
 fame opinion -, for which they cite fiither. 
 Acojla, of our fbciety, in his Oriental Hijioy, 
 tranflated by John Hugh Lin/cot, chap. 10. 
 in the end ^ as may be feen in the already- 
 cited John and Theodore de Brye, who add, 
 that many other authors do agree in this 
 opinion ; and that thofe of Spilberg's fleer, 
 before they came to the ftreight, fiw this 
 opening on the north fide, but they did 
 not dare to go into it, becaufe they hod ex- 
 prefs orders to pafs the ftreight of Magel- 
 lan ; and befides, that which added to this 
 refolution, was the obfervation they made 
 of the great force with which the waves met 
 each other at this opening, infomuch that 
 the lea feem'd to boil. 
 
 This is all that I have met with in authors 
 about this opinion, which even John and 
 Theodore de Brye look upon as falfe-, be- 
 caufe neither the Spmiiards nor Dutch ever 
 faw this fecond canal ; but rather that the 
 whole land of Fuego is one great continued 
 ifland, which they prove by the relation of 
 the navigation made by the Nodales, who 
 were fent to fearch for the ftreight of St. 
 Vincent, and who went round the Tierra 
 del Fuego, without finding any fuch opening, 
 or any other than that of Magellan and St. 
 Vincent ; and yet I am of another opinion, 
 and hold the firft for certain ; and this does 
 not contradict the opinion of Spilkcrg, who 
 does not fay, that the opening he faw was 
 on tl>e fouth, but on the north fide, towards 
 the land of Chik -, and fo, though the land 
 ol Fuego be an ifliind, it does not follow 
 that there may not be an entrance on the 
 north fide. But let us leave that to time 
 to make out;, and fay tbmething of the 
 ftreight of St. Vincefit, which is the fecond 
 paflTage from the North to the South-Sea. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 ^HAE. 4, 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L H. 
 
 ^9. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 ./VA I. I E. 
 
 T^be fame fnattcr is continued^ and the i,fcfulncfi of the commerce hel-ivecn Cliile '^•^^'■ 
 and the Philippine ijlands is made out. ^*^ir>* 
 
 fN the 
 
 1619, the king fent, in the 
 
 1 1619. 
 
 IN the year 1619, ....^ .-...j, 
 month of October, the two caravals 
 which I mentioned above, to fearch the 
 ftraight of 67. Vincent^ bccaufe about that 
 time it was reported in Spain^ that James 
 he Maire had difcovered it. Thefe two 
 fhips liiiled to the bay of St. Gregory, whicJi 
 is near the eafl: entrance of the llraight of 
 Magellan ; from whence they tailed along 
 all that coafV, where they faw and conver- 
 fed with a fort of giants, who were at lead 
 the head higher than any of the Europeans; 
 and they exchanged for fciilars, and other 
 baubles, gold, which it feems, is the pro- 
 duft of that country : after which they 
 liiiled Ibuth-weft round the 'Tierra del l-'uego, 
 till they came to the mouth of this new 
 ftraight, which they called the ftraight 
 of .'>/. Vincent ; and before they eotered it, 
 they failed along the fhore of this new dif- 
 covered land, keeping it always on the 
 right hand, their courfe eaft-north-eaft, as 
 it tends. 
 
 They Hiiled about thirty leagues ; and not 
 having difcovered all that way, not as far 
 as they could fee, any opening or inlet, they 
 returned to the opening of the ftraight of 
 St. Vincent; and entering into it, went 
 through it in lefs than one day, it not be- 
 ing above feven leagues in length ; and be- 
 ing entered afterwards into the South-Sea 
 they followed the iixme land to the eaft, 
 and fouth-weft thirty leagues more -, and fee- 
 ing it was one continued coaft, doled up 
 with mountains of great height, they durft 
 not go any further, beginning to want pro- 
 vifions-, and fo thinking that this land 
 might reach as far as the Cape of Good- 
 Hope, they left ir, and liiiled to the well 
 entrance of the ftraight oi Magellan ; which 
 they entered, ami went through to the 
 North-Sea, returning that way to Spain, to 
 give an account of what they had difcover- 
 ed, having made a very forainate voyage, 
 and not loft one man, nor had any ficknefi, 
 all that climate being very like that of Eu- 
 rope, and particularly to the cold part of 
 ir. This made the king give order for the 
 letting QUt of eight lail more, to carry this 
 way to the Philippine iflands all the relief 
 neceflary, of foldiers, artillery, and tackling 
 for fhips, refolving henceforward that they 
 Ihould always go this way, as being (hot- 
 ter, eafier, and of lefs charge and danger. 
 This was the opinion of Alichael de Cardoel, 
 and the other pilots chofen for this expedi- 
 tion, who obliged themfclves to fail to the 
 Philippines (bating extraordinary accidents) 
 
 eight 
 
 m 
 paired 
 
 or nine months •, for having once 
 the ftraights, if they had the wind 
 and currents favourable, thty hoped to get 
 to the Philippines in two months ; becaulc 
 from Chile to thofc iflands, there is no rea- 
 fon, as in other navigations, to wait for 
 certain feafons and times of the year ; for 
 all that voyage being to be made within 
 the tropicks, there is no danger of winter i 
 fail it at any time of the 
 
 but 
 
 one 
 
 may 
 year. 
 
 The Dutch authors already cited, treat- 
 ing of this fiibjed, add thcfe words: [" In 
 " truth this is a great convenicncy to man- 
 " kind, to be able to go from Eufope to 
 " thcfe iflands in fo Ihort a time, with all 
 " the health and lafety of the iiiilors ; it 
 " being otherwife in going by the cape of 
 " Good Hope, where the diverfity of winds 
 " is to be obferved, fome of them being 
 " fo contrary, as to hinder abfolutely the 
 " voyage ; fo that it lafts fomctimes fif- 
 " teen or fixteen months. Belides, this 
 " courfe is fo fubjeft to difeafes, that of- 
 " ten they bury half their men in the fca, 
 " as happened to CirrardReinft^ who was 
 " ftxteen months getting to Bantam, which 
 " is not above half way to the Philippines, 
 " and yet loft a quarter of his men : Adrian 
 " IVreuter was nineteen months getting to 
 " Bantam, and loft out of the IhTp, called 
 " the Fleffmgue, one hundred and fixty- 
 " three out of two hundred : the iame 
 " happened to the other three fhips ot that 
 " fquadron.] Thus far tliefe Dutch au- 
 thors ; who add. That the ftiip Concordiay 
 going the other way, arrived at the Moluc- 
 cas without lofing a man. And if they fay 
 true, and nuke out that it is better to fail 
 this way to their Batavia, how much better 
 is it for the Spaniards^ who drive a trade 
 with Peru and Chile, the diftance being 
 much lefs, and having for frientls all the 
 ports of Chile, if they won't go fo high as 
 Peru, which the Dutch have not ? Neither 
 would it be a fmall advantage to exchange 
 in thofe ports the merchandizes ol Europe 
 with their produd, which is fo wanting in 
 the Philippine iflands, and all thofe parts of 
 the eaft. Every one may find their account 
 in this trade •, the Spaniards, without run- 
 ning the danger ol ficknefs in thofe un- 
 healthy climates of Carlhagena, Panama ^ 
 And Puerto Bella, might find as much venc 
 for the European commodities ; Chile and 
 Peru woiikl have all goods from Spain 
 much cheaper than they have them now by 
 the terra firma 1 the charges then would
 
 60 
 
 Of the Nature and T roper ties of the 
 
 Book 
 
 Ov ALi.E.be three times Icfs -, and, at the Hime time, 
 1646. [hpy \^oi,l,J help off the prodiidt of thole 
 ^■^^'^'^^ parts ; as from Peru ihey might loail corn, 
 wine, and oil ; and if they did not care to 
 go lb far, they might liavc the lame tilings 
 from CbiU^ and cheaper, bcfides copper, 
 hides, ahnonds, and other commodities pro- 
 per to Europe: fo that it is clear this would 
 be a very advantageous intcrcourfe tor the 
 Philippines, who want all thcfe commodi- 
 ties fo much. 
 
 Neither would the trade of Ne'^ Spain 
 ' receive any damage at all trom this ■, for 
 thofe countries could not have them irom 
 Peru and CbiU fo eafily as from Europe ; 
 and lb Spain would fend lefs, only fo much 
 as is carried to the Philippines froin Nezu 
 Spain, which cannot be much ; for the 
 charge of carrying thofe European commo- 
 dities from Vera Cruz, to be embarked a- 
 gain for the Philippines, is very confiderable, 
 it being at leaft one hundred and fixty 
 leagues by land from the Vera Cruz toJca- 
 pulco, which is the port where they are to 
 be embarked ; after which they have a na- 
 vigation of three months •, and then there 
 being not always conveniencies of fhipping 
 in Acapulco, thofe commodities are kept fo 
 long that they are fpoiled ; and it is feen by 
 experience how little of this trade turns to 
 account : but it would be otherwife if thefe 
 commodities were carried from Chile, fince 
 in two or three months, always in a tempe- 
 rate climate, they might fail with a conftant 
 fouth wind, which blows all the fummer 
 infallibly, and fo bring the produft of CZ'//i? 
 in a good condition to the Philippines. This 
 commerce, though it would accommodate 
 all parties, yet it muft be confefTed, it would 
 be moft beneficial to Chile, which would 
 thereby have more vent for its produd, and 
 acquire more people to cultivate its natural 
 fertility. 
 
 There has been two obflacles to this pro- 
 jeft, which have hindered its taking: the 
 firft is, the difficulty of paffing the ftraight 
 of Magellan, becaufe it being lb much ele- 
 vated towards the pole, it cannot be pafTed 
 but in certain months of the year, which if 
 thofe who attempt it do not hit, they are 
 in danger of perifhing, as in effeft it has 
 happened to fome fquadrons of fhips, as I 
 fliall relate in the next chapter; though 
 others have pafTed it very luckily in its pro- 
 per feafon, the flraight itfelf having, as we 
 have feen, many good harbours and fhel- 
 ters for fhips. 
 
 The fecond obflacle is the fame that 
 keeps the port of Buenos Ayres from being 
 frequented, (for elfe all the treafure of Peru 
 
 might be fcnt that way ;) and it is, that 
 the courfe of trade is fettled the other way, 
 notwithftanding the great charge the crown 
 is at to have two fleets, the one in the South, 
 the other in the North-Sea, only to I'ccurc 
 this pafTiige ; and that with the lofs of lb 
 many Spaniards lives, that in the hofpital 
 of Panawa only, there w;is buried, as they 
 told me when I went that way in the year 
 1630. above fourteen thoufand pcrfons ; 16-0. 
 and what muft we guefs then in the ports 
 of Carthagena and Puerto Bella, which 
 have been the fcpulchre of fo many Eu- 
 ropeans. 
 
 Notwithftanding all thefe mifchiefs, this 
 way is continued to maintain thofe cities 
 already founded in thole parts ; though it 
 is moft certain, that the fltme end of Car- 
 rying the filver to Spain might be attained 
 by one only fleet, with lefs danger of the fea. 
 By that courfe the galleons would fail al- 
 ways in deep water, and not run the ha- 
 zards they do between Carlkagena and 'the 
 Havanna, between which places they"^rc 
 fain to found all the way, and keep the 
 lead going, to avoid the many fliolcs that 
 are in thole feas, and in the canal of Baha- 
 ma afterwards : befides that, the dangers of 
 ficknefs would be avoided ; for the Spa- 
 niards find by experience, that at Buenos 
 Ayres they are healthy, that being in the 
 temperate climate correfponding to that of 
 Europe. 
 
 And for the firme reafon t!ie navigation 
 between Chile and the Philippines is not put 
 in ufe ; becaufe the courfe of things being 
 once fettled one way, it is very hard to 
 change them, chough to a better. I fl-iall 
 not purfue this matter any further, becaufe 
 it feems to touch the ftate and government, 
 which is not my defign : perhaps time will 
 bring all things to pafs -, and that thole of 
 Chile themfelves will venture to find out 
 this vent for their produft. All confifts in 
 trying ; for the advantages on both fides 
 would be fo manifeft, that the fweet of 
 them would foon make the way eafy, and 
 that trade would wonderfully mx'ich. Chile 
 and Peru, fince they might bring back to 
 thofe kingdoms all the commodities oi China 
 and Japan ; and that without carrying any 
 gold or filver, which might be preierved 
 all for Europe. Thus the greatefi part of 
 this new world being inriched by its own 
 produft, the king's revenues will be the 
 greater, as well as the returns in gold and 
 filver the greater ; and all tilings thus well 
 accommodated, thefervice of GoJ, and the 
 divine cult and worfliip would be better 
 carried on, 
 
 C II A P.
 
 Chap. 5. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 6i 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the fleets ; Jhme of ivhirh hcrve been loft, mid foiue have happily pnfed the 
 
 freight of ALigcllan. 
 
 OV A ». I, >. 
 
 ^our of 
 he bifhop 
 )t Placen- 
 ia's fhips 
 ort in the 
 freight of 
 Magellan. 
 
 'heCelTa- 
 
 3, fuppo- 
 d to be 
 janiards 
 ■iginally. 
 
 AMONG the fleets which have been 
 loll in the ftreight of Magellan, the 
 firfl was that of four lliips fet out by the 
 bifliop of Placentia for the Molucca iflands ; 
 which having got to the ftreiglit with good 
 weather, and being enter'd into it about 
 twenty leagues, there rofe from the wefl: a 
 florm, which blowing directly a-head, for- 
 ced three of 'the fhips ailiore, they not ha- 
 ving room to turn or run before it ; but all 
 the men were fxved. The fourth had bet- 
 ter fortune ; for going before the ftorm, (he 
 got out of the flreight ; and when the foul 
 weather was over, came into the ftreight 
 again, where the other Ihips were loft, and 
 found the men ; who had laved themfelves 
 on fliore; who prefently made figns and 
 cries to be taken on board ; but they with 
 hearts full of grief anfwered them, IVhat 
 would you have ? We cannot relieve you, for 
 the provifwns we have on board are not fuffi- 
 cient for us, and fo we may fear to perijh all 
 of us together. They could not fay to them 
 the other words of the gofpel. Go rather to 
 thofe who fell, becaufe they were in a defart 
 country, where they had no remedy, but 
 to fend fighs to heaven, accompanied with 
 inconfolable tears and cries, capable ot mo- 
 ving the ftones themfelves. 1 hus they left 
 them, purfuing their voyage, much afflidf- 
 ed to be forced to forlake them, and not 
 be able to do any thing for them ; but thefe 
 are accidents and hard cafes belonging to 
 the fea-faring men. 
 
 'Tis not known to this day what has be- 
 come of thefe men ; only there is a tradi- 
 tion, that a great way within land, on the 
 continent of Chile, near the ftreight, there 
 is a nation call'd Cefjares, who were endea- 
 vour'd to be difcover'd by Don Hieronimo 
 Luis de Cabrera, governor of Tucuman, 
 about eight and twenty years ago, with a 
 good army rais'd at his own charge ; but 
 his diligence was in vain, as we have mark- 
 ed already, and told the caufe ot his mil- 
 carrying. 'Tis thought, and 'tis very pro- 
 bable, thefe Cefjares may be defcended from 
 thofe Spatiiards who were faved in this fliip- 
 wreck ; becaufe it was pofTible, that feeing 
 themfelves without any other recourfe, they 
 might go on into the terra firma, where 
 contradting alliance with fome Indian na- 
 tion, they may have multiplied, and the 
 fame of them may have reached the neigli- 
 bouring nations, and fo on to others. This 
 is certain, that this tradition is much kept 
 up, that there is in thofe parts an European 
 nation called Cefjares, Some fay, that. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 there has been heard tiie found of bells, 
 and they have founded cities where they 
 live ; but, in fine, there is no certainty of all 
 this. A gentleman born in Chiloe, and 
 who has been a colonel in thofe parts, o-avc 
 me in writing a relation of feveral tradi- 
 tions and informations of great numbers of 
 people that inhabit the land within, and 
 who have much gold. There has been 
 made feveral attempts to difcover them» 
 though all have mifcarried for want of pro- 
 vifions, or by other accidents, which in 
 time may be remedied when it pleafes God. 
 And at this very time I have receiv'd let- 
 ters, which acquaint me. That fiirher Hie^ 
 ronimo de Montemayor, apoftoJica! millio- 
 nary of that archipelago of Chiloe, had en- 
 ter'd into the terra farm in company of 
 captain Navarro, a man very fimous in 
 thole pans ; and that they difcover'd a na- 
 tion, which 'tis thought are thefe Ceffares, 
 becaufe they are a nation of white com- 
 plexion, and frelh cherry cheeks, and who 
 in their fhape and difpofuion of body, feem 
 to be men of mettle ; and that they had 
 brought ibme of them along with them, 
 to endeavour to inform themlelves of that 
 which they lb much dcfire. This is all the " 
 father writ at that time, becaufe the fhip 
 could not ftay, and tliere is but one fhip 
 every year bound for thofe parts ; fo he 
 was forced to refer himfelf to the next con- 
 veniency, to inform me more particularly 
 of the original and defcent of this nation; 
 fo that this is all that at preient we can fay 
 of this nation of the Cefjares, which 'tis 
 pofTible may come from thefe fhipwreck'd 
 men ; or elfe they may defcend from fome 
 Butch, who may have been fhipwreck'd in 
 the fame place, or thereabouts ; and their 
 complexion feems to fortify this conjedlure ; 
 befides, that they fpeak a language which no 
 body then prefent could underftand ; or 
 there may be both Spaniards and Flemings. 
 'Tis thought we fhall not be long without 
 knowing the truth, and lb I continue my 
 narration. The fecond fleet which mifcar-^g -^ 
 ried in the ftreight, was that which was fet fleet loU 
 out about two and twenty years ago, under in the 
 general Ayala, a gentleman of high birth ftf^ighc. 
 and valour; who going from Spain to Chile, 
 dealt with his majefty for a relief of men, 
 which he was to carry through the ftreight 
 of Magellan, without landing any where 
 elfe i but juft as they were entering it, they 
 were all caft away, fo as to this day tiierc 
 has not been any account of them, except 
 of the vice-admirai's ftiip, under the com- 
 Q_ mand
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 61 
 
 Ov A L L E . mand of Francifco dc Murulujaia ; tor lu- 
 1O46. yi„g \q[\ fjght ot" the admiral in the Uorni, 
 
 "^^^^^"^ Ihc was carried before the wind to the port 
 ot Buinos yiym, where he landed the men, 
 and marched them over land to Cbi/e. I 
 heard lome of the men talk of this matter •, 
 and they iifcd to blame the general very 
 much, tor having gone about to enter the 
 ilreight when the time of the year was fo far 
 advanc'd, particularly having been advifed 
 in Brq/i!, where he touched to winter there, 
 which he refuted to do, tor fear his people 
 ihould defert him, and fo he and they all 
 -pcriflied. 
 
 Book 
 
 II y 
 
 Thefe accidents feem to have made this 
 palTage lefs practicable ; but yet we know 
 that many have paifed this llreight with 
 little danger, and lome with great felicity. 
 Eight Heets are nienti«jncd by John and 
 'Theodore de Brye, as well Spaniards as fo- 
 reigners, who have paflcd this ftreight ; and 
 though fome have had bad weather, yet 
 there is no doubt but time and good oblcr- 
 vations may make it more tealible -, parti- 
 cularly there being fo many good harbours 
 and bays in this Ibeight, where fhips may 
 Ihelter themlelves, and let the ftorms blow 
 over. 
 
 Cuyo, the 
 third pro- 
 vince of 
 Chile. 
 
 Remarks 
 
 on Cuyo. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the province of Cuyo. 
 
 A' 
 
 FTER having treated of the two 
 
 firll: parts of the kingdom of Chile, 
 
 we muft fay fomething now of the third, 
 which contains thofe large provinces ot 
 Cuyo, which are on the other fide of the Cor- 
 dilkra, towards the eatf . We have already 
 defcribed their fituation and extent, let us 
 treat now of the nature ot them. And to 
 begin with their ill qualities ; 'Tis a won- 
 derful thing to confider that there being 
 nothing between them and Chtle, but the 
 high mountains of the Cordillera, yet they 
 are lb different in their qualities. We have 
 already mention'd fome; but we may fay, 
 that as to their temperature, they are in 
 every thing entirely oppofite -, for firft the 
 heats are excelTive and intolerable in fum- 
 mer ; and for that, as well as for the vatt 
 quantity of bugs or punailes, which are 
 there, lome very fmall, and others as big 
 as bees, one can hardly fleep a-nights in the 
 houfes, and therefore the people all fleep in 
 their gardens and court-yards. There are 
 almoft perpetual thunders and lightnings, 
 and many poifonous reptiles and infet^ts, 
 though not lb many as in Tucuman and Pa- 
 raguay. There are likewife a fpecies ot Mof- 
 quitos, or gnats, no bigger than the points 
 of needles, and as Iharp in their fting, 
 though themfelves are almoft imperceptible ; 
 they get into the hair of one's beard, and 
 one cannot be rid of them any other way, 
 than by killing them. 
 
 Thefe are the evil qualities of the land 
 of Cuyo i let us now mention the good ones. 
 The land is fo fertile, that in many things 
 it exceeds even the richeft toil of Chile ; the 
 crops are better, the fruits larger, and of 
 better tafte, by reafon of the great heat, 
 which ripens them more: there is good ftore 
 of corn, wine, flefh, all forts of fruits, roots, 
 and herbs of Europe; as alfo great quanti- 
 ties of olive-yards and almond-grounds ; fo 
 that the only efTential difference between it 
 and Chile, is the many venomous animals, 
 and the thunders and rains in fummer ; 
 r 
 
 though to make fome amends, if Chile ex- 
 ceeds in fummer, Cuyo has the advantage 
 in winter ; for though the cold is fliarp, 
 yet it is not with fuch clouds, nor fuch fnow 
 and rains, as in Chile; bur rather the wea- 
 ther is lerene, and the fun beautiful and ! 
 clear, without any dark weather, which I 
 makes it very temperate. ; 
 There is no iea-fith in this province, it Cuyo, a»l 
 being i^ery far from any fea •, but it has inland 
 ponds, which are called the ponds of Gtui- «o™fy- 
 nacache, where they catch great quantities 
 of trouts, as they call them, which are very- 
 big, like the Savalcs of Seville, but much 
 better without comparifon ; for they have 
 no fmall bones, and are of a higher relifh, 
 and a very healthy food. 
 
 Befides the fruits of Europe, this country 
 has feveral very good of its own. The firil 
 is called Chanales, which are like filberts or 
 fmall nuts ; only the difference is, that that 
 which is to be eaten is not within, but on 
 the outfide of the fhell : the other is the 
 Algaroba, of which they make bread fo 
 fwcet, that it naufeates thofe who are not 
 ufed to it. All Tucuman, as far as Buenos 
 Ayres and Paraguay, are provided from hence 
 ■with figs, pomegranates, dried peaches, and 
 dried grapes, apples, oil, and excellent wine, 
 ot which they have abundance, which they 
 carry over thofe valf plains, called the Pam- 
 pas, (where for many leagues together there 
 is not a tree, nor a ftone to be found,) in large 
 carts, fuch as they ufe here mRome; and they 
 are a caravan of them together, to defend 
 themfelves from certain Indians, who are 
 enemies, and often attack them by the way. 
 Some years ago they began to difcover 
 here rich mines of filver, the fame of which 
 drew people from Potoji when I left Chile, 
 becaufe they were reputed to be richer, and 
 of more profit than thofe of Potofi, all 
 provifions being more abounding and cheap- 
 er too. Thefe mines were alio laid to be in 
 a plain country, where carts might come ea- 
 fily. They write me word likewife, That 
 
 there
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 Kingdom c?/ C H I L E. 
 
 there has fince been difcover'd gold mines of 
 a prodigious richnels. 'Tis true indeed, 
 that in this matter of mines, there is a great 
 difference between the allaying them in little 
 parcels, or in great ones ; for oken the oar 
 that promifes much, yields but little, when 
 the aflay comes to be made in great. This 
 is a common obfervation in mines ; and it 
 thefe of Cuyo do not prove extraordinary 
 rich, there will hardly come any people from 
 abroad to them, particularly trom Cbile^ 
 where they have already fo many and good 
 ones, of fuch a known profit, and yet they 
 do not work them, the people being more 
 profitably employed in hulbandry, which 
 turns to greater account. 
 
 I will give here an extraft of a letter 
 which I received in Rome this year from fa- 
 ther Juan del Po(o of our company, a peribn 
 of great piety, and worthy of credit, who 
 is at prefent in the college of Mendofa, the 
 chief of all thofe of the province of Cuyo^ 
 and it is thus : [" The greateft news here, 
 " is about the mines which are begun to be 
 *' difcovered, which if it holds as they re- 
 " late, it will be the greateft thing in the 
 *' world : They are of gold, which is feen 
 " among the filver oar : There are come ve- 
 " ry underftanding miners from Potoji, who 
 " cannot give over commending them. 
 *' There come people from St. Jago to 
 " work them, and captain Lorenzo Soares is 
 " named for Alcalde Mayor of thefe mines."] 
 There are others who write the fame thing ; 
 and there is no doubt to be made, but that if 
 they can have people, that country will be 
 one of the richeft of all the Indies ; for its 
 great fertility wants nothing but people to 
 cultivate and confume us produtt. This 
 will make the three cities of that province, 
 which are that of Mendofa, that of St. Juan, 
 and that of St. Luis of Loiola, increafe 
 mightily, which fince their firft foundation 
 have been at a ftand, by reafon of the neigh- 
 bourhood of Chile, which has kept them 
 down •, many of the firft inhabitants of Cz{)'0 
 having left it to go to Chile, as being more 
 temperate, and more abounding with the 
 conveniencies of lite •, for the lame reafon 
 that we fee in other parts moft people flock 
 to the capitals of a kingdom, as is evident 
 in Naples and other great cities. But if 
 theSpaniJh inhabitants increafe as they have 
 done hitherto, there will be enoifgh for all 
 thefe parts •, and already fome ot St. Jago 
 have fettled, and married at St. Juan and 
 Mendofa ; neither can it be other wife, for 
 the people of Chile are beginning to be fo 
 ftreighten'd, that they cannot have all the 
 conveniencies of being at large, and fo are 
 forced to feek them abroad. 
 
 And 'tis moft certain, that the conveni- 
 encies of this province are very great ; and 
 their not appearing fo, is owing only to their 
 
 neiglibourhood 
 
 6i 
 
 to Chile, in comparifon ofOvAtis. 
 
 which thefe countries appear a place of b;t- 
 niftiment, and is look'd upon as the moft ri- 
 gorous that can be given any one in ChUe ; 
 becaufe, to liiy truth, the difference is veiy 
 great, confidcring the proprieties of each 
 place ; but if we confider Cuyo, without 
 comparing it, it is not only a good place, 
 but furpaffes many others, where neverthe- 
 lefs the inhabitants think themfelves very 
 happy, though wanting the abundance ol 
 Cuyo, where tlic Helh is very lubltaniial and 
 iavoury, and great abundance of game, as 
 alfo of pork, turkeys, ducks, hens, and 
 other tame fowl. 
 
 The wines are very generous, and of fu 
 much ftrength, that though they be carried 
 three or iour hundred leagues over thofe 
 plains, and the intolerable heat of the Pam- 
 pas, and that by oxen, yet they come good 
 to Buencs Ayres and other places, and are 
 preferved with the fame facility, as long as 
 one pleafes, without fpoiling ; and they are 
 in fuch quantity, that all the provinces 
 round are fupplied with them, nay, as tar 
 as Paraguay, which is three or four hundred 
 leagues more. The bread is excellent, fo is 
 the oil, and all forts of legumes and garden- 
 ing ; the fifh better than the fea-filh -, the 
 flax and hemp as good as that of Chile; the 
 materials for tanning very good ; and, in 
 fhort, it has all neceffaries for life, with a.s 
 much advantage as any other country. 
 
 This being thus, and even more than I 
 relate, what is there wanting to this land, or 
 what are its blots ? punaifes, thunder, light- 
 ning, hail. And what other country has not 
 fome of thefe ? Shall we iay, becaufe God 
 has exempted Chile by a fingular providence 
 from thefe things, that therefore Cuyo is an 
 ill country ? No, for then we muft condemn 
 moft countries where thefe afBifting circum- 
 ftances are found. And though it muft be 
 own'd, that in the fummer the heats are 
 great, yet they do not exceed thofe of Tucu- 
 man, Buenos Ayres, and Paraguay ; and they 
 are inferior to thofe of Brafil, and thofe of 
 Carajas, Carthagena, Puerto Bella, and Pana- 
 rna, as I inyfelf have experienced in Ibme 
 of thofe places. And thefe pans of Cuyo have 
 fome amends made thein from the neigh- 
 bourhood of the fnow ; for the city of Men- 
 dofa is not above a league from the Cordille- 
 ra, which is full of it -, and likewife the 
 good qualities of the air do Ibmething 
 moderate the heat •, for it is fo healthy, 
 that it never hurts any body by being in 
 it, which makes them flcep in their gar- 
 dens abroad, without any apprehenfion, 
 except it be of fome I'udden fhower which 
 does often happen in fuminer ; for on a 
 fudden, though the heavens be clear and 
 bright, it grows cloudy, and falls a raining 
 with great fury ; but this mav be eafily re- 
 medied ; 
 
 1640
 
 (•A 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book 1] 
 
 OvALLE.tnedieJ -, and likewife the thunders and 
 ^\^^' thunderbolts might be avoided, which are 
 ^^'y^'' tlie things which fright thole ot" Chile moft, 
 they being fo little ufed to them ; and 
 therefore at the very name of Cuyo, they 
 think the heavens are tailing upon their 
 heads, or that the punaifes, and other nau- 
 leous vermin arc never to leave them ; lo 
 that no greater mortification can be propo- 
 fed to an inhabitant of Chile, than to go to 
 live in Cuyo. And bcfides all this, the vaft 
 fnows which fall on the mountains, flnit up 
 the paffcs, and hinder all communication 
 
 or intercourfe -, fo that in five or fix months 
 one cannot receive a letter, though thole 
 two piovinces are not above thirty or forty 
 leagues afunder, that is, the breadth of 
 that chain of mountains called the Cordil- 
 lera. This therefore is that which dif- 
 credits Cuyo ; and if it had been further off 
 from Chile., it would have had a better 
 name ; but it is with that, as with two 
 loaves, which though both good, yet if 
 one be whiter and better, no body will 
 touch the other, the bell being always moft 
 pleafing. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the confines of the province of Cuyo, and particularly of its eajierly bounds^ 
 the Pampas, atid of the river of Plata. 
 
 situation T^HE confines of this province of Ckjo 
 of Cuyo. I to the weft, arc Chile ; and to theeaft, 
 the Pampas., or vaft plains of the Rio de la 
 Plata, and part of Tuaman ; which reach- 
 ing as far as thofe of Rioca, and the moun- 
 tains of St. Michael, with all the reft as tar 
 as Salta and Jujuy, make the north fide of 
 it ; antl to the fouth, it has the ftraights of 
 Magellan. All this continent iscall'd the£/- 
 combradas, are plains without hindrance ; tor 
 there is not fo much as any ftop to the eye ; 
 but it is like a fea, and the fun teems to rife 
 and fet out of the earth -, and at its rifing, it 
 is fometime that it gives but little light ; 
 as alfo it lofes fome of its beams before it 
 be quite out of fight when it fets. The 
 Manner of way of travelling in thofe plains is with 
 travelling, very high carts, which they cover over 
 neatly with hoops, over which are cow- 
 hides, with doors to go in and out ; and 
 thefe are drawn by oxen : there are alfo 
 windows to give a free patTage to the air, 
 and on the bottom one makes one's bed 
 with fo much convcniency, that often tra- 
 vellers deep out the whole journey, and teel 
 not any of the inconveniencies which attend 
 it. Generally they fet out about two hours 
 before fan-fet, and travel all night, till it 
 be an hour or two after llin-rifing •, fo that 
 a traveller jurt wakes when he comes to the 
 baiting-place. This muft be owned to be a 
 great conveniency •, bccaufe one may alio 
 walk on foot fometimes, in the cool, before 
 one lies down, and fo one comes merrily and 
 eafily to one's journey's end. 
 Hunting. There is alfo another entertainment which 
 helps to pafs the time pleafantly, and that 
 is hunting : and for this end fome carry 
 horfes empty, and dogs on purpofe -, and 
 there is game enough both of hare and ve- 
 nifon : for there are herds of Guanacos, of 
 two or three hundred. The dog follows 
 them -, and the young-ones, not able to 
 follow, are left behind, which the hunter 
 knocks on the head with a club he carries, 
 
 without lighting from his horfe, and re- 
 turns to the carts loaden with vcnifon, 
 which ferve for provifion as well as en- 
 tertainment. At other times they follow 
 the partridges, francolins, or the bird called 
 ^miquimho. But to all this there are 
 abatements and mixtures of trouble ; the 
 firft is, the mighty heat in fummer ; for 
 which reafon, left the oxen Ihould be ftifled 
 with it, they travel in the night ; and when 
 they come to halt, or bait in the day time, 
 'cis in places where there is not fo much as 
 a tree, under whofe fhade one may reft -, 
 nor is there any other ftiade than that of 
 the cart, ami fome coverlet upon it ; for to 
 go into it, is like going into an oven. But 
 this is not all the way, there being fome 
 pleafant running ftreams and rivers border- 
 ed with green willow-trees, which very much 
 mitigates the fury of the heat. The great- 
 eft inconvenience that I perceived in that 
 journey, was the want of water •, which is 
 fo great, that we were forced to provide 
 ourlelves, when we arrived at any of thefe 
 rivers, for many days journey •, for there 
 is no other, except fometimes fome plalhes 
 remaining of rain-water ; and that is all 
 green, and can ferve only for the oxen : 
 and yet this is rare too ; for thefe are often 
 dried up to mud, and then one is forced to 
 double the day's journey, and march as far 
 again ; fo that the cattle is almoft dead 
 With thirft. I have feen fometimes, on 
 thefe occafions, the oxen take a run as if 
 they were mad or poflTefTed ; for they know 
 by inftinft, a league or two before they 
 come at it, the places where it is, as if they 
 fmelled it ■, lb there is no ftopping thole 
 tliat are loofe •, and even thofe who are at 
 the yoke, make what hafte they can -, and 
 when they get to the water, they raife the 
 mud fo by their hafte, that they drink as 
 much mud as water. 
 
 When this happens, while there is any 
 of the water left that svas taken at the river, 
 
 and
 
 Ihap. 7 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 <55 
 
 nnd carried irt carts, the misfortune is the 
 lefs ; but when that water is already fpcnt, 
 the people fufFer extremely : for though 
 moft commonly fome one man is fent before 
 to take up fome water of the clearcft, be- 
 fore the oxen trouble it, yet they make fuch 
 hafte, that that prevention moft commonly 
 miicarries s and then we are fain to ftop 
 our nofes, and fhut our eyes to drink, and 
 divert even our imagination, if we can. 
 And to all this there is no remedy, but from 
 heaven, as it happened to me once, that 
 it pleafed God to fend us a fliower in our 
 greateft extremity, which filled feveral wells, 
 and there was enough for us and our cat- 
 tle, a,s alio to carry away -, for which we 
 thanked the divine majefty, acknowledging 
 liis great mercy to us in fo preffing circum- 
 ttances. 
 
 This fufFering would not be fo great, if 
 there were any towns and villages in the 
 way •, for there are litde lakes, by which 
 they might fetde, which though fome years 
 they yield no water, yet it is to be come at 
 by a little digging, and that not very deep ; 
 and if there were people in thofe defarts, 
 wells might be made, or the rain-water 
 gathered in cifterns, as it is pracliled in fe- 
 veral other places. But thefe plains are fo 
 vaft, that they can hardly be peopled, be- 
 ing extended for feveral hundred leagues ; 
 and befides, there being no trade fettled of 
 any importance in thofe parts, there can- 
 not be inns nor places of fhelter fettled ; and 
 fo atprefent, whoever travels that way, muft 
 carry every thing ; for when once one is fet 
 out, there is no addition to be made j and 
 
 Vx^W* 
 
 therefore all is to be provided, more or lefs O^allf. 
 according to one's abihly ; and that muil '^■♦^• 
 be at leaft a fortnight's allowance, and fomo 
 times twenty or thirty days, till one come.s 
 to fome inhabited place. 1'his is the man- 
 ner of travelling in the plains of Cuyo, and 
 TuawMii, and tiie Rw Plata, where in ma- 
 ny leagues one docs not fee a iiili, nor a 
 ftone, nor a tree, but continual plains -, and 
 if, to drefs your viftuals, yon have not the 
 forefight to carry fome wood, all the reme- 
 dy is to gather the cow-dung, which fcrves 
 the turn very ill. In fome places of this 
 province of Cuyo^ there are woods near the 
 rivers, from whence may be had materials 
 for building ; and hard by the CcrdiUcra 
 there is a fort of tree that breeds inccnfe. I 
 brought fome of it to Rome, and tiic drug- 
 gifts told me, that it was finer than the or- 
 dinary, confumed in churches. There grows 
 there alfo the herb called Xarilla, which is 
 very hot, and a good medicincj as we have 
 fiid already. There are many others, of 
 which I cannot give lb particular an ac- 
 count, as not having made any ftay in thole 
 parts ; neither am I in a place where I caa 
 advantage myfelf of thofe relations, that 
 others might give me -, and which may 
 ferve for larger hiftorles than mine, I pre- 
 tending only to brevity. Therefore let this 
 fuffice for an account of the fituation, foil, 
 heavens, propriedes, trees, plants, fruits, 
 metals, flocks, fountains, rivers, fea-fifhcs, 
 and birds, in all the three parts or divifions 
 of the kingdom of Chile. Let us now fay 
 a word of its inhabitants, the old IndianSy 
 who have pofTelTed it all formerly. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 R 
 
 book:
 
 66 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Of the Inhabitants of the Kingdom of 
 
 CHILE. 
 
 Ov A L L E . 
 1646. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the firjl that peopled America, and their Antlqinty. 
 
 THE knowledge of the firft inha- 
 bitants of the kingdom of Chik., 
 depends neceffarily upon that of 
 the firil inhabitants of America, 
 which is not eafy to be made out. If we 
 Ihould take the opinion of the Indian Guan- 
 cas, near the valley of Xavia^ they would cer- 
 tainly afRrm, that which is a conftant tradi- 
 tion among the natives of Peru, and before 
 they had any knowledge of our faith, and is. 
 That many years before there were Ingas, 
 who were the kings of thofe parts, the coun- 
 try being very populous, there was a great 
 deluge : (thus far 'tis well.) But then they 
 add. That in the hollow rocks of the higheft 
 mountains, there remained fome alive, who 
 returned and peopled the earth afrefh -, and 
 the fame tradition is received by the Indians 
 of ^liio in Collao. If this were fo, the hdi- 
 ans of Chile might lay claim to the new peo- 
 pling of America ; tor if any, their moun- 
 tains were mod capable of refifting the de- 
 luge, they being the higheft that are yet dif- 
 covered. There are other Indian moun- 
 taineers, who are lefs miftaken •, for they af- 
 firm. That none could be faved in the moun- 
 tains, becaufe they were all covered with wa- 
 ter ; but that fix were faved in a float they 
 made. If they had faid eight, they would 
 have hit upon the number which the apoftle 
 St. Peter fays efcaped with Noah in the ark 
 which he built. 
 
 Antonio de Herrera, in the third tome of 
 the General Hiftory of the Indians, excufes 
 thefe errors of the Indians, faying, 'Tis 
 probable there was fome particular deluge 
 in thofe parts, to which they might allude, 
 becaufe all the nations of that world are 
 agreed in this tradition. The true and na- 
 tural excufe is, that thefe poor wretches 
 have not had the good fortune to fee the 
 chapter of Exodus, where they would have 
 been undeceived ; for there 'tis iiiid. That 
 out of the ark of Noah there -vi-as not left any 
 living thing upon the earth, and that the -wa- 
 ter was fifteen cubits ever the top of the high- 
 4 
 
 ^ 
 
 efl mountains. The other Indians, who talk 
 of the fix men faved on the float, may have 
 had fome tradition from their forefathers, 
 who were nearer the time of Noah, about 
 the ark ; and as they are a people who 
 have no books, becaufe they cannot read, 
 whatfoever they might learn from their ance- 
 ftors, and retain in their memories, might 
 by degrees be loft, or diminiihed -, and fo 
 the defendants came to have the tale of the 
 float and the fix perfons, not examining 
 how it could poflibly be, that upon fo flight 
 a contrivance, which can hardly J.ift three 
 or four days in the water, thofe people 
 fhould maintain themfclves for fo long as 
 the deluge lafted. As for the manner and 
 time, how and when the defcendants of 
 Noah paflTed to people this new world, or 
 how their generations have been extended 
 fo far, 'tis a moft difficult thing to make 
 out -, for the Indians being without written 
 records, as other nations have, there is no 
 diving by their memories into their anti- 
 quities, which even when they are commit- 
 ted to writing, ufe to produce variety of 
 opinions about the origin and beginning ot 
 things. Befides, there was in Europe, even 
 among the moft learned, fo great an ig- 
 norance of all that regarded America, that 
 it was judged fcarce inhabitable, if it was 
 at all •, and fo they could give us no light 
 of a thing they had no notion of, or which 
 they thought impoflible -, but after the dif- 
 covery of this new world, people began to 
 reafon, and every one made his guefles or 
 realonings as well as he could. Some have 
 faid, with reference to what is hinted by 
 Plato, in his Tinixuj, (as is related by our 
 father Acojia, in his firli book of the Nevo 
 World, in the twenty-fecond chapter,) that 
 people paiTed from Europe and Africa., to 
 certain iflands ; and fo from one to another, 
 till they came to the terra firrna of Ame- 
 rica. . . 
 
 The ftme author advances Something ^^.^jj^^- . 
 more probable, in his nineteenth chapter -, 
 
 where
 
 Chap, ts 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 6 
 
 / 
 
 "where he lays, that fuppofing we all came 
 from the firll man Adam, and that the pro- 
 pagation of the fpecies of mankind, after 
 the deluge,, was made by thofe only who 
 v/ere flived out of the ark of Noah^ 'tis not 
 improbable, that the firft inhabitants of 
 America came to thofe parts, not with de- 
 fign, or by their own induftry, becaufe of 
 the little ufe of navigation that was in 
 thofe days, and particularly through lo 
 great a fea ■■, but that they were cait by 
 fome ftorm on thofe coafts, as it happcneil 
 fince in its firft difcovery, as wc fhall Ige 
 hereafter in its proper place. He brings, to 
 prove this, the example of feveral Ihips, 
 which, contrary to their courfe, have been 
 driven to very remote fhores. This is every 
 day's experience, and will not furprize thofe 
 who know any thing of the ftrength of the 
 winds and currents in thofe feas ; and that 
 which the fame father Acofta alledges of 
 himfelf, that he had fuch a paffage, that 
 in fourteen days he came within fight of 
 the firft inands of the gulph of Mexico, 
 going from Spain. 
 
 This, though probable, has yet a ftrong 
 obiedlion againft it, which is about the 
 wild beads, fuch as tygers, lions, wolves, 
 and others of that nature, which could not 
 be carried in fhips, becaufe they were of 
 no ufe to mankind, but rather milchievous : 
 Aug. de and though fome may anfwer with St. Au- 
 Civk.Dei fiin, in his fixceenth book De Civitate Dei, 
 chap. 7. when he folves the difficulty how 
 thefe animals came into iflands, and fays, 
 that they might either fwim thither, or be 
 carried by hunters, or that they might be 
 created a-new by God almighty, as they 
 were in the beginning of the world ; which 
 is the beft folution, if it were as probable 
 as it is eafy to fay. But firft, there is a- 
 gainft it the opinions of philofophers, who 
 will not allow any great animals to be pro- 
 pagated any other way than by generation. 
 And befides, if God, as without doubt he 
 might, had created them a-new, what ne- 
 cefTity was there for him to command Noah 
 to take fo many pairs of all living creatures, 
 all male and female ? which care feems fu- 
 perfluous, if God defigned to make a iecond 
 creation of all thofe fpecies after the deluge. 
 It is more probable, thefe creatures might 
 arrive at the iflaiids fwimming, and the 
 birds flying, particularly to the neareft 
 iflands ; but this does not prove, that they 
 could arrive at thofe remote parts of Ame- 
 rica, there being fuch a vaft ocean, that 
 'tis not poflible that either beafts or birds 
 fliould have lb much ftrength as to fwim or 
 fly over it •, for this reafon he concludes in 
 the end of the one and twentieth chapter, 
 that the men, as well as animals, paffed ei- 
 ther by land or water to America, near 
 fome ^art where it joins to the other parts 
 
 of the world, either by the T'io'ra de ^avn- Ovai i.r. 
 laos, or the. ikwix^uoi Magellan, that is not '^•*^- 
 fcparated but by ordinary little fcparations ^"^^ ''^ 
 of water and fea, which might be eafily 
 palled in fmall VelTels, fuch as were ih ulii 
 in thofe ancient times. 
 
 This is the author*s opinion -, which, as 
 to the Jierra de Bacal.ios, carries with it 
 only the probability of an ingenious con- 
 jecture, becaufe- as yet th.it part of the world 
 has not been dilcovered •, but it in time it 
 proves like the conjecture about the ftraights 
 of Magellan, it is all without any grounds , 
 for, as we have already related, it is now 
 made plain, that America on that fide is 
 intirely divided from the other parts of the 
 world by a vaft fea. It is true, that to the 
 eafl it is not known yet how far that land 
 runs, which is over-againft the Jierra del 
 Fttego, and is on the call fide of the ftraight 
 of St. Vincent, otherwife called the ftraight 
 of Le Maire % for fome think that it may 
 run as ftr as the Cape of Good Hope, and lb 
 be fo near that part oi Africa, that men 
 might pafs in fmall vefTels from the one to 
 the other. It is likewife uncertain, that 
 the continent of America ever was nearer 
 than it now is to any other continent, or 
 that the fea has fince broke away part of 
 either, to make the feparation wider, as we 
 have obferved it did in the ifland of Sancia 
 Maria, which is fuppofed to have former- 
 ly been all of one continued piece with the 
 firm land of Arauco ; but thefe are all 
 conjeftures, and he alone knows the truth 
 who created thefe men, and other animals 
 oi America, and by whole providence they 
 paffed to thofe parts, for the great ends of 
 his hidden fecrets -, to whom, with all ve- 
 neration for his councils, we muft fubmit 
 the enquiry, why he has been pkafed that 
 that part of the world fhould remain un- 
 difcovcred for fo many ages, widiout any 
 communication with thofe parts where his 
 divine light has appeared fooner. Thefe 
 are confiderations for the good to make ufe 
 of with thanks, for having been admitted 
 to it ; and confufion of the wicked, who 
 at noon day are as much in the dark as if it 
 had never dawned. 
 
 Peter Bercius, in his geography, as John Berelds.' 
 and Theodore de Brye do relate, colleds the 
 antiquity of thole nations oi America, from 
 their moft ancient kings and lords, and from 
 the ruins of ancient edifices, and other me- 
 morable things ; for this argues the large- 
 neis of time in which all this was done. 
 Amongft other things he mentions the re- 
 port of one of their gardens belonging to 
 fome king, (which muft be of Peru, who 
 were always the richcft,) in which all the 
 herbs, and plants, and fhrubs, with their 
 trunks, leaves and flowers of the natural 
 proportion, were of maffy gold ; and in 
 
 the
 
 68 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Ovalle. the houfes of recreation, there were all forts 
 1646. of animals made of precious lloncs, and 
 
 ^^^'^^^''^ fomc of feathers of various colours. They 
 fay befides, that the Iir^cis, who were the 
 emperors of Peru, were the richeft princes 
 in the world -, and that they had fo much 
 gold, that not only the ]i!ate they cat in 
 were of that metal, but all their houlhold 
 IlufF and furniture were of the lame, to 
 their tables, benches, cupboards, nay, to 
 the ftatues themlelves ; a great deal of 
 which fell to the Spaniards ihare when they 
 conquered thofe parts -, but the beft part was 
 hid and concealed by the Indians, which to 
 this day they keep undifcovered, being in 
 that way ot fccret intractable and extreme 
 clofe. Neither is it any wonder that thofe 
 princes fhould ufe fo much gold, fince they 
 were mailers of more of that metal than 
 any others •, being lb beloved by their llib- 
 jeds, that whatever they had that was pre- 
 cious, they prefented it to them ; and they 
 were fo inclined to hoard it, that whoever 
 fucceeded in the monarchy made it a point 
 of flate not to touch, but rather to increafe 
 the treafure of his father ; of which a great 
 proof was the vaft fum which Atabualpa 
 offered for his ranfom, and paid to the Spa- 
 niards for it, as we fhall fee hereafter. 
 
 Amongfl other precious pieces of gold 
 work, authors make particular mention, 
 and admire with reafon, that chain which 
 the king Guaynacapa, the eleventh king of 
 Peru, caufcd to be made at the birth of his 
 fon Guafcar, who was to inherit his crown, 
 for each link of it was as big as the wrift 
 of a man, (as is reported by Gareilajfo de la 
 Vega, who had it from an uncle of his, an 
 Inga alio, who told him, when he aflced 
 the bignels, as big as this, fhewing his 
 wrift,) and as long as twice the length of 
 the great place oi'Cufco, which in all might 
 
 be about feven hundred feet long. And 
 the contador, AugujJin de Varate, in his firil 
 book, chap. 1 4. treating of the incredible 
 riches of that I'lga, lays thefe words : 
 [Guaynacapa, at the birth of his fon y caufed 
 a great cable of gold to be made (as is atteft- 
 ed by feveral Indians yet alive) of fo much 
 zceigbt, that Vivo hundred Indians could but 
 juft lift it up from the ground ; fm- memory 
 of which they gave the name 0/" Guafcar Inga 
 to the ne-jo-born prince •, for Gvufafignifies a 
 cable ; and the firname of Inga was added, 
 as that o/AuguUus to the Roman emperors^ 
 'I'hus far this author: but this name, or 
 word Guafca, not being lb decent in its 
 fignification for a prince, they added the r 
 to it, and neverthelefs eterniz'd the memo- 
 ry ot that rich chain. 
 
 The chiefeft motive the king had to or- 
 der this chain to be made, was, that the 
 dances which were to be made at his birth, 
 might be more folemn, and worthy of his 
 royal perfon ; becaufe the manner of dan- 
 cing of the Indians, is to take one another 
 by the hands, and make a circle ; and fo 
 moving two fteps forward, and one back- 
 ward, draw clofer and clofer to the king, 
 to make their obeifances ; and the king 
 caufed this chain to be made, for them to 
 take hold of, inftead of taking hold of one 
 another. 
 
 A great proof likewife of this antiquity 
 of the empire of Peru, is thofe two high- 
 ways mentioned by Herrera ; for being of 
 that vaft length, and work'd with all thofe 
 conveniencies for travellers, they could not 
 be made but by length of time, and with 
 a long continued labour. This is what I 
 find of the antiquity of the firft inhabitants 
 of America, in which we may comprehend 
 the Indians of Chile. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the great courage and boldncfs of the Indians of Chile. 
 
 TH E Indians of Chile are famed by all 
 who have writ of them, for the boldeft 
 and mofl valiant warriours of all the vaft ex- 
 tent of the new world : it were to be wifhed 
 by us, that this had not been confirmed by 
 woful experience, for then the kingdom of 
 Chile would have been one of the moft flou- 
 rifhing kingdoms of the Indies, without the 
 continual wars which it has maintained for 
 about an hundred years, without ever cea- 
 fing, or laying down its arms. This is the 
 more confiderablc, if we reflefb, that the 
 Spaniards having fubjedled, in fo little a 
 time, thofe vaft empires of Mexico and Pe- 
 ru, have neverthelefs not been able, in fo 
 great a time, to conquer the Indians of 
 Chile, fons of the great Cordillera, from 
 4 
 
 whofe rocks they feem to borrow their un- 
 tameable ftrength and fiercenefs. Except 
 we fhould fay with frier Gregory of Leon^ 
 that this bravery comes from the fertility 
 of the earth, which, as he fays, and is 
 true, does not need any thing from abroad. 
 To which he adds, the birth of thefe peo- 
 ple, who all their life tread upon fo much 
 gold, and drink the water which runs over 
 thefe rich minerals, by which they partici- 
 pate of its good and generous qualities, as 
 it is obferved of thofe who live at Polofi, 
 near that vaft mountain of filver, who are 
 fo ftout and haughty, as has appeared in the 
 many revolutions that have happened there. 
 Let this be as it will, all authors agree, 
 that they are the top nation ai America, 
 
 though
 
 Chap. 1. 
 
 iGngdom <?/ C H I L £. 
 
 69 
 
 though hitherto no one has treated pur- 
 pofely of this matter. There are now two 
 hiftories in the prefs, which will make out, 
 by particulars, all that has been laid of this 
 nation. Don Alonfo de ErHlla fiys enough, 
 in his famous poem call'd the Araucana •, 
 but becaufe it is in verfe, it feems to lelTcn 
 fomething the real truth •, and yet abfl:ra(5l- 
 ing from the hyperboles and cnlargings of 
 poetry, all the hiftorical part is very con- 
 formable to truth, he being a gentleman of 
 great quality, and an eye-witnefs of what 
 he affirms ■, for what he writ, was not by 
 hearlliy, but upon the very fpot where the 
 things happened -, fo that he might have 
 had as many contradiftors as he had witnef- 
 fes, who were prefent as well as he at what 
 pafs'd. 
 
 He dedicated his book to the moft ca- 
 tholick king, his lord and mafter ; and pre- 
 fenting to him with his own hand, when 
 he came from Chile to Spain^ 'tis to be pre- 
 fum'd he v/ould not have dared to tail in 
 the exadnefs of truth, for fear of receiving 
 a chaftifement, inftead of a reward, wdiich 
 he obtain'd for it. Let any read his pro- 
 logue, in which, in a very good flyle, and 
 in profe, he gives a noble account of the 
 valour of the Indians^ and concludes his 
 preface with thefe words : [ / have faid all 
 ibis, as a proof and clear demonjlration of the 
 •valour of thefe nations, worthy of all the en- 
 comiums I can give them in my verfes ; and 
 beJideSy there are no-j: in Spain feveral per- 
 Jons li^ho were prefent at many of the aSiions 
 which I here defcribe, and refer to them the 
 difence of my work on that fide.'] Thus far 
 this author, worthy of immortal praife for 
 his incomparable book, which, though pub- 
 liflied above fifty years ago, and printed in 
 Spain and Flanders, is yet continually re- 
 printed -, which fliews the value the curious 
 and the learned have for it. The Arauca- 
 nos are indeed the chief fubjedl of it; and 
 yet vv'hat is fiid of them may be extended 
 to all the Indians of Chile, as we fhall fee 
 m its proper place, v/hen we {hall treat of 
 the wars they had with the Spaniards. 
 
 But before ever the Spaniards fet their 
 feet on their ground, they had given fuffi- 
 cient proof of their bravery, which was in- 
 vincible, to the Ingas, emperors of Peru, 
 lince with all their power they could never 
 conquer them, though they cndeavour'd it, 
 as being extremely inclin'd to inlarge their 
 dominions-, and they defir'd it the more, 
 for the tame of Chile, to which they fent a 
 powerful army, and which made fome pro- 
 grefs at firft, fubjeding fome nations to ex- 
 traordinary tributes. But as they purfued 
 their point, and came to the valley of 
 Maule, they met with the Promocaes, to 
 whofe fuccour the Cbilenos, who inhabited 
 more within the country, were come, and 
 Vol. III. 
 
 forc'd the army of the hgas to retire inO^ALit. 
 hafte. Gareiiiiffo de la Vega relating this '^''^• 
 more particularly, foys, v-^v^^J 
 
 That the Inga yn Pangue, the tenth kingQ^^ j^. j^ 
 of Peru, came to the confines of his own Vcgj. 
 kingdom, to a place call'd Atacama, to be 
 nearer at hand to attend the conqucll of 
 Chile : and from thence firll fent his fcouts 
 through the fourfcore leagues of uncultiva- 
 ted country, which was between his king- 
 dom and Chile, with orders to diljiatch a 
 man, every two leagues, with an account 
 of what they difcover'd ; which they did, 
 one meffcnger following another, and lea- 
 ving in the way certain marks, whereby they 
 that came lall might guide themfelves. 
 He firft lent ten thoufmd men, under the 
 command of general Sinchiruca, and two 
 other colonels of his own kindred, not be- 
 ing willing to commit to any others care 
 fo great an enterprizc. They came with-' 
 in fight of the valley of Copiapo, which Is 
 the firfi: inhabited valley of Chile ; with the 
 inhabitants of which, the Peruvians began 
 to fkirmifh, becauie they had not admitted 
 the embafiTy which they fent them as from 
 the Inga, to own him for their lord ; and 
 withal, having given notice of the refi- 
 ftance, they found to the Inga, he fent them 
 ten thoufand men more, with a new fum- 
 mons, afiuring them, That his defign was 
 not to take their country from them, bat 
 only that diey fliould own him as fon of 
 the fun, and lord of all that was warmM 
 and enlighten'd by him. Thofe o^ Copiapo 
 feeing this new relief to their enemies, and 
 knowing that it would not be the lafV, be- 
 cauie the Inga yn Pangue was preparing 
 another fuccour, and being convinced that 
 this acknowledgment would coft them lefs 
 than the blood that muft be fpilt in a long 
 refiftance, they agreed to ov/n the Inga as 
 he defir'd. 
 
 This was the fiift entrance of the Peru- 
 vians as flir as Maule, which is one of the 
 rivers of Chile, as has been faid already. 
 By this time, the army of the Peruvians 
 was fifty thoufimd men, and defiring to 
 profecute their conqueft, they fent their or- 
 dinary embafiy to the nation of the Promo- 
 caes, who having already been intbrm'd of 
 their invading their neighbours, were in 
 arms to defend their country. The am- 
 bafi^idors of the Inga deliver'd their accu- 
 ilom'd mefi"age, protefting, that their lord 
 defir'd nothing more, than to be acknow- 
 ledg'd as fon of the i.m, and honour'd ac- 
 cord.ingly by their fubmiffion. The Pro- 
 mocaes, who were refolv'd to defend their 
 liberties, made anfwer, Ihat the conquerors 
 fhould be the lords and mqjlers ; and lb uni- 
 ting all their forces, came on the fourth 
 day, and prcfcnted battle to the Peruvians. 
 The Ingd'^ generals, furpriz'd at fuch a cou- 
 S ragious
 
 0/ the Niiture and Properties of the 
 
 70 
 
 Ova Lit. ragious relblution, Tent them ncwfunimons, 
 '6+6. i{j_^iring their friendlhip and peace, calling 
 
 ^^'^'^^ tlie fun and moon to witnefs, that they 
 eamc not to Ipil them of their lands or 
 goods, but only to oblige them to own the 
 fun tor their God, and the In^a for his Ion 
 and their lord. To which they receiv'd 
 anfwcr, 'I'hat they came not to fpend time 
 in talking, or vain difcourfes, but to fight 
 manfully 'till they iLould conquer or die -, 
 adding, that they might prepare them- 
 felvcs tor battle the next day, as it hap- 
 pen'd; antl the Promocacs overcame that 
 powerful army of the Inga's^ fo that they 
 had no mind to try their fortune any more, 
 but made their retreat, leaving the Pmno- 
 caes in peace, and full pofieHion of their 
 lands, which they had fo bravely defended. 
 Ailonio cle Hcrrera^ in his third tome, and 
 fifth decade, treating of the reafon why 
 thole of Chile rcfus'd to fubmit to thole mo- 
 narchs the Ingas, fays, I'hat it was bccaufe 
 of the great reverence with which they 
 made their fubjecls treat them, as if they 
 were Gods, and approach them as if they 
 were of another fpecies ; which the Chile- 
 nians could not bear, their mind being too 
 lofty and generous to fubmit to fuch a tyran- 
 ny, which they conftantly oppos'd 5 info- 
 much, that though the Ingas had conquer'd 
 the beft part of that continent, yet the Cbi- 
 kniam never did yield to their power. Per- 
 haps the neareft provinces to Peru, fuch as 
 thole of Guafco, Coquimh, and Copicpo, did 
 in Ibme meafure acknowledge their power, 
 fince they paid a tribute in gold •, and for 
 that reafon, thefe provinces alone in all the 
 kingdom of Cbile^ do fpeak the common 
 language of Peru, which is a very ftrong 
 proof of what I here fay. 
 
 For the fame reafon that they refilled the 
 Ingas, they did not care to have any king 
 of their own nation, the love of their li- 
 berty prevailing againft all the reafons of 
 ftate, which might move them to have one 
 monarch; neither did they fall into any 
 popular form of government, or common- 
 wealth; for their warlike temper did not 
 afford patience enough for the fiegmatick 
 debates, neceffary for the union of fo ma- 
 
 Book III 
 
 one 
 this 
 
 lovercigns 
 
 ny minds. Thus every family chofe 
 among them to govern them. From 
 arofe the Caciquei, who are the 
 among them, and by degrees had that 
 power hereditary, and their children alter 
 them enjoy it, with all its rights. 
 
 But though every one governs indepen- 
 dently his own diftridt or jurifdiiftion, yet 
 when the occafion offers, that the fafcty of 
 all is concern'd, there is an afiembly of the -j-jje jj^jg.- 
 Caciques, and feme of the elders of the aflemblies. 
 people, who are men of experience, and are 
 llimmon'd after their way by particular 
 mefiengers. In thefe councils they refolve 
 what they think moft convenient; which, if 
 it be a cafe of war, either defenfive or of- 
 fenfive, they chufe the general, not one of^ijojceof 
 the mofl: noble of the Caciques, or the moft agener.-.'. 
 powerful, but he who has the fame of moft 
 valiant, and has beft behav'd himfelf oti 
 the like occafion againft their enemies ; 
 and when he is juftly chofen, all the other 
 Caciques obey him pundtually. 'Tis after 
 this manner that they have preferv'd them- 
 fclves fo many years againft all the ftrength 
 that has been brought againft them. To 
 make thefe afiemblies, they chufe out fome 
 very plealant place, field, or meadow ; ^^^„„ „£• 
 and thither they bring great ftore of pro- thefe flate- 
 vifion, and ftrong drink, call'd Chica, meetings, 
 which is inftead of wine. Being all afTem- 
 blcd, and well warm'd with this liquor, 
 and excited in their martial temper, there 
 riles up fome one of the moft antient, to 
 whofe lot it falls, to propofe the bufinefs of 
 that meeting ; who with great eloquence 
 (for in that they are very famous) opens the 
 matter, and brings all the reafons and mo- 
 tives of perfuafion that he can. All are 
 oblig'd to yield to the majority of opinion ; 
 and when the refult is made, 'tis publifli'd 
 with the found of drums and trumpets, and 
 a mighty noife ; but yet allowing every one 
 the term of three days to refledt and con- 
 fideron what has been refolv'd ; after which, 
 if they find no inconveniency, the execu- 
 tion is infallible, and they think of the 
 means of bringing the bufinefs about by 
 the moft proper methods. 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 C H A P. III. 
 
 The fame JuhjcB is purj'ued, and the mhility of the Indians of Chile 
 
 examind. 
 
 ANtonio de Herrera, in the place alrea- 
 dy cited in the laft chapter, fays. 
 That there are fome of the Indians reputed 
 above the reft as gentlemen ; and then he 
 adds thefe words, \0f this fort have been, 
 and Jiillare the Indians 0/ Chile.] In which 
 he fays well ; for if valour and the glory of 
 arms makes gentlemen, as may be fecn in 
 I 
 
 Andreas 'Tiraquello, in his book de Nohili- 
 tate £5? jure Prinwgenitormn ; and if many 
 noble families do to this day derive them- 
 felves from fome great captain or famous 
 foldier, the Chilean Indians having fo often 
 fignalized their valour in fights, they may 
 very juftly be diftinguifh'd from all the 
 other Indians, and reputed more noble. 
 
 In
 
 .HAP. 
 
 3- 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 7f 
 
 Chile. 
 
 In fliorr, they are the untam'd Cantaki of 
 America, who, like thole of Europe, de- 
 fended themfelves, when all the reft of it 
 was endaved •, and repulfed tl;e conquering 
 monarchs of Peru to the extreme confines 
 of their provinces. 
 
 And there is one circumftance more par- 
 ticular than under the Cantabricins, bccaufe 
 they had the advantage of their mountains, 
 and the barrennefs of their country, not fo 
 inviting to a conqueror -, but in Chilt it was 
 otherwife : The nchnefs of its mines, and 
 its foil full of delicious valleys, and a clear 
 and rich territory, having been always well 
 known, the only valour and bravery of its 
 inhabitants was then the defence of the 
 country : Thefe were the fortrellcs and walls 
 of it •, for without a bit of fortification of 
 any Ibrt, or fb much as one fire-arm, they 
 oblig'd their powerful enemy to a fliame- 
 ful retreat. Indeed, this is a thing worthy 
 of great admiration -, yet not fo much to 
 ihofe who know how thele Indians value 
 themfelves upon being good foldiers, ufing 
 theml'elves to arms, even from their child- 
 hood ; of which it will not be amifs to 
 fpeak a little. 
 itfleedu- When a child is flrong enough, they 
 ;ion of make it run up the rocky fide of a hill, gi- 
 'rl^\^ ving him that does it beft, Ibme prize or 
 reward : This makes them very nimble and 
 light; and I have feen them, in their feafls 
 and entertainments, run two and two for 
 wagers with wonderful fwir'tnefs -, and thofe 
 who fhew little difpofition to this exercife, 
 are applied to follow day-labour, but the 
 others they referve for war, not fuffering 
 them to take to any other employments, 
 but mind their arms and their horfes, that 
 they may be perfeft in all their exercifes. 
 To thefe they aflign their poft upon occa- 
 fion, according as each has behav'd himfelf 
 in tliofe which he has been in before ; and 
 they have in this no confideration of gen- 
 tility, intercelTion of others, or other mo- 
 tives, but that alone of a good performance, 
 and the many proofs given by them of their 
 courage and conduct in war. 
 
 The arms they ufe, are pikes, halberts, 
 lauaces, hatchets, maces of arms, bars, 
 darts, arrows, and clubs ; as alio ftrong 
 noofes to throw upon a horfeman, and 
 flings. Their horfe fight with launce and 
 buckler, which they have learn'd from the 
 Spaniards, and from them they have had 
 their horfes •, for before their time, they had 
 neither horfe nor iion, but they have a hard 
 wood, which grows yet harder by being 
 turn'd in the fire, and is almoft as ufeful as 
 fteel. They have hard and flrong corfe- 
 lets, back and breaft, and thighs, arms, 
 bracelets, gauntlets, helmets, morions ; all 
 thefe of a harden'd leather, fb prepared 
 when raw, that it becomes by drying as im- 
 
 neir 
 ins in 
 r. 
 
 teir ar- 
 lijr. 
 
 penetniblc as any fiecl ■, and they are fome- Ova mi' 
 thing better, becaule more manageable, and '^"l^ 
 do embarrals the body lefs, as being lighter v 
 and lb the man is more at his ealc, and bet- 
 ter difpos'd in fight. Among them the pike- 
 man may not be an archer ; neither can any 
 that ufes the mace of arms, ufe other arms ; 
 fo every one beflirs himfelf with the arms 
 he is us'd to. 
 
 la forming their battalions, every file is Their or- 
 of above an hundred men, and between 'I" ^^ 
 every pikeman an archer, who are defend- '*'' ^' 
 ed by the pikemen, who clofe their flioiil- 
 ders together ; and if their firft battalion is 
 broken, the fecond relieves them with fo 
 much readincfs, that there fe^ms not that 
 any have fail'd ; and lb by the third and 
 fourth following each other, like waves of 
 the fea, without any interruption -, and no 
 man forfltkes his rank, but by death. Tliey 
 always endeavour to have fome bog or lake 
 not far off for a retreat ; for there they 
 are more in fafety than in the flrongefl: 
 caftlc. Their volunteers go before the batta- 
 lion, trailing their pikes with fo much ftatc, 
 and are themfelves fo haughty, that, like 
 Coliah, they challenge their enemy to meet 
 them body to body •, and they do the fame 
 to the Spaniards, giving themfelves great 
 airs of pride. They march to the found Their 
 of their drums and tnimpets, having their warlike 
 arms garnifh'd with all variety of bcauti- °''"^" 
 ful colours, and themfelves adorn'd with 
 great plumes of rich feathers, fo that they 
 appear very handfome and fightly. 
 - When they make any forts for their de- Their 
 fence, it is of great trees interwoven vviih '^""s. 
 each other, and leaving in the middle a 
 place of arms -, and formerly within this fort 
 they us'd to make another of thick planks. 
 Behind this, they make a great ditch, co- 
 ver'd over with plants and flowers, but 
 underneath them fharp llakes to lame the 
 enemy's horfes ; fome they make deeper, 
 that the horfes may remain there flaked 
 thorough. 
 
 Many of them are fubjefl to great fuper- 
 flitions and auguries, obferving the omens, 
 both before and at the time of their under- 
 taking ; but many of them laugh at thofe 
 oblervations, frying, there are no better 
 omens than good blows, and flout l.'.ying 
 about them, without fear of either fleel, 
 fire, or any fort of death ; and it is certain- 
 ly fo, that their firft encounter is terrible, 
 and as if they fear'd no one thing in the 
 world. When they are drawn up, and 
 ready to engage, there is filence made, and 
 the general raifing his voice, begins an ha- 
 rangue, fo full of fpirit, fill'd with fuch 
 vvarm incitations, and fuch a lively adion, 
 that the cowardlieft among them become 
 like lion"! and tygers againft their enemies. 
 He lays before them the g'ory of vidory, 
 
 aud
 
 7^ 
 
 OVAI.LE. 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Their mi- 
 litary ex- 
 horutions. 
 
 Their na- 
 tural tem- 
 per. 
 
 Their 
 make. 
 
 Good 
 hoffcmfn 
 
 and the fliame of being overcome, and made 
 captives and (laves to tlieir adverfarics. 
 " Take notice, lays he, that there is now 
 ." no medium between thofe two extremes: 
 " 3rc not you the ions anil grand-childien 
 " of thole brave men, who iiave fought 
 " fo many battles^ and ventur'd all to de- 
 " fend that country and liberty, for wiiich 
 " we now fight? Shall we ovvn that they 
 " exceed us in bravery, or that the cne- 
 " mies we encounter are fuperior to thole 
 " whom they overcame.'' Had they lefs 
 " motives than we have.? or do we hope 
 " for Ids glory.? We muft all die; and 
 " in the equality of that common fate, 
 " the only difference is dying nobly for our 
 " dear country, and the liberty of our wives 
 "• and children ; therefore rouze up that 
 " courage which you have inherited from 
 " your anceftors, who never could, endure 
 " the thoughts of that inhiraous yoke of 
 " flavery upon their necks. Courage then 
 " brave men, as brave as any the fun fees -, 
 " courage, for in that lies vidory." 
 
 With thefe, and other iiach words, and 
 calling to mind fome of their vid:ories, they 
 grow fo warm, that raifing a cry of war, 
 they drive away all fear, and exprcfs great 
 defire of engaging their enemies ; which 
 they do with fo much fury and refolution, 
 that a battalion that flands their firR fliock 
 is a very firn> one. But we will treat fur- 
 ther of this when we fhall fpeak of the 
 battles they have had with the Spaniards, 
 whofe valour has fet theirs in its luftre, obli-, 
 ging them to give fuch proofs as are 'wor- 
 thy to be recorded in hiflory. Let us purfue 
 now the account of their natural qualities, 
 independantlyfrom the refinance which they 
 have made to his Catholick majefty's arms. 
 
 The warlike fpirit of this nation proceeds 
 from their natural temper, which is chole- 
 rick and impatient, proud, arrogant, and 
 fierce, very cruel in their revenge, cutting 
 jjieir enemies (when in their power) inhu- 
 manly to pieces, and wallowing in their 
 blood. We Ihall relate a cafe hereafter, in 
 which fomething of this will be feen. They 
 are firong and robuft of body, well pro- 
 port ion'd, large flioulders, high chcfls, 
 well fet m their members, nimble, active, 
 vigorous, and nervous, couragious and 
 undertaking, enduring hunger, thirft, heat, 
 cold ■, defpifing all convenienciesof life, even 
 their own imall ones, having little value for 
 their very lives,- when 'as neceiHiry to ha- 
 zard them, either for glory or liberty -, con- 
 llanr in their relblutions, and perfifting in a 
 thing once begun with incredible fteadinels. 
 
 They are excellent horlcmen, and upon 
 
 ■ a fingle faddle-cloth, or without one, they 
 
 are as firm as others in war-faddles : They'll 
 
 ride down the fide of a hill, or a precipice, 
 
 .us if they were goats, with their bodies as 
 
 I 
 
 ftreight and as firm on horfeback, as if they 
 were nailM to the horfe : Tliey have no trou- 
 ble with the baggage they want, for they 
 carry but little with them ; not but that 
 when they march they have their little pack 
 of flower of maiz, a little lalt, fome Pi- 
 mimtcs, or Guinea Pepper, and dried flefh ; 
 and this is enough to maintain them a good 
 while. They need no other kitchen uten- 
 fils than a gourd or caiabap, with which, 
 when they come to a river or fpring, they 
 open their flower-bag, and wet a little with 
 the water, and that ferves them for drink ; 
 and for meat, when they put more of it with 
 a little lalt and pepper, this they call Ru- 
 hul ; and fometimes they eat their meal dry, 
 with fliccs of dried flefli. 
 
 The great numbers of people which that Their 
 country has maintain'd, may be collefted ""?l'^l' 
 from the people that the Spaniards found t^tions 
 there at their firft coming, which was about 
 200000, more or lefs, according to thegrcat- 
 nefs of the diftrids or territories, and their 
 habitations, v/hich never were in form of a 
 city or town ; for the Indians cannot endure 
 any formal cpnftraint, but love to live free 
 in the fields ; and every Cacique, or lord, 
 govern'd his own valllils, who placed them- 
 ielves according to their conveniencies, fome 
 in one valley, and fome in another ; Ibme 
 at the foot of mountains, others on the fide 
 of rivers ; fome by the lea fide, or on the 
 top of mountains ; but all under no other 
 form of government, than the will of their 
 lord, the Cacique, to whom they yielded a 
 ready and prompt obedience with joy. 
 Their houfes are generally of wood, with- Their 
 out any flories, not very large, nor all of a ^''"'«^-- 
 piece, but each room fram'd by itfelf, fo 
 that when they have a mind to remove and 
 chufe another fituation, they carry away the 
 houfe by pieces, or rooms, which ten or 
 twenty men can eafily carry. When they 
 take it up, they clear the ground about it, 
 and then at one cry, lifting all together, 
 they get it up, and carry it chearfuUy away, 
 every one taking hold by its pillars ; and 
 when they are weary they reft awhile, and 
 fo on again. Their doors are of the fame Their 
 material, and they have neither hinges, locks fidelity to 
 nor key.s, nor any thing under a lock or °"^ ^"" 
 key, their fecurity confilling in each other's 
 fidelity, which they obferve facredly towards 
 one another. 
 
 Their furniture is very mean, they being Their fur- 
 a people that defpile all conveniencies and niture. 
 fuperiluities ; infomuch that that which 
 is their natural way of living, would be 
 high penance with any European na- 
 tions : For firft, as to their beds, they 
 have neither quilts, nor flicets, nor pillows, 
 much lefs do they need curtains, pavil- 
 lions, or alcoves. The hard ground is their 
 couch, upon which they lay fome poor 
 
 flvins ; 
 
 I
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 ^^U \ Kmgdom\of GM'^l^L E. 
 
 m 
 
 fkins-, and for bolfttr, they lay li ftone, 
 or a piece of wood, arid double their cloaks 
 ro lay on it •, and that is their higheft con- 
 trivance of eafe : They have one or two very 
 coarfe coverlets, which they weave of a ibrt 
 of thread as thick as one's litde finger. 
 People that ufe ib little about their perlbns, 
 may eafily be prefumai to have no hangings, 
 nor other ornament to their walls ; they 
 have no utenfil of gold or filver, though 
 they have fo much in their country •, their 
 plate is four or five difhes, and fome fpoons 
 of wood, or a fhell from the fea fide';' aca- 
 labafh or gourd to drink in; a leaf of a 
 tree, or of maiz, for a (iiltfeller. This is 
 all the apparatus oi their table, which is the 
 ground, or at beft a little bench, without 
 any cloth or napkins, but only a little 
 broom, upon which they wipe their hands. 
 Their food Their meats are the mod fimple, and 
 and diet, eafily dreft, without any incitements to 
 gluttony, as in other nations; but yet they 
 are tafteful enough, and ilich as many of oiir 
 Europeans like very well. They eat little 
 flelh ; and before the Spaniards came among 
 them, they had neither fheep, goats, nor 
 cows, no, nor hens : They ufe thefe only at 
 their great feafts. Their ordinary diet is of 
 maiz, variety of fruits and herbs, and moft 
 commonly gourds, or a fort of beans, which 
 we call frizoles. They did eat fifli ; and the 
 game they hunted, particularly a fore of 
 fmall rabbits, which they call Degus % and 
 fince the coming in of the Spaniards., they 
 eat beef and mutton, of which there is great 
 abundance. 
 
 Inftead of wheat bread, which they had 
 
 not before the Spaniards brought it, they 
 
 Maiz. eat maiz boiled in water, juft as rice in the 
 
 Eajl Tffdi/!^. This maiz is, and always has Oval iii. 
 been the general nourilhment of the Indians '^4^- 
 o^ /ImWica; -xnd is not only their meat, ^"'''^ 
 but their drink, which they make of'tht: 
 fanrie maiz, rbafted and lleeped in water, 
 and then boiledi and fct by ; and that is 
 their Ckicha^ or wine, which they make ul- 
 fo of the fruit of other treeS.{-'''^' 
 
 Their Way of m:ikiiig flower is very dif- Their 
 ferent ffom ours >. They firft toall their maiiz ^'''^•"'■ 
 in great jplatters of eahh ; thefe they fet 
 upon the' fire full of fand, which when it 
 is very hot, they take off"; and putting the 
 grains of maiz to it, ftir them about very 
 taft with a kind of biooni :' It is loon tcafi"'- 
 ed. 'When done, they take it out, and 
 put in nibre, till they have done enough to 
 make flower:' This they'giind between two 
 flones thus: They iiave a ftone fixed in the 
 ground, 'of about the fliape and bignefs of 
 a flieet of pajxjr, and lb hollowed, as ano- 
 ther flone of an oval ligure may play upon 
 it : T\\\st\\t^ Indian woman takes with both The wo- 
 hands, ftnd being upon her knees, makes it 1"^" "'■'*'^^ 
 play upon the other, putting, from time to 
 time, with her left hand, the maiz between 
 the two ftones, fo as to fupply what falls 
 away, and that the mill do not ftand ftHI. 
 The flower falls forward into a fort of box, 
 as it does in our mills, and almofl: as faft, 
 comparing the ftrength of a woman to that 
 of a ftream of water. She can do enough 
 at once for the maintenance of her fimily -, 
 and make a provifion too for a journey or 
 a voyage of her hufband or fon to the wars. 
 This is the proper bufinefs of the women ; 
 and it would be a fliame tor a man to em- 
 ploy himfelf in itj or in any other houflioU 
 •bufinefsr--- c ■ 
 
 ,2'13U£:. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the fame fubjeB. 
 
 w 
 
 HEN the Indians are fick, they 
 
 change litde of their ordinary way 
 
 of living, and they never have a better bed. 
 
 Indian Their way of letting blood is fafer than 
 
 phlebo- ours ; for it is not with a lancet, which 
 
 ''■"y- may either fail to draw blood, or go too 
 
 deep, and lame the arm, if the furgeon be 
 
 not very fkilful ; but with a (harp flint, 
 
 fixed at the end of a little piece of wood, 
 
 fo fad, that there is juft enough left out to 
 
 cut the vein, and no more : This they apply 
 
 to the vein after they have made a bandage, 
 
 as we do, and ftriking a little ftroke upon 
 
 it, the blood never fails to come, in greater 
 
 abundance than our bleedings are. This is 
 
 all they need a furgeon or barber for, they 
 
 thcmfelves having no beards to Ihave, and 
 
 the little hair they have, every one pulls out ; 
 
 and they take it for an affront ro look hairy. 
 
 Vol.. III. 
 
 They have pincers, which they make of 
 cockle-fliells, and always have them about 
 them, ufing them from time to time in 
 converfarion ; they thinking it as honoura- 
 ble to be without that, which other people 
 nourifh, comb, and take care of ; which is 
 a good conviftion of the variety of opinions 
 of mankind, about what is, and is not ho- 
 nourable. As for their hair, they let it 
 grow juft below their ears, and no lower, 
 and ib need no barber to cut it, but do 
 every one help the other to keep the ends 
 of it even. 
 
 Their manner of cloathing themfelves, jjinV 
 (though of various, and very beautiful co- manner of 
 lours, which . they give to the wool that doathir.g. 
 they weave their cloaths of,) is very plain 
 .and fimple: They have no lining to any of 
 their cloaths, neither do they wear one un- 
 T der
 
 Of the NdtHre and Properties of the 
 
 74 
 
 O VA I. LK. der another: Their dniuers comedown ro 
 1646. their knees, open and loofe, and it i^ upon 
 ^ "^ their naked body, for they ufe no fhirts : 
 They have a fort of waillcoat, which they 
 cill Macun, and it is made of about a yard 
 and ahalf of fome v.oohcn ftuff, which they 
 leave open, fo as to put it over tiieir heads, 
 and then they gird it with a girdle : They 
 have alfo a kind of cloak or mantle, which 
 they call Chomi, which they put on when 
 they go abroad : They have tiieir ^rms and 
 legs naked, and on their feet they, have a 
 fort of ihoc, which they call Ojoki, aiid is 
 like the rope flioes the Spaniards wear : They 
 wear nothing on their heads, but a kind of 
 circle of wool, of various colours, with its 
 fringes hanging down like a cap -, which 
 .they ftir or pull oil' in fla,q\y of,ji;^lpe£t, as 
 wc do our hats. ,(|T y^v.^y.-- t 
 
 Their In their feafts, balls, and rejoicings, 
 
 hnery. the Ugh they do not cliange the form o\ 
 their cloaths, yet they have a richer fort, 
 of finer wool, and richer colours : They 
 put about their necks fome chains ot (hells, 
 which they gather by the fea-fide 5 thefe 
 they call Nancas : Others put fnail-ihells, 
 ftrung upon a ftring, about their necks : 
 and thole of the flraights of Magellan have 
 pearls very well wrought, and of great ar- 
 tifice, as is affirmed by the authors already 
 cited ; and on their heads they put a kind 
 of garland, not of flowers, but of wool, 
 dy'd of feveral beautiful colours, to which 
 they hang fine little birds, which. they e- 
 ftcem, and on each fide they have a plume 
 of high feathers, either white, red^ or blue, 
 and about half a yard high. 
 Their Their way of dancing is with little jumps, 
 
 dancing, and a ftep or two, not rifing much from 
 ground, and without any capers, fuch as 
 the Spaniards nfe : Ihey dance all together 
 in a ring, round a may-pole or ftandard, 
 which or.e of them holds in the middle as 
 an enfign ; and near it are all the bottles of 
 their wine, of which they take nov/ and 
 .then a fup while they dance, drinking to 
 .one another; for it is a cuftom among 
 them never to drink alone any thing that is 
 given them : He that begins takes a fup, and 
 -then he that he drinks to pledges him, and 
 gives the cup to another, and lo to a fourth, 
 till it be empty ; and yet one has not more 
 tiian the other ; for what this man does for 
 .that, that man does for this ; and fo at laft 
 they come to be fo equally fhared, that at 
 ihe end of the entertainment, they are all 
 alike drunk, and laid down ; for they drink 
 as long as they can (land. But this is not 
 eafily brought to pafs •, for befides what 
 they drink in the day-time, they will of- 
 ten pafs all night at it, without leaving 
 off, finging and dancing to their drums 
 and flutes. The women, as more bafliful, 
 do not enter into thefe dances, except fome 
 
 Book IIIj^ 
 
 one or two, when the wine has got into The wo 
 
 their Iteads, and then too they do not en- !"^"* ^'^ 
 
 ' ■ 1 • • i 't. 1 J naviout ai 
 
 ter into the ring with the men, but dance ^j^^j 
 
 by themfelves. Few of them get drunk, fo feaih. 
 
 as to lofe their judgment ; fo they are up- Their can 
 
 on tiieir guard more, to mind that the °j ^^^" 
 
 men do not quarrel, and hurt one another in " 
 
 their drink. Their flutes, which they play Their 
 
 upon in thefe dances, are made of the bones "'"'^ '"- 
 
 of the Spaniards, and other enemies, whom "^""i''"'* 
 1 , ' „,'. , made of 
 
 tliey have overcome m war, 1 his they ^1,^;^ g„g. 
 ,dp,by way of triumph and glory for their mies 
 vi(Sl6r.y .: Tliey make them likewile of bones bones, 
 of other animals > but the Indians of war 
 dance only to thefe of their enemies. 
 
 Their way of finging is, all together rai- 
 fing their voices upon the funic note, with- 
 out any diftercnce of parts or meafure ; and 
 at the end of every fong they play on their 
 flutes, and a fort of trumpets, juft as we 
 do on our guittars in the Pajfacalies. This 
 they repeat fo often, and fo loud, that one 
 may hear them at a great diftance ; for in 
 thefe feafts, they are very numerous. Thole 
 .who are not engaged in dancing, fit toge- 
 ther in feveral companies, talking togethei- 
 upon paft occurrences, and ftill warming 
 themfelves with their wine ; and then they 
 begin to recoiled the injuries they have re- 
 ceived from one another, and io rcfrefh- 
 ing the memory of old contefts and enmities 
 not revenged ; and this makes them break 
 ,out into new animofities, and ibmetimes 
 kill one another upon little provocation. 
 . -.The women as well as the men have The wo- 
 their arms naked, but no other part about "'^"*'^^'*' 
 ;them; for though they go barefoot, yet 
 their cloaths, which are very long, cover 
 them from head to foot, though in fome 
 places they wear them fhorter : This is a 
 plain fort of mande, dole to their bodies, 
 without any linen underneath ; this they 
 let fall to their feet, and having faftened 
 it on their fhoulders, gather it in plaits 
 and fwath themfelves from their waiil to 
 the breafl:s with fome fine coloured woollen 
 fcarf, of about four fingers broad, and fo 
 long, that it takes lb many turns about 
 their waifl, as to keep their bodies as 
 ftreight as any : This is all their drefs with- 
 in doors. 
 
 The Indian women of the better fort, that 
 live in towns among the Spatiiards, have 
 learned the ufe of fmocks and waiftcoats un- 
 der their mantles, but of no other thing; 
 and one cannot affront an Indian woman 7-},e ^vo- 
 more, than to offer to put her on head- men hate 
 cloaths, or necklaces, or fleeves, or gloves, dead- 
 er any of thofc ornaments which the Spa- ^^^^^^' 
 nijh women ufe ; and much more if they 
 oblige them to put any paint upon their and paint, 
 faces ; nothing of this kind could ever pre- 
 vail upon them, though born and bred 
 among the Spanijh women ; and to talk to 
 
 . .them
 
 ■'• ltd. 
 
 '"ike. 
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILV.. 
 
 75 
 
 tktit 
 
 them of it, even to thofe among them who 
 love to be fine, would be like giving them 
 a cut over the face, fo great a horror they 
 have for any thing that is fo very contrary 
 to their ancient cuftoms. They wear no- 
 thing on their heads, but their hair plaited 
 behind their fhoulders, and divided hand- 
 fomely upon their forehead over their eye- 
 brows, and have locks which cover part of 
 their cheeks ; fo tiieir face is handlbmely 
 and fimply adorned, without any artifice. 
 When they go abroad, they put upon their 
 fhoulders another half mantle, fquare, and 
 faflened before with a bodkin, or crotchet, 
 which anfwers the two others on the fhoul- 
 ders -, and thus they go abroad with their 
 eyes fixed upon the ground •, for they are 
 naturally very modeft honed: women. 
 
 This manner of cloaching themfelves, 
 with fo much fimplicity and plainnefs, as 
 well in the women as tlie men, with fo lit- 
 tle pride and vanity in their houfes, docs 
 Few arti- not much encourage artificers, who have 
 ficers ; all jj^|g jq Jq ^ ^j^j jjy jj^^j. pri(.;;ns there are 
 
 the more men of war, which is the thing 
 in which thefe men place their honour and 
 felicity, as other nations do in the fump- 
 tuoufnefs of palaces and furniture, or in 
 other riches and eminences, either of arts 
 or learning : of all which thefe Indians ne- 
 ver had any notion ; and yet they learn 
 them eafily, when they are taught them, 
 Theirway^nd to a great perfedtion. They can nei- 
 of keeping ther read nor write among themfelves ; but 
 account, as to their way of remembering and keeping 
 account, they have their ^.ipoes^ which is 
 a fort ot firings of different bignefs, in which 
 they make knots of feveral colours, by 
 which they remember, and can give an ac- 
 count of the things committed to their 
 charge. With thefe they will give an ac- 
 count of a great flock, and tell which have 
 died of ficknefs, or other accidents, and 
 which have been fpent in the family, and 
 for the fhepherdsi and they will tell every 
 particular that happened in fuch and fuch 
 occafions, and of what they did and faid. 
 When they go to confefs, thefe ^ipoes 
 ferve them to remember their fins, and tell 
 them with diftinftion and clearnefs : they 
 have befides excellent memories of their own, 
 and do remember things of very ancient 
 date, jufl as if they had happened but a 
 little while before j and when they begin 
 to talk them over, (which happens general- 
 ly when they drink, and begin to be warm- 
 ed with wine,) 'tis wonderful how they will 
 repeat things paft, with all their circum- 
 ftances, and particularly affronts and inju- 
 ries that have been done them, or their an- 
 ceftors, refrefhing the memory of things 
 that feemed to be quite forgotten. For 
 proof of the care they take to keep the me- 
 mory Qf remarkable pafTages, I muft relate 
 
 here what I learned from father Diego Torres Ov al l£. 
 Bollo, a very extraordinary man, both for '^46- 
 holinefs of life, and fkill in government. ^^^V^ 
 
 This great man returning from Rome 
 (whither he had been lent as procurator of 
 the province of Peru) to found the pro- 
 vince of t^ito, he fiw in a place where four 
 ways met, an Indian, who, to the found A (Ingnlar 
 of a drum, was finging a great many things ^^^y of re- 
 all alone in his own tongue : the father cal- S'""'"S 
 led one in his company, who underllood it, ^*'^"''- 
 and afk'd him what that Indian meant by 
 that adlion ; who told the father that that 
 Indian was, as it were, the re^ilter of that 
 country, who, to keep up the memory of 
 what liad palTed in it from the deluge to 
 that time, was bound every holiday to re- 
 peat it by the found of a drum, and fing- 
 ing, as he WLts then doing. He was more- 
 over obliged to inflruft others in the fame 
 way, that there might be a fucceirion of 
 men to do the fame thing after he was goncj 
 and that which he at this time is finging 
 IS, that in iuch a year there had been there An adJi 
 a white man called Thomas, who did great tion of the 
 wonders, preaching a new law, which in '"'crpie- 
 time was loft and forgotten, ^c. And thus |"; °l^^ 
 we may lee the manner by which the Indi- -^^{^li. 
 ans fupply the want of books and writings. 
 
 The women of Chile are fo bold and 
 manly in their courage, that when it is ne- 
 ceflliry, and that there is want of inen, they 
 take arms, and behave themfelves as if they 
 were men. They play likewife at a very 
 affive game called La Chueca, wherein the 
 men fliew their greateft agility and nimbh- 
 nefs, each fide ftriving to get a ball from 
 the other, and carry it to the mark with 
 crooked bandy flicks. They are about for- 
 ty or fifty on a fide, who place themfelves 
 in difl^crent pofts, fo as ta be ufeful one to 
 another, and drive away the ball from the 
 other party •, and when it happens that two 
 of different fides are at it together, it is a 
 pleafure to fee them run, the one to forward 
 it with another ftroke, and the other to get 
 before him and hinder him from ftriking ir, 
 that he may drive it back to his own fida* 
 This is a fport much to be feen, and gene- 
 rally it has many fpeftators to fee the end 
 of the play, which often bfts a whole even- 
 ing, and fometimes is forced to be put ofi" 
 to another day; fuch contention there is to 
 win thefe prizes they play for. 
 
 The ftrength and boldnefs of the women The hard 
 comes from the little tendernefs they are education 
 bred with, for they avoid neither heat nor o^ '^c wo- 
 cold J and in the coldeft winters, when"*"- 
 birds are killed with cold, they wafh their 
 heads in cold water, and never dry their 
 hair, but let it remain wet, and dry itfelf 
 in the air ; and as for their children, they 
 wafh them in the rivers, when they are ycc 
 very young ; and when they are brought to ' —
 
 76 
 
 Ova 1. 1 
 
 The rnd 
 an mens 
 hardnefs 
 againilw 
 and cold 
 
 0/ the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book II] 
 
 E bed, in a vc;y little time they arc about the 
 honfe, as if it were not they, but fome other 
 woman that had lain in. 
 
 If the women behave themfclves thus, 
 what may we expert from the men ? 'Tis a 
 .wonderful thing how little they fear wea- 
 ther, though in the midft of winter •, and 
 to fee an Lididfi, with that fimplc habit we 
 have defcri bed, his head bare, without har, 
 or any other covering. I have ken them 
 in this condition endure mighty Ihowers, 
 which wet them all over, and came out at 
 their breeches, and yet laugh and not value 
 that, which to others would have been in- 
 fupportable. 
 
 I remember, upon this occafion, what 
 was laid by a Spo.nifii gentleman of a merry 
 humour, to one newly come from Europe., 
 who, with great charity, was pitying thele 
 poor Indians for their fufterings in winter, 
 which in that country is very feverc. The 
 gentleman afked the good tather what he 
 had to keep his face from the cold ? To 
 which he anfwered. Nothing, becaufe every 
 body's face v»as uied to the weather. To which 
 
 the gentleman replied, T'/'^y^ Indians are all 
 face ; for from their inflincy they have no 
 defence ag;iinit the cold. Who is it that 
 pities a trout, or other fifh, for being in the 
 water, becaufe they are bred in that ele- 
 ment .'' The fame may be fliid of thefe /;;- 
 rt'/^'w.f, who arc like fifhes, and are bred to 
 all that hardfliip-, and fo we need not won- 
 der at it. By thefe means they are fo har- ^^^^ ^,. 
 tiened, that a wound which the braveft wounds 
 Spaniard would take his bed for, does give better tha 
 them fo little trouble, that I have fecn them theSpanii 
 go about without minding it. I have known * 
 them have a broken head by accident at 
 play, and all they do is to wafli it in cold 
 water, never leaving their employment or 
 bufinefs; and with this, and the application 
 of their own herbs, which, indeed, are of 
 great virtue, they are foon well ; but the 
 excellency of their own conftitution helps 
 not a little to their cure in wounds, as well 
 as all other diftempers, out of which they 
 get well with a great deal lefs time and 
 care than the Spaniards. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of other qualities proper to the natives of Chile. 
 
 'J he peo- 
 ple of 
 Chile very 
 pacienc. 
 
 A good 
 llory. 
 
 'Tis the 
 cuftom in 
 Spain to 
 dance at 
 procefli- 
 ens. 
 
 The com- 
 plexion of 
 iheChile- 
 
 tiian:. 
 
 FROM this flrong conftitution comes 
 the admirable patience of their minds, 
 and the little fenfe they fhew of that which 
 amongfl us Europeans would be a great mor- 
 tification. That which happened between 
 an Indian and fluher Lewis of Valdivia is ad- 
 mirable upon this flibjed. The Indian came 
 toxonfels to the father-, who, to make him 
 enter into a penance for his fins, ordered 
 him to wear a Cilice, or hair-cloth upon his 
 fkin : it was a very hard one, and fuch as 
 would have punithed one of us feverely. 
 The Indian put it on, and about a year af- 
 ter, there was a procefTion of the holy fii- 
 cr.iment, at which he danced, and feeing 
 his confefTor in the church, he left his dan- 
 cing, and came to him, faying. Look here 
 ho'-jo I have prefervcd zvbal iboii gavcfl me a 
 year ago, and (liewcd it him upon his na- 
 ked fkin. The father was ailoniflied to fee, 
 that what he gave him to mortify him, was 
 turned to an ornament ; and afking him 
 how long he had worn it, was anfwered by 
 him, I have never lefi it off one minute fince 
 thou, gaveft tt me ; and lb returned to his 
 dancing, fliewing his companions the pre- 
 fcnt the father had made him, as pleafed 
 with ir, as if it had been a gold or filver 
 brocade -, and fo far he was froni taking it 
 for mortification, or feeling its roughnefs, 
 that he wore it for a favour given him by 
 his father confelTor. 
 
 Thefe Indians of Chile are the faireft com- 
 plexioned, and whiteft of all ^:/«2mra; and 
 thofe of tlie coldeft countries are the whiteft, 
 
 -*' 
 
 as we fee in Europe ; but the very antipodes 
 of Flanders never come to be fo white as the 
 Flemmings ; and among all the Chilenians, 
 I do not remember a red-hair'd one-, for jsfg ,jj 
 they all, both men and women, have black hair. ^ 
 hair, and that very rough, and hard, and 
 thick ; infomuch that the meftitos, or mun- 
 grel breed of a Spanijh man and Indian wo- 
 man, are known and diftinguifhed by that 
 from the children of a Spanijh man and Spa- 
 nijh woman -, and this will laft to the fecond 
 and third generation before it foftens. There 
 is little difference in any thing elfe, either 
 of fliape, feature, or difpofition ; nor in the 
 manner of fpeaking, or found ot the voice : 
 and as for the language, not only the 
 meftitos, but the Indians bred among the 
 Spaniards, are as ready at the phrafe and turn jjjgy 
 of the Spanifl} tongue, as any Spaniard. I fpeak Spa- 
 have made experience of this often in con- n"*^ per- 
 fefTing them -, for the confefTionary is fo turn- '^^'X- 
 ed, as the father-confelTor cannot fee the wo- 
 man that enters to confefs. It happcn'd to 
 me often to have an Indian woman come in 
 after a Spanijh woman, and I could not find 
 any difference, till flie herfelf, finding I ufed \ 
 her with that diftinftion and civility due to 
 Spanifl: ladies, would humbly tell me fhc 
 was but an Indian. 
 
 The conftitution of thefe people is the 
 caufe that time does not make fo ftrong an "f . ^ ''"' 
 impreOion on them, as on us •, and they bear ^^^y ^^n^ 
 their years mighty well, turning grey very 
 late, at threefcore, or thereabouts ; and 'till 
 then they look like young men. When 
 
 they
 
 UHAP. 5. 
 
 Kingdom o/' C H I L I:. 
 
 »nnot en- 
 ure to 
 tive their 
 Ml coun- 
 
 7. 
 
 they are over white, or have any baldnefs, 
 you may giiefs them at about a hundred : 
 
 «ve long, they alHive long, and particulaily the wo- 
 men -, and when by age they lol'e their ji-idg- 
 menr, they felJom falter in their memory, 
 which lafts them to their dying day, even 
 to remember all the particulars of their 
 young days from their infancy. Their 
 
 iBodteeth teeth and eyes are fo good, that they iel- 
 dom iofe either; and, in fliort, all the in- 
 firmities of old men, which arc the fore- 
 runners of death, come to them later than to 
 the other nations. But yet, if they happen 
 to go out of their own country, they lofc 
 all their vigour, as we experience daily in 
 our prifoners of war -, who being fold to 
 Peru^ as foon as they feel the heat of the 
 tropick, they fill! fick, and moft of them 
 die ; and this is no more than what hap- 
 pens to the Spaniard.!^ when they come from 
 their own climate to Porto Bello^ or Pann- 
 ina ; nay, the Spaniards born in Chile, ven- 
 ture their lives that go to thofe countries that 
 are between the tropicks. 
 
 From this experience the Indians have of 
 the hot countries, comes the great rekic- 
 tancy they fhew to go out ot their own, 
 and the refentment they exprefs againft thole 
 who carry or fend them abroad ; and 'tis 
 not to be imagin'd the ftrange and rafh 
 contrivances they have to make their efcapes 
 from Lima -, for though they have above 
 five hundred leagues to go to their own 
 home from Peru, yet they undertake it, 
 and moft commonly compafs it, through a 
 vafl number of dangers and inconveniencies. 
 For firft, they arc forced to go all along by 
 the fea-fide, by which one may guefs how 
 much they go about, fince they fetci\ the 
 compal's of all the bays and nooks, and 
 double all the capes. 
 
 The next inconvenience which they meet 
 with, is want of food -, for they dare not 
 enter any town, or inhabited place •, fo they 
 are reduc'd to feed on cockles and other 
 Ihell-fifh on the fea-fiJc, which is no very 
 good nourifliment. The third difficulty 
 is the pairing of fo many, and fuch fwift 
 rivers. 
 
 The fourth inconvenience is the want of 
 water to drink •, for 'tis not polTible, that 
 in fo great a journey, they fliould not ibme- 
 times mifs of frerti water to quench their 
 thirfl. All thefe difficulties, and many 
 others, which are obvious to travellers, are 
 overcome by thefe Indians by length of 
 time and patience ; and they get at lafl to 
 their own country, and are out of flavery, 
 not by the means of gold or filver, but by 
 the bravery of their minds. 
 
 The boldnefs of Ibmc other Indians was 
 
 yet more remarkable : thefe were carried in 
 
 a fhip to be folii as flaves at Lima, by a 
 
 Portii^uefe gentleman of the Habit of Chriji, 
 
 N" 91. Vol. III. 
 
 rrhe bold 
 lefs of 
 bme Chi 
 nians to 
 iivoid fla- 
 Kty. 
 
 who was 
 
 war, 
 
 age : this 
 
 in fight of the coall, more or 
 
 77 
 
 about thines bclonsins; to Ova lie. 
 
 navigation 
 
 IS 
 
 — _ o 
 
 at the time that I went the fame \oy- '''4(^- 
 
 made commcniy •^^'^^^'^ 
 efs, accord- 
 ing as the winds ferve ; but (Ull they keep 
 a good way out at lea, for fear of thv- rocks. 
 Thefe Indians rclblv'd among thcmlelves to 
 throw themfelves into the fea, to avoid this 
 flavery ; .md one day, vvh.n they found 
 the fhip in a proportionable diltance to the 
 fliore, fo as they durft venture to trull to 
 their fwimming, they got loofe very dex- 
 teroufiy from their fetters, and Aid, with- 
 out being pcrceiv'd, down by the fhip's 
 fide into the fea ; and when they miis'd 
 them they were out of fight, and fo it was 
 in vain to follow them. Among tlufc pri- ^n of^d 
 foners there was an old man, who cither ""'>'■ 
 becaufe he was not trufted by the others, 
 or becaufe they had not the opportunity of 
 acquainting him with the defign, he not be-, 
 ing fhut up with them, but having the li- 
 berty of the fiiip as an old man, remain'd 
 behind after they were gone. This Indian 
 began to think of the thing, and to weij^h 
 with himfclf how his companions had un- 
 dertaken and perform'd an extraordinary 
 a6tion ; he refleded how they had an ivcd 
 at their own land, and among their friends, 
 who perhaps were inquiring about him, 
 and that every body defpis'd him as a 
 coward, and a man of little fpirir, fince he 
 had not been able to overcome the adverfe 
 fortune which the others had conquer'd, 
 but had fubmitted to it : he reprefented to 
 himfelf the welcomes and joys which their 
 friends exprefs'd, and the feafts and enter- 
 tainments made for their retui-n, and the 
 embraces and careffes which they receiv'd 
 from their relations. All this, I fiy, made 
 fuch an imprelfion in his mind, and rais'd 
 fuch an emulation, that he could not bear 
 the reproaches he made himfelf, particular- 
 ly feeing himfelf without a remedy. At 
 lafl, after much thought and penfivenei's, 
 he came to a refolution, which was, to do 
 fomething which fhould be bolder than 
 what his companions had perform'd, and 
 that in the manner of iloing it •, tor he re- 
 folv'd to do it by day, in the fight of all 
 the Spaniards ; and for a beginning, he de- 
 fign'd to kill his mafter, not in the night, 
 and without witnefTes, as he might eafily A defpe- 
 have done, but upon the deck, in the fight ^•'^'^ "''^ 
 of all thofe in the fiiip, to get himfelf a ^"'^'*"- 
 greater name of bravery. To this end, he 
 took one day, a great knife in his hand, 
 and fell upon the captain -, and having 
 wounded him in feveral places, with as 
 much precipitation as he could, leap'd over- 
 board with fo much fuddcnnefs, that he 
 nipp'd away from thofe who endeavouiM to 
 feize him. 'Tis to be imagin'd, they were 
 all wonderfully furpriz'd at the rcfolutcnefs 
 U of
 
 7S 
 
 Of the Nature and Troperties of the 
 
 Book fll Inii 
 
 Ov alii;, of the adion : Tlu-y immali:itcly brought 
 1646. (|j£ j]jjp to^ .^,ij pot out the bo.it in .lil 
 ^^''"*'^*' die hiirtc tlwt could be to lollow the Indio.7i, 
 who fvvimining hke a H(h, was already al- 
 moll out ot iv^\M ; but they overcook \\m\ 
 and bid him yield himlelf a prifoiier, fihce 
 he could not elcapc •, and fimling him lliU 
 endeavour to get away, they ilrtiek at him 
 with their launces, but he dexterouily avoid- 
 ed all their Itrokes with great prelence ot 
 mind, diving and appcaruig again where 
 they leart cxpc^:tcd him. Upon this they 
 fir'd upon him, and wounded him in leve- 
 ral places ; but neither then did he yield, 
 nor would ever have had a thought of it, but 
 the lofs of blood taking away his iVrength, 
 had made him unable to get away, fo they 
 brought him alnioft expiring to the fliip, 
 having more valued death with the reputa- 
 tion df a brave man, than life with the in- 
 fairty bf a coward, and the lofs of reputa- 
 tion among his own people. This tadt 
 does not only fliew the bravery ot the na- 
 tion, but likcwife their great averfion to 
 go out of their own country, and how hea- 
 vy a yoke they think fubjeiftion to be -, and 
 we fhall fee hereafter how much they have 
 done to defend their beloved liberty. 
 
 Now let us fpeak of fome other cuflpms 
 Their thcfe Indians have. They folemnize their 
 marriages, niarriages their own Way, and in a very 
 contrary manner to that ot the Europeans ; 
 for is to the portion, the woman does hot 
 provide it, but the man ; and neitlier of 
 them enjoy it, but it pafTes to the pro- 
 priety and ufe ot the father ot the young 
 wbrhan ; to that the hufband hais a charge 
 u^on him of maintaining his wife without 
 Daughters any help •, nay, rather with lefs ability, fcr 
 are no \q pjrts with fome of his llibftance to pur- 
 burthen, (.j^^jg j^^.^ . ^Q ^Yi^^ in this country 'tis no 
 riches to a charge at ill to have many daughters, but 
 father. ra'th'er a part of their cftate and fubftance. 
 They take many wives •, and the greateft 
 'obftacle they have to be converted to our 
 Vel^ion, is this vice of Polygamy, which 
 they embrace with greit fenfuality, though 
 'tis chargeable, becaufe at the lame time 
 'tis a figure of power and riches. The firfl 
 How they wife has fome preheminence over the others, 
 manage and has the orderirlg of them, yet they all 
 polygamy, j^^j^ ^p^j^ tliemfelves is lawful wrves, aticl 
 their children as legitimi'te ; yet ttie fbn of 
 the fiift inherits the ellate ahd the honour 
 • 'of Cacique, and his i poWer ~Over his other 
 brothers. 
 Natural 0- The fubj'efts 6Bey their lOrd with great 
 bedience 'punftuality, love, and refped: -, and for this 
 to their r'eafon they have ho prifonS nor ftrorig places 
 Cacique.. -jQ i^qI^i j}^g^.j jj^ . ^^^ jfjgjj. ^..jj^jr^i jy^g ,^|^(^| 
 
 fefpeft they 'bear their Cacique, is a law in- 
 viohble in their hearts, and a rewat'd 6\' 
 iJieir obedience, Which they flicw in all rc- 
 ,^ards that may plcafe him. 
 4 
 
 When a Cacijue has a mind to make war. Their 
 lie need not make provifion of money for j'^^^* *?" 
 pay, without which, amongft us, men will ,""j^„J[j 
 not fight, even for their king : He need only pay. 
 give out his orders, and they all conic with 
 arms and horfes, bearing their own charges 
 during the enterprize -, and this is the tea 
 
 
 I 
 
 loP. that rhey can allemble fo powerful an 
 army ;:i I0 little time, they all locking up- 
 on the comir.on cuufe as their own ; and as 
 they make the good of their country the 
 motive of their arms, every one thinks him- 
 lelf fufficiently lewarded if they can defend 
 that from their enemies. The found of the 
 drum and trumpet is only to fiiew them 
 tlie iKCelllty of tlicir meeting in arms •, at 
 which they immediately leave wife and 
 children, and all that is dear td them, with 
 the hazard of never feeing theni more, as 
 it often happens. 
 
 In the diftribution of the booty and 
 flaves taken in war, there is no other me- 
 thod, than that every one has what he can 
 get, fo that the bravell and moll: diligent 
 are the beft provided, without any obliga- 
 tion of giving any part of it to their cap- 
 tains or general •, for in this they are all 
 equal, and valoul- alone makes the ciiftin- Very 
 ftion, which they fliew in an eminent dc- brave, 
 gree, being very, defirous to recover fome 
 of our arms, fuch as guns, fwords^ laun- 
 ces •, for they have no iron of their own. Want 
 When they return from war, and find what '^°"- 
 men they have loft, 'tis incredible what h- 
 mentations, cries, and tears, proceed from 
 the widows and children of thole who are 
 dead ; and though this be a common fenti- 
 ment of humanity, praftifed amongft all 
 nations who value locicty and -proximity of 
 blood, which are the foundation of triend- 
 ihip, yet the Indian women feem to furpals 
 all others ; for they do not cry in lecret, 
 but fee up their notes, fo that when any one 
 hears them at a diftance, it provokes more 
 to laughter than moves to compaffion. 
 When a man dies at home, the manner of The wo- « 
 their exprefllng their Ibnow is more remark- "''^"^ 
 able •, for the women all get about the dead 'ZTln. 
 body, and the cldell: beginning, the others 
 follow all in the llime tone ; and thus they 
 continue a great while, fo that they never 
 give over as long as they can hold out ; and 
 this cuftom they preferve, even after they 
 are baptiz'd, and live amnng Chriftians ; 
 but not that vvhich they had of opening the 
 dead bodies, to know ot w hat dilatfe they 
 ciied, and to put meat, and drink,., and 
 cloaths in 'their graves with them, as alfo 
 jewels and things of value ; neither, io they 
 cover their graves witJi pyramids of liones, 
 nor ufe. other ceremonies .pravftiled by the 
 gentiles of thole parts. 
 
 Iiiii 
 
 i 
 
 mouining.^ 
 
 .jil ....-.• 
 
 t-H A P.
 
 Lhap. 6. 
 
 kingdom of C hi I LY. 
 
 ■Q 
 
 c II A P. vr. 
 
 Of the Ghilehian Indians, ivLo inbalnt the ijJunJs oj Chile. 
 
 OvAT.r f. 
 
 164O. 
 
 w 
 
 E divided the kingdom of Chile in- 
 to three parts, and the iflands made 
 one : thefe are very well peopled : thofe who 
 Kve in the fertile iflands, which arc capable 
 6t producing corn, and feeding flocks, pafs 
 their lives as the Indians of Terra firma do, 
 eating flefli, and feveral fruits, the produt^t 
 6f their iflands. Thofe who inhabit the 
 barren or left fertile iflands, cat filh of the 
 fea, and fhcll-fifli, as alfo potatoes ; and 
 Pl^gjf fome, who cannot have any wool, cloath 
 Joathing. themfelves with the barks of trees. Some 
 go ftark nitked, though their climate is 
 mighty cold, and by cuftom do not feel the 
 hardnefs of the weather overmuch, 
 /ery fin- Others have a llrange way of cloath ing 
 ;^ular. themfelves, which is to gather a certain 
 earth with roots about it, to give it a con- 
 fiftency ; and others cloath themfelves with 
 feathers, as brother Gregory of Leon reports 
 in his map. They are all tail men, and in 
 iants. fome places there are giants, as the Dutch 
 relate, who fay, they found fl<uls that 
 would contain within them fome of their 
 heads ; for they ufed to put them on like 
 helmets : they found alio dead mens bones 
 of ten and eleven feet long, whofe bodies, 
 by confequence, muft have been thirty feet 
 high, which is a prodigious thing. Thofe 
 whom they fiw alive, were generally taller 
 .by the head and fhoulders than the DiUch. 
 This appears by the relation of general 
 Schezvten ; and from that of Georgi Spilberg 
 we learn, that when they were in the ftraights 
 of Magellan^ they came to an ifland, \Vhich 
 they called the ifland oi' Patagoons, or giants, 
 becaufe of Ibme they faw there, and on the 
 Tierra del Fuego, Among the refl:, they 
 law one who was upoh a rock, to fte the 
 ihips go by, and they fay of hiin, that he 
 was immanis cdniodum, (J horrendw longitu- 
 dim. 
 
 'i'' I.ikewife we knoW, from the fleet com- 
 manded by Don Fray Gareia, J'offc di Loci- 
 fa., a knight of St. John\ order, that at 
 the cape of the Eleven tboujand virgins they 
 found the tootllcps of men of a large lla- 
 ture, and met two canoos of lavages, whom, 
 becaufe of their flrength and ttature, they 
 qqJ called giants : they came near the fhips, 
 iwer.-. and Icem'd to threaten them -, but thofe of 
 the ihip endeavouring to follow them, they 
 could not come up with them, ibr (hey 
 rowed lb iwiftiy, they fecWed tt) fiy. 'TiS 
 anoos probable thefe canoos vicix made of the 
 wha!e- ribs of whales, which are there in abun- 
 '^^- -dance: and they found one befbrS With the 
 fides and ileei-age of whalebone. 
 
 Ill another voyage, m.uie by Thomas 
 CandiJJj, an Englijh gentleman, they found 
 in a port, (in a very in-iccefflble iilace,) a 
 comp.uiy of Indians, very lutly nicn, who 
 notwithitanding the prodigious cold of that 
 country, lived in the woods like latyrs, and 
 fhcwed fo much flrengdi, that they would 
 throw ilones of three or four pound weight 
 a great way. We read likewife in the re- 
 lation of the voyage of Magellan, that as 
 he winter'd in the bay and river of St. John, 
 there came to the Ihip fix Indians, fo tall, 
 that the lowefl: of them was taller than the 
 tallefl: Spaniard aboard •, that having n^.ade 
 a great kettle of the fwce'pings of the bil- 
 cuit for them, enough for twenty men, thofe 
 fix eat it up intirely, without leaving a 
 crum of it. Magellan gave them a fort of 
 coats of red wool, with which they were 
 much pleafed, never having feen any before -, 
 their ordinary wear being detr-fls;ins. They 
 fearn'd ffOm them, that in the fummer they 
 ufed to come down to the fea-fide to live, 
 but in the winter they withdrew more into 
 the heart of the country. We know like^ 
 wife by thefe lame authors, that the hum- 
 bet of the Indians that inhabit thofe coafl:s, 
 is confidcrablc, particularly in the port cal- 
 led the port of Shell-f/Jj ; whei-e as foon as 
 they landed great numbers of Indians, with 
 their wives and children, came to them, 
 and exchanged with them great quantities 
 of pearl, ready wrought in points, like dia- 
 monds, very artfully, for fciflTars, knives, 
 and other baubles ; as alfo for Spanifi wine, 
 which pleafed them extremely •, but they 
 came no more, for they were frighted v/icli 
 feeing the Spaniards flioot ibme g..me. 
 
 The fleet of George Spilberg found alfo 
 great numbers of inhabitants in the land, on 
 the other fide of the Itraight •, an.l when tl.e 
 captains. Called the Nodales, were, by the 
 kinfi's order, to viev/ the fli ei'dit of St. Fir.- 
 cent, they found, upon a point of land of 
 that flraight, great llore of people. The 
 fmie is laid by ihc Saba lias, and others, wlio 
 went from Peru to llarch the Tierra del 
 Fuego i and all thofe who have paiTedi the 
 ftraights, have conllantly feen men and in- 
 habitants on the fliores in feveral jil.ices -, 
 and at one place lome of Spilbern's men 
 lahding to puiilie ibme binis of a very itnt. 
 colour, which they fiiw on ihore, had 
 liliai'cc b^'uh to ihoot them, but they were 
 eh\/ifOnecl v/itli Indians, who attacked tfieni 
 lb furioufly with clubs, that liappy ^^'as he 
 f-hat could make his eicape to ilie fljij) -, an't 
 many of the;)^ were ki'ipeked en iMc lie.id,' 
 
 Tiic
 
 8o 
 
 Ov A L 1. E . 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nitture and Properties of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 The 
 
 iOands and 
 Itraights 
 are well 
 peopled 
 by lava- 
 ges. 
 
 Naked 
 people in 
 a very 
 cold coun- 
 try. 
 
 The Ncddks likcwifc law in tlic bay of 
 Si. Gr(gor\ great numbers o\ inhabitants, 
 with wlioni tile ieanien drove a trade, by 
 cxch.mging fome Spaniflj trifles for gold. 
 By all wliich it is apparent how well peopled 
 all that coall and the ifl^nds are -, yet we do 
 not know what fort of people inhabit the 
 fourfcore iflands dilcovercd by Pedro Sar- 
 mienio, for no body landed out of that 
 fleet ; but we know that tiic illanders ot 
 Mocba are a peaceable civil nation, feveral 
 fhips having touched there, and at SanSiti 
 Maria. As for the nation call'd the Cbonos, 
 they are a poor people, but good-natured, 
 as has been leen by the CkUcntnns, in whom 
 the Spaniards have found great docility, ami 
 a gooil underftanding. 
 
 In the iflands difcover'd by Francis Drake, 
 in about five and fifty degrees, of which we 
 have already maile mention, they met with 
 canoos of men and women ftark naked, 
 which is the more remarkable, becauie ot 
 the excefiive cold of thofe parts, where 
 there is a continual night, without any ap- 
 pearance of day, when the fun coming to 
 tJie tropick of Cancer, makes our fummer ; 
 and on the contrary, when he draws near 
 the tropick of Capricorn, there is conti- 
 nual day, without any fliadow of night. 
 
 And now lately, in the year forty-three, 
 thcDuich having fent a fleet under the com- 
 mand oi Anthony Brun, which pafTeii the 
 ftraights with a dcfign to fetile at J'aldii'ia, 
 as they endeavoured •, they fail'd afterwards 
 into feventy degrees, where they difcovcred 
 an idand, which they called Barneveh, in 
 •which they faw the footfVeps of men of 
 large ftature, and obferved great fmoaks : 
 this place was lb cold, that the Dulch could 
 not endure the rigour of the weather, which 
 was nothing but froft and fnow, it being 
 then June or July, which is the depth of 
 their winter, and a perpetual night, with- 
 out feeing the fun one hour in a day. 'Tis 
 a wonder how thefe iflanders pafs their time 
 in fo much cold and darknefs, without any 
 thing to cover their nakednels ; for want- 
 ing commerce with Chile, or other parts in 
 Europe, they have neither fheep, nor goats. 
 
 nor any thing that produces wool fit to 
 make them garments. It mud be owned. Mankind 
 that men are quite other creatures than the natur.illy 
 nice imagination of fome cfieminate nations hardy, 
 takes them to be -, anil human nature by 
 cuilom accommodates itfelt to the place 
 where it is bred, fo that very often inen will 
 not leave that jilace for any other more full 
 of conveniency. It is for this that thefe 
 Indians Ihew fuch an averfion to leave their 
 country where they were born and bred -, 
 and thouQ;h it be a mifcrable one, and thofe 
 rhey go to more delicious, yet there is no 
 fweetnefs in any one like that of their own 
 country. 
 
 There is a report likcwife, that in the A report 
 ftraights oi Magellan there are pigmies, but ol Pig- 
 I know not upon what it is founded •, for '"'"• 
 all the authors that relate the voyages made 
 into thofe parts, fpcak always of giants, 
 or men of a gigantick form, who exceed , 
 
 us in flrength and ftature; and it is laid in 
 one of thefe relations, that the fliip's men, 
 in a certain place, beginning to fight with 
 thefe Indians, they pulled up great trees by 
 the roots, to ufe them as a retrenchment, 
 as we may fee in a picture in Theodore and , 
 
 Jean de Brie ; but I cannot imagine how 
 this report of pigmies was invented •, and 
 it fecms to mc a jeft or irony, or, perhaps, 
 among thefe giants there arc Ibmc dwarfs. 
 
 That which was feen by the vice-admiral 
 of George Spilberg\ fleer, was a body of 
 about two foot and a half high, which was 
 buried with another of an ordinary ftature 
 in a giave of very little depth, and covered 
 after the Indian way, with a pyramid of 
 ftones, in an ifland called the Great ijland, 
 about the fecond mouth of the ftraights ; 
 and from hence, perhaps, or from having 
 feen fome of that littlenefs alive, this re- 
 port of pig'.nies took its rife. 
 
 'I'his is all the account I can give of the 
 inhabitants of the ftraights, and iflands a- 
 bout it. Time will, perhaps, enable us to 
 be more particular, when by commerce we 
 are better acquainted with them ; and then 
 without doubt there will not be wanting 
 authors to write about them. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Indians of Cuyo, ivho are on the other fide of the Cordillera, to the enft 
 
 of Chile. 
 
 The In- 
 dians of 
 Cuyo are 
 topper co- 
 loured. 
 
 '"1^ H E Indians of the province of Cuyo, 
 X though in many things they are like 
 the inhabitants of Chile, yet in many others 
 they are not fo. For firft, they are not fo 
 white, but more copper-coloured, which 
 may be attributed to the great heat they 
 endure in fummer. Secondly, they are not 
 fo cleanly, nor do not build fuch neat houfe3 
 4 
 
 to live in : but their habitations are wretch- 
 ed ; nay fome, who live in tlie marfl:es, 
 make themfelves holes in the fund, into 
 which they go like wild beafts. Thirdly, 
 they are not fo laborious to cultivate their 
 land, and fo have not fuch variety of pro- 
 dudl as thofe of Chile. Fourthly, they 
 are net fo brave, nor warlike as the Indians 
 
 of
 
 !hap. 7. 
 
 iCingdom of CHILE. 
 
 81 
 
 Baflcet- 
 work that 
 tvill hold 
 ivater. 
 
 oi Chile : their khguage is likewife diffe- 
 renr, and fo different, that I do not know- 
 one word of tiic one, that is in the other; 
 but yet the language of Chile being lb uni- 
 verfal, that it is the fame all over the king- 
 dom, to the toot ot the Cordillera ; thofe ot 
 Cuyo learn'd it too, and that very periei^tly -, 
 but I never oblerv'd that a Chile Indian 
 fpoke the language oF Cuyo^ which fliews 
 the advantage that the language ot Chile 
 has over the other. 
 
 In return of tliefe advantages which the 
 Chilenians have, thofe at Cu^o have fome 
 over them. And the firll is in the ftature, 
 whicli is taller, but not fo ftrong and well 
 fet as the Chilenians^ but rather raw-bon'd, 
 without flefh. I do not remember I ever 
 faw a tat Cuyian among fb many as I have 
 feen. They are likewife better workmen 
 in Ibme things which require patience and 
 length of time, (uch as bafket-work of fe- 
 veral figures, all of (Iraw -, and yet lb clofe 
 work'd, that they will hold water ; for 
 which reafon they make their drinking vef- 
 iels of them •, and as they cannot break by 
 a fall upon the ground, they are very laft- 
 ing, and the curiofities of this kind, which 
 they make, very much valued tor their work 
 and colours. 
 
 Likewife they prepare feveral firs of ani- 
 mals, which they hunt; and they are very 
 foft and warm tor winter: they hunt and 
 catch oltriches likewife, and make many 
 works of their feathers, with which they 
 adorn themfelves on their fetlivals, mingled 
 with the feathers of other birds. They like- 
 wife hunt the wild goats and deer, and are 
 the matlers of all the Bezoar-Sloncs, which 
 they fell to the Spaniards fo dear, that any 
 one who fhould buy them to get by them, 
 would make but a Imall profit in Europe. 
 
 Thefe Cuyians are alfo more hairy, and 
 have more beard than the Chilenians^ though 
 they pull their hair as the others do, but 
 with more trouble; and they never look ib 
 fmooth as thofe of Chile. They are all 
 well-fhap'd, and nimble, and have a good 
 air: they have alio good underftandings. 
 The women are tall and flender, and I do 
 not know that I ever faw taller : they paint 
 The wo- their faces green, which is fo well iettled in 
 
 The Cuyi- 
 ans more 
 hairy than 
 the Chile- 
 nians. 
 
 men paint 
 their faces 
 ' green. 
 
 their fl^in, that there is no getting it out : 
 mofl commonly they paint only their no- 
 Itrils, fome their whole faces, and the men 
 their beards and lips. Their habit is decent 
 in both fexes : the women let their hair 
 grow as long as they can, but the men on- 
 ly below their ears. In all other things are 
 like the Chilenians. 
 
 They are very nimble, and good travel- 
 lers, without tiring. I have ken them run 
 uj) the ftifieil and ftraighteft hills of the 
 great Cordillera, like fo many goats; and 
 this the women will do as well as the men; 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 nay, the little children too. The women Ov ails 
 will run with their children in a cnulle fallen- ' ^4^- 
 ed to their backs by a firap that comes over '"^'Y^^ 
 their forehead ; and with ail this weight 
 they follow their hufb.inds with lb much 
 cafe and agility, that 'tis wonderful. 
 
 For a proof of the admirable difpoCmon /^ ^ronf a 
 of thefe people, in walking and running, their agili- 
 a corrigidor and capt.iin-gencral of that '> ■ 
 province told me a itory about their hunt- 
 ing their venilbn, which is very lingular- 
 He told nie. That as loon as they find their 
 game out, they draw near them, and follow 
 them upon a half trot, keeping them ft ill 
 in fight, without leaving them fb much as 
 to eat ; and in a day or two they begin to 
 tire them lb as they can come up with them, 
 and kill them, and return home loaded 
 with them, where they featt upon them, 
 with their families, 'till they have made an 
 end ; for thefe Indians are fuch gluttons 
 naturally, that a few of them will eat up a 
 calf, or a young heifer in a meeting : but 
 they are as good at fafting, when they have 
 nothing to eat ; for they will pals feveral 
 days with a little maize and fome roots, 
 which grow wild : they are alio very dex- 
 terous archers, and often kill with their ar- 
 rows the game they fee. 
 
 I ihall not omit a particular favour be- They prc- 
 flowed on thefe Indians by God Almighty, tend coan 
 which is a Angular inllinft of tracing and in'li"ft "'' 
 following any loft thing. Of which I lliall fj^fj"^'"" 
 give two examples which happened in the ' '"^^' 
 city of S(. Jago. 
 
 Our college had a cart belonging to ir, 
 which ftood at the gate of a garden, to 
 which our Seminar ijh did ufe to go to re- 
 frefh themfelves : it was ilole one night, and 
 being mifs'd in the morning by one of our 
 lay-brothers, he immediately went to find 
 out a Guarpe., (for that is the name they 
 give thofe finding Indians \) he prefcndy 
 tell upon the fcenc or pifte, and followed it, 
 taking with him the lay brother, 'till he 
 came to a river, where it fail'd him : but 
 he loft not the hopes of finding it; he crof- 
 fed the river, and recrofs'd it again, once 
 and twice, by fo many difTerent fords, (the 
 man that ftole it, as he fince confefs'd, had 
 crofs'd fo many times to break the pifte to 
 the follower.) After this he went four 
 leagues outright, and there he found it, when 
 the man that had it, believ'd himftlf moft 
 fate from being difcover'd. 
 
 Another time, a certain perfon having 
 loft a parcel of oranges, he employed a 
 Guarpe., who having led him through many 
 ftreets and turnings, brought him at Lift to 
 a houfe ; where finding the door fhut, he 
 bid him knock, and go in, for there, faid 
 he, are thy oranges : he did fo, and found 
 them. There are every day experiments of 
 this kind made by them to admiration ; 
 X they
 
 8i 
 
 Of the Nature ami Properties of the 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Build no 
 huufcs. 
 
 Love inde 
 pendency. 
 
 glafs or bnfs pendants in them, and Ibme- 
 times filvcr ones. I'lic men let their hair 
 grow to their flwvilders, and the women as 
 long as it will. TIktc feems to be one 
 thing wanting to this nation, which all other 
 Inilidn nations have, which is the bread they 
 make of maiz, or wheat, or ibme of rice : 
 but yet they do not want a I'upply of this 
 kind J for becaufe they have not theie grains, 
 they make bread of the cods of a tree, which 
 we in Spdin call yHit^nroba ; and bccaule that 
 does not lail long, they have invented a 
 ftrangc fort of bread made of locufts, (nay, „ j r 
 I have heard of Mofquitos;) but the locufts iJ^yjij^ 
 uied to be in fuch vaft quantities in thofe 
 great plains call'd the Pampas^ that as I 
 travell'd over them, I often iliw the fun in- 
 tercepted, and the air darkened with flights 
 of them. 
 
 I'he Indians obferve where they lite to 
 reft -, and thofe plains being here and there 
 full of thickets, they reft in them, and chufe 
 the higheft for ftielter. This the Indians 
 know •, and approaching foftly in the night, 
 they fet fire to the thicket, which, with the 
 high winds that reign in thofe plains, is foon 
 reduc'd to afhes, and the locufts with them. 
 Of thefe they make great heaps; and as 
 they are ready roafted, they have nothing 
 more to do, but to grind them to powder-, 
 of the flower of which they make a fort of 
 bread, which maintains them. To the 
 fame end they ufe an herb call'd Cibil, which. The herb 
 either bypadt with the devil, or by natural Cibil: in 
 virtue, aftbrds them a fuftenance for feveral *'""^'' 
 days, only by keeping it in their mouths, 
 where it makes a white foam, which ap- 
 pears upon their lips : it is a very difagree- 
 
 they arc likcwife ftout workers, very ftrong, 
 and lafting in l.ibour. 
 
 N'-xt to theic Indians of Cuyo, are the 
 Indians Pampas, call'd lb becaule they inha- 
 bit thofe vaft plains, which arc extended tor 
 about four hundred leagues to the caft, and 
 reach to the A''or//)-6Vfl. Thole of the point 
 of Us Vaiados are the neaicft the kingdom 
 of Chile, and are much of the fame kind. 
 I'hcfe Pampas have no houfes, in which 
 they dirter from all mankind-, for the iirit 
 thing men generally do, is to cover them- 
 felves from the inclemency of the air: and 
 this is the thing which thefe Pampas do the 
 leaft care tor •, perhaps they are of opinion, 
 that 'tis an injury to the author of man- 
 kind, to look tor more ihelter than he af- 
 forded men at firft, which is the earth, with 
 the heavens for vault or cover -, and that to 
 defend themfelves from rain, it was enough 
 to make any little cover, which might ea- 
 fily be taken away, and fet up in another 
 place. 
 
 This they obferve -, and look upon it as 
 a tort of prifon or captivity, to be tied to 
 one place : tor this rcafon they will neither 
 have houfe, nor gardens, nor plantations, 
 or polfeirions, which are like chains to hin- 
 der their removal to other places ; for they 
 judge that the greateft of all earthly feli- 
 cities is to have the ablblute, entire, and in- 
 dependent ufe of their own free will -, to 
 live to day in one place, to morrow in an- 
 other. Sometimes, fiiy they, I have a mind 
 to enjoy the freftinefs of a river fide ; and 
 being weary of that, I pafs to another. 
 Otherwhile I have a mind to live in woods 
 and Iblitudes -, and when I am weary of their 
 
 fhades, I go to the open air of plains and able fight, and made m.e very fick to fee it 
 meadows. In one place I hunt, in another 
 I fifh : here I enjoy the fruits of one terri- 
 tory -, and when they fail, I feek out an- 
 other, where they are beginning to ripen. 
 In fhort, I go where I will, without lea- 
 ving behind me any thing I regret or de- 
 fire, which ufes to be the torment of thofe 
 vfho are fixed. I fear no ill news, for I for- 
 fakc nothing I can lofe ; and with the com- 
 pany of my wife and children, which I al- 
 ways have, I want for nothing. 
 
 This is the account that thefe people give 
 of themfelves-, and thus they pafs a life with- 
 out cares i here to day, to-morrow in an- 
 other place-, making in an inftant, with four 
 little pofts, a hut covei'd with boughs, or 
 fome hide of a beaft. Their incomes arc 
 their bow and arrows, with which they pro- 
 vide them with flefli, with which they drink 
 water-, only fometimes they make their 
 <lrink, call'd Cbica, of fruits of the trees, 
 as they do in Chile. Their cloaths are fome 
 leaves for decency, and a fkin, which is 
 
 like a cloak, to cover them in other parts. Indian leaps from the°height where he was, 
 
 They make holes in their lips, and put fome and without giving him time to difembarrals' 
 
 a himlelf. 
 
 Though thefe people are not fo warlike 
 
 as the Chile Indians, yet they are coura- 
 
 gious, and have fhcwed it upon feveral oc- 
 
 cafions. They are very dexterous at their 
 
 bows and arrows, with which they make 
 
 incredible fhots. But befides thefe, they 
 
 have a very extraordinary fort of weapon A flrange 
 
 of a new kind, which is made up of two to''t of 
 
 bowls -, riie one bigger, and is a ftone per- ^^"P°"- 
 
 fcctly well rounded, about the bignefs of an 
 
 ordinary orange-, the other is of a bladder 
 
 or hard leather, which they fill with fome 
 
 matter of lefs weight than the ftone : thefe 
 
 two balls arc tied ftrongly to each end of a 
 
 ftrong whipcortl, which they twift off a 
 
 bull's pizzle: the Indian Handing on a high 
 
 ground, takes the leffer ball in his hand, 
 
 and lets the other fly, holding it like a 
 
 over his head to take aim, and hit 
 
 idverfary with the heavy ball, which 
 
 they direft to the head, or legs of their 
 
 enemy; and thus they entangle him fo, as 
 
 to brins him to the mound, and then the 
 
 fling 
 his
 
 iChap. r. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E* 
 
 «j 
 
 himfelf, they kill him •, and this inftrument 
 is fo powerful in their hands, that it not 
 only tarings a man to the ground, but a 
 hprlei-or a wild bull, which are very fre- 
 quent in thofe parts, fince the coming of 
 the Spaniards among them. 
 
 At. this time they have no wars with any ; 
 for though they do not own a fubjeftion, 
 yet they carry themfelves to the Spaniards 
 very friendly ; and the reafon is, becaufe 
 they fee their towns fo populous and ftrong, 
 that it would be in vain for them to ilir, 
 or make any attempt againft them : they 
 have the liberty of going in and out as they 
 pleafe •, and when they have taken a kind- 
 nels for a Spaniard, there will come a troop 
 
 of them in harveft time to help him to getO^ALj.i:-, 
 it in, and when it is over, they return to '^'f'^- 
 their own way of living: but there are '^'^'^^^^^ 
 others who come in troops to the high- 
 way, and if the Spaniards are not well ar- 
 med, attack them in their waggons 5 for 
 which reafon they feklom fet out but a 
 great many together, and well providetl for 
 an encounter-, but moft commonly they 
 are well pleas'd with fome little prefcnr, 
 which they afk very boldly, as if they were 
 mafters of all the goods in the waggons '. 
 they generally are content with a little bil- 
 ket or wine ; but if the travellers are too 
 niggardly, they are in danger all the way, 
 and mufl: owe their fafety to their fire-arms. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Of the firrt Entrance of the Spaniards into 
 the Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 T^he introduSlion to this hook. 
 
 HAVING hitherto treated of thofe 
 three parts, into which at firfl: 
 we divided the kingdom of Chile; 
 of its foil and climate, of its 
 i^ temperature and properties ; of 
 
 its inhabitants, and their antiquity, nobili- 
 ty, and cuftoms ; the order of this hiftory 
 requires we Ihould now treat of the entrance 
 of the Spaniards into their country ; lince 
 by that it has been changed much for the 
 better in many things: and although what 
 we have already mentioned about the flocks, 
 fruit, bread, wine, oil, &c. of which they 
 had no idea before the Spaniards came 
 among them •, yet this is nothing in compa- 
 rilon with the advantages they receive by 
 the light of the gofpcl, which by the rheans 
 of the fame Spaniards, was and is com- 
 municated to them. Upon this confidcra- 
 tion, we may well excufe fome milita- 
 ry excefies ot covetoufnefs in fome of the 
 firll difcoverers and their foldiers, who as 
 fuch, and men who are bred in diforder and 
 contufion, and ufed to embrue their hands 
 in blood where they Hnd refiftance, had lefs 
 regard to the ftricl rules of juftice towards 
 the Indians. But this was againft all the 
 orders ot their Catholick majefties, who from 
 
 the beginning recommended moft ftridly 
 the prefervation of the privileges of thofe 
 poor people, charging all their governors, 
 captains, conquerors, and royal minifters, 
 that they fliould always have before their 
 eyes, in the conqueft of this new world, not 
 fo much the dilatation of their royal power 
 and monarchy, as the propagation of the 
 gofpeli and the kind ufage of the Indians, 
 their convcrfion being the principal motive 
 of the undertaking, as we ihall fee in its 
 proper place. 
 
 But how is it poffible, morally fpcaking, 
 that human aftions, though never fo well 
 defign'd upon high motives, ftiould noi: 
 have a mixture oi the inconvenicncies which 
 patTion, not overcome by reafon, produces? 
 And fo *tis no wonder, that in the begin- 
 ning of thofe difcoveries fome diforders 
 fliould happen, though they never were fo 
 exorbitant as fome authors make them ; and 
 particularly in Chile they were much lels, 
 becaufe the inhabitants of thofe parts made 
 the Spaniards feel dieir valour at their very 
 firft entrance, where they found their pro- 
 grefs oppofed with greater vigour than they 
 
 imagined. 
 
 Buq
 
 S4 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 O-.-.T I ». But fince this kingdom is one of thecon- 
 1646. fi.^erablc parts of America^ it will be necef- 
 
 ^ ^ '^ fary firft to fay fomething of the clifcovery 
 of the new world ; for ihis being the re- 
 moteft part of it towards the fouth, it was 
 neceflary to pals all the re(f before it could 
 be difcovercd •, and therefore, though I have 
 not a defign to make any relation but of 
 the kingdom of Chile, I fliall neverthelefs 
 
 touch upon the other ditoveries, and fol- 
 low the fteps of the conquerors in order, as 
 the hiftories of them do relate ; fo the fub- 
 jeiSt of this book will be better underftood, 
 by opening the manner of the finding them, 
 and the order of time in which this progrefs 
 was made ; and fo place each kingdom ac- 
 cording to its antiquity. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of America in general, and ivbat light may be foiu:d of it among tie anticnt 
 
 pkilojlphers. 
 
 A' 
 
 MERICA, called otherwife the 
 New World, bccaufe of its late dif- 
 covcry, is now as well known as it was for- 
 merly liid for fo many palled ages, not on- 
 ly to the vulgarj but to thofe piercing wits 
 among the pagans, Arifiotle^ Parmenides, 
 Pliny ; and among the Chriftian philofo- 
 phers, to St. Jujiin, Lactantius, and others, 
 who judged all that climate to be inhabi- 
 table that lay between the tropicks, founding 
 their opinion upon a point of their philo- 
 fophy, which was. That the prefervation of 
 the animal demanded by its temper the jull 
 proportion of the firlf four qualities, which 
 they fuppofed could not be found under the 
 torrid zone ; for fo they called it, becaufe 
 of the force of the fun upon it, it being all 
 the year almoll perpendicular to it •, and 
 having obferved its efledts on this fide the 
 tropicks, how it dries the earth in fummer, 
 confumes the fountains, thinking that if it did 
 not withdraw to the other tropick, it would 
 have entirely fired the earth, tlio' retrefhed 
 by the nigh.ts, 'tis no wonder if they were 
 perfuaded that where its beams were conti- 
 nual, there could be no habitation for man. 
 But experience, which is the touch-llone 
 of all philofophical difcourfes, has difcover- 
 cd that not only there is a plain palTagc, 
 though troublefome, from one pole to the 
 other, but alfo that thofe regions contain- 
 ed under the Zodiack have been, and are 
 inhabited by innumerable nations ; and 
 that there are even under the eqiiinoSlial line, 
 Quito fomc places, as that of Shiito, \o temperate 
 ^f^"'?^''^'^' and healthful, that they are manifellly pre- 
 '^"^the ^'^'''''^ble to feveral in the temperate Zone. 
 This new world has, by common confenr, 
 been called America unjuflly enough, as 
 Herrcra complains in the firfl book of his 
 fifth Decade, by the crafty ufurpation of this 
 difcovery appropriated to America Vefpu- 
 fto, inftead of Cohar.lms, who by this means 
 is deprived of his true glory. 
 
 It is not eafy to make out what know- 
 ledge the ancients have had of this new 
 world : Marinco Siculo pretends, in his 6/^?- 
 nijh Chronicles, that the Remans had known 
 ir, and made fome conquefts in it ; and his 
 2 
 
 uiiiier 
 line. 
 
 foundation is. That in one of the gold mines 
 of America, there was found a medal or 
 ancient coin, with the figure of Augujlus 
 C^far ; which, he fays, was fent to the 
 pope by Joannes Rufo, archbifhop of Co- 
 zenfa : But this is refuted, as ridiculous, by 
 Pedro Bercio in his Geography ; and 'tis not 
 very probable, that that coin alone, and no 
 other, fhould have been found in all this 
 length of time, fince the mines are working 
 in the IVeJl-Indies. But, befides, if the Ro- 
 mans had been once in polieffion of thofe 
 parts, it would not have been eafy to have 
 loft all commerce with them, confidering 
 the great riches that communicaticn pro- 
 duces ; for the nations would have called 
 in one another, as we fee they .ave done 
 fince the difcovery made by Jieir Catho- 
 lick majefties, and their pofieffing of thofe 
 parts, to which there goes every year fo 
 much people from Europe. 
 
 As to the Roman coin, 'tis probable, that 
 fome who palled from Europe with the firft 
 conquerors of the Indies, and out of a hu- 
 mour of fpreading novelties, (which though 
 little worth, are generally applauded by the 
 vulgar,) feign'd he had found it in the 
 mines ; or it might fall from him, and be 
 found by another, who carried it as a rarity 
 to the bifhop, vvho is faid to have fent it to 
 the pope. I am not ignorant that there are 
 many arguments and conjeftures, and thofe 
 not contemptible, of fome knowledge that 
 the ancients had of this fo principal a part 
 of our globe, which are related by Abra- 
 ham Orteliiis G^rofw, father Acofta of our 
 company, in his firft book of the Hijlory 
 of the Indies., chap. 11, 12, & 13. Thomas 
 Bcfius, book XX. chap. 3. Malvenda, frier 
 Gregory Garcia, in the firft book of the 
 Origin of the Indians, taking their hints from 
 Plato, Seneca, Lt/cian, jirrian, Clemens, 
 Romanus, Origen, St. Jerom, and others, 
 who feem to have had iome knowledge of 
 this new world. There may be feen in fa- 
 ther Pineda, of our lociety, in the fourth 
 book about Solomon's Courts chap. 1 6. the 
 words of Abraham Ortelius, which make 
 very much to this purpofe. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. 3. Kingdom 0/" C H I L E, 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 What light may be had from fcripture about this new regio?:. 
 
 85 
 
 OVAtL£ 
 
 I 6461 
 
 THERE is another queftion which 
 kems to be better founded, than the 
 firft ; and that is, What light may be had 
 from fcripture about thele remote regions ? 
 becaufe there are many authors, who from 
 thefe words of the fecond of Chronicics, 
 chap. iv. The fervants of Hiram brought, 
 with the fervants ofSo\omon,goldfrom0^hiiv, 
 infer, that the fcripture here fpeaks of the 
 JVefl-Indies, and interpret Ophir to be Peru, 
 or all America ; and as the mod iamous 
 Chrijlophcr Columbus was the hift who dif- 
 covered it, fo he feems to have been the firft 
 that ufed that expreffion ; tor they fay, that 
 when he was in the ifland ot Hifpaniola, he 
 often faid, that at laft he was come to the 
 defired land of Ophir, as is related by Peter 
 Martyr, in his firft book ot the Decade of 
 the Ocean. But he who firft fet out this 
 opinion in form, was Francis Vatable, who 
 upon the third book of Kings, in the ninth 
 Ophir faid chapter, and fo on, makes Ophir to be the 
 to be Hi- ifland of Hifpaniola, and the continents of 
 fpaniola. pgy^ jp^j Mexico. He was feconded in his 
 opinion by Pofiel Goropio, Arias Montana, 
 Antonio Pofjevino, Rodrigo 2'epcs, Boftus, 
 Manuel de Sa, and other authors, reported 
 by Pineda, in his treatife de rebus Solomonis ; 
 which makes father Martin del Rio, of the 
 company of Jefus, fay, that this opinion is 
 not without good grounds •, but he who de- 
 fends it molt vigoroully, is father Gregory 
 Garcia, ot the order ot St. Dominick, in his 
 book De Indorum Occidentalium Origine, 
 where he ftrives mightily to clear this opi- 
 nion from all objcdtions and oppofition. 
 
 The things faid by thefe authors are not 
 of fmall weight, though thofe who would 
 make an inference from the word Peru's 
 having a nearnefs to Pharvim, which is 
 ufed by the feptuagint in 2 Chron. iii. 
 where fpeaking of the gold with which So- 
 lomon adorned his temple, they Jay, that 
 it was of gold of Pharvim, which in the 
 
 Ivulgate is tranflated Aurum Probatiffmum, 
 or moft pure gold, have againft them a 
 powerful adverlary, to wit, Gareilaffo de la 
 Vega, who affirms, that the name Peru is 
 not the name of the land, but that the Spa- 
 niards, endeavouring to inform themfelves 
 of the country, took an Indian, whofe name 
 ?eru how was Beru ; and that afi>:ing him what coun- 
 named. try they were in, and he imagining they 
 alked him his name, he anfwered Beru ; 
 and the Spaniards thought he had faidPtr*, 
 and that that was the name of the country, 
 which ever after was called lb. That which, 
 in my opinion, confirms moft the belief ot 
 Ophir, is, that which Solomon fays of him- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 felf in the book of IVifdom, That he kntrjo 
 the difpofition of the earth ; with which it 
 feems that ignorance was incompatible- •, and 
 that he could not but be iniormcd of that 
 great and principal part of the world •» io 
 that we may conclude he knew how to fend 
 his fleets thither, and bring home the riches 
 of thofe parts ; and this may be more pro- 
 bable, if we confidcr the great defire he had 
 ot gathering together all the precious things 
 from feveral parts of the earth, and the 
 pureft gold, for the ornament of the temple 
 and houfe of God •, for the gold of Valdi- 
 via and Carabay being the pureft in the 
 world, and the precious woods ot odours 
 that are in thofe kingdoms, and Paraguay 
 and Brafil, the fincft, it appears hard he 
 fhould not ufe all diligence to have them, 
 they making fo much to his end, which was 
 to gather treafure and precious things. 
 
 That he could do it, there feems no rea- Rcaforiii 
 fon to doubt, fince we know he had a great '°'' S"'"' 
 and powerful fleet ; and if this fleet fpent f"^" ^ 
 
 II r I ■ r ■ r Knouing 
 
 always three years from the time ot us let- the land of 
 ting out in the Red-Sea, to the time of iis ;^merica. 
 return, as the interpreters of the fcripture 
 all lay, in what could they fpend fo much 
 time, but in going to the utmoft bounds of 
 the eaft and weft ? and, 'tis pofllble, went 
 round the world, as the Ihip Victory did 
 fince, in the lame time ; in which the great 
 captain Magellan difcovered and paiTed the 
 ftraights ot his name; and fince we know 
 that the fleets of the Catholick kings do^ 
 in our days, penetrate to the utmoft parts 
 of the eail and weft in lels than a year's 
 time, why could not the fame be done by 
 thofe of fo powerful and fo wife a king as 
 Solomon, who may be fuppofcd to have 
 underftood himfelf, and inftruded his cap- 
 tains and pilots in the art of navigation ? 
 Neither is it improbable, but he might 
 know the ufe of the loadftone, and the lea 
 compafs, as fome authors do afSrm he did. 
 This is yet more confirmed by what we 
 have obferved already about the knowledge 
 and conjedlures which the ancients had of 
 this new world, of which he likevvife could 
 not be ignorant, but rather have a more 
 particular infight into them, being himfelf 
 lb perted: in the fciences ot cofmography 
 and geography, as well as hydrography ; 
 all which he had by infufion from Gotl Al- 
 mighty, that he might fee into the errors 
 of thofe who believed there were no anti- 
 podes, nor that the torrid zone could be 
 inhabited, denying the roundnefs ot the 
 earth, and other fuch miftakes. 
 
 Y Ladly,
 
 u 
 
 Of the Nitiure and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV* 
 
 OvALLE. Ladly, we know, that his fleets catne to 
 t>^to '^-'''''^' ^^■''i"'<-'^^^ Africa, and Europa ; and 
 Ihccoarlcfo <^ome to thofe coafts, 'tis certian, that 
 6f Solo- if I hey fet out at the Red-Sea, it was necei- 
 nion'3 i;iry for thcni to Tail ibuthward to double 
 '^"'^'^- the cape ot Gc^^ f/ope, and then north, and 
 pafe the cquinodial line a fecond time, 
 as the Porltr(tiffes do now in their voyages 
 from Imiia to Pcrtugal. This being fup- 
 poled, and that Sdomon had the knowledge 
 of Anicrica, 'tis probable he was not unac- 
 quainted with the communication of the 
 North and South-Seas by the ftraights of 
 Magellan and St. Vhuent •, for Solomon being 
 fo powcTtul, both by fea and land ; and lb 
 well inllruded in all things, 'tis probable 
 he caiifed thofe fhores to be (earched, to find 
 the communication of both feas, as it was 
 fince done by men much interior to him in 
 every thing, which were A'lagtllan, and Ja- 
 cob le Maire ; or, it might be difcovered 
 by fome fliips driven by ftorms into thofe 
 parts, as fome iay it bcfel the firft difco- 
 verers of Jmcrica. 
 
 This once fuppofed, thofe who under- 
 ibmd any thing of navigation, and the art 
 of the fea, cannot but know how much 
 more eafily a Beer, being placed at the cape 
 of Good Hope in thirty-fix, may liiil fouth 
 to the fifty-tourth degree, where the ftraights 
 of Magellan lie, than to fail to the north 
 above Icventy-two degrees, which it muft 
 do from the cape to Europe : From whence 
 may be inferred what I fay, that if it was 
 true that his fleet came to Africa and Eu- 
 rope, and enter'd the Mediterranean fea, it 
 was much eafier to go to Chile and Peru ; 
 for from the Araights it might run before 
 the wind all along that coafl ; and having 
 taken in the gold, precious woods, filver, 
 and other commodities, it might return by 
 the fame ftraights, as Pedro Sarmiento, and 
 others, have done to the North-Sea, and fo 
 to the cape of Good Hope and the Red-Sea ; 
 or, the fleet being in the South-Sea, might 
 fail weft to the Philippine iflands ; and from 
 thence coafting along thofe parts we call 
 the Eaft-Indies, it might take in all the 
 eaftern commodities ; and fo having gone 
 round the world, return loaden with all 
 the riches of eaft and weft, with pearls, 
 diamonds, rubies, and other fine ftones, as 
 alfo mul'k, amber, ivory, and other va- 
 luable eaftern commodities ; and from the 
 weft, with gold, filver, odoriferous woods, 
 pearls, emeralds, fine dyes, rich and fine 
 wools, amber, and other riches, which 
 were wanting to make up the opulency 
 of Solomon. 
 
 Neither ought this to be thought imprac- 
 ticable, fince 'tis made out already in thcfe 
 books, how cafy the navigation would be 
 from Chile to (h?: Philippine iflands in two or 
 *hiee months: The conveniencies of which 
 
 navigation have been fet out in the fourth 
 chapter of the fecond book -, and we do 
 know how the fliip Viclory did return that 
 way, and fo have many others fince ; by all 
 which the poOibihty of Solomon's naviga- 
 tion is made out, and that within the com- 
 pafs of the three years, in which they ufcd 
 to return to their port in the RidSea; and 
 if it did not do this, it can hardly be ima- 
 gined, how it could employ fuch a fpace 
 of time. 
 
 For thefe, and many more reafons of this 
 nature, our moft learned Pineda retradls the 
 contrary opinion, which he had publifhed 
 in his commentaries upon Job •, becaufe, 
 when he writ them, he had not fo well ex- 
 amined the grounds of the laft opinion, 
 nor weighed all the authority and ffrength 
 of conjedures that attend it •, and, indeed, 
 ib far every prudent man would go, as not 
 to defpife and contemn an opinion of 
 which he believed the contrary, if it were 
 maintained with probability, and by per- 
 fons worthy to be hearkned to. Though, Reafons 
 ro fiy truth, if I muft fpeak what I think, S^*^!^"^'!^,^*'! 
 that one realbn which 1 gave above againft h^vinK" 
 the /<!c»?fl»j having had knowledge of thofe difcove 
 parts, [which is, That it appears incredible, Amerki 
 that having once made the difcovery, and 
 enjoy'd thofe mines, not only the commu- 
 nication with them, but the very memory 
 of them ftiould be lofV,] fecms, in my opi- 
 nion, to be as ftrong an argument againft 
 SolomoH'% fket; for if that did once over- 
 come all the difficukies of that navigation, 
 what caufe could interrupt that commerce 
 in fuch a manner, as that the total re- 
 membrance of it fhould be abolilhcd .'' 'Tis 
 true, that as to the Jews, they were a peo- 
 ple who did not care to live in foreign parts, 
 nor fettle among other nations, nor inhabit 
 the fea-coafts •, for God Almighty was un- 
 willing, that by the communication with 
 the gentiles, they fhould contract any of 
 their cuftoms ; and therefore we do not 
 know, that of all the race of their kings, 
 any more than three went about any fuch 
 thing, which were Solomon, who compaf- 
 ie,A ir, and Jofophat and Ochnjias, whofe un- 
 dertakings had no fuccefs. By which it 
 may be inferr'd, that when Solomon died, 
 and the temple was finiflied, this naviga- 
 tion was negledled, till at laft it was quite 
 forgot -, befides, that it appears from the 
 Chronicles, and other places of fcripture, 
 that in thofe times filver and gold were but 
 little valued, the covetoufnefs of mankind 
 not being arrived to the height it is at 
 now a-days : They did not think it worth 
 leaving their houles, to endure labour in the 
 fearch of them, and run all thoie hazards 
 which the voyagers to tho^le parts do un- 
 dergo. This therefore might take off the 
 edge and defire which we fee in the Euro- 
 
 ' 'feans. 
 
 I'^i.J'
 
 I Chap. 4. 
 
 Kingdom «>/ C H 1 L E. 
 
 87 
 
 peans, of continuing thofe voyages; neither 
 would they define to fettle in thofe parts ; 
 or if they did, the memory of them might 
 be loft. See Padre Pineda, particularly in 
 the fifth iettion of the fixteenth chapter, 
 where he anfwers the arguments of the ne- 
 gative opinion •, to which he gives very 
 iiandfome folutions •, and in particular, to 
 thofe who fay, that Solomon^ fleet coukl 
 bring nothing but gold and filver, as if this 
 were nothing, or like ballaft ; and that this 
 were not motive enough for him to fend 
 his fleets, tor a thing of which it appears 
 iie rniade fuch ufe, both for the temple and 
 
 his own palaces; fo that it does, not feem Ova lie. 
 pofllblc he could have it all from the cafl-, ''54^- 
 but muft have recourfe to the wcit, wlierc '"^'V^^ 
 there was luch a mafs of it, as is made ouc 
 by what we have faid of the mines of Chile^ 
 and thole of the In^a, with tliofe trees, 
 fruits, and plants of mafly gold, and lla- 
 tues of the fame metal in his gardens ; be- 
 fi'des what they call Guafcas, where lo this 
 day they keep concealed a vaft fl:ore of thofe 
 riches gathered together for the liberty of 
 the Ingii, when the Spaniards had him pri- 
 foner •, all which may be fcen in what has 
 been laid already in fevcral chapters. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the difcovery o/" America j and by what means it was performed. 
 
 A 
 
 M O N G the hidden and wonderful 
 i'ecrecs of nature, we may reckon the 
 fmgular virtue of the loadftone, which has 
 produced fuch wonderful efl^efts, as they 
 feem more the objeft of our eyes than of 
 our faith, as men ; for who, if they did not 
 fee it, could believe the experiments made 
 every day, which furpafs all imagination ? 
 See the curious and elaborate treatife of fa- 
 ther Athaitafiiis I'Cirkcr, of our company, 
 De arte mngnetica -, for there the moft afpi- 
 ring mind after curiofitics will find all he 
 can wifh about tliis matter, as well what 
 is ancient, as what is modern, the whole 
 treated with fo niuch erudition and clear- 
 nefs, that the ftudy of it is not lefs delight- 
 ful than profitable. The fame fubjeft is 
 alfo treated of excellently by father Nicholas 
 Cabeo, of our company, in his book of 
 Magnelical philofophy. 
 
 Among all the virtues of this rare ftone, 
 I think that its quality of taking up iron is 
 not fo admirable as that which it has had 
 The mafs of drawing gold and filver to Europe from 
 of filver India ; the mafs of which has been lo great, 
 brought th^it fome curious perfons having made a 
 calculation in this matter, which they un- 
 derfl:ood very well, and reckoning the mil- 
 lions brought by the galleons and flota's, 
 from the difcovery of the Indies to their 
 time ; and having alfo computed the dif- 
 tance between Europe and thofe parts, have 
 found that there might have been made, 
 from die one to the other, of bars of fil- 
 ver, a bridge of a yard and a half wide ; 
 fo that if all that metal could be found 
 now-a-days in any one place, it would 
 make a mountain like that of Potofi, from 
 which the greateft quantity has been fetch- 
 ed ; and for that rcalbn it appears hollow, 
 and bored through in ib many places. We 
 may therefore fay of the loadftone, that 
 gold has given it a virtue like that of faith, 
 to tranfport mountains, not only from one 
 place to another, but fronn one world to 
 
 from A 
 merica 
 
 another, through thofe immenfe feas which 
 feparate them. 
 
 Who the firft man was that applied this 
 virtue to facilitate navigation, it is hard to 
 prove by authors ; for though we know that 
 this ftone was known to the Je-'jcs, and to 
 the Egyptians, yet who firft made ufe of the 
 fea-needle and compafs, is very hard to find 
 out. Some lay it came from China to Eu- 
 rope : others, that it was found by the in- 
 habitants of the cape of Good Hope ; and 
 that Fafco de Gama, met with fome of their 
 vefl^els, when he made the difcovery of the 
 cape, who ufed this inftrumcnt : others 
 give the glory of it to the Spaniards and 
 Portuguefes ; others to a man of the king- The in- 
 dom of Naples, called John Goyas, of the vencor of 
 city oiAmalft, who was rather the man that '''*^, "«s<^'c 
 perfedfed this invention, being himfelf an *' ^'^' 
 experienced feamen. But let everyone have 
 his opinion, it is not my bufinefs to de-i 
 cide ; I only fay, that to this admirable 
 virtue of the loadftone we owe the difco- 
 very o^ America : for though fome authors 
 fiy, that Solomon\ fleet failed by the obfer- 
 vation of the ftars, the winds, the flight 
 of birds, and other figns, with which they 
 fupplied the want of this ufeful invention, 
 not then known according to the common 
 opinion, (though the contrary is not alto- 
 gether improbable,) yet it muft be owned 
 that the ufe of this fea-needle has been the 
 thing that has facilitated the navigation, lb 
 as the firft difcoverers, trufting to this, durlt 
 venture into vaft feas, and pafs the gulph 
 which leads to that remote and unknown 
 world, fo as to land in it •, which was a per- 
 formance worthy of immortal memory to 
 the man who undertook and executed it. 
 
 This man was the molf famous captain 
 l>on Chriftopher Columbus, a Genocfe, whom 
 the Spaniards in their language call Colon, 
 who, though he were not, as he was, nobly 
 defcended, might have given by himfelf 
 nobihty and fame to his defcendants, and 
 
 to
 
 S8 
 
 CVALLE 
 
 .6., 6. 
 
 Of the Nctture and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 The ftory 
 of the pi- 
 Jot who 
 died in 
 the houfe 
 of Colum- 
 bus. 
 
 , to his noble and illuftrious country ; for if 
 this commonwealth had had only this fon, 
 it might draw fame enough from him alone, 
 fincc his generous and bold mind was ca- 
 pable of overcoming all the difficulties 
 which he met with in the projeft and exe- 
 cution of this enterpnze, the more to be 
 efteemed by the great advantages procured 
 by it to botli worlds; to this, by that vaft 
 increafc ot riches, of which a great deal is 
 confecratetl upon the altars in churches, be-_ 
 fides what is employed in the furniture of 
 princes and great men : and to the other 
 world, the benefit of the light of the gof- 
 pel, by whicii it is fo much more polilhed 
 and meliorated in all fenfes. 
 
 Neither does that which Gareilnjfo de la 
 Vt'ga, and others, do relate, any ways affedl 
 the glory of this great man, when they 
 iay, that he undertook this defign upon the 
 knowledge communicated to him by a man 
 whom he entertained, and who died in his 
 houfe as his guefl: •, for we muft own that 
 his chief praife does not come from what he 
 knew of this new world before he under- 
 took to find and conquer it, but from his 
 generous mind and conftancy in purfuing 
 his enterprize ; and this is all his own, which 
 puts jufily the laurels upon his head, and 
 makes his memory immortal in fpite of 
 time and envy, though one would think no 
 body fhould have any for the common be- 
 nefador of two worlds. That which thefe 
 authors relate about this hiflory is, that a 
 pilot, an inhabitant and native of the town 
 of Guelva, in the county of Niebla, in Jn- 
 dalujia, called Alonfo Sanches de Hualva, or 
 as others fay, Btixula, ufed to trade with a 
 fmall vefiel to the Canaries ; and that one 
 time, in his return to Spain, he met vvith 
 a mighty ftrong levant, which was fo 
 powerful, that in twenty days he found him- 
 felf in one of the iflands of the JVejl-Indies, 
 one of thofe which we call the iflands of 
 Barlovento, or The windward ijlands, and 
 it is judged it was Hifpaniola ; from whence, 
 fearing to perifh for want of provifion, he 
 returned to the ifland of Madera, having 
 endured fo much, that almoft all his com- 
 pany died, and himfelf came in fuch a con- 
 dition, that though Columbus, who loved 
 fea-faring men, and for that reafon had cho- 
 fen that ifiand to live in, received him into 
 his houfe, and took great care of him, yet 
 
 he died ; but before he died, being willing 
 to make fome return for the kindncfs re- 
 ceived, he called Columbus to him, and left 
 him, as an inheritance, the journal he had 
 iTiade, with the rhumbs of wind both go- 
 ing and coming, and all other his obferva- 
 tions in the voyage, and about the place 
 where he landed. 
 
 This is thus related by Gareilaffo de la 
 I'ega, and father Jofeph d\-lcoJla, who fiiys, 
 he does not know the name of this piloc 
 who left this legacy to Columbus : and this 
 he attributes to the particular providence of 
 God, who would not have the honour of 
 this difcovery be owing to any human in- 
 duftry, but immediately and intirely to the 
 Divine Majefty, to whofe difpofition we 
 ought to attribute ib much as appears con- 
 tingent and cafual in this fliip's mifcarriage, 
 from its courfe, and all the other accidents 
 attending that ftorm, till the pilot was 
 brought to die in the houfe of him whom 
 God had chofen for a fecond caufe and chief 
 inftrument of this enterprize •, who being 
 of himfelf a great philofopher and cofmo- 
 grapher, compared thefe notions which he 
 fiad from his dying gueft, with his own fpe- 
 culations which he had long had upon the 
 fame fubjetl -, and this made him leiblve to 
 undertake what he afterwards accomphfh'd. 
 In order to this he began to confider of thofe c^ju^jj^g 
 who were likeliefl" to affift him ■, and firft offers his 
 of all he offered it to his own country, who difcovery 
 took it for a dream ; after this, to the kings '° Genoa, 
 of Portugal, France, and England : and at ^onTzz] 
 laft he addrefled this rich ofl'er to their Ca- ^^^ £„g' 
 tholick majefties, for whom it was defigned land, who 
 from the beginning, by Him who had re- ?11 refufe 
 folved in his providence to amplify their "• 
 monarchy by the addition of fo many rich 
 and powerful kingdoms, as they ha\^e ac- 
 quired in this new world. 
 
 Ferdinand and Ifabella, who are worthy pgjjjng^j 
 of immortal glory, having examined thean^Jfa- 
 grounds Columbus went upon, and the ho- bella ac- ■ 
 nour might be done to the crofs of Chrift, cq't it. 
 and to the preaching of his gofpel, if this 
 enterprize fhould take effedt, having feri- 
 oufly confidered of it for eight years toge- 
 ther, they commanded all necefTary provi- 
 fions to be made, without fparing any 
 charge, or minding the contingency of a 
 defign fo new, lb difficult, and fo much 
 without example. 
 
 C H .^ P. V. 
 
 Don Chriflopher Columbus fails from Spain in fearch of the new world. 
 
 IN the year of the birth of our Saviour 
 1492, upon the third q\ Augujl, about 
 half an hour before fun-rife, (the happieft 
 day that ever fhined upon our antipodes, as 
 2 
 
 being the beginning of -heir greateft felici- 
 ties,) Don Chrijlopher Columius, the moll 
 famous Genoefe that ever was, failea from 
 Spain, with the title which he had received 
 
 from
 
 Chap. 5. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 8? 
 
 from Ferdinand and Ifabella, of admiral of 
 the fcas of all thofe countries he fliouki dif- 
 cover and conquer •, lo leaving behind him 
 the famous Herculean ftraiglits, as difJain- 
 ing their Non-pius-uUra., and laughing at 
 their pillars, he launch'd into the valt ocean, 
 and begun his navigation with no Lfs con- 
 fidence than admiration of thofe who faw 
 him leave the Ihore and ilcer a courfe never 
 before attempted, by new rhumbs of winds. 
 Having touch'd at the ifland of Gran Ca- 
 naria, he again failed from thence uie Hrft 
 Columbus of September, v.ith ninety in company and 
 had bu: provifions Ibr a year. After fomc days of 
 Ninety m fj^vigauon he began to find himfcU near 
 two ips. ^^ tropick ot cancer, and under the torrid 
 zone; whereupon his men who had been 
 bred in the temperate climates or Europe, 
 being impaticni of heais, v\hich they never 
 before had experienced, and weaned with 
 feeing nothing but a vaft ocean widiout 
 land, began to enter into diftruft ol difco- 
 vering any. At hrll they murmured only 
 berween their teeth ; but at laft, fpeaking 
 out boldly, rhey came to their captam Co- 
 lumbus, and endeavoured by all means to 
 difiuade him from purfuing his difcovery, 
 as vain and widiout hopes ot fuccefs ; and 
 that it would be much better to return back 
 to Spain ; but he wiih a generous mind be- 
 ing deaf to all their perfuafions, purfued 
 his voyage with conftancy. His men per- 
 ceiving ftill how he went further from 
 Spain, and that they had almoft worn out 
 their eyes with looking out from the top- 
 moft head of the fhip, without finding any 
 appearance of land, renewed their inftances 
 and reafons •, and that the more earneftly, 
 by how much they perceived every day the 
 confumption of their water and provifions ; 
 calling now that temerity, which before 
 they laid might be conftancy: for they al- 
 ledged that the time was increafed, their 
 provifions lefiened, the winds fcarce, and 
 calms to be feared ; no land in view, its 
 diftance not to be known nor guelTed at ; 
 that the danger was certain, and no avoid- 
 ing to perifh, it they ftaid any longer -, 
 therefore, faid they, let us fccure our lives, 
 except we intend to be a fable and laughing- 
 llock to all mankind, and looked upon as 
 our own murderers. 
 
 To fay truth, it cannot be denied but 
 this was an urgent danger, and greater per- 
 haps than can be imagined by thofe who 
 never were in the like trials-, for when no 
 lels than life is at Itake, all dangers appear 
 great, and particularly at fea : befides, thefe 
 allegations were of themfelves of great con- 
 fideration, and capable of fhaking the great- 
 eft conftancy and valour ; yet the courage 
 of the great Columkus was fuch, and fo fingu- 
 lar his prudence, that fometimes dillem- 
 bling, and fometimes taking no notice of 
 Vol. III. 
 
 what he heard, but talking to tiiis manOvALL*. 
 and the other in private, and then comfort- '^*^- 
 ing them all up in general, and giving them -^ "^^^ 
 fome account of his well-grounded fpecula- 
 tions, he fo fed them with hopes and expec- 
 tations, (he himfclf fliewing no diftrufl: of 
 fuccefs,) that he brought at laft his project 
 to a happy iflue. They were following ihcir 
 voyage thus, through all the inconvcniencies 
 of heat, ready to ftifle them, when on a 
 fudden a voice was heard crying Land^ 
 Land : they all flew to the prow and fides 
 of the (hip, and fixed their eyes on the ho- 
 rizon like fo many Argu.'^'s, to find out the 
 land whieli feemed to appear like a cloud 
 upon the fca. The dcfire of getting to ic 
 made Ibme doubt, if ii were land or clouds ) 
 but others were more confident : fbiiic af- 
 fure ic to be low land -, otlicrs think they 
 fee rocks, and a large extended fhore-, and 
 all was but guefs, occifioned by die g eat 
 diftance they were at fea from any land ; 
 for in truth it was not land but clou is. And 
 this was an invention of Columbus, their ad- 
 miral, who feeing them almoft ready to 
 mutiny, made ufe of this artifice to prevent 
 the ill effects of their dtfpair, caufing this 
 voice to be heard to give them a fhorc joy, 
 and amule them. 
 
 This fuccecded well for that time: he 
 fteered his courfe towards this pretended 
 land till night ; and when ihey were afleep 
 he fet his prow to the weft, in learch of the 
 true land: but in the morning when it wa9 
 day, feeing thofe clouds, wiixh they took 
 for land, vaniflied as ic often happens in 
 long navigations, they b- gan to affl;6t 
 themfelves anew, and remonf trarc to the ad- 
 miral boldly to his face, which I cio not won- 
 der at ; for befiJcs the danger of penfhing 
 with hunger, they found themfelves in a cli- 
 mate fo fcorching and fiery, that in the third 
 voyage that the admiral made, they being 
 becalmed eight days, about the lame place, 
 were afraid the fun would have fet fire to 
 their fhips ; for all his cafl<s flew under 
 decks, the hoops Imoaking as if they had 
 been fet on fire, and the wheat was all in a 
 ferment; and the fait flefh was, as it were, 
 boiled again, and ftunk fo, that, to avoid 
 infettion, they were forced to throw it over- 
 board. 
 
 The admiral was thus purfuing his 
 voyage, in which patience was his moft ne- 
 ceifary habit, to endure the terrible perfecu- 
 tion of his own people ; when on the 1 1 th 
 day of Ollober of the fame year, it pleaf'cd 
 God to crown all his invincible fufterings, 
 and the confidence he had in him, firft, by Signs of 
 manifeft figns of land, which in fuch cc- ''»n<i- 
 cafions do generally put a ftop to all com- 
 plaints and affliitions, and are the begin- 
 ning of joy and content, which is followed 
 with forgetting all paft fufterings. The 
 Z fiift
 
 9*^ 
 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 firft. thins tiK7 lliiv was a bbugK of a tree 
 
 Book l\n| 
 
 
 ^ ..K-y law- was a 
 new cur, with itsfruit on it, which though 
 a kinil of tliorn, was .1 branch of ohvc to 
 the inhabitants of this new ark ; another 
 hadfeen green fifli, and fomc pieces of wood 
 floating; all which were cle.ir marks of 
 land not far off, ;is to the navigators from 
 LjJia are the quantity of fea-weeds which 
 Diccc them about rch leagues from the coaft 
 oi Spain. The joys which iailors and paf- 
 Icngers fliew generally at the figns of land, 
 the capers they cut, and embraces they 
 make each other, with their congratula- 
 tions to the pilot, their thanks to heaven, 
 fiay, the rears they fhed, and devout prayers 
 they make to God and the virgin Mary., in 
 acknowledgment of their protedtion; all 
 thefe are not fo much matter for my pen, 
 as for fight and fenfe. All this happened to 
 t!he admiral's company, which not only for- 
 got their fufterings, and the hatred they 
 bore to the author of them, but they run 
 and threw themfelves at his feet, as admi- 
 ring and congratulating his conftancy, and 
 begging his pardon for fo many hard 
 thoughts, and as hard words, they had enter- 
 rained, and lee fly againft him : he received 
 them all with embraces and marks of be- 
 nignity, alluring them that by the end of 
 that day they fhould be within fight of land, 
 and having laid this^, he went upon the high- 
 elt part of the fliip's ftern, as being defirous 
 to be the firfl, Uiat fhould give them the 
 good news of difcovering land. 
 
 There was a rent, of ten thoufand Mara- 
 vedies a year for the firft difcoverer, which 
 made them all look out with great atten- 
 tion •, fome on one fide, and feme on the 
 other fide of the fliip, fixing their eyes 
 where they thought it was mofl probable 
 to find land ; but it was about two hours 
 before midnight, when admiral Columbus 
 difcover'd a light, and calling to two offi- 
 cers, fliewed it them-, and prefently he per- 
 ceiv'd that the light chang'd place, tor it 
 was a light carried from one houfe to an- 
 other, as was known afterwards when they 
 landed : they faii'd on towards that light, 
 and about two hburs after midnight they 
 difcover'd land, which was at the lame time 
 made by the other fliips in company, where- 
 upon there were many claims for the Albri" 
 tins ; but at lafl they agreed that the Al- 
 krkias belong'd to the admiral, becaufe he 
 firll: difcover'd the light : this was confirm- 
 dd by Ferdiitand and Ijabdla, king and queen 
 bi.Spain, and fetded upon the fhambics of 
 Seville, as the belt fund for the admiral. 
 l-iHerrera the chronologift, makes his re- 
 flei£tionS' upon this light, and moralizes up- 
 on, it, tlut it fignified the fpiritual light, 
 which thofe nations wanted, and which was 
 now brought to them from Europe by thefe 
 difaoverers ; as a. proof likewife of the piety 
 
 of the catholick' kings, who having made 
 war upon the Moors for three hundred and 
 twenty years, had hardly finifh'd it ; buD 
 they put their Ihoulders to this new con^ 
 quelt, to iprcad by their means the glory 
 of the gofpcl, and make the voice of it to 
 be heard to rhe utmoft limits of the earth, 
 making out by this manifeft proof, how 
 firm fupports tiiey were to the faith, fince 
 they were conftantly employed in propaga- 
 ting of it. Thus i\\T herrera: to which I 
 may add, that the light Columbus faw in 
 the middle of the night, was the tacit work- 
 ing of realon, which being buried in pro- 
 found errors, did yet throw (uit fome fparks 
 from under thole afhes, and cry to heaven^ 
 for the enlivening fpirit to deliver it, and 
 by the means of Chrifl: revive it, fo as to 
 enlighten that gentilifm, fo long ovcr- 
 whelm'd in darknefs^ and for fo many ages 
 paft buried, as it were, in the fl'iadnw of 
 death. 
 
 Thus it was ; and as foon as day brolce'Columbuj 
 they landed : the ad'miral carried with him lands, and 
 the royal ftandard fpread, the other captains ";^^^^ P"^" 
 having in theirs the banners of this con- 
 queft, which were prepared, and had in 
 them a' green crofs crown'd, and round- 
 about tht names of Ferdinando and Ifalella>, 
 to fignify the hopes that thofe princes had 
 entercain'd to make fubjeft, and lay at the 
 feet of the crucified Jefus, the crowns and 
 fcepters of thofe powerful monarchs of that 
 new world -j^ they them^lelves havitig firft 
 fubmitted their own,' that there might be 
 no crown, command, nor lordftiip, but 
 that of the exaltation of the crofs. 
 
 To this end, as foon as the admiral land- 
 ed, kneeling down with all his company, 
 he kifTed it once, and twice-, and lifting 
 up his eyes to heaven, all in tears, he ador'd 
 our Lord God of all things, who had 
 brought him thither, thanking him for his 
 favour, and doing homage to him in the 
 nanie of thofe people, who were to be brought 
 to his knowledge •, in fign of all v^hich, and 
 the polTefTion he then took, he call'd that 
 ifland Saint Salvador .- he raifed alio a moft One of the 
 beautiful crofs, which was a declaring war iflandbcal- 
 to hell, to make it renounce the polleftlon J^d Luca- 
 of that land, which for fo many ages^ it had 
 tyranniz'd over. -^■' 
 
 The admiral being rofe up, they all' ap- 
 proach'd, and not only embrac'd him^ but 
 carried him upon their fhouldeis in tri- 
 umph, as having perform'd the greateft 
 work that ever man attempted, or brought 
 to pafs. Iinmediately after this, the ad- 
 miral, in prefeilce of a notary, took pol- 
 felTion of that land in the narfie of 
 their catholick majefties, and caus'd himfelf 
 to be own'd as viceroy, and !as fuch they 
 began -to own hiniy 'and obey him in all 
 things. jnj.ir: zjan 
 
 This
 
 3h.ap. 6. 
 
 Kingdom, of C H 1 L E. 
 
 Tliis ifliind, which we fhall call Sainl 
 Salvador, was about fifteen leagues in length, 
 very woody, and having good water, with 
 a lake of frelh water in the middle of it, 
 and well inhabited by the Indians, wlio 
 
 91 
 
 call'd it in their tongue Guanaani ; and IiOvalli 
 is one of thofe which fince have been call'd !^+^- 
 the Lucaicks. It is nine hundred and fifty 
 leagues from the Canaries. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 W 
 
 HEN the Indians faw fuch great 
 bulks in the fea, with great fails, 
 and the whole unlike their canoos, and they 
 were drawn near the fliore, they remain'd 
 aftonifli'd and befide themfelves,becaufe tho' 
 by their motion they guefs'd them to be li- 
 ving things, yet for their bignefs they took 
 rhem for fome ftrange fea-monfters, never 
 fcen before on thofe coafts. The fhips 
 came to an anchor clofe by the fhore, and 
 the admiration of the Indians increas'd ftill 
 fo much the more, feeing white men come 
 out of them with beards and cloaths ; yet 
 they did not run away, but drew near with- 
 out fear, the rather when they faw that the 
 Spaniards began to prefent them with bells, 
 needles, and other tilings of Europe, which 
 pleas'd them extremely, as being new to 
 them : in return they gave the Spaniards 
 Gold, Provifwns, and other things of their 
 country : they came fome in their canoos, 
 and fome fwimming to the fhips, where it 
 was wonderful to fee how they valued every 
 thing, even to the bits of glazed difhes, 
 or broken earthen ware, that lay about the 
 (hips, which they gathcr'd up as jewels 
 which they had never feen. And to fay 
 truth, moft things borrow their value from 
 their rarity -, and for this reafon they had as 
 little value for gold and pearls, which were 
 things very common among them, they ex- 
 changing whole firings of pearls, and fome 
 of them as big as peafe and fmall nuts, for 
 needles and bells, as happened in the iflands 
 of the Margarita ; fo great is the difference 
 in the eflimation of things common, or rare 
 ones. The admiral having here got an ac- 
 count of fome other iflands, went out to 
 difcover them ; and the fecond he found he 
 nam'd Santa Maria de la Conception, dedi- 
 cating it to the queen of heaven : the third 
 he callM Pernandina, of the king Don Fcr- 
 -Aando: the fourth he nam'd Ifabella, in 
 confideration of his miflrefs queen Ifabella. 
 Of ail thefe he took pofTefTion in the name 
 of their majeflies, by fetting up their royal 
 flandani before a publick notary, with the 
 fame folemnity and ceremonies obferv'd in 
 the taking poflefiion of the firft ifland. 
 'ba dif- On ^ Saturday, the 29th of O£loher, they 
 'ered. dicover'd the famous ifland of Cuba, where 
 the Havana is : there the Indians, frighted 
 to fee the Spaniards, whom they thought 
 defcended from heaven, went to them kif- 
 fing their hands and feet. The admiral's 
 laft dill'overy was of the ifland call'd Hi- 
 
 fpaniola, where he met with a great deal of 
 gold, and fome birds and fifhes, like thofe 
 of Cafiile. Here the cacique Giiacanagari 
 received him with much hunlanity -, and in 
 his land he made the firft colony, or fettlc- 
 ment o^ Spaniards, which he nam'd the city 
 of the. Nativity. 
 
 The Spaniards generally were recciv'd in 
 thefe and other the Barhvento IJlands, and 
 on the coafls of terra Jirma, with much 
 love and kindnefs, very few of the Indians 
 ofl^ering to refift them. On the contrary, 
 they all were pleafed with their coming up- 
 on their lands, furnifliing them with all 
 that the country afforded, and prefcnting 
 them with gold, pearls, parrots ; content- 
 ing themfelvcs with a return of a very Imall 
 value. Of the European things, thofe they 
 fcem'd moft to mind, were needles ■, and 
 at firft they could not imagine what they 
 were good for ; but being told they were 
 to few, they anfwered they had nothing toThefim- 
 few ; but yet they kept them, becaufe they p'icity of 
 had never feen any thing of iron or fteej. 
 They were much fuiprized at the ufe of 
 fivords, and particularly when they had ex- 
 perienced their iharpnefs ; for at firft they 
 us'd to take hold of them by the edge with 
 great fimplicity. 
 
 The admiral, as viceroy of thofe new 
 kingdoms, began to govern, as he difco- 
 ver'd them ; and that he might regulate 
 them the better, by confulting their maje- 
 fties in his doubts and difficulties, he made 
 two voyages backwards and forwards to 
 Spain, ftill making in his returns difcovery 
 of fome new iflands, and amplifying the 
 monarchy, as hiftorians do relate at large, 
 to whom I refer mylclf, not to engage in 
 matters which are far from my fubjeft ; 
 but I cannot but make fome refleftion up- 
 on what happen'd to this great man. Who 
 would not have thought, confidering the 
 happinefs with which he had executed all 
 that he defign'd, in the moft difhcuk fub- 
 je6t in the world, that he was eternizing 
 his felicity, and putting fortune under his 
 feet ? But that no one may ftrive to do it, 
 but that all may know how conftant is her 
 volubility, and how perpetual the motion 
 of her wheel, and that there is no human 
 power, nor ftar, can fix ir> I will relate 
 here briefly what befel hifn. 
 
 Let him who governs be undecciv'd or.ce 
 for all, and know. That to fit upon a throne, 
 and take pofTefTion of power, is to be a 
 
 mark
 
 9^- 
 
 Ov A L I. E . 
 
 1646. ' 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book lY^ 
 
 mark for the ccnfure of the good and bad 
 to aim at ; 'cis jufl: puttint; himlclt into the 
 
 hands of anatomifls, to be taken in pieces, 
 and txamin'd to the very bones, and very 
 often envy opprelfes innocence by feigned 
 accufuions : this is not the place to examine 
 that of the athniral ; I only know that 
 there were lb many complaints, and fuch ap- 
 pearances of mifdemeanors alletig'd at court 
 agaiiill him ; as, that he did not advance 
 the converfion of the Indians, but made 
 them work to get gold, defiring more to 
 make them (laves than Chriftians ; and ta- 
 king no care to maintain them, and fuch o- 
 ther imputations, as mov'd their Catholick 
 majcfties to fend the commander De Bol;adiI!a 
 to examine the truth of what was alledg'd, 
 and to do juftice in requifne cafes ; writing 
 at the fame time a kind letter to the admi- 
 ral, that he fliould let the commander exe- 
 cute their orders. 
 
 But he exceeding his commiffion, and the 
 intention of their majefties, took all the 
 informations againft the admiral and his 
 brothers, and without hearing them, made 
 himfclf be own'd for judge and governor, 
 giving rewards, and publifhing, that he 
 came to relieve the opprefled, and to pay 
 their falaries, and put all things in good or- 
 der. This drew over to him all thofe who 
 had any grudge to the admiral, and mod of 
 the common fort fided with him ; fo he en- 
 tered into the houfes of the admiral and his 
 brothers, feized their goods and their pa- 
 pers •, all which he might fafely do, without 
 any refiftance, for the admiral was away : 
 he fent to feize him and his brothers, put- 
 ting irons upon their feet, and fo Ihipping 
 them into a veiTel, call'd a Caraval, he fent 
 them away for Spain, to give an account of 
 themfelves. 
 
 When they came to put irons upon the 
 Columbus admiral, there was none fo bold as to do it, 
 in irons, out of the refpedt that all had for him -, and 
 if he had not had in his family a rogue of 
 a cook, who was villain enough to do it, 
 they had not found any one to execute fo 
 barbarous a command. When Columbus 
 faw himfelf put in chains by his own fer- 
 vant, 'tis faid, that (baking his head, he 
 pronounced thefe words, full of refentment 
 lor his ufage •, [Xhus the world rewards thofe 
 
 "vuhoferve it ; this is the recompence that men His fmgu- 
 give to thofe who tnifl it? them. Have the ut- 1*^ ^^pff f- 
 moft endeavours of my fervices ended in this ? 
 Have all my dangers and fufferings deferv'd 
 more ? Let me be buried with thefe irons.. 
 
 no 
 
 toJ}:ew that God alone knows how to reward 
 and beflow favours.^ of which he does never 
 repent -, for the world pays in words and pro- 
 mifes, and at laft deceives and lies.] 
 
 Having faid this, the fhip fee fail -, and 
 as foon as he came to Spain, their majefties, 
 when they were inform'd of the prifon 
 of the admiral, were much concern'd ; for 
 by no means, h.id that been their intention. 
 They fent for him to come before them ; 
 but his tears and fighs were fuch, that in a 
 great while he could not fpeak •, at laft he 
 laid, affuring their majefties of his great 
 zeal for their royal fervice, which had al- 
 ways been his guide, that if he had fiiil'd 
 in any thing, it was not out of malice, 
 nor on purpofe, but becaufe he knew no 
 better. 
 
 Their majefties comforted him, and par- 
 ticularly the queen, who favour'd him 
 moft i and after fome time, in which the 
 truth of the matter was made out, they or- 
 der'd. That all that the commander Boba- 
 dilla had confilcated of the eftate of the ad- 
 miral and his brothers, (hould be reftor'd 
 to them ; as alfo, that the capitulation with 
 them fhould be obferv'd, as to their privi- 
 leges and exemptions. After this, the ad- 
 miral return'd a fourth time to the Indies, 
 in an honourable way ; and employing him- 
 felf in new difcoveries, he arriv'd upon the 
 coaft of terra finna of America, the fe- 
 cond of November 1 502, and coafting along 
 by Cubija, arriv'd at the port -, which, be- 
 caufe it appear'd fo good a one, and the 
 country lb beautiful, well cultivated, and 
 full of houfes, that it look'd like a garden, 
 he call'd Puerto Bella, or the Fine Port, 
 having difcover'd other iflands in the way, 
 and endur'd very bad ftorms. At laft re- 
 turning back by Ibme of thofe places which 
 he had difcover'd, taking, as it were, his 
 leave of them, and returning to Spain, to 
 order there a better fettlement of affairs, 
 he died at Valladolid, where the court was, Coiymbui 
 making a very Chriftian end, and giving diesatVa: 
 
 great figns of his predeftination. 
 
 ladolid. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 After the death of Columbus, the Caflillians purftie the difcovery and conqnejl of 
 
 the new world. 
 
 AMONG thofe who accompanied the 
 admiral in his firft difcovery, there 
 was one Vincent Tones Pinzon, who being a 
 rich man, fet out four velTels at his own 
 charge. He, at his return to Spain, kt 
 (ail from the fame port of Balos upon new 
 2 
 
 difcoveries : he frrft came to the iftand of 
 St. Jago, which is one of the Cape Verd 
 iflands : he fet tail from thence the thir- 
 teenth of January in the year 1 500, and 
 was the firft who pafs'd the equinoffial line, 
 by the north fea, and difcover'd Cape St. 
 
 Augufin,
 
 ;Chap. 7. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 Jugiiflin, which he called the cape of Co;;- 
 folation, taking pofiefllon ot it for the crown 
 of Cajlile ; from thence he found the river 
 MaragHon, which is thirty leagues over, and 
 Ibme fcy more at its entrance, the frefli wa- 
 ter running forty leagues into the fca -, then 
 coafting towards Paria., he found another 
 river very large, though not fo broad as 
 Maragnon : they took up frefh water out 
 of ir, twenty leagues at fea. He difcover'd 
 in all a coait of fix hundred leagues to Pa- 
 ria, and loft two fliips in a terrible ftorm 
 that he endured. We have fecn alio in the 
 lall: chapter, that Columbus had difcovered 
 the ifland of Cuba, though he could never 
 fail round if, being hindered by the ftorms 
 and ill weather •, lb he died without know- 
 ing whether it was an ifland or no, for he 
 judged it to be rather a point of fome con- 
 tinent -, but it is a very large ifland, with 
 many fair ports, and mountains full of pre- 
 cious odoriferous woods of cedar, ebony, 
 and many others -, and there are in it feve- 
 ral cities of Spaniards, and among the reft 
 The Ha- ^^^ ftrong fortrefs of the Havana, which is 
 I. a Scala or rendezvous for the galleons and 
 flota's, loaded with filver from the fFfJi- 
 Indies : this is one of the belt fortifications 
 the king of Spain has in all his dominions. 
 But, in my opinion, that which makes this 
 ifland moft valuable, is, the good nature 
 and docility of thofe who are born in it ; 
 which was a produdt of that foil before 
 ever the Spaniards trod it, as they fhewed 
 to Columbus, and thofe who came after 
 him, receiving them with all kindnefs and 
 humanity. 
 
 To further what the admiral Columbus 
 had begun, God raifed an inftrument in the 
 peribn of Vafco Nunncs de Balboa, one of the 
 tirft dilcoverers of this new world ; a man 
 of a good underftanding, as he fhewed up- 
 on the occafion which I fhall now relate. 
 He was, with others, upon the difcovery 
 with general Encifo, the governor : they 
 came to a place called Uraba, and as they 
 entered the port, by negligence of the fteerf- 
 man, the governor's fliip ftruck upon a fand, 
 and was loft, nothing being faved out of her 
 but the lives of the men, who got into the 
 boats, but naked, and in danger of perilh- 
 ing for want of provifion. Vafco de Numies 
 faid, that he remembered tr.ere was not far 
 off a river, the banks of which were inha- 
 bited by much people : he guided them thi- 
 ther ; and the thing being found to be as 
 he had faid, he gained great reputation a- 
 mong them all. They came tliither, and 
 found the Indians in arms againft the Cajli- 
 lians, whofe name was already become odi- 
 ous to thofe nations : they made a vow to 
 our lady, to dedicate to her the firft fettle- 
 ment and church to the honour of her i- 
 mage, under the title of SanSta Alana la 
 Vol. III. 
 
 9J 
 
 Antigua, or the ancient St. Mary, which toOvALtc- 
 this day is venerated in Seville ; and to fend '^'*^' 
 her many rich gifts of gold and filvcr, ^"^^ 
 which one of them, as a pilgrim, fliould 
 carry in the name of the reft. Being encou- 
 raged by this vow, they fell upon the Indi- 
 ans, and obtained the vldory. 
 
 Prefcntly they made a fettlement, and 
 built a town, dedicated to the virgin, cal- 
 ling it Sancla Alaria cl Jniigua of Dairen, 
 becaufe that was the name of that river. 
 Alter this, to accomplifh their vow, they 
 fcnt the promifed prefents to the devout 
 image of the virgin. 
 
 The good opinion of Vafco de Nunnes in- 
 creafing thus daily, and having cunningly 
 ordered it fo, that Etuifo refigned his go- 
 vernment, they chofc Vafco Nunnes in his 
 room : at firft with an aflbciaie ; but he 
 found means in time to be alone, as it was 
 ncceflary he fliould, in point of command, 
 being to overcome fuch difficulties as were 
 to be met with at every turn : and, indeed, 
 he knew how to make himfclf be both 
 feared and beloved, having a very good fpi- 
 rit of government. In the new difcoveries 
 he undertook, he came firft to the lands of 
 the Cacique Ponca, and not finding him at 
 home, he deftroy'd them : he pafled on to 
 the lands of the Cacique Care/a, who not 
 caring to enter into war, received him peace- 
 fully, and treated him as a friend. This 
 Cacique Careta had a kinfman, who was a 
 lord, that lived further in the country, and 
 his name was Suran ; who perfuaded ano- 
 ther neighbouring prince, called Conmgre, 
 to make a friendfhip with the Caflilians : 
 this prince had a very fine palace, which 
 aftoniflied them •, and particularly when 
 they faw, in a kind of chapel or oratory, 
 fome dead bod^ies lying, covered with rich 
 mantles, and many jewels of gold and pearls; 
 and being afk'd, whofe bodies thofe were ? 
 they anfwered, of their predeceflTors ; and 
 that to preferve them from corruption, they 
 had dried them with fire. The king ca- 
 relfed the Cajlilians, and gave them great 
 prefents : he had feven fons, and one of 
 them, more liberal, gave the Spaniards a 
 prefent of near four thouland Pefos of fine 
 gold, and fome pieces of rare workman- 
 fhip: they weigh'd it, and taking the king's 
 fifths, they began to divide the remainder. 
 In the divifion, two foldiers fell out about 
 their fliare : the Cacique's, fon, who had 
 made the prefent, hearing the noife, could 
 not bear it, but coming to them ftruck the 
 balance where the gold was weighing, and 
 threw it all upon the ground, faying, " Is A noWe 
 " it poflible you Ihould value lo much a reproof of 
 " thing that fo litde defcrves your efteem ^.^^^ ^P^" 
 " and that you fliould leave the repofe of '!^^gy'cjj^°-j_ 
 " your houfes, and pals fo many fcas, ex- 
 " poled to liich dangers, to trouble thofe 
 A a " who
 
 94 
 
 Ov A L L E . 
 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book 
 
 IV.|H 
 
 The firft 
 notice of 
 the South- 
 Sea, and 
 its riches. 
 
 " who live quiet in their own country ? 
 " Have Ibme fliame, Chriftians, and do not 
 " value thcfe things: but if you are rclbl- 
 " vcd to fcarcli gold, I'll fhew you a coun- 
 *' try where you may (iitisfy yourfelves." 
 And pointing with his finger to the fouth, 
 he told them they fhould fee there another 
 fca, when they had palTed over certain high 
 mountains, where they (liould lee other peo- 
 ple, who could go with iails and oars as tlicy 
 did ; and that pafTing that fea, they fhould 
 meet with vaft quantities of gold, whereof 
 the natives made all their utenfils -, and that 
 he would be their guide, and conduct them 
 with his father's vadals ; but that it would 
 be requifuc they fliould be more in number 
 becaufe there were powerful kings, who 
 could hinder their pafilxge : giving thern by 
 this the firft notice of Peru and its riches. 
 
 This was the firft knowledge and light 
 which the Spaniards got of the South-Sea, 
 and of the gold and riches of its coafts, 
 which gave them all great joy ; fo that they 
 were impatient to fee the hour of breaking 
 thorough all obftacles, to fee that fea never 
 before heard of, and enjoy the riches ot it. 
 Vafco Nunties immediately difpofed all 
 things, and went out of Dairen, in the be- 
 ginning of September in the year 1513. and 
 going along the fea-fide, to the habitation 
 of the friendly Cacique Car eta, he went to- 
 wards the mountains by the lands of the Ca- 
 cique Ponea ; who, though at firft he endea- 
 voured to oppofe their pallage, yet being 
 advifed by the Indians of Careta, who ac- 
 companied the Cajlilians, he prefented them 
 with gold and provifions, and gave them 
 guides ; they, in return, giving him look- 
 ing-glafles, needles, knives, and other bau- 
 bles, which they valued very much. Then 
 they began to mount the mountain through 
 the country of a Cacique called ^areca, 
 who appeared in arms, and attacked the 
 Spaniards : he had a long robe of cotton, 
 but all his men were naked. They began 
 to fkirmifh, and threaten, by their adions, 
 to hinder the paflage ; but no fooner did 
 they hear the noife, and feel the efFefts of 
 the mufkets, and find fome to fall, but they 
 turned their backs, flying like a herd of 
 deer, frighted to fee the fire, and hear the 
 found of the vollies, which appeared thun- 
 der to them, and thought the Spaniards had 
 thunder-bolts at their command; fo they 
 left the paftage free for them. The Indians 
 of Careta had faid, that from their country 
 to the top of the highcft mountain, there 
 was the time of fix funs-, for by that they 
 meant fo many days journey ; but the ways 
 were fo bad, that they employed five and 
 twenty days to get to the top. A little be- 
 fore they were at the highcft, Vafco Nunnes 
 de Balboa caufed a halt to be made, defiring 
 to have the glory of having himfelf been the 
 
 firft man that ever faw the South-Sea. And ^'aCco 
 fo it was : he goes alone, difcovers that vaft 1^""-"^^ 
 ocean, and the large bays of the South-Sea, ,-,'„[,j ^f 
 cail'd Pacifick ; and upon his knees, with tlfe South- 
 tears in his eyes, lifts up his eyes to heaven. Sea. 
 giving thanks to the great Creator of all 
 things, for having brought him from fuch 
 remote parts to contemplate that which 
 none of his anceftors had ever leen : he 
 made a fign after this to his companions to 
 come up, and fo they all run in hafte, pufh- 
 ing one another on -, and when they were 
 on the top, where there is a full profpeft of 
 the fea, 'tis not to be imagined the content 
 they all received in admiring that vaft and 
 fmooth liquid chryftal, which not being a- 
 nimated, did not on its fide give leaps of joy, 
 nor go out of its bed to the tops of the 
 mountains, to welcome thofe who came to 
 deliver it from the tyranny the devil exer- 
 cis'd over it, by infefting it with ftorms and 
 tempefts, and infefting the air with the 
 breath of idolatry, which was breath'd in 
 all thofe parts, both eaft, weft, north and 
 fouth. Oh ! if all the creatures of that 
 world could have come one by one to fee 
 the good that was coming to them by means 
 of the gofpel, which dawned in thofe moun- 
 tains -, or, if the predeftinated of that new 
 world could have viewed from their cotta- 
 ges, and poor habitations, 6r rather from 
 the deep night of their errors and fins, the 
 fun that was beginning to enlighten them 
 from that high mountain, and the virtue and '\ 
 
 efficacy of grace, which then began to appear J 
 
 to reconcile them with God, and the blood t 
 
 of Chrift, which like a great river was fal- fi 
 
 ling through thofe precipices, till it fhould 
 bathe the utmoil parts of the earth, and give 
 lite to thofe, who, being fallen and cover'd i 
 
 with the dark fhadow, did not only not 
 hope for life, but not fo much as know it ; 
 how would the children have leap'd out of i 
 
 their cradles, who, to go into paradife, ex- i^ 
 
 pe6ted nothing but baptifm, as has happen- jf 
 
 ed to great numbers, who juft expired when I 
 
 they were made an end of baptizing ? and I 
 
 the old men, who wanted only the know- 
 ledge of the gofpel to fliut their eyes, and 
 being reconciled to God, fly into his glory, 
 how they would open them, and lying up- 
 on the ground, fly, at leaft with their fpirit 
 if they could not with their body, to receive 
 the preachers of the gofpel, who brought 
 peace and a general pardon for their fins ? 
 All the other predeftinated, every one ac- 
 cording to his ftate, who have by this 
 means been faved, (which are infinite) how 
 they would melt and cry with joy, to hear 
 this news, which is as welcome to them, 
 as that of the coming of Chrift to the holy 
 fathers in limbo, who were expecting it with - 
 
 fuch languiftiing defires. 
 
 C H A P.
 
 Chap. 8. 
 
 Kingdom «?/ C H I L E. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 9-^ 
 
 V^ 
 
 Vafco Nunnes de Balboa pmjhes the 
 Afco Nunnes de Balboa, having perform- 
 ed his devotion, and thanked our 
 Lord, with all his companions, for fo great 
 a favour done him, as to bring them to 
 that place, and for the flivour he was about 
 to fhew to that new world, by the means 
 of the preachers of the gofpel, to whom he 
 thus opened a way to publifh it ; he then 
 bethought himfelf of his fecond obligation, 
 which was to his king •, in conformity to 
 which, he took pofTcffion, in his majelly's 
 name, for the crowns of Cajlile and Leon^ 
 of the place where he was, and of the fea 
 which he difcover'd from thence ; cutting 
 for this purpofe many trees, and making 
 great crofTes which he fet up, and writ 
 upon them the names of their majefties. 
 
 After this they began to go down from 
 the mountain, marching always prepar'd for 
 any encounter that they might have with 
 the Caciques in their way ; fo, though the 
 Cacique Chiapes oppos'd them with his peo- 
 ple, who were flout and many, yet by fet- 
 ting the dogs at them, and beginning to 
 fire their mufkets, they were foon routed. 
 This made the Cacique offer terms of peace, 
 and receive and make much of the Cajli- 
 lians, prefenting them with gold -, and he 
 prov'd ib good a friend, that he pacified 
 many other Caciques, who were in arms, to 
 hinder the pafTage, who likewife made their 
 prefents of gold. 
 
 From the town of Chiapes, Vafco Nunnes 
 fent out, to difcover the coafls of the South- 
 Sea, the captains Francifco Pizarro, Juan 
 de Efcara, and Alonfo Martin, each to a 
 different place : This lafl found two canoos 
 dry on the fhore, and the fea below them 
 above half a league : He wonder'd to fee 
 them fo far from the fea ; and as he was 
 confidering it, he perceiv'd the fea coming 
 very fafl in, and did not flay long before 
 it fet the canoos on float : He enter'd into 
 one of them, and took witnefs that he was 
 the firfl European that had ever been upon 
 Ifhe tides that fea. The tides on that coaft ebb and 
 iiy lapid flovv every fix hours, fo as great fhips will 
 be left on fhore, the water retiring fb fafl, 
 that it gives great admiration when it re- 
 turns, to fee fo great a fpace cover'd fo fafl, 
 that it appears an inundation. 
 
 Vafco Nunnes having advice of this, came 
 down alfo to the coafl ; and going into 
 the fea up to the mid-leg, with a naked 
 fword in his hand, faid, Tliat he took pof- 
 fefTion of it, and all the coafls and bays of 
 it, for the crowns of Cafiile and heon ; and 
 that he was ready with that fword, as of- 
 ten as it fhould be neceflary, to make good 
 that claim, againfl all that fhould oppofe 
 him. The Indians were in great amaze at 
 
 OvALlg, 
 
 dij'covery of the Soiuli-Sea, and dies, \^\^>j 
 this new ceremony •, and they were moie 
 furpriz'd, when they law him, againfl the.r 
 advice, and that of the Caciques, venture 
 to crofs the gulph of Pearls, to difcover 
 the riches of it in that commodity ; tho' 
 it had like to have coft him dear, for he- 
 was near perifliing in crofTing tliat arm of 
 the fea. Now let Ui Jec (in order to un- 
 deceive thofe who fliall read this) how lit- 
 tle this courage and boldiicfs avail'd this 
 generous conqueror of the new world, and 
 the great things his invincible mind had 
 brought to pals. All his military prudence: 
 and cunning, by which he made himfelf be 
 refpedled by unknown nations, avail'd him 
 little -, for this fo fortunate a great captain 
 had a tragical end : He loll his life in B^rriii 
 at his return, finding there the governor 
 Pedrarias, who came to fticceed him. The 
 king in fending this man had recommended 
 to him the perlbn of Vafco Nunnes de Bal- 
 boa, and order'd him to make ufc of his 
 council, as of one who had honcur'd iiim The bnr- 
 by his bold undertakings, and to whom for barity of 
 a reward he ordei 'd the governments of Pa- '''^ ^P*' 
 
 nama and Coiba, and the admiralfliipof the "'^"^ '1°"^ 
 o in I'l 1 111'" t cotinotncr* 
 
 bouth-c>ea, which he had dilcover'd, and 
 
 on which he had already built four (hips, 
 and got together three hundred men to go 
 upon the difcovery of Peru. But the faid 
 Pedrarias commanded him on fhore, and 
 there feizing him, caus'd him to be behead- Vafco 
 cd publickly as a traitor. The crier went Nunnes 
 before him, crying, as is cuftomary, that beheaded, 
 he was a traitor ; which, when Vafco Nunnes 
 heard, he faid it was a lie, and that no 
 man had ferv'd the king with more zeal, 
 nor more fidelity than he, nor more defii'd 
 to extend his monarchy ; but all his com- 
 plaints were like voices in the defart, which 
 were of no force againfl: envy and emula- 
 tion, which had prevail'd in his enemies, 
 and which can never fail againfl: thofe who 
 govern. His death was much refented, and 
 appear'd very unjuft in Spain, becaufe,, in- 
 deed, the king loll one of his bravefl cap- 
 tains, and one who would have dilcover'd 
 Peru with more facility, and without ail 
 thofe tumults, which fince happened ; tor 
 his prudence, valour, and zeal, were above 
 the ordinary fize. 
 
 It cannot be denied, but that the fentence 
 may be juftified according to the depofi- 
 tions of witnelfes ; but yet it was a great 
 argument of his innocency, that which he 
 himfelf faid to the governor Pedrarias^ 
 which was, That if he had in his heart to 
 make himlelf mafler, and independent, as 
 they accufed him, he would not have obey- 
 ed his call as he did, and leave his fhip 
 without any d;fiiculty ; for he had the.a 
 
 three
 
 9d 
 
 0/ the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 OvALLE. three hundred men all at his devotion, and 
 1646. 
 
 tour vedels, with wliich he might have been 
 fate, and gone upon new difcoveries, if his 
 confciencc Iiad accufcd him. They add, 
 here. That an aftrologcr had told him. That 
 that year he flioiild fee fomething extraor- 
 dinary in the heavens, he fhould be in guard 
 
 againll fomc great misfortune that threaten- 
 ed him ; and that if he elcap'd from it, he 
 fhould be the moll powerful and happy 
 man in the whole Indies. And that accor- 
 dingly he did iee this fign, but laughed at 
 it, as thinking himlelf in fo high a Itate. 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 
 I'he dijcovcry of the Scuth-Sca, its j-orts and ijlands, is contimied. 
 
 I 
 
 T is a common pafHon in thofe who go- 
 vern, either to oppofe the defigns ot 
 their predeceflbrs, or at lead not to execute 
 them by their means, nor by their creatures, 
 that their atliftance may not lefi'en the glo- 
 ry, which they pretend by making them- 
 felves the authors of the enterprizes. As 
 we have already faid, Pedrarias liicceeded 
 Vafco Nimnes de Balboa in the government, 
 iufi as he had made the difcovery ot the 
 Sou.'h-Sea ; and though the king had re- 
 commended the perfon of Nunncs to him, 
 yet he could not be brought to grant him 
 leave to follow his difcovery, though the bi- 
 (hop of Dairen advifed it very earneftly ; but 
 he had refolved to give this good morfel to 
 a creature of his, called captain Gafpar Mo- 
 rales ; to whom he added, as companion, 
 captain Frojicifco Pizarro, bccaule of the 
 experience he had, having been already em- 
 ployed in the dilcovery. 
 
 They fet out from Dairev, and got to 
 the Sonlh-Sea, and embarking there in ca- 
 noos, they came to the IJle of Pearls, which 
 the Indians called 'Taj-argui. Thefe by this 
 time began to endeavour to hinder the Spa- 
 niards from fettling in their lands, but they 
 were not able to do it, their forces being fo 
 much inferior to thofe ot the CaJIiIians,vjho, 
 pairing from one ifland to another, came at 
 laft to the largeft, where was the king of al- 
 moft all thofe nations, who took arms a- 
 gainft the Spaniards, having a brave num- 
 ber of men, and well chofen •, but they not 
 being ufed to fire-arms, they loon yielded 
 and came to compofuion : To which they 
 were brought alio by the fear of a famous 
 A famous dog, that was in the Chriftian camp, who 
 to tall upon them like a lion; and 
 having never feen an animal of that 
 did flee him as a devil, becaufe of the 
 mifchiet he did amongft them •, for they 
 being naked, he could faften any where 
 without danger. The Chiapefes, our friends, 
 prefently incerpofed ; and telling the king 
 what dangerous enemies the Spaniards were, 
 and of what importance their friendfhip 
 was, they being invincible, he at lafl w.;s 
 prevailed upon to grant them peace. They 
 came to his palace, which was very fump- 
 tuous, and, as they judged, better than any 
 
 dogfrights ufed 
 the poor ^1 
 Indians. ^^^Y 
 fort. 
 
 they h.id fetn yet. 
 I 
 
 The kina; received them 
 
 with marks of friendfhip ; and, as a token 
 of it, caufed a bafket of rufhes full of pearls, 
 which weigh'd five marks, to be given 
 them ; amongft which, there was one which 
 had but few fellows in the world, (for it 
 weighed fix and twenty carats, and was as 
 big as a fmall walnut,) and another as big 
 as a mufcat-pear, perfeft and oriental, and 
 of a fine colour, weighing ten halt fcruples. 
 The firft came from hand to hand, till it 
 was in the emprefs's, who valued it as it de- 
 ferved, as is told by Antonio de Herrera 
 and others. They prefented the king, in 
 return, with the ufual prefents of pins and 
 needles, bells, knives, and other baubles 
 of Europe, which the Indians valued much. 
 The Spaniards not being able to forbear 
 laughing, to fee the value they put upon 
 them, the king faid to them, IVhai do you 
 laugh at ? And having heard what it was, 
 he faid, We might more Jujily laugh at you, 
 for valuing things fo much which are of no 
 ufe in life, and for which you pafs fo many 
 fens. As for thefe knives and hatchets you give 
 us, they are very ufeful infiruments to men. 
 This was not the only return the king had 
 for his pearls ; for he had the precious pearl 
 of taith by their means : for growing very 
 fond of them, and being by them inftru- 
 fted, he and all his family received the Chri- 
 ftian religion, which was the principal end 
 to which the Cafiilians direfted all their en- 
 terprizes. They made a folemn chriftening ; 
 and the king, to treat his fpiritual fathers, 
 who had engendered him in the gofpel, car- 
 ried them to fee the pearl-fifliing, which 
 was in this manner : The Indians dived 
 to the bottom, having about their necks 
 a bag full of flones, that they might fink the 
 fatter •, and it ferved them for a ballaft to 
 keep them fteady while they gathered the 
 oyfters, that the water might not buoy 
 them up. The greateft oyfters are about 
 ten fathom deep •, for when they do not go 
 to \&iiA, they keep as low as they can, and 
 ftick fo fait to the rocks, and to one ano- 
 ther, that it is very hard to loofen them ; 
 nay, it happens fometimes, that while they 
 fpend too much time in doing it, their 
 breath fails them, and they are drowned : 
 But, generally fpeaking, they are not in 
 danger, becaufe, as they gather the oyfters, 
 
 they 
 
 Pearls of a 
 prodigiou* 
 bignels. 
 
 A wife re- 
 partee of 
 an Indian 
 king. 
 
 
 '11 mx 
 
 The pearl.; 
 fifhing.
 
 Chap. lO. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 97 
 
 they put them in their bag, and lighten it time, were feveral of the bignefs of large O*' am »• 
 
 of the ftoncs, and before their breath fiiils, 
 they come up again with their FJh. They 
 open the oyfters, and take out the pearls, 
 which ufe to be many if they are fmall, and 
 few if they are large. They fay that among 
 thofe they prefented the Cajiilians at this 
 
 peafe and hazle-nuts ; with which they re- '^♦^• 
 turned very well pleafed to have made a '^""^^ "^ 
 difcovery of fo rich a treafure, as well as of 
 the rich one they had given in exchange to 
 the king and his people, by making theiti 
 Chriftians. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the difcovery of the river of Plata, a/id the coafs of Chile, by the 
 
 Straights of Magellan. 
 
 W^ 
 
 E have hitherto gone by the North- 
 Sea to the terra firma^ and the dif- 
 covery of the South-Sea^ with intent to fol- 
 low the difcoveries of this new world lo its 
 utmoft bounds, which is the kingdom of 
 Chtle, to which all this narrative is direfted. 
 "We Ihall follow this order by the fame 
 fleps that the Hrft conquerors went-, but 
 while they are difpofing all things for this 
 great enterprize, it will not be amifs to leave 
 the South-Sea, and follow thofe who endta* 
 voured to difcover the coafts of Chile by 
 the North-Sea. The firft we fhall follow is 
 captain Juan Dias deSolis, who failing from 
 Spain the eighth of October 1 5 1 5. run along 
 the coafts of Erafil, till he difcovered the 
 The Rio famous river of Plata, which was fo nam'd, 
 lela Plata ^jqj fj-om any filver that is found near it, or 
 liicovered ■ ]q^^^ l3U|. fj-Qj^ f^me plates of that 
 ^ metal which the Indians gave the Spa- 
 
 niards i which filver they had brought from 
 the country about Poto/t, with which they 
 had communication by the means of the 
 Tucuman Indians^ who are the nsareft on 
 tliat iide to Peru. Solis entered that migh- 
 ty river, which, if I am not miftaken, is 
 threefcore or fcventy leagues over at its firft 
 entrance, and is known at fea by its freJli 
 water, at firft, till being further in, they 
 can fee the mountains and lands that bound 
 it. This river is one of the moft famous 
 in the world, of fweet and excellent wa- 
 jiThe vir- ter, being obferved to clear the voice and 
 , ue of the lungs, and is good againft all rheums and 
 dcfluclions ; and all the nations of the Pa- 
 ragucys, who drink this water, have admi- 
 rable voices, fo tunable, that when they 
 ling they appear organs ; and therefore they 
 are ail inclined to mufick •, and thofe who 
 conic from abroad mend their voices by 
 livino; there. I knew one who was born in 
 Chile, and had naturally a good voice, 
 which he mended extremely by living in 
 Paraguay ; but when he left that country, 
 and came to Tucuman, he loft his improve- 
 ment, as he himfelf tokl me. This river 
 has another property, which is, that it pe- 
 trifies the brandies of trees which fall in- 
 to it. The governor Hcriia7i Darias, born 
 in Pa7-a^uav, a gentleman of a fingular ta- 
 N^.q2.' Vol. III. 
 
 vater of 
 he Rio de 
 
 a Plata. 
 
 lent for government, had in his houfe a 
 whole tree all of ftone, which had been ta- 
 ken out of this river. Likev/ife there arc 
 formed naturally of the land of this river, 
 certain vefleis ot various figures, which have 
 the property of cooling water. There are 
 aHb certain cocos dc terra, which contain 
 ftones in them, which at a certain time are, 
 as it were, ripe, and but ft, difcovering 
 amethyfts within them ; they burft open 
 with a great noife. 
 
 There are alfo brcil upon its banks moft 
 beautilul birds of feveraf kinds ; and in its 
 ftreams great variety of fifties, very dainty, 
 and in great quantity. The river is navi- 
 gable every where in canoos, but not with 
 the fame canoos, bccaufe of the prodigi- 
 ous lall that is in the midft of it, the whole its f.,11, 
 river precipitating itfelf into a deepgulph, 
 from whence it runs many leagues, till it 
 empties itfelf into the fea. The noife that 
 this fall makes, the foam that it raifes, the 
 whirlpools it caufes, by the rencounter of 
 its waters, is not to be imagin'd. The 
 land on both fides this river is very fertile : 
 On the weft fide, which is the Tucu-man 
 fide, correfponding to Buenos Ayres, there 
 are feveral cities, as St. Jago dc Efiero Cor- 
 doua, St. Michael la Rioga, and Efteco Juzuy 
 and Sal'a, which border upon Peru : Thefe 
 cities are not very populous, becaufe they 
 are in the midft ot the land, and far from 
 commerce with both feas-, but they do in- 
 creafe very much, particularly Cordoua, 
 which, amongft other properties, has that of 
 producing rare vv'its in the univerfiry govern- An unl- 
 ed by the Je.'uits, who may match their pro- verfuy, 
 
 fefibrs and fciiolars with thofe of any other ''^'^, 
 
 T r It' L • J ' T-L wits at the 
 
 part, as 1 mylelf have experienced. There Weii- 
 
 are likewife in this diftridt many houfes and Indian 
 families ot men of quality and antient no- Cordoua, 
 bihcy. Higher up the river to the weft, 
 are alfo the cities of the A£i'mpiion, Santa 
 Bee de las Corrientes del Guayta, and others. 
 The city of the Jjjumption is the cliief, 
 and was peopled by gentlemen that came 
 firft to the Indies, and is fince much in- 
 creafed in people, but nut in riches; be- 
 caufe it being fo far within the land, can- 
 not have fufficient vent for its commodities, 
 B b which
 
 9^ 
 
 Book IV;. 
 
 (>t.Mi.E \(-hich 'are' chi^fiy iligar, and prelerVer'' 
 ■i(V46. fruits'; among the reft th^j^ai^ famous tor, 
 
 ^'^^^^ a dried Iweet-ir.eat, called Udrillos, which 
 arc dices ol"' cetron, doiie up in lugar, in 
 the form of-arilfe: btit rhe beft fwe«-meac 
 th-y have fh*?y wiil ^ivfe iii gi^eat' abAindance 
 
 lor an anpie, or any European truiC 
 
 Of the Kfhh'^fd Frof>ertics of the 
 
 JmHdfk Sofis-\i€k^\xx\6zdhirt,, found' | 
 
 little rxififtance ft-ohi the Indians, Who are 
 riot Co cruel ribr VvMrlikc as in other parts-, 
 lb he took poficffion oF all that trad, in' 
 the name of their majcftisfs; for the crowns' 
 of Cq/li/e and Leon, as was always the cu-' 
 ftom of the firrf difcoverers; And he for 
 hinilclf tot)k poffcffion of thofe feven feet 
 of earth whicii death allows to thofe he 
 feizes, let them be never fo ambitious, 
 thougl; while they arc alive a whole world 
 will not fuifice them. He lies buried there; 
 and an end v.as puc to his difcoveries. 
 
 Much about the lame time, there were 
 at his catholick majcfty's court the two' fa- 
 mous captains Firdiriavd MageBan and Magellan 
 litiy Falero, olFfring their perfons, valour, offers his 
 and induftry, for to find out, tidier towards jf.'T"^^ '** 
 This is not a place for panegyricks, nor does the fouth or weft, • arr end to Amrhd, or fome ,hgXaTght 
 the thread of my hiftory admit of fuch large canal or firaight by which both Teas might 
 
 communicate wirli each other; aifd fo thd 
 navigation from Bar'o^ie might be rhade in 
 the iiime fhips, in which they might go 
 round all its coafls. They were trcarirg ui;- 
 crtf this fbbjfd; and 'the Poriiig,^! trmixm- 
 dor made it hi's bl'fiivds to oppoie Mcgelldfi 
 
 In aH 
 this traCi of land there are three govern- 
 ments, which are alfo biihopncks, to wit, 
 l\i>-flgi<a\^, Rio de hi P!att:, and Tucman. 
 
 Ilighcr yet on the ealt. fide are many 
 
 heather, nations, v/ho have others that an- 
 
 Iwer thcin on the well ; and among theie are 
 
 diftrilxued th.ole lamous miirions which our 
 
 fathers of tht fociety of Jefus have founded. 
 
 Au-iigious I am lorry I am infenfibly engaged in 
 
 digieition this matter; and J* mult own I have men- 
 
 ottheau- fioncd that which I cannot well explain 
 
 thor's. 
 
 digrefilons ; yet I cannot but Hop a little 
 and give Ibme confideration to that we may 
 call miracles oC grace, which are perform'd 
 in thofe defarts, of winch I myfelf have 
 been an eye-witnefs, having lived fome 
 time in that holy province, to which I owe 
 ail that I am. But who can explain what 
 thofe apoflolical men deferve iri the light of 
 God, who feem to have nothing ot man 
 but what is neceiTary tj make their life more 
 admirable, which ihey lead like aiigcrls in 
 human bodies .-' 
 
 Who would net wonder to fee in thofe 
 riiountains and folitiides rtien ill fed, -.vdrfe 
 lodged, naked, painful, a:id in anguifli tor 
 the fouls of others, when they might fave 
 their own with lefs .^rouble, enjoying the 
 good morfels and merry days which, with- 
 out fiii, and fometimcs meritorioufly, they 
 might have in their own country among 
 their friends, and in the beft of Eurcpe i' 
 Who can but admire to fee fo many youths 
 banifh themfelves, and renouncing all pre- 
 ferment, refoive to pafs all their lives like 
 hermits, for the love of God, and zeal of 
 the falvation of fouls? Is this a work of 
 nature? and can human force arrive to this 
 of itfelf ? Let us go out from this confide- 
 ration, left it be like a !oad-ftone to draw 
 us in further; and yet let me fly as far as I 
 will, I cannot hinder my heart from being 
 with them, and defiring to end my days in 
 this implcyment. They who defire to fee 
 the fruit of thefe miffions of oUr company, 
 the numbers of the gentile's which they have 
 brought from iolitudes to live in cities, the 
 great progrefs ot the faith, and the num- 
 bers of martyrs they have confecrated to 
 God, let him read the book made of 
 all this by that apoftolical man Antonio 
 'Ruiz de Montoja ; and then he will be ex- 
 tremely edified, and admire the work, as 
 well as the author. And fb I return to the 
 thread of my hiftory. 
 
 2 
 
 becaufe being fallen oUt whh his king about 
 this difcoV(iry,-'he t!6fn-fcd he rhight not 
 make it for ihh crdwri of Ciiflilc ; but at 
 laft the kins; having hear^l at SdrfO'Cfa, in 
 preftnCe of' his cbuacii, the rtaions and 
 grbuhds that Magellan and Falero WC'ht up- 
 on, he accepted their fervice, ahd honoured 
 them with the habits of St. Jago ; and ha- 
 viHg fettled the capitulation With the,m, his 
 nrycfty commanded the fquadron to be 
 made ready, and narned ihe captains and 
 officers of it ; and having heard thAt there 
 was a difpute rifen between Magellan and 
 F'akro, about who fnotild cari-y the royal 
 ftandard or flag, and tht like, he order- 
 ed Falerc, as not yet Well recovered of a di- 
 ftemper he lay under, to ftay at home, and 
 mind his health; and, in the mean time, 
 that another fqiradron fliould be got ready, 
 in which Falero Ihould follow. 
 
 The firft fquadion being ready, his ma- 
 jefty commanded thealTiftantof 6>zv7/e', tiiat 
 he fhould deliver the royal ftandard to Ma- 
 •yellan in the eireat churcti of Santa Maria. 
 of victory of I'riana, faking at the fame 
 time from him an oaih of fittelity, or ho- 
 mage, according ro tlie cuftom of Cajlik, 
 that he fliould perform tiie voyage Witli all 
 fidelity, as a good and loyal vafTal of his 
 majelly. The captains took likewifc an 
 oadi to obey Magellan in all things. He, 
 after many vows, having recommended 
 himfcit and his voyage to our lord, went 
 on board the fliip called the 'Trini/A', and 
 th? treafurer general in the Vinor}\ J^lb fa- 
 mous for being the firit that went round 
 the world.) The other fnips were \\\t Con- 
 ception., St. Ja^o, 'and St. Anthe-iv. 
 
 They
 
 Chap. lO. 
 
 Magellan They {et lail the tenth of Ju£;u/i in the 
 fets fail for yeai- igig. They took the ifle of Tenerif, 
 hisdifco- j.j^gj^ made the coaft of Guined, and arrived 
 ^"^' at i?/(? Genneiro ; from whence chey lailed 
 on St. Stephenh A.\y^ and having had a great 
 ftorm, they entered into the river of P.Vi?« ; 
 liere they (laid eight days-, and then fol- 
 lowing their voyage, they had another ter- 
 rible lempeft, which ciuried aw^ay their 
 forecaftle, and forced thern to cut away 
 their poop. Tl»ey made vows to our lady 
 of Guadalupe and Alonferrat, and to S:. 
 Jago of Gallida, It plealed God to hear 
 rhem, and they took fhelter in the river of 
 St. Julian, but not all ; for one of their 
 lliips was lofb : the men got on fliore, but 
 endured fo much by land to port St. Juhan 
 by hunger, that tht-y feemcd Ikeletons when 
 they came to their companions. 
 ^f'^g^'- While they were wintering in this river, 
 
 ImuIdv'^" either idlenels, or the great fuiferings they 
 had undergone, and thole which they fear- 
 ed, made them mutiny againft Ferdinand 
 Magellan. There were iome of his fhips 
 that revolted ; but he with great boldnels, 
 and no lefs art, made himlelf mafccr of 
 them, punilhing fome of the guilty, and 
 jets Tome pardoning odiers -, and tor Juan de Cartha- 
 •jiatineers gena and his companion in rebellion, he 
 )n Iho.e, )ej them afiiore when he fet fail, leaving 
 '" ' ^'^ them a good prcvifion of bread and wine. It 
 Ijem. W.IS never known whether this were luffi- 
 cient to fuftain them, till they fhould meet 
 with fome of thole giants which hud been 
 with the fnips, and had beeii treated by 
 Magellan, who perhaps received them. 
 'alTes the Magellan feeing the winter over, as he 
 Iraightot thought, fet iail the feventh of Novemkr, 
 n twenty which is v. hen the fummer begins in thofe 
 lays. paits ; and having by land oblcived what 
 he could of the ftraighr, they palled with 
 great good fortune in twenty days, and then 
 Iteering north, they coafted along Chile, 
 which they left fomething at large, as ha- 
 ving no knov/Jedge of that land, Peru be- 
 ing not yet difcovered. After this, they 
 came tc the Philippine IJlands, in one of 
 which this niofl: contagious captain, and fa- 
 lagellan mous Portuguefe, Magellan, died by the 
 illed. hands ot the natives, or to fay better, by 
 
 his own raihnefs and over-boldnefs. 
 >3 4' Some years after, which was that of 1534. 
 
 Simon of Alcatova, a Portug-nefe gentleman 
 of the habit of St. Jago, and gendeman of 
 the chamber of the king, a great cofmogra- 
 pher, and one very expert in navigation, 
 having been employ 'd many years tor the 
 crown of Cajiile, made an agreement with 
 the king to difcover and people two hun- 
 dred leagues from tlie place where Almagro's 
 government fliould end, which was in Chile. 
 He failed trom 5"/. lucar on the 21ft of 
 September 1534. with five good Ihips, and 
 two hundred and fifty men \ and without 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 9^ 
 
 16.16. 
 
 feeing land from the Camera to the flraighi O/alle. 
 of Magellan, only having touched at cape 
 Abre Ojos, and the Rio de Gallegos, about 
 tvventy-hve leagues from the lir.iights 
 mouth, he entered them on the i ;th of 
 Jonuarj 1535. having endured fo mucli 
 thirft, that the cars and dogs were come to 
 drink wine, and the people svere ready to 
 perilh. They found a great crofs iTt-fted by 
 Magellan, and tiie wreck of die Ihip which 
 he loft there. There appeared about twenty 
 Indians, who gave figns of jnuch joy to fee 
 the Spaniards. They followed their courfe, 
 keeping ftill the right hand, as the fafcfl: ; 
 but yet they h.ui fo furious a llorm, that it 
 carried away half their tails: it blew fo, 
 that they thought the fliips would have been 
 carried away dirough the air. They took 
 Ih'jker into a port; and becaufe the lealbn 
 was to fir advanced, they perfuaded their 
 general Aka-zova to go out of the Piraights, 
 which he did, and return to th- port of 
 Lions, or of Wclves, vvhich was a very 
 good one. 
 
 While they were wintering in thole Darts, 
 they refolved to enter further into the coun- 
 try, and make difcovery of thofe riches 
 which the Indians told them were thtre ; fo 
 having celebrated mals, they hletrcd the 
 banners, and the captains took a new oath 
 of fidelity and obedience; and with this 
 they fet out about 225 men, having fifty 
 arcabufes, feventy crofs-bow.':, four charges 
 of powder and bail, which every one car- 
 ried with his bread, which was about twen- 
 ty-fix pound weight. Thus, they marched 
 about fourteen leagues; and there Akazova, 
 being a heavy man, could go no fi;rther, 
 which was his ruin: he named a lieutenant, 
 againft whom the men mutined ; for ha- 
 ving gone ninety leagues, and their provi- 
 fion fiiiling, they reflved to go back, as 
 they did, though they had ir.er v/ith a river 
 full of fifii ; and that their guidei; told them 
 that a little further they fhould come to a 
 great town, wnere there was a great deal of 
 gold ; for the inhabitants wore olates of it 
 in tlieir ears, and upon their arms : but no- 
 thing could move them ; and as one mit- 
 chief Icdt^om comes alone, they refolved to 
 make themfclve.s matters of the ihips at 
 their return, and to kill all that fhould op- 
 pole them ; aiid fo they executed it. But 
 God Almighty puniflied them immediate- 
 ly; for as they were going out of port, 
 they loft their admiral; and then having but 
 one thip, durft not venture tor Spain, bur 
 put in at Hifpaniola, where doiflor Saravia, 
 of the audience of St. Domingo, chafiiz'ti 
 the moft guilty. And thus the dilcovery 
 of Chile, tor that time, and that way, v^as 
 difippointed ; for God referved that honour 
 for another. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 100 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 C\ .MLE. 
 
 .6.,.6. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of t!:e iiifcovcry of other parts of America before that of Chile. 
 
 Will LE the Ihips are making ready 
 lo go to die difcovery of Peru, it 
 \\\\\ not be amifs to touch upon the difco- 
 of lome other parts ot Ahurica by 
 
 t-cry 
 
 1502. 
 
 1513. 
 1515. 
 
 ot America 
 the by, that at leart the order of time, wiili 
 which the dilcovcries preceded cacli otiier, 
 may be undciilood -, and what we are to lay 
 ntterwards about Chile will be made plain- 
 er, that being our chief defign. 
 
 Ic h.n b^en laid already, in its proper 
 place, how the admiral Columbus difcover'd 
 the urra finm, or continent of America, 
 in his fourth voyage from Spain to the In- 
 dies, and found the port of Puerto Bella the 
 fecond of November 1502. We have alio 
 laid how Vafco Numes de Balboa having 
 founded SaniJa Maria la Antigua of Dai- 
 ren, difcover'd the South-Sea, and took pol- 
 feifion of it in the month of September or 
 Oaol'cr in the year 1513. as alio that in 
 the year i^\S. ''J»an Dias de Solis difco- 
 ver'd the river of Plata tlie firtt of all dif- 
 coverers. 
 
 Nov.- we will add v.hat is known about 
 the difcovery of other lands; amongft tne 
 which, one of the fiift was that of Yucatan, 
 which was undertaken by captain Francijco 
 .,7. Hernandes de Cordoua in the year 15 17. 
 ^ and the Adelantado of it is at this day Don 
 
 Chrifc-vcl Socres de Soli.', a gentleman ot iin 
 antient and noble fa.nily in Salamanca. This 
 fame year other Caflilians difcover'd the 
 land of Campeche, where, in a chapel ot 
 the Indians, full of their idols, they found 
 painted crolTcs, of which they were not lefs 
 allonifh'd than rejoiced, feeing light in dark- 
 nefs, and the trophies of Chrift by the fide 
 of Belial ; which, at lafl, by the Spaniards 
 arrival in thofe parts, were better known to 
 Panama thofe barbarous people. In the year 1518. 
 fomdtd in the licentiado Efpinofa, who was nam'd dc- 
 
 commendable in it, is the piety, mercy and 
 liberality of its inhabitants. I have this 
 year recciv'd advice, that by the negligence 
 of a female Have, the greatell part of the 
 
 the year 
 1518. 
 
 puty to the governor Pedrarias, founded 
 the city of Panama, which is the canal 
 by which all the treafure of Pej-u paffes to 
 Spain in the galleons. This city has not 
 increafed lb much as many others of the 
 Indies, becaufe being fituated near the equi- 
 noctial line, its temperature does not agree 
 with thofe born in Europe; but yet there 
 are many conftitutions that do very well 
 there, becaufe of the great riches that are 
 eafily acquir'd there; and thofe who feek 
 them, think no air bad. There are a great 
 many pcop'e of quality; for there is a 
 bilhopnck, a royal Audiencia, or court of 
 judiraii^rc; a tribunal of royal officers, and 
 a chapter of canons, feculars and regulars. 
 But that which in my judgment is m.oft 
 
 city was burnt ; for the houfes being of 
 wood, if one take fire, 'tis hard to (lop the 
 flames : there was loft in this a great mafs 
 ot riches, a great part of the lofs falling 
 on the cathedral; and a little after, there 
 being a gathering made, though this mil- 
 fortune had conccrn'd almoft every body, 
 who ^br that reafon were lefs in a condition 
 to contribute by way of alms, which fome 
 ot them wanted, yet they gave above twenty 
 thoulimd pieces of eight, and went on con- 
 tributing. This was an extraordinary mark 
 of their charity ; but the ordinary ones, in 
 v^hich they conftantly fhcv.' tlieir generolity, 
 are to ftrangers and paflengers who pals 
 from Spain vi the Indies, who moft ot them 
 are at a lofs till they meet with fome patron, 
 or friend, or countryman, to alfift them ; 
 and they would often be reduced to great 
 extremity, if this were not, as it is, a com- 
 mon inn for all thofe people ; for in the 
 college of our company alone, though it is 
 not yet founded, but lives upon alms, I 
 faw, when I was there, a cloth laid at the 
 porters chambers, where every day they 
 provided for, and fed about fitty or fixty 
 paflfengers, with bread and flefh in abun- 
 dance. The fime is done by other con- 
 vents ; and the feculars, I faw, gave them 
 money and other neccfTaries. This, as to the 
 city ot Panama, founded in the year 151 8. 
 in which year the religious iricrs of St. Do- 
 minick and St. Francis pafs'd from the ifland 
 of Hifpaniola, and began to found convents 
 in terra firma, and the Pearl coatl ; from 
 whence thcfe two holy orders purfucd their 
 miflion through all the land, enlightening 
 it with their do<Strine and holy examples ; 
 by which they have made fuch a piogrefs 
 among the Indians, that the prefent tlourifh- 
 irg of the faith is owir^ to them, to the 
 great laving of the Indian fouls. The year 
 1 5 19. Ferdina,?d Magellan made the difco- 
 very of the coaft of Chile; and the fame 
 year Hernando Ccrtes went from the point 
 ol St. Antonne la Havana to Corocha, which 
 is the firft point of Tucatan eafc, to begin 
 the conqueft ot the great empire of Mexico; 
 of which, and the noble avftions ot that 
 great man, 'tis bett r to be filenr than to 
 touch upon them only by the by, as we 
 fliould be forc'd to do; this bei.-^ig not a 
 place to explain the fvate and grandeur of 
 that mighty monarch Montefuma, who was 
 
 fcve- 
 
 1519. 
 
 Heinandt'i 
 Coftes n 
 goes to 
 dilcover 
 Mexico.
 
 Chap. il. 
 
 Kingdorti of CHILI:. 
 
 101 
 
 1528. 
 
 fovereignly obeyed in fo many and fuch great 
 provinces. Who can exprefs in few words 
 all this, and the felicity that accompanied 
 Cortes in all his undertakings, which were 
 fuch as they appear'd pollible only after 
 they were done, feeming othcrwife fo high 
 and difficult, as to be inacceffiblc to the cx- 
 trcamefl; boldnefs ? Indeed, it cannot be 
 denied, but that he was afTirted by iieaven, 
 whofeinftrument he was in planting the Chri- 
 ftian faith among thofe gentiles, and flicw- 
 ing fuch reverence to the preachers of ir, as 
 might ferve the Indians for an example -, a 
 quality which will always give reputation to 
 princes, both before God and men. 
 
 IBuenos In the year 152S, the king fcnta colony 
 
 ^"" , . to the Rio de la Plata, having agreed with 
 in ^j^^ merchants of Seville for that purpofe. 
 The city they founded was that of Buenos 
 Aires, which is on the fide of that river, 
 in that part of it where it grows narrow 
 from its large entrance at fea -, and the ri- 
 ver there is not above nine leagues over. 
 
 Carthage- In the year 1532, Cedro de Heredia of Ma- 
 ' na founded ^^-j^ fsiil'd from Spain, and founded the ci- 
 
 '" '532- ty of Carthagena, which is the firft Scala 
 which the Spanijh galleons make coming 
 from Spain for the Indies, to fetch filver. 
 It was fo call'd, becaufe its port was like 
 that of Carthagena in Spain ; for the old 
 name of the Indians was Calamari. He 
 had at firft an engagement with the /w^/^wj ; 
 and though they fhewed theinfeives very 
 brave, yet he beat them, and founded the 
 city, which is at prefent one of the beft of 
 the Indies, being wall'd with ftone, and fo 
 ftrong, that we may name it as an impreg- 
 nable fortrefs. 
 
 The fitua- It is fituated in an ifland, divided from 
 the continent by a fmall arm of the fea, 
 which ebbs and flows, and comes to the 
 bog of Canapote : there is a bridge or caufe- 
 way there, that goes to the terra firma. 
 The port is very fafe, and good fhips go 
 into it by two mouths or entrances, a great- 
 er and a lefs ; the great is fandy ; and the 
 year that I was there, they told me it was 
 almoft fhut up by the iand which a river 
 cafts up againft it ; and now they write me 
 word, that it is quite fill'd up, fo that there 
 is no going in, but by the lefler entrance, 
 which makes it fo much the ftironger, and 
 it is defended by a good caftle ; befides 
 which, the city is well garniflied with ar- 
 tillery, fo as not fear an invafion. The 
 
 Veil built plot of the city is very beautilul, all the 
 ftreets being handfomely difpos'd, the houfes 
 of free-ftone, high and noble ; fo are the 
 churches and convents, particularly that of 
 the jefuits, which makes a beautiful profpect 
 to the fea. Here is a cuftom-houfe for the 
 king, and a houfe ca'l'd ot the Rigimiento, 
 witli other publick buildings: it is very po- 
 pulous, and of a great trade, by reafon of 
 Vol. hi. 
 
 j tion of 
 Cartha- 
 gena. 
 
 the coming of the g.ill'vjiis -, and I:om th?m 0»-.^i i " 
 they have wine and oil-, corn they have in '''•'^ 
 their own territory : there refides a bifhop, '^'^ "^ 
 and there is a tribunal of the holy inqui- 
 fition. The governor hath both the civil 
 and military command : it incrcafes every 
 day in riches, being fo fituated, that it 
 fhai-es all the riches of Peru, Mexico, and 
 Spain. 
 
 In the year 1540, captain Irancifco deThc r'ncr 
 Orcllana difcover'd the great river of the °^ '^"^ ''^^ 
 Amazones, which is call'd alio Orellana, and U)f,^„°""j 
 by a common miflake Maragnon ■, and went by cap;.Tl:-i 
 h^oni it to Spain, v/herc, upon the relation Orell.inn, 
 he gave of its greatnefs, the emperor'" '54°- 
 Charles V. order'd him three fhips, with 
 people, and all things necelTary to make a 
 fettlement. But this had no effecl, becaufe 
 having lofi: half his men at the Canaries 
 and Cape Vert, he was too weak when he 
 got thither -, yet he attempted to go up the 
 river in two large boats, to which his fleet 
 was reduc'd •, but finding his wants of every 
 thing, he came out again, and went by the 
 coall of Caracas to the Margarita, where 
 he and his people are faid to have died. 
 About twenty years after, the viceroy of 
 Peril ient a good fleet under Pedro de Or- 
 fua ; but this mifcarried alfo, becaufe he 
 was killed treacheroufly by I/jpcs de Aguirre, 
 who rebell'd with the fleet ; but having 
 mifs'd the entrance of the river, he landed 
 on the continent, near the ifland of Trini- 
 dado, where he was executed by order from 
 court. Some years after this the fergeant 
 general, Vincaite de los Reyes Villalobos, 
 Alonfo de Miranda, and the general Jofepb 
 de Villa Mayor Maldcnado, undertook the 
 fame defign, but with the fame fijrtune, 
 death taking them away ; fo that they gave 
 over at that time all attempts on Peru and 
 S^dto fide. But fiill the f;ime of this river 
 continuing, Baiito Macicl, general of Paria, 
 and fince that governor of Maragnon, and 
 Francifco Ccello de Caravalh, governor like- 
 wife of Maragnon and Paria, attempted its 
 difcovery up the river ; and though they 
 were back'd by the king's royal commands 
 yet there were many crofs accidents as to 
 hinder the execution of their enterprize. 
 
 The fathers of our company of Jefus at-j,, jhevear 
 tempted likewife this difcovery, by the mo- 150.7.' 
 tive of faving fo many fouls •, but begin- j.-oscs 
 ning with a nation called the Cofancs, thejr, ■ "'' '" 
 progrefs v/as ftopp'd by the cruel death gi-"' "■ -'^ 
 ven to fiither Raphael Fcrnandes, who ^yi^s 
 preaching the faith to them. Thirty years 
 after, which was 1537. fome friers of the 
 order of St. Francis, moved by the zeal of 
 amplifying the glory of the gofpel, and 
 by order of their fuperiors, went frpm ^.ito, 
 in company of captain Juan de Palacios, 
 and fome foidicrs : they began to lail down 
 this river, and cime to ihz EncahellaJos, tr 
 C c people
 
 101 
 
 Of the Nitture and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 OvALLE. people with long hair; but not finding the 
 >646- liarvcft ready, they returned to ^i'.o, cx- 
 ^^^ ^*' ccpt only two of their lay-brethren, which 
 were Domingo de Bvhia, and \'nex /Imires 
 di I'oluh, who with fix ibldiers more filled 
 clown as tar as the city of }\:ria, a fettle- 
 menc of the Pcrui^uefes, about forty leagues 
 irom the' fea. They pafTed by the city ot 
 St. Luis de Mtiragnon, where the governor 
 Jaconio Reymcndo de Moionnay by the in- 
 formation he had from thefe friers, caufed 
 feven and forty canoos to be got ready, and 
 embarked upon them ieventy Sptiniards, 
 with I zoo Indians, fomeofwar, and fome 
 to help to row, under the command of cap- 
 tain Pfdro Ttxeiid, who having fpent a 
 The river whole year in his voyage, came at lad to 
 of Ovel- j|^^ (-jjy Qf ^(iio^ having difcovcrcd and 
 cated'from "'ivigated the whole river of the Amazones, 
 the fea to f'om its encaaiicc into the fea to its fource 
 Quito. or rife. 
 
 The viceroy of Peru, who at that time 
 was the count de Chinebon, being informed 
 of this voyage of captain Pedro Texeira, re- 
 folved to fend two perfons back with him 
 for the crown of Cajiilc, who might give 
 a perfeft relation of the difcovery. 
 
 At this time the city of ^tito was go- 
 verned by Don Juan Vafques de Jcunna, as 
 corregidor tor his majetty over both Spa- 
 niards and Indians, and who at prefent is 
 corregidor of Potnfi, who very zealoufly 
 offered his perfon for one, and his fortune 
 to raife people at his own charges, and pro- 
 vide them with all necelliuies -, but the 
 royal Audientia, confidering how much he 
 would be wanted in his office, where his 
 prudence, experience, and zeal, had fliew- 
 cd themfelves, refufed to let him go, and 
 chofe a brother ot his, that they might not 
 totally deprive his illuftrious family of that 
 glory. This brother was a father of our 
 company of Jefus, and named father Chri- 
 
 Jloval deAcunna, who was re<5torof the col- 
 lege or Cucnca, and gave him tor compa- 
 nion father Andres de Arricda of the lame 
 company, who was protefTor of divinity ia 
 the lame college. 
 
 fet out from ^i!o in 
 having navigated the 
 according to their 
 
 the year J 
 whole ri- "g"" '° 
 
 They 
 1539, anc 
 
 ver, which, according to ttieir account, is 
 thirteen hundred and fitty-fix leagues long, 
 (though Orellana makes it eighteen hundred 
 leagues) obferved exaftly the rife of this 
 great river, its fituation, its courfe, lati- 
 tude, and depth, the iflands it makes, the 
 arms into which it is divided, the rivers it 
 receives, the riches, quantities, temperature, 
 and climate of its fliores, the cuftoms and 
 manners of that multiuide of people that 
 inhabit it, and particularly of thofe famous 
 Amazones. All which may be feen in a 
 treatile made of it by father Chriftoval de 
 Acunna, printed in Madrid ; and it is a re- 
 lation that deferves credit, he being an eye- 
 witnefs, and having examined various na- 
 tions as he went. 
 
 Thefe informations were well received in 
 Madrid; but the revolutions which fuc- 
 ceeded in thofe kingdoms, hindered all fur- 
 ther progrefs, and prevented thofe holy 
 defigns tor the converfion of that great part 
 oi America. There are infinite numbers of 
 Indians that inhabit the iflands, and other 
 parts of this river. 'Tis laid they have one 
 fettlemenr, that is, a town, above a league 
 in length. And now, omitting many other 
 conquefts, made much about the fame time 
 in the iflands and coafts of the North-Sea, 
 and that which was made in the South-Sea 
 by Xtl Gonzales de Avila, in the land of 
 Nicaragua, in the year 1522, let us attend 
 (for it is high time) to the difcovery of 
 Peru, of which we fhall treat more at 
 large, becaufe it has a connexion to that of 
 Chile. 
 
 And back 
 
 the fea. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The difcovery of Peru is given to Don Francifco Pifarro, and Don Diego d'Al- 
 magro, and Hernando Loque ; and how much they endured in 2t. 
 
 TH E captains Don Francifco Pifarro, 
 u..wv..y . ^"^ ^°" ^'^^° '^^'^"gro, in compa- 
 
 of Peru "y ^'^^^ ^^^ fcholaftick of the cathedral 
 attempted. Church of Dairen, called Hernando de Loque, 
 came to the governor Pedrarius, and de- 
 fired of him, as friends, the favour of 
 being employed in the difcovery and con- 
 quefts of thole coafts which run fouth 
 from Panama, where lies the powerful 
 kingdom of Peru, of which at that time 
 there was little light ; and for this they pro- 
 pofed their reafons, among which, that 
 which was of leaft value, they relied moft 
 
 upon, and that was their experience they 
 had attained under their general Fafco Nttn- 
 nes de Balboa. They met with little dif- 
 ficulty with the governor ; for fo long as 
 they did not defire any afTilhxnce of the 
 king's treafure, but ventured their own 
 and their lives, they eafily obtained leave 
 to undertake what they would. They 
 prel'ently bought one of the fhips which 
 Balboa had built for that dcfign -, and ha- 
 ving got together threcfcore men, and four 
 horfes, (for at that time horfes were a 
 great rarity, ) Hernando de Loque faid 
 
 mafs i
 
 Chap. ii. 
 
 Kingdom b/" C H I L E. 
 
 io^ 
 
 mafs ; and when he canie to confecrationi 
 he divided xht Hojlia, or iticramencof the 
 body of Chrift, into three parts, of which 
 he took one, and gave the other tv/o to his 
 tvvo companion's, ofFering themfelvcs to 
 God, with intention to propagate among 
 thofe people his glorious name, and plant 
 the Chridian faith amongfl: them by the 
 predication of the gofpcl. Thofe who 
 were prefent flied tears out of devotion, 
 and at the fime time pitied thcfe underta- 
 kers, looking upon their enterprize as a 
 mad one. 
 
 About the middle of November 1524, 
 Don Fymicifco Pifo.rro having Icit Dun Di- 
 ego Almagro behind him, to get more peo- 
 ple together, failed from Panama to the 
 ifle of Ptr-r/.f, to the port ot Pinnas, (the 
 lad difcovcred by Balbva, and after him by 
 Pafqtial de /hidago}a,) and went up the ri- 
 ver of the Cfxique Birir, or Biruqtwte, to the 
 countly of Chiicama, where he flopped to 
 wait tor his companion Almagro. Tiie 
 hardfhips that the Ciijiilums endured of 
 iiunger and other inconveniencies are not 
 eafily to be told : twenty died ftarved, and 
 the reft were fick, having no other fufte- 
 nance than the bitter palmetos -, yet cap- 
 tain Pifarro^ without fliewing the lead 
 weaknefs, took care of them all with great 
 affedion, which made them all love him. 
 At that time Don Diego de Almagro., his 
 companion in the undertaking, came to 
 him : he was received like an angel, for the 
 relief he brought: he had loft one of his 
 eyes by the ftiot of an arrow, in a rencoun- 
 ter he had with the Indians. They both 
 together purfued their conqucft ; but provi- 
 fion bailing them once mwt, and their Ibl- 
 diers being almoft naked, and fo perfecu- 
 ted ■ with mofquitos, which are infinite 
 there, that they could not live, they began 
 to talk of returning to Panama., to which 
 Fifarro himfelf was well enough incli- 
 ned ; but Almagro exhorted them rather to 
 die than lol'e patience, offering to return 
 to Panama for new fuccour, while he 
 fliould leave his companion in the ifland of 
 Gallo. 
 
 The effeft that this had, Was, that he 
 found the government altered in Panama^ 
 and Pedrariiis fucceeded by Pedro de los Ri- 
 es, who hearing of the miferable condition 
 of thofe Cajlilians-, v,'ould not fuffer Alma- 
 gro to return to them, being defirous they 
 Ihould give over the enterprize as impracti- 
 cable. He lent for this end a gentletnan of 
 Cordoua, called Juan Tafiir, a man of ex- 
 cellent parts, equal to his noble defcent, with 
 a coinmifllon to bring thofe people back, 
 that ihey might not all perilhi. He came, 
 and fignificd his order to Pifarro, at which 
 he was out of all patience, feeing it would 
 be the ruin of his projed. Tafur feeing 
 
 this, took a prudent medium, which was, Ova lle. 
 that he Ihould draw a line betv;cen him '*^+'^- 
 and Pifarro, who Ihould be at the head of ■'^^"^ 
 his men : and Tafur told them, that all Pifarro 
 thofe who refolved to return to Panama., remains 
 ftiuuld pafs the line, and come on his fide. *"'' ''"'■ 
 Having faid this, they beaan to pals the^fV" * 
 line, all to thirteen and a Mulatto, wlioi„thejne 
 laid they would die with /■^//rt/To ; and foolGor- 
 fafur returned with all the reft to Panama. £°"* 
 
 Captain Prands Pifarro remained with 
 his thirteen companion.s in an ifland, whicii, 
 for the greater proof ot his courage and con- 
 ftancy, happened to be the Gorgcna., which 
 is a pidure of hell for the clofcnefs of iis 
 woods, the afperity of its mountains, the 
 infinity of its mofquitos: the fun is Icarce 
 ever feen in it for the continual rains that fall. 
 
 When Tafur ca.me to Panama, and his two 
 friends Almagro and Loqiie found !h,:i: Pifar- 
 ro ftay'd behirld with lb few comp.^nions, 
 it is not credible how much affliction they 
 fhevved : they folicited the prefidenr, that 
 at leaft another vefiel might be lent to brina; 
 them away, in cafe they found them alive -, 
 and after many difficulties, at laft a fliip 
 was ordered after them, but upon condi- 
 tioQ to be back at Panama in fix months : .\ (liip 
 the Ihip fail'd, and came to the place where comes to 
 Pifa'-ro and his companions were left. \Vh(5 ^i" ^"^ '^^°"' 
 can cxprefs the joy and furprize of thofe 
 poor abandon'd wretches, when theydefcried 
 at a diftance the ftils of the fliipi' At firft 
 they could not believe their own eyes; for 
 the dcfire and longing for a thing makes it 
 appear lefs probable to come to pafs : but 
 at laft it arrived j and Pifarro feeing him- 
 felf mafter ot a gool vetTel, could not tor- 
 bear attempting fome difcovery. 
 
 They fail'd as far as the country of 'Tim- T^utiiteft 
 befe, which is very rich; though the Tz/ot- ^ " 
 befe Indians faid, that their riches were 
 nothing in comparifon of what they might 
 lee further. The lord of that country ha- 
 ving heard of the arrival of the Caftilians, 
 he tent prefently to vifit them at their fhip, 
 with twelve bafkets of provifions, and 
 among the reft a fheep of that country, 
 which was prefented to them by the virgins 
 of the temple, as to men who feemed de- 
 fended from heaven, and fent by God for 
 fome great thing. The ambaffadors came ; 
 and wondering to fee the fliip with white 
 men who had beards, they afk'd them,- 
 Who they Were ? Whence they came ? and 
 What they pretended? They anfwcr'd them, 
 that they were Caftilians, vafTals of a pow- 
 erful monarch, who, though fo great, had 
 yet a greater over him, whom he owned,; 
 with all other kings, and who is in heaven,- 
 and is caii'd Jefus Chrift, in whofename they 
 came to undeceive them of their errors in 
 worfhipping gods of ftone and v/ood, there 
 being but one G(x\^ Creator ot all things, 
 
 whom
 
 104 
 
 OVALLE. 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV- 
 
 They 
 wonder at 
 the crow- 
 ing of a 
 cock. 
 
 v/hom we all ought to worfliip. They ex- 
 pj.iincd to them, that thcie was a heaven 
 and hell, the immortality of the foul, and 
 the other myflcries of our faith. 
 
 The Indians ftood rtaring and gaping, 
 hearing this dodtrine, which had never been 
 heard ot before in their country ; for they 
 believed, that there was no other king in 
 the world but their king Guaymncapa, nor 
 other gods but their idols. Among all the 
 things they admired, there were two 
 chiefly : the one was a Negro ; tor they 
 never had feen one, and did believe that 
 liis colour was fome Itrong dye ; for which 
 reafon they beitowed much pains in wafh- 
 ing his face to get it off; but when they 
 faw that he was rather blacker, and that he 
 fhewed at the fame time white teeth, for he 
 could not hold laughing to fee their fimpli- 
 city, they fell a laughing too, and could 
 not but admire fuch a fore of men. The 
 other thing was the crowing of a cock, 
 which the captain fent them with a hen of 
 
 Ciijlile : every time he crow'd, they afked 
 what he faid? for they thought his voice 
 articulate, like the human voice; which is 
 an argument that they had not that kind of 
 fowl : and Gareilajo de la Vega is of that 
 opinion, anfwering the objedlion of the in- 
 dian name they give a hen, that is, Atagn- 
 alpa, which, he fays, was a name given by 
 the Indians after the coming of the Spani- 
 ards. The Spaniards having relVcfli'd them- 
 felves well on fliore, began to defire of Pi- 
 farro to return to Panama, and gather a 
 greater force, that which he then had be- 
 ing very dil'proportioned to his underta- 
 king: he yielded to their perfwafions, ha- 
 ving, for this time, made di'covery only 
 as far as a place called Santa, which is very 
 near the cquinodtial line ; and having had a 
 more certain account of Cufco, its riches, 
 and the mighty empire it was head of. So 
 taking with him fome Indians, and fome 
 patterns of the gold, as a teitimony of the 
 difcovery, he returned to Panama. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Captain Fiancilco Pifarro returns to Panama, goes from thejice to Spain, af7(f 
 
 piirj'ues bis conqiieji. 
 
 PI S A R RO being come to Panama, 
 went with his two companions to the 
 governor Don Pedro de los Rios, to repre- 
 fent to him their reafons for continuing 
 their difcovery, upon the account of the 
 riches of the country, as well as the plant- 
 ing the faith in the capital of fo great a mo- 
 narchy, and fo in all its dominions: but 
 the governor would not agree to it ; and fo 
 they refolved that Pifarro fhould go to 
 Spain, to propofe it to the king himfelf. 
 He undertook the voyage ; and to give 
 more credit to what he lliould fay, he took 
 along with him feveral things proper to the 
 country he had difcovered, as pieces of 
 gold and filver, Ibme of thofe fheep we 
 have mentioned, and fome of the Indians 
 themfelves clothed after the manner of their 
 country. The king was much pleafed with 
 them •, and Pifarro, in his firll audience, 
 began to propofe the intent of his difco- 
 very, the great hardfhips he had endured, 
 he and his companions going naked, and al- 
 moft ftarved, expofed to the mofquitos and 
 poifon'd arrows of the Indians ; and all this, 
 having fpent three years in this fort of life, 
 for the increafe of the gofpel and his maje- 
 fty's royal dominions. His majelly heard 
 him with much attention and goodnefs, fhew- 
 ing great compafTron for his fufferings, and 
 ordered a gratification for himfelf, and his 
 two companions, as alfo the thirteen who 
 would not forfake him : he receiv'd all his 
 memorials, and order'd them to be difpatch- 
 
 believed 
 in Spain. 
 
 ed to his mind, having firft made an agree- The 
 ment with him proportionably to his great riches of 
 merits. They did not believe in Spain (and P^^" "°' 
 that is an old difeafe every where) all that 
 Pifarro faid of the riches of Peru, and of the 
 palaces and houfes ot ftone which he had 
 feen, till he fhewed them the pieces of gold 
 and filver which he had brought with him •, 
 and then the fame of that land began to 
 fpread itfelf, and with it the covetoufnefs 
 of fharing thofe treafures, every one bla- 
 ming the governor of Panama for not ha- 
 ving given the necefTary affiftance to the 
 difcovery. 
 
 Pifarro being difpatched with the title of 
 Adelantado of the firft two hundred leagues 
 he fhould conquer, having alfo a new coat 
 of arms, and other privileges granted to 
 him ; and taking with him four ftout bro- 
 thers that he had, he imbark'd for the Indies 
 with one hundred and twenty-five Cafiilians 
 more. He left Sanlucar in January 1530, 
 and arrived at Puerto Bello, where he was 
 received with great joy by his companions 
 and friends, who were all pleafed with the 
 favours the king had beftow'd upon them by 
 his means : only Don Diego de Almagro was 
 not ib well pleafed that Pifarro had made a 
 better bargain for himfelf than for him, his 
 partner in all the undertaking -, he made his 
 complaint to him, and refolved to pare 
 company, and difcover and conquer by 
 himielf : but being alTured that as foon as 
 the firft two hundred leagues fhould be con- 
 quered 
 
 1530.
 
 Chap. ij. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 Peru dif- 
 Ixovered, 
 and a 
 church 
 
 bulk. 
 
 quered, he would ufc his interefl: to have 
 him made Adelantado of two hundred more 
 before any of his brothers ; and fo fufFering 
 himfelf to be perfuaded, they agreed anew, 
 and fell to preparing every thing for their en- 
 terprize. He rcmain'd at Tanama \ and the 
 Adelantado^ with his brothers, went from 
 thence with a good crew of men, being to 
 be followed by Almagro^ as before. To 
 make iHort about the things performed by 
 this great conqueror, the great riches he 
 got, and among the reft an emerald as big 
 as an egg, which was prefented to him, we 
 will fuppofe him at the ifland of Piira in 
 war with the Tombexinos ; and there he 
 came to a clearer information of the riches 
 ofCufcOy and the ftate in which that monar- 
 chy was at prefent : And becaufe he had re- 
 ceiv'd a fpecial command, and was himielf 
 inclin'd to propagate our facred religion, as 
 the beft means of furthering his own defign, 
 the firft thing he did, in landing upon the 
 continent of Peru, was to build a church to 
 God, to give a beginning to the fpiritual 
 conqueft of fouls. His firft fettlement was 
 at Pura, where was built the firft church 
 that was ever erefted in thofe kingdoms. 
 While he was employ'd in this, he fent out 
 to difcover more lands, to know more of 
 the ftate of the country. There he learnt 
 the divifion that was between the two bro- 
 thers Guafcar and Atagucilpa, which was oc- 
 ca'fion'd by the death of their father Guaya- 
 nacapa, who was a moft powerful monarch, 
 and among other fons had thefe two, which 
 were now in war, and fome of his fubjecls 
 follow'd the one, and fome the other. 
 Guafcar was the lawful heir, but not fo 
 brave and warlike as Atagualpa, who, 
 ween the though a baftard, yet bccaule he had fol- 
 leempire '^^'"^ his father in his wars from a child, 
 f Peru, drew to himfelf a great part of the king- 
 dom, with which he made war upon his 
 brother, with hopes to prevail. 
 
 The Adelantado Don Francifco Pifarro 
 refolved to have an interview with Atagual- 
 pa, who was the neareft to the place where 
 he was. So putting his truft in God, he fet 
 out with his fmall army, more to be valued 
 for its bravery than its number, which 
 neverthelefs was feared and refpefted in its 
 march. He came near the place where yf/a- 
 gualpa had his camp, which was near fifty 
 rhoufand men, and fent him his ambafta- 
 dors on horfeback, which was a new thing 
 in that country, to give him advice of his 
 arrival, and the reafon of it, which was. To 
 perfuade his majefty, and his vaflals, to 
 give obedience to the true king of glory, 
 from whom is derived all the power and 
 command that princes have on earth. Ata- 
 gualpa receiv'd the ambafladors in a ftately 
 tent, ftiewing in all his behaviour a fove- 
 majefty ; and though his courtiers 
 •Vol.' HI. 
 
 V civil 
 
 , /ar be- 
 
 Ov A L L E 
 1646. 
 
 All the 
 Indians 
 iurpriz'd 
 at the 
 Cghc of 
 the horfes. 
 
 Augualpa 
 defigns (o 
 furprife 
 and de- 
 ftroy the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 reign 
 
 were in great admiration of the horfes, 
 which they had never feen, yet he kept his 
 countenance, and conceal'd the cfTcifls fuch 
 a novelty might have over him. He look'd 
 upon them with fome plcafure, and not as 
 on a ftrange thing he had never leen •, for 
 the horfes beginning to corvet, fome of his 
 Indians run away, whom he prefcntly cau- 
 fed to be put to death, for h-iving lliewed 
 cowardice in his royal prefence. Ilcanfwer- 
 cd the ambaffiidors courtcoufly, Ihewing the 
 pleafure he fhould have to fee and hear 
 their general -, and fet a day for it, telling 
 them. That they (hould not be difturbed, 
 nor afraid to find him and his people in 
 arms, for it was his cuftom to ufe them 
 to it. 
 
 The day came ; and Atagualpa marching 
 in order with his army to the place where 
 the Spaniards were drawn up, he difcover'd 
 to his captains the mind he had to make an 
 end with thofe ftrangers, who had been fo 
 bold as to enter into his country, and come 
 fo near him without having any refpeft to 
 his royal power -, but he order'd them not to 
 kill them, but to take them alive, becaufe 
 he would ufe them as his flaves ; and as for 
 the dogs and horfes, he refolv'd to offer 
 them in facrifice to his gods. The Cajiilians, 
 who were not totally ignorant of this falfe 
 appearance of peace and friendfhip, though 
 they were fo few that the Indians were four 
 hundred to one, yet they did not lofe cou- 
 rage ; but with confidence in God expeded 
 the encounter, taking their pofts, and pre- 
 paring every thing for it, though fecretly, 
 that they might not be thought the Aggref- 
 firs. Therefore he drawing near, the Ade- 
 lantado ftay'd for him with only fifteen 
 men, the reft being retired and hid, and 
 fent him an embaffy by a frier, who car- 
 ried the gofpel, and told him. That in thofi 
 hooks '■ii:ere contained the faith, by ijchich he, 
 and his people might hefaved, and they brought 
 it him from God Almighty. 
 
 The king heard the frier, and took the 
 mafs-book out of his hands, looking ear- 
 neftly upon it ; but not knowing how to 
 read it, and taking it all for a jeft and a 
 fiftion, he threw the book up into the air, 
 making a fign at the fame time to his peo- 
 ple to fall on i which they did ; and then 
 the Adelantado lifting up a handkerchief, 
 which was the fignal to our men, they 
 play'd upon them with their mufkets on one . 
 hand, and the dogs and horlemen attacked 
 them on the other, fo that the viftory foon 
 appear'd for the Cajlilians ; God Almighty 
 having refolved to dellroy that monarchy 
 of the Ingas, and to remove that obflacle to 
 the propagating of the fiilh, and to put 
 that land into hands that fhould increafe it, 
 as their Catholick majefties have done. They ^^ .^ ^^ 
 took the king Atagualpa prifoner i but treat- ^^^ 
 
 D d ed ner. 
 
 Atagualpa 
 fummon'd 
 by a frier. 
 
 prifo-
 
 ic6 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the Book IV. 
 
 Ovallb 
 1646. 
 
 '53V 
 
 Guaftar 
 taken pri 
 foner alio 
 
 Guafcar 
 put to 
 death by 
 the order 
 of Ata- 
 gualpa. 
 
 ed him with all refped due to his royal per- 
 fon, as the hifton.u.s relate more at Iar2;c. 
 While this hap;>enM, which was on a Friday^ 
 a day dedicated to the crofs, in the month 
 of May in the year 1533. the army which 
 jitogiialpo had font againil his brother GnaJ- 
 car, near Ciifco, overcame him and took him 
 priloner, ami were bringing him to J!a- 
 gualM, without knowing any thing ot what 
 had happened between him and the Cnjfi- 
 lia}is ; but on tlie way Guafcar learned 
 that his enemy was a prifoner too •, and 
 Jtagualpa was at the fame time informed 
 of the viftory he had obtained ; he hear- 
 ing it, fl'.ook his head, and cried, O for- 
 tune ! ivhat is this, that I am this day a 
 conqueror, and conquered ? Guafcar mode- 
 rated his grief with the news of his enemy's 
 mislbrtune, thinking that the Cajlilians 
 would revenge him on the tyrant, who pre- 
 tended to take from him his lawful inheri- 
 tance. 
 
 Attiguclpa, though a prifoner, began to 
 make reflertions in this manner : If I caufe 
 my brother to be put to death, how do I 
 know how the Cajlilians will take it ? and 
 whether they will not put me to death for 
 this, and remain lords of the land. If I let 
 him come on, and he fpeaks with them, the 
 juftice of his cauie will fpeak for him, and 
 I mult perifli •, for I cannot expcd mercy 
 from any. Vvniat remedy? He found it 
 cunningly, as he thought : He feigned a great 
 iiidnefs, with a defign that the Pifarros, 
 who vifited him every day, (hould afl^ him 
 what was the matter. They did according- 
 ly -, and feeing him fo afRifted, defired to 
 know the caufe of that extraordinary grief. 
 He anfwei'd deceitfully. That having recei- 
 ved the news that his generals had put to 
 death his brother Guafcar, it gave him an 
 exceeding grief, of which he was not to be 
 comforted ; becaufe though they were ene- 
 mies, yet he was his brother •, and he could 
 not but be much concerned at his death. 
 All this was feigned, to fee how the Spa- 
 }iiards would take it •, and finding they did 
 not feem offended at the thing, he fent or- 
 ders immediately to his generals, who were 
 coming on with his brother, that they 
 fliould put him to death preiently by the 
 way •, which they did, by drowning of him 
 in a river, which amongft them is an in- 
 famous death. His cries to heaven to re- 
 venge his unjufl. death were ufelefs at that 
 time. 
 
 But let no man give it to another to Hive 
 his own life ; for there is not a (horter, nor 
 a more certain way for him to lofe it : Let 
 him not drive by politick maxims, which 
 an unjuft and ambitious paflion fuggefts ; 
 for though that may be an appearance of 
 ftability, yet divine juftice breaks through 
 it all like cobv/ebs, and at length leaves no 
 4 
 
 crime without its chaflifement. Aiagualpa 
 proved himfclf a great example of this 
 truth, all his artifices ferving only to afford 
 his enemies a pretext to take away his life. 
 He had promilcd to fill the room where a prcdi- 
 they kept him prifoner, which was a very gicus ran- 
 large one, with gold and filver, befides ten '°'"- 
 thoufind bars of gold, and fome heaps of 
 jewels, as an earneft, for his ranfom. And 
 though this was accepted •, and that he per- 
 formed it according to his promife, yet he 
 did not obtaih what he pretended ; for in- 
 ftead of his liberty they pronounced to him 
 a i'entence of death, which he juftly defer- The Spa- 
 vcd for having put his brother to it, and ty- niardjtake 
 ranniz'd over that which was none of his ^^'^^"' 
 and becaufe of the advice the Spa- perfiji 
 
 own : 
 
 per 
 
 «53?- 
 
 niards had every day of the army that was oufly put 
 gathering together, which if it were true, Atagualpa I j. 
 and Atagualpa, at liberty at the head of '° ''"'''• 
 them, there would have been good reafon 
 to fear from his llibtilty, great and irreme- 
 diable inconvenicncies, which they thought 
 they could no ways avoid fo well as by 
 taking his life, though with fome hopes 
 of his exchanging it for a better and eternal 
 one, if it be true, that before he died he was 
 inftrufted, and received baptifm, as fome 
 fiiy he did. 
 
 About this time, which was in the year 
 1533. Don Diego d'Abiagro being made 
 marfhal, came from Panama to Tomhez 
 with a good body of men and arms ; and 
 from thence he went on to help his good 
 friend, the Adelantado Pifarro in his con- 
 quefts, not letting his men do any injury to 
 his Indians as he went. There were a hun- 
 dred thoufand pieces of eight given them 
 upon their arrival ; for though they were 
 not at the battle, yet their prefence con- 
 firmed the viftory, and helped to keep 
 Atagualpa prifoner. The remainder of the 
 treafure, which was above a million, was 
 divided among Pifarro's, men •, and they 
 being few, w^re all made rich, and in a 
 condition to make difcoveries of their own. 
 The Adelantado fent his brother Hernando 
 Pifarro to Cajlile, with the news of this 
 happy progrefs of their difcoveries, and of 
 the propagating the Chriftian faith in the 
 converfion of the Indians ; and he alfo car- 
 ried with him the claim of Don Diego d'Al- 
 tnagro to two hundred leagues of land be- 
 yond his brother's, of which he was like- 
 wife to be Adelantado. All this he nego- 
 tiated very much to the content of all ; and 
 in the year 1534. there was granted, in To- 
 ledo, to Don Diego d'Almagro the govern- 
 ment of that which they called the new_ 
 kingdom of 'Toledo, which began at a place 
 called Las Chinchas, where the territory of 
 Pifarro ended, and extended itfelf to tlie 
 ftraights of Magellan. 
 
 '534- 
 
 •CrHAT.
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 IGngdom of QUI L v.. 
 
 107 
 
 C H A P. XIV. o.-.M^ 
 
 16^6. 
 
 The neivs of the govtenment of Don Diego de Almagro /; brought lo I'nn ; aiid'^^^^^^ 
 
 he goes upon the d'Jco\'cyy of that of Chile, 
 
 Imagro 
 ul Pilar- 
 
 DO N Framifco Pifarrc had given com- 
 milllon to Don Diego d^ Almagro^ to 
 calce pofll'ffion of Cufco^ when the news 
 came of the government of two hundred 
 leagues given him by his majcity, to begin 
 from die Chinchas. This caufeil great di- 
 fturbance ; for it was believed that Cufco 
 would tall into this divifion ; and the friends 
 of Don Francifco Pifarro, judging this of 
 great prejudice to Pifarro, that the maifhal, 
 even by his commilfion, (liould find him- 
 J'ailout.jelf in poffeflion of 0(/tc, they adviled him 
 immediately to revoke the powers he had 
 given, which he did; and this was the 
 firft caufe of the difturbance in Pei-», which 
 made afterwards fo great a noife, and for 
 which they both loll their lives. But I be- 
 ing to write the hiftory of Chile, and not 
 of Peru, (hall leave the reader to thofe hi- 
 ftorians who treat of it at large. This 
 news being known in Truxil/o, one Diego 
 de Aguero fet out to carry it to Almagro, 
 who was upon his march to take poiTefiion 
 of Cufco. He overtook him at the bridge 
 of Aco.mbay ; and he having received it wiih 
 great moderation, fliewed himfclf above the 
 greatnefsof his fortune, and gave him as an 
 albricias, or prefent for his good news, fe- 
 ven thoiifand Caftilians, which are near 
 twenty thouland ducats; and by this news 
 he was moved to chano;e his defiOT of con- 
 quering a people called the CbirigiLenacs, 
 and treated of that of Chile ; for he fup- 
 pofed it would fall into the government he 
 was to have, and (as Hcrrera lays) moved 
 by the informations he had of tiie great 
 riches of Chile. 
 
 I'o prepare himfelf for this enterprize, 
 which was like to be very chargeable, he 
 caufed a great deal of filver to be melted 
 in Cufco, to draw out the king's fifths. 
 Amongll other things, there was a man's 
 burden of gold rings to be melted down; 
 and one Juan de Lepe being by, and taking 
 a fancy for one of them, begged it of mar- 
 jhal Almagro, who fliewed himlelf fo mucii 
 
 a genileman, and fo liberal, that he fiid 
 preiendy, that he ihould not only take that 
 ring, but that he fhould open both his 
 hands, and take as many as could lie in 
 them ; and hearing he was married, he or- 
 dered him befides tour hundred crowns as 
 a prefent for his wife. He fliewed another 
 piece of liberality to one Bartholomew Peres, 
 for having prefented him with a fliield, 
 which was, to order him likewil'e four hun- 
 dred pieces of eight, and a filver pot weigh- 
 
 ing forty marks of filver, and had for 
 handles two lions of gold, which weighed 
 three hundred and forty pieces of eight ; and 
 to one Montenegro, whoprelented liim with 
 t!.e f\r?iSpcmifiicM that ever came to the /;;- a c.it n» 
 dies, he ortlered fix hundred pieces of eight. Indi.^n 
 'I'here are a great many fl:ories more of his 3""»»!- 
 liberality and charity too, lie being very 
 generous and noble minded. Having dil- 
 pofed all for his enterprize of Chile, he 
 caufed jToclamation to be made. That all 
 thofe who had not fome particular employ- 
 ment to ftay them at Cufco, fhould make 
 themfelves ready to go along with him. 
 They were all overjoy 'd at this, he being 
 extremely beloved for his liberality and 
 courtefy ; and that they might furnifli 
 themfelves with arms and horfes, he caufed 
 one hundred and eighty load of filver to xhe vafi 
 be brought out of his houfe, (in thofe days riches of 
 a load of filver was as much as a man could ^^^ ^^^ 
 carry,) and twenty more of gold : this he ^°"9"5''0" 
 dittributed among them all. Thofe who 
 were willing, gave him bonds to pay him 
 out of what they fliould conquer in the 
 land they were to difcover ; for this was 
 the way of thefe conquerors in gaining to 
 his majefty this new world, having no other 
 pay but what they could purchafe. 
 
 The Inga Mango, who was brother to 
 Guafcar and Atagualpa, had fucceeded them 
 in the government, as the Ion oi Guayanaca- 
 pa, who had alfo many others. This Jnga 
 had taken a great kindnefs for marflial Al- 
 tnagro; fo he gave him, as a companion in 
 his enterprize, a brother of his, called the 
 Inga Paullo Topo, and the high-prieft Vil- 
 lacumu ; the Spaniards call him Villacma, 
 or Vilehoma, that they might by their au- 
 thority not only keep all his vallals from 
 tailing upon them in the way, but rather 
 fhould receive him, and make him prefents. 
 The marflial defired thefe two perfons to 
 go befoi"e, in company with three Cafri Hans, 
 and make a fettlement or habitation at the 
 end of two hundred leagues. The other 
 people, and Juan de Savedra, went by an- 
 other way ; and when they had gone one • 
 hundred and thirty leagues from Cufco, 
 they founded the town of Paria. Here- the 
 marflial overtook them ; and he was like-i 
 v.'ife affured ot the title of yldelantado grsint- •■ 
 ed him by his majetiy, with the government 
 of the new kingdom of "Toledo, which was 
 to begin from the borders of New CafiiU; ■ 
 for fo they called Pifarro's government. 
 His friends advis'd him to return imme- 
 diately.
 
 id8 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 0\ Ai LE.diatcly, wherever this exprefe overtook 
 >646. iiim, becuufe there was one come to the 
 ^"'"^^^^^^ city of Los Reyes, with a commifTion from 
 the king to regulate limits of both govern- 
 ments to cacli of the Melantadoes : but ^Z- 
 tnogro w;is fo poPiclbM with the ambition 
 of conquering lb great and ricli a kingdom 
 as that of Cbik\ that he did not value the 
 land he had difcovered, in comparifon of 
 what he was to difcover, out of which he 
 defign'd to reward his friends, and the ma- 
 ny gentlemen that accompanied him ; fo he 
 purllicd his journey; where it will not be 
 amifs to leave him engaged with the fnows, 
 and ill palBges of the Cordillera, while we 
 give a vifit to the great city of Lima, cal- 
 led otherwife de los Reyes, becaufe it being 
 the head of thofe kingdoms, we cannot well 
 pafs it by. 
 Lj^, This city was foundetl by the Adelantado 
 
 founded by Don Francifco Pifarro in the year 1555. 
 Francifco in a very pleaiant plain, about two leagues 
 Pifarro in fjom the iea, upon a fine quiet river ; which 
 *■ eyear [jgjj^g (j(.,-iyej by drains and cuts all over 
 Its fitua- the plain, fertilize it fo copioufly, that it. 
 tion. is all covered with feveral forts of produds, 
 as vineyards, fugar- works, flax, garden pro- 
 duct, and other delightful plants: and if 
 there be any thing they want from abroad, 
 'tis brought them fo punftually, that all 
 their markets are fupplied with all manner 
 of delicacies that can be wifhed for. 
 A delici- For this and many other delights of this 
 ous place, city, it happens to molt people who live 
 there, that they cannot endure to think of 
 leaving it for any other place ; fo that it 
 feems an inchanted place, where the en- 
 trance is eafy, and the getting out difficult. I 
 myfelf heard the ^/dHi//^ merchants, who, the 
 year I was there, had fold their goods them- 
 felves at Lima, whereas they ufed to fell them 
 at Puerto Bella, fo enamoured of it, though 
 they ftaid but a little while there, that 
 during our whole navigation, they could 
 talk of nothing elfe •, and to fay truth, it 
 deferves their praifes •, for though it cannot 
 be denied, that fome cities I have feen in 
 Europe do out-do it in fome things, yet 
 few come near it, take it altogether : and, 
 firfl, for riches, it is the fountain from 
 whence all the reft of the world drinks ; 
 Its magni- i^^s bravery in cloaths, and magnificency of 
 ficence. the court, out-does all others: 'tis extraor- 
 dinary populous ; for a father of our com- 
 pany, who had the care of catechifing the 
 ISIegroes, told me, they were at leaft fixty 
 thoufand, and more, that came to confef- 
 fion. They have fumptuous buildings, 
 though outwardly they make no fl:iew, ha- 
 lt never ving no tiles ; for it never rains all the year 
 rains at round : all the furniture, as piftures, beds, 
 Lima, {_^c. are mighty rich. There are great 
 numbers of coaches, and abundance of gen- 
 try ; all the inhabitants very rich, mer- 
 chants of great llecks, tradesmen and han- 
 
 dicraftfmen of all profclTions. But that 
 which is to me moft confiderable, is, what 
 belongs to the worfhip of God, and cult of 
 religion -, for the cathedral church, and all 
 the parifli churches are very fumptuous, 
 and provided of admirable learned men, 
 v-ihich come out of that univerfity -, of which 
 thofe of the country are not the leaft to be 
 valued, having turniftied fo many preachers 
 and other lubjeits for all other dignities, 
 even to the higheft government. What 
 fliali I fay of the orders of friers and nuns ? 
 I fcarce know one order that has not two 
 or three convents in the city, beautiful 
 cloifters, great buildings, and yet greater 
 churches •, fome after the old fafhion ; all 
 with burniflied gold from top to bottom, 
 as are thofe of St. Augitjltn, and St. Domi- 
 nick: others after the modern way, with 
 curious well-wrought ceilings ; as is that of 
 the Jefuits, and of our lady of Mercedes^ 
 which are of a very fine architedure. There 
 are eight nunneries, fome of which have a- 
 bove two hundred nuns in them. There 
 are befides many oratories, confraternities, 
 hofpitals, and congregations. In our con- 
 vent alone of the jefuits, I remember there 
 were eight foundations of feveral kinds, and 
 for people of as many different ranks and 
 eftates in the world. The great congrega- 
 tion has few in the world equal to it: the 
 chapel of it is very large, and of a very 
 rich material, covered with filk and gold, 
 and rare pidures, with other rich ornaments 
 belonging to it. There is here great fre- 
 quentation of the facraments by monthly 
 communions : the body of Chrift is expofed, 
 and the church fo adorned with mufick and 
 fweet fmells, that it is a paradife upon earth. 
 And amongft other pieces of devotion per- 
 formed by this congregation, there is a 
 great entertainment or treat given once a 
 year at an hofpital, which is fo magnificent, 
 that it is worth feeing : the fame is done in 
 proportion by the other congregations. 
 
 This city is the feat of a viceroy, who 
 indeed is a king in greatnefs and authority, 
 difpofing of a vaft number of places, com- 
 mands, and pofts of honour and profit. 
 Tliere is likewife a rich archbifhoprick of 
 great authority ; three courts, or royal au- 
 dlencias ; a merchant court, which decides 
 all matters of trade ; a famous univerfity, 
 in which are profeflTors very learned in their 
 profeffions ; three colleges or fchools for 
 youth, under the care of the fathers of our 
 company of Jefus, in which are about one 
 hundred and thirty profeffors or mafters : 
 there are every day new foundations for or» 
 phans, widows, and to retire women from 
 lewdnefs : there is the famous hofpital of 
 St. Andrew for the Spaniards, and St. Anne 
 for the Indians ; all which would require a 
 relation by themfelves. 
 
 4 This
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 liingdom o/' C H I L E. 
 
 This is what I could nor avoid Hiying 
 
 about this great capital of Peru ■■, and if it 
 
 continues increafing as it has done for this 
 
 firfl age, it will not have its fellow in the 
 
 The beft wodd. The fame may be faid of Ctijlo^ 
 
 cities in Arequifa, Cbuquizaga, and the great town 
 
 Peru next Qf Potofi, which increafe fo, that he who 
 
 CO Lima, j^ abfgnt; a few years, does not knovvf them 
 
 when he fees them again •, and the icalbn is. 
 
 -V--SJ 
 
 109 
 
 that the veins and mines of gold and filver, Ovalle. 
 which like a loadllone, have drawn 16 ma- '^+^- 
 ny people thiihcr, are fo far from IcfTening, 
 that new ones are difcover'd every day, and 
 thofe richer than the old ones ; for which 
 rcalon there conies yearly more people, ar.d 
 among them much gentry, as well as iradcf- 
 men of all arts and protcflions, who moll 
 of them fettle and increafe there. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The Adelantado 
 
 Almagro 
 
 enters 
 
 into Chile, 
 the IV ay. 
 
 having fuffercd extremely by 
 
 WE left the Adelantado Don Diego de 
 Almagro in a place call'd Paria, 
 from whence he was to purfue his journey 
 to Chile, as he did in the beginning of the 
 year 1535. He himfelf going before, or- 
 der'd Juan de Savedra to follow with twelve 
 horfe by the royal highway thorough the 
 province of Las Chicas, the chief place 
 of which was Topi/a, where he found the 
 Inga Paulo, and the prieft Villacumu, who 
 prefented him with ninety thoufand pefos of 
 very fine gold, it being the tribute theyus'd 
 to fend the Inga from Cl:>ile, and which they 
 were now fending, without being inform'd 
 of the tragical accidents that had befallen 
 the family •, and there he fent back a great 
 many Caciques of the countries he left be- 
 hind him, and who had waited upon him 
 thither. 
 
 The three Spaniards, whom he had fent 
 with the Inga Paulo, and two more who 
 joined themfelves to them, being defirous 
 cf making new difcoveries, and acquiring 
 honour, and withal making their court to 
 the marfhal, went before, till they came to 
 a place call'd Jujuy, v/hich is a place or 
 country where the people are very wailike, 
 and eat human flelli, and who kept the In- 
 gas always in great awe. This boldnefs 
 coft three of the Spaniards their lives, though 
 they fold them dear. The Adelantado be- 
 ing refolv'd to revenge their deaths, fent 
 captain Salfedo, with fixty horfe and foot, 
 to chaftife thofe Indians ; but they, being 
 alarm'd, had call'd together their friends, 
 and made a fort to defend themfelves in, 
 and many pits with fliarp flakes in them, 
 that the horfes might fall into them ; with 
 which, and many facrifices and invocations 
 made to their gods, they had refolv'd to 
 exped their enemies. Captain Salfedo found 
 ihem thus fortified, and being himfelf in- 
 ferior in flrength, fent to the Adelantado 
 for relief, who fent it him under the com- 
 mand of Don Francifco de Chares ; but the 
 Indians then avoided engaging, and refol- 
 ved to abandon their fort -, though, not to 
 lofe all their pains, they refolv'd lirft to at- 
 VOL, III. 
 
 tack Don Francifco de Chares, where they 
 kill'd a great many, and particularly of 
 the Indians Tanaconas, and carrying off the 
 fpoils, they made a fafe retreat : the Spa- 
 niards return'd back to their chief b;)dy. 
 Since we mention'd the Tanaconas, it will 
 not be amifs to explain the fignification of 
 that word, for the better underltanding of 
 what follows. 
 
 The Tanaconas were, among the Indians, What the 
 a people fubjeft to perpetual flavery -, and Vanaconas 
 to be known, were bound to v/car a fort of ^^'^'^" 
 habit different from the reft. Thcfc feeing 
 the bravery of the Spaniards, and hcnv 
 much they made themfelves be fear'd and 
 refpefted, began to rife againft their ma- 
 ilers, and adhered to the Spaniards, hoping 
 thereby to fhake off the yoke of flavery ; 
 and became cruel enemies to the other In- 
 dians. That which this word Tanaccna 
 now fignifics in Chile, is, thofe Indians who 
 do not belong to any particijlar lord ; for 
 as to freedom, there is no difference, the 
 king having made them all free alike. 
 
 From fujuy the Adelantado march'd with 
 the vanguard, purfuing his journey, leaving 
 the rear to the care and command of Noga- 
 ral de Ulloa. He' came to a place call'd 
 Chaquana, where he found the Indians in 
 arms •, for though at fiiil they were frighted 
 with the fwiftnefs of the horfes, yet at lafl 
 they grew fo litde afraid of them, that they , ^ 
 took a folemn oath by the great fun, either i^^;^^ ^- 
 to die or kill them all. The Adelantado thi^lndizjis 
 attack'd them, and was in great danger, <?IChi)e. 
 for they kill'd his horfe under him in the 
 engagement; but hq continuing fliil to 
 fight them, they refolv'd at lail: to retire : 
 then he purfued his journey, with his whole 
 army, which was of two hundred horfe, 
 and iomething above three hundred footj 
 with a great many Indians, as well Tanaco- 
 nas, as others, who affifted the Inga Paulo. 
 The army being thus numerous, they be- 
 
 ■ gan to "Want provifions-, and which was 
 
 ■ worfe, they were without hopes of finding 
 any, there being no place thereabouts that 
 could afford it, the country being a defirt, 
 
 E e which
 
 I 10 
 
 Of the Nut tire and F roper ties of the . Eook IV 
 
 OvALLE. which bfled fcvcn d.\ys, all b.irren ground, 
 '^46. and full of liilc nitre 1 and for their com- 
 ^^''^^^ tort, as they defcendcd ;\ hill or precipice, 
 atcer which they hop'd tor Ibme relief, they 
 metwiih the fnows oi the Cordillera, which 
 ■was a fight able to freeze the boldell un- 
 dertaker, confkiering the dangers and lui- 
 ferings they were threatened with. Ilemra, 
 when he comes to this paflTage, fays, ipeak- 
 ing of the bravery of the Spaniards, and 
 their patience in futfering a great deal, which 
 I (hall not relate, that I may not be thought 
 to praife my own countrymen with aftedta- 
 tion; but I cannot omit fome part of it: 
 He fiys then. That to overcome fuch dif- 
 ficulties, none could have attempted ir, but 
 fuch as were us'd to endure hunger and 
 thirft, and to enter into a country without 
 guides, through forefts, and over great 
 torrents, fighting at the fame time with 
 The hard- their enemies and the elements, and ihew- 
 lliips the ing invincible minds -, marching both day 
 Spaniards ^,^j night, enduring cold and heat, loaded 
 endured ; ^^,j^j^ ^^^-^^ ^^.^^^^ ^^^ provifion ; being all of 
 them ready to put a hand to all things, 
 even the mofl noble among them being the 
 firft, when a bridge or any thing was to be 
 made, to turn pioneers and carpenters, and 
 cut down trees, by which they were fit for 
 the greatefl enterprizes. 
 
 The Adelantado feeing the new, and, in 
 all appearance, the inliiperable difficulty 
 that attended this journey, did not lofe cou- 
 rage, but made a bold exhortation to his 
 men, telling them, That thefe were acci- 
 dents that us'd to befal foldiers, without 
 which no great honour could be gain'd, 
 nor any of thofe riches which they fought 
 afier; that they fliould put their trufl in 
 God, who would not fail to afTift them, 
 fince the planting of his faith depended up- 
 on their prefervation. They all anfwer'd 
 chearfuUy, that they were ready to follow 
 him to death ; and becaufe example is the 
 beft rhetorick, he firft began to enter into 
 the Cordillera, or fnowy mountains, with 
 a detachment of horfe going before, that 
 if he found any provifions, he might fend 
 a fhare to the army, which began to faint 
 particu- for want of it. But the more he advanc'd, 
 larly in j^^ ^^^^ ^\^Yi nothing but vaft defarts, with 
 Cor'dHIera^ a wind fo cold, that it llruck them through ; 
 and the paflage grew ftraiter and ftrait- 
 
 cold. 
 
 er, 'till at laft, it plcafed God, that from 
 a high hill, thay dilcover'd the valley of 
 Copiapo, where the kingdom of Chile be- 
 gins, where they were rccciv'd very kindly 
 by the Indians, out of the refped they bore 
 to the Inga Paulo, and aflbrdcd them pro- 
 vifions enough to fend fome to the army 
 which foUow'd. 'Tis not poflible to ima- 
 gine how much they were prefs'd both by 
 cold and hunger, both Spaniards and In- 
 dians ; here one would fall into the fnow, 
 and be buried before he was dead ; another 
 would lean againft a rock, and remain fro- 
 zen, juft as if he had been alive. If any 
 did but (lop to take breath, immediately a 
 blaft of cold air left him fix'd and immove- 
 able, as if he had been of iron ; and a A^f- 
 groe, who had a led horfe in his hand, ^ ,^^3^, 
 did but turn his head, and flop to fee who table in- 
 call'd him, as Ibmebody did, and both he ftance of ' 
 and the horfe remain'd like two ftatues ; exceffive 
 (b that there was no remedy but to keep ' 
 moving, for it was certain death to ftop 
 a little ; but it could not be, but people fo 
 weary and fo weak, muft (land dill (ome- 
 times ; and therefore they lofl a great ma- 
 ny men, (Irowed up and down the moun- 
 tain. 
 
 Garcilajfo fays, there died ten thoufand 
 Indians and Negroes ; of the fifteen thoufand 
 which went with the Inga Paulo, only five 
 thoudind efcaped ; for being all natives of 
 Peru, and not having ever felt fuch cold, 
 for which they were totally unprovided with 
 cloaths, they died apace-, the Spaniards be- 
 ing better provided, endur'd lefs ; and yet 
 Garcilajj'o fays, they loft above a hundred 
 and fifty men, and thirty horfes, which was 
 a great lofs; others loft their fingers and 
 toes, without feeling it. Their greatefl 
 fufferings were in the night-time •, for they 
 had no wood to make fire, and the Indians 
 eat the very dead bodies out of hunger. 
 The Spaniards with all their hearts would 
 have eat the dead horfes, but they could 
 not ftop to flea them. At laft the provi* 
 fions, fent them by the Adelantado, met 
 them -, fo they pal's'd the reft of the way 
 pretty well. When they came to the val- 
 ley, the Indians made much of them, where 
 we will leave them, to fee how others, 
 that came after the Adelantado, pafs the 
 mountain. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Others pafs the Cordillera. What happened to the Adelantado in Copiapo, 
 His return from Chile. His misfortune and death. 
 
 I DO not find clearly the time of the year 
 in which this army pafs'd the Cordillera : 
 'tis certain it could not be in the midft of 
 f.immer, nor in the heart of winter, becaufe 
 
 not one of them would have efcaped, fince 
 the firft high wind would have overwhelm'd 
 them in the fnow ; therefore they pafs'd ir, 
 either in the beginning, or the end of the 
 I winter t
 
 Chap. 1 6. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 in 
 
 'he vaft 
 ches of 
 hile. 
 
 winter ; and mod probably it was at tlie 
 entrance of the winter ; tor if it had been 
 at the going out of the winter, tiiofe who 
 followed would not have run fo great a 
 hazard. 
 
 The firft of thefe was one Rodrigo Orgon- 
 ties, who was left by the Adelantado in Cuf- 
 co, to raife men and follow him, as he did. 
 He loft his nails, and would have loft his 
 fingers, if he had not taken his hand oft' 
 the pole that held his tent up : Others loft 
 their eyes, their ears, and many their lives ; 
 particularly all thofe who were in one tent, 
 which a ftorm rifing carried up, and in the 
 morning they were found all dead in the 
 fnow : They loft alfo fix and twenty horfes. 
 
 The next who pafted atter Rodrigo Orgon- 
 fies, was one Juan de Arrada, who brought 
 the Adelantado the king's difpatches, and his 
 commifTion for his government, whom we 
 left in Copiapo •, and it will not be amifs to 
 fee what befel him there, before he receiv'd 
 his commiffion, and faw his friends. The 
 firft thing he did in this valley, was a work 
 of charity and juftice, in favour of the true 
 lord of that land, who was not in poftef- 
 fion of the government, becaufe he was left 
 a minor, under the guardianftiip of his un- 
 cle, who not only did not think of put- 
 ting him in pofteffion, but contrived to take 
 his life, which he would have effefted, if 
 he could have got him into his hands -, but 
 the fubjefts, more loyal than he, had hid 
 him out of the way. The Adelantado be- 
 ing inform'd of the truth of this matter, 
 and being entreated by the wrong'd prince, 
 reftor'd him to the pofleftion of his govern- 
 ment, putting the tyrant to death. 
 
 Before this happen'd, at their firft arri- 
 val at Copiapo, the higa Paulo took care to 
 look out for fome gold in that little pro- 
 vince -, and in one day having got together 
 the value of above two hundred thoufand 
 ducats, he prefented the Adelantado with it, 
 in the name of his brother, the Inga Mango ; 
 which gave the Spaniards great caufe of ad- 
 miration, feeing that in one village, and 
 in fo litde time, fo much gold had been 
 found, gathering from this, how prodigious 
 rich the country muft be ; and therefore 
 Almagro was content to think all his pains 
 well taken, that he had been at to come 
 into it. 
 
 The Inga Paulo finding his prefent fo well 
 received, being defirous to make his court, 
 got from the neighbouring parts three hun- 
 dred thoufand ducats of gold more, whichj. , 
 he prefented to the Adelantado ; which gave ' 
 him fuch joy, to fee that fo rich a country 
 was fallen to his lot, that he caus'd all his 
 people to be afTembled, and pulling out all 
 the bonds and obligations made to him in 
 Cufco, for the gold and filver which he 
 had there lent them, he cancell'd them all. 
 
 one by one, declaring to his debtors. That O^'^^'-'-B- 
 he fredy forgave them their debts, and was '''■♦^'• 
 fbrry they were not greater ; and not only '^'^"^^ 
 fo, but opening his bags of gold, he be- 
 gan to ufe great liberalities; which lo pleated 
 them, that they forgot the dangers they 
 had gone through, every one promifing 
 himfelf vaft riches from fuch a conqutft 
 Francifco Lopes de Gomara, who writes tins 
 hiftory, Hiys, That it was a liberality be- 
 coming a great prince, rather than a private 
 Ibldier: But he adds, as a confidcration of 
 the little ftability of human aftiiirs, and 
 the profperity of this world, that when he 
 died, he had no body to give a pall to co- 
 ver his coffin. 
 
 But let us not afflift the reader fo foon 
 with the memory of that lamentable trage- 
 dy ; let us rather follow this great captain 
 in his good fortune. As he went further 
 into the country, he was rctpedled and 
 treated as if he had been the Inga himfelf, 
 in all the places he came to -, but when he 
 came to a nation call'd the Pror,wcaes,-\\K\c\\ 
 was the limits, beyond which the kings of 
 Peru could never extend their empire, he 
 found the fame refill:ance as they had done. 
 The Adelantado perceiving this, demanded 
 fuccour from the Inga Paulo, who gave it 
 him, by calling in the Inga's garrifons of 
 the neighbouring frontier ; and lb the war 
 began. 
 
 Here the Spaniards met with their match, Q-gat op- 
 and began to experience that the conqueft pofition of 
 of this part of America would not be com- the In- 
 pafs'd by their bare appearing with their '^'*"'* 
 horfes, dogs, and guns •, or that a king- 
 dom might be got by taking a king prilb- 
 ner, and feparating his army to their pur- 
 pofes, and lb remain ablblute maftcrs of 
 the field ; for here they met with a nation, 
 who though diey admir'd their horfes, and 
 were furpnz'd to fee them, yet the great- 
 nefs of their courage overcame that furprize -, 
 fo they met and engaged them with great 
 valour, and many were kill'd on both fides. 
 The Spanijh blood, which ufed to be to 
 little fpilr, was here fhed in abundance -, 
 and frorii that time to this, the flaughter of 
 them has not ceated, fo as to make either 
 fide fafe. 
 
 However, the valour of the Spaniards, 
 and the advantage they had over them by 
 horles and guns, was fuch, as they might 
 well d.epend upon, which made them con- 
 ceive tlie conqueft of Chile to be a work of 
 about two years at moft ; as 'tis probable 
 ,it would have been, if the divifions between 
 Almagro and Pifarro, and his brothers, had 
 not cut the thread of that enterprizc, as it 
 did that of their own lives ; for they pe- 
 rifhed by one another's hands, upon points 
 of conteft about jurifdiiflion. 
 
 About
 
 Ill 
 
 OVAI, LE. 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nciture and Properties of the Book IV; 
 
 About this time the Addantado being 
 engaged with the Indians in a bloody war, 
 Rodrigo Orgonnes arriv'd with his Spaniards, 
 and fo did Juan de Arrado, with the king's 
 royal patents, and a commiflion for the go- 
 vernment of a hundred leagues of the coun- 
 try i which was juft as if a deluge of water 
 had been poured upon the fire already light- 
 ed of the war with the Pronwcaes, Cau- 
 qticnes, and Fences, who v/erc the nations 
 that had withftood this invafion. As tor 
 the Indians they pretended to no more than 
 to defend their country, and their liberty, 
 from foreign invaders •, and the Spaniards 
 found thcmfelves call'd away by more ear- 
 nefl: motives of intereft, and fo turned an- 
 other way. Not but that there were dif- 
 ferent opinions about what was to be done ; 
 ibme thought that it was better to fettle 
 where they were, the heavens and earth be- 
 ing both the beft that they had yet difco- 
 vered, and its riches fuch as they were wit- 
 nefles off •, others were of opinion to be con- 
 tent with what they had difcovered, with- 
 out expofing themfelves to new dangers, 
 and the accidents of war. But thofe who 
 brought the king's commiffion, infilled ex- 
 tremely, that the Adelantado fhould go to 
 enjoy the effedt of the king's favour to him ; 
 and above all, that which mov'd Almagro 
 moft, was the jealoufy of feeing the Pifar- 
 ros mafters of Peru : To which might be 
 added, that if he did not take poflTeffion of 
 Cufcc, by virtue of the king's patent, he 
 might be in danger of remaining, at laft, 
 without any title to any thing he had. In 
 this confufion of motives, the Adelantado 
 ttuck to the worft, as it happened, fince he 
 loft his life : He had it feems arriv'd to the 
 top of fortune's wheel ; and 'tis the fame 
 thing with her to ftand ftill, and to begin 
 down ; which he did, till he tumbled 
 I 
 
 quite to the ground, and had his head fe- 
 parated from his flioulders. 
 
 The world feldom performs its promiles, 
 otherwife who could have told this great 
 and generous man, that he fhould fall by 
 thole hands, to which he had lent his ? 
 The Pifarros would not have been at that 
 height, if the franknefs and friendfhip of 
 Almagro had not alTifted them from the be- 
 ginning with his fortune and good counfel -, 
 but nothing of all this was fufficient to fave 
 him from death by their procurement. The 
 difierenccs between them grew to that 
 height, that they engaged in a battle againft 
 each other •, in which the Pifarros were con- 
 querors, and Hernando Pifarro, the chief 
 of them, order'd Almagro to be beheaded, Almagro 
 being no ways touch'd with their antient '* behead- 
 friendfhip, nor the fubmiffions and tears of ^ c°'C 
 Almagro himfelf, though a venerable old pifarros. 
 man, begging his compafTion with a body 
 full of honourable wounds; but as if he had 
 been a ftatue of marble or brafs, he (hewed 
 no figns of compafTion. 'Tis granted that 
 Almagro did ill, to leave the conqueft of 
 Chile, fo well begun, and where he might 
 have fettled himfelf and his friends to fuch 
 advantage, to go back to Cufco, to govern 
 there by force, in cafe the Pifarros fhould 
 oppofe him ; but they alfo were much to 
 be blam'd, in not coming to fome agree- 
 ment with their antient friend and compa- 
 nion -, but they are inexcufable in fhewing 
 fo much cruelty, as to put him to death : 
 Accordingly all their own profperity feem'd 
 to end with his, and to turn to a lamenta- 
 ble tragedy, in which they died by one an- 
 other's hands, as may be feen more at large 
 in the already cited authors. For me, it is 
 my bufinefs to purfue the conqueft and fet- 
 tlement of Chile, which is my theme. 
 
 to go 
 
 BOOK
 
 IIj 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Of the ConqueA and Foundation of the 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 Oval I.E. 
 1646. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 "The governor Pedro Valdivia enters Chile : He conquers a)id fettles that king- 
 dom ^ and is the Jirjl that enters as far as Mapocho. 
 
 T 
 
 "^ H E more I draw near to the 
 relating tiie fettlement made in 
 Chile by its firft founders and 
 captains, wlio reduced that 
 kingdom to the obedience of their Catho- 
 lick majefties, and to the knowledge of 
 God, the more I mifs thofe papers and re- 
 cords, which being fo far off, I cannot 
 have the help of in defcribing the particu- 
 lars of the events which were very memora- 
 ble at the firft entrance of the Spaniards. I 
 muft therefore make ufe of fuch paflages as 
 I fliall find up and down in the general hi- 
 ftories of the Indies •, and this will refrefli in 
 me the memory of what I have feen or 
 learn'd by others ; and yet I muft own the 
 knowledge and information the reader 
 will have from henee, will be but fcanty 
 and fhort, fuch as I fhould have hardly at- 
 tempted to publifli without this apology •, 
 and defiring my readers to accept of this 
 colledion for the prefent, till the compleat 
 hiftory of Chile does come out, I having 
 left men moft eminent in their profeffion 
 imploy'd in it when I left thofe pares. 
 
 The Adelantado Almagro being returned 
 in the year 1537. to Cufco, colonel Pedro 
 Valdivia defir'd from the Adelantado Fran- 
 iifco Pifarro, leave to purfue the conqueft of 
 Chile, fince he had power and commiffion 
 from the king to grant it. Hepromifed 
 not to return till he fliould have compieated 
 the fubjedion of it, and reduced it to the 
 obedience of the crown and God Almigh- 
 ty. The Adelantado, who had it in his 
 thoughts, becaufe of the fame 
 
 of its .great 
 
 Idivia 
 Jer 
 
 .es the riches, to follow the conqueft of Chile, con- 
 "y<,{tQffidering this gentleman to be one of the 
 ile, in braveft captains that had come to the In- 
 year dies, having born arms in Italy and Peru, 
 ■'9- and given a very good account ot all that 
 he had undertaken, chofe him lew this- en- 
 VoL. III. 
 
 terprize in the year 1539. giving him a 
 year's time to prepare all things, that he 
 might fet out, as he did, in the year 1540. 1549, 
 I do not fay any thing of the particulars of 
 his journey, nor of the people he carried 
 with him, becaufe I am not where I can 
 have a diftindt information ; only that in 
 which all agree, is. That he got together cj 
 good body of men, both Spaniards and In- 
 dians ; for thefe laft relating what riches 
 the Ingas ufed to draw from people who 
 owned his empire in thofe parts, animated 
 every body to this enterprize ; and Valdi- 
 via feconding with addrefs thefe impref- 
 fions, made a good army, with >vhich he 
 fet out from Peru. 
 
 They had almoft perifh'd with cold, hun- 
 ger, and other inconveniencies ; yet at lafl: 
 they arriv'd, and advanc'd at firft with 
 little difficylty •, but as they went, enga- 
 ging further in the country, Ilill they found 
 more oppofition : They firft came to' tlie 
 valley of Copiapo, which fignifies the Seed of 
 Torqmifes ; for there js a roc|c.of them, of A tor- 
 fo great a quantity, that they are grown quoife 
 lefs valuable upon it, zs Herrera ifays : It is''°'^ '" 
 a blue ftone, which make? a very good'f^p^ |^^ 
 fhew. And fince now we enter this king- po. 
 dom with more advantage, ajid upon a 
 ftcady iootof fetdement, it will not he 
 amifs to defcribe the valleys and places 
 where the cities were firft founded,"^ and the 
 other fetcleme;nts, that we may jiot he oh- 
 lig'd to look back with ^an,ufele(s repetition. 
 
 The valley of Copiapo \s fhe^firft of thcDefcrip- 
 inhabited valleys of Chile, though the beft tion of the 
 part of the people axe Indians, with a few ^'f"^)' ^^ 
 Spaniards, out of which one is the Cirnge- '^''P'^PP; 
 dor, wh.o ;s named by the governor of 
 Chile. The land is of itfelf very fjuitfu), 
 and is made mote lo by a plealant river, 
 which runs about twenty le.igucs in itbe- 
 F f " fore
 
 114 
 
 0/ the 2\\niire and F roper lies of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 OvALLt. fore It empties itlVlf into the fci in a b.iy 
 •J^J^ which makes its harbour. Here grow all 
 
 ^^'^*''^**^ forts of the natural fruits and grains of the 
 country, anil of Eurcpe -, the maize yields 
 above three hundred tor one, and the cats 
 of it are almolt hoJf a yard long, as II ne- 
 ra and other authors relate. T hough I am 
 not informed as to the particular of Valdi- 
 via'a reception here by the Indians, yet I 
 fuppofe it was without much contradidion ; 
 bccaufe thcfe people were already accu- 
 ftomed to the foreign yoke of the hi°;as., 
 and had already fccn and received the Spa- 
 niiirds out of refpe(ft to the Inga Paulo, who 
 accom.panied yllmagro, who gave them 
 their lawful Cacique, or prince, as we have 
 feen. They had the fame facility in the 
 vallies of Guafco, which is about tivx and 
 
 twenty or thirty leagues from Copiapo, and 
 that of Ccquiinbo Umari, and as far as 
 .'^iillo:a. Here the Indians took artr.s, and 
 oppofed the Cafiilians Vigoroufly ; engaging 
 them almofl daily, as people that came to 
 conquer and fubdue their country. The 
 governor Valdivia penetrated as far as the 
 valley of Mapocbo, though with the lofs of 
 many of his men. He found this valley ex- Mapocho 
 tremely well peopled, becaufeof its breadth,^ "■"^'^ ^^'* 
 fertility, and plealantnefs, being thoroughly ^^^ *J 
 watered by the river of that name, w hich, 
 after having run fome leagues, finks under 
 ground, does not lofe itfelf intirely, but ap- 
 pears more nobly, and comes outwith a more 
 powerful ftream two or three leagues further, 
 being much bettered in its waters, which 
 from muddy are tiirn'd clear as chryftal. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The foundation of the city of St. Jr.go in Mapocho. The defription of its fitu- 
 
 atio7i. 
 
 The val- 
 ley of .Ma- 
 pocho de- 
 Icribcd. 
 
 Inhabited 
 by 80000 
 Indiafts. 
 
 Towards the eaft, the great Cordillera, 
 or Inowy mountain, is a wall to this 
 valley of Mapochv, and is in winter all over 
 white, but in fummer by fpots here and 
 there : to the well it has the ragged rocks 
 of Pciiiwgtie, Can'H, and Latnpa, whole 
 foot we may fay is fh.od with gold (lor that 
 •which is found in its mines is lb fine, that 
 a great deal was got out of them.) Nei- 
 ther is this valley uncovered on the fides ; 
 for to the north and ibuth it is environed 
 by other mountains, which, though they 
 do not approach the Ccrdilkra in height, 
 yet are high enough to make a circle about 
 this valley, v.'hfch in feveral of its rocks 
 produces gold : it is, in its diameter from 
 the Ccrdilkra to the hills of Poiiangue and 
 Caren, five or fix good leagues, and from 
 north to fouth, which is from the river Co- 
 Jima to tha: of Majpc, feven or eight leagues 
 more ; fo that its circumference is between 
 26 and 28 leagues, or more, if we go down 
 as far as Francifco del monte, which is a place 
 of moft pleafant (hady woods, where all the 
 timber is cut for the building of the houfes. 
 In this valley, two leagues from the great 
 Cordillera, by the fide of the river Mapocho, 
 God h.-is planted a mountain of a beautiful 
 afpecb and proportion, which is like a 
 watch-tower, upon which the whole plain 
 is difcovered at once with the variety of its 
 culture in arable and meadow ; and in other 
 places woods of a fort of oak upon the hills, 
 which afford all the fuel neceilary for the 
 ufes of life. At the foot of this mountain, 
 which may be two miles about, the Cnjiili- 
 ans found m.any habitations of the Indians, 
 to the number of eighty thoufand, as au- 
 thors report ; which Pedro de Valdivia ob- 
 
 ferving, and gueffing from thence, that it 
 was the beft part 01 the v/hole valley, he re- 
 iolved to found here the city of St. Jago, 
 which he began the 24th ofFchuary in the 
 year 1641. It ftands in 34 degrees of lati- 
 tude, and longitude 77, diftant from the 
 meridian of Toledo 19 So leagues. The Defcrlp- 
 form and ground-plot of this city yields to''°"°/'''' 
 few others, and is fuperior to moft of the of^hg^city 
 old cities of Europe ; for it is regular, like ofstjago, 
 a chefs-board, and in that fhape, and that capital of 
 which we call the fquares for the men, of^*"''- 
 black and white, are in the city called Ifies, ■^'' 
 ■with this difference, that fome of them are 
 triangular, fome oval, fome round -, but 
 the fquare ones are all of the fame make and 
 bignefs, and are perfedly fquare : from 
 whence it follows, that wherefoever a man 
 ftands at any corner he fees four ftreets, ac- 
 cording to the four parts of the heavens. 
 Thefe fquares at firft were but of four large 
 houfes, which were diftributed to the firft 
 founders ; but now by time and luccefTion 
 of inheritance, they have been divided into 
 leffer, and are every day more and more 
 divided ; fo that in every fquare there are 
 many houfes. 
 
 Towards the north, the city is watered 
 by a pleafant river, till it fwells fometimes 
 \n winter, when it rairis eight, nay twelve 
 and fourteen days together without ceafing ; 
 for then it overflows, and does great mif- 
 chief in the city, carrying away whole 
 houfes, of which the ruins may be yet feen 
 in fome places ; for this reafon they have 
 railed a ilrong wall on that fide ; againft 
 which the river iofing its ftrength, is thrown 
 on the other fide, and the city thereby freed 
 from this inundation. 
 
 From
 
 Chap. 3. 
 
 Kingdom of GUI LEi 
 
 The con- Ffom this river is drawn an arm on the 
 venicncies eaft-fidc, which being fubdividcd into as 
 '^'^"^''many ilrcams as there are iquarcs, enters 
 into every one of them, and runs thorough 
 all the tranfverlal Itrcets by a conduit, or 
 canal ; and bri'Jges are every where, as ne- 
 ceirny requires, for the paflage of carts: fo 
 that all the houfes have a dream of water, 
 which cleanles and carries with it all the 
 filth of the city : and from this difpofuion 
 of water, it is eafy to water or overflow all 
 the ilreeis in the heat of fummer, without 
 the trouble of carts or other conveniencies, 
 and that without any charge. All thefe 
 rivulets empty themfelvcs to the weft, and 
 are let into the grounds without the city, 
 to water the gardens and vineyards that are 
 there : which being done, it is let into other 
 fields, fowed with all forts of grain, and 
 then returns to the great river. The inha- 
 bitants do not drink of this water, though 
 pretty good •, but it ferVes to water horfes 
 and other animals •, therefore they fetch 
 water from the river for their own drinking, 
 or draw it from wells, which yield very 
 good, and very cool : thofe who are yet 
 nicer fend to the fprings and fountains, of 
 which there are many in the neigh- 
 bourhood, which yield moft excellent 
 fvveet water. The ftreets of this city are 
 all of the fame bignefs and proportion, 
 broad enough for three coaches to go a- 
 breaft eafily : they are paved on each fide 
 
 near the houfes, and the middle is unpavcd OvAttt. 
 for the paflage of carts. There is one ftrcet '^^^• 
 that is of an extraordinary breadth, and in ^(^j^ 
 it lilteeri or fixteen coaches may go a- jhcet. 
 bieall ; this is to the fouth, and runs calt 
 and weft the whole length of the city : thit 
 is called La Ca7jnada , and though at firft 
 it did not extend beyond the city, yet now 
 it does, and has many buildings and gar- 
 dens ; and there is the churcji of St. Laza- 
 rus : but thpre are feveral fquares built fur- 
 ther which indole in again, and fo it is in a 
 good fituation. 
 
 I'his Cannada is the beft fituation of the 
 whole place, where there is always an air 
 ftirring, fo as the inhabitants in the great- 
 eft heats of fummer can fit at their doors^ 
 and enjoy the cool i to which may be added 
 the agreeable profpedl it aflx)rds, as well 
 becaule ot the buftle of carts and coaches, as 
 of a grove of willows which is watered by a 
 litde rivulet from one end of the ftreet to the 
 other : it is befides adorned v^'ith a famous 
 convent of St. Francis., the church of which 
 is all of a white free-ftone, all fquare ftone 
 finely cut, and a fteeple ot the fame at one 
 end of it, fo high, that it is feen a great ' 
 way o.T by thofe who come from othei" 
 parts. It is divided into three parts, and 
 has its galleries ; the uppermoft is a pyra- 
 mid : from it one may difcover on all fides 
 lovely profpefts, whicii delight the eye ex- 
 tremely, and recreate the mind. 
 
 C H A P. III. 
 
 Of the other edijices and churches of the cit)' of St. Jago. 
 
 ['he city '~T^ HIS city has (befide this ftreet tal- 
 f St. Jago X led the Cannada, which might af- 
 "r^'^hed ^^^^ iTJany places, fuch as are in great 
 cities) another very large one, named of 
 St. Saturnino •■, it has likewife the place of 
 San£ta Anna, where has been lately built 
 a church dedicated to that glorious faint. 
 There is alfo a place called La Placera de 
 la Campania dt Jefus, where the front of 
 their church makes a figure, and is a re- 
 treat or tabernacle upon the day of the 
 proceflion of Corpus Chrijli. Moft of the 
 other religious houfes have their places 
 before the great portico's or entrance of 
 their churches : but above all, is the place 
 called The principal place, where all the 
 bufinefs of law and commerce is driven. 
 The two fides of the place that are eaft 
 and fouth have buildings after the old way, 
 though they have made very good new 
 balconies to them, and large windows, 
 to fee the bull-feafts and other publick 
 diverfions which are made there. The 
 north fide is all upon arches of brick ; 
 
 underneath which are the fcrivenefs and 
 publick notaries, as alfo the fecretanfhips 
 of the royal ylttdiencia, and the town- 
 houfe : and over-head are the royal lodg- 
 ings, with balconies to the place, with 
 the great halls for the meeting of the 
 town-houfe officers ; and in the middle 
 are the audience-rooms of the royal chan- 
 cery, with their galleries to the place : 
 and laftly, the royal apartmerits, where 
 the royal officers are lodged -, and the 
 rooms necefli;ry for the treafiiry and cham- 
 ber of accounts, and lodgings for the of- 
 ficers. 
 
 The fide that lies to the weft has in it, 
 firft, the cathedral church, which is of three 
 ifles, befides its chapels, which it has on 
 each fide : it is all of a fine white ftone ; 
 the chief ifle, or that of the middle, be- 
 ing upon arches and pillars of an airy and 
 gallant architefture. The remainder of thi? 
 fide to the corner Is taken up v/ith the epif- 
 copal palace, which has a Very fine garden, 
 and noble apartment's boti^ high and low, 
 
 with 
 
 Town- 
 houfe.
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Ii6 
 
 OvALLt.with a gallery fiipported by pillars, which 
 1646. anfwcr the Pl.ice ; which, if it were equal- 
 
 ^^^"^ ly built on the cifl and foiith fides, would 
 be. one of the moil beautiful and agreeable 
 places that can be; for it is perfectly liquarc, 
 arid very large, with a due regard to the 
 whole plot of the city. I doubt not but in 
 time the two old-fafhion'd fides will be 
 pulled down, and others built on pillars and 
 arches proportioirably to the other fides. 
 
 Thegreateft part of the buildings, (ex- 
 cept the publick ones, which are of a rough 
 flone, but very haril, which the mountain 
 of Sanla Lucia afibrds, and is within the 
 city, and fome great gates and windows 
 which are of mouldings of fione or brick,) 
 that is to lay, the ordinary buildings, are 
 of earth and llraw well beaten together, 
 which is fo itrong, that I have feen great 
 obenings made in a wall, to make great 
 gates after the modern way, and yet the 
 Wall, though a very high one, not feel it, 
 though the houfc was none of the neweft, 
 but almoft as ancient as the city; for the 
 fun bakes and hardens the earth arid ftraw 
 lb well together, that I have feen a piece of 
 thole walls fall from a high place, and not 
 break in pieces, though fo big that a man 
 could not carry it. At prefent the houfes 
 that are built are of a better form, higher, 
 and lighter than at firft, becaufe the firft 
 conquerors were more intent upon getting 
 gold, and fpending it in fumptuous treats, 
 and high living, with fplendor and libera- 
 lity, than in building palaces, as they might 
 have done, by reatbn they had many hands, 
 and ftone hard by. 
 
 In matter of buildings, this city, as moft 
 others of the Indies, may brag, that it imi- 
 tated Solomon, who began with building 
 the temple and houfe of God before he built 
 his own palace. So the Spaniards have done 
 all over the Indies, in this new world, in- 
 heriting this cuffoni from their anceffors of 
 Old Spain; for I remember, that travelling 
 iii Cajlilla, I made this obfervation, that 
 let the place or village be never fo fmall, 
 yet it has a good church ; and even where 
 the houfes were poor, and like dove-coats, 
 d;e churches were of free-ftone, with a 
 fteeple of the fame ; which gave me mat- 
 ter of edification, confidering the piety of 
 the faithful on this occafion. 
 
 Juft fo the Spaniards of the /«.-//« began 
 firft to cre£t churches, with fo much appli- 
 cation, that they do not feem buildings 
 made within tliefe hundred years-, but ra- 
 ther fuch as one would think they had inhe- 
 rited 'from their ancestors, or had been built 
 by the. gentiles; .and yet there "is hot a 
 church in all the huTies, which tTiey liave 
 hot raifed from its foundation. We have 
 already fpoke of the cathedral of St. Jago ; 
 
 EooK V. 
 
 ilo 
 
 and much more might have been fliid of its 
 ftrength and beauty, and the ornament of 
 its altars and facrifty. There are befides fevc- 
 ral other fine churches. Tlrar of St. Domingo, Defcrip- 
 though nor of fionc, is built upon arches of t'on of the 
 brick, with a great many fine chapels on ';''"''^h o^ 
 each fide, particularly that of Nuejlra Sen- nii„„°" 
 nora del Rofario. which is all painted and 
 gilt, and is frequented with much devo- 
 tion. The covering of this church is of 
 wood, and finely wrought, as well as the 
 choir, which is alfo painted and gilded, 
 with handfome knots and feftoons. The fa- 
 crifty is full of ornaments of brocade of gold 
 and filver, and embroidered filks of the 
 fltme ; a great deal of plate for the altar, 
 and mouldings of the altar-piece all gilded. 
 But this is nothing to the cloyfter, which by 
 this time is made an end of, and is of a 
 fine archirefture, two ftories high; and the 
 lower, where the proceffion goes, is adorn- 
 ed with exquifite paintings in the four cor- 
 ners, where are four altars all gilded, and 
 light as a bright flame : the apartment at 
 the entrance is alfo finely itz off with pic- 
 tures of flints of the order, of excellent 
 hands. 
 
 The convent of St. Francis may be cal- The con- 
 led a town for its largcnefs: it has two ^"^"t of St. 
 cloyfters for the proceffions ; the firft is up- ^ ,^"^u^ , 
 on"arches of brick ; and the fecond, which 
 is the largeft, very finely painted, with the 
 ftory of the life of the faint compared with 
 pafi"ages of our faviour Jellis Chrift's life ; 
 and over, are all the faints of the order; and 
 at each corner four great pictures, with four 
 altars, which ferve for the procefTions and 
 ceremonies of holidays. 
 
 The church is of free-ftone, and all its 
 altars gilded on the infide ; but above all, 
 the feats of the choir are a piece of rare 
 workmanOiip: it is all of cyprefs, by which 
 means there is always an admirable fmell. 
 The firft row of feats reaches, with its crown- 
 ing or ornaments, to the very roof, all of 
 excellent archicefturc, with its mouldings, 
 bafes, cornifhes, and other proportions. 
 
 The church of our lady of the Mercede, 
 is alio built upon brick arches. The great 
 chapel is admirable for the thicknefs of its 
 wall, and the beauty of ceiling, which is 
 all of cyprefs wood, in the form of a duomo., 
 or cupola. The great cloyfter is begun up- 
 on fo fine a model, that to finilh it fo, will 
 require the care and application of thole 
 who have the government of that convent. 
 The fituation of this convent is the fineft and 
 nbblcft of any, except that of St. Francis : 
 it has the advantage of receiving the river 
 firft, whereby water is fo plentilial in the 
 convent, that they have been able to make 
 two mills to grind corn enoug-h for the 
 convent, and to give away. 
 
 The 
 
 ' 
 
 mil 
 
 'istt
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 liingdom of CHILE. 
 
 The convent of St. Auguftin is but newly 
 begun i but its cliurch, all of frec-ftone, will 
 out-do ail the others for beauty: it is of 
 three ifles, and in the midft of all the hur- 
 ry and bufinei's of the town. 
 
 'Tis not many years that the ficred or- 
 der of the blefled Jmn de Dios has been fet- 
 tled in this kingdom -, and in a little time 
 thofe fathers have done a great deal •, for 
 having taken upon them the care of the 
 royal hofpitals, they have retbrmed them, 
 afTifting the fick with all neatnefs, care, and 
 diligence, and have added feveral large 
 buildings. They are much helped in this 
 by the devotion the people have for their 
 founder, to whom they addrefs their prayers 
 and vows in their wants and neceflities, and 
 not in vain, for they feel great relief by his 
 intercefllon. 
 
 The college of the company of Jffus has 
 not been able to build the infide of the 
 houle, becaufe from their firft foundation 
 the fathers have attended only the finifhing 
 of the church •, which is now compafTed; and 
 is without diipute the tineft next to the ca- 
 
 thedral. It is all of a white n:one, theO^ALLE. 
 front of an excellent archited'ture, and over ' ^•♦^• 
 the cornifh a figure in relievo of a 7<'f'<i-^^k^I^ 
 The great chapel has its cupola and lant- tion ol the 
 horn all adorn'd with feftoons and knots ofjefuits 
 two forts of wood, white and red, which '^'""■'''• 
 makes a beautiful fhew. 
 
 The covering or roof is all of cyprefs, 
 inlaid with all forts of flower-work, and 
 divitled into five parts ; the middlcmofl: is 
 a compofure of all forts of figures, which 
 feem a labyrinth to thofe who fee it from 
 the ground, and with a noble cornifli that 
 runs round, gives a delightful profpeft. 
 
 The architcfturc of the altar, and the 
 tabernacle for keeping the holy facrament, 
 are valued at a prodigious fum. The altar 
 rifes to the top of the church ; and becaufe, 
 according to art, it ought to have reached 
 from wall to wall, which it does not, the 
 empty places arc filled up with two reliqua- 
 ries on each fide, which join to the altar : 
 this being all gilded, feems, when one firfl 
 comes in, to be one plate of gold. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the Civil Government, hoth ecclefiajlical and fecular, of the City of 
 St. Jago ; and of the Nature and Properties of its Inhahita7its, 
 
 govern- |^OVERNMENT is the foul of the 
 nent of \j body politick ; and therefore, at the 
 'C J'-go- fame time that the city of St. Jago was 
 founded, the corporation was fettled to ad- 
 minifter juuice, without tvhich no govern- 
 ment can fland. The corporation confifls 
 of two ordinary alcaldes, an alferes royal, 
 an alguazil mayor, a general depofitarius, 
 fix councellors, or aldermen, chofen every 
 year, half out of the gentlemen called en- 
 comenderos, and half out of the inhabi- 
 tants of the place, who have bought that 
 privilege for themfelves and their defen- 
 dants. Of the two alcaldes, he that is of 
 the encomenderos has the precedence and 
 firft vote, and the inhabitant the other: 
 they divide the year between them by fix 
 months. There is a prefident to the affem- 
 bly, who is always corrigedor, and lieute- 
 nant to the captain-general ; and it is a 
 place of great honour: and though it be of 
 more charge than profit, by realbn of the 
 expence belonging to it unavoidable, yet 
 it never fails of pretenders, becaufe of its 
 authority, and the relpedl" paid to the of- 
 fice. There are chofen yearly, with the 
 two alcaldes, two others of the holy fra- 
 ternity, or hermandad, whofe jurifdiftion 
 is without the bounds of the city, as is prac- 
 He court tiled in other parts. About thirty years 
 theroy- ago there was founded a royal chancery in 
 ^"'^'" this city, which confifts of a prefident, four 
 N°. 93. Vol. III. 
 
 :ia. 
 
 oydores, or coUnfellors, and two fifcaJs; 
 one who is the ordinary, and another, who 
 has been added within thefe four years, and 
 has the fame honours, who has the protec- 
 tion of the Indians., and the matters belong, 
 ing to the holy cruzada. After thefe is the 
 alguazil mayor de corte, who has alfo the 
 magiflrateN habit, and a chair of flate : 
 then are the officers called the chancellor, 
 fccrctaries, referendaries, and others, as in 
 fuch courts. There is no appeal from the 
 fentence of review given in this court, but 
 to the royal council of the Indies \ and then 
 there is a certain fum, below which there 
 is no appeal neither. It cannot be denied 
 but the majefty of this tribunal has very 
 much adorned the city ; though there want 
 not thofe who lament the hindrance it has 
 given to its riches and increafe, which 
 would have been more confiderable, if the 
 inhabitants had continued in their firft fim- 
 plicity, cloathing themfelves with the ma- 
 nufa6furcs of the country, and avoiding all 
 thofe pompous liveries which are now in 
 ufe-, for thofe who before might walk in 
 the publick place in a plain drcfs of the 
 country, and be honoured and refpefted, 
 muft now appear in filk, or Spamjk cloth, 
 which yet is dearer than filk, for a yard 
 of it coils fometimes twenty pieces of eight. 
 Any gentleman of cftate cannot now appear 
 decently in publick, without many fervants 
 G g in
 
 ii8 
 
 Of the Nature and Froperties "of the 
 
 Book IV 
 
 OvALLE.in rich liveries-, and within a few years 
 '646 they have brought up a vanity oi rich pa- 
 ^"''^ "^ ralbls, or umbreilos, which at tirlt were on- 
 ly ufed by the people of the greatefl qua- 
 lity ; and now no body is without them, 
 but thofe who cannot compals them -, and 
 though it is a thing of great gravity, and 
 very ufeful to prelerve health, yet it in- 
 creafes thofe forced expcnces ul'ed in great 
 cities: for this, and lome other realbns, 
 fome were of opinion, that it would have 
 been better for the city and kingdom, that 
 they had continued to govern themfelves 
 ♦ without this court of a roy^l audiencia, as 
 they did formerly : bat, to lay truth, they 
 are in the wrong ; for, firft, there are ma- 
 ny cities in the IiuUcs, where, without a 
 court of this nature, I have feen vanity 
 thrive in liveries and fuperfluous expences as 
 much as any where. Secondly, becaufe, ab- 
 ftradting from paffion and intereft, which 
 commonly do millead men in the admini- 
 ilration of juftice, it cannot be denied but 
 that the fovereign authority of this tribunal 
 is of great weight to maintain the quiet of 
 the kingdom, by keeping an even hand in 
 the adminiitration of juftice, and not fuf- 
 fering that the tyranny fome affeft, either 
 by reafon of their preferments or riches, 
 fliould ftifle right reafon, or opprefs inno- 
 cency, which has not karn'd to court and 
 flatter. 
 The audi- Thus a royal audiencia is a bridle to vice, 
 encia of j reward to virtue, a protection to the poor, 
 great ad- ^^^ ^ maintenance of right and reafon -, 
 the cuy. " ^'^^ "^'^'^ ^'"^^ ^^^ intention of our cathoLck 
 monarch : for this reafon did he ered this 
 court, which is the more neceflary, becaufe 
 it is at that diftance from the royal prefence, 
 and fo hard that the cries of the poor fliould 
 reach his ears ; for if fometimes they do ar- 
 rive to his court, 'tis fo faintly, that they 
 can fcarce be heard: for this reafon, thofe 
 who have the chufing and fending the king's 
 officers into fuch remote parts, ought to be 
 the more careful to provide men of chriftian 
 principles, and well intentioned, as indeed 
 they have been, and are ftill in that king- 
 dom; and it is no more than is necelTary, 
 for a good example to thofe new chriftians 
 the Indians. 
 
 This royal audiencia is the caufe likewife, 
 that much gentry comes from Europe to the 
 Indies, and ib help to people them, and to 
 continue the good intercourfe between Spain 
 and that country, which is good for both. 
 It cannot likewile be denied, (though that 
 be but as an acceflbry,) that the prefence 
 and afTiftance of this royal tribunal at all 
 publick feafls and exercifes, is of great coun- 
 tenance to them, and particularly to the li- 
 terary adts and commencements, whereby 
 learning is encouraged -, and thofe who em- 
 ploy themfelves in that honourable fludy 
 
 have a reward before their eyes, hoping to 
 attain to be adycKatCs,, referendaries, fifcals, 
 and coynfellors : for in the fl^ejt Indies thofe 
 places are all very honourable, and particu- 
 larly in Chilc^ where the liilaries are larger "* 
 than in other parts, and yet provifions are 
 cheaper -, fo that 'tis eafy to lay up a good 
 part of one's revenue. Belldes thefe tribu- 
 nals, there are others, as that ot the chamber 
 of accounts, or treafury, ior the manage- 
 ment and adminiltration of the king's re- 
 venue : thefe officers do likewife viiit the 
 Ihips that come in and out at the port of 
 Valparifo: their offices are very honourable, 
 and of great profit, and they are in the 
 king's gift, as thofe of the royal audiencia 
 are. 
 
 The affairs of juftice, and things belong- 
 ing to good government, are under the au- 
 diencia ; but thofe of war and preferments 
 belong to the governor, of whom we fliall 
 fpeak in a proper place. 
 
 The bifhop is abfolute lord of all the The bi- 
 church government ; and though the bi- ftiop fu- 
 fhoprick of St. Jago is none of the richeft P^'^'"^ '" 
 of the Indies., becaufe all the produd of the f,a((^calTfi 
 earth is fo cheap, and by confequence the lairs. 
 tithes do not rife high, yet this very abun- 
 dance is part of the riches of the biflioprick; 
 for by this means the bifhop's family and 
 expences are the eafier fupplied, and he may 
 keep more attendance, and yet lay up a 
 good part of his revenue ; whereas other ; 
 
 bifhopricks, though richer, have enough ■) 
 
 to do to keep up the decency of their dig- ' 
 
 nity. There is a numerous clergy, who 
 make a great cortege to the birtiop upon 
 certain publick days -, and when he is recei- 
 ved the firft time, and takes poffeinon, the 
 ceremony is very great -, for part of the 
 rff^'al audiencia., the chapters, all the mili- 
 tia, horfe and foot, with the people, go 
 out to meet him ; fo that 'tis a day of great 
 pomp. 
 
 The chapter of the cathedral is a vene- Chapter 
 rable body of men, in which the king alone choien bj 
 provides the vacancies by virtue of his royal '*** *""S 
 patronage, and the conceflion of the popes •, 
 fo that there is not, as in Spain, the bifhop 
 or the pope's month ; but in the Indies all 
 dignities of cathedrals, even to the very pa- 
 rilh priefts, are all at the king's nomination, 
 but with fome differences ; for the dignities 
 are beftow'd in Spain itfelf, by the advice 
 of the council of the Indies ; but the cures 
 or livings of parifh priefts, the king does 
 beftow them by his governor or pretident, 
 who expofes a publick edid, that all oppo- 
 fers for the vacancy of fuch a benefice may 
 come and oppofe the examination ; and of 
 thefe, the billiop prefents three to the go- 
 vernor general, to chufe in the king's name. 
 The holy tribunal of the inquifuion, 
 which is in Lima, ferves for all the whole 
 
 fouth 
 
 
 Uujf 
 
 Ilk I 
 fii, 
 
 '
 
 Chap. 5. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 foiith America ; fo that in Chile there is on- 
 ly a commiffary, with his officers and fami- 
 liars, who accompany him in all piibhck 
 afts, and form a tribunal with great autho- 
 rity. There is lilvevv-ife an otHcer of the 
 Cruzada, called a commiffary, whicli is 
 likewife a poft of great authority i and the 
 day that the bull is publiflied, all the or- 
 ders of the religious are bound to be at the 
 proceffion. 
 Charafler Let US conclude this chapter by faying 
 of the n2- fomething of the natives who are born and 
 bred in this city: They are generally in- 
 genious, and of good parts-, and thole 
 whofe inclination is to learning, fucceed ve- 
 ry well ; but they are naturally more in- 
 clined to war, very few of them taking to 
 other employments, either of trade or bufi- 
 nefs ; and they who, fi om their infancy, or 
 by a flrong inclination, do not take to learn- 
 ing, feldom fucceed, and eafily leave it, 
 if put upon it, to follow the found of a 
 drum or a trumpet, and never are quiet till 
 they get to be enrolled as foldiers being 
 much better pleafed with the liberty of a 
 
 tives. 
 
 foldier's life, than with the difcipline of theO^'ALLi. 
 fchools. 1 641 . 
 
 They arc much addided to horfem.n- ''"'''''*'"^ 
 fiiip : and I have often feen, that to ll:n.n£^- 
 then a child that can hardly go, the bcil 
 way is to let him on horfeback : this makes 
 them prove dextrous horfcmcn, and bold. 
 And 'tis a common opinion and a known 
 experience, that for horfe, one of the coun- 
 try is bet(;er than four from abroad : this 
 has been fufficicntly proved in the courfe of 
 fo long a war as that which has bufied that 
 kingdom. 
 
 I'hey are naturally liberal, good natur'd, 
 and friendly, particularly if they are treat- 
 ed honourably, with due regard : they are 
 pretty ftubborn and wilful ; to be led only 
 by fair means, and then they are docile 
 and tractable ; but if force is ufed, they do 
 worfe and worfe. This v/e the fathers of 
 the fociety do often experience in our col- 
 leges : i'o we are oblig'd to lead them by 
 fweetnefs and emulation, rather than by ri- 
 gour and harfhnefs. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the Riches, Militia, Studies, and lucre a fe of the City cf St. J ago. 
 
 T^ 
 
 City. 
 
 HIS city, to which the king has gi- 
 J. ven the title of moft noble and loyal, 
 is the capital city of Chile, and one of the 
 beft in the Indies, next to thofe two royal 
 ones of Lima and Mexico, which do exceed it 
 in fumptuous edifices, in people and trade, 
 becaufe they are more ancient and nearer 
 Spain, and of a greater paiTage for the peo- 
 ple that come from Europe, and free from 
 the tumults of war, which is a canker that 
 eats deepefl into great cities and kingdoms ; 
 and 'tis no fmall proof of their force, to be 
 able to maintain fo long a war. 
 |( Founda- This city was founded one hundred and 
 tion of the i[q^^ years ago -, and it had all that while fuf- 
 tained the heavy load of a long and ftub- 
 born war, which the native Indians have 
 made upon the Spaniards without any inter- 
 milFion -, in which its inhabitants have ei- 
 ther always been in arms, or fending many 
 horfes and provifion to the camp ; a cala- 
 mity, which, far from letting it grow to 
 what it is, ought to have kept it down 
 from the beginning : nor is it of a fmall 
 confideration, for the growth of other cities 
 in the Indies, to refiedt, that they being 
 in the way, and, as it were, upon the pai- 
 iage of other places, many newcomers have 
 fettled there, who perhaps at frrfl were 
 bound for other countries, or at leaft were 
 indifferent where they ftay'd, and took up 
 with them. 'Tis otherwife with the city 
 of St. Jago, becaufe the kingdom of Chile 
 being fo remote, and the laft of all the Spa- 
 yiijl: dominions, it is the non-plus-ultra of the 
 
 world •, fo that no body goes thither by 
 chance, but on purpofe, and upon fome de- 
 fign or particular intereft ; for which reafon 
 the number of ffrangers is little. 
 
 But the city is fo good and convenient to T]ie 
 pafs away life with eafe, that notwithftand- riches, 
 ing thefe dillidvantages, it is fo increafed, 
 that it aftonidies all who fee it, few cities 
 of the Indies outdoing it in finery, particu- 
 larly as to the women, (it were to be wifh- 
 ed it were not to that excefs ;) for all things 
 coming from Europe are there prodigious 
 dear ■, and this caufes many families to run 
 behind hand. Who fhould fee the place of 
 St. 'Jago, and that of Madrid, could fee no 
 difference as to this point, nay, as to the 
 woinen, the finery exceeds that of Madrid j 
 for the Spanijh women, fcorning to go tofer- 
 vice, are all ladies, and love to appear as 
 fuch, as much as they can ; and the emula- 
 tion between them about fine cloaths, jewels, 
 and other ornaments, for themlelves and their 
 lervants, is fuch, that let their hufbands be 
 never fo rich they want all they have, parti- 
 cularly if they are of the nobihty, to laiisfy 
 the pride of the women. 
 
 As to the militia of the city, the firlt Milid3. 
 part of it is the company of inhabitants, en- 
 comendcros, and reformed captains, who 
 have no other commander but the governor 
 himfelf, or his deputy; after that, there are 
 two or three troops of horfe, and three or 
 four companies of foot, all Spaniards. Thefe 
 often rnuller on holidays, and are cxerciled 
 in the ul'e of their arms ; and fomctimcs 
 
 there
 
 120 
 
 Ov A L L E . 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the Book IV 
 
 The v^aft 
 
 increafe 
 of the 
 city. 
 
 there are general nuiftcrs before the oytlorcs 
 and royal officL-rs, where tlieir arms are ex- 
 amin*d-, who alfo note them down, to know 
 what ftrength they can raili upon occafion, 
 punifhing luch as do not keep their arms 
 and horlcs fit for Icrvice. By this diligence 
 they are very ready at their arms, and the 
 excicifing ot them proves an entertainment 
 for them and the whole city ; for very of- 
 ten, in the publick proceflions, one or two 
 of thefc companies ufe to come out, and 
 make a filvo for them ; and in the holy 
 week there always attend a troop of hoife, 
 and a company of foot, vvho guard the 
 Itrcct, where the procefTions of the whip- 
 pers go to keep the peace, becaufe of the 
 Indians, who ufe to rake that time to make 
 fome rifing., the Spaniards being wholly 
 taken up widi iheir devotions. 
 
 Tlie days in which this militia makes the 
 beft fhew,' are, when the bifhops come to 
 be receiv'd, becaufe they make a lane from 
 the entrance of the city to the great place 
 of it, where they form their battalion ; and 
 the concourfe of the people ufes to be fo 
 great, that though the place is very large, 
 there is fcarce room for them. 
 
 And fince we are upon that fubjeft, we 
 cannot omit to obferve that which is wor- 
 thy of admiration, and that is, to fee how 
 it is increas'd in the number of Spaniards 
 within thefe forty years. 'Tis probable, 
 the fame has happened to the other cities of 
 the Indies; but this has had a continual 
 drain, by fupplying foldiers for the war 
 with the Indians, where many periih, and 
 few return. I remember that I have heard 
 fay, that one of our fathers, newly come 
 from Europe, and coming to our college, 
 where he faw but few people in the ftreer, 
 cried out. 
 
 Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vajlo. 
 
 By which he meant to fignify, the dif- 
 proportion of the inhabitants to the bignefs 
 of the city •, but now that very ftreet is fo 
 full of people, that all hours of the day, 
 and fome of the night, it is extremely fre- 
 quented ; for there have been built many 
 houfes for handicraftfmen and Jhopkeepers 
 on both fides of it, becaufe trade is confi- 
 derably increas'd. 
 
 I can myfelf affirm, that I obferv'd as 
 great an alteration in a much lefi time, as 
 well in people as in building ; for having 
 been abfent but eight years, I confefs, that 
 •at my return, I fcarce knew the place again ; 
 for I found feveral ground fpots where there 
 was not a houfe built upon, with very good 
 buildings-, and thofe which I had left built 
 were alter'd to the better, with more and 
 higher apartments; and the courts which 
 ■were very large, were confidcrably ftreight- 
 2 
 
 ned by other buildings -, and yet the plot 
 of the city was larger too ; fo that being 
 at firft built at the foot of the mountain we 
 have l}X)kcn of, to the weft of it, I found 
 it extended as much to the eaft, and the 
 fime proportionably to the fouth and north, 
 and it increafes daily towards the river, and 
 the Cannada. 
 
 There was, when I left the place, about increafe 
 a dozen Hiops of good retailers, and at my trade, 
 return there were above fifty •, and the fame 
 proportionably as to the fliops of flioe-ma- 
 kers, taylors, carpenters, fmiths, goldfmiths, 
 and other handicraftfmen, whom I found 
 alio more curious and exaft in their pro- 
 teffions ; and emulation has produced very 
 good pieces of workmanfhip in gold and 
 filver, and carvings in wood, gildings, 
 paintings, which have adorn'd the churches, 
 with thofe which have been brought from 
 Europe, and the particular houfes-, fo that 
 in fome houfes alone, there are more things 
 of that kind now, than there were in all 
 the city formerly. Some complain, that 
 there are not now luch rich and powerful men 
 as there were at firft ; and that is true: but 
 it does not follow, that the generality is 
 the worfe for that, but rather otherwile ; 
 lor the lands and houfes which belong now 
 to ten families, were antiently in one ; it 
 being certain that feveral of the heirs of 
 that man have attain'd to as great riches 
 as he himfelf had; or at leaft 'tis apparent, 
 that the ftock of all thofe who have fhar'd 
 the inheritance, far exceeds what was left 
 them; fo that fuppofing that fome were 
 formerly richer, yet the riches are more in 
 the land ; which is alio clear to any that 
 fhall confider the houfes, pofTefTions, and 
 other improvements made fince that time ; 
 for now there is fcarce room for the people, 
 whereas before there was not half people 
 for the room that was for them; which is 
 alio vifible in the country round about, 
 where farms that could hardly find pur- 
 chafers, and were little worth, are now fo 
 rifen in their value, that the fmalleft coft 
 great fums; and this rage of purchafing is 
 fuch, that mofl of the caufes in the reryal 
 audiencia are about titles ; for the antients, 
 who took pofTefTion of the land, thought, 
 that if they had a little footing in a valley, 
 it was all theirs; but thofe who have come 
 fince, have purchafed by virtue of new ti- 
 tles, and taken new pofreilion ; which makes 
 fo many law-fuits. 
 
 There is not a form'd regular univerfity 
 in this city, becaufe that of Lima ferv'd 
 for all the neighbouring kingdoms and pro- 
 vinces to take the degrees ; but when in 
 time the going to Lima was found fo charge- 
 able, and the journey, which is of three 
 or four hundred leagues, lb troublelbme, 
 there were bulls obtain'd of the pop?, for 
 
 the 
 
 ofi
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 ICingdofn of CHILE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Thepope's the orders of 5t. Domhiick and the Jefiiifs, 
 bulls ob- j.g [-j.j^,(. ji^g privilege of conferring tiie de- 
 'l"'i ^^ arees of batcliclor, licentiate of arts, as 
 
 the lionii- to ,■ • • • , i • i 
 
 nicins and '"'o doccors in divinity, in tlic kindoms 
 jeiuits to of Chile, Granr.da, Ruiio, Chuqitizago, ^fu- 
 ciiinr.n, and Paraguay, 
 
 The eft'cdl has fhewed how necefl^iry this 
 fiivour, and how important this privilege 
 has been; for this incitement to honour has 
 caiis'd a general application to learning -, 
 for the prielts and curates are already great 
 proficients in ftuJy, and fo more capable 
 of taking upon them the cure of Ibuls -, 
 and thofe who betake themfelves to a reli- 
 gious life, are better qualified to ferve their 
 orders, and be an honour to them, as ma- 
 ny of them are; and it does not a little 
 contribute to the value of them, to fee the 
 great folemnity us'd at the reception of the 
 leveral graduates. And in this, as well as 
 the reft, I think our city of St. Jago is not 
 inferior to any : for, firft, all the acts are 
 held with great concourfe of all the learned, 
 and very often the bifhop honours them 
 with his prcfence, and fo do the prefident 
 of the audiencia, and the chief of the 
 town-government, to whom are dedicated 
 
 the fubjefts of the extempore rctcJing?, ac- O-am r. 
 cording to the conllituiion of the univerfi- '^■*'^ 
 ty, wiiich are given out witii great ndeiitv, '-'^'"'^ 
 dividing the fubjedt into three parts, for 
 the graduate to tiifpute upon in prefence 
 ot a great concourfe of people ; and the fe- 
 verity is indifpenfable in this and all other 
 examinations, for the different degrees 
 which are given by the bifliop, by virtue 
 of an approbation firft given him by the 
 father rcdor and the profefTors, as the 
 bull direfts ; according to which there is 
 no obligation of giving any treat; but yec 
 tiiat the dodors may aflift with more plea- 
 lure and diligence, there has been introdu- 
 ced a cuftom of giving fome moderate ones, 
 befides gloves, which were allowed inftead 
 of it ; but fome out of oftentation, give 
 both treat and gloves. Befides this, there 
 has been introduc'd a cuftom of inviting 
 the horfe of the city to honour the procef- 
 fion, which make the folemnity the more 
 confpicuous; and they very willingly ac- 
 cept of the invitation, for they are very 
 ready to mount on hori'eback to honour any, 
 much more thofe who diftinguifli themfelves 
 by the exercifes of virtue and learning. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the ii'orJJyip cf God, and the church ceremonies in the city of St. Jago. 
 
 I 
 
 F we were to make a judgment of this 
 city by the worfliip of God that is 
 perform'd in it, and the appearance of the 
 clergy, we fhould judge it to be much big- 
 ger than it is ; for the ftate and expence 
 with which the holidays arc kept, in the 
 charge of mufick, perfu<nes, wax, and other 
 ornaments, are very great : let us give fome 
 particular inftances, and begin with the ca- 
 thedral. I cannot but commend the piety 
 of thofe eminent perfons, the bifhop, pre- 
 lident, and counfellors of the royal audien- 
 cia, who taking each of them a day during 
 the oiflave of the holy facrament, are at 
 the whole expence of that day, and that is 
 very confiderable ; for all the wax and per- 
 fumes are very dear, as coming from Eu- 
 rope \ and the holy emulation that is be- 
 tween them, increafes the fplendor of the 
 day ; fo that during that oclave, the church 
 is fo perfum'd, that its fragrancy is fmelt 
 fome diftance from, it. The proceftion of 
 the firft. and eighth day are upon the ac- 
 count of the chapter, as the hanging of the 
 ftreets, and ereding of altars \ov rcpofito- 
 ries, are at the charge of the inhabitants 
 where the proccffion paffes : this proceffion 
 is attended by all the convents, and all the 
 companies of trades, with their banners 
 OAd fl'igs, fo that it reaches a great way. 
 After this of the cathedral come every tlay 
 Vol. III. ■ ' 
 
 new ones of all the convents, fo that they 
 laft a month, every one endeavouring to 
 have theirs the bcft ; by which means there 
 are great variety of ornamental inventions 
 and machines. The hidiavs of the neigh- 
 bourhood, that live in the Chagras, that is, 
 little cottages, within fome miles of the 
 city, attend likewife with their banners ; 
 and they chufe for this purpofe a leader 
 who makes the expence, and treats thofe of 
 his company : their numbers are fo great, 
 and the noife they make fo loud, with their 
 flutes, and their hollowing and finging, 
 that they are placed in the front, or clle 
 there would be no hearing the church mu- 
 fick, nor any means of underftanding one 
 another about the government of t!:c pro- 
 ceffion. The other feafts and holidays in 
 the year are proportionably folemniz'd with 
 the liime decency by all the orders ot friers, 
 who all of them have fome devout perfons 
 who help to bear the charge. But the nuns 
 e.'iceed all the reft in ornaments; and thefe 
 nunneries are fo populous, that in that of 
 St. Aiiftin alone there are above five hun- 
 dred perfons, whereof three hundred are 
 veiled nuns, the reft are lay-fifters ; and be- 
 caufe the nunnery being full, there can be 
 no more receiv'd, but with great ciifficulty, 
 the other nunnery of Sancla Clara receives 
 fo niany every day, that in a little time it 
 
 'H h wa
 
 Ill 
 
 Ov'\LLE.will equal 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book V 
 
 the other in number, as it does 
 already in the pomp and ornament of its 
 chiirch-fcrvice-, that which thefc angels of 
 heaven, (for ib we may jullly call thole 
 who with fo much piety and anxiety do 
 ferve God continually, and are as a wall 
 of defence to the city,) that which they do 
 moft Qiinc in, can hardly be cxprefs'd as 
 to the neatnefs, curiofity, and richnefs ol 
 their altars, and the church-ornaments. 
 "What (hall I fay ol the fmells, artificial 
 flowers, fruits, chocolates, paibllos, and 
 perfuming pots, which I have feen fome- 
 times of fo great a fize, tliat they ftruck 
 me with admiration, confidering the mat- 
 ter they are made of, which is of a refin'd 
 fuf^ar, as white as fnow, iometimes in form 
 of a callle, fometimes of a candleftick, or 
 a pyramid moll exquifitely wrought. 
 
 They are not content with this ; for I 
 have fometimes feen the whole grate of the 
 choir, and the joiners work, and beams of 
 the church, all cover'd with preferv'd ci- 
 tron, in form of funs c r angels of mezzo 
 relievo, and a thoufiind other inventions, 
 which I (liould never have done, if I (houid 
 report them all. I muft only iay, that the 
 
 that 
 
 i 
 
 generofity of thofe ladies is fuch 
 though this corts very much, yet I have of- 
 ten ieen them at the end of a mafs diltri- 
 bute all thofe things to thofe who happen 
 to be in the church, v/ithout keeping it for 
 themfelves: they do not only do this with- 
 in the church, but the altars which are fee 
 up in their cloifters, and ftreets near them ; 
 for the procedions are adorn'd, after the 
 fame manner, with fruits and flowers of the 
 fame materials, fo well imitated, that they 
 appear new-gather'd. 
 
 The monafleries of men are not fo well The mo- 
 fill'd as thcfe of the nuns, though fome naileries of 
 have a hundred, others fixty or feventy '"^" ""' "* 
 friers. The iccular clergy is alfo very nu- a°thenun- 
 merous, very virtuous, and learned. Since neries. 
 I came away, there has been founded an- 
 other nunnery of about thirty nuns, who 
 will need no portion, being provided for 
 by a gentleman who left all his eitate to 
 that foundation; it was captain Alcnfo del 
 Campo Lantadilla, alguazil mayor of that 
 city, which will be of great fervice to help 
 the providing for poor maids, who, per- 
 haps, elfe would not find it eafy any other 
 way. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 In iL-hicb is treated of the procejioiis of the holy iceck in the' city of St. Jago. 
 
 LET us conclude this matter of reli- 
 / gion and pious exercifes with fiying 
 lomething of the moft remarkable pradice 
 of it in the holy week, by the llatelinefs of 
 the procefTions at that time ; which is fuch, 
 that all Grangers conkfs, that if they had 
 not feen it, they fliould hardly have be- 
 Thenate- heVd it. Thefe proceifions begin on the 
 linefsofthe 'Tuefday in the holy week, to which the com- 
 procefll- piiriy of the Morenos, which is founded in 
 ""'• our college, give a beginning, (of which 
 
 we Ihali fpeak more when we treat ol its 
 employments, as alfo of the brotherhood 
 orconfraryof the/Ww?/.f, on the morning of 
 Eajler-diiy.) The procelTion that follows 
 next, is that which comes out ot the con- 
 vent of St. Jiijlin, in which is founded the 
 confravy of the Mulattos : they, go all co- 
 ver'd with black frocks, and have many 
 paflages of the paflion lung very devoutly, 
 with the beft mufick of the place, and ma- 
 ny lighted torches. The Wednefday the 
 famous proceffion of the contrary of the 
 Nazarettos fets out, which is all of natural 
 Spaniards, of fcveral arts and profeflions, 
 and is founded in the royal convent of 
 Niieftra Sennora de la Mercede ; and it is 
 one of the richeft and moft adorn'd pro- 
 cfffions. This procefilon is divided into 
 three troops: the firft of which carries La 
 /■i5-5«zV« to the cathedral, where it ftays to 
 
 meet the fecond, in which comes the Re- 
 deemer with his croft, fo heavy, that he is 
 forced to kneel often. 
 
 When this fecond, which is the largefl:, 
 comes to the great place, that which iVay'd 
 at the cathedra! goes to meet them -, and at 
 a certain diftance, in fight of a vaft multi- 
 tude of peop'e, i\\t' Ferotiica comes, and 
 kneeling down to the image of Chrift, 
 wliich is a very large one, feemingiy wipes 
 his face, and then fitews the people the re- 
 prefentation ol it remaining in the handker- 
 chief ; and then as they begin to march, 
 there appears the third proceffion, in which 
 comes St. John, {hewing the Firgin Mary 
 that dolorous Ipecftacle: lo that by all thefe 
 tliere is form'd a mighty proceffion, with 
 many lighted -torches, and all the brothers 
 are cloadied in their red frocks, marching 
 with great filence and devotion. There is 
 another reprcfentatloh'of great piety, which 
 is pcrform'd in the convent ot St. Francis, 
 and in this convent.-, -which is the parting 
 of Chrift and his mother, which ufes to 
 caufe great paffion and many tears, becaufe 
 of the natural nefs with which it is afbed. 
 
 On the Thurfday there are very curious 
 fepulchres eredled, and many alms given to 
 the poor ; and though in the foregoing pro- 
 ceffions, and on the Fridttys in Lmt, there are 
 to be feen fome people whipping themfelves, 
 I with 
 
 I 
 
 f
 
 iCingdom o/^ C FI I L E. 
 
 7- 
 
 with divers forts of pennanccs, which every 
 one performs according to his own devo- 
 tion, yet the proccfTions, which by e>:ccl- 
 lency are called the bloody proceffions, arc 
 performed this nighr. One of them fets 
 out from the chapel of the true crofs, 
 which is in the convent and chapel of 
 Nueftra Sennora de la Alcrcedc, and is only 
 of the inhabitants and gentlemen, who go 
 all covered over with black frocks -, and he 
 who carries the crofs is obliged (befides the 
 collation which he provides for the preacher 
 and the mufick, and which ufes to be very 
 magnificent) to provide alfo men to attend 
 the procelTion, and relieve the whippers, 
 who often draw fo much blood that they 
 faint away ; and others take care to cut off 
 of the difciplines fome of the fpurs of them, 
 for they ufe to have fo many on, that they 
 almoft kill themfelves, nay, I have fcen 
 fome of fo indifcreet a zeal, that they ufed 
 certain buttons with points fo fliarp, that 
 if they were let alone, 'tis a difpute whe- 
 ther they would not die before the end of 
 the procefTion. Before this go alfo tv.'o 
 others, both of them bloody procefTions -, 
 one of the Indians, and it is that has moil 
 whippers -, the other comes from St. Boinin- 
 go, and is of the Morenos: they both have 
 mufick ; and the communities of all the 
 convents go to meet them when they come 
 near their churches with torches in their 
 hands. They fpend a great deal of time in 
 their procefTion, and are accompanied by an 
 infinite number of people. 
 
 On the Holyfriddy there are two procef- 
 fions more that go out of St. Dcmii/go and 
 St. Francifco, both of natural Spaniards. 
 That of San5io Domingo is called the pro- 
 cefTion of pity, and has been begun but 
 lately ; but it has made fuch progrefs, that 
 ir equals the mofl ancient : they carry all 
 the marks of the palTion by lb many drefTed 
 uV) like angels very richly, and each of 
 them is attended by two brothers of the 
 procefTion with lights, and their coaps of 
 yellow. The other procefTion, which 
 comes from St. Francifco., is the ancientefl, 
 and has always been the beft : it is mighti- 
 ly commended for the great filence and de- 
 votion with which it is performed ; for 
 there is not a word fpoke in it from its go- 
 ing out to its returning. Bcfcre it goes 
 there is performed the defcent of the crofs 
 before a great concourfe of people. This 
 has always been an action of great piety, 
 and very moving. The enfigns, or mad^s 
 of the pafTion, go out in order; and when 
 they come, there is another reprefentation 
 very tenderly niade in the Cannada : there 
 is a great crofs fee up -, and when the image 
 
 of the virgin comes up to it, it lifis up itbOvAi.!,». 
 eyes, as one v. ho miOcs the fovereign good '^♦'^• 
 that hung on it, and drawing out a \>. hitc '*'^~^ 
 handkerchief applies it to the eyes, as cry- 
 ing, and then opening the arms, embraces 
 the crofs, and kneeling kifTes the foot of it 
 once or twice : all this it does lb dexccrou.'- 
 ly, and becomingly, that one would f.vear 
 it were a living creature : and this aftion be- 
 ing accompanied v/ith the mufick of the 
 day proportioned to the grief of the mylte- 
 ry, 'fis incredible what effects it has upo:i 
 the people, who croud one upon another lo 
 fee it. 
 
 On the Sa'urday, and on Frjlcr-d.r; in the 
 morning, there are other proccfTions. The 
 firfl comes out oi St. Domingo, and is of the 
 gentlemen and citizens, v/ho in this are 
 cloathed in white, of mofl rich cloth of 
 filvcr or filk, finely garniflied with jevvels 
 and chains of gold. The ceremcny of the 
 rellirredion is celebrated by night in tiie 
 cloyfter •, and ibr that end there is f.:ch an 
 illumination, that it feems day. The pro- 
 cefTion goes out very noble and gay, an;l in 
 it are many liglus, mufick, and dances, the 
 ftreets being all adorned with triumph.i.1 
 arches, and hung with tapcftries ; and while 
 this procefTion is in the cathedral, celebra- 
 ting the mafs, and communicating the 
 hofl to the brothers, there comes another 
 to the great place to meet it, another from 
 the college of the jefuits, which is a con- 
 frary of Indians, the moil ancient of the 
 city, confifting of a company of Indians of 
 both fexes, who, with torclies in their 
 hands, accompany the child Jcllis drefTed 
 up after the Indian fafhion, (which cauies 
 great concern and devotion :) they have al- 
 io many colours, enfigns, and other orna-' 
 ments, very rich and gay. At the fame 
 time tv.'o other proccfTions of Indians like- 
 wife fet out from the convents of 6'/. Fra.- 
 cii, and Nurjlra Sennora de le Mercede, and 
 another of Morenos from St. Domingo, all 
 with a great apparatus of drums, trumpets, 
 colours, hautboys, dances, which make 
 that morning appear very gay and merry ; 
 and that it may be fo to our Saviour refuf- 
 citated, they all communicate, and give a. 
 happy Rafter to the Divine Majefty and all 
 heaven, to which tlie earth can never pay 
 a greater tribute than by the converfion of 
 finners, particularly of thefe new Chriflians, 
 whofe anceflois adored but the other day 
 their idols ; and now they acknowledge, 
 and kneel before the true God, and fit 
 with him at his table, as grandees of his 
 court ; they, who not long before were flaves' 
 of the devil. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 t 1 
 
 OV A L L E . 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nature ond Properties of the 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of fome other holidays of the city of St. Jago. 
 
 Book 
 
 ■,hap. 
 
 ON F, of the things in \^hich the great- 
 ikIs of a city llicws iticlr molt is, in 
 its feart, hohdays, and piibhck entertain- 
 ments : we will touch a htde on thole of 
 Si. Jago ; and, bcfitlcs the fccuLir ones of 
 bull-fealls, running at the ring, Jucgo de 
 Cc.mtas, tournaments, ilUiminauons, and 
 other diverfions in which this city Ihines, 
 it is wonderful how well there are celebra- 
 ted the publick rejoicings for the birth or 
 marriage of their prince, in univerlal ca- 
 nonizations of liiints, and in all other fo- 
 lemnitics, but particularly thofe ordered 
 by his majefly, as that was about thirty 
 years ago, when his majefty, out of his 
 great piety, ordered, in honour of the 
 queen of angels, that the myltery of her 
 holy immaculate conception fliould be ce- 
 lebrated in all his kingdoms, as well by the 
 ieculars, as by the churchmen ; and the firll 
 indeed need no incitement in this matter, 
 every one being ready to flicw their ac- 
 knowlctlgmeiits to this fovereign queen of 
 heaven, who has favoured more particular- 
 ly the kingdom of Chile with her protcftion 
 from the beginning. 
 
 J^et us now fiiy vvhat the city of ^Z. Jngo 
 djd upon this occafion, that the affedion 
 with which the inhabitants correfpond to 
 what they owe to this illufl:rious queen of 
 heaven may be manitcRed, and fome 
 proof given of what they can do on fuch oc- 
 cafions : and letting alone what was done 
 by all the convents and monafleries, I come 
 
 zeal he invited the people to come after 
 dinner to the proccflion of our church, and 
 to fing before the image of our lady that 
 ballad which w;is in thofe days fo fitmous, 
 and begins : 
 
 y^// the icwld in general 
 Says fo, chofen queen of heaven, 
 '■That you are conceived even 
 
 Without fin original. 
 
 The auditory was much edilied v;ith the 
 piety of the good father, but fmiled at his 
 propofal as impradlicable ; yet tiicy all 
 came at the hour, moft out of curiofity to 
 fee the event of this novelty : they all took 
 olive-branches in their hands, and began 
 the proccfiion while our fathers fung the 
 (lanzas. It was wonderful that the fiime 
 Ipirit which moved the father to fuch an 
 extraordinary invitation, moved alfo all the 
 people to fing before the image of our la- 
 dy, which rhey carried thus to the cathe- 
 dral ; out of which the clergy coming to 
 meet, and finging the church-hymns, the 
 
 A firange 
 infpiration 
 on the 
 clergy as 
 well as 
 laity to 
 finging. 
 
 nolle of the others 
 
 that the canons were forced 
 
 w.as lo 
 
 great, 
 
 to give over, 
 
 and accompany the people in their ftanzas, 
 
 like fo many children. 
 
 finging altogether 
 
 many 
 rhey looked one another in the flice, ad- 
 miring at what they were doing, being 
 fcarce able to believe ; and if I myfelf had 
 not fecn it, knowing, as I do, the natural 
 gravity of that people, I fhould not have 
 believed it neither ; but the inward force 
 
 inidn' 
 faiip 
 tttaed 
 
 lilijM 
 
 gpce. 
 
 to other particulars, to which three poeti- of devotion can do any thing, when the 
 
 congregation 
 college i 
 
 cal conteils gave rife : thefe were publifhed 
 folemnly on horfeback through the town, 
 with the company ot the town magiftrares, 
 and ail the gentry, without exception. The 
 firll of thefe troops were defrayed by the 
 cathedral, the fecond by the celebrated rno- 
 mailery ot the Conception, the third by the 
 of ftudents founded in our 
 and in all thefe there were prizes 
 propofed of great value for the poets; and 
 thofe who obtained them, had them given 
 to them with great folemnity •, and there 
 were feveral reprefentations, with other di- 
 verfions according to the cuftom of that 
 country. 
 
 And fince we arc fpeaking of what hap- 
 pened in thofe holy fealts, let us not forget 
 as remarkable a pafilige as any : the day 
 which it fell to the lot of our college to ce- 
 lebrate its feaft, the flither provincial, who 
 was 10 preach before mafs, felt himfelf fo 
 moved with love and devotion to the fove- 
 rejgn virgin, that in a lit of extiuordinary 
 i 
 
 ord of hearts makes ufe of it to exalt the 
 immaculate purenefs of his mother. 
 
 The rejoicings and entertainments upon a very 
 this occafion lafled many days; one of them experfive; 
 fell to the lot of the congregation of natural mafque- 
 Spaniards founded in our college, vi'ho made 
 a very ingenious and coilly mafquerade, 
 reprefcnting all the nations of the world, 
 with their kings and princes all clothed 
 after their own faihion, with their attendants, 
 and laft of all the pope, to whom each na- 
 tion came with its king, to defire his holinefs 
 to favour this mivftery. The liveries were ve- 
 ry coftly, and there was a triumphal chariot, 
 a great machine, in which was reprefented 
 the church : but that which was mod char- 
 gable was the wax, which is very dear there ; 
 and this entertainment was given by night. 
 
 The other days were divided among the 
 Negroes and Indians of all arts and profef- 
 fions, who having a pious emulation to each 
 other, made inany rare inventions ; but 
 the merchants carried the belle in a tour- 
 nament
 
 Chap. 8. 
 
 Kingdom <?/ C H I L E. 
 
 nament, which they pcrform'd in the great 
 place, each adventurer coming either out 
 of a fea, or a wood, or an enchanted caftle, 
 with his paper or challenge, acting their 
 parts very well : They broke their lances, 
 and receiv'd their prizes, which were things 
 of great value. The gentlemen of the city 
 crown'd the feaft with tlieir ufual divcrfions 
 o'i bull-feafts, running at the ring Jucgo de 
 Carinas^ &c. There arc generally about 
 twenty or thirty horfemen to attack the 
 bulls, and throw the rejoiis or lances at 
 them, befides him who ftrikes the bull dead. 
 Tiie illuminations of torches, with which 
 they ule to run about all night, are alio of 
 great diverfion ; and upon this occafion 
 they did it with rich liveries, and other 
 chargeable expences, for the greater Iblem- 
 nity of the time. 
 
 The ordinary and annual rejoicings which 
 are obferv'd on Midfunimer, on St. John's 
 day, St. "James's, and the Nativity of cur 
 Lady, are alfo worth feeing, particularly on 
 the day of St. Jago, who is the patron of 
 the city ; for then the royal enfign of the 
 crown brings out the great ftandard of the 
 conqueft, with the king's arms, and is ac- 
 companied by all the gentry, who are 
 oblig'd to appear on that occafion, which 
 they do very glorioufly. 
 
 Marriages There happen likewife fome marriages 
 
 and chri- or chriftenings of the people of beft fifliion, 
 '-'Th"^^ d '^^ which they make as good a fhew as their 
 
 with great ^^^'^5 ^'^^ '^"^ them, and often above their 
 'pomp and abilities. In the bull-feafts, thofe who un- 
 
 ;.\pence. dertake them life to treat the royal audien- 
 cia, and other bodies corporate • but in 
 marriages they are profufe, for the prefents 
 to the bride have been brought in fafliion 
 to be very rich, liich as flavcs, carpets, 
 fcrutores fiU'd with gold and jewels, and 
 other curiofities of great value. There is 
 not lefs fpent in treats and banquets, parti- 
 cularly of late years, that they have taken 
 to counterfeiting natural fruits, and other 
 things, which ferve for the fideboard ; fo 
 that after a man has given a treat of all 
 forts of birds and fifhes, his entertainment 
 is not gallant enough, if he does not add a 
 defert of preferv'd citrons in all figures of 
 love-knots, i£c. and the other fruits imita- 
 ted after nature : Thefe they mingle on the 
 cloth, with the figures of ewers, faltfellers, 
 jars, falvers, difhes, fpoons, forks, knives, 
 all made of citron, cover'd with leaves of 
 gold and filver-, and the firft thing the 
 guefts do, when they fit down, is to plun- 
 der the table of thefe, for there are real 
 ones of gold and filver for the banquet. 
 
 All this cofts extremely, bccaufe the fu- Ova in-, 
 gar comes from Peru, and the manufadurc '^♦^ 
 of all thefe curiofities is very dear ■, many -^''^^''^ 
 are the guefts ; and befides the wedding- 
 dinner, the fathers give another the next 
 day as fumptuous. This is what no body 
 of fafhion can help doing. I have heard 
 formerly, that at firrt there were gentlemen, 
 who, upon any of thefe publick rejoicings, 
 would do it all at their own charges, li- 
 ving them all liveries of velvet, at the run- 
 ning of the ring for example ; and yet then 
 velvet was twice as dear as it is now. Buc 
 at prefent that is left oft", though they make 
 expences equivalent in collations, bonfires, 
 and other contrivances of great l]-,ew ; for 
 upon thefe occafions they all think them- 
 felves rich enough, which is a great ruin to 
 families, every one ftraining out of vanity 
 to equal another, though the difference in 
 riches be very great. 
 
 And now let us leave St. Jago, which 
 has detain'd us more than ordinary, to fa- 
 tisfy the curiofity of thofe who are defircus 
 to know the increafe and progrefs of the 
 cities and colonies of that new work*, and 
 how the Chriftian cufloms and government 
 have begun to flourifti in it ; and by this 
 cfiay a judgment may be made of thofe 
 fetdements. I pafs on to the particulars of 
 the conqueft of that kingdom, that I may 
 afterwards give an account of the progrefs 
 of the ChrilUan faith, and the great liop;-s 
 there is of its greater propagation. And 
 becaufe fome curious perlons do defirc to 
 know fome particulars of the colonies and 
 fettlements of that new world -, and that 
 it may be agreeable to the reader to know ' 
 
 the form given by the firft founders to their 
 cities, I have thought convenient to give 
 here the ground-plot of the city of St. Jago, 
 with all its ftreets, houfcs, and publick 
 place, with the names of the churches and 
 convents, and the ftreets that anfwer them, 
 they being the principal buildings of a 
 Chriftian commonwealth -, by which it 
 may be known how other towns and ci- 
 ties in thofe parts are contriv'd, for they 
 moft of them follow this plot or model. 
 And becaufe fome judgment may be madc^ 
 of the buildings, I have likewife given the 
 city in perfpective, as it looks to thofe 
 who come from the Peru fide, and en- 
 ter by the great ftreet call'd the Cannada ; 
 though the cupola of the jefuits, and the 
 tower of the convent of St. Francis, with 
 other high buildings, are dilcern'd many 
 leagues oft". 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 C tJ A P-
 
 il6 
 
 Of the Nature md Properties of the 
 
 :Book V, 
 
 OVALLE 
 
 1646 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 ^'^^^^^^ q'te governor Pedro cle Valdivia piirfues his conqiieft. The gold winei are begun 
 to be ivrciight. He fends proof's of iheir richnefs to Peru ; Jro?n whence the 
 general ]\\A\\ Baptifte P.iftcne brings him the firji Jhcccurs. 
 
 TH E governor Pedro de Valdivia ha- 
 ving founded the city of St. Jfgo, be- 
 gan to think of fortifying himfclf in that 
 pod, to defend himlelf againft the fury of 
 the Indians, with wliom he was every day 
 engaged ; and many men were loft on both 
 fides, lb that his men began to be uneafy, 
 and talk of going back to Peru, as Alma- 
 gro had done -, for though they faw the 
 richnefs of the country, yet it appcat'd to 
 them dearly bought, fince they could not 
 get any of it, without running great hazards 
 by the many engagements that they had 
 with the enemy ; fo that they gave their 
 lives for gone. The governor Pedro de 
 Viddivta was not ignorant of the difficulty 
 of his enterprize ; but yet encourag'd by 
 the hopes of fuccefs at laft, he refolv'd ra- 
 ther to die than give it over ; and being an 
 experienced foldier, bred in the wars of 
 Europe, he refolv'd to raife a fort for the 
 defence of his men, being convinc'd of the 
 bravery of the enemy he had to do with ; 
 and though he was inform'd of a general 
 rifing, which the Indians defign'd, he fent 
 feventy men to make an incurfion towards 
 the river of Cachapoal. The Indians ta- 
 king the opportunity of the abfence of thefe 
 men, attack'd the fort, and had gain'd it 
 if the Spaniards had not fhewed incredible 
 valour in the defence of it till the other 
 men return'd ; and by their aOlftance they re- 
 pulfed the Indians, and remain'd conquerors. 
 The governor made good ufe of this ad- 
 vantage, both with the Indians and his own 
 men •, fo that having quieted them, he be- 
 gan to work upon the mines of ^illota, 
 which were of great fame : They prov'd fo 
 rich, and yielded fuch a quantity of gold, 
 that he thought it advifable to make a fort 
 there for the fecurity of his men ; but find- 
 ing want of hands, by the lofles he had 
 had, he refolv'd to fend to Peru for relief. 
 This he put in execution, giving at the fame 
 time an account of the richnefs and fruit- 
 fulnefs of the country, to incite people ; 
 and becaufe ocular teftmiony perfuades more 
 than what we only hear of, he trufled fix 
 men, whom he fent along with thirty others, 
 A demon- to have a great deal of gold with them, 
 ftrative caufing befides the flirrups of their horfcs, 
 P™° . j^ and all that is employed of iron work about 
 of Chile" ^^^ bridles and faddles, to be made of maf- 
 intended. fy gold, making the ftirrups very great 
 The de- and large on purpofe. But all this defign 
 Cgn nnf- ^^s diiappointed ; for thefe men, who were 
 
 thus gilded 
 
 ike funs, were, when they came 
 to the valley of Copiapo, fallen upon by the 
 Indians, and all perifli'd but two, who were 
 Pedro de Miranda, and Monroy, officers, 
 who got away by the help of their horfes ; 
 but being purfued by the Indians through 
 mountainous ways, and their horfes tiring, 
 they were taken by an Indian captain, call'd 
 Cateo, who had a company of archers: They 
 tied their hands behind them, and carried 
 them to their Cacique, who defign'd to put 
 them to death. 
 
 This Cacique was married to the heirefs 
 of all this valley, (for there inheritances 
 follow the women, for greater fecurity of 
 the right line) and when thefe two were 
 expecfting nothing but the blow of death, 
 it pleas'd God to infpire the Cacica, or Ca- 
 cique's, lady, with compaffion -, and fo flie 
 went herfelf, and with her own hands un- 
 tied theirs, commanding their wounds to A wonder, 
 be drefij'd, and treating them with fome of ful prefer 
 their drinks, which ffie herfelf prefented to ^^"°"* 
 them, having drank firft herfelf, according 
 to their cuftom, and bid them take courage, 
 for they fhould not die. They feeing them- 
 felves brought, as it were, from death to 
 life, threw themfelves at her feet, and de- 
 dicated themfelves to her as voluntary (laves, 
 fince by her favour they enjoyed a life which 
 they gave for loff. 
 
 The captain, who had taken them, fee- 
 ing his princefs and fovereign fhew them fo 
 much favour, came to them, and bid them 
 be confident of their lives, for that their 
 lady having commanded they fhould not be 
 killed, there was not any one bold enough 
 to look awry upon them : They were kept 
 fix months in this captivity ; and though it 
 was fo gentle, by the kind ufage they met 
 with, yet the natural defire of liberty, and 
 the hopes of returning to their friends, ftill 
 worked with them. 
 
 Let no man think himfelf fecure that has 
 his enemy within his own doors, nor let 
 him trufl: his prifoner, though yielded up to 
 his difcretion ; for let him be us'd as well 
 as can be, yet there is no happinefs like be- 
 ing his own man, and enjoying his liberty. 
 This thought continually took up the 
 minds of thefe two captains, fo they laid 
 a plot how to make their efcape. They 
 had obferv'd in the Cacique a curiofity 
 for horfes, which were a creature fo new 
 in thofe Indian countries -, they perfuadcd 
 him to learn to ride, and manage a horfe. 
 
 He 
 
 c 
 
 kit 
 
 Mel
 
 Chap. lO. 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 He liked the propofil, and began to ex- 
 ercife himfelf in this genteel amufement, 
 carrying wi;h him neverthclefs always his 
 guard of archers, with an Indian before 
 with a lance upon his flioulder, and ano- 
 ther behind, with a naked fword in his 
 hand, more out of grandeur than diflruft ; 
 for he had no fui'picion of their plot, which 
 was, to take an opportunity when he rid 
 out to fall upon him, and kill him, as they 
 An un- did ; for captain Monroy, with an cxtraor- 
 grateful binary intrepidity, without refleding on 
 I re urn. ^^^ guard that attended him, attacked the 
 Cacique, and captain Miranda the reft, with 
 fo much fuddennefs, that they made them- 
 fclves mafters of the lance and fv/ord -, and 
 beftirring themfelves courageoufly, they 
 wounded and difmounted the Cacique ; fo 
 that he died of his wounds in fome months. 
 Having gained the horfes, they lixved 
 themfelves upon them ; and not being pur- 
 fued in that diforder, they overcame all the 
 difficulties of thofe folitudes, and arrived 
 at Peru fafe •, where at that time they found 
 the government in the hands of the Licen- 
 ciado Vaca de Cajlro. 
 
 Thefe two captains were gentlemen of 
 great families -, and to this day the Miran- 
 das in Chile are of the flower of the nobility 
 of that kingdom. As for the Monroys, they 
 are fo known in Cajtile, particularly about 
 Salamanca, that it is needlefs to fay more of 
 them. They were very well received by 
 his excellency, for the good news they 
 brought of that difcovery and conqueft, of 
 the pleafantnefs of the country, and richnefs 
 of its mines -, and upon this relation, as An- 
 tonio de Herrera, and other authors fay, it 
 was refolved to further this conqueft, which 
 feemed to be of fuch high importance, 
 and to chufe out fome fit perfon, and ac- 
 company him with foldiers, arms, ammu- 
 nition, and cloathing for the foldiers, who 
 were almoft naked. 
 'Padene He chofe for this employment captain 
 
 fent with John Baptijie Paftene, a gentleman of the 
 the firft. ^^^ antient and illuftrious houfe of Pafie- 
 nes in Genoa ; which family is at prefent ex- 
 tincb in that republick, and remains only 
 in its records, where many of that name 
 are in the books of the nobility, and among 
 the greateft dignities of the ftate. This gen- 
 
 tleman engaged in the conqueft of the new 
 world by the fame dcfire of glory which mo- 
 ved others, and to mend his fortune. He hap- 
 pening then to be in Peru, the viceroy took 
 hold ot the occafion to employ him tor the 
 king's fcrvice ; which this gentleman ac- 
 cepted, and performed, going for Chile, 
 where he arrived with the fuccours which 
 that kingdom ftood in fo great need of. 
 
 This relief was received with great joy, 
 as being in the beginning of the cnterprize, 
 and extremely wanted, the foldiers being 
 much fatigued and weaken'd with the con- 
 tinual aflaults of their enemies, without any 
 other defence than their fort of St. Jago^ 
 where they had enough to do to fheltcr 
 themfelves from their valour and fierce at- 
 tacks ; but the arrival of thefe fuccours gave 
 them new courage, and rcfolution to profe- 
 cute their entcrprize. To undertake it with 
 more regularity, and prevent what accidents 
 might happen from the fea, the governor 
 fent Pajiene with the title of lieutenant-ge- 
 neral in his own fhip, to difcover the coaft 
 as far as theftraights oi Magellan, as he did ; 
 and it appears by the letters of their Ca- 
 tholick majefties, Philip II. and his fon 
 Philip III. how agreeable this piece of fer- 
 vice was to them. About this time tlie 
 mines of S^uillota being working with great 
 profit, and Don Gonzales de los Rlos being 
 captain-governor of the work, the Indians 
 brought him a lull pot of great grains of 
 gold, for a fhew of a great deal which 
 they laid they had found in a certain place. 
 There they had laid an ambufcade of feve- 
 ral of their beft men, to fall upon fuch as 
 blinded with covetoufnefs fhould go to 
 feek this treaiiire. This happened accord- 
 ingly, for they all run prefently to the 
 place •, for there is no alarm never fo warm, 
 that rouzes better than this defire of grow- 
 ing rich at once did them : But they were 
 much miftaken ; for inftead of gold, they 
 met with the iron of their enemies lances, 
 who killed them all but their captain and 
 a Ncgroe, who efcaped by the fwiftnefs of 
 their horfes : So the Indians remained vic- 
 torious, and by the way of triumph, fet 
 fire to a frigate which the Spaniards had 
 almoft finifhed to keep up their correlpon- 
 dency with Peru. 
 
 1^7 
 
 OVAI.LE. 
 
 1646. 
 
 His joyful 
 reception. 
 
 The Spa- 
 niards 
 drawn into 
 an ambuf- 
 cade thro' 
 covetouf- 
 nefs. 
 
 CHAP. X, 
 
 The city of the Serena is peopled. John Baptifte Paftene goes for more fuccoun 
 to Peru, from whence be returns to Chile ; and ivith Valdivia and other cap- 
 tains, goes to help the royal army againfi Pifarro. 
 
 HERRERA fays, that with this re- 
 lief which Valdivia received, he pur- 
 
 t'aidivia 
 Juriues his 
 
 (lonqueft. ^^^^^ ^J5 conqueft on the people called the 
 Promolaes ; and that he was met by fcveral 
 
 Indians in the valley ^illocma, whom he 
 overcame courageoufly, though with the 
 lofs of fome horles ; and at that time horfes 
 were a thoufand crowns a-piece. Having 
 
 difcovered
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 128 
 
 OvALir. (.lifcovered large provinces, and being fi- 
 "^+''- tislied of the great number of inhabitants 
 '"'^ in them, he returned to Si. Jc.go. 'l"is 
 fuppoi'd the governor did all ti\is in hafte, 
 fince he rcturn'd without making any fort 
 or fettlement : So it is probable he went 
 this time only to difcover, in order to 
 form a force proportionable of an army : 
 Therefore the general John Baplifte Paftaie 
 being returned from dilcovering ot the lea - 
 coalls, he fent him back to Peru to endea- 
 vour to bring more fuccours, as he had 
 done the firft, and fo form an army capa- 
 ble of enlarging his conquefts upon fuch 
 powerful enemies, as he found the natives 
 of Chile to be. Judging therefore that it 
 was not yet time to leave any thing behind 
 him unturtified, he founded in the valley 
 of Coqiiimbo the city generally call'd by that 
 name, but by him call'd L^ Serena, toferve 
 for a relling-place or fcala for the people 
 who came from Peru to Chile ; for being in 
 great want of fuch fiipplies, he did endea- 
 vour to facilitate by all means their pallage, 
 and draw as many people as pofTible to pre- 
 ferve his conqueft ; for afting othcrwife 
 would only be to have fo much the more to 
 lofe ; as indeed it happened, and fliall be 
 related in its due place. 
 The city The city of La Serena was the fecond 
 of La Se- that was founded in Chile in the year 1544- 
 rena, or j^^ ^ ^^^.^ pleailint and fruitful valley, wa- 
 founded in t^red by a very fine river, not of the big- 
 the year gefl, but of clear and admirable water, 
 '544- with which the fields are all fo plentifully 
 refrefh'd, that their produiif is fo various, 
 that the inhabitants want alinoft nothing 
 from abroad that is neceflary for human 
 life ; for they have corn, wine, flelli, all 
 forts of other grain, and pulfe- fruits, even 
 more than in 67. Jdgo •, for bcfides all 
 thofe of Europe, and thofe of Chile, they 
 have two forts very extraordinary : The firft 
 is a fort of cucumbers, which are very 
 fweet, and do not need paring, tor the 
 outfide is a very thin fkin, fmooth, of a 
 delicate colour between white and yellow, 
 all ftreaked with a very fine purple ; the 
 other fruit is that which they call Lucu- 
 mas, and is a fruit, as I remetiiber, I have 
 feen in Peru : It is a very wholefome well- 
 tafted fruit, the ftone is fmooth, and of a 
 purple colour. The oil of this place is ab- 
 fokitcly the beft in the whole kingdom, as 
 clear and bright as one's eyes, and of a rare 
 fmell and taile : They make great quantities 
 fo that they fend a great deal abroad. They 
 have great flocks of cattle, though not fo 
 many as about St. Jago, becaufe it rains lefs, 
 and fo the pafturages are leaner. 
 Abounds But that which is moft particular, and 
 in rich of greatefl value in this country, is the 
 .-netals. great abundance of rich metals, as gold, 
 copper, and lead ; fo that though they 
 
 Book V. 
 
 'fHil 
 
 have given over gathering of gold in all 
 the other parts of Chile, becaufe other pro- 
 dudls are of greater advantage, yet in this 
 place they go on gathering it more or lels, 
 according as the winter is more or lefs rai- 
 ny ; for when it rains much, the mountains 
 are diffolv'd, and the earth open'd, and fo 
 the gold is eafier found. And the copper 
 too that is melted down there, ferves for all 
 the kingdom, and Peru bcfides. The climate 
 of this city is ab!blure!y the moft temperate 
 of all the kingdom -, becaufe the winter, 
 which in other parts is very fliarp, particu- 
 larly nearer \.\\c pole, is here fo gentle, that 
 it is hardly perceiv'd, it being within five 
 or fix degrees of the tropick, and being in 
 the 29th degree of latitude, enjoys a mode- 
 rate climate, the longcft day being of four- 
 teen hours, and is upon the i ith of Decem- 
 ber, as the fliorteft is on the 1 1 th of June, 
 and the night is of fourteen hours. 
 
 But the accidental fituation of the city The ad- 
 helps much towards the mildnefs of the cli- vamagiooj 
 mate: It is within two leagues of the fea, ''tuation 
 having a p'ain before it all covered with" "" 
 myrtles : It ftands on a rifing ground, ha- 
 ving a pvolpeft to the fea, which makes a 
 beautiful bay, abounding in fifh of all Ibrts -, 
 by which it is an excellent place to pafs the 
 Lent in, fift. being very cheap : But the good 
 cheer is alio as well out of Lent ; for be- 
 fides the mutton, which is excellent, 
 and very nourifhing, there is plenty of 
 tame fowl, partridge, turkeys, and all 
 forts of wild fowl. This city began to be 
 inhabited by many noble families, the foun- 
 ders being men of the beft quality that 
 came to Chile ; and their defcendants have 
 remain'd, and do maintain the luftre of 
 their anceftors. The governor-general ap- 
 points the place of Corrigedor, or mayor of 
 the city ; and it is one of the moft profitable 
 places that are, becaufe of the mines which 
 are wrought in its territory : But tiotwith- 
 ftanding all thcle good qualities which we 
 have mention'd, this city does not increafe 
 ib faft as that of St. J^go ; for this laft may 
 be compared to the clove-tree, which liicks 
 to itfelf all the fubftance of the earth round 
 about it, a thing which is proper enough to 
 capital cities every where. 
 
 About this time the general John Bap- Paflene 
 tijle P{7fiene arriv'd at Peru for a fecond difap- 
 fupply of men, which Pedro de Valdivia'P°'^'^'^^^f\ 
 defired of the viceroy, to carry on his con- Supply at, 
 quett •, but he found the whole country in peru, re- 
 confufion, caufed by the ftubborn difobedi- turns to 
 ence of Gonfalo Pifarro, fo that the govern- Chile, 
 ment wanted relief itfelf, inftead of being '"/^ 
 in a condition to relieve others. This was 
 fo true, that Pajiene was forced to return to 
 Chile, to bring a force from thence to join 
 with the royal army. This refolution 'tis 
 probable came to the knowledge of the ty- 
 rant 
 
 Btteti 
 toa( 
 11 lit
 
 Chap. Ii. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E 
 
 IZ9 
 
 rant Pifiirro ; for he found means to feize 
 his fhip and his perfon by cunning. Pa- 
 ftene, though much prefs'd by Pifarro both 
 by promifes and threats to join with him, 
 as very well knowing how much he might 
 affift him as his friend, or injure him as his 
 enemy, yet perfever'd in his loyahy to the 
 king, and found means to make his efcape 
 out of the hands of the tyrant, and to reco- 
 ver his fhip too •, which having new fitted 
 with necelfaries, he returned to Chile, to 
 bring from thence fome of the beft officers 
 to encourage the royal army, which was 
 preparing to engage Pifarro, who on his 
 fide had fuch a torce, that he had put to 
 death the viceroy Velafco Nunnes Vela. In 
 Chile they were waiting for his return, and 
 the fuccours he fhould bring with him ; but 
 when they faw him without any, they were 
 much troubled ; for they found themfelves 
 oblig'd at leaft to fufpend all their projefts 
 upon Chile, to go and relieve thole upon 
 whom their own prefervation depended. 
 Valdivia The governor Pedro de Valdivia, as foon 
 aaarches to as he heard what pafs'd in Peru, refolv'd to 
 :"" '° ^^' go thither in perfon with fome of his beft 
 officers and foldiers to join and help the 
 king's forces. He left in Chile for his lieu- 
 tenant captain Francifco de Villagra, a gen- 
 tleman of great courage and good parts, 
 that he might govern and preferve what we 
 had already in that kingdom, it being im- 
 poffible to do more, or make any further 
 progrefs, till the times fhould alter, and he 
 provide more forces. He got together what 
 gold he could, and went aboard with his 
 captains and foldiers in the fame fhip, un- 
 
 <ings 
 brces. 
 
 der the conduft of the fame general PaJlcne.Ov AT.tt. 
 His arrival at Peru gave great courage to '^'t-^- 
 the king's forces, by reafon of the gold and ^^>^"^ 
 men which he brought, the valour and ex- 
 perience of which was fo great, that in the 
 battle they perform'd extraordinary things, 
 being the chief caufe of the vidory obtain'd 
 over Pifarro in the va'ley of ^uiriguam. 
 He himfelf was taken, and chaftis'd with 
 his guilty affiftants, as his folly defervcd, 
 and his difloyalty to his prince. The prefi- 
 dent of Peru, Gafca, always advis'd with 
 the governor Valdivia in all his moft impor- 
 tant affairs, whom he made of his council, 
 with fix more, for the fecreteft af^iirs and 
 of moft importance, making great efteem 
 of his prudence and experience, as well as 
 of the valour of his companions. 
 
 This viftory being obtain'd, the govcr-^^.'"' *'<^- 
 nor return'd to Chile, with a good fuccour 3° "1°"'' 
 of men and arms, and the fame officers and turns^to 
 foldiers who accompanied him to P^ra, Chile with 
 with which, and other fuccours which came^ fupply. 
 afterwards, he was in a condition to purfue 
 his enterprize vigoroufly, as we fliall fee 
 hereafter. But all was little enough againft 
 the refiftance of the Indians, who not only 
 kept them from advancing, but for fix 
 years together, that their ftubborn oppofition 
 lafted, they reduc'd the Spaniards to great 
 extremities of nakednefs and hunger; fo 
 that they were forc'd to eat herbs and roots, 
 and rats and mice, and fuch things ; and if 
 the heart and courage of the governor Val- 
 divia had not been invincible, it would 
 have been impoffible to have nude the con- 
 queft. 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 What happened in ChWe during the abfence of the governor Yi\d,Wi?L, and after 
 his return; and of the new fuccours he recei-od. 
 
 PEdro Sanches de Hoz was a foldier, to 
 whom the king was pleas'd to grant a 
 patent for the difcovery and conqueft of cer- 
 tain lands, to begin from the jurifdiftion of 
 the marquifs Francis Pifarro ; and he preten- 
 ding that part of the kingdom of Chile was 
 in his grant, oppos'd the governor Valdivia, 
 to whom Pifarro by a royal commiffion had 
 given the conqueft and government of 
 Chile ; but the marquifs perfuaded him to 
 defift, and go along with Valdivia to Chile, 
 recommending his perfon to the governor, 
 to ufe him with regard, and give him a 
 fiiare in the beft part of his conqueft. Val- 
 divia did fo, beftowing on him the richeft 
 lands of the Indians •, but the ambition of 
 commanding is always very contentious, and 
 fubjeft to complain till it gets the upper 
 hand. This appear'd in Pedro Sanches de 
 Hoz, in the abfence of the governor from 
 Chile ; for h)eing vex'd that he was not left 
 with the authority of lieutenant in his room, 
 Vol. III. 
 
 he plotted to take away the life of him who 
 had it, which was Francifco de P^illagra, who 
 having notice of his defigns, feiz'd upon Pe- 
 dro Sanches de Hoz, and cut off his head, by 
 which he afiur'd his own ; and Valdivia ap- 
 prov'd of the thing as well done, when he 
 was inform'd of it; becaufe he was a friend 
 to juftice, and becaufe a competitor is never 
 forry to have his competitor remov'd. 
 
 About this time, the Indians of Copiapo, TheCopi- 
 who had begun to imbrue their hands in ^^° '* 
 the blood of the Spaniards, in purfuance of venge the 
 the revenge of their prince's death, whom death of 
 the captains Miranda and Monroy had kil- ^^^" Ca- 
 led, as we have related in the ninth chapter, '^"i"^- 
 lay in wait, and furpriz'd Juan Bon, with 
 forty foldiers more, of fome companies which 
 were coming from Peru, and marching 
 through their country; thcfe they put all to 
 death. After their ex2.m\i\ci\\tCoquimbcfes atr 
 tack'd the foldiers and inhabitants of the city 
 oi La Serena, whom they kill'd v/ithout fpa- 
 K k nn^
 
 IjO 
 
 0/ the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book 
 
 OvALLE ring one, and fet fire to the city, which 
 • 646. j],g ruin'd utterly, not leaving one Hone 
 upon another. 
 Are over- All this being underftood by the gover- 
 come by ^q^ ^^ )^^^ return fro « Peru, he fent captain 
 w^lT A.-t'ramis de Jmnre with a good force, to 
 Aguirre. follow them to their retiring-place, where 
 in feveral rencounters, in the valley ot Cc- 
 papo, he overcame the Indians : all which 
 was as much owing to his great valour as 
 condud, without which the force he had 
 would have prov'd infufficient, (as Herrera 
 obfervcs.) 1 le did the liime in the valley 
 of Coquimbo, and rebuilt the city of La 
 Serena, in the place and fuuation where it 
 now ftands. For which reafon he was 
 look'd upon as the true founder of it ; and 
 his defcendants, who are of the befl: nobility 
 of the kingdom, have preferv'd that pre- 
 rogative, and are the chiefeft in that go- 
 vernment, or rather the mailers of it; for 
 they are fo numerous and fo powerful, that 
 they yield to none in reputation, and are 
 accordingly refpedted by all. 
 
 Let us now treat of that which 'tis not 
 reafonable to forget; which is, of thoi'e 
 captains, who in thofe early times entered 
 Chile with fuccours of men to help to con- 
 quer it, fince it is jull; their memory fliould 
 live for ever in thofe who enjoy the truits 
 of their labours, and are now mafters of 
 what they gain'd with their blood and 
 fwear, and the lofs of many lives, and dan- 
 ger of their own, which they expos'd in fo 
 many battles and encounters they had with 
 the enemy. I am only forry, that I cannot 
 fpeak of them all, and defcribe in particu- 
 lar their good qualities and great merits, 
 becaufe I am in a place where I want me- 
 moirs and informations for fuch a work; 
 but I will fay what I can of their noble ac- 
 tions, as I find them recorded in other hi- 
 ftories ; though to % truth, that which they 
 lay about Chile is fo little, that it is almoil 
 next to nothing. I am not furpriz'd at 
 it, for it is a place much out of the way, 
 and its conquerors were bufier with their 
 Iw'ords than with their pens ; for their ene- 
 mies prefs'd them continually with fo much 
 vigour, that they had but little of that lei- 
 fure which hifbories and relations require. 
 A'fte^tai We fhall begin with the governor Pedro de 
 of thofe Valdivia, who was the firft that entered the 
 captains kingdom with a force, as has been related ; 
 inll" "'T^- ^^^" ^^^^ which general Paftene brought af- 
 tal in the terwards with arms and cloaths. The fuc- 
 conqueftofcours brought by captain Monroy prov'd 
 Chile. of great importance ; as Herrera fays, it 
 was of threefcore men, which in thole days 
 was as much as fix hundred now: thefe he 
 had hii'd in Peru, being much afiifted by 
 the viceroy, who, upon the relations of 
 Monroy and Miranda, was refolv'd to en- 
 courage the enterprize. 
 4 
 
 I am not certain, whether it was before 
 this, or after, that arriv'd the fuccours fo 
 opportunely brought by captain Chrijtoval 
 de Efcobar Villaroel ; for I do not find it 
 mention'd in any of the hillorians, which 
 I have read here ; but in Chile the memory 
 of it is very frcfli, and will never be for- 
 got; not only for his coming in a time 
 when they extremely wanted fupplies, but 
 alfo for that circumltance of this noble cap- 
 tain's having brought thefe fuccours upon 
 his own charges, (and I chink they were fe- 
 venty men,) and made his way by land to 
 Chile, either by the wildernefs of Jracama, 
 or by the Cordillera, either of which mud 
 coft a great fum of money, for it is above 
 five hundred leagues. 
 
 This adion alone was fufficient to Ihew 
 the noblenefs of this gentleman, if that of 
 his family had not been fo well known as 
 it is in Spain ; but he continued to give 
 proofs of his zeal for the king's fervice, by 
 ierving in perfon, and employing alfo his 
 fon captain Alonfo de Efcobar Villaroel, 
 whom he had brought with him from Spain, 
 that they might both give an example to 
 their pofterity, as they have ; not yielding 
 to any, but have produc'd many noble per- 
 fons, both in arms and other civil employ- 
 ments of the government. 
 
 When I refleft upon thofe I have known 
 of the defcendants of this famous head 
 and conqueror, I find, that between fons, 
 grandfons, and great grandfons, they come 
 up to eighty-feven ; and if they had not 
 been fo many, there was enough to honour 
 this family in the fcven or eight fons of the 
 general Luis de las Cucuas, grandfons of 
 this gentleman, with whom he prefented 
 hitrtfell to the royal army, all arm'd cap- 
 a-pe, in which they ferv'd many years at: 
 their own charges; for in thofe days the 
 inhabitants that were gentlemen, had no 
 other reward but their loyalty, and the 
 glory of ferving their prince. Antonio de 
 Herrera makes mention of another fupply, 
 of one hundred and eighty men, conduced 
 by captain Francifco Villagra, who was af- 
 terwards governor of Chile, and to whom 
 that kingdom owes a great deal of its be- 
 ing, for the hazards he ran, and the noble 
 actions he perform'd in its conqoeft, as we 
 fhall fee hereafter, and may be read in the 
 general hiftory, to which I appeal. The 
 nobility of his family was always notorious, 
 and the gentlemen of his name have fliewed 
 themfelves worthy of it, in the great fer- 
 vices they have and do perform every day 
 for the king, worthy of all Ibrts of acknow- 
 ledgment and reward. 
 
 After this, in the time of the viceroy Don 
 Antonio Hurtado de Mendofa, his excellen- 
 cy, as Herrera fays, he fent captain Don Mar- 
 tin de Avendano by knd, with good fuc- 
 cours
 
 Chap, il." 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 131 
 
 cours of men, and three hundred and fifty 
 mares and horfes, which were of as much 
 importance for the war as fo many men, 
 The defcendants of this gentleman are flill 
 carrying on the luftre of his family, ib 
 known in Salamanca and other parts. I 
 was acquainted with two brothers of that 
 name who alone might preferve and in- 
 creafe the reputation of their family ; the 
 one was colonel Don Antonio de Avendano, 
 who was colonel of the regiment of Arauco, 
 who fignaliz'd himfelf at the head of that 
 regiment in many rencounters with the ene- 
 my, and particularly in one, where our 
 camp was defeated, and where to preferve 
 the reputation he had gain'd in fo many 
 noble aftions and eminent dangers, he chofe 
 to die, being wounded in a great many 
 places, and almoft cut in pieces by the fu- 
 rious enemy. The other was Don Francifco 
 de Avendano^ likewife colonel, and who 
 came to Spain ; where his majefly, in confi- 
 deration of his own and his anceftors merit, 
 honour'd him with the habit of St. Jago., 
 and the government of Tucuman, where he 
 died. 
 
 I do not mention thofe companies oyt 
 of which, gs they pafTed by Copiaco, forty 
 were killed, with their leader Jtfan Bon ; 
 becaufe Herrera, who fpeaks of this, does 
 not fay who was the captain of them. Per- 
 haps there were alfo other commanders, who 
 in thofe fix years time entred into Chile with 
 men ; and I fhould be glad to be where I 
 might have particular information of them, 
 to do them at leafl that fmall honour of 
 
 putting their names In print, and giving Ovalle, 
 fome glory to aft ions W'liich, perhaps, de- '^■♦^• 
 ferv'd to be gMv'd in brafs. "■^'■W 
 
 I do not hkevvife fet down here, that fi- 
 mous fupply of men brought by the fecond 
 governor of Cbile, Don Garcia Ilurtado de 
 Mendofa, marquis of Cannetc, for this (liall 
 be fpoke of in its proper place, after the 
 death of the governor Pedro de Faldivia ; 
 and thus we fhall conclude tliofe who en- 
 tered by the way of Peru. For though 
 fince that time, there have been feveral fup- 
 plies, and are every day ftil! more, yet tliey 
 have not been remarkable enough, as not 
 having come at firfl, but after the fettlc- 
 mcnts were made; and bcfides, it would 
 carry me too far to report them all. But 
 I fhall add here thofe which have come from 
 Spain by the way of Buenos Ayres, as 
 well becaufe they were the moft numerous, 
 fome having been of live hundred or a thou- 
 fand men, as having come in dangerous 
 times, when the kingdom was ready to be 
 lofi:, the enemy having, as it were, befieg'd 
 it i and fo 'tis jufl; to preferve the memory 
 of fuch famous benefiiftors, who have been, 
 as it were, fathers pf their country. Thh 
 we fhall perform at the end of tliis book, 
 in a treatife by itfelf, where we will like- 
 wife put the piftures of all the governors 
 of Chile, as well as may be, confidcring 
 how long they have been dead, that their 
 defcendants may preferve the memory of 
 men who feem to deferve eternity by th^if 
 heroical aftiprjs. 
 
 CHAP. xn. 
 
 'The governor Pedro de Valdivia purfues bis conqueft , and peoples the city calt'd of 
 the Conception, isohere he had lilw to have bee it dejlroyed in a battle. 
 
 Valdivia 'T~^HE governor Pedro de Valdivia fee- 
 purfueshis X ing himfelf with a good force, and 
 conqueft. fj^g greatnefs of his mind perfuading him 
 that he had wherewithal to put an end to 
 his enterprize, Herrera fays he fent to the 
 other fide of the Cordillera, from St. Jago, 
 captain Francifco Aquirra with a good num- 
 ber of men, with which he pafs'd thofe 
 tej rrble mountains, and founded the Diagu- 
 tas and Juries. 
 
 Herrera fays no more ; nor do I know 
 any thing of thofe individual places and ci- 
 ties which he founded. The governor Valr 
 divia on his fide fet out of St. Jago with a 
 powerful army, and pafling the furious ri- 
 vers of Maypo, Cachapoal, "Tinguiritica^ Pe- 
 teroa, Tena, and Metaquito, he conquerM 
 the Promocaes, a warlike people, who had 
 refifled Almagro, and before that had re- 
 puls'd an army of fifty thoufand men, which 
 fhe Inga fent agaif^ them wljien J^ie CAdca.- 
 
 vour'd to conqger Chile }, But the good for- 
 tune and great valour of Valdivia and his 
 men overcame that which feem'd invinci- 
 ble, though I am perfuaded that it was not 
 without blood ; but I refer myfelf to the 
 general hiflory of Chiky which has d,e- 
 fcrib'd the particular encounters and battles 
 on both fides. 
 
 The army pafs'd the deep river of Maule, The city 
 and the wide Itata, and coming to that of °[ ''"= 
 Audalian, quartered by the fea-fide -, and ^'°"^,«P- 
 for the conveniency of luuation, he found- ^j ;„ ,he 
 ed there the city of the Conception in thcycarisso 
 year 1 550. But the natives aftonjfh'd and 
 enrag'd at this boldnefs of flrangers to en- 
 ter thus into the heart of their country, a£ 
 if it were their own, call'd a general affem- 
 bly, and with a numerxjus and brave army 
 prefented them battle fo fufioufly, that.ow 
 people began to wifli they had not eng.igM 
 ,t]Tiei»fc|ves fo f^r. JVkch blood was Ihcd 
 
 on
 
 OVALLE. 
 1646. 
 
 Of the Nil tare and Properties of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 The fitua- 
 tion of it. 
 
 Its lati- 
 tude. 
 
 on both fides ; and our army was in great of tirne jt _was built again, as we Hall fee ; 
 danger of being deflroy'd, till it pleas'd 
 God, (who guides all things to his ends,) 
 who was to reap the fruit of his victory 
 over thofe gentiles, whom he had predcfti- 
 nated by the means of the gofpel, which 
 was to be preach'd to them in cafe the 
 Spaniards were viftorious, to make them 
 fo at laft, and that very glorioufly, the fa- 
 mous A}iabJUo, chief head of the Pencones, 
 remaining prifoner, after having behav'd 
 himfclf with great bravery in the fight. 
 
 The fituation of the city ot the Concep- 
 tion is on a plain where the fea makes a moft 
 beautiful bay, in form of a half-moon -, 
 and nature has provided a mole, by put- 
 ting there a large ifland, behind which fhips 
 ride fife from the north wind. By land, 
 towards the eaft, it is encompafTed with 
 fome high hills, the fides of wh'ch are all 
 planted with vines and other fruit-trees ; fo 
 that which way Ibever one looks, the pro- 
 fpeft terminates in beautiful plantations of 
 trees, or rather a green femicircle, which 
 rejoices the fight, and fortifies the city. 
 From the north, there comes into it a 
 fmall river, which comes down from the 
 mountains, which we have already defcrib'd 
 in the chapter of the rivers of Chile. On 
 the fouth fide, another larger deeper river 
 runs by it, and is call'd Audalien. Neither 
 of thefe rivers does the kindnefs to the city 
 which Mapocho does to St. Jago, that is, to 
 come into the houfes -, but the want of this 
 is fupplied by excellent fountains of chrif- 
 talline and delicate water, which rife very 
 near the city, and are brought into it paticu- 
 larly very plentiiully, and which were carried 
 to the publick place by the general Don Diego 
 Gonfales Monte-ro, he being corrigedor of 
 
 this city, and governing it with the fame 
 prudence and generofity, that he fince go- 
 vern'd that of St. Jago, in the fame quality 
 of corrigedor and lieutenant-general. 
 
 This city is in the latitude of thirty-three 
 degrees and five and forty minutes to the 
 antartick pole •, and for this reafon, and 
 becaule ot . the high land it ftands upon, 
 the air is fo temperate, that the heats never 
 are troublelome, nay, in the heat of fum- 
 mer 'tis necelTary to have as many bed- 
 cloaths as in winter, which is not at all fe- 
 vere, becaufe it never Ihows there, though 
 it rains extremely. For the Security of the 
 city, there was erefted a good fort for our 
 people to retire to when prefs'd by the 
 Indiaiis, which often happened, and made 
 them ftand to their arms almoft continually -, 
 for they, impatient of any yoke, were in- 
 cefiantly taken up with the thoughts and 
 endeavours of driving them out of the coun- 
 try, and notwithftanding all the care that 
 was taken, the city was loft at laft, for the 
 enemy over-powered us : but yet in length 
 4 
 
 though ftill remaining a frontier to the ene- 
 my, it has not had fuch increafe as St. Jago. 
 But it gains ground, and has many rich in- 
 habitants, wlio have entcr'd upon a great 
 vent of lair, flefh, and hides, which is one 
 of the richeft commodities of Chile ; and 
 they have, befides, magazines of flower, 
 with which they furnifh the army *. the wines 
 too of thofe parts, are generally better than 
 thofe of St. Jago, though they are lower ceps 
 or vines -, nay, the grapes ripen as they lie 
 along on the ground, as it is in many parts 
 in Europe : they have not that abundance 
 of almonds, oil, oranges and lemons, pulfe, 
 Agi Legumes and dried fruit, as in other 
 parts of Chile, their fummer being fliorter, 
 and the fun having lefs force. 
 
 The Spatiijh children born here are of aCharafler 
 very fvveet nature, and docile ; of good wits, °^ "^ ^^ 
 and take to learning very well. The men """" 
 are loyal, faithful keepers of their word, 
 friendly, and fuch as for their friends will 
 venture any thing to defend them in their 
 honour and fortunes, even with the hazard 
 of their own, and their lives too : they are 
 very well difpos'd to virtue, having good 
 inclinations -, and thofe among them, who 
 have taken to arms, have extremely figna- 
 liz'd themfelves. They are bred in great fim- 
 plicity, as being far from the corruption of 
 the court, which generally improves the 
 malice, and raifes the libertinifm of young 
 people. The bifiioprick of this city is a 
 poor one, not being worth above two or 
 three thoufand pieces of eight a year, be- 
 caufe though the land is rich of itfelf, and 
 that in which there are moft mines, yet the 
 Decimes or tenths are very fmall, becaufe 
 of thofe continual wars which this city has 
 maintain'd from its beginning-, for v/e 
 may fay, it has been nurs'd with blood, 
 and grown up in arms, not having laid 
 them down in ninety-five years, which is 
 no fmall evidence of the good qualities of 
 its inhabitants, and what it may be hence- 
 forward, when this dead weight is taken 
 off. Another caufe of the fmall revenue 
 of this bifhoprick, is the lofs of feven cities, 
 fome of them the richeft of the kingdom, 
 which all belong'd to its diocefe. 
 
 In the year i §6y. there was fettled a high 
 court of chancery, which remain'd till the 
 year 1574. and afterwards it was remov'd 
 to St. Jago, where it now is : and though 
 its jurildidion reaches as far as this city, 
 there is little for it to do, becaufe the go- 
 vernors are generally prefent, to be nearer 
 the g.arrifons, and countenance and affift the 
 war, of which there is a continual necefTity. 
 The garrifon is very numerous, and of 
 choice foldiers, where every day they mount 
 the guard, as it is pra6tis*d in places of 
 war. The general provides all the officers, 
 
 even 
 
 iODO 
 
 till 
 pill 
 
 lift 
 
 in. 
 
 1567.
 
 iChap. ij. 
 
 Kingdom <>/ C H I L E. 
 
 1)3 
 
 even to the colonels-, but his majefty names 
 the treafurer and mufter-malter-general, 
 who is the fecond perfon after the gover- 
 nor : this is a poll of great efteem, and no 
 fmall value in this kingdom ; and there 
 
 go through his hands three hundred thou- Oval tt. 
 land ducats of the king's money, which '^-t^- 
 every year is to be diilributed among the ^^'^^ 
 officers and Soldiers, who are cnroh'd in his 
 
 books. Here arc 
 
 three 
 chapters. 
 XVI, which fol- 
 
 low, all of 
 
 The Goverfior Pedro de Valdivia profecutes his Cofiqiw/l, and foi.nds //'^ """'^'^'■ 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 Cities of Imperial, 
 Arauco. 
 
 V^ldivia, and Villa Rica, 
 
 1550. 
 
 11^- 
 
 The foun- 
 lation of 
 he city of 
 mperia], 
 lind itb fi- 
 iuation. 
 
 THE governor Valdivia having fpent 
 the year 1550. in peopling the city 
 of the Conception, and defending himfelf in 
 his fort againft the continual attacks of the 
 enemy, and having at the fame time in- 
 form'd himfelf more exadly of the country, 
 and its fertility, by the means of captain 
 Hyeronimo de Alderate, who had gone thro' 
 it, and obferved the Number of its inhabi- 
 tants, refolv'd to go out of the Conception, 
 and purfue his conqueft. In order to this, 
 after having well provided his fort, and left 
 a garrifon in it, he fet out in the beginning 
 of the year 1551. 
 
 He took his way with his army by the 
 plains of Angol, crofling firft the great ri- 
 ver Biobio, and coming to that of Cauten, 
 which for its gendenefs is call'd the Ladies 
 River, when join'd with another very plea- 
 fant one near the fea : here he found great 
 fettlements of Indians, and founded the 
 city ot Imperial. This is one of the moft 
 agreeable fituations of the whole kingdom, 
 being about three or four leagues from the 
 fea, and thirty-nine leagues from the Con- 
 ception, and a hundred and nine from the 
 city of St. Jago, in thirty-nine degrees of 
 fouth latitude. All the territory of this ci- 
 ty is very fruitful, bearing corn, and all 
 forts of pulfe and fruits, though the black 
 grapes do not ripen fo kindly as the white 
 ones and the mtifcadines : the country is not 
 all plains and valleys, nor all hills, but ra- 
 ther a compofition of the whole ; the hills 
 are gentle and tractable, with good pafture 
 and Ihclter for cattle •, the ground does not 
 want much watering, it having frequent 
 and large dews that fertilize it. The city 
 was fituat:ed upon a pretty ftiff hill, and 
 the confluence of two navigable rivers ; but 
 the port is not good, for the flats there are 
 within three fathom and a half of depth. 
 Here the governor met with fcurfcore thou- 
 fand Indians fettled, nay, fome authors fay, 
 they were many more ; and all agree that 
 they were a quiet and good-natur'd people, 
 not at all fo warlike as the Araticanos. 
 
 This city was the head of the bifhoprick, 
 and it began to increafe at firft very much, 
 by reafon of the excellency of its foil and 
 lituation -, and if it had not been deftroycd. 
 
 Vol.. III. 
 
 and raijes three Forts in by an 
 
 image of 
 our lady, 
 which arc 
 
 as we {hall fee hereafter that it was, it would omitted, 
 by this time have been a great city -, for it 
 was already very well peopled, and mull 
 have increas'd, if the gold mines which are 
 in its neighbourhood had been wrouglit. 
 
 This city, which was the fourth of this 
 kingdom, being thus founded, the gover- 
 nor divided the territory, and gave the iord- 
 fhips to his conquerors, according to the 
 royal privilege he had fo to do, tliat he 
 might engage the Spaniards to enter more 
 heartily into his enterprize. He took for 
 himlelf the lordfhips of Arauco and Tucapel^ 
 as far as Puren, except fome manors that 
 he gave to others, to content ail. Having 
 left a force, which feem'd fufficient in the 
 city of Imperial, he march'd as far as Val- 
 divia. Being come to that famous river, 
 and defiring to pafs it, to conquer the land 
 and people on the other fide, the brave In- 
 dian lady, call'd Recloma, hinder'd him, 
 offering to p.afs the river alone fwimming, 
 and to reduce the Indians to his obedience, 
 as file did, and we have already related 
 in the ninth chapter of the firft book ; 
 and there likewife is a full defcription of the 
 fituation of the city, and all its other qua- 
 lides, v.'hich it was proper to make in that 
 place, and fo it is not necefiary to repeat here. 
 'I'he governor having founded the city of The city 
 Valdivia, eredted a fort, and fettled all things °- Valdi- 
 as he had done at the Imperial. While he "j^ ^^^f' 
 ftay'd there to purfue his fettlement, he fen t fort erett- 
 captain Hyeronimo de Alderete to dilcover the ed. 
 country as far as the Cordillera Nevada ; 
 and he having lent to the governor relations 
 of his difcoveries, as he went founded a J'".^ '°'"'" 
 town, which he call'd, by the excellency, f,tua°"on1jj- 
 Villa Rica, the appearances of the riches of vilk.Rica. 
 that country being greater than any yet had 
 been difcover'd. 
 
 Though the fituation he chofe feem'd at 
 firfl. to be the bcft, yet in time it was re- 
 folv'd to change it, and place it upon a great 
 lake, at the bottom of the Cordillera, and 
 about fixteen leagues from the Imperial, and 
 forty from the Conception. It has not fuch 
 a plenty of corn and wine as the others, but 
 it has enough, and many other good quali- 
 ties, which I omit, becaufe it being fince 
 dcftroyed with other cities, already men- 
 
 L! 
 
 tior.'i,
 
 134 
 
 Of tlx Nature iind Fro^cHies of the 
 
 Book V, 
 
 0.»,ALi.E. tiu;,M, I am likewife forced to be filent of 
 1646. j.],gjj. p^irciciilar properties, and refer my 
 
 ^ ""'"^ fclf to the general luftory of C/.-iu\, which 
 will embrace all thole particulars. 
 
 Theil" were the cities planted and pco- 
 pled by the governor Fn/drjia ; and though 
 I have nor, ;is to thele lalt, made mention 
 of the blood Ipilt in gaining them, 'tis not 
 to be imagined but that they coll dear 
 enough, fince the conteft was with fuch 
 warlike nations, that it fcem'd a great rafl> 
 nefs (and would have been fo without a par- 
 ticular protection of heaven) to undertake 
 fuch cnterprizes. There are not v/anting 
 thofe who blame the governor Valdrcia^ 
 judging diat he did not meafure well his 
 jlrcngth, but graiped more than he could 
 hold, as he found by a fad experience at 
 his own peril in a little time. 
 
 The authors v-'ho fpeak of thefe at- 
 tempts are full of tf.e commendation ot the 
 valour, patience, and fuft'erings of the Ca- 
 ftiliam ; but all this would not have done, 
 nor have fubjedled thole people, nor twice 
 that force could have prevail'd againft them, 
 if becaufe they Hiw them on horfcback, and 
 killing people at a dillance, they had not 
 believed them to be Epunamones, by which 
 name they called the gods they ador'd -, fo 
 they imagined them to be immortal, and 
 that they came from above with a power 
 to fend out thunderbolts like God : For ha- 
 ving never Icen either fmall arms, or great 
 artillery, they thought the noife was thun- 
 der ; and to this day that fort of arms is 
 call'd 'Talca, which in their language figni- 
 fies thunder ; and out of the fame imagi- 
 nation they call'd tlie Spaniards Viracochas-, 
 which is as much as to fay, fcutn of the 
 fea, or a people come by fea, giving to 
 underftand, that thofe men, if they were 
 nien, were fent from God to fubjedt thetn. 
 This made them ready at firfl: to fliew all 
 refpedl to the Spaniards, and kept them 
 from rebelling, and refilling fo vigorouOy 
 as they did afterwards, though they always 
 made fome oppofition, particularly the 
 Araucanos, who have ever been the eagles 
 among the Indians. Valdivia having well 
 obferved this, was content at prefent with 
 what he had conquered, and returning to 
 Arauco by Pitren and 'Tticapel, he caiifed 
 three ftrong houfes to be eredted in the di- 
 llance of eight leagues from one another, 
 and in fuch places as might have an eafy 
 communication together. Having thus fet- 
 tled matters, he return'd to the Conception, 
 and fo to St. Jago •, from whence he difpat- 
 ched captain Hieroaimo de Aldarele to Ca- 
 Jtile, to give the king information ,of the 
 riches that were difcovered ,in that country, 
 and its other good qualities ■■, as alfo a rela- 
 tion of the fettlements made there, in order 
 !0 obtain, a fupply of people, which was 
 4 
 
 granted. The cities newly founded were in 
 great danger of being loil •, for indeed they 
 were more thai) our forces cpuld protei.'^f, 
 and the Indians (hewed gieat impatience, 
 and fretted to iee ioreigncrs fetde cities in 
 their country, and cre6l torts and Ilrong 
 places for their fecurity. 
 
 The governor being informed of this dif- A'aldivla 
 pofition of the Indians, fet out from St. Ja- Hftngtl:- 
 zo with a fupply of men which he had re- ^"^ '"^ 
 ceived from Peru, under the conduct 01 
 Don Martin de Avendano, and relieved all 
 the garrifons ; which having done, and prc- 
 fuming they were fife, without refledting 
 on the danger that threatned him, he ap- 
 plied all his intention t6 give a beginning 
 to tlie working of the gold mines for a 
 defign he had. 
 
 This was to go to Spain, and carry with Defigns a 
 him all the gold he could get together, to ^oy^g^ ;<i 
 fliev/ the king the vaft riches of the coun- '^'^'"' 
 try, and to obtain from his majelly thofe 
 titles of honour which were generally be- 
 llowed upon the conquerors and dilcoverers 
 of thofe Indian kingdoms, and fo bring 
 txick a good force to fubdue them. For 
 this end he did two things •, the firfl, to 
 fend to the ilraights of Magellan, in the 
 year 1552. Franctjco de Ulloa, that with two 
 fliips, which were eguipp'd on purpofe, he 
 might difcover all the llraight, and give an 
 account of it, that fo he might know ho\v 
 to undertake the voyage to Spain that way t 
 The other thing he did, was 10 fet people to 
 work to find out new gold mines, which 
 they eafily did, there being fo many in 
 thefe parts ; among which, the molt ta- 
 tnous were the mines of !r^iilacoya, four 
 leagues from the city ot rht Conception ; and 
 others in Angol, to work which he employ- 
 ed twenty thoufand Indians. 'Tis eafy to 
 imagine how much gold fuch numbers of 
 men might get from thofe mines, which 
 had never been touch'd till then : It v/as ve- 
 ry great, and enough to enrich both go^ 
 vernor and foldiers, which it did : And 
 with the acquifition of fo much trcafure, 
 they began likewife to defpife their enemies ; 
 who, while they were bufy in fearching the 
 bowels of the earth tor gold, were employ- 
 ed in thinking how they fliould recover 
 their loll liberty, and free themftlves front 
 the yoke of fubjection, which they had ne^ 
 ver felt before. 
 
 The city of the Conception went on pro- 
 fperitig, -becaufe of the ;greac quantity of 
 gold brou_ght into it qvery day •, by which 
 means the rnjnds of tlic inhabitants were 
 elevated in proj)ortion, and the foldiers 
 grew wanton and jnfolent. I'hc governor 
 being tainted ,with the lame difeafe of too-, 
 much profperity, negleftcd to take notice, qf 
 thefe difqrders •, for the.defire of riches in- 
 creafing by riclxts, which they law ^ every 
 
 . . .day
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 Itmgdom of CHILE. 
 
 day fyi their coffers, they were lefs atten- 
 tive to that which ought moft to have 
 drawn their attention, which was their own 
 and the kingdom's prefervation, and lb 
 made way for that IdIow of fortune that 
 laid them all along. 
 TheArau- The Arancams were as uneafy, and con- 
 canos re- tinually plotting how to compafs their de- 
 fignsj and at lait refblved to rife iinani- 
 moufly againft the Spaniards, and take their 
 revenge of them. To try how it would be 
 taken they began to talk big, and carry 
 tliemfelves haughtily, more like mafters of 
 
 volt. 
 
 155 
 
 the land than like fervants ; they q\iarrd.l'd Ov,-.lle. 
 with one and the other, and lofing a!l re- '^'>f'- 
 fpcdl drove the thing lo far as to icill jbmc ^""^^^ 
 Spaniards in thefe coiucfts ; and then pL-r- 
 cciving tJiat thefe things were dilieinljled, 
 and that their boWnefs had its dcfircil elV 
 feet, they grew every day n^ore infolent ; 
 and at iaft being thoroughly fatisly'd that 
 tJK Spaniards were neither godi;, nor immor- 
 tal, nor of any other fpccics than they, but 
 fubjed to all human iiitirmitie',, tliey bc"an 
 to fear them no longer, but relolved to tii! 
 upon them. 
 
 C FI A P. XVII. 
 
 77;^ city of Angol is peopled, and the Indians rife cigaiiift the Spaniards. 
 
 The city T T PON ocaifion of the mines that were 
 
 u 
 
 of Angol \^\ begun to be wrought in the diftrift of 
 founded, jlngol, the governor Vedro de ValJivia fet- 
 tled a city of that riame there, which was 
 alio call'd the city of the confines. Soine 
 attribute this foundation to the marquis of 
 Camete, Don Garcia Urtado de Mcndofa, 
 who govern'd after the death of Pedro de 
 Faldivia : Perhaps the feafon of this is, 
 that the fituation of this city at firft was 
 three leagues from the place where it now 
 ftands -, fo it might be that Valdivia firft 
 fettled it, and the marquis removed it to 
 the place it is now in, and that was ground 
 enough to make him the founder. 
 Jtsfitua- The prefent fituation is in ^a plain, very 
 tion and large and difengaged, eight kagvies from 
 defcription the Cordilkra, and twenty from the Concep- 
 tion ; fome fiy fixteen, which perhaps is 
 caus'd by the difference of its two fituations. 
 Their longeft day and longeft night are of 
 14 hours and half The land is very fertile-, 
 fruits ripen very well : There is good wine, 
 and good ftore of raifins dried in the fun, 
 figs, and other dried fruits; a vaft quantity 
 of tall cyprefies, which yields a very fweet- 
 fcented wood, of which, Herrera fays, there 
 is made a gum-lac. The great river Bicbio 
 runs by it, and ferves it for a wall and ditch 
 on the fouth fide ; and on the north fick- 
 another plea'ant rivulet comes running 
 from hills of a moderate height, and turns 
 Ciiaraaer many mills for the ufe of the city. Thofe 
 of the na- whom I have known that have been born 
 in this city, have prov'd very gentle in 
 their difpofitions, of good wits, and noble 
 inclinations, very friendly and real,- and 
 extremely loyal to the king, as indeed all 
 the Chiknians are, looking upon that as the 
 higheft ptai5to of their gentility. 
 
 Now let us return to the Araucanos, who 
 were bufy in calling together their afiem- 
 blies there, to treat how to aift off" the 
 yoke of fervitude, and make theniielves 
 mafters of that which was truly theirs. So it 
 was; that the Caciques being poffefs'd with 
 
 nvcb. 
 
 an opinion that their forCes Were not infe- 
 rior to the Spfliiiards^ began to trail them 
 together ; and they needed no incitements 
 of pay or hioney •, for the love of their li- 
 berty, and poiTeflions, and pofterity, was 
 a llifficient ipur to them, thitiking every 
 day a year that kept them frorn engaging 
 with their enemies, and conqiwring ch?m. 
 The Caciques that met were thefe : Firft, The ck- 
 Tucapel, a great butcher of Chriftians, with '^''1"*^= °f 
 three thoufand foldiers ; Angol, who was '^'■•''"'^°^*- 
 very brave, with four thouland ; Cayocupil rajie a nl^ 
 with three thoufand men, whom he bi ought merous 
 from the Cordillera, as hafdy as the rock^ ^"-'y' 
 they came from, and made to endtire any 
 labour ; Millarapuc, an old man, of great 
 wifdom, he brought five thoufmd ; Paicaxi 
 with three thouland ; Laiiuleno with Lk 
 thouliind ; Mareguano, dtialemo, and Leti- 
 copie, each with three thouland •, the robuft 
 Elicuera, held for one of the ftrongcft 
 men, with fix thouGind^ and they dncicht v 
 and chief of all, Ccloalc; with as many more. 
 Ongohno oftbi'd four thouland -, and Puren 
 fix thouland •, Lincoycr:, who was of the fta- 
 ture of a giant, ofter'il to bring more than 
 any ; Petcguden, lord of the valley of Arau- 
 co, from whence the wl\ple took theif name, 
 came with fix thoufand ; and the famous 
 CaupoUcatL, and his two neighbours Thome 
 and Audalican, and many others, kept them- 
 felves ready to come in with their fubjedts'. 
 They met, according to their cuftom, to 
 eat and drink at the appointed rendezvc:a; 
 for that never is omitteil in thefe aflemblies; 
 and having been unanimous in the iirft and 
 chief point, which was to rife, theie was 
 fome difference about the choice of a gcns- 
 ral, every one defi'ring to have that conv:- 
 mand, as it generally happens rn fuch d^c- 
 tions: Every one alledg'd thcif particular 
 merits •, the one his valour, another Ins expe 
 rience, another his good fortune, and iioni.: 
 leemed to want a pretence for obtainir,g their 
 defire. They grew warm in this ambitions 
 conteft, and would have come to blows, if the
 
 i}6 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book V. 
 
 OvALLE. old and wife C(j/i?fo/(7, by his prudence and au- 
 ■64^- thority, had not quieted them, and reduc'd 
 
 ^'**"^^ them toconfent to chookCaupolican, not on- 
 ly as the braveft foldier, but the ableft chief. 
 This done, they all fwore obedience to him, 
 and promis'd to obey his orders, for the 
 better carrying on of their comnion dcfign. 
 T\\c Spaniards had, as we have already 
 mentioned, three caftles for their fecurity, 
 and one of tiiem was near the poft where 
 this afTembly was kept ; and the Indians, 
 proud and impatient, had a mind to attack 
 it immediately ; but Caupolican, their ge- 
 neral, forbid it, in order to do it with more 
 dexterity and lafety. He commanded Pnl- 
 iti, who perform'd the place of ferjeant- 
 generjil, to choofe him out fourfcore foldiers 
 of the braveR, and fuch as were leaft known 
 to the Spaniards^ and the Indians their 
 friends ; Thefe he put under the conduft of 
 two very brave men, Ccyaguano and Alca- 
 tipay, and order'd them to enter the caftle 
 with their arms by this ftratagem. The 
 
 An Indian Araiicanos, though in peace, were not pcr- 
 
 ihatagem. mitted to enter the caftle, except fuch as 
 ferv'd the Spaniards ; and thefe enter'd often 
 with their loads of grafs, wood, and other 
 neceflaries for the garrifon. Canpolican or- 
 der'd thefe fourfcore men to feign themfelves 
 to be fervants of the Spaniards, and having 
 hid their arms in the grafs they carried, to 
 anfwer nothing, but pretend they did not 
 hear if they were afk'd any queftions: They 
 adled their parts to the life, fome counter- 
 feiting lamenels, others wearinefs, fo that 
 they were all let in without fufpicion : Then 
 they took their arms out of the grafs, and 
 fell unanimoudy upon the Spaniards, who 
 were much aftonifh'd at fo unforefeen a 
 boldnefs: However, they gave the alarm, 
 
 and all coming out of their quarters, re- 
 fitted them, lo as to kill fome of the In- 
 dians ; the others, either out of fear of the 
 Spaniards, or en purpofe to draw them out 
 ot the caftle in their purfuit, retir'd, on 
 purpofe to gain time till their general Cau- 
 polican could come up with his army -, which 
 he did with a very numerous one, and for- 
 ced the Spaniards to retire to their fort. He 
 befieg'd them in it, and after having kill'd 
 many of them, thofe who remain'd alive 
 were glad to leave the poft, and get away, 
 judging it better to retire to P«?Y«, left they 
 ftiould lofe all •, whereas being join'd with 
 the garrifon of Purer., they might better 
 refift the enemy, though he was very power- 
 ful, and much elevated. 
 
 The news of this invafion foon reach'd 
 the Conception, and the governor Pedro de 
 Valdivin, who was then there, began pre- 
 fently to confider how to remedy fo great a 
 mifchief Some blame him as tardy in 
 doing of it -, for to fecure the treafure of 
 the mines, where (as Herrera fays) he had 
 fifty thoufand vaftals at work to get gold 
 for him. Before he went to fuccour thofe 
 in Puren, he went out of his way, and 
 ftay'd the erefting of a fort at the mines, 
 which took him fo much time, that he 
 came later than was requifite to their re- 
 lief But, indeed, if any thing was ill done ^^aldivia 
 by him, it was the making too muchhafte; marches a- 
 for without ftaying for the relief and fuc- |^4'|J|.J''^ 
 cours he might have receiv'd from the other noj, 
 cities, he fet out with a force not ftrong 
 enough to encounter that of Caupolican : 
 his courage deceiv'd him -, for being eleva- 
 ted with his fuccefles, and trufting to his 
 fortune, he run into the precipice, as we 
 fhall ftiew in the following chapter. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 The governor Pedro de Valdlvia, and all his people, are kill'd by the Indians. T}:)e 
 famous atlion of Lautaro is related, that being the chief caufe of this event. 
 
 THE time of this great captain's death 
 was now come -, all things therefore 
 feem'd to concur to that end. The prefent 
 remedy that was to be applied to this mif- 
 chief, to ftcp its progrefs, and the delay 
 of thofe i'uccours he expefted from the other 
 garrifons, were all combining caufes ; his 
 heart mifgave him at his fetting out from 
 T'ucapel. He had fent out parties to bring 
 him an account of the ftate of the enemy, 
 but none came back : This gave him fome 
 apprehenfion, but being engaged, it was 
 neceflary to go on. He had fent out fcouts, 
 as I faid, and had fcarce gone two leagues 
 on his way after them, but he faw the heads 
 of two of them hanging upon a tree : This 
 increas'd his fear, and he confulted with 
 
 thofe with him, whether it would not be 
 rafti to proceed. The young men were of 
 opinion, that it would be a lelfening of their 
 reputation to turn their backs to danger, 
 thought there came to them an Indian of 
 their friends, and defir'd them not to pro- 
 ceed, becaufe Caupolican was at Tucapel with 
 twenty thoufand Indians, and that the ha- 
 zard they ran was manifeft ; but he foUow'd 
 on his way, and came within fight of the 
 enemy : They foon engag'd, and the battle u^ ^^„^^ 
 was cruel on both fides, fo that for a great ges them, 
 while no advantage could be perceiv'd, be- 
 caufe the brave adlions on both fides kept 
 vidtory in fufpence. 
 
 After a good while of this contention, 
 the Spaniards began to prevail, and to cry 
 
 f'iva 
 
 e:
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 '57 
 
 The trea- 
 chery of 
 Lautaro. 
 
 His ha- 
 rangue to 
 the Arau- 
 
 Viva Efpnnna, or Live Spain ; with which 
 recovering new vigour, the Indians fcem'd 
 to give way, when (as Arzilla, in \\\sArau- 
 cana, fays) the famous Lautaro, an Indian, 
 who had been bred page to the governor 
 Faldivia, having more regard to the love 
 of his native country and his liberty, than 
 for the education he had receiv'd, and the 
 fidelity he owed his mafter, went over to 
 the Indiatis, and fpoke to them in this man- 
 ner : " What is this, brave Araucanos ? do 
 " you turn your backs when your liberty 
 " is concern'd, your country, your chil- 
 " dren, yourpofterity? Either recover your 
 " liberty, or lofc your lives; for 'tis a lefs 
 " misfortune to die, than to live (laves. 
 " Do you intend to (lain the glory of your 
 " anceftors, acquir'd for fo many ages p.ill, 
 " in one hour? Remember you arc de- 
 " icended from thofe who gain'd that re- 
 " nown by refilling their enemies, and not 
 " flying from them ; and fuch as fear'd not 
 *' to lofe both lives and fortunes to preferve 
 " their fame: drive away all fear, gene- 
 " rous foldiers, and either live free, or die." 
 With thefe words he fo inflam'd the minds 
 of his friends, that defpifing death, they 
 return'd with fury to invade thofe whom 
 before they flew from. Lautaro, to encou- 
 rage them the more, led them on, fkaking 
 his lance againfl; the governor, his mafter ; 
 who, furpnz'd at his action, cried, 'Traytcr 
 what doft thou do? To which he anfwer'd 
 only with a thruft or two, animating his 
 people to do the fame. This renewed the 
 fight, and they all refolv'd, by the exam- 
 ple and exhortations oi Lautaro, to conquer, 
 or die; which they perform'd with lb much 
 fury, that the concern of both fides was now 
 at the highefb, and the contention only who 
 fhould venture fortheft into danger. Many 
 Spaniards and Indians fell on both fides, and 
 Lautaro ftill encourag'd his countrymen 
 without any relenting. Faldivia did the 
 fame by the Spaniards, and fhewed himfclt 
 every where, in the greateft danger, with- 
 out the leaft apprehenlion, though he faw 
 many of the braveft' of his men tall by the 
 fword. One would have thought the In- 
 dians had but jull begun to engage, to fee 
 how like lions they fell on, and begun to 
 find viiflory incline to their fide, 'till at lafl: 
 there tell lb many Spaniards, that Faldivia 
 was almoft left alone. In this extremity he 
 went afide with his chaplain to confefs his 
 fins that being the principal thing he had 
 now to do. The Indians gave hiin but lit- 
 tle time to make his peace with heaven ; 
 for a great troop of them tell upon him 
 with darts and lances, killing the chaplain, 
 and taking him prifoner, they brought him 
 alive to their general, for the laft triumph 
 of their vidory. 
 N*-. 94. Vol. III. 
 
 This hitherto unconqucr'd captain ap- f^^'-^i-Lc. 
 pear'd in the pretence of the great CaupoH- '^-t^- 
 can, his hands tied behind him as captive, ^^^^^^ 
 his face all bloody, though venerable. He 
 afk'd his lite as a tavour ; he who a litile 
 betore had it in his power to grant it his ene- 
 mies. He turn'd his eyes towards his Lau- 
 taro, and with their language feem'd to de- 
 fire him to intercede for him who had been 
 his lord and mafter, and by vvhofe means he 
 W.IS in this extremity. He promis'd Cau- 
 polican, if he might have his lite, to with- 
 draw all his forces, and leave the country 
 free trom their incumbrance. He made 
 oath of this feveral times, and peilliadcd 
 with fo much eloquence his hearers, that 
 Caupolican, who was as generous as brave, 
 began to relent, and incline to compafTion. 
 But the greateft part iaid it was madnefs to 
 truft to any words or promiics of a captive, 
 who is forced to humble himfelf ; but that 
 when he fhould be free, he would do that 
 which fhould be moft for his advantage. 
 However, the difpute between them in- 
 creas'd, and no doubt but Lautaro would 
 have inclin'd to mercy ; for if he fought 
 againft his mafter, it was not out of any ha- 
 tred to his perlbn, but out of the great 
 kindnefs he had to his country, which, with 
 the defire of liberty, prevail'd over the gra- 
 titude he owed for the good ulitge he had re- 
 ceiv'd at his hands; but nothing of this was 
 able to appeafe the vulgar, though Caupo- 
 lican inclin'd to clemency; fo they forc'd 
 him to pronounce his death, and to execute 
 it immediately in hot blood, though they He is flain 
 difter'd in the manner of it ; for fome fay by the In- 
 that they poured melted gold into his'''*"^- 
 mouth, bidding him once for all content 
 his thirft after that metal which he had fo 
 iniatiably coveted : others fay, that one of 
 thofe Caciques, bearing impatiently that it 
 fhould bear a queftion whether he fiiould 
 live or die, gave him a blow on the head 
 with a club; which Caupolican refentcd high- 
 ly, as a want of refpeft to him. That which 
 I find moft probable is, that according to They 
 the cuftom of the Indians, they inade flutes '"^'^^ 
 and trumpets of the bones of his legs and ^^^^^ ^^^ 
 thighs, and kept his head as a teftimony of hif*^ ' 
 of (b remarkable a vidlory, and to animate bones, 
 their youth to undertake the like aftions, 
 as they might fee by this their fathers had 
 done. Thus I have heard it related. 
 
 Of all the Spanijk army, 'tis laid there °^^^".'^''"= 
 efcaped only two Indian Iriends, who ta- ^^^^ tut 
 king advantage of the obfcurity of the nighr, twoe(cape 
 hid themfelves in a thicket, from whence 
 creeping out as well as they could, they 
 came to the Conception, and brought the 
 news of this fatal event. The city was im- 
 mediately full of confufion and complaints, 
 the women crying and bewailing Uie lofs 
 Mm of
 
 ijS 
 
 Of the Nsiture and Fr'aperties of the 
 
 pooi; Y. 
 
 OvAL.n. of. their hufbands and fons, others that of the common calamity. of thpircity, ia wjiich 
 •646- their fathers lUid relations, and :U1 together they were all equally conccrn'd. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 M'l'at }.iappcned after the death of the governor Pt-dro de Valdivia. 
 
 Caupoli- 
 can makes 
 Lautaro 
 his lieute- 
 nant-gene- 
 ral. 
 
 His cha- 
 rafler. 
 
 Villagran 
 marches to 
 revenge 
 Valdivia's 
 death. 
 
 THE enemy having obtainM fo re- 
 markable a victory, their general Cau- 
 polican commanded the retreat to be found- 
 ed, and call'd a council, to confider whe- 
 ther, or no, it would be beft to follow their 
 blow warmly. Many were of opinion it 
 would be mofl: expedient to fall upon the 
 cities immediately, before they could pre- 
 p.are for them -, yet Cmipdican, after having 
 heard them all, rcfolv'd to do otherwife. 
 'Tis better, fiid he, to expeft our enemies 
 in our own homes, than to go to feck them 
 at theirs, where all men fight with_ more 
 valour; let them come to feck us in our 
 mountains and bogs, where we are fure of 
 a (afe retreat: let us give our enemies^a 
 free accels to us, vyho have our fituation to 
 befriend us; and in the mean time our hor- 
 fes and foldiers may refrefh thcmfelves: and 
 if they out of fear (which I believe they 
 will not) do forbear to feek us out, we may 
 attack them when we will. Having fpoke 
 thus, he took Lautaro by the hand, and 
 having publickly commended him, by at- 
 tributing to him the vidory and the liber- 
 ty of his country, he, by confenc of all, 
 made him his lieutenant-general, and gave 
 him leave to chufe out the men he would 
 have to ferve under him, to go and pitch 
 upon a fit poft to expedt the Spaniards in. 
 Lautaro was no very tall man, but well fet, 
 and ftrong, induftrious, cautious, of good 
 counfel, gentle, and well proportion'd, very 
 brave, as we have feeri, and Ihall fee here- 
 after. 
 
 To celebrate this vidlory, the Indians 
 folemniz'd publick games of wreftling, run- 
 ning, leaping, and other proofs of their 
 ftrength and dexterity: they made alfo great 
 feafting with dancings, and for feveral days 
 did nothing but rejoice and be merry ; but 
 ftill without forgetting to be upon their 
 guard, as men that expefted their ene- 
 mies whom they prefum'd defirous of re- 
 venge. 
 
 Francifco de Villagran was lieutenant-ge- 
 neral to faldivia when he was kill'd ; who 
 remaining chief in command, afiembled all 
 he could to go and take vengeance of the 
 enemy for this defeat. Setting our, he 
 came as tar as Arauco ; and being come to 
 a high mountain in the way, he found Lau- 
 taro on the top of it, with ten thoufand men, 
 without having fent out any to difturb the 
 Spaniards march ; for he had left all the paf- 
 ■4 
 
 fes eafy, to oblige them to come to that 
 place : it was not fir from the fea, which 
 wafli'd the foot of the mountain on orie fide ; 
 the coming up on the other fide was eafy ; 
 all the reft was precipice ; but the top was 
 a plain fit to draw up in, and very proper 
 for his defign. 
 
 The Spanip general being in prefcncc, And comes 
 the armies began to draw up on both fides ; to a battle 
 and not to make the I'ridians too prefump- ^"'^ Lau 
 tuous, he order'd three troops of horfe 1:0 '"°' 
 begin the charge, in hopes to draw the In- 
 dians ^vom their poft, but in vain j for 
 though they made three attacks, yet Lau- 
 taro would not ftir, but rcceiv'd then^ with 
 fhowers of arrows, ftones, and darts, which 
 made them retire fafter than they came on. 
 Our people, who could not break this bat- 
 talion, with the evident danger of falling 
 into precipices, did what they could, but 
 with little effcft, only tiring their horfes; 
 for the enemy kept his poft, not a rnan of 
 them ftirring out of his rank ; only Lau- 
 taro would permit fome of the braveft to 
 go out, and defy the Spaniards body to bo- 
 dy. There came forth, among the reft, a 
 brave youth, call'd Curioman, who taking 
 a long career, would throw his lance with 
 that dexterity, that he wounded many of 
 the Spaniards: he did this feven times, and 
 at the eighth, Villagran, being vex'd at his 
 importunate boldnefs, commanded a famous 
 foldier, call'd Diego Lano, to chaftlfe the 
 Indian^s infolencc, which he did ; and it was 
 all this high courage and ftrength could per- 
 form. The Spaniards feeing themfelves 
 tir'd, and that all the movement of their 
 horfe fignified little, and that the Indians 
 were taking the paftes behind them, began 
 to ufe their fmall fliot, which at firft made 
 a great (laughter among the Indians. Lau- 
 taro, to remedy this inconvenience, com- 
 manded Leucaton, one of his captains, to 
 attack the Spaniards on the flank, and nor 
 to ftop till he came up clofe with their muf- 
 queteers, that by this means mingling with 
 them, they might avoid their fmall fliot, 
 which in that cafe could not be of any ufe 
 to the Spaniards, without wounding their 
 own men too. This he obfcrv'd, and they 
 ever fince have praftis'd the fame with good 
 fuccefs; and without this boldnefs, in which 
 they always lofe fome men, they would be 
 much inferior to the Spaniards, they having 
 no fire-arms to ufe in the like manner : they 
 
 fliew
 
 ChaP. ^7. 
 
 'i^w 'v-.KmgdomQj C.HvI:^.^.' 
 
 L 
 
 fhew In tills their invincible courage, and 
 undifturb*d bravery, by which diey make 
 to themfelves a defence of their own ene- 
 mies ; for being once mingled with them, 
 they cannot offend them, without deftroying 
 at the fame time their own people. 
 
 The fight on both fides was bravely main- 
 tiv^Cdi.^ Laiitaro relieving and encouraging 
 his men, as Villagran did his, both of them 
 doing the parts both of general and fol- 
 dier, and expofing themfelves to the great- 
 eft danger. He that fignaliz'd his valour 
 moft on our fide, was the famous captain 
 Pedro Olmos de Aquillera, killing with his 
 own hand four of the chiefs of the Indians. 
 Our army was encourag'd with his valour, 
 which he inherited from that noble family 
 fo fpread in Andaluzia: he was feconded by 
 the Bernales Pantoias, Alvarados, and many 
 others, who perform'd wonders in this bat- 
 tle, wliich was long cojitefted, very bloody, 
 and in fufpenfe to the laft. The enemy was 
 much fuperior in ftrength to our forces, and 
 therefore the viftory began to incline to 
 their fide •, for though Villagran the gene- 
 ral, and forae others, would rather have 
 chofe to die there with honour, than turn 
 their backs, yet the greateft part judging 
 that there was no honour loft in a vigorous 
 iretreat, and that it would be raftinefs to 
 perfift in fo defperate a cafe, they began to 
 retire, fighting and defending themfelves ; 
 but the enemy, elevated with this fuccefs, 
 followed clofe, and having knock'd VUla^ 
 gran off his horfe, they had made an end 
 
 ^39 
 
 of him, if he had not v.Jiantly defendetlOiA.Lj.e. 
 himfelf till thirteen of his men came to his *^'*''' 
 relief. ,, ^"^^V^ 
 
 Thefe famous commanders diii not obtJiin -pj^p gp^. 
 lefs glory in this retreat, than if they h;id niard^ bca- 
 gain'd a vic^tory, for the enemy following ten a k- 
 thcm for fix leagues together, being a hun- '^""'^ '""*■ 
 drcd to one, and having feizM upon moft 
 of the pafles, and the numbers ftill increa.- 
 fing, yet the Spaniards made a noble de^- 
 fence, and kill'd many of them. Thoip 
 who efcap'd from this engagement, came 
 with the fad news of the ill llicccfs to the 
 city of the Conception, whicli fet all the iiv- 
 habitants in an uproar, mingled with )<tr 
 mentations and cries, every one being in 
 fome meafure concern'd in this calamity-, 
 for between Spaniards and friendly Indians,, 
 there died in this engagement two thouland 
 five hundred. One would have thought the 
 day of judgment had been come, to fee tlic 
 confuGon that was in tlie city upon this ncws,i 
 one laments the death of his lather, another 
 of her hufband ; fome cry for their fons, 
 fome for their brothers-, tlic women wring 
 their hands, pull off their hair, fill the air 
 with lamentable cries •, the children cling 
 to their parents, alking for their loft fa- 
 thers, which is more grievous to rhcm than 
 daggers. In the midft of thefe horr^t;^ 
 night came on, in vvhich no one cculd iimt 
 their eye^, for the memory of their misfor- 
 tunes keeps the foul attentive, without any 
 confolai^ion. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 hzMi^xo Jacks the city of the Conception; and Caupolican hefieges the city of th} 
 Imperial, which is defended by tk^qiL?en of hewven. 
 
 Misfortunes feldom come alone; and 
 fo it happened to this afflidled city, 
 vvhich, inftead of receiving comfort from 
 the approaching day, no fooner did it ap- 
 pear, when the noife of drums and trumpets 
 gave a warm alarm of the enemies being at 
 hand. Here the confufion incieas'd •, for 
 now the concern was not for the lofs of 
 others, but for every one's own fafety, the 
 danger threatening them fo immediately : 
 there was nothing but diforder, no counfel 
 nor refolution being to be found in the 
 wifeft : they could not defend themfelves, 
 becaufe they were fo over-powered in num- 
 bers by the enemy ; and the retreat, though 
 neceffary, was difficult, becaufe of the ap- 
 proach of the Indians. In this hard con- 
 fliifl, at laft the refolution that prevaii'd 
 was to abandon the city, without pretend- 
 ing to fave any thing but their lives. They 
 
 leave the city then, and all the goM they ^Yh^y «if 
 had got together in fuch quantities. They from the 
 go out in long files, the mothers helping Concep 
 their little children along: the way thai"^"' 
 they undertook, was to the city oi Sl.yagQy 
 a long one, in which many rivers were to 
 be crofs'd, and hard pallls to be gone 
 thorough : this labour was accompanied 
 with the perpetual fright of the enemies 
 purfuing them. Who can relate the hard- 
 ftiips of hunger and other iLifterings, through 
 fo long a tradl of mountains, delarts, and 
 uninhabited countries ? How the womcn^ 
 the children, the old men, could bear this 
 fatigue, we muft leave to imagination to 
 reprefent the trUe idea of thefe misfor- 
 tunes! Let us therefore return to the In- 
 dians. The Spajiiards had hardly made an i.autnrfl 
 end of abandoning the city, when the /;;- enters nn^ 
 dians enter'd into it -, and not being able ^^"^^^ ''"^ 
 
 to''
 
 140 
 
 Of the Nature and Frdpertiei of the 
 
 Book 
 
 V»( 
 
 OvALLE-to execute their higc upon the inhabitnnts, 
 16+6. j|^(.y jij ij ^JpQ^ the houles, to whicli they 
 ^""'"^''^^ let fire, and contuniM tlicm to the very 
 foundation, killing even the very animals 
 which the 6'/>f7w:m/j left behind them. Thus 
 was lort the city moft abounding in gold, 
 and fuuated in the moft populace part of 
 the Iiiiiian country ; for 'tis laid there were 
 not lefs than a hundred thoutand Indians,\\\xh. 
 their families, who were all cmploy'd in ga- 
 thering g<;)Id for the Spnninrds, whom they 
 enrich'd to that degree, that Pedro de Val- 
 divia, if he had liv'd, would have had fif- 
 ty thoufand crowns of gold a-year, and 
 others twenty and thirty thouland. 
 
 This burning of the city being over, news 
 was brought, that Cau-poHcan had call'd a 
 great allembly in /Iratuo, which made Lau- 
 taro return with his people to be at it. 
 When the two generals of the Araucanos 
 met, they greeted one another tor the vic- 
 tories obtained over the Spaniards; and in 
 fign of triumph, one hundred and thirty 
 caciques, all dreiUd thcmfelves in the fpa- 
 nijh drefs with rhe cloaths they took from 
 the Spcninrds kill'd in the battle. The ge- 
 neral had ^rt/^fwrt's cloaths, which were, as 
 'tis reported of green velvet, laced with 
 gold lace, a back and breaft of well tem- 
 per'd fteel, and a helmet with a great 
 emerald for creft. All having feated them- 
 ielves in order by the general's command, 
 he propofed to them the defign of conquer- 
 ing back all that was gain'd from them by 
 the Spaniards, who now were fo dcjedted 
 with their lofs. They all agreed to his de- 
 fire, every one delivering his opinion with 
 great pride and arrogance. 'Tis faid, that 
 the old and \px\.\AtniColorolo, hearing them 
 deliver their opinions with fo much infolence 
 and prefumption, that it look'd as if all 
 the world was too weak to refift their va- 
 lour, humbled them a little, by putting 
 them in mind, That if they had obtain'd 
 two viftories, the Spaniards had gained ma- 
 ny more over them, and had made them 
 ferve as (laves ; therefore that they ought to 
 behave themfclves with moderation and 
 temper, that they might exped fuccefs from 
 their arms -, and added, that it was his opi- 
 nion, that they (hould divide their forces 
 into three parts, and at the fame time alTault 
 the city ot the Imperial. 
 
 Puchecdco, a famous conjuring Cacique, 
 
 following the fame thought of humbling the 
 intolerable hauglitinds of the aflembly, told 
 them. That they might give over their pre- 
 fumption v for he was to acquaint them, that 
 iiaving conlulred his oracles, they had an- 
 1 we red Ivm, That though at prefent they Kere 
 fo vittorious, yet at lajt they "jcere to live un- 
 der the Spanifh yoke in perpetual Jlavery. 
 The Cacique -Tticapel could not bear to hear 
 this -, and rifing from his place, with his 
 mace of arms gave him fuch a blow as took 
 away his life. The general was highly of- 
 fended -M this infolence, and being refolv'd 
 to chaftlle the author of it, the whole af- 
 ihiibly was difturbed ; and though they all 
 endeavour'd to lay hold on the murderer, 
 yet he defended himfelf fo well with his 
 mace of arms, that it was not eafy to feize 
 him : but Latitaro, who had great power 
 with the general, made up the whole bufi- 
 nefs ; and the refult of the council being to 
 befiege the city of the Imperial, they imme- 
 diately put it in execution. 
 
 Their army took its poft three leagues Caupoli- 
 from the Imperial ; which city, though it can de- 
 had a good garriibn of brave men, was not Jl^"^ '? 
 neverthelefs prepar'd nor provided for a imperial, 
 liege with ammunition and vidluals, becaufe but is mi- 
 the enemies would have taken it, it any had racuioudy 
 been lent to it -, but the queen of heaven de- P^'^vented. 
 livered them from this great danger. The 
 enemies drawing near the city, there arofe 
 on a fudden a mighty ftorm of hail and rain, 
 with black clouds -, and their Epunamon ap- 
 peared to them in form of a terrible dragon, 
 calling out fire at his mouth, and his tail 
 curl'd up, bidding them make hafte, for 
 the city was theirs, being unprovided ; and 
 that they fhould enter it, and put to the 
 fword all the chriftians, and fo diliippear'd : 
 but as they were purfumg their defign, a- 
 nimated by this oracle, on a fudden the hea- 
 vens clear'd up, and a very beautiful woman 
 appeared upon a bright cloud, and fhewing 
 them a charming, but majeftick and fevere 
 countenance, took from them the pride and 
 haughtinefs infpir'd into them by their firfb 
 vifion, commanding them to return to their 
 own homes, for God was refolv'd to favour 
 the chriftians; and they obey'd immediate- 
 ly. To which the author who reports this 
 ftory adds. That the whole camp faw the 
 apparition, which was on the 23d of /lpri!„ 
 and that all agree in this. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. Zi.' 
 
 Kingdom <>/ C H I L E. 
 
 141 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The city of the Conception is rebuilt; and Lautaro having taken it a Jecond^'"'^^^' 
 time, marches to take the city of St. Jago, ijuhere he dies. '^^^ 
 
 The Con- 
 ception re- 
 built. 
 
 Lautaro 
 takes it a 
 fecond 
 
 time. 
 
 Lautaro 
 marches 
 to befiege 
 St Jago. 
 
 TH,E Spaniards being in fafety, began 
 to think of returning to the Concep- 
 tion, and rebuilding of it. To this end they 
 raifed men at St. Jago, and with great dif- 
 ficulty compafs'd their intention, making a 
 good fortrels within the city for their better 
 fecurity. The Indians of the neighbour- 
 hood, though they were in their hearts as 
 averfe as any others to be commanded by 
 flrangers, and to let them build cities in 
 their territories, diflembled neverthelefs at 
 prefent, but in due time gave advice to A- 
 rauco, defiring help to drive out thcfe new 
 comers, or make an end of them at once. 
 Lautaro came to them prefently with a good 
 army ; and fome companies of Spaniards, 
 which went out to encounter him, were 
 forced to retire to the fort they had made, 
 in which they defended themfelves as long 
 as they were able to withftand the force of 
 Lautaro ; but at laft being overpowered, 
 they were forced to retire a fecond time to 
 the city of St. Jago. Many Spaniards 
 were loft, and Lautaro followed the pur- 
 fuit, in which many brave aftions were 
 perform'd on both fides: among the refl:, 
 a famous Indian captain, called Rengo, 
 following three Spanijh captains, who were 
 retiring, called them cowards, and faid a 
 hundred infolent things to them, which 
 moved one of them to attack him at the 
 paflfage of a river -, but he fecured himfelf 
 by choofing a ftrong poft -, fo the Spaniards 
 went on to St. Jago, and Lautaro retreated 
 to Araiico, where great rejoicings were made 
 for this new viftory. 
 
 The Indians renewed their meetings ; and 
 being much elevated with their fuccefs, they 
 came to a refolution of not troubling them- 
 felves v/ith the lefler cities, which they rec- 
 koned as their own j but to attack the ca- 
 pital of St. Jago. Lautaro offered to un- 
 dertake this enterprize j and chufing the 
 moft warlike among them, he march'd with 
 a powerful army. He pafled the rivers Biobio, 
 Lata, Matile, and Mataquito ; near this laft 
 he raifed a fort to fecure his retreat, if need 
 were, he being engaged far from his own 
 territories. 
 
 When the news of this refolution came 
 to St. JagOf many looked upon it as a fable, 
 not being capable of imagining that the 
 Indians had boldnefs enough to march fo 
 far to attack them ; but thofe who were 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 come back from the city of the Conception 
 undeceived them, as knowing by experience 
 Lautaro'% courage; they therefore fortified 
 the place, and provided it : they alfo fent 
 out parties to engage the enemies, if the oc- 
 cafion offered ; but Lautaro forced them to 
 return in hafte to carry the news, and yet 
 Ibme remain'd behind too. 
 
 Francifco de Villagran, the lieutenant-ge- The Spa- 
 neral was fick at this time ; and fo fent his "'^f''* 
 coufin Pedro de Villagran, with all the force ^^^^^ .'° 
 he could make, to meet Lautaro ; they "'"^" ^"™" 
 lodg'd within half an hour from the fort 
 which the Indians had raifed upon the Rio 
 Claro ; the next day they entered the fort 
 without any refiftance-, for Lautaro had 
 cunningly ordered his men to feem to fly, 
 that he might catch the Spaniards in the 
 fort; and fo, when he faw his time, he 
 gave the fignal, and his men fell on the 
 Spaniards like lions, who had enough to do 
 to make their retreat, and efcape from their 
 hands. The Indians followed them for a 
 league, doing them much mifchief, though 
 they defended themfelves with great valour. 
 Lautaro feign'd a fecond time to fly ; and 
 our people being reinforc'd, eng.iged him 
 a-frefh. They attack'd his fort, and gave 
 three afl^aults to it ; where they were receiv'J 
 with fhowers of arrows, darts, and ftones, 
 and at laft forc'd to retire to a valley j 
 whence they defign'd to return, and try their 
 fortune again : but Lautaro fav'd them the 
 trouble •, for refolving to make an end of 
 them all at once, and in order to it feigning 
 that he wanted provifions, he fent to our camp 
 to demand fome. His projeft was to let in 
 a river upon the Spaniard's camp, which he 
 could do conveniently, becaufe it w.is al- 
 ready in dams and canals ; and fo having 
 made a marfh of the ground where they 
 lodged, fo as they fliould not be able to 
 ftir, feize all the paffes behind them. But 
 Villagran having dilcover'd this ftratagcm, 
 raifed his camp, and retir'd to St. Jago, to 
 the great difappointment of the enemy. 
 
 Yet this did not make Lautaro give over 
 his defign ; for confidering that he could 
 not attack St. Jago, which was well pro- 
 vided with men and ammunition, except he 
 had a greater ftrength, he raited a fort in 
 a valley to cover himfelf, while his fuccours 
 fhould arrive, and enable him to attack 
 St. Jago. Thofe of the city were making, 
 N n with 
 
 ■V,
 
 142. 
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 Book V 
 
 Ova LLE. with 
 
 1646. fence 
 
 great 
 
 Lautaro 
 killed by 
 an arrow. 
 
 care, preparations for their dc- 
 and had fent for fuccours to all the 
 other cities. Their general ViUagran had 
 feiit out upon this defign ; and making as 
 if he was going to Armico, had on a lud- 
 den marched to the Imperial, from wlieiicc 
 he brought many good men away vvith 
 him ; and while Lautaro was raifing his 
 fort, Villagran, guided by an Indian, came 
 fwiftly and filently upon Lautaro, and at- 
 tack'd his fort. In the firft aflault that was 
 given, Lautaro himfclf fell, wounded by an 
 arrow which ftruck him in the heart : thus 
 ended that valiant captain of the Araucanos. 
 His Ibldiers were not at all difcouraged with 
 
 this misfortune of their general ; but rather 
 enraged with fiich a lofs, and a defire to 
 revenge his death, they fell like lions upon 
 the Spaniards, taking no quarter at their 
 hands. There were on both fides great ac- 
 tions perform'di but the rcfolution of the 
 Indians was the noblefl in the world, pre- 
 ferring their glory to their lives, which 
 they hu(b.inded lb little, that though they 
 were broke, and but few left in a lighting 
 condition, yet they ran upon the Spaniards 
 lances, and with their hands pulled them 
 into their bodies, to come clofe to their ene- 
 my, and revenge their death with his, or 
 at leaft die in the attempt. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Bon Garcia Hurtadp de Mendo9a comes to the government of Chile ; 'ujhat 
 happe?ied at his arrival, and in the engagement he had liith the Arau- 
 canos. 
 
 A" 
 
 FTER the death of Pedro de Valdi- 
 via, there was application made from 
 Chile to the viceroy of Peru, who is to pro- 
 vide a governor till the king can fend one, 
 that is, both prefident and governor indepen- 
 dent of Peru. The viceroy at this time was 
 Don Antonio Hurt ado de Mendofa, marquis 
 of Canete, who governed with great zeal, 
 and a prudent feverity, making exemplary 
 punilhments where they were neceflary, by 
 which he fecured the country. He had 
 then with him his fon Don Garcia Hurtado 
 do Mendofa, who afterwards fucceeded him 
 in his viceroyflnip, with as much applaufe 
 and efteem ot the world. The embafladors 
 from Chile defired him of his excellency 
 the father for their governor, which he 
 granted. King Philip the fecond had ap- 
 pointed the Adelantado Hyeronimo de Alde- 
 rete, to fucceed the governor Pedro de Val- 
 divia, whofe death was known at court •, 
 but the news came likewile that Alderete ; 
 was dead at the ifland of Tabcga near Pana- 
 ma. The viceroy's fon having raifed a good 
 body of horfe, fent fome of them by land 
 with the horfes, and he embarked with the 
 reft ; and after a hard ftorm, in which they 
 had like to have been all loft, he arrived 
 in the bay of the city of the Conception, and 
 Don Gar- landed upon theiftand of ^liriquina, to 
 cia, the inform himfelf from thence of the ftate of 
 new go- jj^g country. The people of the ifland, who 
 Chile were fierce and warlike, took arms when 
 lands at they faw the ftiips draw near the harbour, 
 Quiriqui- and pretended to hinder the Spaniards from 
 landing -, but having no fire-arms, as foon 
 as the cannons of the ftiips began to fire, they 
 gave way. As foon as the governor landed 
 he publiftied the defign of his coming, that 
 the Indians might know it ; which was, to 
 
 na. 
 
 fave their fouls by the predication of the 
 gofpel, and reconcile them to God by the 
 means of baptifm ; and to confer that fa- 
 crament, he had with him religious men of 
 the famous orders of St. Francis and the 
 Mercede: that if they would fubmit to that, 
 he would treat with them in the name of the 
 emperor Charles V. This declaration reach- 
 ed the ears of the Araucanos; and there af- 
 fembled at Arauco fixteen caciques, and 
 many other captains, to treat about what 
 was beft for them to do in this cafe ; and 
 though many youthful and arrogant fpeeches 
 were made, according to their ufual haugh- 
 tinefs, which made them defpife all good 
 counfel and peace, yet the old and prudent 
 Colocolo reftrain'd their pride with prudent 
 realbns and perfuaded them to treat with 
 the Spaniards, fince they were by them in- 
 vited to do it. // cannot hurt us, faid he, 
 to hear them : vje fl:all have our forces as 
 ftrongftill to maintain our right, if they de- 
 mand iinju^ things. This opinion was fol- 
 lowed by the moft prudent among them ; 
 and they fent for their ambafliidor the Ca- The In- 
 
 cique Milalan, a man of great rhetorick and '^''■*"' "f"^ 
 ,■' 1 • • 1 • J an atnbal- 
 
 eloquence among them, giving him order ^^j^^ ^^ 
 to treat with the Spaniards, and obferve well treat with 
 their ftrength ; and that he fhould fhew in- him. 
 clinations to peace, to draw them to land on 
 the continent, and forfake the ifland, hoping 
 that the defire of gold would tempt thcni 
 to go further into the country. Milalan 
 came to the governor's tent •, and making • 
 a fmall but civil bow, faluted him, and the 
 other Spaniards that were with him ; then 
 with a chearful countenance he deliver'd his 
 meffage. He faid, 'That his countrymen ad- 
 mitted the terms of peace that were pj-opofed, 
 andjhould obferve thofe of friendfhip ; not out 
 
 of
 
 Chap, h: 
 
 Kingdom of CHILE. 
 
 tie lands 
 on the 
 Continent, 
 and raifes 
 a fort. 
 
 The Indi- 
 ans attack 
 it. 
 
 of an^ terror or apprehenfwn caufed in them 
 by the arrival of thefe ncvj forces ; for no potv- 
 er ivas great enough to terrify them, having 
 fufficiently experienced their Jlrength in the 
 fuccefs they had hitherto had ; but that 
 "which mov''d them was the compaffion they 
 had for fo many innocent people, fo many 
 women and children^, who, upon occaf.on of 
 this war, remained widows and orphans : 
 That upon fair terms they would own the king 
 of Spain, upon condition that he did not con- 
 cern himfelf any ways with their liberty or 
 rights ; that if they had any thought of aifing 
 by violence, and making them flaves, they 
 would fooner eat their own children, and kill 
 themfelves, than fuffer it. 
 
 The governor anfwer'd him with all af- 
 furance of a good treatment as they cxpcft- 
 ed -, and having made him fome prelents, 
 difpatch'd him back to give an account of 
 his embafly : But this w;is not fufficient le- 
 curity for either fide ; fo they remain'd upon 
 their guard. The Indians obferving the 
 caution of the Spaniards, to give them more 
 fecurity, feign'd to difmifs their forces, 
 but fecretly gave them orders to fland up- 
 on their guard, and not lay down their 
 arms, but be ready upon any occafion that 
 might happen ; yet the Spaniards for all 
 this did not think fit to land upon the conti- 
 nent, but ftay'd two months upon the iflind 
 where they firft landed, till the winter was 
 entirely over. About the fpring, they let 
 on fhore about one hundred and thirty men 
 of the bra veil among theip, to raife a forr, 
 as they did, upon the top of a hill which 
 overlooks the city of Penco, (otherwife call'd 
 the city of the Conception). Under the 
 proteftion of this fortrefs, the reft of the 
 Spaniards went out of the ifland, hoping 
 that in a little time, their horfes, which 
 were coming by land, would arrive, having 
 fome news of them : In the mean time they 
 cut wood and fafcines to fortify their camp, 
 the governor and the commanders fhewing 
 an example to the reft in the labour of in- 
 trenching themfelves, and cutting of wood, 
 as if they had never done any thing elfe all 
 their life-time. They brought it to , per- 
 fection in a little time, . and planted upon 
 it eight field-pieces, with all other nccefla- 
 ry provifions for their defence. 
 
 The Araucanos, who were watching all 
 their motions, no fooner law them bufy in 
 their fort, but, without expedting any fur- 
 ther proof of their intentions, which they 
 took to be for war, call'd immediately an 
 afiembly, and with all their ftrength came 
 like lions, with a refolution to demolifli the 
 new fort. They took up their poft at T'al- 
 caguano, about two miles from xht Spaniards 
 fort, and about break of day they gave an 
 
 alarm, and having firft cIullcngM out many Ov/m.i.f. 
 Spaniards to fingic combat, they at laft fell '^46- 
 on in a body, with no more iear of the can- "'^ "^ 
 non-bullets than if they had been of couon 
 or wool, knowing, that though they rc- 
 ceivM at firft fome dimage, it could laft no 
 longer than till the b.ut.ihons were cn"a"'d. 
 With this refolution they fell on like lions, 
 and iome of them got over the fortilica- 
 tions ; amongft whom was Tucapd, who did 
 wonderful adtions. Neither were the Spa- 
 niards unprepar'd for them, doing cxtiior- 
 dinary things, which it were too long to 
 defcribe in particular, though the adions 
 were fuch as very well dcftrve it. 
 
 The Spaniards who wele in the ifland and And are . 
 aboard the ftiips, hearing of the danger ot 'x^^''" <''^- 
 their companions, came to their alTilTance, 
 and by the help of God, who aided them, 
 joined their friends ; and then thus united 
 they began to prevail over the Araucanos, 
 who, finding themfelves inferior, and ha- 
 ving loft many of their braveft men, began 
 to retreat, all but Tucapel, who having ftay'd 
 laft, and being forely wounded, yet made 
 his efcape from the Spaniards^ whom he 
 left lull of admiration of his valour and re- 
 folution. 
 
 About this time the horfes which came The nf\» 
 from St. Jago arrived, and with them a governor 
 troop of good horfemen from the Imperial. ■^^'"•°''""- 
 The enemies mufter'd all their forces, and 
 the Spaniards went to feek tiiem out in the 
 valley of Annico, where they had another 
 very bloody engagement : The Araucanos 
 fled, or rather retired ; and the Spaniards 
 having taken one prifoner call'd Gualbarinc. 
 they, in order to terrify the reft, cut oft' 
 both his hands ; but the Araucanos were 
 fo far from being terrified by it, that this 
 enraged them the more ; for Gualbarino 
 himfelf being return'd to his countrymen, 
 went up and down, begging them to re- 
 venge the injury done to him, which they 
 all looked upon as their own. Ccupclican 
 their general fent to challenge the governor 
 Don Garcia with all his lirength, telling 
 him, that he would ftay for him in his 
 camp, which he moved near the Spanifl: 
 camp, which was at Millarapue. He came He gives 
 over night ; and the next day prefeiucd Cciupoii- 
 them battle ; which was as well difputed as^^j j^^"^'' 
 the reft, botii fides fighting with extreme him 
 valour. The Indians preficd the Spaniards 
 fo hard, that vidory had declared for them, 
 had not a Spaniflo batallion, in which alone 
 remain'd all the Spaniards hopes, charg'd )o 
 defperately among the Indians, that they 
 were forced to retire, and leave the field to 
 the Spaniards; but their letrear was with 
 great honour and reputation. 'Tis related, 
 that in this engagement fome of the ncigii- 
 
 boiiring
 
 Of the Nature and Properties of the 
 
 144 
 
 OvALLE. bouring Indians were made prifoners •, and 
 '^'^^- . that though they were put to a mofl: ex- 
 
 ^'^"^'^^^ quifite torture, to force them to reveal 
 fomething that the Spaniards wanted to 
 know, yet they rcmain'd condant and true 
 to their country, as if they liad been infen- 
 fible of pain. The Spaniards had here a 
 confidenible advantage •, for, befides many 
 dead enemies whom they left upon the fpot, 
 they took twelve prifoners of the chief 
 among the Indians, whom they hang'd up- 
 on fo many trees for an example to the reft; 
 and among them that fune Gualbarino-^ 
 who not only fliewed in dying an intrepid 
 mind, but encouraged the others : And 
 iimong the reft a Cacique, who began to 
 tear and beg his life •, to whom Gualbarino 
 fpoke before all with fo much haughtinefs, 
 taxing his bafe cowardice as if he had been 
 the conqueror, and not the conquered, which 
 ftruck the Spaniards with fuch admiration, 
 that they were befide thcmfelves. 
 
 From this place our camp marched to 
 the valley where Valdivia "was loft. Here 
 the Spaniards raifed a good fort -, from 
 whence they made their excurfions upon the 
 enemy, endeavouring to advance their con- 
 quefts, but not without danger of being 
 
 Book V. 
 
 He raifes 
 
 another 
 
 fort. 
 
 often cut off ; particularly the hazard they 
 ran at a narrow pals, caufed by the moun- 
 tains on the way to Puren, where they 
 were attack'd by the Indians, and very 
 hard fet by them, whom they might have 
 dcftroy'd if they had not fallen to plun- 
 der the baggage -, for a company of Spa- 
 niards obfefving this mifcarriage, feiz'd on 
 a fpot on the top of a hill, from whence And again 
 with their fmall fliot they fo galled the In- ^^'^'.^ '''* 
 dians below, that they fled in confufion to ^"'''^"'• 
 avoid fuch a tempeft, leaving the Spaniards 
 mafters of the field, but much wcakned : 
 Having been forely handled in this rencoun- 
 ter, they retir'd to their camp, where they 
 were received vvidi great demonftration of 
 joy. After this, leaving a good garrifon 
 in the fort, well provided for two months, 
 the governor went to vifit the other cities, 
 to ftrengthen them, and provide them with 
 neceffaries againft all attacks, which they 
 had reafon to fear •, for Caiipolican, enraged 
 that in three months he had loft three vic- 
 tories, had call'd a general afTembly •, where 
 it was refolv'd never to give over, but ei- 
 ther die or conquer, that they might drive 
 out the Spafiiards, and reftore their coun- 
 try to its liberty. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 More events of war : The death and converfwn of CaiipoHcau. 
 
 CAUPOLICAN follow'd his defigns, 
 but fortune feemed to be weary of af- 
 fifting him ; for in moft rencounters he 
 came off cither worfted, or entirely defeat- 
 ed, and the viftory fnatch'd out of his 
 hands when he thought himfelf fure of it : 
 This made his people begin to grow weary 
 of his coinmand ; and the vulgar began to 
 cenfure his conduft as too remifs, and that 
 the defire of preferving his power, and be- 
 ing general, made him negleft opportuni- 
 ties of putting an end to the war. 
 
 Caiipolican being inform'd of thefe fufpi- 
 cions of his own people, call'd a new af- 
 fembly, in which he propofed methods of 
 carrying on the war, fo as they might ob- 
 tain an entire liberty. This was unani- 
 moufly agreed to, with a firm refolution 
 of not giving it over till they either con- 
 quered or died. This refolution coming to 
 the knowledge of the governor Don Garcia 
 Hurtado de Mendofa, who was gone, as we 
 have feen, to the city of the Imperial, to for- 
 tify it, he difpatch'd to the fort advice of 
 what pafs'd, and fent them a competent relief. 
 
 Amongft other defigns pitch'd upon by 
 Caupolican, the firft was to furprize the 
 Spaniards in their fortrels by a ftratagem 
 4 
 
 before they wefe aware of him, and fo ma- 
 fter the place. The other captains of re- 
 pute, Rengo, Orompello, and Tticapel, who 
 were ufed to lead always the vanguard, did 
 not approve of his projeft ; and lb let him 
 go by himfelf with his own forces, they 
 fcorning, as they laid, to obtain a viftory 
 by fraud or furprize. Caupolican fet out 
 then by himfelf; and being come within 
 three leagues of the Spanijh fortrefs, he fent 
 out his fpies to obferve their difpofition, 
 and how they might be eafilieft circumven- 
 ted. He chofe out for this purpofe one of 
 his beft captains, whofe name was Pran, a 
 cunning fagacious man, and prudent, with 
 a great deal of ready wit. This captain 
 difguis'd himfelf; and putting on the habit 
 of an ordinary Indian, he went alone, and 
 without arms, as a private perfon, to the 
 fortrefs of the Spaniards. He entered the 
 fort without fufpicion, or being known by 
 the other friendly Indians, with whom he 
 foon grew acquainted ; and walking up and 
 down, he obferved our camp and forces, 
 and took particular notice of the time of 
 day that our men us'd to be leaft upon 
 their guard, which was generally at noon, 
 when they went to fleep, to repair their 
 
 ftrength
 
 Chap. Z^. 
 
 Kingdom 0/ C H I L E. 
 
 - U "xr^ 
 
 Pran, an 
 Indian 
 fpy, forms 
 a defign 
 againfl the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 (Irength, which was wafted by their night- 
 watches. 
 
 There was in the Spanijh fort a young 
 Indian, (not Hke Lautaro, in whom the love 
 of his country prevail'd over his duty to his 
 mafter,) but ot another temper-, his name 
 was Andres, fervant to a Spa7iiflj gentleman, 
 and very much inchned to all the Spanijh 
 nation. Pran had made a great triendfhip 
 with this young man ; and one day, as they 
 were going together in the fields to feek out 
 fome provifion, as they ufed to do, talking 
 from one thing to another, Pra« difcovercd 
 himfelf entirely to his frientl Andres ; per- 
 fuading him to help on the defign he came 
 about, fince upon its fuccefs the liberty of 
 the whole nation depended. ' Andres, who 
 was not lefs fagacious and prudent than 
 Pran, promifed him all he could' d'cfire ; 
 but diflembled all thfe while. This being 
 fettled, they agreed, that each of ' theni 
 ifhould return home to his camp, and that 
 
 But it 
 turns to 
 the ruin 
 of the In 
 
 dians. 
 
 the next day Andres fhould come to a cer- 
 tain poft they agreed on, and there Pran 
 fhould meet him, and carry him to Caupo- 
 lica)f^ quarters, where he might fettle all 
 matters with him. Pran went back to the 
 Indians camp, overjoyed that he had fuc- 
 ceeded fo well, as he thought : he gave a 
 particular account of all the bufinefs to Cau- 
 ■polican, while Andres did the fame to cap- 
 tain Reynofo, who commanded in the Spanijh 
 fort. If God almighty had not by this 
 way dehvered the Spaniards out of this emi- 
 nent danger, they muft have perifhed -, for 
 naturally Andres ought to have been of the 
 fide ot his own countrymen. 
 
 According to what had been agreed be- 
 tween them, Andres came the next day to 
 the aOignation, where he met his friend 
 Pran; and they went together , to Cflz^^o//- 
 can, who received them with all demonftra- 
 tions of joy and confidence, fhewing hitn 
 his camp and all his army -, the refult was, 
 that he fhould afliiult the Spaniards the next 
 day about noon. Andres went back to the 
 Spaniards, to inform them of all that paflTed, 
 and by that captain Reynofo knew how to 
 difpofe every thing to receive the attack. 
 Caupolican came at the time appointed with 
 all his Indians, the greateft part of which 
 were fuffered to enter, the Spaniards making 
 as if they were afleep ; but on a fudden, up- 
 on a fign given, they rofe up like lions, 
 and making a furious difcharge on thofe en- 
 tered, the horfe fallied to engage thofe who 
 had remained without, of whom they made 
 a great flaughter. The furprize of the In- 
 dians was lb great, that few of them could 
 make their efcape -, but Caupolican, with 
 ten more, fav'd himfelf by by-paths, though 
 he was hotly purfued ; the hjdians that were 
 Vol. III. 
 
 H5 
 
 overtaken, ftill denying they knew anyOvAiii:. 
 thing of him, and neither threats nor gifts '^•♦^• 
 could oblige them to reveal what tlley '"'^^'"^ 
 might know more. 
 
 But it being very hard there fhould not caupoli. 
 be one traitor among many loyal men, "the on b«- 
 Spaniards lite at laft upon one of his fol- trayrd by 
 diers, who was difcontented that he had not °"' ''^^'* 
 been advanced according to his prctenfion% ""'" "*"'* 
 who betrayed to them where he was : thiy 
 man guided them by a fccret path to a 
 place where they could not be difcovered, 
 and troni thence fhewed them a very thick 
 wood, about nine miles from Ongcbno, 
 where in a thicket by a river fide, over- a 
 precipice, this brave inan had hid himfelf 
 till he could get a new army, and rally his, 
 men. , , ,' ,„ '.„i- 
 
 The Spaniards came upon him on a fud- He is ta- 
 den, and iiirprized him with the iew that l«n by 
 were with him ■, and though he did all that. ''?"= ^P*" 
 was in his power to defend himfelf, yet "'^"^'' 
 they maftered him. His wife feeing him a 
 prilbner, . and his hands tied behind liim, 
 called him coward, and ufed all the oppro- 
 brious language to him that was polTible. 
 
 Caupolican was defcrvedly among the /;;- His cha- 
 dians the moft valued of their generals •, and rafter, 
 accordingly, in an afiembly of fixtcen Ca- 
 ciques, all fovereign lords, who met to raiie 
 an army againft the Spaniards, he had the 
 chief command given him. This was the 
 man who, with tourfcore bold fellows, fur- 
 prized the caftlc ot Arauco, and overcame 
 the Spaniards in a bloody encounter with- 
 out the city walls : this was he who durft 
 , expeft the general Valdivia in open field, 
 , and routed him and his whole army, fo as 
 there was not one Spaniard left alive : this 
 was he who deftroyed Purcn, and lacked 
 Penco, not leaving one flone upon another 
 in it, the Spaniards having been ail fright- 
 ed away by the terror of his name : tiii^, 
 in fine, was the man who managed all the 
 war with fuch fuccefs, by his military flviU 
 and valour, that his authority was every 
 where refpcfted. This great man was now, 
 by the means of a traitor, delivered up to 
 his moil: cruel enemies. In this calamity 
 he fhewed no bafencfs •, for though he beg- 
 ged his life, it was in a grave way, pro- 
 mifing in return to caufc all the country to 
 fubmit to the king of Spain, and to give 
 way to introduce the Chriftian religion. 
 " Coafider, faid he, to captain lieynojc, {j;, 
 " that what I promife, I am able to per- fpecch. 
 " form, by the great veneration that all 
 " my people have for me ; and it thou doft 
 not accept of this profier, thou wilt do 
 nothing ; fince tor one head taken away, 
 there will rife up a hundred Caupc/icms 
 to revenge my death, tiiat the true one 
 
 Oo 
 
 wi 
 
 11
 
 14^ 
 
 Of the NiUun dr?d Properties of the, &c. ;Bbdi; V. 
 
 OvAi.LE." will not be mifibcl. I defire not to be 
 1646. u fei; at: liberty, but to remain tliy prifo- 
 
 ^■^^ ^*^ " ner till I perform my proinife." 
 
 All thefe realbns were of no uie to Cau- 
 policM, for he was publickly fentenced to 
 be empaled alive, and fliot to death with 
 arrows, for a terror to the reft of the In- 
 dians; though as time has fince fliewed, 
 this had no other cffeft, than to light the 
 fire of war more and more, and make the 
 
 He is fen 
 tenced. 
 
 wound almoft incurable. He heard this 
 hard ientence without any alteration in his 
 countenance-, biit he defired with great Con- 
 cern to be baptized. The priefts are fent Baptized, 
 for, and after a Ihort inftrudtion he receives 
 the holy ablution, and the chawdler of a 
 Chriftian. After this the fentence was ex- And exft- 
 ecuted upon him, which he endured with cuted. 
 gr&lt conftancy. 
 
 The Conclulion. 
 
 THOUGH father Ovdlle hii conti- 
 nued in the remainder of his treatife 
 to give an account of the various events of 
 the war with the Araucanos, in which nar- 
 rative he runs through the commands and 
 aftions of all the governors of Chile, to the 
 peace made with that nation •, yet it being 
 by him more a piece of Courtfliip to his 
 nation, and to thofe families, than an in- 
 formation ihflruftive to a foreign reader, it 
 has been thought proper to take the death 
 
 of that great general Catipoliain for tlie firft 
 natural period of that war. In the courfe 
 of the remaining narrative, there are fo ma- 
 ny fuperftitious notions inculcated, fo ma- 
 ny improbable miracles given for the foun-« 
 dation of great enterprizes, and fuch a 
 monkifh fpirit runs through the work, that 
 here in England it would rather prejudice 
 than recommend the imprefiion, and is 
 therefore omitted. 
 
 Sir
 
 r^r r"^ / ^ ¥ 
 
 Sir William Monfons 
 
 .;^ y\\ , 
 
 NAVAL TRACTS. 
 
 In Six B O O K S. 
 
 CONTAINING, 
 
 I. yi yearly account of the Englifh and Spanifli Jleefs during the war in queen 
 Elizabeth' J time-y with remarks on the a^io?is on both fides. 
 
 II. ABions of the Englifli U7ider king James I. and difcourfes upon that 
 fubjeSi. 
 
 m. The office of the lord high admiral of England, and of all the minijlers 
 and officers under him-, with other particulars to that purpofe. 
 
 IV. Difcoveries and enterprises of the Spaniards and Portuguefes; and fever al 
 other remarkable pajjages and obfervations. 
 
 V. Divers projects and firatagems tender d for the good of the kingdom. 
 
 VI. Treats offjhing to be fet up on the coafl of England, Scotland, and Ire- 
 land, with the benefit that will accrue by it to all his majeftys three kingdoms-, 
 with many other things concerning fip, fiping, and matters of that nature. 
 
 A .i .».A, ;■ 
 
 The Whole from the Original Manufcript. 
 
 Prifited for Henry I.intot; and John Oseorn, at the Golden-Ball in VattT' 
 
 nojter Row,
 
 THE 
 
 P R E F A C E. 
 
 C, . .. - • '^ r • ' I . I ?■ '• 
 
 HAVING had the perufal of thefe naval traEls of Sir William Monfon, as ivdl to 
 compare two copies together, and fupply the defeSls of the one out of the other, as to 
 corr^cl -dobat niighu he fo^nd in them amifs, either • through the negligence of tran- 
 fcribers, or the author's want of time to revife his work; yet without prefuming to 
 alter Sir William's fenfe or defign in the leajt, but only to make 'the whole fit for the prefs, 
 I thought it necejjaty to give the reader fome little information concerning the work before he 
 enters upon it, but with that brevity which I have always affe£led, when any thing has appeared 
 abroad under my own name, and vihich I am much more inclined to, being to fpeak of what 
 muji give praife or difpraife to another, and not to me, who din no way concerri'd in It. 
 
 Some nice perfons will, -perhaps, at the firjl reading of. thfs work, find fault with the 
 language, and wonder that Sir William, who was a gentlemhn ly birth, and fo great a 
 man as an admiral, fhotild anfwer their expe£iation fo little in that particular. I cannot, I 
 mujt confefs, vindicate the language ; but it was not my province to alter it : And as for 
 the author, it muft be confider'd, that though bom a gentleman, he fpent mojl of his time 
 at fea, a very unfit fchool for a man to improve his language. For the fame reafon we muft 
 
 fuppofe he was not much a fcholar, hut of excellent natural parts, and a great mafter of the 
 art he profeffed, -as will fufficiently appear by this work, and is enough to recommend it. Be- 
 
 fides, we muft not expeB that the days of queen Elizabeth could form a. man to the language of 
 our time ; and though Sir William lived till the civil war in the reign of king Charles I. it 
 is to be obferved, that he was then in his declining age, when for the mpft part men rather mind 
 what they fay, than how they fay it. 
 
 The work therefore, though perhaps not fo pleajing in ftyle as fome might defire, is correal, 
 and clear from abundance of overfights,. which, as J faid before, had either crept, in through 
 the fault of tranfcribers, or for want of the author's due revifing it. Nor was it proper t» 
 alter the ftyle, but to allow the author to deliver himfelf in his own way ; for ft.mdd difcerning 
 prfonsfind Sir William Monfon fp^ak .the language of this time precifely,- having never be- 
 fore appeared 'in print, they might be rather apt to believe thefe traSls fuppofttious, than his 
 own lawful offspring. 
 
 There is another thing, "which perhaps .w'Ufeem unpardonable, and not without juft caufe, 
 if judges he rigorous ; and is, that there are fome niiftakes, or to fpeak plainly, falfhoods to he 
 found in th£fe traits. What I can fay to this, is, that they are moft, if not all, in things then 
 not better known ; as for inftance, the affairs of the Eaft and Weft- Indies ; concerning which, 
 ■many extravagant ftories were formei'ly told, which time and experience have difproved. Be- 
 f.des, we muft not be too rafh in fuppofing every thing falfe, which does not fcem probable to us ; 
 for there might be many accidents or occurrences in thofe days, which might be really true and 
 undoubted, though to us they feem prepofterous and ftratige. And it is farther to be olferved, 
 that thefe errors are not in things, whereon the credit of the fubjetl matter depends, but only in 
 fuch as fall in by-the-by, and therein Sir William was either imposed upon by authors then 
 
 ^-in credit, or by living perfons, whofe reputation might be untainted. 
 
 I will not pretend to give a charaSler of the author, or more of his work, which every rea- 
 der has as much right to judge of as myfelf, and perhaps is better able. What little I have 
 faid, as to thofe two points above, is not to apologize for the work, or to prepoffefs the reader, 
 
 • but only to prevent his being too hafty in condemning, becaufe fome men are naturally fo preci- 
 pitate, that they are apt to take a prejudice to a book upon the firft diftike ; which they may af- 
 terwards, upon fecond thoughts, and more mature deliberation, find both ufeful and delightful. 
 Nor is there any need to give an account what the work is, as I thought once to have done, be- 
 caufe it would he a needlefs repetition of the contents, in which every man may at one view fee 
 the heads of all thefe traits -, beftdes that every book has afhort argument, yet fuffic lent tofl)ew 
 what it treats of. 
 
 Sir
 
 Sir W I LLI A M MO N SO N 
 
 149 
 
 T O 
 
 His E L D E S T SON. 
 
 Dear Son, 
 
 THE cuftom of dedicating books 
 is anrien: •, and they have been 
 ufuaily dedicated eitiicr to great 
 perlbns, for proteftion or re- 
 ward ; or to acquaintance, out of friend- 
 fhip and affedlion ; or to children out of 
 natural love, and for their inftruftion. 
 And to this end it is I commend the read- 
 ing of the following difcourfe to you, that 
 fo beholding the eighteen years war by 
 fea, which for want of years you could not 
 then remember, and comparing them with 
 the eighteen years of peace in which you 
 have, lived, you may confider three things : 
 Firft, That after ib many pains and perils, 
 God has lent life to your father to further 
 your education. Secondly, What propor- 
 tion his recompence and rewards have had 
 to his fervices. Laftly, What juft caufe 
 you have to abandon the thoughts of fuch 
 dangerous and uncertain courfes •, and that 
 you may follow the enfuing precepts, which 
 I recommend to your frequent pcrufal. 
 
 In the firft place, I will put you in mind 
 of the fmall fortune I (hall leave, that you 
 may rate your expences accordingly ; and 
 yet as little as it is, 'cis great to me, in 
 refpetl I attained to it by my own endea- 
 vours and dangers ; and therefore no body 
 can challenge intereil in it but myfelf, tho' 
 your carriage may claim the bcft title to it. 
 Beware you prefume not fo much upon it, 
 as to grow dilbbedient to your parents j for 
 what you can pretend to, is but the privi- 
 lege of two years of age above your younger 
 brother ; and in fuch cafes fathers are like 
 judges, that can and will diftinguifh of of- 
 fences and dclerts according to truth, and 
 will reward and punifh as they fhall fee 
 caufe. 
 
 And becaufe you fhall know it is no rare 
 or new thing for a man to difpofe of his own, 
 I will lay before you a precedent of your own 
 houle, that fo often as you think of it, you 
 may remember it with fear, and prevent ic 
 with care. 
 
 Your grandfather's great grandfluher was 
 a knight by title, and John by name, which 
 name we dcfire to retain to our eldeft fons : 
 Goci bleffed him with many earthly bt-nefiis, 
 as wealth, children, and reputation : His el- 
 deft fon was called John, after his father, 
 and his fecond IViUio.m, like to yourfelf and 
 brother •, but upon what dilpleafure I know 
 Vol. III. 
 
 not, (though we muft judge the fon gave 
 the occafion,) his father left him the kaft 
 part of his fortune, yet fufficient to equal 
 the beft gentleman of his fhire, and parti- 
 cularly the ancient houle cali'd after his 
 name. His other fon IVilliam he inverted 
 with what your uncle now enjoys. Bo;h 
 the ions whilft they lived carried the port 
 and eftimation of their father's children, 
 though afterwards it fell out that the fon of 
 John, and nephew to IVilliam, became dif- 
 obedienr, negligent, and prodigal, ard 
 fpent all his patrimony ; fo that in conclu- 
 fion he and his fon extinguifhed their houle, 
 and there now remains no memory of them. 
 As for the fecond line and race, of whoni 
 your uncle and I defcendcd, we li\ e as you 
 fee, though our eftates be not great, and 
 of the two mine much the Icaft ; which not- 
 withftanding is the greater to me, in reiped 
 I atchieved it with the peril and danger of 
 my life ; and you will make my fuisfac- 
 tion in the enjoyment of it the greater, if ic 
 be attended with that comfort I hope to 
 receive from you. 
 
 The next thing I will handle fhall be 
 arms. Know that wars by land or fea are 
 always accompanied with infinite dangers 
 and dilafters, and feldom rewarded accord- 
 ing to merit : For one ibldier that lives to 
 enjoy that prefcrmenr, which becomes his 
 right by antiquity of iervice, ten thoufand 
 fall by the fword and other cafual ties: And 
 if you compare that of a foldier with any 
 other calling or profelhon, you will find 
 much difference both in the reward and 
 danger. 
 
 Though arms have been efteemed in all 
 ages, and the more as there was greater oc- 
 cafion to ul'e them, yet you fhall find they 
 have been always fubjedt to jtaloufus and 
 envy ; jealoufics from the ftate, if tiie ge- 
 neral or other officer grow great and popu- 
 lar ; fubjeft to envy from interior?, who 
 through their pervcrfe and ill difpolitions, 
 malign other mens merits. 
 
 The advancement of foldiers is common- 
 ly made by counfellors at home, whole eyes 
 cannot witnefs the lervices perform'd abroad -, 
 but a man is advanced as he is betriendcil, 
 which makes the folJier's preferment as un- 
 certain as his liic is cafual. 
 
 Compare the condition and advancement 
 
 of foldiers of our time but with th.: mean 
 
 and mercenary lawyer, and you fliall lin.l 
 
 lo great a difterence, that i had rather you 
 
 I' p (houiJ
 
 150 
 
 MoNSON. 
 
 Sir William Monfon to his eldefi Son. 
 
 fhoiild become apprentice to the one, than 
 ' make profefTion of the other. 
 
 A captain that will leek to get the love 
 of his Ibldiers, as his greateft praile and te- 
 licity, of all other vices muft deteft and a- 
 bandon covetiioiifnefs. He muft live by 
 fpending, as the mifer docs by fparing ; in- 
 iomuch as few of them can obtain by war, 
 wliercwith to maintain themfelvcs" in peace: 
 ami where wealth is wanting preferment 
 fails. 
 
 Soldiers that live in peaceable idands, as 
 in England^ are undervalued, bccaufe we (ce 
 not thofe dangers which make them necefTa- 
 ry, as others do where wars are praftil'ed. 
 And the good fuccefs in our wars has been 
 Inch as makes us attribute our viftorics, not 
 lb much to valour as to chance. 
 
 I confefs the bafe and ill behaviour of 
 Ibme Ibldiers has made them and their pro- 
 fefTion the lefs efteem'd : for the name of a 
 captain, which was ever wont to be, honour- 
 able, is now become a word of reproach 
 dnd difdain. 
 
 Soldiers may have reputation, but little 
 credit ; reputation enough to defend their 
 honours, but little trufl in commerce of 
 the world : and not without caufe ; for their 
 fecurity is the worfe, by how much the dan- 
 ger of death is the greater. 
 
 Learning is as much to be preferred be- 
 fore war, as the trade of a merchant before 
 that of the fa6for. By learning you are 
 made fenfible of the difference betwixt men 
 and other creatures, and will be able to 
 judge between the good and the bad, and 
 how to walk accordingly. By learning you 
 attain to the knowledge of heavenly mylte- 
 ries, and you may frame your life accord- 
 ingly, as God fhall give you grace. By 
 learning you are made capable of prefer- 
 ment, if it concur with virtue and difcretion ; 
 and the rather, becaufe you are a gentleman 
 by birth, and well ally'd •, which I obferve, 
 next to money in this golden age, is the fe- 
 cond ftep to preferment. 
 
 For one tliat is preferr'd by arms, there 
 are tvventy by learning •, and indeed the 
 foldier is but a fervant to the learned ; for 
 after his many fought battles, and as many 
 dangers of his life, he muft yield account ot 
 his actions, and be judged, correfted, and 
 advanced, as it fhall pleafe the other. 
 
 You may wonder to hear me extol learn- 
 ing fo high above my own profefTion, con- 
 fidering the poor fortune I (hall leave was 
 atchieved by arms : it is enough therefore to 
 perfuade you what I fay is not conjeftural, 
 but approved : for if I did not find this dif- 
 ference, .the natural affection of a father to 
 a fon would nr.ike me difcover it to you, 
 rliat you-may follow that which is mofl pro- 
 bable and profitable. 
 
 <£ood ion, love folciicrs for your coun- 
 t 
 
 try's fake, who are the defenders of it-, for 
 my fiike, who have made profefTion of it ; 
 but fluin the practice of if as you will do 
 brawls, quarrels, and fuits, which bring 
 with them perplexities and dangers. 
 
 There are many things to be fhunned, as 
 being perillous both to body and foul j as 
 quarrels, and the occafions of them, which 
 happen through the enormities and abufes 
 of our age. Elleem valour as a fpccial vir- 
 tue -, but fliun quarrelling as a moft dcteft- 
 able vice. Of two evils it were better to 
 keep company with a coward than a quar- 
 rellcr •, the one is commonly Ibciable and 
 friendly -, the other dangerous in his acquain- 
 tance, and offenfive to ftanders-by. He is 
 never free from peril, that is converfant with 
 a quarrcHbme perfon, either for offence gi- 
 ven to himfelf, or to others, wherein he 
 may be engaged. 
 
 A true valiant man will have enough to 
 do to defend his own reputation, without 
 engaging for others •■, nor are all valiant 
 that will fight -, therefore difcretion makes 
 a difference betwixt valour and defperate- 
 nefs. Nothing can happen more unfortu- 
 nate to a gentleman than to have a quarrel, 
 and yet nothing fo ordinary as to give of- 
 fence: it draws with it many mifchiefs both 
 to body and foul : being flain he is in dan- 
 ger of damnation -, and no lefs if he kill the 
 other, without great repentance. He fhall 
 perpetually live in danger of revenge from 
 the friends of the party killed, and fall in- 
 to the mercy of the prince and law where 
 he lives ; but if for tear and balenefs he 
 avoid and fhun a quarrel, he is more 
 odious living tha^i he would be unhappy irx 
 
 crying- 
 Drinking is the foundation of other vices ; 
 it is the caufe of quarrels, and then murders 
 follow. It occafions fwearing, whoredom, 
 and many other vices depend upon it. 
 
 When you behold a drunkard, imagine 
 you fee a beaft in the flrape of a man. It is 
 a humour that for the time pleafes the party 
 drunk, and lb bereaves him of fenfe, that 
 he thinks all he does delights the beholders ; 
 but the next day he buys his fhame with re- 
 pentance, and perhaps give that offence in 
 his drunkennefs, that makes him hazard 
 both life and reputation in a quarrel. No 
 man will brag or boafl fo much of the word 
 reputation as a drunkard, when indeed there 
 is nothing more to a man's imputation than 
 to be drunk. 
 
 A drunkard is in the condition of an ex- 
 communicated perfon, whole teftimony be- 
 twixt party and party is of no validity. 
 Avoid, good fon, the company of a drun- 
 kard, and occafions of drinking, then fhaU 
 you live free without fear, and enjoy your 
 own without hazard. 
 
 Whore-
 
 Sir William Monfon to his eldcfl Son. 
 
 151 
 
 Whoredom is an incident to drunkennefs ; 
 tTioiigh, on the contrary, all whorcmadcrs 
 are not drunkards. It is a Tin not waflictl 
 away without the vengeance of God to die 
 third anti fourth generation. 
 
 Befides the offence to God, it gives a dif- 
 reputation to the party and iiis offspring: 
 it occafions a breach betwixt man and wife; 
 encourages tlie wife very often to follow the 
 ill example of her hufband, and then cnfues 
 diflike, divorce, difinheriting of children, 
 fuits in law, and confuming of cftatcs. 
 
 The next and worll fin I would have 
 you fhun is fwearing. I do not advife you 
 like a puritan, that ties a man more to the 
 obferving of Sundays^ and from taking the 
 name of God in vain, than to all the rell 
 of the commandments; but I wiili you to 
 avoid it for the greatnefs of the fin itfelf ; 
 for the plague of God hangs over the houfe 
 of the blafphemer. Swearing is odious to 
 the hearers: it gives little credit to the words 
 of him that ufcs it: it affords no pleafure as 
 other fins do, nor yields any profit to the 
 party : cuftom begets it, and cuftom muft 
 make one leave it. 
 
 For your exercifes, let them be of two 
 kinds; the one of mind, the other of body ; 
 that of the mind muft confift of prayer, me- 
 ditation, and your book. Let your prayers 
 be twice a day, howfoever you difpofe of 
 yourlelt the reft of the time : prayers work 
 a great effeft in a contrite and penitent 
 heart. 
 
 By this I do not feek to perfuade you 
 from fuch exercifes and delights of body as 
 are lawful and allowable in a gentleman ; 
 for fuch increafe health and agility of body, 
 make a man fociable in company, and draw 
 good acquaintance: many times they bring 
 a man into favour with a prince, and prove 
 an occafion of preferment in his marriage : 
 they are often a fafeguard to a man's life, 
 as is vaulting fuddenly upon a horfe to ef- 
 cape an enemy. 
 
 I will efpeciaily commend to you fuch 
 pleafures as bring delight and content 
 without charge; for others are fitter for 
 greater men than one of your fortune to 
 loliow. 
 
 Hawking and hunting, if they be mode- 
 rately ufcd, are, like tobacco in fome cafes, 
 wholefome for the body ; but in the common 
 ufe both laborious and loathfome: they alike 
 bring one inconveniency, (as commonly 
 vices do,) that they are not fo cafily left as 
 entertained. 
 
 Tobacco is hot and hurtful to young bo- 
 dies and ftomachs, and augments the hear 
 of the liver, which naturally you are fubjedl 
 re. It is offenfive to company, efpeciaily 
 the breath of him that takes it : it dries the 
 brain, and many become fools with the 
 continual ufe of it, 
 
 Let your apparel be handfomc and d.'-MoN- 
 ccnt, not curious nor coftly. A wifu m.in -"^ 
 is more efteemed in his plain cloatlis, tlun 
 gay cloaihing. It is more commendable lO 
 be able to buy a rich luit than to wair one. 
 
 A wife man cfteems more of a man's vir- 
 tues and valour than of his app.irel ; but 
 feeing this age is faniaftical and ch.ingeable, 
 you muft falhion yourielf to it, but in fo 
 mean and moderate a manner, as to be ra- 
 ther praifed ibr frugality, than derided lor 
 prodigality. 
 
 lie that delights in curious cloaths is an 
 imit.uor of a player, who mcafures his ap- 
 parel by the part lie acts. Ani.! as pl.iyers 
 appear upon the ftage to be feen of the fpec- 
 tators, fo do the gallants cxpofc their brave- 
 ry in open affemblics. 
 
 Whilft I live, and you do not marry, I 
 fliall temper this expence ; but when I die, 
 remember what I li\y : feek advancement 
 rather by your carriage than gaiety; the re- 
 putation you gain by that will be lafting, 
 when this will appear but like a flower 
 fixding. 
 
 Frame your courfe of life to the country 
 and not to the court ; and yet make not 
 yourfelf fuch a ftranger to great pcrfons, as 
 in affemblies they ftiould afk others who 
 you are. I confefs the greateft and fuddencft 
 rifing is by the court; yet the court is like 
 a hopeful and forward I'pring that is taken 
 with a fliarp and cold froft, which nips and 
 blafts a whole orchard, except two or three 
 trees ; for after that proportion commonly 
 courtiers are preferr'd: and he that will 
 thrive at court muft make his depcndericy 
 upon fome great perfon, in whofe fliip he 
 muft imbark all his hopes ; and how unfor- 
 tunate Ibch great perlons are oltcntimes 
 themfelves, and how unthankful to their fol- 
 lowers, we want not precedents. 
 
 He that fettles his lervice upon one of 
 them, fhall fall into the disfavour of ano- 
 ther ; for a court is like an army, ever in 
 war, ftriving by ftratagems to circumvent 
 and kick up one another's heels. You are not 
 ignorant of the aptnefs of this compariibn 
 by what you know of me, whole c.de will 
 ferve you tor a perfpecflivc-glafs, wherein to 
 behold your danger afar off, the better to 
 prevent it: yet reverence lords, becaufethey 
 are noble, and one more than another, as he 
 is more notable in virtue. 
 
 Be choice of your company; for as a 
 man makes eledion of them he is ceniured. 
 Man lives by reputation, and that failing 
 he becomes a monfter. Let your company 
 confift of your own rank, rather better than 
 worfe; for hold it for a maxim, "The leUtt 
 gerilkituin, the more gentle in Us behmiimr. 
 
 Beware they be notaccufed of crimes; icr 
 that may touch you in credit; and if you 
 lole your reputation in tlie bud uf yuur 
 
 ycuih
 
 Sir William Monfon to his Eldefi Son. 
 
 I5i 
 
 MoNsoN. youth, you fli.ill fcirce recover it in thcwhole 
 >^V^^ courfe of your lite: let them be civil in 
 carriage; for commonly llich men are len- 
 fible above all: let tiiem be learned-, for 
 learning is a fountain, from whence fprings 
 another life; let them be temperate in diet 
 and expence, fo fhall you learn to live in 
 health, and increale in wealth. 
 
 Beware they be not cholerick in difpofi- 
 tion, or arrogant in opinion; for it fo, you 
 will become a (live to their humours, and 
 bafe by iuifering. A cholerick man, of all 
 others, is the worfl: companion; for he can- 
 not temper his rage; but on any flight oc- 
 cafion, of a friend becomes an enemy. Va- 
 lue true friendfhip next to marriage, which 
 nothing but death can difiblve; for the 
 ficklenels of fricndfliip is often the ruin of 
 one's fortune. 
 
 Bcvvare of gaming, for it caufes great 
 vexation of mind: if you lofe, it begets in 
 you that humour, that out ot hope ot re- 
 gaining your loiTes, you will endanger the_ 
 lots of all. Do not prefume too much of 
 your fkill in play, or making wagers, as it 
 you were excellent above others, or have for- 
 tune at command; for flic is like a v^hore, 
 variable and inconilant; and when flie dif- 
 favours you, it is with more lofs at once 
 than fhe recompences at twice. 
 
 Love your brother and filters for their 
 own takes, as you are bound by nature, but 
 efpecially for mine, whofe they are. Re- 
 member you are all inditferent to me, but 
 that God chofe you trom the relt to be a 
 ftrcngth and flay to them : think you can- 
 not honour your father more being dead, 
 than in fhewing atfi^dfion to them he clearly 
 loved; and nothing will more approve you 
 to be mine, than love and kindncfs amongft 
 yourfelves. You owe fomewhat more to 
 me than that I am your fiuher, in that I 
 Itek your advanccnicnt above theirs; of 
 which obligation I will acquit you, condi- 
 tioi.ally you perform what you ought to 
 them: for becaufe man c.innot himlelt live 
 ever, he defires to live in his polfcrity; and 
 if I had an hundred tons, my greateit hope 
 muft depend upon you, as you are my el- 
 defi; and feeing my care is of you above 
 the refl, do not make my memory fo un- 
 . happy, as to give the world occafion to 
 fiiy, I left an unnatural fon. The only re- 
 quefl I make, is, be kind and loving to 
 ■them, who, I know, by their difpofition, 
 will give you no caufe of offence. A dif- 
 courtety from you will be as fharp to them 
 as a razor from another. 
 
 Be courteous and friendly to all ; for men 
 are efleem'd according to their carriage. 
 There is an old proved. The courtefy of the 
 Tiiouth is of great value, and cojts little. A 
 proud man is envy'd of his equals, hated 
 by "his ini'eriors, and fcorn'd by his fupe- 
 I 
 
 riors ; fo that betwixt envy, hate, and 
 fcorn, he is friendlcfs. 
 
 Many times a man is condemned to 
 death out of prefumption, efpecially when 
 it concurs with an opinion of his former ill 
 carriage ; how much therefore does it con- 
 cern a man in the times of his prolperity to 
 lay up a flock of love and reputation. 
 
 There cannot be a greater honour than 
 to gain a man's enemy by a courtefy : it 
 far exceeds the kindnels that is done to an- 
 other, and doubly obliges him that re- 
 ceives it. l>ove is a thing defir'd by a king 
 from hisfubjedts, by a general f;om his fol- 
 diers, and by a mailer from his fervants; 
 he that has it is rich by it ; it maintains 
 peace in time of peace, and is a fafe bul- 
 wark in time of war. 
 
 Do not buy this love with the ruin of 
 your eftate, as many do with prodigal ex- 
 pences, and then are requited with pity 
 and derifion. Let your expence be agree- 
 able to the wearing of your cloaths, better 
 or worfe, according to company ; or the jour- 
 neying your horfe; the Icfs way you go to 
 day, you may travel the farther to-morrow; 
 but if you go every day a long and weari- 
 fome journey, your horfe will fail, and you be 
 forc'd to go a-foor. And fo will it be in 
 your cxpences: it you do not moderate them 
 according to days and companies, your 
 horfe and you may travel faintly together. 
 
 If you are prodigal in any thing, let it 
 be in hofpitality, as motl agreeable to the 
 will of God; you fhall feed the hungry, re- 
 lieve the poor, and get the love of the rich. 
 What you fpend among your neighbours is 
 not lofl, but procures their love, and helps 
 when you have need, and thereby you fliall 
 find friendfhip in the country as available 
 as favour at court. 
 
 If you are cJled to any place of magi- 
 llracy, do jullice with pity, revenge not 
 yourfelf of your enemy under colour of au- 
 thority ; for that fhews bafenefs, and will 
 procure you hatred. In money matters fa- 
 vour your country, if it be not againll: the 
 prefent profit of the king; for many times 
 his name is ufed for the gain of other men. 
 
 Siiidy the laws, not to make a mercena- 
 ry practice of them, but only for your own 
 ufe, the good of your neighbours, and the 
 government of your country. Hold the 
 laws in reverence next to the king : for that 
 kingdom is well govern'd where the king 
 is ruled by the laws, not the laws by the king. 
 Be not prefumptuous in your command ; 
 yet feek to be obey'd as you defire to obey ; 
 tor as you are above others, others are above 
 you. Give your mind to accommodate 
 controverfies among your neighbours, and 
 you fliall gain their love, which will more 
 avail you than the hate of the lav/yers can 
 hurt you. 
 
 Pun ill-,
 
 Sir William Monlon to his cuLJI Son. 
 
 155 
 
 Punifli iiilcncfs and other vices, ns well 
 for that they me liich as tor example's fake. 
 Gain love by doing jiiftice, and hate doing 
 wrong, though it were to your imnictiiaie 
 profit. 
 
 If you marry after my death, choofe a 
 wife, as near as you can, fuitable to your 
 calling, years, and condition : tor Ibch mar- 
 riages are made in heaven, though celebrated 
 on canh. 
 
 It your eftate were great, your choice 
 might be the freer: but where the prefer- 
 ment of your fillers muft depend upon your 
 wife's portion, let not your tancy over-rule 
 your necefTity. It is an eld laying. He 
 that marries for love, has evil days and good 
 nights: confider if you marry tor affe(!:tion, 
 how long you will be raifing portions tor 
 your fifters, and the mifery you fliall live 
 in all the days of your life •, for the great- 
 eft fortune that a man can expefl is in his 
 marriage. A wile man is known by his 
 aftions ; but where paffion and afleftion 
 fway, that man is depriv'd of fenfe and 
 
 underftanUing. 
 
 It is not the poverty or meannefs of her 
 that is married, that makes her the better 
 wife -, for commonly fuch women grow ele- 
 vated, and are no more mindful of what 
 they have been, than a mariner is of his ef- 
 cape trom a danger at fea when it is paft. 
 You muft fet your wite a good example by 
 your own carriage -, for a wife and difcreet 
 husband ufually makes an obedient and du- 
 titiil wife. Beware of jealoufy ; tor it caufes 
 great vexation of mind, and fcorn and laugh- , 
 ter from your enemies. 
 
 Many times it is occafion'd by the beha- 
 viour of the hufband towards other women: 
 in that cale do like the phyfician, take 
 away the caufe of the infirmity, if not you 
 are worthy to feel the fmart of it. Jealoufy 
 is grounded upon conceit and imagination, 
 proceeds from a weak, idle, and diftcm- 
 per'd brain -, and tlie unworthy carriage of 
 iiim that i.s jealous many times makes a wo- 
 man do what otherwife fiie would not. 
 
 If God be pleated to give you children, 
 love them with that difcretion that they 
 difcern it not, leaft they too much prefume 
 upon it. Encourage them in things that are 
 good, and corred: mem if they ottend. The 
 love of God to man cannot be better cx- 
 prels'd, than by that of a father to his chil- 
 dren. Comforts or croifes tliey prove to 
 their parents ; and herein education is a great 
 help to nature. 
 
 jLet your children make you to difrelifh 
 and abandon all other delights and pleafures 
 of the world, in reipci^t ot the comfort and 
 joy you receive by them: make acccviint 
 
 then that fuinmer is paft, and the melan- ^fo^•^o:.. 
 chuly winter approaches ; for a careful and -^^^>* 
 provident father cannot take delight in the 
 world, and [)rovidc for hi« chikiren. 
 
 For a conclufion I will recommend two 
 principal virtues to you ; the ohe is lecrccy, 
 tlie other patience. Secrecy is nrceffar)% 
 requir'd in all, dpecially publick perfons ; 
 for many times they are trufted with things^ 
 the revealing whereof may coll them their 
 lives, and hinder the defigns of their maf- 
 ters. It is a folly to truHt any man with a 
 fecret that can give no aluftance in the bufl- 
 nefs he is trulted with. Coiinf.llors df 
 ft.ue, and generals of armies, of all others 
 ought to he moft fecret ; for tlicir defign.-? 
 being once difcover'd, their enterprizcs tail. 
 Silence \v:ts lo much cftcem'd amoni? tl^e 
 Perfians, that (lie was ador'd for a"^god- 
 ciets. l"hc Romans kept their expeditions 
 fo feciet, as that alone was the pfincipal 
 caufe of their vidfories: but of all others truft 
 not women with a fecret •, for the weaknef; 
 of their fex makes them unfccret. Be patient, 
 after the example of Job, and you fnall be- 
 come a true fervant of God. Patience de- 
 ferves to be painted with a fword in hef 
 hand ; for ftie conquers and fubducs ail 
 difficulties. If you will take advantage of 
 your enemy, make him chulerjck, and by 
 patience you fliall overcome him. 
 
 Marcus Aurelitis being both emperor 
 and philofopher, confeffed he atiainecl not 
 the empire by pliilofophy, but by patience. 
 What man in the world was fo patient as 
 our Saviour himfelf? By following whofe 
 example his minifters have converted more 
 by their words, than all the perfecuung 
 emperors could deter by rigour or cruelty 
 of laws. The inipatient man contcfts with 
 God himfelf, who gives and takes away at 
 his good will and pleafure. 
 
 Let me (good Ion) be your jiatrern of 
 patience; for you can witnefs with m?, 
 that the difgraces I iiavc unjuftly fiilfered, 
 (my eftate being througli niy mioiortuncs 
 niir.ed, my health by imprironnunts de- 
 cay'.!, and my fervices un'lcrvalued and un- 
 recompenc'd,) have not bred the leaft dif- 
 tafte or difcdntent in me, or alter'd my re- 
 folurion from my infancy, that is, I was 
 never fo bale as to infinuate into ar.y man's 
 favour, wh;) was favourM by the times -, I 
 was never fo ambitious as to feek or crave 
 employment, or to undertake any that was 
 not put upon me. My great and only com- 
 fort is, that I ferv'd my princes botli faith- 
 fully and fortunately ; but feeing my fer- 
 vices have been no better accepted, I can as 
 well content myfelf in being a fpjclatcr, as 
 if I were an actor in the world. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Q.q 
 
 T M r
 
 154 
 
 THE 
 
 Epiflle Dedicatory of the Firft Book, 
 
 TO SUCH 
 
 Gentlemen as are the Author's intiniate Friends, 
 that Ihall read thefe fmall Treatifes. 
 
 "W T is proper to all difcourfes not to comprehend more in one book thnn the fubje6l 
 1 whereof they are to treat, becaufe variety of matter may breed confufion and forget- 
 ^1, fulnefs in the reader ; and though the enfuing work treats of feveral nations, feveral 
 matters and accidents, and of feveral times and ages, yet all tends to fea-aftions, and 
 men of that profeffion, as namely, the firft difcovery of countries, the fettling of ccm- 
 merce and trade betwixt remote nations, the fuccefs of many warlike expeditions by fea, 
 and feveral admonitions, and other particulars therein mention'd. 
 
 I have divided them into fix books : in the firft and fecond I place the afls and enter- 
 prizes of En^lijhmen, in refpeft of the deferved honour the world attributes to them for 
 their marine affairs-, fecondly, in duty being bound to prefer my own country before all 
 others, wherein I cannot be tax'd with partiality or flattery ; and, thirdly, becaufe the 
 acT:ions and journeys of the EngUJh will give light to enfuing ages, by comparing them 
 with times paft for advantage of time to come, if there be occafion. 
 
 In the third book I fet down the office of the lord high-admiral of England, and all 
 other inferior officers belonging to him, and his majefty's fliips, from the higheft com- 
 mander to the nicancft i'ailor. 
 
 In the fourth book I touch upon divers difcoveries and conquefts of the Spanijh and 
 Por'imiefe nation ; but I will forbear to lay any thing of them in particular, till I come 
 to the place where I am to treat more at large of their ads and enterprizes. 
 
 In the fifth I treat of projefts, which I dedicate to the proje6tors of this time, not to 
 honour, but to dilplay them and the infamous courfes they take againft: the common- 
 wealth. 
 
 In the fixth I difcover the benefit of fiftiing upon his majefty's coafts of England, Scot- 
 land, and Inland, and with what eafe it may be undertaken by his majefty's lubjefls. 
 
 JVlany things contain'd in thefe fix books are no other than colleftions of other authors ; 
 and my labour is no more therein, than theirs who gather variety of flowers out of feveral 
 gardens to compofe one fightly garland. 
 
 It is not my intention that many (hall read them ; and fuch as do fhall be only my 
 deareft friends, becaufe they will put a favourable conftruction upon any overfights I 
 fhall make, and will conceal and hide what v/eaknefs they difcover in me. 
 
 All my aim is my own pleafure, and my friends fatisfadtion, if this yields them any; 
 if not, my good will ought to be never the lels valued, confidcring my intention in of- 
 ferinp- it. What is wanting in perfeftion, fhall be fupplied by my affeftion and fervice 
 ever devoted to you. And lb, farewol. 
 
 BOOK
 
 155 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 A yearly account of the Englijh and SpaniJJj fleets, fct out ^^ 
 from the year 1 585, when the vv^ar with Spain firll bef^an, 
 till the year l6oi, when king James made his happy en- 
 trance into this kingdom, fhewing the dcligns, overlif^hts, 
 and errors, on both Engiijh and Spanifi iides ; with the 
 names of the queen's fhips and commanders in every ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 O V ! O S . 
 
 Sir Francis Drake'i voyage to the Weft-Indies, Anno Dom. 1585. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Elizabeth- Bonaventitre,, 
 The ^id. 
 
 UPON knowledge of the imbar- 
 go laid by the king of Spain in 
 the year 1585, upon the Eng- 
 lifi fhips, men, and goods found 
 in his country, her majefty having no means 
 to help or relieve her fubjefts by friendly 
 treaty, authorized fuch as fuftained lofs, by 
 the faid order, to repair themfelves upon 
 the fubjects oi the king of Spain -, and to 
 that end gave them letters of reprifal, to 
 take and arrcft all fhips and merchandizes 
 they fhould find at fea, or elfewhere, be- 
 longing to the fubjeifls of the fiid king. 
 
 Her majefty at the iame time, to revenge 
 the wrongs ofi'ered her, and to refift the 
 king of Sp.nin's preparations made againft 
 her, equipp'd a i^cet of twenty-five fail of 
 ftips, and employed them under the com- 
 mand of Sir Francis Drake, as the fitteft 
 man, by reafon of his experience and fuc- 
 cefs in fundry acftions. 
 
 It is not my intent to fet down all the 
 particulars oi the voyages treated of, but 
 the fervices done, and the miilakes and over- 
 fights committed, as a warning to thofe 
 that fliail read them, and lo prevent the 
 like errors hereafter. 
 
 This voyage of Sir Francis Brake being 
 the firft undertaking on either fide, (for it 
 enfued immediately after thi- arreft of our 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Sir Francis Brake. 
 Captain Forbifher. 
 Captain Carlce, lieutenant-general 
 by land. 
 
 fhips and goods in Spain) I will deliver my 
 opinion of it before I proceed any farther. 
 
 One impediment to the voyage was, that 
 to which the ill fuccefs of divers others that 
 after followed is to be imputed, viz. the 
 want of viftuals and other necelTaries fit for 
 fo great an expedition ; for had not the 
 fleet by chance met with a fhip of Bifc.ry in 
 her return from Newfoundland, laden with 
 filTi, which relieved their necefTities, they 
 had been reduced to great extremity. 
 
 Thefervice perforined in this aftion, wa; 
 the taking and facking Sancfo Bomingo in 
 Hifpaniola, Cartagena on the continent, and 
 Santa Juftina in Florida, three towns of gieat 
 importance in the IVeft-hidiis. This fleet 
 was the greateft of any nation but the Spa- 
 niards, that had been ever leen in thofe leas 
 fince the firft difcovery of theni ; and if it 
 had been as well confidered of before their 
 going (rom home, as it was haj^pily pet' 
 formed by the valour of the undertakers, 
 it had more annoyed the king of Spain than 
 all other acftions that enfucd during the 
 time of the war. 
 
 But it feems our long peace made us un- 
 capable of advice in war ; for had we kept 
 and defended thofe places when in our pof- 
 telTion, and provided to have been relicv'd 
 and fuccoured out of England, we had di- 
 
 vcrced
 
 156 
 
 .585. 
 
 ^"/V William MonfonV Naval Tracis. 
 
 verted tlie war from this part oi Europe ; 
 for at tliat time there was no comparilon 
 betwixt the llreiigth ot Spain and Lnglaml 
 by Tea, bv tiu-ans whereot we might have 
 better defended them, and with more eafe 
 incroached upon the reft of the Indies, than 
 the king o'i Spain could have aided or fuc- 
 coiired them. 
 
 But now we fee and find by experience 
 that thofe places whicii were tiien weak and 
 
 unfortified, pre fince fo fortified^ that it is 
 to no purpole to us to annoy the king of 
 Spain in his If^efl-JfiJies. 
 
 And though this voyage proved both for- 
 tunate and victorious, yet confidering ir 
 was rather an awakening than a weakening 
 of him, it had been far better to iiave whol- 
 ly declined, than to have undertaken it up- 
 on liich flcnder grounds, and with fo incon- 
 fiderable forces. 
 
 ;87. Sir Francis DrakcV Jkond voyage to the road of Cadiz, and toivards the 
 
 Tcr- 
 
 W^ 
 
 Z'&K'i. ijlandi^ unno 1587. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Elizabeth-Ronaventure, 
 The'Lv!J«, 
 The Rainbow^ 
 T\\f Dreadnought^ 
 
 HE R majefty having received fevcral 
 advertifements, that while the king of 
 Spain was filenr, not feeking revenge for the 
 injuries the (hips of reprifal did hirn daily 
 upon his coafts, he was preparing an invin- 
 cible navy to invade her at home. She 
 thereupon fought to fruftrate his defigns, by 
 intercepting his provifions before they fhould 
 come to Lisbon, which was their place of 
 rendezvous ; and fent away Sir Francis Drake 
 with a fleet of thirty fail, great and fmall, 
 four whereof were her own fhips. 
 
 The chief adventure in this voyage (be- 
 fides thofe four (hips of her majclty's) was 
 made by the merchants of London, who 
 fought their private gain more than the ad- 
 vancement of the fervice -, neither were they 
 deceived of their cxpeftation. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake being informed by two 
 fliips of Middleborough, that came from Ca- 
 diz, that a (ieet with provifions and ammu- 
 nition riding there, was ready to take the 
 firft opportunity of a wind to go to Lisbon, 
 and join with other forces of the king ot 
 Spain, he direifted his courfe for Cadiz road, 
 where he found the advertifement he re- 
 ceived from the fhips of Middleborough in 
 every point true ; and upon his arrival at- 
 tempted the fliips with great courage, and 
 performed the lervice he went for, by de- 
 ftroying all fuch fliips he found in harbour, 
 as well ot the Spaniards as other nations that 
 were hired by them -, and by thefe means 
 he utterly defeated their mighty prepara- 
 tions, which were intended againft England 
 that year 1587. 
 
 The iecond fervice performed by him, 
 was the aflaulting the caftle of cape St. I'ln- 
 2 
 
 Conimanders. 
 
 S'r Francis Drake, general. 
 
 Sir IVilliam Burroughs, vice-admiral. 
 
 Captain Bellingam. 
 
 Captain Thomas Fenner. 
 
 cent, upon the utmoil promontory ofPortugnl^ 
 and three other ftrong holds ; all which he 
 took, fome by (orce, and ibme by compo- 
 fition. Thence he went to the mouth of 
 the river o'i Lisbon, where he anchor'd near 
 Cafcais, which ilie marquis of Si. Cruz be- 
 holding, durlt not with his gallies approach 
 lb near as once to charge him. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake perceiving, that though 
 he had done important fervice for the ftate 
 by this fortunate attempt of his, yet the 
 fame was not very acceptable to the mer- 
 chants, who adventured only in hope of 
 profit, and preferred their private gain be- 
 fore the fecurity ot the kingdom, or any 
 other relped ; therefore from Cafcais he 
 ftood to the 'rercera iflands, to expect the 
 coming home of a carrack, which he had 
 intelligence wintered at Mofambique, and 
 confequently fhe was to be home in that 
 month. And though his victuals grew 
 fcarce, and his company importuned his 
 return home, yet with fiair fpeechcs he per- 
 fuaded, and fo much prevailed with them, 
 that they were willing to expecSt the ilTue 
 fome few days at the iflands ; and by this 
 time drawing near the ifland o( St. Michael, 
 it was his good fortune to meet and take 
 the carrack he look'd for ; which added 
 more honour to his former fervice, and gave 
 great content to the merchants, to have a 
 profitable return of their adventure, which 
 wa.s the thing they principally dcfir'd. This 
 voyage fucceeded proi'pcroufly, ' and with- 
 out exception ; for there was both honour 
 and wealth gain'd. and the enemy gieatly 
 endamaged. 
 
 ne
 
 Book L 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra£is. 
 
 157 
 
 ^he frjl aBion undertaken by the Spaniards in 1588, the duke of Medina Sido-^J^„50K. 
 nia general, encountered by our feet, the lord-admiral behig at fea himjelf in 1588. * 
 perfon. wv'<«i' 
 
 The ENGLISH FLEET. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Ark-Royal, 
 The Revenge, 
 The ViSiory, 
 The Lyon, 
 The Bear, 
 
 The Elizabeth ■'Jonas, 
 The 'triumph. 
 The Hope, 
 The Bonaventure, 
 The Dreadnought, 
 The Nonpareilk, 
 The Swiftfure, 
 The Rainbow, 
 The Vauntguard, 
 The Mary-Rofe, 
 The Antilope, 
 The Forefight, 
 The ^•://i. 
 The Sviallotv, 
 
 The TJIS'^''* 
 
 The 5cw</, 
 
 The fi«//. 
 
 The Tremontany, 
 
 The Acatice, 
 
 The Charles-Pinnace, 
 
 The Moon, 
 
 The 5/7, 
 
 The AToj, 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 The lord admiral. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake, vice-admiral. 
 
 Sir 7o/j« Hawkins, rear-admiral. 
 
 The lord Thomas Howard. 
 
 The lord 6"-(»#V/^. 
 
 Sir i?c/ifr/ Southwell. 
 
 Sir Martin Forbujher. 
 
 Captain Cro/jr. 
 
 Captain Reyman. 
 
 Captain George Beejlbn. 
 
 Captain Thomas Fenner. 
 
 Captain pyHliam Fenner. 
 
 The lord //^Krj Seymor. 
 
 Sir William fVentworth. 
 
 Captain Fenton. 
 
 Sir //^»ry Palmer. 
 
 Captain Baker. 
 
 Captain John Wentwofth. 
 
 Captain Richard Hawkins. 
 
 Captain William Wentworth. 
 
 Captain AJhley. 
 
 Captain Roberts. 
 Captain Clifford. 
 Captain Bradbury. 
 
 NOtwithftanding the great fpoil and 
 hurt Sir Francis Drake did the year 
 paft in Cadiz road, by intercepting fome 
 part of the provifions intended for this great 
 navy, the king oi Spain ufed his utmoft en- 
 deavours to revenge himfelf this year, left 
 in taking longer time his defigns might be 
 prevented as before, and arretted all (hips, 
 men, and necefiaries wanting for his fleet, 
 and compelled them by force to ferve in 
 this adion. 
 
 He appointed for general the duke of 
 Medina Sidonia, a man employed rather for 
 his birth than experience ; for fo many 
 dukes, marquifles, and earls, voluntarily 
 going, would have repined to have been 
 commanded by a man of lefs quality than 
 themfelves : they departed from Lisbon the 
 19th day of May, 1588, with the greateft 
 pride and glory, and leaft doubt of viftory, 
 that ever any nation did •, but God being 
 angry with their infolence, difpofed of them 
 contrary to their expedlation. 
 
 The diredtions from the king oi Spain to 
 
 N^95. Vol. III. 
 
 his general were to repair, as wind and wea- 
 ther would give leave, to the road of Cal- 
 lice in Piccardy, there to abide the coming 
 of the prince of Parma and his army ; and 
 upon their meeting, to have open'd a letter 
 direfted to them both, with further inftruc- 
 tions. 
 
 He was efpecially commanded to fail 
 along the coafts of Brittany and Normandy, 
 to avoid being difcovcred by us here j and 
 if he met with the Englifi fleet, not to of- 
 fer to fight, but only feek to defend them- 
 felves. But when he came athwart the 
 north cape, he was taken with a contrary 
 wind and foul weather, and forced into the 
 harbour of the Groyne, where part of his 
 fleet lay attending his coming. As he was 
 ready to depart from thence, they had in- 
 telligence, by an Englijh fifherman whom 
 they took, of our fleet's late being at fea, 
 and putting back again, not expeding their 
 coming that year, infomuch that moft pare 
 of the men belonging to our /hips were 
 difcharged. 
 
 Rr 
 
 This
 
 158 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads. 
 
 EooK J. 
 
 MoN-soN. This inrelligencc made the duke alter his 
 i;88. refolution, and to break the dirctlions gi- 
 ^■^^^>^ ven him by the king: yet this was not done 
 without fome difficuhy, for the council was 
 divided in their opinions ; fome held it bed 
 to obferve the king's command, others not 
 to lofe the opportunity offered to furprizc 
 our fleet unawares, and burn and dcllroy 
 them. 
 
 Diego Flores de Valdes, who had the com- 
 mand of the ^Indalufian fquadron, and on 
 whom the duke moil relied, becaufe of his 
 experience and judgment, was the main 
 man that perfuaded the attempt of our fhips 
 in harbour, and with that refolution they 
 direfted their courfe for England. 
 
 The firll land they fell in with, was the 
 Lizard., the fouthermoft part of Corn-xall, 
 which they took to be the Rami's-Head, 
 athwart Plimoutb ; and the night being at 
 hand they tacked off to fea, making ac- 
 count in the morning to attempt our fhips 
 in Plimoutb. 
 
 But whilft they were thus deceived in the 
 land, they were in the mean time difcover'd 
 by captain Fknimitig, a pirate, who had 
 been at fea pilfering ; and upon view of 
 them, knowing them to be the Spanijh fleet, 
 repaired with all fpeed to Plimoutb, and 
 gave notice to our fleet, then riding at an- 
 chor : whereupon my lord admiral haftened 
 with all poffible expedition to get out the 
 ihips ; and before the Spaniards could draw 
 near Plimoutb, they were welcomed at fea 
 by my lord and his navy, who continued 
 fight with them, till he brought them to 
 an anchor at Calais. The particulars of the 
 fight, and the fuccefs thereof, being things 
 fo well known I purpofely omit. 
 
 While this armada was preparing, her 
 majefty had from time to time perfed in- 
 telligence of the Spaniard's defigns ; and be- 
 caufe fhe knew his intent was to invade her 
 at fea with a mighty fleet from his own 
 coaft, flie furnifhed out her royal navy, un- 
 der the conduft of the lord high-admiral 
 of England, and fent him to Plimoutb, as 
 the likelicft place to attend their coming, 
 as you have heard. 
 
 Then knowing that it was not the fleet 
 alone that could endanger their fafety, for 
 that they were too weak for any enterprize 
 on land, without the aflifl;ance of the prince 
 of Parma, and his army in Flanders, there- 
 fore fhe appointed thirty fail of Holland 
 fhips to lie at an anchor before the town of 
 Dunkirk, where the prince was to imbark 
 in flat-bottomed boats, made purpofely for 
 the expedition of England. 
 
 Thus had the prince by the queen's pro- 
 vidence been prevented, if he had attempt- 
 ed to put out of harbour with his boats ; 
 but in truth, neither his veflTels nor his army 
 were in readinefs, which caufcd the king 
 
 2 
 
 ever after to be jealous of him, and, as 'tis 
 fuppofed, to hailen his end. 
 
 Her majefty, notwithftanding this her 
 vigilant care to forcfee and prevent all dan- 
 ger that might happen at fea, would not 
 hold herfelf too fecure of her enemy, and 
 therefore prepared a royal army to welcome 
 him upon his landing -, but it was not the 
 will of God that he Ihould fet foot on Eng- 
 lijlj ground, the queen becoming victorious 
 over him at fea, with little hazard or blood- 
 fhed of her fubjeffs. 
 
 Having fliewed rlie defign of the Spa- 
 niards, and the courfe taken by her majefty 
 to prevent them, I will now colledt the er- 
 rors committed as v.'ell by the one as by the 
 other, as I have promifcd in the beginning 
 of my difcourfe. 
 
 As nothing could appear more rational 
 and likely to take eff'eft, after the duke had 
 got intelligence of the ftate of our navy, 
 than his defign to furprize them unawares 
 in harbour, he well knowing, tli.u if lie 
 had taken away our ftrength by fea, lie 
 might have landed both when and where lie 
 lifted, which is a great advant.-ige to an in- 
 vader ; yet admitting it had taken that ef- 
 fefl he defigned, I lee not how he was to 
 be commended in breaking the inftrudions 
 given him by the king ; what blame then 
 did he deferve, when fo ill an event fol- 
 low'd by his ralhnefs and difobedience ? 
 
 It was not the want of experience in the 
 duke, or his laying the fault upon Faldes, 
 that excufed him at his return -, but he had 
 fmarted bitterly for ir, had it not been for 
 his wife, who obtained the king's favour 
 for him. 
 
 Before the arrival of the fhips that ef- 
 caped in this voyage, it was known in Spain 
 that Diego Flores del Faldes was he who per- 
 fuaded the duke to break the king's inftruc- 
 tions; whereupon the king gave command- 
 ment in all his ports, where the faid Diego 
 Flores del Faldes might arrive, to apprehend 
 him ; which was accordingly executed, and 
 he carried to the caftle of Santandcr, where 
 he was not permitted to plead his excufe, 
 but remain'd there, without being ever (ztn 
 or heard of after, by report of his page, 
 with whom I fpoke afterwards, we being 
 both prifoners together in the caftle of 
 Lisbon. 
 
 If the king's diredlions had been punc- 
 tually followed, then had his fleet kept the 
 coaft of France, and arrived in the road of 
 Calais, before they had been difcovered by 
 us, which might have endangered her ma- 
 jefty and the realm, our Qiips being fo fas 
 oft' as Plimoutb, where then they lay ; and 
 though the prince oi Parma had not been 
 prefently ready, yet he had gain'd time 
 fufficient, by the abfence of our fleet, to 
 make himfelf ready. 
 
 And
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William AlonfbnV Ncwat TmSIs. 
 
 And whereas the prince was kept in by 
 the thirty lail of Hol/aiiders, ib many of 
 the duke's fleet might have been able to 
 have put the Hollanders trom tiie road of 
 Dunkirk, and poilcll: ic thcmfclves ; and lb 
 have fecured the army and fleet's meeting 
 together ; and then how eafy had it been 
 after their joining, to have tranfported 
 themfelves ior England? And what woukl 
 have enfued upon their landing here, may 
 be well imagined. 
 
 But it was the will of Him that dirccls all 
 men and their adlions, that the fleets fliould 
 meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they 
 were, put from their anchorage in Calais - 
 Road, the prince of Parma belcaguer'd at 
 fca, and their navy driven about Scotland 
 and Ireland with great hazard and lofsj 
 which fliews how God did marvelloufly de- 
 fend us againlt their dangerous dcfigns. 
 
 And here was opportuity offered us to 
 have followed the victory upon them -, for 
 after they were beaten from the road at Ca- 
 lais, and all their hopes and dcfigns fru- 
 ftrated, if we had once more ofllred them 
 light, the general, it was thought, by per- 
 fuafion of his confelTor, was determined to 
 yield -, whofe example, 'tis very likely, 
 would have made the refl: to have done the 
 like. But this opportunity was lofl, not 
 through the negligence or backwardnefs of 
 
 159 
 
 the lord admiral, but merely through theMoNsow. 
 want of providence in thofe that h.ul the '^S^- 
 charge oi iunufliing anti providing for the -^^^^^ 
 fleet-, for at that time of fo great advan- 
 tage, when they came to ex-miine iheir pro- 
 vifl ns, they tbund a general Icircity of pow - 
 der and fliot, for want whereof they were 
 forced to return home: befidcs that, the 
 dreadful ftorms which deflroy'd the Spanijh 
 fleet, made it impoflible to purkie the re- 
 mains of them. Another opportunity wa-j 
 Ipfl:, not much inferior to the other, by not 
 fending part of our fleet 10 the well ot Ire- 
 land^ where the Spaniards of ncccfllty were 
 to pafs, after fo many tlangers and difaflers 
 as they had endured. 
 
 If we had been fo happy as to have fol- 
 lowed this courfe, as it was both thought 
 and difcourfed of, we had been ablolut'^-ly 
 victorious over this great and formidable 
 navy ; for they were brought to that necef- 
 fuy, that thc-y woukl willingly have yii-ldcd, 
 as divers of them confefled that were fhip- 
 wrecked in Ireland. 
 
 By this we may fee how weak and feeble 
 the defigns of men are, in refpcct of the 
 Creator of man, and how indiherently He 
 dealt betwixt the two nations, fometimcs 
 giving one, fometimcs the other, the ad- 
 vantage ; and yet fo that he only ordered 
 the battle. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 I'he Revenge, 
 The Dreadnought, 
 The Aid, 
 The Nonpcreille, 
 The Forefigbl, 
 The Swift jure. 
 
 The expedition to Portugal, Anno 1589. 
 
 Commanders by Sea. Commanders by land. 
 
 1589. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake, 
 Capt. Thomas Fenner, 
 Capt. William Fenner, 
 Capt. Sackvile, 
 Capt. IFilliam Winter, 
 Capt. Goring, 
 
 Sir "John Norris. 
 Sir Ed-Ji'ard Norris. 
 Sir Henry Norris. 
 Sir Roger Williaws. 
 Capt. Wilfon, Serj. Major. 
 Eavlof Effcx, voluntier. 
 
 THE laft overthrow of 1588. given 
 to the invincible Armada, or navy, as 
 they termed it, did lb encourage every man 
 to the war, that happy was he who could 
 put himfelf into the fervice againfl: the Spa- 
 nards, as it appeared by the voluntiers that 
 went in this voyage; which the queen, (con- 
 fidcring the great lofs the king of Spain re- 
 ceived the year paif, whereby it was to be 
 imagined how weakly he was provided at 
 home,) was willing to countenance, though 
 flie undertook it not wholly herlelf, which 
 was the main caufe of its ill fucctfs and 
 overthrow. 
 
 For wholbever he be ot a fubjeft, that 
 thinks to undertake fo great an enterprife 
 without a prince's purfe, fhall be deceived -, 
 and therefore diefe two generals, in my opi- 
 nion, never overlhot themfelves more, than 
 in undertaking lb great a charge with fo lit- 
 tle means; for where victuals and arms 
 
 are wanting, what hope is there of pre- 
 vailing ? 
 
 The projedl of this voyage was to reflorc 
 a diflrelkd king to his kingdom, ufurped 
 as he pretended ; and though the prepara- 
 tions for this expedition were not fo great 
 as was expedient, yet in the opinion ot all 
 men, if they had direfled their courfe whi- 
 ther they intended it, without landing at 
 the Groyne, rhey had performed the fervice 
 they went for, reflored Don Antonio to the 
 crown of Portugal, diflevered it fron"; Spain, 
 and united it in league Wnh. England, which 
 would have anfwer'd the prefent charge, and 
 have fettled a continual trade for us to the 
 Ji^eft- Indies, and the reft of the dominions 
 of Portugal; for fo wc might eallly have 
 conditioned. 
 
 But the landing at the Groyne was an un- 
 neceflary lingering and hinderance of the 
 other great and main defign, a conlijming 
 
 of
 
 i6o 
 
 Sir William MonibnV Na^oal Tracts. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 of vn5lua!s, a ^vcakclling of the army by the 
 iminoJeiate di inking ol the fokiiers, whicii 
 brought a lamentable ficknefsamongll them, 
 a warning to the Spanitiviis to ilrengthen 
 Portugal, and (what is more than all this) 
 a dilcoiiragement to proceed further, being 
 repulfed in the tirft attempt. 
 
 But notwithllanding the ill fuccefs at the 
 Groyne^ they departed from thence towards 
 Portugal, and arrived at Pmiicbt\ a mari- 
 time town twelve le.igues from Lisbon, where 
 with fmall refiftance they took the caftle, 
 after the captain underftood Don Antonio 
 was in the army. 
 
 Thence general Norris marched with his 
 land forces to Lisbon, and Sir Francis Drake 
 with iiis fleet failed to Cafcais, promifing 
 from thence to pafs with his (hips up the 
 river to Lisbon, to meet with Sirjobn Ncrris, 
 which yet he did not perform, and there- 
 fore was much blamed by the general con- 
 fent of all men, the overthrow of the 
 adlion being imputed to him. 
 
 It will not excufe Sir Francis Drake, for 
 making fuch a promife to Sir John Norris ; 
 though on the other hand, I would have ac- 
 cufed him ot great want of difcretion if he 
 had put the fleet to fo great an adventure to 
 fo little purpofc: lor his being in the har- 
 bour ot Lisbon, fignified nothing to the ta- 
 king ol the caftle, which was two miles 
 from thence; and had the caftle been taken, 
 the town would have been taken of courfe. 
 
 Befides, the fliips could not furnifh the 
 army with more men or vidtuals: where- 
 fore I underftand not in what refpeft his go- 
 ing up was necelTary ; and yet the fleet muft 
 have run many hazards to fo little pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 For betwixt Cafans and Lisbon there are 
 three caftles, St. Julian, St. Francis, and 
 Bellem. The firft of the three, I hold one 
 of the moft impregnable forts to feaward in 
 Europe; and the fleet was to pafs within 
 culliver-fhot of this fort, though, 1 confefs, 
 the pafllng it was not the greateft danger; 
 for with a reafonable gale ot wind, any fort 
 is to be palTed with fmall hazard. 
 
 But at this time there was a general want 
 of viifluals ; and being once entered the 
 harbour, their coming out again was 
 uncertain, the place being fubjedt to con- 
 trary winds. In the mean while the bet- 
 ter part of the viftuals would have been 
 confumed, and they would have remain- 
 ed there in fo defperate a condition, that 
 they would have been forced to have fired 
 one half of the fleet, to bring home the 
 reft; for as it was, when the army imbark- 
 ed for England, many died for hunger in 
 their way home, and more would have 
 done, if the wind had taken them fliort ; 
 or if by the death of fome of them, the reft 
 who furviv'd had not been the better rcliev'd. 
 
 2 
 
 Befides all thefe cafualties and dangers, 
 the Adclantado was then in Lisbon with the 
 gallies of Spain; and how eafily he might 
 have annoy'd our fleet by towing fire-thips 
 amongfl: us, we may fuppofe by the hurt 
 we did the Spaniards the year betbre in Ca- 
 diz-Road; and greater we might have done 
 had we been affitletl with gallies. 
 
 It was a wonder to obferve every man's 
 opinion of this voyage, as well rhofe that 
 were adors in it, as others that ftaid at 
 home ; fome imputing the overthrow of it 
 to the landing at the Groyne; others to the 
 Portuguefes failing us of thofe helps and af- 
 fiftances promifed by Don Antonio; and 
 others, to Sir Francis Drake's not coming 
 up the river with his fleet. 
 
 Though any of thefe three rcafons may 
 feem probable enough, and the landing at 
 the Groyne the chiefeft of the three, yet, if 
 we weigh truly the defeft, and where it 
 was, it will appear that the aftion was over- 
 thrown before their fetting out from home, 
 they being too weakly provided of all things 
 necelTary for fo great an expedition. 
 
 For when this voyage was firft treated of, 
 the number of fhips was nothing equal to 
 the proportion of men : wherefore they were 
 forced to detain divers Eajlcrlings they met 
 with in our channel, and compelled them 
 to ferve in th's expedition for the tranfpor- 
 tation of our ibldiers; and though thefe 
 fhips were an eafe to our men, who would 
 have been otherwife much pel^cred tor want 
 ot room, yet their viduals were nothing 
 augmented; but they were put aboard the 
 fliips, like baniflied men, to feek their for- 
 tunes at fea, it being confefled, that divers 
 of the fliips had not four days victuals when 
 they departed from Plimouth. 
 
 Another impediment to the good fuccefs 
 of this voyage, was the want of field-pieces ; 
 and this was the main caufe why we tailed 
 of taking Lisbon : For the enemies ftrength 
 confilling chiefly in the caftle, and we ha- 
 ving only an army to countenance us, but 
 no means for battery, we were the lofs of 
 the vidory ourfelves ; for it was apparent, 
 by intelligence we received, that it we had 
 prefented them with battery, they were re- 
 folved to parley, and by confequence to 
 yield ; and this too was made ufe of by the 
 Portuguefes^ as a main reafon why they 
 joined not wi]h us. 
 
 And there is as much to be laid in behaif 
 of the Portuguefes, as an evidence of their 
 good-will and favour to us, that though 
 they fliewed themfclves not forward upon 
 this occafion to aid us, yet they oppofed us 
 not as enemies: whereas if they had pur- 
 fued us in our retreat from Lisbon to Cafais, 
 our men being weak, fickly, and wanting 
 powder and fhor, and other arms, rhey had 
 in all probability put us to a great lofs 
 
 and
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraCis. 
 
 i6i 
 
 and difgrace. And If ever Eyigland have 
 the like occafion to aid a competitor in Vor- 
 tugal, we fhall queftionlefs find that our fiiir 
 demeanor and carriage in this expedition 
 towards the people of that country, have 
 gained us much reputation among them, 
 and would be of fingular advantage to us ; 
 for the general ftrittly forbad the rifling of 
 
 their houfcs in the country, and the fuburbs Mosson. 
 of Lisboyj, which he pollcflcd, and com- '>^''" 
 mandcd jufl payment to be made by the '*' ■*■ ^ 
 foldlcrs for every thing they took, without 
 compulfion or rigorous ufage •, and this ha% 
 made thofe that Hood but indificrcntly af- 
 feded before, now ready upon the like oc- 
 cafion to alTilt us. 
 
 Ships. 
 "The Vicfory, the queen's fiiip. 
 The Margaret, 
 And five other. 
 
 'j89- A voyage undertaken by the carl of Cumbciland, u^ith one pip royal of her ma- 
 jejiy's, and fix of his ozvn, and other adventurers. Anno Dom. 1589. 
 
 Commanders. 
 The earl of Cumberland. 
 Capt. Chriftopher Ijjlcr. 
 Capt. Monfon, afterwards Sir fVill'.am 
 Monfon, vice-admiral. 
 
 of Guinea, and another was laden wiih wood, 
 which that ifland affords in great plenty. 
 The captains returning after the carrying 
 ofT that great (hip, took the reft, being fe- 
 ven in ail. This done, we all put to fea 
 again, and making the ifland Gracioftiy 
 made feveral attempts there for two days to 
 land, in order to get fome provilion, but 
 were ftill repulfed with great lofs ; yet at 
 laft the ifland came to compofition, and fenc 
 fuch rcfrefliments as it afforded. In the 
 mean while we difcovered and took a French 
 fliip of tv/o hundred tuns, homeward bound 
 from Canada. 
 
 Afterwards failing to the eaflward of 
 the road of Terceras, in the evening we be- 
 held eighteen tall fhips of the hdies enter- 
 ing into the iliid road, one whereof we after 
 took in her courfe to the coaft of Sp.iin : 
 She was laden with hi.ies, filver, and cochi- 
 neal ; but coming for England, fhe was cafl: 
 away upon Mount's Bey in Ccrn'xaU, being 
 valued at loocoo/. 
 
 Two other prizes of fugar we took in our 
 faid courfe to tlie coaft of Spain, eftesmcd 
 each fliip at 7000/. and one from under the 
 caftle of St. Mar~fs to the fame value. 
 
 There was no road about thofe iflancis 
 that could defend their fliips from our at- 
 tempts; yet in the laft afTault we gave, which 
 was upon a (hip of fugars, we found ill fuc- 
 cefs, being fharply refiftcd, and two parts of 
 our men flain and hurt ; which lofs was oc- 
 cafion'd by captain Liflcr, who would not 
 be perfuaded from landing in the viev/ oi 
 their forts. 
 
 The fervice performed by land, was the 
 taking of the ifland of Vayal fome months 
 after the furprizing of tliofe (hips formerly 
 mentioned. The caftle yielded us forty-five 
 pieces of ordnance, great and Ima'l : We 
 lacked and fpoilcd the town, and after x\\\- 
 foined ir, and lb departed. 
 
 Thefe fummer fcrviccs, and (hips of fu- 
 gar, proved not fo fwcet and plcafant, a> the 
 winter was afterwards fliarp and painful ; t'-r 
 S f i;i 
 
 AS the fleets of Sir John Norris and 
 Sir Francis Drake returned from the 
 voyage of Portugal, the earl of Cumberland 
 proceeded upon his towards that coaft ; and 
 meeting with divers of that fleet, relieved 
 them with vidtuals, who otherwife had pe- 
 ri(hed. 
 
 This voyage was undertaken at his and 
 his friends charge, excepting the ViSlory, 
 a (hip royal of the queen's, which flie ad- 
 ventured. 
 
 This voyage is writ at large by the fa- 
 mous mathematician Mr. Wright, who was 
 an a£lor in it himfelf ; what is here fet down 
 is but a brief colledlion out of his account. 
 
 The fervice performed at fea was the ta- 
 king of three French (hips of the league in 
 our channel, and his encountring upon the 
 coaft of Spain with thirteen hulks, who 
 made fome refiftance. Out of thefc he took 
 to the value of 7000 /. in fpices belonging 
 to Portugal. 
 
 From thence he crofs'd over to the T!er- 
 ctra iflands, about three hundred leagues 
 from the rock of Lisbon ; and coming to 
 67. Michael's, the firft and greateft of the 
 iflands, with his boats, he fetched out from 
 under the caftle, which fired upon him, two 
 fhips that arrived there the night before 
 from Spain. 
 
 In his courfe from thence to the ifland 
 of Flore s, the wcftermoil of the Terceras, 
 he took a Spanijh (hip laden with fugars 
 and fweetmeats that came from the ifland 
 of Madera. 
 
 At Flores he received intelligence, by an 
 Er.glijh man of war, of divers Spani/h (hips 
 which were in the road of Fayal ; whereup- 
 on he fuddenly made from that ifland, where 
 captain Lijier and captain Monfon gave a 
 dcfperare attempt in their boats upon the 
 fiid fhips ; and after a long fight pofll-lfed 
 themlelves of one of them of three hundred 
 tuns burden, carrying fix pieces of ordnance, 
 and fixty men. This fliip, with one other, 
 came from the Indies ; two of the reft out 
 
 Vol. m.
 
 i6i 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Nami TraBs, 
 
 Book L 
 
 L^Y^s^ 
 
 MoNsoN. in our return for England', we found the ca- 
 'S^9- bmity of famine, the hazard of Ihipwrcck, 
 ' and the death of our men fo great, that the 
 like befcl not any other Ikct during the time 
 of the war. Ail which dilaftcrs mud be 
 imputed to captain Lijlerh ra(hnefs, upon 
 ■whom my lord of Cumberland chiefly re- 
 ly'd, wanting experience himfelf 
 
 He was the man that advifed the fending 
 the fliips of wine for England, otherwife 
 we had not known the want of drink : He 
 was as earncft in perfuading our landing in 
 the face of the fortifications of St. Marfs, 
 againfl: all reafon and fenfe. As he was 
 
 rafh, fo was he valiant •, but paid dearly 
 for his unadvifed counfcl : For he was the 
 firft man hurt, and that cruelly, in the at- 
 tempt of St. Mary^s, and afterwards drown- 
 ed in the rich {hip caft away at Alounl's 
 Bay. 
 
 After our quitting St. Mary^s, as you 
 have heard, we rcpair'd to the ifland of St. 
 George, as you may read in the fixth book, 
 where there happened a ftrange accident to 
 me, and indeed, I may fay, the ftrangeft e^ 
 fcape that ever bcfel me in my life. I refer 
 you to that book, thinking it fitter to be 
 inferted there than in this. 
 
 ,590. Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Forbuflier, their voyage to the coaji o/' Spain 
 
 and ijlands. Anno 1590. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 "the Revenge, 
 I'he Mary-Rife, 
 The Lion, 
 The Bonaventure, 
 The Rainbotv, 
 The Hope, 
 The Crane, 
 The pittance. 
 The Forcfight, 
 The S-wiftfitre. 
 
 FROM the year 1585 until this prefent 
 year 1590, there was the greateft poffi- 
 bility imaginable of enriching our nation 
 by adlions at fca, had they been well fol- 
 lowed : The king of Spain was grown fo 
 weak in fliipping by the overthrow he had 
 in 1588. that he could no longer fecure the 
 trade of his fubjefls. 
 
 Her majcfty now finding how neceflary 
 it was for her to maintain a fleet upon the 
 Spanijh coaft, as wc-l! to hinder the prepa- 
 rations he might make againft her to re- 
 pair the difgrace he received in I588. as al- 
 fo to intercept his fleets from the Indies, by 
 which he grew great and mighty, fhe fent 
 this year 1 590, ten fliips of her own in two 
 fquadrons ; the one to be commanded by 
 Sir John Havckins, the other by Sir Martin 
 Forbufljer, two gentlemen of tried expe- 
 rience. 
 
 The king of Spain hearing of this prepa- 
 ration of hers, fent forth twenty iail of 
 fliips under the command of Don Alonfo de 
 Bajfan, brother to the late fimous marquis 
 of St. Cruz, who had not long before fub- 
 dued the Tercera iflands, and overthrown 
 the navy of France. Don Alonfo was char- 
 ged to convoy home the fleet from the In- 
 dies, and the carracks expefted home about 
 that time. 
 
 But after Don Alonfo had put ofF to fea, 
 the king of Spain becoming better advifed, 
 4 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Sir Martin Forhufher. 
 Sir John Hawkins. 
 Sir Edward Yorke. 
 Captain Fetiner. 
 Sir George Beeflon. 
 Captain Boflock. 
 Captain Hawkins, 
 Captain Burnell. 
 
 than to adventure twenty of his fliips to ten 
 of ours, fent for Don Alonfo back, and lo 
 frufl:rated the expedation of our fleet. 
 
 He likewife made a difpatch to the In- 
 dies, commanding the fleets to winter there, 
 rather than to run the hazard of coming 
 home that fummer. But this proved fo 
 great an hindrance and lofs to the mer- 
 chants of Spain, to be fo long without re- 
 turn of their goods, that many broke in 
 Seville, and other places-, befides, it was fo 
 great a weakening to their fhips, to winter 
 in the Indies, that many years hardly fuf- 
 ficed to repair the damage they received. 
 
 Our fleet being thus prevented, fpent fe- 
 ven months in vain upon the coafl:s of Spain, 
 and the iflands ; but in that fpace could 
 not pofl"efs themfelves of one fhip of the 
 Spaniards ; and the carracks, upon which 
 part of their hopes depended, came home 
 without fight of the iflands, and arrived 
 fafe at Lisbon. 
 
 This voyage was a bare aftion at fea, 
 t'hough they attempted landing at Fayal, 
 which the earl of Cumberland the year be- 
 fore had taken and quitted ; but the cafl:le 
 being refortified, they prevailed not in their 
 enterprife •, and thenceforv/ards the king of 
 Spain endeavoured to fl:rengtlien his coafl;s, 
 and to increafe in fliipping, as may appear 
 by the next enfuing year. 
 
 Two
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MolifonV Naval Trads 
 
 i<5j 
 
 Twofeefi at fed -y the EngUai under the lord Thomas Howard, and tie SpanlHi Mox-^ 
 commanded by Don Alonfo Balian, Anno 1591. 
 
 OS. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The DefiancCy 
 The Revenge, 
 The Nonpareilley 
 The Bonaventure.y 
 The Lion, 
 The Forefighty 
 The Craney 
 
 HE R majefty being inform'd of the 
 Indian fleet's wintering in the Hava- 
 fia, and that neceffity would compel them 
 home this year 1591. flic fent a fleet to the 
 iflands under the command ot' the lord 
 Thomas Howard. 
 
 The king of Spain perceiving her drift, 
 and being lenfible how much the fafety of 
 that fleet concerned him, caufed them to 
 fet out thence fo late in the year, that it 
 endangered the fliipwreck of them all; 
 choofing rather to hazard the perifliing of 
 fhipsj men, and gobds, than their falling 
 into our hands. 
 
 He had two defigns in bringing home 
 this fleet fo late ; one was, he thought the 
 lord Thomas would have confum'd his vic- 
 tuals, and have been forced home : The 
 other, that he might in the mean time fur- 
 nifli out the great fleet he was preparing, 
 little inferior to that of 1588. In the firlh 
 he found himfelf deceived ; for my lord was 
 fupply'd both with fliips and victuals out of 
 England : And in the fecond he was as much 
 difappointed ; for the earl of Cumberlandy 
 who then lay upon the coaft: ot Spain, had 
 intelligence of the Spaniards putting out to 
 fea-, and gave notice thereof to the lord 
 Thomas the very night before they arrived 
 at Flares, where my lord lay. 
 
 The day after this intelligence, the Spa- 
 iii/h fleet was difcovcred by my lord Thomas, 
 whom he knew by their number and great' 
 nefs to be the fliips of which he had warn- 
 ing ; and by that means elcaped the dan- 
 ger that Sir Richard Greefiville, his vice-ad- 
 miral, ralhly ran into. Upon view of the 
 Spaniards, which were fifty-five iiiil, the 
 lord Thoinas warily, and like a difcrcet ge- 
 neral, weighed anchor, and made figns to 
 the reft of his fleet to do the like, with a 
 purpofe to get the wind of ihcm •, but Sir 
 Richard Greenville being a ftubborn man, 
 and imagining this fleet to come from the 
 Indies, and not to be the Armada of whicii 
 they were informed, would by no nu'ans be 
 perfuaded by his mafter or company to cut 
 his cable to follow his admiral, nay fo 
 headftrong and ralh he was, that he ofi'ci'd 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 The lord Tlomas Howard. 
 
 Sir Richard Greenville, vice-admiral. 
 
 Sir Edward Denny. 
 
 Captain Crofs. 
 
 Captain Fenner. 
 
 Captain Vavafor. 
 
 Captain Duffeild. 
 
 violence to thofe that advis'd him fo to do. 
 
 But the old faying. That a vciljul man is 
 the caufe of his ozvn woey could not be more 
 truly verified than in him ; for when the 
 Armada approached, and he beheld the 
 greatnefs of the ^\\>-~,, he began to fee and 
 repent of his folly, and when it was too 
 late, would have freed himfelf of them, 
 but in vain -, for he was left a prey to the 
 enemy, every fhip ftriving to be the firll 
 fhould board him. 
 
 This wilful ralhnefs of Sir Richard made 
 the Spaniards triumph as much as if they 
 had obtained a fignal vidory, it being the 
 firft fliip that ever they took of her maje- 
 fty's, and commended to them by fome Eng- 
 lifh fugitives to be the very bcft flic had : 
 But their joy continued not long; for they 
 enjoy'd her but five days before ihe was caft 
 away, with many Spaniards in her, upon the 
 Tcrccra iflands. 
 
 Commonly one misfortune is accomp.i- 
 nied with another •, for the Indian fleer, 
 which my loixl had waited for the whole 
 fummer, the d.iy after this mithap, iell in- 
 to the company of this Spanifr.-' Armada, 
 who if they had ftay'd but one tky longer, 
 or the Indian fleet li.id come honTC but one 
 day Iboner, we had po.TefsM both them and 
 many millions of treafure, which the lea 
 afterwards devour'd ; for from the time 
 they met with the Armada, and before 
 they could recover home, nigh an hundred 
 of ihem fuftered fliipwreck, b.fidcs the 
 Afccnfion of Seville, and the double fly-boar, 
 that were funk by the fide of the Revenge. 
 
 All which was occafioned by their win- 
 tering in the Indies, and their late difem- 
 boguing from thence : for the worm, which 
 that country is fubjcdl to, wcalccns and con- 
 lumes their Ihips. 
 
 Notvvithflanding this crofs and pervcrfe 
 fortune, which happened by means of Sir 
 Richard Greenville, the lord Thctms would 
 not be d'lfmay'd or difcouraged ; but kept 
 the fea as long as he had vittuais •, and by 
 fuch fliips as himfelf and the rcit of the 
 fleet took, dctray'd the better part of the 
 
 charge of the whole action. 
 
 Tae
 
 1(54 
 
 Sir William MonibnV Na^al Tra^s. 
 
 Book L I 
 
 MoKSON. 
 
 •J9«- 
 
 Tk earl of Cumberland to the conjl of Spain, 1 59 1 . 
 Ships. Commanders. 
 
 The Garland, of her majefty's, The earl of Cumberland. Captain 
 
 Seven o:hcr fhips of his, and his 
 friends, 
 
 TH E ear! of Cumberland keeping the 
 coaft of Spain, as you have heard, 
 while the lord Thomas remained at the 
 iflands, and both to one end, viz. to annoy 
 and damnify the Spaniards, though in two 
 feveral fleets, the ead found fortune in a 
 fort as much to frown upon him, as it had 
 done upon the lord Tbotnas Hoivard. 
 
 He departed England in May, and in his 
 courfe to the Spanijh coaft, met with feveral 
 Dutch fhips, which came from Lisbon, 
 wherein he found a great quantity of fpices 
 belonging to the Pcrtuguefes. So greatly 
 were we abus'd by that nation of Holland, 
 who, though they were the firft that en- 
 gag'd us in the war with Spain, yet flill 
 maintain'd their own trade into thofe parts, 
 and fupplied the Spaniards with ammuni- 
 tion, viduals, fliipping, and intelligence 
 againft us. 
 
 Upon my lord's arrival on the coaft of 
 Spain, it was his hap to take three fhips at 
 feveral times, one with wine, which he un- 
 laded into his own ; and two with fugars, 
 which he enjoy'd not long ; no more did 
 he the fpices, which he took out of the 
 Hollanders. 
 
 For one of the fhips of fugar, by means 
 of a leak that Iprung upon her, was forced 
 to be cafl off, and the men, with much 
 difficulty, recovered the fhore, and fav'd 
 their hv4L 
 
 The other being fent for England, and 
 tofTed with contrary winds, was for want of 
 viduals forced into the Groyne, where they 
 rendered thcmfelves to the enemies mercy. 
 
 The fpices were determined to be fent for 
 England, and a fl;iip appointed for that pur- 
 pofe, with other fhips to guard her to the 
 
 The earl of Cumberland. 
 under him, 
 
 Captain Monj'on, afterwards Sir Wil- 
 liam Monfon. 
 
 iflands of the Burlings ; in which fhip cap- 
 tain Monfon was fent with orders to fee her 
 fate difpatch for England. 
 
 But the other fhips, not obferving thcdi- 
 reftions given them, and the night falling 
 calm, early in the morning, this forfaken 
 fhip was fet upon by fix gallies, the reft of 
 the fliips not being able to come up by rea- 
 fon of the calm ; and after a long and bloody 
 fight, the captain and principal men being 
 flain, both fhip and fpices were taken -, 
 but whether it was the refped they had to 
 the queen's fhip, which was admiral of that 
 fleet, or honour to my lord that command- 
 ed it, or hope, by good ufage of our men, 
 to receive the like again, I know not ; but 
 true it is, that the ordinary men were treat- 
 ed with more courtefy than they had been 
 from the beginning of the war ; I mean, 
 that of fuch men as were taken, only cap- 
 tain Monfon was detain'd as hoftage for per- 
 formance of covenants agreed upon for re- 
 leafe of the reft, in which imprifonment 
 he remain'd almoft two years. 
 
 My lord of Cumberland confidering the 
 difafters that thus befel him, and knowing 
 the Spanifh fleet's readincfs to put out of 
 harbour ■, but efpecially finding his fhip but 
 ill of fail, it being the firft voyage fhe ever 
 went to lea, he durft not abide the coaft of 
 Spain, but thought it more difcretion to re- 
 turn for England, having, as you have heard, 
 fent a pinnace to my brd 'Thomas, with the 
 intelligence aforefaid, which prov'd a fer- 
 vice of great moment to the queen and 
 ftate, in preventing the danger that might 
 have otherwife enfued, if that notice had 
 not been fent. 
 
 *592- A '■jovage imdertaken by Sir Walter Raleigh ; hut he returning, left the charge of 
 
 it to Sir Martin Forbuflier, Anno 1592. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Garland, 
 The Foreftght, with di- 
 vers merchant fhips. 
 
 Commanders by fea. 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh. 
 Captain Crofe, and others. 
 Sir Walter went not, but 
 
 Sir Martin Forbufher. 
 
 Commander by land. 
 Sir John Boroughs. 
 
 SI R Walter Raleigh, who had tafted a- upon a voyage at fea, and drew to him di- 
 
 .^ bundantly of the queen's favour, and vers friends of great quality, and others, 
 
 found it now began to decline, put himfelf thinking to have attempted fome place in 
 
 4 the
 
 r. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^jal TrJcls. 
 
 l6- 
 
 the fP'eJl- Indies; and with this refolution he 
 put out of harbour ; but fpcnding two or 
 three days in foul weather, her inajefty was 
 pleafed to order his return, and to commit 
 tiie charge of the fliips to Sir Martin For- 
 hujlxr, who was fent down for that purpofe ; 
 but with an exprefs command, not to fol- 
 low the defign of the Weft- Indies. 
 
 This fudden alteration bt:ing knov/n to 
 the reft of the captains, for the prefent made 
 fomc confufion, as commonly it happens in 
 all voluntary aftions. Their general lea- 
 ving them, they thought themfelves free in 
 point of reputation, and at liberty to take 
 what courfe they pleas'd ; few of them 
 therefore committed themfelves to the com- 
 mand of Sir Martin Forbiiftjer, but chofe 
 rather each to take his particular fortune 
 and adventure at fea. 
 
 Sir Martin., with his own fliip the Gar- 
 land, and two others, repair'd to the coaft 
 of Spain, where he took a Bifcainer, laden 
 with iron -, and a Portnguefe, widi iiigar : 
 he remain'd there not without fome danger, 
 his (hip being ill of fail, and the enemy 
 having a fleet at fea to guard the coaft. 
 
 Sir John Boroughs, captain Crofs, and an- 
 other, ftood to the iflands, where they met 
 with as many ftiips of my lord of Cumber- 
 land's, with whom they conforted. After 
 fome time fpent thereabouts, they had fight 
 of a carrack, which they chas'd -, but ftie 
 recovered the ifland of Flores before they 
 could approach her ; but the carrack, fee- 
 ing the ifland could not defend her from the 
 ftrength and force of the Englifts, chofe ra- 
 ther, after the men were got on (hore, to 
 fire herfelf, than we the enemy fhould reap 
 benefit by her. 
 
 The purfer of her was taken, and by 
 threats compelled to tell of four more of 
 their company behind, that had orders to 
 fall in with that ifland ; and gave us fuch 
 particular advertifement, that one of them 
 was afterwards taken. 
 
 In the mean time Don Alonjo di BaJ:;n^io\sos. 
 v/i\s M Lisbon, fetting out twenty-three gal- '59-- 
 Icons, which the year before he had wjien '^ "^ ^^ 
 he took ths Revenge : he was directed with 
 thofe fliips to go immediately to Ihrrs, to 
 cxpedf the coming of the carracks, vvho had 
 order to fall in with that ifland, there to put 
 on fliorc divers ordnance for itrengthening 
 the town and cal^le. Sir IVUlicrn Mcnjon, 
 being then releafed out of prifon, failed in 
 a Harnborough fhip v.'ith this fleet. 
 
 Don Alonfo breaking his inftruiftions, un- 
 advifcdly repair'd firft to St. Michael's, and 
 there delivered his ordnance before he ar- 
 nv'd at Flores ; and in the n-.ean time one 
 of the carracks was burnt, and anodier ta- 
 ken, as you have heard. 
 
 This he held to be llich a dilreputauon 
 to him, and efpecially for that it happcn'd 
 through his own error and default, tliat he 
 was much perplexed, and purfucd the Eng- 
 lift?^ an hundred leagues : but in vain, they 
 being fo far a-head. 
 
 The king of Spain being advertifed of 
 his two carracks mifliap, and the error of 
 Don Alonfo, though he had much favoured 
 iiim before, on account of divers aftions 
 he had been in with his brother the marquis 
 of St. Cruz, and for what he had lately p;T- 
 formed, by taking the Revenge ; yet the 
 king was fo offended not to have his in- 
 ftruftions obeyed and obferved, that he 
 did not only take from Don Alonfo his com- 
 mand, but he lived and died in dif- 
 grace ; which, in my opinion, he worthily 
 deferved. 
 
 The queen's adventure in this voyage 
 was only two fhips; one of which, and the 
 leaft of them too, was at the taking of the 
 carrack; which tide, joined with her re- 
 gal authority, flie made fuch ufe of, iliat 
 the reft of the adventurers were fain to flib- 
 mit themlelves to her pleafure ; with whom 
 flie dealt but indiiierenily. 
 
 The ear! of Ctimberland to the coafi of Spain, Anno Dom. 1593. 
 Ships. 
 
 «593- 
 
 The Lyon, 
 
 The Bonaventtire, and fcven other fhips, 
 
 THE earl of Cumberland finding that 
 many of his voyages had mifcarried, 
 through the negligence or unfaithfulnefs of 
 thofe who were intrufted to lay in necefiary 
 provifions ; and yet, being incouraged by 
 the good fuccefs he had the laft year, ob- 
 tained two of her majefty's fhips, and vic- 
 tualled them himfelf, together with feven 
 others that accompanied them ; and arri- 
 ving upon the coaft of Spain, he took two 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Commanders. 
 The earl of Cumberland. Captain un- 
 der him, captain Monfcn. 
 Sir Edward Torkc, vice-admiral. 
 
 French fhips of the League, which did more 
 than treble the expence of his voyage. My 
 lord being fever'd one day from his fleet, 
 it was liis hap to meet with twelve hulks, 
 at the fame place where captain Monfon 
 was taken the fame day two years before : 
 he required that rcfpetit from them that was 
 due to her majefty's fliip, which they pe- 
 remptorily retufed, prcfuming upon the 
 ftrength of their twelve ftjips againft one 
 T t only,
 
 1 66 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjctl Trails. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 only -, but they found thcmlllvcs dccciv'd -, 
 for after two hours fight, he brought them 
 to his mercy, and made them acknowledge 
 their error -, and not only fo, but they wil- 
 lingly djfcover'd, and delivcr'd up to him a 
 great quantity of powder and ammunition, 
 which they carried for the king of Spain's 
 fervice. Here I muft not let pafs, as I 
 promis'd in the beginning of my difcourfe, 
 to lay down all errors and mifcarriages 
 committed j and this that follows is one, 
 for which my lord and his mafler dcferve 
 blame. My lord, upon taking the hulks 
 aforcfaid, flood to fea with part ot them, 
 leaving the red with captain Monfcn to be 
 examin'd and rummag'd. His lordfhip to- 
 wards the evening mifs'd thole fhips under 
 his cuftody ; and it feems he had forgot that 
 his long boat and fifty of his men were left 
 with captain Monfon, under the guard of 
 one fmall fhip for their defence : thefe hulks 
 being thus difmifs'd, and coming towards 
 Sir IVilliam Monfon and their contorts. Sir 
 William miftrufted, as indeed it fell out, 
 that they would take advantage of my lord's 
 keeping his loofe, to board and furprize 
 them, as they had done, if Sir William had 
 not presented it by leaping into his boat 
 on one fide, as they boarded him on the 
 other. In which leap he receiv'd a hurt in 
 his leg, which to this time, being the year 
 1 640. he has found a prejudice to his whole 
 body. 
 
 My lord of Cumberland having fpent 
 fome time thereabouts, and underftanding 
 that Fernantelles de Mcnexes^ a Porticguefe, 
 and the king's general of a fleet of twenty 
 
 four fail, was gone to the iflands, he pur- 
 fucd them, thinking to meet the carracks 
 before they fhould join together. At his 
 coming to f lores, he met and took one of 
 the fleet, with the death of the captain, 
 who yet liv'd fo long as to inform him 
 both where the fleet was, and of their 
 ftrength. The day after he met the fleet ; 
 but being far too weak for them, was for- 
 ced to leave them, and fpent his time there- 
 abouts, till he underfl:ood the carracks were 
 pafs'd by, v/ithout feeing either fleet or 
 ifland. 
 
 About this time the earl being taken fo 
 ill, that his recovery was defpair'd of, un- 
 lefs he could return to the EngliJJj fliore, or 
 get a cow to fupply him with milk, cap- 
 tain Monfon ventur'd afhore on the ifland of 
 Corvo, where, what with threats, and what 
 with promife of reward, he got a cow, 
 which he carried aboard, and in all likeli- 
 hood was the means of (living the earl's life. 
 
 However, captain Mo}fon valuing the 
 earl's fafety above all the profit of the voy- 
 age, hafl:ed towards home, and lofl: com- 
 pany of the refl: of the fliips by fo fl:r3nge 
 an accident, that it will fcarce be believ'd, 
 though it is a mofl; undoubted truth -, for 
 the whole fleet being one day becalm'd, 
 the faid calm lafted for feveral days, and in 
 it the fnips were fo parted, that they loft 
 fight of one another, and never faw one an- 
 other more, till they met in England, about 
 four or five weeks after : thole fliips lb part- 
 ed from the earl, took a prize laden with 
 iugar, which was a good addition to what 
 was taken before. 
 
 ;9f 
 
 Sir Martin Foibiiflier li'ith n Fleet to Bred in Biitany, Anno 1594. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 'The Vanguard, 
 The Rainbovj, 
 The Dreadnought, 
 The pittance, 
 
 ABOUT three years before, and in 
 1 59 1, the queen fent Sir John Norris 
 v.ith 3000 foldiers, to join with the French 
 king's party in thofe parts of Britany about 
 Brejl. The king of Spain, who upheld the 
 faftion of the league, fent Don John deAguila 
 with the like forces, to join with the duke 
 de Merceur, who was of that fide. The 
 Spaniards arriving firft, had fortified them- 
 felvcs very ftrongly near the town of Brejf, 
 expecting new fuccours from Spain by fea ; 
 which the French king fearing, craved af- 
 fiflance from the queen -, which her majcfty 
 was the more willing to grant, becAufe the 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Sir Martin ForhufJoer. 
 Captain Fenner. 
 Captain Clifford. 
 Captain Savil. 
 
 Spaniards had gotten the haven of Brefi to 
 entertain their fliipping in, and were like 
 to prove there very dangerous neighbours : 
 wherefore fhe fent Sir Martin Forbufher thi- 
 ther in this year 1594. with four of her 
 fliips -, and upon his arrival there. Sir John 
 Norris with his forces, and Sir Martin with 
 his feamcn, aflfaii'd the fort ; and though 
 it was as bravely defended as men could 
 do, yet in the end it was taken with the 
 lofs of divers captains. Sir Martm Forbufher 
 being himfelf fore wounded, of which hurt 
 he died at Plymouth after his reti'.rn.
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjal T^ra&s. 
 
 Id; 
 
 A jieet to the Indies, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins generals ^^osinx. 
 wherein they ventured deeply, and died in the voyage. Anno i 594. lJ-v-«j 
 
 Ships. 
 
 the Defiance, 
 "The Garland, 
 "The Hope. 
 The Bonavmtiire, 
 The Forefight, 
 The Adventure, 
 
 Commanders by fea. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake^ 
 Sir John Haivkins^ 
 Captain Gilbert Torke. 
 Captain Troughton. 
 Captain Winter. 
 Captain Thomas Drake, 
 
 Commander by land. 
 Sir Thomas Baskei-ville. 
 
 THESE two generals prefuming much 
 upon rheir own experience and know- 
 ledge, ufed many perfuafions to the queen 
 to undertake a voyage to the IVeJl Indies, 
 giving much aiTurance to perform great fer- 
 vices, and promifing to engage themfelves 
 very deeply therein with the adventure of 
 both fubllance and life. And as all actions 
 of this nature promife fair till they come to 
 be performed, fo did this the more in the 
 opinion of all men, in refpeft of the two 
 generals experience. 
 
 There are many impediments and lets 
 to this voyage, before they could clear 
 themfelves of the coaft, which put them to 
 greater charge than they expedled. The 
 chicfeft caufe of their lingering, was a mif- 
 iruft our ftate had of an invafion, and the 
 danger to fpare fo many good (hips and 
 men out of England as they carried with 
 them. 
 
 The Spaniards with their ufual fubtilty, 
 let flip no opportunity to put us into a 
 fear, thereby to difappoint the expedition, 
 and fent four gallies to Bluet in Britany^ 
 from thence to fall into fome part of our 
 coaft, that fo we might apprehend a greater 
 force was to follow. Thefe gallies landed 
 at Penzance in Cornwall; where, finding the 
 town abandon'd, they fack'd and burnt it : 
 but this defign of theirs took little efFedt ; 
 for the voyage proceeded neverthelefs. 
 
 The intent of the voyage was to land at 
 Nombre de Dios, and from thence to march 
 to Panama, to pofTefs the treafure that comes 
 from Peru, and if they faw reafon for it, 
 to inhabit and keep it. A few days before 
 their going from Plymouth, they receiv'd 
 letters from her majefty, communicating the 
 intelligence fhe had out of Spain, that the 
 Indian fleet was arriv'd ; and that one of 
 them, with iofs of her maft, was put back 
 to the ifland of Porto Rice. She therefore 
 commanded them, feeing there was fo good 
 an opportunity Ou'ered, as the readinefs of 
 this her fleet, and the weaknefs of Porte 
 RicOf to pofiefs themfelves of that treafure ; 
 and the rather, for that it was not much 
 out of their way to Nombre de Dios. Nei- 
 ther years nor experience that can forefce 
 
 and prevent all mifhaps ; which is a mani- 
 fefl: proof, that God is the guidcr and difpo- 
 fer of mens aftions : for nothing could item 
 more probable to be effedled than this latter 
 defign, cfpecially confidcriiig the ability and 
 wifdom of the two generals-, and yet was un- 
 happily prevented, and failed in the execu- 
 tion : for there being five frigates fent out of 
 Spain to fetch their treafure from Por/o Rice, 
 in their way it was their fortune to take a 
 pinnace of the Englijh fleet, by whom they 
 underftood the fecrets of the voyage ; and 
 to prevent the attempt of Porto Rico, they 
 haftened thither with all fpeed, (whiift our 
 generals lingered at Guadalupe to fet up 
 their boats,) and at their arrival, fo ftreng- 
 thened the town with the foldiers brought 
 in the frigats, that when our fleet came thi- 
 ther, not expcifling refiftance, they found 
 themfelves fruftratcd of their hopes, and 
 were forced to retire with difhonour, and 
 Iofs of many gentlemen there flain -, which in- 
 deed they themfelves were the occafion of, in 
 managing their defign with no more fecrefy* 
 This repulfe was fo grievoufly refented by 
 Sir John Hazvkins, who was then fickly, 
 that it is thought to have haften'd lus death ; 
 and being great and unexpeftcd, did not a 
 little difccurage Sir Francis Drake's great 
 mind, who yet proceeded upon his firlt re- 
 folved defign for Nombre de Dios, though 
 with no better fuccefs : for the enemy lia- 
 ving knowledge of their coming, fortified 
 the paflTage to Panama, and forced them to 
 return with fhame and Iofs. Sir Francis 
 Drake, who was wont to rule fortune, now 
 finding his error, and the diflercnce between 
 the prefent ffrength of the Indies, and what 
 it was when he firft knew it, grew melan- 
 choly upon this difappointmcnt, and fud- 
 denly, and I hope naturally, died at Pcrto 
 Bella, not far from the place where he got 
 his firft reputation. The two generals dy- 
 ing, and ail other hopes being taken away 
 by their deaths. Sir Thomas Baskervile fuc- 
 cecded them in their command, and began 
 now to think upon his return for EnglarJ i 
 but coming near Cuba, he met and fought 
 with a fleet of Spain, though not long t>y 
 reafon of the fickncfs and weaknefs ot his 
 
 me.T
 
 168 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Trails. 
 
 Book L 
 
 596. 
 
 men. This fleet was fent to take the ad- 
 vantage of ours in its return, thinking, ;is 
 indeed it happen'd, that they fhould find 
 them both weak and in want-, but the 
 rwiftnefs of our fhips, in which we had the 
 advantage of the Spaniards, preferved us. 
 You may obferve, that from the year the 
 Revenge was taken, until this prclent year 
 1 595. there was no fummer but the king of 
 Spain furnifhed a fleet for the guarding of 
 his coafts, and fecuring of his trade ; and 
 though there was litde fear of any fleet from 
 England to impeach him befides this in 
 the Indies, yet becaufe he would fliew his 
 greatnefs, and fatisfy Portugal of the care 
 
 lie liad in preferving their carracks, he fent 
 the count of l-'cria, a young nobleman of 
 Pirlugal, who defired to gain experience, 
 with twenty Ihips to the iflands; but the 
 carracks did, as they ufed to do in many 
 other years, mifs both iflands and fleets, and 
 arrive I'lk at Lisbon. The other fleets of the 
 king of Spain in the Indies, confided of 
 twenty-four fhips, their general Don Ber- 
 nardino de Villa Nova, an approved coward, 
 as it appeared when he came to encounter the 
 Englijh dcci; but his defeifts were fupplied 
 by the valour of his vice-admiral, who be- 
 haved himfelt much to his honour : his 
 name was John de Garay. 
 
 The earl of ElTcx, and the lord admiral of England, generals equally both hy 
 
 fea and land. Anno 1596. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 the Repulfe, 
 
 -The Ark-Royal, 
 
 The Mere-Honour, 
 
 The TVarfpite, 
 
 The Lion, 
 
 The Rainbow, 
 
 The Nonpareille, 
 
 The Vanguard, 
 
 The Alary Rofe, 
 
 The Dreadnought, 
 
 The Siviflfure, 
 
 The pittance. 
 
 The Tremontain, 
 
 The Crane, and others. 
 
 THE firft of June 1596. we departed 
 from Plymouth; and our departure 
 v;as the more fpeedy, by reafon of the great 
 pains, care, and indufl^ry of the fixte^-n cap- 
 tains, who, in their own perfons, laboured 
 the night before to get out fomc of their 
 .fliips ridmg at Catzvaier, which otherwife 
 had not been eafiiy afleded. The third we 
 kt fail from Canfom Bay, the wind, which, 
 when we v/eighcd was at wefl: and by fouth, 
 initantly came up to the north-eafl:, and fo 
 continued 'till it brought us up as high as 
 the north cape of Spain ; and this fortunate 
 beginning put us in great hopes of a lucky 
 iiicccfs to enfue. 
 
 We being iiov.' come upon our enemy's 
 coaft, it behoved the generals to be vigilant 
 in keeping them from intelligence of us, 
 v;ho therefore appointed the Litnefs, the 
 Truelove, and the Lion^s IVkelp, (the three 
 bcft failers of our fleet,) to run a-head, fuf- 
 pciting the Spaniards had fome carvels of 
 advice our, ,v/hich they did ufually fend to 
 djfcovcr at fea, upon any rumour of a lefs 
 tispt than this made ready in England. 
 . ' Ko fhip or carvel efcapcd usi which I 
 1 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 The Earl of Effex. Captain under him 
 
 Captain Monfon. 
 The Lord Admiral. Captain under him, 
 
 Siv Ames Prefton. 
 The Lord Thomas Howard. 
 Sir Walter Raleigh. 
 Sir Robert Southwell. 
 Sir Francis Vere. 
 Sir Robert Dudley. 
 Sir John JVingfield. 
 Sir George Carew. 
 Sir Alexander Clifford. 
 Sir Robert Crofs. 
 Sir George Gifford. 
 Captain King. 
 
 hold a fecond happinefs to our voyage : for 
 you fhail underfland hereafter the inconve- 
 nience that might have happened upon our 
 difcovery. 
 
 The loth of June the faid three fhips 
 took three fly-boats that came from Cadiz 
 fourteen days before, by whom we under- 
 ftood the fl;ate of the town, and that they 
 had no fufpicion of us ; which we looked on 
 as a third omen of our good fortune to 
 come. 
 
 The 12th of June the Swan, a fhip of 
 London, being commanded, as the other 
 three, to keep a good way oft" the fleet, to 
 prevent difcovery, fhe met with a fly- 
 boat which made refifliance, and efcaped 
 her. This fly-boat came from theftraights, 
 bound home-, who difcovering our fleet, 
 and thinking to gain reputation and reward 
 from the Spaniards, fhapcd her courfe for 
 Lisbon; but flie was luckily prevented by 
 the John and Francis, another fl-sip of Lon- 
 don, commanded by Sir Marmaduke Dar- 
 rel, who took her within a league of the 
 Ihore -, and this we may account a fourth 
 happinefs to our voyage. The firfl; (as hath 
 
 been
 
 I. 
 
 sir William Monfon j Naval Tracls. 
 
 been ftid) was for the wind to take us fo fu:^- 
 denly, and to continue ib long: for our Ib!- 
 diers being fhipp'd, and in liarbour, would 
 have conlumcd their victuals, and have 
 been fo peftered, that it would have endan- 
 gered a ficknefs amongft them. The fc- 
 cond was the taking all the Ihips that were 
 feen, which kept the enemy from intelli- 
 gence. The third was the intercepting of 
 the fly- boats Ironi Cadiz, whither we were 
 bound, who alfured us our coming was not 
 fufpefted, which made us more careful to 
 hail from the coaft than otherwifewe ihould 
 have been : they told us, likewifc, of the 
 daily expedtation of the galleons to come 
 from Si. Lucar to Cadiz, and of the mer- 
 chant-men that lay there, and were ready 
 bound for the Indies. Thefe intelligences 
 were of great moment, and made the gene- 
 rals pefently to contrive their bufinels both 
 by fea and land, which otherwife would 
 have taken up a longer time after their 
 coming thither; and whether all men would 
 have confented to attempt their fhips in 
 harbour, if they had not known the mod 
 part of them to confift of merchants, I hold 
 very doubtful. The fourth, and moft for- 
 tunate ot all, was the taking of the fly-boat 
 by the John and Francis, which the Siuan 
 let go: for if fhe had reached Lisbon, flie 
 had been able to make report of the num- 
 ber and greatnefs of our fliips, and might 
 have endangered the lofs of the whole de- 
 fign, fhe feeing the courfe we bore, and 
 that we had pafs'd Lisbon, which was the 
 place the enemy molt fufpected, and made 
 there his greateft preparation for defence : 
 but had the eneniy been freed of that doubt, 
 he had then no place to fear but Andaluzia, 
 and Cadiz above the reft-, which, upon the 
 leaft warning, might have been ftrengthned, 
 and we put to great hazard: he might al- 
 io have fecur'd his fhips by towing them 
 out with gallies, and, howfoever the wind 
 had been, might have fent them into the 
 ilraights, where it had been in vain to have 
 purfued them, or over the bar of St. Ltt- 
 car, where there had been no attempting 
 of them. 
 
 And, indeed, of the good and ill of intel- 
 ligence we had had fufHcient experience for- 
 merly; of the good in 1588. for how fud- 
 denly had we been taken, and furprized 
 when we leaft fufpefted, had it not been 
 for captain Flemming? of the ill, in the year 
 before this, by the Spaniards taking a bark 
 of Sir Francis Brake's fleet, which was the 
 occafion of the overthrow of himfelf and 
 the whole aftion ? 
 
 The 20th of June we came to Cadiz, 
 earlier in the morning than the matters 
 made reckoning of. Before our coming 
 ihither, it was determined in council th^t 
 we fliould land at Si.SebaJiian's^ the wefter- 
 
 VOL.III. 
 
 159 
 
 moft part of the land, and thitlier came Mokson. 
 all the fliips to an ancho;-, every man pre- 'S'J'J- 
 paring to land as he w.;s .'ormcrly directed ; ^^T^ 
 but the wind being fo great, and the fea fo 
 grown, and four gallics lying to inttrcepc 
 our boats, there was no attempting to lanil 
 there without the hazard of all. 
 
 This day was fpait in vain, in returning 
 mclTcngvrs from one general toanoth.cr; and 
 in the end, they were forced to refolve up- 
 on a courfe which Sir JVilUam Monfon, cap- 
 tain under my lord of F.Jjcx, adVis'd him 
 to the fiimc morning he difcovcr'd the 
 town, which was to furprize the fliips, and 
 to be poflefibrs of the harbour bcrfore they 
 attempted landing. 
 
 This being now rcfolv'd on, there arofe 
 a great queftion, Who IIkkiKI have the ho- 
 nour of the fuft going in? My lord of Ef- 
 jrx Hood fbr himfclt; but my lord admi- 
 ral oppos'd if, knowing if he mifcarricd, 
 it would hazard the overthrow of the ac- 
 tion; befides, he was Ifraightly charged by 
 her majefty, that the carl fliould not cx- 
 pofc himfelf to danger, but upon great ne- 
 cefTity. 
 
 When my lord of EJjcx could not pre- 
 vail, the whole council withftanding him, 
 he fent Sir JViUiam Monfon that night on 
 board my lord admiral, to refolve what 
 fhips fhould be ajipointed the next d.iy to 
 undertake the fervicc. Sir JFalter Raleipb 
 had the van given him, v/hich my lord 
 'Thomas Hoivard hearing, challeng'd in right 
 of his place of vice-admiral, and it was 
 granted him; but Sir IValur having order" 
 over-night to ply in, came firft to an an- 
 chor, but in that dillance from the Sfani' 
 ards as he could not annoy them, and he 
 himfelf return'd on board the lord general 
 EJjcx, to excufe his coming to anchor fo far 
 off, for want of water to go higher; which 
 was thought ftrange, that the Spaniards 
 which drew much more water, and had no 
 more advantage than he of tide, could pafs 
 where his could not; but Sir Francis Veere^ 
 in the Rainbow, who was appointed to fc- 
 cond him, pafTing by Sir Walter Raleigh's 
 fliip. Sir Walter the fecond time weighed, 
 and went higher. The lord general Ejjex., 
 who promis'd to keep in the midft of the 
 fleet, was told by Sir William Monfon, that 
 the greateft fervice would depend upon three 
 or four fhips; and Sk William put him in 
 mind of his honour; for that many eyes 
 beheld him. 
 
 This made him forgetful of his promife, 
 and to ufe all means he could to be foremoft 
 in the fight. My lord Howard, who could 
 not go up in his own fhip the Mere-honcury 
 betook himfelf to the 'Nonparcille, and in 
 rcf[)edt the Rainbow, the Repulfe, and War' 
 fpight, had taken up the bcft part of tha 
 channel by their lirfl coming to un anchor, 
 U u to
 
 I/O 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^J.il 7rcicjs. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNsoN. to his grief, he could not get higher : here 
 '596- diJ every fliip ftrive to be the hcadmoft; 
 ^^"^^"^ but fuch was the narrownefs of the channel, 
 as neither the lord admiral, nor any other 
 fhip of the queen's, could pafs on. Onlcr 
 was given that no (hip fliould flioot but 
 the queen's; making account, that the ho- 
 nour would be the greater, if the vidory 
 were obtain'd with lb few. This fight con- 
 tinu'd from ten till four in the afternoon : 
 the Spaniards then let fiiil, thinking either 
 to run higher up the river, or elfe to bring 
 their other broad-fides to us, becaulc of the 
 heat of their ordnance. But howfoever it 
 was, in their floating they came a-ground, 
 and the men began to forfake the fhips : 
 whereupon it was ordered, that all the hoys 
 and veficls that drew leaft water (hould go 
 to them. Sir JFilliam Monfon was fent m 
 the Rcpulfe-hcat with like directions. We 
 poHefs'd ourfelves of the great galleons, the 
 Matthe'H' and the Andrew ; but the Philip 
 and the Thomas fir'd themfelves, and were 
 burnt down before they could be quenched. 
 
 I muft not omit to defcribc the manner 
 of the Spanifc fliips and galleys riding in 
 harbour at our firft coming to Cadiz. The 
 four galleons fingled themfelves from out 
 the fleet as guards of their merchants. The 
 galleys were placed to flank us with their 
 prows before entry ; but when they faw our 
 approach, the next morning the merchants 
 ran up the river, and the men of war to the 
 point of the river, and brought themfelves 
 into a good order of fight, mooring their 
 Ihips a-head and a-ftern, to have their 
 broad-fides upon us. The galleys then be- 
 took themfelves to the guard of the town, 
 which we put them from before we attempt- 
 ed the fhips. 
 
 But becaufe I have promis'd in the be- 
 ginning of my difcourfe to particularize 
 fome errors and mifcarriages, my capacity 
 would permit me to judge of, before I pro- 
 ceed further on this voyage I will declare 
 a main overfight in the Spaniards. 
 
 After the galleons had (as you have heard) 
 brought themfelves to the mouth of the 
 bay of Cadiz, and found themfelves unable 
 to withftand us, if, inftead of running to 
 Point-Royal, they had put themfelves under 
 the defence of the town, they had been de- 
 fended by their fort Philip, which had ad- 
 ded a ftrength to theirs; or being overcome, 
 as afterwards they were, they might with 
 more fecurity have run themfelves a-ground 
 near the town, which would have fecured 
 their men in fpite of us, and not as they 
 ciid where there was no fort, nor any force 
 of men to fupport them. Befides, the men, 
 that had then efcaped into the town, might 
 have defended it with their numbers, that, 
 though we had taken the place, it muft 
 
 have been upon harder conditions than we 
 did. But to proceed : 
 
 I'he victory being obtain'd at fca, the 
 lord general tjjcx landed his men in a fandy 
 bay, which the callle of P««/rt// comman- 
 ded; but they i'eeing the fuccefs of their 
 fliips, and milfrufting their own fl:rength, 
 neither ofl'ered to ottend his landing, nor to 
 defend the caftle, but quitted it, and lb we 
 became polleirors ot it. 
 
 After my lord's peaceable landing, he 
 confider'd what was to be done; and there 
 being no place from whence the enemy 
 could annoy us, but the bridge which crof- 
 ies over from the main land to the ifland, 
 by our making good ot which bridge there 
 would be no way left for the galleys to ef- 
 cape us, he fent three regiments under the 
 command ot Sir Coiiiers Clifford, Sir Chrijlo- 
 pher Blunt, and Sir Thomas Garret, to the 
 bridge ; who, at their firil coming, were 
 encountered by the enemy, but yet poflef- 
 fed themfelves of it, v.\i\\ the lofs of tome 
 men; but whether it was for want of vic- 
 tuals, or for what other reafons, our micn 
 quitted it, I know not, and the galleys 
 breaking down divers arches, pafs'd it, and 
 by that means efcaped. 
 
 My lord difpatch'd a meflTenger to my 
 lord admiral, intreating him to give order 
 to attempt the merchants that rode in Port 
 Royal; for that it was dangerous to give 
 them a night's refpite, lelt they fliould 
 convey away their wealth, or take example 
 by the Philip and Thomas to burn them- 
 lelves. This melliige was delivered by Sir 
 Anthony Ajhlty and Sir William Monfon, 
 as my lord admiral was in his boat, ready 
 with his troops of feamen to land, who, 
 fearing the lord general Effex fliould be put 
 to diftreis with his fmall companies, which 
 were but three regiments, haftened by all 
 means to fecond him, and gave order to 
 certain fhips the next day to purfue them. 
 
 Since I have undertaken to fhew the 
 overfights committed in any of our ErgUjh 
 voyages, fuch as were committed here Ihall, 
 without fear or flattery, appear to the ju- 
 dicious reader. 
 
 Though the earl of Effex's carriage and 
 forwardnefs merited much, yet if it had 
 been with more deliberation, and lefs haft:e, 
 it would have fucceeded better : and if he 
 were now living, he would confefs Sir Wil- 
 liam Monfon advis'd him rather to feek to 
 be maRer of the fhips than of the town ; for 
 it was that would afford both wealth and 
 honour : for the riches in Ihips could not 
 be concea'ed, or convey'd away, as in towns 
 they might. And the fhips themfelves be- 
 ing brought for England, would be always 
 before mens eyes there, and put them in 
 mind of the greatnefs of the, exploit j as fc-r 
 
 the
 
 I. 
 
 sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 the town, perhaps ir might be foon v;on, 
 but probably not long enjoy'd, and ib 
 quickly forgotten : And to ipeak indifferent- 
 ly, by the earl's fiidden landing, without 
 the lord admiral's privity, and his giving 
 advice by a meflage to attempt the fliips, 
 which fliould have been rcfolv'd upon ma- 
 ture deliberation, no doubt the lord admi- 
 ral found his honour a little echps'd, which 
 perhaps haften'd his landing for his reputa- 
 tion fake, when as he tliought it more ad- 
 vilable to have poncflcd himfelf of their 
 fleet. 
 
 Before the lord admiral could draw near 
 the town, the earl of Ejjcx had entred it; 
 and though the houfes were built in fuch 
 manner, that every houfe ferv'd for a plat- 
 form, yet they were forc'd to quit them, 
 and retire to the caftle. 
 
 My lord at laft, in defpite of the enemy, 
 gain'd the maricet- place, where he found 
 the greatefl refiilance from the houfes there- 
 abouts, and where that worthy gentleman 
 Sir John IVingfidd was unluckily flain. 
 The lord general E^'ex caus'd it to be pro- 
 claim'd by beat of drum through the town, 
 
 '7' 
 
 was fo great by the dcftrudtion of their fleet. Mo> 
 And to fpcak the truth, tlie king of .s>;« 
 never receiv'd fo great an overthrow, and 
 fo great an indignity at our hands as this i 
 for our attempt was at his own home, in his 
 port that he thouglu as fate as his chamber, 
 where we took and dellroy'd his fhips of 
 war, burnt and confum'd the wealth ot his 
 merchants, fack'd his city, ranfom'd his 
 fubjefls, and enter'd his country without 
 impeachment. 
 
 'I'o write all accidents of this voyage, 
 were too tedious, and would weary the rea- 
 der ; but he that would defire to know the 
 behaviour of the Spaniards, as well as of 
 us, may confer with divers EvgUflmen that 
 were redeem'd out of the galleys in exchange 
 for others, and brought into England. 
 
 After we had enjoy'd the town of Cadiz 
 a fortnight, and our men were grown rich 
 by the fpoil of it, the generals imbarked 
 their army, with an intent to perform great- 
 er fervices before their return ; but fuch was 
 the covetoulhefs of the better fort, who 
 were inrich'd there, and the fear of hunger 
 in otliers, who complain'd for want of vic- 
 
 1590 
 
 that all that would yield, fhould repair to tiials, that they could not willingly be drawn 
 
 the town-houfe, where they fhould have 
 promife of mercy, and thofe that would not 
 to expefl: no favour. The caftle defir'd 
 refpite to confider till the morning follow- 
 ing, and then by one general confent, they 
 furrender'd themfelves to the two lord ge- 
 nerals mercy. The chief prifoners, men 
 and women, were brought into the caftle, 
 where they remain'd a little fpace, and were 
 fent away with honourable ufage. The 
 noble treating of the prifoners has gain'd 
 everlafting honour to our nation, and the 
 generals in particular. 
 
 It cannot be fuppofed the lord generals 
 had leifure to be idle the day following, 
 having fo great bufmefs to confider of, as 
 the fecuring the town, and enjoying the 
 merchant fhips •, wherefore, for the fpcedier 
 ditpatch, they treated with the beft men of 
 the city about the ranfom to be given for 
 their town and liberties. One hundred and 
 twenty thoufand ducats was the fum con- 
 cluded on -, and for fecurity thereof, many 
 of them became hoftages. There was like- 
 wife an overture for the ranfom of their 
 fhips and goods, which the duke of Medina 
 hearing of, rather than we fliould reap any 
 profit by them, he caufed them to be 
 fired. 
 
 We found by experience, that the de- 
 ftroying of this fleet, (which did amount 
 to the value of fix or feven millions,) was 
 the general impoverifhing of the whole 
 country ; for when the pledges were fent to 
 Seville, to take up money for their redemp- 
 tion, they were anfwer'd. That all the town 
 was not able to raife fuch a fum, their lofs 
 
 to any farther adion, to gain more reputa- 
 tion. The only thing that was afterwards 
 attempted was Faro, a town of Algarve in 
 Portugal, a place of no refiftance or wealth, 
 only famous for the library of Oforius, who 
 was bifliop of that place ; which library 
 was brought into England by us, and ma- 
 ny of the books bellowed upon the new 
 ereded library of Oxford. 
 
 Some prifoners were taken ; but of fmall 
 account ; who told us, that the greattft- 
 tlrength of the country was in Lagos, the 
 chief town of Algarve, twelve miles diflant 
 from thence, becaufe moft part of the gen- 
 tlemen thereabouts were gone thither, to 
 make it good, expedling our coming : This 
 news was acceptable to my lord of Effex, 
 who preferred honour before v/ealth ; and 
 having had his will, and the fpoil of the 
 town of Faro, and country thereabouts, he 
 fhipp'd his army, and took council of the 
 lord admiral how to proceed. My lord 
 admiral diverted his courfe for Lagos, al- 
 ledging the place was ftrong, of no wealth, 
 always held in the nature ot a fifher-town 
 belonging to the Portuguefes, who in their 
 hearts were our friends -, that the winning 
 of it, after fb eminent a place as Cadiz, 
 could add no honour ; though it ftiould be 
 carried, yet it would be the lofs of his beft 
 troops and gentlemen, who would rath.r 
 die than receive the indignity of a repulfe. 
 My lord of Ej]ex much againft his will, 
 was forc'd to yield to thcfc rcafons, and dc- 
 fift from that enterprize. 
 
 About this time ihe-f-e was a general com'- 
 plaint for want of victuals, vvliiJi proceeded 
 
 rather
 
 MONSON. 
 1596. 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Na^cil TraclL 
 
 Book I. 
 
 rather out of a dcfirc that feme had to be 
 at home, than out of any neccdky i for Sir 
 IFillum Monfon and Mr. Barrel were ap- 
 pointed to examine the condition oi every 
 ihip, and found feven weeks viduals, (drink 
 excepted) which might have been lupplied 
 from the fhorc in water -, and tliis put the 
 generals in great hope to pcrtorm ioinething 
 more than they had done. The only Icr- 
 vice now to be thought on, was to lie in 
 wait for the carracks, which in all proba- 
 bility couki not cfcape us, though there 
 were many doubts to the contrary, but ea- 
 fily anfwer'd by men of experience : But in 
 truth fomc mens defires homeward were fo 
 great, that no reafon could prevail with, or 
 perfuade them. 
 
 Coming into the height of the rock, the 
 generals took council once again ; and then 
 the earl of EJj'ex and the lord Thvmns 
 Howard offered, with great earneftnefs, to 
 ftay out the time our viduals lafted, and 
 defir'd to have but twelve fhips furnifli'd 
 out of the reft to flay with them -, but this 
 would not be granted, though the fquadron 
 of the Hollanders offer'd voluntarily to ftay. 
 Sir Waller Raleigh alledg'd the fcarcity of 
 vi(5luals, and the infeftion of his men. My 
 lord general EJex offer'd, in the greatnels 
 of his mind, and the defire he had to flay, 
 tofupply his want of men and viftuals, and 
 to exchange fliips : But all propofals were in 
 for the riches of Cadiz kept them that 
 
 vain : 
 
 had got much, from attempting more, as it it 
 had been pure want, and not honour, would 
 have enforc'd them to greater enterprizes. 
 
 This being the laft hopes of the voyage, 
 and being generally withftood, it was con- 
 cluded to ftcer away for the Norlh Cape, 
 
 and afrerv.-ards to view and fearch the har- 
 bours of the Groyne and Fcrrcl -^ and if any 
 of the king of Spain's iliips chanced to be 
 there, to give an attempt upon them. 
 
 The lord admiral fent a caravel of our 
 fleet into thefe two h.irbours, and appa- 
 reil'd the men in Spanifi clothes, to avoid 
 fufpicion: This caravel return'd the next day 
 with a true relation, that there were no fhips 
 in the harbours : And now paffing all places 
 where there was any hope of doing good, 
 our return for England was refolv'd upon ; 
 and on the 8th of Auguft the lord admiral 
 arriv'd at Plymouth with the greatefl: part 
 of the army : And the lord general Ejfex, 
 who ftaid to accompany the St. Andretv^ 
 which was under his charge, and reputed 
 of his fquadron, two days after us, being 
 the loth of /iuguft, where he iound the 
 army in that perteft health, as the like has 
 not been ieen, for fo many to go out of 
 England to fuch great enterprizes, and to 
 return home again fo well. 
 
 He himfelf rid up to the court, to ad- 
 vife with her majefty about the winning of 
 Calais, which the Spaniards took the Eajler 
 before. Here was a good opportunity to 
 have regain'd the ancient patrimony of Eng- 
 land; but the French king thought he 
 might with more eafe regain it from the 
 Spaniard who was his enemy, than recover 
 it again from us who were his friends. 
 
 My lord admiral with the fleet went to 
 the Downs, where he landed, and left the 
 charge of the navy to Sir Robert Dudley 
 and Sir IVilliam Monfon. In going from 
 thence to Chatham, they endur'd more foul 
 weather and contrary winds, than in the 
 whole voyage befides. 
 
 1597 
 
 A Voyage to the ijlands^ the earl of Effex general. Anno 1 597. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Ihe Mere-honour, after") 
 in the Repulfe, 3 
 
 "The Lion, 
 The Warfpite, 
 The Garland, 
 The Defiance, 
 The Mary-Rofe, 
 The Hope, 
 The Matthe'tv, 
 The Rainbow, 
 The Bonavcnture, 
 The Dreadnought, 
 The Sivififttre, 
 The Antelope, 
 The Nonpareille, 
 The St. Andrew, 
 
 HE R ma)efl.y having knov/ledge of the 
 king of Spain's drawing down his 
 fleet and army to the Groyne and Ferrol, 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 {The earl of Effex. ^Captain under hinij 
 Sir Robert Manfell. 
 The lord Thomas Howard. 
 Sir Walter Raleigh. 
 The earl ot Southampton. 
 The lord Mountjoy. 
 Sir Francis Vere. 
 Sir Richard Lewfon. 
 Sir George Carew. 
 Sir William Monfon. 
 Sir William Harvey. 
 Sir William Brooke. 
 Sir Gilly Merick. 
 Sir John Gilbert ; he went not. 
 Sir Thomas Vavajor. 
 Captain Throgmorton. 
 
 with an intent to enter into fome aftion 
 agamft her ; and that notwithftanding the 
 lofs of thirty-fix fail of his fhips that were 
 
 call
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traces 
 
 n^ 
 
 cift avviiy upon the North Cape, in tlieir 
 coming tliithcr, he prepar'd with all polTi- 
 ble means to revenge the dilgrace we did 
 him the year laft pall at Cadiz. Her ma- 
 jcfty likevvil'e prepar'd to defend herlclf, and 
 fitted out the molt part ot her fhips tor the 
 i'ea ; but at length, perceiving his drift 
 was more to affright than offend her, tho' 
 he gave it out otherwife, becaufe (lie Ihould 
 provide to refill; him at home, rather than 
 to annoy him abroad, fhc was unwilHng the 
 great charges llie had been at (liould be be- 
 llowed in vain ; and therefore turn'd her 
 preparations another way, than that for 
 which Ihe firft intended them. 
 
 The project ot this voyage was to affault 
 the king of Spain's Ihipping in the harbour 
 of FeiToI, which the queen chiefly dcfir'd 
 to do for her own fecurity at home, and 
 afterwards to go and take the Tercera 
 iflands, and there to expedl the coming 
 home of the hdian fleet •, but neither of 
 thcfe two defigns took that efted: wiiich was 
 expe(5led -, for in our letting forth, the fame 
 day we put to fea we were taken with a 
 moll violent ftorm and contrary winds ; and 
 the general was feparated from the fleet, 
 and one fliip from another-, lo that the one 
 half of the fleet \v.is compelled to return 
 home ; and the reft that kept the lea, ha- 
 ving reach'd the coaft of Spai>i, were com- 
 manded home, by order of the lord ge- 
 neral. 
 
 Thus, after their return, they were to 
 advile upon a new voyage, finding by their 
 Iliips and viftuals they were unable to per- 
 form the former -, whereupon it was thought 
 convenient ail the army fhould be dif- 
 charg'd, for laving of viifluals, except one 
 thouliind of the prime ibldiers of the Loiu 
 Countries, which were put into her majefty's 
 Ihips, that they might be the better pre- 
 par'd, if they Ihould chance to encounter 
 the Spanifii fleet. Thus the lecond time they 
 departed England, though not without fome 
 danger ot the fhips, by reafon of the win- 
 ter's near approach. 
 
 The firft land in Spain we fell in withal 
 was the North Cape, the place whither our 
 directions led us, if we happened to lofe 
 company. Being there defcried from the 
 fhore, and not above twelve leagues from 
 the Groyne, where the Spamflo Armada lay, 
 we were in good hopes to have enticed them 
 out of the harbour to fight us ; but fpend- 
 ing fome time thereabouts, and finding no 
 fucli difpofition in them, it was thought fit 
 no longer to linger about that coaft, left 
 we fhould lofe our opportunity upon the 
 Indian fleet ; therefore every captain receiv'd 
 his dircdions to ftand his courfe into thirty- 
 fix degrees, there to fpread ourlelves north 
 and Ibuth, it being a height that common- 
 ly the Spaniards fail in from the Indies. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 At this time the lord general complairvM Mon?o.s. 
 of a leak in his fliip -, and two days after, '59:'- 
 towards midnight, he brougiit himfclt up- ^^^^"^ 
 on the lee to flop it. Sir IValter Raieigb, 
 and fome other (hips, being a-headof the 
 fleet, and it growing dark, they could not 
 ttifccrn the lord general's working, but 
 Itood their courfe as before direded ■, and 
 through this unadviled working of my 
 lord, they loft him, which was a great dil- 
 heartening to his fleet. 
 
 The day following, Sir JValter Raleigh 
 was inform'd, by a pinnace he met, that the 
 great /Irmada, which we fuppofed to b.: in 
 the Groyne and Pyrrol, was gone to the 
 ifl.inds for the guard of the Indian fleet : 
 This pinnace, with this intelligence it gave 
 us. Sir IFaller Raleigh immediately fcnt to 
 look cut the general. My lord had no 
 fooner receiv'd this advice, but at the very 
 inllant he direfted his courfe to the iflands, 
 and difpatch'd fome Imall veflels to Sir 
 IValter Raleigh, to inform him of the fud- 
 den alteration of his courfe, upon the news 
 receiv'd from him, commanding him with 
 all expedition to repair to Flores, where he 
 would not fail to be at our arrival. At the 
 iflands we found this intelligence utterly 
 falfe •, for neither the Spanijh fliips were there, 
 nor were expeded there. We met likewife 
 with divers Engliflomen that came out of the 
 Indies ; but they could give us no aflTurance 
 of the coming home of the fleet ; neither 
 could we receive any advertifement from 
 the fhore, which made us half in dcfpair 
 of them. 
 
 By that time we had watered our Ihips, 
 and refrefli'd ourfelves at Flores, Sir Walter 
 Raleigh arrived there •, who was will'd by 
 the lord general, after he was furnifh'd of 
 fuch wants as that poor ifland afforded, to 
 repair to the ifland of Fayal, which my 
 lord intended to take. Here grew great 
 quellions and heart-burnings againft S\r Wal- 
 ter Raleigh ; for he coming to Fayal, and 
 miffing the lord general, and yet knowing 
 my loi;d's relblution to take the ifland, he 
 held it more advifable to land with thofe 
 forces he had, than to cxpeft the coming 
 of my lord -, for in that fpace the ifland 
 might be better provided ; whereupon he 
 landed, and took it before my lord's ap- 
 proach. This act was held fuch an indignity 
 to my lord, and urg'd with that vehemence 
 by thofe that hated Sir Walter, that if my 
 lord, though naturally kind and flexible, 
 had not fear'd how it would have been 
 taken in England, I think Sir Walter had 
 fmarted for it. 
 
 From this ifland we went to Gracicfa, 
 which I'id willingly relieve our wants as tar 
 as it could ; yet with humble intreaty tp 
 forbear landing with our army, efpecially 
 becaufe they underftood there was a fqua- 
 X X dron
 
 174 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tm^s. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNiON. dion of Hduinders amongfl us, wlio did 
 '597- not ule to forbear cruelty wherever they 
 
 ^'■^^^ came: and here it was that we met tlie In- 
 diiiH Heet, which in manner following mi - 
 rat,ulouny elcapM us. 
 
 The lord general having fent fome men 
 of good account into the ifland, to fee there 
 Jhould be no injury offer'd to the Portuguefes, 
 bccaufe he had palTed his word to the con- 
 trary, thole men advertis'd him of four fail 
 of fhips defcried from the Ihore, and one 
 of them greater than the reft, feem'd to 
 be a carrack. My lord receiv'd this news 
 wit!i great joy, and divided his fleet into 
 three Iquadrons, to be commanded by him- 
 feif, the \oxdi Thomas Howard, znf\ S\r IVal- 
 ter Raleigh. The next fhip to my lord, 
 of the queen's, was the Rainbow, wherein 
 Sir William Mortfon went, who receiv'd di- 
 redion from my lord to fteer away fouth 
 that night ; and if he (hould meet with any 
 fleet, to follow them, carrying lights, or 
 ihooting off his ordnances, or making any 
 other fign that he could ; and if he met 
 with no fhips, to direct his courfe the next 
 day to the ifland of 67. Michael •, but pro- 
 miling that night to fend twelve fhips after 
 him. Sir Willi am befought my lord, by 
 the pinnace that brought him this direction, 
 that above all things he ihould have a care 
 to difpatch a fquadron to the road of Angra 
 in the Teraras ; for it was certain, if 
 they were Spaniards^ thither they would 
 refort. 
 
 Whilft my lord was thus contriving his 
 bufinefs, and ordering his fquadron, a fmall 
 bark of his fleet happen'd to come to him, 
 who aflur'd him, that thofe fhips dilcover'd 
 from the land were of his own fleet, and 
 that they came in immediately from them : 
 this made my lord countermand his former 
 diredtion ; only Sir Willian Monfon, who 
 was the next fhip to him, and receiv'd the 
 firft command, could not be recalled back. 
 "Within three hours of his departure from 
 my lord, which might be about twelve of 
 the clock, he fell in company of a fleet of 
 twenty-five fail ; which at the firft he could 
 not afTure himfelf to be Spaniards, becaufe 
 the day before, that number of fhips was 
 mining from our fleet. Here he was in a 
 dilemma, and great perplexity with him- 
 felf ; for in maliing figns, as he was diredt- 
 ed, if the fhips prov'd Englijh, it were ri- 
 diculous, and he would be expos'd to fcorn ; 
 and to rcfpite it till morning were as dan- 
 gerous, if they were the Indian fleet -, for 
 thea my lord might be out of view, or 
 of the hearing of his ordnance ; therefore 
 he rcfolv'd rather to put his perfon, than his 
 fhip in peril. He commanded his mafter 
 to keep the weather-gate of the fleet, what- 
 foever would become of him ; and it blow- 
 ing little wind, he betook himfelf to his 
 2 
 
 boar, and row'd up with this fleet, demand- 
 ing whence they were. They anfwcr'd of 
 Seville in Spain ; and ask'd of whence he 
 was. He told them, of England; and that 
 the fhip in fight was a galleon of the queen's 
 of England, fingle and alone, alledging the 
 honour they would get by winning her ; 
 his drift being to draw and entice them in- 
 to the wake of our fleet, where they would 
 be fo entangled, as they could not cfcapc. 
 They return'd him fome flior, and ill lan- 
 guage ; but would not alter their courfe to 
 the Terceras, whither they were bound, and 
 where they arriv'd, to our misfortune. Sir 
 William Monfon return'd aboard his fhip, 
 making figns and lights, and report with 
 his ordnance, but all in vain -, for my lord 
 altering his courfe, as you have heard, flood 
 that night to St. Miihael's, and pafs'd by 
 the north fide of Tercera, a farther way than 
 if he had gone by the way of Angra, where 
 he had met the Indian fleet. 
 
 When day appear'ii, and Sir William 
 Monfon w:l% in hopes to find the twelve fhips 
 promis'd to be fent to him, he might dil- 
 cern the Spanijh fleet two miles and a little 
 more a-head of him, and a-ftern him a 
 galleon, and pinnace betwixt them •, which 
 putting forth her flags, he knew to be the 
 earl of Southampton in the Garland. The 
 pinnace was a frigat of the Spanifh fleet ; 
 who took the Garland and tlie Rainbow to 
 be galleons of theirs-, but feeing the flag 
 of the Garland, fhe found her error, and 
 fprang a-loof, thinking toefcape; but the 
 earl purfued her with the lofs of fome time, 
 when he fhould have followed the fleet, and 
 therefore was defir'd to defilt from that 
 chafe by Sir William Monfon, who fent his 
 boat to him. By a fhot from my lord this 
 frigate was funk ; and while his men were 
 rifling her. Sir Francis Vere and Sir William 
 Brook came up in their two fliips, who the 
 Spaniards would have made us believe were 
 two galleons of theirs; and fo much did 
 my lord fignify to Sir William Monfon, wifh- 
 ing him to ftay their coming up •, for that 
 there would be greater hope of thofe two 
 fhips, v.'hich there was no doubt bur we 
 were able to mafter, than of the fleet, for 
 which we were too weak. 
 
 When Sir William knew tha two fhips to 
 be the queen's, which he had before fufped:- 
 ed, he began to purfue the Spanif}} fleet 
 a-frefli ; but by reafon they were fb far a-head 
 of him, and had fo litde way to fail, they 
 recover'd the road of Terara -, but he and 
 the reft of the fhips purtued them, and him- 
 felf led the way into the harbour, where 
 he found fharp refiftance from the caftle ; 
 but yet fb batter'd the fliips, that he might 
 fee the mafts of fome fliot by the board, 
 and the men quit the fliips ; lb that there 
 wanted nothing but a gale or wind to enable 
 
 him 
 
 I
 
 I. 
 
 sir William Monfon V Na^al Triicls. 
 
 ns 
 
 him to cut the cables of the hawfers, and 
 to bring them off; wliereforc he fcnt to the 
 other three great fliips of ours, to defire 
 them to attempt the cutting their cables ; 
 but Sir Francis Vere rather wilh'd his coming 
 off, that they might take a rcfolution what 
 to do : this muft be rather imputed to want 
 of experience than backwardnefs in him -, 
 for Sir William lent him word, that if he 
 quitted the harbour, the lliips would tow 
 near the caftle •, and as the night drew on, 
 the wind would freflien, and come more 
 off the land ; which indeed prov'd fo, and 
 we above a league from the road in the 
 morning. 
 
 We may fay, and that truly, there was 
 never that poITibility to have undone the 
 ftate of Spain as now -, for every royal ot 
 plate we had taken in this fleet, had been 
 two to them, by our converting ic by war 
 upon them. 
 
 None of the captains could be blamed in 
 this bufinefs \ all is to be attributed to the 
 want of experience in my lord, and his flexi- 
 ble nature to be over- ruled : for the firll 
 hour he anchored at Flores^ and call'd a 
 council, Sir JVilliam Monfon advifed him, 
 upon the reafons following: After his water- 
 ing to run weft, fpreading his fleet north 
 and fouth, fo far as the eaftern wind that 
 then blew would carry them •, alledging, 
 that if the Indian fleet came home that year, 
 by computation ot the laft light moon, 
 from which time their difemboguing in the 
 Indies muft be reckoned, they could not be 
 above two hundred leagues Ihort of that 
 ifland ; and whenfoever the wind fliould 
 chop up wefterly, he bearing a flack fail, 
 they would in a few days overtake him. 
 
 This advice my lord feem'd to embrace ; 
 but was diverted by divers gentlemen, who, 
 coming principally for land-fervice, found 
 themfelves tir'd by the tedioufnefs of the fea. 
 Certain it is, if my lord had followed his 
 advice, within lefs than forty hours he had 
 made the queen owner of that fleet ; for by 
 the pilot's card, which was taken in the 
 frigat, the Spanijk fleet was but fifty leagues 
 in traverfe with that eaftern wind, when 
 my lord was at Flores ; which made my 
 lord wifh, the firft time Sir William Monfon 
 repair'd to him, after the efcape of the 
 fleet, that he had loft his hand, lb he had 
 been ruled by him. 
 
 Being met aboard Sir Francis Vere, we 
 confulted what to do, and refolv'd to ac- 
 quaint my lord with what had happen'd, 
 defiring his prefence with us, to fee if there 
 were any poiribility to attempt the fhipping, 
 or furprize the ifland, and ib to poffefs the* 
 treafure. 
 
 ■ My lord receiv'd this advertifement ju(t 
 as he was ready with his troops to have land- 
 ed in S C.Michael's ; but this meffage diverted 
 his landing, and made him prefently caft' 
 
 about for the iflands of the Tercers, whefc Mon?oh 
 we lay all this while expecting liis coming. '5<7 
 In his couile from Si. Michael's it was his ^'^^ ^^ 
 hap to take three fliips that departed th.e 
 Havana the day after the fleet; which three 
 fliips dill almofi then countervail the expcntc 
 of the whole voyage. 
 
 At my lord's meeting with ur. at ^'crcera, 
 there was a conkiltation how the enemy's 
 fliips might be fetched off, or deftroy'd, 
 as they lay; but all men, with one coiifent, 
 agreed the impoffibility of it. The attempt- 
 ing the ifland was propounded -, but with- 
 ftood for thefe reafons. The difficulty in land- 
 ing; the ftrength of the ifland, which was 
 increafed by fourteen or fifteen hundred fol- 
 diers in the fhips-, and our want of vic- 
 tuals, to abide by the fiege. Seeing then 
 We were fruftrate of our hopes at the 'Tcrcerc^ 
 we refolv'd upon landing \n St. Michael's \ 
 anil arriv'd the day following at Punta 
 Delgada, the chief city. Here my lord 
 imbark'd his fmall army in boats, with 
 offer to land ; and having thereby lirawn 
 the enemy's greateft force thither to refift 
 him, fuddenly, he rowed to Vala Franca, 
 three or four leagues diftant from thence •, 
 which, not being defended by the enemy, 
 he took. The fhips had order to abide in 
 the road o( Delgada; for that my lord made 
 account to march thfther by land ; but be- 
 ing alliore at Villa Franca, he was intotm'd 
 that the march was impofTible, by feafon 
 ot the high and craggy mountains which 
 diverted his purpofe. 
 
 Vidtuals now grew fhnrt with us ; and 
 my lord general began difcrcetly to forefee 
 the danger in abiding towards winter upon 
 thefe coafts, which could not afford him an 
 harbour, only open roads that were fiibjeft 
 to Ibutherly winds; and ujion every fuch 
 wind, he muft put to fea for his fafety. 
 He confider'd, that if this (hould happen 
 when his troops were afhore, and he not 
 able to reach the land in a fornighr. Or 
 more, which is a thing ordinary, what a 
 deiperate cafe he fliould put himfelf into, 
 efpecially in fo great a want of viftuals ; 
 and fb concluding that he had feen the end 
 of all his hopes by the elcape of the fleet, he 
 embark'd himfelf and army, though with 
 fome difficulty, the feas were now grown 
 fo high. 
 
 By this time the one half of the fleet that 
 rid in Punta Delgada made away for Villa 
 Franca; and thofe that rcmain'd behind, be- 
 ing thought by a fhip of Brajl to be the Spa- 
 nijh fleet, flie came in amongil them, and fo 
 was betray'd. After her there ibllow'd x 
 carrack, who had been ferv'd in the like 
 manner, but for the hafty and indifcreet 
 weighing of a Hollander, which made her 
 run afliore under the cartie. When the wind 
 leflen'd. Sir William Monfon weighed with 
 the Raini"Av, thinking to give an attempt 
 
 ujxjn
 
 I7<5 
 
 Mo N SON, 
 
 «597- 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracls. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 upon her, notwithftanding the caftle ; which 
 flie perceiving, as he drew ne.ir unto her, 
 flie let herlelt on fire, and burned down to 
 the very keel. She was a fliip of fourteen 
 hundred tuns burden, that the year before 
 was not able to double the cape of Good 
 Hope in her voyage to the Eaft-Indies, bvit 
 put into 5n?/?/, where fhe was laden with 
 fugais, and atcerwards thus dellroycd. The 
 Spaniards, who prefunied more upon their 
 advantages than valour, and thought them- 
 felves in too weak a condition to follow us 
 to the illands, and put their fortunes upon 
 a day's fervice, fubtilly deviled how to in- 
 tercept us as we came home, when we had 
 leaft thought or fufpicion of them and their 
 fleet, which was all this while in the Groyne 
 and Ferrol^ not daring to put forwards while 
 ihL-y knew ours to be upon the coaft. Their 
 general, the Addantado, came for England, 
 with a refolution to land at Falmouth, and 
 fortify it; and afterwards with their fliips 
 to keep the fea, and expeft our coming 
 home Icattered ; and having thus cut oft our 
 lea forces, and pofTeffing the harbour of iv;/- 
 riioiith, they thought with a fecond fupply 
 of thirty-feven hvantine fhips, which the 
 marquis Animbidlo commanded, to have re- 
 turned and K'lined a good footing in England. 
 
 We may lay, and that truly, that God 
 fought for us : for the Adelantador being 
 within a few leagues of the ifland oi'SciUv, he 
 commanded all his captains on board him, 
 to receive his diredlions •. but whilft they 
 were in confultation, a violent ftorm took 
 them at call, inlbmuch that the captains 
 could hartUy recover their fhips, but in no 
 cale were able to fave their boats : the florm 
 continued fo furious, that happy was he who 
 could recover home, feeing their defign thus 
 overthrown by the lofs of their boats, where- 
 by the means of landing was taken away. 
 Some who were willing to flay, and receive 
 the farther commands of the general, kept 
 the leas fo long upon our coaft, that in the 
 end they were taken-, others put themfelves 
 into our hiubours for refuge and fuccour ; 
 and it is certainly known that in this 
 voyage the Spaniards loft eighteen fliips, the 
 Si. Luke and the Si. Bartholomew being two, 
 and in the rank of his bell galleons. 
 
 We mufl afcribe this lofs of theirs to God 
 only ; for certainly the enemies defigns were 
 dangerous, and not diverted by our force, 
 but by His will, who from time to time 
 would not fufTer the Spaniards in any one of 
 their attempts to fet footing in England, as 
 we did in all quarters of Spain, Portugal, 
 the iflands, and both Indies. 
 
 In this voyage to the iflands, I have fet 
 down my lord's defign upon the Spanijh 
 fleet lying at Ferrol; wherein his lordfhip 
 required a captain he mbft relied on to have 
 hib opinion in writing. Firft, Whether he 
 2 
 
 fliould attempt the fliips in harbour, or no.^" 
 Secondly, Whether before or after his being 
 at the 'Tercera ? And lafily, the manner 
 how to afl^iil them ? The captain's anfwer 
 follows, which you may read and judge of. 
 
 To the right honourable the earl of Essex, 
 
 " 1 N anfwcT to your lordlhip's demand, 
 " J I'Fhcther to give an attempt upon the 
 " Jbips in Fenol, before the landing your 
 " men, and the cajiles gained? This I 
 " fiy, That before I can give my refblu- 
 " tion, 1 mull defcribe the flate of the har- 
 " bour, and the fit nation of the forts, with 
 " the flrength of the fhips -, for out of thefe 
 " mufl proceed my realbns. 
 
 " I conceive at the entrance of the har-^ 
 " bour there are two caftles, the one on the 
 " Ibuth fide, the other on the north, both 
 " commanding any fhip that fliall enter : 
 " they are feated low by the water, the 
 " cliffs on both fides very high, and the 
 " harbour to be chained, 
 
 " My opinion is, if your lordfhip do 
 " land your men in the bay before you take 
 " the forts, as there is no other place of 
 " landing, you muft confider it is an opeii 
 " road, the coafl fubjedl: to northerly winds, 
 " which beat fo hard on the fliore, that 
 " you cannot land your fbldiers and their 
 
 furniture with conveniency and fafety, ef- 
 
 pecially being fure to find refiftance at 
 your landing. 
 
 " But your lordfhip may anfwer. That 
 he who attempts great things, muft run 
 all hazards : and as it is wifdom to fore- 
 caft all doubts and dangers, fb were it 
 too great fecurity not to hazard lofs up- 
 on hope of viftory : and whereas the 
 danger of landing by reafon of the fea's 
 breaking on the fhore is alledged, you 
 may think we are not always lure of a 
 northerly wind, nor of fo great a fea : 
 and therefore you muft put your attempt 
 in adventure. 
 
 " But for your lordfhip's fatisfaftion in 
 this point, you muft know that you can- 
 not feize that coaft, but v/ith fuch a wind 
 as makes fuch a fea as renders it difficult 
 for you to land. Or fuppofe, that being 
 upon the coaft as you were the laft year, 
 when you came from Cadiz, and that 
 the wind fliould now do, as then it did, 
 chop up from the fouthweft to the north- 
 weft, your lordfhip would be imbayed, 
 and forced to feek the harbour of the 
 Groyne or Frrrol, and make good thofe 
 places, which then you might have done: 
 but now you muft confider your army is 
 not fo great as it was then, and their for- 
 tifications and fliipping are much ftronger 
 than they were. My opinion is, there- 
 fore. That there is little poilibility of at- 
 
 " tempting
 
 Book r. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Tracts, 
 
 tempting the fhipping without gaining 
 the forts -, neither do I fee any poilibiiity 
 to pofiefs them with your iniall army. 
 " But your lorddiip may alledge, that 
 though the ports were impregnable, yet 
 they may be pafTcd witli a large wind ; 
 for every fhot that comes from them hits 
 not, or if it does, it kills not, but though 
 it Hiould, it finks not. 
 " I allow it is no great difficulty to pafs 
 any fort with a ihip under fiil, being a 
 moveable thing, where no certain aim 
 can be had •, yet I think no place more 
 dangerous than Fcrrch becaufe of the 
 highnefs of the hills, and the narrownefs 
 ol the entrance that makes a continual 
 calm, or the little wind fo uncertain, that 
 every puff brings fundry fliift of wind. 
 Many of the king of Spainh fliips have 
 been there loll : and therefore the ad- 
 vantage of a ihip in paffing a cafllc is 
 the force and largenefs of a wind ; as to 
 the contrary, thefe forts will be able to 
 annoy a fl:ip upon the former reafons. 
 " But allow that your lordlhip's fleet 
 fliould enter fifely ; for the greateft dif- 
 ficulty is not to pafs in, but to perform 
 the fervice when they are within : your 
 fleet being entered, they will be in the 
 ftate of a prifoner, that cannot get out of 
 a houfe without leave of his keeper •, for 
 the v/ind that is good and large for thein 
 to enter, is as much againft their coming 
 out; and therefore it behoves every com- 
 mander, as well to think of bringing 
 himfelf off" with difcretion, as of falling 
 on with refolution. 
 
 " Hitherto I have fliewed the uncertainty 
 of your lordfhip's landing, the doubtful- 
 nefs of your attempt, and the danger in 
 not having the caftles ; but I will now 
 fuppofe the forts to be ours, and the 
 whole fliipping pafTed them without any 
 lofs ; yet will the enemy have as great an 
 advantage as they can wifli •, tor the 
 number of men and ihipping, and the 
 greatnefs of their veflfels, are known to 
 exceed ours ; and where there is an equa- 
 lity in ihipping on both fides, the vicfo- 
 ry is not to be obtained on either fide, 
 whilfl: there is ammunition and men on 
 the other fide, unlefs it be by a general 
 
 of firing ; in 
 
 '77 
 
 boarding. 
 
 or ftratagem 
 
 which the Spaniards flrall have advan- 
 tage of us, they being in their own har- 
 bour, where they may be fupplied, and 
 we can have no relief but what we bring 
 with us. 
 
 " If your lorddiip (liall hold it conveni- 
 ent, a.s in difcretion I think you will nor, 
 to fend in her majefl:y's fliips upon this 
 fervice, then you mull: confider the reft 
 of your fleet to be far inferior to the ene- 
 mies flrength •, and fo you will fend them 
 N^ 96. Vol. III. 
 
 own dcrtruiftion, Mon'ck. 
 
 apparently to their 
 flaughter and ruin. 
 " As I am againft th.e attempt of Frrrcl 
 before you return from the ilbnds, io I 
 am alfo againfl: your lordfliip's prelent- 
 ing yourfelf upon tiiat coaft ; for in 
 thinking to entice forth the fleet, bcfidc-; 
 that you fliall diltover your own llrcngth, 
 you ihall give tliem otcafion to arm their 
 country ; and belides, it will be in tiieir 
 choice, whether to fight with you, or no; 
 for they will be able to difcover and 
 judge of your forces ; and fuch is their 
 difciplinc, that though they had your 
 lordlhip upon atlvantage, yet they dare 
 not attempt you without a fpecial order 
 from the king; which your lordlhip 
 found by experience in the count de Fu- 
 emes's anfwer to your lordfliip's challenge 
 at the walls of Liskn. And to conclude, 
 fince your lordlhip intends to go from 
 Ferrol to I'ercera, it were much better, 
 in my opinion, firfl to attempt that 
 ifland, whilfl your army is ftrong and in 
 heakh. It is a place of much more im- 
 portance, and more likelihood of pre- 
 vailing than in your enterpriz;.- upon the 
 fliipping: that ifland being poflelled, 
 will draw contributions from the red: to 
 maintain it : your lordfhip will cutoff the 
 fupplies the Spaniards and Portuguefes re^ 
 ceive from both the Indies, Guinea, and 
 Brafd : your lordfliip will provide a place 
 of refuge for our fleet hereafter ; from 
 whence they may with cafe keep the fea?, 
 and endanger all the trades aforefiid : 
 your lorddiip will unite that idand to 
 the crown of Evgland; and if there be an 
 agreement of peace betwixt the two na- 
 tions, you will gain advantageous con- 
 ditions to the ftate oi England upon a 
 treaty : your lorddiip will be in a pofTi- 
 bility of drawing the Armada of Ferrol 
 to purfue you thither, that idand import- 
 ing them fo much to defend ; and then 
 your lorddiip will have your defire to 
 fight them upon equal terms at fea. If 
 you attempt Ferrol at firft, and fiiould 
 happen to be repulfed, your lorddiip will 
 confefs, it will be fo great a didionour 
 and lofs, that you will not be able to re- 
 fblve upon any other fervice ; and then 
 will your expedition for the Terceras be 
 utterly void : whereas if you would pleafe 
 to make your attempt upon the Terceras 
 fuil, it Vv'ill not take away your hope of 
 Ferrol afterwards ; for in your return from 
 thence, you will find the diipping either 
 in the fame llate you left them in har- 
 bour ; or if you meet theiji at lea, you 
 will encounter them upon a.iv-iiitage. 
 Thus have I anfvvered your Iorddiip'9 
 demand as you requiretl". 
 
 fr. M. 
 y y n-e 
 
 \^r^^
 
 178 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^al Trads. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNsoN. q'he lord Thomas Howard admiral In the Downs, from 'whence he 
 '599- in a month. Anno 1599. 
 
 returned 
 
 Ships. 
 
 'The Elizabeth JonaSy 
 "The Ark Royal, 
 The 'Triumph, 
 The Mere-honoury 
 The Repulfe, 
 The Garland, 
 The Defiance, 
 The Nonpareilky 
 The Lion, 
 The Rainbotu, 
 The Hope, 
 The Forefight, 
 The Mary Rofe, 
 The Bonaventurey 
 The Crane, 
 The Swiflfure, 
 The Tremontain, 
 The Advantage, 
 The ^dttance. 
 
 I Cannot write of any thing dofle in this 
 year of 1 599. for there was never greater 
 expeftation of war, with lefs performance. 
 Whether it was a miftruft the one nation 
 had of the other, or a policy held on both 
 fides, to make peace with fword in hand, a 
 treaty being entertained by confent of each 
 prince, I am not to examine; but fure I 
 am, the preparation was on both fides very 
 great, as if the one expefted an invafion 
 from the other-, and yet it was generally 
 conceived, not to be intended by either; 
 but that ours had only relation to my lord 
 of Eifex, who was then in Ireland, and had 
 a defign to try his friends in England, and 
 to be revenged of his enemies, as he pre- 
 tended, and as it proved afterwards by his 
 fall. Howfoever it was, the charge was not 
 fo great as neceflary ; for it was commonly 
 known, that the Adelantado had drawn both 
 his fhips and galleys to the Groyne ; which 
 was not ufually done, but for fome aftion 
 intended upon England or Ireland, though 
 he converted them afterwards to another 
 ufe; for the galleys were fent into the Lovj 
 Countries, and paifed the narrow feas, whilft 
 cur fliips lay there-, and with the fleet the 
 Adelantado purfued the Hollanders to the 
 iflands, whither he iufpefted they were gone. 
 This fleet of Hollanders, which confifted of 
 feventy-three fiil, were the firfl: fliips that 
 ever difplay'd their colours in warlike fort 
 againfl: the Spaniards, in any adlion of their 
 own ; for how cruel focver the war feemed 
 to be in Holland, they maintained a peace- 
 able trade in Spain, and abuled us. This 
 firft adion of the Hollanders at fea proved 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 The Lord Thomas Howard. 
 Sir fValter Raleigh. 
 Sir Fulke Grivel. 
 Sir Henry Palmer. 
 Sir Thomas Vavafor. 
 Sir William Harvey. 
 Sir William Monfon. 
 Sir Robert Crofs, 
 Sir Richard Lewfon. 
 Sir Alexander Clifford. 
 Sir John Gilbert. 
 Sir Thomas Sherley. 
 Mr. Fortefcue. 
 Captain Trough ton. 
 Captain Jonas. 
 Captain Bradgate. 
 Captain SUngsby. 
 Captain White. 
 Captain Reynolds. 
 
 not very fuccefsful ; for after the fpoil of a 
 t own in the Canaries, and fome hurt done 
 at the ifland of St. Tome, they kept the fea for 
 fomefeven or eight months-, in which time 
 their general and molt of their men fickened 
 and died, and the reft return'd with lofs and 
 fliame. Another benefit which we received 
 by this preparation, was, That our men were 
 now taught luddenly to arm, every man 
 knowing his command, and how to be com- 
 manded, which before they were ignorant 
 of-, and who knows not, that fudden and 
 falfe alarms in an army are fomctimes necef- 
 fary? To fay truth, the expedition which 
 was then ufed in drawing together fo great 
 an army by land, and rigging fo great and 
 royal a navy to fea, in fo little a fpace of 
 time, was fo admirable in other countries, 
 that they received a terror by it; and many 
 that came from beyond lea, faid. The queen 
 was never more dreaded abroad for any thing 
 Jhe ever did. 
 
 Frenchmen that came aboard our fhips 
 did wonder (as at a thing incredible) that 
 her majefty had rigged, viftualled, and fur- 
 nillied her royal fliips to fea in twelve days 
 time : and Spain, as an enemy, had reafon 
 to fear and grieve to fee this fudden prepa- 
 ration; but more, when they underftood 
 how the hearts of her majefty's fubjefts 
 joined with their hands, being all ready to 
 fpend their deareft blood for her, and her 
 fcrvice. Holland might likewife fee, that if 
 they became inlblent, we could be as foon 
 provided as they ; nor did they expedt to 
 find fuch celerity in any nation but them- 
 felves. 
 
 It
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSis. 
 
 179 
 
 It IS probable too, that the king of 5/^/;.', from Spain was diverted, or that her ma Mos.o:, 
 
 and the archduke, were hereby drawn to jefty was fully iatisfy'd of my lord of £/Vx 'j9'>"' 
 
 entertain thoughts of peace: for as foon as I know not; but fo it wa?, that fhc com- '^'^^T^ 
 
 our fleet was at fea, a gentleman was fent manded the fudden return of her (hipstiom 
 
 from Br'jjj'els with fome overtures, though fea, after they had lain three weeks or a 
 
 for that time they fucceeded not. However, month in the Do-Jins. 
 whether it was that the intended invafion 
 
 i'/r Richard Lewfon io the ijlands. Anno Dom. 1600. 
 Ships. Commanders. 
 
 1600. 
 
 The Repulfe, 
 The Warfpite^ 
 The Vanguard, 
 
 TPIE lafl: year, as you have heard, put 
 all men in expeftation of war, which 
 yet came to nothing. This fummer gave 
 us great hope of peace ; but v;ith the like 
 effeft-, for by confent of the queen, the king 
 of Spain, and the archduke, their commil- 
 fioners met at Bologne in Picardy, to treat of 
 peace, a place chofen indifferently, the 
 French king being in league and friendfliip 
 with them all. Whether this treaty were 
 intended but in Ihew only, or that they were 
 out of hopes to come to any conclufion, or 
 what elfe was the true and real caufe of its 
 breaking off fo fuddenly, I know not ; but 
 the pretence was flendcr : for there grew a 
 difference about precedency betwixt the 
 crowns of Spain and England ; and fo the 
 hopes of peace were fruftrated, though had 
 it been really intended, matters might eafily 
 have been accommodated. 
 
 The queen fufpefted the event hereof be- 
 fore their meeting ; and the rather, becaufe 
 the Spaniards entertained her with the like 
 treaty in 1588. when at the fame inftant 
 their navy appeared upon her coaft to in- 
 vade her : therefore, left fhe fliould be guil- 
 ty of too great fecurity, in relying upon the 
 fuccefs of this doubtful treaty, flie furniilied 
 the three fliips before named, under pretence 
 to guard the weftern coaft, which at that 
 time was infefted by the Dunkirkers. 
 
 And becaufe there fliould be the lefs no- 
 tice taken, part of the victuals was pro- 
 vided at Plymouth, and Sir Richard Lewfon, 
 who was then admiral of the narrow feas, 
 was appointed general, for the more fecret 
 carrying on of the bufinefs ; fo as it could 
 not be conjecftured, either by their viftualling 
 or by their captain, being admiral of the 
 narrow feas, that it was a fervice from 
 
 Sir Richard Lezi-fon, 
 Captain Tr ought on. 
 Captain Sotmners. 
 
 home. As they were in a readinefs atP^-- 
 mouth, expefting orders, the queen being hil- 
 ly fatisfy'd that the treaty of Bologne would 
 break off v^ithout effcft. Hie commanded 
 Sir Richard Lcvjfon to haften to the iflands, 
 there to exped the carrucks and Mexico 
 fleet. The Spaniards, on the oth.er fide, 
 being as circumfpeft to prevent a mifchicf, 
 as we were fubtile to contrive it; and be- 
 lieving (as we did) that the treaty of peace 
 would prove a vain hopelefs Ihew of what 
 was never meant, furniflK-d eighteen t.ul 
 fliips to the iflands, as they had ulually done 
 fince the year 1591. The general of this 
 fleet was Don Diego dc Borachero. 
 
 Our fliips coming to the iflands, they 
 and the Spaniards had intelligence of one 
 another, but not the fight ; lor that Sir Ri- 
 chard Leix:fon hailed ffxty leagues weft ward, 
 not only to avoid them, but in hopes to 
 meet with the carracks and Mexico fleer, 
 before they could join them. But the car- 
 racks being formerly warned by the taking 
 of one of them, and burning of another, 
 in 1 59 1, had ever fince that year endea- 
 voured to fliun the fight of that ifland ; lb 
 that our fleet being now prevented, as they 
 had often before been, (nothing being more 
 uncertain than aftions at fea, where fhips 
 are to meet one another cafually,) they re- 
 turned home, having confumed time and 
 victuals to no purpole, and fcen not fo much 
 .as one fail, from the time they quitted the 
 coaft of England, till their return, two 
 fliips of Holland excepted, that came from 
 the Ettfi-lndics, (for then began their trade 
 thither,) which Ihips Sir Richard Lczvfcn 
 relieved, finding them in great diftrefs and 
 want. 
 
 Sir
 
 I So 
 
 ^/> William MonfonV Naval Tracls. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 Afo:;SON. 
 1601. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon into Ireland, Anno 1601. 
 Ships. Commanders. 
 
 The WarfpUe, 
 'The Garland, 
 The Difiauce, 
 The S'xififure, 
 The Crane, 
 
 IN the year 1 600, and part of the year 
 i6or, there was a kind of ceflluion 
 from arms, though not by agreement ; tor 
 this year gave a hope of peace, which fail- 
 ing, the tormer courfe of annoying each 
 other was revived -, we in relieving the 
 Low Countries, the Spaniards in afiifting 
 the rebels in Ireland. This was the fum- 
 mcr that the archduke befieged OJlend, 
 which was bravely defended, but princi- 
 pally by the fupplies out of England. And 
 towards winter, when the Spaniards thought 
 we leaft looked for war, Don Diego de Bo- 
 rachero, with forty-eight fail of Ihips, and 
 four thouland foldiers, was fent to invade 
 Ireland. 
 
 In his way thither he loft the company of 
 his vice-admiral Siriaga, who returned to 
 the Groyne ; which when the king heard, 
 he was much diftafled with Siriago, and 
 commanded him, upon his allegiance, to 
 haften with all fpeed for Ireland, as he was 
 formerly direcled. Don Diego''s landing 
 was known in England, when it was too late 
 to prevent it ; yet, left he fliould be I'up- 
 plied with further forces, Sir Richard 
 Leivfon valiantly entered the harbour, drew 
 near their fortifications, and fought the 
 enemy for the fpace of one whole day, his 
 Ihip being an hundred times fliot through, 
 and yet " but eight men flain. God lb 
 bleffed him, that he prevailed in his enter- 
 prize, deftroyed their whole fliipping, and 
 made Siriago fly by land into another har- 
 bour, where he obfcurely imbarked him- 
 felf in a French veflel for Spain. AH this 
 while the main army, which landed with 
 their general Don Juan de Avila, was at 
 Kingfale, expelling the aid of Tyroen, who 
 
 Sir Richard Lrs-fon. 
 Sir Ames Prejlon. 
 Captain Goer. 
 Captain Scmmers. 
 Captain Mainivaring. 
 
 promifed every day to be witli them. Our 
 army, commanded by the lord Montjoy, 
 lord deputy of Ireland, befieg'd the town, 
 fo that he prevented their meeting, and 
 many fkirmhlies palTed betwixt them. 
 
 This fiege continued with great miferies 
 to both the armies, and not without caufe, 
 confidering the feufon of the year, and the 
 condition of the country, that afforded 
 little rehef to either. Some few days be- 
 fore Chrijimas, Tyroen appeared with his 
 forces, which was fome little heartening to 
 the enemy, in hopes to be freed of their im- 
 prifonment ; for fo luay I call it, they 
 were fo ftriiftly beleagured. The day of 
 agreement betwixt the Spaniards and Tyroen 
 was Chrijimas- Eve, on which day there 
 happened an earthquake in Englajjd ; and 
 as many times fuch figns prove aut boniim, 
 ant malum omen, this proved fortunate to 
 us, the vidory being obtained with fo 
 little lofs as is almoft incredible. 
 
 This was the day of trial, whether Ire- 
 land fliould continue a parcel of our crown, 
 or no -, for if the enemy had prevailed in 
 the battle, and a treaty had not afterwards 
 obtained more than force, it was to be 
 feared Ireland would hardly have been ever 
 recovered. The Spaniards in Ireland fee- 
 ing the fuccefs of Tyroen, and the impolTi- 
 bility for him to reinforce his army, being 
 hopelefs of fupplies out of Spain, and their 
 poverty daily increafmg, they made offers 
 of a parley ; which was granted, and a 
 peace enfued ; the conditions whereof are 
 extant in print. They were furnilhed with 
 fliips, and fecured of their paiTage into 
 Spain, where arriving in Engliflo velTels, the 
 fliips returned back for England. 
 
 Sir
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trach. 
 
 iSt 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon and Sir William Moiifon to the ccajl of Spain, Anno Monson. 
 
 1602. i6oz. 
 
 Ships. Commanders. 
 
 '•the Reptilfe^ 
 the Garland^ 
 the Defiance^ 
 the Mary-Rofe, 
 the PFarfpight, 
 the Nonpareitle, 
 the Dreadnought, 
 the Adventure, 
 the Englifh Caravel, 
 
 ^"' H E lad attempt of the Spaniards in 
 Ireland, awakened the queen, who, it 
 fcems, for two or three years together, en- 
 tertained the hopes of peace, and therefore 
 was fparing in fetting fortii her fleets ; but 
 now perceiving the enemy had found the 
 way into Ireland, and that it behoved her 
 to be more vigilant than ever, Ihe refolved, 
 as the fafefl: courfe, to infefl: the Spanifl) 
 coafts with a continual fleet, and this year 
 fiirnifhed the fhips aforefaid, having pro- 
 mife from the ftates of Holland to join to 
 them twelve fail of theirs ; and becaufe this 
 important fervice required great fpeed, (he 
 had not time enough to man them, or fup- 
 ply them with provifions altogether fo well 
 as they were ufually wont to be, but was 
 content with what could be got in fo fhort 
 a warning, fo defirous was flie to fee her 
 fhips at fea. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon fet fail with five of 
 them the 19 th of March, and left Sir IVil- 
 tiam Monfon behind with the other four, to 
 attend the coming of the Hollanders ; 
 though within two or three days after Sir 
 William received command from the queen 
 to haflien with all fpeed to Sir Richard Lew- 
 fon ; for that Ihe was advertifed, that the 
 filvcr fliips were arrived at the terceras. 
 Sir IVilliam Monfon hereupon neglefted no 
 time, nor flayed either to fee himfelf bet- 
 ter mann'd, or his fliips better furniflied, 
 but put to fea the 26[h of March. 
 
 This intelligence of the queen's was true ; 
 for the plate-fleet had been at the terceras, 
 and departing thence, in their courfe for 
 Spain, Sir Richard Lewfon, with his few 
 fliips, met them ; but to litile purpofe, 
 wanting the refl: of his fleet, and the help 
 of the twelve Hollanders. We may very 
 well account this not the leafl: error or neg- 
 ligence that has been committed in our 
 voyages ; for if the Hollanders had kept 
 touch, according to prcmife, and the queen's 
 fhips had been hcted out with care, we had 
 made her majefliy mifl:refs of more treafurc 
 than any of her progenitors ever enjov'd. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 S\x Richard Lewfon, admiral. 
 
 Sir IVilliam Monfon, vice-admiral. 
 
 Captain Goer. 
 
 Captain Slingsby. 
 
 Captain Sotnmers. 
 
 Captain Reynolds. 
 
 Captain Mainwarijig, 
 
 Captain trevor. 
 
 Captain Sawkel. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon's defign againfl. tiiC 
 Indian fleet, notwithflanding his great va- 
 lour, being thus fruft:ratcd, and by the 
 Hollanders flacknefs crofii:d, he plyed to- 
 wards the rock, to meet Sir William Mon- 
 fon, as the place refolved on between them ; 
 but Sir William having fpent fourteen days 
 thereabouts, and hearing no tidings of him, 
 went round to the fouthward Cape, where 
 he was hkewife fruftrated of a moll promi- 
 fing hope ; for meeting with certain French- 
 men and Scots, at the fame inftant he dc- 
 fcried three fliips of ours, fent by Sir Ri- 
 chard to look him. Thefe French and Scoliffj 
 fliips came from St. Lucar, and gave an 
 account of five galleons, ready the next 
 tide to fet fail for the Indies : they likewife 
 told him of two others that departed three 
 days before, wherein went Don Pedro de 
 Valdes to be governor of tlie Havana, who 
 had been priloner in England in 1588. 
 
 Thefe two latter fhips were met one 
 niglit by the Warfpight, whereof captain 
 Sommers was commander -, but wliether it 
 was by the darknefs of the night, or by 
 what other calualty, (for the fea is fubjedt 
 to many,) I know not •, but they efcaped. 
 
 This news of the five gaileons, and the 
 three fliips of the queen's fo happily meet- 
 ing together, made Sir William diredt his 
 courfe into the latitude the Spaniards were 
 rnoft likely to liiil in ; and coming to if, 
 he had fight of five fliips, which, in re- 
 fpeft of their number and courfe, he made 
 reckoning to be the five galleons ; and 
 thought that day fhould fully determine 
 and try the difference between tlie llrength 
 and puiflance of the En^^li/h and Spanijb 
 fhips, their number and greatncfs being 
 equal. But his joy was foon abated •, for 
 coming up with them, he found them to 
 be Englifj fliips from the Straights, and 
 bound home. Yet this did not lefl"en the 
 hope iie had conceived that the Spaniards 
 might be met withal •, and the next day he 
 gave chafe to one rtiip alone, that came out 
 of the hidh'S, which he took, though he 
 Zz had
 
 i8i 
 
 Sir William MonronV Nd'Val Trads. 
 
 Book L 
 
 MoNsoN. had been better witliout her ; for (he 
 J^°^^ brought him fo far to leeward, that at 
 ^^^^*^ night the galleons palfcd to windward, not 
 above eight or ten leagues oft' us, by report 
 of an E>7glijh pinnace that met them, who 
 came into our company the day following. 
 Thefe misfortunes lighting tirft upon Sir 
 Richard, and after upon Sir IVillinm, might 
 have been fufficient reafons to difcourage 
 them : But they knowing the accidents of 
 the fea, and that fortune could as well 
 laugh as weep, having good fhips under 
 foot, their men found and in health, and 
 plenty of victuals, they did not doubt but 
 that fome of the wealth which the Indies 
 fent forth into Sj-ain would fall to their 
 fhares. 
 
 Upon T'uefdoy the firft of June^ to begin 
 our new fortune with a new month Sir Ri- 
 chard Le'd:fon and Sir William Monfon, who 
 fome few nights before had met accidentally 
 in the fea, were clofe on board the rock, 
 where tliey took tv.'o fhips of the eaft coun- 
 try, bound for Lisbon ; and while they 
 were rummaging thefe fhips, they defcried 
 a caravel from cape Efpichel bearing with 
 them, which, by figns fhe made, they per- 
 ceived had a delire to fpeak with them. Sir 
 Richard immediately chafed her, and left 
 Sir IVilliam with the two eafterlings to abide 
 about the rock till his return* The caravel 
 being fetch'd up, gave account, that a car- 
 rack and eleven galleys were in Ceritnbra 
 road, and that fhe was fent by two fhips of 
 ours, the Nonpareilk and the Dreadnought, 
 which lay thereabouts, to look out the ad- 
 miral. With what joy this news was 
 apprehended may be eafily imagined : Sir 
 Richard made figns to Sir JVilliam to fland 
 with him, and left he fhould not be dif- 
 cern'd, he caufed the carvel to ply up with 
 him, wifliing him to repair to him ; but 
 before they could approach the cape it was 
 midnight, and nothing chanced all that 
 time but the exchanging of fome fhot that 
 pafs'd betwixt the admiral and the galleys. 
 Upon Wedncfday, the fecond of June, 
 every man look'd early in the morning what 
 fhips of her majefty's were in fight, which 
 were five in number -, the IVarfpite, where- 
 in Sir Richard was; for the Repiilfe he 
 had fent for England fome days before, by 
 reafon of a leak -, the Garland, the Nonpa- 
 reilk, the Dreadnought, and the Adventure, 
 befides the two eafterlings taken the day 
 before. All the captains reforted on board 
 the admiral to council, which took up moft 
 part of the day. At firft there was an op- 
 pofition by fome, who alledged the danger 
 and impolTibility of taking the carrack, 
 being defended by the caftle and eleven gal- 
 leys ; but Sir William Monfon prevailed fo 
 far, as that all confented to go upon her 
 jhe next day, and concluded upon this 
 
 courfe following. That he and Sir Richard 
 fliould anchor as near the carrack as they 
 could, the reft to ply up and down, and not 
 anchor. Sir JVilliam was glad of this occa- 
 fion, to be revenged of the galleys, hoping 
 to requite the fiavcry they put him to when 
 he was prifoncr in them, and finglcd him- 
 felf from the fleet a league, that the gal- 
 leys might fee it was in defiance of them ■■, 
 and fo the marquis of St. Cruz and Frede- 
 rick Spinola, the one general of the Portu- 
 guefe, the other of the Spamjh galleys, ap- 
 prehended it, and came forth with an intent 
 to fight him -, but being within fhot, were 
 diverted by one John Bedford, an Englijh- 
 man, who undertook to know the force of 
 the fiiip, and Sir William that commanded 
 her. 
 
 Before I go farther, I will a little di- 
 grefs, and acquaint you with the fituation 
 of the town, and the manner of placing the 
 galleys againfl us. The town of Cermbra 
 lies in the bottom of a road, which is a 
 good fuccour for fhips with a northerly 
 wind. It is built with free ftone, and near 
 the fea is creeled a ftrong and fpacious fort, 
 well replenifh'd with ordnance : Above the 
 town, upon the top of a hill, is feated an 
 ancient ftrong friery, whofe fituation 
 makes it impregnable, and able to com- 
 mand the town, caftle, and road : Clofe to 
 the fhore lay the carrack, like a bulwark, 
 to the weft fide of the caftle, fo as it defend- 
 ed both that and the eaft part of the town. 
 The eleven galleys had flank'd and forti- 
 fy'd themfelves with the fmall neck of a 
 rock on the weft fide of the road, with their 
 prows right forward, to play upon us, 
 every one carrying a cannon in her beak, 
 befides other pieces in their prows ; and 
 they were no way to be damaged by us, 
 till our fhips came fo nigh the town, that 
 all thefe forces might play upon us in one 
 inftant. 
 
 The galleys being placed to this great ad- 
 vantage, they made account (as a captain 
 of one of them we took confefs'd,) to have 
 funk our fhips of themfelves, without any 
 farther help. We faw the tents pitched, 
 and great troops of foldiers drawn toge- 
 ther, which was no Icfs than the whole 
 country in arms againft us : The boats paf- 
 fed betwixt the Ihore and the carrack all 
 the day long, which we fuppofed was to 
 unlade her ■, but we found afterwards it was 
 rather to ftrengthen her with men and am- 
 munition. Here appear'd many difficulties 
 and dangers, and litde hope of taking, but 
 rather of finking or burning her, as moft 
 men conjedtured. The danger from the gal- 
 leys was great, they being flank'd with the 
 point of a rock at our entrance, as you 
 have heard, it being likewife calm, and they 
 fliooting low : Another danger was, that of 
 
 of
 
 I. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naud Trjcls. 
 
 the wind ; for if it had come from the fea, 
 the road being open, and the bay deep, our 
 attempt muft have been in vain. And not- 
 withtlanding thefe, and many more appa- 
 rently feen, and that there was no man but 
 imagin'd that moft of the carrack's lading 
 was a-fhore, and that they would hale her 
 a-ground under the caftle, where no fliip of 
 ours lliould be able to come at her •, ail 
 which objedlions, with many more, were 
 alledg'd, yet they little prevail'd. Frocra- 
 ftination was perilous, and therefore with 
 all expedition they thought convenient to 
 charge the town, the fort, the galleys, and 
 carrack, all at one inftant ; and they had 
 determin'd, if the carrack had been a- 
 ground, or fo nigh the fhore, that the queen's 
 lliips could not reach her, that the two 
 eafterlings, the day before taken, fliould 
 board and burn her. 
 
 Thurfday the third day, early in the 
 morning, every man commending himfclf 
 to God's tuition and proteftion, expefted 
 when to begin, according to the agreement 
 the day before. A gale of wind happening 
 about ten of the clock, the admiral weigh'd, 
 fhot off a warning-piece, and put forth his 
 flag in the main-top. The vice-admiral 
 did the like in his fore-top, according to 
 the cuftom of the fea. Every captain en- 
 courag'd his men -, which lb cmbolden'd 
 them, that though they were weak and fee- 
 ble before, they now revived and beftirred 
 themfelves, as if a new fpirit had been in- 
 fus'd into them. The admiral was the firfl 
 that gave the charge ■, after him follow'd 
 the reft of the fliips, fhewing great valour, 
 and gaining great honour. The laft of all 
 was the vice-admiral, who entring into 
 the fight, ftill ftrove to get up as near the 
 fhore as he could, where he came to an an- 
 chor, continually fighting with the town, 
 the fort, the galleys, and carrack, all to- 
 gether ; for he brought them betwixt him, 
 that he might play both his broad-fides 
 upon them. The galleys ftill kept their 
 prows towards him. The flaves offer'd to 
 forfake them, and fwim to us ; and every 
 thing was in conf'.ifion amongft them -, and 
 thus they folight.till five of the clock in the 
 afternoon. '''^ •- '^ -''' 
 
 The vice-admiral was anchored in fuch 
 a place, that the galleys rowed from one 
 fide to another, feeking to fhun him, which 
 Sir Richard Lezufon obferving, came on 
 board him, and openly, in the view and 
 hearing of his whole company, embraced 
 him, and told him. He had won his heart 
 for ever. 
 
 The reft of the fhips, as they were di- 
 rected, plied up, except the admiral •, who 
 by the negligence of his mafter, or fome 
 other impediment, when he fhould have an- 
 chor'd, fell fo far to leeward, that the 
 
 iS} 
 
 wind and tide carried him but of the road, Monso.n. 
 fo that it was the next day before his Hiip '^°'- 
 could be fetch'd in again ; whereat tlie ad- '•"^Y"^ 
 miral was much enrag'd, and put himfelf 
 into the Dreadnought, and brought her to 
 an anchor, clofe to the vice-admir.il, about 
 two of the clock in the afternoon. There 
 was no opportunity let p.iQ ; for where the 
 admiral faw dcfcCt in any other Ihip, he 
 prcfently caufed it to be fiipplicd i and the 
 eafterlings, who were appointed to board 
 the cariack, beginning to funt, and fail of 
 oblerving the dircdions given thum, the 
 vice-admiral peicciving it, went on board 
 them himlelf, vowing, that if they fccm'd 
 backward in putting in execution the dcfign 
 of firing the carrack, they fliould look for 
 as little mercy from the Englijh, as they 
 could expect from the enemy. Whilft the 
 vice-admiral was thus ordering things. Sir 
 Richard Lewfon came to him, and would in 
 no cafe fuffi^r him to board the carrack 
 himfelf, but carried him into the Dread- 
 nought., where they confulted how to pre- 
 ferve the carrack, and enjoy her. 
 
 The refult of this confultation was, to 
 offer her parley, which they prefently put in 
 praftice, and commanded all the fhips to 
 leave fhooting till the return of the mcffen- 
 ger. The man employed v/as one captain 
 Sezvell, who had efcaped, and fwam to us, 
 having been four years prilbncr in the gal- 
 leys, as did many Turks and Chriftians. 
 The defign of this parley was to perfuade 
 them to yield, promifing honourable con- 
 ditions ; and he was to intimate, as from 
 himfclf, that the galleys, whofe ftrength 
 they prefum'd upon, were bca:en, fome 
 burnt, the reft fled ; that we had the pof- 
 feffion of the road, the caftle not being able 
 to abide our ordnance, much lefs the car- 
 rack } and if they refufed this offer of 
 mercy, they were to exped all the cruelty 
 and rigour that a conqueror could impofe 
 upon his enemy. After fome conference to 
 this effeft, the captain of the carrack told 
 hinij he would fend fome gentlemen of qua- 
 lity, with commiffion to treat, and defir'd 
 that fome of like quality from us might 
 repair to him to the fame purpofe. 
 
 Thefe gentlemen came aboard ihcDread- 
 7tought, where the admiral and vice-admiral 
 were, attending the return and luccefs of 
 captain Se-juell. After the delivery of their 
 meffige, they would needs haftcn on board 
 the carrack again -, for that, as it fccm'd 
 there was an uproar and a divifion in her, 
 fome being of opinion to entertain a par- 
 ley, others to lave themfelves, and fet her 
 on fire -, which Sir IVilliam Mor.jon hearing, 
 without further delay, or conference with 
 Sir Richard what was to be done, he 
 leaped fuddenly into his boar, and rowed 
 to the cairack. When he drew near to h-T, 
 
 h:
 
 i84 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val Traces. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNsoN. he was known by divers gentlemen on 
 2^°^, board her, as having once been a priibner 
 ^''•^ among them : They feemcd to be very glad 
 of this meeting, and tiicy enibrac'd in re- 
 membrance of their old acquaintance : The 
 captain was Don Diego Lobo, a gallant young 
 gentleman ot a noble houlc : He came 
 down upon the bend of the fliip, and com- 
 manded his men to ftand afide -, Sir Willimn 
 did the like to his company in the boat. 
 The captain demanded of him if he had the 
 Porttiguefe language. He told him he had 
 enough to treat ot that bufinefs; acquainted 
 himof the place he commanded in the fleer, 
 intimated the afFe<Etion and refpeft he bore 
 to the Portuguefe nation, and that the trea- 
 ty which was oflcr'd was his motion, and 
 \vi(hed him to make his propofals, which 
 were as follows. The firll: demand he made 
 was. That tkey Jhould be fafely put ajhore 
 with their arms. The fecond. That it Jhould 
 he done the fame night. The third. That they 
 Jhould enjoy their Jhip and ordnance., as ap- 
 pertaining to the king, but we the wealth. 
 The fourth. That the flag and ancient Jhould 
 not be taken down, but worn while the car- 
 rack was unlading. His fpeech being end- 
 ed. Sir William told him. That his demands 
 gave fufpicion, that under pretence of parley, 
 they meant treachery, or that their hopes were 
 greater than there was caufe ; and but that 
 he knew it was the ufe offome men to demand 
 great things, when lefs would ferve them, he 
 would not lofe his advantage to entertain a 
 parley. He defired that what they intend- 
 ed might be quickly concluded, for night 
 growing on might advantage them, and 
 for his rufoludon he (hould underftand it in 
 few words, viz. To his firft demand. He 
 was willing to yield, that they fhould he put 
 afhore with their arms. To the fecond. 
 That he was content they fhould be fet ajhore 
 that night, except eight or ten of the principal 
 gentlemen, whom he would detain three days. 
 To the third. He held it idle and frivolous 
 to imagine he would confent to feparate fhip 
 and goods, and look' d upon it as a j eft. To 
 the fourth. He would not confent, being re- 
 folv'd never to permit a Spanilh flag to be 
 •worn in the prefence of the qiieen's fhips, un- 
 lefs it were difgracefully, over the poop. There 
 was long expoftulation upon thefe points •, 
 and Sir William Monfon facing the obftinacy 
 of the captain, offer'd in a great rage to 
 leap into his boar, refolving to break the 
 treaty, which the reft ot the gentlemen 
 perceiving, and that he had propounded 
 nothing but what might very well ftand 
 with their reputation, they intreated him 
 once more to afcend into the carrack, and 
 they would enter into new capitulations : 
 The efFed whereof, as it was agreed upon, 
 were thefe that follow : 
 
 That a viejfenger fl:ould be fent to the 
 4 
 
 admiral, to have his confirmation of the 
 points concluded on ; and that tn the mean 
 time the flag and ancient fhould he taken 
 down ; and if the admiral fljould not con- 
 fent to the agreement, they to have leifurc 
 to put out their flag and ancient before the 
 flght fhould begin. That the company 
 fhould be prefently fet on fhcre ; but the 
 captain, with eight others of the principal 
 gentlemen, three days after. That the Jhip, 
 with her goods, fhould he furrendered, 
 without any praHice or treajon. That 
 they fljould ufe their endeavours, that the 
 cajlle Jhould forbear fhooting whilft we 
 rid in the road ; and this was the efieft of 
 the conditions agreed upon. This carrack 
 wintcr'd in Mofambique, in her return from 
 the Indies, a place ot great infeftion, as ap- 
 pear'd by the mortality among them -, for 
 of fix hundred and odd men, twenty liv'd 
 not to return home. After a great deal of 
 calamity and mortality, fhe arriv'd at this 
 port of Cerimbra, as you have heard, the 
 viceroy of Portugal having fent eleven gal- 
 leys to her refcue, and four hundred Mochas 
 du Camera, which is a title of gentlemen 
 that ferve the king upon any honourable 
 occafion, when they are commanded. That 
 fhe was brought to this pafs, and forced to 
 yield on thefe conditions. Sir Robert Cecil 
 was wont to impute to the gentlemens 
 acquaintance with Sir William Monfon. 
 Though three days were limited for fetting 
 the captain on Ihore, yet it was held difcre- 
 tion not to detain them longer than till the 
 carrack was brought off" fafely to our fhips i 
 and therefore Sir William Monfon having 
 carried the captain, and the reft of the 
 gentlemen aboard him, where they fupped, 
 had variety of mufick, and fpent the night 
 in great joUitry. The morning following 
 he accompanied them aftiore himlelf, whi- 
 ther the Conde de Vidigueira had drawn 
 down all the force ot the whole country, 
 amounting to the number of twenty thou- 
 fand men. 
 
 I muft not omit to detcribc the behaviour 
 of the galleys in the fight, that every man 
 may have that honour that is due to him. 
 Thofe of Portugal, being of the fquadron 
 of the marquis of St. Cruz, betook them- 
 felves, with their general, to flight in the 
 middle of the tight -, but Frederick Spinola, 
 who was to convoy his galleys out of Spaiii 
 into the Low Countries, follow'd not the 
 example of the marquis, but made good 
 the road -, which the other feeing, with 
 ftiame return'd, but to both their cofts ; for 
 before they departed, they found the cli- 
 mate fo hot, that they were forced to fly, 
 their galleys being lb miferably beaten, 
 and their flavcs fo pitifully ilain, that there 
 wanted nothing but boats to pofTefs them 
 all, as well as the two we took and burnt -, 
 
 which
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s 
 
 1)S5 
 
 which is a thing has been feldom f^-'en or 
 heard of, for fliips to take and dellroy gal- 
 leys. The number ot men flain in the 
 town, tlie calHc, the carrack, and galleys, 
 is unknown, though they could not chule 
 but be many. The wealth of the carrack 
 could then ns ill be eftimatcd, though alter 
 found to be great. The value of the two 
 galleys burnt, with their loading of pow- 
 der, is hard to judge, though it's known 
 to have been a fervice of great importance. 
 For our lols, it was not much, only one 
 man kill'd in the fly-boat, Ave flain, and 
 as many hurt itr the Garland, and one hurt 
 in the Adventure. Sir IVillicm Monfon had 
 the left wing of his doublet ihot ofl, but 
 received no other hurt. 
 
 The day following, with a favourable 
 wind, we ftood our courfe for England, 
 which brought us into forty-fevcn degrees ; 
 and there we met a pinnace, fent with a 
 packet from the lords, figni tying the rea- 
 dings of a fccond fleet to fupply us, and 
 the fetting out of the Hollanders which were 
 fo long look'd for j which fleet of Holland 
 was in view of the pinnace the fame night, 
 but paflTed by us unfeen. This unlook'd- 
 for accident made the admiral and vice- 
 admiral confider what to do, and concluded 
 they could not both appear at home, and 
 leave a fleet of fo great importance upon 
 the enemies coafl; without a guide or head •, 
 and therefore they held it flt the vice-admi- 
 ral ihould put himfelf into the Nonpareille, 
 as the ablefl: fhip of the fleet, and make his 
 return once more to the coaft of Spain. But 
 he having taken his leave, and flanding 
 his courle for the coaft, a moil violent fl.orm, 
 with a contrary wind, took him, which 
 continued ten days, and difcovered the weak- 
 nefs of his fhip, who had like to have foun- 
 der'd in the deep. The carpenters and com- 
 pany feeing the apparent danger, if he bore 
 not up bctore the wind, prefcnted him with 
 
 a petition, befeccliing him to have regard .^^jn ";'■ 
 fo dicir lives ; for by keeping thclcas, d»cy '*""' 
 ilioiild all perifli. Tlius was he tort'd by '-'^""^ 
 mere exiremity to bear for England; and 
 coming tor Phnou:l.\ he found liie carrack 
 fafcly arriv'd, and the fleet he went back to 
 take charge of, not to have quitttil the coaft 
 of England. 
 
 Though it be Ibmewhat impertinent to 
 this voyage, to treat of more than the fuc- 
 cefs thereof, yet I v.-ill a little digrcls, and 
 relate the mistortune of that worthy )oui^.u 
 gentleman Don Diego Lobo, captain of tlie 
 carrack -, and becaule his wortli will more 
 appear by his anfwer to Sir IViliiam Monfon\ 
 ofler to him when he was his pnfoner. Thus 
 it was ; Sir William Monfon told him, he 
 doubted, that by the lots of the carr.ick, 
 he had loft his bcft means -, for that he iup- 
 pofed, what he had gain'd in the India was 
 laden in her, and therefore oflxTed, I'hat 
 what he would challenge upon his reputa- 
 tion to be his own, he Ihould have freedom 
 to carry along with him. The gentleman 
 acknowledg'd the favour to be extraoidi- 
 nary ; but replied. That what he fiad, he 
 gain'd by his fword -, and tl.at his fword, 
 he doubted not, would repair his fortunes 
 again, utterly refufing to accept any cour- 
 tely in tliat kind. But, pcor gentleman, 
 ill fortune thus left him not i for the vice- 
 roy, Don Criftoval de Mora, holding it 
 for a great indignity to ha\e the carrack 
 taken out of the port that was defended 
 by a callle, and guarded with eleven gal- 
 leys, and efpecially in his hearing of the 
 ordnance to Lisbon, and in the view of 
 thoufinds of people who beheld it •, ibmc 
 of them feeling it too, by the lofs of their 
 goods that were in her, others grieving 
 for the death of tlieir friends that were 
 flain •, but every man finding himfelf touch- 
 ed in reputation. 
 
 The names of the carrack and elr^en galleys. 
 
 The St. Valentine, a carrack of one thou- 
 
 fand feven hundred tuns. 
 The Chrijlofher, the admiral of Portugal, 
 
 wherein the marquis de San5la Cruz 
 
 went. 
 The St. Lewis, wherein Frederick Spinola 
 
 went general of the galleys of Spain. 
 The /"or/f/fz^, vice-admiral to the marquis. 
 The 1'rividad, vice-admiral to Frederick 
 •■^■-'"Spinola, burrit. 
 
 And the viceroy not knowing how to 
 dear himfelf fo well as by laying it up- 
 on the gentlemen he put on board her, the 
 
 The Leva, in which Sir William Aloiifon 
 was prifoner, 1591. 
 
 The Occafion, burnt, and the captain ta- 
 ken prifoner. 
 
 The St. John Baptift. 
 
 The Laznr. 
 
 The Padilla. 
 
 The Philip. 
 
 The St. John. 
 
 to be apprehended, imputing the lofs of the 
 carrack to their cowardice and fear, if not 
 trealbn and connivance with the enemy. 
 
 fame night they return'd to their lodging. After fome time ot imprilonment, by me 
 he caufed moit of them, with their captain, diation of friends, all the gentlemen were 
 Vol. III. Aa.^ fckas'J
 
 1 86 
 
 MONSOS. 
 1602. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book 1. 
 
 • leafed biu the captain ; who rcceiv'd Iccrct 
 advice, that the viceroy intended his death ; 
 and that he fliould feek by efcapc to pre- 
 vent it. Don Biego being thus perplcx'd, 
 praftifed with his fifler ; who fintiing means 
 for his eicape out of a window, he fled into 
 Ita!y^ where he hvcd in exile from 1602. 
 when this happened, till 1615. His go- 
 vernment of A/fl/^f« in ihc hclies, for which 
 he had a patent in rcverfion, was confilcate, 
 and he left hopelcfs ever to return into his 
 native country, much lefs to be reilored to 
 his command -, an ill welcome after fo long 
 and painful a navigation. Having thus 
 fpent thirteen years in exile, at the laft he 
 advifed with friends, whofe counfel he fol- 
 lowed, to repair into England, there to en- 
 quire after fome commanders that had been 
 at the taking of the carrack, by whofe cer- 
 tificate he might be cleared of cowardice or 
 trcaibn in the lofs of her, which would be a 
 good motive to reftore him to his govern- 
 ment again. In the year 161 5. he arrived 
 in London, and after fome enquiry found 
 but Sir IVilliani Monfon, to whom he com- 
 plained of his hard mifhap, craving the af- 
 fiftance of him and fome others, whom Sir 
 William knew to be at the taking of the 
 carrack, and defired him to teftify the man- 
 ner of furprizing her, which he alledged. 
 
 was no more that one gentleman was bound 
 to aftord another in fuch a cafe. 
 
 i)\x William wondered to fee him, and ef- 
 pecially upon fuch an occafion : for the pre- 
 lent he entertain'd him with all courtefy ; and 
 the longer his ftay was in England, the cour- 
 tefies were the greater which Sir William did 
 him, who procur'd him a true and effeftual 
 certiHcate from himfelf, Sir Jrancis Hoziwd, 
 Captain Barloiv, and fome others who were 
 witneflTes of that fervice ; and to give it the 
 more reputation, he caufed it to be inroU'd 
 in the office of the admiralty. The gentle- 
 man being well fatisfied with his entertain- 
 ment, and having what he defired, return'd 
 to Flanders, where he prefented his certiP*- 
 cate to the archduke and the Infanta, by 
 whofe means he got afilirance, not only of 
 the king's tavour, but cf reftitution likewife 
 to his government. The poor gentleman 
 having been thus tofs'd by the waves of ca- 
 lamity from one country to another, and 
 never finding reft, death, that mafters al! 
 men, now cut hirrt off fhort in the midft 
 of his hopes, as he was preparing his jour- 
 ney for Spain ; and this was the end of an un- 
 fortunate gallant young gendeman, whofe 
 deferts might juftly have challenged a bet- 
 ter reward, if God had pleafed to afford ij: 
 him. 
 
 Sir William Monfon to the coaji 0/" Spain, Anno 1602. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 llx Smftfure, 
 
 The Mary Rofe, 
 
 The Dreadnought, 
 
 The Adventure, 
 
 Tbs Anjwer, 
 
 The Acquittayice, 
 
 The Lion's Whelp, 
 
 The Paragon, a merchant. 
 
 A/mall Caravel, 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Sir William Monfon. 
 Captain Trevers. 
 Captain Cawfield. 
 Captain Norris. 
 Captain Brodgate. 
 Captain Browne. 
 Captain May. 
 Captain Jafon. 
 Captain Hooper. 
 
 THE fleet of Sir Richard Lewfon being 
 happily return'd, with the fortune of 
 a carrack, as you have lieard, and the queen 
 having now no fliips upon the Spanifh coaft, 
 to impeach the enemies preparations, ilie 
 feared the fleet which v/as ready at the 
 Groyne, would give a fecond affault upon 
 Ireland, whereupon Sir William Monfon, 
 who by this time was arriv'd at Plymouth, 
 was fent for in great hafte by her majefly, 
 to advife about, and take on him the charge 
 of the fleet then at Plymouth. After a long 
 conference with Sir William Monfon, in the 
 prefence of her majefty, her lord admiral, 
 treaftirer and fecretary, it was refolv'd. 
 That Sir William fhould repair to Plymouth, 
 and with all fpced get forth thofe ihips, and 
 otl^ers that were there making ready. His 
 ' ■ ■ I 
 
 direclions were toprefent himfelf before the 
 harbour of the Groyne, being the place 
 where the Spaniards made their rendezvous ; 
 and it he found any likelihood of a defign 
 upon Ireland, not to quit that coaft till he 
 £\\v the ifliie ; but if he found Ireland fe- 
 cure, and the enemies preparations to be in- 
 tended only for defence of their own coafts, 
 then his inftrudtions led him thence, to the 
 place where the Holland fleet- had order to 
 attend and expcdf hini: and afterwards 
 the whole carriage of the aiftion was refer- 
 red to his difcretion •, but with this caution, 
 that above all refpefts of other profit or ad- 
 vantage, he attended the affair of Ireland. 
 The wind this part of the ftjmmer hung 
 contrary, and it was fix weeks before ho 
 could clear the coaft, during which time he 
 
 loft
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonionV Na^viU Trath. 
 
 187 
 
 loft his greatcfl: hopes, by the return of the 
 cirnicks of the Indian fleer, which happen'd 
 a full month before his arrival. He Ice fail 
 from Plymouth the laib of Augujt, with a 
 fcant wind, which continued with foul 
 weathsr till he recovered the Groyne, chufing 
 rather to keep the fea, than hazard the 
 overthrow of the voyage by his return. 
 
 He ftay'd at the Groyne till he undei ftood 
 that the fleet, which was fufpefted to be pre- 
 pared for Ireland was gone to Lisbon, to join 
 with Don Diego de Bcrachcro, who all that 
 fummer durft not budge forth for fear of 
 our fleet that made good the coall there- 
 abouts. Sir William in his way to the Rock, 
 commanded his caravel to repair to the iflands 
 of Bayoiia, as the likelieft place to procure 
 intelligence of the ftate of thofe parts. As 
 the caravel drew near the iflands, fhe dif- 
 cerned the SpaniJJj fleer, confiflringof twenty- 
 lour fail, whofe defign was, as Ihe under- 
 ftood by a boat flie took, to look out the 
 EngliJJj fleet, v/hofe coming they daily ex- 
 pected upon the coafl:; and meeting Sir 
 IVilliam with this news, he held it a good 
 fervice to be thus warned of them. Here 
 he took two goodly fhips oi France, bound 
 ior Lisbon, which harbour he put them from, 
 and took pledges, that they Ihould direftly 
 return into France, without touching in any 
 harbour of Spain; for that he underftood 
 the Spanifo fleet was ill provided of men, and 
 many other things, which thefe fliips could 
 fuppiy. Sir William and the Dreadnought 
 were carried with a chafe into the road of 
 Cerimhra, where the carrack was taken not 
 long before; and after fome fight with the 
 caflle, who defended the veflel chafed, they 
 came to a friendly treaty, and prelents paf- 
 fed between them. 
 
 That night, while the admiral rid in the 
 road, a caravel coming in, not miftrufting 
 him, was taken, but dil'miflTed in a friendly 
 manner ; by whom he underftood the af- 
 fairs of Lisbon, but could get no notice of 
 the Holland fleer, which was appointed to 
 attend at the Rock, whither once more he 
 repaired. 
 
 Coming thither the 26th of September, a 
 light was i'pied in the night, which the ad- 
 miral chafed, thinking it had been the fleet 
 of St. 'Tome or Brafil, bound for Lisbon, 
 v/here they were expe-<!ile<:l ; but drawing fo 
 near them, that he might hail them, he 
 found them, by the hugencfs of their veilels, 
 and the number, which anfwered the rela- 
 tion the caravel made, to be the Armada of 
 Spain : whereupon he fought means how to 
 clear himfelf, being engaged amongft them, 
 and made a Spaniard that ferved him call 
 to their), but they coivld not hear him; the 
 Adventure only and i\\tlV}jclp were left with 
 him, the reft lofing company tour nights 
 before in a ftorm. The enemy perceiving 
 
 our lights, and thinking it to be fomc fleet Mokscs. 
 oi' Flemmings, UckkI in amongll us; butch.' '^°-- 
 Adventure being difcovered to be an enemy, '-"^Y^^ 
 the alarum was foon taken, and they fliot 
 at her, antl flew .uid hurt Ibme of her men. 
 As foon as the day appeared, the Spaniards 
 beheld the three iLngli/J} fliips a-hcad of 
 them, which they chafed; ami three of 
 them, which were better lailors than the 
 reft, fetch'd upon us, and drew near the 
 Whelp, who was of fmall force to refift 
 then). 
 
 But the admiral refolving, though it w.is 
 to his own evident peril, not to fee a pin- 
 nace of her iiLijefty's fo loft, if he could 
 refcue her with the lofs of his life, though 
 It was much againft the perfuafions of his 
 mafter and company, he ftruck his two 
 iails for the Whelp, and commanded her to 
 ftand her courfe, while he ftaid for the three 
 Spani/h flVips, with hope to make them have 
 little lift to purfue us. I'hc admiral of the 
 Spaniards perceiving how little he cared for 
 his three fliips, in that he lingered for their 
 coming up, took in with the fliore, and 
 fliot oft" a piece for his three fliips to follow 
 him. It may appear by this, as by fcveral 
 other expeditions of ours, hovv much the 
 Iwiff filling of fliips does avail, being the 
 principal advantage in fea-fcrvice; and in- 
 deed the iTiain thing we could prefume up- 
 on in our war againft the Spaniards. Sir 
 William having thus efcaped the enemy, in 
 his traverfe at lea there happened, as there 
 does upon all coafts where there is plenty of 
 trade, divers occafions of chafes; and one 
 day Sir William following one fliip, and the 
 Adventure another, they loft company for 
 the whole voyage. 
 
 Sir Williai/i was advertifed by a ftiip he 
 took, being a Frenchman, who came Irom 
 St. Lucar, that the St. Domingo fleet was 
 looked for daily ; which intelligence made 
 him bear up for the South Cape, as well in 
 hopes to meet with them, as to have news 
 of his fleet. 
 
 He was no fooner come to the cape, but 
 he was informed by fome Englijl men of 
 war, that the St. Domingo fleet was pafied 
 by two days before; here he met with fliips 
 of feveral nations; fome he refc-ued from 
 pirates, and to others that were in league 
 with her majtfty, he gave his fafe-condudt 
 for their free pafluige on the fea. He kept 
 that coaft till the 21ft of Olfober, on which 
 morning he gave chafe to a galleon of tho 
 king of Spain, who recovered the caftk ot 
 cape St. Vincent before he could fetch Ikt 
 up; though he knew the flrengih ot the 
 caftle, yet he attempted, and had carried 
 her, had it not been fbf the fear and 
 cowardice of him at the helm, who bore 
 up when he was ready to board her. The 
 fight was not long, but fiiirp and dange- 
 rous;
 
 1 88 
 
 Sir William MonfbnV Naval Tratis. 
 
 Boo;: 
 
 MoNSON 
 
 i6oz. 
 
 . rousi for there never pail ihot between 
 tliem, till they were within .i ihip's length 
 one of iinothcr. The cilllc pl.iy'J her part, 
 and tore the S:vif/Jurc, fu that a team ot 
 oxen n-.ight have crept through her under 
 the half-deck, and one fliot killed feven 
 men. l3--cween the caille and the galleon 
 they flev/ in the admiral ten men, and hurt 
 many more, in the vicv/ of Siriago and his 
 fquadron to the wellward, and o\ divers 
 E}iglijb men of war to the eallward, who 
 durll not put themfelves upon the refcue ot 
 S\r IVilUaiii, ior fear of the caftle. S'wlVil- 
 liam being now left alone, and feeing what 
 head- land foever he came to, he was to en- 
 counter a Spiiiiijh Iquadron, Itood his courfe 
 that night to fea, thinking to try if the 
 iflands of Tcrccra would afford him any 
 better fortune; but coniing within forty or 
 fifty leagues of the iflands, he was taken 
 ihorc with the wind, yet IHll bearing up 
 what he could for the rock ; but at lengtii 
 finding his victuals grew fliort, his maft pe- 
 riflied, and the dangers he was expofed to, 
 by keeping that coall, he diredted his courfe 
 ^ov England, and came to Plymouth the 24th 
 of November, where he found the Mxxry 
 Rofe and Dreadnought, moft part of their 
 men being dead or fick. 
 
 The Adventure arrived within an hour 
 after him, who in her way homewards fell 
 
 amongft the Brnftl fleer, and encountering 
 with them, lofl: divers men, but took none. 
 T\\G.Paragon was at home long before, with 
 a prize of fugar and fpiccs, which counter- 
 vailed the charge of the voyage. The.^/«'/- 
 tance in her return, met two fliips of Dun- 
 kirk; and in fight with them, her captain 
 was flain •, but flie acquitted herfelf very 
 well, without further harm. This fleet, as 
 you have heard, was to keep the enemy 
 bufied at home, that he might be diverted 
 from the thoughts of Ireland; what hazard 
 it endured by the enemy, the fury of the 
 lea, and foul weather, does appear : and no 
 marvel ; for it was the lateft fleet in winter 
 that ever kept upon the Spanip coafl: -, as it 
 was likev/ife the lafl: fleet her majefly em- 
 ploy'd; for in March after fhe died, and 
 by her death all war ceafed. As Sir IFH- 
 liam McnfoK was general of this laft fleet, fo 
 he v/as a foldier, and a youth, at the begin- 
 ning ot the wars ; and was at the taking of 
 the firft Spaniflj prize that ever faw the Eng- 
 lijh coatl, which yet was purchafed with the 
 lofs of twenty-five of our men, befides fifty 
 hurt. This prize was afterwards a man of 
 \var, and ferved againft the Spaniards, and 
 was in thofe days reckoned the beft fliip 
 of war we had : flie was called the Com- 
 mandei; and belonged to Sir George Carevj^ 
 then governor of the IJle of Wight. 
 
 1603. Sir Richard Lewfon a?id Sir Williain Monfon into the Narrow Seas, 
 
 Anno i6o'^.' 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Repulfe, 
 The Mere-Honour, 
 The Defiance, 
 The Warjpite, 
 The Rainbow, 
 The Dreadnought, 
 The Quittance, 
 The Lion's Whelp, 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Sir Richard Lcd'/on. 
 Sir JVillia7n Monfon. 
 Captain Goer, 
 Captain Seymcrs. 
 Capt.iin Trevor. 
 Captain Reynolds. 
 Captain Howard. 
 Captain Rolvoheele. 
 
 SI R William Monfon returning with his 
 fleet in November, there was a refolu- 
 tion to furnifli another againft February, 
 which flaould be recruited with frefh Qiips, 
 men, and vidtuals, in fune. Sir Richard 
 Lewfon was to command the firft fleet, and 
 Sir William Monfon the latter ; for the queen 
 found it a courfe both fecure and profitable, 
 to keep a continual force upon the Spanifh 
 coaft, from February to November, that be- 
 ing the time of the greateft peril to her ma- 
 iefty -, and fhe was the rather encourageci 
 thereto, by the fafety the found the laft fum- 
 mer, and tiie wealth and riches fhe had from 
 time to time taken from the enemy. The 
 I 
 
 complaint of the ill funifhing out of her 
 fliips in other voyages, made it more care- 
 fully to be looked to now, and there was 
 better choice of vifluals and men than ufu- 
 ally had been-, but in the mean time, it 
 pleafed God to vifit her majefty with fick- 
 nefs, which cauled a lingering, though no 
 abfolute difTolving of the fleet; but when 
 her danger was perceived to increafe, the 
 fliips were haftened out to fea, it being a 
 point of good policy, to keep our feas 
 guarded fiom any foreign attempt, till his 
 majefty fhould be peaceably fettled in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 This'
 
 Jook I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Travis. 
 
 This fleet departed from ^inborough 
 the 2 2d of Mcjrch, and arriv'd in the 
 Downs the 25th of the fame, being the day 
 after her majefty's death. The news where- 
 of, and commandment to proclaim king 
 James the fixth of Scotland our lawful king, 
 and the rightful inheritor to the crown, ar- 
 riv'd both together ; which put us into two 
 contrary pafTions, the one of grief, the 
 other of joy ; grief for the lofs of the 
 queen, joy for accepting of the king in 
 that peaceable manner -, which was a hap- 
 pinefs beyond all expeftation, either at 
 home or abroad. 
 
 As the defign of this fleet was to guard 
 and defend our own coafts from any incur- 
 fion that might be made out of France or 
 the Low Countries \ fo the commanders were 
 vigilant to appear on thofe coafls once in 
 two days, to difhearten them, in cafe they 
 had any fuch thought: but the truth is, 
 it was beyond their abilities, whatever was 
 in their hearts, to impugn his majefty: and 
 becaufe the archduke would make the can- 
 
 189 
 
 didnefs of his intention apparent 'to theMoNsoi.. 
 world, he call'd in his letters of rcprilal '^^v 
 againft the Engli//,, and publifhed an edict "^^^^ 
 for a free and unmoiefied traffick into 
 Flanders; fo that now our merchants might 
 again trade peaceably into thofc pans, 
 from which thc-y had been dcban'd the 
 fpace of eighteen years. The king find- 
 ing that France neither impeach'd his rio-ht, 
 nor gave any jealouly by the raifing" of 
 an army ; and tliat the archduke made a 
 derrionlfration of his defire of peace, his 
 majefty did the like, acknowledging the 
 league he had with thofe princes, with 
 whom the late queen had wars; for wars 
 betwixt countries are not hereditary, but 
 commonly end with the death of their 
 kings V wherefore he commanded his fhips 
 to give over their fouthern employmenr. 
 and to repair to Chatham, giving manilcft 
 teflimonies, how defirous he was th.it his 
 fubjefts fhould recover that wealth and free- 
 dom by peace, which they had formerly 
 loft by war. 
 
 The -voyage of the earl o/" Cumberland to the ijland o/' Puerto Rico, a?id the '597- 
 reafons why it is inj'erted at the end of this firji book. 
 
 I SHALL exceed my firft defign, by 
 adding this voyage to Puerto Rico to 
 the reft of her majefty's adtions, or thofe 
 where her fhips were employed at the charge 
 of others; yet becaufe this v/as the great- 
 eft undertaking by fubjefts, without the 
 help or alTiftance of the queen, both in 
 number of ftiips and land forces, being fur- 
 nilh'd as well for land as fea fcrvice, as al- 
 fo becaufe fo great a perfon as the earl of 
 Cumberland took upon him the command 
 of it, having by feveral voyages before at- 
 tain'd to a perfedt knowledge in fea-afFairs ; 
 for thefe reafons I have inferred this aftion 
 to Puerto Rico among the reft of the queen'.s, 
 aforefaid. 
 
 The earl being naturally addidbed to the 
 Tea from his youth, as may appear by his 
 undertakings, the firft fhew whereof was in 
 a voyage he undertook at his great charge 
 and expence in 1586. intending his fhips 
 fhould pafs to the South-Sea by the ftraiglus 
 of Magellan; but unadvifedly they fail'd. 
 After this he made fundry adventures in his 
 own perfon, as in the former dilcourfe is 
 declar'd; and he often obtain'd the favour 
 of her majefty, to aflift him with fome of 
 her fhips; which (he was the more willing 
 to grant, to encourage him in his enter- 
 prizes, and to cherifh the forward fpirit of 
 fo great a perfon. 
 
 But at laft my lord began difcreetly to 
 confider the obligation he had to the queen, 
 for the loan of her fhips from time to time, 
 and withal weigh'd what fear and danger 
 he brought himfelf into, if unluckily any 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 of thofe (hips fhould mifcarry ; for he va- 
 lued the reputation of the k^tt of them at 
 the rate of his life. 
 
 Upon thefe confiderations, no pcrfua- 
 fions being of force to divert him from his 
 refolution of attempting Ibmc great aftion 
 on the fea, where he had Ipent much time 
 and money, and thinking thereby as well 
 to enrich himfelf, as to Ihew his Yorwatd- 
 nefs to do his prince and country len'ice, 
 he refolved to build a fliip from the ftocks, 
 that fhould equal the middle rank of her 
 majefty : an adt fo noble and fo rare, it 
 being a thing never undertaken before by 
 a fubjed, that it deferv'd immortal fame. 
 
 This fhip, which he nam'd the Malice- 
 Scourge, (lor by that name it fecms he taftcd 
 the envy of fome that repin'ti at his ho- 
 nourable atchievement,) was eight hundred 
 tuns burthen, proportioned in all degrees 
 to equal any of her majefty's fliips of that 
 rank, and no way inferior to them in fail- 
 ing, or other property or condition of 
 fiiips. 
 
 When built. Hie had feveral employ- 
 ments to fea, whilft my lord was ov.ncr of 
 her, and prov'd as all other ftiips and men 
 ufually do, fometimes fortunate, and fome- 
 times otherwife; tor there is nothing that a 
 man can account firm or Itable in this 
 world, efpecially where the k\ hath the 
 moft predominant pnwer. 
 
 And for her laft rarewel to fea, my lord 
 
 pcrform'd this voyage 10 Puerto Rico in hcr^ 
 
 where he had trial of her goodnefii anJ 
 
 wholefomenefs in the fea, by the violent 
 
 B b b ftorm?
 
 190 
 
 MoNsoN.ftorms he cndiir'd, better than 
 '5')7- of his fleet. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Traits. 
 
 moft part 
 
 Book I, 
 
 It was not the ceafing of vvalike aflions 
 by the king's coming to his crown, who 
 brought peace with him, that made this 
 fhip ceafe from doing the part for which 
 flie was built: but another while fhe was 
 employed by the merchants of the Eafl- 
 Indies, who bought her for that trade, and 
 whither Hie reforted, and made two happy 
 t-cturns: but in her third, what by foul 
 play and treachery, flie became a prey to 
 the Hollanders, where flie ended her days in 
 fire, being worthy of a far better funeral. 
 
 My lord being aboard this fhip, (the 
 Malice-Scourge,) and having divers others of 
 burden and "ftrength under his command, 
 he fet fail from Plymouth the 6th of March 
 1597. Bcfides his general defign to take, 
 to deftroyi or any way elfe to impoverifh 
 and impeach the king of Spain, or his fub- 
 je6ts, he grounded his voyage upon two 
 hopes, the firft more probable than the fe- 
 cond, in my opinion, who undertake, as I 
 have faid before, to obferve the errors com- 
 mitted in fuch voyages. 
 
 From Plymoutb he diredled his courfe to 
 the mouth of the river Tagus, upon which 
 river the city of Lisbon is feated, that fends 
 forth yearly a number of fhips to the Eajl- 
 Indies, called carracks, and that in the 
 month of April. There was no queftion 
 to be made of the certainly of their depar- 
 ture, becaufe if they ftay beyond that 
 month, they meet with much bad weather, 
 and cannot weather the capes fouth of the 
 line in their voyage to the Indies, but par- 
 ticularly that of Good Hope. 
 
 My lord's principal end in this voyage 
 was to intercept thofe carracks, which for 
 burthen exceed all other fhips in Europe, 
 and go full freighted with commodities for 
 the Eaji-Jndies, befides the abundance of 
 money tranfported in them, which would 
 have enrich'd my lord abundantly, and the 
 reft of the adventurers. 
 
 Againft the time they fhould depart out 
 of harbour, my lord appear'd with his 
 fleet before it, which did fo miKh difhearten 
 and difmay the Portuguefes, that rather than 
 they would put themfelves in hazard of him 
 and his fleet, they chofe to give over their 
 voyage, and lofe the excefTive charge they 
 had been put unto in furnilhing their fhips, 
 by means whereof their carracks lay at 
 home, without employment the whole year 
 after. 
 
 Befides the profit my lord propofed to 
 himfelf by this projeft thus fruftrated, it 
 tended to a matter of greater confequence 
 to the ftate of England, if it had prov'd fuc- 
 cefsful ; for you muft underftand that in the 
 Eajl-Indies they are prohibited planting of 
 '.•ines, and want many other things for their 
 4 
 
 fuftenance, with which they are fuppHed 
 yearly out of Portugal, that the Indies may 
 not fubfift without Portugal. Then let us 
 confider what hindrance and lolTes both 
 Portugal and the Indies receiv'd, by hin- 
 dering their fhips from going to the Indies 
 that year. 
 
 And if one year prov'd fo prejudicial tp 
 thcnij what would three or four years have 
 done, if they had been fo ferv'd and pre- 
 vented ? It woiild have reduc'd them to 
 great want, and forc'd them to accept of a 
 friendly traffick with us; or in time we might 
 have divided the Indies from Portugal, efpe- 
 cially if we had carried a younger fon of 
 D^n /Inthony, whom no doubt they might 
 have been forc'd to accept as king. 
 
 The error committed in the profecution 
 of this voyage, muft be imputed to my 
 lord himfelf, in not forecafting how to pre- 
 vent the hazard and fears that might be 
 impediments to his defign 5 therefore he 
 worthily deferv'd blame, to prefent him- 
 felf and fleet in the eye of Lisbon, to be 
 there difcover'd, knowing that the fecret 
 carriage thereof gave life and hope to the 
 aftion. By a familiar example of a man 
 that being fafely feated in a houfe, and in 
 danger of an arreft, knows that catchpoles 
 lie to attack him, and yet notwithftanding 
 would venture abroad, and not feek to 
 avoid them ; fo fared it with the carracks 
 at that time, who rather chofe to keep 
 themfelves in harbour, than venture upon 
 an unavoidable danger. 
 
 If my lord had done well and provident- 
 ly, his fleet Ihould have been furnifhed 
 without rumour, noife, or notice, in feve- 
 ral harbours in England ; the men that went 
 in them not to know or imagine the defign 
 of their voyage, or that they fhould meet 
 to compofe a main fleet, 'till they were 
 come to the height the carracks were to 
 fail in -, and after that each captain to have 
 open'd their direftions, with a fpecial cau- 
 tion not to appear within fight of the 
 fhore, for fear of difcovery. This way, 
 and no other there was, to lull the Portu- 
 guefes into fecurity, or to avoid miftruft, 
 till they had fallen into their hands. 
 
 My lord's other hope, if this fhould fail, 
 was to give an attempt with his land forces, 
 either upon fome ifland or town that would 
 yield him wealth and riches, being the 
 chief end of his undertaking j and after 
 many propofitions made at council, hisre- 
 folution was to make an attempt upon the 
 ifland of Puerto Rico, in which ifland there 
 is a town of convenient bignefsand ftrength, 
 which my lord not long after took and 
 poiTefled, with little lofs of men on either 
 fide, becaufe they came to compofition. 
 
 Herein lies my part to except againft this 
 defign of my lord's., as I promis'd in -my 
 
 • former
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjai Tra6is. 
 
 former relations -, for whereas all mens ac- 
 tions have a reafonable fhew of likelihood 
 of good to redound to them in their intend- 
 ed enterprizes, yet cannot I conceive how a 
 land attempt upon towns could yield my 
 lord any profit, or the merchants that ad- 
 ventur'd with him ; for my lord by expe- 
 rience well knew, having been himfelf at 
 the taking of fome towns, that they afTortl- 
 ed little wealth to the taker, bccaufe riches 
 of value will be either buried, or fecretly 
 convey'd away. And for merchandizes of 
 great bulk, which that poor ifland yielded. 
 It was only fome few hides, black fugar, 
 and ginger, which would not amount to 
 any great matter, to countervail the charge 
 of fo coftly a journey. 
 
 Commonly that ifland fends out two or 
 three fliips of a reafonable burthen to tranf- 
 port the yearly commodities it yieldeth, 
 for though it have the name of being in 
 the IndieSy yet it is a place remote, and 
 unfrequented with traffick, either from the 
 Indies^ or any other place : or though the 
 ifland (hould be furpriz'd at fuch a feafon 
 of the year as their commodities were ripe, 
 and ready for tranfportation, yet the value 
 is not to be efteem'd, where fo many peo- 
 ple that adventur'd with my lord were to 
 look for a dividend according to their ad- 
 venture. 
 
 And yet I will not deny, but by acci- 
 dent this ifland was made worthy an at- 
 tempt upon it, by example of Sir Francis 
 Drake and Sir John Hawkins, who, as you 
 have heard, fail'd thither on their own ac- 
 count. Anno 1595. and their defeat made 
 it the more admir'd and purchas'd my 
 lord's greater honour, in that he carried it 
 with a fmaller number of men, and lefs 
 lofs than Drake was repuls'd. 
 
 But becaufe time and opportunity alter 
 
 191 
 
 by direaions from the queen ; not that fiie Mo»i.o 
 expefted profit or benefit from the ifland, »;97- 
 which fhc well knew, of itklf, was unwor- ^"^^"^ 
 thy any enterpriZe -, but what fhc did was 
 upon intelligence fhe receiv'd of a galleon 
 of plate -, which, with the lofs of her maft , 
 was forced into that ifland, as I gave an 
 account, when I treated before of tliat voy- 
 ag(^of 1595. \^ 
 
 In the mean time five frigates were pre- 
 paring in Spain to bring home that trea- 
 fure, and in them to the number of eight 
 or nine hundred foldiers, who, in their 
 courfe to Puerto Rico, furpriz'd a pinnace 
 of Sir Francis Drake's fleer, that gave in- 
 telligence of his defign, as well againfl that 
 place as Nombre de dios, whither he was 
 bound ; by which accident his defigns were 
 prevented, and the enemy had leifurc to 
 fortify, flrengthen, and man the town 
 with the foldiers brought in by the fri- 
 gates, which made Sir Francis Drake fud- 
 denly and difhonourably retire, with the 
 lofs of divers gentlemen and others of good 
 quality. This misfortune was fuppofcd to 
 haften the death of Sir John Hawkins, who 
 then died, after he had feen Jiimfclf thus 
 repulfed. 
 
 My lord might as well have confider'd, 
 that no ufe could be made of the fituation 
 of that ifland, as of other iflands of lefs 
 value and riches there might be ; as for 
 inftance the Tercera, which, though the 
 foil yields not that plenty and profit Pu- 
 erto Rico does, yet by our inhabiting it, the 
 Spaniards and Portuguefes would find great 
 annoyance in their returns from their Indies, 
 Brqfil and Guinea, in which fcas our fhips 
 would continually lie, and endeavour cut- 
 ting them off : as on the contrary, Puerto 
 Rico is feated fo lonefome, tlut they have 
 fcarce the fight of a fhip in the whole year. 
 
 the circumflances of things, therefore, to except thofe few of their own I have for- 
 fatisfy thefe common and vulgar people, merly fpoke of. 
 
 who judge according to event, and not to 
 reafon, you fhall underftand the difference, 
 and the caufc that made the difference be- 
 twixt Sir ir^Km Dra/^f in the year 1595. 
 and the earl of Cumi>erland in 1598. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake was commanded thither 
 
 And thus much for my exception againfl 
 my lord's voyage to Puerto Rico. Now 
 will I colleft fome brief proceedings in that 
 voyage, taken out of the printed copy 
 publilh'd by Dr. Lafield, chaplain to try 
 lord in that expedition. 
 
 .an I 
 
 P'-
 
 192- 
 
 Monsov. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^vd Trads. 
 
 Ships, Commanders. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 "The Malice Scourge, 
 
 'The Merchant Royal y 
 
 The Afccnfion, 
 
 The Sampfoii, 
 
 The Alcedo, 
 
 The Coufcfit, 
 
 The Profperous, 
 
 The Centurion, 
 
 The Galleon Conjtance, 
 
 The Affetlion, 
 
 The Gueanna, 
 
 The Scout, 
 
 The Anthony, 
 
 The Pegafus, 
 
 The Royal Defence, 
 
 The Margaret and John, 
 
 The Bartley Bag, 
 
 The Old Frigate, 
 
 My lord, with the fhips aforefaid, be- 
 ing furniflied with all things neceffary for 
 fuch a fleet, fet fail from Plymouth the 6th 
 of March 1597. and direfted his courfe 
 for cape Finifter, the northermoft cape of 
 Spain. 
 
 But before he could reach that coaft, he 
 found a defeft in his main mart, which was 
 almoft perifhed, and he forc'd to favour 
 it with a flack fail, until he arriv'd at the 
 ifland of the Burlings, over againft Peniche in 
 Portugal, where he anchor'd, and command- 
 ed his fleet to keep a good diftance ofi^ at 
 fea, to avoid being difcover'd from the 
 fhore, knowing that the hopes of his voy- 
 age confifl;ed in fecrecy. 
 
 He was not many days fitting his maft, 
 having carpenters and materials enough for 
 difafters : but notwithfl:anding his direc- 
 tions to his fhips to fVand off to fea, it 
 could not keep the enemy from knowledge 
 of them at Lisbon, where the carracks lay 
 ready to depart •, and thus the expeftation 
 of my lord's voyage was fruflrated ; for 
 the carracks being fallen down as low as 
 the bay, ready to fail, they were infl:antly 
 commanded to give over their voyage, and 
 return to Lisbon. 
 
 My lord finding it bootlefs to expeft 
 any good of the carracks, upon which the 
 grounds of his voyage depended, diredted 
 his courfe to the Canaries, rather to refrefli 
 his men afhore, who were raw foldiers, and 
 wearied at fea, than out of expedtation of 
 gain, or any way to annoy the enemy : he 
 landed without refiflance at the poor ifland 
 of Lanfarotte, and the rather, becaufe he 
 was made believe a marquis liv'd there, who, 
 being taken prifoner, would yield ten thou- 
 fand pounds ranfom •, but the projeftor 
 knew as little of the truth thereof, as he 
 did of the place when he came to land. 
 
 This miferable ifland afforded nothing 
 4 
 
 The earl of Cumberland. 
 Sir John Bartley. 
 Captain Flicke. 
 Captain Clifford. 
 Captain Coach. 
 Captain Slingsby. 
 Captain Langton. 
 Captain Palmer. 
 Captain Foliambe. 
 Captain Fleming. 
 Captain Caletlmrjl. 
 Captain Jolliffe. 
 Captain Carelefs. 
 Captain Goodwyn. 
 Captain Bromley. 
 Captain Dixon. 
 Captain Lea. 
 Captain Harper. 
 
 but earth to walk on, and fome little flore 
 of wine, not worth the fpeaking of ; and 
 yet, as fmall a quantity as it was, it put 
 his company into a mutinous diforder of 
 drunkennefs, that to pacify them, my lord 
 was forc'd to ufe threats and the rigour of 
 his commiffion, and to admonifh them how 
 to carry themfelves ever after, upon danger 
 and peril of their lives. 
 
 The 2 1 ft of April he fet fail from thence, 
 and being off at fea, he call'd a council ; in 
 which he propofed to his captains. Whether, 
 in their opinions, it was better to direft his 
 courfe for Fernan-Buco in Brafil, or Domi- 
 nica in the Weji-Indies, and there to take a 
 new confultation. After long difcuffing 
 this point, every man having the liberty to 
 ufe his befl argument, it was at laft refol- 
 ved for Dominica, whither he haften'd, and 
 landed there on the 23d of May. Having 
 water'd, (for the ifland afforded nothing 
 elfe,) he ftood for the ifland of Virgines, 
 a place unpeopled, where he landed, and 
 mufter'd his foldiers, and found the great 
 eft part of them both rude and raw. 
 
 At this ifland he was not far from Pu- 
 erto Rico, whither his former refolution led 
 him : my lord himfelf went in his boat to 
 view a convenient landing-place, and found 
 a fandy bay fit for his purpofe -, whereupon 
 he inftantly put his men afhore on the 6th 
 of June, where he found no refiftance ; and 
 becaufe there needs no long account of the 
 aflault he gave to the outworks, before his 
 approach to the town, I fliall fay no more, 
 to avoid prolixity, but that in two days he 
 took both town, fort, and what elfe were 
 impediments to his enterprize. 
 
 Having brought the enemy to his mer- 
 cy, he carry 'd himfelf both nobly and with 
 pity : and whereas in fuch tumults difor- 
 ders cannot be avoided, yet if they appear- 
 ed, or were made known to him, he pu- 
 
 nifhed
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navat Tra6h. 
 
 niHied the aftors with great feverity, and in 
 fight of the Spaniards, who beheld the ju- 
 ftice of his carriage. 
 
 We have one inftance of it in a valiant 
 foldier, who otherwife had deferved well, 
 and whom, for having committed vio- 
 lence upon the wife of a Spaniard, my 
 lord, without hearkening to mediation 
 or mercy, hanged in the piiblick mar- 
 ket-place. A failor had been fo ferv'd for 
 defacing the church, but by the impor- 
 tunity of other failors (for at that time 
 there was occafion to pleafe them above 
 foldiers) my lord forbore his execution 
 after he was brought to the gibbet. As the 
 fleet lay in harbour, upon St. Peter's Day, 
 there was a fhip came bearing in amongft 
 them from Angola in Africk, laden with 
 blacks, a commodity that country does 
 chiefly deal in, and was there fecurcd : An- 
 other had been fo ferved, but that feeing fo 
 many fhips in the harbour, fhe fufpedted 
 they could not be Spaniards, and fo efca- 
 ped. There was another which came from 
 Trinidad ; but of fo fmall value, that fhe is 
 not worth mentioning. 
 
 After all things were thus quieted and 
 fettled in the town, there was a confulta- 
 tion whether it fliould be kept or quitted •, 
 but in the end one reafon prevailed againfl: 
 all objeftions, which was a fudden fick- 
 nefs among the foldiers, which in a few 
 days fwept away four hundred of them. 
 
 There was nothing more to do now but 
 to embark ordnance, and goods as the 
 town afforded, which confifted of hides, 
 ginger, and courfe fugar, things of fmall 
 value to countervail lb great an expence as 
 that of this voyage : In fine, he returned 
 into England. It is needlefs to fet down 
 accidents at fea-, but he arriv'd fafely in 
 the month of OSlober following. 
 
 And thus much concerning the voyages, 
 fucccflies, defigns, and commanders, from 
 the year 1585 to 1603, that the wars 
 ceafed ; wherein it plainly appears how 
 conquering and vidorious our nation has 
 been in their latter aftions at fea : And to 
 add the more to their honour, you muft 
 obferve the exploits they have performed 
 by land in the land-voyages, in taking and 
 fpoiling of towns, pons, fortreflTes, and 
 other places of moment, which for a time 
 they have enjoyed and pofiefs'd in the feve- 
 ral dominions of the kingsj of Spain, as 
 namely, in the Indies, Brnfil, Spain, Portu- 
 gal, the iflands •, and farther than all thefe, 
 in the South-Sea, which at that time no na- 
 tions (ailed to but the Spaniards themfelves, 
 till the voyage of Sir Francis Drake and 
 Mr. Cavendijb. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 19^ 
 
 The taking of thefe places fcllo^ji-ing is roMossov. 
 be jufliffd by the lawfulnefs of a -xar, '^°3- 
 begun 1585, betzvixt England and ^"^^^ 
 Spain. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake at his firft voyapre, which 
 was in the year 1585, took tliclo pLccs 
 following in the IVeJl-Indies. 
 
 Strjago}'''^"P'^'"^'- 
 
 St. Domingo in Hifpaniola. 
 
 Carthagena in Terra Firma. 
 
 St. Antonio in Florida. 
 
 St. Hellena and the fort of St. John in 
 
 Florida likewife. 
 Rio de la Hacha. 
 Tapia. 
 Rancheria. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake in the Weft-Mies, 1595. 
 
 Sancla Maria. 
 Nonibre de Dios. 
 Porto Bella. 
 
 Captain Prefton in the Wefi-Indies, 159^. 
 
 Puerto SanSlo. 
 
 Choco. 
 
 Chapa. 
 
 St. John de Lima. 
 
 Cumena. 
 
 Captain P^r/^^r in the JFeJl- Indies, i6oi. 
 
 St. Vincent in Cabo Verde. 
 Porto Bella once more. 
 The fort of St. Jaga. 
 Triana. 
 Campeachy. 
 
 The earl of Cumberland, 1597. 
 
 The ifland of Lanfarete, one of the 
 
 tiaries. 
 The ifle and town of Puerto Rico. 
 
 Ca- 
 
 Captain Newport in the IVeJl- Indies, n^^i. 
 
 Taguana, 
 
 Oieda, 
 
 Truxilo. 
 
 > in llifpaniolti. 
 
 Sir John Burroughs took a town in the 
 ifland of Trinidad in the JVejl-Indies, and 
 Sir Walter Raleigh another after. 
 
 Mr. Cavendifh's firfl 
 world, 1586. 
 
 A fort and ordnance 
 Magellan. 
 
 C c c 
 
 voyage about the 
 
 in the Straights of 
 SmHh
 
 194 
 
 MONSON. 
 1603. 
 
 Sir William Monlon s JSavai 'i racts. 
 
 JiOOK 1. 
 
 San5la Maria. 
 Marwaroma. 
 Arica. 
 Pifco. 
 Paraca. 
 Cherifca. 
 Paito. 
 
 The ifle of Puna. 
 Acapuko in New Spain. 
 The port of Nanidad. 
 The port of 5/. Jago. 
 The bay of Compojlella. 
 The ifle of St. Andrea. 
 The bay of Mafcallan. 
 All in the Soiith-Sca. 
 
 Mr. Cavendijh's fecond voyage to Brafd., 
 1591. 
 
 Sa7t5los. 
 
 St. Fi?tcent. 
 
 Fernando- Bt'.co taken and quitted, and 
 the carracks and goods brought from 
 thence by captain Lancajler and others. 
 
 Captain L«;?§-/o« mxhtWeft-Indies., 1593, 
 burnt and ranfomed feveral farms and 
 plantations in Margarita., Hifpaniola, and 
 Jamaica. 
 
 Drake to the bay of Cadiz, 1587 and 
 1589. took two or three forts upon cape 
 St. Vincent and cape Sagre. 
 
 He and Sir John Norris took, in the 
 voyage to Portugal., Peniche, and feveral 
 villages: In Sir John Morris's march to 
 Lisbon he took the fuburbs of Lisbon, and 
 Drake took Cafcais. 
 
 1589. The earl of Cumberland took the 
 ifland of Fayal, and made Graciofa, the 
 ifland of Flores, and Cuervo, give him re- 
 lief. 
 
 1596. The earl of Effex and the lord 
 admiral took the city of Cadiz, the bridge 
 of Swafe, and the town of Faro in Portu- 
 gal, (a bi (hop's feat.) 
 
 1597. The earl of EJfex took the ifland 
 and town of Fayal, and Villa Franca in 
 the ifland of St. Michael. 
 
 I omit divers other places taken by pri- 
 vate fliips of war. 
 
 "the names of fitch private perfons as went to 
 the Wefl- Indies upon their own account, 
 with fuch prizes as they took ; hy which 
 may appear how little hurt we have done 
 or can do to the Spaniards in the Wefl:- 
 Indies, in ccmparifon of other places we 
 have annofd them in, as I have more 
 largely proved in my fecond book. 
 
 1587. Sir George Cary fent out three 
 fhips -, two of which took nothing, and 
 rhe third took a prize, and brought her 
 into Brijlol, worth 2000/. 
 ■4 
 
 1589. Captain Michelfon, in the Dog^ 
 took three Ihips, but of no value, none of 
 which he brought to England. 
 
 1593. A fmall Ihip of Sir George Cary\ 
 took nothing; but had like to be taken 
 herfelf. 
 
 In the fame year captain Newport re- 
 turn'd with the like fuccefs. 
 
 1594. Thele fhips following were fet 
 forth : 
 
 Captain Lane with three Ihips of Mr. 
 IVati's. 
 
 Captain Roberts in a fliip of Brijlol. 
 
 Captain Benjamin Wood with four Ihips 
 of my lord Thomas. 
 
 Captain Kevill of Litne-Houfe ; and cap- 
 tain King of : In all thirteen, 
 
 which return'd not the charge of their 
 voyage. 
 
 1594. Sir Robert Dudley, having two 
 fliips and two pinnaces, did not counter- 
 vail his charges. 
 
 1596. Sir AntlMtty Shirley and captain 
 Parker took fbme towns ; but no profit 
 to them. 
 
 1596. My lord of Cumberland, as I have 
 faid took Puerto Rico without profit. 
 
 1593. Two fhips and a pinnace of my 
 lord of Cumberland did fome fpoil to the 
 Spaniards, but little good to themfelves. 
 
 1 60 1. Captain Parker did fome fpoil 
 upon towns, but they were like the reft 
 in profit. 
 
 David Middleton brought home a prize 
 of one hundred and forty tuns of Cam^ 
 peachy wood, but of little value. 
 
 1595, Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana, no 
 profit at all ; and the year before Sir John 
 Burroughs with the like fuccels. 
 
 There were divers pinnaces that went 
 feveral years to difcover Guiana, and the 
 river of Amazons, but never any of them 
 returned with profit. 
 
 1601. Captain Cleive, with a Ihip and 
 a pinnace, took a prize of hides, which 
 he reftored at his return, the peace being 
 concluded between the two kingdoms in 
 the time of his abfence. 
 
 Thefe private voyages being compared 
 with the refl; of the queen's that went before, 
 a man may plainly perceive that they pro- 
 duced greater lofs, fpoil, and damage, to 
 the Spaniards, than profit or advantage to 
 the EnglifJ:> ; for computing the expence of 
 our publick aftions and private adventures 
 with the gain that arofe out of them, we 
 fhall find they were much more chargeable 
 than gainful to us ; though I confefs, in 
 that cafe we are not to value the expence 
 and lofs in our difburfements ; for it was 
 repaid with the honour we gain'd, which 
 will immortalize our nation. 
 
 ■'" ne
 
 J500K 1. 
 
 iJ/r William Monlon^ Naval Tracis. 
 
 i9> 
 
 The advantages of keeping a fleet on the coaft of Spain in time of ivar. Monson. 
 
 i6oj. 
 England, but we deftroy'd many of his Hiips ^^^ ^ 
 
 I Omit in this firfl: book to infert a trea- 
 tife I was required by Sir Robert Cecill, 
 then principal iecretary of flate, to write, 
 concerning the abufes and corruptions at 
 fea, which then began to creep in, not only 
 in fliips, men, and viiStijals, but in the de- 
 figns ; with a remedy how to amend and 
 redrefe them. But becaufe it is more pro- 
 per for my third book, where I treat of 
 projefts, a reformation of the abufes of the 
 navy, as alfo how to make an offenfive and 
 defenfive war upon our neighbouring coun- 
 tries that oppofe us on the feas, I refer you 
 to that book, and have gathered by this 
 that follows. That whilft the Spaniards 
 were employed at home by our yearly fleets, 
 they never had opportunity nor leifure either 
 to make an attempt upon us, or to divert 
 the wars from themfelves ; by which means 
 we were fecured from any attempt of theirs, 
 as will appear by what follows. 
 
 The Spaniards ftood fo much in awe of 
 
 and provifions that fliould have been em- 
 ploy'd in that fcrvice. 
 
 He defigned the fecond revenge upon 
 EngUwd, but was prcvcntcil by my lord 
 of Effex to the illands ; which ai^tion of his, 
 if It had been well carried, and that my 
 lord woukl have believed good advice, it 
 had utterly ruined the king of Spain. 
 
 The next year that gave caufe of fear to 
 the queen was 1599. the kingof ^/a;« ha- 
 ving a whole year, by our fufferancc, to 
 make his provifions, and brought his fhips 
 and army down to the Groyne ; which put 
 the queen to a more chargeable detcn- 
 five war, than the value our oftenfive 
 fleet woukl have been maintained with upon 
 his coafl;. 
 
 This great expedition was diverted by 
 the fleet of Holland, which the Mclantado 
 purfued to the iflands. 
 
 The following years, 1600 and i6or. 
 
 her majefty's fhips, that when a few of them there was hope of peace, and notiiin^r was 
 
 appeared on the coaft, they commonly di 
 verted their enterprizes ; as namely, in the 
 year 1587. when Sir Francis Drake with 
 twenty-five fliips prevented an expedition 
 that fummer out oi Cadiz-Road for England, 
 which the next year affer they attempted, 
 in 1588, becaufe not rriolefted as the year 
 before. 
 
 Oiir a<Sion in Portugal following fo quick 
 upon the overthrow in 1588, made the 
 king of Spain fo far unable to offend, that 
 
 attempted on either fide till the latter end 
 of 1 601, that he invaded Ireland; but with 
 ill fuccefs, as you have heard. 
 
 The laft fummer, 1602, he was braved 
 by her majefliy's fliips in the mouth of his 
 harbour, with the lofs of a carrack, and 
 rendered unable to profecute his defigns 
 againfl: Ireland ; for no fooner was Sir Ri- 
 chard Lew/on returned, but Sir JVtl'iam 
 Monfon was fent back again upon that coafl:, 
 as you have heard, who kept the kino's 
 
 if the undertaking had been profecuted with forces fo employ'd, that he betook himlelf 
 judgment, he had been in iU circumftances only to the guard of his fhores. 
 to defend it, or his other kingdoms. 
 
 From that year to the year 1591. he 
 grew great by fea, becaufe he was not bu- 
 fied by us as before ; which appeared by 
 the fleet that took the Reveyige -, which Ar- 
 mada of his, it is very likely, had been em- 
 ployed againfl: England, had it not been 
 diverted that year by my lord Thomas 
 Howard. 
 
 And for four years together after this the 
 king employ'd his (hips to the iflands, to 
 guard his merchants from the Indies, which 
 made him have no leifure to think of 
 England. 
 
 The voyage to Cfli/z in 1596, did not 
 only fruftrate his intended adion againft 
 
 It is not the meaneft mifchief we fliall do 
 the king oi Spain, if we war thiis upon him, 
 to force him to keep his fliores ft:ill armed 
 and guarded, to the infinite vexation, charge, 
 and difcontent of his fubjefls; for no time 
 or place can fecure them fo long as they fee 
 or know us to be upon the coafl. 
 
 The fequel of all thefe adlions being du- 
 ly confidered, we may be confident, that 
 whilft we bufy the Spaniards at home, they 
 dare not think of invading England or Ire- 
 land ; for by their abfence their fleet from 
 the Indies may be endangered, and in their 
 attempts they have as little hope of pre- 
 vailing. 
 
 ^hc
 
 1^6 
 
 Sir William Monloni JSanjaL 'Iracts. 
 
 i3O0K 1, 
 
 MoNSON. 
 
 1603. 
 
 Th Jia/nes 0, 
 
 f fuchjliips as he 
 
 r jnajefly 
 
 left at he 
 
 r decitl. 
 
 ;. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Names of Ships. 
 
 Tunnage. 
 
 Men in 
 riarbour. | 
 
 Men at fea, 
 whereof 
 
 Mariners. 
 
 Guns. 
 
 Sailors. 
 
 
 Eltzabeth Jonas. 
 
 900 
 
 30 
 
 500 
 
 340 
 
 40 
 
 120 
 
 
 Trmnph. 
 
 1000 
 
 30 
 
 500 
 
 340 
 
 40 
 
 120 
 
 
 IVhite Bear. 
 
 900 
 
 30 
 
 500 
 
 340 
 
 40 
 
 120 
 
 A 
 
 Viaory. 
 
 800 
 
 17 
 
 4GO 
 
 268 
 
 32 
 
 100 
 
 
 Mere-honour. 
 
 800 
 
 30 
 
 400 
 
 268 
 
 32 
 
 100 
 
 
 Ark Royal. 
 
 800 
 
 17 
 
 400 
 
 268 
 
 32 
 
 100 
 
 
 Saint Matthew. 
 
 1000 
 
 30 
 
 500 
 
 340 
 
 40 
 
 120 
 
 
 Saint /lndre\v. 
 
 900 
 
 17 
 
 400 
 
 268 
 
 32 
 
 100 
 
 
 Due Repulfe. 
 
 700 
 
 16 
 
 350 
 
 230 
 
 30 
 
 90 
 
 
 Garland. 
 
 700 
 
 16 
 
 300 
 
 190 
 
 30 
 
 80 
 
 
 fFarJpite. 
 
 600 
 
 12 , 
 
 300 
 
 190 
 
 30 
 
 80 
 
 
 Mary-Rofe. 
 
 600 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Tthe Hope. 
 
 600 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Bonaventure. 
 
 600 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 The Lion. 
 
 500 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Nonpareille. 
 
 500 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Defiance. 
 
 500 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Rainbow. 
 
 500 
 
 12 
 
 250 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 
 Dreadnought. 
 
 400 
 
 10 
 
 200 
 
 130 
 
 20 
 
 50 
 
 
 Antelope. 
 
 350 
 
 10 
 
 160 
 
 114 
 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 
 Swiftfure. 
 
 400 
 
 10 
 
 200 
 
 130 
 
 20 
 
 50 
 
 
 Swallow. 
 
 330 
 
 10 
 
 160 
 
 114 
 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 
 Forefight. 
 
 300 
 
 10 
 
 160 
 
 114 
 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 
 The Tide. 
 
 250 
 
 7 
 
 120 
 
 88 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 The Crane. 
 
 200 
 
 7 
 
 100 
 
 76 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 Adventure. 
 
 250 
 
 7 
 
 120 
 
 88 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 pittance. 
 
 200 
 
 7 
 
 100 
 
 76 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 Anfwer. 
 
 200 
 
 7 
 
 100 
 
 76 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 Advantage. 
 
 2GO 
 
 7 
 
 100 
 
 70 
 
 12 
 
 20 1 
 
 
 Tyger. 
 
 200 
 
 7 
 
 100 
 
 70 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 
 Tremontain. 
 
 
 6 
 
 70 
 
 52 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 The Scout. 
 
 120 
 
 6 
 
 66 
 
 48 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 The Catis. 
 
 100 
 
 5 
 
 60 
 
 42 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 The Charles. 
 
 70 
 
 5 
 
 45 
 
 32 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 
 The Moon. 
 
 60 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 The Advice. 
 
 50 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 The Spy. 
 
 50 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 Merlyn. 
 
 45 
 
 5 
 
 35 
 
 26 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 
 The Sun. 
 
 40 
 
 5 
 
 30 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 Synnet. 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 George Hoy. 
 
 100 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pennyrofe Hoy. 
 
 80 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 Her majefty left thefe fhips aforenamed 
 .at her death in good condition ; and whilft 
 fhe lived they gained her and her realms 
 honour, by the exploits and viftories they 
 and her fubjefts obtained ; and fhe left in 
 every one of thofe fhips, officers ferving in 
 their feveral places whilft they lay in har- 
 bour. 
 
 But as abufes by continuance of time are 
 crept in for want of care and overlooking, 
 like chimnies that gather foot by continual 
 "■* 4 
 
 fires, that may indanger the houfe if it be 
 not prevented by fweeping ; fo fared it with 
 our navy at the latter end of the queen's 
 reign ; which Sir Robert Cecill, the princi- 
 pal fecretary, carefully forefaw, and caufed 
 me to write the enfuing difcourfe how the 
 then abufes might be taken away, and a 
 courfe fettled for a reformation, that the 
 like might not hereafter happen ; which 1 
 diredled to him as follows : 
 
 To
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir VVilliam MonfonV Na^jd Tracls. 
 
 197 
 
 J'o the right honourable Sir Robert Cecill, 
 principal fccretary to her majejly. 
 
 " T Have, by your honour's command, 
 " X and my own experience and obferva- 
 " tion, briefly collected the abule of our 
 " feamen, and the corruptions that are to- 
 " lerated ; and lliew the injuries offered in 
 " furnifhing, vidualling, and manning her 
 " majefty's fhips ; and laflly, how fuch 
 " wrongs may be reformed •, all whicli I 
 " humbly reprelent to your honour." 
 
 Concerning the abufes of our feamen. 
 
 NOTHING breeds diforders in our 
 fiilors, but liberty and overmuch 
 clemency : the one they have in their ordi- 
 nary fhips of reprifal, where no difciplinc 
 is ufed, nor authority obeyed ; the other in 
 efcaping punifhment when they juftly de- 
 ferved it, which hath brought her majefty's 
 fervice to be no more accounted of than the 
 aftions of private men. It is ftrange what 
 mifcry fuch men will chufe to endure in 
 fmall fhips of reprifal, though they be hopc- 
 lefs of gain, rather than ferve her majelfy, 
 where their pay is certain, their diet plenti- 
 ful, and their labour not'fo great. Nothing 
 breeds this but the liberty they find in the 
 one, and punifhment they fear in the other. 
 
 The fhips thefe men covet to go in, are 
 neither of fervice nor ftrength to the ftatc, 
 or annoyance to the enemy : their owners 
 are men of as bale condition as themfelves, 
 making no more reckoning what outrages 
 their fhips commit at fea, than the men 
 themfelves that commit them. They grow 
 io bold upon the lenity ufed toward them, 
 that they as confidently detain men after 
 they are preffed, as if there were no law to 
 prohibit it. Nor are they fatisfied with a 
 competent number of men in their fhips ; 
 but commonly carry twice as many as their 
 fhips and victuals require ; and the firft ca- 
 ravel or fifherman they take, they put their 
 fpare men into, who many times fink in 
 the fea, famifh for want of viifluals, or are 
 forced afhore into Spain, where they muft 
 either be compelled to ferve againfl their 
 country, or die in mifery. And thus have 
 more feamen been confumed, than in all 
 other aflions or enterprizes againft Spain. 
 And no man dares reprove it, bccaufe the 
 lord admiral is interefted in all fuch prizes 
 as thefe unprofitable fhips take. 
 
 It is time to forefee and prevent thefe in- 
 con veniencies •, for it is apparent this neg- 
 ledl of the queen's fervice loft her majefty the 
 Indian fleet Sir Richard Lewfon met with- 
 al, being forced to leave Sir JVilliam Mon- 
 fon with half the fhips at Plymouth, for want 
 of failors to man them, when at the feme 
 
 N" sy. Vol. Ill - • 
 
 time more men were flifTered to go in pri-MuNiON. 
 vate fliips of war, than would have manned '*°5 
 her majefty's navy. 'vx^^nJ 
 
 And yet this is not all the mifcliief that 
 enfues upon it ; for thele men being thus 
 flilfercd to go, her m.ijcfty's ihi[« are fup- 
 plied with fifhermen at tiie IcafoH of ihcii' 
 voyage to Nnvfoundland ; \'o that not only 
 the poor lailors, but the countries about 
 them, that are fupported by that trade, arc 
 halt undone. The men themfelves are fo 
 unferviceable, and of lb little fpirit, tliat I 
 look upon it as a principal caufe of lickncfs 
 in her majefty's fliips. Thefe abufes are 
 well known to the Spaniards, whicii made 
 Siriago, general of their fea, Covet nothing 
 more than to board one of her majefty's 
 fhips, knowing how ill they are manned in 
 comparifon of privateers. 
 
 Befides, many private voyages have prov'd 
 prejudicial to her majefty's defigns ; for 
 very often thole men that go in fuch fl:ips 
 are taken prifontrs, and give notice of our 
 intentions, whereby the enemy is provided, 
 and we prevented. As for example, the 
 two voyages of Sir Francis Drake and 
 Mr. Cavcndi/Jp, about the world, which 
 though honourable to themfelves, yet it had 
 been much better for the queen that tliey 
 had not been undertaken, but with greater 
 forces -, for we have now difcovered to t!ie 
 Spaniards our finding the way through the 
 ftraights of Magellan, which they thoiiglu 
 to conceal from us : we have paffed by the 
 coaft of CM' and Pi'ru up to Panama, crol^M 
 over to the Philippine and Molucca iflands, 
 and the Eafl-Indies. Thus have we warn'd, 
 without annoying them, to ftrengchen them- 
 felves in thofe parts ; lb that luc!: places as 
 had no defence, are now made able both to 
 defend and ofl'end, as appeared by the ta- 
 king of Mr. IIaivki>is in the South-Sea, 1594. 
 
 And fince that time, it is apparent by 
 three feveral voyages made by the Hollan- 
 ders, the one in 1597, with five ftiips ; the 
 fecond in 1614, with as many: but laftly,'^ 
 and efpecially, in the fleet called by the 
 name of the Naffau fleet, in 1623 : all whicli 
 fleets paffed the ftraights of Magellan, at-| 
 tempted landing in divers parts of Pi-raand 
 New Spain, with a force of three thoufantl 
 foldiers, and were repulfed in thofe places 
 which Mr. Cavendifh had taken and enjoyed 
 Anno 1587, but with thirty fliot. 
 
 //aif to redrefs thefe diforders. 
 
 IF it be true, as it is held to be, an eafier 
 thing to cure than difcover a difeale, 
 then may tiiere be hopes of amendment gf 
 thefe enormities and abufes : but the firft 
 thing that muft be obtained, is, the confeBt 
 and countenance of the lord admiral -, for 
 I have fliewed, that thefe abufes arc crept 
 Ddd in
 
 198 
 
 sir William MonfonV Ncwal Tracis. 
 
 Book 1. 
 
 M'oNscN. in by his pcrmifiion, or at lead his ofR- 
 
 ^°3. cers. 
 
 The fccond is, not to admit of all men 
 to become owners and captains, that arc 
 able to buy or visual a fliip •, but to exa- 
 mine their condition, their cftate, and qua- 
 lities, and to caufe them to give il-curity not 
 to connive at the abufes here mentioned. 
 
 Thirdly, to reftrain all private aftions 
 whilft her majefty's are on foot -, but if they 
 will adventure, to let it be done in the com- 
 pany of her fliips, wliere they fhall have a 
 fliare proportionable to their adventure ; 
 and I believe it will prove more beneficial 
 than now they find it : or if they refufe it, 
 it fhall be lawful for them to adventure a- 
 lone four months in the year, (when it is 
 hot fit to keep the king's fliips at fea ;) but 
 to injoin them to return at a day limited : 
 and the care to fee this executed may be 
 committed to the vice-admiral of every 
 county, who is to take care they carry no 
 more men than the fhips require, nor lefs 
 firovifion than is requifite, left tliey run into 
 the misfortunes above-mentioned. 
 
 This will be the way to redrefs all abufes, 
 to make men obedient to difcipline and 
 command, to avoid fickncfs in her maje- 
 lly's fliips, to imploy none but fuch as are 
 ferviceable, not to moleft the poor labour- 
 ing fifhermen, to give the merchants fatif- 
 faftion, and to preferve the life and liber- 
 ty of failors. 
 
 ' ■Np-J} follffip.'ihe, abufes in her majejly^s 
 
 •"':' pips. 
 
 THERE af;e fo many, and feveral 
 abufes in her majefty's ihips, that the 
 reforming of one is to little purpofe, unlefs 
 there be a reformation in the v^hole. And 
 Twill firfl: begin with viduals, upon which 
 the lives of men depend : in this there is 
 fuch great abufe in every voyage, that 
 
 there is no man but has caufe to com- 
 
 , . 'nrTi r.:. lo •, 
 
 piai"- ■ - ...I. . .■ . :., 
 
 jj^The gunners,' into whofe. charge is com- 
 mitted the ftrength of the fhip, are prefer- 
 red to their places rather for money than 
 ipeHt. . And'rto'defcend to the fliips thefn- 
 lelves, there are To many impediments in 
 them in our fouthern voyages, that we can- 
 not lay any thing is ftrong or ferviceable 
 about them. And though their wants be 
 made known before their going from home, 
 the officers of the navy, either out of fru- 
 gality, or following precedents ,of : former 
 ages, not confideri,ng there was ho fuch im- 
 ploy ment for the queen's fliips heretofore, 
 liave not that care which is, , expedient. 
 A^nd laftly, the' men that ferv,e in them 
 luc fo ill treated, that they alledge it for 
 the^ caufe. of their backwardnefs to ferve the 
 qi^en. 
 
 The manner how to reform thcfe abufes. 
 
 TPIE way to redrefs every abufe, is, to 
 execute fevere jufl:ice upon the chief 
 men in office ; as firft, the vicfualler, if he 
 fiil cither in goodnefs or quantity of her 
 majefty's allowance, let his life anfwer it ; 
 for no fubjefl's eflate is able to countervail 
 the damage her majefty may fuflain by 
 fuch defed. And to take away all excufes 
 of his part, and to provide there may be 
 no tailing of the fervice, it were conve- 
 nient to have a furplus of victuals tranf- 
 ported in other fliips, to be exchanged, if 
 upon view the other prove to be ill-con- 
 ditioned. 
 
 Secondly, for the gunners : their frauds 
 in powder and fliot, and other things under 
 their charge, are intolerable -, and they ■ 
 have been the more embolden'd by the bafe- 
 nefs of fbme captains, who have confented 
 to their theft. 
 
 For reformation hereof, it were good to 
 have a deputy appointed in every fliip from 
 the officers of the ordnance, to take charge 
 of powder, fliot, mufket, isc. and to de- 
 liver them to fuch men as fliall be account- 
 able for them at the end of the voyage ; for 
 it is no reafon fo great a charge fliould be 
 committed to the gunners, who make no 
 confcience to fleal, and may fteal without 
 controulment when it is in their poflfef- 
 fion. 
 
 Another thing, a captain miift have or- 
 ders to forbid, and look precifely it be 
 obey'd, which is the laviflinefs of fliooting 
 for pleafure at the meeting of Ihips, paffing 
 by caftles, and feafling aboard ; for indeed 
 there is more powder waftefully Ipent in 
 this fort, than againll an enemy. 
 
 For the third, which is the difability of 
 fhips to the fouthward, it is occafioned by 
 the great weight of ordnance, which makes 
 them labourfome, and caufes their weaknefs -, 
 and confidering how few gunners, are allow- 
 ed to every fhip, it were better to leave; 
 fbme of thefe pieces at home, than to pe- 
 fler the fliips with them. I muft fay, arict 
 with truth, that all her majefty's fhips are 
 fitr undermanned ; for when people come 
 to be divided into three parts, die one third 
 to tackle the fhip, the other to ply their 
 liiiall, fliot, and the- third to manage their 
 ordnancf.;, -alL'the three 'Icf vices fail for wane 
 of men to execute thc^nir/', -. ' '-, 
 
 Neither do I lee that more rnen can, be 
 contaiiiqd in theqijeen's fliips to the fouth- 
 ward, for want of flowage'for viduals, and 
 room to lodge in. "No fhip that returns 
 from the foutliward flibiild' go to lea again 
 under half a year's fefpite ; in which time 
 fhe will be well air'd, aud her b^llaft mufl:- 
 be caang'd. ■ ,tt _ , _ ^. ^ 
 
 There
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Kii-vd Triicls. 
 
 199 
 
 There (liould be a general workman ap- 
 pointed in iiabour, carefully to ov(-rlooi<. 
 the fliips that fhall be employed : this man 
 fliould go the voyage, and have the like 
 charge at fea. Nothing that is necclTary 
 for fhips, but muft be carried in a great 
 abundance by a deputy from the officers of 
 the navy, as I have formerly laid in the 
 like cafe of the officers of the ordnance. 
 AH precedents of former times of furniih- 
 ing the queen's fhips to be abolifli'd ; and 
 whofoever takes upon him this office :is de- 
 puty, to be bound to give an account of 
 the furplulTes remaining, that what is not 
 fpent may be reftor'd ; which will nothing 
 increafe the charge in carrying them to fea ; 
 and yet the fiiips fhall be fo provided, as 
 no cafualty that can happen at fea vvill bring 
 them into diftrels. Befides, they fhall fup- 
 ply the want of fuch prizes as they take, 
 who by reafon of their long voyages have 
 confum'd their Ciils, ropes, and tackling, 
 
 tain'd in the fifth book ; for as I have oF-Monsov. 
 ten fiid in the precedent difcourfes, the lite '^°3 
 ot all adlion by ft-a is to get in;elligence of ^ — ^ "^ 
 an enemy, and to keep the enemy from in- 
 telligence •, for in fo doing, a man is arm'il 
 to encounter an enemy naked and unpro- 
 vided, as I liave inllanc'd in many exam- 
 ples before ; for wholotvcr is fuccelsful by 
 chance and good luck, rather than by pro- 
 vidence and fortfighr, cannot challenge the 
 lionour as his own, but mull allow toriunc 
 a Iharc with him ; for fuccefs is the millrcfs 
 of fools, and true management proceeds 
 from judgment. 
 
 And to the end, in our fuccceding anions 
 and wars with Spain, if ever there lliouid 
 happen a new breach, we may not be ig- 
 norant how to proceed againll that nation 
 by our former precedents, I have annexed 
 thefe following precepts as a light and guide 
 how to get intelligence at our arrival upon 
 that coalt, by which we fliall be able ihc 
 
 as in the like cafe v/e found by the carrack, better to dirccl ourfelves in the whole voy- 
 
 which we could not have brought for Eng- age ; for it is an eafier thing to follow a 
 
 land, if we had not fupplied her want out leilon well taught us, than to compals it by 
 
 oi the queen's Ihips. our own pradtice or ftudy. 
 
 And laflly, for the men that fail in the The firft means we iifed to get intelli- 
 
 fhips, without whom they are of no ufe -, gence of the affairs of Spain upon our arri- 
 
 their ufuage has been fo ill at the end of val, was to hail into the height of the Bifr- 
 
 their voyages, that it is no marvel they 
 Ihew tlieir unwillingnefs to ferve the queen •, 
 for if they arrive fick from any voy.ige, 
 fuch is the charity of the people aihore, 
 that they fhall fooner die, than find pity, 
 unlefs they bring money with them. 
 
 And feeing her majeffy mull and does 
 pay thofe that ferve, it were better for them, 
 and much more profit and honour to the 
 queen, to dilcharge them upon their firft 
 landing, than to continue them longer un- 
 paid ; for whether they are fick, or lie idle 
 in harbour, their pay runs on till the fhips 
 and they are difcharg'd, to the great con- 
 fumption of viftuals and wages, which fiUls 
 upon the queen. 
 
 \yherefore it is necelTary, that an under- 
 treallirer be appointed in every fleet, who 
 fhould carry money for all necefl"ary dif- 
 burfements. I have borrow'd fome part of 
 thefe reformations, and annex'd them to 
 my fifth book, which I prefented to the 
 king's view, fhewing the abulesof this time, 
 both in fhips, victuals, men, &c. 
 
 When all thefe things are reformed and well 
 ordered, and Jhips ready furniJJj'd to fea, 
 the next important thing in a general, is 
 to provide how to get Intelligence of his 
 enemy, and to keep the enemy from ha- 
 ving intelligence of' him j 'which in our late 
 wars ivith Spain -we compafs'd by the fol- 
 Tct^mg' means. 
 
 "f T7HAT I have fvid touching an olfen-^ 
 
 W .five and defenfive war with Spain, 
 
 ne£ds no other repetition than what is con- 
 
 lings, a fmall defart ifland, whither every 
 night the caravels of Peniche, oppofite to it, 
 relbrced to take fifli, which ferv'd the 
 whole country. About the time the car.i- 
 vels were to draw near the iflanc', in the 
 night time, we ufcd to leave fome fhips 
 boats, well mann'd, near the (hore, where 
 there could be no i'ufpicion of them, arid at 
 the dawning of the day, the Ihallops fud- 
 denly boarded and feized fome of the faid 
 caravels, of v.hich we made good ufe in two 
 kinds; the firft was the- intelligence we re- 
 ceiv'd of the ftate and affairs of Lisbon, and 
 the whole coaft ; as alfo wh.it preparations 
 were made, either to defend or ofiend. The 
 lecond was in refpeft of the caravels excel- 
 lent failings, for there were few fliips but 
 they could fetch up, and then keep fight oF 
 them both night and day, till our approach 
 to them. Thirdly, by the unulual ftils 
 caravels carry, by means whereof v.'e dei 
 ceiv'd the Spaniards, and made them be- 
 lieve they were their own. At laft, when 
 the voyage was at an end, the poor men 
 were reftor'd again to their velfels, and 
 fome reward beftow'd on them. 
 
 The means how we obtain''d intclUgaue of 
 the fcuih parts of Spain, ly a method of 
 my own. " 
 
 IN the voyage of Sir Richard Ltwfa^t 
 and Sir William Monfon to the coaft of 
 Spain, yoLl will find an intelligence I rr- 
 ceiv'd fronl certain Scotch and hremh fhips', 
 of five galleons riding at St. Luear, watch-
 
 zco 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNsoN. ing an opportunity of wind and fpring tides 
 >6°3' to pals the bar of St. Lucar, being ready 
 ^'^''^ bound for the IVtf -Indies; and becaufe I 
 would be particularly rcfolv'd of all the 
 circumftances thereof, I employ'd captain 
 TVilliam Love to tiie ports of Sally and Ma- 
 mora in Barbery., with the following in- 
 ftruftions. 
 
 Imprimis., that you firfl: repair to Sally \ 
 and if you cannot be lully iniorm'd of fuch 
 things as you defire to know, to depart 
 thence to Mamora, fcven leagues eaftv/ard 
 ot Sally, 
 
 Item, You are to have efpecial care to 
 manage your bufincls with fecrecy, as well 
 from the EngliJJj that go with you in the 
 bark, as iVom the Spaniards and Moors re- 
 fident in the country. And becaufe you 
 Ihall have the better pretence of coming 
 into their forts, I will deliver you certain 
 commodities to trade with, that are vendi- 
 ble in that country. 
 
 //«;/, You are to inquire and feck for the 
 chiefeft EngliJIman in either of the two 
 places, and to deliver him a letter with a 
 fuperlcription, To my faithful countryman. 
 And finding no fuch man there, if you 
 break your mind to any other flranger, let 
 it be to a Hollander, that either lieth there 
 as agent or merchant, to whom you fhall 
 have another letter. To my dear friend and 
 neighbour. 
 
 Item, If you find neither Englifh nor Hol- 
 lander, you having the language, may in- 
 finuate yourfelf into the acquaintance of 
 fome Portugiiefe or Spaniard, of whom you 
 may learn by circumlocutions, fo that he 
 may find you have an intention to be in- 
 form'd of any thing in particular •, and if 
 you find his intelligence to concur with that 
 I receiv'd from the French and Scotch, you 
 may the more boldly give credit to him. 
 
 Item, The things you are principally to 
 inquire after, are ihefe following: the num- 
 ber and quality of all fhips at Cadiz or St. Lu- 
 car. Secondly, whether the galleons you are 
 imployed to hearken after be gone to the In- 
 dies^ or no ; or whether they came over the bar 
 the lafl fpring tide; or if they be not gone, 
 to demand the caufe of their ftay, or when 
 they will depart. To inquire whether 
 there be any fhips appointed to convoy 
 them to the Canaries, and how many, and 
 their names, becaufe I have a catalogue of 
 all the king of Spai?i^s fliips, and may judge 
 of their llrength accordingly. To learn 
 whether they alter their ordinary courfe ot 
 failing, for fear of her majelly's ftiips be- 
 ing upon their coaff. Speak nothiag of 
 their wealth, lefl it fhould give fome caufe 
 of miftrutt. I will not write thus particu- 
 larly, either to the Englifljtnan or the Hol- 
 lander ; but they having my letter to credit 
 what you fliall fay, and fhewing my hand 
 
 to thefe inflrudlions, it will be fufficicnt to 
 give them i'uisfaftion. 
 
 Item, That you fuffer not any of the 
 bark's company to go afhore, nor as near 
 as you can, any of the Moors to come a- 
 board -, but if any of the Englifh fhould 
 happen to go afliore, to give them great 
 charge not to diicover the place or height 
 I lie in, or that any of the queen's fhips are 
 at fea, pretending it was four months fince 
 you left England, unlefs the clcannefs of 
 your fhip may give fufpicion, and then you 
 may tell them you trim'd her at Mogothor, 
 an ifland in Barbary. 
 
 Item, That finding yourfelves fully in- 
 form'd as to thofe things you defire, or what 
 elfe you think convenient to know, then 
 fpeedily to repair to me in the llmie height 
 you left me ■, and milTing me there, to di- 
 reft your courfe to Puerto Santo, near the 
 ifland Madera, where I intend to refit my 
 fliips after the fight, if I chance to meet 
 with the galleons aforefaid. 
 
 Given on board the Garland, the 
 lyth of April 1602. 
 
 The Means to get ijiteiligcnce at the Terceta 
 iflands. 
 
 THE inftruftions following I have for- 
 merly ufed, to be inform'd of affains in 
 thofe parts, and employ'd captain JVbiskens 
 in a fmall caravel to the effeft following. 
 
 Impdmis, You are to keep company with 
 the Prifnrofe of London, which is bound for 
 Gratiofa, till you come fliort of that ifland, 
 and then to ply into the road of Villa Franca 
 and St. Michael ; where you fhall ufe your 
 endeavour to fpeak with the fhips there ri- 
 ding, that trade under the Scotch colours, 
 but are properly Englip ; and to avoid fuf- 
 picion and danger that may after arife to 
 the faid Engli/hmen, you fhall fpeak with 
 them in the night. 
 
 Item, The things you fhall defire to 
 know are thefe, viz. Of the flate of the 
 JVdl-hdian fleet ; and whether they ft ill con- 
 tinue at the Tercera iflands, not venturing 
 to go from thence without a convoy from 
 Spain ; to learn the time of their departure 
 from thence, and what port they mean to 
 repair to •, learn whether they keep their 
 treafurc aboard, or if it be landed, and 
 how far tlicir fliips ride from the fhore ; 
 whether they have any intelligence of ^\x Ri- 
 chard Lcivfon and my being at fea ; what you 
 can learn of thecarracks coming home, or any 
 thing elfe in general touching thefe points. 
 
 him. When you are thus fatisfied of all your 
 demands, that from thence you go to the 
 ifland oi Tercera, and view the road of Angra, 
 to fee in what flate the fhips there ride, and 
 the poffibility to furprize them at an anchor, 
 
 herfiy
 
 Book L 
 
 Sir' William MonfonV Na-jal Tracis. 
 
 Item, That this being done, you repair 
 to Gratiofa, where you Ihall find the Prim- 
 rofe atoreiiiid, who againll your coming will 
 be able to inform you of all particulars con- 
 tain'd in the fecond article. 
 
 Item, If you find the fleet of treafure to 
 be gone for Spain, then to make no (lay 
 about the idands, but tecum to the coall 
 of Spain, where you (hall find the admiral 
 or me ten or twelves leagues well from the 
 rock. 
 
 Item, If you be informed that the fleet 
 of the Indies hover about the ifland, ex- 
 pefting a convoy fiom Spain, that you en- 
 deavour to fpeak with fome EngliJJj man of 
 war, and there to deliver them this letter, 
 the contents whereof you are already ac- 
 quainted with, which will direft both you 
 and the man of war with whom you Ihall 
 meet-, antl fo wifhing you profperous fuc- 
 cefs, I reft, 
 
 Fro}n aboard the Garland at Ply- 
 mouth, March 27. 1602. 
 
 A copy of the faid letter fent by captain 
 Whifkens. 
 
 ::A 
 
 lot 
 
 " that you prefvrntly thereupon ufc the beftMosiON. 
 
 " means to give notice to Sir RichcrJ, or 
 
 " me, when you fliall knotv by captain 
 
 " PFbiskeiis wlierc to find us; or elfe that 
 
 " you keep about the roatl of Angra, and 
 
 " lend captain IVhiskens himfelf to look us •, 
 
 " whichfocver of you comes, muft obfcrve 
 
 " thele dircdions tbllowing. 
 
 " Upon the Spanifi fleet's putting to fea, 
 " both of you to purfuc them a-(tcrn, 'till 
 " you bring them to the height they mean 
 " to hail in ; and that done, then one of 
 " you to lofe company of tlicm in the ni^ht, 
 " and to ply with all poflible fpeeti to the 
 " place aforelaid, to meet Sir /\:/V/?wa'ormc. 
 
 " And that the other bark do Itill at- 
 " tend the fleet, that if they fliould alter 
 " their height, flie may in like manner 
 " leave them in the night, and follow the 
 " diredions aforelaid, as the other bark is 
 " direded; but with this caution, tJKit you 
 " keep a itrid account (-f the fliifting of 
 " the winds, from the time you kfc them, 
 " until your meeting with us; for know- 
 " ing their height, and obferving the winds 
 " fhifting, there will be little doubt of our 
 " meeting. The lervice you will do to 
 " the queen and ftace by this, and the good 
 " that will redound to yourfelf, needs no 
 " repetition; and therefore not doubting 
 " of your williiignefs and care herein, I 
 " bid you farewel." 
 
 From aboard the Garland at Ply- 
 mouth, March 26. 1602. 
 
 FTER my hearty commenda- 
 tions; Whereas the queen's moft 
 excellent majefty isadvertifed of the late 
 arrival of the plate fleet in the road of 
 Angra, at the ifland of Tercera, in their 
 courfe from the IVeJt- Indies towards ^/^nz; 
 and forafmuch as her majefty hath fent 
 divers of her fliips to fea, whereof Sir 
 Richard Lezvfon is admiral, and myielf 
 vice-admiral, to hinder and impeach the 
 
 fiid fiiver fleet's paffage through the feas, form'd of the ftate of the king of Spain's 
 as a fervice of the higheft imporuuice, fliips, the pki ■- ■ ■ • • ■■ 
 
 I have known our ftaie ufe this policy in 
 time of war, when they defir'd to be in- 
 
 to leflfen the greatnefs of lb dangerous 
 and mighty an enemy as the king of 
 Spain; lb it is, that my admiral Sir ^7- 
 chard Litifpn, is put to lea fome few 
 days before me, and before her majefty 
 was advertifed of the fiiid fleet's arrival at 
 the "Tercera ; wherefore I have employed 
 this bearer, captain IVhiskens, with fuch 
 inllrudions for the accomplifliment of 
 the fervice, as is thought moft conve- 
 nient for the efi^efting it; which inftruc- 
 tions I have given him order to acquaint 
 you with upon your meeting, and the 
 delivery of this letter, which contains a 
 rcqueft, and as muchaslieth in my power, 
 to command all you Englijlo captains and 
 mailers, with whom he lliall meet in the 
 kx, to be helping, aiding, and alTifting 
 to him in fo great and weighty a fer- 
 vice, as well in counfel and advice, as in 
 willingnefs to execute the directions gi- 
 ven in my fiid letter, vi%. It you fliall 
 undcdland the plate fleet intends not to 
 venture home without fliips to guard it. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 ine. 
 
 .ices of their abiding, 
 and building: 
 
 guilec 
 
 furnifl;- 
 they have fent a fpy, dif- 
 il<e a pilgrim, to travel tlirough all 
 the ports of Hijcay and Galicia, in his way 
 to Saint Jago de Compojlella, pretending his 
 going to be in devotion ; by which means 
 he has feen and difcover'd all thole things 
 he had in charge, and return'd with a tri.t 
 relation how things ihen flood. 
 
 The Spaniards in all their adions againft 
 England by fea, could never let loot on 
 fliore, but in the year 1595. when with four 
 galleys they palfed from Bluet in Britaay, 
 which they had taken from the /•if-^«<:/f> king, 
 into Penfance in Connvall. Thcle four gal- 
 leys took, fpoiled, and rifled that poor 
 town of Penfance, made no long flay tliere, 
 but fpeedily retuiii'd again tor Briiaay. 
 
 The plotter of tliis Itratagem was one cap- 
 tain Bt'.rlagb, an Englifismian, who was after- 
 wards well requited for his treachery; for 
 to be even witli him for fo foul a t.iCt, Sir 
 Robert Cecill, the principal lecretary, wric 
 a letter to him rcfiding in Lisbon, pretend- 
 ing that he wa'^^ employed as a fpy, and g.wc 
 li e c lu^u
 
 ^02, 
 
 Sir William Monfon 5 N.Wtil Tracis, 
 
 Book! 
 
 MoNsoN. him thanks for fome particular lervice he 
 'i-^^T^ named he had done, when indeed there was 
 no Inch caufe, for the man was ever too ho- 
 ndt to that fr.ie. 
 
 ' Sir Rokrt Cecil lb ordered it, that this 
 letter fell into the hands of fome minifters 
 of the king of Spain; whereupon Burleigh 
 was apprehended, clofe imprifonecl, and 
 cruelly tortured, when he deferved no fuch 
 fevere ufage. 1 fpeak this, becaiife I would 
 have the world judge how judly he de- 
 ferved it, and how prettily the Spaniards 
 were impofed upon by it. 
 
 Scvie ohfcrvatioijs of my o-xn. 
 
 TT/HETHER we fhall impute it to 
 V' V the work of God, who difpofes of 
 all things, or to the queen's good fortune, 
 which attended throughout the greateft part 
 of her reign, or to the wife conduft of thofe 
 fhe repofctl truft in, or to the care and fkill 
 of the captains, mafters, and mariners that 
 took charge of her fhips, I know not 
 which to judge of them; but it is very cer- 
 tain, we mud acknowledge it for a great 
 and admirable work of God, that in her 
 majefty's eighteen years war with Spain by 
 fea, her fleets, which were continually em- 
 ployed on the Spanifh coafl, in the Indies^ 
 and other places, continually abiding and 
 enduring the fury of all winds and weaiher, 
 never out of motion, and working in trou- 
 blefome water, never for the fpace of three, 
 four, five, or fix months fo much as putting 
 into harbour, or anchoring, or having any 
 other refrefhment from fhore, but flili tof- 
 fing on the waves of mountainous feas that 
 never break, in compariion of ours that 
 feem but little hills to them, the difference 
 in times and tides much altering the cafe -, 
 for upon our coafts and narrow leas, where 
 our greateft wars have been, no dilailer to 
 our fhips but might be eafily remedied and 
 amended -, tor commonly we were never fur- 
 ther from home than we might repair to 
 fome of our ports in twenty- lour hours. 
 
 The marvel I fpcak of, is, that notwith- 
 ftanding the apparent dangers and cafuakies 
 of the lea aforefaid, yet not one of her ma- 
 jefty's fhips ever milcarried, but only the 
 Revenge, which I faid, in her voyage m 
 1591. was taken by the Spaniards by the 
 Unadviied negligence and wilful obftinacy 
 of the captain. Sir Richard Greenville. 
 
 And we may partly judge by that fliip 
 the Revenge's precedent misfortunes, that 
 fhe was defign'd, from the hour flie was 
 built, to receive fome fatal blov/ ; for to 
 her, above all other her majefty's fliips, 
 there happen'd thefe unfortunate accidents. 
 In 1582. in her return out of Ireland, where 
 fhe was admiral, flie ftruck upon a land, 
 and efcapjd by miracle. Jnric 1586. at 
 
 Pcrlfmotith, being bound upon a fouthern 
 expedition, coming out of the harbour fhe 
 run aground, and againft the expeffation 
 of all men was lav'd, but was not. able to 
 proceed upon her voyage. The third dif- 
 aflcr was in 1589. as fhe was H^fely moor'd 
 m.Cba/tt^m, where .all the queen's iTiips 
 lay, and as faje pne .would think as the 
 queen's chamber-, and yet, by the extre- 
 mity of a florm, f!"ie was unluckily put 
 afliore, and there over-fet, a danger never 
 thought on before, or much kfs happen'd: 
 and to make this misfortune the more 
 ftrange and remarkable, the fame night hz- 
 ixi^pwelfihnight, it was my chance to be at 
 Cork \n Ireland, and pafTed down from 
 thence in a boat to Crofs-Haven, in the 
 greateft calm I have feen. 
 
 If we compare thefe fortunes of the 
 queen's v/ith thofe of her father's, who next 
 to her had the greateft employment for his 
 flaips at fea, you will find great difference 
 betwixt them, although we cannot properly 
 call them voyages of king Henry the eighth's 
 time; for his Ihips were never fo fltr from 
 home, but they might return again with a 
 good wind in twenty- four hours iaiU as the 
 others never expetited to fee i\i^ EngUJh ihoxc. 
 Under four, five, or fix months, and many 
 times more. 
 
 'The difajlers of fome of king Henry VIIIV 
 fl:ips, and the lord admiral. 
 
 PON the couft of Britany, in a fight 
 betv/ixt the Engliflj and the French, 
 the Regent, otherwife call'd the Sovereign of 
 England, encounter'd with a carrack of Breft, 
 and being grappled together, were both 
 burnt; and the captain Sir Thomas Nevet, 
 and feven hundred men in her; and the cap- 
 tain of ihe canack v/as Sir Pierce ?>'Icr<ra!J, 
 v/ith 900 men that periih'd with him. 
 
 'i"he Mary Rcfe, next to the Regent in 
 bignefs and goodnefs, after' this was caft 
 away betv/ixt Porifrncuth and the If,e of 
 lF:ght, the very flime day king Htnry board- 
 ed her, and dined in her. Part of the ribs 
 of this fliip I have feen v/ith my own eyes; 
 there perifli'd in her four hundred perfons. 
 
 The next dilafter that befel the king at 
 fea, was the lord admiral himfelf, lord Ed- 
 ivard Howard, who offering to land in his 
 boat at Bcrtaume-Bay, near Breft in Britany, 
 was there fiain and drowned together. 
 
 When the lady Alaty, fifter to king 
 Henry, was tranfported into France with 
 fourteen Ihips of his majefty's, to marry 
 LfKv'iXII. \<mgoi France, three of his Ihips 
 were caft away; and the admiral, where- 
 in the lady went, being the beft and the 
 greateft of the reft, called the Ltibcck, was 
 one of them that periih'd; but by good 
 hap, and induftry and pains of men, the lady 
 
 efcap^d,
 
 Book I. 
 
 J» William MonronV Naval Trctcis. 
 
 Z03 
 
 efcaped, but four hundred and odd perlbns 
 were drowned. 
 
 Within two days after the calling away 
 of the Ma7'y Rofe aforeftid, a pinnace of the 
 king's, called the Hedge-beg, riding be- 
 fore Wejlminjler bridge, by a misfortune 
 of fliooting off a gun a barrel of powder 
 took fire, and blew her up. 
 
 As I have fet down in this firjt book the ft ate 
 of the war with Spain by fea from 15S5. 
 when it began, till 1602, when it ended; 
 for the conclufion of the affairs of that 
 time, I will annex the advice and refolu- ■ 
 tisn of our fiate, and the council of war, 
 for making a defenfive war againft Spain, 
 when we feared an invafion in 1588. 
 If the following difcourfe feeni more te- 
 dious to the reader than is fitting, let it 
 not be imputed a fault in me; for I neither 
 add nor diminifli one word trom the origi- 
 nal copy refolved on by the council of war, 
 whofe names here follow: 
 
 The lord Gray. 
 
 Sir Francis Knowles, treafurer of the 
 
 houfhold. 
 Sir Thomas Laken. 
 Sir JValter Raleigh. 
 Sir Richard Greenville, 
 Sir John Norris. 
 Sir Riihard Bingham. 
 Sir Roger Williams. 
 Ralph Lane, Efq. 
 The 2 7 th of November 1587. 
 
 PROPOSITIO NS. 
 
 Such means as are confidered to be fitted 
 to put the forces of the realm in order to 
 withftand an invafion, and the places moft 
 to be fufpefted that the Spaniards intend 
 to land in. 
 
 MiJford. 
 
 Heylford. 
 
 Falmouth. 
 
 Plymouth. 
 
 "Torbay. 
 
 Portland. 
 
 Portjmouih. 
 
 The IJle of Wight. 
 
 Thefe are the aptell for the army of Spain 
 to land in. 
 
 Neffe in Suffex. 
 
 The Downs. 
 
 Margate in Kent. 
 
 The river ot Thames. 
 
 Harwich. 
 
 Tarmouth. 
 
 Hull, and Scotland. 
 
 Thefe are aptell for the army of Flan- 
 ders. 
 
 How many of thele places may 02 put •^'^^■"'•' 
 
 in dclence to hinder their landijisj;. 
 
 Milford tor IVaics. 
 Plymouth for the weft. 
 Portland for the middle of the weft- 
 parts. 
 The 1ft e of Wight. 
 Portfmoiuh, and the 
 River of Thames. 
 
 M I L F O R D. 
 
 Although we do fuppofe the barrcnnefs 
 of the country to b-.- fuch .is it is not likely 
 to be invaded, yet toucliing j\ljlford- 
 Haven, in refped of the goodncfs of the 
 ftnie, we think it convenient, that ilure 
 fliould be trained the number of two thou- 
 ' fiind foot, and five hundred horfe, to be 
 levied, and had in readinefs : and for the 
 increafe of horfejiien, if any l.ick be, then 
 the gendemen with their lerving-mcn may 
 be commanded to fupply the dLf.iuU of 
 the nunib.r aforelaid. 
 
 P L 2' M U T //. 
 
 The reafon why Pljmou'h is thought ro 
 be the moft likely place, is, for that it is 
 unlikely that the king of Spain will engage 
 his fleet too tar withm the channel, before 
 he has mafteVcd fome good harbour; aiid 
 Plymouth is the neareft to Spain, eafy to be 
 won, fpcedily to be by them fortify'd, and 
 conveniently fiuiated to fend fuccour to, 
 either out of Spain or France. 
 
 P O R T L A N D. 
 
 The reafon why Portland is al'b an apt 
 place to land in, is, for that there is a great 
 harbour for all his thips to ride in, and 
 good landing for men; the ifle being won, 
 is a ftrong place of retreat, die country 
 adjoining champion, v;here, widi great 
 conveniency, he may march witii f.is whole 
 army. 
 
 The realbn why the Dozins, Mcrgate, 
 and the river of Thames, are thougiu fit 
 landing-places, is in rclpeil of the comir.o- 
 dity ot landing, and nearnefs to the prince 
 of Parma, in whofe forces the king of 
 Spain repoled fpecial truft. 
 
 Now in thefe places following, order may he 
 taken to hinder their landing, whethtr by 
 fortification or ajfembly of the people, or both. 
 
 For Plymouih, both by fortification and cf- 
 fewbly of people. 
 
 In Bivon and C0rmv.1l there are of 
 train'd men in ihe counties and Ihinnaries 
 
 five
 
 204 
 
 ^/> William MonfonV Nifval Trit^s. 
 
 Book I. 
 
 MoNsoN.five thouHind men, which are to be affem- 
 '"^'"^''^'^ bled for the defence of Plymouth, ftanding 
 equ.tl to both counties-, of which we are 
 of opin on, in place of mufter-days, which 
 is very chargeable, and, in effedt, to no 
 purpofe. That two thouftnd of thofe 
 lliould be aflcmbied together at Plymouth, 
 under fuch a general as Hiaii be ordain'd to 
 govern that weftern army, to the intent 
 tluit they may know their leaders, be ac- 
 quainted, be thoroughly inlTruifled to all 
 purpofes, that on fudden occafions there 
 may be no amaze, nor any contufion: this 
 fliivll be done, the one half at the charge 
 of her majefty, the other at the charge ot 
 the country, if the country's charge docs 
 not furmount the ordinary trainings. 
 
 For Portland, hy ojjeml/ling of men and 
 'fortifying. 
 
 In Bcrfct and Wiltflnre there are of train- 
 ed men two thouland feven hundred, which 
 are to be afTcmbled for the defence of that 
 place-, and that two thoufind of the faid 
 number fhould be afTembled and cxercifed, 
 as before is faid, at Plymouth, or in fome 
 place of IVillfliire, appointed ior the Ifie of 
 Wight to take Somerfetfhire, in which there 
 arc two thoufmd toot. 
 
 At Sandwich and the Downs, hy the affem- 
 bling of men. 
 
 In Kent and Suffex there are of trained 
 men four thouland five hundred, which 
 are to be alTenibled in thofe places for de- 
 fence thereof; and two thoufand of the 
 fame number to be affembled at Sandwich, 
 to be governed and exercifed, as before is 
 faid, for Plymouth. 
 
 So likewife for Norfolk and Suffolk, like 
 order to be obferved. 
 
 Our farther meaning is, That thefe 
 garrifons fliall remain but tor twenty 
 days, to be throughly trained and ac- 
 quainted with encamping; and then every 
 fuch two thoufmd men in garrifon being 
 fo acquainted with this difcipline, (hall 
 give example to a great army of raw men, 
 whereby tliere fhall be no manner of con- 
 fufion on all fudden emergencies. 
 
 Farther, we are of opinion. That to 
 thefe two thouland men there fhall be 
 twenty captains appointed, which twenty 
 captains having each of them an hundred 
 trained men. Avail receive under their 
 charge, wlien the army fhall alTemble, an 
 hundred more-, ib as in efied there fhall be 
 four tli;-uland men in order, and under 
 martial difcipline: the choice of which 
 captains we think, for the one half, to be 
 •Ir-ft to the choice o{ the general of the ar- 
 my, and the other to be of the principal 
 I 
 
 gentlemen of the country, under whom 
 there may be foldiers appointed for their 
 lieutenants. 
 
 The like order is to be obfcrv'd in every 
 of the other places of garrifon. 
 
 IFhat order mujl be taken to fight with the 
 enemy, if by force be be landed. 
 
 For the manner liow to fight with the 
 cncniy, it mufl be left to the difcretion of 
 the general ; only we give this advice. 
 That at his landing he may be impeached, 
 if conveniently it may be done i and if he 
 march forward, that the country be driven 
 lb as no victuals remain, but luch as they 
 fhall carry on their backs, which will be 
 fmall ; that he be kept waking with conti- • 
 nual alarms; but in no cafe that any battle 
 be adventured, till fuch time as divers lieu- 
 tenants be afTembled to make a grofs army, 
 as we have before fpecified, except upon a 
 fjiecial advantage. 
 
 Farther, it is thought necefTary, that in 
 thefe two provinces, and in all others, 
 where many lieutenants be, there fliould 
 one be appointed to be chief to lead the 
 army, (tor among many lieutenants there 
 may be Ibme ilraining of courtefy,) lefl by 
 fuch delay and coritufion great inconveni- 
 cncies do grow to the country, and advan- 
 tages to the enemy ; and therefore any lieu- 
 tenant coming out of any country with 
 his force, his authority only to extend to 
 govern his company as colonel of that regi- 
 ment, and lb to be commanded by the 
 lieutenant-general: as for example, in De- 
 von and Cornzual there are ten lieutenants, 
 whereby it may be known who fhall com- 
 mand in either, as need fhall require. 
 
 IFhat proportion of men muft be prepar\l to 
 firve to that end. 
 
 Wherelbevcr the enemy fhall land, as 
 if at Plymouth, tor example, then by the 
 computation of fix thoufind men armed» 
 and furnifhed in Devon and Cormval, we 
 conceive that the afliftance of fFilt/Jjire, 
 Dorfct, and Somerfet, adjoining to the fix 
 thouland of the weft, will make a fufficienc 
 army, being ftrcngrhened by the gentle- 
 men and fcrving-men, and other of the 
 country that fliall be adjoined, though not 
 fo throughly arm'd as the weft: and if it 
 happen, either by defign or contrary wea- 
 ther, that the enemy pafs over Plymouth, 
 and land at Portland, then the arm'd men 
 and trained foldiers of the weft fhall repair 
 to them. And farther, if the invafion be 
 in Kent, or any otherwiiere to the weft ot 
 the river of 'Thames, then t'.ofe middle 
 fhires direfted to afilft the weft, may turn 
 to the eaft alons the coaft.
 
 Book i. 
 
 Sir William MonfdnV Islaval TrcUts. 
 
 If the army of Flanders land in tlie river 
 of Thames, then the fame order is to be ta- 
 ken with the fliires adjoining, as is afore- 
 laid, namely, Suffolk, Norfolk, EjJ'ex, and 
 the city of London, 
 
 And becaufe there is a fpccial regard to 
 be had of her majefly's perfon, we think it 
 moft neceffary that an arniy flioukl be pro- 
 vided to that end, to be compofed of llich 
 counties as are appointed and referved for 
 that purpofe, and to join with the forces 
 of the city of London, and fuch other as 
 may be armed out of- her majefty's ftore. 
 
 Farthermore, generally for the incrcafe 
 of foot lacking armour, we think it fit that 
 there be of the able men unarmed, whereof 
 choice may be made of the trained men 
 armed one fourth part more ; of the which 
 fourth part ot unarmed men, eighty may 
 be pikes, and twenty billmen ; tor the pro- 
 viding of which pikes and bills, there muft 
 be fpeedy provifion made, being weapons 
 that the realm does {urnifli. 
 
 Alfo for the increafe ot armed pikemen 
 in this time of fcarcity of armour, we do 
 think it good, that all the armed billmen 
 may be converted to be made armed pike- 
 men ; and that all able billmen unarmed 
 iliould be levied, and chofen in their places; 
 becaufe the ranks ot billmen in order of bat- 
 tle are always invironed and encompalTed 
 about with pikemen ^ for the billmen terve 
 clpecially for execution, if the enemy in 
 battle fliall be overthrown : But here is to 
 be noted, that there muft be referved a few 
 armed billmen and halberdiers to guard the 
 ranks, wherein the enfigns and drums, t?r. 
 are placed in the order of battle. 
 
 Alfo, fince upon any fudden invafion it 
 would be too late to provide thefe things, 
 which fliall be neccfTary for defence, it is 
 thought necefTary that betbre-hand a ftore of 
 ordnance and ammunition be provided, as 
 alfo powder, fpades, and all other furniture 
 whatfoever ; and to be left in thefe fore- 
 named places, in which thefe garrifons l>iall 
 remain. 
 
 It is alfo to be provided, that all thofe 
 general aflemblies be held for training, as 
 well the horfemen as footmen -, and to that 
 end, that at Plymouth, Portland, Sandwich, 
 and any other places that fliall be fit to have 
 the like training, the horl'emen of the next 
 adjoining counties he brought together -, 
 as, namely, at Plymouth thofe of Devon, 
 Cornwall, and Somerfet ; at Portland thofe of 
 Dorfet and PFiltfbire, Hampjknre and Berk- 
 Jhire ; at Sandwich thofe of Kent, Sujjex, 
 Surrey, 8cc. But becaufe it may fall out, 
 that in thofe places appointed for training 
 of the infantry, there may want forage, or 
 place fit for horfemen, it may be left to the 
 difcre'ion of the lieutenants to chufe the 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 10^ 
 
 fitteft for the cavalry, as near the foot r.s Monjob. 
 conveniently they may. o^v^^ 
 
 SCOTL/IND. 
 
 Farther, as touching Scotland, where 
 landing we cannot rcfirt, we think it meet 
 that a ftrongcr proportion be confidercd of 
 for that part, namely, fix thoufamt foot, 
 and two thoufand horle, whereof to lie a 
 thoLifind lances, arms of far more defence, 
 and may be furniflied as good and cheap as 
 the jack, and to be taken out of the tower. 
 
 If therefore the army of llanders Ihould 
 happen to land in Scotland, whereby their 
 forces and ftrength fliall be fo great, as the 
 army aforcfaitl fliall not be able to cncoun* 
 terthem, then we think fit that a good 
 part of the army prepared to guard her ma- 
 jefty's perfon fliall march to fupport the 
 army of the North againft that enemy, and 
 join with the trained men of that country, 
 and the army of the weft be brought to fup- 
 ply that charge. 
 
 It is alfo mcft carefully to be confiderel, 
 that the \C\noo'i Spain is not hopelcli of Ibme 
 party of papifts and malecontents. 
 
 All which, if thefe fmall regiments before 
 fpoken of, be not in readinefs, it will be 
 too late both to airemble for refiftanceof any 
 foreign enemy, and to withftand them at 
 home both on one day -, for every man fhall 
 ftand in fear of firing of his own houfe, and 
 deftrudrion of his family •, therefore if any 
 ftir fliould happen, fuch fevere proceedings 
 or execution towards fuch offenders, would 
 be ufed by martial law. 
 
 And to conclude, when it fliall be brutcd 
 in Spain, that there are at Plymouth and 
 other places fuch a number of armed fol- 
 diers under enfigns and leaders, the number 
 will be reporteci to be double or treble ; 
 fb as the king of Spain, upon good proba- 
 bility, may conceive that thefe foldicrs, 
 and fuch as are in other places vipon the 
 coaft in like readinefs, are detcrmincil to 
 land in Portugal or the Indies, the fame 
 opinion being fortify'd by the preparations 
 of fo many fhips as are given in charge to 
 be made ready in thofe parts by Sir Francis 
 Drake. 
 
 We think it alfo very necefliiry, that 
 throughout all the countries of the realm, 
 this proportion, as well amongfl: the armed 
 and trained, as the unarmed pikes and bills, 
 may be obferved, that is to lay, that ot 
 every hundred there be eighty pikes and 
 twenty bills. 
 
 We think it neceffary alfo, that fome or- 
 der and provifion be taken by their lord- 
 fhips, that her majefty's fliips being at Ro- 
 chijier be nor entrapped. 
 
 Fff 
 
 Thus
 
 206 
 
 Sir William MonibnV Naval Trads. 
 
 EooK I. 
 
 Mo;;. ON. Thus far is the direiiion and refolu'.ion of the 
 '•-'^'^^"^ honourable ccmwiffioners aforefaid, fc«- 
 f/K^f^ c« November 2 7, 1587. 
 
 Now fcllozvs on exception to fame points of 
 the rejolution abovefaid. . 
 
 IF I had been of that age and experience 
 as now I am, and worthy to have been 
 called upon tor my opinion, by lb many 
 noble and able perlbnages, to the propofi- 
 tions atbrelaid, I (liould have diffented in 
 fome things trom them, under corredion 
 be it fpoken, as Ihall appear by thefe en- 
 luing reafons. 
 
 Our fafety upon an invafion depends on 
 three defences -, the one on the good fuccefs 
 pf our fliips at lea ; the Iccond, on our re- 
 pulfing an enemy in offering to land ; and 
 the third, on our torces within the kingdom, 
 • if they chance to land: All which are at 
 large handled in the precedent difcourle, by 
 tlie prime and moll experienced foldiers of 
 our time. 
 
 MILFO RD HAVEN. 
 
 The firft direftion of propofitions by 
 them is Mtlford Haven^ as a place of dan- 
 ger, and wifh it may be guarded with two 
 thoufand foot, and five hundred horfe, with 
 fome fupplies of gentlemen and their fer- 
 vants, which they think fufficient, in re- 
 Ipeft of the barrennefs of the country of 
 Wales. 
 
 an enemy can neither pofTcfs, nor know 
 where to find them ; and for other kind ot 
 victuals, as corn, i£c. that cannot be con- 
 veniently tranfported, to fet them on fire, 
 that the enemy may meet with hunger and 
 famine, inftead of food. 
 
 And if the invaders intend to march from 
 Milford Haven to the inward part of the 
 land, (for that is the end of all conquerors,) 
 it will eafily appear what imminent dangers 
 they will run themfelves into. 
 
 Their victuals in that part of PFaks will 
 not lijftain them -, and it will be the lefs, be- 
 ing before dcftroy'd. Secondly, their march 
 will be wearilome and tedious, where they 
 mull pals mighty mountains, and find them- 
 felves deftitute of all fuccour ; in which paf- 
 fages the two thouliind toot and five hun- 
 dred horfe aforelaid, knowing the country 
 fo perfectly well, as the others do not, they 
 may take great advantage of them. Third- 
 ly, the further they march they will be the 
 greater diftance from their fhips, and con- 
 tequently from fuccour and airillance : And 
 in the mean time, whilfl: they are upon their 
 troublefome and dangerous march, the queen 
 will have time enough to draw her torces 
 from the furtheft part of England. 
 
 v eymout: H. 
 
 The next that is alledg'd is Plymouth., as 
 the likelielt place, in refpcil it is the nearcft 
 port to Spain., to give fuccour j and that 
 they will not in realon adventure their fleet 
 further into the channel before they are 
 
 'the AN SW ER to Milford Haven. mailers of fome good harbour. 
 
 I conceive, as Milford Haven has the ad- 
 vantage of all havens in England, or almoll 
 in Europe., for the largenels and goodnefs 
 of the port, fo there are multitude of land- 
 ing places i for it is faid of Milford Haven, 
 that a thoufand fliips may ride in it, and 
 not one fee another ; whereby an enemy 
 may land to his advantage when he lift, 
 Without refinance -, and in that cafe, where 
 two thoufand five hundred foldiers are de- 
 figned to withftand the enemy's landing, 
 there is no polTibility for them to do fervice, 
 unlefs the fhore ffiould be as well fortify'd •, 
 which would be a thing impolTible. 
 
 I wouW therefore advife, if it were not 
 -too great a prefumption in me, not to ha- 
 zard any part of the two thouland five hun- 
 tlred men in feeking to defend their land- 
 ing ; but to draw them to a head, and feek 
 to take advantage of them after their land- 
 ing ; as, namely, in cutting off the rear 
 and ftragglers in their marches, wearying 
 them with often alarms, to prevent the fo- 
 raging of the country of vidluals; and in 
 the mean time to draw and convey their 
 cattle of all kinds into the mountains, that 
 2 
 
 ANS WE R. 
 
 I approve thefe reafons, as a chief ground 
 for an enemy to fettle upon ; for whofoever 
 invades by lea, above all things muff feck 
 to obtain a port for his fleet ; only I dilap- 
 prove the eleftion ot Plymouth before Fal- 
 mouth ; for Falmouth lies more convenient 
 for Spain, fourteen or fifteen leagues nearer 
 to it, a better harbour and outlet, and at 
 that time ot lefs defence than Plymouth ; 
 and being poffelled by the Spaniards, it will 
 be made llronger by the fituation. More- 
 over Falmouth is in Corn'wall, a fmall Ihire, 
 and narrow betwixt fea and lea, and has no 
 country neighbour to it weflward to give us 
 aflillance, us Devonpire hath Cornzvall to the 
 weft, and SomerfetjLire to the euft ; but the 
 one and the other I hold as fit to be torti- 
 fy'd, as any two harbours ot England. 
 
 PORTLAND. 
 
 Portland is alledged to be an apt place 
 for the Spaniards to arrive in ; for that it 
 is a great harbour for all their fhips to ride 
 
 in.
 
 Book I. 
 
 S^ir William MonfonV Na^val Trjcls. 
 
 in, and a good landing for their men ; that 
 the ifland being won, it is a ftrong place 
 for retreat, the country adjoining to it cham- 
 pion, where with great convenicncy they 
 may march with their whole army. 
 
 In Dorfet and IViltJljirc there are of train'd 
 men two thoufand five hundred, which are 
 to be aflembled for defence of that place ; 
 and the honourable commilTioners do advife 
 that two thoufand of the fame number 
 ihould be aifemblcd and cxercifed, as before 
 is laid of PUmonlh ; and that fome place be 
 appointed in IFilljUre for the fuccour of the 
 ifle of Wight, and to take the help of So- 
 wi-:7-fetJJjire, which are two thoufand foot. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 The honourable commilTioners are mifin- 
 formed in the (late of Portland •, for it is 
 neither an ifland, nor has, as they conceive, 
 a harbour for ihips to lie in fafely from all 
 Vv'eather. It haih only an open bay, where 
 vvith an eafterly wind fhips ride in danger. 
 And if the fleet of Spain (hould arrive there, 
 I fliould Iboner look to have them wrecked 
 upon the fhore than to return fafe again to 
 fea. 
 
 Portland is a road fome leagues over from 
 fliore to flaore, and within it lieth a fmall 
 bar, and dry haven, called Weymouth, of no 
 defence againft an enemy's landing, nor fit 
 for great (hips, as is all that fliore, except 
 only a fmall port of no importance upon 
 the road. 
 
 This place is in the ftate of Milfcrd Ha- 
 ven, that hath^in infinite number of places 
 to land in, and no poflibility to impeach 
 an enemy's landing : and this will ferve as 
 well for an anfwer to the ifle of Wight, and 
 other places of that fort, where there are fe- 
 veral landings. 
 
 The road of Portland gives us an advan- 
 tage over the Spaniards, if they fhould an- 
 chor there, by reafon of the breadth of the 
 road, which is fuch, that no fortifications 
 from the fliore can impeach our attempts 
 upon them. For iuppofe we fhould not be 
 uble to cope with them in fhips, yet keep- 
 ing ourfelves to windv^ard ot them, during 
 the time of the whole flood, we fhall be 
 .ible to put in execution Ilratagems, in firing 
 them with veflTels we may drive among 
 them -, or, if we fail one flood, we Ihall 
 be able to attempt them as often as we lift, 
 and the flood fhall run without danger to 
 ourfelves ; for during the flood they cannot 
 come to us -, and with tjie firft of the ebb, 
 \ve fliall be able to ply out, without end;>n- 
 gering ourfelves any manner of way. 
 ■"' I confefs it is neceflTary that the men be 
 muflered and trained in every fhire, to make 
 them able fokiicrs ; but, in my opinion, it 
 is nor iafi; to defign fo niany meii to lb raa- 
 
 207 
 
 ny fcvcral places, without there be works Mo n' on. 
 and trenches made to detcrnd them, and to -''Y^ 
 enable them to repulfe an enemy's l.inding ; 
 for if thole men fliouk! be defeated, the 
 lots of their arms would cqu.il the lols of fo 
 many men, and difhearten others that have 
 not been acquainted and accurtomcti to the 
 accidents and chances of war. 
 
 Something I have faid to this part of 
 keeping an enemy from landing, in my fifth 
 book, where I treat of Ibatagems, by ex- 
 ample of the Downs, and other places, 
 where the fhore-fide is full of fmall floncs 
 and fliiiiglcs cilt up by fea. 
 
 Hczi' to fight. 
 
 The next that follows is the order to be 
 taken to fight the enemy if he be landed, 
 which mull: be left to the difcretion of a ge- 
 neral : what cnfues more, by the advice of 
 the honourable commiflioners, I refer to 
 their former directions which you have 
 read ; and, for brevity lake, will deliver my 
 opinion for the world to confider. 
 
 ANSWE R. 
 
 There muft be great confideration, no^ 
 only how to fight, but a place muft be cho- 
 fen within the land to make their rendez- 
 vous, for all their forces to meet together 
 with moft conveniency ; for the enemy be- 
 ing landed, we muft lay afide all other pro- 
 pofitions or ftratagems, more than to think 
 how to force them in a main battle, as we 
 fhall hear they direft their courfe, cither by 
 dividing their army, or marching in a ^yl^ok 
 body. 
 
 And for the effeding hereof, we miift re- 
 folve to gather and draw fo many nien into 
 a body, as will make two main battles, the 
 one to attend the fbuth and weft coaft, thp 
 other to be re.idy to attend th? prince of 
 Parma and his army in the e;dl. 
 
 If our Ihips fail of intercepting the Spa- 
 niards landing, they will become mafters of 
 all our ports -, and there is no coaft where 
 they fliall arrive in England, but will yield 
 them ftore of landing places without refift- 
 ance, as before I have exprefTed ; and there- 
 fore our chief defence muft confift in our 
 land army, if we muft not employ lb ma- 
 ny men as is defigned to wi.thftand their 
 landing as aforefaid. 
 
 For the place of rendezvous for pur we* 
 ftern army, I hold Salisbufj the moft con- 
 venient fe.tt; it lieth half way betwixt Lofi- 
 don and Plytuouth^ which will nuke the ea- 
 fier march for them b9th j not forty miles 
 frpm Portland, and that fouthcrn coaft v 
 not above eighteen from Sculhawptoii, nor 
 thirty to die ille of IFight and Portjnmith ; 
 lb that \ve fliay .^n a mannAr be upon the 
 
 enemy
 
 208 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval JraclL 
 
 Book I, 
 
 Movio-!. enemy before they can be provided or pre- 
 Vi'^'V^*^ pared lor their m-irch. 
 
 All the Ibldiers that are defigned to op- 
 pole their landing in Ccrnzi-aH, Devon, So- 
 m'rjhy D:rfcl, and Hampjhire, being join'd 
 with the reVi that fhall be drawn out of tiie 
 inland fhircs, will make an army able to 
 encounter more men than three fuch fleets 
 can either contain or bring. 
 
 When it comes to this extremity, the 
 countries mull have care to drive away their 
 cattle, and live things of all forts, and to 
 convey their corn and other vicluals in carts, 
 and one cart to take it of another, that the 
 firll may return back for another load ; and 
 if they have not time enough, then to burn 
 ilie rell, and carts alfo, that the enemy may 
 be difippointed of carriages as well as vic- 
 tuals ; and for forage for their horfes, they 
 coming by lea, their number cannot be 
 great. 
 
 The place to drive their cattle to be near 
 the army, which will furely guard them. 
 This being done, the general is to advife 
 whether to march and meet the enemy be- 
 fore their further entrance into the land, or 
 to fuffer him to march into the inward coun- 
 try, to have the greater advantage of them, 
 being far from their (liips, and by confe- 
 quence from all relief and help that they can 
 aftbrd them: but I am utterly againft the 
 adventuring of our people by handluls be- 
 fore they come to a main battle. 
 
 The place of our rendezvous for our 
 eaftern army was well and advifedly chofen 
 in 1588, when her majefty repaired to her 
 army : firft, in refpe6t of the fmall diftance 
 from London, from whence they were to 
 receive fupplies ; fecondly, by the provifion 
 made of building a bridge of boats to pafs 
 over the river to the fuccour of Ke7it, or 
 Kent of them -, and thirdly, for appoint- 
 ing their rendezvous on the EJJex fhore, ra- 
 ther than in Kent : for if an enemy land in 
 Kent, he is kept by the river of Thames from 
 coming to London, unlefs it be by the bridge 
 of London, or of Kin^fion, which may be 
 prevented by breaking them down : where- 
 as if an enemy land on Effex fide, he may 
 march diredly to London without let, im- 
 peachment, or other impediment, but by 
 the encounter of an army, that may be 
 drawn out of EJfex, Kent, Hartfordjhire, 
 Buckinghamjkire, Bedfordjlme, Huntington, 
 Northampton, Lincoln, Norfolk, Suffolk, Mid- 
 dle/ex, and London. And for Bcrklhire, 
 Bedjordjhire, Gloucefterjhire, WorcefterjlArc, 
 and the fhires thereabout, they lie indiffe- 
 rently to give afliftance as well to the we- 
 ftern as eaftern armies. 
 
 The honourable commilTioners did con- 
 ceive, that this great preparation of ours 
 would fo much terrify the Spaniards, that 
 it would divert them from their intended 
 
 invafion upon England; but I believe it 
 proceeded rather cut of a hope, or an ima- 
 gination, than out of any ground or rca- 
 lon •, for fo great an expedition as this of 
 the Spaniards, is not to be feared away like 
 birds with wifps from a cherry-tree : but 
 if you do it as a policy to amaze them, I 
 fear they are not fo unprovided of intelli- 
 gence from England, but to know that the 
 preparation of fliips, the quantity of vic- 
 tuals, and the raifing of foldiers, does in- 
 tend no great matter from home. 
 
 Befides, if we fliould fright them with 
 a voyage to the Indies, there are many 
 things required in fuch a voyage that can- 
 not be fuddenly provided, as, namely, the 
 fheathing our fliips, provifions of all kinds, 
 iron hoops for calks, and many other things 
 needlefs to exprefs. 
 
 But fuppole we fhould aftually undertake 
 fuch a voyage from home, I know not how 
 we can give a greater advantage to th-e Spa- 
 niards, they having fo great an army and 
 navy in readinefs to aifault us wherefocver 
 we arrive ; and in fuch a place where tbcy 
 fhall be continually fupplied from home ; 
 whereas we fliall find nothing but what we 
 carry with us. 
 
 PROPOSITION. 
 
 Whereas the council of war do advife, 
 that in the army that fhall be raifed there 
 be an increafe made of pikes and bills, as 
 weapons that the country affords, and fhews 
 the neceflity of their being put into fuch 
 mens hands as have not been taught other 
 arms. 
 
 I will be bold, without derogating from 
 thofe noble perfbns, to deliver my conceit 
 to this point, and to commend to them a 
 weapon, that though it be known to us, 
 yet has never be ufed in war, or againft 
 publick enemies •, and yet in my opinion it 
 may be made ufeful in the field, where 
 there is neither caffle, fort, nor town of 
 ftrength. 
 
 The weapon is a pike-ftafF, fuch as keepers 
 and warreners ufe for the guard of the game ; 
 and that every wood affords us without 
 cofl. 
 
 This ftafF to have an extraordinary long 
 pike, aiid three fmall ones to be fcrued in 
 at the fides of the ffaff, and fb light, that a 
 man may eafily command him ; every man 
 in a town to be injoined to have one. And 
 to give the more credit and reputation to 
 this weapon, and to encourage men to the 
 ufe of it, as an exercife of value, credit, and 
 plealure, as football, hurling, and wreftling, 
 have been anciently ufed, when there was 
 more Ibciety and friendlinefs among men 
 than now-a-days, I would advife, that all 
 people thus armed with ftavcs, may every 
 
 holiday
 
 ^OK I. 
 
 Sir William AionlbnV Navjl Tracls. 
 
 Z09 
 
 ling. 
 
 holiday have a place and time appointed 
 ^6r meeting and converfatioh, to ufe thefe 
 commendable exercifes and fports, and a- 
 mongft them to have men ot fkill appoint- 
 ed to inftrudt them> as mafters of defence 
 do their fcholars, till they be made perfedt. 
 
 At this meeting they may ;ilfo ule wrelt- 
 and other laudable fports, which 
 would put life and agility of body into 
 them : it will make them couragious to en- 
 counter an enemy, and fkilful to take an 
 advantage upon him : they need take no 
 care but to wield their ftaffs with fuch ad- 
 Vantage as fhall be taught them ; as a mul- 
 ketier, with whom they are to encounter, 
 has his mufket, his reft, fhot, powder and 
 match to look to, one whereof failing, he 
 may caft away his piece for any other fer- 
 vice he can do. 
 
 Let the mufketier in this cafe be fure to 
 kill him he levels at, or elfe the pike will 
 be within him before he can load again, and 
 have the advantage of his weapon upon 
 him •, and the pikeman being taught to 
 wreftle, will fuddenly kick up the other's 
 heeis -, and if he carry ever a dagger or 
 knife in his pocket, he will be the death 
 of his oppofite, if his ftaff fails him. 
 
 The bill in this cafe is improper, under 
 correftion to the commiffioners, whofe ufe 
 is, if an army be routed, to fall upon them 
 pdl-mell with blows only : a bill is fhort, 
 and not fo nimble in a man's hand as a 
 ftaff: it will be commanded by the horfe, 
 
 and a great trouble to him that carries it Mossos. 
 after the purfuit of an enemy. A Ibff has '■^'V^*^ 
 no impediment, but may eafily overtake a 
 mufketier tiiat is laden with his piece and 
 furniture, that he fhull be cither forced to 
 yield, or caft away his arms, to cfcape by 
 flight. It will alio be an advantage' to a 
 man if he be put to leap a ford oV ditch, 
 and many other ules may be m.ide of it. 
 
 This meeting for recreation will make 
 good converfation and love amongll: men ; 
 it will make them abandon alchoulcs, and 
 think on nothing but on holidays to fpend 
 their time in fports, which for many years 
 they have been dcban'd of And lor the 
 better governing ir, and to avoid any hurt 
 that may arife by ir, it is wilh'd, that at 
 the time of pradf ice, the pikes be taken out 
 of their icrews ; and at every fuch meet- 
 ing the conftable and his deputy be appoint- 
 ed to govern them, and punifh abules. 
 
 Thus fliall all men in the kingdom be 
 made to ferve their prince and country with- 
 out murmuring, exception, or offence of- 
 fered by one or other ; they are drawn to 
 no expence oi" charge by it, or time loft or 
 fpent in vain, to hinder their other affairs 
 or labours •, the holiday yields them free li- 
 berty for their deligins and fports, which 
 have been ot later times worfe ff^ent. 
 
 And thus much of a gentle private opi- 
 nion, to be compar'd widi that of the ho- 
 nourable commiliioners. 
 
 TIjc queen s death, and the advantages of the peace that enfucd above the icar 
 
 in her time. 
 
 HAVING run over as briefly as J could 
 fuch accidents as the eighteen years 
 wars did produce betwixt Spain and us, now 
 happen'd, as you have heard, the queen's 
 death, which, as was to be expefted, pro- 
 duced alterations in Europe, though not 
 much in England; for commonly every ftate 
 changes with time, and fometimes to its 
 advantage ; for fubjefts fotidnefs of princes 
 is uncertain, and they are often friends to 
 day, and enemies to morrow. 
 
 When God call'd her majefty to his mer- 
 cy, it had been long look'd for, and defit'd 
 by her foes, and fear'd by her friends ; 
 fome laugh'd, fome lamented ; Spain and 
 its adherents rejoiced, having tafted the bit- 
 teriiefs of eighteen years ot war with her •, 
 Holland fear'd, and fafpedled their good 
 days began to wain, becaufe his majefty 
 needed not to fupport faftions abroad to 
 defend his juft and lawful title. 
 
 Thele two nations that were oppofite 
 one to another, had their particular ends -, 
 but the people that heartily and inwardly 
 mourn'd, were the Englijh, to fee themfelves 
 depriv'd of a fovereigti fo goiod and gra- 
 
 VoL.lIL 
 
 ciods, fo virtuous and viftorious, whofe 
 reign had continued fo long, as few had be- 
 fore in England, which made them the more 
 uneafy. 
 
 But this trouble was foon turn'd into joy: 
 for when his majelly appearM, they rcco- 
 ver'd a new life and fpirit, and receiv'd him 
 with that alacrity, that they had foon for- 
 got their grict, and tix'd their hearts as 
 faithflil to ferve the king, as they had wil- 
 lingly obey'd the queen. 
 
 But before I end with the* queen's death, 
 I will ftiew you and the world, by compa- 
 rifon, the difference betwixt peace and war 
 in the queen's time, if ftic iiad been fo hap- 
 py as to enjoy it ■, for though her aftions 
 were of great reputation to her and her fub- 
 jefts, through the fiiccefs the had againft 
 fo mighty and potent an enemy as the king 
 of Spain, yet I muft confefs, the aftio'rs of 
 our two fucceeiling kings (king James and 
 king Charles) fettled a firm and quiet Ic.-.guc 
 and peace in this kingdom, that has pro- 
 duced greater hapi)inels and benefit, if we 
 will lay afide patlion and partiality. 
 
 
 Pcac;
 
 210 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navd Traffs. 
 
 Book 1. 
 
 MoNsoN. Peace has eafed us of necdlefs taxes, which 
 ^■"'^'^r^ in war princes are forced to lay upon their 
 fubjcifls: peace takes away all fear of ene- 
 mies, fo that every man may live quietly 
 under his olive-tree. Our peace has trebled 
 cur number of fhips to that of former times ; 
 mariners are abundantly increaled, and 
 wealth plentifully augmented; ib that we 
 are better enabled and provided to refill: the 
 fury of war, cither by land or fea, it there 
 fhould be occafion. 
 
 And if eighteen years of peace have pro- 
 duced fo great an alteration and change to 
 this kingdom, in comparifon of the eighteen 
 years of war paft, how happy had we been, 
 if the eighteen years aforelaid had been 
 converted into the fame number of peace. 
 All bleflings had been poured upon this 
 land, which by war was hinder'd-, for who 
 fees not that eighteen years of trade doubly 
 increafed thofe riches that time confumed. 
 Thefe errors of ours will ferve for a warn- 
 ing to us in future times-, for it is an old 
 faying, fhat example is of greater force than 
 precept ; and, That cujtom teacheth nations^ 
 reafon men, and nature beafis. 
 
 Spain is more puniHi'd by the king's 
 peace, than by the queen's war ; for by our 
 peace, England is enlarg'd by feveral plan- 
 tations in America, all neighbours to Spain 
 in their habitations of the IVefi-Indies, in 
 cafe they become infolent, or offer injuries; 
 which plantations in eighteen years are 
 brought to afford plenty of food, without 
 the help of England; which is no fmall be- 
 nefit to us, confidering the increafe of Scotch 
 and French that are ready to devour us: 
 and befides this abundunce of victuals, the 
 foil of that country, will produce whatever 
 we fhall plant or graft there; fo that Eng- 
 land ntc^ fpare nothing out of it, that will 
 bring a want to it ; for their chiefefl want 
 is of tools, materials, and other inflru- 
 ments. 
 
 The air is delightful, and the climate 
 wholefome, and lies moft convenient for 
 other nations to take off their commodities: 
 then judge, if queen Elizabeth had not been 
 diverted by war, what honour, what wealth, 
 and all other blcffings, had fhe left as a le- 
 gacy to her fubjefts, which was afterwards 
 increafed by our two kings aforelaid. 
 
 And befides thefe fevcn weflern planta- 
 tions, begun and continued byfubjefts, with- 
 out expence to the kings, and not molefled 
 by the terror of the enemies, I will fail to 
 the Eafi-Indics three times further diflant 
 than the other from England, and where the 
 equinoftial line mutl be twice cut; there 
 we found a trade to the ifland of Socotora, 
 at the mouth of the Red-Sea, and the near- 
 efl part of that continent to us; and keep- 
 ing the fhore of that African coaft, we land- 
 ed at the ifland of Ormus, and other places 
 4 
 
 within the gulph of Perfta, where we af- 
 fifled the king of Perfia to take that ifland 
 from the king of Portugal, 
 
 But I confefs, this was not fo commen- 
 dable as many other noble afts of ours; for 
 here we defiled our hands with flealth ; and 
 what is worfe, we did it to aid and benefit 
 a mahometan. But mark what the end of 
 that voyage prov'd to the Englifh, which 
 brought God's anger and revenge upon 
 them ; for the Perjians treacheroully broke 
 their word with our men, and upon a flight 
 occafion feized all the goods they had taken. 
 And befides, an Englifh fhip lighting upon 
 greater wealth than the refl, was there caft 
 away and perifh'd; not to fpeak of many 
 other dilaflers that befel them. 
 
 We ftopp'd not here, but in the fame 
 eafterly courle repair'd to Surat, in the king- 
 dom of Gambaya, under the government 
 of the great mogul, to try what trade and 
 riches that king and country would yield 
 us. The long diftance betwixt the fea- 
 coaft and the court of the mogul, did not 
 obflruft our vifiting him, but thither we 
 fent at times feveral ambafTadors, who found 
 civil entertainment, which has afforded us a 
 peaceable trade, with divers immunities. 
 
 But before we leagued, or had correfpon- 
 dence with this king, we had fettled and 
 continued, and to this day do enjoy a great- 
 er trade, and further from home than Surat, 
 as namely, at Java, Sumatra, Jacatras, the 
 Molucca iflands, and others. We have feen 
 and tried what Chi7ia and the ifland of Ja- 
 pan afford, though we are not much en- 
 couraged to perlevcre in thofe trades; for 
 they do not anfwer the great expeftation 
 we had conceived of them. I dare boldly 
 aver, if the cuflom-books of that trade to 
 the Indies were viewed, it has yielded the 
 crown of England many an hundred thou- 
 fand pounds, all which we mufl attribute 
 to our peace; for though in the queen's 
 days, and in the year 1591. captain /2«_y- 
 mond gave a warlike attempt, if he and his 
 fhips had not mifcarried in his going to the 
 Eafl-hdies, yet that voyage produced no- 
 thing but mifery, as you will underftand 
 hereafter. 
 
 But I know the well-wifhers to war, and 
 favourers of the queen's time, will except 
 againfl me, and all I can alledge in com- 
 mendation of peace, as placing it before 
 war. But in anfwer to them, I fay, I was 
 as great an adtor in thofe days of war, as 
 any other that fliall queflion what I fay, 
 and have as good reafon to judge of the 
 difference of times as they, if partiality 
 and faftion does not tranfport them. 
 
 And becaufe I infill fo much upon peace, 
 and go about to prove the good it produ- 
 ced above the queen'5 war, I expeifl to be 
 hit in the teeth witli his majefly's late war 
 
 witli
 
 Book I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval l^ra6is. 
 
 with Spain in 1625. and with France m 
 1628. But before I come to that time, I 
 muft tell them, That king James, who 
 reign'd twice as long as his Ion, reckoning 
 to the year 1635. could not be laid to have 
 been molefted, or his countries infefted by 
 enemies. And the accident that fell out in 
 the days of king Charles, might rather be 
 term'd an adl of unkindnefs with the king 
 of Spain, than of malice, and therefore de- 
 ferved not the name of war, for it was be- 
 gun and ended before either fide could 
 think to frame themfelves to hoftilicy ; and 
 who knows not that fome evil and palFio- 
 jiate counfellors drew our king to a Hidden 
 and fharp revenge upon France, which was 
 as quickly ended, as words could give fa- 
 tisfadion. 
 
 But I would afk thefe captious perfons, 
 whether either of thefe two unkindnefiTes or 
 occafions were fo violent, or of fo lon^ 
 continuance, as to hinder his majefty's de- 
 figns to enrich his kingdoms, or whether 
 the plantations failed by any misfortunes 
 we found by war. 
 
 Another objeftion will be made againft 
 what I fay of our plantations, which is, 
 That they were known to us long before ; 
 and that Englijh fhips vifited the Eajl-Indies 
 in the queen's time -, and perhaps they will 
 prefs me with the firft difcovery of Sebajlian 
 Cabot, Anno 1496. from fifty-eight to thirty- 
 fix degrees of latitude ; which I thus anfwer. 
 
 No relation of Cabot's ever mention'd his 
 poffeflion, or fetting his foot alhore to in- 
 habit any of the lands betwixt the degrees 
 aforefaid; and therefore we can challenge 
 no right of inheritance, wanting proof of 
 poflTeffion, which is the law acknowledged 
 for right of difcovery: and by this argu- 
 ment, the Spaniards may as well encroach 
 on us upon as colourable title, becaufe they 
 were the firft that failed into America. 
 
 The fecond objedtion is, the proof of 
 our inhabiting Norrambega, a part of the 
 main continent of America, and betwixt the 
 degrees aforefaid, in 1584. and fo we fay 
 captain Raymond, before fpoken of, was in 
 the Eaji- Indies in 1591. 
 
 I confefs here was a pofTefTion in 1584. 
 and a patent granted Sir Walter Raleigh, 
 who placed there a colony •, but fo ill fe- 
 conded, that all the planters were there con- 
 fumed, and no memory left of them, though 
 our late planters endeavoured to find what 
 became of them -, whereby we may fay our 
 pofTefTion was loft, as in the cafe of inheri- 
 tance, that for wane of heirs a man forfeits 
 his eftate. 
 
 2ir 
 
 And to anfwer the objcdion of the Raft- Mos-on. 
 Indies, there is no mention of pofTcITion by "-"■y-^ 
 Brake, who was there the firft of any £;;?- 
 ghfloman, when he failed round the world, 
 and before the reign of king James. And 
 moreover, in the forty-third year of the 
 queen, and the year before flic died, fljc 
 granted a patent to certain merchants for 
 fifteen years trade to the Eajl-hdics, which 
 was prolonged in the ninth year of king 
 James to continue for ever ; but the queen 
 lived not to fee the return of that firft voy- 
 age which captain Lancajicr went. And 
 moreover, his imployment was as well to 
 take by violence, as to trade by fufference, 
 and unworthy the name of an honefl dc- 
 fign : for the hands of merchants fhould 
 not be ftained or polluted with theft ; for 
 in fuch cafe all people would have liberty 
 to do the like upon them. 
 
 But indeed, the moft memorable thing 
 we can challenge by that trade, is. That wc 
 have lately agreed with the Portuguefes, who 
 were the firft difcoverers, and to this day 
 enjoy the benefit of it -, have fettled their 
 government and language -, built rich and 
 curious cities, churches, and monafterics; 
 and all things elfe that belong to a civil 
 nation, in as large and ample a manner, as 
 in their own country of Portugal: and more 
 than this, they have the command of ma- 
 ny civiliz'd countries adjacent to them. 
 They have fhips fufficient to uphold the trade 
 betwixt Portugal and the Indies ; and yet 
 they are willing to make us fliarers in their 
 commerce, and to incorporate us as freely 
 as themfelves, with promife to imploy and 
 freight our fhips for our better fatisfadtion. 
 
 But give me leave freely to deliver my 
 opinion concerning this voluntary offer made 
 by the Portitgue/e, who hitherto could be 
 brought upon no account to grant us trade. 
 We muft conclude they are drawn to it 
 rather through necefTity than love, or other 
 refpefts ; for they find the intrufion and 
 good fuccefs of the Hollanders to be fuch, 
 as in time may hazard the ruin and fub- 
 verfion in the Indies, without the help of 
 England, who is beft able to right them ; 
 therefore let us confider the time and the 
 occafion of this overture, and embrace it as 
 f'riendfhip grounded upon intereft -, for 
 though leagues betwixt ftatcs be to fup- 
 port one another, yet every one has his par- 
 ticular advantage. I will fay no more to 
 this point, but advife you to fafeiy and 
 fccurity, and to beware you be not deluded 
 with golden pills, wherein is hidden xnoft 
 deadly poifon.
 
 lit 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval ^ra^s. 
 
 Book I^ 
 
 MONSON. 
 
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 ^areivel to the gentlemen to lahom I dedicated this 'Book. 
 
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 I MAKE you the Alpha and Omega 
 of niy difcourfe ; for at the begin- 
 ning of this book, I commended it to 
 your view •, and now, at the end, I take 
 my leave with a loving farewel, adding 
 this admonition by way of caution. That 
 you beware of adventuring yourfelves 
 and eftates upon fea expeditions •, you 
 may perceive, by my obfervations, what 
 peril they bring, without profit; and what 
 pains, without preferment ; for there are 
 few whofe imployment has gain'd them 
 advantage or honour ■, as to the contrary, 
 many are brought to want and mifery 
 by them. 
 
 " Our private adions of reprifal have 
 been as fatal to the adventurers, as Seja- 
 ms's horfe to the riders, or the gold of 
 Touloufe to Scipioh foldiers ; for to this 
 day there remains a proverb in France, 
 'That he who is unfortunate, has fame of 
 the gold of Touloufe in his hcufe : and fo 
 fares it with our undertakers of reprifals -, 
 for wealth fo gain'd, brings a curfe with 
 it ; and not only waftes itfelf, but con- 
 fumes goods well gotten, if mix'd with it. 
 " Take notice of thefe few perfons fol- 
 lowing, inflead of a multitude I could 
 recite, that have been brought into the 
 eftate of Sejanus's riders^ or the deftroyers 
 of 1'ouloufe ; and it will appear, God was 
 difpleafed with their adtions, and punifh- 
 ed their defigns. 
 
 *' I will begin with the earl of Cumber- 
 land, whofe voluntary undertakings were 
 well punilhed in his firft two voyages, be- 
 reaving him of two hopeful fons, whom 
 this kingdom could not match ; and in 
 the profecution of fuch aftions, he fo im- 
 pair'd his eftate, that his heirs, and their 
 pofterity, have juft caufe to bewail his 
 proceedings. 
 
 *' The three eminent rhcn of that time 
 by fea, were iDrake, Haivkitis, and .For- 
 buj}.ier, none of which left any legitimate 
 iflue to enjoy their adventurous labours : 
 and if two of them were now alive» 
 they knew not where to find the eftates 
 they left behind them. 
 " The miferable gentlemen that under- 
 took fuch enterprizes for gain, to reco- 
 ver their fpent and confum'd eftates, were 
 Candifh, Chidley, Manhy, Cock, with ma- 
 ny others I could name, whofe funerals 
 were all made in the bottomlefs fea, and 
 their lands confumed and turn'd into the 
 element of water. 
 
 " And if we defcend to the towns, which 
 for that time flouriftied with the goods 
 fo gotten, and examine the conditions 
 of them and their inhabitants, we iliall 
 find not only the people, but the places 
 impoveriftied after the fame manner they 
 were enrich'd, (that is to fay,) by rapine, 
 fpoil, and piracy : and I may further Ciy, 
 that there are not three men in this king-r 
 ddm who can .boaft they have fucceeded 
 their fathers in any quantity of goods fo 
 gotten. 
 
 ** What I warn you of, is not fo fiiuch 
 out of perfuafion, as precedents and ex- 
 ample, which is a compafs to fail by ; 
 but if your wilfulnefs will not admit of 
 advice, and hereafter you feel the fmart 
 of it, remember that counfel is always 
 full of perturbation to fuch as embrace 
 their own wills. 
 
 And remember the faying of a grave 
 and wife counfellor, ihat as youth is 
 warned to prevent the worfi, fo age bids us 
 provide for the befl ; for it is a ficknels 
 of moft men to be guided by opinion, 
 and not by judgment : but wife men do 
 otherwife ; for if they run into an error, 
 they feek quickly to amend it." 
 
 The End of the FiRsT Book.
 
 ^^5 
 
 Sir William Monfon to his Second Sou, 
 
 Good fon^ 
 
 Y computation of years, it is now 
 nine fince I addrefTed myfelf to 
 you in writing ; which number of 
 nine changes one's complexion, 
 and many times one's conditions -, nine 
 times itven^ or feven times nine, make fix- 
 ty-three, which is the cHmafterical, or dan- 
 gerous year. 
 
 This ninth year has bred greater altera- 
 tions in you, than either in complexion or 
 condition: her malice and perils towards 
 others, have begotten a contrary effeft in 
 you, and in fo high a meafure, by your 
 marriage, that the climadterical year has 
 loft its reputation with the obfervers of it ; 
 for ip defpite of it, fortune has given you 
 a lady of birth, parts, and means, far a- 
 bove your merit or thought ; and fince for- 
 tune has been fo liberal, do not give her 
 caufe of fcandal, or to find ingratitude in 
 your face, by your carriage to your lady -, 
 for an unthankful man incites God to pu- 
 nifh, and people to abhor him. 
 
 No man can treat with an ungrateful 
 perlbn, without fufpicion of him ; and next 
 to the name of an evil Chriftian, the word 
 ingratitude is the worft : God, for all his 
 blcfiings on man, requires nothing at his 
 hands but thankfulnefs. 
 
 Next the refped: to your lady, let your 
 carriage to all others be with that modera- 
 tion and affability, that they may perceive 
 you are no more elevated with good for- 
 tune, than you will be dejedled with bad ; 
 but Hand like a tree well rooted, which no 
 wind can ftir or move. 
 
 The reputation you may feek to get in 
 this world, depends not fo much upon pru- 
 dence as goodnefs •, for a man ought to get 
 credit and efteem of all, and to be fufpi- 
 cious of his own advice and carriage : time 
 will inform you, that the greateft gift na- 
 ture can beftow on a young man, is comeli- 
 nefs of body, difcretion in his carriage, and 
 eloquence of tongue j and yet all this is no- 
 thing, if it be not attended with a good 
 reputation. The true property of a gentle- 
 man, which I would have you to obferve, 
 is to be temperate in fpeech, liberal and 
 frank in giving, moderate in diet, honeft 
 in life, and courteous in carriage : for it is 
 not titles or riches that makes men cfteem- 
 ed, but the favour they do, and the gifts 
 they beftow. 
 
 The mifchtefs that breed contrary efFedts 
 to thefe, as hate, fpleen, and contempt, are 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 covetoufnefs, pride, and difdain : the cure 
 to falve this, is not to prcfumc too much 
 upon yourfelf, without the counfi-1 of 
 others ; for many times people (and cfpe- 
 cially young nun; attribute more to them- 
 lelves, tlian ocIkts can difcern in tliem. 
 Solomon Hiys, That wife men take counfd\ 
 and be that does things ivith advice, govans 
 prudently ; and he that does other-jAfe perijh- 
 eth, and fat let h in his own dcfigns. 
 
 This counfel is not to be expefted from 
 one of twenty or thirty years of age, but 
 from hoary hairs. Lycurgus ordered, that 
 old men fhould be more rcfpedcd, becaul'c 
 their advice was more to be regarded. 
 
 The greateft combat in this world, is to 
 conquer one's felf, and to tame his heart, as 
 Plato fays : but the way for young men to 
 be virtuous in this battle, is to take ad- 
 vice, to hear, and with humility fubmit 
 to reafon ; for naturally youth is inclin'd to 
 have an opinion of themfelves, and to aban- 
 don the counfel of others, which common- 
 ly ingenders pride, vain-glory, and ambi- 
 tion : then followeth reproach, contempt, 
 and fcorn ; which makes their paths as dan- 
 gerous to walk in, as the flipperieft of ice 
 or glafs to tread on. 
 
 Be careful in the choice of your friends ; 
 and efteem them more for virtue than ho- 
 nour: the one is but a title of power ; the 
 other of defcrt. Know there's no end of 
 friendfhip which is founded upon love, and 
 requited with the fame. To fuch a friend 
 one ought to be fcarce in words, but pro- 
 digal in works ; for the true pcrfciflion of 
 friendfhip is to fupply a man's wants, and 
 advife him in his errors. But Seneca faith, 
 that fuch are rare ; and a man ought to feek 
 but one of them, and to have never an ene- 
 my : for as it is dangerous to have enemies, 
 fo it is troublefome to luve many friends : 
 if he be poor, you muft give, if rich, yoa 
 muft obferve ; if favoured you muft adore -, 
 if disfavoured, you muft fupport ■, if crofs 
 and perverfe, you muft flatter i if cholc- 
 rick, you muft forbear ; if pruuJ, he is 
 not long to be endured. 
 
 Above all other vices, beware of that of 
 pride; for young men arc fubject to it: it 
 is called vanity in women, and ambition in 
 old age. Youth are prone to be proud of 
 their perfons and external parts: women arc 
 as vain therein ; and what they want by na- 
 ture, they help by art. Young men affefl 
 oftentation, and to be praifed : women vain- 
 H h h glory.
 
 7li\. 
 
 Sir William Monfon to his fecond Son. 
 
 .MoN50N. glury, and to be adored. A man endures 
 ^"^^•^"^^ no compcticors, nor woman equal. 
 
 Many women by reaibn of their lightnefs, 
 and young men for want of knowledge, are 
 inconfideratc : they apprehend, and execute, 
 all with one breath, which many times 
 brings them to repentance : and yet do I 
 rather approve the vanity of women, which 
 are govcrnetl by the inconftant motion of 
 the moon, than mens pride, that can give 
 no reafon for their being fo, if they feriouQy 
 confider how indifferently God dillributes 
 his gifts to all creatures; fo that no man 
 can pcrfuade himlclf but that thoufands e- 
 qual him. •<* ■"•'■'■- 
 
 If he is pftjud of the fltvour of a prince, 
 he may as well be proud of his fortunes •, 
 for comparing his merits with others, he 
 will find many competitors exceed him : it 
 of his progenitors, or other parts ot his an- 
 ceftors, kings reward mens proper virtues, 
 not what they can challenge to defcend from 
 others : if of learning, his v/afte hours per- 
 mit him not to attain to that perfeftion or- 
 dinary fcholars do by continual ftudy : if 
 he aifeft popular applaufe, it is like an 
 echo, to be heard, but no man knows where : 
 and let him not be deceived, for no proud 
 man is either valued or beloved, as himlelt 
 can witnefs ; for the nature of pride, is to 
 abhor it in another : if he be frank and li- 
 beral, for pride without bounty is like a 
 fpot in a fair face that defiles it, his efteem 
 will be according to his expence •, but that 
 ceafing, men turn their hearts againft their 
 pride. 
 
 Ambition is more fufferable and allowa- 
 ble in an old man, than pride in a young 
 one : for there are two diftinftions in ambi- 
 tion ; the one is allowable and commendable, 
 when a man hath an opportunity to compafs 
 his allow'd defires by his lawful endeavours. 
 
 Mod divines hold free-will in man to do 
 well-, and where ambition tends to well- 
 doing, pride has no power or part in him. 
 The pride oiTarquin was fo deteftable, that 
 it overthrew the title of kings in the Roman 
 commonwealth. C^far fettled the higheft 
 degree of monarchy by the name of empe- 
 ror : his ambition was carried with that 
 temper, that he attained his end by love ; 
 whereas 'Tarqidn loft himfelf by pride, and 
 was worthily loathed. 
 
 No man that defires to be fingular, but 
 has fome part of ambition, and yet free 
 trom any part of pride. If the common fol- 
 dier did not afpire by ambition to the de- 
 gree of a captain, his valour againft the 
 enemy would little appear : if a courtier 
 had not a thought of advancement, he might 
 better employ his time, than in the fervice ot 
 a prince. A thankful man ambitioufly 
 ftrives to requite the courtefy of another : 
 then it is not the word ambition that makes 
 
 it unlawful, but the manner of compafTing 
 it, and the means of employing it. . 
 
 The fecond degree of ambition is accom- 
 panied with pride, envy, and hate ; and 
 obtained by corruption, flattery, and un- 
 lawfully, as appears in fome Englijh kings, 
 who have not fpared the deftruftion of their 
 own blood to attain their devilifli ambitious 
 ends. 
 
 Ambition is like the unfatiable fea, that 
 receives all other brooks and rivers, and yet 
 is never filled. It may be compared' to the 
 monfter Hydra, which though flie lofeth her 
 head, yet it increafeth again ; for the nature 
 of ambition is never to have an end ; and 
 as man compafleth his define in one thing, 
 he is not long fatisfied with it, but covets 
 another, ftill working his own mifery and 
 woe. But he fhould remember the words 
 of Plutarch, 'That none climbs fo high, but 
 he has God above him, and his ailions are be- 
 held by man. Ambition is a thing conceived 
 in the heart, and confented to in the mind. 
 
 The laft and bafeft property of ambition, 
 is to compafs their end by corruption : this 
 age, and this our nation, is beft able to te- 
 ftify it ; for no man's virtue can advance him, 
 nor no man's vice hinder his ambition, if he 
 have money and means to buy his prefer- 
 ment; as, on the contrary, amongft the 
 Romans no man was advanced to honour but 
 fuch as refufed it ; and none with us, but 
 thofe that buy it : nor no man was prefer- 
 red but by his worth ; but none with us 
 but for their wealth. I confefs that as it is 
 reputation to have it, lb it is infamy to pur- 
 chafe it ; for a good man careth not for 
 titles, and his good name cannot be taken 
 from him ; he may be ill ufed, but not 
 difhonoured. 
 
 The next thing I commend to you is pa- 
 tience and temperance, as a fingular virtue 
 in itfelf, and the caufe of mucli happinefs 
 to man. It breeds content to the mind, 
 cafe to the body, and quietnefs to the foul. 
 It abandons ambition, and makes one fub- 
 mit to reafon. Plutarch advifes Trajan to 
 patience in troubles, to be gentle in bufinefs, 
 and to bear with ill tongues, and fatfer ca- 
 lumnies ; which time cures, when reafon 
 cannot ; and it is as great wifdom to do no 
 evil office, when a man may do good ; tor 
 if he may have his ends by fair means, not 
 to obtain them by foul; for the true proper- 
 ty of a wife man is to think ot times paft, 
 to order things prefent, and to be careful of 
 the future. Cicero fays, that prudence and 
 patience is the art of life, as phyfick is of 
 health ; it neither deceives nor is deceived. 
 As for worldly fortunes, they arc uncertain 
 and mutable; for no man can account him- 
 felf happy till his death. 
 
 One thing I heartily and earneftly recom- 
 mend to you at your idle hours ; (I know 
 
 my
 
 TJje DEDICATION. 
 
 niy reqiieft is no fooner propounded than 
 granted;) which is the continuance and de- 
 light in your book; but with this caution, 
 That it breeds not a vain and arrogant con- 
 ceity which may caiife contefts and quarrels in 
 arguing. Matters of ftory depend on the 
 author's authority that writes, and their 
 judgments that read : many times writers 
 differ; and readers are apt and prone to re- 
 ly on him who fuits bed with their particu- 
 lar opinion. This over-waining conceit 
 lives in the houfe of will, where reafon has 
 no power, and it is the original breeding of 
 all herefy. And if men would read with pa- 
 tience, with judgment confider, with humi- 
 lity to fubmit, and with reafon to receive 
 fatisfaftion ; neither would fedls fo much 
 abound, nor fcholars fb greatly dilagree 
 among themfelves. 
 
 All men arc affeftionate or partial in their 
 opinions and fports ; fonie delight in hunting; 
 lome in hawking, and other exercifes ; and 
 as there are many faces that do not agree 
 in one feature, fo there are as few that 
 agree in all points and delights. But efteem 
 no lefs of him that forts not with your hu- 
 mour, than of a chriftian that jumps not 
 with you in points of religion. 
 
 If reafon guideth aftions, learning Ihould 
 have the preheminence above all other fatif- 
 faftions; for he that is a lover of his book, 
 fhall learn of wifemen courage to imitate, 
 prudence to counfel, grief to lament, mirth 
 to laugh at, fools to jeft with; yea, he 
 Ihall find the good he defires, and may 
 efchew what evil he pleafes. 
 
 Barilius the emperor advifed his fon not 
 
 to be weary of reading of books, becauH- he 
 would find that without Ibrrow, which odiers 
 do with great trouble; he woukl fee the 
 mutability of human life; the raifing of 
 lome, and the falling of others ; the punilh - 
 ment ol the evil, and the reward of the 
 good; that he might fly the one, and em- 
 brace the other. 
 
 Good fon, for an end of all, be confide- 
 rate before you enterprizc a thing; be con- 
 ftant in purliiing ir, and patient to effcd 
 It; for nothing is compaffed with that, fa- 
 cility but finds oppofition, nor nothing 
 Ipoils a good caufe iboner than hallc and 
 choler. It is like an evil weed put into a 
 favory broth, or poifon into a potion. 
 
 Three things there are I would advilc you 
 to remember; the commandments of God, 
 benefits received, and the uncertainty of 
 your life: in the one, you will perform your 
 duty to your creator ; in the other, fhew 
 thankfulnefs to the world ; and in the lalt, 
 abandon many vices and vanities this af^c 
 produces. 
 
 For your duty to me, let it be as God 
 hath commanded : not that I expedt more 
 than by nature is due ; and for lefs, let Noah 
 be your example, who being defpifcd by 
 his fon Cham, and being pity'd by his two 
 other fons, God fent his curie upon the feed 
 of Cham, and blefled his other children. 
 Remember that the clear and unfpotted life 
 of the living fon, begets fame and glory to 
 the dead flither. And carry in mind thefe 
 precepts of mine, and you need not efteem 
 the aifronts of malicious tongues; for thsy 
 may throw flones, but do no other hurt. 
 
 ii5 
 
 Mo> 
 
 TO SUCH 
 
 Gentlemen and Commanders as were Aclors in the 
 with Sfciin in the Days of Queen Eltz^abctk 
 
 War< 
 
 Noble Gentlemen, 
 
 IN my former book I have prefented to the view of the world, the accidents and 
 occurrences of the late war with Spain, in which you may worthily challenge an in- 
 terclt by having hazarded your perlons in fuch delperate expeditions; and wherein 
 your rewards did not equal your deierts: for time and ingratitude are the dcflroyers of 
 all noble and memorable adls, and have caufed you to be forgot. 
 
 The Romans had never been nobly efteemcd, nor their victories glorioufly atchieved, 
 had they not refpefted the aftors as the authors of their conquefts. They valued men 
 not for their birth, but for their worth, accounting virtue the caufe of preferment, and 
 honour but the effect. They accounted them not gentlemen that got riches, but ti.ofe 
 that attained to reputation in war; faying. He was unworthy the praife of his anccllors, 
 that did not imitate them in virtue and valour. 
 
 In fix hundred and forty years the Romans were vidtorious, they never gave office to 
 men that fued tor it, but to fuch as out of mature difcretion they chofc, whom they knew 
 to be fit to execute it. Soldiers may plead their honours to be more ancient; for it is 
 written in the province of Caria, in the Lejfer Afia, they gave fpurs to the valiantcft 
 men at arms, by which they were privileged and dignify'd. Feathers were likewife in- 
 vented to dillinguidi Ibldiers from others ; and punilhment inflicted on thole ihat wore 
 them, and could give no account of feme exploit in chivalry, 
 
 in-
 
 ii6 The DEDICATION. 
 
 MoN.oN. Infcriptions on tombs and monuments were allowed only to thole that gave teftiniony 
 ^•^^^ of their valour in warlike teats. ^ - ^ , 
 
 A youncT man, whofe valour was iufpeaed, and Ion to a hmous captain, befought 
 k'lngjntiofhus to give him the reward his father had given him by king Demetrius : An- 
 tiochus anfwered, I reward not the virtue of lathers, but the deferts of the Ion. 
 
 Lva'r?us, among his many laws, for the encouragement of men to imitate the virtue of 
 their anceftors, ordained, I'hat at the folemn and publick feafts there fhould be three 
 choirs of fingers, according to their ages: the firft were old men, who fung their own 
 praife of times part: the fccond young men in their prime, who fung, fFe are young and 
 able, and he that zi^ill not betieve us may try us: the lall were boys, who fung, fVe fiall 
 be better than thofe that went before us. 
 
 If thefe three decrees were now to fing, the old men with hoarfe voices might ra- 
 ther exclaim againft°the iniquity of the times-, the young men with untunable notes, 
 might renounce following the example and fteps of thofe that went before them; the 
 boys might complain, that all hope of preferment and reward is taken from them. 
 
 Virtue was ever efteemed, and arms rewarded before all other profeffions ; and as a 
 man is bound to ferve a prince, fo has he leave to fue to him. The powerful king 
 Jhafuerus was wont to fay. There was no man that did fervice to his prince or country, 
 but they were bound to reward him; and becaufe his deeds might be anfwerable to his 
 words, they write of him. That one night in his bed being not difpofed to fleep, he caufed 
 the annals of his country to be read to him ; and finding that one Mordecai had done great 
 fervice to himfelf and country, he afked, what reward the ia\d Mordecai had received; 
 and finding he was neglefted, he advanced and preferred him above the reft of his fub- 
 iedls, fayino-, "That prince was unworthy^ who did not reward according to the fervice he 
 
 had done. • , i r, ; 
 
 Numa Pompilius commanded thofe to be reverenced that overcame in battle. Solon 
 ordained a reward for fuch men as deferved well of their country. 
 
 But now you fee, and with grief muft confefs, we make more account of the word ho- 
 nour, tlian of deferving it. In ancient times none had titles of dignity but thofe that 
 fouf^ht to avoid it; and kvf with us, but fuch as will buy it: we value honour by riches, 
 not by defert, as it was firft inftituted. 
 
 But what (hall we fay of inconftant time, which alters and changes all things? For the 
 Romans flourifhing eftate, which continued longer and more profperous than any other na- 
 tion, was at laft overthrown by luxury and delights they brought out of Afta : for after 
 Paulus jEmilius overcame them, he brought fuch effeminacy into Rome, that other na- 
 tions took advantao-e of it, and became conquerors over them by whom they had before 
 been conquered ; and thofe that had been honoured for their valour, now became infamous 
 to fucceeding ages for their cowardice. 
 
 Mario Antonio obferves another bane to commonwealths ; as, namely, private and par- 
 ticular favourites : For, fays he, the importunity of favourites makes the prince give to him 
 from whom heffmdd take, and take from him to whom he floould give; they difloonour the wor- 
 thy, and honour others of lefs merit; they defpife the experienced, and rely upon the weak and 
 ignorant ; they prefer not men to offices for their perfons, but perfons to offices ; they give ju- 
 fiice to the unjufl, and refufe jujiice to thejuft; and value juflice by their own profit. 
 
 When they are brought to preferment thus unworthily, they make their authority 
 oreater than their place : they fupply that with malice which they want in difcretion ; 
 they praife their own ill, no lefs than if it were goodnefs in another: but in the end 
 they lofe themfelves, by adventuring into a fea they know not : they make infamous the 
 prince they mifgovern, and commonly their end is death and deftrudiion ; for their begin- 
 ning was pride and ambition, and their end envy and malice. 
 
 Though it be fcandal to a commonwealth, where princes make more of favourites 
 than of well defervers, it behoves you not to approve or repine at it; but to hope that 
 a£t of his will not ftand as a precedent. 
 
 Evil kings rely more upon cuftom than goodnefs, and defire rather to be obey'd than 
 counfelled; the devil under colour of advice deceives them : but fuch princes are like co- 
 vetous perfons. That live poor, to die rich. They plcafe their humours whilft they live, 
 and leave infamy behind them when they die. 
 
 Seneca fays, That Cato deferved more glory for baniflnng the vices of Rome, than Scipio 
 d.id for conqiiering of Carthage. By which you may fee it is not your profefllon, I mean 
 arms, that reforms commonwealths, but wifdom in grave and fage fenators; for Demo - 
 critus the philofopher truly fays. That two things govern the world, reward and piinijL- 
 ment. My laft and beft advice is. That you refer yourfelves ' and caufes to time; for 
 that muft cure, v/hen reafons cannot. 
 
 A BOOK
 
 lt7 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 
 Containing fome Adions of the En^^liffj after 
 King James- s AccelFion to the Crown; and 
 feveral Difcourfes upon that Subjed. 
 
 
 The peace ivith Spain after the queen's death, and fome accidents that 
 
 happened. 
 
 AS commonly ill news flies apace, 
 fo the queen's death was loon di- 
 vulged in all parts of Europe, 
 every prince ftriving to be the 
 firft to congratulate his majefty's happy ac- 
 ceffion to the crown. 
 
 And though Spain be generally obferved, 
 and by its friends much condemned for its 
 long and tedious difpatches, yet this adion 
 being fo rare, and importing them lb much, 
 the news was no fooner brought them, but 
 an ambafTador was immediately nominated 
 to perform I'uch rites and ceremonies as 
 princes afford one another in fuch cafes. 
 
 What fucceeded in their treaty, or what 
 labouring by other ftates to keep thefe two 
 great kingdoms in divifion, concerns me 
 not to inquire -, only I will profccute fuch 
 accidents as tell out at fea in the twelve 
 years I fcrved as admiral in the narrow feas. 
 Though his majefty might fay, (as few 
 princes ever did,) 'That he cov.ld not eftcem 
 (i:iy fiate in Europe his enemy \ and that his 
 Chriftian-Iike mot:o, Beali pacifici, declared 
 how far his heart was from war, or to fup- 
 port the divifions of Chriftians 5 yet he was 
 willing to follow the example of his pre- 
 decelYors in keeping fome fliips in the nar- 
 row fcas, to defend his right and jurifdic- 
 tions there, which the Hollanders thought 
 to invade, as will appear by the following 
 difcourfe. 
 
 This treatife was writ by Sir M^'illiam 
 Monfon, who ferved as admiral of thofe 
 feas twelve years, and dedicated it to the 
 two late lord chancellors at his deliverance 
 out of the Teicfr. 
 
 The narration fliall fpeak for itfelf ; and 
 the reader may judge, if he be not too 
 much tranfported in affedlion to the nation 
 of Holland, to what their infolencies tlien 
 tended, or may tend hereafter. 
 
 But before that difcourfe fhall take place, 
 I will entertain you with two or three acci- 
 N° 98. Vol. IIT. 
 
 dents worth your knowledge, and which 
 may challenge a place among the reft. 
 
 The peace between England and Spain 
 being concluded, and publifhed in the year 
 1 604. the war between Holland and Spain 
 ftill continued as hot and fierce as before. 
 The admiral of the narrow feas was now to 
 think to walk indifferently, and without 
 partiality betwixt the two nations, like a 
 careful fliephcrd, to keep his neiglibours 
 flocks from intruding upon one another. 
 
 The next thing that gave occafion of de- 
 bate was in the year 1605. when the king 
 of Spain fent eight fliips wiUi a thouftnd 
 foldiers through the narrow feas for Flan- 
 ders. He would not exceed the number of 
 eight vcffels, bccaufe the articles of peace 
 did warrant the entertainment of fo many 
 in his majefty's harbour. 
 
 But, as I have fliewed, the bane ofadions 
 has been in the difcovcry of dicm ; fo this 
 of the Spaniaj-ds being underftood by the 
 Hollanders, they provided to intercept them 
 at fea ; where they met, and there paffed a 
 cruel and bloody fight betwixt them : Ma- 
 ny of the Spaniards were flain, and fome 
 taken ; but the greateft part recovered DC' 
 vcr, where they were defended wiih flioc 
 from the caftle and platform. 
 
 Being now arrived in his niaiefly's domi- 
 nions, they counted themfelves under his 
 protedtion, and waited an opportunity to 
 pafs over fecretly and by ftealih into Flan- 
 ders ; or by his majcfty's mediation, who 
 laboured with the ftates of Holland to that 
 effeft. 
 
 But the Hollanders having the Spaniards 
 at a bay, and knowing they dutft not ven- 
 ture to put our, being beleaguer'd by their 
 fliips, for the fpace of Icven or eight months, 
 his majefty follicited their paffige, and 
 Sir Ncvil Cbarocn was fcnt over to that pur- 
 pofe, but could not prevail ; for the Hollan- 
 ders ftood more upon point of honour than 
 I i i any
 
 ii8 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncfval Trads. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Mo N SON. any hurt they could receive from the thou- 
 *^V^^ land Spivtiards. 
 
 Upon this anfwer, my lord of Saiiibury 
 fent ibr Sir William Alonfcit, and imparted 
 to him the flate of the whole biifinels, de- 
 manding of him, if it were poflible to put 
 over the Spaniards without ufing his m:i- 
 jefty's authority or force, or hazarding to 
 be intercepted by the Hollanders. Sir Wil- 
 liam told him it was a fcrvice of great im- 
 portance, and the greater, bccaiile the ho- 
 nour of two kings was engaged in it ; but 
 if it picafcd his majefty to liave it done, 
 anti that his lordlliip would undertake his 
 direftions flioiild be followed, he doubted 
 not but to effed it, as his lordfliip had pro- 
 pofcd. 
 
 Hereupon my lord of Salislury imparted 
 it to the king, and his majefty to the Spa- 
 niJJj ambaffador •, for then was Don Pedro 
 de Siinifa come to fucceed the Conde de Villa 
 Media-na. The king dcfiring the two am- 
 bafladors to deliberate and confider of it, 
 /hewing a v/illingnefs in him to further it, 
 the ambafiadors took refoite to give their 
 rcfolutions, till they had acquainted and re- 
 ceived an anfwer from the king their ma- 
 iler ; for thofe being his fubjedts v/hom it 
 concerned, they could not difpofe of them 
 without his knov/leclge or approbation. 
 
 And thus it conunued for the fpace of 
 eight or nine weeks, when the ambafiador 
 Don Pedro's, meiTcnger return'd from Spain ; 
 and then he rtpaired to my lord of Sa/islnjy, 
 and acquainted him, that his matter's friend- 
 ly propofuion was approvcil of, and thank- 
 fully accepted by the king his mafter. 
 
 Upon this my lord of Salisbury fent for 
 Sir William Monjon cnce again, requiring 
 him to perform with care what he had ior- 
 merly promiled,; for it was a fervice of ex- 
 traordinary confequence. 
 
 The fecrecy and policy that was ufed to 
 contrive this flratagem, with the feveral 
 paffages that happened, is too tedious to 
 fet down -, only I will fay, that in fpitc of 
 the tieet of Holknd, that ufually rid in the 
 
 mouth of Dover 
 
 peer, 
 
 in 
 
 the road of G> 
 
 veiling and Dunkirk, to impeach the Spa- 
 Tiinrds pafTage, yet they arrived Hite m 
 Dunkirk the lame night defign'd for them 
 by Sir William Monfon to be expe£led, 
 without the help of his majefty's fliips, or 
 other afTirtance by his authority •, which the 
 Hollanders look'd upon as fo great an af- 
 front, and to be thus prevented and de- 
 rided, that it made them fufpeft, though 
 they had no juft ground to accufe him, that 
 'Sir Wtlliam Monfon was the diredlor and 
 
 contriver of this flratagem -, and therefore 
 now they began to fettle their hate upon 
 iiim, and to urge and labour his removal 
 out of the narrow fcas, as in the following 
 account will appear. This adl of Sir Wil- 
 liam'% which he did by diredion of the 
 ftate, ever after procured him much hate 
 and envy, not only from the Hollanders^ 
 but from their friends and factions in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The next fcrvice Sii^ William was em- 
 ployed in, concerned the towns of Rye and 
 Ilajtings, which found themfelves impove- 
 rifh'd, and almofl ruined, by the French 
 incroaching upon their fifhing on the Englijh 
 coaff, contrary to the articles and agreement 
 betwixt the two kings. 
 
 Thefe towns, upon juft caufe, complain'd 
 of it, and Sir William was fent down to re- 
 drcfs it -, which he carefully performed, 
 tho' it coft the lives of fome Frenchmen : 
 For two years he was fain to ufe force, and 
 brought the French to that fubmiflion, that 
 the Englijh enjoyed their ufual privileges. 
 
 Many other accidents happen'd in the 
 narrow leas, that need no remembrance ; 
 and yet I will conclude with the elcape of 
 the lady Arabella, twenty- fbur hours before 
 Sir William Monfon had order to piirfue her ; 
 which he did with that celerity, that flie 
 was taken within four miles oi Calais, fhip- 
 ped in a French bark of that town, whither 
 fhe was bound. 
 
 The manner is fo commonly known, that 
 no more needs be faid, but that it was done ; 
 though the accident was fo ftrange and un- 
 look'd for, that few could be perluaded but 
 that her elcape was plotted, with an intent 
 to take her again : And It was the rather be- 
 licv'd, becauie Sir William was not reward- 
 ed according to the importance of that fer- 
 vice. But it may be anfwered, and imputed 
 to his misfortune ; for fiiice the death of 
 queen Elizabeth, who was both gracious and 
 bountiful to him, he never tafted or re- 
 ceived cither recompcnce or preferment, 
 more than his ordinary entertainment, ac- 
 cording to the fervices lie was employed in; 
 for he began the v/ars with ten fliillings per 
 month pay •, then with two fliillings and 
 fixpence per day ; after with five fhillings, 
 with ten fhillings, with fifteen fhillings, 
 with twenty fhillings, and fixteen pages al- 
 lowed him for his retinue -, after with thirty 
 fliillings per day ; and laffly, with forty 
 fliillings /)fr day. He had terved as a fbl- 
 dler, a private captain, a rear-admiral, a 
 vice-admiral, a captain under the general; 
 and laftly, an abfolute general. 
 
 Jo
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonlbnV NiWal'Tracis. 
 
 219 
 
 To the right honourable the lord Etrmore, lord clMHcellor of Englanil, and ^9;>Monso}(. 
 Francis Bacon, attorney and coimfellor. Sir William Moiifon, after his itn- ^^'^^ 
 prijonment in the Towev, Anno Domini 16 16. fOUterni/;g the infolemies of 
 the Dutch, and a jujiif cation of Sir William Monlbn. 
 
 I Did greatly, and in a manner half pro- 
 mife tnyfclf, after I was cxamin'd by 
 your honours, if ever God gave me li- 
 berty, to prefenc you with fome coUcftions 
 of the Hollanders infolencies on the narrow 
 feas, from the time his majefty made peace 
 with Spain, till the truce betwixt Holland 
 and Spain ; in which interim there arofe 
 many doubts and queftions, which purchafed 
 me no fmall hate from that ftace of Holland. 
 
 The fiift of July 1604. the then lord 
 Cecill fignified to me his majefty's pleafurc, 
 that I fhould take charge of his highnefs's 
 fliips ferving on the narrow feas ; and will'd 
 me to make fuch provifion for tranfporting 
 the conflable of Cir/rik, v;ho was then ex- 
 pecled to conclude a peace, as Ihould fland 
 with the honour and reputation of his ma- 
 jefty. 
 
 Atter humble thanks to his majefty, and 
 no lefs to his lordlhip, for doing me fo high 
 a favour, without either fuit or fecking of 
 mine, I was bold to tell him, That by my 
 employment I was to enter into a labyrinth-, 
 for though the navigation was but fliort and 
 eafy, yet it was both difficult and dange- 
 rous ; for I was to Cu\ betwixt Stilla and 
 Cbarybdis ; the one I might call Hollajui, the 
 other Spain ; and feeking to avoid the dif- 
 pleafure of the one, I might as well fall 
 into enmity of the other. 
 
 As for Holland, I confider'J, by the per- 
 miftion of our ftace heretofore, they might 
 challenge a prerogative, where nothing was 
 granted by us but of courccfy, their info- 
 lency w.is fuch -, and therefore to curb them 
 fuddenly, that had their rein fo long 2,iven 
 them, could not be done without great en- 
 vy, if not danger ; for that their forces at 
 fea did much exceed his majefty's, who 
 had but one Ihip and pinnace to guard his 
 coaft. 
 
 On the other fide, I weigh'd with my- 
 felf, if I fhould give diftafte to the Spaniards 
 or archduke, I fliould incur the difpleafure 
 of two princes, who had their ambafliidors 
 refident near the king ; and whofe power, 
 in refpedt of their mafters, was able to crufti 
 me, if I ftiould either willingly or igno- 
 rantly commit the leaft error. What his 
 lordfhip's anfwer was to this, I omit, left I 
 fliould be charged with vain-glory, (a vice 
 I ever detefted.) 
 
 I departed from my lord with this refo- 
 lution in myfelf, above all things to ftand 
 upon his majefty's honour and right, to 
 carry myfelf like a neuter, to do juftice in- 
 
 differently -, and if there happen'd any que* 
 ftion of ambiguity, to acquaint my lord ad- 
 miral, and the lord Cecill, from whom I 
 would be directed in all iloubiful and tliffi- 
 cult cales. 
 
 The firft of Ati^ujl I received a warrant 
 for my repair to Graveling, where the c«n- 
 ftable remain'd, expedtmg my coming. 
 My care was to perfortn fo much as my 
 lord Cecill gave mc in charge ; and to ad.i 
 the more grace to this fcrvice, conficL'iing 
 the greatnels of the perfon that uas to come, 
 and the honourable occ.ifion of hi.s comin", 
 I was accompanied with fifty knights and 
 gentlemen of good account and quality. 
 If my expence m that journey were valued, 
 with the reft of my dilburlemcnts for the 
 tranfportation of princes and ambairadors, 
 for which as yet I have received no fatisia- 
 dlion, it is not the rewards or prefeius of 
 ambafladors that would countervail the ex- 
 pence of their diet. 
 
 The day after my arrival at Graveling, I 
 was defired by the conftable to go to Dun- 
 kirk, to fee his barks v,ith provifions fe- 
 cur'd from the Hollanders, who diti ulually 
 ride with a fquadron ot ftiips before the 
 town of Dunkirk, to beleaguer it. 
 
 At my coming thither, I went on board 
 the admiral of Holland, who had been my 
 old and familiar acquaintance, by reafon of 
 many actions and fervices we had been in 
 together: I told him, That after twenty 
 years fpent in tiie wars, I was now becon";fl 
 a watchman, with a bill in my hand, to fee 
 peace kepr, and no diforders committed in 
 the narrow leas. And whereas many mif- 
 demeanors and GUtrap;es had bsen olfer'd 
 by fliips that ferved under him againft his 
 majefty's iubjcfts fincc the death of the 
 queen, I inireated him, that from thence- 
 forward things might be carried with more 
 difcretion and mildneis ; otherwife it would 
 exafperate his majefty, and alienate the 
 Englijh hearts from them, whole love they 
 had fufficiently made proof of The ad- 
 miral told me. That it the Englifu ditI of- 
 fer to trade into the archduke's ports of 
 Flanders, his commifTion was to impeach 
 them. I advifed him, if it were fo, to do 
 it in a friendlier manner than had been } 
 which he promifed, but meant nothing 
 lefs. 
 
 For the Hollanders continued rather more 
 than lefs cruel, in taking and burning our 
 F.nglijh fliips, and fometimes murdering 
 our men ; when at the fume inftant, and in 
 
 vic\/
 
 220 
 
 ^/> William MonfonV NaViil ^rafis. 
 
 Book II, 
 
 MoNsoN. viewof our'/i«^///j barks taken, they would 
 ^^V^-' permit aiul iliffcr their own countrymen to 
 have tree acceis to the harbours of Flanders, 
 uitliout impcacimient. I made many ami 
 liinJry complaints of it to the loni Caill, 
 ^vho, it Icems out of policy, was willing to 
 connive at it. I endeavoured by all gentle 
 and courteous means I could, to draw the 
 admiral to a more loving proceeding, the 
 particulars whereof I hold it not 'in to re- 
 late i and yet one I will not omit. 
 
 A bark of 2'armouth was met and fur- 
 priz'd by a TloUander, in the road of Calais, 
 under pretence that flie was to go ior Bun- 
 kirk. It was my hap to meet and refcue 
 the fiid bark, and found fifteen Hollaiidcrs, 
 mariners, in her, whom I might have juftly 
 executed as pirates ; but becaufe I would 
 oblige the admiral, after two or three days 
 imprifonment, I difmifled them, with a 
 letter to their admiral, exprelTing my mild 
 proceedings, defning him to follow my ex- 
 ample to his majefty's fubjedfs : But all in 
 vain •, for he defilted not from his former 
 courfes. 
 
 Their (lubborn carriage at my firft en- 
 trance into my place, in not ftriking their 
 top-fails, and other rights I required as 
 due to his majefty's prerogative, I forbear 
 to exprefs, though your lordfliip may well 
 think it could not be redrels'd without 
 much hazard and hatred to me. 
 
 The 4th of OtJoher 1604. there arrived 
 in the Doivns a fliip of war of Dunkirk, 
 where fhe found three or four merchants 
 fliips of Holland, bound tor France. I fent 
 for the captain of Dunkirk, and forbid him 
 offering violence to thofe of Holland, they 
 being under my proteftion in his majefty's 
 road. The captain obey'd me, and the 
 merchants proceeded in their voyage. 
 
 Within three days after there arrived 
 three fhips of war of Holland, whom I 
 forbid meddling with the Dunkirker, as I 
 had done to the Dunkirker before. I ad- 
 vertifed my lord admiral of ihis accident, 
 and defired his lordOiip's diredions for my 
 proceeding in a cafe that was like to begin 
 a precedent. I was bound to add my opi- 
 nion, which was, to refer it to the captain 
 of the Dunkirker, whether he would retire 
 into the harbour of Dover or Sandwich, or 
 abide in the Doivns to take his fortune, if 
 1 thould be commanded thence upon any 
 frrvice with his maj .fty's fhip •, for I fear'd 
 if I quitted the road, they would litde re- 
 fpe6l his majefty's authority -, for I found 
 they rather obeyed for fear and force, than 
 out of duty of the place. My lord admi- 
 ral liked well of my propofil, and com- 
 mitted the management of it to me •, and 
 to conclude, the Dunkirker retired to Sand- 
 ii'icb. I confidcr'd that many queftions 
 vere like to arilc betwixt the Hollanders 
 I 
 
 and the others by example of this one, if 
 his majefty did not declare himfelf how far 
 lie would proteft Hiips on either fide that 
 fliould repair to his harbours for fuccour. 
 
 Therelore I dealt with my lord oi Cram- 
 horn, that his majefty would expreis by pro- 
 clamation fuch difficulties as were likely to 
 arife, that all ftates might take notice there- 
 of Whereupon there was a proclamation, 
 prohibiting all nations from offering vio- 
 lence one to another, within the compafs of 
 a line drawn from headland to headland, as 
 it is to be teen by the lame proclamation 
 and map extant. 
 
 And in the fame proclamation was figni- 
 fied his majefty's pleafure. That what fhip, 
 merchant, or other of the Spaniards or Hol- 
 landers, flioiUd firft arrive in his majefty's 
 harbour, the laid Ihip firft arriving, fhould 
 have two tides to depart, before the fhould 
 be purfued by the other. 
 
 This proclamation diredled me from 
 committing any error : Now my charge was 
 to i'ee it executed accordingly. 
 
 I defir'd the lords, that befides the pro- 
 clamation, which I held a fufficient autho- 
 rity for myfelf ; yet becaufe I was to deal 
 with a people that would do no right, nor 
 take no wrong, I defir'd it might be rati- 
 fied by a warrant from their lordfliips: 
 which they granted ; and I have it yet to 
 fhew. 
 
 The loth of May 1605, I came to the 
 Doivns ; vvhere I found fix Holland fliips of 
 war newly arrived, to impeach the Dunkirk- 
 ers going out ; whereupon I fent for the 
 Holland c^■)a\ns, and acquainted them with 
 my commilTion, requiring them to obey 
 the tenor ot his majefty's proclamation ; 
 which I caufed to be tranilated into Duieb 
 for them to perute. 
 
 After many expoftulations and difputes, 
 they were contended to abide two tides af- 
 ter the Dunkirkers, fo that I would fignify 
 under my hand to the ftates, that I com- 
 pelled them to it by vinue of his majefty's 
 proclamation-, and lb for that time they 
 departed. 
 
 The next morning the //(7//rt»itnweigh'd, 
 and went to an anchor in the mouth of the 
 harbour of Sandwich, one excepted, which 
 lay clofe to the Dunkirkers. The carriage 
 ot the Hollanders feemed ftrange to me, 
 confidering their promife the day before ; 
 whereupon I immediately fet fail, and an- 
 chored betwixt the admiral and the vice- 
 admiral, that both my broad-fides might 
 command them, expeding what they would 
 do. 
 
 The tide drawing on for the Dunkirker 
 to come our, ftie found that if fhe otfer'd 
 to niove, the Hollander that lay by her was 
 ready to board her ; which the reft feeing. 
 Went to have done the like. 
 
 The
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Trails. 
 
 22LI 
 
 The captain of the Dunkirker fent me 
 word of it -, for that he had underftood the 
 intention of the Ho/landers, and thereibre 
 refufed to go out : whereupon I fent for the 
 Holland captains, and charged them with 
 breach of their words, and their contempt 
 to his majefty's authority. They would no 
 longer diffemble, but told me plainly, that 
 they had better confider'd of it, and con- 
 cluded they could not appear before their 
 matters the ftates with fafety, if they con- 
 fented to the efcape of the Dwikirker. 
 
 Upon their anfvver I was enrag'd, and 
 told them. That hitherto I had treated with 
 them in a friendly and courteous manner, 
 and, in any reafonable man's conceit, had 
 given them good fatisfaftion with my letter 
 to the ftates : but feeing they dealt fo in- 
 direftly, I put them on board their fhips 
 again, and willed them to ftand upon their 
 felves, and vowed, if one fliot was made at 
 the Dunkirker, I would fink them, or they 
 me. When they thus faw I would believe 
 no longer in words, they permitted the Dmi- 
 kirker quietly to efcape, and remain'd them- 
 felves two tides, according to the proclama- 
 tion. 
 
 If your lordfliips had feen the difpofuions 
 and carriage of the people of Sandwich, 
 you would have thought it ftrange, that 
 fubjefts durft oppofe themfelves fo openly 
 againft the ftate ; thoufands of people be- 
 holding me from the fhore, look'd when 
 the fword fhould make an end of the diffe- 
 rence, and publickly wifhed the fuccefs to 
 the Hollanders, curfing both me and his 
 majefty's fhip. 
 
 But it was no marvel ; for moft of the 
 inhabitants are either born, bred, or de- 
 fcended from Holland, their religion truly 
 Dutch, as two of the grave minifters of 
 Sandwich have complain'd to me, protcft- 
 ing they think that town and the country 
 thereabouts, fwarms as much with fefts as 
 jimjlerdam. 
 
 Your lordfhips muft give me leave a lit- 
 tle to digrefs, and exprefs the ftate of Sand- 
 wich, and the ufe Holland may make of it, 
 if ever they become enemies to England; 
 therefore it behoves us to prevent all dan- 
 gerous advantages, which is the more in 
 them, becaufe they negleft no occafion 
 wherein they may benefit themfelves with 
 the lofs of others. 
 
 The firft and principalleft advantage all 
 enemies have that invade a country by lea, 
 is the fafe harbour or road for the arriving 
 of ftiipping; and though Sandwich be but 
 a barren haven, and that ftiips cannot enter 
 but upon a flood, and at no time any great 
 veiTels of burthen, yet is our Downs with- 
 in two miles from thence, where thou&nds 
 of ftaips may ride as fafely as in any har- 
 bour of Europe ; and if ever the Hollanders 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 be difpofed to give an attempt, now that Monso.s 
 Fluflmg is in their polTeftion, it is but one -''^'"'^ 
 night's fiiling from thence to Sandwich. 
 
 The town is more naturally feated for 
 ftrength than any I know in this kingdom, 
 and a place of little defence as it is ufed. 
 An enemy having the command of an har- 
 bour, as I have (hewed, approaching a 
 town of no defence, which may be made 
 impregnable, being fure of the hearts of the 
 men within it, and to be reliev'd within 
 twelve hours by fca, I refer the confidera- 
 tion thereof to your lordfliips, and return 
 where I left off. 
 
 The 2oth of April, 1605. I landed the 
 earl of Hertford and Sir Thomas Edmonds, 
 in their embaffy to the archduke : the one 
 of them paffed with me in the Vanguard, 
 the other in the Lyon^s-Whelp, a pinnace of 
 his majefty. The pinnace tailing a league 
 aflern, was fainted by two Holland fliips 
 of war, in which filutation they put a dif- 
 grace upon her, by the trumpeter's blurring 
 with his trumpet, which is held a fcorn at 
 fea. 
 
 Sir Thomas Edmonds being much moved 
 at this ufage, caufed a piece of ordnance to 
 be ftiot off for my ftay ; at whofe coming 
 up he acquainted me with the wrong of- 
 fer'd. I immediately commanded the Hol- 
 land captains on board me, which if they 
 refus'd, I threaten'd to compel them j but 
 they feeing themfelves over-mafter'd, made 
 no queftion to obey me. 
 
 I befought my lord of Hertford, with the 
 reft of the gentlemen of his train, to be wit- 
 neffes of my proceedings with the captains; 
 and told my lord, if I carried myfelf other- 
 wife than became me, he ftiould have power 
 to over-rule me. 
 
 Before I entered into capitulation, I re- 
 quir'd their anfwer to one queftion, (which 
 was,) whether they had command from 
 their mafters, the ftates, to impeach his 
 majefty's ambaffadors paffage, or no ? if 
 they had, I requir'd to lee their commiffion, 
 the copy whereof I would take and fend 
 to his majefty, and let them depart with- 
 out violence. 
 
 They anfwer'd, they had no fuch di- 
 reflions, neither was their intention fo to 
 do. Then I told them, that feeing the af- 
 front \yas offered as proceeding from them- 
 felves, and not from the ftates, I would 
 right myfelf upon them, and after acquaint 
 their ftate upon what reafon I did it. But 
 upon their vows and protcftations to clear 
 themfelves, imputing it to the Icwdnefs of 
 their trumpeter, and fubmitting themfelves 
 to my ceniure, at the intreaty of my lord 
 of Hertford, I difmiffcd them, they promi- 
 fing to punifh the offentlers feverely. One 
 of thefe captains was he who fincc that time 
 committed a foul murder upon his majefty's 
 K k k fubjctls
 
 ill 
 
 Sir- William MonfonV Na^val Trails. 
 
 iJjOK IL 
 
 itfoNsoN. fubjeds in Ireland, that were under protec- 
 v^'VX' tion. 
 
 The next thing that comes to my mind, 
 is a repetition ot tiiat I deliverM to your 
 lordihips in the Tower, concerning the ad- 
 miral of IMnn:{\ rcFufing to take in his 
 flag : I delivcr'd it not with thofe circum- 
 llances that were convenient for your lord- 
 fliips underftanding ; and becaufe I know 
 your weightier occafions may very well 
 make you forget what was laid, I will pre- 
 fume to reiterate the fame again. 
 
 In my return liom Calis the firfl: of July, 
 1605. with the emperor's ambaffador, as I 
 approach'd near Dover road, I perceiv'd 
 an increafe of fix fliips to thofe I left there 
 three days before, one of them being the 
 admiral : their coming in fliew was to be- 
 leaguer the Spaniards, who were then at 
 Dozer, as you have heaid. 
 
 As I drew near them, the admiral ftruck 
 his flag thrice, and advanced it again : his 
 coming from the other coafl: at fuch a time, 
 caufed me to make another conftruftion 
 than he pretended •, and indeed it fo fell out ; 
 for I conceiv'd his arrival at that time was to 
 no other end, than to fliew the ambaffador, 
 •who, he knew, ■ would fpread it abroad 
 throughout all Europe, as alio the Spaniards, 
 that they might have the lefs efl:eem of his 
 fnaiefty's prerogative in the narrow feas, 
 that by their wearing their flag, they might 
 be imputed kings of the fea, as well as his 
 majefly. I haften'd the ambaflTador afhore, 
 and difpatched a gentleman to the admiral 
 to intreat his company the next day to din- 
 ner, which he willingly promifed. 
 
 The gentleman told him, I requir'd him 
 to take in his flag, as a duty due to his 
 majefty's fhips. He anfwer'd, that he had 
 ftruck it thrice, which he thought to be a 
 fufficient acknowledgment-, and it was no 
 more than former admirals of the narrow 
 feas had requir'd at his hands. 
 
 The gentleman replied. That he expefted 
 ' fuch an anfwer from him; and therefore he 
 
 was prepared what to fay to that point. 
 He told him the times were altered ; for 
 when no more but flriking the flag was re- 
 quir'd, England and Holland were both of 
 them in hofl.ility with Spain, which caufed 
 her late majefl:y to tolerate divers things in 
 them ; as for inllance, the admiral's wear- 
 ing his flag in the expedition to Cadiz and 
 the iflands, where the lord admiral of Eng- 
 land, and lord of Effex, went as gene- 
 rals ; and that courtefy they could not chal- 
 lenge by right, but by permiffion j and the 
 wars being now ceafed, his majefl.y did re- 
 quire by me his minifter, fuch rights and 
 duties as have formerly belong'd to his pro- 
 genitors. 
 
 The admiral refufed to obey my com- 
 mand, faying, he expefted more favour 
 4 
 
 from me than from other admirals, in re- 
 fpeft of our long and loving acquaintance. 
 But he was anfwer'd, that all obligation of 
 private friendfliip mufl: be laid afide, when 
 the honour of one's king and country is at 
 flake. The gentleman advifed him in a 
 friendly manner to yield to my demand •, 
 if not, he had commiflion to tell him. 
 That I meant to weigh anchor, and come 
 near him, and tiut the force of our fliips 
 flibuld determine the queft:ion -, for rather 
 tiian I vvould fuff^er his flag to be w-orn in 
 view of fo many nations as were to behold 
 it, I refolv'd to bury myfelf in the fea. 
 
 The admiral, it feems, upon better advice, 
 took in his flag, and flood immediately off 
 to fea, firing a gun for the refl: of the 
 fleet to follow him. And thus I lofl: my 
 guefl: the next day at dinner, as he had pro- 
 mifed. 
 
 This paflage betwixt the admiral and me 
 was obferv'd from the fhore, people be- 
 holding us to fee the event. Upon my 
 landing, I met with Striago, thz general 
 of the Spaniards, who in the time of queen 
 Elizabeth was employ'd under Mendoza., 
 the ambaflTador of Spain. He told me. 
 That if the Hollanders had worn their flag, 
 times had been flirangely alter'd in England^ 
 fince his old matter king Philip II. was fliot 
 at by the lord admiral of England, for 
 wearing his flag in the narrow feas, when 
 he came to marry queen Mary. 
 
 I told him that he was miftaken ; for nei- 
 ther the Hollanders nor any other nation, 
 durfl: contend with his majefty in his prero- 
 gative of the narrow feas •, and the accident 
 that then fell our, was by a boy's error, 
 who thought he had been commanded to 
 take in the flag, and to put it out again, 
 when he was order'd to take it in for alto- 
 gether ; which when the admiral under- 
 ftoOd, he caufed it to be taken in, and de- 
 fir'd I would not impute it to him as an af- 
 front offer'd. Thus I excus'd their info- 
 lency, left it fliould be divulg'd his majef- 
 ty's prerogative had been queftion'd by the 
 Hollanders. Had I yielded to a bare flri- 
 king their flag, as other admirals had done, 
 his majefty had not reconcil'd his right a- 
 gain without bloodfhed. 
 
 Within few years after, an carl, who then 
 came in company of the emperor's ambaf- 
 fador, paflTed the feas with me again, when 
 I tranfported prince Vaiidemont -, to whom' 
 he recounted at large this paflage of mine 
 and the Hollanders, and afcrib'd great ho- 
 nour to his majefty, in maintaining his 
 right and privileges on the feas, which he 
 faid the Hollanders went about to infringe. 
 
 The firft of Srptember 1605. I receiv'd 
 a warrant tor tranfporting the Spanijh am- 
 baflTador Don John de Taxes, and ail his train 
 for Flanders, excepting the lord Arundel, 
 
 who
 
 Book IL 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trach. 
 
 115 
 
 who was to pafs with him into the fervice of 
 the archduke. 
 
 Though the lord Arundel w:is prohibited 
 to go over in the cortipany of the anibaflli- 
 dor, becaufe the Hollanders pretended the 
 world would take notice his majcfty main- 
 tain'd their enemies agaihft them, which 
 would much prejudice the reputation oi 
 their ftate, yet hotwithftanding the am- 
 bafllidor was promifed, that within ten days 
 after his arrival; the lord Jriindel fhould 
 have a free and lafe palfage ; which did as 
 much fatisfy the ambaflador, as if he had 
 gone with him. 
 
 Left the lord Arundel fliould attempt 
 to go, notwithftanding his prohibition, 
 which I much fear'd, becaufe he abfentcd 
 himfelf that he might not receive this com- 
 mand, I forbid all fhips and barks, as they 
 would anfwer it at their peril, to receive 
 him aboard them •, which he hearing, cor- 
 rupted a captain of the king's, and in a dif- 
 guife convey'd himfelf over in his fhip : he 
 did it more to gain reputation with the 
 Spaniards, than out of any doubt he had 
 not to pafs ; for he knew, thbiigh he de- 
 fir'd not to take notice of it, that his go- 
 ing was fecured within few days aftef. 
 
 When I faw him upon my arrival at Gra- 
 veling and underftood his praflice with one 
 of my captains, I fpake of it with fome 
 bitterncfs, and expoftulated the matter with 
 the ambaflador, fuppofing he had known 
 of his indiredl proceeding : but the ambaf- 
 fador v/ith many proteftations difavowed it, 
 and blamed my lord's indifcretion as much 
 as myfelf, faying, he was as much wrong'd 
 as the ftate -, for he confefied by his hum- 
 ble fuit he had obtain'd his fafe paffi^ge 
 within a few days after, which he accepted 
 as a great favour frotn his majefty -, and 
 my lord behaving himfelf lb unadvifedly, 
 he feared might breed a jealoufy againft: 
 him. 
 
 My lord Arundel knowing I had fpoken 
 fomewhat liberally of him, devifed how 
 to requite me, and took an opportunity up- 
 on the following occafion. 
 
 The fame night, a little before fupper, 
 news was brought the ambalTador, that the 
 barks which carried his provifions were 
 ftay'd by the Hollanders as ihcy were enter- 
 ing Dunkirk^ and, as it was to be feared, 
 they would not difmifs them. 
 
 My lord Arundel took advantage of this, 
 and privately perfuaded the ambaflador 1 
 had betray'd them to the Hollanders. -He 
 could not carry his complaint fo fecretly, 
 but I came to the knowledge of it : I might 
 perceive a ftrangenefs in the ambafllidor, as 
 though he retained a kind of jealoufy ; and 
 therelore the fupper ended, and my leave 
 taken of him for that night, I befought the 
 governor of Cravelint that the port might 
 
 be opened, and I provided of horfcs; forMoNsos 
 that I had occafion to go with ibme fpeed to ^-^'^r^^ 
 Dunkirk ; both which he courteoufly grant- 
 ed, and I iinmediately pafled thitlier, where 
 I arriv'd at the opening of the gates in the 
 morning. 
 
 I found, as it was reported, the bark-j 
 detain'd by the Hollanders, but upon what 
 occafion, and how I caufed their releafe, your 
 honours fhall underftand hereafter : but I 
 muft return once more to Sandwich. 
 
 WhiUl the ainbaifador ftay'd at Sandtvich 
 to fee his horfcs and baggage fliipp'd, there 
 arrived fourteen or fifteen fliips of war from 
 Holland in the Downs j a number not ufually 
 fecn thereabout but upon a greater occafion 
 than I could imagine ■, though I miftrufted 
 they would have obftruCted the ambafla- 
 dor's paflltgc, and fent lor the principal cap- 
 tains, of whom I required if they had com- 
 miflion to impeach his landing: they,an- 
 fwered No ; and fcem'd to make a frivolous 
 excufe for their coming. 
 
 Then I required them to ftay in the 
 Downs after I was gone, or to depart be- 
 fore me i for avoiding both rumour and 
 fufpicion. They made choice of the latter, 
 and ftood over for Gravelin Road, where 
 I found them upon my arrival, and difco- 
 vered that the caufe of their coming to the 
 Downs was to have an eye on the lord AruH' 
 del's pafliige. 
 
 During the time of the ambafTador's ftay 
 at Sandwich, thofe of the town thought to 
 have put an affront upon him ; which if I 
 had not prevented, had more difgufted than 
 all the favours he receivetl in England had 
 contented him. 
 
 His horfcs being (hipped, and the bark 
 ready to depart the harbour, an informer 
 went aboard one of them, and made fcizure 
 of a fardel of bays, to the value of ten or 
 twelve pounds, whicii belonged to one of 
 the ambafliidor's fervants; which he took 
 for fuch a difgrace, knowing it, as he laid, 
 to be a praftice of the offspring of the Hol- 
 landcrs within the town, that he refolv'd not 
 to depart thence till he was righted by his 
 majelly's own order. 
 
 I labour'd to give the ambaflfador fatif- 
 faffion, and as earncftly perfuaded the in- ' 
 former to reftore the fardel ; but could pre- 
 vail with neither •, for the value was not fo 
 much look'd upon, as the injury offer'd. 
 
 At laft, by threatning the informer to 
 complain to the lords, and perfuading him 
 how ill his majefty would take fuch a wrong 
 done to an ambaflador, he reftorisd the far- 
 del, but writ to the farmers of the cullom, 
 that I countenanced and carried over uncuf- 
 tomed goods under the colour of the ambaf- 
 fador's provifions. 
 
 When they of Sandwich faw they could 
 not detain the f.irdel, they fecretly pracfifcd 
 
 wiih
 
 214 
 
 sir William MonfonV Nanjal Tra£is, 
 
 Book II. 
 
 MoNsoN.witli ihtDutcb fleet then at ihtBowus, that 
 
 ^•^^Y^**^ upon the arrival of tlie barks at Dunkirk., 
 
 they fliould intercept the fardel, and gave 
 
 intelligence in what bark, and what part of 
 
 the bark it lay. 
 
 The HolLindtrs accordingly detained the 
 veflel as they were diredcd, and took out 
 the fardel ; and upon this occafion was the 
 flay made of the ambalTador's goods, as I 
 have fhewed before. 
 
 At my arrival at Dunkirk from Grnvelin^ 
 upon the news of the arreft of the fhips, as 
 your lordfhips have heard, I wrote to the 
 admiral ot the Hollanders., that he had ex- 
 ceeded his commiflion in intercepting the 
 ambaflador's provifions, having order from 
 their ftate for a free paflage -, and that the 
 injury was no lefs to his majefty, and there- 
 fore I required the difcharge of the fliips, 
 and his anfwer to the contempt. 
 
 He anfwered in writing, that it was true, 
 his diredlions from his mafters the ftates 
 did import lb much, which he did willing- 
 ly obey; but in his commiflion he was au- 
 thorized to intercept any merchandize that 
 fhould be tranfported under colour of the 
 ambaflador's furniture; and that in one 
 of the barks he had found a fardel of bays, 
 which he might jufl:ify the taking of, and 
 fo difmifs'd the bark. 
 
 I returned anfwer, that if he went to the 
 flrift letter of his commiflion, I confefl*ed 
 he might do it; but I told him the value 
 was fo fmall, and it having been queftion- 
 ed at Sandwich, that I would think myfelf 
 beholden to him, if he would either reftore 
 it, or keep it in his cufl:ody fourteen days. 
 To my latter requefl: he con fen ted ; where- 
 upon I gave aflTurance to the ambaflador, 
 who was then much enraged that a letter 
 fhould be procured out of England that 
 fhould compel the delivery of the fardel. 
 
 Within four or five days after I arrived 
 in England, I acquainted the lord treafurer 
 Dorfe: with the affront offered the ambaffa- 
 dor at Sand'vjicb, and the complaint made 
 to the farmers of the cuftom againft me. I 
 informed my lord admiral and my lord of 
 Cranhrne with the lord .Arundel's paffage, 
 and the contempt of the captain, whom I 
 difplaced and detained prifoner, as alfo of 
 the fardel feized on by the Hollander. 
 
 My lord treafurer fent for the informer 
 by a purfuivant, and committed him ten 
 weeks prifoner in the gatehoufe, refufing to 
 rcleafe him, till I became fuitor for him. 
 The captain was handled in the fame man- 
 ner, being long imprifoned, and the far- 
 del reftored to the goveinor of Dunkirk by 
 a letter from Sir Ho-well Caroone. 
 
 I am the more tedious herein, to fhew the 
 
 genius of the men of Sandivich, who made 
 
 more account of venting their fpleen and 
 
 revenge, than of his majefty's reputation 
 
 4 
 
 and honour; and did their bed endeavour 
 to make a breach betwixt the Hollanders 
 and me. At that time they had thirty 
 ihips for two in the narrow leas. 
 
 I obferved at all times that I was to 
 tranfport a Spanijh ambaflltdor, the Hol- 
 landers labour'd to fliew Ibme point of 
 inlolency; as I remember at the return 
 of the marquifs of St. Gerniains, I met 
 a Dutch fleet in the midft of the channel, 
 convoyM by a man of war, who would 
 not take in his flag, till I was forced to ufc 
 violence. I could entertain your lordfhips 
 with a volume of thefe difcourfes; but 
 what I have faid is fufiicient to fhew the 
 arrogant and unmannerly carriage of the 
 Hollanders, who ambitioufly defire to in- 
 croach upon his majefty's jurifdidtion. Had 
 I connived at them, I had purchafed lefs 
 hate of them, and their well-wilhers. And 
 not long before my commitment there 
 fell out an accident, which, perhaps, might 
 haflen my imprifonment. Sir Howell Ca- 
 roone, their agent, coming over in a man 
 of war, was fhot at by a pinnace of the 
 king's, for not flriking his topfail to her, 
 which I underffood he took in ill part, and 
 caft it upon me. 
 
 If I had tranfgreffed, or given the leaft 
 advantage to have excepted againfl me in 
 the twelve years I ferved on the narrow feas, 
 it is very likely his majefly or the flate 
 fhould have known it; but feeing I w^as 
 never queftioned for any aftion, publick or 
 private, I did no more than became a fub- 
 jedl and a fervant to his majefly, to defend 
 the honour and reputation of him and his 
 kingdoms, though it had been with the 
 lofs of my life. 
 
 And fince I have made my apology for 
 twelve years, I will add eighteen more to 
 it, and begin with the wars of Spain, where 
 I was an adtor in the firft fliip, and general 
 of the laft fleet queen Elizabeth ever im- 
 ploy'd. 
 
 If it fhall appear by records in the ad- 
 miral's court, or by petition in the coun- 
 cil chamber, that ever I was queftioned 
 for any unlawful aft, or fo much as my 
 name ufed for a witnefs, I will willingly 
 receive my due punifhment ; or let it be 
 proved in all my imployment by ie..\, 
 which has been more than any Englijh 
 gentleman, that either direftly or indireftly 
 I deceived either of my two fovereigns, and 
 I will defire the reward of a traitor. 
 
 I well remember the firft: time I was 
 examined by the chief juilice Cooke, and 
 fecretary Winwood, at Hatton-Houfe, I be- 
 fought them. That they would be pleafed 
 to enquire into my behaviour, and the 
 courfe of my life from my infancy, and I 
 hoped it would prove loyal, honeft, and 
 fpotlefs. 
 
 Now
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Naval TraSis. 
 
 ii5 
 
 Novv I humbly defiro, as a fccond fuit, 
 that eidier they, or any ochcr, would exa- 
 mine tlrc iervice I have done to the ftate in 
 the time of the late queen, when there was 
 greateil occafions for men to fliew their abi- 
 lities and deferts ; as alfo what imprilbn- 
 ment I have endured in Spain; what fa- 
 mine, hurts, and other callialtics I fufter'd ; 
 what wealtii has been brought into England 
 by my means-, wilh wlut hazard and for- 
 tunate fuccefs I have obtained both wealth 
 and vidlory •, as in particular, and which is 
 ircHieft in memory, the lall carrack, va- 
 lued at almoft two hundred thoufand 
 pounds, and difpofed of by his majelty at 
 his acccfilon to the crown. 
 
 When all thefe tilings fiiall be confider'd, 
 and my rewards valued, the integrity ot 
 my heart will appear, antl how much I pre- 
 feri'd the fervice to my prince and country 
 above my private or particular interefl:. 
 
 I mull confefs my folly and misfortune: 
 the one made me too forward in complain- 
 ing, and wifliing a reformation of his ma- 
 jefty's navy, which has purchas'd me much 
 envy: the other procur'd me as much hate 
 in taking the lady Arabella : and then per- 
 haps the caufe of my imprifonmcnc will 
 more plainly appear. 
 
 Some have obtain'd their defires in ruin- 
 ing my eftace, made me infamous to the 
 woild, taken from me my imploymcnr, 
 feifcd by way of forfeiture upon my land, 
 denying to account with me, which they 
 have long pradtifcd ; and, above all, calt 
 fuch an afperfion upon my children, as all 
 hope of preferment is taken from them: 
 but my comfort is in the faying of David, 
 T'hat ;;;_>• defence is in God, -juho faveth the 
 upright in heart. 
 
 Thus have I briefly run over fome par- 
 ticulars that happened in my imploymenti 
 wlierein I have Ihew'd in what condition I 
 found die narrow feas, how with envy and 
 hate I reduced it, and in what form and 
 condition I left it. 
 
 And as I have given an account of twelve Monson. 
 years i.nploynicnt on the narrow feas, I can v^Y'"^^ 
 as well derive myfelf from the year 1585. 
 when the war with Spain began -, for then 
 made I the feas my profeirion, being led :o 
 it by the wildnefs ot my youth. And be- 
 cauic the two baiks in which I then fervcd, 
 hati the fortune to take the firft Spanijb 
 prize that ever law the Erglijh fhore, and 
 the rarenefs of die fight in taking her con- 
 fidered, I tliought ic not unworthy of repe- 
 tition. 
 
 In the moniho^ September 1585. and 
 about eight o' clock in the evening, being 
 upon the coall of Spain vvidi two liiiall fliips 
 atorelaid, we met and boarded a Spanijh 
 velTcl of three hundred tons burden, well 
 manned and armed; all our men with one 
 conlent and courage entered her, and we 
 left fighting aboard her all night, the feas 
 being lo grown that our barks were forced 
 to ungiapple and fall oil'. 
 
 The Spaniards betook themfelves to their 
 clofe fights, and gave two attempts by trains 
 of powder, to blow up their decks on which 
 v/e were; but we happily prevented it by 
 fire-pikes. " Thus continued the fight till 
 feven in the morning, when the Spa>:iards 
 found they had fo many men killed and 
 difibled, that they were forced to yield. 
 
 When we came to take a view of our 
 people, we found few left alive but could 
 Ihew a wound or fhot through their deaths 
 in that fight : we were a woeful fpeiftacle, 
 as well as the Spaniards ; and I dare fiy, 
 that in the whole time of the war, there 
 was not fo rare a manner of fight, or fo 
 great a flaughter of men on both fides. 
 
 I contcis ic exceeds the bounds of good 
 manners to trouble your honours v/ith this 
 impertinent difcourfe ; but 1 do it, that ic 
 may appear I had no thought but to im- 
 ploy my pains and travel to fcrve my prince 
 and country; and lb I humbly take my 
 leave. 
 
 A voyage by ^/'rWilliatn Monfon during the time he fervcd at admiral in thenar- 
 roiv feas about England, Scotland, a>id hehnd. Anno Dom. 1614. 
 
 HIS majefly being earneftly importuned 
 by his Scotijh fubjedts to have the af- 
 fiftance of Ibme of his fhips to redrefs the 
 fpoils committed by the pirates on theif 
 coall, out of care to them, and honour to 
 himfelf, he difpatched Sir IVilliam Monfon 
 and Sir Francis Howard in great hafte upon 
 that fervice, commanding fuch victuals and 
 other things as they ftood in need of to be 
 fent after them. 
 
 They departed from Margate-Road the 
 14th of May., and arrived at Leith in Scot- 
 land on the •23d of the fame-, thence he 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 immediately went to Edinburgh, and prc- 
 fenteil himfelf to the lords of that realm, 
 acquainting them with the caufe of his com- 
 ing, and the charge he had from his ma- 
 jcfty to defend that coaft from pirates ; and 
 therefore defired to be informed by their 
 lordfhips concerning their ftrength, their 
 number, and place of abode. He defired 
 to be furniflied with able pilots; for his 
 majelly's fliips were of greater burden and 
 value than ufually had been employ'd on 
 thofe coafls; and bcfidcs, that the navi- 
 gation to the northward of tlsat place was 
 L 1 1 not
 
 216 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal TraBs. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 and therefore 
 
 MoNsoN.not frequented by ournation 
 
 ^'^'V'^ unknown to us. 
 
 It pleafed their lordfliips to recommend 
 the care thereof to the Trinity-Houfe of 
 Leith^ exprcfly commanding them to ap- 
 point the ablcfi pilots that could be choien 
 amonglt them. This command ot theirs 
 was accordingly obey'd, and their pilots 
 repaired aboard the next morning. Sir 
 IVilliam immediately let fail, leaving in- 
 ftrudtions for his victuals to follow him to 
 the idands of Orbiey ; %vhich the lords of 
 ^cot/and took into their provident care, ant 
 performed it accordingly. 
 
 The firft of June, Sir l^Fillitim arrived at 
 Sinclare-Cq/lk, the houfe of the earl of 
 Cathmjs, the utmoft promontory of Great 
 Britain. Here he found neither the num- 
 ber nor the danger of pirates lb terrible as 
 report made them •, from twenty they were 
 vaniflied to two, and both of them men ot 
 bafe condition •, the one of them not long 
 before my boatfwain's mate in the narrow 
 feas; the other of as mean quality and 
 rank, and fird made a feaman by Sir IFil- 
 liam: neither can this man be properly 
 called a pirate-, for being amongtt_ them, 
 and mifliking their damnable courfes, he, 
 with three others, left their fociety, and 
 in an Englijh bark they had taken, ftole 
 from them, and put himfelf into the hands 
 of the carl a'i Catbncfs; where I found both 
 him and the bark, which I brought away 
 with me. 
 
 The day before I came to Cathnefs, I was 
 difappointed of meeting the boatfwain's 
 mate, the pirate, Clarke by name, who had 
 been afhore with the earl, and friendly en- 
 tertained, bccaufe his houfe and tenants lay 
 open to his fpoil. 
 
 That day there arrived a Scotip bark 
 from the Frith,' which gave an account ot 
 SiTpFilliamh coming lo Leitb, with an in- 
 tent to'purfue fuch pirates as he could hear 
 of. This news made Clarlte quit that coaft, 
 and fly into the ifland, where he refrelhed 
 himfelf amongfV the hfliermen. 
 
 But Sir William being now out of hope 
 of him, and out of doubt of any others 
 thereabout, Uay'd not at Caihnefs, but the 
 fame night palled to the ifland of Orkney, 
 where he found more civil, kind, and friend- 
 ly ufage, than could be expcded from fuch 
 kind of creatures in fliew. Here he left 
 Sir Francis Howard for guard of the coall', 
 and profecuted tiis intention againft Clarke, 
 not Iparing any place to feck him in^' where 
 there was a polfibility to find him. After 
 fome time fpent at fta, he put into the 
 ifland oi'Shutland, and from thence to thofe 
 of Hylrides, where he defign'd Sir Francis 
 Hozvard fhould meet him. 
 
 The brutifhnefs and uncivility of thofe 
 people of the Hykrides exceeds the lavages 
 I 
 
 of America •, and it may be well laid of 
 them, that education is a fecond nature i 
 for there cannot be greater difference be- 
 
 dit, than betwixt the 
 
 twixt day and niglit, 
 
 converfation of thofe of Orkney, and thufe 
 
 of the Hyhrides. 
 
 Being out of hopes of meeting with 
 Clarke, Sir fVilliam dire6led his courfe for 
 Broad- Haven in Ireland, a harbour frequent- 
 ed by pirates, in refpedt of the fecurity 
 thereof, and the remoienels, few knowing 
 it, and the relief fuch people find by a 
 1 gentleman there dwelling, who fpared 
 not his own daughters to bid them wel- 
 come. 
 
 The danger S'wWilliam ran into was great, 
 and worfe to think, that two fhips of his 
 majefty's ot that confequence fhould be ha- 
 zarded on lb flender an occafion, as the 
 purfuit of lb few petit pirates. 
 
 Betwixt thofe iflands and Ireland he met 
 with fo great a florm and ground-feas, that 
 it were tit only for a poet to defcribe. Of 
 four velTels he had in company, one v/as 
 fwallowed up in the feas-, the other three 
 were feparated, and faw one another no more 
 till they met in England. 
 
 When the feas had fpent their fury, the 
 ftorm began to abate, aud the 28 th he ar- 
 rived at Broad-Ha-cen, a place unknown to 
 any one in his fhip but the pirate he had 
 taken from the earl of Cathnefs, as you have 
 heard, of whom he made ule to execute this 
 ftratagem. 
 
 Being now come to the well-head of all 
 pirates, and defirous to be fully informed 
 of the condition of thofe people of Broad- 
 Haven, as foon as he came, to an anchor he 
 made choice of fuch pcrfons of his company 
 as formerly had been pirates, to give the 
 lefs lulpicion ot his purpofe. 
 
 Thele men he lent in his boat to the 
 gcndemen ot that place, and took upon 
 him to he a pirate, and the name ot captain 
 Alan-waring. The man he trufted in this 
 fervice, extolled the wealth he had on 
 board him; his royal difpofition and libera- 
 lity to thofe that fliew'd him courtefy. 
 This hope of wealth and reward let their 
 hearts on fire. 
 
 He ufed the commendations and names 
 of fundry pirates, their acquaintance -, and 
 feigned mellages to the women from their 
 fweet-hearts, who he made believe had fent 
 them tokens, which he had on board for 
 them. 
 
 The filly women conceived fo great a 
 joy- at it, that it took away all fufpicion of 
 deceit. 
 
 The gentleman of that place, like a 
 wilely fox, abfented himfelt, and left his 
 wile and hackney daughters to entertain the 
 new welcome guefts, till he beheld the coaft 
 clear; and when he faw his time, he re- 
 turned
 
 Book 11. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 127 
 
 turned ; and to make his credit and reputa- 
 tion leem the greater vviih Captain Maiiiva- 
 ring, expreffed the favours he had done to 
 fundry pirates, though it was to liis emi- 
 nent peril, which he did not efteem, it he 
 might do captain Manwaring any fervicc •, 
 fo much he was devoted to his pcrfon, when 
 he heard the report ot his wealth ; and to 
 endear him the more, he promifed to fend 
 two gentlemen of trult the next morning 
 on board him, to give him the better aflii- 
 rance of his fidehty -, and in the mean time, 
 becaufe he fhould not be unfurnifhed of 
 viftuals, he direfted him to fend his men 
 alliore armed, and in a warlike manner, 
 that it might appear their cattle were taken 
 by violence, which he would appoint in a 
 place with their cars flit, to be diftinguiflied 
 from other beads. 
 
 The meflcnger being fully fatisfied, and 
 having executed his ftratagem, returned 
 aboard that night. At the dawning of the 
 day the play began, for that was the hour 
 appointed for the wolf to feek his prey ; 
 and captain Chejier, with fifty armed men, 
 in a diforderly manner, like pirates, went 
 on fhore, and adted fo much as was agreed 
 on •, and the cattle being killed, he was, in 
 a fecret manner, invited to the houfe of the 
 gentleman -, but at his intreaty was to make 
 it appear publickly, that he came not by 
 invitation, but of his own accord. 
 
 Here he was welcomed, and friendly en- 
 tertained by the daughters, whofe dcfire 
 was to hear of their fvveet-hearts, and to 
 receive their tokens -, but all in general co- 
 veted to fee captain Man-iv(iri>ig, who they 
 confidently believed v.'ould enrich them all. 
 The gentleman, Mr. Conmt by name, was 
 punftual in all his undertaking, and the 
 two ambafladors he promifed came aboard, 
 and delivered a friendly (though in a rude 
 manner, like their country) melTage of their 
 love, and aflurance of their fervice to captam 
 Alan-Jjaring. 
 
 Their melTage ended, Sir IVilliam wifhed 
 them to obferve and confider, whether they 
 thought that Ihip and company to be pi- 
 rates i" for they could well judge of pirates, 
 becaufe of their familiarity and acquaintance 
 with them. 
 
 It was a folly to diffemble any longer ; 
 for though they would, yet they could not 
 berray Sir William^ defign ; and therefore in 
 as rough and rude a manner as they delivered 
 their meflage, he told them how they had 
 tranfgrefied, and the next thing they were 
 to expert was death, and commanded them 
 to be put in irons, in dark and feveral places, 
 being careful to permit neither boat nor 
 man to go afhore until his own landing. 
 
 The time approached Sir William pro- 
 mifed to vifit them ; and for his greater ho- 
 nour they had drawn down four or five 
 
 hundred people to attend on the fTiore fiJc, Monson. 
 which he perceiving, and feeming to be jca- ''^°'- 
 lous of their number, prctendetl to be fhy ^'''V^ 
 of going alhore, for fear of treachery : but 
 i I oaths, vows, or any kind of proteflations 
 would ferve him, he had them ; and when 
 they faw him thus convinced of iheirfince- 
 rity, and that he put himfclt upon them, 
 three of their principal men run up to the 
 arm-pits in water, driving who fhould have 
 the credit to carry him alliore. 
 
 One of thefe three was xnEnglillman, a 
 late tradefman in Londmi, and attended the 
 arrival of pirates. The fecontl hatl been a 
 fchoolmafter, and a man attended like ano- 
 tlier /tpollo amongft thofe rude people. The 
 third a merchant of G'«//&cc;(7y, but his chief- 
 eft trade was to buy and fell with pirates. 
 
 Ti.efe three gallants, like gentlemcn- 
 udicrs, condufteil Sir William to Mr. Cor- 
 mat\ lioufe, and the meaner fort followed 
 with acclamations of joy. At his landing, 
 happy was he to whom he would lend his 
 car. Falling into difcour-Ce, one told him 
 they knew Jiis friends, and though his name 
 had not difcovered it, yet his face did fhew 
 him to be a Mamx-aring. In fliort, they 
 made him believe he might command them 
 and their country, and that no man was ever 
 fo welcome as captain Manwaring. 
 
 Entering into the houfe of Mr. Cormat, his 
 three hackney daughters role to entertain 
 him, and conduelcd him to the hall newly 
 ftrewed with ruflies, as the richcft decking 
 their abilides, or the meannefs of the place 
 could afford. In the corner was a harper, 
 who played merrily, to make his welcome 
 the greater. 
 
 After fome difcourfe, and feveral que- 
 ftions alked by the three daughters concern- 
 ing their acquaintance and friends; but 
 above all, being defirous to handle the to- 
 kens promifed, and laughing and jeering at 
 their two meiTcngers aboard, who ihey did 
 not fufpedt were detained prifoners, but 
 drinking and frolicking in the fliip, as the 
 ufe was upon the arrival of pirates. After 
 thePe paflhges the women offered to dance ; 
 one chofe Sir William., which he excufed, 
 but gave free liberty for the reft of his com- 
 pany. The Englijtman was fo pleafuit and 
 merry, that he feemed to have new life in- 
 fufed into him : he told Sir William, the 
 heavens did torefee he was born to ferve him , 
 and to relieve him : he fhewed him a pafs, 
 procured upon falle pretences fiom the flie- 
 ri.ffof that county, authorizing him to tra- 
 vel from place to place to make inquifition 
 of his goods, which he falfly pretended he 
 was robbed of at fea : he laughed at the 
 cheat he had put upon thefherilf in getting 
 his pafs, and urged the advantage that might 
 be made of it, in fending to and fro in the 
 country without fufpicion. 
 
 He
 
 228 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSU. 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 MoNso.v. Me proffered Sir If'HUam the fervice of 
 «593- ten mariners of liis acquaintance, that lay 
 
 ^'^^'^-^"^ lurking thereabouts, expelling the coming 
 in of men of war, which fea-taring men he 
 had power to command. 
 
 His antick beliaviour was enough to put 
 the melancholicll man in good luimour ; 
 fometimes he played the part of a comman- 
 ding iheriff ; then he aftcd his own, with 
 many witty jwflTiges how he deceived the 
 Iheriff. Sir IVUlidm embraced his olFcr of 
 ten mariners, with a promife of reward, 
 and caufed him to write effcdlually for them, 
 as may appear by this that follows : 
 
 Honrft brother Dick, ami the refl^ we are 
 all wade men ; for valiant captain Manwa- 
 
 He told the fchoolmafter he v/as a fit tu- 
 tor for the children of the devil, and that 
 he had apt fcholars to follow his damnable 
 inftrucflions ; and that as the members arc 
 governed by the head, the way to make his 
 members found, v/as to Hiorten him by the 
 head, and therefore willed him to admonifh 
 his fcliolars from the 'top of the gallows, 
 wliich fliould be a pulpit prepared for him. 
 He afked the merchant, wiiether he ima- 
 gined there could be thieves, if there were 
 no receivers.? And as the contriver and 
 plotter of evil is worfe than he that exe- 
 cutes it, fo is the abettor and a receiver to 
 be condemned before the thief He told 
 iiim, tiiat pirates could no more live by 
 their occupation, were it not for buyers. 
 
 ring, and all kis gallant crew are arrived in than a poor labourer work without wages j 
 
 this place. Make hafte ; for he flourijijetb in ' ' " "' ' ' ' — * ~ 
 
 wealch, and is mojl kind to all men. Fare- 
 wel ; and once again make hafle. 
 
 I'his letter being writ, and the pafs in- 
 clofed in it, S'n IVi'liam took it into liis own 
 hand, offering to liire a meflengcr to carry 
 it ; but night drawing on, which required 
 his return on board, and having drawn 
 from the country all the fecret he defired, 
 he caufed the harp to ceafe playing, and com- 
 manded filence, becaufe he was to fpeak, 
 
 He told tiiem, that hitherto they had 
 played their part, and he had no part in the 
 comedy ; but though his was Lift, and might 
 be termed the epilogue, yet it would prove 
 more tragical than theirs. He put them 
 out of doubt that he was no pirate, but a 
 fcourge to fuch, and was fent from his ma- 
 jefty to difcover, fupprefs and puniih them 
 and their abettors, whom his majedy did 
 not think worthy the name of fubjecls ; he 
 told them, that he had received fufiicient 
 information of the proce(!;tion given to pi- 
 rates in that harbour, and by Cormat ; and 
 that he could find no better expedient to 
 confirm what had been told him, than by 
 taking upon him the habit of a pirate, and 
 one of their aflbciates -, and that they had 
 made themfclvcs guilry in the law, without 
 farther acculations : and now there remained 
 nothing, but to proceed to their execution, 
 by virtue of his commifTion ; and to that 
 purpofc, he had brought a gallows ready 
 framed, which he caufed to be fet up, mean- 
 ing to begin the mournful dance with the 
 two men they thought had been merry, 
 dancing aboard the fliip. 
 
 He told the EngHjhman., he fhould be the 
 next, becaufe his olfence did furpafs the 
 rell, being an Engliflnncn, who fhould be a 
 pattern of good life to thofe people we have 
 fought to reduce to civility, fince we firft 
 polfelTed that country -, and feeing man na- 
 turally is rather apt to follow evil example 
 than good, he fhould be hanged for example. 
 
 that the offence in a merchant was more 
 heinous than in another man, becaufe his 
 trade mull be maintained and upheld by 
 peace: his time he told him was not long, 
 and wifhed him to make his account with 
 Go i, that he uiight be found a good mer- 
 chant and factor to hjm, though he had 
 been a malefadlor to the law. 
 
 Here was feen the mutability of the 
 world ; their mirth was turned into mourn- 
 ing, and their dancing into lamenting, each 
 bewailing and repenting, as is the cuiloin 
 of offenders. The night calling Sir IVil- 
 linm away, he appointed their guard to a 
 boat, and left the carpenter afhore to finilh 
 the gallov/s ; which was done by morning, 
 and the prilbners ready to receive tb.eir 
 doom •, but being fued to by the whole 
 country, with a promife never to connive 
 again at pirates, after four and twenty hours 
 fright in irons, he pardoned them. 
 
 The Englifiman was banifhed, not only 
 irom that coaft, but iiom the fea-fide, 
 throughout Ireland; and a copy of his pafs 
 fent to the fheriff, with advice to be more 
 cautious for the future in granting his fafe 
 conciucl. Here the mafter died ; and all 
 that country could not afford a pilot ; fo 
 lirtle u!'e tliofe people make of God's blef- 
 fings in thole parts •, for were they induf- 
 trious, as in other countries, both land and 
 fea would afibrd them as great plenty of trade 
 and commodities as any pare in Europe. 
 
 The next morning as Sir William was at 
 anchor in Broad-Haven, he efpied a ihip 
 bearing into that harbour; v^hich feeing him 
 fprung her luff, and came to an anchor un- 
 der the weather fhore : by her working he 
 judged her to be a pirate •, and though it 
 blew much wind, he put himfelf into his 
 boat, having the opportunity of a great fog, 
 thinking to fleal upon her at unawares -, but 
 finding the fog, like other weather at fea, 
 unconllanf, when he came within falcon fhot 
 of her, itclear'dup; which fhe perceiving, 
 cut cable, and Hood off to fea, where he pur- 
 
 fued
 
 ^OOK I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV JSlaz^al Trjcls. 
 
 fued her with great danger of drowning in 
 his boat. 
 
 Six days fhe kept the fea in foul wcatJier, 
 and the levcnth arrived at the ifiand of E- 
 nefcey, fcvcn leagues to the foutliward of 
 Broad-Haven, where flie was out of fear of 
 any attempt to be made upon her, by rea- 
 fon of the wind. 
 
 In the darl< of the night, when there 
 was leaft danger of difcovery, tlie pirate 
 found means to have a letter fecredy con- 
 veyed to Coriiialy their agent and truftielt 
 friend -, but Cormat being lately burnt, did 
 dread the fire •, and no Iboner received the 
 letter, but he brought it to Sir IVilliam, 
 which was to this effcdl : 
 
 Dear friend, 
 
 I Was bearing into Broad-Haven to give 
 you corn for ballaji, but that I was 
 frighted by the kin^s jhip, I fuppofed to be 
 there. I pray you^ fend me word what fjjp 
 it is ; for we Jtand in great fear. I pray 
 yeu, provide me two kine ; for we are in 
 great want of viSfuals : Whenfoever you fhall 
 make afire on floor e, I will fend my boat to 
 you. 
 
 This letter pleafed Sir William, hoping 
 to make good ufe of it, as he did. The 
 firft thing was to conjure Cormat to keep 
 fecrecy, charging him, upon pain of life, 
 to follow his direftions. He writ an an- 
 fwer, which he caufed Cormat to fign as 
 ■ from himfelf : The purport of it was, 
 
 " That he rejoiced to hear of his health, 
 and defired to fee him : He bid him be 
 confident this fhip could not endanger 
 him ; for (he was not the king's, as he 
 imagin'd, but one of London that came 
 from the Indies with her men fick, and 
 many dead. He promifed him two oxen 
 and a calf; to obferve his direftions by 
 making a fire •, and gave him hope to 
 fee him within two nights." 
 
 2.19 
 
 A man could not be too cautious among 
 the people of the country, who in their 
 hearts were piratically given ; and therefore 
 he clothed three or four of his company in 
 Irijh habits, to accompany the meflengcr, 
 commanding them to lie in ambufh not far 
 off, as well to take a view of the bearer, as 
 to defend him from any violence of the pi- 
 rates, fearing they might furprize him, if 
 they miftrufted any deceit. 
 
 The pirates kept as good a watch to ob- 
 ferve the fire, as the country doth a beacon 
 upon fufpicion of an enemy, and efpying 
 if, were not long a rowing to fliore, and as 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 little a while on Hiorc j for it was the let- Mo.n5o.v. 
 ter only at that time they coveted •, and s-'^Y^J 
 having it, they haftencd aboard to read 
 it. 
 
 The letter gave th'^m great content, bc- 
 caufe they found themfelvcs tree from dan- 
 ger of the fliip they took to be the king's •, 
 as alio bccauft; they wert promifi:d relief in 
 their extremity, by the two oxen to be 
 fent them. 
 
 This day they were frolick and merry, 
 to make amends for the fix before fpent in 
 foul weather at fea. In the mean time Sir 
 William contrived a ftratagcm the pirates 
 neither dreaded nor dreamed of: P'or undcr- 
 ftanding that at the end of the river where 
 they lay, and not above feven miles from 
 him, there was a nook of land two miles 
 in breadth, that parted it from another ri- 
 ver, which opened itfelf into the fea over 
 againft Enefccy, where the pirates lay : Sir 
 William kept his defign fecret from the 
 IrifJo, who he knew would not much fur- 
 ther his defign againft pirates, and on a 
 fudden took ib many of thofe /n/j, with 
 the help of his own company, as drew his 
 boat and another over land -, and having 
 recover'd the next river, with no little a- 
 ftoniihment to the Iriflo, they were to row 
 thirty miles to the place defign'd for die 
 fire to be made. 
 
 Having pulled hard to be at the place 
 by midnight, as foon as the boat arrived 
 they kindled a fire ; and by the time they 
 conjedtured the pirates boat might be a- 
 fliore, who, they made account, would 
 weaken the Ihip of fo many men as fhe 
 fhould carry, they row'd off with fpeed, 
 and came within fight of, and furpriz'd 
 her before they could be fufpected, which 
 did fo much amaze the pirates, that they 
 had not power to refift, but yielded like fo 
 many wolves caught in their own fnares. 
 
 Being thus circumvented and apprehend- 
 ed, they were brought to Broad-Haven^ 
 where Sir William executed the chief of 
 them, fhewing mercy to the reft fo fiir as 
 he durft -, for he was commanded in his 
 inftrudtions to execute jultice with fome vi- 
 gour. Examining the behaviour of .all the 
 pirates, of many he picked out the worft, 
 who had tafted twice before of his majefty's 
 gracious pardon. This fevere juftice gave 
 a terror to the people of that country, and 
 no lefs fatistaftion to the owner of the fliip, 
 whom they kept prifoner aboard them, and 
 who might fee his majefty fparcd not his 
 own fubjefts if they offended. 
 
 The pirates ever after became ftrangers 
 
 to that harbour of Broad-Havtn, and in a 
 
 litde time wholly abandoned Ireland ;\vh\ch 
 
 was attributed to the execution of that 
 
 JM m m 
 
 man
 
 Ip 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncfval Trads, 
 
 Book II. 
 
 ^fosio^. nian •, for before that time they were in 
 ^''Y'^ thofe parts rather connived at than pu- 
 ntflied. 
 
 From hence Sir JViUiam went groping 
 along the coaft, the country, as was laid, 
 not being able to afford him a pilot. On 
 the I a th of 'July he came to the Vintry, a 
 place that had twice relieved him before. 
 
 Coming from fea in great extremity, Ort 
 the 2Sth to Bear-Haven, the ift of Augufi 
 to Plymouth, the 8 th to the IJle of Wight , 
 and the loth to the Downs, after fetching 
 a circuit round his majefty's three king- 
 doms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 
 
 And here he bid farcwel to the fea, this 
 being the laft voyage Sir IFilliam made in 
 
 king Jameses time, and the laft year but 
 one he ferved on the narrow feas, which 
 wanted not much of twelve years ; in which 
 I will boldly and truly fay, there was ne- 
 ver fervice neglcfted, omitted, or unper- 
 formed, that he was commanded upon ; 
 which I look upon as ftrange, and not to 
 be paralleled by any that enjoyed his im- 
 ployment before ; and if the time be confi- 
 dered, fix years of them twelve bred many 
 doubts and differences, how an Englijh ad- 
 miral (hould carry himfelf betwixt the Hol- 
 landers and Spaniards, the wars continuing 
 between them, yet fuch was his hap and 
 care, that he committed no error, for the one 
 or the other juftly to except againfl him. 
 
 3^tr names of fucbpips of the queens, king JamesV, and king Charles'^, as I 
 ferved in, beftdes divers other's not mentioned. 
 
 
 IN the Charles, whereof I had no com 
 mand Anno 1588 
 
 In the ViSfory, in which voyage I 
 
 was vice-admiral to my lord of 
 
 Cumberland, 
 In the Garland 
 In the Lion 
 In the Rainbow 
 In the Repulfe 
 In the Rainbow 
 In the Defiance 
 In the Garland 
 In the Nonpareille 
 In the Swift/lire 
 In the Mary-Rofe 
 
 1589 
 
 ^593 
 1595 
 1596 
 1597 
 
 ^599 
 1600 
 1601 
 1602 
 1602 
 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 In the 
 
 Mere-Honour 
 
 Mere-honour 
 
 Vanguard 
 
 Rainbow 
 
 AJfurance 
 
 Rainbow 
 
 Vanguard 
 
 AJfurance 
 
 Rainbow 
 
 Adventure 
 
 AJfurance 
 
 Lion 
 
 Nonfucb 
 
 James 
 
 1^02 
 1603 
 1604 
 1605 
 1606 
 1607 
 1609 
 1610 
 1611 
 1612 
 1613 
 1614 
 1615 
 
 ^^35 
 
 yf
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TradJs. 
 
 ^3^ 
 
 A 7iote of fuch princes, amhaffadors and others^ ivhom .S/r William Monfon Mon5on 
 tranfported from the 20th of July 1604, till the i-^tb of January 1616, with •"^Y^ 
 the number of their followers and their meals, at his own charges, aboard his 
 fnajeftfsjljips, for which he is as yet tmfatisfy'd, and which did amount to the 
 futn of 1500I. 
 
 Tear 
 
 1604 
 r694 
 1604 
 1604 
 1604 
 1604 
 1605 
 1605 
 1605 
 1605 
 1605 
 1606 
 1606 
 1606 
 1606 
 1607 
 1607 
 1607 
 1608 
 1608 
 1610 
 1610 
 1610 
 1610 
 1610 
 161 1 
 161 1 
 1612 
 1612 
 1612 
 1612 
 1613 
 
 Month 
 
 Day 
 
 Augujl 
 
 Aiiguft 
 
 November 
 
 December 
 
 February 
 
 March 
 
 April 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 July 
 
 September 
 
 April 
 
 May 
 
 September 
 
 OSlober 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 November 
 
 OSlober 
 
 February 
 
 March 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 June 
 
 Augujt 
 
 September 
 
 February 
 
 April 
 
 June 
 
 Augujl 
 
 OSlober 
 
 April 
 
 Princes, Ambajfadors, &c. 
 
 I crt 
 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 23 
 28 
 
 J3 
 
 19 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 25 
 
 I 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 »3 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 27 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 6 
 
 3 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 1 1 
 
 23 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 16 
 
 25 
 
 The conftable of Cajlille at his coming over 
 The conftable at his return 
 The duke of Holjlein 
 
 The duke of Lenox at his going into France 
 Two gentlemen of the arch-duke's chamber 
 The duke of Lenox at his return out of France 
 The earl of Hertford going into Flanders 
 The earl at his return from Flufiing 
 The emperor's ambafilidor 
 The emperor's ambaflador at his return 
 The carl of Villa Mediana aboard five days in foul weather 
 The marquis of St. Jerman*% coming 
 The fame marquis at his return 
 Count Vaudemont at his coming over 
 In his return 
 
 Prince Janville at his coming over 
 At his return 
 The landgrave of Hejfe 
 The ambaflTador in ordinary of Venice 
 The Spanijh ambaflador Don Hernando Jeron at his return 
 The duke of Brunfwick coming over 
 Sir TIjo. Edmonds, and the duke of IVirtemberg's ambaffador 
 Don Pedro de Cunaga at his return 
 The duke of Brunfwick at his return 
 The lord Wotton going over 
 The Spanifj ladies coming over 
 The marfhal Laverdin at his return 
 The duke of Bologne coming over 
 Don Pedro de Cunaga coming over 
 The Spanijh ladies returning 
 Don Pedro de Cunaga at his return 
 The earl of Arundel and his lady going over with the lady 
 Elizabeth Grace, for which I receiv'd allowance. 
 
 200 
 300 
 
 40 
 no 
 
 10 
 300 
 300 
 300 
 
 70 
 
 70 
 200 
 
 50 
 74 
 300 
 250 
 40 
 40 
 
 30 
 40 
 30 
 
 38 
 50 
 35 
 
 35 
 46 
 
 28 
 200 
 200 
 50 
 25 
 52 
 
 ■'""A 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 3 
 4 
 4 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 10 
 4 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 4 
 4 
 4 
 3 
 5 
 3 
 £ 
 
 5 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 A confidtation before the lords of the council in 16 17, to luhich I was called, 
 and a propofition made. How the pirates of Algiers might be fupprejsd, and 
 the town attempted. My advice to it was as follows. 
 
 r.T7*Irft, becaufe an expedition againft 
 r the pirates could not be the employ- 
 ment of one fleet for the fpace of fix months 
 only, but that it is rather like to prove a 
 work of years, it is necefiary that all the 
 maritime towns of Europe do contribute 
 towards the expence and charge : For con- 
 fidering the profit will be univerfal, if the 
 pirates' be deftroy'd, there is no reafon but 
 the charge Ihould be as general. 
 
 2. Becaufe every nation is not provided 
 with fwift fliips and ftrength alike for fuch 
 an action, which are the two principal 
 things, it is fit the fleets that muft fecond 
 one another, confift of Englip, Spaniards, 
 
 and Hollanders, as moft able to perform 
 the fervice, in refpcft of their ftrength and 
 fwift failing, as aforefaid 5 and all other 
 towns and countries bordering upon the 
 feaS) that cannot furnifh able fhips, to pay 
 their quota in money. 
 
 3. This being agreed upon, it muft be 
 likewife refolv'd. That as the charge is 
 general, lb the gains may be equally fhared 
 and divided, which muft arife from the file 
 of fuch Tariff and Moors as fliall be taken, 
 for ftaves, and of fuch goods as fliall be 
 recovered out of the pirates hands, whrrc 
 no proprietor can challenge it, 
 
 4. Th«
 
 Sir William MonibnV Naval ^ra^fs. 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 MossoN. 4. The fhips impIoy'J to be rated after 
 ^•^^^"^ the proportion of men and tonnage : (As 
 for example -,) fo many fhips of his majefty's 
 as will carry three tiwufand tons burthen, 
 and twelve hundred men, Spain and Hol- 
 land fending fliips proportionably, will be a 
 force fufHcient to encounter the whole num- 
 ber of the T'urkijh pirates. 
 
 5. It is not convenient to imploy any 
 fhips under two hundred and fifty tons, nor 
 above three hundred, the king's fhips ex- 
 cepted •, becaufe a lelTer fhip lofing compa- 
 ny, will be a prey to an enemy ; and if big- 
 ger than three hundred, it will fill up the 
 quantity of tonnage and number of men, and 
 be able to do little more fervlce than the lef- 
 fer fhip •, for the more number of fliips there 
 are of three hundred tons, they will be the 
 abler to purfue the pirates, if they be forc'd 
 to fcatter -, for every fhip muft undertake a 
 pirate •, and if there be more pirates than 
 ihips of ours, the overplus in number to 
 ours will efcape for want of fhips to follow 
 ihem. 
 
 6. The generals to execute martial law, 
 and to determine their authority before they 
 meet, to avoid queftions and ditFerences that 
 otherwife may happen. 
 
 7. To have fafe-condufts to all Chriflian 
 ports, and authority to be fupply'd with 
 necefTaries they fhall want ; as alfo provi- 
 fion for the fick and hurt men ; and fuch 
 Ihips or prizes as they fhall take from the 
 pirates, to be left in fafe cuftody in the faid 
 ports. 
 
 8. To carry money or commodities to 
 re-vidtual, and all manner of provifions to 
 trim and careen their fhips, with one ma- 
 fter-carpenter to have the overlooking and 
 ordering the flate of the fhipping. It is bet- 
 ter to carry commodities than money for 
 their occafions, becaufe of the lofs between 
 our money and theirs -, and befides, it will 
 be a gain to exchange commodities. 
 
 9. To have a treafurer to look to the pay- 
 ment of money, and a ftock for the diflxirfe- 
 ment of all neceflaries for the voyage. 
 
 10. To be extraordinary well provided 
 with mufkets and ammunition, and efpe- 
 cially with chain-Jhot for the ordnance -, 
 becaufe, where there are many people, as 
 commonly in pirates, chain- fhot will make 
 a great flaughter amongft them, and fuch 
 confufion withal, where there are fo few 
 failors to tackle their fliips, that they will 
 be taken upon the Itays, or lie upon the fea 
 at our mercy. 
 
 11. To make the fhips mufket-proof, 
 which will be done with little charge, and 
 no burden to the fhips, and to have all the 
 fpare decks and other things of weight ta- 
 ken down, and only put up -, which will be 
 a great eafe to the fhips failing. 
 
 4 
 
 12. Forafmuch as the chiefeft care in a 
 fea-aftion confifts in keeping the defigns le- 
 cret, this voyage requires fpecial fecrecy ; 
 for there being feveral EngUjlmicn, who 
 have been too bufy in trading with pirates, 
 and furnilhing them with powder and other 
 neceffarics, it is to be fear'd thofe fame 
 Englijl:men will endeavour to give the pi- 
 rates intelligence, left their being taken, 
 their wicked practices fhould be dilcovered : 
 for prevention whereof, it is ncceffary that 
 our fliips be provided under another pre- 
 tence than pirates, and the captains them- 
 fclves not to know of it till they are at Tea. 
 
 13. That the French king do prohibit 
 his fubjedts, and efpecially thofe of Mar- 
 feilks and Toulon^ to trade wiih pirates, 
 who now make it a common and daily 
 courfe, and from whom they will have no- 
 tice of our preparations, if they be not pre- 
 vented. 
 
 14. 
 iflands 
 Spain, 
 to meet 
 Holland 
 
 The place of rendezvous to be at the 
 of Bayon, the hithermofl part of 
 as nioft convenient for all fquadrons 
 without fufpicion. England and 
 may pretend feveral enterprizes, 
 without knowledge of one another till their 
 meeting. The fquadron of Spain coming 
 thither from St. Lucar, Cadiz, or Lisbon, 
 will make the pirates of Algiers and Tunis 
 think the preparations cannot be againft 
 them, the Spanijh fquadron being furnifhed 
 in the nigheft part of Spain to them, and 
 carry'd to the furtheft from them. 
 
 15. The time of the year to be in Au- 
 giijl or September ; for in thofe months the 
 pirates ufually put to fea, becaufe of the vin- 
 tage, and other great trades : commonly 
 in thofe months the fleets from the Indies re- 
 turn into Spain ; as alfo in thofe months the 
 Spanijh gallys retire into harbour, fo that 
 they need not fear them. 
 
 1 6. Our fleet not to appear within the 
 flraights until they hear of the pirates being 
 at fea, for having intelligence of it, they 
 dare not put out. 
 
 17. One great advantage we fliall have, 
 is. That if they are at fea, we fhall ftill 
 know where they are, by fhips we fhall 
 meet that have feen them : and obferving 
 the winds, can conjedture where we fhall 
 have them : or, if we fhall hear that they 
 are fcattered, we will do the like, and have 
 figns to know one another. 
 
 18. Another advantage we fliall have, 
 is. That no harbour can entertain or de- 
 fend them from their going out till they re- 
 turn home ; for all Chriflian fliores are their 
 enemies -, and they will have none but Tunis 
 and Algiers within the flraights, and Sally 
 and Santa Cruz without the Jh-aigbis, which 
 are wide and open roads, and apt to be lur- 
 priz'd or burnt. 
 
 IQ. If
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William Alonfon'j Na^vctl ^Tra6is. 
 
 T-n 
 
 19. If we happen to mils them at Tea, 
 they cannot efcape at their return, if wc 
 fprcad two fquadrons ten or twelve leagues 
 from Algiers ; for they can have no intelli- 
 gence of us from the fhore, becaufe we can- 
 not be defcry'd from thence. 
 
 20. That no mariner or l;\ilor be ran- 
 fom'd or let at liberty after they are taken -, 
 for taking away their f'ilors, they cannot 
 fet a Ihip to fca ; and we know their num- 
 bers cannot be great, becaufe it is not above 
 twelve years fince the EngUflo taught them 
 tJie ufe ot navigation. 
 
 2 I. Such rencgadoes as fliall be taken, or 
 
 dcfigns, either by intelligenc; ilie town Movso:i« 
 has hail, or by their caretulneli to dctcnd ^*^' 
 it i for no man but mufl; think that a town 
 which dcpemis on its own itrengcli, be- 
 ing in continual danger of llratagems» 
 and fudden furpri/xs trom the bordering 
 enemies, both Moors and 'Turks, who have 
 the conveniency of galleys to tranlport and 
 land an army at pleailire, will be extra- 
 ordinary watchiul and circLimlpcft to foi- 
 tify itfelf, and withfland all dangers that 
 can befal it. 
 
 And if thofe Chriftian countries that lie 
 open to the places aforefaid, could nc- 
 
 fuch Chrirtians as have willingly ferv'd the ver prevail in their llindry attempts, being 
 
 Turks, to be executed immediately, for the 
 terror of others -, for if Chriftian failors can 
 be kept trom them, their piracy will ceafe, 
 which otherwife will prove a great detri- 
 ment to the Chriftian commonwealth. 
 
 22. That fuch an Engl'fii general be ap- 
 pointed, and the fhips with that care fitted, 
 that may give reputation to the aftion ; 
 for confidering the reputation we have had 
 in fea affairs, it behoves us, upon fuch an 
 occafion as this, becaufe we fhall join with 
 other nations, to carry it with honour. 
 
 23. That fuch a general be appointed 
 as fliall have more care to perform the fer- 
 vice, than to his own eafc, pleafure, or often- 
 tation : That he keep the fea, and avoid 
 feeking harbour, unlefs neceflity compels 
 him, and then not to let it be to the lee- 
 ward of Algiers ; for fo pirates may go in 
 and out at their pleafure : and moreover. 
 That he enter no harbour but fuch as have 
 good outlets, left the fervice be negledled, 
 and he not able to get out. 
 
 24. And laftly, as the (hips fhall grow 
 foul, and be forced into harbour to trim, 
 that he do It with this confideration, I'hat 
 he keep a fquadron out at fea, wliilft the 
 others are fitting in harbour ; and upon the 
 return of the clean fquadron to fea, vvhilft 
 the other fquadron is in trimming, to put 
 himfelf into one of thofe lliips -, for it is 
 not the part of a general upon any occafion 
 to leave his fleet, tho' for a time he may 
 leave his fhip. 
 
 The danger and uncertainty of furprizing Al- 
 giers, or taking it byfiege, or otherwife. 
 
 T "T 7' Hofoever knows Algiers, cannot be 
 VV Ignorant of the ftrength of it : the 
 inhabitants confift principally of defperate 
 rogues and renegadoes, that live by rapine, 
 theft, and fpoil, having renounced God 
 and all virtue, and become reprobates to 
 all the Chriftian world. This town is, and 
 has been, of fo great annoyance to the 
 Chriftians lying over againft it, that they 
 have been oftentimes forced to attempt it 
 byfurprize; but ftill have fall'd of their 
 Vol. III. 
 
 nigh them, and having conveniency to em- 
 bark and tranfport an army without fufpl- 
 cion or rumour, and to be fuccoured by 
 the illands of Majorca and Minorca, if ncccf- 
 fity required, but efpecially having intel- 
 ligence with fome of the town for the de- 
 livery of It, as about fourteen years fince it 
 happened, by tiie prafllce of a renegailo, 
 called Spinola, which tailed ; what hope 
 have we then to prevail, who cannot fo Ic- 
 cretly furnifli an army and fleer, but that 
 all the world muft ring of It In gazettes and 
 other intelligences ? Or if it be once known 
 In JMarfeilles, it cannot be conceal'd many 
 hours from Algiers, there being a fettled 
 trade and correlpondence between thofe two 
 cities. 
 
 But allowing our defigns to be kept fe- 
 cret till the very time we arrive upon that 
 coaft', yet the warning will be fufficient for 
 a garrilbn town of lefs force, and fewer men 
 than Algiers, to prevent a furprlze. 
 
 In luch a cale as this the time and wind 
 is principally to be regarded ; for a large 
 wlntl that is good to carry a fleet into a 
 landing place in an open bay, will be dan- 
 gerous if it overblow upon a lee-lhore ; and 
 It will make lb great a Cc.\, that It will be 
 Impofl'ible for men with their furnitures and 
 arms to land without apparent danger ; and 
 what refiftance a few men are able to make, 
 I refer to confideration. 
 
 On the other fide, if we ply into the 
 bay with a leant wind, and it gives us 
 a good entrance to land, by reaibn of the 
 fmoothnefs of the fea, yet the defendants 
 fliall have thefe advantages ; they will de- 
 fcry us from the flxore a long time before we 
 can draw near, and confequentiy have time 
 fufFicIent to wuhftand our landing. With 
 their galleys they may cut off our boats with 
 our men. If fliips ride not within command 
 of the fliore; befides many other cafualcics 
 the fea and weadicr aflbrd. Befides, our 
 boats can land but the third part of our men 
 at once-, by which means v.e fliall attempt 
 to land but with the jhird part of our ar- 
 my ; and if v;e do it near the town, they 
 will ftill have warning enough ; or ii it be 
 N a n i-tf
 
 i34 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads, 
 
 Book II. 
 
 KfoNscN.far off, the march will be inconvenient, 
 ''^'V*^ and they warned by fires. 
 
 But it we tail of furprlfing Algiers, and 
 attempt it by (iege, we have neitlicr neccl- 
 laries to land our ordnance, nor to draw it 
 to a place fit to raile a battery, wanting 
 engines, cattle, and other conveniencies tor 
 that piirpofe. It niutl be confidered how 
 to relieve our ficge, and defend our befiegcrs 
 againtt the iallies of the town, which have 
 ten men to one of ours. We mull like- 
 wile forccaft, if we tail of the attempt, to 
 bring ofi" our men with fafety, as a point 
 of great providence in a commander. 
 
 Whofoever lliall enterprize Algiers, his 
 greatefl ftrength by fea muft be in galleys, 
 which can "run near the fhore, and com- 
 mand the landing-place with their ord- 
 nance: or it an enemy draw down his for- 
 ces there to withlTiand him, he may foon 
 bring about his g-alleys, quit that place, and 
 land where he fhall lee no danger: fliips 
 cannot do lb when they are at anchor, but 
 muft ha\e wind and tide for their purpofe. 
 
 But all I can fay is nothing to what fol- 
 lows; for you mult underftand the Alge- 
 rines are a fort of out-laws, or mifcreants, 
 that live in enmity with all the world, ac- 
 knowledging the great Turk in fome mea- 
 iijre for their foverei-n, but no farther than 
 they pleafe themfelves. Now that part of 
 Bdrbary where Algiers is feated, is a fpa- 
 cious and fruitful country, and abounds in 
 nun-ibers of people; and though the king 
 of it be a Mahometan, as well as the Alge- 
 rines, yet they live in perpetual hatred and 
 war ; but fo, that if either of them is at- 
 tacked by Chriftians, they will prefently 
 join as partners in mifchief; and we fliall 
 no fooner land, but be welcomed by thrce- 
 fcore or foujfcore thouland of thofe ungod- 
 ly people. 
 
 Having (liewed the impoffibility of ta- 
 king Algiers, cither by furprize or fiege-, 
 now {hall follow the little ui'e we can make 
 of it, either to annoy the king of Spain, 
 or any other potentate ; as alio the fmall 
 profit we ihall make ot it; no, not fo 
 much as to defray the tenth part of the 
 garrifcn, or any hope to go farther with a 
 conquclt. 
 
 If it be conceived to lie conveniently to 
 annoy the king of Spain, or any other ene- 
 my, it will prove otherwife, confidering 
 the dirtance from England to be relieved, 
 and the many cal'ualties we fliall undergo at 
 lea, having neither the Chriftian nor Tiirkifi 
 ihore to friend, and yet we mull iail in the 
 Alediterranean, where we cannot pafs unleen 
 or unmet, becaufe of its narrownefs. 
 
 The harbour of Algiers, which muft en- 
 tertain us, is of fo fmall a compals, that it 
 will not receive above twenty fhips; which 
 number, and no more, we muft allow both ■ 
 
 to annoy and defend ourfelves from all ene- 
 mies, either Chriftians or Turks. 
 
 The place iiftbrds neither vicfluals, pow- 
 der, malls, lails, ropes, or other necelFarics 
 that belong to Ihips ; and if there be but a 
 want of the leaft of them, England alone 
 muft fupply them. Then confider the 
 charge and danger that is like to follow to 
 this little purpole; for the expence is cer- 
 tain, and lefs than five thoufand m.en can- 
 not be allowed for garrilbn, and the twenty 
 Iail of ftiips aforelaid. The profit and ad- 
 vantage that can be made of ir, muft be by 
 theft and rapine at fea, which the Turks 
 cannot afford us, they having little or no 
 trade in fliipping. The princes of Italy are 
 in the Hmie condition; and therefore our 
 only hope muft depend on the fpoils ofSpainy 
 which we cannot expeft in the ftraights, 
 they having no trade of importance upon 
 thofe coaft ; and what we fliall take with- 
 out the ftraights, we fliall fooner do it from 
 England than Algiers ; and prizes fo taken 
 will be fooner and later brought for Eng- 
 land, than carried to yf/^/«-j, where they muft 
 pafs fo many dangers, as I have faid before. 
 
 When this following aflion againft the 
 Turkijlj pirates was in agitation, it was fo- 
 licited by the late lord admiral of England, 
 the earl of Nottingham, who not long after 
 refign'ci his office to the duke of Buckingham, 
 who being young, and infe(i:l:ed with the 
 diicafe of youth, to hearken to bafe flat- 
 tery, gave ear to thofe that thought to 
 make ufe of his tavour with the king, and 
 advifed him to promote this voyage, pro- 
 mifing it fliould redound to his everlalting 
 honour at the firft entrance into his place: 
 but the event of it fliall appear to be caufed 
 by the ill management ot it ; for no doubt 
 but the intention was to be commended, 
 and the management was to be blamed. 
 
 Befides this, there were two other ill un- 
 dertakings, and as ill managed, which fell 
 out in the following years, 1625 and 1628. 
 whereof 1 defign to give an account one af- 
 ter another ; the one was to Cadiz, the 
 other to the ifle of Re: wherein our rafh- 
 nefs appear'd greater than our difcretion, 
 in bidding defiance to the two mighty and 
 potent princes of Europe, Spain and France, 
 both at one time, without help or affiftance 
 from abroad, and under the uncertainty of 
 money, the then parliament oppofing his 
 majefty's demands. 
 
 To the Spaniards we only Ihewed our 
 teeth, with a dcfire to bite: France pro- 
 vided for us, and plucked out our teeth be- 
 fore we could bite, as is to be feen by the 
 unfortunate and unadvifed expedition to the 
 ifle of Re, which left fuch a mark of dif- 
 honour upon our nation, as former times 
 could never be taxed with. 
 
 The
 
 iJOOK 11. 
 
 ^/r William ivi onions i\a-vaL '•iratts. 
 
 The ill managed enter prize upon Algiers in 
 the reign of king James, and the errors 
 committed in it. 
 
 BEING to treat of the two unfortunate 
 undertakings in the reign of king 
 Charles^ ^)Ccafioned by ill advice and coun- 
 fel, I muft oblcrve our dilhonour at lea be- 
 gan the way to future misfortunes in the 
 entcrprize againft the pirates of Algiers^ in 
 the reign of king James; though I muft 
 fay it was really undertaken by his majefty 
 with a noble, gracious, and religious inten- 
 tion •, but through ill management it prov'd 
 no better than thofe that enfued. 
 
 His majefty confidering the daily com- 
 plaints, not only of his own fubjects, but 
 of all other Chriftian people in Europe, ma- 
 ny thoufands ot whom groaned under bar- 
 barous flavery, and were moft cruelly treat- 
 ed by tiie -Turkip pirates, ranging abroad 
 without any oppofition, was moved to com- 
 panionate their calamities, and out of a 
 true Chriftian tendernefs refolved to endea- 
 vour to redrefs this publick grievance, as 
 appear'd by the chargeable fleet he fet out 
 to fupprefs the infolencies of thofe mifcre- 
 ants, who were the ruin and bane of the 
 Chriftian commonwealth by fea. 
 
 This fleet, by contraft, was to receive 
 fome affiftance from thekingof5'/)^/«, when 
 it once appear'd on his coaft. But fuch 
 was the miigovernment of thofe fliips, and 
 the negligence and vain-glorious humours 
 of fome to kaft and banquent in harbour, 
 when their duty was to clear and fcour the 
 feas, (for indeed they carried themfelves 
 more like amorous courtiers, than refolute 
 foldiers,) that they loft the opportunity 
 which offered itfelf, ot dcftroying thofe hel- 
 lifli pirates; as may be collefted out of a 
 pamphlet publiflied at their return, to 
 which I refer you, but with this obferva- 
 tion. That befides their going and coming, 
 they fpent not twenty days at fea w.hilft 
 they continued in the ftraights, but retired 
 into harbour, where the pirates might find 
 them, but not they the pirates. 
 
 This ill-carried action was a lufficient 
 fubjeft of fcorn for all nations to laugh at, 
 confidering the reputation this realm had 
 gained in their former expeditions by fea. 
 And yet the chief aftors in that voyage, 
 like men naturally given to excufe their 
 errors, gave out to juftify themfelves, and 
 it was afterwards believ'd by all men, That 
 the want of authority, and their limited 
 commifljon, was the caufe of their ill fuc- 
 cefs. 
 
 This report was fo univerfally credited, 
 that I have often wondered with myfelf, 
 that the ttate did not except againft it for 
 
 iJ5 
 
 not been really fo ; for commonly, in fuchMoNsoN. 
 cafes, if a ftate do err in their diredtions, ^-"'V^^ 
 they will caft it upon thofe that had the 
 execution, rather than that the imputation 
 fliould light upon them; and, indeed, this 
 was the reafon that carried me into the ge- 
 neral error of believing as others tliti, un- 
 til I reflected upon the following reafons. 
 
 The hrll N\as, That a fleet of his maje- 
 fty's could not depart England without a 
 commifllon under the great fcal. Second- 
 ly, I know that all generals of fleets have 
 fpecial directions and inftrudlions to guide 
 them : I know the managing of fuch great 
 affairs by land or fea is cominitteti to one 
 man alone. Thirdly, I confidered that 
 there were but two ends of this imploymenr, 
 ('w'z J either peace or war; if peace, I mar- 
 vel that fo great a fleet fliould make an over- 
 ture of peace, when a pinnace and a kt.er 
 from the king was as authentick as the 
 greateft perfon, or the greateft flci t his ma- 
 jefty could fend to treat. Fourthly, I 
 faw, that notwithlfanding this friendly 
 overture of peace, fliips ufed hoftility, took 
 and dcftroyed fome prizes, made an attempt 
 to deftroy their fhips with fire in harbour, 
 which failed ; and whilft our fleet remain'd 
 upon that coaft, they carried themfelves as 
 enemies. 
 
 And feeing, as I have fiid before, that 
 either peace or war muft be the ground of 
 their imploymenr, that they attempted 
 both, and prevailed in neither, I know not 
 how they can lay the blame on their want 
 of commiflion, but rather on their unpio- 
 vident, negligent, and uncontlant beha- 
 viour. But too true it is, that Cnce that 
 time, our poor Englijh, and efpecially the 
 people of the weft country, who trade that 
 way daily, fall into the hands of thofe pi- 
 rates. It is too lamentable to hear the com- 
 plaints; and too intolerable to fulfer the 
 miiery that has befallen them ; and all oc- 
 cafioned, as they fuppofe, by the mili:ar- 
 riage of this unlucky voyage of 1620. 
 
 This making up three unfortunate voy- 
 ages, as you fhall loon hear, as many 
 more were performed with no better fuccefs, 
 two of them under the command of the 
 lord Willoughh, and the third under the 
 lord of Denbigh . Thefe three had no ad- 
 vantage of one another; for there was no- 
 thing done worth remembering; and there- 
 fore I can fay no more, than to join with 
 others, who defire, that the fubjeft may 
 have fatisfaCtion what the defeds, igno- 
 rance, and errors of this voyage were, that 
 upon examination all may appear, and every 
 man receive his reward as he juftly deferves. 
 
 His majefty and ftate could not have been 
 more honoured, nor all in general better 
 pleafed ; for people are perfuaded that the 
 
 their own honours and reputation, if it had realm never enjoyed braver and more war 
 
 hi c
 
 ^ir William ivionion^ 2\avai, 'iracts. 
 
 136 
 
 MoN-soN-. like fliips than now, commanders of great- of tlie good fuccefs thereof; he anfwered. 
 
 IJOOK H; 
 
 er antiquity and valour, feamen ot greater 
 experience ami fkill, more abundance and 
 choice of ammunition and arms, greater 
 quantity of vidvials, and all things elfe to 
 turnidi kich an action i as I fha'.l have oc- 
 cafion to make out hereafter. 
 
 Then would have appeared the wcak- 
 nefs of a great perlon in authority, when 
 being fpokcn to by one of greater bluod 
 than himrdf, wiio friendly told him, he did 
 
 not like one that thinks cxaiDple of more 
 weight than conceit, but rudely, rafhly, 
 and difrefpedfully. That they were all fools 
 who commanded in the queen's time, in 
 comparifon of thole now imployed. But 
 it might have been more truly told him. 
 That men in authority, who govern more 
 by will and chance, than by realbn and ad- 
 vice, are dangerous in a ftate-, for nothing 
 is fo great a weaknefs, as for a man to think 
 
 not fee a man of experience imployed in he knows much, when in efted he knows 
 the fleet to Cadiz, whicli matle him doubt nothing at all. 
 
 A rejbhition of loar 10'itb Spain ; and ivhaf folloived upon the fecond expedition 
 to Cadiz in 1625. ajid in the reign of king Charles I. 
 
 KING 7^f«« dying on the 25th of 
 Mcink, 1625. left his kingdom doubt- 
 ful, whether peace or war fliould be em- 
 braced, having jufl occafion of unkindnefs 
 offered, which was likely to turn to hofti- 
 Jity. For the noble prince his fon, then 
 our blefied king, was difgufted at the dila- 
 tory courfes Spain ufed to defer the mar- 
 riage then in treaty with his filter; and his 
 highnefs's journey imo Spain, gave him not 
 the fatisfii^tion he expefted ; wherefore, be- 
 ing fenfible of the injury done him, he 
 could do no lefs in return to it, but let 
 Spiin fee its error in the ill ufage given him ; 
 and accordingly in the year 1625. fent a 
 fleet to fea to revenge himlelf upon them. 
 But the winter feafon approaching, (an ill 
 time taken for fuch an enterprize, bcfides 
 fome other mifcarriages, which may be 
 imputed to the want of experience in the 
 commanders, as is to be feen in the anfwer 
 to a book publiflicd by the general at his 
 return,) it had no better fuccefs than the 
 author hereof foretold before their going 
 from hence. 
 
 The author's opinion of that expedition i^hich 
 
 ■ he "writ to a noble friend of his before 
 ihe feet failed; as alfo -what he conceived 
 of the firfl news brought of the taking 
 of the fort of Cadiz, with hopes to pojjefs 
 the town, and keep it. 
 
 ■ Noble SIR, 
 
 I HAVE addreflfed to you my opinion 
 of this fccret and concealed fleet, whole 
 defign and unknown orders, gave caufe of 
 admiration, and confequendy of cenfure; 
 every man judging as his fancy leads him, 
 but all concluding of viftory to us, and 
 rjin to Spain, whither it is conceived to 
 be intended by the rendezvous of fhips and 
 men in the weftern parts ; fome threatening 
 Torlugal, fome the iflands, others the bay 
 of Cadiz, and city of Seville ; others the 
 
 flate of Genoa, and iflands adjacent ; fome 
 the H^'efl- Indies, and the fleet from thence 
 expedted. 
 
 I will begin with Portugal, as the coun- 
 try nearefl us, and upon which moft mens 
 opinions are fettled, having experience of 
 the force of that kingdom by an attempt 
 formerly made in the year 1589. 
 
 You muff conceive that Portugal fronts 
 upon the heart of Spain; and that Spain 
 hath fundry entrances Into it, as namely by 
 the fouth and weft fea upon the eaft, Caftilk; 
 upon the north, Galicia ; and towartis the 
 louih, Andalvfia. Portugal is far inferior to 
 thofe countries in ftrength ; and a means 
 not only to keep the people in obedience, 
 but to give prefent aid and aflifliance againft 
 foreign invafions. I confefs, if our actions 
 in 1589. had been well cairied, we had 
 fpoiled and ruined the city di Lisbon, where 
 they had been furprized before we had been 
 fufpefted. But we could expeft no other 
 advantage befides taking and deftroying 
 the city; for though the merchandize in 
 it was of an ineftimable value, yet neither 
 could we tranfport them to our fliips, nor 
 our fliips repair to receive them, the paflage 
 being ftopped by the caltle of .S'.'. Julian 
 and Belcm. 
 
 Our hope was as little to fettle Don An- 
 tony for king, the Pcrtuguefes being a mul- 
 titude of poor-fpiritcd people, without arms 
 or hearts, that further than in their tongues 
 and wiflies, would not afford a finger to 
 fight. 
 
 And befides, the barrennefs of the country 
 is fuch, that it affords not corn enough, nor 
 other provifions, were it not for the help of 
 the fea. And I dare boldly aver, the king- 
 dom had better fail of their trade to the 
 Eajt -Indies, than of their fifhing fur pilchers 
 upon their coaft : and let this be the firll 
 confideration. How an army can fubfilt in 
 that country; and the rather, by the proof 
 we had of ir in 1^89. 
 
 More-
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonTonV Naval Tra{^s. 
 
 m 
 
 Moreover, by polTefTing Lishon and the 
 northern part o( Portugal, we were nothing 
 nearer enjoying the fouth part, v/hich yields 
 greateft plenty of food, cities, and nobility; 
 for from Lisbon we were to begin, as it were, 
 a new conqiieft, and to pals tlirec leagues 
 to the Alenjeto fide, over-againft Lisbon, 
 where the Spanip galleys, which were then 
 there, would have been our deftrudion in 
 landing. 
 
 The flat c c/ Portugal in the year 1625, com- 
 pared with the year 1589. 
 
 IN our enterprize of 1589, we had no 
 caufe to complain of fortune ; for fhe 
 gave us a hippy entrance into the kingdom 
 by the furprize of Peniche-Caflle, that af- 
 forded us a landing ; and after a peaceable 
 march to Lisbon, where we found the city 
 unarmed and unprovided, the caftle except- 
 ed ; but yet our fuccefs proved miferable 
 and unhappy. 
 
 We can fcarce hope for the like fortune 
 now, their forts being better armed, and 
 their forces better ordered by the late warn- 
 ing they have had. 
 
 I perceive, the river of Tagus excepted, 
 there are but two places which advantage us 
 in landing, which if we fail of, our entcr- 
 prizes are fruftrated. The one is Peniche, 
 the other Cafcais, The ports to the north- 
 ward of Peniche are in the bottom of the 
 bay of Portugal, a place all fliips will fliun 
 and avoid, and too far diftant from Lisbon 
 to march. Thofe to the fouthward of Caf- 
 cais are on the other fide of Lisbon, and the 
 river Tagus, which I have fliewed the im- 
 polTibility to pafs over : and had not the 
 provided to pafs his army in 
 his taking ot Portugal, he 
 niight at that time have pofleiTed the fouth 
 parts o{ Portugal, and have left the north 
 part to the Portiiguejcs themfelves. 
 
 Peniche has a fmall harbour, only capable 
 of barks and fifliermen -, the other two are 
 open roads, and not fecure from a fouther- 
 ly or wefterly wind. Our landing muft be 
 in one of thefe two open bays, where fliips 
 lie fubjed: to foutherly winds, which will 
 hazard the deftrudion of them, if they 
 come with violence. 
 
 The nature of the fhore is difadvantage- 
 ous to the invader in landing, and advan- 
 tageous to the enemy in refifting. 
 
 Our means to land muft be in our own 
 boats, that cannot contain the number of 
 our foldiers at thrice ferrying, and thereby 
 we fliall not bring the third part of our 
 men to fight at the time of our greateft 
 need. 
 
 A fleet coming to an anchor that diftance 
 from the fhore, that fhips cannot command 
 their landing with their ordnance, the gal- 
 
 N° <^<^, Vol. III. 
 
 duke o^. Alva 
 ualleys upon 
 
 leys will cut ofi" our boats, and utterly de- Muhso.-«. 
 feat us, as they had done at St. Scbaftian's- •-OT'^J 
 Point, in our journey to Cadiz, if we lud 
 attempted it, as it was direded. 
 
 We neither having c.iftle nor harbour, 
 our field-pieces cannot be landed, wiiich 
 muft be the ftrength to force the caftle \ 
 the want whereof was our lofs of Lisbon in 
 1589. All thefe reafons have I given in 
 the inftancc of our landing at Algiers. 
 
 My fecond obfervation is the ftate of 
 Portugal fince the year 15S9, when we at- 
 tempted it. The Portiv^ueje nation in their 
 nature are better reconciled to the Spaniards 
 than they have been, and not without rca- 
 fon grounded upon neceftity ; for they have 
 no hope ever to recover their lofs in the Eafl 
 Indiis, or Bra/il, or to enjoy what they 
 pofiefs, but by the help and force of 
 Spain. 
 
 Secondly, The nobility, gentry, and o- 
 thers in Portugal, that were moft difcon- 
 tented with the managing of things in 
 thofe days, are confumed and dead ; and 
 their defcendants, who never knew other 
 times, have framed themfelves up to it, and 
 obtain fiivour of the king in their imploy- 
 ments -, nor does the king himfelf make 
 any difference betwixt them and his other 
 fubjefts. 
 
 Thirdly, The Portugucfts are more ex- 
 afperated againft the English than they 
 have been, by the fpoils done them at 
 fea, and the ill ufige of them in the Eaft 
 Indies. , 
 
 Fourthly, Many Portuguefes in thofe days 
 were tranfported by their love to Don An- 
 tony : others believed in his title -, but the 
 moft din iked to be under the Spanijh go- 
 vernment. Since which Don ///y/m' is dead, 
 his iffue gives little hope for them to rely 
 on -, but efpecially the children of the now 
 pretended prince ; and the father himfelf, 
 fince this was written, is repaired to the 
 archduke •, which takes away all comfort 
 from the difcontented Portugtiefes. 
 
 Fifthly, It is worth obfervation, that in 
 our voyage to Portugal in 1589, our army 
 confifted of fourteen thoufand brave fol- 
 diers, four thoufand choice feamen, our de- 
 fign being to fettle that king, who had 
 been formerly crowned in that kingdom ; 
 and yet fuch was the condition of the people 
 of that country, that there was neither duke, 
 marquis, earl, vifcounr, baron, knight, or 
 gentleman, repair'd to him, or fhew'd him- 
 felf of his party, except only a mean knight 
 in calling, named DuUirte Pais, with whom 
 I was alter fcllow-prifoner in Lisbon, his 
 commitment being for that offence, (viz.) 
 for flying to Don Antony: he would often 
 complain to me of his folly, and commend 
 the king's mercy. 
 
 Coo 
 
 The
 
 238 
 
 MONSON. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'; Niwal Tra^s. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 TZv ijlauds. 
 
 FROM Portugal I will fliapc my courfe 
 for the idands, as well the Camrits as 
 Tcrceras, though I will lay little of the Cu- 
 tiaries, it being an action fitter for ten fliips 
 and a thoufand foldicrs to attempt, than ib 
 glorious an army as is now intended. I may 
 lay k-fs for the illand of Azores, the im- 
 pregnable ide of Tercera excepted, which 
 giveth reputation to the refl. 
 
 All thefe iflands, as well the one as the 
 other, cannot boaft of one harbour to en- 
 tertain fliips, but open bays, fubjeft to all 
 dangers, and outcrly winds, whicii many 
 veflfels of great v;ilue have kh, that have 
 there periflied. 
 
 The ifland of Tercera, by nature and fi- 
 .tuation, exceeds all other iflands in the 
 flraights, being encompaffcd about with 
 mighty high chffs, a tew bays excepted, 
 wliich are fortified with art, to prevent an 
 enemy's landing. 
 
 As well that ifland as the refl:, are fliore 
 deep, and no pofTibility of anchoring, but 
 clofe on board the land ; the ground rocky, 
 that if it fret the cable, the waves of the 
 xfea will force a Ihip on fhore ; or being near 
 the land, and a gale of wind coming ofT 
 from fea, that a fliip cannot claw it off, 
 but mufT: of necefl'uy be wrecked ; both 
 which my lord of Cumberland had proof of 
 in the ViP.ory, a fliip royal of the queen's, 
 which being at an anchor at Flores, and the 
 weather calm, his cable was cut with the 
 rocks ; and had it not been for the help of 
 his boat and mine that towed him off, he 
 had been forced to fhore. 
 
 After that, being at an anchor at Fayall, 
 which ifland he took, one day, many of the 
 principal men on fliore being at dinner with 
 him, fuddenly the wind chopp'd up fouth- 
 erly, which forced him from his anchor, 
 and with great and apparent peril he dou- 
 bled the point of the land, or elfe he had 
 perifhed. 
 
 No man that knows thofe feas will ad- 
 vance an enterprize upon the iflands now 
 towards winter ; for in Auguft begin their 
 fl:orms, and commonly lafl nine months 
 with great violence j for which caufe they 
 are held the mofl; unconftant feas in the 
 world •, and I lay nothing that I will not 
 iver by proof and precedent. 
 
 Don Pedro de Val.ies, who was taken pri- 
 foner in theattionof 1588 hx England, was 
 commanded v/ith certain fhips and fix hun- 
 dred foldiers, to repair to the iflands, be- 
 fore Tercera had yielded to the king of 
 Spain, there to guard and defend ail the 
 Ihips coming from either of the Indies, 
 Guinea, and Braftl: his commiflion gave 
 
 him no abfolute authority to land ; but yet 
 finding an opportunity to put his foldiers 
 afliore, with a determination to fortify a 
 landing place, which feem'd to lie open for 
 his advantage, immediately thereupon the 
 wind fliifted, and forced him to fea, leaving 
 his men to the mercy of the iflanders. As 
 the wind rofe, the liirges did the like on 
 fliore, that his boats durft not put in with 
 the land, nor he approat h lb nigh it with 
 his fhips, as to give fuccour to his men 
 with his ordnance, by means whereof they 
 were pitifully malfacred, not one of them 
 returning. 
 
 In my lord of EJfex's voyage to thofe 
 iflands, he landed and took Villa Franca, a 
 town in the ifland of Sl Mchacl, which af- 
 forded him not lb much as his trouble was 
 to land. But when he came to embark his 
 men again, the wind began to blow; which 
 if it had done but three hours fooner, it 
 would have forced his fliips to fea, and left 
 his troops afhore, both he and they being 
 flcnderly provided of viftuals, and uncertain 
 of the ihips return, the weather being fo un- 
 conftant and outrageous at that time of the 
 year. Myfelf was witnefs of this, as well 
 as of that of my lord of Cumberland's in 
 1589. 
 
 The marquis of SanSfa Cruz had failed 
 of taking of Tercera, if he had not had more 
 help by his galleys in landing his men, than 
 by his fhips and boats. But to fpeak the 
 truth, June and July proved extraordinary 
 fair, to his great advantage. 
 
 The twelve galleys he carried from Spain 
 were the firfl: veilels of that kind ever feen 
 fo far in the ocean ; the prows of thofe 
 galleys difniounted a piece of ordnance on 
 fliore, that fecured their landing, and were 
 ready upon that accident with celerity to 
 land their fnen, which was the firft ftep to 
 their viftory that followed. 
 
 The town of Aiigra, which is the head 
 and principal of all the refb, by help of the 
 point oi' Brajil, is made the moft impreg- 
 nable fiiuation in the world ; then what 
 hope have we, if we were afliore, to furprize 
 it, or by fiege to take it, the feas being, as 
 I faid before, fo unconftant, our ihips keep- 
 ing fo far off that fhould yield a I'upply ? 
 efpecially the Spaniards having the road of 
 Angra, they may always relieve the town 
 in defpight of us, or any force we can make 
 by fea. 
 
 The coajl of Spain. 
 
 I Having the iflands, I will repair once 
 ^ more to the main land of Spain, and 
 arrive at the bay of Cadiz, a place fatal to 
 the Spaniards, and fortunate to us, by two 
 attempts made upon it, the one in 1587, by 
 
 Sir
 
 Book ir. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Nctvd Tra^s, 
 
 ^39 
 
 S\v Francis Drake ', the other in 1596', by 
 the two Ion is generals, the e.irl of Ej]ex antl 
 tlie lord admiral. 
 
 Thele two expeditions alone, did twenty 
 times more prtjiidice, and impoverifliM the 
 Spaniards more than all other attempts of 
 ours in our wars : Drake had the fpoil, flick- 
 ing, and burning of thirteen thouflmd ton 
 of fhipping, molt ot them laden with pro- 
 vifion for an intended fleet :i^\\n.{\ England \ 
 which being this year by Sir Francis Drake's 
 good fortune diverted, was the following 
 year, 1588, attempted. 
 
 In the fecond, the lords had the deftroy- 
 ing of fifty-five great fliips, the galleons 
 of war excepted ; all the reft were richly 
 latlen, and ready in two days to ftil to the 
 Indies. 
 
 I love not to tax dead men, though, in 
 truth I mud iay, there was great negligence, 
 that thofe Ihips were not as well polTelTed 
 and enjoyed by us, as deftroyed by the ene- 
 my. 
 
 But I muft tell this pretended fleet of 
 ours, that though no place gives us belter 
 advantage to annoy the king of Spaiff, than 
 the bay of Cadiz, becaufe of the breadth 
 thereof, which cannot be fortified to im- 
 peach our entrance ; yet fhall we now vain- 
 ly undertake an attempt upon it, the fliips 
 of the Ifidies being, long before they can ar- 
 rive, departed •, for commonly they let not 
 Midfummer-day pals before they let fail. 
 
 I mull a little digrefs, and (hew how 
 much our two great lords were abufed in 
 their attempt upon Cadiz in 1596. 
 
 They were made believe the taking of it 
 was feafible, the honour great, the wealth 
 ineftimable, and the damage of the ene- 
 my beyond all the reft ; never dreaming of 
 that v/hich gave glory to the enterprize, 
 which was the fhipping we there found ; 
 for had it not been for our deftroying the 
 fleet, though otherwile no profit to us, the 
 lords had returned with the bare taking of 
 Cadiz, which had given them no reputa- 
 tion, but rather have brought their judg- 
 ment intoquertion for lo mean adefign. 
 
 As for the feafiblenefs of taking it, if 
 we had landed at St. Sebaftian's, where our 
 proje<ftors of the voyage direfted, not a 
 man had returned ; for befides the ftrong 
 fortifications made againft us, four galleys 
 were appointed to have cut otf our boats 
 and men, as we fliould have landed, our 
 fliips lying without command of them or 
 their fliore. 
 
 The wealth found in Cadiz was fo fmall, 
 confiJering it was carried away the day be- 
 fore in the galleys, (the two galleons we 
 brought from thence excepted,) the queen 
 faw not one penny towards her charge ; 
 
 nay, I dare be bold to aver, the mcancft Mo s so v. 
 ot twenty fhii)s there burnt, was ot more v^V"^ 
 value than die whole town, and by us 
 ncgleaed, as I have laid bclbre j for up- 
 on my reputation I avow, that I advifcd 
 my lord of Ejjex, the fime morning he ar- 
 rived at Cadiz, to feek rather to pofl'cls 
 iumkit of the fhips than town, alledging, 
 that it was the fliips afforded both wcilch 
 and honour; for that riches in fliips could 
 not be concealed, as in towns it might i 
 and that Ihips being brought for Eng/.wdy 
 they were always in the eyes of the people 
 to behold them, and jnit them in remem- 
 brance of the exploit in gaining them ; as 
 perhaps the town, foon won, would not b.: 
 long enjoyed, and quickly forgotten. All 
 this I have declared where 1 treated of tlie 
 voyage to Cadiz, 1 596, in the former book. 
 
 Andalufia and Seville. 
 
 IF an invafion upon the continent of Spain 
 be intended, and efpccialiy upon Anda- 
 Itifia and Sc-viUe, as the country of all Spain 
 that flows with milk and honey, in relpc(it 
 of the foil and trade, there ought to be 
 confideration of the place of landing -, the 
 diftance and wearifomnefs of the march in 
 an unfufl^erable parching fun, which our 
 unexperienced Ibldiers can never endure : 
 befides, the provifions of viiftuals, of car- 
 riages, and all other ncceflaries, muft be 
 thought of, which we are wholly unpro- 
 vided of. 
 
 I will not much infift upon the attempt, 
 becaufe I think it is much lets rcafonable 
 than any of the reft ; firft, in leeking to 
 invade a country where we have neither 
 friend nor tiidion, but fhall find their hands 
 and hearts all join to repulfe us ; a country 
 populous, and the more for their mighty 
 and continual trade, fronting upon their e- 
 nemies in Barbaiy, which makes them rea- 
 dy to receive every alarm, and put them- 
 felves under arms. If we believe hiftory, 
 and not above a hundred years before Spain 
 was grown great by their Indies, the Moors 
 of Granada had often more men by five de- 
 grees to invade ylndaiujia, out of their bor- 
 dering territories, than we carry, and could 
 not prevail ; then what hope can we expert, 
 Spain being fince that time fo mightily in- 
 creafed in greatnefs and wealth ? 
 
 It feems we make lefs account of the 
 ftrength of Spain, than of any other coun- 
 try of Europe ; tor I am perfuadcd no kino- 
 dom having warning of the approach of an 
 enemy, is to unprovided, that they will 
 fufler twelve or fourteen thoufand men to 
 march quietly forty or fifty leagues into 
 their country. 
 
 Tbt
 
 Z-l-O 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraHs. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 ^f0NS0K. 
 
 The Streigbts. 
 
 FRom hence I will Hiil into the llraights 
 towards the port of Genoa^ which it 
 is fvippofcd the French, we, and the rell of 
 the league, will pofTefs ourlelves of, and 
 give a further entrance into Italy. 
 
 If this be intended, as indeed it is not 
 probable, the invader ought to have two 
 principal confiderations, without which a 
 fleet and army goes in perpetual peril: The 
 one is to be defended by a fafe port to en- 
 tertain their fhips ; the other, that it be 
 not fiir from home, but with care to be 
 continually fupply'd and reliev'd ; for 
 where foldiers are tranfported far by fea, 
 fliips cannot contain viiihials to maintain 
 them ; and to hope for fuccour in the 
 country invaded, were too delperate a 
 thought. 
 
 The fcrvice I conceive the fliips could 
 perform, our foldiers being landed, is to 
 beleaguer Gerwa by fea, riding with our 
 fliips in the face of the town. This, as all 
 things elfe, I refer to confideration, my 
 drift being no more than to relate the true 
 ftate of things, for men of better capacity 
 than my own to judge of. 
 
 Whereas I advis'd, as a main thing of 
 providence, not to attempt the invafion of 
 a country, without gaining a port for the 
 fafety of fhipping ; therefore I mufi: fay our 
 defign upon Genoa is not without great 
 hazard and danger, being hopelefs of a 
 harbour nearer than Marfcilles in France, 
 one hundred leagues diftant from thence. 
 
 In anchoring before Genoa to beleaguer it, 
 we fhall lie open to the fea and a foutherly 
 wind, which makes the hazard no lefs than 
 the two attempts upon Algiers, oppofite to 
 it, the one by Hugo de Mcncada, the other 
 by Charles V. both which were overthrown 
 by ftorms at fea -, and there is no difference 
 betwixt the two aftions, but that the fou- 
 therly winds are death upon the Chriftian 
 fliore, as the northerly upon the coaft of 
 Barhary ; and the greateft conflift our 
 fleet is to endure, is againft the rage of 
 the fea. 
 
 I do not conceive we fliall either hurt or 
 damnify the city of Genoa by this adven- 
 ture of ours ; tor in anchoring near the 
 fliore, the lanthorn of Genoa will beat 
 us from the road •, if further off, we can- 
 not hinder the galleys going in and out, 
 but they will be able to relieve the town in 
 fpite of us ; befides, other flratagems may 
 be us'd by galleys to fire us : I contefs, if 
 Corfica or Sardinia could be furpriz'd, they 
 would yield us relief and refrefhment, with 
 good harbours for our fafety. 
 
 We have found by our unlucky and un- 
 advifed voyage to Algiers, how unable our 
 
 bodies are to endure that coaft, by the fick- 
 nefs we found, though we had the help of 
 the main land of Spain, and the bordering 
 illands, to give us relief, which now we fhall 
 fail of: The cxcefTive heat afliore, the change 
 of the air, and the alteration of food, will 
 caufe a moll lamentable mortality and fick- 
 nefs. 
 
 And if ihe king of Spain, in the mean 
 time, upon the return of his fleet from Bra- 
 fil, fliall arm to fea, and take advantage of 
 our vveaknefs and want, and in fuch narrow 
 feas as the ftraights, which are like a pond, 
 where fleets meeting cannot be avoided ; or 
 if with that navy, or any other, the Spa- 
 niard fliall fend to attempt Ireland in the 
 abfence of our fhips, I hold it dangerous, 
 and worthy to be had in confideration. 
 
 "Fhe Weft-Indies. 
 
 I Will not leave my voyage till I have vi- 
 fited the IVefi-Indies, that I may relate 
 my opinion of thofe parrs, as well as of the 
 reft that went before : Many are ignorantly 
 carried away with the name of Indiv., and 
 the fpoil we fhall there commit ; thinking 
 it will afl'ord wealth and riches to the king 
 and kingdom to maintain a war, and pre- 
 ferment and gain to the undertakers, not 
 valuing nor fearing the king of 5prtz«'s force 
 in thofe parts to refift us. 
 
 But for the better fatisfadtion of the ig- 
 norant, who are thus vainly carried away 
 with the conceit of our aftions, I will (hew 
 the true ftate of the Indies, and the Spa- 
 niards inhabiting -, thereby comparing times 
 paft, when we had wars, with the time pre- 
 fent, when we covet wars. 
 
 I confefs that in the year 1585, when 
 the war began, and Sir Francis Drake pof- 
 feffed himfelf of Sanlo Domingo, Carlhagena, 
 and St. Jago, her majefty had a notable 
 opportunity, by keeping thofe places to 
 annoy the Spaniards, and encroach upon 
 their Indian territories. 
 
 Firfi, In refped her majefty in thofe 
 days was rich, and her fubjeds no lefs able 
 than willing to contribute to what flie pro- 
 pofed, they were fo much devoted to her in 
 their hearts. 
 
 Secondly, In point of reputation, as well 
 as profit, it behpved them to maintain 
 thofe places after they were taken, as a mo- 
 tive to encourage them to go on with a vic- 
 tory thus begun. 
 
 'Thirdly, Her majefty in thofe days 
 might have drawn iuch conditions as flie 
 pleafcd from the ftates of Holland, who 
 were then at her mercy ; for prefently en- 
 fued the carl of Leicejler^s going over to pro- 
 te6t them; lb that fhe might have bound 
 them to her with their own enterprizes upon 
 the Spaniards ; wliereas from that time till 
 
 the
 
 iJOOK 11. 
 
 dtr vvmiam Monionj i\iWcn 'Iracis. 
 
 241 
 
 the year 1602, when the queen died, we fee, 
 that notwithftanding we were drawn into the 
 war by them, yet they traded peaceably in- 
 to the king of ^/i^/w's dominions, and never 
 ofter'd to annoy the Spaniards by any afts 
 of hoftility at fea, but fupply'd them with 
 fliips and intelligence againfl: us. 
 
 Fourthly^ If we had kept footing in the 
 Indies, it would have fhaken the fidelity of 
 the Portugi'.efes in the Eqfi-Indies, Guinea, 
 and Braftl, which countries were lately be- 
 come obedient and fubjecSt to Spain ; but 
 withal, fo difcontended in each place, that 
 it had been an eafy thing to have made a 
 combuftion in thefe feveral countries, whilft 
 the Spaniards had been taken up in the In- 
 dies and Holland. 
 
 Fifthly, The king of Spain in thofe days 
 was altogether unfurnilli'd with fliips and 
 mariners ; for till we awaked him by the 
 daily fpoils we committed upon his fubjefts 
 and coafts, he never fought to increafe his 
 forces by fea. 
 
 Sixthly, He thought himfelf fo fecure in 
 his Indies, no enemy having ever appear'd in 
 thofe feas before, and thought them fo far 
 from any hoftile enterprize, that he little 
 fear'd what could be there offered. 
 
 But leaving our opportunities and advan- 
 tages as negligencies or ignorances of times 
 paft, let us enter into the ftate and condi- 
 tion of our attempts as they are now to be 
 undertaken and followed. 
 
 Whofoever makes an enterprife on a 
 town in America, with an intention not to 
 keep it, will do no more than a malicious 
 perfon, thatfeeks the dcftruftion of his neigh- 
 bour, in letting his houfe a fire, without 
 any other profped in fo doing, but mifchief 
 and revenge. 
 
 I confefs we fhall damnify the inhabi- 
 tants of the town fo facked and fpoiled, as 
 the owner of a houfe burnt will be dam- 
 nified ; but it is no more lofs or prejudice 
 to the king of Spain, or to the bordering 
 countries, than to the neighbour of the 
 man that fliall have his houfe burnt ; for 
 every one bears his own particular lofs. 
 And whereas the mafler of the houfe and 
 people in it, are often fo fuddenly furpriz'd, 
 that they have not time or leifure to fave 
 any part of their goods, after the fire is 
 kindled, it is otherwife in a town that is to 
 be furpriz'd by fea ; for the inhabitants will 
 deftroy fhips, before they appoach the fhore, 
 and either provide to withftand them that 
 land, or to leave and quit the town, and 
 bury or carry away their wealth ; for not- 
 withftanding the feveral towns taken by us 
 in time of war, as well in the Indies as 
 other places, I dare be bold to f\y the wealth 
 found in them did not countervail the twen- 
 tieth part of the charge of the voyage ; as 
 I have fliew'd in the firft book. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 The ftate of the towns in the ^''(y?-/;j- Monson. 
 dies near the fea, is as tbllows : If they be -OT^^ 
 of ftrength, they arm and lortify thcm- 
 felves io, that they do not fear a fuddcn 
 aftault of an enemy ; and for a long ficge, 
 they well know the invaders cannot be pro- 
 vided, becaufe it is fo far from home, where 
 vidluitls and all things clfc will quickly waftc 
 and be confuin'd. 
 
 Or fuppoff, upon their firft landing they 
 pofTeflcd themfclvcs of fome cattle, whicJi 
 is all the victuals they can expedl in thofe 
 parts, you muft undcrltand that no flcfh in 
 the Indies will take fait, or continue man's 
 meat above three or four hours, fo that our 
 prefent relief will be litdc, and in the mean 
 time we fliall fpend our ilorc on board, and 
 become miferabie lor want of fuftenance. 
 
 Such towns as are weakly provided for 
 defence in thofe parts, they never trull with 
 wealth of value, but are ready to quit them, 
 and carry or bury their goods •, lb that if 
 the town be taken, their lofs will only be of 
 a few flight houfes, which are loon re-ali- 
 fy'd again. 
 
 If we think to inhabit and dwell in fuch 
 towns as fhall be furpriz'd, we ought to 
 confider the following mifchiefs and incon- 
 veniencies. 
 
 1. The firft is the diftance from England, 
 and to compute the time they may be fup- 
 ply'd and fuccouied fi-om thence. 
 
 2. The calualty of the fea, and the dan- 
 ger of ficknefs, which northern bodies are 
 fubjeft to in hot countries. 
 
 3. The number of Spaniards in thofe 
 places, their ftrength, and in what time 
 they may be drawn together. 
 
 4. The keeping us from viifluals, and 
 driving their cattle up the country, where 
 it will be in vain for us to purfue them. 
 
 5. The building of fconces, and keep- 
 ing us in towns like prifoners, that we fhall 
 not be able to make any fallies upon them, 
 or to pafs into the country to annoy them. 
 
 6. The fmall diftance from Spain to give 
 them fuccours, and the certainty of the 
 winds from thence to the Indies, which many 
 times makes the journey fhorter and eaficr 
 than from Dover to Plymouth. 
 
 7. The country, theftraights, and the by- 
 ways, all known to the Spaniards, and not 
 to us, will much advantage them. 
 
 8. But perhaps all men will not be fa- 
 tisfied with truth or rcafon -, for fome are 
 of fuch a nature as to rely more upon opi- 
 nion and fortune, than upon proof. But 
 for the better liuisfaftion of iuch, I will col- 
 left and repeat the fuccefs of our enterprizes 
 upon towns in time of war, as well in 
 the Indies as other places, and make them 
 iudges of their future hopes, by looking 
 back upon times paft. 
 
 Ppp 
 
 An<i
 
 14^ 
 
 Sir William Monroin' Na^d Traas. 
 
 Book IL 
 
 hr-jssoN. And 1 will begin with Santo Domingo, 
 WY'N.' Cartbagena, and 6'/. Auguftw, furpriz'd by 
 Sir hyancis Drake before they could be 
 warn'd or arm'J, and yet (the ordnance ex- 
 cepted) the wealth of them did not counter- 
 vail the fortiedi part of the charge of the fleet. 
 
 Puerto RiiO, taken by my lord of Cutn- 
 berland, proved lb poor, that the adventu- 
 rers had good caule to repent their defigns 
 upon towns ; for it afforded them little in 
 comparifon of their expence. 
 
 There was a town iurpriz'd in the ifland 
 Trinidad by Sir John Burrowes ; and ano- 
 ther in the Margarita by Sir If^alter Raleigh. 
 Comenagota was taken by captain Prefton ; 
 and Vej-a Crux by captain Parker; all 
 which did not aftbrd lo much wealth as 
 would rcimburfe the adventurers. 
 
 Porto Bella and Nowhe de Dios were ta- 
 ken by Sir Francis Drake that voyage when 
 he died. Inftead of riches, they aflorded 
 him a moll milerable and infeftious fick- 
 nefsi but for wealth they yielded none : the 
 {■ime town of Porto Bello was after taken by 
 captain P(;;-/tfr, with as little profit to him 
 as the other; the fame captain alio took 
 Campeehy in New Spain, which afforded him 
 no more wealth than the reft. 
 
 I'here were divers towns taken at Cnpe 
 Verde in feveral voyages, and in the JVeft 
 Indies, Rio de la Hache, Capeia, Santa Ma- 
 ria, Puerto Santo, St. John Bellona, Tapucc- 
 co, Ver'a, and feveral houfes and farms 
 burnt or ranlbmed. 
 
 Sir fValtcr Raleigh, in his unfortunate 
 attempt upon 67. Tome and Guiana, which 
 was his own ruin, and his fon's death ; and 
 yielded only ftinking tobacco, a commodity 
 that could not be convey'd away, becaufe 
 of the bulk ; and his voyage proved much 
 lels than Imoke. 
 
 And if we fail further, and through the 
 ftraights of Magellan, and pafs into Peru, 
 thinking there to find filver and gold, as 
 the well-head, from whence it fprings, let 
 us afk Mr. Candich, if he were now living, 
 what wealth Marmaramo, Areca, Santa 
 Maria, Pifca, Perruca, Cherepa, Paita, 
 the ifland oi' Pona, Acaralca, the port of Na- 
 •vidad, the port of St. Jago, and the ifland 
 of St. Andrea, and other places yielded him, 
 which he burnt, becaufe they would not be 
 raniom'd, though he required not much 
 more than viftuals for their redemption : 
 which proves my former difcourfe, that the 
 Spaniards little cfteem'd their houles, and 
 may eafily convey away their wealth upon 
 the approach of an enemy. 
 
 And if we come nearer home : I pray 
 you, what did the fack of Cadiz afford the 
 queen ? or the Canary IJlands ? or St. Tome 
 the Hollandtrs ? or the ifland of Fayal my 
 lord of Cumberland? and after the earl of 
 E£'ex? for it was twice taken: or Villa 
 4 
 
 Franca, or Faro by him tiiken ? or two or 
 three forts taken upon cape St. Vincent ? or 
 cape Sacre by Drake ? or Peniche, and other 
 towns in Sir John Norris his march to Lif- 
 hon, and the luburbs thereof.? And in the 
 liime voyage Drake with his lew forces took 
 Cafcais : I omit Lancarote, and many o- 
 iher places feiz'd upon by private fliips : 
 and we may conclude that our aiftions 
 proved the ruin of Ibmc, without any great 
 advantage to oufelves. And this fliall liif- 
 fice lor our attempts upon towns in the 
 queen's time. 
 
 But indeed, if ever England will annoy 
 the ftates of Spain, and make them feel the 
 fmart of a war with us, it muft be by ob- 
 ftru(5ting their trade by fea ; for all other 
 fpoils are noth ng in comparifon of it, aS 
 1 have before fhew'd : for wealth in fhips 
 can neither be conceal'd nor imbezell'd, as 
 we have had proof by three feveral carracks 
 by us taken, the wealth of each of which 
 was equal to the value of all the towns, 
 putting them together : and how to efFeft 
 it, you will find in my firft book, to which 
 I refer you. 
 
 Thus much I writ to an honourable friend 
 of mine, as I formerly faid, before the fetring 
 out of the unhappy fieet to Cadiz, in 1625; 
 which friend of mine is ready to juftify and 
 produce, if need require. The copy of 
 this I have here inferted word by word. 
 
 Upon the news of the arrival of our fhips at 
 Cadiz, with the taking a fort, and after' 
 wards the town, intending to keep it, t 
 added this as follows : 
 
 ^ipHE fort I conceive to be Puntal, the 
 JL place where we landed when we for- 
 merly took Cadiz, above three miles diflanc 
 from it by land. 
 
 I fhould be glad to hear they had taken 
 the bridge of Swazo, which pafles between 
 the main land and the ifland where Cadiz 
 flands -, for by that bridge fuccour mufl. 
 come to relieve the ifland and town, or ob- 
 ftrud any fuch relief, if an enemy get pof- 
 fefTion of it ; and therefore we having no 
 news of the furprize of that bridge, I doubt 
 the truth of the taking the town. 
 
 We know Cadiz is flrongly fortified 
 fince we enjoy'd it, and the rather out of 
 a fear they conceive of the Turkifh pirates ; 
 who, fince they have learned the art of navi- 
 gation, which before they were ignorant in, 
 liave of late made many attempts upon the 
 continent of Spain, to the great hurt and 
 fpoil of the inhabitants. 
 
 And if the Spaniards have not carefully 
 fortify'd Cadiz, which lies near and more 
 open to the Turks than all other towns in 
 Spain, they deferve all the mifchief that can 
 befall them. 
 
 If
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonronV Na^ual Tnicls. 
 
 If we fail of furprifing Cadiz, and be 
 forced to befiege it, thefe dangers following 
 may enfiie : 
 
 1. The force of Andalufia, and all the 
 bordering countries, which yield more good 
 men and horfcs than all the other parts of 
 Spain, will come down upon us. 
 
 2. Secondly, the Spaniards keeping the 
 bridge of Sivazo, will bring multitudes of 
 people to befiege us ; and with their horfe 
 cut off" all fuccours fent from our fhips, 
 which muft only afford us relief j for the 
 ifland yields nothing of itfclf. 
 
 3. If we fo begirt the town by land, that 
 we permit no entrance into it that way, 
 yet we cannot do the like by water, for 
 witli their galleys they will daily relieve it 
 in dcfpight of us, port St. Alary in the con- 
 tinent lying oppofite to it, which makes me 
 hopelefs of taking it by fiege, if we fail of 
 a furprize. 
 
 4. One other realbn I have to miftruft 
 it is not taken, which is, that the news of 
 taking the town and fort would have come 
 all together; for if all were not done at 
 one inftant, I much fear the fuccels, for the 
 reafons aforefaid, and by the exainple of us 
 in 1596. 
 
 The fecond rumour "tcas, of keeping Cadiz 
 when taken. 
 
 THE queftion of keeping Cadiz in 1 596. 
 was long debated by the two lords 
 generals, and the mod experienced foJdiers 
 of that time, whom I think all men will 
 allow dils age doth not equal. The man- 
 ner how to fupply it out of Barbary and 
 England was thought of, and Sir Edward 
 Hobby was to undertake an embaffy to the 
 king of Morocco to that purpofe. 
 
 But to ufe the words of the author who 
 writ that voyage, as it is let down in the 
 chronicle, he fays. There was a great dif- 
 pute about the keeping of Cadiz, and the 
 opinion of all old ibldiers and feamen afk- 
 ed v but becaufe it appeared not how it 
 might at all times be relieved with men, 
 ammunition, and victuals, and other caufes 
 beft known to the generals, it took not 
 effedt. 
 
 It was then dlfcufTed and difputed by 
 men of experience as I have fiid, and con- 
 cluded upon mature deliberation, That it 
 was not pofTible to keep the town. I 
 would gladly know what reafon men have 
 to induce them to it more now than at that 
 time, but efpecially when I fee never a. 
 man called upon for advice, whofe opinion 
 was thought worthy to be taken at diat 
 time. 
 
 If it was then held impofTible to relieve 
 it, I now compare and collcdt the reafons 
 
 i4J 
 
 of times pafl: we had to hold it, with dicMossos. 
 time prel'ent, if we iiad it. u^^>r>o 
 
 1. Our army was then (Ironger, in that 
 moft of our men were old Ibldiers, and 
 better experienced than thull- ih.u arc in this 
 action. 
 
 2. They were healthful in body, and vic- 
 torious in taking the town and bridge with 
 little lofs, which is a great encour.igement to 
 people that undertake an enterprise. 
 
 3. The bridge of Swazo was taken, and 
 poffefTed by us ; fo that we might keep the 
 town from relief by land, as wc had done 
 with our fleet by fea. 
 
 4. We knew the king of Spain was un- 
 furnilli'd with (hipping to hinder our de- 
 figns, we having burnt and taken nine and 
 fifty veilcls of his and his fubjeds in that 
 harbour. 
 
 5. The kingdom of Barbary was then in 
 peace amonll themfelves, and wpuld have 
 rejoiced at the occafion to have aided us 
 againft Spain ; and fince there have mortal 
 wars continued betwixt the fuccecding kings 
 of that kingdom, to the walling the moll 
 part of their people and food the earth 
 affords. 
 
 6. In thofe days the king of Barbary 
 had three maritime fronting towns upon Ca- 
 diz, as namely, Alarache, Salley, and Ala- 
 niora ; fince which time two of them arc 
 poffefTed by the Spaniards, and only Salley 
 remains to that king, forty or hfty miles 
 further from Cadiz than the other two, and 
 has a harbour only for Imall velfels, with a 
 dangerous bar at the entrance of it. 
 
 I muff now lay, as I faid to the earl of 
 EJ[cx, when himlelf, Sir Francis Vere, and 
 I, ftood upon the caflle of Cadiz, and faw 
 the galleys in their flight to Rota, after 
 their efcape through the bridge of Sivazo, 
 I told him he had lolt his opportunity ot 
 keeping Cadiz, (hewing how much the gal- 
 leys would have availed him, if he had 
 kept the town, and the annoyance he would 
 find by their efcape ; for with thofe galleys 
 he might have tranfported all ncceffaries 
 from Barbary, whereas they Avould now be 
 able to cut off fuch lingle and fm ill fiiips, 
 as (hould be fent thither for relief 
 
 In the year 1596. and many years be- 
 fore, the French king and we were in war 
 with Spain, and aided one another ■, and if 
 the king of France had feen us have foot- ' 
 ing in Spain, it would have been a motive 
 fo have diverted him from his peace with 
 Spain, whicii in lefs than two years after 
 be concluded. Our defign v/as to keep Ca- 
 diz, to exchange foi' Calais in Picardy, hot 
 long before taken by the Spaniards ; and 
 no doubt but the kiiig of Spam would wil- 
 lingly have conlented to it ; as thinking it' 
 better policy that England Ihould enj^.y 
 Calais than France; for tiiey well, knew tiiry 
 
 couiJ
 
 H4 
 
 Str William Alonlon s JNct'vai 'i racts. 
 
 i300K 11. 
 
 Mo NsoN. could no longer hold it, than the wars 
 ^«''~^^^*^ continued between them and France, and 
 that peace would caufe the rcllitution of it. 
 
 They likewife knew, that if England pof- 
 fefifed it, there would be a perpetual jealou- 
 fy and diflike between France and England, 
 which would prove their fecurity. 
 
 Befides, a treaty being fet on loot, though 
 but to exchange tiiofe two towns, yet it 
 might be an introduftion to a peace betwixt 
 England s.v\d Spain ; which if it had taken 
 good effeft, her majefty had not needed to 
 have reliev'd Ireland with fo great hazard 
 and charge, as afterwards flie did, by rea- 
 fon of the aid Tyrone had from Spain, when 
 he was ready to fink, and almofl: forc'd to 
 yield to her majefty's mercy •, which enter- 
 prize from Spain brought the queen into 
 liich a ftraight before her death, that flie 
 was compell'd to pardon him, though much 
 againft her will. 
 
 And this ITiall fuffice by way of compa- 
 rifon betwixt our holding Cadiz in times 
 pad with the prefenr, and the advantages 
 that might have enfued by keeping it. 
 
 I doubt not, but as the keeping of Ca- 
 diz was thought of before the departure of 
 our fleer, (if it fhould be taken,) fo the 
 reafons for keeping it were no lefs difcufs'd; 
 for it is a maxim. That no place in ano- 
 ther country far from home, is worth keep- 
 ing, that will not defray the charges of main- 
 taining it, unlefs it be for fecurity, or to 
 give a farther entrance into a country. 
 
 In my difcourfe, where I treat of our at- 
 / tempt upon Genoa, I advis'd, as the prin- 
 cipal thing in an invader, to pofTefs himfelf 
 of a harbour for the fafety of his Ihippingj 
 wherein I mean not only from the weather, 
 but for fecuring themfelves from an 
 enemy. 
 
 I will therefore diftinguifh betwixt an 
 harbour that is to be fortify'd on both 
 fides by him that poflefies it, and an open 
 bay, fuch as Cadiz, that is ten or twelve 
 miles in breadth-, fo that whofoever is ma- 
 fter, and ftrongeft in fliipping, has the com- 
 mand of it, and the fb;ps within it. 
 
 If we intend to keep Cadiz, we muft be 
 fure in our fupplies to mafter the Spani- 
 ards in (hips, by reafon of the breadth of 
 the bay, which cannot be fortify'd. 
 
 The relief we give Cadiz muft either be 
 .from Barbaiy or England; and the diftance 
 from England is four hundred leagues at the 
 leaft; a long navigation, fubjeft to ftorms, 
 the uncertainty of winds, lofs of company, 
 the danger of the enemy, being feparated, 
 and many other cafualties the fca is fubjeft 
 to: as on the contrary, the Spaniflj fleet that 
 Ihall oppofe us, is furniflied nearer home, 
 ^nd runs no fuch hazard. 
 
 We are to expeft no other help or fuc- 
 cour after our departure out of England, 
 till our return, but what we carry with us-, 
 and on the contrary, the Spaniards will be 
 fupply'd from their own fliorc, and that 
 with fpeed. 
 
 Sn()poie, as we ride in the bay of Cadiz, 
 the Spaniards attempt us with a fleet, and 
 that by accident or force they drive part of 
 us ufliore •, then are we out of hope to re- 
 cover either fliip or man: whereas, if the 
 Spaniards run afliore, their danger will not 
 be great, it being their own country where 
 it happens, which will aflbrd them preknt 
 fuccour. 
 
 I have fliewed, where I treated of gal- 
 leys, how eafy a thing it is to endanger us, 
 by towing fire-fhips amongft us ; becaufe 
 thofe veflels have a great advantage over 
 us, and will either burn or force us afliore ; 
 as our fire-fhips did among theirs in eighty 
 eight, when we had done them more hurt, 
 had we been afllfted by galleys. 
 
 If the Spaniards allault us with a fleet in 
 the road of Cadiz, it will be with a large 
 wind, and a leeward tide, to keep themfelves 
 to windward of us, and confequently in their 
 power to board us, and we not to board them. 
 
 Whereas our advantage over the Spa- 
 niard is in our excellent failing in open fea, 
 where we may take and leave at our plea- 
 fure-, the only advantage in fea fcrvice: here 
 our fiiling will not avail us, we lying in the 
 channel of a bay, where there is no fpace to 
 fail in. 
 
 If you will enter into the true ftate 
 and ftrength betwixt the king of Spain^s 
 fhips and ours, laying afide the advantage 
 of iwift failing, and according to the old 
 phrafe. They are bound to fight, Fight dog 
 fight bear, till one fide be overcome ; which 
 cannot be better decided than at the anchor 
 in a harbour. Let us judge the difference of 
 fhips: the Spaniards iLYQ bigger in burthen, 
 and by confequence have the advantage to 
 board ; more fpacious within board, and 
 therefore contain more men ; more decks, 
 and therefore carry more ordnance: then 
 confider that the greatnefs of vefl"els, the 
 number of men and ordnance, makes the 
 flirength of fhips. I refer it to confidera- 
 tion, and will conclude : 
 
 That if we do not relieve Cadiz from 
 time to time with a ftronger fleet than 
 Spain can make, we fliali undergo great 
 hazards, dangers, and difgraces; which 
 ought to have been well confider'd and ar- 
 gu'd before undertaking the lafl: enterprife 
 upon it. And this fliall fuffice for our at- 
 tempt upon Andalufia, or the city of Cadiz; 
 and fo I will proceed to the anfwer of the 
 pamphlet. 
 
 The
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 i45 
 
 ne voyage ended, there "d'as pullij}?ed a 
 book of the proceedings of that expedition ; 
 which book was not long after anfiver'd, 
 as appears by what follows : 
 
 Author. '"fHE 8th of OHoher, \Ci^, 
 ± they departed from Plymouth, 
 and the 9th fell in with my lord of £^t'.v, the 
 vice-admiral, who had put into Falmouth. 
 
 Anfwer. That month and day had been 
 fitter (if the aftion had been carried with 
 reafon and difcretion) to have fought Eng- 
 land after a voyage, vvinter approaching, 
 than to have put themfelves and fliips to 
 the fortune of a mercilefs fca, that yields 
 nodiing but boifterous and cruel dorms, un- 
 comfortable and long nights, toil and tra- 
 vel, to the cndlcfs labour oi the poor ma- 
 riners; and what was no lefs than the 
 reft, I fear, an unexperienced general, by 
 his phrafe in faying. He tell in with my 
 lord of Ejfex the 9th day; when the pro- 
 per word of falling in was with the land, 
 and not with fliips: he fliould rather have 
 laid. We met my lord, or We and my 
 lord met together: and the reafon is, the 
 land is a ftedfaft thing, and a fhip is ever 
 moving, not certain to be fallen in withal, 
 but accidentally to be met with. 
 
 Author. The 1 1 th he called a council, 
 and fettled the inftruiflions for a fea-fight, 
 as appear'd in the 7th and loth articles, 
 viz. If the enemy's approach be in iLich 
 fort, as the admiral of the Dutch and his 
 fquadron, or my vice-admiral of our fleet 
 and his fquadron, may have opportunity 
 to begin the fight, it fliall be lawful for 
 them fo to do till I come, ufing the form, 
 method, and care, as aforefaid. 
 
 Anfwer. This inftruftion in my opi- 
 nion was unadvis'd, and Ihould have been 
 conditionally, (as thus-,) If the enemy had 
 oftercd to fly, then not to lofe any oppor- 
 tunity, but to affail him ; but if they 
 meant to abide it, prefuming upon their 
 force, it was great tolly to hazard part of 
 the fleet to all the enemy's, but rather to 
 have ftaid for the admiral and the reft of 
 the fliips, to obferve the working of the 
 enemy, and then to have direAed every 
 fquadron accordingly how to have ordered 
 themfelves; for it were a madnefs in a fingle 
 combat of fix to fix, or more, for two of 
 them to charge their oppofites before the 
 approach of the reft. 
 
 Author. If any fliips of the enemy do 
 break out and fly, the admiral of any Iqua- 
 dron that fhall happen to be next, and in 
 the moft convenient place for that purpofe, 
 fliall fend out a competent number of the 
 fitteft fliips of his fquadron, to chafe, af- 
 faulr, and take fuch fliip or Ihips fo break- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 ingout; bnt no fliip fliall undertake fuch Monsjs. 
 a chafe without the command of the admi- -y^^C^ 
 ral, or at leaft an atlmiral of the fquadron. 
 Anfwer. The general's want of expe- 
 rience fliall appear in this article-, for if no 
 fliip fliall undertake the chafe without or- 
 der of the admiral, or admiral of the fqua- 
 dron, what if a fliip that is chas'J be r.ear 
 fome of your fleet, and a good diftance 
 tiom yoiirfilf, fliall your fliip or fliips lofe 
 the opportunity of chafing, and repair to 
 you for orders.? by that time the fliip chas'd 
 will be out of fight, or fo far ofl', tlut ic 
 will be a folly to tollow her. 
 
 For your inftrudion another time, thefc 
 are the directions you ought to have given 
 in fuch a cafe; If there fhall happen a chafe, 
 the next fliip to her to follow her ; and if there 
 be more than one chas'd, the reft of our fliips 
 next to her to fingle themfelves as they fliall 
 think themfelves able to overcome them-, 
 and if you be brought to leeward by that 
 chafe, then to ply into your height again. 
 This article contains as much as the admiral 
 or vice-admiral of a fquadron can give, af- 
 ter the lofs of lb much time as by a fhip's 
 coming to him for his diredions: and time 
 in fuch cale is the principal thing. 
 
 In your article there was no provifion 
 how tar fuch a fliip ftjould be chaied, when 
 to leave the chafe, or whither to repair af- 
 ter the chafe; but confufedly, and to the 
 lofs of the advantage aforefaid. 
 
 Author. The 1 2 th day, the wind north-' 
 north-weft, the feas grown fo high, that 
 the long-boats were loil, and many other 
 damages fuftained. 
 
 Anfiver. At that time of the year you 
 are fure to find that weather, and to look 
 for fuch difafters ; and therefore it is a fol- 
 ly to undertake a fea journey towards win- 
 ter, as I have faid. If in that ftorm the 
 wind had been foutherly, you would have 
 returned into the harbours of England, 
 where would have been found fuch defeds 
 in fliips, that you had feen the end of your 
 voyage; and amongft wife men it is a great 
 queftion, whether your going or ftaying 
 would have proved more honourable to the 
 kingdom. 
 
 Author. The 1 8th, a council was cal- 
 led, and Sir William St. Leger writ a letter, 
 that he fufpeded tTie plague in his fliip ; 
 but it proved not fo: and here the general 
 gave fpecial order for the fliips to come near 
 together, and hail their admiral every 
 morning, reproving their foimer negli- 
 gence, and gave them their inflrudions, 
 which fliould have been done before, but 
 was hind red by ftorm. 
 
 Anfwer. S'w JVilUam St. Leger did ill to 
 
 fufpect the plague in his fliip upon iiicli 
 
 uncertainties, which was enough to put the 
 
 Q^q q reft
 
 li\6 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book IL 
 
 M5N50V. reft of the fleet in fear, and a means to 
 V'-'^V^ niake them quit one another, and feparate 
 the fleet. 
 
 If the fliips were negligent m keeping 
 near together, they deferved blame, but no 
 punfhment, as not having received their 
 inlb-udions: the blame was worthy to light 
 upon the general, when in winter, and the 
 wc.uher fo uncertain, he delay'd giving his 
 orckM-s, which ftiould have been done in 
 harbour, and fealed up, until occafion of 
 foul weather at fea, or lofs of one an- 
 other. 
 
 I will let pafs many trivial things not 
 worth anfwcring or excepting againft •, as 
 namely, the defers of fhips, the lofing 
 company and meeting again; the winds, 
 victuals, ficknefs, and other things of that 
 nature. 
 
 ^ulhoy. The 20th, he called a council, 
 to debate how he fhould put into St. Lucar^ 
 according to an intention of the council 
 held at Plymouth •, when his majefly was pre- 
 fent ; where the matter being very doubt- 
 ful, it was referred to be decided upon the 
 fpot when we fliould be arrived ; but upon 
 better enquiry of the inconveniencies and 
 diladvantage for going into the harbour, and 
 landing our army, it was quite laid afide. 
 
 Then follows a long circumflance of 
 the impoflibility of going into St. Lucar. 
 ■ Anfwer. I dare undertake, never enter- 
 prize at fea was fet out with fuch doubt- 
 ful dire<5tions, as to take their refolutions 
 when they fliould come to the place. The 
 port of St. Lucar, and the danger of the 
 bar, being as well known to the matters 
 before their going from home, as after they 
 came thither : and if they did not inform 
 his majefty with it at the council held at 
 Plymouth, they deferved to be hanged there •, 
 for no man that had heard of the bar of St. 
 Lucar, but knew the danger cxprefl^ed in 
 the pamphlet. 
 
 Author. The general demanded both of 
 the captains and mafl:ers, why they did not 
 fpeak of thefe difficulties before his maje- 
 fty : they anfwered, // was now the depth of 
 winter, and ftormy. 
 
 Anfiver. If the mafliers knew no more 
 than the captains, I think they knew little-, 
 for I am informed few of the captains had 
 any experience and fkill in fea affairs: and 
 the mafliers anfwer was as ridiculous to the 
 general's demand, why they acquainted not 
 his majefty with the difficulty at Plymouth; 
 •for, fay they, It was the depth of winter, and 
 jtonny. 
 
 What was this in anfwer to the impoffi- 
 bility of going to St. Lucar ? could the 
 fummer remove the bar, and give them a 
 fafe entrance.'' could the fummer feafon 
 give them more knowledge of pilotfhip 
 than they had before their coming thithci ? 
 2 
 
 or did they not know that winter was ap- 
 proaching, when they were called to the 
 council at Plymouth, for it coukl not be 
 above twenty days more winter, than it was 
 when they were at Plymouth ? I could fay no 
 more to them, lays the author, king 1 was 
 no great feaman. And in the i6th leaf, he 
 fays, he made no account but the fliips 
 were ours-, for fpeaking of feamen, (he 
 fays.) they knew more than he did how to 
 fet upon them. 
 
 Would any man thus confefs his igno- 
 rance in a command he undertook ? or 
 would any man ever take upon him the ■ 
 charge of a general by fea, that had ne- 
 ver pafl: further than betwixt England and 
 Holland? Ic were good to know, whether 
 he fought the imploymenr, or, whether it 
 was put upon him againfl; his will: if he 
 was led unto it by ambition, let him an- 
 fwer his error, and that with Icverity: if 
 it was procured by others, they ought to 
 have the fame chaftifement he delerved. 
 Betwixt tlie one and the other, it is pity 
 the kingdom- fhould bear the diflionour, 
 which in truth cannot be juRly taxed ; for 
 England affords as good fliips as ever it has 
 done ; men of as great experience and va- 
 lour, as if they had been imployed ; and no 
 reafon therefore, but that every horfe fhould 
 bear his own burthen ; and that the defedt 
 be not laid upon fliips and men, but upon 
 thole that fliould be found culpable. 
 
 Author. In the fame council it was de- 
 termined, that the whole fleet fliould bear 
 into the bay of Cadiz, and anchor before 
 port St. Mary : it was appointed how eve- 
 ry fliip fliould anchor, (viz.) that the gene- 
 ral and Dutch admiral fliould anchor toge- 
 ther, and give dircftions to the vice-admi- 
 ral and rear-admiral. 
 
 Anfiver. It was a mofl: ridiculous refo^ 
 lution, to anchor and land at port St. Ma^ 
 ry; firft, in refped of the danger of the 
 road, if the wind came fbutherly or wefl;er- 
 ly, fecondly, their galleys would have cut 
 oflfour boats and men, if we had attempted 
 to land ; thirdly, fuch Spanifh fliips as were 
 in the road of Cadiz, would have had lea- 
 fure to have fiived themfelves, and convey 
 away their wealth; fourthly, the town of 
 Cadiz had fpace to prepare for its defence, 
 and the country would quickly have given 
 relief to it, as well as the place where they 
 pretended to land. 
 
 My next obfervation is the place they 
 chofe to anchor in, that he might give di- 
 reiSlions; and yet before he excub'd himfelf 
 as unexperienced, and by confequence unfit 
 to direft. He that fliall read this little 
 pamphlet to Cadiz, fhail find more direc- 
 tions, more councils, more letters writ, and 
 more abliirdities committed, than in any 
 adion a man fliall read of. 
 
 Author,
 
 jBook II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 ^47 
 
 Author. Tlie general gave orders tor 
 every fhip to break down their cabbins, to 
 be ready to fight. 
 
 yhifiver. I'his every fliip would have 
 done without diredions: ftill dire.5tions to 
 litde purpolf, and nothing came of it. 
 
 Author. I writ to my lord of Ejjex to 
 make all the hafte he could -, and that I 
 would command his fquadron to follow 
 him, (which I did ) but I mull confcfs 
 they went the moft untowardly way I ever 
 faw men ; tor they did not hoill up their 
 tails as they were commanded. 
 
 Anfwer. This was not a time to write, 
 and I marvel your leifure would admit of it; 
 for what you were to a6t was now or never ; 
 and it you had not di related before you 
 came to the port what fliips fhould go in^ 
 and what fliips thould fecond one another, 
 you were very unfit for the command you 
 had ; for this did the two lord generals, in 
 their expeditions to Cadi-z : they confulted 
 and relblved what fhips thould attempt the 
 enemy the next morning ; and when it 
 came to be executed, never greyhounds 
 flrove to overcome, or out-ftretch one an- 
 other in a courfe, as thole fhips did to 
 draw near to the Spaniards ; and if you had 
 had but one man that had known the af- 
 fairs of that voyage, you needed not but to 
 have walked in the path they had trodden 
 out before you. 
 
 You urge, you could not learn by all 
 the teamen in your fhip, who were thofe 
 that were- lb backward: And in the 13th 
 leaf you lay, Becaufe I would lofe no time., 
 I went from fhip tojhip, crying out, /Advance, 
 for floame •, hut I found them not very hafly 
 to do it. 
 
 Shall a general fay, men were backward 
 to fighr, when he had authority to compel 
 them ? or that he was not obeyed, having 
 martial law to execute upon them? No, no-, 
 but they knew who they had in hand, 
 when they refufed to tell what fhips were 
 backward to fight ; for a general that had 
 known the fea, would have known every 
 fhip of his fleet, being fo nigh them. 
 
 But indeed, if all your diredlions had 
 been converted into this one direcflion tol- 
 lowing, you had faved yourfelf from wri- 
 ting, fending, or your labour in going to 
 give the command, (that is to fay,) it be- 
 fore your coming to Cadiz you had ap- 
 pointed, if you would not have been the 
 leader yourfelf, as my lord of Effex was 
 in his voyage to Cadiz, I fay, if you had 
 commanded an admiral, and all the fhips 
 ot his Iquadron to follow him, and they 
 had not obey'd you, then you knew who was 
 backward, and whom to have punifhed ; 
 but your direftion and execution was all of 
 .1 fudden, without form or deliberation j 
 
 then what coukl you expcft but confu- Monsoi.. 
 fion ? vY'>j 
 
 Author. When all the fleet came to an 
 anchor, and I faw the SpiKijh (hips lly be- 
 fore me, I immediately called a general 
 council, to lofe no time -, and the opi- 
 nion ot teamen was, to clear the two forts 
 for fecuring the fleet. Then I demanded, 
 what kind of forts they were ? They told 
 me, that twenty of the colliei-s, and fome 
 of the Dutch, would beat them to dutt by 
 the morning. Whereupon I commanded, 
 the fliips warned fhould go up to the tort, 
 and that they fhould receive direftions 
 form my lord of Ejje.\; who had orders from 
 me. 
 
 Anfwer. If my lord of Effex had orders 
 from you, what neetl was there to call a 
 council, and lofe time? Or, why fhould 
 you give order to my lord of Ejjex before- 
 hand, and not to tlie fhips that fhould fe- 
 cond him till the very inftant : Hill writing, 
 direding, but no afting. 
 
 But tor the advice in clearing the forts: 
 furcly the advilbrs were not well advited 
 therein ; and in this cafe you flioukl have 
 enquired what my lord ot Effex did upon 
 the fiimc occafion, when he attempted the 
 fliipping : and it would have appeared to 
 you, that he followed the Spatiifh galleons, 
 fighting with them fix or fcven hours, and 
 overcome them before he landed or took 
 the fort. He made Puntal no impediment 
 to his defign -, he would not lofe his oppor- 
 tunity for fear of a fort, nor refer his enter- 
 prize to a farther council, but aftcd what 
 was relblved on before. 
 
 Author. I commanded, that upon fight 
 of my billet, they fliould be ready to af- 
 fault the fort of Puntal in the morning, 
 and to purfue the fliips : I advited with the 
 moll experienced captains and matters to 
 condud the fhips to Port-Royal, which was 
 difficult, for want of water •, and at three 
 ot the clock in the morning I arofe, and 
 received lIic communion aboard the Ark- 
 Royal : after which I commanded the ma- 
 tter to carry up the fhip to Puntal; but he 
 excufed if, for want of water. 
 
 ylnfwer. Here is ftill diredion, writing, 
 ■and communion, when there fhould tic 
 fighting ; and becaufe he fpeaks of the 
 communion, it is not improper to fet down 
 what queen Elizabeth faid upon the like 
 fuccefs in 1590. S\v John Hawkins being 
 fent general of a fleet to fe.a, fpent i^wtn 
 months without taking one Spanifh fliip. At 
 his return, he writ a long apology to the 
 queen ; and, for his conclufion, told her, 
 that Paul planteth, Apollo watereth, and 
 God gi-vetb the increafe. God's death (faid the 
 queen upon reading his letter) this foci went 
 out afoldier, and is comt home a divine. 
 
 But
 
 248 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSis. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 thougii 
 allcgarioii : 
 
 might 
 
 MoNsoN. But now In anfwer to the exciife, in not 
 
 ^"''V^^ carrying i)p the (hip for want of water ; it 
 
 fcrv'd not my lord of Ejfex for a reafon in 
 
 his voyage in 1 596 ; for he found water, 
 
 his mafter and others made the like 
 
 lie would not truft mariners in 
 
 that cafe, but appointed a fufficient captain 
 
 at the helm, and the captain of his fliip 
 
 to Hand aloft, as he favv other fliips go 
 
 afore him, having his lead on both fides 
 
 continually heaving. 
 
 But had the general been experienced, he 
 have anfwered the excuib of want 
 of water, as Sir Walter Raleigh was an- 
 fwered in the flime place, and upon the 
 lame occafion. Sir Walter Raleigh being 
 ordered over-night to lead the van, and 
 Sir Francis Vere to fecond him. Sir Walter 
 came to an anchor at fuch a diftance from 
 the galleons, that he could not reach them 
 with his ordnance : he returned aboard my 
 lord of Ejjex, excufing it for want of water -, 
 a gentleman well known ftanding by, faid, 
 // was Jirange that the Spaniards, who drew 
 much more water, and had no more advan- 
 tage of the tide than he, could pafs where his 
 Jljip could not follow. I protefl Sir Walter 
 was much abaflied at this fpeech, and there- 
 upon went aboard his fliip, caufiiig his 
 mafter to weigh again, and go higher, 
 where he performed the part of a noble and 
 valiant gentleman. 
 
 This anfwer from the general had ftopp'd 
 the mouths of the matters exceptions ; and 
 they would have found this channel as deep 
 for their Ihips, as the Spaniards did, going 
 up before them, and the iame channel my 
 lord of Effex did when he was there. 
 
 I will leave taking Puntal by the land 
 forces, with which he fills two or three 
 leaves, diredling and ordering things, my 
 intention being only to profecute the enter- 
 prizes by fea. 
 
 Author. The 24th I went by fix o'clock 
 in the morning to my lord of Denbigh, 
 and fpake thus to him : Tou are no old fea- 
 man, and therefore I would defire you make 
 all the hafie, and get all the feamen together 
 to council ; and I defire you to think upon the 
 beft way how to burn and deftroy the enemies 
 fhips. He went upon it without delay, 
 which he did very earneflly and punftually. 
 Anfwer. Though the general wanted 
 experience himfelf, yet he made choice of 
 one of fufficiency, who performed it care- 
 fully and punftually, ; (but what did he 
 perform?) for hitherto nothing was per- 
 formed, and yet there was commendations 
 of a lord for his pundtual performance, 
 that did nothing pundually at Puntal, or 
 the fliips at Cadiz. 
 
 If any men deferve honour for this 
 voyage, it is thole that dilTuaded it at 
 
 that time of the year; for indeed they had 
 faved a great deal of dilhonour this king- 
 dom now undergoes ; they had inriched 
 this kingdom with much money, thus un- 
 advifedly ipent ; they had prefcrved many 
 a brave man's life, that might have lived 
 to have done their country fervice -, and 
 laftly, the Spaniards had not been heartned 
 and imboklened as now they are. 
 
 But for all the general, council, and di- 
 redtions, or the careful and punftual car- 
 riage of the other lord, the fhips efcaped 
 without firing or finking. The general's 
 defign, it feems, was not to take Cadiz, 
 as he confefs'd in the i6th leaf; for the 
 king, before he went, was acquainted, that 
 it was extraordinarily fortified ; and fo he 
 found it when he came to view it. 
 
 I hold up my hands and eyes to hea- 
 ven, when I confider the poor defign and 
 weak carriage of this laft voyage to Ca- 
 diz ; for now it appears it was intended 
 for St. Lucar, thougli the impofiibility of 
 it was known before their going from home. 
 He likewife confelTed the llrength of Ca- 
 diz to be impregnable ; and yet notwith- 
 ftanding they were both enterprized. They 
 could not have a defign upon fliips, be- 
 caufe they knew not of any being there, or 
 thofe that were, to be fo kw, as they were 
 not worthy of fuch an expedition: Then 
 what man can excufe it ? or the abfurd 
 carriage of it ? 
 
 Moll men, I confefs, had an ill opi- 
 nion of the voyage before their going, a 
 worie after their return, but worit of all 
 upon publifhing the pamphlet ; for it has 
 ftopp'd the mouths of all thofe that could 
 force arguments to excufe it : fome out of 
 charity and good-nature forbore to think 
 the worfe of it ; fome out of judgment did 
 no more condemn it than an aftion that 
 failed by fortune in the execution ; fome 
 that would feem wifer than others, faid, 
 there was a greater myftery in it than the 
 ordinary people conceived ; Ibme faid, they 
 had intelligence with Cadiz, or other pla- 
 ces of importance, but took no iiiccefs. 
 But this book has difcovered all ; for they 
 find the projed was as ridiculous as the exe- 
 cution of it. 
 
 Author. l"he 25th there was a motion 
 to march four or five miles to recover fome 
 boats, to ferve inftead of their long-boats 
 they had loft at fea ; and fo they marched 
 forward and back again, brought away 
 their boats, fpoiled the fifherman's nets, 
 mafts, and other provifions they there 
 found. 
 
 Anfwer. Here was marching forward and 
 backward, which we may properly call a fet 
 dance. Thefe boats, I confefs, fived your 
 honour ; for fbmething you did upon them, 
 
 thougli
 
 liBook 11. 
 
 Sly William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 149 
 
 tliough you did notliing upon the fliips ; 
 and tor your attempt upon the tilheimcns 
 nets, you made the enemy have a feeling of 
 it, they being tied to obferve filling days 
 ffom filh, which now they niuft want. 
 
 j^uthor. The 26th the colonels met at 
 Puntal : and here it was refolved, that no- 
 thing could be done upon the fliips, becaufe 
 of the wind and tide, and for that the Spa- 
 niards had funk themfelves, and the chan- 
 nel was fo narrow, which was the rea- 
 Ibn my lord of E£ex in his journey 
 1596, could fend no fliips to do the enemy 
 harm. 
 
 Anfiver. I confefs, that if my lord of 
 EJfex had followed your example, to be 
 talking three or four days of what he per- 
 formed almoft in as many hours, he had 
 done the enemy no more harm than you ; 
 but what he did, and by the good advice 
 he did ir, I have fliewed before ; and if 
 you call it no harm to the enemy, to have 
 the bell fliips Spain ever enjoyed, burnt and 
 taken, to the number of nine and fifty fail, 
 with a mafs of wealth in them •, and this 
 to be done in defpight of your fort, which 
 takes up three leaves of paper in your book 
 of difficulties ; I lay, if this be no harm, 
 and your taking of fifliermeas boats and nets 
 be a fpoil and harm, I confefs yours was 
 the honourable action, and that of my lord 
 of Efjex of fmall confequence in refpect of 
 yours. 
 
 Aii:hor. The council of v/ar did confi- 
 der, that going to the bridge of Swnzo 
 was no great defign, but to meet wiiii the 
 enemy, and fpoil the country ; and that 
 when my lord of Ejjex took Cadiz, Sir Co- 
 mers Clifford was taxed by Sir Francis Fere 
 for millaking his diretSlions, which were to 
 go no farther than within fhot of the town, 
 where he might be fcconded and relieved ; 
 but Clifford went to the bridge ; fo in re- 
 gard there was no fuch nccefTity, he return- 
 ed back again. 
 
 Anffoer. Here was a ftrange confulta- 
 tion, a itrange confideration, and as ftrange 
 a council of war, to conclude the taking of 
 the bridge to be nothing more than to meet 
 the enemy, and fpoil the country. 
 
 I muft tell you, that in that journey of 
 my lord of Effex, which you lay did the 
 Spaniards no harm, there was a confultation, 
 and a refoluion before their landing, to 
 polTefs the bridge, as a prime fcrvice to be 
 executed : whereupon, at my loru's land- 
 ing, he divided his army ; three regiments 
 he fent to tlie bridge, the reft he led liim- 
 felf to the town, Both thefe direcVions had 
 good fucceli ; the bridge was polTeircd, and 
 the town furprized ; and yourlelf abufed by 
 him that told you Sir Coniers Clifford had 
 no order to go to the bridge, or tiiat S>\x Fran- 
 cis Vere was angry with him for fo doing. 
 
 Vol. IIL 
 
 I confefs it was not ^\x Francis TtTt' alone, Monson. 
 but my lord of Fffcx, and all in general, »^''Y'>J 
 were angry for quitting the biiilge, as they 
 had realbn ; for the main bufinefs of the 
 fervice depended on it : but it fecms they 
 wanted realbn in cotnparifon of you and 
 your council of war ; for by that bridge all 
 luccour was to pals from the main land to 
 the relief of Cadiz ; by that bridge we were 
 to attempt other parts of the country, as 
 we intended ; by that bridge, the galleys 
 were to pafs and efcape us, which otherwifc 
 they could not have done : and if this be 
 no great defign, let you and your council 
 confider it. 
 
 But that you may the better underftand 
 it, I will lay before you a comparilbn that 
 maybe made to concur with it. Suppofc 
 an enemy Ihould land in Surrey, with a de- 
 fign to take Wimhkton, and that there were 
 a bridge to pafs the 'thamcs at his barony 
 of Putney : do not you think that a coun- 
 cil of war would advife to take that bridge, 
 to hinder the fuccours that might be fent 
 from Middle/ex, or the counties thereunto 
 adjacent, to the aid of IFimbkton? If 
 this advice would not have been followed, 
 the council of war were fit for you, and 
 not for my lord of Effex. 
 
 Amhor. And I have been fo long in the 
 wars, (leaf 19.) that I dare undertake they 
 who think Cadiz was to be taken, cannot 
 tell how to come at it with cannon, if there 
 were none but women in it. 
 
 Anfwer. When you fpeak truth, I will 
 concur with you ; for I believe there w.is 
 little reafon to attempt it : but, indeed, 
 your want of experience in fea-affairs, your 
 frequent councils, which loft time and op- 
 portunity, your multitude of diredions to 
 no purpofe, and the carefulnefs of your cap- 
 tains to difobey your command, was your 
 blemifli and fhatne ; but more efpecially 
 your want of expert men to advife what 
 had been praftifed in fleets ; for every man 
 that can manage a fmall bark, is not ca- 
 pable to tlired a fleet: you fliould not have 
 relied upon fliilors put into the habit of 
 gentlemen, and made knights before they 
 knew v,'hat belonged to gentility, nor were 
 ever expert but in poor petty barks. This 
 was the bane of you and your reputation. 
 
 Author. The one and twentieth I im- 
 barked again, thinking to h.ive landed at 
 port St. Alajy, if the wind fliould not fervc 
 the fleet to go out of the bay of Cadiz ; but 
 as ill luck would have it, the wind came 
 good even as we were in council; and if we 
 had not taken that wind in the inftant, per- 
 haps we had not come out in a long time. 
 
 Anjb'tr. That which was good for your 
 coming our, had not been ill tor your land- 
 ing at port St. Mary, though 1 confefs ic 
 had been a rafli attempt, as I laid before. 
 R r r Author.
 
 i'/V William MonfonV Naval Trnds. Book IL: 
 
 250 
 
 MoNsoN. Juthor. Monday the hft, the wind came 
 ^■^'V"*^ wefterly, and we could not come out of the 
 bay. 
 
 Jnfiicr. And yet you Hiid before the 
 contrary : no wind, no counfcl, no direc- 
 tions, woul t anfvvcr your expcftation, atttr 
 your lofs, through your delays, negligence, 
 and carelcflhefs of the opportunity upon the 
 fhips. 
 
 Author. The third day, by general con- 
 fin t, we were to ftay, and cxpecl: the fleet 
 from the Iml'ics, till the 20th of Novem- 
 ber \ but it pleafcd God fuch fickntfs came, 
 tiiat we had not men enough to handle our 
 iluls. 
 
 Jnficer. You muft know it was ftrange 
 to hear of a fleet from the Indies at that 
 • time of the year : but fuppofe it had been 
 fo, and you had taken them, what would 
 you have done with them, not having Tai- 
 lors enough to bring home your own fhips, 
 as yoiirl'elf confefs'd ? 
 
 Juthor. The fixth day (and twenty- 
 fourth leaf) we took a man of war oi /il- 
 gUrs, who had taken two prizes; one of 
 them J ohn Ifack, ^Scotchman, that dwelt at 
 Dover., laden with wood and iron from Bif- 
 cay tor St. Lucar, by the king of Spain's 
 fubjefts ; which fliews the great want that 
 king has of timber and fhips to carry it. 
 
 ylnfu:er. This was as wife an obfeiva- 
 tion, as if a Dunkirker had taken a Frcnch- 
 }»an freighted with coals by an Engliflmaji 
 from Ne-ivcajlle to London, and iliould fliy, 
 the king has great want of coals and fliip- 
 ping to carry them: I fhould have made 
 another conftruction, that it fhewed the 
 Spanip fhips were employed upon better 
 voyages, than upon fuch bafe commodi- 
 ties. 
 
 Author. On the tenth Sir Michael Geere, 
 who had been five days wilfully wanting, 
 came again to the fleet: his mafter told him 
 of it, and he beat him with a cudgel : his 
 mafter had bore better command than ever 
 he did ; and in the twenty-fifth leaf he lays, 
 he fent aboard the Dreadnought for ten tuns 
 of beer that was left jn her for the ..ufe of 
 the Ame Royal i but the company muti- 
 nied, and would not deliver it ; neither 
 would the captain nor mafter confefs who 
 were the mutineers. 
 
 Anfi^er. Would ever general fet down 
 the contempt and abufes, and not fhew the 
 punifhment infii£ted upon them ? It is no 
 marvel you were no better obeyed in weigh- 
 tier things, that coii^d digeft thefe petty 
 difgraces ; iurely Gccre might have come 
 home a knight, though the ftrangeft that 
 ever was made ; but he fhould not have 
 come home a captain, nor made capable 
 ever to bear office in any imployment. 
 
 Honour was wont to be conferred on 
 men of defert, for fervices done by them 
 
 before they received it •, but this knight, 
 and otiicrs, were made knights fo unworthi- 
 ly, that it bred not only an admiration, 
 but a contempt to that order. 
 
 As backward as you were in the affairs 
 of Cadiz, you were as much too forward 
 and liberal in giving and taking honour : 
 to delay it before your going, had been to 
 fome purpofe -, for a noble mind would not 
 have received it, till the world had taken 
 notice he had dcferved it. 
 
 As there was great dift'erence in the ma- 
 nagement of fea-affltirs, betwixt the queen's 
 time and thefe, fo there was in the beftow- 
 ing of honour; for though my lord admi- 
 ral was the fon of a baron, and the grand- 
 fon of a duke, though he had the ofBce of 
 lord high-admiral of England, and many 
 other dignities and preferments; though he 
 had gained lb great a viftory in 158b', by 
 repulfing an enemy that might have endan- 
 gered^ the kingdom ; though he fpoiled, 
 bear, funk fliips, and deftroyed cities of 
 the enemies in their own countiies, yet had 
 he obtained and performed all thefe ex- 
 ploits, before he could be admitted to the 
 degree of an earl. 
 
 Author. In the twenty-feventh leaf. The 
 defects of the fliips were fuch, that he cal- 
 led a council for going into the iflands of 
 Bayona ; and here he fets dovi'n the lofing of 
 company, breaking mafts, fplitting fails, 
 and fhifting of winds, i^c. 
 
 Anfwer. Thefe things were impertinent 
 for a general to relate : fuch oblervations 
 are only proper to mariners ; and he might 
 as well have fet down the feething of the 
 kettle, the companies dining, or the fetting 
 of rlie watch. 
 
 Author. Now was I arrived at Kinfale 
 in Ireland. On the nineteenth of Janncry 
 came in a Dutchman from Lisbon, who re- 
 ported he (aw letiers from Cadiz, that the 
 plate fleet came home within three days af- 
 ter my coming away, and that an hundred 
 caravels were lent to itop them, but none of 
 them could meet the faid fleet, for they 
 came upon the coaft of Barhary ; infomuch 
 that if any of thefe accidents following had 
 happened, we had been maflers of the plate 
 fleet. 
 
 The firft was, if the council had con- 
 fented with me to keep P«k/«/ fourteen days. 
 The fecond, if the wind had not changed 
 as it did. The third, if the plate fleet had 
 but kept the famecourfe they have for thefe 
 forty years ; for they had no manner of 
 nevv's of us : But man propofes, and God dif- 
 pofes. And moreover the Dutchman faid, 
 that on the laft of July there were not four 
 barrels of powder in Lisbon. 
 
 Anfwer. Could the plate fleet arrive in 
 Cadiz, and not be vulgarly fpoke of in Lif- 
 bon, but by Ibme few letters; the arrival of 
 
 that
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al TradJs. 
 
 251 
 
 that fleet being of i'ucli c()nil'qu>;nce, that 
 not only Lisbon, but all Spain would ring 
 of it? And unlefs you had better alluiancc 
 of their arrival tlian by this poor Du'.ih- 
 man, that was in your cultody prifoncr, 
 you were ill-ad vifed to print it; bccaulc 
 every merchant upon the Exchange was able 
 to contradiift you; wherefore you fliould 
 have firll confidered it, as thus: 
 
 Was it likely that a hundred caravels 
 fhould be fent to meet the fleet? a number 
 of caravels never employed, nor to be found 
 in all Spain. Could they be lb improvi- 
 dent as to hazard fo many veflcls, the ta- 
 king of one of which would difcover the 
 height the fleet came home in? or could 
 the fleet be met and flopped at fca, that was 
 both foul, weak, heavily laden, wanted vic- 
 tuals, and muft be compelled out of necef- 
 fity to feek a harbour? or could a hundred 
 caravels fprcad themfelves at fea, and your 
 fleet not fee any part of them? or could the 
 fleet come home in four days after your be- 
 ing at Cadiz ? and computing the time, you 
 could not be above twenty leagues weft from 
 thence, and to have no news of them ? or 
 could the Spaniards be fo mad at that time 
 of the year, to venture to keep the coaft 
 of Barbary, being fubjedt to northerly winds, 
 and to fitll in upon Cadiz road, juft at your 
 quitting it ? To wife men thefe things feem 
 improbable. 
 
 And moreover, for the fatisfixftion of the 
 reader, you fliould have fet down your rea- 
 
 It was no lefs ridiculous, that you fliouId Mofi^oN.' 
 believe the Dutchwcnh report, that at the '-^V^^ 
 laft of July there fliouki be but four barrels 
 ol powder in Li>bon; for wholbcvcr knows 
 Lisbon and the caflic, knows the great quan- 
 tity of powder there is flill kept in it. 
 
 Author. I put to fea three times againfl: 
 the feamen's opinion: they tiefired to fee 
 the winds fettled before we fliould fet out; 
 but I did not hearken to them. 
 
 Anjiper. It will appear by this raflincfs 
 of yours, how unfit you are to take charge 
 of furh a fleet. In the fixtcenth leaf you 
 confels your ignorance in fea aftairs, and re- 
 fer yourfelf to men of experience, in an 
 attempt of much lefs confequence than this, 
 that concerns the fifety of his majen:y's 
 fliips, to venture them to no end but a dc- 
 fiie you had to be at home. This was a r.'-fli 
 hazard of your own, again II the approba- 
 tion of mariners, who could only judge 
 what was convenient in fuch a cafe. 
 
 I confefs, nothing in your difcourfe doth 
 make it appear to be writ by a foldicr an 
 land or fea, but a plain and abfurd flyle, 
 the unproper terms ufed by fea and in fliips, 
 and the often repeiition of fome words, 
 which is not proper in oratory. From fol- 
 diers, neither eloquent words nor forms are 
 requir'd ; their actions muft give matter for 
 fcholars to amplify upon ; and though this 
 may excufe the writing of the pamphlet, 
 yet it can no more clear you of blame in 
 your carriage of the adlion, than the pro- 
 
 fons, why you advifed the keeping oi Pun- jedlor of it; it being hard to judge whether 
 
 " ' of you two deferved the moll fliamc, the 
 one in advifing, the other in executing. 
 
 But it this journey had been undertaken 
 by men of experience, underflanding, and 
 reaPjii, it had more annoyed the (late of 
 Spain, than any enterprize of ours hereto- 
 fore, either in the queen's, or King Charles's 
 reign, as it fhall appear by what follows. 
 
 How to have ruined Spain ly the fleet cf 
 1625. 
 
 SPLEEN, pafTion, and envy to Ibme 
 they love nor, and the want of know- 
 ledge in themfelves, are the bane and dc- 
 flroyers of all warlike a6tions, cither by 
 fca or land, which could not be better veri- 
 fied than in this laft unfortunate fleet to Ca- 
 diz I have fpoken of; for I muft Iliy, that 
 in' many ages (or rather in no age) we 
 fhall have the like opportunity again to 
 annoy the ftate of Spain, as was then ofl'er- 
 ed us, if the enterprize h.id been well pro- 
 jefted and directed, as it was rafhiy begun 
 and profecuted, as may appear by wJiac 
 follows. 
 
 If our land forces had been difcharg.-d at 
 the beginning of I'ummcr, when they were 
 firft raifed, and the fleet employed upon a 
 
 fca 
 
 tal fourteen days: all the reafons you had 
 woyld not have given fuisfaclion to a rea- 
 fonable man ; for it is to be imagined, you 
 muft have one of theie reafons in it; as 
 namely. That you had correfpondence with 
 Cadiz for the iiirrendering it; or that you 
 expefted a revolt in the country; or that 
 you hoped for fupplies in fourteen days ; or 
 that you knew of the Indies fleets repair thi- 
 ther in that time. One of thefe I conceive 
 to be the end of your perfuafions. 
 
 Then on the other fide, I think with my- 
 felf the mifchicf that might have enfucd 
 upon it in the fpace of them fourteen days; 
 your vicftuals would have been much wafted, 
 for it feems then you began to want; your 
 people being fick, as they were, it is pro- 
 bable they would rather grow worle than 
 recover health. In that fourteen days the 
 Spaniards would have had leilure to prepare 
 trefli fhips and men to encounter your feeble 
 and weak army. Your fuppofcd hundred 
 caravels might have met in ihofe fourteen 
 days with the imagined plate fleer, and 
 have conducted them to Lisbon, whilft you 
 were propping up of Puntal. You had 
 proof v;hat the lingering of fourteen days 
 might have brought you and the fleet to, 
 by the mifery you found in your return. ■
 
 2 5^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traces. 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 MoNsoN.fea atftion only, for take it for a maxim, 
 '-""V^ That fea and land entcrprizes togedicr, arc 
 the bane of one another, as experience has 
 made it appear. 
 
 At this time that the expedition was un- 
 dertaken, \vc well knew the Sfanrjb fleet 
 
 where we afTiiredly knew the Spaniards 
 would touch in their return, iis indeed they 
 did, all fcatter'd and ill provided, we had 
 without all doubt or queftion intercepted 
 them, and poffefs'd fo much wealth of 
 theirs, as would have maintain'd a royal 
 
 fought agaiiift rcaibn ; for iuccefs is the 
 mealiire of fools; whereas conduft proceeds 
 from judgment. 
 
 This expedition to the idand of St. Mar- 
 tin's was begun from Portfmcuth on the 1 7ih 
 oi' June 1627. a place dcfign'd for the ren- 
 dezvous-, and to that end the fliips of pro- 
 vifions that attended the refbrt of the army 
 to Plymouth, were drawn together at Pcrtf- 
 niouth, though with ill Iuccefs: Firft, in 
 lefped: one of thofe fliips niilirarried, and 
 others were in danger to have done the like. 
 
 h\d difpoirefs'd the Hollanders of the town w.ir againft them, till his majefly had been 
 
 of Ba^cm Brazil, a liule before taken by reveng'd of the affronts offered him, as was 
 
 them- we likewile knew they were to re- conceived at his being in Spain. 
 
 turn to Spain with a million of pounds in Bcfides this wealth, we had cut off his 
 
 wealth; which after proved true. Heet, v\hich confil^ed of fifty or fixty of 
 
 And' yet this was not all, and the worft his beft galleons, which in an age could not 
 
 that Spain was to receive from us: this liap- be reflorcd, whereby he would have been 
 
 pen'd when they had no lufpicion of us as unable to undertake any atlion againft us. 
 
 enemies, nor any tliew of hoftility made, to This was difcover'd to fome, before the 
 
 give them warning or di'lruft. fleet's going out; but either neglefted or 
 
 If therefore we had employed our fleet not believed. 
 then in readinefs to the 'J'erccra itlands, 
 
 'Tkc errors committed in the expeditio77 to the ijle of Ree, 
 
 IN my examination of the voyages in jiian, who did not efteem the lefs of the 
 the reio-n of queen EYfz.abelb, 1 make genc:al that loft a battle, but of fuch as 
 often refle^lion, without tear or flattery, 
 upon the errors then committed, as well by 
 us, as by the 5>^«/V2?-^-» our enemies; which 
 kind of proceeding, I follow in thtfe two 
 laft expeditions, the one to Cadi% in 1625. 
 which I have treated of; the other to St.^ 
 Martin's \n 1627. which lam to treat of, 
 as well in number and goodnels of Ihips, as 
 in proportion and quantity of men. 
 
 Though I was no ador myfelt in the two 
 laft expeditions, there being no relation that 
 can oive a more true account of them than 
 thole publilh'd by the authority of Itate, I Secondly, I mull make the rendezvous at 
 have, upon view of thefe pamphlets, col- Portjmouth, the ground of my argument to 
 lefted fuch errors as the anions themfelves 
 have given juft caufe to except againft. 
 
 Let it not be imputed to me that I do 
 it out of a carping or detrafting humour, or 
 a malignant difpofidon, or an evil or con- 
 tefting nature, or out of a vain or phanta- 
 
 Ilicarcuriofity, or pride, or arrogance, to 
 
 make fmall etrors feem greater than they 
 
 are ; for I have no other end than what I 
 
 have often exprefled, viz. by difcovenng 
 
 the faults and ovei fights paft, to make them 
 
 ferve as a warning for time to come. 
 
 I would not be fo bold and prefumptupus 
 
 as to examine the grounds of this laft defign 
 
 upon the ifland of St. Martin's, or the car- 
 riage of it upon their arriving and landing; 
 
 for I never doubted, but that a matter of 
 
 fuch great confcquence, as the breach of 
 
 peace between princes, and wherein his ma- 
 
 jefty's honour was to be engaged, and the 
 
 reputation of the chief commander confide- 
 
 red, was not only difcuffed and argued by 
 
 the grave and wife fenators of the flate, but 
 
 advice taken of the moft experienced cap- 
 tains both by land and fea this kingdom 
 
 could afford; which being fo, the fuccefs 
 
 muft be referred to him who is the giver of 
 
 all viiflories: for I am like the Carthagi- 
 
 except againft the carriage of the action, 
 and the chief caufc of the mifchief that en- 
 fued. 
 
 You muft undeiftand that Stokes Bay., 
 where our fhips rode, is forty leagues from 
 Plymoulh, by che way of St. Helen's Point ; 
 and the courfe of the channel is eaft-north- 
 eaft, and weft-fouih-weft : Ufiant, which 
 is the head-land of Frame, and by which 
 you muft pals either from Plymouth ox PortJ- 
 mouih, if you will fail to St. Martin's, is 
 twenty-fix leagues from Plymouth, fouth- 
 wefterly ; lb that there was forty leagues run 
 10 fetch thofe fiiips which could have 
 brought themfelves; and a fhip loft, which 
 had not fo happen'd but by their going to 
 fetch them. 
 
 Now Ihould they have held a grave con- 
 fuKation, if they had done well, how to 
 proceed afterwards, which fhould have con- 
 futed of three propofitions : The one, whe- 
 ther to keep the fea with that eafterly wind, 
 or no ; which in little fpace would bring them 
 to leeward of all. The fccond, whether to 
 land in Conqnet Road, or fbmc part of 
 France. The third and laft, was, whether 
 to return to Plymouth or Falnicutb, there to 
 attend a better opportunity of wind. Bur, to 
 
 be
 
 Book IL 
 
 Sir William Men Ton V Na^jal Trctlh. 
 
 be fliort, unadvifedly tliey took the word 
 of the three, and kept the fea till they were 
 to leeward of all French fhores ; in which 
 fpace they had purfuit of certain Dunkirkers, 
 whom indifcreetly they chafed a whole day, 
 when in two hours they might have dif- 
 cerned whether they could fetch them up, or 
 no. 
 
 ^3 
 
 not being actudoin'd to the fea, and pefter-Mo(.«6i». 
 ed in flujis, brougiu a grcit inconvcnien- -'^'T^ 
 cy amongll: them. But the grcatell wni 
 the tout weather which parted thcnr^ and 
 was the cliicf caufj of the misfortune 
 that followed : for above fixty of the (hips 
 being fcattered, came to the ifland of St. 
 Martins the loth of July, and the reft the 
 
 If they had anchored in France, or any day following 
 part of that coaft, notice would have been The fixty fhips firfl: arriving put the 
 taken of it by the French ; and it would French out of doubt, but that wal the place 
 
 have given a fudden alarm, and been a 
 caufe to arm all places they might fufpeft 
 we would attempt, 
 
 pla 
 we intended, and gave them opportunity 
 to do as much as the time would permit. 
 And here you may obftrve the true over- 
 
 If they had repair'd to Plymouth or Fal- throw of the expedition to the ifle of Ree\ 
 
 whereas if our fleet had come together from 
 Plymouth or Falmouth, and landed tcgethcf. 
 they haii fuddenly furpriz'd the iflaiid, and 
 poirclfed all the victuals in it, which in that 
 Ihort time we gave them, they carried in- 
 to the caaie, being before but ill provided 
 either of viftuals, or any thing elfe. 
 
 mouth, it would have put a doubtfulnefs in 
 the French, whether our defign had been a- 
 gainft them, or no ; and they wouki have 
 iViade the le(s preparations to refifl: us. 
 Spnin would alfo have taken the alarm, be- 
 ing in as great a doubt and danger of us as 
 France ; but drawing the fhips from Ply- 
 mouth to Port/month, Spain could not con- 
 ceive that it was intended againft them ; and 
 Prance was in as great affurance that it was 
 defigned upon them. 
 
 Thus you fee from Portfmouth they were 
 to attend the uncertainty of two winds, and 
 give warning to France to provide for them- 
 felves -, whereas from either of the two ports 
 of Plymouth or Falmouth, one wind would 
 have carried them direftly to St. Martins, 
 which might have been run in two or three 
 days, without fear of fcattering, or other 
 difafter. Thefe inconveniencies fhould not 
 have been only forefeen, but prevented, if 
 experience and diibretion had guided the 
 aftion. 
 
 Now follows the mifchief that enfued up- 
 on keeping the fea. I'he firft is. That 
 they were brought fo flir to leeward, that 
 it they would, yet they could not recover 
 either Plymouth or Falmouth. Secondly, 
 they were f.ibjeft to foul weather, which 
 they afterwards found. Thirdly, their men 
 
 Thus have I run over fuch errors as I have 
 briefly coUcdted out of the ill-carry'd action 
 to the idand of St. Martins, wiPning thnt 
 generals may not only fee, but forefee, that 
 they may witlr judgment determine what 
 they Ihall put in execution, before they 
 attempt it with force and courage j for great 
 adions ought to be refolv'd on by leifurc, 
 and performed with Ipeed : They fhould not 
 fl\y and ftay, but fay and do: They muft 
 confider, that the tiril enterprize in war 
 gets the befl reputation ; and a thing well 
 begun, is half ended. 
 
 As I have fet down the names of thejhips 
 the queen left at her death in my frjt 
 book, now f}?all follow the names of thofe 
 that were built by king James and king 
 Charles -, and the prefent rates for fca- 
 mens wages, according to the ranks of 
 flnps and officers, increafed .Anno Doni, 
 1626. 
 
 Shipi built by king J 
 
 ames. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Men in 
 Harbour. 
 
 Men at Sea. 
 
 Reformation, 
 
 9 
 
 250 
 
 Happy Entrance, 
 
 7 
 
 160 
 
 Garland, 
 
 7 
 
 160 
 
 St. George, 
 
 9 
 
 2 so 
 
 Mary-Rofe, 
 
 6 
 
 120 
 
 Triumph, 
 
 12 
 
 300 
 
 Swiftfnre, 
 
 9 
 
 250 
 
 Bonaventure, 
 
 7 
 
 1 00 
 
 St, Andre vj. 
 
 9 
 
 250 
 
 Ships built by king Chii 
 
 tries. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 Ten Whelps, 
 Henrietta Pinnace, 
 Mary Pinnace, 
 Charles, 
 
 Henrietta Maria, 
 The James, 
 Viitory, 
 The Leopard, 
 The Si'mUow, 
 The Sovereign, 
 
 Men in 
 Harbour. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 6 
 
 Men at Sea. 
 
 60 fome 70 
 
 25 
 250 
 
 250 
 
 260 
 
 250 
 
 170 
 
 150 
 
 Vol.. III. 
 
 S f f 
 
 ne
 
 i54 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Tracts, 
 
 Book IL 
 
 77.'t fiew i-alci for feamem v:ages, confirmed by ihc ctmmijioncrs of hh majejlfs na-cy, according to 
 his miji-jifs fever al rates of Jlnps and degnrs of oficeYs, monthly. Anno Dom. 1626. 
 
 Ranks. 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 Number of men. 
 
 TOO 400 
 
 
 300 2 
 
 50 
 
 
 200 160 
 
 
 1:0 100 
 
 70 
 
 
 60 
 
 50 
 
 40 
 
 
 /. s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 /. 
 
 s. 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 /. s. d. 
 
 
 /. s. 
 
 d 
 
 
 /. 
 
 s. 
 
 ^. 
 
 
 /, 
 
 s. d 
 
 Capt. Ordinary 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 968 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 6 8 
 
 Lieutenant 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 216 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mafter 
 
 4 13 
 
 9 
 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 3 15 
 
 
 3 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 8 
 
 Pilot 
 
 2 5 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 117 6 
 
 
 » 13 
 
 9 
 
 
 I 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 Matter's mates 3 
 
 2 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 117 6 
 
 
 I 13 
 
 9 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 Boatfwain 
 
 2 5 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 17 6 
 
 
 I 13 
 
 9 
 
 
 I 
 
 ID 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 4 
 
 Boatfwain's mate 
 
 I 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 8 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Quarter ma- 7 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 5 
 
 4 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 Quarter ma-") 
 fter's mates J 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 I 8 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 17 6 
 
 rHay ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 yeo- jSlieets C 
 men ^ Tacks ^ 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I I 
 
 2 
 
 I I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (^ Jears J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Corporal 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 I 5 8 
 
 
 I 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 8 
 
 Mr. Carpenter 
 
 I 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 1 10 
 
 
 I 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Carpenter's mate 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 3 4 
 
 
 I I 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 18 8 
 
 Other carpen- > 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ters and calk- > 9 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 crs J 
 
 Purfer 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 I 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 4 
 
 Steward and') 
 Cook J 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 I 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 17 6 
 
 Surgeon 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 Surgeon's mate 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mr. Trumpeter 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 1 5 
 
 
 J 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Other trump. 4 
 
 I 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Drum and fife 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Coxfwain 
 
 I 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 I 3 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Coxfwain's mate 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 19 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Skiftswain 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Skiffswain's mate 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Two fwabbers 
 
 I 8 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 18 6 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 17 6 
 
 Swabber's mate 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 16 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Armourer 
 
 I 1 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I I 
 
 
 I I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Mr. Gunner 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 10 
 
 
 I 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 4 
 
 Gunner's mates 
 
 I 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 8 
 
 Quarter gun-7 
 ners J 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 
 0188 
 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 17 6 
 
 Quarter gun-") 
 ners mates .> ^ 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Yeoman of the'i 
 powder room 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 
 18 8 
 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 iS 8 
 
 Mr. Cooper 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 16 8 
 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 c 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 i5 8 
 
 Grumetts 6 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 II 3 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 II 3 
 
 Common men "^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 360. 4 out of /^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 each 1 00 are > 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 204 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 01146 
 
 15 0,65 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 41 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 the ciptain'sL 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 retinue J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Boys 5 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 076 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 7 6 
 
 Gunmaker 
 
 I I 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 4
 
 Book li. 
 
 Sir William MonfbnV Naval Trades. 
 
 -^55 
 
 If I were worthy to adWfe his majcfty, 
 he Ihould follow the precedent of tlie carl 
 of Lincoln, late lord high-admiral of Eng- 
 land, who two yeai-s beTbre he died, and in 
 the year 1582, caufed a general mufter to 
 be taken of all fhips, their burthen and 
 mariners, belonging to the ports of England, 
 as here follows. 
 
 And withal I vvifh there were a compu- 
 tation made from the year 15S2, till the 
 end of queen Elizabeth^^ reign in 1602, all 
 which being compared with the increafe of 
 ftiips and mariners fince that timej and 
 their greatnefs in burthen, it will feem won- 
 derful to all his majefty's fubjcdls, who fliall 
 underftand it, that fince the firfl: year of 
 
 k\ngjanies''s reign, till this, which is thcMoKsow. 
 13th of king Charles, the navy of England -'OT^^ 
 is fo much incrcafed and augmented -, and 
 thereby they may conjefture what wealth 
 hath been imported and tranfported fincc 
 that time, to the infinite inriching of all 
 people in general, which will make them 
 repine the Icfs at paying fliip-moncy ; for 
 they muft truly confefs, how much the 
 kingdom is, fince the year 1582, ftrengthcn- 
 ed and fortified by lea, and the common- 
 wealth enriched by trade ; for though the 
 merchant only runs the hazard of fliips and 
 goods that go to fea, yet the whole king- 
 dom receives benefit and profit by it, from 
 the handicraftfman to the kibourcr. 
 
 A mufter of Jhips and mariners throughout England, taken tijco yean before the death of the 
 
 earl of Lincoln, lord admiral. 
 
 Somerfetjhire. 
 ^HIRTY feven fhips, whereof ten a- 
 
 London. 
 
 Tl ^., 
 hove eighty tons. ^ ' Sixty-two fhips above an hundred tons. 
 
 Mariners, matters, and filhermen at home. Twenty-three fhips of eighty tons and above. 
 
 .52 Forty- tour fmall fliips. 
 Abroad, 40 Mafters, 142 
 
 Mariners, 868 
 
 957 
 
 Chefter. 
 Fourteen fhips. 
 Mariners, mafters, and feamen, 113 
 
 tn all -502 Watermen, or ferrymen, 
 Fifhermen, 
 
 in all 2 1 62 
 
 Hampfhire. 
 
 Lancafler. 
 
 Fifty- three fhips, whereof ten above eighty • « . , r 
 
 (Qrig Ejghty-nme fhips and boats, wherebf tea 
 
 Mafters and mariners, 163 above eighty tons 
 
 Fifhermen, 36 Maflers, 
 
 Mariners, 
 
 In all 199 Fifhermen, 
 
 244 
 180 
 
 E[fex. 
 Twelve fliips above eighty tons. 
 Hoys, crays, and other fmall vefTels, 107 
 Mafters and feamen, 5 1 7 
 
 In all 470 V 
 
 Yorkfliire. 
 
 Cornwall. 
 
 
 
 Five fhips above eighty tons. 
 
 
 
 Threefcore and feven other fmall fhi 
 
 ps. 
 
 
 Mafters, 
 
 
 108 
 
 Mariners, 
 
 
 606 
 
 Other feamenj 
 
 
 204 
 
 In 
 
 all 
 
 918 
 
 Lincolnffnre. 
 
 
 
 One fliip of eighty tons burthen. 
 
 
 
 Twenty fmall fhips. 
 
 
 
 Mafters, 
 
 
 20 
 
 Mariners, 
 
 
 190 
 
 Fifhermenj 
 
 
 134 
 
 in all 344 
 
 Fifty-four fhips, wherecff eighteen abo7c 
 
 eighty tons. 
 
 Mafters and failors, ^y^ 
 
 jq3 Filhermen, 507 
 
 In all 8 82 
 
 The Cinpe-Porls. 
 
 Two hundred and twenty-three fhips and 
 
 boats, none above eighty tons, 
 Mafters and Tailors, 853 
 
 Fifhermen, 139 
 
 In all 992 .
 
 1^6 
 
 Mo!;5oy. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV JSla^val TmSh. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Kent. 
 
 Norfolk. 
 
 One hundred and fix fliips and boats, none ^^ ' ^ ^ • u • u. - 
 , . , '^ Twenty-two iliips above eighty tons. 
 
 above eighty tons 
 Mailers and failors, 
 
 Suffex. 
 
 Sixty-fix finall fliips under eighty tons. 
 
 Mailers, 
 
 Sailors, 
 
 Fi (her men, 
 
 221 
 
 28 
 222 
 122 
 
 In all 372 
 
 Dorfet. 
 
 Eight fliips above eighty tons. 
 Seventy-two fmall fliips. 
 Mailers and mariners, 
 Fifliermen, 
 
 605 
 
 One hundred and forty-eight fmall Ihips. 
 Seamen of all forts, 1890 
 
 Suffolk. 
 
 Twenty-fix fliips above one hundred tons. 
 
 Seventy-fix fmall fliips. 
 
 Seamen of all Torts, 1286 
 
 Gloucefierjljire. 
 
 Twenty-nine fliips under eighty tons. 
 Mafliers, feamen, and fifliermen, 219 
 
 Cumberland. 
 
 34 Twelve fmall fhips under eighty tons. 
 
 „■" ' Mariners and fifliermen, to 15 
 
 In all 639 . 
 
 ' The total of all vefl^cls, 1232 
 
 Above eighty tons, 217 
 
 Mariners of all forts, 14295 
 
 Devonjlnre, 
 
 Eight fhips above eighty tons. 
 
 One hundred and thirteen fmall fliips. 
 
 Mailers, mariners, and fifliermen, 2176 
 
 The particular 77umber of fhips and mariners in the fleet of eleven hundred fail, in the days 
 of king Edward III. -with the names of the Cinque Ports., viz. Haftings, Rumney, Heth, 
 Dover, and Sandwich. 
 
 
 The South Fleet. 
 
 
 Lyme 
 
 Ships 
 Mariners 
 
 4 
 62 
 
 the King's 
 
 Ships 
 
 25 
 
 Seaton 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 419 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 25' 
 
 London 
 
 Ships 
 
 25 
 
 Sidhoth 
 
 Ships 
 
 3 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 662 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 62 
 
 Alford 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Exmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 10 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 24 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 ^93 
 
 Hoo, 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Tegmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 7 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 24 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 120 
 
 Maidflone 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 Dartmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 32 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 59 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 283 
 
 Neivhith 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 Portfmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 45 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 96 
 
 Margate 
 
 Ships 
 
 15 
 
 Plymouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 26 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 160 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 603 
 
 Morten 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 7~alme 
 
 Ships • 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 21 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 47 
 
 FeverJIjam 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Foy 
 
 Ships 
 
 47 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 25 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 770 
 
 Sandwich 
 
 Ships 
 
 22 
 
 Brijlol 
 
 Ships 
 
 22 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 504 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 60S 
 
 Dover 
 
 Ships 
 
 16 
 
 Tinmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 336 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 52 
 
 Wight 
 
 Ships 
 
 13 
 
 Hafli?igs 
 
 Ships "'^l'"' 
 
 5 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 226 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 g6 
 
 JVinchelfey 
 
 Ships 
 
 21 
 
 Rumney 
 
 Ships 
 
 4 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 13 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 63 
 
 W^mouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 Rye 
 
 Ships 
 
 9 
 
 ' ' 
 
 Mariners 
 
 263 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 156 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 Heth
 
 Book IL' 
 
 Sir William 
 
 MonfonV Na^al Travis, 
 
 ^57 
 
 Heth 
 
 Ships 
 
 6 
 
 IVoodhoufe 
 
 Ships 
 
 I Momof 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 111 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 22 ^^^^^ 
 
 Shcrekam 
 
 Ships 
 
 20 
 
 Strockeetb 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 329 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 16 
 
 Sofford 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 Burton 
 
 Ships 
 
 3 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 80 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 30 
 I 
 
 Newmouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Swinfieet 
 
 Ships 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 18 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 10 
 
 Hamhook 
 
 Ships 
 
 7 
 
 Saltfleet 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 
 Manners 
 
 117 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 49 
 
 Hoke 
 
 Ships 
 
 II 
 
 Grimsby 
 
 Ships 
 
 12 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 208 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 170 
 
 Southampton 
 
 Ships 
 
 21 
 
 IVainfleet 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 51^ 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 40 
 
 Lymington 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 Wrangle 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 ^59 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 8 
 
 Poole 
 
 Sliips 
 
 4 
 
 Lemi, or 
 
 Ships 
 
 16 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 94 
 
 Lynn 
 
 Mariners 
 
 382 
 
 IVarham 
 
 Ships 
 
 3 
 
 Blackney 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 59 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 3« 
 
 Stvanfey 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Scarborough 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 29 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 19 
 
 tlfordcomh 
 
 Ships 
 
 6 
 
 2^armouth 
 
 Ships 
 
 43 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 79 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 95*^ 
 
 Patricks- 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Dunwiih 
 
 Ships 
 
 C 
 
 toison 
 
 Mariners 
 
 27 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 102 
 
 Poknvan 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Orford 
 
 Ships 
 
 3 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 60 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 62 
 
 IVadworth 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Goford 
 
 Sliips 
 
 13 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 14 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 3°3 
 
 Cardiff 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Harwich 
 
 Ships 
 
 14 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 51 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 283 
 
 Bridgisater 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Ipfwich 
 
 Ships 
 
 12 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 14 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 239 
 
 Carmarthen 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Merfey 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 16 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 6 
 
 Carlchef- 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Brickkfey 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 ivortb 
 
 Mariners 
 
 12 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 61 
 
 Malbrook 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Colcheflcr 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 12 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 IVhitbanes 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 rhe North- Eaft. 
 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 »7 
 
 
 
 
 Maiden 
 
 Ships 
 
 2 
 
 Bamhurgh 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 3^ 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 9 
 
 Dervsin 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Neivcaftk 
 
 Ships 
 Mariners 
 
 17 
 
 140 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 15 
 
 IFalcrich 
 
 Ships 
 Mariners 
 
 I 
 12 
 
 
 Cinque Ports. 
 
 
 Harlipook 
 
 Ships 
 
 5 
 
 Haflings 
 
 Twenty-one fliips with 
 
 twenty- 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 145 
 
 
 one men each, and a gr 
 
 ummet. 
 
 Hull 
 
 Ships 
 
 16 
 
 Romney 
 
 Twenty-one fhips,each 
 
 twcnty- 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 466 
 
 
 one men, and a grummet. 
 
 l^ork 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Heth 
 
 Five fliips. 
 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 9 
 
 Dover 
 
 Twenty-one fliips. 
 
 
 Ravenfer 
 
 Ships 
 
 I 
 
 Sandivich 
 
 Five fliips to be raifcc 
 
 I out of 
 
 
 Mariners 
 
 17 
 
 
 goods, and not of land. 
 
 They were, upon forty days warning, to 
 furnifli thefe Ihips tor fifteen days, upon their 
 own charge, after fetting fail ; and to do it 
 every year, if they were demanded ; the rcfl: 
 of the time the king to pay them. 
 
 N°. 100. Vol, III. 
 
 The privilege of the Cinque Ports w.is 
 firfl: granted by St. Edward the Confcjjcr, 
 and IFilliam the Conqueror., and continued 
 by the fucceeding kings. 
 
 Ttt 
 
 Of
 
 258 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 MONSON. _ _ , 
 
 u/^Y'>J Of the Sovereignty of the Seas of England, 
 and of the Right belonging to Admirals in 
 the fame, as is to be feen in ike Records 
 in the Tower. 
 
 TO you lorils auditors, deputed by 
 the kings of England and of France, 
 to redrds the wrongs done to the peop'e 
 of their kingdoms and of their territories 
 fubjcct to their dominions by fea and by land, 
 in the time of peace, and in truce, the 
 procurators of the prelates, nobles, and 
 admirals of £"^^/aW, and of the commonal- 
 ties of cities and towns, and of merchants, 
 mariners, merchant-ftrangers, and of all 
 orhers of the laid kingdom of England, 
 and the territories fubjett to the dominion 
 of the (itid king of England, and other 
 places, as of the coaft of Genoa, Catalonia, 
 Spain, Almany, Zealand, Holland, Denmark, 
 and Nor-d-ay, and of divers other places ot 
 the empire, doth fliew •, 
 
 That whereas the kings of England, by 
 reafon of the faid kingdom, from times 
 whereof there is no memory to the contrary, 
 that it had been in peaceable pofTelfion ot 
 the fovercign dominions of the fea of Ejig- 
 land, and of the ifles of the fame, in ma- 
 king and eflablifliing laws and reftraints of 
 arms, and of fliips otherwife furnidied, 
 as ftiips of merchandize to be, and in ta- 
 king furety, and affording fafeguard in all 
 cafes, where need Ihall be, and in ordering 
 all other things neceflary for maintaining 
 of peace, right, and equity, between all 
 manner of people, as well of other domi- 
 nions as of their own, pafTing through the 
 faid feas, and the fovereign guard thereof-, 
 and in doing jullice to high and low, ac- 
 cording to the faid laws, ftatutes, ordi- 
 nances and reftraints, and in all other things 
 may appertain to the exercife of fove- 
 reign dominion, in the places aforefaid. 
 And A. de B. admiral of the faid fea, de- 
 puted by the king of England, and all o- 
 ther admirals ordained by the faid king of 
 England, had been in peaceable pofTeffion 
 of the faid fovereign guard, with the cog- 
 nizance of juftice, and all other appurte- 
 nances, except in cafe of appeal, and of 
 complaint made of them to their fove- 
 ■ reigns the kings of England, in default of 
 juftice, and for evil judgment ; and efpe- 
 cially for making of flay, doing of juftice, 
 and taking furety of the peace of all fliips 
 aforefaid, otherwife furniftied, and fet forth 
 otherwife than appertains to a merchant's 
 fhip; and in all other points, where a 
 man may have reafonable caufe to fufpcft 
 them of robbery, or any other mifdemea- 
 nor. And whereas the fhips of the faid 
 kingdom of England, in the abfence of the 
 faid admirals, have been in peaceable pof- 
 lefTion of taking cognizance, and judging 
 
 2 
 
 of all adions done In the faid fea, betv/een 
 all manner of people, according to the faid 
 laws, ftatutes, reftraints, and cuftoms : And 
 whereas in the firft article of alliance lately 
 made between thefud kings, in their treaties 
 upon the laft peace of Paris, are compriz'd 
 the words following in a fchedule annexed to 
 thefe prefents. 
 
 " Firft, it is treated and agreed, betwixt 
 " us and the mefTengers and procurators 
 " aforeliiid, in the names of the fliid 
 " kings. That the faid kings fhould from 
 " this time forward be, one to the other, 
 " good, true, and loyal friends, in aiding 
 " and allifting againft all men, fave the 
 " church of Rome, in fuch manner. That 
 " if any one or more, whatfoever they be, 
 " would difinherir, hinder, or molcft the 
 " f^iid kings, in the franchifes, liberties, 
 " privileges, rights, duties, or cuftoms of 
 " them, and of their kingdoms, they fhall 
 " be good and loyal friends, in aiding a- 
 " gainfl all men that may live or die, to 
 " defend, keep, or maintain the franchizes, 
 " liberties, privileges, rights, duies, and 
 " cuftoms aforefaid, (except the king of 
 " England, monfieur John duke of Bra- 
 " bant, and his heiis defcending of him, 
 "" and of the daughter of the king of E7ig- 
 " land, and except to our aforefaid lord 
 " the king of Frajtce, the excellent prince 
 " John earl of Uainault •,) and that the one 
 " fhould not be of council, or aiding, 
 " where the other may lofe life, member, 
 " eftate, or temporal honour." 
 
 Monfieur Reynault Grimbault, who ftiles 
 himfelf admiral of the f(;a aforefaid, depu- 
 ted by his lord the king of France in his 
 war againft the Flemmings, contrary to the 
 fliid alliance, and the intention of him that 
 made it, wrongfully aflijmed the office of 
 admiralty in the faid fea o': England, by the 
 commifTion of the fiid king of France, and 
 ufed the fame one year and more, taking the 
 people and the merchants of the kingdom 
 of England, and of other places, pafTing 
 through the faid fea, with their goods •, and 
 deliveied the people fo taken to the pri- 
 fons of his faid lord the king of France, 
 and caufcd their goods and merchandize, 
 by his judgment and award, to be brought 
 to the receivers deputed by the faid king 
 of France in the ports of his faid king- 
 dom, as to him forfeited and accruing j 
 and the taking and determining of the f^iid 
 people with their faid goods and merchan- 
 dize, as alfo his faid judgtnent and award, 
 hath juftified before you lords auditors 
 in writing, by virtue and authority of 
 his faid commiilion of the admiralty afore- 
 faid, by him ufurped, and during a re- 
 ftraint fo generally made by the king 
 
 of
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracis, 
 
 ^59 
 
 of E)tghnd^ by reafon of his power, and ac- 
 cording to the fonn of the thirci article of 
 the alliance aforcfaid, which contains the 
 words underwritten, requiring that he might 
 be acquitted and abfolved of the lame, to 
 the great damage and prejudice of the laid 
 king ot England, tiie prelates, nobles, and 
 others above named. 
 
 Wherefore the fiid procurators, in the 
 names of the faid lords, do pray you lords 
 auditors aforellxid, That you caufe due and 
 ipeedy delivery of their laid people, of their 
 goods and merchandize fo taken and de- 
 tained, to be made the admiral of the faid 
 king of England, and to whom the cogni- 
 zance ot the lame of right appertains, as 
 is before exprefs'd •, for tiiat without the 
 dilUirbance of you, or any other, he may 
 take cognizance thereof, and do that which 
 appertains to his office aforefaid. 
 
 And that the faid Monfieur Rcynaiilf 
 GrimbauU be condemned, and conlbained 
 to make due iatisfixftion to all the parties 
 damnify'd, fo hr forth as he fliall be able •, 
 and in his default, his faid lord tlie king of 
 France, by whom he was deputed to the 
 faid office ; and that after due (;itisfii6tion 
 made to the parties damnify'd, the faid 
 Monfieur GrimbauU be fo duly puniflied, 
 for the violation of the faid alliance, that 
 his punilliment may be an example to others 
 in time to come. * 
 
 Thus much for England's authentick 
 proofs of her fovereignty on the feas in 
 thele latter times, 
 
 A more ancient Proof, of the Sovereignty of 
 the Seas. 
 
 BUT England may plead a more ancient 
 fovereignty o'er the feas ; and not on- 
 ly the Narrow feas that divide France and 
 her, but alfo all other feas that encompafs 
 her, as well eafl and weft, as north and 
 ibuth. 
 
 Julius Agricola was the firfl: that iail'd 
 about England and Scotland, and fubdued 
 the iflands of Orkney, when England was 
 called Britain. 
 
 King Edgar made his fummer's progrefs, 
 as appears upon record, by failing about 
 the whole iQand of Albion, and was guarded 
 with a navy of four thoufand fail, which 
 he divided into four fquadrons, and ap- 
 pointed one thoufiind fliips to every fqua- 
 dron. 
 
 King Arthur fubdued Ireland, Izeland, 
 Kcrvjay, Gothland, and many other king- 
 doms; which he could not have done, if 
 he had not been mafter ot all the then known 
 world by fea, and in fliipping. 
 
 And if we fpeak of our Engliflj conqucfts 
 iince IVilliam of Normandy, we fliall find 
 
 that Richard I. in his cxpcdiiion to y,rnf;- Moti-o: 
 le})7, in 1090. had with him two hundred -^V^ 
 and fifty-four tall fhips, and fixty galleys. 
 
 Prince Edivard, fon to Henry III. in his 
 voyage to AJia in 1270. had a gallant navy 
 of fhips, which God bleflcd above other 
 princes that joined with him in that expe- 
 dition -, for lie loft never a fliip by tempcffi 
 v.'hen the others had one hundred and twen- 
 ty fail cafl away. 
 
 Edward III. had a fleet at one lime of 
 one thoufind one hundred vefTcls •, and be- 
 caufe it lliail the better appear, I have fet 
 down the particular numbers of them and 
 their men, with the names of tiieir ports 
 from whence they were furniflied, imme- 
 diately before thefe two difcourfes of the 
 fovereignty of the narrow feas. 
 
 And as for the time of queen Elizabeth^ 
 I have fet down her ofFenfive and dtfcnfive 
 fleets in the faid firfl book : and comparing 
 the ftrength at fea in the days of king 
 Ja7nes and king Charles, we may very well 
 fiy and conclude that they are treble to 
 thofe in the queen's time, both tor the num- 
 ber, greatnels, and goodnels of fliips. 
 
 I'he ruftical people that go about to im- 
 pugne the prerogative due to England by 
 fea, are the Hollanders, not only by calum- 
 nations and malicious praftices, but by 
 fcandalous pamphlets, which they divulge 
 to prove the liberty of the fea. 
 
 But the nature of thole bafe people 
 ought to be c^nfidered, who turn all things 
 topfy-turvy, and make it their bufincfs to 
 alter an(i change the courfe of the world, 
 and the laws antiently fetded in it: They 
 withfland the rightful power of kings, e- 
 flablifhed by God himfelf, and calt it 
 upon beer-brewers and baflcet-makei-s, 
 whom they obey as kings : they make the 
 chiefeft offenders judges, and the jufleft 
 judges delinquents; and therefore it is no 
 marvel, if they ufe his majefty malepertly 
 at fea, that treat their natural prince re- 
 bellioufly on land : but mark the end of 
 fuch aftions, wherein they offend God more 
 than man •, and commonly fuch injuries 
 never efcape without cruel revenge in the 
 end. 
 
 Preftdents, known to the author, of Princes, 
 as well Turks as Chriffians, Jlanding 
 up for prerogatives in their feas and 
 
 forts. 
 
 THE prerogative of princes, within 
 their own dominions, is without li- 
 mit, and ever received and praftifed by con- 
 fent of all kings and monarchs -, for which 
 reafon princes are bound to maintain one 
 anothers rights in that point. 
 
 And to put the cale in the accident late- 
 ly happened in the Downs, through the 
 
 infolcncv
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al tracts. 
 
 160 
 
 MoN^cr. inlolt-nry of the IloUamicrs furprizing certain 
 ^^V^*' Unps of Dunkirk, I contefs, though the in- 
 jury and lofs be great to tlie king of Sfain's 
 fubjccts, whofc Ihips were taken, yet the 
 intligniiy is mucli more to his majcRy than 
 to the others, becaul"e tliey were forced 
 away from under his protection and fafe- 
 guard. 
 
 All ports and harbours of princes are 
 filled their chambers, and as dutifully to be 
 cblerved and reverenced by ftrangers rc-fort- 
 ing to them, as the o[hcrs are •, and therefore 
 the Hallantlcrs might as well have ilized 
 on the perfon of a Dunkirker within his 
 majefty's chamber and prefence, as have of- 
 fered this inexcufablc contempt within any 
 of his majerty's ports. 
 
 And bccaufe examples and precedents are 
 the rules, in fuch cafes, to make good 
 princes rights, and uphold their honours, 
 I will colled fome accidents that happened 
 in the reign of queen Elizabeth, of famous 
 memory, and Henry III. then king of 
 France; I will profecute the like cales in 
 the time of king James ; and laftly, of the 
 king of Barhary, a Mahometan, who yet 
 {lands as much upon the prerogative of his 
 ports, as though he had power to maintain 
 them by niip[nng. 
 
 In the year I5!5 8, when the i'/rtw^j fleet 
 was put from its anchor by our firelhips in 
 the road of Calais, the admiral of the four 
 gallcafles, Don Hugo de Moncado, was forced 
 afliore, and there wreck'd ; whereupon my 
 lord admiral commanded her to be at- 
 tempted with fome fhip-boats manned out 
 of his fleet j and making an attempt upon 
 her, the governor of Calais, monfieur Giir- 
 don, thought it fuch an indignity to his 
 niafter, that he fliot at the Englifi, and de- 
 fended the galleafs, which otherwife had 
 been in our power to have burnt. 
 
 That fame year, and in the ftme aftion 
 of 1588. one of the galleons of Spain put 
 into Newhaven in Normandy ; which queen 
 Elizabeth underflianding, fent fome of her 
 fl-iips to furprize her in the harbour •, and 
 as her fliips were bearing into the faid port, 
 they were forbidden to meddle with her, 
 with fliot from the caftle -, which we o- 
 bey'd, tho' it is well known, that in thofe 
 days the French king did much more favour 
 the queen and her proceedings, than the 
 king of Spain ; but it is true, that princes 
 are always more jealous of their honours, 
 than private perfons. 
 
 King James, after his acceflion to the 
 crown, finding that many occafions of con- 
 troverfy were like to arife betwixt the 
 Dunkirkers and Hollanders, who were then 
 at war, and the king a friend to both, he 
 dlrcifled by his proclamation, how far he 
 would protcdt either of them that ihould 
 
 Book IL 
 
 firft arrive under his protedion, command- 
 ing fuch fliips as fliculd arrive firfl: in any 
 of his ports, that they fl")ould have liberty 
 of two tides to xiepart before they fliould 
 be purfued by the enemy : And bec^ufe lie 
 would have the extents of his chamber de- 
 clared, for all nations to take notice of its 
 limits cxprefled therein, he caufed it to be 
 drawn by a line from headland to headlan 1, 
 by the advice of the 'Triiiily-Houfe, who 
 could bcft determine it. This ad of his 
 was duly obfervcd during the time of the 
 wars betwixt Spain and Holland ; though 
 at the beginning the Hollanders found thein- 
 felvcs much grieved at this decree of the 
 king's, when they could not have their 
 wills upon feveral fhips of Dunkirk that 
 aixived in the Downs ; for Sir PFilliam 
 Monfon was very careful and watchful to 
 obferve and obey his majefty's commands, 
 without regard or refpedl to either of 
 them. 
 
 And whereas a fliip of Dunkirk arriving 
 at Fortfmouth, through Ibme defed the 
 captain Ibid her, referving her tackling, 
 ordnance, and rigging, which he fhipped 
 in an Englijh barque for Dunkirk, but by 
 contrary winds the barque put into the 
 Downs at a time v^hen none of his maje- 
 fty's fliips were there riding, an Holland 
 (hip having intelligence of it, againfl: the 
 honour of the king he feized upon her, and 
 carried her into Holland ; but this affront 
 being made known to his majefty by mon- 
 fieur Habiik, then ambafTador for the arch- 
 duke, his majefty caufed reftitution of fliip 
 and goods to be made ; and the ftates 
 ieemed oftended with the captain that did 
 it. 
 
 Laftly, Forafmuch as concerns the king 
 of Morocco, all fuch Engliflmien as trade 
 into Barhary can teftify. That if any lliip, 
 abiding in any of his ports, be aflailed by 
 any ifrange nation, (as I will make com- 
 parifbn betwixc an EnglijJjman and a Spa- 
 niard •,) If an Englijhman fhall ofter to 
 furprize a Spayfiard in any of his faid ports, 
 the beft revenge he can take, and as I have 
 known him offer to do, in a cafe of my 
 ov/n. Anno 1587. he will inftanily feize 
 upon the perfons and goods of all thole Eng- 
 Ijjh that are refident and trading in his 
 country, and confifcate both lives and mer- 
 chandize ; fo much regard he has to the re- 
 putation and ftate of monarchy. 
 
 And befides thete precedents of preroga- 
 tives of princes aforefaid, the civil law,which 
 is univerlal, and decides all controverfies at 
 fea, has adjudged this cafe amicus foli, 
 {viz.) If a Ihip taken by an enemy, be 
 brought into the port of a friend to both, 
 the prize not having been at home with 
 him, that took her before arrival in a 
 
 ii iend's
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na-val Tra6fs, 
 
 I6i 
 
 friend's country, fhe is as free as if flie therefore punilhabic, I refer to conlidcra-MoKson. 
 
 had not been taken. And if this be a re- tion ; for harbours and pores of princes arc -^"V^^ 
 
 folution in the law, how mucli more is a facred tilings, and not to be dillurbcd or 
 
 prince injured by the cafe alorefaid, and qucRioncd. 
 
 A difcotirje dircBed to the fuhjcSfs, exhorting them to pay Jhip-w.oncy^ and 
 contribute 'with their fortunes and perfom to piinijL the i7iJoiendcs of the 
 Dutch. 
 
 CUftom becomes law, which can plead no 
 ancienter right, efpecially where that 
 cuflom is maintained by force and power-, 
 for it is an old laying, That culloni has 
 taught nations, realbn men, and nature 
 bealts. Tyrants will not admit of cuflom, 
 nor fubmit to the jufticc of their caufc, but 
 to their own proper power and will : but, 
 God be thanked, this kingdom never ad- 
 mitted of tyrants titles, but of their true 
 inheritors, defccnding from their anceftors; 
 and if this defcent were at any time im- 
 pugned by ufurpers, the violence lalled not 
 long, but right took place, like the true 
 religion, which pefliferous herefies could 
 never darken or fupprefs. 
 
 And as antiquity, defcent, and jurtice, 
 have crowned the kings of this land with 
 lawful authority, from our firlt JVilliam to 
 this very day ; fo have the feas given as 
 authentick privileges and prerogatives to 
 the kings thereof, by conlent of foreign 
 nations, as the former record doth declare; 
 and ever fince \vc have held an undoubted 
 fucceffion, which makes our title the more 
 ftrong and potent. For, firft, we plead con- 
 fent and allowance of other countries. Se- 
 condly, the long ufe and execution of it. 
 Thirdly, a continual poffeffion without 
 contraditlion or oppofition. And, laftly, 
 our force, that in all ages has been able to 
 maintain it, in the fpightof any that fhould 
 gainfiy it.- 
 
 And as we have received this preroga- 
 tive from our fore-fathers, from whom all 
 other goodnels defcended, as both tradition 
 and records do witnefs; who fliould doubt 
 of the truth thereof.-' or who may not as 
 well queftion the clemency of Julius Cf- 
 far ? the magnificency ot Alexander ? or 
 the goodnefs of 'Trajan? If adfions and 
 accidents of times paft be not allowed, all 
 things that are gone before are like a dream, 
 which when -we awake we remember nor, 
 n.or know any thing of it. Cicero fiith. 
 That if a man knew no more tJian when 
 he is born, he fliould be always a child ; 
 for hiftory and monuments make he- 
 roical deeds to live again, which otherwife 
 would be buried in everlalling fbrgetful- 
 nefs. 
 
 But can there be a more approved telli- 
 monial, than that we live and enjoy the an- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 cient right left to the crown of this king- 
 dom, as n^-any ancient families have done 
 thrir lands and pofTcfTions to their heirs 
 and fuccellbrs, who fince, through the 
 lewdncfs of the times, have prodigally con- 
 liimcd them, and made thcmlclves the fcorn 
 of the world: therefore let the grc.iter niif- 
 chiets be fliunned by example of the lefs, 
 that WG may avoid the difgracc, imputa- 
 tion, aiul fliame, the Hollanders endeavour 
 to put upon us, by queflioning and deny- 
 ing the fovereignty of tlie fea, as is appa- 
 rent by their late infblent carriage to his 
 majefly's fliips lerving in the narrow feas; 
 an injury without fatisfaclion, unlefs we be 
 publickly righted by open proclamation, 
 not only in the excufe of the fail, but in 
 acknowledging his majefly's undoubted 
 right; which, if they deny to do, they 
 niuft be made to know, That the way to 
 wipe out oJd offences, is not to olTer new 
 ones. 
 
 But if ambiguous words, or feigned 
 promifes, will give us fati.sfadtion, no noubt 
 they will think it a litde lip-labour lor 
 their tongues to pronounce it; but in that 
 point they are like fpies, that will diffemble 
 one thing and fay another; it will be all 
 one to us to lie deaf, as to hearken to what 
 they fiy, unlefs we compel them per force; 
 for the nature of them is to be proud when 
 flicccfsful, and to become difloyal, and 
 bale withal; as on the contrary, when caft 
 down they will yield and fink under ca- 
 lamity, which is the right property of 
 cowards. 
 
 Here is an occafion offered for all true 
 Englijhmen, to have a feeling of a publick 
 and national wrong; for a reproach to 
 a difcreet man, is more than the lance of 
 an enemy. What affront can be greater, 
 or what can make a man valianter, than a 
 diflionour done to one's prince and country, 
 efpecially by a people that was wont to 
 know no more than how to catch, pickle, 
 and feed upon fifli, till now they are made 
 drunk with our Englifu beer.-* and fb rude 
 and unruly, that they flrike at us their next 
 and befl neighbours and friends ? 
 
 But iw<:.<t our Englijij beer h.as that ope- 
 ration on their brains, let us keep it from 
 them; and let them find the effect of our 
 laws againfl drunkards, which is the 
 U u u whip-
 
 l6i 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval T'raSh. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 MoMscN. whipping-poft, as not worthy of a better 
 ''"^""^'^'^ revenge i tor a prince that piinifhcs publick 
 offenajs, and forgives private injuries to 
 hi mil-it, has true honour. 
 
 Towards this defence of our reputation, 
 it is requifite fome be aiding with money, 
 and otl>crs with tlieir perfons. They that 
 have not the one, mull fupp'.y tlie deled 
 with the other : let the rich ailill in liberal 
 payment ; and leave the rell to the valour 
 of Ibldiers, who will think of nothing but 
 revenges fuitable to the wrong: and no- 
 thing claims revenge more than a contempt 
 of our prince. 
 
 This done, the next thing to be recom- 
 mended is celerity, as the principal advan- 
 tage in v/ar ; and therefore let us dildain, 
 and not dally with the Hollanders ; for it 
 gives a coward courage : our houies are not 
 made of glafs, diat we need fear their throw- 
 ing ftoncs-, we fhall find them like a lion, 
 not fo fierce as he is painted, nor themfelves 
 fo terrible as they are imagined. Let us 
 ftrike, and not threaten ; for that is wo- 
 manifhi and it is an old fixying, That a 
 threaten'd man eats bread. 
 
 Yet let not what we do, be done in fu- 
 ry, for fury admits no reafon: let our 
 actions be governed with difcretion and 
 temper-, for raflinels caufes repentance; and 
 he that fecks not to avoid danger, and with 
 valour to encounter it, tempts God more 
 than he trufts in him. The greateft glory 
 of a commander, is to obtain a viftory with 
 the lealt lofs -, for ftratagems of war are the 
 produdts of wifdom ; and fecrecy is requi- 
 iite to conceal all defigns from the enemy, 
 who is better overcome by policy, than dint 
 of valour. 
 
 The property of a foldier is to be coura- 
 gious in fight, and free from fear; for the 
 true valiant man loves life, and fears not 
 death: he is fpurrcd on by revenge when 
 injuries require it, and knowing that death 
 cannot be avoided, is the lefs afraid of it. 
 We fee daily what little value life is of, fince 
 every foldier will venture it for fix-pence. 
 The badge a foldier fhould bear, ought to 
 be writ m his forehead. For my God., my 
 ■prince., and country., I adventure my life. 
 Then feeing death is of fo little value, and 
 the honour of one's prince of fuch high 
 efteem, let us not fliew ourfelves fo indiiie- 
 rent, as to regard whether we die or live : 
 let us feek to imitate the Lacedemonians., 
 among whom a matron being told they 
 only had the rule of their hufbands, an- 
 fwered. It was no wonder., becaufe they onh 
 brought forth valiant children. I need fay 
 no more to this point, fince you are Englijh- 
 fnen, and therefore brave: you fee your 
 prince and country injur'd and affronted; 
 which your anceltors were never wont to 
 put up, without bitter revenge. The peo- 
 
 ple that do this wrong, are fo inferior to 
 you, that they are unworthy the tide of 
 gentlemen, or the name of a nation ; their 
 original being drav.-n out of the lea, as by the 
 etymology of Zealand it appears, that is to 
 i;iy, lea and land: their lives, their religion, 
 their education, and breeding, dilTersasmuch 
 from the iociety of civil people of other 
 nations, as they differ from one another 
 in diverfity of feds and Ichifms. They live 
 more by falfe fame and fortune, than by any 
 truth fpoken of them; their fame is gain'd 
 by the inteffine war they maintain againft 
 their prince and country, and by the peo- 
 ple of the feveral nations that lerve them, 
 who fpread abroad their own glory and 
 praife, becaufe they are the aftors of their 
 wars. Few judge rightly of the caufe of 
 ■ their renown ; for if we take it truly as it 
 is in itfelf, it is the fituation of their coun- 
 try, their rivers, the fea filled with the 
 multitude of their fhips, and the jealoufy 
 other nations have of the greatnefs of Spain., 
 that are the true grounds on v/hich they 
 erecl their monuments of fame. 
 
 As for their Ibrrune, I do not marvel at 
 it; for fortune often favours the unjuft; and 
 God, who is tlie difpofcr of fortune, as all 
 things elfe, can change their good into bad; 
 and many times helLiif'eredi a wicked man to 
 climb, that he may give him the greater fall 
 when he is at his higheft: therefore let no- 
 thing difmay your heroical Ipirits, but go 
 on with your undertakings. 
 
 Now will I apply myfelf to men of 
 means and eftates, who mull bear the bur- 
 then, as the fbldicrs do the brunt of the 
 war. There are two motives that lead you 
 to revenge: the one is honour to our na- 
 tion ; the other a general and particular fe- 
 curity to yourfelves and country. The af- 
 front done you is often repeated, with the 
 qualities of the people that did it, which 
 are fuch as can claim no honour to them- 
 felves by the rules of Chriftianity ; which 
 makes the affront greater than from a king 
 or prince, who can diitinguifh concerning 
 giving or taking afl-ronts. A diigrace to few, 
 is born by a few; but when it is done to a 
 country, all men of that country ought to 
 have a feeling of it, by the law and rule of 
 Solon; and whereas a private man's repu- 
 tation is as dear to hini as his eyes, lb ought 
 (in a higher degree of comparilbn) the ho- 
 nour of our prince and country to be, as the 
 noble acts and deeds of the Rotnans have 
 taught by fundry examples. 
 
 1-ctnotthe meanneis, the bafenefs, and 
 the fituation of the HoUandsrs make us de- 
 fpife their force and abilities, to endanger 
 us ; for we want not precedents, that all the 
 tlourifliing and civil commonwealths of the 
 world, have been flibdued and conquered by 
 as mean and rude people us they are. Bren- 
 
 vus
 
 Book 11. 
 
 Sir William MonronV Ncfjal TmCis. 
 
 16} 
 
 nus was enticed to the conqueft of Italy, by 
 the fweet and delicious wines that country 
 afforded, whicii ncitiicr he nor his foidicrs 
 had ever tailed. Tlie air, tlic foil, and 
 plenty, drew the Go//&j, the Hums, and the 
 Vandals, from out of the habitations of 
 fnow and ice, to people the delightfonic 
 foiithern parts, where the fun fpraids forth 
 his beams and heat. All goodnefs that is 
 comprehended in thefc fouthern countries, 
 abounds in England, and is much dcfircd 
 by the Hollamiers, who well know the Hate 
 of it and us. 
 
 You are not ignorant what will enfue by 
 their labouring to exceed us in fliipping •, 
 for if they prevail, you fliall find our laws 
 and government obnoxious to them : your 
 fair buildings without, and ornaments with- 
 in, will give better accommodation loHaunfe 
 than a mean cabin in a fifhcrboat, which is 
 their ordinary abode. There is nothing fo 
 unjuft or cruel, which they will not find a 
 tQ\i of fcripture to execute upon you, they 
 are fo perfeft in the interpretation of it. 
 Our danger is the greater by our neighbour 
 having, as it were, but a pond betwixt us; 
 but efpecially through the ignorance of our 
 vulgar people, infituated with their repub- 
 lican government, with their ridiculous and 
 phantaftica! religion, and with their ima- 
 gined integrity and fincerity -, but princi- 
 pally out of faction and difcontent againft 
 tlie time we live in, not having fenfe to 
 confider the benefit they receive, nor ever 
 ceafing to flander the aflions of others. But 
 let them beware ; for it is better for the 
 moufe and frog to agree, than for the kite 
 to be umpire. It will be better for you to 
 contribute now, whilft you have fomething, 
 than to be bereaved of all you have. He 
 that hath nothing adventures nothing, and 
 is as ready to make havock of you as an 
 enemy. 
 
 The queftion will be, whether fear or co- 
 vetoufnels fhall prevail? Fear makes you 
 prevent the worft •, but covetoufnefs keeps 
 you from preventing it, when money is 
 required. Fear is not fo grievous to a mi- 
 ferable man that only hears of it, but does 
 not fee it, becaufe he prefumeth his wealth 
 will defend him. But let him beware ; for 
 where law ferves not, weapons have power 
 over him and his wealth ; and then he will 
 have caufe to fay, that poverty was bad, 
 but riches much worle -, when it bi ings him 
 into that thraldom which he will be forced 
 to confcfs was not caufed by poverty, but 
 by too much plenty, and want of dilcre- 
 lion and grace to enoploy it. 
 
 You are like a covetous man, who, out 
 of avarice, will not be at the charge of 
 mending his chimney, to avoid the hazard 
 of burning his houfe ; or the flopping of 
 an inundation of water, with the coil of 
 
 cafling up ot^ a bank. But here you will Monson. 
 meet with worfe than fire or water, th.it is, \-or>J 
 with a mercilefs unavoidable war, where all 
 comfort fliall be taken away, but only thac 
 you fhall fee your enemies in as ill cafe as 
 yourfclves. Do like the matrons of Rome, 
 in cafe of necefllty, who wanting a cup of 
 gold to prefent \.o Jpollo, contributed to- 
 wards it with their jewels and bracelets -, for 
 which they received the reward of virtue, 
 honour and fame. And to conclude, thefe 
 changes will make you confefs and find, 
 that man is the pattern of frailty, the fpoil 
 of time, the game of fortune, the image of 
 inconftancy, • and the trial of envy : dicre- 
 fore trufl not the world, for it pays not 
 what it i'eems to promife. 
 
 The author's reafons why the king did not 
 fountr refoit the ivrcngs offend him by the 
 Dutch ; and for his Jetting cut the fleet in 
 1635- 
 
 THE king, out of his great provi- 
 dence and willlom, weighing the ftate 
 of things, as they then flood abroad, thought 
 not good by force and flrength to right 
 himfclt upon the Hollanders for their info- 
 lencies committed in the Narrow feas, 
 though all the world knew he had a power 
 by the force of his navy to revenge him- 
 felf on them -, but his majcfty gracioufly 
 rather imputed the Hollanders carriage to 
 the rude, ruflical, and unmannerly behavi- 
 our of ibme of their captains, who were ne- 
 ver taught morality, civility, humanity, or 
 honefly : wherefore his majefly held it fit- 
 ter in this cafe, that their mafters the flates 
 fliould know their errors by a fharp re- 
 prehcnfion, declared by his maj>;fly's rcfi- 
 dent there abiding, than by any way at 
 prefent to chafbize them. He alfo law 
 that his neighbour princes were diflraded, 
 and ftrove underhand to join in league one 
 widi another, for the befl advantage of their 
 fl.ue, wherein he was to behold and expedt 
 the luccefs and event of things then in hand, 
 and to be no more afTured of one's friend- 
 fhip than of another's, till this year 16^5 
 his majefly had trial of the Hollanders in- 
 conftancy and unthankful proceedings; for 
 contrary to the rules of common honefly, 
 they negleded his majcfly's repeated offers 
 of peace, to make an end of thofe long and 
 intcftine v/ars, both themfeives and their 
 predeccirors had long fuftercd under : but, 
 I lliy, they little regarding or eftccming his 
 favours in that kind, rather caft themielves 
 upon France, that offered to fupport and 
 maintain their ancient and unlawful divi- 
 fions. 
 
 After much working, and ambafliidors 
 often palBng between them and France, at 
 lall they concluded on an ofTenfive and de- 
 
 fcnfivc
 
 i64 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads. 
 
 Book H. 
 
 fenfu-e league, by which France was to de- 
 clare war agaiiilt %/';/. The confcquences 
 of fuch a league being dangerous, and an 
 unlimited ambition never with fafcty to be 
 trufted, his majefty had jull caufe to be 
 fulpicious of thefe innovations : he had rea- 
 fon to weigh thefe things, and to confider 
 why Holland and France fliould fo ftrictly 
 combine and league togetiier, both ot them 
 being neighbours to him •, and why it 
 fliould be now hallened more than in for- 
 mer times, when France and England gave 
 an indifferent and a fufficient relief to Hol- 
 land by confent. 
 
 The king alfo feeing the ambitious enter- 
 prizes of France, affilled and animated by 
 Holland, to dillurb the Chriftian and peace- 
 able commonwealth of Europe, and unjuft- 
 ly to feize upon his neighbouring territo- 
 ries, without caufe given, yea, not fparing 
 by treachery and force to enjoy the coun- 
 tries of his weakeft and nearcft friend, the 
 ancient ftate of Lorrain, which lay in his 
 way, to hinder his unlawful defigns ; thefe 
 were fufficient motives and reafons, for the 
 king's majefty to behold his own cafe with 
 an eye of prevention. But efpecially find- 
 
 ing a combination betwixt France and Hol- 
 land, to divide and devour the provinces 
 of Flanders betwixt them, and to poflefs 
 the maritime towns, as Dunkirk, and others, 
 oppofite to England, this made his majefty 
 to think how to quench the fire that might 
 flame into his own houfc: and having in- 
 telligence that they were both of them to 
 join in one fleet, a thing not ufually done 
 by the French; and they making no pub- 
 lick declaration of the defign of their fliips, 
 as commonly princes uie to do in fuch 
 cafes, his majefty could make no lefs con- 
 ftruiSlion, than that they intended to de- 
 prive him of his ancient and allow'd pre- 
 rogative of the Narrozv feas, which beho- 
 ved him as much to defend as his kingdom; 
 for he that covets the one, will do as much 
 by the other, if it were in his power to ef- 
 feft it : wherefore his majefty armed thefe 
 fliips following to fea, to inquire reafon at 
 their hands; not intending to injure any 
 nation, but to keep himfclf and fubjefts 
 from being injured, and to curb the info- 
 lency and pride of any people that fliould 
 go about to infringe his royal prerogative. 
 
 A navy Jet out by his majejly in the year 1635. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 "The Mere-honour, a fliip royal. 
 
 The James^ 
 
 The Siviftfure, 
 
 Ihe George, 
 
 The St. Andrew, 
 
 The Henrietta Maria, 
 
 The Vanguard, 
 
 The Rainbow, 
 
 The Lyon, 
 
 The Reformation, 
 
 The Leopold, 
 
 The Mary-Rofe, 
 
 The Adventure, 
 
 The Sivallozv, 
 
 The Antelope, 
 
 Ihe Lyon^s Second Whelp, 
 
 The Lion's Third Whelp, 
 
 The Lion's Eighth Whelp, 
 
 The Lion's Tenth Whelp, 
 
 Merchant-fhips, 
 The Samp/on, 
 The Royal Exchange, 
 The Freeman, 
 The Plciadei, 
 The William and Thomas, 
 The Minikin Catch, 
 
 THIS glorious and vidorious ileet 
 departed from Tilbury-Hope the 26th 
 of Afar, with direction and refolution to 
 2 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 Robert ea.T\ of Lindfey, admiral. 
 
 Sir William Monfon, vice-admiral. 
 
 Sir John Penington, rear-admiral. 
 
 Captain James Mountague. 
 
 Captain Walter Stenart. 
 
 Captain Thomas Porter. 
 
 Sir Francis Siddenham. 
 
 Captain Thomas Povey. 
 
 Captain John Menus. \ 
 
 The lord Paivlett. 
 
 Captain Leivis Kirke. ] 
 
 Captain George Cartwright. 
 
 Captain Parramore. 
 
 Captain Henry Stradling. 
 
 Captain Richard Fogge. 
 
 Captain Anthony Penruddock. ' 
 
 Captain Peter Lindfey. 
 
 Captain Thomas Price. 
 
 Captain William Smith. 
 
 Commanders. \ 
 
 Captain Thomas Kirke, 
 Captain John Hyde. 
 Captain Richard Fcilding. 
 Captain David Purrey. 
 Captain John Fletcher. 
 John Barton mafter. 
 
 give no occafion of hoftility, or to make 
 any nation enemy to his majefty ; only to 
 defend his and his kingdom's honour, 
 
 that 
 
 \
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra6is, 
 
 that had been lately and lavifhly taxed by 
 the vain boafting of a fleet of French and 
 Hollanders, which joined oft" Portland the 
 lafl ot May : their bragging pretence was to 
 queftion his majefty's prerogative on the 
 narrow fcas ; and tliey lluck not to pro- 
 claim wherefore they came ; but it is to be 
 oblerved, that the greatcft threateners are 
 the leaft fighters; and fo fired it with them ; 
 for they no fooner heard of our readinefs to 
 find them, but they pkicked in their horns, 
 and quitted our coaft, never more repairing 
 upon it ; which gave great fitisifaftion to 
 the (hires we pafTed, that before were ftruck 
 with a terror. And becaufe we would be 
 the better informed where the fleet was, and 
 what it did, we fent a bark upon the coaft 
 ot Briteiny, whither we knew they were re- 
 tired, and by it underfliood their defigns, 
 the weak condition of their fliips, heart, 
 and abilities, any more to look upon the 
 Englijh coaft. 
 
 From the time of the return of this bark, 
 till the firfl: of Oolcher, we made good our 
 feas and fliores, gave laws to our neighbour 
 nations, and reftored the ancient fovereign- 
 ty of the narrow feas to our gracious king, 
 as was ever due to his majelty's progeni- 
 tors. 
 
 Whilft this fleet was preparing, and mo- 
 ney raifing to furnifh it, there were many 
 idle, fadious, and fcandalous reports invent- 
 ed, and fpread abroad by dilafleded people. 
 Their fpeeches tended to the difhonour of 
 the king, and no lefs to the reproach of his 
 minifters of llate, faying, That the fitting 
 out of fuch a fleet, was but a colour to draw 
 money from the multitude, to be otherwife, 
 employed than was pretended : but when 
 they law the end in arming fuch a royal 
 navy, and the necefl"ity of it, to give terror 
 to the world, after lb many imputations 
 caft upon our nation by our former unfor- 
 tunate adlions at fea, it bread a great alte- 
 ration in the difpofition of people, as well 
 at home as abroad. 
 
 It appeared at home by the readinefs and. 
 willingnefs of thofe that before feemed to 
 oppofe it, and were mofl: averfe unto it ; 
 who now being (Iitisfied as to the miftruft 
 they had, fliewed themfelves more ready 
 and willing to contribute to it than others, 
 being fatisfied it fo nearly concerned the 
 honour of their king and country. 
 
 We may fay it had the like fuccefs a- 
 broad ; where, at the beginning of our pre- 
 parations, the gazetteers ftuck not to di- 
 vulge in all languages many falfe invented 
 reports, 
 of 
 
 the fubjedis, and their general denial to con- 
 tribute towards it with moneys ; befides 
 many other invented calumniations, which 
 now they find themfelves abufed and de- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Rnzlani 
 
 v^hich no doubt they receiv'd out 
 ^ as namely, the difcontent of 
 
 165 
 
 ceived in; for whofoevcr will fpcali withMossoi*. 
 travellers lately come from beyond fea, or ^^^"Y-^ 
 confer with merchants and others diat have 
 weekly intelligence and corrcfpondcnce by 
 letters from all parts of Europe, will find 
 what the world conceives of this fleet, and 
 the fear all nations apprehend of it, not 
 knowing which of them it may bring into 
 danger. They now acknowledge what wife 
 men in England knew before. That the king 
 and his kingdom could not be more ho- 
 noured, than by this noble expedition : the 
 terror of it has made them that did not 
 love us, at leaft to fear us. It has ftopped 
 the mouths of detraiflors, who now impute 
 our former ill-governed aftions, to the true 
 and infallible caufes, when witlefs partiality, 
 want of experience, and the vain ambition 
 of men in authority, more than reafon, had 
 the difpofing of them. 
 
 The Hollanders by this time I doubt not 
 find, that this royal fleet of ours is able to 
 make the feas quake under us where v/c 
 pafs, and themlelves to tremble when they 
 call to mind the intoUerable affronts they 
 have put upon us, fearing they may require 
 revenge ; for there is no nation naturally fo 
 bafe, fo foon elevated with good Ibrtune, 
 and dejeifled when they fee themfelves over- 
 mafter'd : they arc r.ifh and mad in their 
 fury and drink ; but want valour or courage 
 to juftify their adions, when they are fo- 
 ber, and call'd to an account for them. 
 
 But if the threatening fliew will not abate 
 their infuflerable infolencies, then let us con- 
 fider the ftate of their country, their har- 
 bours, their depths, or what advantage elfe 
 we can take of them by ftratagems, or 
 otherwife, if they offend us. I will begin 
 with the north part of Holland, and take 
 Zealand, and the ports of Flanders in my way, 
 till I arrive at Calais in Picardy, in the do- 
 minions of Franee. 
 
 I will not fpeak of the port of Ernhden, 
 becaufe it cannot be accounted Holland; for 
 properly it belongs to the earl of that name, 
 call'd the count of Embden ; but this town 
 imitating the precedent of rebellious Hol- 
 land, whofe dod:rine is to caft off the yoke 
 of monarchy, and to live under the rule 
 and government they have begun and 
 taught, the fubjeifls of the faid earl have 
 deprived him not only of his eftate, but 
 of his lite alfo. 
 
 But God, who is the revenger of all evil 
 aftions, and commonly inflicts the fame 
 punifhment on the adtors they oflend in, 
 has made an example of that city and coun- 
 try fince they pradtifed their foul treache- 
 ry againft iheir prince, infomuch as they 
 are now become moft flavifh to the Hol- 
 landers, who tyrannize over them with an 
 irrefiftable garrifon ; and thus they are op- 
 prefled without any hope of redemption. 
 
 X X X There
 
 166 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval ^ra^s. 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 MoNsoN. There is no comparifon for gooclncfs be- 
 v-^n^^^ twecn this iiaibour of Einhden in the eiift of 
 Frtczlcmi, and all others from Breji in Bri- 
 ta)r,\ till you come to it. Next to it, to 
 the fouthward, is the Texcl in Holland; it 
 lies north-eait and foiuh-wen:, forty-feven 
 leagues from the Foreland in Kent, and from 
 Tarmouth in Norfolk thirty-two leagues ; 
 not to foeak of the channel of the Fly, nor 
 another channel betwixt the Spanijh channel 
 and the Land-Deep, which are for imall 
 fliipping. I will defcribe the two main 
 channels, that is to fiy, the Spanijh Cut, 
 and the Land-Deep aforefaid -, they are both 
 of one fort and goodnefs, though not for 
 all winds i they flow at a fpring-tide twenty- 
 four foot, and tall fixteen at an ebb ; they 
 lead at a road under the ifland of Texel, 
 which defends them fiom the fea : this ifland 
 is poorly inhabited, and of fmall itrength, 
 as it is ufed ; but he that has it, has the 
 command of all the towns in that part of 
 Holland, Gelderland, and Friezland, who 
 can neither pafs in or out without the per- 
 mifilon of the ifland •, and this is my firft 
 obfervation of the advantage we can take 
 of Holland. 
 
 The next port of importance to Texel, is 
 theiVrt/} in Weft Holland, twenty-four leagues 
 fouth-weft and by fouth from thence, and 
 to the Foreland weft and by fouth twenty- 
 four leagues. The Nafs has three channels, 
 two better, and the third like the I'exel ; 
 all three meeting at the Bril, which com- 
 mands all fhips of Skedam, Roterdam, Delph- 
 Haven, Dort, and all other creeks there- 
 abouts. My fecond obfervation for our ad- 
 vantage, is to get pofl^clfion of the Bril, as 
 formerly we had. Two leagues from the 
 Maefc, fouth-wefl:, lies the Goree, the ftme 
 courfe and diflance from the Foreland in 
 England that the other is. This harbour 
 exceeds all the reft before named, having 
 eighteen foot at low water, with a large and 
 broad channel -, but not frequented by great 
 fliips but out of neceflity, when they have 
 not water fufficient to go into the Maefe, till 
 
 they have unladen part of their goods at 
 Gorec. 
 
 The caufe why this harbour is no more 
 in requcft, is, by rcafon that Roterdam and 
 the other towns before named ;u-e flir difliant 
 from thence •, and fuch merchandize as is 
 brought in great fliips to the Goree, muft 
 be tranfported in fmallcr veflels through a 
 creek called the Spy, whicli is a great delay, 
 trouble, and expence to the merchant. 
 
 Six leagues wefl: from thence lies the 
 ifland of IVaterland in Zealand, where Fluftj- 
 ing is feated. There are three channels like- 
 wife better than the refl:, except the Goree. 
 The inconveniency of thefe channels, is, that 
 they are long and narrow, and yet I have 
 known at fcveral times moli part of the 
 king's fliips turn in at the fVeelings. This 
 is fo well known to the Englijb, that there 
 needs no other repetition of it. 
 
 The next good harbour to FluJJjtng, lay- 
 ing afide Sluce, which is not worth naming, 
 is Oftend, twelve leagues wefl:-fouth-weit 
 from thence -, and eight leagues farther is 
 Dunkirk. 
 
 The king of Spain makes great ufe of 
 thefe two towns for annoying the Hollanders 
 by fea ; but a league and a half from Dun- 
 kirk, there is lately another harbour eredt- 
 ed, called Mardike, that will entertain a 
 whole fleet of the greateft fhips that fail on 
 the feas, and lies more to the hurt and da- 
 mage of England, than all the reft of the 
 harbours aforefaid ; and therefore if ever 
 wars fliould happen betwixt us and Spain^ 
 it would behove us to get pofTefi^ion of it, 
 for we have had a late trial of the mifchief it 
 hath done us by our late fliort war with Spain. 
 
 I confefs it will be a hard thing for us to 
 efFedt it, becaufe of the extraordinary forti- 
 fications to feaward ; and to think to keep 
 in their fliips by finking veflTels in the mouth 
 of the channel, is a folly ; for the quick- 
 fands are fuch upon that coaft, that as often 
 as a fliip fliall be funk, fhe will be fudden- 
 ly fwallowed up in the land ; fo that this 
 ftratagem v/ill not ferve. 
 
 An Introdiidiion to the E^rl of Northumberland^ Voyage in the Year 1636. 
 
 HIS majefly finding that the lafl year's 
 fleet of 1635. produced both fame 
 and fafety to himfelf and realm, as is ap- 
 parent by the voyage of that year, he re- 
 iblved to perfevere in his former refolutions, 
 that it fliouId not be looked upon by other 
 nations, as a fudden unpremeditated deter- 
 mination, or a vain needlefs oflentation, 
 to fliew what he could do, if put to it by 
 an enemy : therefore he prepared this year 
 1636. a fleet nothing inferior to the others, 
 to make good what he had declared before, 
 v/z. To maintain the fovereignty of the 
 2 
 
 feas due to the crown of England in all 
 ages, and left him by his progenitors -, as 
 alio to defend the peaceable commerce and 
 trafHck that had evermore belonged and 
 continued to his jurifdi£tion, but had late- 
 ly been difturbed by the Dutch, committing 
 hoftilities upon the Dunkirkers under his 
 majefty's proteiflion. 
 
 But as this fleet could not be furnifhed 
 and prepared without great expence, it was 
 thought convenient to carry it equally be- 
 twixt the king and his fubjefts, in regard 
 the expedition was for their good, fafety, 
 
 and
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tradh. 
 
 and reputation, as well as for the honour 
 of the king -, for as the office of a kirg is 
 ID be careful of all his provinces, countries, 
 and fubjeds, to be partial to none, but a 
 father to all with indiBcrency •, fo the part 
 of fubjefts is to pay a dutiful obedience 
 when they Ihall be called upon, for the rca- 
 fons aforefaid •, whereupon his majefty di- 
 redlcd his letters to every (hire, to levy fuch 
 a proportion of money as would fuffice for 
 the furnifhing of the intended navy. 
 
 But as general demands and contributions 
 of money are commonly diflafteful to the 
 multitude, who are divided in opinions, 
 every one pretending a feeming reaibn and 
 excule -, fo did it nuike as great a dilTercncc 
 in mens minds and humours, fome com- 
 plaining of their want and poverty, fome 
 excepting againlT: it as a needlcfs and un- 
 necelfary charge, difipproving the dcfign -, 
 and others excepting againll. the unexpe- 
 rienced commanders, who they faid were fie 
 to make a good defign mifcarry. 
 
 But it the detractors will but weigh, and 
 with indifterency confider their fuppofed 
 objeiflions, it will appear rather a refrafto- 
 ry difpofition, that defires to poflefs others 
 with the like perverfenefs, than any juft 
 caufe they have to complain againft it. 
 
 It thefe demands fecm too heavy a bur- 
 den for all the fubjefts in general to under- 
 go, let them look back, and with indiffe- 
 rency compare the times of queen Elizabeth 
 with thefe, and they will find what daily 
 demands ot money were then made at their 
 hands, and how willingly they were grant- 
 ed, for the maintenance of a war againft 
 fo mighty a prince as the king ot Spain up- 
 on his own coaft, for the relief of Holland, 
 and to afiift the king of France, befides the 
 domellick, dangerous, rebellious war in Ire- 
 land ; which expences they will perceive, 
 were, beyond comparifon, greater than the 
 prelent, as appears by what follows. 
 
 In 1588 the city ot London being requir'd 
 to furnifh five thoufand foldiers, and fifteen 
 Ihips ot war, of their own accord they 
 granted ten thoufand foldiers and thirty 
 (hips -, and by their example other towns 
 within the realms turnifhM in fliips and pin- 
 naces thirty, befides what the nobility and 
 country fent in horfe and foot. 
 
 In the expedition to Portugal in 1589, 
 her majefty furniftied only fix ftiips of her 
 own ; whereof two were of the fmallcft 
 rank, and adventured in that expedition 
 60000/. the whole number of veflels being 
 an hundred and forty-fix, with fourteen thou- 
 Cand foldiers, and four thoufand failors. 
 
 That fame year London fent a thoufand 
 foldiers to the aid of the king of France, 
 and feveral ftiires fent the like aid upon the 
 fame occafion into France, under, my lord 
 Willoughby. 
 
 16-j 
 
 The city o^ London in the year t "14, Monsom. 
 furniflied fix fiiips, two pinnaces, and'four ^\"^ 
 hundred and fifty foldiers, for three months, 
 and the followina; year 1595, London fur- 
 niftied a thouliind loldiers with all forts of 
 provifion, and fent them to Dover, to the 
 relief ot Calais, when it was taken by the 
 cardinal. Many other forces were fent out 
 of the country upon that fervicc. 
 
 The following year 1596 was the ex- 
 pedition to Cadiz, and the year after the 
 ifiand voyage -, to which two exploits, not 
 only London, but all England contributed 
 very largely. 
 
 In January 1598 a great tax was laid 
 upon London for Holland \ and our foldiers 
 there were fent into Ireland. The like 
 was done in February following. Tlie f.unc 
 year London furniflicd fixtecn fliips and fix 
 thoufmd men, befides a great number of 
 horfe and toot that were fent cut of the 
 country, at the time that my lord of Ejfex 
 was in Ireland; and in the year of. 1600, 
 London fent five hundred men into Irelcnd, 
 and furniftied them ^ befides great numbers 
 fent out of the country. 
 
 That latne year the city of London built 
 and furniflied five galleys to fea, and was at 
 a great charge for the earl of Ejj'cxh entry 
 into London. 
 
 One thoufimd foldiers were fent into 
 Holland, and every one allowed then three 
 pound ten fhillings per man, befides thofe 
 that were fent out of the country. More- 
 over, there were four hundred foldiers fent 
 in 05iober out of London ; and in May fol- 
 lowing there was a great prefs in London 
 for OJlend ; and in the lafl year of queen 
 Elizabeth, London fent and furniflied two 
 thoufand foldiers into Ireland, and two 
 fliips and a pinnace, which ftood them in 
 6000/. 
 
 It thefe benevolencies were granted fo 
 willingly, and without repining or gain- 
 faying of the fubjeds, as well appears, lee 
 us confider of times, and judge withal of 
 the eftate of men in thofe days, compared 
 with the prefent. Firft, in the mens for- 
 wardnefs to ferve their prince and country ^ 
 which their hearts and minds are now alie- 
 nated from. Secondly, it is to be confi- 
 dered how much more able men are now 
 to contribute, than at that time they were, 
 by their increafe of wealth and riches, which 
 they have gained by king James's bringing 
 peace with him into this realm, as fliall ap- 
 pear by thefe particulars following, that 
 Ihall be by the way of queries. 
 
 ^i.ere. Of the ftate of London in the 
 days of queen Elizabeth, compared with. 
 thefe prefent, as namely, the buildings, 
 with the number of inhabitants in them, 
 and by confequence the riches increafed.
 
 1(58 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSs. 
 
 Book IT. 
 
 Movsos. ,^<jre. Of our trade and commerce bc- 
 w^V"^ twixt the tim= I fpeak of, and now in be- 
 ing, as namely the trafRck with Spain, and 
 al) the dominions thereunto belonging, 
 wjiich we were then debarred of by reafon 
 of our wars with Spain ; the profit whereof 
 niav be in value to the fubjedt ten times as 
 much as the king's cuftom comes to, as may 
 bs apparently made out by the cuftom 
 books. 
 
 i^f^re. Of our trade to the EaJl-hdieSy 
 and the gain thereof, begun and followed 
 fince king James aime to his crown j as 
 alio a late trade we have found into Guinea 
 for gold. 
 
 ^Hudre, The ftate of Greenland, and the 
 whale-fifliing there, that hath been difco- 
 vered and proiecuted with little charge and 
 great profit to the merchant, fince king 
 James poflTefled this kingdom. 
 
 i^a-re. Of the feveral plantations and 
 colonies fince that time, wiih the employ- 
 ment of people which otherwife would have 
 been a burden, and a confuming of viftuals 
 to this commonwealth. 
 
 ^icre. Of the abundance of (hipping 
 that hath been employed in that navigation, 
 as alfo of the increafe ot fliips fince the days 
 of queen Elizabeth, which is no hard thing 
 to know ; for when flie died, there were 
 not above four merchant fliips in England 
 of four hundred tons each. 
 
 And reckoning but the increafe of fhips 
 fince then, it would caufe admiration, and 
 be a reafon for men to contribute to lliip- 
 money, when they fhall confider the wealth 
 increafed by the trade of thofe Ihips that 
 are never idle, but continually failing from 
 place to place. 
 
 ^^e. Of the peaceable flate o^ Ireland, 
 and the long continuance of war before king 
 James came to the crown -, as alfo of the ex- 
 ceffive charge England was continually at to 
 maintain that kingdom, that now is not on- 
 ly able to uphold itfelf, but to afford great 
 profit to his majefty. 
 
 But whereas our refracftory men alledge 
 for their excufe, in denying his majefty's 
 demands of money, and comparing the 
 times together, fay, they were forced to it 
 in the queen's time, out of ncceffity, being 
 drawn to it by a dangerous war with Spain, 
 not weighing with themfelves that his ma- 
 jefty's adions have been to anticipate and 
 prevent a war, as is to be feen in my next 
 narrative ; and no man can be fo ignorant 
 but he muft confefs, it is lefs hazard to pre- 
 vent a war before it is begun, than with 
 valour and courage to refilt after it is be- 
 gun. 
 
 Wherefore are our caftles feated on the 
 fea-coaft, but to prevent the invafion of an 
 enemy, or other infolencies ofFer'd by ftran- 
 
 2 
 
 gers .'' or why are people train'd in feveral 
 fhires, but to be in readinefs to prevent 
 foreign and domeftick attempts .'' Where- 
 as if caftles were to be built, and foldiers 
 trained after the time the enemy fliall ap- 
 pear upon the coaft, in what eftate were 
 England to make a defence ? And this im- 
 ployment his majefty now has by fea, may 
 be paralelled with the other two compari- 
 fons : And I will therefore conclude, that 
 the wit of man doth not confift fo much in 
 ieeing, as in forefeeing and preventing peril 
 and danger that may tall upon him. 
 
 But whereas poverty is made the excufe 
 for people's not giving what his majefty re- 
 quires, the true caufe fhall appear, that 
 hath bred your want, as you fliall confels, 
 and that it is in your powers to redrefs it •, 
 as, namely, Your pride, and other needlefs 
 and unneceflary expences that depend on it. 
 The iijcond is your gormandizing and ex- 
 ceffive fcafting, lately crept in amongft you, 
 not formerly ufed. The third is the hate- 
 ful and loathfome cuftom of drinking, which 
 begets all diforders, and is the in:rea'er of 
 all vices. The fourth is a vain and ambi- 
 tious defire of titles, which after they are 
 purchafed with money, draws on a greater 
 expence upon their eftates, to maintain that 
 port fo dearly bought. The fifth is the 
 Ibmptuous buildings, and ornaments of 
 houfes-, all men ftriving for oftcntation to 
 out -do their neighbours, with whom they 
 are in faftion and emulation. The fixth 
 is the miferable covetoufnefs of fome, and 
 the lavifti prodigality of others. The fe- 
 venth is the want of care to have things 
 fold according to their juft value, in equity 
 of law ; but that every man rates his own 
 commodity according to the necefTity of 
 the buyer. The eighth is the excorticn 
 taken by griping iifurers, from people that 
 are neceffitated. But, above all, the num- 
 ber of bafe lawyers that caufe fuits, not 
 with a charitable intent, to end, but kna- 
 vifhly to multiply them ; and with that ex- 
 pence to the client, as no queftion can rife, 
 of what value foever, but a bill, anfwer, 
 and order, will be of more chr.rge, both to 
 the plaintiff" and defendant, than what is 
 demanded of moft of you towards the 
 furniftiing his majefty's royal navy. Thefe 
 are the true caules of want in common- 
 wealths, which proceeds from your own fu- 
 perfluities, vanities, and your revengeful 
 humours. 
 
 Moft of thefe abufes were forefeen by Ly- 
 curgiis, the great law- maker, who made 
 decrees againlt them : He alfo forbad pom- 
 pous burials, and banifhed the ufe of filvcr 
 and gold, as things moft prejudicial to com- 
 monwealths ; which Iaw of his continued 
 five hundred years, and no man found him- 
 
 felf
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William iMonlonV Naz'jl Travis. 
 
 felf aggrieved for want of money -, for it 
 madd love, increafcd goodnefs, and banifli- 
 ed vices. 
 
 But that which you term want, proceeds 
 not from poverty, but from plenty -, for 
 he that hath much dcfnes more, covctouf- 
 nefs being never fatisficd. The true uli: of 
 riches is in him that Iiath mod and defires 
 leaft ; and the beft riches is to abftain from 
 covetoufnefs. 
 
 In old times he was efteemed rich tint 
 was of a fair, upright, and good behaviour. 
 He that fliali except againfl the honourable 
 defign of this fleet, may be accounted an 
 arrogant and ignorant perfon, and a con- 
 temner of the king's propofitions, excufing 
 it under colour of want, and with little rea- 
 Con. Thofe that repine at princes ac1:ions 
 out of ftubbornefs, or refradtorincfs, are 
 within a degree of impugning the fovereign- 
 ty J and in fuch a cafe they want nothing 
 but power to carry on their conceived trea- 
 fon. They do not confider that princes are 
 born not to obey any but their own laws ; 
 and the fubjedts are born to fubmit to the 
 wills of princes, where reafon fhall be re- 
 quired at their hands, for the good of the 
 commonwealth ; and that nothing defer ves 
 fuch fevere chaftifement from kings, as iiich 
 contempt as oppofes them or their autho- 
 rity. Marcus Pelio fays, that common- 
 wealth is everlafting, where the king feeks 
 obedience, and people labour to get his love 
 by their carriage. 
 
 Latter times have taught us a mofl; wo- 
 fiil and lamentable precedent, in the like 
 cafe, to parallel with this : Lewis II. king 
 of Hungary^ being threatened with the 
 power of Soliman, the great and magnifi- 
 cent Turk, required aid of his fubjedts to 
 withftand fo puiffant an enemy, that was 
 like an inundation of water to overflow 
 him, them, and their country ; but moft 
 of his fubjefts, whom you too nearly imi- 
 tate in obftinacy, refufed to contribute to 
 his demands, ftanding upon the privileges 
 of the law fo long, till it was too late to 
 give fuccour -, and in conclufion, the king 
 and his army were deftroyed, and his people 
 and country became flaves to the ^urkijh 
 government, under which they now live. 
 
 Herein appeared the ingratitude of tiie 
 vulgar fort to their king •, and how eafily 
 they might have met with this danger, be- 
 fore it light fo heavily upon them : they re- 
 garded not the benefit they had received, or 
 might receive at their prince's hands, if they 
 had been willing to have yielded to his de- 
 fires •, for that fubjeft that will not yield to 
 obedience, may as well renounce the name 
 of king, and his authority, and by confe- 
 quence refift laws, juftice, and peace -, and 
 then follows a continual war, without hope 
 Vol. III. . 
 
 269 
 
 of reconciliation, and the commonwealth is Mon-on. 
 deftroyed. \^''yr>* 
 
 I obfcrve, that nothing breeds this wil- 
 fulnefs in fubjefts lb much as jealoufy, that 
 thinks princes have other ends than they 
 pretend, not confidcring that king's affairs 
 murt be kept fccret -, for ihcir dcfigns being 
 difcovcred, arcdiliippointcd and ruined. 
 
 I'he Romans fucccJs was imputed to no- 
 thing fo much as iecrecy in tiieir expeditions. 
 They were wont to fay, tlr.it when they 
 difcovcred tiieir fccicts, they gave aw.ay 
 their liberty, accounting fccrecy as the guar- 
 dian of their aflairs •, and it is an old fiying. 
 That a fecrct is hard for one to kcep^ owic^b 
 for two, and too much for three. Of all 
 things, a fubjcd fliould not defirc to know 
 the lecrcts of princes ; for Philip of Mace- 
 don bad a phiiofuphcr to demand any 
 thing at his hands, and it fhould be grant- 
 ed. The philolbpher humbly befought 
 him, as his greateil fuit, That he 'xculd not 
 difcover to him his fecrets : and yet yoli 
 would be wifer than philofophers, to mur- 
 mur at kings aftions, when you fliould 
 with obedience feek to gain their love i 
 for no king can be fo unnatural to him- 
 felf, or fuch an enemy to his people, as 
 not to govern to the profit of both, be- 
 caufe he receives equal gain or lofs with 
 his ibbjefts. 
 
 Nothing deceives men more than a falfe 
 conceit of themfclves, which makes them 
 run into unavoidable dangers ; but let 
 fuch men learn, tliat wifdom is life, and 
 ignorance is deatli •, the one underflands 
 what it does, as the other is dead for want 
 of underftanding. Much danger enfues for 
 want of reafon, and much good is left un- 
 done by too much folly. 
 
 If this refraftory counfcl you embrace, 
 proceed from others, and not from your- 
 felves, defpife it ; for it has another de- 
 fign than they think fit to let you know, 
 which may enfnare you, like a bee that is 
 often hung in his own honey. Therefore be 
 not enticed with fair words, doubtful hopes, 
 or feeming probabilities ; but remember 
 that a man has power over himfelf and 
 tongue, before he (peak or promifc ; but 
 after his words are out of his mouth, they 
 have power of him ; and you will find that 
 perverfe and defperate counftl is full of 
 perturbation, where men are embracers of 
 evil advice •, and therefore think an hour 
 before you anfwcr to their propofitions, 
 and a day before you yield to uncertain 
 things, that may bring danger. 
 
 You muft likewifc think and confider of 
 tlie condition of them that counfcl you, the 
 occafion of their counfcl, and the probabili- 
 ty of what they counfel -, for if it be out of 
 priv.tte ends, out of anger, out of dif- 
 Y y y content,
 
 lyo 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trctlis* 
 
 Book III 
 
 MoNfov. conttnt, out of revenge, or to the prejudice 
 
 fc^V'^ of kings dcfigns, conclude fuch to be evil 
 
 counlellors, and fliun them as you will a 
 
 ierpent, that never ftings fo deadly as when 
 
 liie hiffes not. 
 
 If you fufpc(5l their counfel proceeds from 
 ambition, beware of it ; tor ambition 
 teaches one to become difloyal, and he dc- 
 fires to draw otlicrs to confent to him in 
 his ill purpofcs : if you be young, to whom 
 this feditious counfel fhall be given, follow 
 the advice of Solomon, who fays, th-xt folly is 
 tied in the hearts of young men, and cannot be 
 untiedbtit by good injiruition ; for indeed young 
 men want experience : they are incredulous 
 of good advice, wanting years to judge -, 
 and as poor in their judgment, being apt to 
 delight in the mufick of their own praife. 
 
 Let the warning of our late parliament 
 admoniOi you ; for there cannot be a more 
 perfeft precedent than by things lately done, 
 and in your own remembrance -, then you 
 Ihall fee the fruit of felf-conceited fubjefts, 
 that oppofe the king in his demands, and 
 the reward they have reaped by it ; you 
 have beheld the imprifonment of fome, and 
 the difgrace of others, which (till lies as a 
 heavy burden upon their Ihoulders, and 
 cannot be difcharged without fubmiflion, 
 and acknowledging their errors, which 
 fome have done ; and yet for all their ob- 
 ftinacy they have produced no good to the 
 commonwealth ; for the wifer fort cenfure 
 them as giddy, ra(h, and inconfiderate, to 
 offend fo highly with their tongues, or to 
 meddle with affairs above their reach, or 
 what they could pretend to as members of 
 parliament ; for parliaments are called by 
 authority of the king, who has power to 
 dilTolve them as he pleafes, which puts an 
 end to all they can fay : wherefore a man 
 Ihould be filent, unlefs filence hurt him, or 
 his fpeech be profitable to others. 
 
 Your part in a parliament is to give way, 
 and obey fuch laws as fhall be made by 
 confent of the houfe -, which laws have no 
 authority till the king confirm them •, nei- 
 ther can you challenge any privilege after 
 the confirmation, till it be warranted by 
 commiffion from the king, either in office 
 or imployment •, for it is the king that re- 
 wards or punifhes at his difcretion ; and by 
 proof you have found, and ever will find, 
 that after your rangling and jangling, no- 
 thing will get more favour than obedient 
 diligence -, for kings are not drawn by vio- 
 lence, but by humility and meeknefs. The 
 fcripture tells us, that the way to get 
 love of our princes, is by fuffering, and not 
 forcing -, for fo they may tafte of his good- 
 nefs and mercy. It is a great virtue and 
 wifdoni in man, not rafhly to enterprize a 
 thing above his reach, or to be led by pcr- 
 fuafion of fair words, loft fpeeches, or for- 
 4 
 
 ward threats, tliat deceive none but fools : 
 and if you rely upon the inftigation of 
 others, that are of your fraternity and fa- 
 miliarity in parliament, who have nothing 
 but words for their bell witnefs, it is info- 
 lent madnefs-, for wiiat can they do but 
 fliew paflion, like filly women, whofe 
 tongues are their beft weapons. 
 
 All you can do for the prefent, is, to 
 challenge the privilege of the parliament, 
 of which you are members ; but when that 
 is over, you are brought to account for 
 the indifcretion of your tongue, which is 
 the beft or worft member in a man's body ; 
 but not to be fo much ufed as the ear or 
 mind, which in reafon (liould rule the tongue. 
 Another obfervation I colleft, that wife 
 men impute to your inconfiderate folly, 
 that your words have produced no profit 
 to the commonwealth, but great prejudice 
 to all i for thereby you have incenfed the 
 king, and given him occafion to If retch out 
 his prerogative to the uttermoft ; as alfo to 
 awaken laws that have been many years 
 (leeping, to his advantage, and inconve- 
 nience to the fubjeft ; for laws are efta- 
 blifhed to bridle the haughtinefs of mens 
 minds, and the ftubbornefs of their condi- 
 tions ; and therefore it is dangerous to vex 
 and anger princes upon fuch occafions. 
 
 The beft thing fubjefts can do, is to live 
 peaceably ; for by concord fmall things in- 
 creafe to the good of all ; whereas by dif- 
 cord all is lelTened, and in the end nothing 
 comes but repentance. 
 
 The third exception againft thofe two 
 fleets, generally fpread abroad, is, the un- 
 fufficiency of the captains and commanders 
 wanting experience, as they fuppofe; which 
 I fuppofe rather to be divulged without truth 
 or proof, than on any good ground they 
 have for it, and to be a mere fcandal, pro- 
 ceeding from difcontent and ill nature-, and 
 after that rate any man may l;*c flandered, if 
 calumny pafs for truth. ■ .r)miii'\o 
 
 But if there were any fuch caufe of ex- 
 ception to their fufficiency, there were none 
 fo like to know or find it as the king him- 
 felf, or his lords, that have trial of their 
 abilities ; and therefore it is a great male- 
 pertnefs to infift upon this. :>y. 
 
 The ground they have to confirm their 
 belief may be our long peace, which has 
 given no occafion of war, and no means to 
 gain experience ; and the death of fo many 
 commanders, who lived and were employed 
 in the queen's expeditions, a time when they 
 failed with viirlory, ,• j . • . 
 
 The common fort of people, 'who are led 
 by fhew and ignorance, elleem no man va- 
 liant but fuch as can fliew fears and hurts, 
 as tokens of their courage, like lewd bul- 
 lies, or quarrellbme roifters, who never 
 regard the juflice of the quarrel, . honour. 
 
 Wife
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nai>al Trades. 
 
 wife conduit, or value viftory obtained 
 without blood, or the difcreet management 
 of a warlike a£lion: and if a man go 
 about to convince them of their errors, he 
 had as good fpeak to the deaf-, for he Hull 
 neither be heard or believed. 
 
 The laft year's fleet was fet out on ac- 
 count of the French and Hollanders vying 
 "with his majefty as to prerogative and 
 power, which in a fliort time would have 
 blazed out into open war, had it not been 
 prevented by a ipeedy fleet, which fome 
 of our refradlory men repine at i not con- 
 fidering that it was better and lefs charge- 
 able to meet danger before it fell upon 
 them, than to expeft the coming of it; 
 for the firft enterprize in war gains the beft 
 reputation, efpecially when our enemy fees 
 he is neither feared nor dallied with, 
 which will make him think how to efcape 
 danger, rather than to go forward with force 
 and courage; and we muft account that 
 viftory mofl: honourable that is obtain'd 
 with lead lofs and efiAifion of blood. 
 
 The Saxon king Edgar left a brave re- 
 putation to all pofterity, and to this day 
 wc look upon it as an aft of renown and 
 fame, that he failed about England, Scot- 
 land and Ireland, with thoufands of fhips, 
 not once, but often; and yet no hiftory 
 makes mention of any conflidts or encoun- 
 ters he met with, but only did it for the 
 fafety and reputation of his kingdoms, and 
 to daunt his enemies, if they had appeared : 
 which cafe may be paralelled with his ma- 
 iefly in thefe our days, who is lord of the 
 fame feas, enjoys the fame right king Ed- 
 gar did, and has a greater llrength and 
 force than he to maintain it. 
 
 If it were not for the honour and fove- 
 reignty of the feas due to the king, who 
 knows not but that it is more fafety and 
 eafe to pafs out of the kingdom in a Imall 
 vefTel, than in a royal fliip of the king's; 
 for every harbour is able to entertain a 
 bark of little draught ; but it is not for his 
 majelly's reputation to accommodate a 
 prince or ambalFador in fuch a vefTel, who 
 comes courteoufly to vifit him, which every 
 man may hire, and lies open to all dangers 
 of enemies and pirates. 
 
 We have many precedents of emperors, 
 kings, and queens, pairing our feas, that 
 have been honoured and accompanied with 
 the fleets of England for their fecurity, and 
 to fhew the king's magnificency on the 
 feas, and yet no hoftile aft appeared : I 
 would afk the detraftors in this cafe. Whe- 
 ther in reafon or reputation the king fhould 
 not have ihcwed his greatnefs for the guard 
 of the feas, and the fubjefts Ihould not 
 contribute to that extraordinary expence, 
 fince they are interefted in the dignity of 
 it ? for all fucceeding ages, when they fhall 
 
 ^7^ 
 
 read of it, will look upon it as an honour- .Monson. 
 able and noble aftion; and though tlie -^^y^J 
 king and fubjefts be all dead, their honour 
 will never be forgotten. 
 
 In 1588. when the Spaniards threatened 
 a conquelt of England, if they had hap- 
 pened to have been diverted, as it was 
 once thought they would, can you believe 
 it had been fife or prudent for us, upon a 
 bare fuppofition, to have flopp'd and ftay'd 
 our fleet from going to fca? or to have 
 called it back when at fea ? or do you ima- 
 gine the fubjefts at that time would have 
 thought it difcretion to have faved their 
 moneys laid out in fitting our navy, and 
 have made excufcs of want, or diflike of 
 the defigns, or the lack of experienced 
 commanders, who I will undertake were 
 fewer, and knew lefs than they now do? 
 
 In the year 1599. the queen, with ad- 
 miration to all her neighbours that beheld 
 it, rigged, viftualed, and fet to fea, the mofl: 
 part of her fliips, in fewer days than any 
 of her progenitors had ever done, expefting 
 an invafion from Spain ; the rather believed, 
 becaufe the Spanijh preparation was at the 
 Groyne, the next harbour to her ; which 
 fleet of the Spaniards was the liime year di- 
 verted by the purfuit of a fleet of Holland, 
 that had lately furprized the ifland of Ca- 
 naria: and though the queen was mailc 
 fecure by this accident, and that her fleet 
 returned from the Doivns without feeing^ 
 the enemy, yet did not a man in the realm 
 repine at the expence demanded towards 
 the furnifliing of it. By this you may fee 
 the difference of times, and the difference 
 of mens conditions, and how providence 
 and forefight in war are as much to be ap- 
 proved and eftcemed, as the aftive part 
 when men fliew their valour in fight. 
 
 If you were as willing to know, as you 
 are apt to judge the difference of times, you 
 would find, that the great and fortunate 
 viftories in the days of queen Elizabeth 
 were not atchieved fo much by force, and 
 fighting, as by fortune and providence, and 
 the fear the Spaniards conceived of us; for 
 iinlefs it were in the year 1587. when Sir 
 Francis Drake made an attempt upon CaJrz 
 road, and quelled the enemy that was pre- 
 paring for an invaCion of Etigland; in 1588. 
 when we were put upon our own defence ; 
 in 1596. when my lord of EJJex and my 
 lord admiral took Cadiz, and defeated fifty- 
 nine fhips of great value and burden ; and 
 in 1 60 1, when Sir Richard Lezvfon and Sir 
 IVilliam Monfon took a carrack, deflroyed 
 and feized upon certain galleys defended 
 by the caftle ; the reft of the fleet employ'd 
 by the queen had never caufe nor opportu- 
 nity to fhew their valour or force in a na- 
 val battle; though I confeis there were 
 many other famous and fortunate voyages 
 
 with
 
 Mb N SON 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^ual TrJcJs. 
 
 Book II." 
 
 and commanders-, for war is not to be fol- 
 lowed for plcafurc, if men fee not the means 
 to maintain it, or hopes of preferment. 
 
 Let them confider that in natural bodies, 
 the longer one lives in health, ficknefs is 
 the more dangerous when it comes-, and 
 fo it is in war falling upon a fruitful 
 country, that has long enjoy'd tranquil- 
 lity : and therefore though no likelihood 
 of war appear, yet do you like a fkiUul 
 phyfician, who prevents a difeafe before it 
 leizes his patient, rather than ftruggle with 
 it when it has taken poflTefllon of him, and 
 his remedies come too late; for dangers 
 by wiie men may be fooner avoided, than 
 overcome by force and courage, /o they be 
 prevented in time. 
 
 Let thefe people I have fpoke of pre- 
 
 lu uii""ti^ ui .L ^.v....v.. ~~ tend what they lift, or frame notions to 
 
 they'^ever'''made a fight with fix fhips to pleafe their fancies, yet I am perfuaded nil 
 fix fince their wars with Spain, which is ancient EvgliJ/j men of honour, blood, and 
 ni"h feventy years -, though it is not to be name, will contribute to the prefervation ol 
 doubted, but that they have many able and the narrow feas, from the violence of op- 
 fufficient captains amongft them, bred from prelTors, who feek unjuftly and outragioully 
 their youth in fea affairs, that would have to commit diforders, which cannot be re- 
 fhewed themfelves fufficient commanders, 
 if there had been occafion ; and in the fame 
 manner would thofe of ours, you call un- 
 able captains, have done the like; for 
 they are of the condition of the Hollan- 
 ders I fpeak of; they know as much m 
 
 Ihips, and how to govern or fight, as the -^-., ... ,_ 
 
 lonc^eft experienced captain that has had the deny it upon luch flender and lU-grounded 
 forSne to exchange moft bullets, with the reafons? 
 
 with wealth and reputation to our na- 
 tion, as namely, and in my firft book I 
 ha\-e treated, Dr<7ke to the mfl- Indies in 
 1585. P(?r/Kj-rt.' expedition in 1589. the earl 
 of Cimberhnd the fame year to the Tercera, 
 where he met with many encounters by 
 land, and prevailed, and what fliips tell 
 into his hands was without refiftancc: many 
 odicr voyages were worthily performed by 
 him; the lord Thomas HcKvard in 1501. 
 the taking of a carrack by private Hups in 
 1592. being a Ihip of great value; Drake 
 and Hcivkins to the hi dies 1595.- where 
 they both died; Sir Martin Fsrhtper to 
 Breft in 1594. the carl of EJfex to the iHands 
 
 i" ^597- . • r u 
 
 And to make a fliort repetition ot the 
 
 Hollanders aftions, fo unworthily boafted 
 
 and bragged of, it cannot be found that 
 
 *■" .* , ^., _ — —- 
 
 fitted but by numbers of fhips to equal their 
 forces; and if people out of perverfenefs 
 deny to contribute to a defign fo juft, 
 noble, and of fuch reputation, when the 
 matrons of Rome voluntarily offered th^ir 
 jewels and bracelets, which obtained great 
 privileges, what fhame will it be in you to 
 
 lofs of their blood. 
 
 I wonder that this can be an exception 
 to our captains; but that fuch envious 
 perfons will feek all pretences to (lander 
 them; for how can you think that without 
 pradlice of war, men can become expe- 
 rienced captains? And their purfes will tell 
 them they have not fo much furthered 
 their imployment fince the death of queen 
 
 Let us compare our feas with our flou- 
 rifhing cities in England, that are orderly 
 and carefully governed: think you it were 
 well done of people to repine at the charge 
 of their watches, as a needlefs expence in 
 our peaceable commonwealth, where our 
 laws give authority to punifh offenders .■* 
 we may well believe that murders, thefts 
 and diforders, will follow, if fuch watches 
 
 Elizabeth; which fhews not only an evil (hould be taken away and aboliflied. And 
 
 difpofition, but a dangerous confequence 
 that may light upon this kingdom, by 
 refufing their reafonable and convenient 
 payments; for they mean thereby that we 
 fhall not only live in ignorance, but_ to 
 take away all occafions to breed foldiers 
 
 the like, or greater, would enfue, if the 
 fame providence and care were not had in 
 the government of our feas. Now will I 
 proceed to the management of the expedi- 
 tion in 1636. where the earl oi Northumber- 
 land commanded in chief. 
 
 Tbe Voyage itfelf. 
 
 Ships. 
 
 The Triumph, 
 The St. Andre-Ji*, 
 The James^ 
 The ViSlory, 
 The Repdfe, 
 The Nonfuch, &c. 
 
 UN D ER correftion, I muft crave leave 
 and liberty to examine the errors 
 and overfights committed in this voyage, if 
 4 
 
 Commanders. 
 
 The earl of Northumberland, admiral. 
 Sir John Pennington, vice-admiral. 
 Sir Henry Alarom, rear-anmiral. 
 Captain Walter Steuart. 
 Captain Lewis Kirke. 
 Captain Porj^. 
 
 any fhall appear, as I did in the beginning 
 of my firft book, and have continued till 
 njy laft; wherein I took upon me, a 
 
 free-
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navd Tra^ii. 
 
 freedom to except againfl tb.e ilUcarried ac- 
 tions of that time, ami fliew the way how 
 tiiey mi[;,ht be amended, and better order- 
 ed ; for fmail faults at the beginning may' 
 be eafily prevented by admonition, it ic be 
 well followed. 
 
 What I did was not out of fear or flat- 
 tery ; and, as I have iaid before, I walk'd 
 fo uprightly, that if the commanilers delcr- 
 ved well, I gave them their due ; it ill, no 
 man can lay I Ipared them ; nay, I was lb 
 bold, that it' there were any error or fault 
 committed by the ftate in their dircdions, 
 with modetly I reprov'd it, and fhew'd my 
 reaibns tor fo doing, to give the better 
 light to lucceeding enterprizes ; for expe- 
 rience is the mother of knowledge, and to 
 be valued above authority or opinion. 
 
 This royal fleet being all furniflied and 
 ready for the fea, but not without fome 
 dcfecl in the fhips, as appear'd by the dilaf- 
 ters that betel many of them, his majefty 
 made choice of the earl of Northumberland^ 
 a gallant and hopetui young gentleman, to 
 command as general ; though there could 
 be no exception to the lord of Lhuifey, the 
 tormer commander, his carriage giving no 
 diftafte to the king, that ever I could hear 
 of, as appeared by his niajefty's own words, 
 declaring, that the reaibn of elefting him, 
 was becaufe he dcfired to breed up his no- 
 bility, to give them encouragement to take 
 a liking to the fea, by former precedents, 
 as men principally to be chofen for great 
 imployments -, and that he meant to make 
 it a yearly cuftom to keep a fleet to guard 
 and defend the feas. 
 
 The fliip appointed for vice-admiral, 
 was the Amie Royal, equal in greatnefs and 
 goodnefs with any of his majefty's (hips, 
 and one that had made trial of her fundry 
 fortunes ; the firfb in the year 1588. where 
 flie was honour'd as admiral, and carry'd 
 the arms ot" England, as due to the lord 
 admiral ; and this was the firft time of her 
 appearing at fea. 
 
 The next aftion of hers was in the en- 
 terprize upon Cadiz in 1596. where my lord 
 admiral commanded in her, with no lefs 
 vi<5torious and honourable iliccefs than the 
 lirft. She was chofen as much for her good- 
 nefs, as for my lord's atfeftion to the fliip ; 
 for in truth fhe was worthy of all honour. 
 But as fortune is of that perverfe and 
 uncertain temper, that flie never flieweth 
 herlclt conftant, but mutable ; and what 
 fhe gives is not to continue long, but only 
 lent ; fhe has that power of herl<:-lf, that 
 no body can hold her againft her will ; fo 
 \this paragon of fhips was attended with the 
 worlt tate that ever befel Ihip belonging to 
 the crown of Engla^id, and tar unworthy 
 her former exploits ; for in her way from 
 Chatham to "Tilbury Hope, (a thing not to 
 N^ loi. Vol. III. 
 
 be believed, if the lamentable truth did not 
 put it out of doubt,) whether tlirough thu 
 negligence of the ofhcers of rhc navy, or 
 then- indifcretion, or of tiic mailer, or die 
 unfl<ilfu]nefs of the pilot, (for in liich cafes 
 every one will lay it upon another, to tx- 
 cufe himfell,) fl,c run aground, and was 
 loll i an accident lb rare, tiiat it made ma- 
 ny ignorant and fupeiflirious people divine 
 and leai-, that fome ill fortune would at- 
 tend the voyage. 
 
 It was the more vvontlered at, becaufe in 
 the eighteen years war under queen Eliza- 
 beth, no fiich difif>er befel any of her fliips, 
 vWio h.al gone through more dangers and 
 hazards in the opjn and fpacious ocean^ 
 where their Bufinefs was, than ever hap* 
 pen'd fince ; but I thank God, (excepting 
 the lofs of her, which with the charge of 
 another fhip will be recovered, and that of 
 \.\\tlVhelp that mifcarried by the infufRciency 
 of the pilot,) the rcll of the fhips return'd 
 fate, though not without fome jieril, which 
 is naturally . incident to fea affairs, and the 
 rather in this, becaufe fome men imputed 
 it to carelefsnefs, others to the infufficiency 
 of officers, and fome to defliny. 
 
 My lord arriving in the Dcvuns, expcd- 
 ed his vice-admiral, the Jnne Royal, who 
 you have heard unluckily mifcarriecl •, how- 
 ever, he fct fail with the refl: of his fleer, 
 for the wcfl: country, and the St. Andrc-jj 
 was appointed by the king to fupply the 
 want of the Anne Royal. 
 
 As there was occafion, my lord imploy'd 
 fundry of his fhips in feveral fervicesi and 
 the ViSlory, one of the principallell, was 
 fcnt into Spain, and returned an ambaflador 
 from that king into England, he being for- 
 bidden the paflage through France, becaufe 
 of the wars betwixt the two kingdoms; and 
 not then adventuring to fend him by (a^ 
 unlets it were under the guard of one of his 
 maje fly's Hiips. 
 
 The errors tommitted in this "voyage. 
 
 NOW to proceed to the exceptions of 
 this voyage, with which I will end this 
 fecond book, and collect fuch errors, mif- 
 takes and overflghts, as feem worthy of 
 reprehenfjon, hoping it will give no more 
 offence, or be imputed to prefumption in 
 me, any more than thofe I have excepted 
 againfl in my firfl book, and part of this 
 fecond ; with whom I have been free, not 
 out of defign to difcourage, but as a 
 friend to warn them ; for, according to 
 the old f^iying, he that is warn'd is half- 
 arm'd, and prevention is as much to be com- 
 mended as valour in execution. It is held 
 fir greater wifdom to forefee, than to fee ; 
 the one being natural to all eyes to behold, 
 7. 7. z tlic 
 
 ^7 
 
 MoN'ON.
 
 ^74 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads. 
 
 EOOK II. 
 
 Nothing can 
 
 and fucccecling 
 exception a^ainlt 
 
 MoN!ON. the other proceeding from judgment, care, 
 
 ^-'^^'^^''^^^ dileretion. 
 
 Callicrctides, general of the Lacedemo- 
 nians^ might have faved himfclf and his ar- 
 my, had lie hearkened to advice, in for- 
 bearing to charge the Alhenians ; but by his 
 improvitience he was overcome, i-^iinlus 
 Peiiiius, the Rotimn, through his forefight 
 and carefulnefs, did the contrary, and re- 
 tired for his advantage. Here aj:)pear'd the 
 wifdom of Fdl'ius, and the he.ulftrong vvil- 
 fiihicfs of Callicratidcs ; the one loft lite and 
 honour, the other purchafcd the name of 
 Maximus, given him by his country. 
 
 be a better inftruftor to a 
 than admonition by precedent, for 
 which caufe I bring ihefe examples, to give 
 light to fucceeding times 
 commanders. The firft 
 this expedition, I obferved, was, as 1 have 
 iaid, the lols of the Anne Royal, which was 
 neither blemilh nor blame to my lord ge- 
 neral ; for fhe followed tlie diredions of 
 others, before ilie came under the command 
 uf him. The officers of his majefty's navy 
 are the men only worthy to bear the rebuke 
 of it, who, for want of experience in fea 
 affairs, arc led principally by precedents ot 
 former times, too lamentable to behold, that 
 their government muft depend upon the ex- 
 ample of times ; and yet, if they had but 
 walked the paths of them that went before 
 them, they fhould not have introduced this 
 innovation, to direct our fleets to 1'ilbury 
 Hope, there to prefs men out of colliers, and 
 other merchant fhips ; when two fmall pin- 
 naces might have done the ftme fervice, and 
 as they were prefs'd, have put them prefenc- 
 ly on ihore, where they were to travel but 
 three or four miles by land to Chatham, there 
 to be entertained and enter'd into pay. 
 
 And whereas in going from Chatham to 
 Tilliiiy Hope we paffed by the Nejfe, which 
 we mull: alfo do in going dircdly to fea, with 
 the lame wind that carries us out we may 
 be fooner at fea from the Nejj'e than at the 
 Hope, whither we muft go. Thus you fee, 
 people that governed by precedent, fail'd in 
 not following precedents-, and this unhappy 
 miftiap that fell upon the Anne Royal, came 
 by a precedent of their own, v/hich otherwife 
 had not happen'd : this new precedent, I 
 will undertake, was never with advice or con- 
 fent of any captain ; for they were put to an 
 extraordinary expcnce by it, being a means 
 to draw their friends and acquaintance a- 
 board, whom they entertain with coftiy 
 banquets -, v/hich proves a greater charge to 
 them than the whole voyage ; and till of late 
 his majefty did ftriclly prohibit it, more 
 powder was wafted by their vain oftentation 
 in fhooting, than they fpent otherwife. 
 
 My lord of Northumberland being now at 
 fea, and having ranged and fcoured the fnores 
 
 of France, where it is moft likely that f^eet 
 would have appear'd, if there had been any 
 to have oppofed him, he returned to the 
 found of Plymouth, to be further inform'd of 
 the ftate of things thereabouts-, and finding 
 no fliips, nor fhew of oppofuion to his de- 
 fign, he left the fhore, having receiv'd in- 
 telligence of certain Turkijh pirates that lay 
 hovering thereabouts, and had committed 
 fome fpoils upon his majefty's fubjcfts. 
 
 My lord loft no time- to hallen the pur- 
 fuit of thofe pirates, as he could be inform- 
 ed of them at fea j for in truth both his 
 care and celerity were to be commended, 
 though his hafte had little availed to have 
 fubdued the pirates, if he had met them ; for 
 by reaibn of their fwift failing, they have 
 the advantage of all other fliips they meet 
 in the fpacious and open fea: this may feem 
 If range to them that know it not, that fliips 
 can be built to fuch advantage in failing, 
 all of them being built with one kind of 
 iron and timber ; but what follows will de- 
 monftrate it to any that doubt of it. 
 
 You muft underftand, that all the Turkijh 
 pirate fhips are vefTels of Chriftians, taken 
 from them by violence, which when the 
 Turks are poflTeffed of, they ufe all art and 
 induftry to make .better fiilors than all 
 other fhips -, and to this purpofe they firft 
 cut down their half decks, and all other 
 weighty things over head, which makes 
 them wind tight and burdenfome : they take 
 out moft part of their knees and binding 
 works, to make them nimble and fwift, 
 like a man that is tight trufs'd, and has his 
 doublet buttoned, that by loofening it he 
 is able to run the fafter. They never regard 
 the ftrength of their fliips more than for one 
 voyage ; for they want not continual prizes, 
 which they take of Chriftians, and thus ufe. 
 Every fortnight or three weeks they grave 
 their ftiips, and make them clean, to go 
 the better : they carry no weight over head, 
 or in hold, but vitftuals ; by means whereof, 
 and all theie things confidered, no fhip is 
 able to equal them in going. 
 
 The only hope I confels my lord had, if 
 they had met tliem, which in truth was 
 very uncertain, was in over-bearing them 
 with fail, and the others would have been 
 forced to take in their fails. The fecond,- 
 if there happen'd a calm, and the pirates 
 fcattcr'd, that they could not help one an- 
 other, with the number of his long-boats 
 he might board and mafter them with the 
 multitude of his fmall fhot. The third 
 was to furprife them in harbour, where 
 they could not get out and efcape. The 
 fourth, that with lefs and nimble fhips they 
 might have the hap to board fbme of them, 
 anti ib keep them employed, to hinder their 
 way till greater fhips could come to relieve 
 them. But all thefe are uncertain. 
 
 My
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir Williaiii MonfoiiV Ncrucil TraHs. 
 
 ^75 
 
 My lord being now at Ha with his tieer, 
 and looking out diligently for pirates, he 
 met with an Irijh Ihip, lately come from 
 Frcjicc; and being alk'd for news of that 
 coall, he did aiTure him, I'hat \.\\t French 
 fleet, v/hich made fo great a noifc, was fit- 
 ted, and gone to the eailward of the chan- 
 nel, and that 'twas generally fuppofed they 
 meant to beleaguer Dunkirk by fea : this 
 intelligence made rny lord immediately bear 
 up, and take that wind to follow them ; 
 but arriving at the Dszi\"s within few days 
 after, he found himfelf impofed upon, and 
 abuled by this falfe information -, for nei- 
 ther . was there any fuch fleet arriv'd, nor 
 any likelihood of their coming. At this 
 time the wind continued I'o long wcflerly 
 and foutherly, that my lord was not able to 
 recover the wefl:ern parts again, by which 
 means the pirates committed great infolcn- 
 cies and fpoils upon the coafls. 
 
 The error and overfight of the carriage 
 of this bufinefs, was in giving over much 
 credit to the report of the Irijjjiuan, it be- 
 ing the ground my lord was to proceed up- 
 on afterwards ; and had he waited but a 
 few hours before he flood to eaftward, he 
 might have been informed of the truth 
 thereof, by fhips that continually pafs'd the 
 channel ; or whether the Irifl:man might 
 not have been corrupted by the French to 
 give falfe intelligence, to divert my lord's 
 purpofes, could not fpeedily be determined 
 by only afking quefliions : for the like hap- 
 pen'd heretofore in our war with Spain \ 
 the Spaniards fubtilly caufing a caravel of 
 advice to be taken with counterfeit letters, 
 direfted to the general of the IVcfl-hidian 
 fleet, requiring him to come home in thirty- 
 five degrees ; which v«'e finding by the let- 
 ters, haflen'd into that height to expeft 
 them i but the true and former direcftions 
 to the general was, to hail in thirty-fix de- 
 grees and twenty leagues to the northward of 
 it, whereby he avoided us fo many leagues. 
 
 It fhould have been likewife confider'd, 
 and -men of greater experience than my 
 lord fhould have made it known to him, 
 that there was no great occafion to purfue 
 the French with that unadvifcd hafte -, for 
 their anchoring before Dunkirk, to beleaguer 
 it at fea, is no more to the taking of the 
 town, than if they had kept their fliips in 
 the ports of France, for the coafl gives no 
 hberty to land, being a plain flat, and fan- 
 dy fhore. Bcfides, they run a great ha- 
 zard, both to fhips and men, being tiiere 
 at an anchor; fcr if a northerly or north- 
 weft v.'ind take them with a itorm, they 
 
 prove the ilanger the fliips wore to undergo, Monsos. 
 had they brought thcmlclves to an anchor -OT^ii' 
 on that coaf^, 1 \\\\\ fliew, as it were in a 
 glafs, an accident that hajipcii'd on the like 
 cafe, wl-,ercin their folly would have ap- 
 pear'd. 
 
 When our wars of 7525. began wiih 
 Spain, foine men, out of fingulanty to get 
 fame, which proved but their fliame, witii 
 certain ihips of war, undertook to liirprife 
 the enemies vcifels lying at Manlike, a new 
 harbour near Dunkirk ; and though this 
 overture was much oppofed by experienced 
 I'e.uncn, who alledged unanfwcrable reafons 
 againft the cnterpiize, yet wilfulnefs had 
 that predominate power over wit and rca- 
 Ibn, that the contriver of this ftratagem 
 attempted his itlle projedl, and command- 
 ed the fhips to anchor where they were di- 
 rected ; bur before they had lain there long, 
 they were furpril'ed with a florm at north- 
 welt, fo that they could n(>t claw ofl" the 
 fliore ; and in fliort, three of tlie fliips, with 
 all the men wilfully periflvjd, the enemy on 
 land beholding it ; which made a doleful 
 cry and complaint in the port o^ Dover and 
 Sandwich ; for there appeal W flocks of 
 widows bewailing their miferles, through 
 the mad and filly undertaking of ignorant 
 diredlors. 
 
 If the French had thought that the be- 
 leaguering of Dunkirk with fliips wouKl 
 ha\'e cut off relief and fuccour fn.m fea, their 
 weaknefs and want of knowledge in fea af- 
 fairs had appeared, not in words, but by ex- 
 ample, precedent and proof of the hundred 
 Spaniards at Dover before fpoken of, wiici 
 notwithftanding there were forty or fifiy 
 fliips of war of Holland placed to intercept 
 them, Ibmc in the road oi Dover, otlicrs in 
 the road of Gravelling and Dunkirk, yet by 
 my advice and counfel aforeiiiid, arrived fafe 
 in the port of Dunkirk, the hour and tide 
 aflign'd by me for the town to bid them 
 welcome. 
 
 And becaufe this fliall be a light to after- 
 times, (if there be the like occafion,) tliis 
 knowledge they fliall receive from me, that 
 with a leeward wind and a leeward tide, 
 fliips may pafs into the ports of Flanders, in 
 defpight ot any force that fliall forbid them. 
 
 My lord lying at the Don-ns, waiting a 
 north-caft wind to carry him to the place 
 where the Ibuth-wefl wind firft took him, 
 in the mean time his majefly reiblv'd upon 
 an imployment for his lordlhip of greater 
 importance than this was, viz. 10 fend hini 
 to the northward amongil the fifliermerj 
 that fifli'd there, to make good his majelty's 
 
 cannot avoid both fliipwreck and death of proclamation not long before divulged, to 
 
 men. Befides, why fliould the king of prohibit and forbid ai,y fuch filhuig u[)on 
 
 France put an army in peril to invade Flan- his coafl: of England and Scotland, by all fo- 
 
 ders by fea, when his terrirories he within reign nations that would not acknowledge 
 
 nine miles of D««(^7>v^ by land ? And to his majclly's prerogative on thofc leas. 
 
 ' My
 
 lj6 
 
 MoNSON. 
 
 Sir Williain MonfonV Naval Tracls. 
 
 Book 11. 
 
 My lord was as ready to perform time 
 fcrvice, as his commiirion gave him autho- 
 rity to do it, and with fpecd repaired to 
 the places of filling afordaid, where he met 
 many bulfes of IMand, which he took, and 
 caufed them to deliver, by the way ot tri- 
 bute, (acknowledging his majelly's regali-^ 
 ty,) a certain fum of money from each ot 
 them; but fome other fifliing-vcncls e- 
 fcaped by iVight, fearing they Ihoukl have 
 been worfc iifcd than the red of their fellows 
 were; but neither do I hear that the ftatcs 
 of Holland do approve this act, as allow'd, 
 or allowable by them ; fuch is the pride 
 and ingratitude ot popular ftates. 
 
 But if I may fpeak widiout offence to this 
 point, or that my opinion had been demand- 
 ed what to have done herein, I fhould have 
 advifed, that my lord fhould have repaired 
 to Brafound in Shutland, an ifland belong- 
 ing ' to his majefty by his kingdom ot Scot- 
 
 laiui, there to have arrived the two or three 
 and twentieth of Jiiiie,' a time limited by 
 the IloUtvulers to make their abode in that 
 port; and in the day tollowing, die four 
 and twentieth, they have liberty by their 
 own lav.'s to put out of harbour to caft their 
 nets, and to profecute their fifliing. 
 
 Thus had his majelty brought the Hol- 
 landers to his mercy, polfefled tlieirflrength, 
 their wealth, and indeed their whole pro- 
 vinces, which he might have releafed and 
 reffored afterwards, if he had pleail-d, upon 
 acknowledgiiig a fovereignty, and obliging 
 them to pay a yearly acknowledgment. 
 This would have fliewed a commanding 
 power over them, and yet diredted by good- 
 nefs and mercy. And thus much of the 
 voyage in 1636. 
 
 I will now addrels myfclf to advife fuch 
 great pcrfons its fhall take upon them the 
 command of generals by iea. 
 
 Advice to great per fons and unexperienced gencr ah at fea. 
 
 COmmonly great perfons of authority, 
 place, and blood, are clefted and cho- 
 len chief commanders in great expeditions 
 and adlions at fea, to give the greater ho- 
 nour and reputation to fuch enterprizes as 
 they fiiall be employ'd in : and therefore, as 
 a fervant to fuch great perfons, I will advife, 
 by way of caution, fome things, before they 
 accept of lb weighty and important a charge, 
 who cannot challenge it out of experience, 
 or other defercs, more than their prince's 
 favour and their own greatnefs : and many 
 times perilous dangers and uncertain cafual- 
 ties depend upon fuch uncertain employ- 
 ments. 
 
 Many examples, both ancient and mo- 
 dern, fhew. That the beft-deferving gene- 
 rals have bitterly tailed the dilpleafure of 
 their employments; for no man's carriage 
 can be fo clear without blot or blemifli, or 
 his fuccefs prove fo uncontroulable, but there 
 may be found fome caufe ot exception by 
 evil and malignant fpirits they fhall leave 
 behind them, and who, perhaps, will be 
 made judges to cenfure their a(5tions; fo 
 dangerous a thing it is to come under the 
 hands of ire and wrath: for that we call 
 ire, the Grecians term'd a defire of revenge, 
 which is fometimcs increafed upon provo- 
 cation, and fometimes proceeds only from 
 ill -nature. It has that evil and canker'd 
 difpofuion, that it believes not a friend; 
 it i'peaks with malice, and will not admit 
 of reafon ; commonly the greater the defert, 
 the greater malice attends it from fuch per- 
 verfe defamers ; and the worft is, there is 
 no defence againft fuch envy ; for we are 
 all the fons of envy; we are born, live, and 
 die with envy: fhe fpreads herfelf and poi- 
 fon agalnll thofe that fortune raifeth higlieft. 
 
 and fets her thoughts to difpraife defert. 
 There is an old proverb amongfl: good men,. 
 1'tai good will defend them from wicked 
 perfons^ end the tumult of the comtiion 
 people. 
 
 The fecond caufe that makes men covet 
 employment, is to fliine above others in 
 authority, as a means to obtain their haugh- 
 ty ends, which may be truly termed ambi- 
 tion ; for ambition is of that nature, that 
 it fees not what is before her eyes, nor con- 
 fiders the ffate and uncertainty of man's life; 
 for if he be of low degree, he flands upon 
 brafs; if high, he treads upon glafs ; he 
 climbs by fleps and degrees, but falls fud- 
 denly when he leaff looks for it. 
 
 There are three things that make a man's 
 way dangerous to walk in, ice, glory, and 
 ambition. There is no afte(il:io;i fo great 
 as ambition, though naturally it is infatia- 
 ble: like a hungry dog, that will leave his 
 firfl prey, and fall upon another ; fo is am- 
 bition, not refpefting w!iat one hath 'got, 
 but flill feeking more. Nothing; doth more 
 nourifli this humour of ambition than bafe 
 flattery ; and a man had better fall amongll 
 thieves than flatterers. 
 
 Your beft natures are obferved to be apt- 
 eft; to embrace flattering counfels, like worms 
 that eafily creep into loft and fwect wood; 
 but the difficulty is, how to know fuch flat- 
 terers from others ; for wolves refemble 
 dog>, and flatterers look like friends. The 
 cunning of a flatterer is how to entice good 
 natures with hopes; for there is nothing 
 more fweet to man than hope, nor any 
 thing more difpleafing than to be dcbarr'd 
 his hope. Therefore time will be the dif- 
 coverer of fuch deceitful fycophants; for 
 when a man ^all fufpeft fuch a one, let 
 
 him
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William Moniovis Naval Trat^s. 
 
 ^77 
 
 him not connive with his untruths or delays-, 
 but tie him to a hmiccd and prefixed time,_^ 
 t J perform what he gives hope of-, for no- 
 thing but delays gives him advantage to 
 deceive: thus ihall the flatterer be taken in 
 his own fnare, when he (hall fail of per- 
 forming what he promifed; and the party 
 flattered fhall own, that nodiing is lb vain 
 i!S to be deluded with idle hopes of glory. 
 It is like a foldier that is led by an ill cap- 
 tain into en or, and yet with a leeming 
 pleafure. 
 
 The third thing an unexperienced coni- 
 mander is to fear, is the doubttulncls and 
 deceitfulnefs of fortune, in whofe fliip he 
 muft imbark himfelf, to try the unconftan- 
 cy of the fea ; for the power of fortune is 
 fo univerfal, that fhe rules kingdoms, and 
 overcomes armies; flie dcftroys princes, and 
 raifes tyrants; and indeed flie is fo obftinate 
 and pcrverfe, that no art can prevail againfl: 
 her, or detain her by force. The evd flie 
 gives we fee not ; fhe pinches, and we feel 
 it not-, what fhe fays we hear not, and 
 when we think we have her, flie is farthefl 
 from us. Her property is to bereave us of 
 lenfe, that no fight or example fliall help 
 us; as we fee by many men that lofe their 
 money at play, and yet cannot forbear it; 
 and though fome marry and repent, yet 
 they will not be warned by it; and though 
 people be daily drowned, yet it will not 
 terrify others from adventuring to fea, ftill 
 hoping for better hap: likedefperategame- 
 fters that put their fortune upon a chance 
 at dice; whereas, if they would duly confi- 
 der, the befl: hap at play, is not to play at 
 all; for though fortune give the luck to 
 win one day, fhe revokes it the next with 
 double lofs. Beware of her therefore; for 
 fhe never truly favours, but flatters; flie 
 never promifes what fhe intends to perform; 
 fhe never raifes one fo high, but fhe plucks 
 him down as lowaaiin; fhe fliews herfelf 
 not fo fickle or wavering in any thing as in 
 accidents of war, where fuccefs is uncertain. 
 Hercules who efcaped fo many dangers by 
 land and fea, at lafl: died by the hands of 
 his friends: Alexander ended not his days 
 in the war, but was luppofed to be bafely 
 poilbn'd: Julius C^efar, who won fifty- 
 two batdes, was killed fitting in the peace- 
 able fenate-houfe. 
 
 The way to revenge one's felf of fortune, 
 and to avoid the evil in her, is rather to 
 fubmit to reafon, than to rely on her. The 
 Carthaginians would never judge of fortune, 
 efFeft, or fuccefs, but according to wifdom. 
 
 judgment, and difcretion; they would not W'5''»o'-" 
 be raifed by good fortune, or dejedcd by »-^V^^ 
 bad; but like a tree well rooted, that no 
 wind or weather could move. For my part 
 I think the wildom of man is to be tempe- 
 rate, mild, and patient, and to take in good 
 part what fortune fencis. 
 
 You may fee by what is gone before, the 
 property of malice and fortune; lb that a 
 great commander is not to encounter with 
 an enemy alone to fliew his valour againfl > 
 but the other two will have an intcreft in 
 him, which wifdom cannot prevent: but 
 the fafcfl: way in a general, is to obfervc 
 the admonitions following, for the boft fe- 
 curing of himfelf and adtions. The firft, is 
 maturely to examine his own ability, and 
 whether he covets the employment himfelf, 
 or not, or that it was impofed on him by 
 the king. If defired by himfelf, it is the 
 more dangerous, and what errors he com- 
 mits are the iels excufeable ; and he put to 
 rely on the favour of the prince: let it be 
 the one or the other, the fecureft way will 
 be humbly to crave his majefly that fuch a 
 vice-admiral may be appointed, as is ap- 
 proved for his fufficiency and integrity; but 
 not to give him that authority and com- 
 mand, as to derogate from his honour. And 
 for the better conveniency and performance 
 of the lervice, it is necefiary that the vice- 
 admiral be aboard the general, and ftill 
 ready and at hand to advife ; and for him 
 to appoint an able man in his own fhip, till 
 they come to batde. This did Philip king 
 of Spain to his natural brother Don John of 
 Aujtria, in the famous battle of Lepanto: 
 Don John being young, valiant, and for- 
 ward, it was thought convenient to temper 
 him with a grave advifer, which was Don 
 Lewis Reguezines, commander major of 
 Spain. In the aftion 1588. for England^ 
 the fame kingemploy'd the duke of A'ledina 
 Sidonia for general, but gave authority to 
 Don Diego Flores de Faldes, a man of great 
 experience, to advife and counfel him, which 
 proved a happinefs to the duke ; for the en- 
 terprize failing by the counfel of Faldes, as is 
 to be feen in my firft book, the blame light- 
 ed on Faldes, which he worthily defervcd; 
 and the lefs fault was found with the duke 
 for it. I would not fay thus much, if I 
 were not a friend and fervant to nobility, 
 and defired their fpirics might be nourilli'd 
 in fuch brave employments; and will be 
 ready with my beft endeavours to do them 
 all the honour that lies in my poor power. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 4 A 
 
 Haw
 
 I7S 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^al Tracls. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Monson. How a b'/?gJbo!/Id eh'cf a general iy land or fea^ a counjellor of Jlale, and 
 ^^''^y^^ governor over his people and provinces. 
 
 HAVING declared in my third book 
 the office of a general by fca, and in 
 this fecond, admonillicd fuch generals as 
 take upon them fo weighty and important 
 a charge, without experience firft gained, 
 to be cautious and wary before they accept 
 of fuch a command; now fhall follow the 
 care a king ought to have in the choice of 
 a general, either by land or fea. And be- 
 caufe generals are commonly guided by in- 
 ftruftions from a king, refolved on by his 
 council of ftate-, to which confulcaLion 
 generals are feldom called, till the charge 
 of the expedition be committed to their ma- 
 nagement, I will now give my private opi- 
 nion what kind of man a king fliould make 
 eleftion of for a counfellor of flate, to be 
 aflifling to him with his advice; of a ge- 
 neral, who has the rule and government of 
 his forces and a6tions-, and of a governor, 
 whom he fends into feveral countries and 
 provinces to rule over his fubjefts ; for the 
 profperity of his kingdoms depends upon 
 their fufficiency, viz. a counfellor to ad- 
 vife, a general to execute, and a governor 
 to rule. 
 
 I will begin with the counfellor of flate, 
 as the firft confiderable thing a prince ought 
 to think of. A king's eleftion muft be ac- 
 cording to the profelTion the- party is bred 
 in, as artificers tools are chofen to do their 
 office and labour ; for a king is abufed, and 
 his judgment queftion'd, that fhall be made 
 believe all men are capable of all places and 
 employments, when indeed fome of them are 
 of no more ufe than an ax to an auger, or 
 a knife to a fickle; and it is as unfeemly a 
 thing to prefer fuch a counfellor, as to pre- 
 fent armour to a woman, books to a clown 
 or nets to a fcholar. Kings therefore mull 
 have a care to whom they commit the af- 
 fairs of the realm, either domeftick or fo- 
 reign, civil or ecclefialHcal, and not refer 
 all to one man; for they are diftinft things, 
 that require feveral counfellors, and not to 
 be executed by him that thinks a king's 
 favour adds knowledge to his conceived un- 
 derftanding. 
 
 Kings and princes ought to have tv/o 
 efpecial cares in the government ; the one, 
 how to rule in peace; the other, how to car- 
 ry their affairs in war; both which muft 
 depend upon the choice of counfellors, who 
 muft be provident what they advife, and 
 aflured that what they fiiy is honeft, necef- 
 fary, profitable, and pofTible. They muft 
 not quickly determine, left they repent at 
 leifure: they muft advife flowly, but exe- 
 
 cute fpeedily : they mufl not rely on the 
 name and falfe wortl of torcunc ; for to great 
 perfons fhe is deceitful, to good men unfta- 
 ble, and to all unfure. 
 
 A good counfellor ought to have thefe 
 properties, to be good and juft ; tor fuch 
 have weight in their words; to be virtuous 
 and fpeak truth, as well in abfence as in 
 prefence: they muft be plain in bufinefs, 
 and reprehend with love; they muft praife 
 the good, and admonifh the bad; they 
 ought not to fpeak much ; and when they 
 do, to let it be to purpofe ; for what they 
 have in their mouths muft be the picture of 
 their hearts. 
 
 If their opinion be aflied in point of 
 war, they muft be cautious what to anfwer; 
 for the fecurity, honour, and gooci hap of 
 their matter, depends on ii, and the man's 
 reputation of wifdom will appear by it ; 
 which, when it fhall be known to his ene- 
 my, will breed terror; for when king Drtw<i 
 had war with Abfolon, he pray'd, That Cod 
 would blind the miderjtc.nding of bis principal 
 counfellor Achitophell, whom be more feared 
 than the force s/Ablblon'j hofi. 
 
 A counfellor cannot give a better anfwer 
 to his matter's demand in point of war, than 
 Auguftiis Ctefar did in the like cafe, who 
 faid. That a zvar ought to be commanded by 
 gods, juflified by philofophers, maintained by 
 princes, and executed by wife captains, and 
 couragious foliers. And moreover, he ad- 
 vifed, That neither battle nor war be un- 
 dertaken, unlefs there evidently appear more 
 hope of gain than fear of danger. He 
 compares it to him that angles with a 
 golden hook, which if it be fhatched away, 
 the fifli that is taken cannot countervail the 
 lofs. 
 
 Cafar would not fo much rely upon him- 
 fclf, as upon the opinion of Virgil, how a 
 commonvv'ealth fliould be beft governed; 
 who anfv/ered, If wife men hold the helm, 
 and good men be feated in place over the bad; 
 if the befi mm have due honour, and the rejt 
 be not injur ioufly dealt with; if judges and 
 men in authority will not be led by malice, 
 friendfljip, anger, or love: For nothing 
 ruins commonwealths but hypocritical and 
 covetous counfellors, that fupport their de- 
 ceitful credit, and make a prince believe he 
 cannot err. 
 
 But a wife king will foon know fuch a 
 counfellor, by obferving his words, which 
 will difcover his intentions, and lay open 
 his conditions; and a juft king will reward 
 him that fhall thus falfely feduce and cor- 
 rupt.
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naual Tnidh. 
 
 rupr, as in reafon he fhoiild be rewarded 
 that poifons a pubhck fountain or fpring, 
 whereof all people drink -, for both king 
 and fubjedl have pare of this pernicious 
 counfel. 
 
 A king therefore ought to be careful of 
 three things; the firfl: of himfelf, the fe- 
 cond of his fubjefts, and the tiiird of iiis 
 counfellors, officers and fervants •, for Ce- 
 far in his time complained of the miferics 
 of princes, faying, 'Tbey arc fubjc£i to per- 
 fidioufnefs, to imaginations, to detejlable trea- 
 fon, deceitful cciifpiracies, and deftrticfive 
 poifons ; Jane deceive, and others flatter and 
 betray them ; fo that they are made the fub- 
 jeft of all difcourfe. 
 
 For the honour of the fex, I will men- 
 tion Zenobia, a queen of Afia, and will 
 make her the miRrefs of counfel, for coun- 
 fellors to imitate. They write of her, that 
 fhe was conftant in her enterprizes, faith- 
 ful in her words, liberal and juft, fevere 
 in punifliment, difcrcet in fpeech, grave in 
 determining, and lecret in her doings. 
 
 The indifferent man to make a counfel- 
 lor to a prince, is neither to be too old, nor 
 too young i for youth fhews lightnefs ; and 
 if a prince take abfolute power to himfelf, 
 it fhews a bold raflinefs, and will be fub- 
 jedl to be fcduced by flattering fervants, 
 that will make his will their authority ; 
 but with this caution, That it be done with 
 honour, duty, and reverence to their ma- 
 ilers, and lecurity to themfelves ; for it is 
 not the name of a counfellor that gives re- 
 putation, but the due execution of his 
 place ; he muft be an equal diilributor of 
 juftice to all people alike in the common- 
 wealth, lefV, in comparifon of land, by la- 
 bouring to make one part too fertile, he 
 leave the other part barren. 
 
 A counfellor ought to be wife, and cau- 
 tious withal, what advice he gives : For 
 there are two principal things that make a 
 prince beloved •, the one, is defending his 
 people againfl oppreflion -, the other, to 
 have peace and alliance v/ith thofe countries 
 and princes that afford them trade and com- 
 merce, which war feldom produces ; and 
 yet I confefs, that war well made, produces 
 a more perfect and firm peace •, and the befl 
 time to make fuch a war is in peace, that 
 moneys may be beft raifed. And though 
 all war of itfelf is unjuft, yet a good caufe 
 may make it lawful, but not when it is out 
 of humour, out of fpleen, or out of private 
 refpedsi and yet let it come when it will, 
 they cannot propoie any war to a prince, 
 but it is better to accept of mean conditions 
 of peace than endure the fortune of it ; for 
 Artftotle fays. Fortune fJxws herfelf moji fa- 
 vourable where there is leaf hope. 
 
 The Athenians hearing the counfel was 
 difhoneft which Athijlones gave 'Themifio- 
 
 ^79 
 
 clcs, though profitable, with one voice Monsos. 
 cried, If it be not jujl, it cannot be commo- -''V"^ 
 dious nor commendable : Whereupon T^hchii- 
 Ihcles commanded, it Ihouid be no more 
 talketi of. Let this be a caveat to coun- 
 fellors, that they cither hold their peace, 
 or fpeak things that are probable and ho- 
 nourable to kings and kingdoms, and take 
 it for a maxim, nat peace is the nurfeiy for 
 happinefs. 
 
 The folideft advice a counfellor can give 
 his mafler, is, to win the affedions of his 
 fubjefts ; for then he will have their hands 
 their hcans, and purfes, which is the mar- 
 row and finews of war ; and yet, as I have 
 faid, all things confidered, it is better 
 to avoid war-, for the nature of it is to 
 bring one into bondage, and peace makes 
 him free ; the one is a tyrant's will, the 
 other a prince's decree: But if the neceiruy 
 of a war cannot be avoitied, the lirfl: thing 
 a prince mufl provide is plenty of money ; 
 it will encourage Ibldiers, terrify enemies, 
 and imboldcn alliances, when they fhall fee 
 no likelihood of want thereof to go for- 
 ward with their enterprizes. l"he next con- 
 fideration, is to have a grave confultation 
 for the profecution of the war, not once, 
 but often ; but let them beware they rely 
 not i^pon pafTionate advifers ; for choler is- 
 an enemy to counfel, and never to be al- 
 lowed of but in extremiry, when dcfperate- 
 nefs is the lall and befl rcmetly and help •, 
 for great aftions ought to be refolved on 
 at leifure, and executed with fpeed ; and 
 it is better to efrape with judgment, than 
 to go forward with courage ; and to ufe 
 vidtory wifely, than to get it happily. 
 The victory Hannibal obrained was attri- 
 buted to the direftion and advice of his 
 council -, and many who are brave in the 
 field, want maturity to direft themfclvcs or 
 others ; v/hich fliews all men are born, as 
 well in war as other faculties, to fiipporc 
 one another. 
 
 When princes are provided of counfel, 
 money, and all other things for the war, let 
 not them nor their generals prefume upon 
 their multitudes, flrL-ngtii, or power of 
 men ; for God orders battle, and bcftows 
 the viftory when he pleafes to ftretch forth 
 his arm, which is of greater force than all 
 princes, powers, and armies : But common- 
 ly he does not ufe to do it but in defence ot 
 equity •, for generally the chance of war is 
 like a caft at dice, either good or bad, and 
 may be fpoiled by overfight, or mended by 
 play. 
 
 Now fhall follow the fufFicirncy, and 
 next the clcdlion a prince fliould make of a 
 counfellor-, for many men fly with the 
 wings of others, and fcem outwardly to 
 be what inwardly they are not ; and if he 
 hearken to the praifc of others reports, 
 
 they
 
 iSo 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra6^ts. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Mo N SON. they are uncertain, becaufe delivered out 
 ^•y^^^J of hiue or affedlion ; for good words de- 
 ceive both the wile and the toohfh. 
 
 It behoves a king therefore to enquire 
 after fuch a man's birth, education and re- 
 putation ; though I confcls his birth is the 
 leaft exception -, tor all ages prefer virtue 
 before blood : Ceiius A'laritis, a great cap- 
 tain, w.is born of bafe parentage -, the em- 
 peror Vnkntinian was ilie fon of a rope- 
 maker, and divers others little better. 
 
 The philofophers did not account the 
 lives of men by their degrees and callings, 
 but by the good they did, and the virtuous 
 name they held. Silence is a great light to 
 difcover the difcretion of a counfellor ; for 
 haftinefs, ariger, and wrath, are the pro- 
 perties of a fool ; the empty veffel makes 
 the greateft found ; and the leaft wits are 
 the greateft talkers : But the greateft folly 
 is to rely too much on a man's own fenfe, 
 and to be proud when he is praifed. Learn- 
 ing is a great help to wifdom ; it makes 
 young men fober ; it is a confolation to old 
 men -, it enriches the poor, and adorns the 
 rich : It is evil to difdain learning, but 
 worie to impugn it -, and the want of it is 
 the worft of all -, for indeed there is as great 
 a difference between the learned and the un- 
 learned, as betwixt the living and the dead, 
 or a phyfician and his patient -, though 
 learning can no more help a dull wit, than 
 labour make a barren ground fertile. 
 
 There is a furer method (for a king) to 
 chufe a counfellor, than by his birth, edu- 
 cation, or hearfay -, for a man may have 
 all, or moft of thele parts, and yet want 
 judgment, or be of a peftilent temper, that 
 fl:iall deftroy the reft ; for there are ibme 
 who can give good advice, and not fol- 
 low it; like a harp, that's pleafanter to 
 others, than to him that plays on it •, or a 
 bay-tree, that is ever green, but without 
 fruit. Therefore judge not of gold by the 
 colour, no more than ot a man at firft fight, 
 till you prove him : But the furcft rule for 
 a king to try the fufficiencyofa counfellor, 
 is to examine him in private and fudden- 
 ]y, and to propofe to him things of the 
 greateft importance and wifdom, for the 
 government ot a commonwealth •, then to 
 command him immediately to write his opi- 
 nion to all the particulars propofed, in his 
 own prefence, not fuffering him to return, 
 or have conference with any others ; which 
 will be a furprife upon him, and the king 
 will fee and difcover his abilities, and whe- 
 ther he be a worthy minifter for his fervicc, 
 or no. Of , commended for kindred, friend- 
 fliip, bribes, faflion, or other falfe pre- 
 tences, and efteem him accordingly that 
 commends him. And thus much for the 
 king's knowledge, how to eled: a counfel- 
 lor of ftate. 
 
 How to ek£l a governor. 
 
 THE next that follows fliall be the 
 choice of a governor a king fends to 
 rule over his countries and provinces. Let 
 Plato be the adviler in this point, who fiys 
 A governor mujl be loved of nianjy and fear- 
 ed of all ; he miifi endeavour to do good ac- 
 tions^ and deceive none ivith ijoords ; he mttfi 
 he conflant and pitiful ; for the clemency of 
 a governor makes a man afliamed to com- 
 mit offences. Seneca fays, "That clemency is 
 a great ornament in a governor ; and that 
 mercy, which is not accompany'd with juflice^ 
 is a fault reprehenfible ; and that juft ice with- 
 out mercy is not jujlice, but cruelty. 
 
 When Augujlus Cefar fent his governors 
 into fcveral countries, to rule, he was wont 
 CO tell them, / trufi you with my honour., 
 and commit my jufiice to you, that you envy 
 not the innocent, nor be a butcher to offenders, 
 but that with one hand you be a help to the 
 good, and encourage the evil to amend : My 
 meaning is, to fend you to le a tutor to the fa- 
 therkfs, a fupport to widows, a phyfuian to 
 the ftck, a faff to the blind, and a father to 
 all. 
 
 Alexander found the country of the Si- 
 donians in much difordcr, and the people 
 defired a juft and upright governor to rule 
 them i which being granted, the chief of 
 the nobility expefted preferment, and to 
 be advanced in the government; but Alex- 
 ander deceived all their hopes, and ap- 
 pointed one Abclolonymus, whofe virtues he 
 was inforiTied of, and who was a poor la- 
 bouring man, though of regal defcent. 
 
 A governor in all his adions muft be 
 fecret, pleaiant, and liberal ; he muft fear 
 nothing, but be ever feared ; he muft imi- 
 tate Alexander and Adrian in juftice. A 
 inan complaining to Alexander againft an- 
 other, he ftopped his ears, faying. He muji 
 keep them for the pcrty accufed. Adrian the 
 emperor, upon an information made to 
 him, the accufer brought his complaint in 
 writing ; the emperor told him, // was but 
 paper and ink, and perho.ps forged ; therefore 
 wifhed him to bring witneffes. A philofo- 
 pher advifed princes not to fend children, 
 fools, malicious or covetous perfons, or 
 that are revengeful, to govern. 
 
 He that is appointed governor of a 
 country, is little lefs than tutor of a 
 prince's perfon, or inftrutftor in his breed- 
 ing ; he is the pilot of the fhip, the ftan- 
 dard of his army, the keeper of his people, 
 the guide of his way, the treafurer of all he 
 has ; becaufe all is put into his hands to 
 govern. Agefilaus exhorts his deputies ra- 
 ther to ftudy juftice, and to govern well, 
 than to give way to the infatiable dcfire of 
 riches i for a king lofes much love by 
 
 others
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads. 
 
 28t 
 
 others corrupt dealing; and as injuftice 
 provokes defpair, fo revenge rs the execu- 
 tioner of injuftice. An ambitious governor, 
 who covets and affeds greatnels over the 
 people he rules, is like a rar, that would 
 make himfeU" lord over mice ; but fuch high 
 minded incn mull know, that there is no- 
 thing fo great as to tread t'alfc greatnefs 
 under foot. 
 
 Above all others, never chufc a melan- 
 choly man counlellor to a prince, governor 
 of a country, or general of an army ; for 
 commonly they are balely minded, vain, 
 enemies to noble thoughts, malicious, fuper- 
 ftitious, and phantaftical ; as on the con- 
 trary, a il^nguine complexion is witty, lias 
 a good memory and judgment, can dif- 
 courle well, is loving, affiible, loyal, libe- 
 ral, and of great courage -, and yet all tiiefe 
 parts and properties are nothing without fe- 
 crecy, which is the guardian of great af- 
 fairs : fecrecy was wont in ancient time to 
 be piftured as a goddefs, with her hand 
 flopping her mouth. I confefs it is a diffi- 
 cult thing to keep counfej, and dangerous 
 to reveal the fecrets of a king. It is an 
 old faying, that a fecret is hard for one to 
 keep^ enough for two, and too much for three. 
 Plato fays, Whofoever reveals his fecrets, 
 gives away his liberty ; and a fool, being fe- 
 cret, is held wife •, an open man is like a clear 
 glafs, which can hide nothing that is put into 
 it. Counfel without fecrecy is like an abor- 
 tive, brought forth without life, that was 
 imprifoned in the womb of fecret thoughts. 
 Secrecy is the key of the cabinet where 
 counfel is inclofed ; and the reward of fe- 
 crecy is, that it is without danger. And 
 thus much for the eleftion of a governor -, 
 and to proceed to my third point, which is 
 the choice of a general for war. 
 
 How to make choice of a general. 
 
 It is neceffary that a general have thefe 
 properties toliowing ; knowledge, valour, 
 authority, fortune, and a ready wit ; for 
 the faireft tilter is not the belt foldier, nor 
 a favourite at court more fit to make a gene- 
 ral, than afheep to have the leading of lions. 
 
 The firft man that brought war into dif- 
 cipline was Beforus, king of Egypt, who 
 made not war to conquer countries, but to 
 fpread abroad flime and renown. The pcr- 
 fon of a general is as much to be feared by 
 his foldiers as his enemies ; for too much 
 clemency and familiarity towards his Ibl- 
 diers, breeds a negle<5l and contempt. 
 
 The Romans were ever ftricl and fevere 
 in their commanders; they never entertain'd 
 foldiers they could not maintain and go- 
 vern -, for a great army has more weight 
 than force ; they are ill to rule, and worfe 
 to truft : neither would they entertain an 
 army of ftrangers, fiying, 'they took a wolf 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 by the ear ; for as it was dangerous to detain N!iNso?f. 
 them, fo it was worfe to let them go. ^^''V^ 
 They chofe young and generous men lor 
 foldiers, that were virtuoufly iiulined ; tiuy 
 gave them an oath, not to fly fr.jni battle, 
 or leave their flations, unlefs it were to tolce 
 up a dart, and throw at an enemy, or to 
 Hive a friend. /Ikxand-r rather chofu ex- 
 pert foldiers than multitudes; lor brave 
 Ibldicrs make glorious captains, that v.iU 
 exchange their life for honour : they know 
 their bodies arc fubjed to death, but their 
 deeds remain to the world's end : and the 
 greatefl honour a foldier can obtain, is, 
 that a king will confefs that he has gained 
 by his merit, what he granted him out of 
 liberality. 
 
 The qualities of "a foldier mufl be thefe, 
 to have a good heart and brave fpirit ; he 
 muft not be idle, or ill imployed ; he mufl: 
 not give nor take wror.g; he mufl fcrve 
 God, and defpifc the devil ; he mufl obferve 
 the wife, and love the good ; he mufl let 
 the enemy fee his face, and not his back ; 
 and give God the glory of all his anions. 
 
 Valour is not all that is required in a 
 foldier: it mufl be mixed with difcretion 
 and conduft ; for raflinefs is hot in the 
 hand, and flow in the end, that will ad- 
 venture without fear or hope of prevailino", 
 for fliccefs is but a tutor of fools, as con- 
 duct proceeds from judgment. There are 
 many things in the v.ar which give better 
 counfel to men, than men to things ; arid 
 therefore a general ought to be no more li- 
 mited than a pilot at fea, that has the con- 
 duit of a fhip. 
 
 The greatefl: honour and effeem a cap- 
 tain can purchafe, is to overthrow his ene- 
 my by flratagems, rather than by hazard- 
 ing ; by counfelling, rather than by com- 
 bat ; and that captain who has performed 
 any exploit by policy, enjoys more in the 
 fame of it, than in the Hilary or reward gi- 
 ven him. 
 
 Let generals, captains, and foldiers be- 
 ware their war be not againfl their king or 
 prince; for that is unjufl:, though there were 
 provocation : for no provocation caa give 
 lawful power to begin fuch a war, and pur- 
 chafe the name of rebels ; whofe circum- 
 flances are luch, they are followed with 
 threats, and kept up with intreaties : they 
 feed, upon promifes, and attempt with fear -, 
 they are very fufpicious, and live upon 
 hope ; they are not content with little, nor 
 pleafed with reward ; becaufe they Jeave 
 not the king to follow the beft caufe, but out 
 of hope of benefit by robbing and fpoiling: 
 and indeed, a rebel knows not what he de- 
 fires, nor has a feeling what he doth ; for their 
 fury is fuch as not to admit of counfel, which 
 makes their minds full of perturbation, be- 
 caufe they are embracers of their own wjU. 
 4 B An
 
 i8i 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Ndval Trails. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 MoNsoN. An heroical captain will oblige his enemy 
 ^-^"V~^ by good deeds, radier than by fear-, tor lb 
 did Lso Afrkanus to th<jfe of Carthage he 
 took prifoners, for humility and clemency 
 are of noble extradtion : a country conquei'd 
 is better prcferved by love, than force or 
 cruelty ; for a foldier ought as well to re- 
 lieve the opprcfled, as to overcome his ene- 
 my. It is written of Cefar^ that he ne- 
 ver left man unrewarded, nor offence un- 
 pardoned ; whereby he grew popular : He 
 told the council of Rome^ that nothing 
 was fo glorious, nor pleafant in this world, 
 as to pardon an injury done -, and indeed no 
 man is victorious and conqueror, but he 
 that ufes victory with clemency. The em- 
 peror "Titus pardoned one that would have 
 flain him, which got him much love and 
 eftecm amongfl: the Romans. Jdriajj treated 
 with thofe men that had been his enemies 
 before he was emperor ; which got him no 
 lefs love and relpeift. Soliman the great Turk, 
 called the Megnificent, reproved JoJm Scpa- 
 fius, the new-railed king of Hungary, bc- 
 caufe he would not pardon the archbilhop 
 of Gran, ftying, there could not be a great- 
 er felicity than to pardon our enemies ; and 
 though they (hould prove unthankful, yet 
 it were better to be requited with ingrati- 
 tude, than fail of the glory of flicwing 
 mercy. This ai5t made his adions more fa- 
 voured in Hungary. 
 
 Auguftus C^far proclaimed twenty-five 
 thoufand crowns reward to him that fliould 
 apprehend Corocota, a great robber. Co- 
 cocota hearing of it, went fecretly and fub- 
 mitted himfelf to Ccrfar; which fo much 
 moved him, that he pardoned and received 
 him into his favour. When Scipio took 
 Carthage, he found a beautiful woman be- 
 trothed to a gentleman called Indibilis; and 
 fhe being in Spirio's hands, he fent her to 
 her parents: in recompence whereof they 
 returned a great quantity of money ; which 
 Scipio refufed to accept of, but command- 
 ed it to be given to the young woman in 
 dower. This courtefy fo hr prevailed 
 upon thofe people, that they fubmltted 
 themfelves to Rome. The fame temper 
 Pompey ufed to many fair ladies he took in 
 his war againft Mithridatcs, which wrought 
 the iame efleft. Selim the great Turk, 
 who was fo cruel that he flew his father and 
 brother, took many beautiful ladies, whom 
 he ufcd honourably, and fent to their pa- 
 rents •, v/hich availed him much in his vi- 
 (flories. Jofephus writes, that the cove- 
 toufnefs of Marcus CraJJus, who robbed 
 the temple of Jerufakm, was the caufc of 
 his punifhment; he dying miferably in his 
 army, and in the hands of his enemies. 
 Julius, uncle to Julian the apofVate, rob- 
 bed the church of Antioch, and was vi- 
 fibly punifhed ; his intrails rotting out, 
 1 
 
 anu 
 
 .1 worms creeping out of them, and his 
 
 excrements coming out at his mouth. 
 Alexander, to his praife, would not fuffer 
 hurt to be done to the temples, nor any 
 thing within ihem, when he facked Tyre 
 and Thebes. 
 
 Honour is the next degree to clemency 
 and mercy in a foldier, and nothing ac- 
 counted more diflionourable in him, than 
 breach of his promife and word given; it 
 makes not only himfelf odious, but it 
 leaves an everlafling ftain of perfidiouf- 
 nefs upon his nation and poftcrity. I could 
 tax fome of our Chriftian kings with this 
 abominable vice, if I thought example 
 would reftore them to better grace, and 
 wipe away their old offences -, for no body 
 can feek praife by his counterfeit virtue : for 
 fame cannot profit, but fliame may hurt 
 him in the end. 
 
 A foldier muft not be ftained with vice ; 
 his care mufl be how to think well, and 
 how to do well ; for death is a conti- 
 nual watchman over him. A true foldier is 
 of fo heroical a fpiric, that he had rather pe- 
 rifli in his defires, than live in bafe thoughts. 
 He fhould not be moved with adverfity, 
 nor elevated with profperity ; iot Plato lays, 
 that a noble and brave minded man, hath 
 more trouble to tame his heart, than to at- 
 tempt great matters ; and will think it 
 more pain to floop to a ftraw, than to reach 
 to a bough -, he will fcorn to defire ho- 
 nour, and not to deferve it with virtue and 
 valour, and will think it an unworthy act 
 to have his thoughts upon bafe things. A 
 philofopher fays. He dies not, who leaves 
 a good fame ; nor he lives not, who hath 
 not a good efVeem : they did not value men 
 by their birth or age, but for their noble 
 deeds they did. The triumphs that were 
 fo hmom At Rome, were not efleemed un- 
 lets the party had done fome aft of honour 
 or renown. 
 
 I will now diftinguifli betwixt fuch wor- 
 thy foldicrs as I have fpoken of, and the con- 
 trary, who make others virtues their vices. 
 The heathens had fuch regard to their oaths, 
 that they made it death for a man to fortwear 
 himfelt. Hannibal ^-^z leave to ten prifoners 
 he took, to go to Rome, with promife to re- 
 turn; two of them foiled, which they found 
 afterwards to be an aCl of fo great indignity, 
 that they killed themfelves. Parmenio ad- 
 v\{'iA Alexander to overcome his enemies by 
 deceit and treafon ; Alexander anfwered : If I 
 were Parmenio I might do it; but being yf- 
 lexander, he would not offer it. The phy- 
 fician of king Pyrrhus, made overtures 
 to Vahricius to poifon his matter, -if he would 
 reward him : but Fahricius was fo far from 
 confenting to lb foui an aft, that he difco- 
 vered it to Pyrrhus, and writ to him : That 
 it was not the cutlom of the Romans to over- 
 come
 
 Book II. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navd Trads. 
 
 z8j 
 
 come their enemies by trcafon. Jnftinian 
 the emperor being at w;ir with the Per/tans, 
 hired the Hunnes to ferve him ; but they 
 fiUlly put themfelves into the pay of ihe 
 Pc)f:a;is. JujUninlt informed the king of 
 Perfia of if, who juftly cominanded the 
 Hunnes to be ftrangled for breaking their 
 words, to the fhameful example of a Chri- 
 flian king. Ulaciifiaus, king of Hungary, 
 being at war with Anmrat the great T.'iirk, 
 he fwore to the articles of peace made betwixt 
 them, but falfiy and pcrfidioufly broke it. 
 Hereupon the battle followed, and Amurat 
 took out of his bofom t-ie articles fworn to 
 hy Ulndiflaus, and lifting his hands and eyes 
 to heaven, faid, I'hefe are the conditions 
 fworn to by the C'lriftians, which tallly they 
 have broken -, but if thou be'll God, as the 
 Cliriftians do efteem thee, revenge this filfe- 
 nefs they have done me. He had Icarcely 
 fpoken thefe words, but Uladijlaus was flain, 
 tlic Hw:garians routed, and Anmrat got the 
 vic'tory. Here Uladijlaus periidiouily broke 
 his faith ; and though he had lived, yet he 
 had loft all bylofing it. 
 
 But to redeem ihis treachery by a Chri- 
 ftian emperor, of more ftme and worth 
 than the latter times have fent forth ; I 
 mean Charles V. he being in the wars of 
 'Tunis in Barbary, the baker o\ Barbarofa 
 his enemy, the titular king oi Algiers, re- 
 paired to him, with offer to poifon his ma- 
 iler with a loaf of brea I of his own baking; 
 which the emperor worthily rejected, and 
 told him it was an aft of a Turk, and not 
 of a Chriftian, and gave him leave to depart 
 like a villain as he came. 
 
 God is fo angry wiiii unjuft aftions, that 
 many times he puniflicth the intentions of 
 thofe that defire to commit unnatural cruel- 
 ties. To inftance in Charles king of Sicily, 
 who after his fubjefts had rebelled, and 
 mafTacred the French at the Sicilian vefpers, 
 befieged the city o'i M:Jfina, and put it to 
 fuch llraights, that the people begg'd mer- 
 cy ; but v.'ith great anger and palhon he 
 refufed it ; upon which they grew fo defpe- 
 rate, that they made choice rather to die 
 than fubmit, and couragioufly iallied forth 
 upon the king's anr.y, overcame him, and 
 became free. This raflmefs nude the king 
 afterwards fubjeft to the government of Don 
 Pedro king di Arragon. 
 
 In the like manner Lf:cv'.f earl di Flanders 
 was ufed at the city of Ghent j for being 
 before it with thirty thoufand men, ajul it 
 being put to a great extremity and pinch, 
 the people of Ghent craved mercy, as Mef- 
 fina had done ; which the earl refufed, un- 
 Icfs they fubmitted themfelves to his mer- 
 cy with ropes about their necks -, but they 
 finding his obftinacy and wiUulnefs fb great, 
 fix thoufand of the citizens fallied out of 
 the town, overcame the earl, and made 
 
 him fly in difguife to a little cottage near ^»i^n' son*. 
 Bruges \ and upon this defeat, many o:her ^OT^i 
 places revolted from him. 
 
 Had thele princes had any grace, or !cnfe 
 of their religion they outwardly profeflld, 
 they would have known what a father of 
 the church hud taught them, that to par- 
 don many for the merits of one, was Chri- 
 ftianity ; but to punifh many for the fault 
 of one, was tyranny. Out of conlcience 
 one fhould be more fearful to injure a poor 
 man, than a rich ; for a rich man revenges 
 himleif, as ihole of Ghent and Mejfma did, 
 by force ; the others with tears. 
 
 Let cruel and perverfe natures think 
 what they pleafc of themfelves and ae'tions, 
 they will lind the plcallires they do to ;i 
 friend, will make him more friendly ; and 
 a courtefy done to an enemy will be a 
 means to make him become a friend ; but 
 the ground thereof mult proceed from God ; 
 for Cicero fiys, tliat take away the piety 
 towards God, and you'll take away all H- 
 delity and conjundion of human fociety. 
 
 To conclude this point I treat of, I 
 think that prince moft happy who has the 
 three forts of people aforefaid to ferve him, 
 viz. wife and grave fenators to counfel, 
 juft and upright magiftrates to govern, 
 and valiant, young, aiid difcreet ibldiers 
 to execute : The one fupports the other in 
 convenient time, like fruit which come* 
 not altogether, or ends altogether ; fome 
 learning, others obeying ; or like ancient and 
 fiige fathers, tliat leave their tender fons to 
 fucceed them in their profellions and virtues. 
 
 And now I will end with the imploy- 
 ment of the king's fhips, Irom the year 
 1635 till this y-ar 1640, wherein you 
 have feen the caufe of their impioyment ; 
 for then his majefty began to hiive a feel- 
 ing of the inlblencies committed on the 
 Narrow feas ; which he redreffed by thofe 
 fleets aforefaid, and fince has fo quelled his 
 neighbours, that they dare not but do rea- 
 fon to his majefty's fubjefts ; as appears by 
 thefe particular benefits following it has 
 produced. 
 
 The firft, is an acknowledgment of his 
 majefty's iovereignty of the lea, which of 
 late years feemed to be queftioned. The 
 fecond, is the peaceable trade we now enjoy 
 into the ports of Flanders, which the Hol- 
 landers were wont to forbid, though they 
 were warranted by the articles of* peace in 
 1604; which trade di Flanders had turned 
 to great profic to his majefty in cuftoms, and 
 ten times as much to his fubjefts, by the 
 commerce of that province ; tor I mull con- 
 feis with grief, that our nation was much 
 injured till now of late, by thofe bale people 
 of H'Jland; ibr they lluck not to interrupt 
 our trade, feizing of our £;/f /r/i barks, at the 
 
 very
 
 284 
 
 ^/> William MonlbnV Naval Trades. 
 
 EooK II. 
 
 MoNsoN-. very inftant they permitted fhips of their own nivM at out of policy, which tliefc fleets 
 
 w-V>- to enter the ports witiii;ut impeachment i aforelaid have now ordci'd tor the hberty 
 
 and though I have made often and fundry of the fubjeft, and reputation of the king 
 
 complaints thereof, yet no remedy could and country. 
 
 be obtained j and as I conceive, it was con- The next that followeth is, 
 
 How to make War upon Scotland, if they follo'W their rehellous CourfeS. 
 
 
 THOUGH this difcourfe of Scolhwd 
 is fitter for the fifth book, which con- 
 tains projeds and ftraragems of war, yet 
 becaule it is an aftive time, and concerns 
 the fea, which is the chief drift of my 
 narrative, I have annex'd it to thofe ac- 
 tions that are gone before, and will pro- 
 ceed to make war againft Scotiafid, with 
 moft conveniency, and leafl expence and 
 charge. 
 
 The proportion of his majefty's fhips to 
 be employ'd, I would not wilh to be above 
 three, for thefe reafons : the world fhould 
 not think it a fcrvice of that importance, 
 as to require a greater force •, and to thelb 
 three fhips to have an addition of ten or 
 twelve colliers, of two or three hundred 
 tons burden, that trade to Newaiftle. 
 
 It is not fit for above three fhips of his 
 majeffy's to be fo far from the narrow feas, 
 France and Holland fronting upon us, which 
 want no Oiips, nor readinels to arm to fea, 
 vvhatfoever they fhould intend againft us ; 
 but we fhall prevent any fuch defign of 
 theirs, when our fliips fliall appear at lea 
 upon our own coalT:. 
 
 In the colliers fliips aforefiid, to tranf- 
 port a regiment of fourteen or fifteen hun- 
 dred foldiers-, and to eafe the charge, to 
 allow every fhip but thirty feafaring men, 
 which will not amount to the third part of 
 charge of vi<ftuals and men, and yet do the 
 dime fervice as lb many of the king's fhips 
 would perform. 
 
 Befides the colliers aforefaid, I would 
 wifli that as many fiflier barks may be pref- 
 fed, to arm them yvith Imall guns, and 
 every man to have his mufket and pike, and 
 to be furnifli'd with all other provifions, 
 as fait, and hooks to filli, that when they 
 are not otherwife imploy'd, they may con- 
 tinue their fifhing, and llipply the army, 
 both by fea and land : we ffiall find thefe 
 vefTels of great importance, as well to fend 
 from port to port upon any occafion, as 
 to tranfport our men from one fhore to an- 
 other. 
 
 At out firft arrival, that we have care to 
 poflels and fortify very flrongly fome town 
 near the fea, on the north fide, and the 
 fame on the Ibuth and Loivdon fide, and to 
 put into them a fufRcient garrifbn out of 
 the fifteen hundred men aforeiaid, and the 
 refl of the foldiers to keep as a running 
 camp to forage the country, for by help 
 of the fifhing veflels aforeiaid, they may 
 be fpeedily tranfported fVom the north fide 
 to the fouth, or from the Ibuth to the 
 north, and havock and fpoil the country 
 as they lift. -, and the two towns pollefied 
 and fortified, will ftrve them for a retreat ; 
 and the country oi Siotlmd thereabouts will 
 be forc'd to maintain four thoufand men 
 continually for iis defence ; two thoufand on 
 the one fuic, and two thouilind on the other ; 
 for the Frith fo divides them, that one can- 
 not fuccour another under an hundred miles 
 march, by the bridge of Sterling. 
 
 Befides, thefe towns being fortify'd and 
 made ftrong, will ferv'e luch Scots for places 
 of rendezvous, as fliall fly from the cove- 
 nanters, and fubmit themfclves to his ma- 
 jefty's obedience ; which no doubt many 
 will do, if the former proclamation be pub- 
 liftied, which his majefty fet forth when 
 he was in Scotland; for all tenants to leave 
 their landlords upon the condition expref- 
 ied in that proclamation ; only I would 
 have this added to it. That whofoever fhall 
 thus fly, bring with them their arms to the 
 places of rendezvous, where they fhall re- 
 ceive ready money for fuch arms as they 
 ftiall bring, to the utiermoft value : and 
 this will be a ready way and means to dif- 
 arm great part of the rebels. 
 
 The next care mull be to fuppiy the ar- 
 my with corn ; for the boats will be of 
 great help to fuccour them with fi(h, the 
 corn to be bak'd into bilcuit, either mHoly 
 IJland, or at Berwick, and thence fisnt to 
 the army •, which for want of ovens, mills, 
 and perhaps of wood to bake it, cannot be 
 fo well furniflied with bread. 
 
 How to carry the ABlon at Sea with leaji Expence to his Majejly. 
 
 IMPRIMIS, To take away the an- 
 cient abufe of purlers, commonly known, 
 whereby neither king nor fubjedt fliall be 
 wrong'd : this I will make apparent, when 
 there is occafion to treat of it by the coun- 
 cil of war. 
 
 Item., Whereas every four men are mef- 
 fed with equal proportion of viftuals in 
 the king's fervice at lea, we have often ufed 
 in the queen's time, in our louthern expe- 
 ditions, to make our vifluals go the fur- 
 ther, to bring five men to the allowance of 
 
 four
 
 Book It 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^jal Tr^ds. 
 
 2S5 
 
 four, and fo we have got a week in eveiy 
 month. 
 
 Item, The f:ime courfe we may now 
 take, and with more content to the com- 
 pany ; tor in thofe days, and thofe voyages 
 of the queen's, we couki never be fupphcd 
 with vicituals, no, not fo much as water, 
 till our return -, as here we fliall have plenty 
 of fifli and water. 
 
 //(?»?, That one of the bcft colliers fliips 
 be appointed for the officers of the ord- 
 nance, to carry luch provifions as properly 
 belong to that office, which will nothing 
 hinder the tranfportation of iuch foldiers as 
 flie carries. 
 
 hem. To carry in her ten or twelve cul- 
 verins and demi-culverins, to fortify the 
 ifland of Eskiffe, which is the guard and 
 defence of the harbour of Leith. 
 
 Item, Befides plenty of all kind of am- 
 munition, that they carry a thouiand arms 
 to fupply the king's party, if there be occa- 
 
 fioni as alfo good flore of fenfored d-.ilMor,:oy. 
 boards, fpikcs, all manner of iron tools tor ^nr^>i* 
 carpenters and fmiths; provifion for pio- 
 neers; and every pioneer to have a pikc-llaft" 
 to lie by him, vvhiilt he is at work, tliat 
 he may take himlelf to it, if he be airiil'.d 
 by an enemy j to carry good llore of fow- 
 lers, as of great importance many ways ; 
 to carry twenty pitched pots of iron, with 
 all kind of ingredients, to be ufcd in a ftra- 
 tagem to let on fire their coal-jiits; to be 
 careful that the mould for their bullets do 
 fit the bore of their mulkct. 
 
 Item, Bdides the fpoil the En^lijh fol- 
 diers fliall make in the country, that they 
 be careful to dertroy their corn, as the next 
 way utterly to ruin them-, for befidcs that 
 they will take away their bread, they will 
 utterly dellroy their ftraw, which is the 
 food of their cattle and horfes; for hay they 
 have none. 
 
 How to provide for the wejl part 0/' Scotland, 
 
 THERE mufl be as great a provifion 
 made for the weft part of Scotland, 
 as for the eaft, I have fpoken of: and how 
 to do it with the leaft charge, and moft con- 
 veniency, I will here fet down. 
 
 hiprimis. To furnifh three fliips of an 
 hundred tons each ; and to be provided and 
 fitted in Barnjlapk in Devonjhire, with for- 
 ty mariners in each fhip; vit fhall flive there- 
 by five hundred miles failing, by furnifhing 
 them at Barnftapk, or that part of Devon- 
 jhire, or Cornivall, and not at London ; be- 
 fides the fhift of three feveral winds, as from 
 Barnftapk, afoutherly, weflerly, oraneafter- 
 ly wind will carry us diredtly to Ireland, or 
 oppofite to Ireland; fo that there will be 
 much time gotten, and great expence faved. 
 Item, There muft be the fame provifion 
 made of lifher- boats, corn, fair, arms, and 
 all other necefTaries, as is fet dov/n for the 
 eaft part of Scotland. 
 
 Item, to command, upon pain of death, 
 that there be no manner of trade betwixt 
 Ireland and Scotland, or betwixt the Ifle of 
 Man, or any other place whatfoever and 
 Scotland. 
 
 Item, That the three fhips and boats 
 aforefaid do feize upon all barks and vefTels 
 whatfoever, great and fmall, on that weft- 
 ern fide of Scotland, and carry them into 
 the ports of Ireland, there to put them fife 
 afhore, taking out of them their fails, mafts, 
 ropes, rudders, that they may not fteal, or 
 be ftolen away; and if his majefty have 
 occafion to tranfport an army from Ireland 
 to Scotland, thele fhips and boats will be 
 able to do it, which otherwife on a fudden 
 all Ireland cxnnot furnifli. 
 
 Item, That a difcreet gentleman be cho- 
 VOL. III. 
 
 fen to command this aftion to the weft part 
 of Scotland, and lb to order thiiios, that 
 there be one fhip in a port of Ireland, and 
 another in a harbour of Siotland, to fend 
 and receive intelligence of the ftate of the 
 two kingdoms, and what help and affi- 
 ftance is required from one to another. 
 
 Item, That a fcout royal be built in the 
 ifiand oiJrran; and fuch a place to be cho- 
 fen where the water and channel is deepeft 
 for fliips to ride and fioat : this fort will be 
 able to defend fuch fliips of ours, as we 
 all employ on that coaft, if it happen that 
 France, or any other nation, fliall give the 
 Scots affiftance by fea. 
 
 Item, To make the caftle of Dunharton 
 impregnable, which may be eafily doncj 
 and there to keep a magazine for all pro- 
 vifions of war. Dunharton is fo featcd, that 
 it keeps all the northern parts of Scotland 
 in awe ; and that Frith of Arran, where it 
 lies, goes as tar to the eaft ward as G/afio-u.'f 
 and weftward to the cape or mull of Can- 
 tire; fo that betwixt Gla/cow and Cantire 
 there will be no palfage over the water, 
 having no provifion of boats. 
 
 And from Glafcozo to Sterling is but ten 
 or twelve miles, from whence the river runs 
 into the eaft Frith, and fo into the tea; in 
 which fpace likewife there is no pafTage tor 
 want of boats and bridges; infomuch, that 
 we fhall have but ten or twelve miles tQ 
 fortify, viz. from Glafcaw to Sterling, wliich 
 if we do, we fecure the Ibuth part of Sect' 
 land to England from any incurfions the 
 northern parts or highlanders can make 
 againft either of us ; and fb we fhall pale 
 them in their own bounds and country, 
 where it is not fit for civil men to live. 
 
 4 C This
 
 1 8(5 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val Trii6is. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 MossoN. This being done, if his majefty pleafe, 
 ^-'^^"^ he may join chat Ibuthern part of Scotland 
 with Eu^laud^ and make it but one entire 
 kingdom, allowing the inhabitants tlic fame 
 privilege the Englijh enjoy : and this is no 
 more than has been in former times -, for 
 ibmc wliile Norlbumberlavd and Cumberland 
 belung'd to Scotland, and fometime to Eng- 
 land. 
 
 If his majefty fliall pleafe to do it, and 
 make iiimfcif abfokite mafter of Scotland, 
 let him raze the callles and fortifications ot 
 Edingbiii-b -, for we may fee by example of 
 all ages, that the caftle of Edingburgh is the 
 place (in all combuitions) that either king, 
 rebels, or foreign enemies covet to take ; 
 for whofocver pofleffes it, is not fo quickly 
 or eafily beaten out of it -, for indeed, the 
 callle is the defence of the whole country, 
 being fupply'd with vidluals. 
 
 And iiiilead of Edingburgh, which is the 
 fupreme city, and now made the head of 
 jurtlce, whither all men refort, as the only 
 ipring that waters the reft of the land with- 
 in the kingdom, I would wilh his majefty 
 did fortify, ftrengthcn, and make impreg- 
 nable the town of Ldth, and there to fettle 
 the feat of juftice, witli all other privileges 
 Edingburgh enjoys, referring it to the choice 
 of the inhabitants of Edingburgh, whether 
 they will make their dwelling where they 
 do, or remove to Leith, where they ftiall 
 enjoy the fame liberties they did at Edin- 
 burgh. 
 
 His majefty may do it out of thefe re- 
 fpeds \ Leith is a maritime town, and will 
 five a great labour and charge in carrying 
 and conveying their merchandize to Edin- 
 burgh, which no man but will find a conve- 
 niency in. 
 
 Leith is a fea town whither fliips refort, 
 and mariners make their dwellings ; and the 
 Trinity -Houfe there fettled ; and lies more 
 convenient for tranfportation and importa- 
 tion, it being the port-town of Edinburgh, 
 and in time of war may cut off all provi- 
 fions betwixt the fea and Edinburgh, and 
 bring Edinburgh to the mercy of it. 
 
 From Leith to Murro-Frith, and from 
 Murro-Frith to the iflands of Orkney, there 
 is never a harbour in that part of Scotland 
 that will entertain any fliip of gr?at burden ; 
 infomuch, that if his majefty fortify the 
 town of Leith, and the iflands of Inskiffe, 
 it will fecure the whole kingdom of Scot- 
 land -, for by fea no enemy can attempt it, 
 and by land we fhall be provided to defend 
 it. By famine an enemy can have no 
 
 2 
 
 hope to force them to yield, becaufe we 
 fhall fupply them by fea -, if the people 
 within the town prove mutinous and rebel- 
 lious, with our ordnance out of fhips, wc 
 fliall be able to beat their houles about their 
 ears, and make them flibmit their lives and 
 goods to our difpofal. As I advife the 
 caflle of Edinburgh to be abfolutely raz'd, 
 fo would I in like manner wiib, that all the 
 caftles in Scotland were fo ferv'd, except 
 Leith and Inskiffe, as aforefiid, Di.nbarton, 
 the new erefted caftle in the ifland of Arran; 
 and, if there be need, to continue fortify'd 
 the two towns, the one of Lo'-joden fide, and 
 the other on Fife fide. Thefe places except- 
 ed, it were good there were a law enafted. 
 That it fhould not be lawful for any one 
 piece of ordnance to remain in Scotland, 
 under any pretence whatfoever ; then fhall 
 the fortifications aforcfaid be without dan- 
 ger, either by fiege or otherwife ; and 
 of ftrength fufficient to defend themfelves 
 againft all enemies, domcflick or foreign, 
 elpecially when the fea lies open to us to be 
 rcliev'd with fidi or food, and in our power 
 to forbid others to take benefit of the 
 fea. 
 
 For the northern part of Scotland, (which 
 I have pal'd out from the rell: of the coun- 
 try, as unworthy to be reckon'd with thefe 
 fouthern parts, both in refpeft of the foil, 
 as alio for the brutifbnefs of the people,) 
 I wifh, confidering their qualifications, that 
 they may be only taught fo much civility 
 and breeding, as to acknowledge his maje- 
 fty the true Ibvereign king over them, with- 
 out impofing any kind of tax on them ; 
 for the country cannot afford it. And be- 
 caufe their natures and difpofitions are tur- 
 bulent, and never free from quarrels and tu- 
 mults among themfelves, I would wifh that 
 they fhould be encourag'd in that fiidlious 
 way with one another, that their thoughts 
 may be imploy'd otherwife than in plotting 
 and contriving mifchief againft the Ibuthern 
 and civil part of Scotland ; this would in 
 time either reduce them to civility, or by 
 divifions quite extirpate them. 
 
 This weftern part of Scotland, I have 
 treated of, is the moft dangerous place of 
 all the kingdom to receive relief out of 
 France by fhipping ■, and the more dange- 
 rous, becaufe from many parts of France^ 
 as rktmely Breft, Rochel, and all that coaft 
 thereabouts, one wind will carry them out 
 of their harbours, without ever ftriking fail, 
 till they arrive in that part of Scotland. 
 
 An
 
 Book ir. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval l^raCU: 
 
 287 
 
 All admonition to gentlemen to be^care. kow they engi^ge In fca 'voyages^ or 
 ear to projectors that put them upon Jitch aBlom. 
 
 MAN for hope of gain is apt to be led 
 into many inconvenicncics, when he 
 has an opinion of the v/ifclom or Iionefty of 
 him that perfuades ; and this no where ap- 
 pears plainer than in fca adventures, into 
 which Inch impoftors and cheats have drawn 
 gentlemen, to the ruin of thcmlelvcs and 
 pofterity. 
 
 I know fome who have perfuaded gentle- 
 men, that the hidies afforded nothing but 
 gold, and that for fetching, and that they 
 lill'd their own purfes with gold ; and thofe 
 gentlemen ran headlong to deftruflion, with- 
 out giving ear to advice, or believing any 
 friend that advis'd them to the contrary. 
 
 But that fuch gentlemen may fee their 
 miftake, I will touch upon the flate of the 
 JVcJl-India trade, by which they may per- 
 ceive what they are to expedl by robbing 
 at fea ; for I have already made out what 
 they are to get by pillaging afhore -, and I 
 wifli this may come to the hands of thofe 
 who are in danger of being drawn in by 
 fuch unhappy projeflors. 
 
 He that will undertake a voyage, either 
 with fleet or private fhips, muft confider, 
 that in the If^cjt- Indies he is out of all hopes 
 of carracks, fliips from Guinea, or Brajil, and 
 all other trade, and muft expeft only fuch 
 as are bound thither, or trade from place to 
 place. 
 
 They muft alfo confider, their fliips will 
 foon grow foul, and not be able to fetch up 
 thofe that have been lately careen'd. Fires 
 made afliore will give warning of an enemy 
 being on the coaft, and lb prevent him. 
 And, laftly, the wind and current fets with 
 that violence and conftancy, that it is im- 
 pofllble to keep to windward of any port, 
 if we keep the fea, or to recover a height, 
 if we are put to leeward of it. 
 
 Therefore the error of our planters in 
 Virginia and Bermudas ftiall appear, who 
 were drawn principally into thofe enter- 
 prizes, in hopes to annoy the Spaniards 
 trade in the JVeJl-Indies, not knowing that 
 the current fets with fuch force from cape 
 
 Florida to the nonhv/ard, ih.it it is irnpofli- 
 ble to bear it up. ■ 
 
 They were fo ignorant as not to know, 
 that if they go from thofe places to the 
 fVcJl- Indies, they muft firft fetch the Cana- 
 ries for a wind, which is a thoufiind lc.i"ues 
 from them, and but five hundred from Enf^- 
 land; fo that tiiey are five hundred leagues 
 nearer the JVeJi -Indies going out of England, 
 l\\xr\ owx. 0I Virginia. ... 
 
 Nor do they confider, that the water 
 does not rife fo much in Virginia, as to grave 
 their fliips; or the fmall convenicncy that 
 place yiekis to carrccn them ; or the Hidden 
 gufts that come froin the land, and will en- 
 danger them in their careening. 
 
 But fuppofe Virginia to be nearer, and no 
 impediment for our Ihips to fail from thenc« 
 to the Indies, \ would afk, what poffibility 
 there is, rather to meet a fleet in the opeil 
 leas there, where I have fliewn the force of 
 wind and current will put them to leeward, 
 than on the coaft of Spain, whither they are 
 bound, and muft rep.iir, antl wlicre there 
 are capes and head-lands, which they muft 
 make before they put into the fliorc or 
 ports. 
 
 Reafon will make any one confcfs, it is 
 more likely to find a man one looks for at 
 the door he muft certainly go in at, than 
 on a wild heath, where he has many ways 
 to go by ; and fo is it with fliips, it being 
 better to wait for them at a cape or head- 
 land, which they muft make, than in the 
 fpacious and open fea. And thus much for 
 this point. 
 
 But feeing I have' run over the cafualties 
 or uncertainties, or rather the impofTibili- 
 ties to annoy the Spaniards in the Indies, I 
 will flievv the inconftancy of fea affairs, by 
 precedents of the Englijlj fleets that were 
 imploy'd againft Spain in time of war, 
 wherein the wealth taken in the voyages 
 will appear; and by it let us judge, what 
 profit we are to expe£t by luch adtions, 
 which are governed by unconftant w^inds and 
 fortune. 
 
 "4 U 
 
 Ibe
 
 288 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjal TraSis. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 'the nwnber of voyages Jet out by her majejfy during the tear, and the pro/it 
 
 they turned to. 
 
 1587. 
 
 1588. 
 1589. 
 
 15S9. 
 
 1590. 
 ^593- 
 
 SI R Francis Drake to the Indies, j 594. 
 fome few pieces of ordnance. 
 Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz Road, af- 1595. 
 
 ter which he took a carrack that 
 
 had winter'd at Mo(ambique. 
 Adefenfive, but a viftorious adion. 1596. 
 The expedition to Portugal, no pro- 
 fit at all. 
 My lord of Cumberland, fome gain 1597. 
 
 to himfelf, but nothing to her ma- 1599. 
 
 jcfty. 1 600. 
 
 Sir Martin Furlujher, andSiryo/iw 1601. 
 
 Hawkins, no profit at all. 
 The lord 'Thomas Ho-joard, almoft a 1602. 
 
 faving voyage. 
 The earl o^ Cumberland, no profit at all. 
 Sir Walter Raleigh's fleet, a carrack 1602. 
 
 taken; many adventurers. 1603. 
 
 The earl of Cumberland, fome gain 
 
 to himfelf, none to the queen. 
 
 A defenfive fleet in Britany, no pro- 
 fit. Sir Martin Forbujloer flain. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Haw- 
 kins to the Indies, where they both 
 died; only fome ordnance. 
 
 Cadiz expedition, two galleons with 
 their ordnance ; the galleons fold 
 for 300/. 
 
 The ifland voyage, almofl: faving. 
 
 The Downs adiion, a defenfive fleer. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon, no profit at all. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon, but with a de- 
 fenfive fleet in Ireland. 
 
 Sir Richard Lewfon and Sir JVilliam 
 Monfon took a carrack, a Ihip of 
 great value. 
 
 Sir IVilliam Monfon, no profit at all. 
 
 A defenfive fleet, when the queen 
 died. 
 
 Hje End of the Second Book, 
 
 THE
 
 189 
 
 THE 
 
 EPISTLE. 
 
 To ALL 
 
 Captains of Ships, Maflers, Pilots, Mariners, 
 and Common Sailors. 
 
 IN all reafon the dedicating of this third book is more proper and due to you, than 
 any of the others to whom they are commended : Forafmuch as what is contained 
 in them, you and your profeffion are the principalleft aftors and authors of, as the 
 wheel from whence the reft receives their motion. 
 
 For what would it avail that all boughs of trees were oaks, or every ftulk of hemp 
 a fathom of cable, or every creature a perfeft artift, to frame and build a (hip? 
 what were all thefe more than to the eye, were it not for you, your art and fkill, to 
 conduft and guide her ? She were like a fumptuous coftly palace nobly furnifhed, and no 
 body to inhabit in it ; or like a houfe in Athens, Laertius writes of, in which all that 
 were born proved fools -, and another, in the field of Mars near Rome, whofe owners 
 ever died fuddenly -, both which were commanded, the one by the lenators of Athens, 
 the other by the emperor Mark Anthony, not only to be pulled down, but the timber to 
 be burnt. 
 
 How fhould we know that France, Italy, and Spain, produced wine out of the grape, 
 or England other commodities not heard of by them ? How fliould we know the Indies, 
 and we.ilth therein, or the means to receive it from thence, were it not for your fkill 
 and labour ? How fhould we know that all nations differ from us in language, or one 
 from another, but by your navigations? AU iflands, how little foever, would be in 
 the error of the Chinefes, who thought there was no other world nor people but their 
 own, till the Portuguefes, by their travels and mathematical art and learning, made it ap- 
 parent to them. All thefe fecrets muft be attributed to your art, adventures, and pain- 
 ful difcoveries. 
 
 What fubjcdls can make their king and country more happy than you, by the of- 
 fenfive and defenfive fervices you may do them at fea ? What wealth is brought in or 
 carried out of the kingdom, but muft pafs through your hands ? What honour has 
 England of late years gained, and all by your adventures and valour, which has made 
 you excellent above all other nations ? Who knows not that your parts and profelTion de- 
 ferve favour of the ftate ? Who knows not that the whole kingdom has ufe for you ? and 
 that there is a necefTity to nourifh you ? 
 
 But whether it be the fea that works contrary effeds to the land, or whether it be 
 a liberty you feel afhore, after you have been penned up in ftiips, like birds in a cage, or 
 untamed horfes, when they are let loofe •, certain it is, neither birds nor horfcs can /hew 
 more extravagant lewdnefs, more dilbrder of life, and lefs fear of God, than your carriage 
 diicovers when you come afhore, and caft off the command your fuperior officers had o- 
 vcr you : For though in defpcrate perils at fea, you promife to yourfelvcs amendment of 
 life, and perhaps vow never to try that kind of fortune more, as women in labour do, 
 never to have to do with their hufbands ; yet when they are paft, they are foon forgot 
 of both, and you return to your old accuftomed vomit, without fenfe of promife, or dan- 
 ger efcaped, but rather improve in your wicked courfes. 
 
 He that could as eafily reduce the common failor to civility and good behaviour 
 afhore, as to be under the government of a difcreet commander at fea, were more than 
 man ; for the nature of iailois is to ftand in more awe of a mean officer at fea, whom 
 they love and fear, than of a great perlbn on land, whom they neither fear nor love ; 
 and therefore the way to reduce them to goodnels muft proceed from the commanders 
 that govern them : Their words muft be as well mixed with honey as g^ill j they 
 
 Vol. III. 4 t> ni"it
 
 I'po The EPISTLE. 
 
 niuft tell truth, and not pleafe with flattery ; for a man cannot be both a friend and a 
 flatterer. 
 
 This advifing office is only fit for men that have been bred and trained up in the 
 fchool of loolenefs and liberty, and recalled by years and grace to civility : They mufl: 
 teach them to embrace the good, and efchew the evil, and muft ufe the terror of God's 
 juftice, and the reward of repentance: They muft fhcw the hate God bears to wicked- 
 nefs, to lying tongues, to hands that flied innocent blood, and a heart that devilcs 
 mifchief: And on the contrary, the love God has for virtue and goodnefs, advifing 
 them not only to be good, but to take away the occafion of being evil. This will be 
 the hope to make them leave finning, when they fiiall be afhamed and afraid to commit 
 fin ; for Seneca fays. That the clemency of a governor makes many afljamed to offer of- 
 fence. 
 
 But now let me apply myfelf to you, the men of command and authority over thefe 
 untaught and untamed creatures, to whom this charge is committed. Beware that 
 your counfel be good, and that you follow it yourfelves ; if not, you are like a harp, 
 that founds pleafantly to others, and enjoys no part itfelf j or to Crifpianus, a fervant 
 ©f Trnjan the emperor, whofe words were fweet and efl^eftual to perfuade, but he never 
 afted any thing but what was worthy of reprehenfion and puniflimenr. Remember that 
 example is of greater force th7.n perfuafion with many men ; and when thefe men fliall 
 fee your lite concur with your admonitions, it will be the ftrongeft force and motive for 
 their converfion ; for indeed he is not worthy to live, that takes not care to live well ; 
 and Cicero fiys. He dies not, who leaves a good fame • and he lives not, that hath an ill 
 reputation. 
 
 BOOK
 
 BOOK III." 
 
 Containing the Office of the Lord High 
 Admiral of England, and all MiniAcrs 
 and Inferior Officers under him, and what 
 belongs to each Man's Office; with many- 
 other Particulars to that Purpofe. 
 
 191 
 
 MoNSOfI, 
 
 T^he Office of the Admiralty of England. 
 
 THE mafter of the office is the 
 lord high admiral of England^ 
 who holds his court of juftice for 
 trials of all fea caufcs for life 
 and goods, being alTifted by the doflor of 
 the civil law under him, inticled, the judge 
 of the admiralty, a marflial, and other 
 inferior minifters of juftice, proceeding in 
 all affairs according to the civil law. The 
 advocates, pro6lors, civilians, in all great 
 caufes and trials of pirates, efpecially the 
 lieutenant of the admiralty of England, and 
 the four principal officers of the navy, were 
 wont to fit on the bench as affiftants to the 
 judges; which officers of the navy ufcd to 
 commie luch offenders as imbeziied the 
 king's goods, or had otherwife mifbehaved 
 themfelves, to the prifon belonging to the 
 court, to receive their trial there, unlefs in 
 the mean time they were releafed by the 
 lord admiral. 
 
 Every lord admiral fubftitutes his depu- 
 ty or vice-admiral in every maritime fliire 
 
 in England, except in fuch places where 
 the lords of manors challenge a right for- 
 merly granted by the kings of England, as 
 will appear by their grants. 
 
 Thefe vice-admirals are carefully to look 
 that all things be performed that are or- 
 dained by the lord admiral, and yearly to 
 keep a court in their feveral countries, where 
 every man's complaint may be publickly 
 heard. 
 
 Another branch of this office confifls 
 merely in the government of his majefty's 
 navy, which fince the beginning oi queen 
 Elizabeth's time has been of great confe- 
 quence, and has divers feed-officers paid out 
 of the receipt of his majefty's Exchequer, 
 being patentees under the great feal oi Eng- 
 land for performance of the fame, fbeddes 
 many other inferior officers, who hold their 
 places by the lord admiral's warrant only,) 
 who are the prefent fubjed of this difcoiirfe. 
 They are as Jollows. 
 
 /. 
 
 THE lord high admiral of England, the grand mafter of the officc,7 
 whofe fee is /»fr rt«««w; 3 ^^ 
 
 The lieutenant of the admiralty, whofe fee h per annum 100/. his diet^ 
 10 s. per diem; two clerks, one at 12 d. the other at id. per diem; and 10/.SJ25 
 for his boat-hire, in all per annum j 
 
 'I"he trcafiirer of the navy's fee 100 marks, diet 6s. Sd. two clerks at:? 220 
 Sd. Cc\ch per diem, and 8/. boat hire 3 
 
 The comptroller's fee 50/. diet ^s. per diem, two clerks at Sd. fer\^ 
 diem, and 8/. boat- hire ^ ■'■^ 
 
 The furveyor's fee 40/. diet 4 J. per diem, two clerks at 8 J. a 
 per diem 
 
 The clerk's fee 33/. 6s. S. diet ^s. ^d. per diem,- and SI. boat-hire 102 
 
 Three affiftants to the principal officers, at 20/. fee each of them per annum 60 
 
 The keeper of the great ftore 26/. las. ^.d. diet 2S. 6d. per diem, and7 ^. 
 61. boat-hire ' . S ' 
 
 The furveyor of the vi6tu.ils, for his fee 58/. diet 5J. per diem, and one7 r 
 clerk 8^. J 
 
 d. 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 
 s 
 
 ^-P"^'^'=].i46 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 Tiic
 
 Z92. 
 
 MONSOX. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'; Naval Trads. 
 
 Book IIL 
 
 /. 
 
 20 
 18 
 
 s. 
 o 
 o 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 4 
 
 The king's merchant's fee, 30/. per anmw, without any other allowance 
 
 The grand pilot's fee, 20/. per annum, black deeps 
 
 The mafter Ihipvvright at 1 2 d. per diem 
 
 Allowance to a mafter for his attendance in grounding of the queen's") 
 great fliips, at 6d. pei- diem j 
 
 Captains of all her iiiajdly's callles and forts on the fea fide, except the7 
 Cifique Ports. S 
 
 Thcfe were the ancient officers in fee till the reign of queen Elizaktb ; Cince which time 
 there is added, 
 
 /. J. d. 
 
 A ftore-keeper by patent at Por//;;wK/^, who is allowed to his fee /ifrrt»»aw 20 00 
 
 The other mafter /hipwrights, allowed each oithcmpcr annum 33/. 6s. 8d. 66 13 4 
 
 The ftore-keeper at IVoolwich 50 00 
 
 Alemorandum, That there are many other inferior officers and minifters that are paid by 
 the treafurer of the navy, whereof the four mafter attendants and clerks of the check hold 
 their places by patent, without any fee out of the Exchequer, being granted by king 
 James, with the lord admiral's confent, and the reft, by immediate warrant from the lord 
 admiral to the officers, viz. 
 
 I. 
 
 The four mafter attendants, each at 61/. is. id. wages per annum,! 
 bcfides their vidluals, and the king's coat out of the wardrobe J ^^ 
 
 The clerk of the check at Chatham, who is allowed on the quarter- 
 books for his wages /ifr annum 50/. in reward of his extraordinary lervice, 
 43/. 6s. 8d. and for paper, quills, ink, and. travelling charges, coming 
 quarterly with the books from Chatham to London, to deliver them to the 
 treafurer and other officers, 61. 13J. 4^. in all 
 
 The clerk of the furvcy for his wages, 12/. 13^. ^.d. and his reward? 
 orherwife 30/. in all j 
 
 The ftore-keeper for his v/ages 12 d. per diem, and in reward of his cx-7 
 traordinary pains, 31/, 15 J. in all J 
 
 The clerk of the check at Deptford, who is allowed on the quarter- 
 books for his wages per annum 
 
 The clerk of the check at Woolwich, izd. per diem 
 
 The clerk of the check at Port/mouth, who hath for his fee per annum ^ 
 20/. and for paper is. Sd. alfo for extraordinary pains by way of reward > 
 by the lord admiral's warrant of late 20/. per annum 3 
 
 A clerk of the rope-makers at /^o^j/ttzV^, for keeping the ftores, and? 
 check of the workmen twice a day, 2 s. per diem 3 
 
 A mafter workman direfting the rope-makers, allowed /(fr annum ftand-7 
 ing fee 5 
 
 A clerk at Chatham, that keeps daily check of the rope-makers, and > 
 looks to the ftores, 2^. per diem j 
 
 A mafter workman over the rope makers there, at 
 
 'lOO 
 
 42 13 
 
 50 
 
 ■} 
 
 30 
 18 
 
 40 
 36 
 
 8 
 
 50 
 
 36 
 50 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 Standing Officers belonging to the Jhips, ivho have wages according to the rates of pips. 
 Firjl Rate, bejides viSfiials. Second Rate. 
 
 
 /. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 A Boatfwain 
 
 29 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 A Mafter Gunner 
 
 26 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 A Purfer 
 
 26 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 Third Rate. 
 
 
 
 
 A Boatfwain 
 
 21 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 A Mafter Gunner 
 
 19 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 A Purfer 
 
 19 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 Fifth Rate. 
 
 
 
 
 A Boatfwain 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 A Gunner 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 A Purfer 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 I. 
 26 
 
 23 
 23 
 
 Fourth Rate. 
 
 s. 
 I 
 
 17 
 17 
 
 d. 
 
 1 1 
 1 1 
 
 19 
 19 
 
 »7 
 
 II 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 7 >332 
 o 
 
 s. 
 8 
 
 d. 
 10 
 
 Sixth Rate. 
 
 15 
 10 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 A ma-
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William Monfon j Ncwal Tracls. 
 
 ^9) 
 
 I. s. d. 
 M 13 3 
 
 14 13 3 
 
 25 00 o 
 
 A mafler gunner o^BayesSconce^'i 
 his wages prr annum, 3" 
 
 A inafter gunner of IVarham,! 
 Sconce, the like, J 
 
 At Chatham. 
 
 A boatfvvain of the yard aC^ 
 Chatham, 3 
 
 Two porters, each at twenty ? 
 marks per annum, j 
 
 A houfe-keeper, 
 
 A Chirurgcon, 
 
 Jt Beptford. 
 
 A boatfvvain of the yard, 
 A porter of the gates, 
 A mefienger of the navy, 
 
 It now remains to give an account, by 
 way of colledtion out of former proceedings 
 and cufioms of this office, what may be the 
 general and particular duties of all thefe offi- 
 cers in the execution of their places for his 
 majefly's fervicc. 
 
 And firfl, for the lord high admiral him- 
 I'elf, who is great mafter and comptroller 
 of the office, I neither can, nor will prefume 
 to intermeddle therewith, being fufficiently 
 known by the extent of his letters patents, 
 and former precedents. 
 
 The lieutenant of the admiralty is a place 
 not extended to any late precedents, to ma- 
 nifeft itfelf, and therefore omitted. 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 13 
 
 25 
 •3 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 06 
 06 
 
 00 
 06 
 
 05 
 
 fervice; and to give fatisfaiflion to the fiib- Movs 
 jeft for all materials dLlivercd, 01 work- «^^' 
 manffiip performed by them for his m-iie- 
 fty's ufc. 
 
 Thirdly, They arc jointly to agree wit!\ 
 each merchant, from whom any great pro- 
 vifion or bargain of cordage, hemp, tim- 
 ber, planks, mads, great anchors, and all 
 forts of materials, which arc bought for 
 the price, at that prelent, ordinary fold 
 betwixt man and man 
 
 ortlinary 
 and thereupon to 
 make them bills or contrads lor the 
 according to the courfe of the office. 
 
 fame, 
 which 
 
 is the debt from the king, being firft voiich'd 
 from the inferior minilters, in the prop^-r 
 places for thequ.intity and quality. 
 
 Fourthly, They are to ufc the uttermofl 
 to procure monies for the maintaining all 
 his majefty's ffiips, pinnaces, and other vef- 
 fels, and boats ufeful, in compk-at equi- 
 page, building, and furniture; and as any 
 of their number happens to decay or peridi, 
 to fupply them with new, and repair their 
 wants. 
 
 Fifthly, They are to proportion a con- 
 venient magazine of timber, fealbned planks, 
 great mafts, and all forts of outlandilh com- 
 modities, as pitch, tar, rofin, hemp, an- 
 chors, Hiils, canvas, and cordage for twice 
 moorings, and once fetting forth to Tea all 
 his majefty's ffiips, and to fee the (;ime fup- 
 plied at all times -, to furniffi his majefty's 
 ftores, and whatfoever is wanting, to ac- 
 quaint my lord admiral, and never to ceafe 
 labouring to the ftate lor money, till thofc 
 main provifions be furniffied ; which cannot 
 
 The four principal officers of the navy, be had in' the kingdom at all times, nor fuf- 
 
 and of late times the commiffioners that 
 executed their places, are the conduit pipes 
 to whom the lord admiral properly directs 
 all his commands for his majefty's fervice, 
 and from whom it dcfcends to all other in- 
 ferior officers and minifters under them, 
 whatibever. 
 
 Firft, their general duties are, as I con- 
 ceive, to attend the lord admiral, as men 
 for their experience and reputation fit to 
 advife his lordffiip in all caufes and conful ■ 
 rations for the advancement, furtherance, 
 and managing fuch undertakings as they are 
 commanded by his majefty and the date, 
 as well for fervice of his highnefs's ffiips at 
 fea, as for the building and maintaining 
 them at home ; and likewife to advife his 
 lordffiip from time to time, of all occur- 
 rences tending to the ordering and ma- 
 raging of his majefty's fervice, whatfoever, 
 for the navy. 
 
 Secondly, They are to obferve weekly 
 meetings, or oftener, if the fervice require it, 
 at London, as well to attend the execution 
 and direction of fuch warrants as ffiallcome 
 from the lord admiral, as alio for the order- 
 ing of all bufinefs furthering his majefty's 
 
 N° 102. Vol. III. 
 
 ficient quantity made ready, when the ma- 
 terials are not had, in many months. 
 
 Sixthly, They are, as time and bufinefs 
 can permit, to be prelent themfelves, or 
 when more important bufinefs hinders them, 
 their clerks, at all payments of all forts of 
 workmen and labourers, to the end they 
 may be witnefles to the real payments made ; 
 and that his majefty be not abufed by the 
 employment of more numbers than is necef- 
 firy for works on Ihore, nor for longer time 
 than the fervice requires; nor that boys and 
 young prentices be paid fo much per diem 
 as able workmen. Likewife at fea, and in 
 harbour, to fee that no more men be paid 
 than have truly ferved ; and in cafe they 
 either find clerks of the check, or purfers 
 faulty in their places, in keeping their 
 books ill, to puniffi them as their oftences 
 deferve. 
 
 Seventhly, They are to be careful that 
 no workmen or labourers be received or en- 
 tered into his majefty's pay, for any works 
 to be done by the day, till there be mate- 
 rials firft in ftore, whereupon to employ 
 them ; nor to ufe more than is neceffary, nor 
 to continue them longer than the ftuif lafts 
 4 ^ to
 
 ^9+ 
 
 Sir William MonfoiiV Naval Travis. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoKsoN to fet them on work ; \vherein if the mafter 
 ^y^V^ fhipwright, or any other maftcr workman, 
 be foiirul t';\u!ty by conniving, to fufpend 
 fucli fioni his place, as an unworthy mem- 
 ber, till my lord admiral be acquainted 
 with the offence. 
 
 Eighthly, Tiicy ought to be very care- 
 ful in the choice of inferior minifters, as 
 any happen to die off, recommending to 
 the lord admiral able experienced men, ac- 
 cording to the places; the want whereof has 
 bred much detriment to hismajefly's fervice 
 both by fea and land. 
 
 Ninthly, They are to obey my lord ad- 
 miral's warrant, as well for direftion of 
 his majelty's fervice in all things concern- 
 ing this office, as alfo for extraordinary 
 payments according to ufual precedents ; 
 as by virtue of his lordfhip's warrant, to 
 diredt theirs to the fubordinate minifters 
 under them, for the execution of lb much 
 as concerns their particular places refpec- 
 tively. 
 
 Tenthly, They are to overfee all infe- 
 rior officers and minifters ; and as often as 
 they can, by themfelves, or their authoriz'd 
 fubftitutcs, to mufter all men that are em- 
 ployed by fea or land, and paid damages 
 out of this office, and to check all defiults 
 they find, by muftering for his majefty's 
 beft advantage. 
 
 Eleventhly, They ought to forefee that 
 feafonable payment be made to all men em- 
 ployed in his majefty's fervice, and not to 
 keep them nor fhips longer in pay than the 
 fervice requires ; and to this end, they 
 fhould ufe all frugal courfes to fave his ma- 
 jefty's purfe. 
 
 Twelfthly, They fhould make quarterly 
 payments to the ordinary, and half-yearly to 
 the fhips on the Narrow feas^ as has been 
 accuftomed ; for wane of which, his maje- 
 fty's charge is much increafed, and the fub- 
 jedl difcouraged. 
 
 Thirteenthly, They ought to take a 
 yearly account of the viftuals of the navy, 
 comparing the pay-books in the treafurer's 
 office with the warrant for vidtuals ; and ac- 
 cording to the mufter of the men ferving, 
 to allow of the ifTues, with fuch accidental 
 ■waftes, as by ancient precedent hath been 
 ufual, and no more. 
 
 Fourteenthly, They ought to fign efti- 
 mates for money, as well for the ordinary 
 fervice, as extraordinary, to the end the 
 lord treafurer may fee the charge his maje- 
 fty is at, and continuing the fame, that the 
 payments may be feafonably provided. 
 
 Fifteenthly, They ought to take account 
 of all ftore-kecpers once every year, at the 
 leaft, to the end his majefty may fee what 
 provifion he has in ftore, and what has been 
 expended that prefent year. 
 
 Sixteenthly, They ought to appoint a 
 
 furveyor at the feafon of the year, to mark 
 out and fell timber for his majefty's fervice, 
 for fupply of ftore ; and to caufe the fame 
 to be converted into moulded and meet tim- 
 ber, and cut into feveral forts of planks 
 moft ufeful for his majefty ; and to fee tliat 
 the fummer be not let flip tor land and fea 
 carriage of the fune into his majefty's 
 ftores. 
 
 Seventeenthly, They ought upon my lord 
 admiral's warrant, requiring the prepara- 
 tions of any Ihips or fleets for the fea, im- 
 mediately to niake warrant from themfelves 
 to the viftuallers to make a due proportion 
 of lea victuals, according to the fervice and 
 number of men -, and in the mean time for 
 harbour and viftuals for fo many failors as 
 ihall be employed to rigg the fhips, to be 
 delivered by petty warrant to any one offi- 
 cer, or to the clerk of the check, as will 
 appear upon mufter to be prefent in the 
 work : likewife to the mafter attendants, 
 the mafter fhipwrights, clerk of the check 
 and furvey, to take notice of the fervice in 
 hand, and to require a prefent certificate from 
 them of all wants to perfect the hulls, rig- 
 ging, tackling, and furniture of thofe fliips 
 appointed to be made ready for the feas ; 
 and thereupon to take immediate order like- 
 wife for the providing of all materials want- 
 ing, and appoint workmen and failors to 
 go in hand with them with all expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 Eighteenthly, That one of the three offi- 
 cers (not the treafurer, in regard o\ his 
 continual attendance for moneys at London) 
 do, in their turns, quarterly refide at Chat- 
 ham, for the expedition and overfight of the 
 works there, and for providing of neceflia- 
 ries, and diredling of all the inferior offi- 
 cers ; and the rather to prevent the in:be- 
 zilling of the king's goods ; as it was in 
 the time of the late commifTioners govern- 
 ment, who had always one of themfelves, 
 or on able aflaftant dwelling at Chatham, to 
 order the bufincfs there, no doubt, for his 
 majefty's great advantage •, the neglecting 
 whereof is no fmall damage to his ma- 
 jefty. 
 
 Particular duties. 
 
 The treafurer. 
 
 HE is to make eftimates of the charge 
 of all his majefty's navy, both ordi- 
 nary and extraordinary, and to prefent them 
 feafonably, being fign'd by the lord admi- 
 ral and the other principal officers, to tfie 
 lord treafurer of England, who allowing the 
 fame, does of courfe give order to the 
 clerk of the fignet, to draw a bill for the 
 king's fignature, warranting the payment 
 of lb much money as the eftimate amounts 
 
 to
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na'val Tracis. 
 
 l^j 
 
 V> 
 
 to out of the receipt of his mnjefty's ex- 
 chequer, which he is to iillie to thole Icve- 
 ral heads tor which it has been demanded; 
 and in cafe the fliips liappen to continue 
 longer in employment than was mention'd 
 in the firft, then to make their eftimates for 
 their furplulFcs, as long as the fervice endures, 
 and folicite for privy-feals and orde;s for 
 money till it be received, to futisfy the liib- 
 ject for materials to be bought beibre-hand, 
 to furnilh the (hips and wages to the com- 
 pany at their return. He is to make a 
 like eflimate of building of new fhips, or 
 repairing the old ; likewife for the repair 
 oi his majefty's dry docks and ftore-houles; 
 and for a magazine of ftores, when occafion 
 requires. 
 
 He is to take due care to get money fea- 
 fonably to pay all workmen, called to any 
 extraordinary works in his majefty's yards, 
 or for reparations aboard the fhips, and to 
 clear them as foon as the works are ended ; 
 likewife for payment of fhips companies re- 
 turning from fea, that his majefty's charge 
 of viftuals and wages be not longer conti- 
 nued than the neceffity of the lervice re- 
 quires. 
 
 He is to take care to pay the ordinary 
 of the navy every quarter, and the ftiips 
 ferving on the coafts every fix months, {viz.) 
 March and September. 
 
 He is to give convenient notice to the 
 officers, who are vouchers of his account, 
 of all pays to be made, to the end they may 
 call for books of the clerks of the check, 
 and purfers, for their clerks to take notice 
 of every general and particular pay to work- 
 men and feamen, taking the officers hands 
 to the books of the total of the abftraff, or 
 number of men paid. 
 
 He ought within fix months next after 
 the month oi December., every year, to make 
 lip his former accounts; which being fairly 
 ingroflcd in a larger book, he is to procure 
 the other officers hands to every page there- 
 of, cancelling the particular bills or books 
 firft paid by each, then to deliver the fame 
 with a prefs certificate from the auditor of 
 the receipts of the exchequer, to the audi- 
 tor of the preft, and after ibllicite them to 
 examine it, and procure a declaration un- 
 der the lord treafurer and chancellor of the 
 exchequer, one of the barons and auditors 
 hands, within fix months more, to the end 
 it may appear how he ftands charg'd on his 
 accounts to the king for the money he has 
 received. 
 
 He is to keep his office conftantly at Dept- 
 ford or London., that the fubjedls may cer- 
 tainly know where to find him, to receive 
 their moneys for provifions delivered to his 
 majefty's ufe, or for wages due, upon law- 
 ful demands. 
 
 Contra Rctulator. 
 
 He is to keep counter-bcoks with the 
 treafurer of all manner of payments; and 
 likewife a ledger-book written verbatim, as 
 the book delivered to the auditors for eve- 
 ry yeai's account, to the end he may upon 
 all occafions witnefs as well the payments 
 made by the treafurer, and the ftate of his 
 account with the king, as alfo to iiuisfy the 
 other officers at large of fuch precedents 
 and payments as palf by his and their 
 vouchers in the execution of his majefty's 
 fervice. 
 
 He is likewife to keep like counter-books 
 with the furveyor of marine viftuals, and 
 more efpecially than any of the other offi- 
 cers, examine and keep a note of the remain- 
 der of vi(ftuals return'd by purfers at the end 
 of their voyages, and to charge it on account 
 for the king on the viufualler. 
 
 Surveyor: ne firft part of his duty. 
 
 He ought to furvey the quantity and 
 quality of all manner of provifions delivcr'd 
 for the ufe of his majefty's fhips or navy, to 
 the end he may as well fatisfy himfelf as his 
 fellow-officers at their meeting, what prizes 
 are fitting to allow for that Vvhich is good; 
 as alio to fee that no bad and unferviceable 
 ware be thruft on the king for the merchants 
 advantage. 
 
 He is once a year to take furvey of all 
 the hulls of all his majefty's fhips, pinnaces, 
 and boats, remaining in harbour at Chat- 
 ham., Deptford, PFocln-ich, Portfmciith; and 
 at the return of any fhip from fea, to view 
 and examine what defetts happen'd in the 
 hull or mafts, and to note them down 
 particularly under the title of every fhip; 
 v/herein the king's mafter fliipwright, and 
 his adiftants, with the mafter carpenter, 
 and the mafter attendants, ought to affifl 
 and teftify, under his and their hands, in 
 what condition every fliip was, expreffing 
 their wants at the time the furvey was 
 taken. 
 
 He ought likewife every year to furvey 
 the defeds of reparations of all his majefty's 
 ftore-houfes and wharfs, calling to affift him 
 fuch mafter workmen as are experienced, to 
 view the fame; and then to atld in the next 
 eftimate a due valuation of materials and 
 workmanlhip that muft be us'd and em- 
 ploy'd to repair the lame. 
 
 He ought likewife, after the launching 
 of every Ihip new built or repaired in any 
 of his majefty's dry docks, to take an exaL:t 
 furvey of the quantity and quality of all 
 forts of timber, planks, boards, irumels, 
 mafts, nails, and other iron works employ'd 
 
 abouc 

 
 r<^6 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naviil Trads, 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Mo Nsctj. about the faid (hips, remaining in ftore-, 
 
 v-'^V^^ to the end it may appear upon account fince 
 
 the lafl: general furvcy, before the fliip came 
 
 into the dock, how much of each fort o\ 
 
 provifion has been expended on her. 
 
 The fecond part of his duty. 
 
 He ought alfo once a year 
 
 a ge- 
 lails. 
 
 to take 
 nerai furvey of all the new cordage, 
 canvas, boats, marts, and all other forts of 
 materials, whatfoever, under the charge o|- 
 the fcveral ftorc-keepcrs in every of his ma- 
 iefty's yards and fhips that he long in har- 
 bour; and thereupon to examine what has 
 been fupplicd fince the former furvey, and 
 ballance the receipts and ifllies in an exaft 
 iorm of account ; to take the ftore-keepers 
 hands feverally to the furveyors books, 
 charging themfelves with what remains. 
 
 He, or the clerk of the furvey allowed 
 under him, ought, at the return of every 
 fliip from fea, with the afTiflance of fuch 
 matter attendants as are prefent at the place, 
 or may be had, to take an exadl furvey of 
 all the rigging, ground- tackle, and furni- 
 ture belonging to her, noting under every 
 particular dimcnfion their prefent quality, 
 to the end he may fliortly after account 
 with the boatfwain and carpenter of that 
 fhip for their expences in that voyage, and 
 be ready againft their next going out to fur- 
 nifh her wants; that fo reafonable demands 
 may be made to fupply her in compleat 
 equipage for further fervice. 
 
 He is likewife to take the yearly furvey 
 of all mooring-anchors, other ftraggling 
 anchors lying Ipare at the river-fide, or in 
 any of his majefty's yards not formerly 
 charged: he ought, in cafe it fortune that 
 any of the king's fhips fhould put into Ply- 
 mouth or Briftol, or any other unufual har- 
 bour, by reafon of leakinefs, or any other 
 apparent defeft, to go himfelf, or fend a 
 fufficient deputy, to take an exaft furvey 
 of the flate of her hull, mafts, and yards, 
 with all her furniture and tackling-, and 
 after prefent an eftimate of the charge in re- 
 pairing, and fupplying of their wants with 
 all convenient fpeed, and procure the lord 
 admiral's warrant to proceed, to make her 
 able to come about to Chatham, unlefs 
 Ihe were fitted for further fervice, if caufe 
 required. 
 
 iTpe clerk of the navy. 
 
 He ought to regifter his acfts, agreed and 
 performed at their publick meeting, and 
 to note the days of every meeting, and 
 what officers were then prefent. 
 
 He ought to keep notes or remembrances 
 of all bufinefs that is material for the fur- 
 therance of his majefty's fervice, and to 
 call on them firft to be debated and or- 
 
 2 
 
 dered, before any new propofitions be re- 
 ceived, or any private perfon's bufinels 
 handled at their meeting. 
 
 He ought to keep records verbatim of all 
 the warrants lent from the lord admiral 
 direfted to the four prirtciqal officers, and 
 to keep them Hifely in a cheft lock'd up 
 for all their fafeties, if any occafion fliould 
 after happen. 
 
 He ought to take particular notice of all 
 warrants or depurations, thought fit to be 
 made for purveyors, prcfs-mafters, and fuch 
 like minifters, and to prefent them in a rea- 
 dinefs to be figned by them all at the next 
 meeting. 
 
 He was formerly imployed in taking up 
 all outlandifti provifions, as pitch, tar, rofin, 
 oil, and other fmall (lores provided for pre- 
 fent difpatches ; likewife of nails, bafkets, 
 compafles, lead-lines, and leads, running- 
 glafies, t?f. 
 
 In all thefe feveral duties of each officer, 
 in cafe any of the reft defire to be put, or 
 to have copies of any records, or matter 
 that more properly belongs to the other 
 places, they are to have it without denial; 
 and being equally intereiled in the king's 
 fervice, every of them ought to perform 
 each other's places in the upper officers ab- 
 fence, in cafe the fervice required it. 
 
 "The officers ajfijlants. 
 
 The next in place to the principal offi- 
 cers, are the three affiftants, who in extra- 
 ordinary employments in time of war, were, 
 upon the lord admiral's command, to give 
 their advice in the confultations about the 
 affairs of the navy; and in the abfence of 
 the officers, to execute their bufinefs in 
 places remote: but in the laft thirty years, 
 it feems, there has not been much ufe of 
 them ; I fuppofe rather in refpeft of the of- 
 ficers jealoufies to have competitors, than 
 for want of employment fit to further the 
 king's fervice. 
 
 The keeper of the great ft ores. 
 
 He has, by his letters patent, the keep- 
 ing of all the ftores belonging to his ma- 
 jefty's navy; but in refpeft his falary was 
 not fufficient to maintain deputies in all 
 places where the king has caufe to ufe thein, 
 neceflaty of times has begotten feveral ftore- 
 keepers in all his majefty's yards where the 
 king's works are manaqed ; and at JVool- 
 wich and at Portfmouth they have grants for 
 their places under the great feal, and fee 
 paid out of the Exchequer. 
 
 He at his firft coming receives his charge 
 upon furvey, and puts his hand to the fur- 
 veyor's book, acknowledging to be charged 
 with all the provifions therein contain'd. 
 
 He
 
 Book lit. 
 
 Sty William AionronV Na^val Trafi< 
 
 He ought not to receive any thing into 
 his charge but by warrant, nor deliver any 
 out ; and properly, in regard of his account, 
 the liirveyor of the navy fhould be one to 
 direcfl his warrant to him for all bufincfs. 
 
 Surveyor of ViSfuals. 
 
 This officer, who, it feems, was at firfl 
 inftituted to furvey the quantity and qua- 
 lity of all viftuals, to the end neither his 
 majefty may be deceived in goodnefs, nor 
 the fubjecl of his due, is now become vic- 
 tualler himfelf; whereupon there are ma- 
 ny abufes crept into the office, fit to be re- 
 formed. 
 
 The king's merchant. 
 
 No doubt this office at the firfl: inftitu- 
 tion, was o{ notable good conl'equence for 
 his majeily's profit, when he was imploy'd 
 only for his underftanding, ^o inform the 
 officers of the rates of all outlandifli pro- 
 vifions, as hemp, cordage, tar, pitch, oil, 
 marts, deal-boards, idc. 
 
 But fince it has been converted from ad- 
 vifing for the king, to merchandizing for 
 himfelf, which of late has been quite out 
 of ufe •, but in cafe it were reduced to the 
 firft quality, without queftion, his fervice 
 would be very benefiicial, for providing 
 of thofe main materials at the beft hand, 
 when the feafon may afford it at the cheap- 
 eft rate. 
 
 The grand Pilot. 
 
 This man is chofen for his long experi- 
 ence as a pilot on a coaft, eipecially to carry 
 the king's great fhips through the king's 
 channel, from Chatham to the narrow feas -, 
 as alfo for his knowledge to pafs through 
 the channel call'd the Black Deeps. 
 
 Three majier flnpiarights. 
 
 Thefe men ought in their turns to have 
 the new building and repairing of all the 
 king's ihips -, and when it happens, by or- 
 der of the ftate, any fhips are built by con- 
 traft with ftrangers, yet fame of them ought 
 always to attend the overfight of all tim- 
 ber, planks, and other materials, put in 
 them, that they be of fit fcantlings and fi- 
 zings, well feafoned, and of ftrength and 
 quality fufficient, according to the burden 
 agreed on, and fo finiflied in all points 
 workman-like. 
 
 Four mafter attendants. 
 
 Thefe men attend at Chatham., quarterly, 
 one after another, as well to dircft and over- 
 VoL. III. 
 
 ^97 
 
 fee the boatfwain and ffiip-kccpers in har-MoNsox. 
 bour to perform their ordinary lervicc of the "^^^^ 
 fliips, as alfo to carry in and' out of ihc ri- 
 ver fuch Ihips as happen to be rcatly for lea, 
 and to fee them rigg'd and fitted complcat- 
 ly : alfo one of them is allow'J li\- pence 
 per diem for his particular attendance at the 
 grouniiing of the king's great Ihips. 
 
 Clerks of the check. 
 
 Thefe men are of great trufl, and much 
 bufinefs committed to their charge, viz. 
 the entring all firamen into pay aboard the 
 fhips in harbour, and the fliipwriglus and 
 other workmen in day-work: the firrt he 
 mufl mufler once a month, and the other 
 twice a day : his ticket ferves in the ab- 
 fence of an officer to the viduallt-r, for 
 the vie^tualling of the oi'dinary fliip-kcep- 
 ers, and other feamen imploy'd in rig- 
 ging of the fhips bound to fea : he keeps 
 hkewife a book of the receipts of all pro- 
 vifions receiv'd into the ftores, and pre- 
 pares quarter books for the four officers, 
 for ordinary and extraordinaiy 
 
 mens 
 
 wages. 
 
 Clerk of the furvey at Chatham. 
 
 He is to certify the want of every fhip 
 prepared for the fea, and to fend the cer- 
 tificate, under the mafter attendants and 
 his own hand, to the furveyor of the na- 
 vy at London, to the end he may take 
 prefent order to fupply all the provifions 
 wanting, to be lent with all fpeed to Chat- 
 ham ; which being come down, he is, by 
 ticket under his hand, to direft the ftore- 
 keeper to deliver to every boatfwain and 
 carpenter their due proportion of all kinds, 
 as well to furnifh the fliips in compleat 
 equipage in harbour before they go out, as 
 for fea-flore for the voyage : he is to make 
 indenture betwixt the furveyor, or boat- 
 fwain, and carpenters, confirming all man- 
 ner of ground tackle and furniture belong- 
 ing to the fliip, and for fea-ftores to ijie 
 carpenters, and to take their hands fcverally 
 to the one, and to put his hand to the other 
 part, which they are to carry with them to 
 fea, to fliew their carpenters what ftores are 
 in the fhips. 
 
 At the return of any fliip from fea, he is, 
 with one of the mafter attendants and ma- 
 fter fhipwright, for things in their elements, 
 to furvey the remnant of all ftores rcturn'd, 
 and to note down all particular qualities, 
 to be half worn, or fourth part worn, or 
 decay'd, according as the mafter fhall judge 
 them to be ufeful for the king's fervice ; 
 and thereupon he is to make up the account 
 of wafte in the voyage, and to difpofe the 
 remainder to be rcturn'd into the king's 
 4 F ftorc,
 
 2 98 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trac'fi 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Mo^■soN.rtor^ or left in the (liip, ;is fliall bcft uc- 
 "•^V^^ commodate the king's Icrvicc. 
 
 Ckrk of the rope-yard. 
 Receives into 
 
 his charge all the 
 
 hemp, 
 tar, and other nccefTaries^for the making 
 ot new cordage, and delivers the lame to 
 the mafter workman, being tirft drefled 
 and heckled, to be fptin into yarn for ropes: 
 he alio keeps clicck by calling all the 
 workmen twice a-day to tlieir labour, and 
 keeping them to their ft rift hours. 
 
 Majler uorkmen over the rope-makers. 
 
 There are two of thefe at Chatham, and 
 another at fVoolwich, to direft the Libourers 
 and fpinners of yarn •, and afterwards in lay- 
 ing in feveral forts and fizes of cordage, and 
 in ftowing the moft part at IVookoich, and 
 tarring it only at Chatham. 
 
 the boatfivain, gunner, and purfer are of- 
 ficers aboard thefloips. 
 
 'The boatfwain. 
 
 Has the chief charge in looking to the 
 fafe riding of the fhip at her mooring in 
 the river, and to under-run them as otten 
 as need requires. 
 
 He has the keeping of all the fhip's 
 ftores, rigging, and furniture, charging 
 himfclf on account to the furveyor of the 
 ravy, by acknowledgment under his hand 
 to a book mentioning all the particulars, 
 whereof he has a copy deliver'd him : he 
 is alfo to come himfelf, and bring the fhip's 
 company with him to the dock, or to fuch 
 other places as the flag is hung out, to 
 fhew where the works of that day are to 
 be perform'd. 
 
 'The gunner. 
 
 The gunner has the charge of the ord- 
 nance, their carriages, with fuch ftores as 
 appertain to them, accounting for all to the 
 office of the ordnance. No other fervice 
 is required here but his attendance on board, 
 and being found faulty that way, is checked 
 of his viftuals for that time. 
 
 'The purfer. 
 
 of ordnance and ammunition under their 
 charge, and are required to give their daily 
 attendance in them. 
 
 Boatfwain of tie yard. 
 
 He cornmands the labourers to their fe- 
 veral works, and fees the provifions taken 
 of hoys, or return'd from the fhips, and 
 carried iiifely, and orderly laid in the ftore- 
 houfes within the yard. 
 
 Porters of the gates. 
 
 He is to give his continual attendance, 
 and to fee that the company's viftuals in har- 
 bour be brought them aboard weekly in 
 their proportion, and well conditioned. 
 
 Gunners of fconces. 
 
 ft 
 
 They have feveral houfes, and fome pieces 
 
 2 
 
 They attend to open and fliut the gates 
 morning and evening, and to wait at the 
 doors all the day, and to keep in the work- 
 men, and to prevent carrying away or im- 
 beziling any of the king's provifions ; and 
 one of them attends every morning as foon 
 as the watch is broke up, till the workmen 
 come in. 
 
 Houfe-keeper. 
 
 He takes charge to look to the king's 
 houfe at Chatham-Hill, and the oflkers lodg- 
 ings there, and the king's fluff, againfl their 
 coming to pays, or .other meetings for the 
 king's fervice : he keeps the orchard and 
 garden belonging to the houfe in good or- 
 der likewife. 
 
 Surgeon. 
 
 He attends daily to cure fuch hurt 
 men as happen among the ordinary fliip- 
 keepers. 
 
 Meffenger of the navy. 
 
 He attends the officers at their meetings, 
 and provides horfes and viftuals for the pay- 
 mafters, at fuch time as they go to make 
 payments : he is alfo, at the officers direc- 
 tions, to fetch any delinquent before them, 
 and to keep him under cuftody till they 
 give order for his rekafe. 
 
 What kind of men are io be chofen four prin- 
 cipal officers of the navy. 
 
 I Conceive that the treaflirer of the navy 
 were fit to be either a merchant or a 
 mariner, that is or has been an owner of 
 fhips, and can judge by his own experience 
 both of the goodnefs and ufe of all the ma- 
 terials belonging to the building and tack- 
 ling of fhips, and may, upon Ipecial acci- 
 dents of fervice, cut off his majelty's charge, 
 take up a good fum of inoney for his ma- 
 jefty's eafe, and to content the lubjefts, that 
 otherwife will be grumbling for their wages 
 when the fervice is ended. 
 
 The
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traces. 
 
 299 
 
 The furveyor's place, being too much for 
 any one man to perform, to be fcparated 
 into two dillinds offices: the one a fliip- 
 wrighr, who for his experience in bLfilding 
 new fiiips, for the king or mercliants, the 
 precedent part of his hfe, may be abfoliitc- 
 ]y enabled to make choice of materials of 
 timber, planks, and all other incident pro- 
 vifions in feafon •, and can both command 
 and direft workmen of all forts to be ini- 
 ploy'd in die building and repairing of all 
 his majefty's iliips and vellels -, which can- 
 not be fo pcrfciitly perform'd by any other 
 man that has not had ufe of the mechanick 
 part of- that art, and is a full imployment 
 tor any one to aft, befides the publick 
 meeting for general difpatch neccfliiry for 
 the navy. 
 
 The other a mariner bred, that has had 
 the charge as mafler, and greater place, as 
 captain, it fuch can be had, of ffiips of bulk 
 and (Irength, knowing all the furniture and 
 tacklings of a Ihip, and can well judge and 
 rate the materials of all kinds, and lb be 
 able to make choice, and recommend to the 
 lord admiral fuch perfons as he finds fit to 
 execute the boatfwain's place ; and can, of 
 his own experience, judge of all wades ex- 
 pended at fea, and take the accounts of the 
 fliips return'd from fea, befides other gene- 
 ral and particular duties mentioned under 
 the title of the furveyor's place. 
 
 The comptroller and clerks places to be 
 reduc'd into one, who fhould be an expe- 
 rienced clerk, long bred in the office, and 
 underfl:andlng throughly pafiages ot all de- 
 mands, accompts, anci allowances, ufual 
 and of right appertaining to all particular 
 places throughout the office of the viftual- 
 ler and treafurer of the navy ; which a 
 ftrangcr, though never fo good an accomp- 
 tant or clerk, cannot in many years attain 
 to, if he has not been brought up in the 
 execution thereof. 
 
 Now it remains, that every one of theic M'JKiow. 
 officers, from the highcfl to tiie lowed, un- -^"V^^ 
 der the lord admiral, (liould be limited .ind 
 ordered by particular inllructions to pv;rfcnn 
 the duties of their places i for want of 
 which, fomc have incroached beyond ihcir 
 right for private profit, and tiie moft have 
 been negligent in performing what they 
 ought and of nt'ceffity flioukl be done for 
 the furtherance of his majjfiy's Icrvice, 
 which has fuffered much on this ac- 
 count. 
 
 Places granted by zvarrant from the lord high 
 admiral, 
 
 THE three affiflants to the madcr. 
 Shipwrights. 
 Anchor-lmith. 
 Mader caulker. 
 Houfe-carpenter. 
 
 Two furgcons for the ordinary or extraor- 
 ordinary. 
 
 A: Chatham. 
 
 Store-keepers. 
 
 Rope-makers. 
 
 Clerk of the rope-houfe. 
 
 Houfe-keeper at Chatham-Hill. 
 
 Painter for the navy. 
 
 Gunners of IVarcham Sconce, Bays Sconce. 
 
 Boatfwain of the yard. 
 
 Two porters of the yard. 
 
 Pump- maker and top- maker. 
 
 At Woolwich. 
 
 Rope-maker. 
 Clerk of the yard. 
 
 At Dfptford. 
 
 Boatfwain of the yard. 
 Porter of the gates. 
 
 Provided always. That befides their ex- 
 perience and abilities to perform the aftive Mefienger of the navy, 
 part of his majedy's fervice, thefe men be 
 of good fubdance and edeem in their e- 
 flates; otherwife the inferior officers will 
 fcorn to be commanded or direfted by them ; 
 befides the obligation his majcdy will find 
 from men of means to perform his high- 
 nefs's fervice faithfully, rather than from 
 needy mean qualitied perfons. 
 
 All places of boatfwains, gunners, purfers, 
 cooks, carpenters, belonging to his ma- 
 jedy's Ihips and pinnaces. 
 
 All captains and madcrs in his majedy's 
 ffiips and other veflels, and in all other 
 diips in his majeily's pay.
 
 300 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval 7rach. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsos.^ ^/-/d/ coHeSfion out of a dijioiirfe of a principal feaman touching the pipphig 
 
 of England, and officers of the kings pips. 
 
 THE native fhipping of this king- 
 dom has been cftcemed (through the 
 almighty providence) as v^^alls of brafs, to 
 feciire it from foreign invafions or incurfions, 
 as long as we remain maftcrs of the feas. 
 
 Befides the great riches and honour the 
 crown and fubjeds of this kingdom have 
 gained in peace, by tranfporting our na- 
 tive commodities into the remoteft parts 
 where any known trade by fea has been, 
 bringing home the chiefeft wealth and com- 
 modities thereof, and beating our proudeft 
 enemies, even at their own doors. It may 
 therefore eafily appear, how neceffary it is, 
 as well for our honour and welfare, as for 
 our fecurity and fafcty, to maintain the Ihip- 
 ping of the kingdom. 
 
 In the year 1588 there was not above one 
 hundred and twenty fail of men of war to 
 encounter that invincible Armada of Spain, 
 and not above five of them all, except the 
 queen's great Ihips, were two hundred tons 
 burthen, and did not exceed thofe rates in 
 all queen Elizabeth's time ; fo that our fea- 
 men were, by their experience and courage, 
 rather the caufe of our vidories, than the 
 fhips. 
 
 Then in the beginning of king James 
 his reign, who brought peace with Spain 
 and all our neighbouring countries, our 
 merchants, in regard the Hollanders and 
 Eajlerlings had greater (hips than our nation 
 without ordnance, being able to tranfport 
 commodities to and fro at far cheaper 
 rates than the Englijlo^ freighted ftrangers, 
 and negle6ted our own fhipping •, info- 
 much, that our owners fuffered their fliips 
 to decay, not regarding to repair them •, fo 
 that in thirteen years of king James, there 
 were not ten fliips of two hundred tons left 
 belonging to the river of Thames, fit for the 
 defence of the kingdom -, whereupon, the 
 Trinity-Houfe men complained to the king of 
 the ftate. and decay of fhipping, entreating 
 his majefly to revive divers antient ftatutes 
 againft tranfportation of Englijlo goods on 
 foreign bottoms •, producing for example 
 likewife. That the Venetian flate finding the 
 decay of their fliipping, prohibited their 
 merchants to tranfport or import any mer- 
 chandize but in fhipping of their own 
 country, or to freight any ftrangers fhips 
 in foreign parts, if any P'enetian fliip weie 
 in that port wanting freight. 
 
 But the merchants oppofing the ma- 
 riners, prevailed againft them, fo that no 
 redrefs was then had •, and not long after it 
 happened, in the fourteenth year of king 
 James, That two great Holland fhips of 
 2 
 
 two or three hundred tons a-piece, came to 
 London from the Levant, Luien with cur- 
 rans and cotton-wool upon the account of 
 Holland merchants refiding here, which 
 our merchants apprehending it might en- 
 danger their trade, immediately became pe- 
 titioners to his majefly and the lords of his 
 council for redrefs, and fo prevailed with 
 the ftate, that a proclamation was publifh'd. 
 That no Englljhman fhould carry out, or 
 bring into this kingdom, any manner of 
 goods but in Englijh fhips. 
 
 Hereupon the mariners and owners of 
 fhips of this kingdom began to build fliip- 
 ping again ; and finding profit by them, 
 and becaufe the turks and pirates of Algiers 
 and Tunis were many and ftrong by fea, 
 able to overcome all fmall fhips, they built 
 fhips of greater burthen, viz. three, four, 
 or five hundred tons each, and furnifhed 
 them with ordnance and ammunition pro- 
 portionable to their burthens, and plenty of 
 men for their fafety in failing outward and 
 homeward -, infomuch, that within feven 
 years after, the ftate finding fo many great 
 fliips built, thought fit to fave his majefty 
 the five fhillings upon every ton, which 
 Henry VIII. and his fuccefTors to that time, 
 had allowed their fubjefts, for building of 
 fhips of one hundred tons and upwards, and 
 took it quite away -, which, notwithftand- 
 ing, did not difcourage the owners to build, 
 finding the benefit of trading in fhips of 
 ftrength. 
 
 And in the fifth year of king Charles, be- 
 fides the fhips trading to Newcajlle, and on 
 the Eaftland trade, being two hundred at 
 leaft, at two hundred ton each, the mofl 
 part whereof were afterwards fitted with 
 ordnance for men of war, there were found 
 belonging to the port of London one hun- 
 dred fail of merchant fhips, furnifhed with 
 ordnance ; a number, in the opinion of mofl 
 feamen, fit to parallel the forces of any 
 ftate or prince in Chriftendom. 
 
 The number and ftrength of the fubjefts 
 fhips, built and maintained without any 
 charge to the ftate, on the profit of trade 
 in time of peace, or the advantage of re- 
 prifal in time of war, preferves the ftrength 
 of fhipping and feamen in England, and 
 not only the power of his majefty's navy 
 royal, though it be conceived to be of 
 more force than any other king's in the 
 Chriftian world. 
 
 On the contrary, if there be no benefit 
 of trade to fupporc it, of necefTity it muft 
 decay as faft, being always decreafing, 
 where fhips bring in no gain. 
 
 The
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir Wiliiani MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Tlie experienced valiant fci-lbklier and 
 mariner, who knows how to manage a fhip, 
 and maintain a fca fight jiidicioufly, for de- 
 fence of himfelf and offence of his enemy, is 
 only fie to be a captain, or commander at 
 lea ; for witliout good experience, a man 
 otherwife couragious may loon deftroy him- 
 felf and his company. 
 
 The fea language is not foon learned, 
 much lefs underllood, being only proper to 
 him that has ferved his apprenticefliip : be- 
 fides that, a boifterous lea and ftormy wea- 
 ther, will make a man not bred on it fo 
 fick, that it bereaves him of legs, ftomach, 
 and courage, fo much as to fight with his 
 meat. And in fuch weather, when he hears 
 the feamen cry, ftarboard, or port, or to 
 bide alooff, or flat a fheet, or haul home a 
 he thinks he hears a barbarous 
 
 i!S Valour ■^j^^^so^. 
 
 cluling. 
 
 or an unexperienced foldicr, for 1 
 only. 
 
 J 'lie United Provinces, whofe fafcty and 
 wealth depends chicfiy upon their fea alfaii.s, 
 and wlio tor fomc years pafl: liavc had great 
 employment, and enlarged their dominions 
 much in remote places, ufc only their ex- 
 pert feamen to go captains and chief com- 
 manders in all their fliips of war and trade. 
 
 Great care mull be had to chufe a com- 
 mander or captain of difcretion and good 
 government, who is to be preferred for his 
 Ikill and experience ; for where the feamen 
 are left without orderly difciplinc, there can 
 be nothing expected but conlufion and 
 fliame. 
 
 The feamen are much difcouraged of late 
 times, by preferring of young, needy, and 
 unexperienced gentlemen, captains over 
 
 fpeech, which he conceives not the meaning them in their own fliips ; as alfo by placing 
 
 of. Suppofe the beft and ableft bred fea- 
 inan fliould buckle on armour, and mount 
 a couragious great horfe, and fo undertake 
 the leading of a troop of horfe, he would 
 (no doubt) be accounted very indifcreet, 
 and men would judge he could perform 
 but very weak fervice -, neither could his 
 foldiers hope of good fecurity, being un- 
 der an ignorant captain, tliat knows not 
 fcarce how to rein his horfe, much lefs to 
 take advantage for execution, or retreat : 
 and yet it is apparent to be far more eafy 
 xo attain experience for land fervice than on 
 the fea. 
 
 The bred feaman is for the moft part 
 hardy and undaunted, ready to adventure 
 any defperate adllon be it good or bad j as 
 prodigal of his blood, whatever his com- 
 mander orders him, it he loves or fears him. 
 
 The feaman's defire is to be commanded 
 by thofe that underftand their labour, laws, 
 and cuftoms, thereby expefblng reward or 
 punifhment, according to their deferts. 
 
 The feamen are ftubborn or perverfe, 
 v/hen they receive their command from the 
 ignorant in the difcipline of the fea, who 
 cannot fpeak to them in their own language. 
 
 That commander who is bred a feaman, 
 and of approved government, by his (kill 
 in choice of his company, will five twenty 
 in the hundred, and perform better fervice 
 than he can poflibly do that underftands not 
 peri'ectly how to dircifl the officers under 
 him. 
 
 The beft fliips of war in the known 
 world have been commanded by c;iptains 
 brixl feamen ; and merchants put their 
 whole confidence in the fidelity and ability 
 of feamen to carry their Ihips and goods 
 through the hazard of pirates, men of war, 
 and the danger of rocks and fands, be they 
 of never fo much value -, which they would 
 
 maftcrs in the king's 
 never been ufed till of 
 
 lieutenants above the 
 Ibips, which have 
 late years. 
 
 The feaman is willing to give or receive 
 punilliment defervedly, according to the 
 laws of the fea, and not othcrwiie, accord- 
 ing to the fury or pafTion of a boifterous, 
 blafphemous, fwcaring commander. 
 
 Punilhment is fitteft to be executed in 
 cold blood, the next day after the offence is 
 committed and difcovered. 
 
 A captain ihould chufe able and honeft 
 men for his company, as near as he can ; 
 but efpecially his maftt-r and mafter's mates 
 fliould be of good government, whereby 
 he is like to have a prolperous and 
 voyage. 
 
 good 
 
 never do under 
 Vol. III. 
 
 the charge of a gcndeman, 
 
 Punijhments at fea. 
 
 A captain may punifli according to the 
 offence committed, (viz.) putting one in 
 the billbows during plcafure ; keep them 
 fafting ; duck them at the yard-arm, or 
 haul them from yard-arm to yard-arm un- 
 der the fhip's keel ; or make them fill to 
 the capftan, and whip them there ; or at 
 the capftan or main maft hang weights 
 about their necks till their heart and back be 
 ready to break ; or to g.igg or Icrape their 
 tongues for blafphemy or Iwearing. This 
 will tame the moft rude and favage people 
 in the world. 
 
 Difcourc.gement to feamen. 
 
 When they have unexperienced needy 
 commanders -, bad and unwholfome vidu- 
 als, and complaining ol ir, can have no re- 
 drefsj cutting their beef too fmall ; put- 
 ting of five or more to four men's allow- 
 ance; want ol beer; long flaying for their 
 
 4G 
 
 rije
 
 sir William Monfon'/ Naval Trads. 
 
 301 
 
 MONSON. 
 
 '-'^"V^^*^ qle ekmcn of a general or admiral by fi^-> 
 and what is requifite in ftich a comman- 
 dtr for the government of the fleet under 
 his charge. 
 
 NO fleet can be well-governed without 
 a head.-, no flock of flieep without 
 a fliephcrd •, no army by lea or land with- 
 out a general, or fupreme commander, %yho 
 muft be authorized, either by immediate 
 commiflion from a prince, or his fubftitute, 
 that holds his place by patent from him ; 
 as, namely, for matters of the fea, from the 
 lord high admiral oi' England. 
 
 There have been often difputes, whether 
 the title of admiral or general were more 
 proper to a fea commander ; and though I 
 dare not prefume to conclude of cither, yet 
 I diink it is as unproper tq call an admiral 
 geneml by fea, as to call a general admiral 
 by land ; though I confefs iheir authorities 
 are alike in command of men's perfons, yet 
 is the jurifdiaion of the admiral by fea 
 greater than the other, in that he ruleth 
 and guideth a fleet of fliips, which are of 
 more importance to the king and flate, 
 than the lives of men are that ferve in 
 them. 
 
 The authority of a general being grant- 
 ed, the next confideration is in his eleftion, 
 that he be a man of experience, valour, 
 conduft, temper, conilancy, and difcre- 
 tion : that by his clemency and good car- 
 riage he gain love •, and by his juftice, 
 fear, as well from his foldiers as enemies, 
 after the example of Julius Cafar, who, to 
 his great praife, is faid never to have for- 
 got the fervice done iiim, or ever remem- 
 bered injury offered him. 
 
 Such a general is to make eleftion of his 
 captains, to be of the lame temper ; and 
 out of them to make choice of three or 
 four to be of his feleft council, upon whofe 
 judgment he may prtfume and rely, not 
 trufling altogether to his wit and -willj for 
 wilfulnefs and want of experience in gene- 
 rals, are the utter overthrow and bane of 
 aftions, as may be colleftcd out of fundry 
 of thofe which I have treated of in my firlt 
 and fecond books. 
 
 The next caution I give a general, is, 
 that neither ambition, covetoufnefs, vain- 
 glory, nor honour, make him feek employ- 
 ment, till the prince command him ; but 
 efpecially, that he be no projeftor of voy- 
 ages, where princes are not the only under- 
 takers. Let Sir John Norris and Drake be 
 an example in their voyage to Portugal^ 
 and Drake and Hawkins 10 the Indies ; for 
 he that defires to undertake an adion which 
 does not abfolutely depend on the prince, 
 muft examine the ftate of himfelf and 
 friends, who engage themfelvds with him -, 
 I 
 
 Book III. 
 
 and if he is to have the whole difpofil of 
 the ailion, to forecaft that there be no want 
 of things necefl"ary. 
 
 But above all, he muft take care that his 
 projedt be grounded upon fuch aflfurance, 
 that he fall not in the performance of it ; 
 though this is impoflible : it is only in the 
 power of man to promife, but in the hands 
 of God to difpofe-, for if any of his defigns 
 fail, it will prove the overthrow of his ac- 
 tion, the lots of his reputation, and fhew 
 the weaknefs of his judgment -, whereas on 
 the contrary, he that is called to a place of 
 command by his fovereign, fhall perform 
 the fervice with a good confcience, be fur- 
 nifhed with all his wants for the aftion, and 
 follow the dircftions prefcribed him ; fo 
 that whether the event be good or bad, he 
 fhall keep his credit, and be thought wor- 
 thy of employment ; for the principallett 
 thing of a general, is to follow the direc- 
 tions of his prince; and of an interior offi- 
 cer, to perform the conimand of his gene- 
 ral ; which Sir Richard Greenville negleded, 
 to his own deftruflion. 
 
 Amongfl: the Spaniards., private men un- 
 dertake no publick aftions, but the king 
 is the whole adventurer and difpofer of 
 them himfelf; and generals are appointed 
 as they are efleemed ; who if they difobey 
 the, king's diredlions, anfwcr it with life or 
 difgrace ; as to inftance in Don Diego Flores 
 de Valdez in 1588; Don Alonfo de Bafjan ; 
 Don John de Puerto Carrero, and Diego So- 
 to, the one commander of the galleys, the 
 other of the fhips, in our voyage to Cadiz, 
 in 1596. Don John was banifhcd into 
 Baj'bary ; the other committed to prifon, 
 where he died : this makes them not defire 
 imploymenr, as amongfl: us, and more care- 
 Jul to perform the lervice for their own 
 iafety when they are employed. 
 
 A general is to examine the flate of his 
 fliips, men, and viftuals, before he put 
 out of harbour; and finding any impcdi- 
 m.eiits, he is to punifh tlie oifence where 
 it defervcs, and to fee himfelf provided of 
 all wants before his departure ; for when at 
 lea, it will be too late to be relieved ; and 
 herein Sir Francis Drake, though an old 
 captain, fhewed himfelf but a young ge- 
 neral, in his voyage to the Indies in 1585, 
 and to Portugal in 15'^^. 
 
 The next care of a general, is to give in- 
 ftruftions to his captains, in as brief and 
 plain a manner as he can, that no ambi- 
 guines may arilb, as namely, the place of 
 meeting, if they lofe company. Secondly, 
 how to govern their men. And thirdly, 
 how to work upon any occafion that fhall 
 happen at fea, as by fhewing of lights in 
 the night, by fhooting of ordnance day and 
 night, or flriking their topiails by day; for 
 the better underltanding whereof, 1 have 
 
 let
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Truth. 
 
 fee down fome particulars touching that 
 point, joined to their diredions. After a 
 general is provided of all thofe things I 
 have related, the next thing is to expcft 
 the opportunity of a wind and fair weather, 
 and nor to put out of harbour but with a 
 fettled large wind; and being at fea, he 
 muft be as provident to flack fail for his 
 fleet, as he (liall i'ee occafion •, for it is a 
 great wcaknefs in a general, upon a contra- 
 ry wind to bear a prefs fail, feeing the reft 
 of the fliips mult Itrive to do the like, 
 though it be to the hazard of their inafts 
 and fails; for if they mifcarry in either, 
 they muft of neceffity be forced home; 
 whereas in bearing a flack fail, they Will 
 not lofe two leagues in four days, which will 
 be recover'd in lefs than two hours with a 
 large wind. And herein we may blame the 
 unadvilednefs of my lord of EJjex, in keep- 
 ing the fea in his voyage to the iflands in 
 1597. with a contrary wind, foul weather, 
 and a prefs fail, till his fleet were fcatter'd; 
 when in three hours he might have har- 
 bour'd in Falmouth^ and avoided the rigour 
 of the ftorni. 
 
 A general muft have a care to aflign a 
 place of rendezvous where his fleet fliall 
 meet, and efpecially to provide, as the ne- 
 ceflaricft thing in his expedition, to have 
 intelligence of his enemy, and to keep thenv 
 trom intelligence of him, by example of 
 1588 and 1595. 
 
 A general that is only appointed for fea 
 fervice, not for land, ought to be careful 
 not to cany gentlemen, more than fome 
 few for the reputation of himfelf and ac- 
 tion ; for whatfoever gentlemen promife or 
 pretend to the contrary beiore their going 
 our, when they have been long at fea, and 
 are lired with the tedioufnefs thereof, and 
 find the want of viduals, they are apt to 
 be the firft to cry home, whofe examples 
 will make others do the like; as I have 
 fliewed in tlie voyage to Cadiz, and the 
 year following to the iflands. 
 
 A general that is to enterprize a fervice 
 of importance, ought, before he propole 
 it to his council, to require the opinion of 
 his beft" and truftieft captains in writing, 
 v,'ho fliall have fufficient leifure to debate 
 all circumftances before they give their 
 judgments; for a man that is fuddenly and 
 rawly taken, cannot give that refolution, as 
 upon mature deliberation : it is like a con- 
 fultation, which ever proves the beft; and a 
 general, out of their writing, will be able 
 both to juJge and determine what to do. 
 
 And this did my lord of Ejjex in his voy- 
 age to the iflands, requiring a captain he 
 relied on, to give his judgment in writing. 
 Firft, whether he fliould attempt the king 
 of Spain's fliips in Ferrol, or no. Second- 
 ly, whether before or after his being at the 
 
 30^ 
 
 Terceras. And laftly, the manner how to Monson. 
 afliiil them. The captain's anfwcr you will ^ V^x' 
 find in the fccond book, with that voyage. 
 
 The dii-e£lions of a general to his fljtp, if 
 they lofe compatiy. 
 
 IF you happen to lofe the fleet, you fliall 
 feek to get yourfelf into ilie height of 
 and there lie o(f and on 
 leagues for days; and if you meet 
 
 not the fleet, nor with dircdions, you fliall 
 ply to the height of and keep 
 
 Jome leagues to leaward ; and if you 
 
 hear notliing in days, you fliall get 
 
 yourfelf into the height of and lie 
 
 oft" and on till you meet the fleer, or di- 
 rections. 
 
 Infiruclions from a general to his vice-admi- 
 ral, rear-admiral, and captains, to be ob~ 
 fervid by them at fea. 
 
 MORE than the reputation of a vice- 
 admiral, is to be fccond man in com- 
 mand ; and that in ablence or dcjth of the 
 admiral, he has the abfolute charge; yet 
 in prefence of the admiral, he is to follow 
 the inftruftions given by him, or refolvcd 
 on by council, in which council he is the 
 fecond pcrfon, and is to have all rights 
 done to him next the admiral. 
 
 As he is vice-admiral, fo is he admiral 
 of a fquadron ; and as he wears the flag in 
 the fore-top, being vice-admiral, fo he is to 
 wear what coloured flag he pleafe in the 
 main-top, as admiral of his fquadron. 
 
 He is to have a vice-admiral and rear- 
 admiral of his fquadron, though the ule 
 of a rear-admiral is but of late invention, 
 and is allowed but the ordinary pay of a 
 captain, but the vice-admiral of the fleet 
 has half the pay of the vice-admiral : thele 
 two are to wear the lame flags ; the vice- 
 admiral does the one in the toie-top, the 
 other in the mizen, and every fliip of the 
 fquadron befides, is to wear a ftrcamer of 
 the fame colour in the forehead or mizen- 
 yard, to be diftinguiflied from other liqua- 
 drons. 
 
 The inftru6tion for his fquadron is to hale 
 them once in twenty- four hours; and how 
 to gather them together out of the fleet, 
 when he pleafes to call them, and many 
 other oblcrvations, are to be exprefled in 
 the general articles from the admiral ; and 
 becaufe every fliip in the fleet receives the 
 fame inftruiftions, it is fit that th; captain 
 under the vice-admiral, and the mafter of 
 the fliip, be perfect, and have, as it were, 
 by heart, all the articles before-mentioned, 
 that as foon as they lee a fign made by the 
 admiral, they may prepare to work acccor- 
 dinaly. 
 
 It
 
 304 
 
 Mo N SON. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracis. 
 
 Book IH. 
 
 It is requifite that the captain under the 
 admiral, or vice-admiral, be a man ot great 
 experience in fea affairs j for he is always 
 ready at hand to advife, when council can- 
 not repair on board ; and yet this place is 
 of fo little eflcem among us, that there is 
 no allowance for it, though amongft the 
 Spanuvds it is a place of great reputation, 
 and h>xs the title of Capilan de la Capitana, 
 
 Such inftruHions as were given in the voyage 
 in 167,^. by the right honourable Robert 
 earl of Lindfcy. 
 
 I. T7IRST, and above all things, you 
 i are to rake care, that all the officers 
 and company of (hips do offer their beft 
 devotion unto God twice a-day, according 
 to the ufual pradices and liturgy of the 
 church of England. 
 
 2. In your own particular, you are to 
 have fpecial care, that you perform your 
 duty faithfully, and with diligence ; and if 
 any feaman, or other in your fliip, fliall 
 raife faftion, tumult, or confpiracy, or com- 
 mit manflaughter or murder, or fhall quar- 
 rel or fight, or draw blood, or weapon to 
 that end, or commit theft, or other heinous 
 capital offence, you fliall caufe precife in- 
 formation to be brought to mc thereof, 
 that I may inflift condign punifhment up- 
 on each offender, according to the condition 
 of his crime. 
 
 3. If any under your command in that 
 fliip Ihall be a common fwearer, blafphe- 
 mer, railer, drunkard, pilferer, or fleep at 
 his watch, or make a noife, and not be- 
 take himfelf to his place of reft after the 
 watch is fet, or fhall not keep his cabbin 
 cleanly, or be difcontented with his pro- 
 portion of vidfuals, or fhall fpoil or wafte 
 them, or any other neceffary provifion for 
 the fhip, or Ihall commit any infolency or 
 diforder, fitting by you to be corrected, 
 you are to punifli them according to the 
 order and cuttom of the fea. 
 
 4. You fhall take a perfetl account of 
 the officers in your fhips, to whom it be- 
 longs, of the receipts of the expences, and 
 remains of viftuals, ammunition, and al- 
 lowance of provifion and ftores aboard your 
 Ihip, and fo weekly to continue the fame, 
 not lliffering any fpoil or wafte to be made 
 thereof, but to prcferve them all the beft 
 you can, both in quantity and quality; and 
 you fliall i\ot fuffer any works to be done 
 in the fliips that fliall not be needful and 
 neceiiary for the fame. 
 
 5. To prevent the needlels expence of 
 powder and fhot, you are to take weekly 
 account of the mafter-gunner of the ex- 
 pence of the powder and foot, and all man- 
 ner of ammunition, provifions, and ftores 
 contained in his indentures, not permitting 
 
 I 
 
 any part thereof to be wafted or imbezi- 
 led -, nor any piece of ordnance to be fliot 
 without particular order or direftions from 
 yourlelf, and that upon very neceffary oc- 
 cafions, and according to his majtfty's pro- 
 clamations, unlefs it be for fixlutes, keeping 
 the true number and kinds of the Ihot, that 
 their accounts may be thereby examined, 
 which are not to be allowed in the office of 
 the ordnance without approbation under 
 your hand. 
 
 6. You are to keep a competent number 
 of men allowed to your fhip compleat, and 
 to have a full proportion of healthy and 
 able-bodied mariners and feamen, and but 
 the allowed number of your retinue, that 
 your ftiip be not filled with idlers-, and to 
 take care to get fuch as are able and health- 
 ful bodies, and not boys, or infirm perfons, 
 to perform his majefty's fervice. 
 
 7. You fhall not fuffer any boat to go 
 afhore without fpecial leave-, and then but 
 upon neceffary occafions, as to fetch water, 
 or the like. 
 
 8. You fliall perform to me all due re- 
 fpefts and obedience, not taking the wind 
 of me at any time, if you be not forced to 
 it, but keep c.mpany with me as much as 
 you may, Ipeaking with me both morning 
 and evening, to know my pleafure, and fo 
 often as you fee my flag of council in my 
 mizen (hrouds, you fhall come on board 
 me; and when I fliall weigh anchor at the 
 report of a warning-piece, you fhall do the 
 like, and anchor when I anchor, ranking 
 yourlelves under the colour of your fqua- 
 dron, the vice-admiral taking his place 
 witliin me, and the rear-admiral without. 
 
 9. In the night I will carry two lights, 
 which you are to obferve and follow, bear- 
 ing the fame courfe I do, without ftraggiing, 
 unlefs ftorms or tenipefts divide us, and then 
 with expedition to return to the place of 
 rendezvous, which I fliall dired ; but if you 
 happen to fpring a leak, fpend a maft, or 
 be otherwife diftrelled by fire, you are to 
 give notice by (hooting off" two pieces of 
 ordnance, that other ftiips may haften to 
 your help to avoid danger. 
 
 10. If you difcover any (hips at fea, you 
 are to give notice thereof by (hooting off 
 a piece, and letting fall your main top-diil 
 fo many times as there be fliips; and if they 
 appear to be Tiirkifo pirates, or fea-rovers, 
 you fliall flioot two or three pieces, to 
 warn the whole fleet to put in order either 
 to fight or purfue. 
 
 11. It muft be your principal care to pre- 
 ferve his majefty's honour, coafts, jurildic- 
 tions, territories, and lubjedfs, within the 
 extent of this your employment, as much 
 as in you lies, that no nation or people 
 vvhatfoever intrude thereon, or injure any of 
 them ; and if you (hall chance to meet in 
 
 the
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William Won Ton V Naval TradJs. 
 
 305 
 
 the narrow Teas any fleet or fliips belonging 
 to any prince, king, or lkte> you are to 
 exped: that tlie admiral or chict of them, 
 in acknowledgment of his majefty's fove- 
 reignty there, perform their duty and ho- 
 mage in pafTing by ; and if they refufe to 
 do it, you are to inforce them thereunto ; 
 and in any wile you are not to fufl'er any 
 diflionour to be done to his majcfty, or de- 
 rogation to his fovereign power in thofe 
 feas ; and if any of his majefty's fubjedls 
 fiiall fo much forget their duties, as not 
 to ftrike their topiail in palling his maje- 
 fty's fhips, you are to inforce them thereun- 
 to, and to punilh the commanders of fuch 
 a fliip yourfelf, or to give me advertife- 
 ment of it, that I may talvc a courfe with 
 them. 
 
 12. You are not to fufFer any man of 
 war to fight with each other, or man of 
 war with merchant, in the prefence of his 
 majefty's fhips in the narrow feas ; but yon 
 are to do the beft in thofe feas to keep peace, 
 for the better and free maintenance of trade 
 and commerce through the lame ; for that 
 all men trading or filling within thole his 
 majefty's feas do juftly take themfelves to 
 be in pace Domini Regis, and therefore his 
 majefty in honour and juftice is to prote6l 
 them from injury and violence. 
 
 13. If you chance to meet with any ftran- 
 gers fliips riding at anchor in any of his ma- 
 jefty's bays or harbours with counterfeit co- 
 lours, which is a practice of late much ufed 
 to entrap fuch foreigners as trade on his ma- 
 jefty's coafts, you are to apprehend and 
 bring them unto me, or fend them fife into 
 fome of his majefty's ports, to anfwer fuch 
 their prefumption and offence according to 
 law. 
 
 14. If you happen to take any (hip and 
 goods from any pirate, fea-rover, or other 
 offender, you muft be careful that they be 
 kept in fafety, and that no part thereof be 
 fpoiled, wafted, or imbeziled, fpiking down 
 the hatches and holds, and bring them to 
 me, that I may fend them to his majefty's 
 ports and harbours for his majefty's ul'e. 
 
 15. If you meet with any men of war, 
 merchants, or other veftel, or fhip belong- 
 ing to any prince or ftate, either at fea, or 
 in any road, or other place where you ftiall 
 happen to come, you are to fend to fee whe- 
 ther there be any EngliJJ:, Scotch, or Irifi, 
 or any other of his majefty's fubje6ts ; 
 and if any feamen, gunners, pilots, or ma- 
 riners, fhall be found aboard any of them, 
 you are not only to caufe fuch of his ma- 
 jefty's fubjedls to be talcen out and brought 
 to me, to anfwer their contempt to his rna- 
 jefty's proclamation in that kind, but alfo 
 to admonifti the captain, and principal com- 
 manders and officers in fuch foreign lliips and 
 veffels, that they receive or entertain aboard 
 
 Vol. Ill, 
 
 any of their (hips no more his majefty's fub- Monsoi 
 jedts aforclhid, that his majefty have no '•''V^ 
 caufe to refent it at their hands-, but you 
 are to have fpccial care, that no man be 
 permitted to go aboard any fhip or vefll-l of 
 any of his majefty's friends or allies, tol'carch 
 for any of his majefty's fubjedts, as atbrefaid, 
 for whofe fair and honeft carriage you will 
 not anfwer : And you are not in any cafe to 
 fufFer any violence, wrong, or interruption 
 to be given by any of your company to any 
 of his majefty's friends or allies, behaving 
 themfelves fairly and refpeftfully. 
 
 1 6. You fliall do your beft endeavour to 
 hinder, that none of his majefty's fubjecls 
 whatfoever at fea, or inhabitants on the 
 coaft, do buy, fell, or barter, with pirates, 
 or fea-rovcrs, and taking notice of liich as 
 do or have done, fee you give me notice of 
 it, with their names, places of abode, to- 
 gether with a particular of their offences, 
 and fuch examinations and proofs as you 
 have againft them, that I may acquaint th(i 
 ftate therewith. 
 
 17. If any man of war, or other in any 
 of his majefty's roads, harbours, or coafts, 
 ftiall offer any violence in taking out any 
 veflels goods, or merchandize untiuly, or 
 commit any other infolencics, you ftiall do 
 your beft to recover the fame again from 
 them, and reform the abufe, cither by due 
 admonition, or, if that will not ferve, by 
 bringing the oftenders to anfwer by juftice, 
 preferving by all means the honour of his 
 majefty from fuch inlblencics as much as in 
 you lies, having always due regard to the 
 amity betwixt his majefty, his friends and 
 allies. 
 
 18. If we happen to defcry any fleet at 
 fea, which we may probably know or con- 
 jecture defigns to oppofe, encounter, or af- 
 front us, I will firfl ftrive to get the wind, 
 (if I be to leeward,) and fo fhall the whole 
 fleet in due order do the like, and when we 
 come to join battle, no fliip flvall prefumc 
 to aflault the admiral, vice-admiral, or 
 rear-admiral, but only myfelf, my vice- 
 admiral, or rear-admiral, if we be able 10 
 reach them ; and the other fhips are to 
 match themfelves accordingly as they can, 
 and to fecure one another, as caufe ft-.aU 
 require, not wafting their powder at ihrall 
 veifels or viftuallers, nor firing till they 
 come fide to fide. 
 
 19. You muft be careful that no bed of 
 ftraw, or combuflible matter, be aboard in 
 tinie of fight, nor ftiall permit any powder 
 to be carried up and down in open barrels 
 or budge barrels ; but to command the 
 gunners to lade cartridges, which may be 
 kept covered ; and for prevention of fire- 
 works, you are to caufe the vefiiels of urine 
 to be in rcadinefs in your (hip, and ihall 
 injoin your fhip-carpenter to obfcrvc care- 
 
 •^ 4 H fully
 
 50(5 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Tra^s. 
 
 Book Illi 
 
 MoNsoN. fully in the fight, if any fhot chance to fall 
 
 ^y^"^ near the bulging-place of the fliip, and ever 
 
 to be ready to flop them witl: falc hides, 
 
 flicct-lead, plugs, or whatfoever may be 
 
 fit. 
 
 20. Before fight you are to fee all things 
 put in order •, then to encourage the compa- 
 ny, and not to fufter them to board the 
 lliip or veflel that Ihall oppofe them till the 
 fmoke of their ordnance be cleared up, nor 
 till the men above hatches be (lain, or bea- 
 ten olV. 
 
 21. When we fet fail, the vice-admiral 
 with his fquadron fhall fail a-head the admi- 
 ral, a convenient diftance; and the rear- 
 admiral ailern, obferving the like diftance. 
 Every fliip is to rank himfelf under the co- 
 lours of his own fquadron, allowing one an- 
 other fair room, tor fear of falling foul, if 
 it Ihould happen to be rough weather. 
 
 22. In the night I will bearitwo lights 
 in my poop, the vice and rear-admiral fal- 
 ling fomething aftern of me, but keeping 
 their diftance, fhall each of them bear one 
 light in the poop, for the reft of the fqua- 
 dron to follow -, both vice and rear-admiral 
 fliall fpeak with me twice a-day, morning 
 and evening, if wind and weather will per- 
 mit, and having received fuch di reft ions as 
 I fhall give them, they are to fall in their 
 places again. 
 
 23. If I caft about in the night, I will 
 fltoot a piece of ordnance, and fhew two 
 lights one above the other, which you are 
 to anfwer, that I may know you fee me. 
 
 24. If I am forced to bear round, you 
 fhall fee three lights on the poop of my Ihip, 
 and you fhall fliew the like. 
 
 25. If your fhip fhould happen to run 
 a-ground upon any danger, (which God for- 
 bid,) youfliall fhoot four pieces of ordnance, 
 one a little after the other ; if in the night, 
 you fliall burn a fire-pike. 
 
 16. If by day or night you find yourfelf 
 near any rock, lands, or flioals that may be 
 dangerous, you fliall flioot olF three pieces, 
 and caft about ; but if in the nighr, you fliall 
 hang out two lights at your fore-topmaft 
 head. 
 
 27. If I fliorten fail in the nighr, byrea- 
 ibn of the foul weather, I will fliew three 
 lights on my poop, one above the other -, 
 if I try or hull, befides thofe I will fhew 
 two in my flirouds ; and you fhall do the 
 like, that I may know you underftand me. 
 
 28. If in foul weather we lofe compa- 
 ny, and after come in fight of one another; 
 if in topfail gale, you fhall ftrike and hoife 
 your fore-toplail twice; but if it be not 
 toplail gale, you fliall brail up your forefliil, 
 nnd let it tall twice ; and if you are an- 
 
 fwered by the like fign, it fhall betoken 
 they are of our fleet ; and if in the night 
 you come up and hail one another, the 
 word fhall be Charles, and the anfwer Ma- 
 ry, whereby you fhall know the other. 
 
 29. If in the night it be foul weather, 
 and over-blow, every fliip fhall carry a light 
 in his poop, that we may the better keep 
 clear one of another ; and in thick foggy 
 weather, either by day or night, you are 
 to make a noife with drum, trumpet, or 
 ringing your bell, and fometimes fhooting 
 otF a mufket, whereby you may keep clear 
 one of another ; and if in fuch weather I 
 caft about by day, I will fhoot off a piece 
 of ordnance ; and in the night I will fhoot 
 a piece, and ufe the fign before-mention- 
 ed. 
 
 30. You fhall keep one continually in your 
 topmaft-head to look abroad ; and if you dif- 
 cover any fleet or fhips, which you conceive I 
 fee not, you fhall put your ancient in your top, 
 and bear with them, till you perceive I fee 
 them ; and let no man prefume to wear a 
 flag, though abfent from the fleet, but thofe 
 to whom it properly belongs. 
 
 3 1 . Our principal place of rendezvous 13 
 in the Downs, whilft our employment is to 
 the eaftward of the ifle of Wight ; if to the 
 weftward, Falmouth ; whither you are up- 
 on all occafions to repair, if you fhould be 
 abfent from me, except you hear otherwife 
 where I am, and then to come to me there, to 
 receive fuch farther inftrudlions as I fhall have 
 occafion to deliver to you from time to time, 
 for the advancement of the fervice we have 
 in hand ; or where you may conceive wind 
 and weather may force us for more fafety, 
 either PFight, Plymouth, or any other port. 
 
 32. You are to be careful to keep your 
 company in good order, peace, and unity 
 one with another, and to fee that they 
 have their allowance of viduals in good 
 order, 
 
 33. When you fee the Britijh flag fpread 
 upon the mizen-fhrouds, then the council 
 of war is to come aboard me ; if the red 
 ancient, then both captains and mafters. 
 
 34. And when there fhall be any occa- 
 fion to difpofe of you upon any fervice apart, 
 I fliall then give you fuch further direftions 
 as the fervice requires. And fb God keep 
 you, and fend us a proipeious voyage. 
 
 From on hard his Majejifs Ship Royal, the 
 Mere-honour, riding in the Downs, the 
 ^oth of May 1635. 
 
 Signed, 
 
 LINDS ET. 
 
 "Thi
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William Monfon V Na^jal Trjcis.- 
 
 307 
 
 The d'llVinB fraSlke, or fled al duties 
 of officers belonging to tiie kings Jhips 
 atfea. 
 
 The Captain's Office. 
 
 TH E captains in queen Elizabeth'^ time 
 were gentlemen of wortli and means, 
 maintaining their diet at their own charge. 
 A captain has power, upon jufl: caule of 
 mifdemeanor, or imbezilling the king's 
 goods, to difplace any inferior officer, (ex- 
 cept the mailer,) who has the abfolute 
 charge of conducting the fnip in and out, 
 according to the direction given by the cap- 
 tain, to the place whither he fliould lail 
 the lame. And in cafe the mafler commit 
 any offence meriting blame, during the 
 voyage, the captain may require ftay of his 
 wages, till the matter be heard before the 
 principal officers of the navy, or the lord 
 admiral himfelf, if the ofience be crimi- 
 nal. 
 
 .The captain may require a copy of the fta 
 book from the purfer, and muffer the com- 
 pany at his plealure: Likewife the boatfwain 
 gunner, and purfer, ought to fliev/ the cap- 
 tain what fea (tores they have received into 
 their charge for the voyage •, and he may re- 
 quire a copy of the indenture, or bills of 
 charge; in like fort a note of the fcveral 
 
 kinds of viftuals from the purfer at the end nifh offences committed within his (hip ;' or 
 of the voyage, to certify v/hat has been in if his company grow mutinous or (lubborn, 
 any fort extraordinarily expended in his he may have recourfe to the general, who 
 majefty's fervice, or wafted, or loft by un- will infiift more feverepunifliment, as death, 
 avoidable accidents ; without which the if they deferve it, which no private captain 
 
 the entertainment of a capt.tln, as afore- Monson. 
 fiid. v^^ ^** 
 
 2. The captain ought to iiave experience 
 and ability, by his art and fkill, to controul 
 his mafter, if he do amifs, or clfe his ma- 
 fter may willingly commit fuch an error as 
 will caft a difgrace upon his captain. 
 . Thefe latter times have advanced cap- 
 tains, who only take upon them that name, 
 holding it a maxim, that tlicy need not ex- 
 perience, but refer themfelves to the dirc- 
 tWon of a mafter. I muft fay, That the 
 generals who place fuch captains are very 
 carelefs of their mafter's fcrvice, and for- 
 getful of their own rifing from the degree 
 of a foldier to a general, and the mifchitfs 
 that enfue upon it ; nay, I will Hiy, That 
 fuch a general is improvident of his ma- 
 fter's profits; for if a mafter (hould direft 
 a captain, and have the managing of the 
 charge committed to him, why Ihould a 
 prince allow ten fhillings a day to a captain, 
 when a mafter can execute the place of 
 both captain and mafter for his bare al- 
 lowance .-■ 
 
 A captain of experience being thus fettled 
 in his command, he ftiall fee that every of- 
 ficer be chofcn in fuch places, that they 
 may be able to execute the charge commit- 
 ted to them, and not to advance any un- 
 worthy perfon for affedion. This captain, 
 under a general, has lawful authority to pu- 
 
 king's officers fliould not give any extraor- 
 dinary allowance upon their accounts refpe- 
 ftively, provided that nothing be allowed 
 upon fuch certificate, but what has been 
 formerly loft, and truly iflued for his ma- 
 jefty's fcrvice only. The captain muft be 
 very cautious not to remove any of the 
 aforeftid officers that have the king's goods 
 under their charge, unkfs upon urgent ne- 
 ceffity, for matters criminal, or negleft of 
 the fervice ; and then to take good teftimo- 
 ny what ftores are remaining at the time 
 of their difcharge, and to commit the fame 
 to fuch hands as may be able to account for 
 the fame to the o.fficers at the end of the 
 voyage. 
 
 Alter the fliip is at fea, the purler ought 
 not to enter or difcharge any of the compa- 
 ny, but by the captain's fpecial order. 
 
 I. The office of a captain is to be di- 
 ftinguiibed into two kinds, {viz.) a captain 
 that is lawfully ehofen by a general, ferving 
 under the patent of a prince, from which 
 general the captain receives his commiffion 
 ^br his employment, and inftruiStions for 
 hini to follow during the time of the 
 voyage ; and at the end thereof to be paid 
 
 can do. 
 
 If a captain Ihall mifdemean himfelf a- 
 gainft his company, the like cenfure he ftiall 
 receive from his general, whofe fupreme 
 authority begets moderation and agreement 
 amongft them, which the fhips of repri- 
 fal have no means to accommodate but by 
 violence. 
 
 What inftruflions the captain fhall re- 
 ceive from his general, needs no other repe- 
 tition than I have already declared in the 
 inftruftions fet down in this lame book, to 
 which I refer you ; but with this caution. 
 That you be carefpl to obferve what is there 
 contained. 
 
 A captain is to make choice of his lieute- 
 nant, and it is as neceflary that he be a man 
 of experience, as himfelf; and though no 
 fuch officer be allow'd in his majefty's ffiips 
 but of late; and that the mafter repines to 
 have a lieutenant above him, yet do I hold 
 it fit to have a lieutenant, and he to have 
 entertainment from the king, as well as his 
 allowed fhares in a private fl;iip of v.ar, for 
 thefe reafons ; 
 
 A lieutenant is an employment for a 
 
 gentleman well bred, who knows how to 
 
 / enter-
 
 3o8 
 
 Sir William MoiifonV Nanjal Tra^s. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN. entertain ambaffactors, gentlemen, and 
 
 ^'^~V^^ ftrangers, when they come aboard, either 
 
 in prefcnce or abfence of a captain. 
 
 A lieutenant is to be fcnt on a mcfTage, 
 either aboard fhips, or afhorc, upon any 
 occafion of fervice, though it be to great 
 peifons, an unfit imploymcnt for a maflcr ; 
 befides, the mafter is not to depart out of 
 the fhip, or leave his place, but in cale of 
 nccelTity. 
 
 A lieutenant knows hov to ufe gentlemen 
 and foldicrs with more courtefy and friend- 
 ly behaviour, and will give better fiitista- 
 6lion than any other mariner or mafter can 
 do, who have not been bred to it, but in 
 the rude manner of a mariner. 
 
 A lieutenant in a fight is to command 
 the forecaftle, or the foldiers before the 
 maft, as the captain does abaft the maft, 
 and to fee that every man docs the fervice 
 he is commanded. 
 
 But the lieutenant muft have a care 
 that he carry not himfelf proudlv or pre- 
 kimptuoufly, nor that his captain give him 
 power or authority to intermeddle in the 
 inaftcr's office ; for where there is a heart- 
 burning betvveen the lieutenant and the ma- 
 fter, it will make it burft cut into open 
 difcontenr, and then will follow mifchiefs 
 and factions among the company. 
 
 The fee on A degree of a captain, viz. in (hips 
 of rcprifal. 
 
 THIS, captain I fliall treat of is much 
 inferior to the authority of the other 
 I have fpoken of: Firft, his title is not au- 
 thorized by the immediate power of a 
 prince, but by a fubordinate ; for a king of 
 England in time ot war fubftitutes his lord 
 high admiral of England to grant out let- 
 ters of rcprifal to his fubjeifts, to take and 
 arreft by all means, either by fca or land, 
 the vefiels of his enemy -, and this com- 
 minion is taken out of the court of admi- 
 ralty, having relation to the lord high ad- 
 miral and his office. 
 
 In this quality any man may make him- 
 felf a captain, if he put in the fecurity a- 
 forefliid ; but what abufes enfue thereof, I 
 refer you to fee in the firft book. 
 
 This captain, alter a fhip is furniflied, 
 is to make choice of his mafter, officers, 
 and company -, and though he be ftyled the 
 captain, yet do they not ufe to obey him fo 
 ftridtly as him that has power from a gene- 
 ral, as I have faid before •, for they receive 
 ro pay whereby to oblige them, but every 
 one goes upon his own adventure •, and 
 therefore they will tie the captain to the 
 fame conditions in his diet, or his part of 
 any goods taken, as themfelves. His au- 
 thority is little b ■ ■" ■'--" **"" '~"->'-?;n. in a. 
 pirate -, for the intereft and divifion of 
 
 goods are alike, only that this captain has 
 commilHon to take from an enemy, and a 
 pirate takes without commiflion, and makes 
 all the world Jiis enemies. 
 
 The authority of reprifals, and the law 
 to warrant and limit them, has been an- 
 cient, and ever fince England enjoyed Aqui- 
 tain, if it were truly known ; for the laws 
 to this day are called the laws o\ Alter oone^ 
 near Rochell, anciently pofiefltd by the £;;»■- 
 lif}.K ' 
 
 And bccaufe I fpeak of the peculiar laws 
 tliere eftablilhed, I am bound to give you 
 an account of an ancient record extant in 
 the tower of London, wherein is ro be feen, 
 that at a general meeting of all nations of 
 Europe, tliat had relation to the lea, with 
 one voice and confent they gave England 
 the preheminence and power over all the 
 feas, as well thoie that part England and 
 France, as alio the northern feas that en- 
 com^^k Scotland And Ireland; by which it 
 is apparent, the kings oi" Etigland did not 
 challenge the privilege of mafters of die 
 fea by force, but by lawful right, granted 
 by the confent of all the maritime towns 
 in Europe. 
 
 The law of thefe acflions of reprifal is to 
 divide the goods taken from any enemy 
 into three parts ; the fhip has one part, the 
 viftualler the other, the company the third, 
 and the lord admiral to have the tenths of 
 all. 
 
 That which is called pillage is the loofe 
 goods and apparel of the company on the 
 upper deck, ib that it exceeds not a certain 
 proportion, and is equally to be divided to 
 the whole company at the main-maft. 
 
 If a fhip fight, the captain that takes 
 her, by ancient right, fhould have the 
 other captain's cheft, and what he has in it ; 
 and every officer to have the like of other 
 officers. The captain is to have likewife 
 the beft piece of ordnance in the fhip, the 
 gunner the fecond, and the mafter the beft 
 cable, and all the other officers after that 
 rate, fails, mufl<ets, ^c. 
 
 The thirds due to the company is thus 
 divided, and thofe that make the fhares 
 are, the mafter, or in his abfence the right- 
 hand mate, the gunner, the boatfwain, and 
 the four quarter-mafters, (not the captain.) 
 But the captain has this privilege, to take 
 away half a Ihare, or a whole fliare, to 
 give from one to another whom he pleafes. 
 
 Scares. 
 In the divifion, the captain has lo 
 
 The mafter 7 or 8 
 
 The lieutenant 7 or 8 
 
 The mates 5 
 
 The chirurgeon 5 
 
 The gunner 
 The boatfwain 
 
 The
 
 3ooK III. sir William 
 
 Mon{ 
 
 
 Shares. 
 
 The carpenter 
 
 5 
 
 The trumpecer 
 
 The four quarter-maflcrs 
 
 The cooper 
 
 The chirurgeon's mate 
 
 5 
 4 
 4 
 4 
 
 The gunner's mate 
 
 4 
 
 The carpenter's mate 
 The corporal 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 The quarcer-mafl:er's mate 
 
 3 
 
 The trumpeter's mate 
 The fteward 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 The cook 
 
 3 
 
 The cockfwain 
 
 3 
 
 Tlie fwabber 
 
 3 
 
 The younkers are according to their de- 
 ferts, fome three, fome two, and fome lefs j 
 the boys one fingle fliare. 
 
 A fhip of war is to keep a man or boy 
 continually in the head of the topmaflr, to 
 defcry wliat Hvils they can fee •, and upon 
 the defcry ing of any that fliall prove prize, 
 he is to have given him a reward, at the 
 difcretion of" the captain. 
 
 If any prize they take fliall fighr, and 
 make refiftance, upon the boarding her, the 
 ten tirll men that fliall enter her fhall have 
 every one of them a reward, at the difcre- 
 tion of the captain. 
 
 Though thefe aftions of reprifals yield no 
 profit to a king, but only in his cufloms, 
 as all other merchandizes that come into 
 his kingdoms, yet it is a matter of great 
 confequence, not only to him, but to his 
 whole commonwealth, as appears by thefe 
 reafons : the number of failors and feamen 
 are increafed treble by it, to what they are 
 in the navigations of peaceable voyages ; 
 and they are made more couragious, and 
 more like to ferve their prince and country, 
 when there is occafion to ufe them, than any 
 other of his majefty's fubjefts, although 
 their fucceffes do not prove profperous at 
 fea, but that they return without fpoil or 
 gain ; for I confefs, of twenty luch Ihips as 
 go out with letters of reprifal, not two, for 
 the moft part, make a faving voyage ; like 
 a lottery, where one lighting upon a good 
 prize, encourages others to venture in ir, 
 till they make themfelves pennilefs, and 
 derided for their pains. 
 
 But howfoever it fiill with thefe adven- 
 turous people, the kingdom feels no detri- 
 ment or fcarcity by it -, for all ihe time they 
 fpend at fea, they confume no more viftuals 
 than they would have done on fhore : every 
 man in the fliip bears his own adventure -, 
 lb that neither king or country is bound to 
 pay them at their return : or though they 
 rail of getting in one voyage, yet upon the 
 end of it they are ready, and never want occa- 
 fion to be fuddenly imploy'd again In another. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 ms iMit'ual 'Iracfs. p^ 
 
 And lailly, the king receives bcncHt by Mossoif. 
 thefe voluntary aftions, by annoyance ilonc WV">*# 
 the enemy, who is impovcrifli'd and put 
 into great difcontent by it -, bcfuLs, th.ic 
 many times his provifions in furnilhing his 
 fleets are cut oft^" in their way to tlie placo 
 of their rendezvous, whereby his prejxi- 
 rations fail, to tlic great fecurity and profit 
 of the prince their enemy. What this end 
 of the (tealth produces, you will hear after- 
 wards. 
 
 the offce of a majicr of a fhip of tie 
 king's. 
 
 A mafler is to be chofen by the Tnnify- 
 houfe, who can judge of every man's fuf- 
 ficiency, as well in the point of his art as 
 his command, which is as much to be re- 
 garded as the other in a fliip of the king's : 
 upon commendations from them to the 
 four principal officers of the navy, he is to 
 receive warrant for taking charge of his ma- 
 jefty's fliip. I utterly diflike that a cap- 
 tain fliould make choice of a mafler hin> 
 felf ; I fpeak it for the fecurity of a cap- 
 tain i for if any thing but well fliould be- 
 fal the fhip in her voyage, it will be im- 
 puted to the captain's election of his mafler, 
 and he only fliall receive the blame and im- 
 putation by it. 
 
 His place and charge is to undertake to 
 conducl: the fliip fife from port to port, and 
 to direft at fea to and fro as the captain 
 flialt require him, by virtue of his inftruc- 
 tions from the lord admiral in the king's 
 iervice % he is alfo to give chafe, manage a 
 fight, or retreat by the captain's directions. 
 
 He has power to command the mariners 
 and all the company, to perform the ordi- 
 nary labours in the fliip, and to keep 
 due warch in their turns at the helm ; and 
 may by himfclf, or the boatfwain and 
 his mates, corredl and punifli, according to 
 the cuflom of the fea, fuch as refufe his 
 command for the fervice of the fhip, 
 wherein I conceive no man is exempted 
 refpeftively. 
 
 fic muft be likcwife acquainted wiiat 
 furniture, ground-tackle, and fea-ftorcs, 
 belong to the fliip, and to juftify the need- 
 ful expences of fea-ftores in the boat- 
 fwain or carpentei's charge during the 
 voyage, to the end there may be warrant 
 for fupply v/hile the fliip is under his 
 charge. 
 
 There are fix things neccOary and rc- 
 quifite in a mafler or mariner that takes 
 charge, (viz.) the card, the conipafs, the 
 tides, the time, the wind, and the fhip's 
 ■way. 
 
 A mafler muft be obedient to his cap^ 
 
 tain, and lb carry himfelf that he be obey'd 
 
 4I by
 
 310 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Traces. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN.by his company ; for a mafter that has not 
 ^'V^^ authority in his command, is flighted by all 
 his men, and the inferior officers, and then 
 the fervice goes to wreck. 
 
 A mafter ought to pafs through all the 
 offices and degrees in a ffiip, before he at- 
 tain to his place of mafter ; that thereby 
 he may both direft and controul the other 
 officers, if they commit errors or mif- 
 takes. 
 
 A mafter ought not to be arrogant, wil- 
 ful or head-ftrong; not to prefume too 
 much on his own fkill, without the ad- 
 vice of his mates, who are to be chofen as 
 his feconds and helpers, to conduft the 
 fliip when he takes his reft ; alfo to fepa- 
 race themfelves into feveral parts of the 
 fhip at her tacking about, and tackling of 
 the fliip, giving ear to the mafl:er's com- 
 mand, and to fee it perform'd ; and alfo 
 to overfee carefully fuch bufinefs as con- 
 cerns the (Iifety of the fliip, (viz.) tlie an-^ 
 chor cleared, the fplicing and bending of 
 cibles, that the flirouds be taut, &c. The 
 boatfwain imploy'd to do thefe things, 
 may not negle£l to perform them ftrid- 
 ly, whereby any danger may come to the 
 Ihip. 
 
 The office of a mafl:er is to guide a fliip 
 into what coaft:, height, or harbour the 
 captain fliall direft him, who is comman- 
 der of all : and in a fight is to conn the 
 fhip, and to fee the handling of the fails 
 by appointment of the captain. 
 
 A mafter muft obferve the fun and ftar, 
 to find out the variation of the compafs, 
 to know the tides, to prick his card, and 
 many others things ; which for the better in- 
 ftruftion of him that ihall hereafter attain 
 to that place, I have fet down briefly for 
 them to learn and follow ; as namely, the 
 working of the fun, with the north and 
 fouth declination ; a rule to know the age 
 of the moon, and fo confequently tcfcaft 
 the tides •, how many leagues anfwer to a 
 degree ; the prime, the golden number, 
 who was the finder out of the loadftone, 
 and the winds called Monfons. 
 
 How to ivork the fun with a north declina- 
 tion. 
 
 The 23 19 46 
 
 height is 2 1 1 3 23 
 
 87 degreea 
 54 mi- 
 nutes. 
 
 1 1 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 2 6 
 
 23 
 
 9 
 
 I 2 
 
 2() 60 
 2 6 
 
 89 
 , 23 
 
 60 
 9 
 
 89 60 
 I 2 
 
 87 54 
 
 66 
 
 51 
 
 88 58 
 
 How to work the fun with a fouth decli- 
 nation. 
 
 23 
 
 2 I 
 
 19 
 13 
 
 46 
 23 
 
 II 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 12 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 44 
 
 32 
 
 69 
 
 13 
 
 25 
 
 42 
 
 89 
 44 
 
 60 
 32 
 
 89 
 69 
 
 20 
 
 60 
 13 
 
 47 
 
 89 
 25 
 
 60 
 
 42 
 
 45 
 
 28 
 
 64 
 
 18 
 
 A rule to know the age of the moon, and fo 
 to caft the 'Tides. 
 
 27 19 26 2 9 12 28 1 2 5 J?"'"-^ "/" 
 
 •' -' '' •> c f'-^ month. 
 
 14 2 6 13 29 3 25 2 The epaSl. 
 
 9 4 811 7 4 4 ■X'lV'^ months 
 
 45 25 40 26 45 19 c,y il 
 30 30 30 30 
 16 
 
 ' 10 15 
 
 25 
 
 
 Leagues to anfwer a 
 
 degree. 
 
 
 North 
 
 
 20 
 
 North and by eaft: 
 
 
 205- 
 
 North-north-eaft: 
 
 
 21+ 
 
 North-eaft and by north 
 
 
 24 
 
 North-eafl: 
 
 
 28f 
 
 North-eaft: and by eaft: 
 
 
 ^6 
 
 Eaft north-eaft 
 
 
 '^ai. 
 
 Eaft and by north 
 
 
 I02f 
 
 It is to be noted, that the north-eaft: 
 winds, which continually blow betwixt the 
 Canaries and Wefi-hidies., blow fo from the 
 fixth or feventh degree on this fide the line, 
 to the thirtieth and thirty-fecond degrees; 
 and, moreover of late it has difl^er'd ; for 
 fometimes the wind blows fouthwardly in 
 thofe heights, tho I confefs it is ftrange. 
 
 Flavio, of Amalphy., in the kingdom of 
 ISaples., was the firfl: finder of the load-ftone, 
 in the year 1500. 
 
 In Ooioher the north-eafl, and eafl:-north- 
 eaft winds blow on the coaft of Brafd, and 
 from March to October they blow at fouth- 
 eaft •, and thefe are called the general winds. 
 
 The Monfons, that is to lay, the fixed 
 winds in the Ea^-Indies, have their begin- 
 ning from Mofamhiquc to Goa in the month of 
 September ; and the fecond Monfon, from 
 thence begins the fifteenth of December. 
 The thWdMonfon begins the fifteenth o'i Au- 
 guft. The prime, or golden number, is 
 the time of nineteen years, in which time 
 ' the moon makes all her changes or conjun- 
 dlions with the fun ; and when thefe nine- 
 teen
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval draffs. 
 
 3^^ 
 
 teen years are expired, then flie begins again. 
 As for example, the year 1579 flic changed 
 the 2 2d of March, and every year alters 
 eleven days in her change, till the year 
 159^, and then flic changes th? fiiid 2 2d of 
 March again. 
 
 Every moon contains twenty-nine days, 
 twelve hours, forty-four minutes, from 
 change to change ; the whole contents of 
 the hours of the moon, levcn hundred and 
 eight hours, and forty-four minutes. 
 
 There is in every year twelve changes of 
 the moon ; and the year contains three hun- 
 dred and fixty-five days, five hours, fifty- 
 five minutes, thirteen feconds. 
 
 In the year of twelve lunar months there 
 are but three hundred and fifty-lour days, 
 lb that there are eleven more in the foiar 
 year, than in the twelve lunar months. 
 
 From Jamiary to "June you fliall fee the 
 moon within twenty-four hours after the 
 change, becaufe flie has a north declination 
 of the i'un. 
 
 From July to December you fliall not fee 
 the moon three days after the change, be- 
 caufe her declination is to the fouthward of 
 the fun ; but you may fee her in twenty-four 
 hours before her change. 
 
 The golden number was fb called, be- 
 caufe it was fent out of Egypt in letters of 
 gold to the Romans, or the city of Rome. 
 
 The reafon of calling it the prime, was, 
 becaufe it was the firft order the moon's 
 courle was known by. 
 
 An Englijh mile contains a thoufand paces, 
 and every pace five foot, and every foot 
 twelve inches. 
 
 The lengthening and fliortening of the 
 days, is according to the fwiftnefs and flow- 
 nefs of the fun's declination. In tlie lati- 
 tude of London, the fhortefl: day is the ele- 
 venth or twelfth of December ; the longefl: 
 fummer's day is fixteen hours and a half, 
 the fliorteft feven and a half, from the ri- 
 fing to the fetting of the fun. 
 
 The 1 2th of December the fun rifes a 
 quarter of an hour after eight, and fets a 
 quarter before four. 
 
 The 29 th of December the day is a quar- 
 ter of an hour longer, and rifes at eight, 
 and fets at four. 
 
 The i7ch of Jamiary the day is an hour 
 longer ; the 29th the fun rifes at half an hour 
 after feven, and fets at half an hour after four. 
 
 The 1 2 th of February the day is ten hours 
 long i the fun rifes at feven, and fets at five. 
 
 The 20th of February the day is eleven 
 hours long ; the fun rifes at half an hour af- 
 ter fix, and fets at half an hour after five. 
 
 The t2th of March the day is twelve 
 hours long all the world over : the 24th of 
 March the fun rifes a quarter of an hour be- 
 fore fix, and fets a quarter after fix. 
 
 The 7th of /Ipril the day is fourteen hours 
 
 Jong, and the fun rifes at five and fets at feven. Mos-;on. 
 
 I'he 23 of y//>r/7 the day is fifteen hours ^OT^J 
 long; the fun rifes before five half an hour, 
 and lets at half an hour after feven. 
 
 The 1 5th of Alay the day is fixteen hours 
 long ; the fun rifes at four, and fets at eight. 
 
 The iith or i2thof 7/^«t' the fun lus 
 its grcatcll height to the northward ■, the 
 day is fixteen hours and a half, and the fun 
 rifes a quarter before four, and fets a quar- 
 ter after eight. 
 
 The loth of July the day is fifiecn liours. 
 
 The 1 6th of /lugujl the <\;\y is fourteen 
 hours. 
 
 The laft of Jugujl the day is thirteen 
 hours. 
 
 The 1 2 th of Sepfember equal. 
 
 The 27 th of September the day is eleven 
 hours. 
 
 The I ith of OHober ten hours long. 
 
 The 26th of OSlober nine hours long. 
 
 The 15th of November eight hours long. 
 
 The 1 1 th of December at fiiortcfl:. 
 
 The office of a pilot and coajier. 
 
 He is to carry the fhip over certain fands, 
 or into fuch ports and harbours as the ma- 
 iler is not acquainted with, at what tinic the 
 maflier himfeJf ought not to controul him, 
 but to follow the courfe and diredions of 
 the pilot ; though the managing and tack- 
 ing of the fhip belongs to the mafter. 
 
 I give the name both of pilot and coafler 
 to one man ; for the firfl: is comprehended 
 in the latter. A bare pilot fcrves only for 
 the port he is hired for; but the coafler 
 fcrves not only for fuch a place, but for the 
 whole coaft, as I will make the comparifon 
 of England. 
 
 This man's charge is more than in the 
 command of fliip and company, and is of 
 greater weight and moment than the office 
 of a mafter ; for by reafon of our daily ex- 
 perience in long voyages, the conduilion of 
 a Ihip is of little difficulty ; for it has not 
 been heard that any fliip ever went out of 
 England, and return'd home again, with- 
 out finding the country or place flie went 
 for ; and yet we have very many lamenta- 
 ble precedents, that coming home from fuch 
 voyages, for want of knowledge of the coaft, 
 the fhips have perifh'd. 
 
 The principal thing in a pilot or coafter 
 of our coaft, is to know where he is; by 
 his firft ibundings his depth will give him 
 light ; and as he draws nearer the coaft, ei- 
 ther of England or Britany, iiis depth will 
 leflen, and by his lead he will take up fands, 
 by which he fliall gather which of the two 
 coafts he is u(ion, as alfo if he be fliot into 
 St. George's Channel. The meaneft mariner 
 that trades to Rochcll, Botirdeaux, Bifcay, 
 Portugal and Spain, knows more in this 
 kind, than the great mafters and others that
 
 3^^ 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Nnnjctl ^mfls. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN.go to the Eiijl-Indics and long voyages, bc- 
 -^' V^ ciufe they make four or five voyages in and 
 out of our channel to the others one, bywhich 
 they gain daily experience of our foundings, 
 coafts, marks on land, and the entrance of 
 our harbours, which the others cannot do. 
 
 The (kill of a coafter is to know the land 
 as foon as he fliall delcry it -, and after he 
 has made ir, then to harbour himfclf; for 
 all ports are alike to a good coafter. He 
 
 he mefles the company four and four to a 
 mefs, or more if there be want of viftunls, 
 and is to fee they be duly ferv'd, and good 
 hours kept. At eight of the clock at night 
 the watch is to be fer, and half the compa- 
 ny v/atchcs, and the other half flccps till 
 twelve of the clock that they are relieved, 
 unlefs foul weather force them all to help 
 together. 
 
 As the mafter commands the tacking of 
 
 muft be likewife perfect in cafting the tides, •the fliip, the hoifting or ftriking the yard. 
 
 to take his opportunity of coming mto a 
 harbour, according to the draught ot his 
 Ihip, and the depth of the water. 
 
 In 1588. when the duke of Mi?i//»« came 
 for England, had he been furniflied with a 
 pilot that knew the Lizard, when he made 
 it for the Ramhcad, he had the next morning 
 given an attempt upon our fhips at Plymouth, 
 when he was not fufpefted or looked for. 
 
 Mr. Cavendijh, at his return from about 
 the world, where he made himfclf and the 
 nation famous by that voyage, has often told 
 me, That the firft night he enterd into our 
 
 ciianncl, not daring to put 
 
 in with the land, 
 danger ol 
 years and 
 
 he endured more trouble and 
 fhipwreck, than in all his two 
 odd months of navigation in the remote 
 and unknown places where he had been. 
 
 In the year 1589. we being come in the 
 Vilfory, one of the queen's fhips, with the 
 earl of Cumberland, (as may appear in the 
 firft book,) near Scilly, by our reckonings, 
 were taken with a moft violent ftorm at eaft, 
 that put us upon the coaft of Ireland, where, 
 for want of a man that knew that coaft and 
 harbours, we were forced to keep the fea 
 till we were put from ftaore; fo that before 
 we could recover it again, we endured fuch 
 great mifery and want of drink, that the 
 like has not been know n, as you will find in 
 Mr. Hackletlh book, treating of the Englijlo 
 voyages. I could infert many other exam- 
 ples of this nature, but this fliail fuffice. 
 
 "The office of a boatfwain. 
 
 Is to have the charge of all 
 
 tackling. 
 
 fetching 
 
 the cordage, 
 fiils, fids, and marling fpikes, 
 needles, twine, fail- cloth, and rigging the 
 fliip: his mates have the command of the 
 long-boat, putting out the anchor, and 
 it home, wafting, towing, and 
 and to give an account of his ftore 
 indented with a furveyor for the fame: he 
 is to make choice of his mates to aftlft him, 
 his place being more laborious than one 
 man can perform, in following and direct- 
 ing the common failors in their works. If 
 he die in the voyage, his chief mace is to 
 fucceed him. 
 
 As the mafter is to be abaft the maft, fo 
 the boatfwain, and all the common failors 
 under his command, are to be afore the maft : 
 
 the taking in or putting out the fails, up- 
 on the blowing of the matter's whiftle, 
 the boatfwain takes it with his, and fets 
 the fliilors with courage to do their work, 
 every one of them knowing by the whiftle 
 what, they are to do. 
 
 The boatfwain is to fee the fhrouds and 
 all other ropes fet taut, the dipfiline and 
 plummet in rcadinefs againft their coming 
 into the foundings, and tallowed; this is 
 only in deep water, befbie they make land. 
 He is to fee the cables bent to the anchors. 
 In a fight he muft fee the yards flung to, par- 
 mers and wafte cloths, the flag and pen- 
 dents put forth, and call up every man to 
 his labour and office. The boatfwain ferves 
 for a provoft-marflial, to commit all offen- 
 ders. And to conclude, his and his mate's 
 work is never at an end; for it is impoffible 
 to repeat all the duties incumbent on them. 
 
 The office of a gunner. 
 
 A gunner at fea ought to be fl^ilful, care- 
 ful, and couragious ; for the ftrength of the 
 fliip is put into his hands. 
 
 A principal thing in a gunner at fea, is 
 to be a good helmfman, and to call to him 
 at helm to loof, or bear up, to have his bet- 
 ter level, and to obferve the heaving and 
 fetting of the lea, to take his aim at the 
 enemy. 
 
 A gunner is to be provided, befides his 
 ordnance, with powder and fhot of all kinds, 
 fire-pikes, caririges, cafe-lhot, crofs-bar- 
 flior, langrel-fliot, chain-fhot, arm'd arrows 
 of wild-fire, and grenadoes of feveral kinds. 
 He is to furnifh himfelf with a horn, a 
 priming-iron, lint-ftocks, gunners quailrant, 
 and a dark lanthorn ; to make choice of his 
 mates, his quarter-gunners, yeoman of the 
 powd^r-ioom, and his company in the 
 gun-room, who are privileged from the 
 labour before the maft, unlefs by his fuffe- 
 rance. 
 
 A gunner muft know the names of his 
 pieces, their bores or height, their weight, 
 the weight of the fhot, the weight of the 
 powder, the goodnefs of powder, and how 
 far every piece will carry, both at random 
 and point-blank, which is fitteft for a fliip, 
 and which for field or battery ; but becaufe 
 every gunner dpes oot know thefe fecirets, 
 
 I'will
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val l^ra&s. 
 
 fit for tliem to 
 
 I will fet down fo much as i 
 know. 
 
 A cannon royal. 
 
 The bore of a cannon royal is eight inches 
 
 and an half 
 The weight eight thoufand pound. 
 The weight of the fliot fixty-fix pound. 
 Tlie weight of the powder thirty pound. 
 The breadch of the ladle thirteeen inches. 
 The length of the ladle twenty-four inches. 
 She will flioot point-blank eight-hundred 
 
 paces. 
 She will flioot at random one thoufand nine 
 
 hundretl and thirty paces. 
 
 3^ 
 
 A 
 
 cannon. 
 
 The bore of a cannon eight inches. 
 The weight fix thoufand pound. 
 The weight of the (hot fixty pound. 
 The weight of the powder twenty-feven 
 
 pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle twelve inches. 
 The length of the ladle twenty-four inches. 
 She will fhoot point-blank feven hundred 
 
 and feventy paces. 
 She will fhoot at random two thoufand paces. 
 
 A cannon ferpentine. 
 
 The bore feven inches. 
 
 The weight five thoufand five hundred 
 
 pound. 
 The weight of the fliot fifty-three pound 
 
 and an half 
 The weight of the powder twenty-five 
 
 pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle ten inches. 
 The length of the ladle twenty-three inches. 
 Shoot point-blank two hundred paces. 
 Shoot ac random two thouland paces. 
 
 A bajiard cannon. 
 
 The bore feven inches. 
 
 The weight four thoufand five hundred 
 pound. 
 
 The weight of the Ihot forty-one pound. 
 
 The weight of the powder twenty-pound. 
 
 The breadth of the ladle ten inches. 
 
 The length of the ladle twenty-three inches 
 and three quarters. 
 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and eighty 
 paces. 
 
 Shoot at random one thoufand eight hun- 
 dred paces. 
 
 A demi cannon. 
 
 The bore fix inches and three quarters. 
 
 The weight four thoufand pound. 
 
 The weight of the (hot thirty pound, and 
 
 an half 
 
 N° 103. Vol. Ill, 
 
 The weight of the powder eighteen pound. Mosson. 
 
 The breadth of the ladle nine inches and an -'''Vw 
 half 
 
 The length of the ladle twenty-three inches 
 and an half 
 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and feventy 
 paces. 
 
 Shoot at random one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred paces. 
 
 A cannon petro. 
 
 The bore fix inches. 
 
 The weight three thoufmd pound. 
 
 The weight of the ihot twenty-four pound 
 
 and an half 
 The weight of powder fourteen pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle nine inches. 
 The length of the ladle twenty-three inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and fixty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thoufand fix hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A cuherin. 
 
 The bore five inches and an half 
 
 The weight four thoufand five hundred 
 
 pound. 
 The weight of the fhot fcventeen pound and 
 
 an half 
 The weight of the powder twelve pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle twelve inches and 
 
 an half 
 The length of the ladle twenty-two inches. 
 Shoot point-blank two hundred paces. 
 Shoot at random two thoufand five hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A bafiUsk. 
 
 The bore five inches. 
 
 The weight four hundred pound. 
 
 The weight of the fnot fifteen pound. 
 
 The weight of the powder ten pound. 
 
 The breadth of the ladle feven inches and 
 
 an half 
 The length of the ladle twenty-two inches. 
 Shoot point-blank two hundred and thirty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random three thoufand paces. 
 
 A demi cuherin. 
 
 The bore four inches. 
 
 The weight three thoufand four hundred 
 
 pound. 
 The weight of the lliot nine pound and 
 
 an half 
 The weight of the powder eight pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle fix inches and an 
 
 half 
 The length of the ladle twenty-two inches. 
 Shoot point-blank two hundred paces. 
 Shoot at random two thouiiind five Jiyndrcd 
 
 paces. 
 
 4K A
 
 3^4 
 
 A-lONSON. 
 
 sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book IL 
 
 A bajlard culver in. 
 
 The bore four inches. 
 
 The wciglic tliree choufand pound. 
 
 The weight of the fliot five pound. 
 
 The weight of the powder five pound and 
 tlircc quarters. 
 
 The breadth of the ladle five inches and an 
 half. 
 
 The length of the ladle. eighteen inches. 
 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and feventy 
 paces. 
 
 Shoot at random one thoufand feven hun- 
 dred paces. 
 
 A facar. 
 
 The bore three inches and an half. 
 
 The weight one thoufand four hundred 
 
 pound. 
 The weight of the Iliot five pound and an 
 
 half 
 The weight of the powder five pound and- 
 
 an half. 
 The breadth of the ladle five inches and three 
 
 quarters. 
 The length of the ladle eighteen inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and feventy 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thoufand feyen hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A minion. 
 
 The bore three inches and an half 
 The weight a thoufand pound. 
 The weight of the fhot four pound. 
 The weight of the powder four pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle four inches and 
 
 three quarters. 
 The length of the ladle fifteen inches. 
 Shoot point-blank, one hundred and fifty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thoufand five hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A faulcon. 
 
 The bore two inches and an half 
 
 The weight fix hundred and fixty pound. 
 
 The weight of the fliot two pound. 
 
 The weight of the powder three pound and 
 
 an half 
 The breadth of the ladle four inches and an 
 
 half 
 The length of the ladle fifteen inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and fifty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thouland five hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A falconet. 
 
 The bore two inches. 
 The weight five hundred pound. 
 The weight of the fliot one pound and an 
 half. 
 
 The weight of the powder three pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle four inches and 
 
 an half 
 The length of the ladle fifteen inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and fifiy 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thoufand five hundred 
 paces. 
 
 A ferpentine. 
 
 The bore one inch and an half 
 
 The weight four hundred pound. 
 
 The weight of the fliot three quarters of a 
 
 pound. 
 The weight of the powder a pound and an 
 
 half 
 The breadth of the ladle three inches and 
 
 an half 
 The length of the ladle eleven inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and forty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random one thoufand four hundred 
 
 paces. 
 
 A rabanet. 
 
 The bore one inch. 
 
 The weight three hundred pound. 
 
 The weight of the fliot half a pound. 
 
 The weight of the powder a third part of 
 
 a pound. 
 The breadth of the ladle an inch and a third 
 
 part. 
 The length of the ladle fix inches. 
 Shoot point-blank one hundred and twenty 
 
 paces. 
 Shoot at random a thoufand paces. 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe proportions of 
 powder given to every piece aforefaid, yet 
 there muft be refped had to the goodnefs 
 or badnefs of powder, as, namely, ferpen- 
 tine powder, which is weak, and will not 
 keep at fea ; the great and grofs powder 
 is for ordnance ; fine corn'd powder is in 
 goodnefs according to the lalt-petre: and 
 tor the fhot, it muft be a quarter of an 
 inch lefs than the bore of the piece. 
 
 No fliip commonly carries greater pieces 
 than a dcmi- cannon -, and the reft of her 
 pieces ought not to be above feven or 
 eight feet long, unlefs it be in the chafe 
 or ftern : they are eafier in charging, eafeful 
 to the fhip, bcfides better in traverfing and 
 mounting, The longer the pieces are, the 
 greater is their retention of fire, and the 
 danger of the piece the greater. 
 
 It is true, the longer piece will burn the. 
 poA)vder better, and carry the fhot farther, 
 as the fhorter piece will fpue her powder; 
 the longer is better for the land, the 
 other for the fea; for he that Ihooteth 
 far off at a fliip, had as good not fhoot at 
 all. 
 
 It
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Traih. 
 
 ?I5 
 
 Ic is a folly to try a piece, either great or 
 fmall, with a double charge; for a piece 
 is proportioned to her metal, equal with 
 the charge of her powder-, and though a 
 piece (hould endure a double cliargc, yet 
 Ihe is the weaker by the proof, and made 
 the crazier by it. 
 
 Taper-boretl, is when a piece is wider in 
 the mouth than towards the breech, wiiich 
 is dangerous, if the bullets go not home, lo 
 burft her. 
 
 Honey-combed, is when (he is ill caft, 
 or overmuch worn, fhe v.ill be ragged 
 within, which is dangerous lor a crols-bar 
 fhot to catch hold by, or any rag of her 
 wadding being a-nrc, and (licking there, 
 may (ire the next charge you put in her. 
 
 Fire- works are divers, and of many 
 compofuions, as arrows trimmed witii wild- 
 fire, pikes of wild-fire to (lick burning in- 
 to a (hip's fide to fire her. There are al- 
 io divers forts of grenades, fome to break 
 and fly in abundance of pieces every way, 
 as will your brafs-balls, and earthen pots, 
 which, when they are covered with quar- 
 ter bullets (luck in pitch, and the pots 
 filled with good powder, in a crowd of 
 people will make an incredible (laughter. 
 Some will burn under water, and ne- 
 ver extinguifh till the (luff be confumed ; 
 fome will burn and fume out a mod (link- 
 ing poilbnous fmoke ; fome being only of 
 oil anointed on any thing made ol dry wood, 
 will take fire by the heat of the fun, when 
 it (hines hot. 
 
 It is not impertinent to make repetition 
 of a great abu.e, and the greate(l of all 
 others that could befal this happy kingdom, 
 which God has placed in llich a place of 
 the world, that all the enemies of mankind 
 cannot annoy it from abroad, if the king- 
 dom be well governed, the people encou- 
 raged, and the arms and (Irength kept fi om 
 being carried abroad. 
 
 But fuch has been the overfight of fome 
 magidrates in times paft, that they have 
 connived at the tranfportation of our E>!g- 
 lifi ordnance, which exceeds all other in 
 Europe ibr goodnefs : and now no country 
 from the hithermoll parts to the uttermoft 
 bounds of the world, but is able to give 
 teflimony of it in their forts and caltlcs, 
 v/hich are furniOied with them, to the un- 
 fpeakabie hazard and danger to ourlelves ; 
 befides that, ic breeds a double charge and 
 cxpence to his mujefty, as (hall appear by 
 this that follows. A French (hip of five 
 hundred tons, carries forty pieces of Eng- 
 lijh ordnance, (or which the king has 500 /. 
 for licence of tranfportation. lo com- 
 mand this (flip, the king of England muft 
 keep yearly another bigger and (Ironger 
 than (he, which will coft 3000 /. per an- 
 num at the leafl, and the charge to main- 
 
 tain her in harbour will (land him in 400 /. Monson. 
 a year ; fo that for the profit of 500 ./. >-Or^^ 
 this great charge mud be maintained, wliich 
 by keeping our ordnance will be avoid- 
 ed. 
 
 The ordnance of England iiavc been (old 
 for 12/. a ton ; in Amftadam for 40 /. 
 in France for 60/. and in Spain for So/, 
 all in one year -, for it is to be noted, that 
 the EngHjh ordnance is of another nature 
 than the ordnance made in Bifcay, which 
 break and (liivcr into inany pieces, to the 
 dedrudion of men on board the fliip. 
 
 I'be carpenter's office. 
 
 I will enlarge upon this olficer more 
 than on the red, becaufe he is tlie man tiiat 
 gives life to the (hip •, for all the works that 
 iron or timber is uled in, pal's through his 
 hands and (kill. 
 
 He looks to the hull of the fliip, that 
 there be no damage by leaks within board 
 or without, but that all be tight and danch ; 
 likewife to the drcngth of the mafls and 
 yards, and repairing of the boats, cabins, 
 or partitions of plank, deal, (hect-lead, nails 
 for work, ^c. 
 
 What concerns the building of a flAp. 
 
 The keel, the ftern, and ftern-pod, is the 
 ground on vvhich a (liip is built. 
 
 The ground and timber is the floor of tlie 
 (hip, and are called the ring-heads. 
 
 Your keelfon is laid over your floor tim- 
 bers, wliich is a long timber like the 
 ketl, and lies v/ithin as the keel lies with- 
 out ; from it all the upp>.T works are 
 raifed. 
 
 The ribs of a (lilp are like the ribs of a 
 man j the fleepers run (ore and aft on 
 each fide of the flfip. 
 
 The fparkets are the fpaces betwixt the 
 timbers along the (hip's fides in all 
 parts. 
 
 The garboard Is the fird plank next the 
 keel on the outfidc. 
 
 The garboard-dreak is the fird fcam next 
 the keel. 
 
 The run of a (liip is that whicit comes nar- 
 rower by degrees frotn the floor-timbers 
 abng to the dern-pod, called the fliip's 
 way aftward ; for according to her run, 
 file will deer well or ill, according to the 
 fwiftnels or flownefs of the water coming 
 to the rudder. 
 
 The fore-end of a plank -under water is 
 c.illcd the buts-etid j fhe planks that are 
 fadened to tht: dem, arc call'd the wood- 
 ings. 
 
 The tuck is the gathering of the works up- 
 on the fliip'b quarter under water -, if it 
 lie low, it makes her have a tat qu.irtcr 
 
 av.d
 
 316 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval TraSh. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 nvetting- 
 
 MoN-soN. and hinders the quick pafT.ige of the wa- 
 ^•^V"^ ter to the rinlder. 
 
 The tranlbnie is a timber that hes athwart 
 the ftcrn, and lays out the breadth ot the 
 fhip at the buttock, which is her breadth 
 from her tuck upwards. 
 
 The rake of a lliip is fo much of her hull 
 as hangs over both the ends of her keel, 
 it gives the fliip good way, and makes 
 her keep a good wind ; the rake forward 
 is near half the length of the keel. 
 
 The (hip's bikige is the breadth of the floor 
 when fhe is afhore; the billage-water 
 is that which cannot come to the pump. 
 
 The main-beam is next the main-mall:, 
 where is the Ihip's greateft breadth. 
 
 Riders are builders from the keel to ftreng- 
 then all, and the orlops do not lie upon 
 them. 
 
 The beams of the orlops are to be bound 
 with knees, which are the beft that grow 
 crooked naturally. 
 
 Clinch-bolts are clinched with a 
 hammer ior drawing out. 
 
 A flufli-deck is that which lies upon a 
 right line from Item to ftern, fore and 
 aft. 
 
 The gun-wall is the uppermoft wall that 
 goes about the uppermoil ftraight or ftem 
 of the uppermoit deck, about the Ihip's 
 wafle. 
 
 The fliip's quarter is from the mizen-maft, 
 
 Carling-knecs are timbers that come athwart 
 the fhip from the fides to the hatch-way 
 betwixt the two mafts, and bear up the 
 deck on both fides, and on their ends 
 lieth the comings of the hatches. 
 
 Comings are timbers that bear up the 
 hatches higher than the deck, and keep 
 the water from fiilling in at the hatches j 
 and they make loop-holes in them for 
 clofe-fights ; and they are an cafe to men 
 where the decks are low. 
 
 The knights belong to the halyards. 
 
 The revels are to belay the fheets, and tacks 
 upon them. 
 
 The fpindle is the main body of the cap- 
 ftain. 
 
 The whelps are fhort pieces of wood made 
 faft to it, to keep the cable from coming 
 too high in turning about. 
 
 The geer-capftain is a help to the great cap- 
 ftain in holding and weighing. 
 
 The voyal is faften'd together at both ends, 
 with an eye or two, and a wall-knot 
 feiz'd together. 
 
 A manger is a plank before or abaft the 
 main-mafl;. The bits are two pieces of 
 great timber, and the crofs-piece goes 
 through themj they are placed abaft the 
 
 manger in the fliip loof, to belay the ca- 
 ble ai: the anchor, the lower parts are 
 f^xften'd to the rider. 
 
 The call is a fhort piece of timber over 
 the haufe, to which is faftened a great 
 hook of iron to trife up the anchor from 
 the liaufe to the forecaftle. 
 
 The bulkhead is againft the gun room, the 
 cabin, the bread- room, the quarter-deck, 
 or other fuch divifion. 
 
 The david is a fhort piece of timber, by 
 which they hale up the anchor's flook to 
 the fhip's bow. 
 
 The couperidge-head are placed murderers j 
 they make clofe the forecaffle and half- 
 deck. 
 
 Lockets are the holes the pintle of the mur- 
 derers goes into. 
 
 The lower counter is betwixt the lower part 
 of the galley and the tranfome; the upper 
 part is from the galley upward. 
 
 Cat-holes are over the ports in the gun- 
 room, right with the capftain to heave 
 the fhip a-(lern by a cable or haufe, cal- 
 led a-flern. 
 
 A fhip of four hundred ton.<!, requires a 
 plank of four inches ; of three hundred 
 tons three inches ; fmall fliips two inches, 
 but no lefs. 
 
 For clamp, middle-bands, and fteepers, 
 they are of fix inches plank for building 
 them ; the reft upwards three inches. 
 
 If a fhip be of four hundred tons, lay tiie 
 beams of the orlop ten feet deep in hold, 
 and all the beams to be bound with two 
 knees at each end. 
 
 The orlop to be laid with fquare three-inch 
 plank, and all the planks to be travelled 
 by the beams. 
 
 'Tis very necefi*ary to have a fquare rud- 
 der carried in a fliip, as is ufed by the fillips 
 
 in the South Sea. 
 
 A rule to know the burden of a flnp. 
 
 Length of 
 the keel. 
 
 Bre.idth in 
 beam. 
 
 Depth in 
 hold. 
 
 I20 
 
 40 
 20 
 
 00 
 80 
 
 20 
 
 
 Soo 
 
 
 
 120 
 
 
 
 000 
 
 
 
 1600 
 
 
 
 800 
 
 
 The burden 960 tons. 
 
 L^ywih
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjal Tra^s. 
 
 Length of 
 the kecK 
 
 3'7 
 
 Breadth in 
 beam. 
 
 Depth in 
 hold. 
 
 21 
 
 II 
 
 11 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 231 
 63 
 
 
 1386 
 
 
 The burden 145 tons. 
 
 The majiing of ajl.vp, 
 
 After the proportion you may eftimatc 
 the mailing of Hiips : fuppofe a fliip of 
 three hundred tons be twenty-nine feet by 
 tlie beam , if her mail be twenty-four inches 
 diameter, the length of it mull be twenty- 
 four yards ; for every inch in thicknefs is 
 allowed a yard in length. 
 
 And the fore-mall being twenty-two 
 inches in thicknefs, mull be twenty-two 
 yards in length. 
 
 The boltfprit, both in length and thick* 
 nefs, mull be equal to the fore-mall. 
 
 The mizen feventeen yards in length, and 
 feventeen inches diameter: but in a made 
 mail, which is greater, this rate will not 
 ferve. 
 
 The mizen-maft is half the length of the 
 main-mail, which to twenty-four will be 
 twelve. 
 
 As you take the proportion of the mads 
 from the beam, fo you muft the length of 
 the yards by the keel, 
 
 A Ihip that is feventy-nine feet by the 
 keel, her main-yard mull be twenty-one 
 yards in length, and in thicknefs but feven- 
 teen inches. 
 
 The fore-yard nineteen yards long, and 
 fifteen inches in diameter. 
 
 The fpritfail-yard fixteen yards long, 
 and nine inches thick. 
 
 The mizen-yard as long as the mail. 
 The top-yards bear half the proportion 
 to the main and fore -yard, and the top-gal- 
 lants half to them. 
 
 All thefe obfervations are not exactly to 
 be followed, but much after this propor- 
 tion ; for there are many other rules to this 
 point to be obferved. 
 
 'the feveral ways of Jheathing Jfjips in Spain 
 and Portugal. 
 
 within and without, like a furring} weioh-Mo^sof. 
 ty, endures but a while, becaufe die wwm **Or>J. 
 works through the one and the other. 
 
 Some h.ive done it with fine canvas \ of 
 fmall continu.ancc, and not regarded. 
 
 To burn the upper plank, till it come ta 
 be like a very coal in every place, and after 
 to pitch it, is not amifs. 
 
 In China, they lay, they have a hilumen 
 or varnilh, like an artificial pitch, with 
 which they trim the outfide of the fliips: 
 it is Hiid to be durable againft worm, wa- 
 ter, or fun. 
 
 Some have ufed a certain pitch mingled 
 with glafs, and other ingredients beaten to 
 powder ; but of no great ufc. 
 
 The befl is with thin boards, half inch 
 tliick, the thinner the better, and elm bet- 
 ter than oak, for it docs not fplit, it en- 
 dures better under water, and yields better 
 to the Ihip's fide. The manner is thus: be- 
 fore the Iheathlng-board be nailed on, upon 
 the inner fide of it they fmcar it over with 
 tar, half a finger thick, and upon the tar 
 another half finger thick with hair, fuch as 
 the white limers ufe, and fo nail it on, the 
 nails not above a fpan diftant one from ano- 
 ther. 
 
 Some impute the killing of the worm to 
 the tar, others to the hair, that involves 
 and choaks it j this is the bed, and of leaft 
 coft. 
 
 The worm begins with a hole no bigger 
 than a needle's head, and by degrees be- 
 comes as great as a man's finger i the thic- 
 ker the plank is, the greater it grows: they 
 are the mod near frelli waters and rivers. : ^. 
 Creatures bred and nourilhed in the fea,' 
 coming into frelh waters, die ; and they 
 die prefently that are bred in frefii rivers, 
 and come into the fxlt. 
 
 The pitch of the Canaries melts not with 
 the fun •, therefore good for the upper works 
 in fhips. 
 
 Near a town called Buco, in Perfta, there 
 ifTues out of the ground a great quantity of 
 oil, which oil they fetch from the furthell 
 part of all Perjia ; it ferves them in their 
 houfes for lamps. 
 
 Not far from that place, tar ifTues out of 
 the ground, which will lerve for. fliips j 
 proof whereof was made by the fliips tlie 
 Englijhmen built in the Caffian fea. At 
 cape Brea, not far from the illc of 'Irinidady 
 in the Weft-Indies, there is a pitch of the 
 nature of that of the Canaries. 
 
 4 
 
 'The purfcr. 
 
 In Spain and Portugal they fheath fliips 
 
 with lead -, not durable, heavy and fubjeifl 
 
 to many cafualties. 
 
 Another flieathing, is with double planks he ought to be an able ckrk; he h.;s tlie 
 VoL.IIL '■' 4 1. ■■"■'''■ y'" charge 
 
 In the nature of a cape merchant in a 
 ihip of merchandize, that keeps an ac- 
 count of all things brought into the fliip.
 
 ,i8 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN.durge of the viftuals fent aboard by the 
 ^^'Y^' vidualler for the company ferving in the 
 {hip, for fuch time as by his warrant he is 
 rcquir'd, according to the proportion al- 
 lowed by his majefty, and to fee tlie fame 
 delivered daily by the cook and fteward 
 to all men at their meals-, and at the 
 end of the voyage to deliver back fuch 
 tofk and bifket-bags as are not fpent in 
 the voyage. He is likewife to enter the 
 names of all the men in a fea-book, (as 
 we term it,) which he fhould original- 
 ly receive from the clerk of the check 
 of the place where the Ihip was rigg'd 
 and made ready, mentioning the places 
 where they were prefled, and the day of 
 their entry, with fuch denominations of of- 
 fices as properly belong to them : and like- 
 wife, if during the voyage any of the men 
 happen to die, run away, or for good caufe 
 be difcharged by the captain's order, to 
 enter likewife the panicular day of the 
 month againft each of their names in a 
 margent of the books: he Ihould alfo di- 
 ftinguifh in the front of the book, at the 
 beginning, when the fliip entred into fea 
 vi<5luals; for that in all the king's fhips the 
 captain and officers do then commence into 
 fta wages. 
 
 He is, upon any lawful difcharge, to 
 make a pals to the parry, relating the 
 time of his fervice, the place where he was 
 preffed, his office, if he have any, and the 
 place where he went from the fhip, and 
 to vouch the fame under his own hand ; 
 whereunto he is to procure the captain's 
 alfo, and to deliver it to the party, to 
 carry with him to the treafurer of the na- 
 vy's office at Depford, to receive his pay 
 accordingly. 
 
 ne allowance of viifuah m the khtg'sjbip at 
 fea. 
 
 Every man and boy is allowed a pound 
 of bread a day. 
 
 Every man and boy is allowed a gallon 
 of beer a day, (that is to lliy,) a quart in 
 the morning, a quart at dinner, a quart in 
 the afternoon, and a quart at fupper. 
 
 Every man and boy is allowed a day, on 
 fieih days, one pound of beef, or elfe one 
 pound of pork with peafe, that is, on Sun- 
 day, Monday, tuefday, and nttrfday. 
 
 On fi(h days every mefs, which is four 
 men, are allow'd a fide of fait fiih, either 
 haberdine, ling, or cod, feven ounces of 
 butter, and fourteen ounces of cheefe, Fri- 
 day excepted ; on which day they have but 
 half allowance. 
 
 The purfer is allo-^v'd by tvery man fix 
 pence a month to provide necefTaries, as 
 wooden difhes, cans, candles, lanthorns, and 
 candlefticks, for the hold. 
 4 
 
 'Trumpeter. 
 
 For the more reputation of this man's 
 fervice in a fliip of the king's, and under 
 an admiral, it is fit he fliould have a filver 
 trumpet, and himfclf and his noife to have 
 banners of filk of the admiral's colours: 
 his place is to keep the poop, to attend the 
 general's going afhore and coming aboard, 
 and all other ftrangers or boats, and to 
 found as an entertainment to them ; as 
 alio when they hail a (hip, or when they 
 charge, board, or enter her : they let the 
 watch at eight of the clock at night, and 
 difcharge it in the morning, and have a 
 cann of beer allowed for the fame. This is 
 not only incident to an admiral, but to all 
 captains that carry a noife of trumpets with 
 them. 
 
 A Surgeon. 
 
 He has his mate : they are both ex- 
 empted from all duty, but to attend the 
 fick, and cure the wounded : there muft be 
 trial of his fufficiency, by certificate from 
 able men of his profeffion : his cheft muft 
 be well furnifhed both for phyfick and fur- 
 gery, which fhould be viewed before his 
 going to fea by men of fkiil. The fur- 
 geon is to be placed in the hold, where he 
 lliould be in no danger of fhot ; for there 
 cannot be a greater difheartening of the 
 company, than in his mifcarrying, whereby 
 they will be deprived of all help for hurc 
 and wounded men. 
 
 The Corporaly 
 
 Is to fee the fbldiers and failors keep 
 their arms neat and clean, and to teach and 
 exercife them every calm day, fometimes 
 with powder, and fometimes with falfe 
 fires-, in a fight to have an eye over the 
 reft of the fiiot, that they do their parts, 
 and not to flart from the place they are af- 
 figned. 
 
 So long as the fight fhall laflr, they are 
 to put fome budge-barrels of powder in the 
 galley, or fome clofe cabin, whither people 
 may refort to have their bandeliers filled, 
 and their bullets and match fupply'd ; with 
 a fpecial care, that no matches with fire 
 come near the laid galley or cabui. 
 
 The Cockfwain and his Mate. 
 
 The cockfwain is, as it were, captain of 
 the boat : he is to fleer the fkifF, and to 
 be fent afliore on all occafions, or aboard 
 all fhips at fea he fhall meet, and to be di- 
 redted by the captain : he is to make choice 
 
 of
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra&s. 
 
 of a gang, to be able and handforae men, 
 well cloathed, and all in one livery. It is 
 neceflary he be a good pilot for the har- 
 bours or lliores he goes into, and to know 
 the courfe of the tides : he ought to be a 
 man of difcretion and good fhape, to coun- 
 tenance the imployment he lliall be fent on ; 
 and if he had language, it were much the 
 better. 
 
 The quarter-majlers. 
 
 Are four, and every one Lis his mate -, 
 they have the charge of the hold for ftow- 
 age, romaging and trimming the fliip in 
 hold: rhey have their fquadron in the 
 watch, and fee that every one do his office 
 both by day and night : they have a care 
 to look to the fteerage and the traverfc- 
 board. 
 
 Tbe cooper and his mates., 
 
 Are to look to the calk, hoops, and 
 twigs, to ftave and repair the buckets, bar- 
 rels, canns, deep tubs, rundlets, hogflieads, 
 pipes, i^c. for wine, beverage, cyder, 
 water, and other liquor; and as often as 
 they fhall fill frefh water, the cooper is 
 to give his attendance for the fitting the 
 cafk. 
 
 I'he fwabber and lyar. 
 
 The fvvabber is to keep the cabins, and 
 all the rooms of the fhip clean within board, 
 and the lyar to do the like without board. 
 The lyar holds his place but for a week; 
 and he that is lirft taken with a lye upon a 
 Monday morning, is proclaimed at the 
 main-maft with a general cry, A lyar, a 
 lyar, a lyar ; and for that week he is under 
 the fwabbcr, . and meddles not with ma- 
 king clean the fliip within board, but with- 
 out. 
 
 The fteti'ard and his mate. 
 
 His ofHce is to be the purfer's deputy, 
 chofen by him, and keeps always in the 
 hold, to deliver the vidliials to the cook, 
 who is trufted to retail the viftuals in meet 
 proportions, and is only accountable (o the 
 purfei', though he has fome allowance from 
 the vid;iialler, for well husbanding and keep- 
 ing the provifions from wafte or putrefac- 
 tion : he mull not fufter banqueting or dif- 
 order in his room, but keep it clean and 
 fweet; and, as occafion (hall ferve, caule 
 the quarter- mafters to romage, for the bet- 
 ter coming to his viduals. 
 
 The cook. 
 
 Is to drels and deliver out the \'l<fhi.ik, 
 and is afliftcd by a mate or two •, the meat 
 being fod, either of fifli or flcfh, he delivers, 
 it out to them appointed to mcfs the com- 
 pany, and after to put out the fire, and Uif- 
 fer none to be kindled, or people to refort 
 into the cook-room, but in cafe of ncccfli- 
 ty ; as namely, when the cockfwain's gang 
 comes wet aboard, or fick men have occa- 
 fion to ufe die fire for their comfort. 
 
 All thefe officers aforcfaid have many 
 people under them in their rooms, not abli: 
 upon any occafion to tackle the fliip, or 
 do any other work, more than that they 
 are bred to : theretbre, according to my 
 diredions in the firlt book, it is fit .and nc- 
 cefTary that fuch people be put to tlic qfc 
 and praftice of the mulket, or to the labour 
 in hawling, and doing other helps to the 
 gunner about his ordnance in the time of 
 fight, otherwife the fhip will be wciken'd 
 when there is ufe of men, by fo many peo- 
 ple, who otherwife would do good fervice 
 if they were taught what to do. 
 
 Having deciaral the ufe of every man's 
 office and place in his majefty's fhips, and 
 how conveniently all men are provided for 
 that fervice in them, without confiifion or 
 trouble one to another, I will now fliew how 
 England exceeds Spain in this kind, and to 
 that purpofe will fet down the managing 
 and marlhalling of the king of Spain's gal- 
 leons, and Jhew the coniufion and ill order 
 aboard them, in comparifon of the kings of 
 England. 
 
 The ill managcmenl of the Spanilhyi^.^/. 
 
 THE Spaniards have more officers in 
 their ihips than we : they have a cap- 
 tain in their fhip, a captain for their gun- 
 ners, and as many captains as there are com- 
 panies of foldiers ; and above all, they have 
 a commander in the nature of a colonel a- 
 bovG the reft. 
 
 This breeds a great confufion, and is many 
 times the caufe of mutinies anwng them ; 
 they brawl and fight commonly aboard their 
 fhips, as if they were afiiore. 
 
 Notwithftanding the neceffity rhey have 
 of fiilors, there is no nation Icfs refjieftfiil 
 of them than the Spaniards, which is the 
 principal caufe of dieir want of them -, and 
 till Spain alters this courfe, let them never 
 thinlc to be well ferv'd at fea. 
 
 The meaneft foldier will not ftkk to ty- 
 rannize over the poor failors, like a mafter 
 over his fpaniel, and fliall be countenanced 
 in it by his land commander. 
 
 Their fhips are kept foul and bc.iftly, 
 
 like hog-flies and flicop-coats, in conipari- 
 
 . !• ion 

 
 32.0 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 ^fo^■5o^■.fon of GUIS', and no marvel, for there is 
 ^^IT^^ no coiirfe taken to correct that abule, by 
 appointing men piirpofdy for that office, 
 as we do in our Ihips. 
 
 Their allowance of diet is fmall ; and 
 yet not fo lin.ill as ill-order'd ; every man 
 has his proportion of viduals in the morn- 
 ing to icrve him the whole day, and every 
 man is his own cook ; and he that is not 
 able to drels his meat, may fall. The ibl- 
 diers will as ordinarily play away their al- 
 lowance of vit'tuals as money j and others, 
 out of covctoufnefs, will fell their viduals 
 for money to maintain play : This makes 
 them grow weak and lean, like dogs, and 
 unable to perform the fervice they are com- 
 manded upon. 
 
 Our difcipline is flir different, and indeed 
 quite contrary, as I have fhewed before. 
 
 We have only one captain of the fhip, 
 failors, foldiers, and gunners ; and this cap- 
 tain had not fo much as a lieutenant by the 
 allowance of the queen, till of late -, fo that 
 matters of command, diredion, and cor- 
 re(5tion, depend upon his difcretion. 
 
 He fees that every officer humbles him- 
 felf to his command, and that every ordi- 
 nary man be as obedient to tlieir inferior 
 officers : He takes account of the expence of 
 vidluals, powder, and fhot : He punifhes 
 every offence, and efpecially mutinies and 
 quarrels, with great feverity : He fees no in- 
 jury fhall be offered the failors by the fol- 
 diers, but carries himfelf indifferently be- 
 twixt both. If he affed one more than 
 the other, it is the failor, becaufe of the 
 neceffity of them : He overlooks the (hip 
 once or twice a-day, that fhe be kept fweet 
 and clein, for avoiding ficknefs, which 
 comes principally by flothfulncfs and dif- 
 crders : He will not exceed the proportion 
 of his men by allowance of his vi<ftuals, 
 .and will fee every man be provided of his 
 diet at a due and feafonable time ; and for 
 the better ordering of viftuals, there are 
 divers officers appointed in fundry rooms, 
 as ftewards to give it out, meaner perfons 
 to ferve it, men to look to the fhifting of 
 it in water, and cooks to the dreffing of it -, 
 fo that no man but upon courtefy is admit- 
 ted to have accefs into the cook's room, ex- 
 cept the officers of the room. There are 
 ibme appointed to make clean the fliip 
 within board, who are called fwabbers, and 
 without board by the name of liars, as I 
 have ftiewed before. No man is fuffer'd, 
 either to fell or play away his viftuals, but 
 to take it orderly and in due feafon, whicii 
 keeps them in health and heartv^vo :„-;; : j 
 
 The greateft inconveniency ift his maje- 
 Ily's Ihips is the placing the cook-room in 
 the mid-fhips, and fo low in the hold, that 
 many inconveniencies and dangers arife by 
 it 5 if it take fire, it is not fo eafily quench- 
 
 ed as if it were aloft, and in the forecaftle. 
 Secondly, it will make the fliip cambcrkeel. 
 Thirdly, the continual fire that is kept in 
 that part of the fhip, caffs luch a heat 
 amongll men and vidluals, that it begets 
 ficknefs, and difpeifes fuch an offenfive 
 fmoke in the lliip, that it putrefies vidtuals, 
 and makes it both unwholfome and un- 
 toothfomc to be eaten. 
 
 'the difference l/eiwecn the king of Spain'i 
 fiips in foi-mer times and tbefe days, and 
 the true diJHn£iion of the flrength of 
 fhips. 
 
 I HAVE heard divers fufficient men, as 
 merchants and others that lived in Spain, 
 before the wars with queen Elizabeth, very 
 much cry down the king of Spain's Ihips in 
 comparilbn of ours ; as in particular, that 
 they were huge and mighty in burden, weak 
 and ill-fafhioned in building, lame and flow 
 in failing, fitter for merchandize than war ; 
 and I remember, that old feamen, as Sir 
 John Hawkins, and others, have maintain- 
 ed, that one of her majefty's fhips was able 
 to beat four of them. 
 
 I confefs we may the rather believe if, 
 becaufe the event has fhewed it ; for if we 
 examine the particular lofs on both fides, 
 her majefty's fhips have devoured divers of 
 the king of Spain's ; whereas there was but 
 only one of hers taken, and that merely by 
 the indifcretion of the captain Sir Richard 
 Greenville; for which one there have been 
 burnt, funk, and taken, twice as many as 
 the queen has in number; infomuch, that 
 if the queen's lofs had equalled the king 
 of Spain's, ihe could hardly have main- 
 tained her navy in that fiouriffiing ftate it 
 is in. 
 
 But if we fhould attribute thefe misfor- 
 tunes to fhips, which are made all of one 
 fort of wood and iron, and after one man- 
 ner of building, it were great folly ; but 
 give Cafar his due, and allow the fhips 
 their due ; for a fhip is but an engine of 
 force, ufed for offence or defence j and when 
 you fpeak of the ftrength of fhips, you 
 muff fpeak of the fufficiency of men with- 
 in her ; and therefore, in comparing the 
 Spanif}} fhips with ours, I enter into the 
 comparifon of men -, for if it were in my 
 choice, I rather defire a reafonable fhip of 
 the king of Spain's mann'd with Englijhmen, 
 than a very good fhip of her majefty's man- 
 ned with Spaniards ; fo much account I 
 make betwixt the one and the other. 
 .;: Bur if you will agree of the .true ftrength 
 of fliips, .and the difference betwixt the 
 queen's and the king of Spain's, as hereto- 
 fore I have faid, the king's are of greater 
 burden, which is a great advantage in board- 
 ing ; fpacious within, and will contain more 
 
 m.en
 
 IIL 
 
 ^/> William MonfonV Naval Traits. 
 
 men than ours -, have more decks, and there- 
 fore carry more ordnance. 
 
 But you will fay, all th's is nothing with- 
 out fwift fiiling, which advantage we have 
 of them. It is true, it is the only advantage 
 on our fide •, which advantage may be com- 
 pared betwixt a greyhound and a bear, be- 
 twixt a galley and a good fhip in a calm, 
 or betwixt a fwallow and an eagle -, that 
 though they be of little force to hurt bear, 
 lliip, or eagle, yet are they of agility and 
 nimblenefs to run and fly irom them. 
 
 But if we will enter into the true ftrength 
 of (hipping, without advantage of men or 
 failing, but that you mull fight according 
 to the old faying. Fight dog, fight bear, 
 that is, till one be overcome, which cannot 
 be better decided than at anchor in harbour ; 
 I fay, no man can deny but that the king 
 of Spriiii's fhips are ftronger than ours, by 
 the reafons before alledged, Thar they are 
 bigger, and contain more men and ord- 
 nance, the number more, of greater bur- 
 den, and therefore of greater Itrength ; as 
 I have already fhewed in the voyage to 
 Cadiz in 1625. But according to my firft 
 argument, confidering the irrefolution and 
 inlufficiency of the men, I would rather 
 chufe to be one of the ten of the queen's 
 to encounter with twenty of them, than 
 one of the twenty to encounter with ten of 
 her majefty's. 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe reafons, I do not 
 difallow the opinion of fuch men as defend 
 the difference betwixt the Englijlo and Spa- 
 tiijh fhips •, for to fpeak the truth, till the 
 king of Spain had war with us, lie never 
 knew what war by fea meant, unJds it were 
 in galleys againft the Turks in the ftraights, 
 or in the iflands of Terceras againfl the 
 French ; which fleet belonged to him by his 
 new-gotten kingdom of Portugal. 
 
 The choice of fhips he had of his own 
 in his expedition of 1588. belonged to Por- 
 tugal ; moft of the reft confifled of feveral 
 nations, as Levantines, Bifcaincrs, Flemings, 
 and merchants of his own country. Who- 
 foever fince have feen the diflercnce of their 
 building, would fcarcely know the others 
 to be fhips, in refpedl: of them that are now. 
 The firll time the king fliewed himfelf 
 rtrong at fea, was in the year 1591. when 
 the Revenge was taken •, fince which tinie I 
 will make out there have been built at the 
 king's charge fixty nine ihips, as fhall ap- 
 pear in the enfuing and fourth book, and 
 moft of thern of a thouland tons in burden, 
 and upwards ; as to inftance in the two gal- 
 loons we brought from Cadiz, which fufK- 
 ciently fatisfy us. 
 
 God has endued England with a fingular 
 
 bleiTing above the fouthern countries, both 
 
 with (hipping and mariners ; and to fpeak 
 
 the truth, England lies more convenient for 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 ?iJ^ 
 
 the breeding of feamen than Spain; for whatMoNso.-*. 
 makes (kilful and expert mariners but dan- -''V"^* 
 gerous and painful navigations, where rlie 
 weather and fcas are boillerous and rough, 
 the coafts perilous, and the tide forceabk- ; 
 all which our country is (iibjeet to : Then uii 
 the contrary, what makes idle, loitering, 
 and unfkiltul feamen, but fuch navigations, 
 where the fe;ts are calm, and the weather 
 fair, the coalts not perilous, nor the tides 
 (Irong ; all which commodity Spain has ; 
 tor betwixt them and their Indies, Guinea, 
 and Brafil, to which place their chiefcft 
 trade is, the feas are calm, and the winds 
 certain outward and homeward, feldom foul 
 weather, or not long, the coaft lefs dange- 
 rous than any other, and a fmall or no tide 
 at all to annoy them. 
 
 Where there is lb great an eafc in navi- 
 gation, it breeds idle and unable mariners. 
 What inakes fo great a difference betwixt 
 the Bifcainer and natural Spaniard for fea, 
 but the difference of the voyage ? The one 
 I have fhewed is eafy and full of picalure, 
 the other painful and troublcfomc. 
 
 The Bifcainers greatefl trade is in fifliing 
 on the coaft of America, where, with great 
 labour and pains, they kill the whale, and 
 take their fifli : This breeds pcrfeft and fkil- 
 ful mariners, and makes them not only ex- 
 ceed all other Spaniards, but get a reputa- 
 tion and imployment in the king's fliips. 
 
 There Js no officer, from the degree of a 
 captain to the meaneft officer, but common- 
 ly is a Bifcainer ; and the Bifcainers have di- 
 vers privileges, not granted to any other 
 fubjed of Spain, to encourage them to per- 
 fevere in their fea courlcs ; and to give them 
 their due, no nation is able to compare 
 with them : Few (for many there are nor) 
 that in knowledge, hardntfs, and valour, 
 are able to equal them -, and were it not for 
 the Bifcay failors, I know not how the great 
 armada's of Spain would be maintained. 
 
 The allowance of visuals in the king of 
 Spain's fhips and galleys. 
 
 EVERY foldier in a flilp or galley has 
 a pound and half of bread allowed hinx 
 every day. 
 
 Of frefh beef three quarters of a pound, 
 of fait beef half a pound and an ounce. 
 
 A quart of wine a day, and a pottle of 
 water. 
 
 The flaves every day half an ounce of 
 oil, two ounces of rice, beans, or garnan- 
 fes -, one of thefe three. 
 
 They have fix meals of flefh in a year, 
 two at Chriftmas, two at Sl^rovetide, and 
 two at Eaflcr. 
 
 The mafl:er, boatfwain, corporal, goaler, 
 purler, oar-maker, and caulhcr, have dou- 
 ble the foldiers allowance a day. 
 
 4 M I'hc
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Niiual Trails. 
 
 The b.'^rber, two gunners, and boat- One 
 
 Book III. 
 
 fwain's mates, have but one allowance and 
 half a day. 
 
 Thole that have two allowances a day, 
 have twenty fliillings a month. 
 
 Thofc tiiat have but one and half, have 
 fifteen fliillings a month. 
 
 A finglc allowance but ten fliillings. 
 
 A pilot has four allowances, aiitl fifty 
 fliillings a month. 
 
 A captain is allowed live ducats a month, 
 and two allowances. 
 
 There are allowed in every galley two 
 (laves to row in the boat to fhore, who have 
 one allowance a day betwixt them both. 
 
 The king of Spain pays yearly fix thou- 
 fand ducats for the maintaining of a galley, 
 and before one be launched, flie Ihinds him 
 in feven thoufand ducats; I mean only her 
 bare hull. 
 
 All his galleys are built in Barcelona of 
 pine-tree. 
 
 There is in a main-fail of a galley, fif- 
 teen hundred yards of cotton ; in a fore-fail, 
 three or four hundred yards. 
 
 77)e number of Jhips, their names and burden., 
 that have been built in Spain at the king's 
 charge^ frnce the year 1590. to this prefent 
 year of 1 600. Hoio many of them are lojl, 
 ' and where ; gather' d by me in the queen's 
 fervice. 
 
 IN the year 1591. Twelve Apofiles, fix 
 built in Bilboa; their names as follows-, 
 their burdens betwixt thirteen and tourteen 
 hundred tons. 
 
 St. Philip, burnt by us at Cadiz in 1596. 
 St. John, burnt at Havana ; flie was the 
 vice-admiral that fought with Sir Fran- 
 cis Drake's fleet in 1 595. 
 St.Tadeus, loft in 1599. when the^^i^^?- 
 
 lantado purfuetl the Holla7jders. 
 St. Barnaby, loft going into Lisbon. 
 St.Mattheiv, taken by us at Cadiz in 1596. 
 St. Bartholomew, loft in Bifcay in 1597. 
 when the Adelantado returned from Fal- 
 mouth. 
 The other fix at St. Ander. 
 . St. Paul, always admiral, laid up for 
 weaknels at the Hprcado's. 
 St. Stephen, vice-admiral, the like in Lisbon. 
 St. Simon, made a carrack, and fince 
 
 broke up. 
 St. James the Elder, loft coming to the 
 
 Groyn with the Adelantado in 1597. 
 St. Andrew, taken by us at Cadiz in 1596. 
 . St. Thomas, burnt by us at Cadiz in 1596. 
 In the fame year two fmall ftiips of two 
 hundred tons. 
 , St. Urfula. 
 J^a Caflidad. 
 ^ The fime year two fiiips built in Portu- 
 gal, of eight hundred tons, by command 
 of Don Alonfo dc. Baffan. 
 
 of them loft upon cape Finijier, 
 wiK-n the Adelantado went to the Greene 
 in 1597. 
 In the year 1592. feven fliips of five hun- 
 dred tons, built in the Rantaria : thefe 
 fliips life to fetch the king's treafure from 
 the Indies. I met with them a t the Terce- 
 ras in the ifland voyage in 1/^97. 
 Nuejlya Senora de Aranca. 
 Nuejlra Senora de Monferatte, loft on 
 
 tJie coaft of Spain. 
 Nuejlra Senora de Guardalupe, loft in the 
 
 Indies. 
 Nuejlra Senora de Valverde. 
 Nuejlra Senora de Alijles. 
 Nuejlra Senora del Rcfario, loft on the 
 
 cape St. Mary's, and with her 
 Nuejlra Senora de la Merced; (plate moft 
 of it faved.) 
 Built in the Canary Ijlands the fame year 
 four frigates of four hundred tons each: they 
 fetch'd the plate from the Indies. 
 
 St. Barbara, burnt by us at Cadiz in 1 596. 
 St. Maty Magdalen, burnt hertclf at Pu- 
 erto Rico, when Sir Francis Drake was 
 there. 
 St. Helena, was burnt by us at Cadiz in 
 
 1596. 
 St. Clare. 
 In the year 1595. built in the Rantaria^ 
 feven fhips of thirteen hundred tons each. 
 St. John Evangelijl. 
 St. Matthias, broke up at Lisbon. 
 St. Mark. 
 
 St. Lucas, loft coming out diFerrol, when 
 the Adelant ado cd.xnc tor England in 1 597. 
 St. Augujline. 
 St. Gregory. 
 Flor de la Mar. 
 The fame year, and in the fame place, 
 three fmall fhips of fixcy tons. 
 La Jufticia, loft at fea. 
 La Efperanfa, taken on our coaft by an 
 
 Englijh man of war. 
 La Verdad. 
 The fame year built in Lisbon three fliips, 
 by Lambert an EngliJJjman, of four hundred 
 tons. 
 
 El Efpiritu Sanclo, loft in 1597. coming 
 
 to the Groyne with the Adelantado. 
 La Fee. 
 La Caridad. 
 In the year 1596. built at Fuenteravia, 
 two fhips of three hundred tons, which 
 were fent into the South- Sea. 
 Nuejlra Senora de Loreto. 
 Nuejlra Senora de la Pena. 
 In the year 1597. built in the port of 
 Portugal, two fhips of fifteen hundred tons, 
 that were made carracks. 
 St. Antonio. 
 St. Vincent. 
 In the fame year 1597. fix fhips in the 
 Rantaria, of eight hundred tons each fliip. 
 
 St,
 
 Book Iir. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval TraSIs. 
 
 3^3 
 
 Si. yeronimo, loft in 1599. purfi^iing 
 HoUp.jiikrs with the Adelaiitado. 
 loll the fiime time. 
 
 the 
 
 St. Dofifingo, 
 
 St. Francifco. 
 
 St. Amhrofio. 
 
 St. Chrijlcpher. 
 
 St. Jofeph. 
 The flimc year, and in the fiime town, 
 two fliips built of two hundred tons. 
 
 Santa Margarita. 
 
 Santa Martha. 
 In the fame year 1597. built in Lefo, 
 two galleons of three hundred tons. 
 
 Santa Margarita, fold to merchants. 
 
 Santa Joanna. 
 In St.Ander, the fiime year, built two 
 fhips of three hundred tons. 
 
 La Paciencia. 
 
 La Templan(a. 
 In the year 1599. built thirteen fliips of 
 thirteen hundred tons. 
 
 St. Andrew. 
 
 St. Philip. 
 
 St. John., caft away at St. Lucar. 
 
 ■ St. 'Thomas. 
 St. Barnahy. 
 St. Salvador. 
 
 St. Nicholas, caft away at St. Lucar. 
 Six fliips built in Bilboa. 
 St. Matthew. 
 
 ■ St. Simon. 
 
 St. James the Greater. 
 St. James the Lefs. 
 St. Bartholomew. 
 
 ■ 5/. Lucas. 
 
 St. Diego de Guardalupe, of a thonfind 
 tons, built by a merchant in Bifcay, 
 but bought by the king. 
 
 The number of them all is fixty-nine, 
 whereof, burnt, taken, and loft, fixtecn ; but 
 befides thefe fixteen, the king has loft divers 
 more, fome of his own, fome hired, and 
 others preflTed to ferve. It is thought the 
 dominions of Spain loft in time of war, fix 
 hundred veffels, one with another. 
 
 Now I am upon the Spanijh ads and acci- 
 dents at fea, I will add fuch inftruftions as 
 generals of fleets ufe to deliver to the cap- 
 tains under them ; and how their captains 
 of land foldiers, and captains of fliips are 
 to carry thcmfelves one to another, that 
 every man's command may be known and 
 diftinguiflied, and particularly in their ex- 
 pediti6n for England in 1597. where the 
 Adelaniado was general, intending to have 
 landed at Falmouth, 
 
 Don Martin de Padilla, Adelantado, mayor 
 <?/" Caftile, earl o/Buendia, captain-gene- 
 ral of the gallics of Spain, and of the na- 
 •oy royal of the ocean fea, and of the catho- 
 lick king's army. Anno Domini 1597. 
 
 IMprimis, All fervitors, as well by fea as 
 land, of what ftate or condition ibcver. 
 
 fliall be always ready to keep and obfcrve Monsos^. 
 thcfc orders that are delivered them; to live w-^^^ 
 a chriftian and virtuous life, under the pe- 
 nalties contained in thefe articles. 
 
 2. You fliall be ready, as well land as 
 fea captains, with your oflicers and com- 
 panies, to fliip yourfelves without any de- 
 lay, when you fliall hear the admiral lin-, 
 to call your companies aboard -, you fliall 
 niufter your people, and make ready your 
 fliips to fet fail, and fo to follow the ad- 
 
 miral 
 
 as well fea captains as land captains 
 that fliall be in any fuch fliip, and fliall 
 iail to do the fame fliall be piiniflied with 
 all rigour-, and all mariners, ofliccrs, or 
 foldiers that fliall tarry behind the fleets, I 
 from this time condemn to lofc all fuch 
 wages as fliall be tlue to them, and to ferve 
 the king at an oar in the gallies four years ; 
 and the officers to be broke and deprived 
 of ofiice for ever. 
 
 3. As foon as ever you are out of har- 
 bour, as well fea as land captains of every 
 fliip, fliall mufter their fea and land men, 
 and fliall make a lift as well of their men 
 as their arms; and they fliall give order, 
 that they who have no arms may be pro- 
 vided; the harquebufier?, and mufl:cteers 
 that have no flior, you fliall caufe them to 
 caft it prefently ; you fliall provide them 
 match ready; you fliall carefully fee your 
 foldiers powder dry in the flafl<s, and thofc 
 ready, as it were, to prefent fight; this 
 readinefs miift you be in at all hours: their 
 touch-powder alio, their muflcets, and har- 
 quebufi'cs muft be very clean; and that 
 they neither want vice-pins nor fcourers; 
 that they keep their cocks and pans very 
 clean, and in good order; and if in the 
 mufter you make, you want any of thofc 
 foldiers you had afliore, then let me have 
 notice thereof, that they be fought out and 
 punifhed. 
 
 4. The captains of land-men fhall exer- 
 cife their mufketeers and harquebufiers by 
 their companies, at firft with powder in 
 their pans, and afterwards to flioot at a 
 mark let up againftthe fore-maft; your fer- 
 jeants and corporals muft be very careful to 
 fee them excrcife, and to keep their weapons 
 very clean. 
 
 5. Every land captain fliall be very care- 
 ful, and make his foldiers know how to 
 ferve in fliipping, and fo to quarter them 
 that they may know their places where they 
 are to ftand to fight; fo that at the time of 
 need they may not go thwarting one another 
 in the fliip, nor trouble one another. The 
 captain of the fea fliall likewifc make his 
 great ordnance ready, and the ammunition 
 muft be in lockers fall by the pieces: there 
 muft be always in readinefs ipikes, lant- 
 horns, cartrigcs, armours, corflets, to have 
 themclean, and every man his own. 
 
 6. The
 
 3H 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^vdl Tracts. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN. 6. The gunners Hull divide themlclvcs 
 V^V"^ into companies, and every mnn Hiall know 
 his charg:-, v^hut ordnance he is co loolt to, 
 and to acquaint the captain witiul, and he 
 to appoint inch help as fhall be necedary, 
 the captain iLall be very careful to vifit his 
 ordnance, and if there be any fault he may 
 lee it remedied •, and the gunner that hath 
 not his piece in readincfs, to be punilhcti, 
 "ivin" me the general notice tliereot. 
 
 7.°Every pilot and captain of a fliip, 
 fliali have a fpecial care to fpeak every day 
 with their admiral, and to take the word, 
 and fo coming in good order, onefliip to 
 give another room, without molefting one 
 another; and if they cannot take the word 
 for fome extraordinary occafion, then fol- 
 low this order : 
 
 ^Sunday '] <' St. Mary. 
 
 Monday St. James. 
 
 I'uefday I | St. Barbara. 
 \ Wednefday X St. Eugenius. 
 
 The word 
 of the 
 
 Thurday St. Raphael. 
 
 Friday St. Bc?ied,il. 
 
 L Saturday, J ^St. Martin. 
 
 8. No fhip by day or night fhall go 
 a-head the admiral, without he have exprefs 
 order to do it. 
 
 9. No fliip fhall go to windward, nor 
 flop in the wind, without he be forced to 
 it, or have order fo to do. 
 
 1 o. If any fliip fall foul of another, where- 
 by any of them be damnified, there fhall be 
 enquiry made, which of the pilots was in 
 fault, and he fhall pay any hurt fo done ; 
 befides that he fhall be put into prifon for 
 his fiiult, during my pleafure. 
 
 1 1. If we chance to fiiil with a fcant wind, 
 and by night, and the admiral defigns to 
 tack about, Ihe fhall fire a gun, and fhew 
 her Ian thorn upon her poop, that thereby 
 you may know it -, and then fhall every fhip 
 put out a light, that the admiral may per- 
 ceive you know his meaning. 
 
 1 2. If the admiral, by force of wind and 
 
 weather, or elfe to repair or amend Ibme- 
 
 thing amifs, fhall be driven to flrike a hull, 
 
 then flie (hall fire a gun, and fet fire upon 
 
 her beak-head; as loon as ever you Ihall 
 
 fee this fign, every man fliall ff rike a hull, 
 
 and put out his light, that the admiral may 
 
 tell them, and fo be latisfyVl that they know 
 
 his meaning, and that they are a hull as 
 
 well as fhe; and when this is done, let the 
 
 pilot take heed that they give the fhip fcope 
 
 enough, and keep good watch, that you 
 
 do not fall aboard one another, and fo fpoil 
 
 yourfclves. 
 
 13. When the admiral fets (ail by night, 
 (he will fire a gun, and fet a light on 
 the middle of her main fhrouds, and fo every 
 man (hall fet (Iiil and follow. 
 
 14. If the admiral come to anchor in any 
 
 bay, or upon any coaft, fhe fliall fet a light 
 upon the head of her fore-maft ; and wlien 
 the reft of the fiiips fee this fign, they muft 
 come and let fall their anchor, as near the 
 admiral as they may fee they be not loul of 
 her ground tackle. 
 
 I /^. All captains and officers fliall dili- 
 gently learch what wants they have in their 
 fliips, and then to be fuitors that they may 
 be provided in time, that when need is, 
 they be not at a lofs. It is no reafon that 
 he who is provident betbre-hand, and does 
 not only provide ibr his wants, but preferve 
 what he has by his induftry and diligence, 
 fhould have any thing taken from him, and 
 given to flothful captains, who do not per- 
 form their duties as they are bound. 
 
 1 6. All (hipping that (hall (lioot off any 
 ordnance, fhall within two days, come to 
 me, the faid general, with a note under the 
 captain of the Ibldiers hand, drawn by the 
 purier, and alfo the captain of the fhip, for 
 what caufe it was fhot off'', and what piece 
 it was, that if it be found that the caufe 
 be juft, he may have allowance ; if he ex- 
 ceed the time of two days, his note (hall 
 not be received, except it be known he was 
 not able to come to the admiral. 
 
 1 7. If any fl:iip break a maft or a yard 
 by night, fhe fhall fire a gun, and put a 
 light on the beak-head, and another upon 
 the poop, that I, and the reft of the (hips, 
 may know that (he is in diftrefs; and all 
 (hips fhall make hafte to fuccour her. 
 
 18. When the admiral comes to anchor 
 in harbour or bay, let the pilots take good 
 heed to give a good fcope, that one may 
 not hurt another; and he that comes latefb 
 to an anchor, not to come foul of any 
 fliip anchor'd; for if he do, the pilot is to 
 pay the lofs and hurt that is done. 
 
 19. All the fhips fhall be caretul to keep 
 a man at the lop-maft head; and he that 
 fpies a (ail fhall fire a gun that way the fail 
 bears, and ftrike his top-lail ; and fo many 
 fails as he fpies, lb many limes to ftrike 
 his top-fail; and other fhips to bend them- 
 felves towards him. 
 
 20. If you difcoverany veflel in the night, 
 and are not able to come to the admiral, 
 then to fliew fo many lights as you Ipy 
 fails, and to place them fore and aft; and 
 he that fpies the firft light of the enemy, 
 fhall have a jewel given him by me for his 
 pains. 
 
 21. When the admiral putteth her ancient 
 in the main-fhrowds, then all the fleet is to 
 come to fpeak with him ; but if fhe fire a 
 gun withal, then the captains and pilots are 
 to come on board. 
 
 22. In bearing in with the (hore, the 
 (hip that firft fpies the land, fhall fire a gun, 
 and put an ancient in the head of her fore- 
 topmaft; and if it be in the night, to fhoot 
 
 oA'
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir VVilluim MonfonV Naval Tradfs. 
 
 3^5 
 
 off" a piece, and to come to fpeak with the 
 admiral. 
 
 23. If in the night there happen a ftorm, 
 the admiral to put out two lights befides liis 
 ordinary lights, and every fliip to flicw one 
 light upon the poop, to avoid any hurt. 
 
 24. If Ihips be divided in foul weadier 
 from the fleet, and have none of the three 
 flags to follow, they fliall obey the biggcft 
 of their company till they meet with the ad- 
 miral, vice-admiral, or rear-admiral. 
 
 25. Before you go from the Grww, you 
 fliall have the order of the crofs, which you 
 fliall keep whilft you are at fea. 
 
 26. When the admiral fliall vail his main- 
 topfail, and pike it a little, then fliall every 
 fliip put himfelf into order of battle. 
 
 27. "When the admiral and his fleet arrive 
 In an harbour, or upon a coalf, no man or 
 boat niufl: go afliore without my leave. 
 
 2 8. If any captain of a fhip, be out of his 
 fhip, though it be with licence, yet he fhall 
 appoint no lieutenant without iny order. 
 
 29. If we meet the enemy, you are to 
 make yourfelves ready to fight, and to place 
 the foldiers in their places ; if in the night, 
 to keep their matches from being difcovcr'd. 
 
 30. If we meet with the enemy, and the 
 admiral and his fquadron refolve to board, 
 other fliips mufl: do the like ; but if the pi- 
 lot be of another opinion, yet notwithftand- 
 ing they are to do it -, and another fufficient 
 man to be put in the place of the pilot •, and 
 
 if there be a fault in doing thus, 
 
 the gene- 
 
 ral to anfwer it. 
 
 3 1 . If any of our fliips fetch up an enemy, 
 and fight her, the fhip that lliall next come 
 to board her on the other fide, fliall fliare 
 in the pillage, the jewels, and money, not 
 exceeding an hundred ducats ; the arms of 
 them taken, and appaiel to be theirs, fo it 
 be not ftufl^" uncut : and whofoever fhall light 
 upon jewels and flufl^, to make it known in 
 three days ; if not, to lofe his pay, and be 
 puniflied ; and what he has taken to be di- 
 vided, according to the king's inftruftions. 
 
 32. A fliip that takes a prize, no other 
 fliip fhall have to do with her, but follow 
 the reft, if there be more -, but if he chance 
 to go on board her, and take any thing out 
 of her, he fliall pay the captain four times 
 the value of it. 
 
 2i. If any fuch fliip yield, not to board 
 her, but to fend on board to fetch away 
 the prifoners ; and fuch pillage as is in her 
 to be divided, according to the lafl: article ; 
 and he that puts himfelf aboard without 
 leave, fliall lofe his pay, and be punifhcd ; 
 and if he will do it /<?r force, it fliall be 
 lawful for the company to kill him -, and 
 in like cafe, if a man fliall go into a boat 
 without leave, to be killed. 
 
 34. The firfl, fecond, or third man that 
 enters a fhip, fhall have a jewel given 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 him, according to the difcrction of tliegc- Monson. 
 neral. v^'V'^J 
 
 35. Whofoever enters an enemy's fliip 
 without arms, fighting, fliall lofe a'l th.u he 
 gets in her, and his own cloaths bcfidc. 
 
 36. If an admiral give chafe, and fud- 
 dcnly tack about, or lie by the lee, it is a 
 fign he fees many fliips, and every fhip mult 
 then draw near his admiral in order of fight. 
 
 37. The captains of foldiers and Ihips 
 muft command ftore of tubs of water to 
 fland upon the deck, and blankets and co- 
 verlets in them, to be ready to quench any 
 firt; that fliall happen. 
 
 3S. Before you come to battle to Invc 
 your yards flung. 
 
 39. If you lofe company in foul weather,' 
 and defcry one another, the greater num- 
 ber to go to the lefs; if by night, tiie 
 greater number to flicw two lights, the one 
 ahead, the other abaft, putting them in and 
 out two or three times, as when they come 
 to an anchor in the night. 
 
 40. You muft have a care of your powder 
 and cartrages, and fet down the number of 
 every cartrage, according to his piece. 
 
 41. That every carpenter and caulker be 
 ready with his lead and other things for flop- 
 ping of leaks. 
 
 42. That you make no fire till the fun 
 rife, and then to drefs the meat for the com- 
 pany -, the foldiers to watch in the day-time 
 in the quarters, till an hour before fun-fet, 
 and then to put out the fire, and light it 
 no more till the next day. 
 
 43. The foldier that has the watching of 
 the Hre, fliall not fuffer any to be carried out 
 of die hearth ; and he that does it, to be 
 feverely punilh'd. 
 
 44. To keep an ordinary light in the bit- 
 take, and a lanthorn under the ipare deck, 
 for the foldiers to watch ; and he that takes 
 awayeithcr, to be condcmn'dto the galleys for 
 two years, to ferve for a foldier without pay. 
 
 45. The captain of the foldiers is to lodge 
 with the captain of the fhip ; the pilot, 
 mafter, enfign, and ferjcant together, in the 
 fecond cabin -, and the reft of the officers ac- 
 cordingly ; and to have an eye over the fol- 
 diers for brawling. 
 
 46. That no foldier, mariner, nor offi- 
 cer, pafs from one company to another, or 
 from one fhip to another without my licence. 
 
 47. If we difcover any veflels, and the 
 admiral make a fignal of giving battle, the 
 officers that have the keeping of all kind of 
 ftores, fhall have warrant from the captain 
 for the delivery of them. 
 
 48. For that many hulks and ftrangcrs 
 in them are deceitful ; therefore, if you find 
 any fuch fufpicion, you fliall fire three fl;tflies 
 of powder, and the fhips next you feeing it, 
 to repair to you with all fpeed, to give yoa 
 fuccour. 
 
 4 N 49- And
 
 JZ5 
 
 ^/r William MonfonV Naval Tracis. 
 
 •Book IIL 
 
 MoNsoN. 49. And though in my inftniflion"; I have 
 ^'^"«'">^ given you fufficient order for your naviga- 
 tion, which niiifl: not be violated, yet the 
 thing of grcacefl: importance, is. That the 
 captains by Tea and land be prudent, vigi- 
 lant, and careful, as I undcrihnd all are in 
 this fervice. 
 
 50. I have order'd that all the fquadrons 
 fliall carry their flags liiverally of one co- 
 lour, that they may be known, and got- 
 ten together the fooncr ; and becaufe fome- 
 timcs order cannot be given by word 
 of mouth, you are to fix your eyes upon 
 your admiral, and when he fets upon his 
 poop the colours of any of his fquadrons 
 the admiral of that fquadron is to behold 
 which way the fign is made by the fame 
 colours, that fo he may follow any fleet fo 
 difcover'd. 
 
 51. If any of the ftrange fhips fhall have 
 a leak, let it be fearch'd by the two cap- 
 tains by fea and land •, and if they find it 
 to be done on purpofe, let him be hanged, 
 and his fhip forfeited. 
 
 32. That no captain or pilot do fet any 
 other courfc than the admiral direfts; and 
 if they do, no excufe fliall ferve their turn. 
 
 S^. That no captain, or other, fliip any 
 woman, except fhe be married, and proof 
 thereof brought from the general's pricft, 
 upon forfeiture of his office, and ferving the 
 king two years without pay. 
 
 54. If any fervitor ftand in need, let 
 him go to his captain ; and if he cannot help 
 him, then to the admiral, where he fhall 
 have help. 
 
 55. If any fhip be in diflrefs, then to 
 flioot off a piece, and thole next to her to 
 haflen to her ; and if they fail, to be fevcrely 
 puniihed. 
 
 56. If we meet with an enemy, great or 
 fmall, let none of the fleet follow him, but 
 follow the admiral of his fquadron, and do 
 as he does, or fhall direft, except pinnaces 
 and fmall fliips, which fliall be at the dif- 
 pofal of the admiral. 
 
 N. B. Some of thefe InftruSiions are frivolous, 
 fame of them veedkfs, but mofi of thetn 
 tedious, and may be comprehended in 
 fe-Ji-er -^'ords, and to greater purpofe : 
 but for my part, I will rather deftre to 
 know what they do, than feek to follow 
 and imitate their directions in fea affairs. 
 
 Hozv to fight at fea one fl.np with another ; or 
 in fleets ; or JJnps againfi galleys ; or gal- 
 leys againft flnps : and the manner how 
 every country preferves men from danger in 
 a Fight. 
 
 BEFORE fliips and fleets encounter, or 
 enter upon aftion, thefe things follow- 
 ing are neceffary to be done -, To divide the 
 4 
 
 company into three parts ; the one appoint- 
 ed to tack the fliip, the fecond to ply the 
 fmall-fliot, and the third to attend the ord- 
 nance •, but not fo precifely, buc that one 
 may be afll fling to the other in the three fe- 
 ^■eral places. 
 
 The Ihip is to be brought into its fiiort 
 and fighting fiils, {viz.) her forefall, her 
 main and forc-tophil •, for the other L\\\s. 
 are troubleibme to handle, and make the 
 fliip heel fo, that her ordnance cannot be 
 ufed, befide the danger of firing her Hiils 
 with arrows and other wild-fire from the 
 enemy. 
 
 7"he mafter is to appoint a valiant and 
 liifRcient man at helm ; and to receive his 
 direftions from his captain how to order the 
 fight, and where to board ; which mufl be 
 done with moft advantage, and according 
 to the placing the enemies ordnance ; and 
 therefore it is requifite to have a captain of 
 experience. 
 
 Every officer is to do his part ; the boat- 
 fwain to fling their yards, to put forth the 
 flag, ancient, and ftreamers, to arm the 
 tops and wafle-cloths ; to fpread the netting, 
 to provide tubs, and to command the com- 
 pany to make urine in them, for the gun- 
 ners to ufe in their fpunges to cool their 
 ordnance in the fight, and all other things 
 that belong to his charge. 
 
 The gunner is to appoint his officers to 
 their quarters, to have care to their files, 
 budge-barrels, and cartrages ; to have his 
 fhot in a locker near every piece, and the 
 yeoman of the powder to keep his room, 
 and to be watchful of ir, and to have his 
 eye upon any leak that (hall happen in the 
 hold. 
 
 The carpenters are to be vigilant, and to 
 have their oakham, lead, nails, and what 
 elfe belongs to the flopping of leaks in rea- 
 dinefs. He muft have a man always ready 
 to fling overboard, if there chance a leak. 
 Or if there be caufe to take in the lower tier 
 of ordnance, by the fudden growing and 
 vyorking of the fea, he muft have all things 
 ready to caulk the ports. 
 
 The building of fliips. 
 
 There are two manner of built fliips : the 
 one with a flufh-deck, fore and aft, funk 
 and low by water -, the other lofty and high 
 charged, with a half-deck, forecaflle, and 
 copperidge-heads. 
 
 This fhip with a flufh-deck I hold good 
 to fight in, if fhe be a fafl: fhip by the wind, 
 and keep herfelf from boarding: llie is 
 roomfome for her men, and yare to run to 
 and again in ; but fhe is not a fhip to 
 board, unlefs it be a merchant, or r.nother 
 fhip that is inferior to her in ftrength and 
 number of people. 
 
 For
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^ual Trctfis. 
 
 For if it happen that flie be boarded, and 
 put to her defence, flie Heth open to her 
 enemy •, for gaining lier upper deck you win 
 her, having neither forccaftle, nor oriicr 
 clofe-fight to retire unto ; and in that cafe 
 the defenfive part of tlic fhip is the Itrcngth 
 of the forecaftle. 
 
 When her deck fliall be gained, and her 
 people beaten down into the fecond deck, 
 the only help is to ufe ftratagems by fire, 
 in making trains of divers fafhions to bk)w 
 up the upper deck, and men upon it; and 
 this did the Bifcaincr I have formerly fpo- 
 ken of in my firft book, in the voyage I 
 firft went to fea, and the firfl; fight I tiid 
 ever fee, in 1585. 
 
 This fliip had a flufli-deck, fore and aft, 
 which in boarding we won upon her, and 
 her men retiring into her other deck, fpcnt 
 the moft part of her powder in making 
 trains to blow us up -, which by fortune we 
 prevented, and our fire-pikes took fire be- 
 fore it could be brought to perfection •, and 
 thus after twelve hours fight in the night, 
 we being upon a flufh-deck, and command- 
 ing their fcuttles aloft, that they could not 
 come up to us, and they commanding the 
 fcuttles below, that we could not go to 
 them, they grew fo weary for want of 
 powder, and the death of their people, that 
 they yielded, as I have before delcribed, 
 after twelve hours fail on board her. 
 
 As I have laid, fuch a fhip that has nei- 
 ther fore-caflle copperidge-head, nor any 
 other manner of defence, but with her men 
 only •, that hath no towlers, which are 
 pieces of greateft importance, after a fliip 
 is boarded and entered, or lieth board 
 and board ; for the ordnance flands her in 
 little flead, and are as apt to endanger 
 themfelves, as their enemy •, for in giving 
 fire it may take hold of pitch, tar, oak- 
 ham or powder, and burn them both for 
 company : but a murderer or towler being 
 Hiot out of their own fliip, laden with dice- 
 ihot, will fcour the deck of the enemy, 
 and not fufter the head of a man to ap- 
 pear. 
 
 The advantage of a (hip with a flurti- 
 deck, that boards another to windward, is 
 this, Ihe may with her lee ordnance Ihoot 
 the other under water, and herfelf in no 
 hazard ; the fliip that is boarded to lee- 
 ward of her, is at the other's mercy, and 
 becomes weak in comparilbn of the other to 
 windward. 
 
 Whoever enters and takes poU'efTion of 
 the upper deck of fuch a fhip, fliall be able 
 to cut down her mafts, flirowds, and all 
 things over head ; that though he take her 
 not, yet flie Ihall be left a wreck in the fea, 
 and perifn. 
 
 I will make a comparifon of the James 
 Regis of his majefty's, (of whom I will iay) 
 
 that for her mold and condition, flic is a 
 panigon of fliips, and not to be equalled ; 
 but in her built with a flufli-deck, and her 
 clofe-galley abaft, flie is to be e.vccpted a- 
 gainlt in a defenfive part ; but liow it may 
 be amended, and flic be made ferviccablr, 
 as well for defence as offence, I will refer 
 to my own direction, with his majcfliy'sap- 
 jirobation ; though fomething I will fay of 
 her clofe-galley, that is made only for a 
 fhew, and to accommodate captains, when 
 I fliall have occafion to treat of galleys. 
 
 The only ftrength of the James at thi? 
 prcfent is in her broad-fide, where flie hath 
 two brave platforms of ordnance to over- 
 dare any fliip to board her ; nor no enemy 
 in difcretion will do it, if he can find a 
 weaker part in tlie fliip to attempt ; but 
 fuppole flie be boarded in her prow, or 
 abaft at the poop, and be cntred by more 
 men than the hands of her company can 
 refill, fhe neither having forccafllc a-head, 
 nor clofe-fight abaft, all niuil refl: upon the 
 fl:rength and valour of a few men ; \vhich> 
 if they be overcome, both fliip and they 
 muft hill into the hands of an enemy, in the 
 manner I have fliewed. 
 
 The befl: manner of a fight in a fliip of a 
 flufli-deck, or any other, indeed, being to 
 windward of his enemy, is to bring him- 
 felf within piflol-fliot of her, and to ply 
 her and her ports with fmall-fliot at that 
 difl:ance ; to lade his ordnance, feme with 
 mufl-:et-bullets, others with crofs-bar, and 
 langrel-fliot, or billets, to be the deftruflion 
 of men ; but to avoid boarding or being 
 boarded : this I hold the bcfl: manner of 
 fight betwixt fliip and fliip ; it will make 
 fliort woi k, and the quarrel will be foon de- 
 cided ; as fighting further off is like zSwilh- 
 field fray in times pafl: with fvvord and buck- 
 ler, which is nothing but the wafliing and 
 conluming of powder to no purpofe. 
 
 A high-built fliip is the better for thcfe 
 reafons •, majcfty and terror to the enemy, 
 more commodious for the harbouring of 
 men ; fhe will be able to carry more artil- 
 lery, of greater ftrength within board, and 
 make the better defence ; flie will overtop 
 a lower and fnug fliip ; her men cannot be 
 fo well difcerned, for that the waflie-cloths 
 will take away the view and fight of them. 
 
 Ami laftly, to fpeak of a fliip with three 
 decks, (thus it is,) She is very inconve- 
 nient, ilangcrous, and unferviceable ; the 
 number and weight of the ordnance wrings 
 her fides, and weakens her : it is fekioni 
 Icen that you have a calm fo many hours 
 together as to keep out her lower tier, and 
 when they are out, and f'^rced to hail 
 them in again, it is with g t labour, tra- 
 vail and trouble to the gunners, when they 
 fliould be fighting ; flie cafl:s fo great a 
 linoak within board, that people mult ufc 
 
 then- 
 
 3^7
 
 3i8 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra&s. 
 
 Book III, 
 
 Mo N SON. their arms like blind men, not knowing how 
 
 ^'■'Y^^ to go about their work, nor have x fight of 
 
 the fhip with whom they encounter. 
 
 How to preferve men in fight. 
 
 Several nations have fevcral ways to pre- 
 ferve their men in fight at fea : the French 
 ufe to (low halt their foldiers in hold, and 
 to draw them out, caufing the others to re- 
 tire as there fliall be occafion or neceflity. 
 This I hold dangerous, troublcfome and in- 
 convenient, when all men are othcrwife 
 bufy in their feveral places, to pafs to and 
 again with their matches lighted, which 
 may unhappily tall on fomething to take 
 fire. 
 
 The Sjhviidrtis imitate their former dif- 
 cipline at land ■, as namely, a van-guard, a 
 rear-guard, and a main-battle -, the fore- 
 catlle they count their head-front for van- 
 guard, that abaft the mad the rear-guard, 
 and the wafte their main-battle, wherein 
 they place their principal force. 
 
 This in my opinion will breed great dif- 
 orders, cfpecially if the fliip (hould fight 
 with all her fails Ihinding •, for the labour 
 of the mariners in tacking and handing 
 their fails will confound them, that they 
 know not what to do ; but if they fight 
 with their fmall fails, it will prove the bet- 
 ter; but howlbever here is no provifion for 
 fafeguard of men, who lie open to their 
 enemy. 
 
 The Dunkirkers ufe in fight to place their 
 fmall-lliot flat on their bellies upon their 
 decks, that the fhot, great or fmall, com- 
 ing from an enemy, fhall have only their 
 head for their aim : this is to be allowed 
 of in fmall fhips, that carry not many men 
 nor ordnance ; but inconvenient in greater 
 vefTels, where men are ever in aftion, run- 
 ning and flirring up and down in the fliip. 
 
 There is a device made with a plank of 
 elm, becaufe it does not fliiver like oak •, 
 this plank is mufket proof, and removed 
 with trunks from one part of the fliip to 
 the other, which is a good lifeguard for 
 fmall fhot : but in my opinion I prefer the 
 quoiling of cables on the deck, and keeping 
 part of the men within them, (as x)nz French 
 do theirs in hold,) above all the reft ; for 
 the foldiers are in and out fpeedily, upon 
 all ludden occafions, to fuccour any part of 
 the fliip, or to enter an enemy, without 
 trouble to the failors in handing their fails, 
 or the gunners in plying their ordnance. 
 
 The Hollanders of late years have got a 
 reputation at tea •, though for their warlike 
 affairs they have little deferved it, as I have 
 fliewed in the firll book -, for they never 
 made fight of fix fliips to fix, as is there 
 to be feen; but now of late, and fince the 
 truce ended with S-pdn., and that the Dun- 
 4 
 
 kirkers are grown ftrong and powerful by 
 ica, they have often encountered fhip to 
 fhip, or two to two, but never with fleet i 
 and more to the commendations of the Dun- 
 kirkers than themfelves. 
 
 Whereas I have fliewed every country's 
 manner of fight at fca, and their care to 
 preferve their men from danger, and to an- 
 noy the enemy with advantage, inftcad of 
 cables, planks, and other devices, to pre- 
 ferve their men, the Hollanders wanting 
 natural valour of themfelves, ufe to line 
 their company in the head, by giving them 
 gunpowder to drink, and other kind of 
 liquor to make them fooneft drunk ; which, 
 befides that it is a barbarous and unchri- 
 ftian-like aft, when they are in danger of 
 death to make them ready for the devil, it 
 often proves more perilous than profpe- 
 rous to them, by firing their own fliips, or 
 making a confufednefs in the fight, their 
 wits being taken from them -, whereas, if 
 they had been fober, they might have fought 
 in good order. 
 
 ^he direSfion of a fight in a naval battle. 
 
 The moft famous naval battles thefe late 
 years have afforded, were thofe of Lepanto 
 againft the 'Turks in iS77 '■> of the Spaniards 
 againft the French at the Tercera iflands in 
 1580-, and betwixt the armada of Spain 
 and the Englifj in 1588. 
 
 In thefe encounters, wherein the Spa- 
 niards had the chiefeft part, as I have faid 
 before, they imitated the difcipline of war 
 by land, in drawing their fliips into a 
 form of fight, which, in my opinion, is 
 not fo convenient -, though I confeis in a fea 
 battle, that fliall confift of galleys, in a calm, 
 it is better to obferve that order than in 
 fhips ; for men may as well follow diredlion 
 by their hands in rowing, as an army by 
 words of the tongue Ipeaking, or thek legs 
 moving. 
 
 But fhips which muft be carried by wind 
 and fails, and the fca affording no firm or 
 fledfaft footing, cannot be commanded to 
 take their ranks like foldiers in a battle by 
 land. 
 
 The weather at fea is never certain, the 
 winds variable, fliips unequal in failing ; 
 and when they ftriilly feek to keep their 
 order, commonly they fall foul of one an- 
 other ; and in luch caf^s they are more care- . 
 ful to obferve their direftions, than to of- 
 fend the enemy, whereby they will be 
 brought into dilbrder amongft themfelves. 
 
 Suppofe a fleet to be placed in the form 
 of a half-moon, or other proportion, to 
 fight, if an enemy charge them home in 
 any of the corners of the half-moon, they 
 will be forced to bear up room into their 
 main battle i and then will enfue dangers 
 
 and
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nazuil Tracii. 
 
 and diforders of boarding one another -, in- 
 fomuch that it will not be pofliblc for a 
 general to give new direftions, but every 
 Ihip mufl; tight at its will, not by com- 
 mand. 
 
 I'or the avoiding of fuch confufion, the 
 inflruttions of a general ought not to con- 
 lift of many words •, for the greateft advan- 
 tage in a lea fight is to get the vviml of one 
 another -, for he that has the wind is out of 
 danger of being boarded, and has the ad- 
 vantage where to board, and how to at- 
 tempt tlie enemy ; and thus did the mar- 
 quis of Hantn Criiz labour to do three (.lays, 
 before he could get the wind of Monfieur 
 PEJlrcus at the '■Tercera iflands, whom he 
 afterwards overcame, and had a great vi- 
 ttory over him. 
 
 The wind being thus gotten, a general 
 need give no other diredlions than to every 
 admiral of a fquadron to draw together 
 their fquadrons, and every one to under- 
 take his oppofite fquadron, or where he 
 fhall do it for his greateft advantage ; but 
 to be fure to take a good diftance of one 
 another, and to relieve that fquadron that 
 ihall be overcharged or diftreficd. 
 
 Let them give warning to their fliips not 
 to venture fo far as to bring themfelves to 
 leeward of the enemy -, for fo fhall they ei- 
 ther difhonour themfelves, to fee fuch a fhip 
 taken in their view, or in feeking to re- 
 lieve her they fliall bring themfelves to lee- 
 ward, and lofe the advantage they had for- 
 merly gotten ; for it will be in the power 
 of the enemy to board them, and they not 
 to avoid it; which was the only thing co- 
 veted by the Spaniards in our time of v/ar, 
 by reaibn of the advantage of their Ihips, 
 as I have before expreffed. 
 
 The ftrid: ordering of battles by fliips 
 was before the invention of the bowlin" 
 
 D' 
 
 for then there was no liiiling but before 
 the wind, nor no fighting but by boarding; 
 whereas now a fhip will fail within fix 
 points of thirty-two, and by the advantage 
 of wind may rout any fleet that is placed in 
 that form of battle. 
 
 A fght with galleys to galleys, and galleys 
 to Jingle Jhips. 
 
 There is no precedent of thefe latter 
 times that galleys have been in ufe in our 
 feas, till the latter end of the queen's reign, 
 when two fquadrons of galleys were brought 
 out of Spaifi into Flanders, the one in tiie 
 year 1599, the other in the year 1602. the 
 latter commanded by Frederick Spinola, 
 brother to the late marquis Spinola, who al- 
 ter was fiain in the fame galleys. 
 
 All the dcfigns of the Spaniards, under- 
 taken againft England by lea in the days of 
 queen Elizabeih, proved unlucky and fruit- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 lefs, the reaibn thereof to wife men is not 
 to be marvelled at ; for their adfions have 
 been grounded on lb little judgment, that 
 it was no great art to divine their evil luc- 
 cefs before they were undertaken. 
 
 Let this aft of bringing down the gal- 
 leys aforelaid be paralleled with tlieir great 
 expedition in 158S. and it will appear rliey 
 both failed in one kind, (that is to lay) 
 for \yant of an able and fecure port to en- 
 tertain them upon their arrival in Flanders ; 
 for though the galleys had the harbours of 
 Graveling, Dunkirk, and Sluice, at that 
 time, yet fuch is tlie nature of thofe ports, 
 that no veflTel of their draught can go in or 
 out of them but from half-tide to half- 
 tide i for they arc bare harbours, and all 
 the reil of the tide they are dry ; fo as if 
 a galley obferve not her juft time of en- 
 trance, (lie is expofed to the mercy of the 
 fea, the danger of the (liore, or to fall in- 
 to the hands of an enemy ; and diereforc 
 wholbever thinks to make ufe of galleys, 
 and not to be fecured of a port at all times 
 and tides, will fliew himlclf weak in fea 
 aftairs, as the Spaniards have done in this, 
 and in their expedition of 1588, as I have 
 before declared. 
 
 The proper ufe of galleys is againfl; gal- 
 leys in the Mediterranean iea, that is fub- 
 jccT; to calms, and where both Turks and 
 Chriftians ftrive to exceed one another in 
 that kind of velfels ; he accounting hiinfelf 
 mafter of thofe feas that has the greateft 
 number, and beft ordered galleys. 
 
 And fuch was the goodnefs of God to- 
 wards the Chriftian commonwealth, that in 
 the battle of Z-f/rt/z/o in 1577 he gave a 
 moft happy and victorious overthrow to 
 the cruel and mifbelieving Turks, who fince 
 that time have not been able to hold up 
 their hands or heads againft the Chriftian 
 forces within the Mediterranean {<;:i.. 
 
 Next to the valour and well mardialling 
 order of tlic Chriftians navy of galleys, the 
 next attribute is to be given to the galleaf- 
 fes of Venice, which, though they were but 
 fix in number, yet fuch is the advantage of 
 thofe veftcls againft galleys, that they did 
 the Chriftian galleys treble the fervice of 
 their number. 
 
 You niuft know that a galleals is bujit 
 like the Vanguard or Rainbow of his ma- 
 jefty's, low and fnug by the water, and car- 
 ries the force of a fliip in men and ordnance ; 
 but the thing that gives her advantage in 
 fight, is her oars ; not diat there can be ex- 
 petted any fwiftnefs in rowing, but with 
 her oars Ihe is of that agility, that fhe is 
 able to wind about as flie lees occafion to 
 damnify her cneiny ; whereas a fliip lies 
 like a log of wood, not able in a calm lo 
 help herfelf, or to have the help of a rudder 
 
 r-9 
 
 to guide hei 
 
 4O 
 
 If
 
 33"^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book IIL 
 
 MoNsox. If galleys be forced to fly from other 
 v-^v ^^ galleys, and not of fpeed to overgo them, 
 they fall into the mercy of thofe that chacc 
 them •, for it is to be confidered, that the 
 ftrengrh of a galley is in her prow, where 
 flic carries her ordnance, as I liave before 
 t!ecl.ircd •, for unlcfs it be fomc few choice 
 ones of Malta and Florence, no other Chri- 
 ftian galley carries artillery to fire aftern ; fo 
 that of necefTity thofe galleys chafed muft 
 cither yield, be burnt, or funk. 
 
 In a defpcrate cafe, where galleys in bat- 
 tle are in danger to fall into the hands of 
 an enemy, the prefent remedy is to proclaim 
 liberty to all the flaves, and to put arms 
 in their hands to fight for their defence, 
 and to deliver them out of chains, and 
 make them freemen : This was the fafety of 
 Don John of Juftria, in the great and fii- 
 iViOus battle of Lepanto. 
 
 The chief annoyance that can be done a 
 galley in fight, is to feek the def^ruftion 
 of the flaves and oars ; for without them 
 galleys are of no ufe ; and therefore who- 
 foever fights with galleys, muft feek with 
 crofs-bars and langrel-flior, to hurt and 
 fpoil their men and oars. 
 
 And in this cafe a fliip that carries her 
 ordnance low, and her hull high-built, has 
 a great advantage of a galley, tor her ord- 
 nance will lie level with her oars -, and if 
 fhe have the fortune to take away a row 
 of them on either fide, fhe falls into the 
 mercy of the fliip ; or if flie be defperately 
 forced to board the fame fhip, fhe will not 
 be able to enrer her, in rcfpedl of her height 
 and high carving. 
 
 As I have promifed before, I will take 
 occafion to fpeak fomething of his maje- 
 lly's royal fliip the James Re^is, and her 
 difadvantage to make a dcfenfive fight, as 
 fhe is now built. 
 
 Ships of much lefs burden than the James 
 have four pieces of ordnance placed to 
 fhoot aflern, as namely, two in the gun- 
 room, and the other two in the upper gun- 
 room, which is commonly ufed for a ftore- 
 room, lodgings, and other employments 
 for a general or captain's ufe, and his fol- 
 lowers, which is done without prejudice to 
 the two pieces. 
 
 Above thefe two gun-rooms aforefaid, 
 was placed the captain's cabbin, with the 
 open galleries aflern and on the fides, that 
 fowlers and lefl"er pieces might be thrufl out 
 for defence, and fmall-fhot placed to de- 
 fend that part of a fliip. 
 
 In thefe two gun-rooms aforefliid, where 
 the four pieces are ufually placed, the James 
 carries only two, and that is in the lov.'er 
 gun-room-, for the upper gun-room is con- 
 verted into the captain's cabbin, and a raf- 
 ter and two fided galleries are made clofe, 
 that cannot afford lb much convenience as 
 
 for a man to look out of them, but through 
 fome narrow windows-, infomuch, that if 
 a general or captain have occafion to give 
 or receive directions, he muff do it upon 
 the poop or the deck of the fliip, to the 
 great inconvenience, and lofs of time and 
 opportunity, what fudden occafion foever 
 fliould offer. 
 
 Moreover, if a fliip by mifhap fhall take 
 fire, out of her open galleries water may 
 be fuddenly drawn, and prove both the 
 fifety ot fhip and men ; whereas being clofe, 
 as now they are, there will be no remedy 
 to quench them. It may be compared to 
 a round pigeon-houfe, into which people 
 fly from an enemy for refuge ; and what 
 defence can fuch a houfe make, that is com- 
 pafTed about with foes ? No more than to 
 yield to fire and water. 
 
 Nov/ compare the James, by the true 
 defcription I have made of her, but with 
 one or two galleys in a calm, having no 
 fliip near to aHift her, confidering fhe car- 
 ries but two pieces in her gun-room, with 
 what cafe and little danger a galley may 
 run up in her flern, and with her prow and 
 fmall-fliot put her from her two pieces ; for 
 every galley carries four pieces a-head, be- 
 fides her cannon in the cruzea, which piece 
 lies more to the advantage than the other 
 two, in that they are placed low by the 
 water, and the galleys flanding Hill, they 
 may fhoot as fteady out of her as out of" a 
 platform. 
 
 Indeed this cannon in the cruzea is of 
 greater danger and annoyance than all the 
 reft -, for it lies at an even ftay, and not to 
 be moved nor traverfed one way or other ; 
 and the ufe to be made of it is for the ma- 
 fler to bring the maft of the fhip and the 
 mafl: of the galley both in one, and then 
 to call to the gunner to give fire ; by which 
 means it is impoffiblc to mifs the fhip, and 
 hazard finking of her. 
 
 And as the James, lies open to the galleys 
 as I have fliewed, fo does ihe in like man- 
 ner to fuch fhips as fliall board her, either 
 afore in her prow, or abaft in her flern, 
 where fhe has no defence, either of her 
 forecaflle or clofe-fights. There are many 
 other neceffary ufes to be made of an open 
 gallery, which at this time I forbear to 
 fpeak of, and will return once more to treat 
 of the nature of galleys. 
 
 If it were in my choice, I would rather 
 have two fhips of two hundred tons each 
 to encounter fix galleys, than one fhip of 
 a thouland tons to fight two galleys, for 
 thefe reafons ; 
 
 My two fhips of two hundred tons, I 
 will bring athwart the hawfe of one an- 
 other, that wherefoever the galleys fhall 
 charge me, I will have a broadfule to play 
 upon them ; whereas in one fhip alone, I 
 
 h.ive
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonCons Na^v.tl Tracts. 
 
 55 1 
 
 have only my ftern for my defence, where 
 two galleys with their fmali-fliot will foon 
 beat the gunners from their poits, with 
 little danger to themfelves; for no great 
 number of fmall-fliot can pliy upon them 
 out of the narrownefs of the poop •, by which 
 means they will burn, fink, or deftroy any 
 fuch fliip, with long fire-pikes made on 
 purpofe. 
 
 And for fecurity of myfelf and men, I 
 will difplace three or four banks on a fide 
 in my galleys, and in that fpace make a 
 bulwark with gowns, beds, fails, and other 
 things, that no (hot from the fliip fhall do 
 me hurt. 
 
 And if in fight I fliall happen to be fliot 
 under water, it will be an caly thing to ilop 
 any fuch leak, by making the flaves heel 
 all on one fide of the galley ; fo that if it 
 were as low as the keel, I will come fpccdi- 
 ly to it, and Hop it. 
 
 Hovj to imploy fuch people mid their ftoch 
 in galleys, as are fent to houfes of cor- 
 re8ion ; and the life that may be made of 
 galleys in England. 
 
 W' HO EVER have the charge of 
 thefe houfes, feek only their own 
 gain, not the ufe for which they were infti- 
 tuted. People are puniflied or pardoned as 
 they are able to gratify their keepers : Their 
 labours or liberties are according to their 
 abilities ; for as I have fiid, the rich buys 
 his eafe, the poor is threaten'd with cruel- 
 ty, which has caufed that defperatenefs in 
 men towards their keepers, that to be re- 
 venged they have (lain them ;• and yet I 
 fee no decreafe of vagabonds by the courfc 
 taken in the houfes of correftion. 
 
 ^e benefit of iraploying thefe people and their 
 flocks in galleys in England. 
 
 THE time of mens imprifonment in 
 galleys is to be limited, fome for life, 
 fome for years, more or lefs, according to 
 their oft'ence, but none under feven years ; 
 by this means there will be a riddance of 
 lewd people for life or years. 
 
 At the end of which time they otight to 
 procure fervices, or be bound to work in 
 their occupations, which they fhall be taught 
 in their galleys -, but if they fiiall refufe ir, 
 and continue ftill loitering, then to fend 
 them into Virginia, or other colonies plant- 
 ed by us. 
 
 If they fhall efcape out of their galleys 
 before the cvpiration of their time, to have 
 a proclamation. That no man, upon cer- 
 tain penalties, fliould harbour or give them 
 entertainment ; and that they may be known 
 from others, they muft bc.fhaved both head 
 and face, and marked in the cheek with 
 
 an hot iron, for men to take notice of ihem^loNsox. 
 to be the king's labourers ; for fo they ^-^^^^ 
 fliould be term'd, and not flaves-, and it 
 any fuch be founti, that cannot give a gooil 
 account of his difchargc out of the galleys, 
 to be apprehended and lent b.ick again j 
 which would be a means that noncot them 
 ever after will offer to efcape. 
 
 I'his courfe being carefully obferved the 
 vagabonds will be foon lefien'd ; for the 
 terror of galleys will make men avoid floth 
 and pilfering, and apply themlelvts to la- 
 bour and pains ; it will keep fervants and 
 apprentices in awe; it will take away the 
 occafion of pirates and piracies ; it will 
 fave much blood that is lamentably fpilt by 
 execution of thieves and offenders, and 
 more of this kingtlom than any other •, it 
 will take away the occafion of women- va- 
 gabonds, when fuch rogues and thieves fluU 
 be reftraincd ; for fuch men are cnticers and 
 drawers of women to lewdnefs. If all 
 thefe mifchiefs may be prevented, and the 
 kingdom flrengthen'd, widiout further ex- 
 pence than now it is, no man but muft 
 commend this projed;, and give his fur- 
 therance to it. 
 
 Provifions to maintain the king's labourers, 
 and the labour they fhall be put to, ivinter 
 and fummer. 
 
 THEIR diet fliall be certain, not ac- 
 cording to the miferable rate they are 
 allowed in houfes of correftion, where it is 
 proportioned according to their earning by 
 their labour ; for in the galleys each man 
 Ihall be allowed two fliillings and fix-pence 
 a week for his diet, to be hufbanded by 
 men appointed by the labourers themfclves 
 for their heft advantage. 
 
 Every galley fliall be allowed a furgcon, 
 a phyfician, and an apothecary general for 
 them all : Their apparel to be two fuits a 
 year, the one for fummer, the other tor 
 winter, with a gown of frize: Their la- 
 bour to be at the oar in fummer ; and when 
 they are not fo employed, they may law- 
 fully ufe any means for their maintenance, 
 as in knitting, fowing, or any other fuch 
 kind of work ■, for no liimmer labour, more 
 than rowing, fhall be required at their 
 hands ; and by the way I will tell you tijr 
 a jeft. That when I was prifoner in the gal- 
 leys of Spain in 1591, all our Engliflrinen, 
 that were thither committed, amongfl other 
 occupations, framed themfclves to the trade 
 only of making dice, as an occafion to fee 
 the Spaniards together by the cars. 
 
 In winter they muft be had afliore, and 
 kept fafe in fome ftrong caftle, where lodg- 
 ings and beds, with necefiliry ftocks and 
 tools muft be provided to fet them to work, 
 as namely, forges for fmiths, leather for 
 
 fhoe-
 
 53^ 
 
 Sir William Alonfon'i Naval TraBs. 
 
 Book IIL J 
 
 MoNsoN. flioemakcrs, hemp to make ropes, mills 
 *^ V^^ to grind corn, or any other thing tliat can 
 be thought of for their benefit : antl ior 
 fuch as have been bred to hufbandry, tlicy 
 may be hired to farmers for their winter's 
 work, binding tiie farmers to return them 
 at the feafon of tlie year to the galleys-, 
 which they may iecurcly do, for it will 
 not be ill their powers to efcapc, by the 
 courle wliich is formerly taken. 
 
 ^e ufe of galleys in time of zvar. 
 
 I have formerly in the fecond book faid 
 fomething concerning the ufe or galleys, 
 which you will find there ; and in this book 
 the manner of fight with galleys. But ha- 
 ving occafion to treat more largely of that 
 fubied, I will reiterate fomething that I 
 faid before concerning galleys. 
 
 1. Galleys are of no ufe to encounter a 
 fleet at fea, in refpeft of their ftrength, but 
 againft fingle fhips in calms, that cannot 
 come to refcue one another. 
 
 2. The ufe of galleys is to tow a fleet out 
 of harbour which is kept in by wind and 
 tide, which is a thing of confequence eidier 
 in peace or war. 
 
 3. The ufe of galleys is the conveniency 
 to land an army, both fuddenly and fafely ■, 
 and to take advantage in landing, both 
 when or where they lift: by example of 
 the marquis of Sanla Cruz, who arriving 
 at the 'TcTcera iflands, attempted landing at 
 Angra, the chief town of that ifland, and 
 w hither the inhabitants drew their forces to 
 withftand him; but when he faw and ima- 
 gin'd the other part of the ifland lay open 
 for his entrance, he altered his purpofe, and 
 fuddenly winded his galleys about, and lan- 
 ded at Lep'laia, five leagues from thence, 
 without refiftance. 
 
 4. The ufe of galleys is to annoy an ene- 
 my in his landing, by cutting ofi'' his boats 
 and men, as they fliall offer to land : and 
 the like would have happened to us at Cadiz, 
 if we had landed where we attempted it the 
 day before, and where our projedors of that 
 voyage had defigned us, if we had not been 
 prevented by foul weather; for there we 
 found four galleys placed, to lie betwixt the 
 fhore and us, to cutoff our boats, and there- 
 by to have overthrown our adtion. 
 
 5. The ufe of galleys is againft a fleet at 
 anchor, who may tow firefliips amongfl 
 them, and either burn, or put them from 
 their anchorage; and it may happen in a 
 place near fhoals or finds, or upon a lee- 
 Ihore, and fo deftroy a whole navy. 
 
 6. The ufe of galleys is to prevent the 
 like ftratagem ; for if fuch fliips be fet on 
 fire, with galleys they may be rowed un- 
 to, and cafl hooks on board them, and 
 
 2 
 
 fo tow them clear of their fleet, where they 
 may burn without endangering the fhips 
 they attempt. 
 
 7. The ufe of galleys is in fuccouring an 
 ifland that is inv.idcd by an enemy ; as for 
 example. The IJle of JVight, with galleys, 
 may be fuddenly fupply'd both with men 
 and ammunition from the main land, in 
 fpight of what fliips or force fhall he to 
 hinder or intercept them. 
 
 8. They ought to be kept for reputa- 
 tion ; for as his majefty is king of all king- 
 doms for goodnefi and greatnefs of his na- 
 vy, fo it fliould be laid there is no kind of 
 veficls that other princes can fliew, but what 
 his majefty has the like in ufe ; and it will 
 be the more ftrange, in that no country nor 
 harbour in Europe, to the northward of 
 Lisbon, can fhew the like. 
 
 If at any time a war happen betwixt his 
 majefty and the king of Spain, or betwixt 
 him and the Hollanders, havhig the port of 
 Flnjhing and Sluice for the receipt of our 
 galleys, we may much annoy the harbours 
 of Flanders, and their trade ; or having the 
 ports of Offend and Dunkirk to enter, we 
 may as much, or rather more, impeach 
 Holland, but efpecially the province of 
 Zealand, and the ifland of JVakerland; for 
 befides the hurt we fliall do them at fea, 
 we may watch and take the height of a 
 fpring-tide in a calm, and be able to cut 
 their banks to give the fea entrance into their 
 country, and hazard their deftru61ion. 
 
 But fpeaking of galleys and Lisbon in the 
 eighth article, I will fay fomething that 
 had been more proper to have been infcrted 
 in the firft book, where the taking of the 
 carrack is treated of ; becaufe one of my 
 fcopes, in that book, is to fhew the errors 
 committed in the warlike fea-aftions be- 
 twixt England and Spain. 
 
 In the defcribing the manner of that fight, 
 you fliall find, that the eleven galleys were 
 placed under the neck of a rock, as we fliould 
 enter into the road; and that at my com- 
 ing to an anchor, I routed and forced them 
 to fly under the caftle of Zeximbra, where 
 they drew themfelves into a body, as they 
 had done before ; but yet they found my 
 ordnance of the fame nature as when they 
 were under the rock, for when I hit one 
 of them, my fliot pafTed through moft 
 part of the reft, with fo great hurt to them, 
 that, in conclufion, difgracefully they quir- 
 ted the road, and efcaped to fea, two ex- 
 cepted, which we took and burnt. 
 
 But if thefe galleys had, when they 
 quitted the neck of the rock, as I have 
 faid, retired, whither they did, under the 
 proteftion both of the caftle and carrack, 
 and inftead of linking themfelves, as it were, 
 together, had divided themfelves one 
 hundred paces from one another, and 
 
 play'd
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sif William MonfonV Na-vdl Trdfh, 
 
 playM upon us with their prows, each of 
 which carried five guns, tiiey liad been a 
 narrow marlv for us to hit; and what hurt 
 we could then do them, was only to her we 
 light upon-, whereas in the courle they took, 
 hitting upon one, we pafs'd through them all. 
 And moreover, where they retired, they 
 brought thcmfelvcs into flioal-water •, fo 
 that our (liips could not come at them-, and 
 if they had not quitted the road, they would 
 have cut ofl'all treaty betwixt our boats and 
 the carrack, and given relief to the carrack 
 from the fliore, that it had been impoflible 
 for us to have taken her. The Spaniards 
 may allow of this overfight, as one of the 
 greateft they committed during the war. 
 
 Other ufes galleys might be put to. 
 
 Galleys may attend his majefly's navy at 
 all times when they go to fea, from Cbat- 
 kim till they bring them clear of the Hinds; 
 and if ic happen any of the fliips fliould un- 
 luckily come a-ground, by the force of gal- 
 leys Ihe may be inftantly haul'd off again, 
 without hurt to the fhip; and in this cafe 
 a galley might have been the prefervation 
 of his majcfty's fhip the Prince Royal at 
 the time the queen of Bohemia went over, 
 who ftruck upon a fand at the Ncfs^ and 
 put her into great peril, if it had not been 
 for prefent help ot boats of other (liips of 
 the kings that rid there. 
 
 Galleys may pais the leas in a calm, when 
 fhips and barks cannot, and boats dare not 
 for fear of enemies; and fo prevent the fur- 
 prize of packets or intelligencies, as late- 
 ly we found, to the prejudice of merchants 
 affairs, and diffjonour to the king. 
 
 The galleys may at all times, both win- 
 ter and lummer, carry provifions for his 
 niajefty's fhips from London to Chatham, 
 and eafe the charge of tranfportation ; as 
 alfo in fummer they may do the like to his 
 majeity's (hips at Port/mouth ; for barks of- 
 ten go in danger, and more efpecially if we 
 have wars with France, Holland, or Dunkirk. 
 
 "Thefittejl place in England for galleys. 
 
 Becaufe I have formerly named the IJle 
 of Wight by way of comparifon, I will fay 
 of that idand, that it is not only the beft 
 and fitteft place in England, but in Europe, 
 to entertain galleys, confidering the two 
 harbours within it, the one Newport, and 
 the other New-town ; befides three others 
 in the m.iin land oppofite to it, viz. Portf- 
 moiilh, Hamblc, and Hampton, where galleys 
 may ride and float without coming a-ground, 
 which no other harbour can do betwixt the 
 river of Thames and Porlfmou'.h. 
 
 For fuppofe the galleys coming betwixt 
 the Thames and the Ifle of Wight, are taken 
 .; N". 104. Vol. III. 
 
 with a ftorm at fouth, or being chufe.l by 
 an enemy, and forced to fcek an harbour 
 for fuccour; if they bring not the tide with 
 them they perifli, cither upon a IceHiorc, 
 or upon the purfuit of an enemy: and as I 
 have fliew'd, there is no jjlace to compare- 
 to thofe aforcfiiii for the receipt of galleys, 
 fo there is no place fo commodious tor the 
 labourers to refide in the winter time as 
 thofe; adding to them the caftle of Por- 
 cheflcr, two or three miles from Portfmoulh 
 by water, being a place lecure for the labourers 
 to abide in; room fufficient to entert.ii'i five 
 or fix hundred of them, wiih their manu- 
 factures, inllruments, and tools, that may 
 be fet up to get their livings withal. 
 
 A proportion of foldiers and fai lor s for five 
 galleys, and the charge to maintain them. 
 
 You cannot allow Icfs than fifteen foldiers 
 and an hundred labourers for each galley, 
 every labourer to have allow'd him 2 s. 6ct 
 per week, for his diet, two fuits of cloaths, 
 and a gown; one phyfician general, and 
 every galley its furgeon, with ten fiilors to 
 hand the lails ; the foldiers not to have any 
 allowance of pay but in viduals; for they 
 fliould befuch foldiers as have entertainment 
 for hurt and lame foldiers in the Ihircs. 
 
 How this money may be raifed, 
 
 A certificate from all the fhires in Eng- 
 land, what the contribution of the houfes of 
 correftion do amount unto by the year, and 
 to have it thus empl y'd in galleys; and 
 what (liall want thereof to maintain them, 
 to be liived out of vain and luperfluous gor- 
 mandizing, which is too nuu h ufed in ma- 
 ny fet tealfs, and more to the fliame than 
 commendation of our nation, efpecially in 
 the halls and companies of London; the 
 hah of which may very well be fpared and 
 eifiploy'd to this neceirary ufe; for people 
 may meet in a friendly converlation to main- 
 tain their cultoms, and to determine their 
 affairs, with half the expence they are 
 now at. 
 
 Thus will no man be put to any charge, 
 nor any feel the lols of it; for there is no 
 body invited to thefe feafls, of fo mean a 
 rank and condition, as to value the gift of 
 five or fix meals, more or Icfs, in a year. 
 
 Another means to raife money towards 
 this good work, is, out of hofpitals, now 
 become a marvellous abufe; and that efpe- 
 cially erefted by Sutton in the Cbarter-Honfe; 
 for no man is now admitted into it, but 
 fuch as can buy it for money ; and haviiig 
 money, there is no exception to his quality, 
 whether young or old. 
 
 Neither is this hofpltal alone, but all 
 
 others in the kingdom, which I refer to the 
 
 4 P cxanii- 
 
 Mo s sou.
 
 33 + 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traces. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN.e?ainination and reformation of thofe that 
 ^^V^"- fhall be appointed to overlook them. 
 
 I verily believe, if the founders gifts of 
 thofe hof()itals were now to be beitowed, 
 and galleys, upn the rcafons atorefaid, to 
 be ereftcd, they would, or fuch hcreattcr 
 will, convert the charitable bencvolericies 
 to the life of galleys, rather than to hofpi- 
 tals, fince they live to fee the abiifcs of 
 fuch houfcs. 
 
 For what they fliall give to maintain 
 galleys, it would prove a flrength to the 
 kingdom, a means to five the lives of many 
 men that othcrwife fliould die by the gal- 
 lows; a remedy againft enormities, thetts, 
 and idlenefs of people; a caufe to make 
 iafe and peaceable travelling by land and 
 fea, and a courfe to relieve more poor peo- 
 ple, five to one, than the hofpitals do. 
 
 There are many other ways, too tedious 
 to fet down, how to upliold this work, that 
 fhall no way prejudice either king or com- 
 monwealth ; which I refer to after-times to 
 confider of, when it is on foot by certain 
 commilFioners that muft be appointed for 
 that purpofe. 
 
 The ceremony of wearing the flag, and the 
 life that is, and may be made of it. 
 
 I Have formerly fhewed, when I treated 
 of the office of the vice-admiral, how 
 every admiral, and admiral of a fquadron, 
 was to carry their flags, and each ihip un- 
 der them in their fquadron: now it remains 
 for me to fpeak more particularly of the 
 iiag, and the ufe and cuflom of it at lea ; for 
 it is the ftandard, under which all the fleet 
 marches, as foldiers do under their enfign 
 by land. 
 
 England, as I have declared, truly chal- 
 lenges the prerogative of wearing the flag, 
 as the fole commander of our fea, and fo 
 has held it, without contradiction, timeout 
 of mind. 
 
 Th.e privileges arc thefe. That if a fleet 
 of any country fliall pafs upon his m.yefty's 
 feas, and meet the admiral's fhip ferving 
 on thofe feas, they are to acknowledge a 
 fovereignty to his majefty by coming under 
 the lee of the admiral, by ftriking their top- 
 fails, and taking in their flag; and this 
 hath never been queftion'd, out of flubborn- 
 nefs, refilling the king's authority ; but ra- 
 ther out of want of knowledge and ignorance, 
 as appeared in the cafe of king Philip II. 
 when he met the lord admiral of England, 
 when he came to marry queen Mary. 
 
 But though this privilege be granted to 
 his majefty, and his deputy upon the feas, 
 yet every fhip of the king's, that ferves un- 
 der an admiral, cannot require it, if he be 
 out of fight of tlie admiral ; but the other 
 ftranger, be he admiral or no, is to ftnke 
 
 his top-fiil and hoift it again, to any one 
 fliip of the king's that fliall mcei him. 
 
 Or if any fuch fliip or fleet belonging to 
 any other prince, fliall arrive in any port 
 of his majefty 's, or pafs by any fort or caflle 
 of his, in tiieir entrance, and before they 
 come to an anchor, they muft take in their 
 flag three times, and advance it again, un- 
 lei's the admiral's fliip be in the fame har- 
 bour, and then they are not to difplay it, 
 but to keep it in fo long as they fliall remain 
 in the prefcnce of the admiral. But if any 
 other fliip of his niajefty's be there but the 
 admiral, they are not bound to keep in 
 their flag, but only to ftrike it thrice, as 
 aforefaid. 
 
 This cafe bred a great qucftion in i6i^, 
 when the earl of Gundamar came ambafla- 
 dor into England, being accompanied by 
 two galleons of the queen of Spain's, who 
 arrived at Portfmouth, and as he pafied by 
 Stokes- Bay, there rid a fliip of the king's, 
 that was neither admiral ot the narrow feas, 
 nor had etnployment under his commif- 
 fion. 
 
 This fhip required the two Spaniards to 
 take in their flag, as a duty due to his ma- 
 jefty's prerogative on the feas, which they 
 refufed to do, only they ftruck their top- 
 fails, till they were compelled to it. 
 
 This aifl was complained of to my lord 
 admiral by the ambalFador, who found 
 himfelf and his mafter injured by it. It 
 pleafed my lord admiral to confer with me 
 about it ; and out of his long and ancient 
 experience concluded. That they were not 
 bound to ftrike their top-laii, as they were 
 required, unlefs the king's fhip had been ad- 
 miral of the narrow feas: and this I fet 
 down from the long experienced admiral 
 the carl of Nottingham. 
 
 But I am not lavifli in fpeaking of it, 
 whenfoever I hear an argument upon this 
 fubjeft of the narrow feas difputed; becaufe 
 in thefe latter times, both the French and 
 Hollanders (eek to ufurp on his majefty's 
 right; I will therefore wifh, that his ma- 
 jefty's fliips would take more authority up- 
 on them than is due, becaufe I would have 
 their infolence curbed. 
 
 If any merchant's fliip fliall negleft to do 
 their duty, as aforefaid, either to fhip or 
 pinnace of his majefty's, that fliip or pin- 
 nace is to fire at her, and to bring her to 
 acknowledgment of her error by force ; 
 which being done, the fhip thus ofl^end- 
 ing to pay double the value of powder 
 and fhot ipent againft her by the king's 
 fliip. 
 
 If any fhip of the king's fliall pafs by any 
 fort or caftle on the fliore, out cJf ancient 
 and foolifli cuftom, they have uftd the fame 
 reverence that merchants and ftrangers ufe 
 to do, (ave only ftriking their flag, which 
 
 is
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'vd TniSfs. 
 
 335 
 
 is a thing improper, and indeed moft ridi- 
 culous for one of the king's fliips to ftrike 
 to liis cafi;lc, botii of them being his own ; 
 and it is as much as for a man to put off his 
 hat to himfelf 
 
 And bcfides, it may happen at fuch a 
 time, tide, and place, as the Itriking a top- 
 fail may endanger a fhip upon a rock, flielve, 
 or land ; and therefore neceflliry to take a- 
 way this ceremony, that has neither ground 
 nor reafon in it. 
 
 All admirals in the king's fervice, were 
 wont to carry anciently the S(. George's flag 
 in the head of the topmaft -, but fince king 
 Jama's coming to poffcfs this crown, he 
 has added to it the crofs of St. Andre^v, as 
 due to Scotland, which though it be more ho- 
 nour to both the kingdoms to be thus link'd 
 and united together, yet in the view of the 
 Ipeftators, it makes not fo fair a fhew as the 
 crofs of St. George only, if it would pleafe 
 his majefty to confider it. 
 
 Befides thole croflts of E?7gIanJ And Scot- 
 land, carry'd as aforelaid, the crofs of the 
 arms of England is peculiar to the lord high 
 admiral of England, who is, and no other, 
 bound to bear it when he goes to fea, which 
 flag, in truth, carries a princely fhew when 
 it is difplay'd. 
 
 As the lord admiral of Ejigland has the 
 only privilege to wear the flandard of Eng- 
 land in the main-top, lb has he likewife 
 power to permit and fuffer another man "to 
 wear the bare £'?f/{/7j flag in the main-top 
 in his prefence •, which cafe lam able to in- 
 ftance -, and, befides this that followeth, 
 there are few precedents, as I conceive. 
 
 In the year 1596, and the Eajler before 
 the taking of Cadiz in Spain, Calais in Pi- 
 cardy was beleaguered and taken by the 
 archduke Albert, and his Spaniflo forces, 
 which made the queen weigh how much it 
 concern'd her, not to permit the neighbour- 
 hood of the Spaniard, her then enemies, io 
 near her : hereupon with a'l celerity fhe 
 railed land forces, to give fuccour to Ca- 
 lais, and appointed the earl of Effex com- 
 mander of them. No nobleman or gentle- 
 man of fpirit, but voluntarily put himfelf 
 isto the aftion, as, namely, the earl of 
 Southampton, the lord Borowe, the lord 
 Montjoy, the lord Riche, the lord Compton, 
 the lord Burke of Ireland, Don Chriftopher, 
 fon to the pretended king of Portugal, with 
 divers other, who were on board me in the 
 Rainbow, at fuppcr, and our fore-liiil cut to 
 Hand over, even as news was brought of the 
 taking of Calais. 
 
 The lord admiral who was never back- 
 ward to do his prince and country fervice, 
 haften'd down to Dover to fecure the feas, 
 and imbarked himfelf in the Vanguard, as 
 my lord of EjJ^x had done in the Rainbow 
 
 with me. Whereupon I took in my flag, Monsos. 
 and acknowledged my duty to my lord ad- -''V^** 
 mirai, notwiihltanding the greatnefsof the 
 perfons on board ine -, which my lord ad- 
 miral perceiving, commanded me, though 
 niy lord of Ejje.-< fliould oppolc it, to wear 
 the flag with him equal in the top, as long 
 as we were in company together, which I 
 di<l, though at firit it was refifted by my 
 lord of E[fex. 
 
 And though the journey to Cadiz fuo- 
 ceedcd immediately after this, and my loid 
 of Ejj'ex had the privilege to wear the Eng- 
 liflo flag in the m.iin-top, in company ol my 
 lord admiral, who went likewife in chat ex- 
 pedition, yet the time and cafe muft be 
 confidered ; for they had both equal autho- 
 rity by land and lea, under the great leal 
 of England, which made their command 
 alike. 
 
 In the year 1588. when the Spaniards 
 appeared on the EngliJ]} coaft v,iih their 
 fleet, a galleon of theirs being difl:refl"ed, 
 arrived in che port of Havre de Grace in 
 Normandy, which being known in England, 
 three fhips ol the queen's, and one pinnace 
 were fent to furprife her in harbour, as I 
 have (hewed before, mvfelf being in that 
 fleet. 
 
 Mr. Knevet, a gentleman of the queen's 
 privy-chamber, was fent to fea ac that time, 
 with cercain merchants fliips, to flrcngihen 
 my lord admiral's fleet, fearing the Spa- 
 niards would return ag.iin from the north- 
 ward, whither they were gone. This fleet 
 of merchants, znd'Mr.Knevet, was to join 
 with four fliips of the queen's of which he 
 was appointed admiral, though it was a 
 merchant fhip in which he ferv'd. 
 
 And that power may che king of England 
 grant to any fubjedl of his, notwithflanding 
 his former patent to my lord admiral ot 
 England; and yet I am of opinion, that 
 within the compafs of che narrow feas, if 
 any fuch admiral (hall be appointed by the 
 king, and meet the admiral's Ihips ferving 
 on the narrow feas, who is deputy to the 
 great lord admiral, chat fuch Oiip there 
 ferving, the other is to take in his flag in 
 his prefence, who doth wear it as fubltiturc 
 to the lord admiral, within the jurifdiiftion 
 of the narrow feas, he having a lormer grant, 
 and fupreme authority before the other's im- 
 ployment. 
 
 How far the narrow feas extend, is much 
 controverted betwixt the French and us, 
 they challenging, rather by words than 
 right or precedent, h.ilf the feas betwixt 
 England and France, as fome of Flanders 
 do by the l;^me reafon ; but I could never 
 hear that ever they contefl:ed with us about 
 it. England's claim to the narrow feas needs 
 no other repetition than I have formerly re- 
 lated
 
 ?}« 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Trdcfs. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoN-soN. lated, {viz) a confeiic of all nations, an evcN 
 ^-^"^T^ lulling pollefiion, and an invincible power 
 to maintain it. 
 
 'I'hougli to fpeak truly, in my opinion, 
 if from headland to headland be mcallired 
 in France with a line, what fe;is, or radicr 
 bays, fh.iU iall wlihin that line, or within 
 them capes, do properly belong to I/tince, 
 and may be term'd the Kind's Chamber, it 
 lb be we had no title to France oiirlllves ; 
 but if you will fee what fhare of the fea 
 may belong to them by this mealiire, it 
 would not be worth contefting for, as may 
 appear by the following : 
 
 Beginning at Calais clifts, with a direft 
 line from lea- head to fea-head to the Hague, 
 and from the Hague to UJJoant ; but this 
 lall we will not acknowledge, though there 
 were right in the other •, for in that bound 
 lie the illands of JcvyiT, an antient patrimo- 
 ny of England, and poflefled by us near 
 four hundred years ; and what title foever 
 France can invent to themfelves for that cir- 
 ' cuit of the fea, the fame we may plead by 
 Jerfey, that fronts upon the continents of 
 France and it. 
 
 A general that fliall be invited to ban- 
 quet on board another Ihip, or otherwife 
 come on board any other fliip, how fmall 
 ibever flie be, that fliip fhall carry the flag 
 of the admiral, and be fo reputed, fo long 
 as he fhall remain on board her -, and the 
 flag born in his own fhip to be taken in 
 till his return -, for it is the man, and not 
 the fhip that has the authority of an admi- 
 ral from a prince. 
 
 The fhewing or taking in the flag in the 
 admiral's fhip, being well confidered and 
 refolv'd of before-hand, is able to dired a 
 fleet in many cafes, as fully as though he 
 had given his inftruiitions by writing. 
 
 The flag carried under the poop of a fViip 
 fhews a difgrace, and never ufed but when 
 it is won or taken from an enemy. 
 
 Many times fliips wearing contrary flags, 
 and efpecially the colour of an enemy, it 
 hath wrought many elfefts to the advantage 
 or him that carries it, or may do again, as 
 occafion offers. 
 
 When an admiral is in harbour or road 
 with the refl of his fleet, at the taking in 
 of the flag in the evening, and fhooting ofi^ 
 a piece of ordnance, he fets his watch, which 
 his fleet muft take notice of, and accord- 
 ingly fct their watch. The like is to be 
 done at the difcharge of the watch in the 
 morning ; as alfo when he fhall weigh an- 
 chor, and fet fail. 
 
 The flag in the top half furl'd up, and fo 
 worn, lome are of opinion, is as great an 
 acknowledgment, as though it was abib- 
 lutely taken in -, but neither that ceremony, 
 or the taking in the flag, and advancing it will 
 thrice, gave me liitisfaction when I fcrved 
 I 
 
 on the narrow feas •, but I compelled the 
 Hollanders to take in their flag abfolutely ; 
 which was the beginning of their malice to- 
 wartis me. 
 
 Many times an admiral will take in his 
 own flag, and fiiffer a linaller fhip to wear 
 it as admiral, to deceive his enemy, till he 
 hath brought him into his clutches. 
 
 In Ibme cafes an admiral will fuffer ma- 
 ny fhips to wear their flag as admirals, and 
 feeming to be of divers nations by their co- 
 lours, becaufe they fhall not be flilpeftcd to 
 be a fleet of war, till he has an opportvi- 
 nity to charge them, and then to take upon 
 him his right fhape. 
 
 Laws enabled for the puni'Fmcnt of offenders 
 at fea, in the days of king Richard I. in 
 his expedition to the holy Land. 
 
 IT fhall now appear, that the war by 
 fea is no new pradfifed thing by this 
 nation, as I have fliewed in the days of - 
 Edivard III. when there were armed out of 
 England a thouland warlike vefTels, a num- 
 ber tar exceeding us in this age ; and yet 
 not equal to us, if we confidtr what art, 
 experience, and fkill hath taught us in f.a- 
 aftairs fince then, that the invention of artil- 
 lery, fliot, and powder has been in ufe •, for 
 by all likelihood and reafon, the condition 
 of fhips then and now, is much differ- 
 ing ; and befides, fince the days of FJ- 
 i^ard III. new worlds have been difcover'd, 
 able to equal more than the reft known be- 
 fore, which difcoveries have caufed greater 
 trafhck, and by confequence the incrcafe of 
 more fliips than in thole antient times: and 
 for the furtherance and eafe of navigation, 
 to perform their voyages with greater cele- 
 rity, the fecret of the bowling hath been 
 found out. I am therefore of opinion, if the 
 goodnefs of their fliips had equalled their 
 numbers. Tome future fign or other would 
 have appear'd for our fitisfaftion. 
 
 Which makes me believe, that mofl: of 
 their fhips were made ot ofiers, or other 
 kind ot light fubflance, and covered with 
 hides for defence and fafeguard of the fea : 
 but vve may fay. That a fhip fo built, now 
 in this age, cannot be made to brook the 
 waves of the fea, the winds and weather be- 
 ing fb outragious ■, therefore in all likeli- 
 hood the difference of times has made the 
 difference of weather ; for the weather is like 
 the world, and people dwelling in ir, that 
 as they grow old, they have the Icfs vigour 
 and ftrength, and confequenly will be worfe 
 and weaker by the continuance of it, and 
 will by little and litde decline, as no doubt, 
 it has done fince the days of Edward III. 
 For there is no old man now living, but 
 will confefs, the temper and calmnefs of 
 the weather in the time of his youth d.d 
 
 far
 
 Book III 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naijal trails. 
 
 W 
 
 far exceed this of our elder years ; and the 
 like will his fon do after him, when he 
 comes to the ftate of an old man -, and ft ill 
 follow one another as long as the world con- 
 tinues. 
 
 Mariners have an obfervation. That the 
 three years before, and three years after the 
 prime, which happens every nineteenth year, 
 the weather proves more boifterous and 
 ftormy than the reft of the time, and every 
 nineteen years worfe than the other : then 
 what would a ftiip do, if flie were built af- 
 ter the manner of veftels four hundred years 
 ago, and fent out into the main fea ? 
 
 But leaving this argument to men of bet- 
 ter capacity and learning than myfelf, I will 
 prove the antiquity ot lea adlions, underta- 
 ken by our nation, and the kings thereof, 
 long before the enterpr'ze of Edward III. 
 formerly fpoken of: and I will begin with 
 Julius Agricola under the Romans govern- 
 ment, that firft failed about England and 
 Scotland^ and the firft that difcovered the 
 iflands of Orkney, which he fubdued. 
 
 The fccond was the great aftion of king 
 Edgar the Saxon, and king of this land, who 
 with eight hundred fail of fliips, failed 
 round England and Scotland, not once, but 
 often. 
 
 And the third I am to take notice of, is 
 Richard I. and his glorious expedition to 
 the holy land, againlt the heathen Saracens, 
 in which expedition he eftabliflied the fol- 
 lowing laws, which in fome points have con- 
 tinued to this day, but not with that rigour 
 and fevcrity, as in times paft. 
 
 Laws ejtabliped by king Richard I. 
 
 I. Whofoever iTiall kill any man a fliip- 
 board, Ihall be bound to the back of 
 the party kill'd and thrown into the fea 
 with him. 
 
 II. If one fhould be kill'd on land, the par- 
 ty fliould be bound in like manner, and 
 bury'd alive with him kill'd. 
 
 III. Whofoever fliall draw any knife or 
 weapon, with an intent to draw blood, or 
 by other means fliall draw blood, fhall 
 lofe his hand. 
 
 IV. Whofoever fliall ftrike one, without 
 drawing blood, with his hand or other- 
 wile, Ihall be ducked three times at the 
 yard-arm. 
 
 V. Whofoever reviles or curfes another, for 
 fb often as he has reviled, fliall pay fo 
 many ounces of filver. 
 
 VI. Whofoever fteals fliall have his head 
 fliorn, and boil'd pitch pour'd on it, and 
 feathers ftrew'd upon the fame, whereby 
 he may be known •, and at the firft land- 
 ing place where he fhall come, there to 
 be tow'd afliore. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Admirals at fea have the flime authority Movso.f. 
 as generals have by land, and of as great '•'"V"^ 
 antiquity : feme arc of opinion, that ad- 
 mirals were inftitutcd in Greece by Corftan- 
 tine the Great ; though modern rimes fay, 
 they were ereftcii fiift in France, oihers in 
 Spain, and in the year 1^.46. in the reign 
 of Don Ferdinand III. But let otlu-r coun- 
 tries pretend what they lift for thcmfelves, 
 our records and commiftions do prove a 
 more antient right than ihofc of latter 
 times. 
 
 Upon what bccafion Jhips Jhould falute cables s 
 or one another at fea -JDiih their ordnance \ 
 and how the abufe thereof may be taken 
 
 azvay. 
 
 I AM forry I have the occafion to com- 
 plain of the lavifh and wafteful expence 
 ot powder, in faluting fhips under a friend- 
 ly pretence of meeting at fea, more prac- 
 tifed of late by our nation, than by any 0- 
 ther, though no people or country have 
 more caufe to prohibit it than we, when 
 we remember our opponuniiy loft againft 
 the invincible Armada of Spain, as they 
 termed themfelves, in 1588. and only 
 through the want of powder, as is well 
 known. And yet I mull lay in the praile 
 of thofe of the queen's time, that the wane 
 of powder proceeded not out of a wafteful 
 and idle confuming of it, before there were 
 caufe to ufe it ; for neither then, nor in 
 all the reign of queen Elizabeth, there, was 
 fpent in a lavilh kind the teiuh part of that 
 which is now a-days : 1 may impute it to 
 many caufes, as namely, our wars then that 
 made our commanders more provident; but 
 principally I muft commend the moderate 
 drinking of that time, which I could wifh 
 a reformation of now amongft us ; and that 
 we may return to our old faihion, how 
 odious foever it be to this new-fafhioned 
 time. 
 
 What I fhall fay, is not to make a com- 
 parifon of times, or to tax our late abtiles in 
 that kind : I only advife, and ground my 
 opinion upon rcaibn, how things of this 
 nature may be carried, which I refer to con- 
 fideration -, and defire, that if it be appro- 
 ved, every captain may be tietl to obfcrve 
 it as a law eftablifhed, and a penalty to the 
 breakers of it : and the firft thing I will 
 handle, fhall be the ialutations of c.iftles to 
 lliips, and the compliments of fhips to caftlcs. 
 
 A caftle and the governor of it, is in the 
 nature of a gentleman that will entertain his 
 friend at his houfe, and give him a hearty 
 welcome -, antl becaufe a caftle cannot per- 
 form it in words, he makes his ordnance 
 Ipeak it for him, with luch a number of 
 pieces as he thinks fit ; after which propor- 
 4 Q tion
 
 338 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^d Tracts. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 iMo> 
 
 . tion, an admiial is to anfwer by way of 
 ' thanks, but to exceed the number of the 
 caftlc's falutation, becaufe an admiral's (hip 
 Gommonly carries three times more pieces 
 than a caftle has. This is to be referred to 
 the vill of the commander on either fide. 
 
 If an admiral be accompanied by his vice- 
 admiral, rear-admiral, and the reft of his 
 ficct, there needs no other falutation from 
 the caftlc i for the lord admiral's welcome 
 includes all the reft of his friends and fleet ; 
 but. notwirhftanding, a vice-admiral muft 
 falute a caftle with two pieces lefs than the 
 admiral, and the rear-admiral with two lefs 
 than he ; and this is as much to honour the 
 admiral as the caftle ■, but it muft be con- 
 fidci'd, that thefe three only that carry the 
 flags of command, and rule over the fqua- 
 drons, and no other ftiip, is to (hoot, un- 
 lefs it is by direftions of the admiral ; for 
 their (hooting will be taken as too great a 
 familiarity with him. 
 
 When an ad.miral fhall depart from un- 
 der the command of a caftle, in fign of his 
 loving acceptance for his entertainment, both 
 he and his two other flags are to give the 
 fame falutation that the caftle gave him at 
 his entrance, and with the fime number of 
 ordnance and form, as aforefaid. 
 
 If a fleet pafs within fight of a caftle, and 
 not within command of his ordnance to 
 reach him, the caftle is not bound to filute, 
 only to afford a welcome, and a vifit by a 
 gentleman of quality. 
 
 If a governor fail to perform any compli- 
 ment that is meet, he muft amend it upon 
 the admiral's landing, making his ordnance 
 roar aloud his welcome •, but the fhip is not 
 to anfwer, becaufe it is done to the perfon 
 of the admiral, who is bound to requite 
 the fame upon the governor's viliting him 
 on board his (hip, and at his departure from 
 thence. 
 
 The fainting of fhips by one another 
 at fea, is both ancient and decent, though in 
 this latter time much abufed •, for whereas 
 three, five, or feven pieces have been the 
 ordinary ufe for a (liip to falute an admiral 
 and never to exceed that proportion, and an 
 admiral not to anfwer with above one or 
 three, now they ftrive to exceed that num- 
 ber, thinking that many pieces add honour 
 to the falutation : but the owners of mer- 
 chant (hips would be gladder it might be done 
 with lefs coft, and more courtefy in another 
 kind. But though the admiral cannot re- 
 ftrain this compliment in the fhip that ia- 
 iutes, yet he may command his gunner not 
 to return above one or three pieces accord- 
 ing to the old manner. 
 
 And tor fuch fliips as are of his own fleet, 
 he may prohibit the iiiluting of one another, 
 but upon the occafions following, (viz.) In 
 bringing good and fortunate news againft an 
 
 enemy, after an efcape of a defperate danger, 
 and then not to exceed three or five, and 
 to be anfwered at the difcretion of the adr- 
 miral. 
 
 The excefTive banqueting on board is a 
 great confuming of powder-, for as men's 
 brains are heated with wine, fo they heat 
 their ordnance with oftentation, and profef- 
 fed kindnefs at that inftanr, and many times 
 not without danger : and therefore, to take 
 away the caufe, a captain fliould have di- 
 rections from under the hand of a general to 
 forbid fliooting ; which would be a good ex- 
 cufe, and give his guefts fatisfa6]"ion, unlcfs 
 it be done in the manner following, as I 
 have devifed. 
 
 The vain drinking of healths is another 
 means to wafte powder, which a general 
 muft likew ife forbid, except it be the health 
 of a free prince, or men of that rank and 
 condition ; and then not to exceed one piece 
 when the health fliall be begun : the king's 
 the queen's, or thcs ifl^ues, is exempted from 
 this ftriftncfs. 
 
 Upon foine occafion an admiral may 
 command his whole fleet to fire their guns, 
 as namely when a foreign prince, gover- 
 nors of countries, ambafiiidors of great po- 
 tentates, and men of great blood and quali- 
 ty, (liall be either tranfported, or make a 
 vifit on board the admiral, to behold the 
 ftatelinefs of his fleer, it were neceflary they 
 were as well refolved of their force, as the 
 report they would make of their welcome ; 
 and in that cafe every fhip of the fleet is to 
 fhoot their whole number of pieces diftindl- 
 ly and orderly, (as thus) : An admiral and 
 his fquadron firft to begin, the vice-admi- 
 ral to follow his example, and ib the rear- 
 admiral to do the like ; but with this cau- 
 tion. That no Imall (hip or pinnace do 
 mingle themfelves with great fliips, but to 
 fccond one another according to their ranks 
 and greatnefs. 
 
 To come nov/ to my propofition how 
 things fhould be carried, it is thus ; That 
 upon drinking of healths, or leaves taken 
 on board fliips, inftead of the exceflive 
 charge of burning powder out of great ord- 
 nance, it may be done with muflcets ; for 
 a man's welcome confifts not fo much in the 
 diflerence betwixt a cannon and a lefTer 
 piece, but in the loving heart of him that 
 invites : both the one and the other are con- 
 fumed in tlie twinkling of an eye ; and the 
 report of a falconer, when there is no greater 
 piece, is all one to the hearer, as if it were 
 a cannon or falcon. 
 
 Therefore to accommodate this diffe- 
 rence, and to bring it to a certain cuftom 
 in the king's fliips hereafter, I wifti, that 
 inftead of the chargeable wafting of powder 
 that is now in uie, by fliooting of great 
 ordnance, to have a number of iViUfketicrs 
 
 placed
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonronV Na^val Trads. 
 
 339 
 
 placed, and decently armed and appaiell'd, 
 Ibldier-like, upon the upper deck, that 
 when there fliall be occafion to drink healths, 
 or to take their leaves at departure, they 
 fire their mulkets at a mark, matle like the 
 fhape of a man put into a barrel off at 
 Jea, within point-blank, where the ioldiers 
 iliall take their aim duly : this will be an 
 aft of more pleafure and delight to the be- 
 holders than the other, where nothing is ex- 
 pected but the falling of a bullet, having 
 no objecl: to Ihoot at -, the eye, the ear, 
 and fenfe, are all in adion, and imploycd 
 together, and many other benefits arife by 
 it ; for the foldier will, by this practice, be 
 made a perfect fliotfman againfl; he fhall 
 encounter his enemy ; and with lb fmall 
 a coll and charge, that a cartrage of a can- 
 non will entertain perfons of good rank, 
 and give them as great fatistaclion with 
 them few mullcets, as the number of can- 
 nons will do ■, for the ear is only plcafed 
 with the report a cannon makes, which 
 lads no longer than a flalh of powder : no 
 gunner is made more perfedl in his art, 
 for he flioots at random in the air, with- 
 out level. 
 
 The corrupt abufes tifed in his majefty's fcr- 
 vice by fea, and the means how to reform 
 them. 
 
 THE difference of times has made fo 
 great a difference in our fea actions, 
 betwbct the days of queen Elizabeth and 
 thofe of this time, that I, who have been 
 an actor in bodi, have caufe not only to 
 marvel, but to lament, to fee abufes thus 
 corruptly crept in : the particulars of fome 
 I will handle, and withal give inftruflions 
 how to amend the errors committed in our 
 fcrvices at fea, v/hich will now much con- 
 cern us, becaufe our bordering neighbours, 
 the French and Hollanders, daily increafe in 
 fhipping, as we daily fee by proof 
 
 I will begin with the prime officer, who 
 is the light and guide of the reft, viz. the 
 lord high admiral of England, who is the 
 main tree, and all other inferior officers are 
 but branches that fpread out of him ; and 
 where inferior offices are executed by many 
 commifTioners, and thofe not of greatefl 
 experience, and every one has his vote, 
 fometimes they are carried by perfuafion of 
 friends, or wrought upon by fervants, but 
 commonly corruption has the upper hand, 
 by money to prefer men without merit •, 
 for I am informed, that no place is freely 
 difpofed of without the grofs feeing of 
 fome, not otherwife approving their iuffi- 
 ciencies. 
 
 The moft inferior officer of the ordina- 
 ry in harbour is the cook, whofe experience, 
 whofe long continuance in his majefty's 
 
 lervicc, or tcftimony of his fufficicncy un- MoNio.v. 
 der the hands of the ableft officen;, cannot ^-''V'' 
 advance him to the place of a cook, if pray- 
 ers of angels do not prevail above the pray- 
 ers of men. 
 
 And though the meannefs of this place is 
 not to be rated with the reft of better de- 
 gree, yet it will ftrvc for an inltancc, to 
 Ihew how things are carried with bribery 
 and corruption, to the prejudice of the 
 king's fervicc ; for it is an old laying, He 
 that buys dear, tnuji fell dear, or fave him- 
 felf by deceit. 
 
 But this is not all, nor yet the worft, 
 that may cnfuc upon this bought place ; 
 for I find no man excepted from purchafing, 
 but every one muft ftretch up tor the price 
 demanded for it, which makes the poor 
 buyer confefs, it is the deareft bargain a 
 man can lay his money out on. 
 
 Here is a brave opportunity offered for 
 an enemy, or any other ill-dilpolld perfon, 
 to buy this place, who may be the dcllru- 
 <tion of the Ihip, and all other fliips chat 
 ride near her, by fetting the cook-room on 
 fire, and excufing it as an unlucky accident 
 or mifchance ; for to the cook is only com- 
 mitted the fire in the cook-room. 
 
 And becaufe I make this cook's office 
 the leading card to the reft, I heartily wifli 
 and pray, for the good of his majefty's 
 fervice, that the cook-feller and the cook- 
 buyer, yet though he were a cook by name, 
 may be all hanged together, for example, 
 fear, and terror of others. 
 
 The next abufe to this, is, the officers 
 of his majefty's navy, who of late years 
 have been gentlemen unexperienced ; and 
 the clerks, formerly belonging to the offi- 
 cers, that are well practifed how to pretend 
 profit for the king, and themfelvcs to reap 
 the benefit of it. Thefe clerks guide the 
 unexperienced gentlemen, who are often ig- 
 norant of their frauds, as will appear, if his 
 majefty pleafe to grant his commiffion to 
 examine abufes, and to fettle a form of go- 
 vernment in fea afiairs. 
 
 The firft abufe and corruption that en- 
 tered into this office, was in the time of the 
 late earl of Nottingham, lord high admiral 
 of England, by placing a follower of his 
 own, who, by the power he had with the 
 good old lord, became the fole manager 
 and director of things by fea, and made his 
 own will my lord's peremptory command, 
 and fo the officers of that time have con- 
 feffed to me ; and fince that party's quit- 
 ting his office, it were good to know how 
 other officers are come into their places, 
 and the value they gave for them ; for I 
 know there has been paid, and it is com- 
 monly rated at 1 500 /. for furh an office ; 
 when, if you deal fairly, it Icarcc affords 
 the intcrcft of 1 500 /. 
 
 Leaving
 
 34' 
 
 XJ 
 
 Sir William MonlbnV NiWal TrdCfs. 
 
 Book III 
 
 berland 
 was lord 
 aUmirdl. 
 
 AfoN'iON. L.e;iviiig thjfc abu'es, which will prove 
 
 ^''''V^ witliouc end, if examined by the commif- 
 
 lioncis aforcf.iid, I will now apply myfelf 
 
 to redrefs thefe incroaching dangers and 
 
 conupc dealings, and bring it to the (late 
 
 of Haivkiiis'i and Buncugbs's times, who 
 
 were perfect and honeft men in their places, 
 
 the one treafiirer, the other compiroller. 
 
 This was The way to fettle things, is to appoint 
 
 writ before an admiral, young, heroical, and of a great 
 
 Nor"t°hum ^^^°^ " '*'^ experience in fea affairs is not 
 
 "'" fo much to be required at firft, as his fin- 
 
 ccrity, honour, and wifdom ; for his daily 
 
 pradicc in his office, with conference of 
 
 able and experienced men, will quickly in- 
 
 flruft him. 
 
 The next reformation will confift in the 
 eledion of the four officers of his majefty's 
 navy formerly treated of. Whofoever fhall 
 execute thofe places, and not have pafTcd 
 the degrees of inferior officers, as boatfwain, 
 gunner, carpenter, tff. but are led moft 
 by the precedent or direftion of the covet- 
 ous and deceitful clerks aforefaid, his ma- 
 iefly fliall never be well ferved, but his 
 name ufed for a colour to their deceits, as 
 appears by an inflance I was aw eye-witnefs 
 to. 
 
 At my lord of Lindfey's return from the 
 weft country to the Doiois, there to rc- 
 viftual for two months, it was no fooncr 
 known to the officers of the navy, but 
 twelve of their fervants pofted thither to 
 take a mufter of our men, when a mufter- 
 mafter is allowed for that fervice. 
 
 I deiire to know what 
 by that needlefs imployment, and what e 
 \'ery one of thofe cleiks was allowed for his 
 pkafure in riding and waftefully banquet- 
 ting in that journey .'' This ftriftnefs is 
 without caufe -, for it is impoffible for a 
 captain deceitfully to carry a dead pay, 
 unlefs a purfer connive at it, which is un- 
 likely he would hazard his eftatc and repu- 
 tation for twenty fhillings -, and therefore 
 let the officers of the navy pretend what 
 they lift, I know they do his majefty a dif- 
 fervice in it -, for by this occafion, and the 
 badiiefs of viduals, it makes feamen back- 
 ward to ferve the king. 
 
 It is fuppofed the officers have fome de- 
 ceit in it for their own benefit, in taking a 
 time of advantage by men's abfence, that 
 they know had fed upon ftinking vifluais at 
 fea, and would be glad of fome refrefhing 
 affiore. Thefe, and other like ill ufages of 
 officers, make feamen difobey his maje- 
 fty's proclamation, and fly to the fervice 
 of other princes and ftates, or become pi- 
 rates, with hearts of revenge for the inju- 
 ries done them. 
 
 And to end this voyage, I will fay ibme- 
 thing to parallel this mufter. At my re- 
 turn from Portfnioiilh, in the company of 
 
 the king gained 
 
 captain Misfoii, who liad been treafurcr of 
 the late great warlike action of liis maje- 
 fty*s, it was our hap to meet with thirteen 
 clerks and officers of the navy, fome of 
 them ftuffed in hired coaches with four 
 horfes, the reft well-mounted on horfe- 
 back, all of them to pay but two lliips of 
 the king's, the James and the Reformation, 
 which, I think, will not amount to much 
 more than one ihcnifand [)0unds. I defire 
 there may be a query of their charge to his 
 majefty by this journey of theirs, and it 
 fliall appear what devices tlicy have to en- 
 rich themlelves and followers ; when captain 
 Mafon at that time told me, that in paying 
 his majefly's great armies, though part of 
 them were as far as CcrniJcaU^ yet he never 
 charged his majefty in all thofe fervices 
 with more than himfelf, his clerk, and one 
 other ordinary fervant. 
 
 As this was the end of that voyage, fo 
 I will not let pafs what happened in the 
 beginning of it, in the James I ferved in. 
 At the taking in of vidluals at 'Tilbury-hope^ 
 there appeared a certain proportion of beef 
 and pork, able, with its fcciii, to have 
 poifoned the whole company •, but by the 
 carefulnefsof thequarter-mafters it was found 
 unferviceable ; yet after it was refufed by 
 the iliid officers of the fliip, and lay upon 
 the hatches unftowed, fome of the officers 
 of the navy repaired aboard, and by their 
 authority and great anger, forced it to be 
 taken in for good vidluals ; which proved 
 as I have faid before. 
 
 My obfervation to this point is, that 
 though the officers of the navy have nothing 
 to do with the victualling parr, yet it is 
 likely there is a combination betwixt the 
 one and the other, like to a mayor of 
 a corporation, a baker, who for that year 
 will favour the brewer, that fhall the next 
 year do the like to his trade when he be- 
 comes mayor. 
 
 Here will I ceafe to make any further dif- 
 covery of the abufes, but refer it all to exa- 
 mination, and niyfelf Vv-ill turn phyfician, 
 and itudy how to cure the malignant dif- 
 eafes of corruption that have crept in and 
 infefted his majefty's whole navy, and his 
 imployments at fea, as well in the officers 
 that affuine abfolute autliority above the 
 reft, and who, I think, will be found moft 
 faulty, as in the viftualler, and purfer that 
 has relation to the viftualler. My third 
 obfervation is the ftate of the king's fliips, 
 their builr, and what is to be amended in 
 them. My fourth is, the foremaft men, 
 gunners, and all the company in general, 
 v.'ithout whom fliips cannot fail. And my 
 laft ffiall confift of the maftcrs and captains, 
 which I will make the voyage of 1635 f''^<^ 
 ground of my exceptions to them. 
 
 As
 
 Book IIL 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Tracts-, 
 
 As I have fpoken of my lord admiralj 
 by his authority to be the chief reiornier 
 atorefaid, fo in die lecond degree of refor- 
 mation, I wifli that fuch officers of the na- 
 vy were ciiokn as are perfect in tiicir oc- 
 cupation and breeding, and liave paffcd all 
 offices and degrees in fliips, antl namely, 
 out of the fraternity of the Trinity-Uoufc ; 
 for they are men that know well the pra- 
 dice of the fea, being brought up in it Irom 
 their infancies : They ferved their appren- 
 ticefhips in ihips, which no gentleman or 
 cleik hasd.ne ; by their painful labour they 
 have atiain'd to gond eitatcs \ they are of 
 that fufficient ability, as they have the ele- 
 (flion of the matters that ferve in the king's 
 fhips; their ambition will not extend higher 
 than to his nnijelliy's countenance, and to be 
 honoured vi\\.\\ the title of his lervants; in 
 their imploymcnts they will not ftrive to 
 exceed in olleiitation, or in numbers of 
 needlefs fervaiits ani.1 followers ; their diet 
 will be anfwerable to their accuftomed breed- 
 ings J they will not covet flatc in their lodg- 
 ings, nor iblcmn places in their confulta- 
 tions ; they will commend no man to office 
 whofe fufficiency they will not undertake 
 for ; no provifion or ftore can be brought 
 in, but they will be able to judge of the 
 goodnefs of it -, no boatfwain, gunner, or 
 other officer, can exceed in their demands, 
 but they can controul them -, or in their 
 return from their voy.iges bring in waflcful 
 expence, but they will be able to check 
 them, though it be to a yard of cable, 
 rope, or a pound of powder. This is the 
 way, and no other way, to prevent ftealth, 
 cozenage, and all deceits, which the clerks 
 cannot devife to do. Thus would the name 
 of corruption and abufes be converted into 
 merit and defert. If thefe men fhall offend 
 in the execution of their offices, they are 
 not people that can carry their deceits out 
 by h'iends, as not being bred that way 5 
 or if they fhall be found culpable or faulty, 
 their eflates are not fo mean, but will be 
 able to make reftitution for the damages 
 they do. 
 
 But to take away all occafion of deceit in 
 the inferior officers of the fliips, when they 
 are at fea, thefe officers of the navy may 
 appoint in every fhip an able man, who, 
 belides his labour, may have authority to 
 overlook the expence of the gunner, car- 
 penter, boatfwain, and the reft, and to ap- 
 prove it under his hand with theirs, and 
 with the teftiir.ony of the captain and mafter. 
 
 And becaufe thefe men may have the 
 better refped: above the common fort, and 
 profit withal :o make them the more care- 
 ful to perform the truft that is committed 
 to them, they may be entered f. r drum 
 and fife, v/hich will add fix fliillings a 
 i:ionth to their ordinary entertainment j ibr 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 the two places are to be well fparal, as un- 
 ncccflary in lea lervice. 
 
 The next officer or office I will handle 
 fhall be the vit'tualler, whofe negligence or 
 covctoulhcfs, lor one of the two it mull 
 be imputed unto, lias brought the king's 
 fervice to a great contempt, as all men 
 know, with grief and pity. 'I'his officer 
 ought to have a bitter and fevere ccnfure 
 if he fail of the goodnefs and quantity of 
 viftuals of his m.ijelly's allowance, and I 
 widi no lefs than death to be inflidcd oa 
 him ; for no fubjetls eltate is able to coun- 
 tervail the damage his majcfty may luftain 
 in I'uch defect, in his weighty expcditioas. 
 The combinations, the abufes, and the 
 pradice of this office, I reflr to future ex- 
 amination. 
 
 The viftuals at fea confifts of beer, bread, 
 flcfli, filh, butter, cheefe, issc and to be 
 botight of feveral perfons, according to 
 their profefTions and trades. I will there- 
 fore put them all in one number, and let 
 down a courfe how to reform them all to- 
 gether, viz. to bind every one in a parti- 
 cular bond, returnable into the Exchequer., 
 that the viduals they furnifli fhall be fuffi- 
 cient, wcU-conditioned, al)le to abide good 
 the length of the voyage, confifting of fo 
 many nionths -, and if there be found defedh 
 or fault of performance thereof, the bond 
 to be iinmediacely forfeited, unlefs by a day 
 appointed they put on board his majcfty's 
 ffups the quantity of fuch vicfluals as fliall be 
 defedlive ; by this means the king ihall be 
 well ferved, and the people well latisfy'd. 
 
 Moreover the vicUialler muft be injoin- 
 ed to put on board every fhip the whole 
 proportion of victuals to the quantity of 
 men ferving in her; tor in this there has 
 been great deceit : For whereas his majcfty 
 allows a large and fufficient rate for every 
 man's diet, the victualler and the purfer had 
 wont to contrad betwixt themfelves, that 
 the purfer fhall have the victualling of a 
 certain proportion of men, and to allow 
 the vidualler three half-pence or two-pence 
 per diem, out of that the king allows, and 
 juftly pays. 
 
 The gain of the purfer at fea far exceeds 
 all other officers, as will appear when tlrcir 
 buying their places ffiall be ex.\mined. Both 
 the buyer and feller of this office knows, 
 that the gain of it mull arile by deceiving, 
 the king and company ; which, befides that 
 it breeds a great inconveniency, for the 
 purfcr's unrealbnable griping the lailors of 
 their viifluals, and plucking it, as it were, 
 out of their bellies, it makes them become 
 weak, fick, and feeble, and then follows 
 an infecdon, and inability to do their la- 
 bour, or elfe uproars, niutiiiies, and dilbr- 
 ders enfue among the company, that a cap- 
 tain nuilt interpofe himltlt, his reputation, 
 4 K aftd 
 
 ?4t 
 
 MONION. 
 
 Thii waj 
 writbr- 
 /ott (he 
 vithaller 
 came into 
 his plac«.
 
 :)4- 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Naval Trads. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNso:<.and credit, to appeafe them; and all for 
 
 ^'''V**^ the corruption of the buyer and feller ot that 
 
 office ; bcfides it gives a great dilcontent 
 
 to people, and difcouragcs chem to do fcr- 
 
 vice in the whole voyage. 
 
 For reformation hereof, this place is not 
 corruptly to be bought with money, but 
 free election to be made of an honelt and 
 careful man, that will have no end but his 
 majcfty's profit, and his own credit ; he 
 miift neither contraft with the vidtuallcr, 
 nor take advantage of poor mens being 
 afhore, for him to fiive their allowance of 
 diet to enrich himfelf, but llich iurplus of 
 viduals as remains at the end of the voyage, 
 to fee it forth-coming, or to be accountable 
 for it to the king's officers. 
 
 And if it be found, after the voyage, that 
 this purfer has performed the trutt commit- 
 ted to his charge, then to reward him accord- 
 ing to his fervice as the lord admiral and 
 the officers of the navy Ihall think fit. This 
 confidered, will prove more beneficial and 
 more fafe to the purfer, than to buy his of- 
 fice at a dear rate, which he muft execute 
 with danger -, for his gain muft rife by co- 
 zenage, which being difcovered, a iieavy 
 punifliment will be infiifted on him. 
 
 This falfe benefit thus gotten by the of- 
 ficers conniving with one another, by this 
 reformation will turn to the king's profit : 
 But I defire it may be carried with more mo- 
 deration and pity to poor men ; for the com- 
 pany have always been the fufFerers, the 
 purfers making their advantage of the mens 
 being aflwre, by taking to themf dves their 
 allowance of vidluals in their abl'ence. 
 
 The fecond abufe that is offered the 
 company is in another kind, (as namely, in 
 their pay,) wherein his majefty is no lefs 
 abufed than the poor men ; for if at any 
 time they fall fick, and be put afhore, fuch 
 is the charity of people where they land, 
 that they fooner perifh than find pity, un- 
 lefs they bring money with them. 
 
 And feeing that his majefty does and 
 muft pay all thofe that ferve him, it will 
 be better for them, and more profit to the 
 king, to difcharge them at their firft arri- 
 val, tfjan to continue them longer unpaid ; 
 for whilft they lie fick afhore, and not dif- 
 charged, their vidluals and pay amounts 
 to thirty and odd fhillings a month, which 
 may be faved, if they are at firft dil- 
 charged. 
 
 In the voyage of 1635, fome of my men 
 fell fick in the Ja-mes, whom I caufed to be 
 put alhore, to avoid further infedion, and 
 commanded the purfer to make provifion 
 for their lodgings, and other neceffaries, to 
 be abated in their pay. If thcfe men had 
 been difcharged when they were landed, 
 the king had faved fo much as I have 
 exprelTed before, and the poor men had 
 • 2 
 
 been furnifhed with money to have dcfray'd 
 their expence, which they took upon truft. 
 
 I confefs this abule is ancient, which I 
 complained of to queen Elizabeth, who re- 
 drcftcd it, by lending an under- treafurer and 
 monies with me to fea in the laft voyage 
 ihe lived, and wherein I went admiral ; but 
 her prefent death following, cauled it to be 
 neglefted; but fit again to be revived, for 
 the good both of king and fubjeft. When 
 the purler of the James demanded his mo- 
 ney thus difburfcd, the officers of the navy 
 with great anger afked him, who made 
 him the queen's treafurer? VVhichisadirccft 
 proof they have a further end in it than the 
 king's good ; for J am told they have two 
 fliillings in the pound for the payment of 
 fuch monies as the poor failors go upon the 
 fcore. 
 
 1 will proceed, and fpeak fomewhat of the 
 king's ffiips, their manner of built, and 
 their defefts, which, in my opinion, ought 
 to be amendeti. I will make the James 
 my precedent, which is a beautiful fliip to 
 the eye, arid of mighty force to oflend •, 
 I found nothing amils in her hull, but in 
 her mafts, yards, and bolt-fprit, which 
 were too fliort, which made her fails too 
 narrow, and her fail the worfe. But thefe 
 are faults that may be eafily amended. 
 
 But in fome cafes of building fliips, or 
 rather, I may fiiy, of making experiment, 
 they have \th no help or hope of amend- 
 ment ; though I am informed there was a 
 warning given of the infufficiency of the 
 workman before he undertook her. 
 
 In my fpeaking of the difference in the 
 built of fhips, betwixt a ffufli-deck and 
 high-carved, I have laid fufficicntly before •, 
 only I advife, that in fliips with flufli-decks, 
 a flight fore-caflle may be built, and the up- 
 permoft part of the fliip be armed with 
 junks of cables, for the fiifeguard of men 
 againft fmall-fliot -, as alfo to make barri- 
 cadoes, and other material defences, to 
 place feveral towlers afore and abaft, to be 
 the death of fo many men as fhall enter. 
 There are many other devifed things to be 
 praclifed, which I refer to my fifth book, 
 wherein I treat of ftratagems. 
 
 Now I will fpeak of foremail-men, and 
 the abufe ufed in preffing them, by ex- 
 ample of this latl voyage in 1635. The 
 greateft part of thefe men confift of water- 
 men, never before at fea, and others of the 
 iiime lore altogether unferviceable ; and 
 herein are the officers of the navy to blame, 
 who to pleaflire friends, or for other ends of 
 their own, appoint taylors, porters, and 
 others of that rank, unworthy of the hatches 
 to lie on ; and yet every one of thefe men 
 ftands his majefty in i /. 11 s. & month, 
 when they will think much to pay an able 
 feaman that fliall be abfent at a mufter : So 
 
 great
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval T^rafts. 
 
 great a power has partiality with thele men, 
 that they prefer the unworthy before the 
 vvell-deferving, and are wilhng to pay i /. 
 1 1 J. a month to taylors, rather than 14J. 
 to a fiilor. 
 
 The fea towns in Eno/and :ire not far be- 
 hind thefc abufes in election of fuch men as 
 I have found in this voyage ; for that in 
 the northern prcfs, betwixt I'armotttb and 
 Nezi'cajUe, never a man appeared in the 
 James that ever had been at lea; infomuch 
 that if I had not procured a warrant for one 
 ot my mailer's mates to look out for good 
 men, never fhip had been vvorfe provided. 
 
 For reformation whereof, I would advife 
 at the next general prefs, that the charge be 
 committed to the mafters, or their mates, 
 that go in the voyage. They are to repair 
 to the towns and corporations on the coalls, 
 authorizing them, with the officers of the 
 iaid towns, to call all feafaring men there 
 dwelling before them, and the mailers to 
 examine their fufficiencies, and according 
 to their abilities to prefs them, and injoin 
 them to appear before the clerk of the check 
 at Chatham. 
 
 There is another great mifmanagement 
 in his majefty's ihips, which is iit to be 
 amended, in order hereafter to redrefs it: 
 by allowance of the king, the worft of thofe 
 loiterers I have fpoken of, have as good en- 
 tertainment as the ablell: failor, that is no 
 officer, and neither captain nor other com- 
 mander can reform it, becauie cuflom has 
 fo fettled it; for a reformation whereof, 
 I do advife, that by confent of captain, 
 mailer and gunner, every fuch man's pay 
 be proportion'd according to their llifficien- 
 cies, viz. to take it from one, and add it to 
 another; but no v*ay to charge the king 
 more than with his ordinary proportion. 
 
 If this courfe were really taken, leamen 
 would be as willing to ferve the king, as 
 they are now refractory to his fervicc; it 
 would be a great caufe to make them to obey 
 and love their commanders, and encourage 
 them to exceed one another in their labours, 
 in hope to have their pay mended. Thefe 
 people are to be governed by a captain, 
 mailer, and other inferior officers, which I 
 have formerly treated of; and I will now 
 deltribe the fitnefs of a captain to be chofen 
 to ferve in the king's fhips. 
 
 The little employment in fea affairs 
 makes many pretenders to the place of cap- 
 tain, when there is talk of expedition; and 
 very often there are fadlions and quarrels 
 among fuch pretenders. But to take away 
 all competition that may arife amongft 
 them, and that his majefty may diftingulfh 
 of their' works, it were good, when fuch 
 captains Ihall be notninated and elefted, to 
 require them to prefent authentick tetlimo- 
 njcs of their fervice and fights they have 
 
 345 
 
 been in at fea, which will approve their Mo;-^o 
 I'ufficiencies ; for a captain is cholcn for his 
 warlike part, as the mailer is for the con- 
 dudion of his Hiip. 
 
 A captain of the king's fliip muft be of 
 reputation and government, bountiful, and 
 not prodigal in his expcnce: he mull mo- 
 derate his cxpencc according to his pay, and 
 the time it is likely to continue, that he 
 may be the better able to maintain his 
 port after the fervice is ended, both for the 
 honour of the king whom he Icrves, and lor 
 his own reputation; for his after-preferment 
 mull lie upon his former behaviour and de- 
 meanour. He mull ab.uuion the beaflliiiefs 
 ot drinking, and conniving at drunkards, 
 which are the general dilbrtlcrs at fea, 
 thougli in reafon no man fliould mere de- 
 tefl it ; for they may know that drinking 
 is not the way to preferment ; for no maa 
 was ever raifed for his vice, but it is made 
 an objei51ion to hinder his fortune. 
 
 As a captain ought to be frug;il in his 
 own expence, fo ought he to be no Icls for 
 the king's profit ; as, firil, in victuals: there 
 muil be no conniving betwixt him and his 
 purler, nor betwixt the purler and any oilier 
 officer; and what viftuals Ibever Oiall come 
 into the fhip, that it be not imbcziled, or 
 fecretly convey'd out of her; he mud fee ail 
 equal carriage betwixt purfcr and company, 
 without advantage to either; for by this 
 reformation the king is only to receive Jae- 
 nelit. He muil alio have an eye over the 
 gunner, as well to fee the taking in of his 
 llore, as the re-delivery of it. He may 
 have a lervant to keep a private account of 
 the expence of every fliot at fea, to dif- 
 prove any unlawful account the gunner flull 
 unjullly charge himfelf withal. 
 
 I will end this difcourfe with the maffers, 
 who are the conduclors ol his majelly's Ihips, 
 from their going out till their return home. 
 There ought to be a general eiedlion of thefe 
 men,and principally of fuch as have been pra- 
 iStiied, and ferved in the king's fhips; for an 
 experienced commander is more to be requi- 
 red in that cafe, than a fkilful mariner. 
 
 The mailers that were employ'd in this 
 laft voyage of 1635. are all able men in 
 the art of navigation, which they profels, 
 and of fufficiency to take upon them the 
 conduflion of a merchant fliip to any pl.ice 
 or port wherefoevcr they fhall trade; but 
 for the fervice in the narrow leas, where 
 they have not been accuilomed, or for 
 managing the king's fhips, in which they 
 have not been ufed, for want of experi- 
 ence, they are much to feck, as will appear 
 by what follows. 
 
 I contefs, that fince I ferved in the nar- 
 row fcas, I find 'io great a dilfcrence betwixt 
 the mailers of that time and this, that I 
 may compare it to an ancient art, that in 
 
 Ioiir:
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval TracJs. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 ON-, long continuance of time has been forgot- 
 ten, and loft for want of practice and 
 life. 
 
 The mafters in thofe days were either ig- 
 norantly adventurous, or in this time pro- 
 vidently cautious, which I may rather term 
 over-timoious; for we then little valued 
 tliofe adventures, which now we properly 
 call dangers •, tliough I am affured the perils 
 be alike, and not to be accounted hazard. 
 
 But I impute the true caute of fccurity in 
 the matters, to that they have no other 
 ambition, but to carry out and bring home 
 the (hip under their charge, and to receive 
 their filary for if. I confefs they are the 
 more excufable, becaufe their breeding has 
 not been to fail amongft finds, or in feas fo 
 narrow, that which wxy foever they turn 
 themfelves, they behold land on all fides of 
 them, which are fubjeft to the change and 
 fluft of feveral winds in every port; for 
 that wind which is fecure upon one fliore, 
 is death upon another-, and tides that fome- 
 times are advantageous to them, at other 
 times may prove dangerous. 
 
 This reformation cannot be in the ma- 
 kers themfelves to amend, for it requires 
 long experience and labour to make them 
 perfeft in our feas, where the fervice de- 
 pends -, and where they are ftrangers in the 
 navigation, this defed: muft be fupply'd 
 with expert andfkilful pilots, that make the 
 narrow feas their daily trade and praftice. 
 
 The king's fliips being thus provided, 
 they have little caufe to fear danger of wind 
 or ftorms, but only fogs, that take away 
 the fight of the land from them, which 
 come not often, nor continue long upon our 
 coaft; and in that cafe of dark and mifty 
 weather, never fhips of the kings of England 
 were better fitted with ground-tackle, or 
 whole fhots of cables, that they may ride 
 in the midft of the channel: but whenfoever 
 the fog fliall vanifh, and the land appear, 
 though it were in any part of the feas, be- 
 twixt the north-foreland in Kcii and the 
 Dudman in Cornwal, they will be able in 
 few hours to harbour themfelves, howfoever 
 the wind proves that may endanger them ; 
 and therefore, in my opinion, that which 
 is called care in fome, may be rather term'd 
 fear in them. 
 
 Thefe mafters that I term raw in the 
 king's fhips, not being ufed to the govern- 
 ment of them, it is fit they be put into the 
 right way by the boatfwain, who is beft 
 able to inftruift them -, though in thefe lat- 
 ter times, that ignorance has prevail'd 
 againft knowledge, the boatfwains, by a 
 ■ ftricl decree of the officers of the navy, are 
 prohibited from taking charge of the king's 
 fhips, as mafters; but the inconveniency of 
 this law of theirs, I defire to argue with our 
 late reformers. 
 
 Another overfight and error in thefe ma- 
 fters I find. That they cannot diftinguifli 
 betwixt the difcipline of the king's lervice, 
 and their accuftomed failing and working 
 in merchant fhips; for though in their in- 
 ftruilions in this voyage they were com- 
 manded to keep a good diftance off one an- 
 otlier, at their coming to an anchor, fuch 
 hath been the mafkrs carelefnefs to cbl-rve 
 this order, that they have preffed to be at 
 an anchor as foon, or as near the admiral 
 as they could, neirhcr giving place or room 
 to the vice-atlmiral, or other fliips of great- 
 er charge or burthen than themfelves: let 
 this be a caution to fucceeding times upon 
 the like occafion. That whercfocver a tket 
 fliall anchor, either at fea, harbour, or 
 road, they fufFcr the three flags firft to .m- 
 chor, who muft be careful to take a good 
 birth from one another, (which done,) eve- 
 ry fliip, as they are divided in fquadrons, 
 is to anchor a convenient diftance from the 
 admiral of its fquadron, and to t.ike place 
 according to the draught of the fliips and 
 the depth of the vvatei' they anchor in. 
 
 A roafter muft moreover obferve, after 
 his coming to an anchor, to examine the 
 defers of his fliips, and to take order for 
 the prefent amendment of them. 
 
 Thirdly, he muft have his boats ready 
 to fetch water, wood, and ballaft, that the 
 want of them be no caufe of liis ftay in 
 harbour, if he be fuddenly commanded to 
 fea-, or if his abode be longer than he 
 looked for, then to fend his men by turns, 
 to walk in the fields on ftiore, fome one 
 day and fome another, to take the air, and 
 excrcife themfelves tor their healtht; th.'s 
 will give great fatisfaftion, and be a refrefli- 
 ing to them and the fhips, when people 
 fhall be abfent, and the Ihip made clean and 
 fweet. 
 
 Fourthly, a mafter is, at his firft arrival 
 in a por: or rode, to let fall a fingle cable 
 and anchor, unlefs the -weather force him 
 to moor with two, which if he do-, yet as 
 he Ihall fee an appearance of fair weather, 
 then to weigh one of his two, that he may 
 be ready to fet fail, if he be commanded -, 
 for a man of war is hke a poft, that has 
 horfe continually fiddled for the king's 
 fervice. 
 
 Many of thefe abufes I confefs began to 
 creep in, like ruft into iron, at the latter 
 end of queen EUzaheth^s, reign, by the un- 
 ablenefs of fome officers of the navy that 
 then had the charge of them who did, as 
 fome now-adays do, prefum.e to order, and 
 difpofe of all things of the fea, though they 
 Were never twenty leagues from the coaft ; 
 as great prefumption as for a bred feaman 
 to take upon him the office of a judge in 
 temporal -or fpiritual affairs. 
 
 Of
 
 Book III. 
 
 Siy William MonfonV Naval l^raiTh. 
 
 Uf 
 
 0/ fie harboun o/~ England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales; the nature ofu, 
 them i their depths ; and hoio they bear from one another. \^ 
 
 THE ifland o^ Scilly is from the Laud's 
 End of Cornzvnl! eight leagues, E. N.E. 
 This harbour of Scilly has twenty fathom, 
 and there are tliree goings-out of it. 
 
 The next good harbour is HeUford, litde 
 frequented: it has fix or feven fadiom 
 water. 
 
 From the Lizard to Falmouth, N. and by 
 E. four leag'ues: Falmouth is in an excellent 
 harbour, and hath twelve, thirteen, or 
 fourteen fathom. 
 
 From Falmouth to Dudman-Poinl, E. and 
 by N. four leagues. 
 
 From Dudman to Fey, N. E. four leagues. 
 
 From Foy to Ramhead fix leagues, E.N.E. 
 
 Plymouth lies from hence, N. N. E. four 
 leagues, and has four or five fithom. 
 
 From the Ramhead to the Start eight 
 leagues, E. S. E. From the Start to Dart- 
 mouth three leagues, N. E. and has ten or 
 twelve fathom. 
 
 From Dartmouth to 'Torbay four leagues, 
 N. E. a good road, at eight fathom, lor a 
 fouthweft wind. 
 
 From "Torbay to Portland thirteen leagues, 
 E. and by N. and within that bay lies Ex- 
 mouth and Lime. Portland is a good road 
 for a fouth and a fouih-v/eft wind, at feven 
 or eight fathom, 
 
 Within Exmouth lieth Weymouth, a barred 
 haven -, and going from thence to the 
 Needles in the Ule of Wight lies the har- 
 bour of Pool, where you fhall have five fa- 
 thom at half flood. 
 
 From Portland to the Needles eleven 
 leagues, E. and by N. From thence to St. 
 Helenas feven leagues. 
 
 Within the harbour lies the haven of 
 Limington :inf\ Southampton, and within that 
 Water-Hambk; and to the E. Portfmouth, 
 an excellent harbour; and in the IJle of 
 Wight, Ne-doport and Nezv-'Tozvn. 
 
 From St. Helen's to Bechie fixteen leagues, 
 E. N. E. Betwixt them lies Chichefler, 
 Arundel, Shorcbatn, and New-Haven, all 
 bad harbours. 
 
 From Bechie to the Shingle, E. N. E. eight 
 leagues. Betwixt them lies Rye, a dry har- 
 bour. 
 
 From the Shingle to Dcver nine leagues, 
 N.E. 
 
 From Dover to the Downs, and fo to the 
 North- Foreland, feven leagues; there lies 
 betwixt them Sandwich, a barred haven. 
 
 From the Nortb-Forcland to Orford-Nefs, 
 leaving the ifland of Sheppey, and the courfe 
 to London on the larboard-fide. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Harwich is the beft harbour upon all that 
 coafl: ; and, indeed, the beft betwixt it and 
 the Frith in Scotland. 
 
 From Orford-Nefs the coaft lies, N. W. 
 twenty-nine leagues from Flamborough-Hcad. 
 There lies betwixt them Sole, Lejlock, Tar- 
 mouth, Cromer, Blackncy, Burnam; frcm 
 thence to Boflon, fouth-caft, and to Lynn 
 well, you pafs many dangerous fands in go- 
 ing into thefe two places. 
 
 From Bofion to Hull and Burlington, you 
 muft go N. and N. by E. 
 
 From Flamborough-Hcad to Scarborough 
 fix leagues N. W. from hence to Whitby 
 five leagues. 
 
 From tlicnce ioHartley-Poolkvm leagues, 
 W. N. W. from Hartley Pool to Tinmoulh, 
 N. N. E. nine leagues, and lb up to New- 
 caflle. 
 
 From Tinmouth to CocUt Ifland, N. N. W. 
 feven leagues. And thus much for the 
 northern coaft. 
 
 Now I will return into the other farts of 
 England and Wales. 
 
 From the ifland of Ramfey, or the north 
 part of Wales, lie the Bijhop and the Clerks, 
 rocks of great danger ; two leagues from 
 thence lies the ifland of Grafhome. 
 
 From thence to Milford-Haven tliree 
 leagues, and the going in is, N. E. one 
 of the beft harbours in the world ; it 
 hath a rock in the middle of it at the en- 
 trance. 
 
 From Milford to St. Gore's Point two 
 leagues, and from thence to the Nefs, E. 
 feventeen leagues; there lies betwixt them 
 the ifland ofCoarday, Tinbey, and the point 
 called Woj-mjhead. 
 
 From the Nefs to Sieepforme, E. S. E. 
 feven leagues; from thence to Brifiol N. 
 and by E. twelve leagues. There is be- 
 twixt the Nefs and Briltol the iflandsof 5^r- 
 rey and Scilly, Cardiff, Newport, and Chep- 
 flow; all barred havens. 
 
 Now to the Englilh fhore. 
 
 From the Holmes to Lundy, W. S. W. 
 twenty leagues: there is betwixt them Hd- 
 ford-Cotnb, a narrow going in, but three or 
 four fathom within. 
 
 From thence to Biddeford, S. S. W. feven 
 leagues: it has two divifions; the one goes 
 into Barnftaple, the other into Biddeford; 
 b.irred havens. 
 
 4 S From
 
 34<5 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Trails, 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNSo\. From thence to Lutidy, N. N. W. five 
 U''V^*' Icngucs. Here you may anchor on both the 
 fules of the ifland, at iourteen or fifteen fa- 
 thom. 
 
 From LutiJy to the cape of Cornwall 
 twcnfy-eight leagues S. W. and from thence 
 to the Land's End five leagues S. there lies 
 betwixt Lundy and the Land's End, Pad- 
 ftow, St. Jves, and fome other creeks, all 
 barred havens. 
 
 The coajl of Scotland, and of the iflands. 
 
 The ifland of Shetland is the place where 
 the Hollanders begin their great fifhing, in 
 the harbour called BraJJound, which is an 
 excellent harbour, where all their bufles 
 meet, and begin their fifhing the 23d of 
 June. At the north point of the ifland 
 there is a good harbour, called Blanfotind, 
 which you may fail through, from one fide 
 of the harbour to the other. 
 
 There is another good harbour, called 
 the Magnus Haven, and an ifland where 
 fliips may go, and ride about it -, and be- 
 hind it a harbour called Hamborough-tiaven. 
 
 Wefl: from Scotland and north from Ire- 
 land, there lie many iflands, anciently cal- 
 led t\\& Hybrides ; in mofl: of thele iflands 
 there are excellent harbours. 
 
 The Lewes is the befl: of the iflands ; 
 which the Engliflj have now planted, for 
 conveniency of fifliing : it is in length twen- 
 ty-nine leagues S. S. W. and N. N. E. 
 
 The iflands of Orkney are thirty-one in 
 number. 
 
 The ifland of Waves lies N. N. E. from 
 Catnefs in Scotland, and but five leagues from 
 it ; you may fail through thefe iflands in 
 many places by Catnefs, and S. from Sanda, 
 and come out again. 
 
 From Catnejs upon the main land, and 
 the promontory of Scotland to Buckernefs, 
 twenty-one leagues S. E. betwixt them are 
 many good harbours, Dermecke, Rofs, and 
 Lewernefs. 
 
 From Buckernefs to Aberdeen, thirteen 
 leagues S. S. W. from thence to Mont-Rofje 
 S. W. and by S. four leagues ; to Dundee S. 
 and after S. S. W. 
 
 From Dundee to the ifle of May, S. W. 
 Flx leagues. From May to the Bafs, and 
 up to Leath, nine leagues. 
 
 From the Bafs to the Tape-Head, W. fix 
 leagues ; from the Tape-Head to Berwick, 
 S. S. E. five leagues. 
 
 The harbours in Ireland. 
 
 The Black-Rock, and cape Durfdey, S, 
 and by W. fifty-three leagues ; and between 
 them the haven of Callaway. 
 
 FVom Callaway to the ifland o[ Arran, 
 2 
 
 fix leagues ; from thence to Limerick, S. 
 nine leagues. 
 
 From Callaway to Blafques, S. S. W, fix- 
 teen leagues i from Blafques to Dunfeys, S. E, 
 twenty-one leagues. 
 
 From Cape Cleer to the Old Head of 
 Kingfale, E. and by N. twelve leagues. 
 
 From the Old Head to Cork, N. E. and by 
 E. a great league. 
 
 From Corke to the eaft point o^ Waterford, 
 E. N. E. twenty leagues ; the whole ibu- 
 thern coaft lies E. N. E. and W. S. W. and 
 betwixt Cork and Walerford lies Yochill, E. 
 N. E. from Cork, fix leagues. 
 
 Five leagues from 7'ochill, E. Hes Dongar- 
 van, lying in N. N. W. 
 
 From Tochill to Watcrford, E. N. E. 
 twelve leagues ; the haven of Waterford 
 lies in N. and by W. 
 
 From Waterford to Wafloford, the ifland 
 of Saltres lying in the way, you may go 
 betwixt it and the main land eafl: from 
 Waterford; from Saltres to Waft. ford five 
 leagues. 
 
 From Wafhford to Wexford, N. and by 
 \V. five leagues. 
 
 From Wexford to Dublin, N. and W. 
 five leagues. 
 
 Five leagues from Dublin lies the harbour 
 of Drogheda. 
 
 From Drogheda to Dundalk feven leagues. 
 
 An obfervation I gather of the flate of the 
 harbours afonfaid, and the advantage an 
 enemy may take of them to annoy us. 
 
 Of fo many harbours that England af- 
 fords, and towns feated upon them, as a- 
 forelliid, there are but thefe following of a- 
 ny importance to entertain fhips of burden, 
 (viz.) on the fouth coaft", Plymouth, Fal- 
 mouth, Hamhofe; lying within the ifland of 
 St. Nicholas, Dartmouth, Portfnouth, and. 
 thofe within the Ifle of Wight ; to the 
 northward, Harwich, Lynn, and Humber : 
 the two laft are frequented moft by fliips of 
 their own, full of danger and fands, little 
 known to any others but to themfelves ; I 
 will therefore lay little of them. 
 
 Over-againft the harbours on the fouth, 
 coaft of England, France is feated, and, 
 namely, Normandy a.nd Picardy, which, we. 
 may thank God, does not afford fo good a 
 harbour on all that coaft, as the worft of 
 thofe I have named ; orherwife our forefi- 
 thers had tafted the danger of them many 
 ages before ours; and we in this time fhoufd. 
 find it a dangerous thing to have neigh- 
 bourhood with good harbours, now France, 
 labours to be great in fhipping. 
 
 The harbours of greateft confcquence, 
 and for us moft to fear, are Brcft and Bluet^ 
 forty and odd leagues afunder, and both 
 
 of
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Naval Trctcls. 
 
 of them to the eaftward of Uflmnt, the head 
 land of Britany, which muft be doubled 
 before they can come into our channel •, and 
 that eafterly wind which brings them about 
 UJJ:ant^ will be againft the recovery of any 
 harbour in England; or if they think by 
 their fleet to intercept our trades, or to have 
 any other dcfigns upon us, they will be 
 brought betwixt SciUa and Cbarybdis •, for 
 betwixt their coaft and ours, it is not above 
 twenty-three or twenty-fix leagues in moft 
 places; fo that if they be taken with a Itorm 
 at north wefl", they are caft upon their own 
 fliore, where they lliall find neither harbour 
 nor road to receive them, bur that the mcr- 
 cilefs lea will devour them : and the like 
 effe(5t they will find with a foutherly wind 
 upon our coalf, unlefs they were relieved 
 with our open roads, which their own coafts 
 yield not. In my filth book, of projed:s 
 and ftratagems, I have fpoken more large- 
 ly-to this point : and to conclude, though 
 France fhould be able to keep fleets in our 
 channel in the fummer feafon, when they 
 fliall find the weather fair, and the night 
 fhort ; on the contrary, in winter with a 
 foutherly wind, ftorms, and long nights, 
 they will find themielves deftitute of har- 
 bours on both fides to relieve their fliips, 
 when they are in the channel. 
 
 And as for Milford-Haven in TVales, 
 whofe harbour for goodnefs exceeds all other 
 harbours in Europe, il an enemy fliould en- 
 joy it, it would little avail him ; for all 
 conquerors will covet to draw into the heart 
 of the country they enter, and where the 
 greateft cities are feated, and moft people 
 relbrts lo them. Let us compare it with 
 London, two hundred miles from it, and 
 let us enter into the condition of Wales, 
 and the poverty of if, where the huge 
 mountains will hinder the pafiage, and the 
 tranfportation of their carriages -, confider 
 likewile, the time England will gain, to 
 gather all its forces together to withftand 
 them, and the diftance an enemy fhall 
 march from their fhlps, if they be forced 
 to retire, and fhall be deftitute of all other 
 fupplies or helps : this will be advantage 
 fufficient for us. Neither can an enemy 
 fteal fb fuddenly upon us, but that our fleet 
 will be ready fpeedily to bid them welcome. 
 Thcfe reafons confidered, Milford-Haven 
 will be made as fecure as any port of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 'The Jlate of Ireland. 
 
 There are many choice and good har- 
 bours in Ireland, as commonly there are in 
 moft countries where there is leaft trade. 
 The more and the better they are, the grea- 
 ter the danger to England; becaufe an in- 
 vafion in Ireland does as much concern 
 
 J 47 
 
 us, as if it were attempted in EnghirdM^'^^'^^- 
 Where there are !b many ports as in /r.-- ^-''V"^ 
 land, they cannot fo eafily be fortified and 
 made ftrong, as if they were fewer; where- 
 by the defence of that kingdom iv.urt de- 
 pend upon the faithful hearts of fubjcdls, 
 who heretofore have been apt in all ages to 
 fliew the contrary, as appears by their ma- 
 ny rebellions. 
 
 The fouthern coaft of Ireland is in the 
 nature of England, a foutherly wind being 
 dangerous to both ; and the greater to Ire- 
 land, becaufe the coaft is more fubjed to 
 mifts and fogs, fo that no art or fkill can 
 prciervc a fliip, if flie be forced to bear in 
 upon a lee fliore fhe has not made. 
 
 I have declared in my fifth book the 
 danger of an invafion in Ireland, and the 
 btft remedy to avoid it by a fleet at fea; to 
 which I refer you : but the fifcft and lecureft 
 courfe I can think on to defend that king- 
 dom, is to draw the people by juftice and 
 good ufiige to love and obedience ; for 
 then lliall their hearts and hands be joined, 
 and ma<le to concur together, for defence of 
 their king and country. Both they and wc 
 fee, that of late years by peace they are 
 taught how to grow rich, which before they 
 were not : they find by his majefty's con- 
 niving with them in religion, it has mol- 
 lified their hearts, that they are not lb 
 hardened as formerly they have been, as ap- 
 pears by their voluntary difburfements when 
 his majefty requires it of them. 
 
 I am of a contrary opinion to an ancient 
 pofition held in former times by our ftatcf- 
 men of England, that the fafelt way to go- 
 vern the people of Ireland, was by keeping 
 them under, poor, needy, and ignorant, 
 like men barbaroufly bred : whereas on the 
 contrary, we fee by proof of late times, that 
 by our good and friendly ufage they are 
 made more U'aftable to reafon, and under- 
 ftand the difference betwixt civil conveifa- 
 tion and their former education. They are 
 grown to that flimiliarity with us, and our 
 difpofitions, that if religion did not hinder 
 it, they would make no more difference to 
 marry with us, than amongft themfelvcs, 
 and hold it for an honour to derive them- 
 felvcs from Engllfh blood. 
 
 We muft confefs it ibr a truth, that they 
 made our king and both our countries more 
 famous of late years than in former times, 
 by the efteem they have gained in our re- 
 nowned aftions of war, where they have 
 ferved ; for thofe people that were wont to 
 be called by the name of Kernes, have ob- 
 tained the prime places of honourable im- 
 ploymcnt : which I impute to three caufes j 
 the firft is, to their late civil breeding and 
 converfation, in comparifon of times pall ; 
 fecondly, that they are not prohibited fer- 
 ving any prince or ftate, whereby all anci^n: 
 
 jcaloufics
 
 ^48 
 
 Sir William MonfonV JSIa^al TniSfs. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MovsoN jeiloufics arc taken away-, thirdly, they 
 v-Or*^ nave that liberty and freedom, that they 
 applv themffclves to ail gentlemanlike exer- 
 cilesj both of learning and languages, by 
 which they infinuate into the acquaintance 
 of other nations and people, from whom 
 they learn their cultoms of civil and man- 
 ly behaviour, acknowledging that prekr- 
 ment comes by virtue, and not by vice. 
 By tius alteration, his majclty fliall regain 
 fober fubjccls, that have been feduced by 
 evil magiluaies. 
 
 Of Scotland. 
 
 Scotlvhl m divers parts thereof, but efpe- 
 cially in the ifiands of Orkney and Hybrides, 
 has many large and good harbours, and 
 more fliips of their own to uphold trade 
 than Ireland has, much to the fliame o't Ire- 
 land, which has a more fruitful country, 
 and lies by many degrees more convenient 
 for trade, than Scotland does, to the rich 
 countries of France, Spain, the States, and 
 all fuuchern parts, which afford the great- 
 tft plenty of wealth •, for from Ireland they 
 may be fooner in thofe places aforefiid, than 
 from fome part of Scotland to Ireland, where 
 they are to begin their voyage. 
 
 We and other nations find that Ireland 
 many times proves a fafety to fliips, men, and 
 goods, as it is feated and placed •, for fhips 
 that are to pafs into our cliannel from the 
 fou'hward to England, France, Flanders, 
 Holland, or any part of the eaft country, if 
 fuch veflels be taken with an eaflerly wind 
 before they recover Scilly or Falmouth, or 
 fail of vidluals, or otherwife difteffed, Ire- 
 land lies open to entertain them, which no 
 other fhore can do with that wind, and 
 much lefs Scotland, which is fo far to the 
 northward, and out of all manner of trade. 
 It is pity Scotland is not placed where 
 Ireland is, confidering the difference of the 
 induftry of their people ; for though the 
 country of Scotland yields no commodities 
 worthy of tranfportation, whereby to make 
 them rich, or can take off any merchan- 
 dize that is brought them, by reafon of 
 the barrennefs of their foil, and the cold- 
 
 nefs of their climate, that produces nothing 
 of value to exchange for it, yet they live 
 not idly and lazily, as the Irijh do, but 
 maintain a number of fhips to carry out 
 and bring back fuch commodities as the 
 country affords, or their people ftand in need 
 of 
 
 Another happinefs to us is, that Scotland 
 can make no ulc of their harbours to benefit 
 an enemy to our annoyance ; for Scotland 
 has two impregnable defences, which are 
 no lefs beneficial to England, viz. hunger 
 and cold, that it can no way aid an enemy 
 td invade England from thence, either with 
 vidluals, or other provifions. 
 
 I have often marvelled with myfclf, that 
 in our forefathers days, who lived in the 
 time of hoftility betwixt us and Scotland, 
 they had not fo much forefeeing providence, 
 as being mafters of the fea, to endeavour to 
 cut off all the fhips, barks, and boats, that 
 belonged to their kingdom, which had been 
 eafily effeded, or without rciillance ; for 
 then they had left Scotland to itfelf, without 
 help from abroad, and forced them to make 
 ufe of their own commodities amongft 
 themfelves; by which means they fl:ould 
 never have tailed the delicioulhefs of wines, 
 or other delightful things of feveral kinds, 
 which other countries produce: thus would 
 England have had a greater power over them 
 than by force of arms, and would fooner 
 have brought them to uniformity and obe- 
 dience to us, than by any courfe of cruelty : 
 the feamen would fbon have forgotten their 
 imployment, and betaken themfelves to their 
 trades for food. And one thing I mufl; fay in 
 their commendation, that their people are 
 naturally apt to the fea -, they would foon 
 attain to the excellency of pilots, which 
 grows by their dangerous and difficult navi- 
 gations, which makes them more vigilant 
 than otherwife they wouki be ; and in the 
 places where they generally traffick, they 
 are held worthy of the charge tiiey take 
 upon them ; they are no lefs elleemed than 
 trufted, for their lioneft contrails they make 
 with their merchants ; and it is a means 
 they are Iboner freighted than others that 
 carry greater reputation and wealtli. 
 
 A propojition to the parliament on all the foregoing contents of this heck. 
 
 I Need not make a particular repetition of 
 what is contained in this third book, be- 
 caufe it is open to your eyes to behold, view, 
 and read •, it tends to the flate of his maje- 
 fty's navy,and the abufe that is crept in by 
 unexperienced careleffnefs, if not corrupt 
 officers, and fuch as regard their own profit 
 more than the king's fervice: withal, I fet 
 doAn a means of reformation, which I pre- 
 fented to his majefly, part whereof was writ- 
 
 2 
 
 ten at the requeft of Sir Robert Cecil, not 
 long before the queen died ; the refl I refer 
 to my fifth book. 
 
 I will apply myfelf to you, the lords and 
 gentlemen of parliament, for thefe reafons •, 
 the firft, becaufe it concerns you more than 
 others, who are the mouths and men chiefly 
 trufled by the multitude of the common- 
 wealth, that makes eleiflion of you, above 
 others, to fpeak their caufe. Secondly,
 
 Book III. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 In matter of fecurity to the (late ; for you 
 have the fime interell with them, as being 
 embarked all in one (hip ; fo that, if one 
 drowns, the reft muft be fliipwrcckM. And, 
 laftly, becaufe you are the people cleded 
 and chofen from the reft, for your grave and 
 judicious underftandings, that can diftin- 
 guifli and determine according to reafon, 
 what fliall be propofed for the good of the 
 conunonwealth ; which makes me fiy the 
 lefs, but refer all to your wife confidera- 
 tions. 
 
 The great, and indeed the greateft mat- 
 ter of importance to the ftate, is his ma- 
 jefty's navy, properly called the walls and 
 bulwarks of England ; for our ftiips flou- 
 rifhing bring fafety to the kingdom, and 
 terror to others; yourfelves may challenge 
 an intereft in this royal navy, as jewels an- 
 nexed to the crown, that cannot be lepara- 
 ted from it -, for though the king have the 
 difpofmg ot them, and the only imploying 
 them, yet they are like his houfes and lands 
 that are entail'd upon the crown, and the 
 king can uie them but for life. 
 
 The kingdom of Portugal falling to Phi- 
 lip II. king of Spain, wlio came in rather 
 by the fword, than confent of the fubjeds, 
 yet they drew him to large conditions for 
 their freedom : and amongft the reft, be- 
 caufe that kingdom flood upon reputation 
 of fhipping, they injoined him to annex 
 twelve galleons by way of intail on the 
 crown of Portugal for ib many brave fhips 
 he there found, as appeared by the goodly 
 vefTcl called the St. Matthe-iv, which I knew, 
 and fliw broke up with age, after ftic had 
 been admiral of the fleet with the marquis 
 of Santa Cruz, who overthrew Monfieur 
 La Strauze at the iftands of Terccra in 
 1580. and after fhe had been admiral for 
 England in 1588. with the duke of Medina 
 Sidonin ; and, laftly, in that fervice and fleet, 
 that took Sir Richard Greenville and the 
 RevcPge in 1591. 
 
 And feeing we have precedents of other 
 times, and of other countries, to parallel 
 with us ; for the preferving the honour of 
 England by our navy, but efpecially be- 
 caufe it concerns us more than the firm land, 
 we being an ifland that can neither defend 
 ourfelves, nor, offend others, without the 
 help of fhipping, I do humbly crave your 
 fixvourable ears to incline to my propofitions 
 following. 
 
 That befides the ordinary and yearly ex- 
 pence his majelty contributes to the fhips in 
 harbour, you will pleaie to add a certain 
 annual proportion, and to confirm it by adt 
 of parliament, to be imployed as the par- 
 liament Ihall direft, or as the enfuing pro- 
 ject fliall feem acceptable. 
 
 I know that whatlbever I (hall propofe 
 by way of impofuion, the word is obnoxious, 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 and you will anfwer me with a general ne- 
 gative, by example of the grants of cu- 
 ftoms, that in continuance of time an- grown 
 hereditary ; but let the importance ol this 
 weighty bufincfs concerning the- king's na\y 
 move you according to rcaibn, and to tn - 
 vifc the eaiicft way, and \sith the Ic.ift 
 charge, how his majc-fty's fhips may be im- 
 mediately fent to fea upon an unexpedtd 
 occafion. 
 
 The fum that fliall come from you by a 
 voluntary gift, not to exceed 10000 I. per 
 annum, the monies to be rated and raifcd 
 at the difcreiion of juftices, knights, and 
 gentlemen cf the ftiire, a trcafurcr and 
 other oft'icers to be nominated by the par- 
 liament -, and if any innovation fliall be at- 
 tempted to alter this form of government, 
 tJie payment to ceafe. 
 
 That certain commiffioners be appointed 
 for two years fpace to view and p ovule, 
 that all materials, and provifions be kept 
 fafe in magazines, and no other than theni- 
 felves to dilpofe of thcin -, and every fecoiid 
 Miihachiuis term to meet and fc;tle all 
 things in good order, that at the next fitting 
 of the parliament it may be prefented to the 
 two houfes. 
 
 This will prove more eafeful to the coun- 
 try, and lefs burthenfome ;o the people, by 
 ten degrees, than has been of late years ta- 
 ken, (tvz.) To call upon them for great 
 fums, and to be fuddenly rateil and raifed 
 by the affelVment of one private man, that 
 fhall for that prefent year be chofe fherifFj 
 and fuch a one, if complaints be true, as 
 carries a hand of too great partiality. 
 
 By the good husbanding and management 
 of this 20000 /. per annum, there will al- 
 ways be ready in cafh fo much money ;is 
 will, with little help from the king, be 
 able to put his ihips to fea, v.'ithout other- 
 wife being beholden to his fubjedts ; for 
 it is to be luppofed that kings will not 
 have yearly occafion to employ their fhips, 
 by means whereof the ftock of 20000 I. 
 will increafe. 
 
 Out of this 20000 /. there may be pro- 
 vifion made to allow thirty able and ex- 
 pert captains, each of them forty marks, or 
 forty pounds per annum, the tinT; they are 
 out of imployment, injoining them to give 
 their atteiulance, when they ihall be called 
 upon. Every man ftiall know the fliip lie 
 is to command, and no man will be io 
 impudent, as to feek to put him from it 
 when imployment is fpoken of 
 
 They fliall hold their places, their pen- 
 fions, and imployments, according to their 
 civil carriage and behaviour ; tor by their 
 example, others that expccl future prefer- 
 ment muft imitate them in tlxir rule of 
 life. 
 
 Of 
 
 ^^9 
 
 Mo.VSu.V,
 
 350 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 MoNsoN. Of all diforders, they muft abandon 
 "-^ '^"'^ drinking, quarrelling, and the occafion di.it 
 rillth out ol fiich vices ; for if they confidcr 
 it, drunkcnncfs is but a fliort madncfs •, and 
 thereibre unfit a madman lliould govern 
 others, that cannot govern himfclf. This 
 will be the way to gain a brave reputation 
 in their youth, and an encouragement for 
 gentlemen to imploy their fons upon fuch 
 lerviccs, on hope of preferment ; and it 
 may be a means for the king to take the 
 example of the king of Portugal, who in- 
 ftituted. That gentlemen, according to 
 their degrees and births, fliould have im- 
 ployment at fea, and penfions of the king 
 for life, which they call Fuero. tivery 
 gentleman takes his place according to his 
 penfion and quality; and it 'is no: amifs, 
 ieeing I am upon this fubjcdt, to fet down. 
 That the occafion of the dilcontent of Fer- 
 dinand Magellaens, or Magellan, the dilco- 
 vercr of that ftraight, which tooI< name oi 
 him, was upon this caule ; for which he 
 left his king's iervice, and became a crea- 
 ture to Ferdinand king of Spain, who iin- 
 ployM him. 
 
 Magellan was a gentleman well dcferving, 
 
 and on account of the inftitution aforefaiJ, 
 he fued to the king of Portugal for a pen- 
 fion of three ducats per month for himlelf, 
 and half as much lor his fon, who was a 
 towardly young gentleman. The king wil- 
 lingly granted him two and an half, but 
 abfolutely refufed his fon ; which he took 
 for fo great an indignity, that he left the 
 king's fervice, and fled into Spain, where he 
 was imploy'd by the king and cardinal 
 Ximenes, in that noble voyage about the 
 v/orld, which was pertormed by his fhip, 
 though he was flain himfclf Thi^ enter- 
 prize of his was prejudicial to the kingdom 
 of Portugal, and l-.e got the name of a fu- 
 gitive and traytor by it. 
 
 To make out this degree of gentlemen, 
 and their imploy men t, I have fpoken of, 
 I was acquainted with it when Sir Richard 
 Lewfon, and I took the cairack in Zezimbra 
 Read ; for v/hen I went aboard her, to treat 
 about her yielding, I found four hundred 
 gentlemen of thi^ fraternity with arms to 
 defend her, all apparelled like courtiers for 
 their reputation they held by their imploy- 
 nient and place. 
 
 The beginning of cur refort to the Eaft-Indies. 
 
 THOUGH the queen was fo wholly 
 taken up with her warlike adions by 
 fea with Spain, whidi continued the fpacc 
 of eighteen years, that neither flie nor her 
 merchants had Icifure nor opportunity to 
 fettle new trades in tar and remote countries, 
 as the EaJi-IndieSy and other places, which 
 king James of famous memory did, when 
 he enjoy'd both crown and peace, as fiiall 
 appear when I treat of his and king Charki's 
 actions by fea ; yet beaiufe thofe ages and 
 king's reigns fliall be honoured as they 
 truly deferve, I will fpeak of the famous 
 entcrprizes undertaken in the queen's time 
 to the Eajl-Indies, the firft by Sir Francis 
 Drake m 157S. the fecond by Mr. Cavin- 
 dijh in 1586. the third by Captain Raymond, 
 in 1 59 1, and the fourth by our merchants 
 of London in i6oj. to whom the queen 
 granted her letters patents for the fpace of 
 fifteen years, which was after continued and 
 enlarged by king James in the year 1 609. 
 to remain tor ever. Whereupon the Eaji- 
 India merchants built in the fime year the 
 goodlieft and the greateft (hip that ever 
 was fram'd in this kingdom, though flie 
 proved not fo fortunate to them as fliips of 
 lefs burthen that I have fpoke of in my fe- 
 cond book. 
 
 The increafe of great fliips in Eiigland 
 may be derived from this beginning ; and 
 to make it the more wonderful, it is Itrange, 
 if we confider the few fliips, and the fmall 
 
 burthen of them in the memory of a man, to 
 what they are now ; for till of late, which 
 perhaps few will believe, the grcatefl: part 
 of our fliips of burthen was either bought 
 or built out of the eaft country, who like- 
 wife enjoy'd the greateft trade of our mef- 
 chants in their own veffels. 
 
 And to bid adieu to that trade and thofe 
 fliips, the J ejus of Luheck, a veflel of great 
 burden and ilrength in thofe days, was the 
 laft fhip bought by the queen, which in the 
 year 1564. was caft away in the port of 
 6V. John de Ulra in New Spain, under the 
 command of Sir John Hazvkins ; and from 
 that time to this, if we confider the increafe 
 of fliips which England trades withal, bwt 
 efpecially of later times in the reign of king 
 James and king Charles, we have great caufe 
 to give God humble thanks for his blefTing 
 poured upon us, tor our ilrength of fliips, 
 and wealth of lubje6ls, both much increalcd 
 by our navigation. 
 
 I cannot lay our firft voyages to the ■ 
 Eajl-Indies were by the way of traffick, as 
 our latter years have produced : Captaia 
 Raymond was accompanied with the Pene- 
 lope, a fliip of his own, with the Merchant 
 Royal, and Edward Bonadventure, three 
 prime fhips at that time both in greatncfs 
 and goodnefs: their imployment was to ob- 
 ftruft the trade of the Portuguejes, and to 
 feize their goods by way of letters of re- 
 prifal. • J 
 
 Thele
 
 Book III. 
 
 J'/r William MonfonV Na^vd Trach. 
 
 ?5l 
 
 Thefe three unfortunate fliips arrived at 
 the Cnpc of Good Hope, where they rcfolvcd 
 to fend home the Merchant Royal with tlic 
 fick men, and to proceed on their pretend- 
 ed voyage dcfigned in England ; but captain 
 Raywoiid himfelf was unliappjly i'vv,illow'd 
 up in the fea fifty leagues from the cape : The 
 Edward Bonadventure performed her voy- 
 age, but failed, as the reft did, in the hope 
 of profit J for neither the men nor the ad- 
 venturers were a penny the better tor that 
 voyage ; and unluckily at her return, after 
 Ihe liad palled many miferies and dangers, 
 at laft flie arrived in the [Vcfi-hidic:, whi- 
 ther flie went for relief, being migiuily di- 
 flrcfTed. And arriving at the ifland of Mo- 
 na^ her company relolved to cut her cables 
 to drive afliore, choofing rather to do fuch 
 an unworthy a6l, than to venture into Eng- 
 land with her, their cafe was 'io delpefate. 
 
 Moft part of her men were fived by aM""'^*- 
 Frencb pirate that hovered about that >-^V^*^ 
 ifland, one of whom, Utnty May by nam.-, 
 was imbarkcd in the faid French fhip, and 
 in her return homeward was wrecked on 
 the iiland of B^rmuda^ wlio gave us the firft 
 pubiick knowledge of that ifland •, tor be- 
 lore it was fuppofed to be ii.chanted, and 
 pofleffed by fpirits, though 1 knew the con- 
 trary ■, for above twenty years beibre this 
 happened, I •vfxs acquainted with a Frcmh 
 captain, called RuJJd, who was alfo fliip- 
 wreck'd upon the fame ifland, and elca- 
 ped by means of a boat he and his com- 
 pany made out of the materials of the laid 
 iliip, in which with great hazaid tliey ar- 
 rivLtl upon the coafl. ot Ncwfoundland,\\\\cxc 
 they were relieved by filliermcnof their own 
 country. 
 
 The coir.petition bcHvixt France and Spain bj fea, and concliifwn of the third 
 
 book. 
 
 A Frenchman tnceting a Spaniard or 
 Portugucfe beyond the line, or in ei- 
 ther of the two Indies, they hold It a thing 
 juftifiable by law to feize upon either, efpe- 
 cially if they make the firft (hot at the 
 Frenchman, pretending tiiat he gave the 
 firft offence -, and that thereupon they ot- 
 fer'd him violence, and that themfelvcs are 
 but defendants. 
 
 The Spaniards and Porltigiiefes anfwer to 
 this. That the French being no difcoverers 
 of countries beyond the line, or in the In- 
 dies, they can challenge no more right to 
 the countries and leas, than pirates of other 
 nations can do ; neither have they any co- 
 Jour to haunt thofe fhores and feas, but 
 with a purpoie to rob and fpoil, feeing 
 they and all nations bcfides, know the king 
 of Spain prohibits any traffick in thofe parts, 
 but to his own Spanip fubjecfts. 
 
 They further lay, There is no fhip but 
 will in her own defence, being chafed by 
 another, and ready to be afTailed and board- 
 ed, ihoot firft ; for it is an old rule in a 
 quarrel. That he has the advan/age -who gives 
 the firft blow : And therefore this lawful re- 
 fiftance of a poor merchant fliip, that goes 
 not out of his way to feek others, but avoid 
 meeting of all, cannot be reckon'd a breach 
 of peace, and confequently a forfeit of fhip 
 and goods ; this is againft the law of na- 
 ture, tor a worm, if Ihe be trod on, v;ill 
 turn. 
 
 And befides, whereas merchant fhips go 
 commonly armed to defend themielves a- 
 gainft enemies, by this law, and contrary 
 to all fenfe and reafoci, their fafcty muft con- 
 fift in going unarmed, that they may be 
 unable to make defence, left they be quar- 
 
 relled with, antl thereby nude a prey to all 
 fhips they fhalf meet at lea. 
 
 The afTailant, whom you may properly 
 call a pirate, has fometimcs other pretences, 
 as namely, the want of victuals, or their 
 fliip being leaky, or ready to founder, to 
 exchange Ihips with them. 
 
 The Spaniard defiies, that thefe deceit- 
 ful excufcs, and falfe pretences may with 
 uprightnefs be confidered : To the firft they 
 fay. That a merchant fliip that carries ten 
 men, cannot aliorti two days victuals to a 
 man of war that carries an hundred men ; 
 for ten days viftuals after that proportion is 
 but half a day's victuals to a fliip of war. 
 
 To the fecond, it is to be confider'd that 
 if one fliip be exchanged for another at fea, 
 it muft be the ftrorger that compels the 
 weaker to it ; and as a thief that robs by 
 land makes the offence much more horrible 
 by committing murder, fo does the fhip in 
 this cafe; for if an hundred men be not 
 able to keep the fliip above water with their 
 pump or baling, what fliall ten men do in 
 that fhip, but fink or pcrifli with patience? 
 Here is both theft and murder committed 
 upon poor innocent people, that ofl'cr no 
 man molcftaiicin, nor go out of their courl'e 
 to feek acquaintance: But if this ftands tor 
 a law, a pirate will make no conlcience to 
 bore a leak in his own fhip to ferve for an 
 excufe. 
 
 Therefore I conclude, it is not the firft 
 fhot that can be adjuilgcd a breach ot peace 
 betwixt two fliips that accidentally meet 
 at fea, or that it fliall make the aliailani's 
 caule the better-, for in tru;h, the ottence 
 is given by the fliip that thalcs, and has no 
 caufe.to dp it, but only to give an occafion 
 
 of
 
 ?5'- 
 
 MONSON 
 
 ^/> William Monfon'j Na-vcil Trails. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 of quarrel, that thereby he may rob and 
 rpoil him : He it is, I Hiy, that defcrves pii- 
 nilhment as a pirate, and not the poor de- 
 fendant, that does no more than nature and 
 reafon oblige iiim to. 
 
 I would afk a Frenchman, whether, if a 
 
 years after the difcovery of them, becaufe 
 flie and her Cq/fiiians had the honour and 
 fortune to find them. 
 
 The Porlugmfes to this day enjoy their 
 ancient and accuftomed trade to the Eaft- In- 
 dies, Guinea, and Birfd ; and the Spa- 
 
 Spaniard ^iomXA meet him upon the coaft of niards are not fufiered to go there, becaufe 
 
 Canada, where the French liave a planta 
 tion, and there chafe him, and tint the 
 Frenchman for his (iitety flwuld fire at him, 
 he would think it reafon that the Spaniard 
 IhoulJ take and enjoy him as lawful prize? 
 No, I am rather of opinion, that the 
 Frenchman will believe as I do, that the 
 Spaniard is worthy to be hanged for a pi- 
 rate. 
 
 And yet the comparifon is not alike, 
 for the French cannot account Canada their 
 own, as the Spaniards may do the Indies, 
 becaufe Canada was firft difcovcred by the 
 EngliJIj in the days of Henry VII. as all the 
 world acknowledges, and none but the firft 
 difcovcrers can pretend tide to any land 
 newly dlfcovered. 
 
 This is the tide by which the king of 
 
 the Portuguejes were the firft difcoverers of 
 them. 
 
 Our king out of fome confiderations pro- 
 hibits the trades of tlie Eajl-Indies, Rujfio, 
 Greenland, and Turky, but only to fome 
 particular fubjcfts, to whom he grants his 
 patent. 
 
 The Hollanders, who are refradory to all 
 good laws and inilitutions eftablifhed by 
 kings, however obferve this rule among 
 thcmfelves, That they will not fuffcr any 
 of their people to trade to the Eajl-Indies, 
 but thofe whom they incorporate, and call 
 The Eajl- India Company. And though 
 IFilliam Cornelius Scoivden has difc»vcred 
 another pafTage into the South-Sea, than 
 through the Itraights of A^agellan, a voyage 
 of fame to the undertakers and nation, yet 
 
 Spain holds his Indies^ both Eaji and mft ; at h^s arrival in tlie Eajl-Indies, where he 
 and this is the title by which the king of thouslu to have found fuccour and relief 
 
 England holds that part of America from 
 fifty-eight to thirty-eight degrees, and has 
 lield it fince the difcovery of it by Sebajlian 
 Cabot, and not above two years after Co- 
 lumbus found the fi^'cjl- Indies ; and by this 
 right likewife the king holds the iflands of 
 Greenland ever fince the year 1607. when 
 difcovered by his fubjecSls : And moreover 
 I fiy, that fuch kings as are difcoverers of 
 new or unknown lands, are bound in equity 
 and reafon to defend one another's titles in 
 this point, and not to connive or give al- 
 fiftance to any other prince or country to 
 break this law and cuflom, ibr other na- 
 tions to encroach upon them -, for they had 
 as good difclaim their own rights, and fuf- 
 fer all other dominions to ufurp over them: 
 It is the cafe of our fifliing, which Holland 
 impugns. 
 
 When king James granted his patents 
 for the planting /hnerica, he would always 
 admonifh the patentees to be fure to keep 
 to the northward, left they fhould plant in 
 fuch places, as the Spaniards might chal- 
 lenge to be within the compafs of their 
 dilcoveries i for he ever intimated, that he 
 would defend them no farther than the ar- 
 ticles of peace did warrant him i and if they 
 did otherwife, they were to ftand upon 
 their own legs. This I have been often told 
 by the fecretary of ftate, who is acquainted 
 therewith. 
 
 This limitation prioces put upon their 
 own fubjects in giving them patents, which 
 fubjefts duly obferve. Queen Ifabel or Ca- 
 ftile would not fuifer her hufband's fubjecfs 
 of Arragon to go to the Wefi-Indies many 
 
 from his countrymen, moft ungratefully 
 and cruelly they feized him, his fhip, and 
 all he had, and utcd him as rigoroufly and 
 unnaturally, as if he had been a profetfed 
 enemy or pirate. 
 
 The French above all other nations have 
 always impugned the right of the firft dif- 
 coverers, but not without the great punifh- 
 ment and juft judgment of God upon them, 
 as appears by many of their actions, as 
 namely, in Canada, which was taken and 
 fpoiled by us in i 628. as alfo in Florida and 
 Brafu, that was deftroyed and ruined by 
 the Spaniards; and it is worthy of note, that 
 they never lived in any of thefe colonies, 
 but civil diflTentions, famine and murders, 
 fell upon them; a juft reward for the inju- 
 ftice they did. 
 
 'I'he king of Spain is fo cautious not to 
 give offence in this cafe, that when Greeti- 
 land was difcovered by the Englijk, fome 
 of his Bifcay flibjeds repaired thither to kill 
 the whale fof oil, being more expert there- 
 in than any other nation : But the king of 
 Spain confidering what v^rong was done to 
 the king of England by it, and that it might 
 concern him in the like cafe to have his In- 
 dies incroached upon, he prohibited hisfub- 
 jefts going to Greenland to moleft or hinder 
 the Englijh in their fifliing, and afterwards 
 gave afiiftance to the EngUjh, and inllru- 
 t\t(.\ them in the manner of their whale- 
 killing. 
 
 Subjefts that dcfire to plant in countries 
 they have not difcovered, and therefore can 
 claim no tide to them, run many defperate 
 and unavoidable perils : Firft^ becaule the 
 
 articles
 
 Book in. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navd l^racis. 
 
 articles of peace do not warrant them, for 
 by that law of peace we are only to enjoy 
 our ancient and accuRomed trades. Second- 
 ly, they go upon their own adventure, for 
 the king will not break league with Spain 
 for their particular caufe. Thirdly, they 
 live in perpetual danger from their neigh- 
 bours near adjoining, whom they may term 
 enemies-, but principally I would have them 
 confider, what an excefllve charge they un- 
 dergo before they can bring their country 
 to perfeclion, which aiVouls nothing but 
 wood, water, and grafs: to inilance in an 
 illand of ten or twelve miles in length, and 
 half lb much in breadth, which Ibnie Eng- 
 lijhmen have with a wonderful charge of late 
 years planted, and I fear with little hope 
 of profit to return to them: but I make 
 account no man can be io ignorant as not to 
 know, that fuch undertakers do it for other 
 ends, or have other hopes of gain, than to 
 reap it out of the earth of ten or twelve 
 miles. 
 
 But it is rather fufpcfled, they do it to 
 nourifh and uphold piracies, that by the 
 fpoils thereof they may be the better able 
 to maintain that hland, or to give a diftafte 
 to Spain, with whom they delire his maje- 
 fty Ihould have war, not confidering what 
 the end of war is, and how difficult it is 
 to make a peace after fuch a war is once 
 begun by two great princes. 
 
 But now to return to my former propo- 
 fition or argument, of the competition be- 
 twixt France and Spain, of tlie French fur- 
 prifing the Spaniards and Portuguefe beyond 
 the line, I will conclude of nothing, only 
 deliver my opinion, what France had to 
 Hiy in its own defence. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake returning from his fa- 
 mous and fortunate voyage round the 
 world in 15S0. the queen found, that by 
 the paflage through the ftraightsof Magel- 
 lan, which Drake had gone, there might 
 be conveniency, if ever there happened ho- 
 ftility betwixt her and the king of Spain, to 
 annoy him in xhe. South-Sea, from whence all 
 his treafure and wealth was brought, and 
 after difperfed through the world. In the 
 year 1582. ihe ernploy'd two goodfliips as 
 any in the kingdom, except her own, and 
 committed the condudlion thereof to cap- 
 tain Fenton and Ward, to profecute the 
 fame voyage that Drake had happily per- 
 form'd and taught them. 
 
 But as nothing is more uncertain than the 
 chances and fuccenes at fea, being governed 
 by unconftant winds and waves, lb did 
 this voyage of Mr. Fenton's prove mod un- 
 lucky, tor they failed in all their defigns, 
 as you may find in Mr. Hacklet's book; to 
 which I refer you. 
 
 The king ol Spain having intelligence of 
 the defign of queen Elizabeth, and the pre- 
 
 N". 105. Vol. III. 
 
 parations of the fliips aforefaid to perform 
 her intentions in the Soulh-Sea, ami knowing 
 it could not be brought to pafs but through 
 the (Iniight of Magellan, he directed his 
 letters to Lima in Peru, commanding one 
 Pedro Sarmiento, a choice anil perfe(^t navi- 
 gator, to pafs from Lima to the Itraights of 
 Magellan, that way by ihcScutb-Sca, which 
 was never before purjxifcly attempted, (br 
 by reaibn of the forcible vvcllcrjy winds that 
 blow upon that coaft, whicii makes it a con-- 
 tinual lee fliore, it is not to be enterpriled 
 without great peril to the undertakers. 
 
 Pedro Sarmiento with two fmill fliips 
 proceeded upon that voyage as he w.is di- 
 rected by the king, one of them rctarned 
 again to Lima, the other, in which Sarmis 
 tnlo was, recovered the flraig!its, and Id 
 palled into Spain, giving the king a^ act 
 count of the narrowncfs of the (traight, in 
 order to fortify it, and to endeavour to Hop 
 any fliips that flioukl attempt to pafs that 
 way; but all was talfe, and the king egre- 
 giouflyabufed by his report; for there was 
 no place within that flraight lefs than three 
 miles in breadth. He likewife gave a fa- 
 vourable report of the pleafintnefs and rich- 
 nefs of the foil, to encourage men there 
 to inhabit; but in the end it proved the 
 moft unhappy and unfortunate expedition 
 that ever the Spaniards undertook. 
 
 The king being pleafed with this intel- 
 ligence, hoping thereby he might intercept 
 all fliips pairing that way, and fecure his 
 coafl: of Peru, Chile, and other places, 
 which aflbrded him all his treafure, he fent 
 twenty-three great galleons and three thou- 
 fand five hundred old foldicrs untlcr the 
 coinmand of 13on Diego Flares de Valdes, a 
 principal commander by fea; he al lb fent 
 the faid Pedro Sarmiento, with commillion 
 to eredt fortifications within- the itraiglus, 
 and to take upon him the title of governor. 
 But as I have ipoken Ibmewhat of the mif- 
 hap of our EnglijJ: lliips, fo I mull fay the 
 SpaniJJj fleet fucceeded ten times worfc; for 
 of the twenty-three galleons and the three 
 thoufand five hundred foldicrs aforefiid, few 
 fliips or men returned, which was a great 
 lofs to Spain at that time; for in two or 
 three years after enfued the wars betwixt 
 them and us. 
 
 Thofe foldiers defigned for the ftraiglits 
 being crofl^ed with contrary winds, and other 
 vexations, at laft arrived there with their 
 governor Sarmiento, and there feated and 
 lortify'd themfelves in two places; but 
 cunningly and fecretly Sarmiento feemed to 
 go from one place to vific anotlier, and 
 foreleemg the calamity his men and he were 
 like to iall into, (for neithei the land, nor foil, 
 or the narrownefs of the flraiglu, was an- 
 fwerable tohisrel.ition,) and b.ing altogether 
 hopelefs of relief or luccour fruni Spain, ho 
 4 U quilted 
 
 3>i
 
 3H 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra6h. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Mo Ns ON. quitted the place, and treacheroiifly ran a- 
 ^"V^N* way in his bark, pretending, after his arri- 
 val in Spain, that he was per force put from 
 his cable and anchor he rid by, and could 
 not return again for wind and weather. 
 
 In this bale manner he left his poor coun- 
 trymen in 1584. and in two years after, in 
 1586, Mr. CnvaidiJJi pafTing the ftraights in 
 his voyage round the world, found but three 
 of thofe poor creatures living, and the place 
 fo infeded with the carkafTes of thofe dead, 
 that it was not to be endured. He found 
 only fix pieces of ordnance, which he brought 
 away with him. 
 
 But as God is juft, and a rewarder of all 
 men, both in their good and evil aftions, he 
 accordingly chaftifed Pedro Sanniento for 
 his ill uiage of his countrymen -, for from 
 Braftl, where he firft landed in his way in- 
 to Spain, he was met and taken by an Eng- 
 lifij man of war, (for at that time there was 
 hoftility betwixt the two nations of England 
 and Spain,) and brought priibner into Eng- 
 landy where I became acquainted with him. 
 
 But now to return to Diego F/ores de t^al- 
 des, who ranging the coall of Brafil as his 
 courfe led him, had intelligence of a colony 
 of French, planted on a river called Paria, 
 joini.ng upon the fea with Braftl ; whereup- 
 on he fteercd for that port, where he met 
 and feizcd five French fliips, three whereof 
 he burnt, and two he carried with him : the 
 men fled and difperfcd themfelves amongft 
 the Indians, where to this day are found 
 many favages that refemble Frenchmen in 
 feature of face, and may be eafily diftin- 
 guifhed from others of their countrymen. 
 
 I know not whether others may be of my 
 opinion, or no; but in all likelihood the 
 barbarous ufage of the French colony might 
 be the occafion of the difference betwixt the 
 French and Spaniards for the war beyond 
 the line •, and as the caufe began by blood, 
 fo it is like never to end but by blood ; for 
 nothing is like to compofe this difference, 
 fo long as thofe two monarchies continue ia 
 this greatnefs. 
 
 The End of the Third Book. 
 
 T o
 
 iif 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 IN my firfl; dedication, I recommend the reading thereof to my dearcfl. ard moft 
 intimate friends •, in the Iccond, to the captains and commanders Ici ving in the lare 
 wars againft Spain ; in the third, to all ibrts of fcamen, from the highc-ft to tiie 
 lowed -, and in this I prohibit none but the perverfe Puritans, whofe ftomachs arc 
 fo faint and feeble, that any praife that can be attributed to a Spaniurd or Papijt, will 
 make them fca-fick, and caft their gorge. 
 
 I will therefore make a Turk judge in this cafe betwixt the Spaninrds and ihem, bc- 
 caufe every Chriltian will incline to favour one fed more than anotlier. Coukl God ever 
 give a greater bleffing to man, than to enable him to win and gain the fouls of tlicm tliat 
 had been led away in infidelity and blindnefs.? Could he ever fliew a greater worldly 
 happiness to a kingdom, than to fend them, as it were, out of a cloud a new world, 
 that affords all blelfings and riches .? Could he ever give more honour and repu'ation, 
 than conqueft over thofe people and their land .'' Could he ever Jhew more love to his fer- 
 vants, than to difcover thofe countries at the time the Moors and Turks infefted and 
 infefted the countries of Spain and Hungary ? Could he in any thing more fliew liis won- 
 ders, than by fuch miracles as are related and recorded, for the means of the converfion 
 of thofe people. This fhall fuffice for the will of God and force of his power -, but as 
 God chofe the SpaniJIj nation, for fome fecret judgment of his own, above all other peo- 
 ple, to fpread forth his holy name, fo do I obferve three things in them worthy of repre- 
 henfion ; the one is, their ingratitude ; the fecond, their cruelty ; and the third, the bafe 
 condition of the people that were the authors of their profperity. 
 
 Their ingratitude appeared towards Columbus, a man of more defert to the Chriftian 
 world than any other ever God created ; for all the good before-mentioned was wrought 
 by God's permilTion, and his pains and patience. 
 
 This man, after his defperate and fortunate attetnpr, was malicioufly and innocently 
 brought prifoner in irons, to anfwer the calumniation of his foldiers, v/hich was not 
 all, nor the word -, for this was an offence only to his body, the other to his honour and 
 reputation. 
 
 For the Spaniards to eclipfe his glory and merit, for difcovery of the new world, on 
 no other account but his being a ftranger, born in Italy, invented and devifed nuny fi- 
 dions and idle imaginations, to lelfen his praife. One while they fiy he was led to the 
 difcovery by J Spaniard that Jay in his houfe upon his return from the Indies, and taught 
 him the way thither. 
 
 But they could never agree upon the Spaniard's, name, what province he was of, 
 where he arrived, or what befel of him -, fo it is evident all were falfe afperfions, invent- 
 ed to lefTen his honour, and advance the fuppofed Spaniard'^ praife; and God juftly fcnt 
 the divifions afterwards in Peru amongft themfclves, as a punifhment for their ingrati- 
 tude to Columbus ; for an unthankful man incited God to punifh, and man to abhor 
 him. 
 
 The fecond was their cruelty to their poor conquered Indians, occafion'd principally by 
 avarice, whilll the revolt in Peru had almofl hazarded their whole enterprize. 
 
 But their tyranny being made known in Spain, the emperor, like a merciful and 
 pious prince, prohibited all rigorous courfes againft tiie filly fivages, which fo inraged 
 the conquering Spaniards, that doubtlefs, had they border'd upon any civil country that 
 could have given them alTiftance, they would as well have fpoken any other language as 
 Spanijh. 
 
 My third obfervation was, the quality and condition of the commanders in the con- 
 queft of Peru, the principal whereof was fuch as no man would own as his Ion, ncr 
 they challenge for father ; their education like their birth, neither being taught to write 
 or read ; and yet daily pradlice brought Francifio Pifarro to a civil lamiliar behavicjur, 
 and Diego de Almagro to a vain-glorious and high carriage. 
 
 What thcfe two v/anted in birth and breeding, was fupplied in valour and indnftry -, 
 for to fpeak truly, confidering what they attained to by their excelllve travel and labmir, 
 the condition of the people they were to govern, and the multitude of enemies they I'ub- 
 dued, no hiftory, ancient or modern, can yield more honour to conquerors than they de- 
 
 IcrvcJ
 
 3S^ 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 fcrved ; and I am of opinion, the cruel ufags of the Indians proceeded from the dc-- 
 bauchery and levvdnefs of their foldiers and followers -, for their entcrprize in thofe days 
 was not undertaken but by defperate perfons of eftate and life, that thought nothing 
 well o-ained that was not unlawfully gotten. 
 
 I may the rather confirm my opinion, htcmk Ferdinand Cortes, who was a gentle- 
 man by birth, and fo famous for valour, government, and wifdom, that he was paral- 
 lelled with Marius and Scipio in the Roman (late, carried his aftairs with that honour, 
 difcretion and mercy, that he left, and there ftill remains the title of a marquis to his 
 houfe, when neither of the other two had ever lawful child to defcend from them to 
 uphold their names or memory. 
 
 The exploits of the Porttigtiefes were no lefs memorable and victorious than the Spa- 
 niards ' but fceinw they arc now both one nation, and live but under one king •, and that 
 the cnfuing difcourfes will fpeak their praifes, I will fliy little more than in pity to them, 
 and attributing their many croffes to the juft caufc. 
 
 The Portiiguefe nation had been famous ever fince the vidorious battle of Ourique, ob- 
 tained by Tion /llphonfo, the firfl king of that country, in the year 1139. Since then 
 they have held competition with Spain, efpecially of late, that God made them famous 
 in their eaftern conqueft, and fo increafed their wealth, that the cruel and miferable 
 Jcivs, who let their whole felicity in worldly riches, crept in among them, and mingled 
 with, and infecled their blood with that cowardlinefs and covetOLifnefs, that it may be 
 juftly judged, they truly deferved God's ire and wrath caft upon them, viz. betwixt 
 1578 and 1580, God fent them for their punilhment and fcourge four kings, and five 
 Governors, that might be accounted kings, that fpent and fpoiled the wealth of their 
 country, Don Sebajlian by his rafhnefs, Henry by his want of refolution, Anthony by ty- 
 ranny, Philip by arms, and the governors for their private advantage. 
 
 Since thole years the calamity that has befallen them is lamentable, by fpoils and ra- 
 pines committed on them by fea in the late wars with England; and fince by the lofs of 
 their trade in the Indies, which was the firfi: caufe of their renown, and the firll inriching 
 
 of their flate. 
 
 They muft impute their misfortunes to God's permiffion, for their joining and con- 
 Bivino- with God's profeflcd enemies the Jews, for their own particular ends and gain. 
 
 It is written of Peru, that the conftellation under which it is placed, caufed io many 
 divifions and flaughters as were there committed, not only in the time of the Spaniards, 
 but many years before. 
 
 The like may be fiid of the Molucca ifiands, which, upon their firft difcovery, bred 
 fuch a divifion betwixt the Spaniards and Portuguefis, that though the two kingdoms 
 were in peace at home, yet there happened continual encounters betwixt their fubjefts 
 in thofe parts when they met there •, but the Portugiiefcs had always the beft. 
 
 Not many years fince, the like befel the Englip and the Hollanders upon the like caufe, 
 and about the fame unfortunate iflands, where they had many bickerings, notwithftand- 
 ing the two flates continued friends. 
 
 To conclude, I will concur with Charles V. the emperor, who was wont to fay. It 
 had been well thofe countries had never been difcovered, or at leaft not fo much frequented : 
 for we have inriched the infidels with the wealth of Europe and America, and decreafed 
 the trades of all the civil and known world, as we of England have proof, by our unpro- 
 fitable trafRck thither. 
 
 And now to the difcovery of the fcveral countries. 
 
 BOOK
 
 3J7 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 MONSOM. 
 
 Difcoveries and Enterprizes of the Spaniards 
 and Portuguefes, and feveial other remark- 
 able Paffages and Obfervations. 
 
 The dijcovery of feveral countries and iJlanJs. 
 
 E F O R E I treat of the difcovery 
 of either of the two Indies, I will 
 take the Canary and Tercera iflands 
 in my way, becaufe they were 
 known many years before the others ; and 
 in the next place, for that there is a necefli- 
 ty for fliips to fee thofe iflands in their 
 navigations, the one in going, the other 
 in returning from the Indies. 
 
 The Canary iflands, which are feven in 
 number, were conquered by the Spaniards 
 in the year 1393. in the time of king 
 Hemy III. of Spain. 
 
 The Tercera iflands, being as many in 
 number, were faid to be difcovered by the 
 Netherlanders, but by whom by name, or 
 by whom they were employ'd, or the year 
 of our lord, is not fet down. 
 
 Guinea was difcover'd in the year 1471. in 
 the days of Don Alonfo, the fifth king of 
 Portugal. 
 
 The cape of Good-Hope, and an hundred 
 and fifty leagues to the eaflward of it, as 
 far as the haven of Infanta, was difcovered 
 by Bartholomew Dias, in the days of king 
 John II. of Porttfgal, in 1459. 
 
 Calicut, and other places in the Eaft- 
 Indies, were difcovered by Vafco de Gama, 
 in 1497. and in the reign of Don Emanuel, 
 king of Portugal. 
 
 The country of Brajil was difcovered in 
 1 500. by Pedro Alvares Cabral, upon the 
 fecond voyage that was gone to the Eajt- 
 Jndies, in the time of Don Emanuel afore- 
 faid. 
 
 The river of Plate was difcovered by 
 Americus Vefpatius, in 1 500. as he was go- 
 ing to find out a pafliiige to the Molucca's, 
 and employ'd by the fame king Emnnuel; 
 but it is rather thought that Dies de Soils, 
 and not Americus, was the firfl difcoverer 
 of it. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 The Weft-Indies, and efpccially the 
 iflands of Lucayo's, were difcovered by 
 Chriftopher Columbus in 1592. 
 
 The country of Bacallao's, alias iV«£?- 
 foundland, was difcovered by Sebaftian Ca- 
 bot, a Venetian, by the direftions of Hen- 
 ry VII. king of England, two years after 
 the difcovery of the Weft -Indies. 
 
 The country of Florida was difcovered 
 on Eafter-Day 1513. by Ponce de Leon, 
 who went to find the ifland of Bainco, being 
 told by the Indians there was a well there, 
 that by drinking of the water it would 
 make old men young. 
 
 The country of Panuco was difcovered 
 by Francis de Gar ay in 1513. 
 
 The country of Jucatan was difcovered 
 by Francifto Hernandes de Cordona in 1517. " 
 
 Nombre de Dios, the iflantls of Jamaica, 
 the Honduras, and many odier places, were 
 difcovered by Columbus. 
 
 Darien was difcover'd by Hujeda and M- 
 cuefa, where they endured many calamities, 
 hunger, and mutinies, and hurts. 
 
 The river of Amazons, and the river of 
 Orellana, and all that coaft, was difcover'd 
 by the Pinfones in 1 500. 
 
 The South-Sea, which was the happiefl 
 difcovery of all others to the Spaniards, for 
 that it led them to Peru, which yields them 
 all their treafure, was found by Vafco Nun- 
 nez de Balboa in 15 13. a man in difgrace 
 at that time with Charles the emperor. 
 
 The country of Chile was difcovered by 
 Diego de Almagro; and whether Lima was 
 in the circuit of Chile or Peru, was the dif- 
 ference betwixt Pizjrro and Almagro, which 
 coff both their lives, and bred their ruins. 
 
 The country of Maldivia near Chile and 
 Peru, was difcover'd and conquered by 
 Peter Maldivia. 
 
 4X 
 
 Tlic
 
 558 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Mo N SON. The cape of California was difcover'd by 
 *y Y"^ Pidro Alvarez in his voyage from port Na- 
 vidad to die Molucca' i. 
 
 Gonfalvis was fcnt to difcover a paflage 
 out of the Scu:b-Sea into our ocean, at the 
 time when the qucflion was betwixt the 
 kings of Spain and Pjr.'tigal about the trade 
 of the Molucca's. 
 
 The country of Cmaloa and S^iivira was 
 difcovered by Francifco Fafques Coronado; 
 ns alfo the country ot Granada. 
 
 T"he Philippine idands were difcover'd by 
 Michael Lopez \\\ 1564. he was imploy'd by 
 D. Lewes de Vellaj'co viceroy of New-Spain. 
 
 Tlie idands of Solomon in the Soiilb-Sea 
 were difcover'd from Lima in Peru by Al- 
 varde Mendolia in 1568. and Pedro de Sar- 
 mientOy his lieutenant, whom I knew. 
 
 The ftraights of Magellan were difco- 
 
 vered by Ferdinand Magellaens, a Portuguefe 
 in 1520. imployed by Charles V. then king 
 of Spain. 
 
 The ifiand of Aladera, fhort of the Ca- 
 naries., was difcovered by Machan an Eng- 
 lijl.mian in 1344. 
 
 Ruffia., or Alufcovy, was difcovered in the 
 year 1553. in the reign of Edward VI. 
 king ot England. Sir Hugh IVilloughby was 
 fent upon the difcovery, but he and his 
 company perilhed in the harbour of Ur/ena 
 in Lapland. Richard Chandler being cap- 
 tain of another fhip proceeded upon that 
 difcovery. Chery illand in Greenland was 
 difcovered by Marmaduke of Hull. 
 
 Julius Agriiola was the firft that failed 
 about England and Scotland, and was the 
 firft that dilcovered the iflands of Orkney, 
 which he fubdued. 
 
 ^he Portuguefe liifcoveries on the coaft of GuiriCa, Caflle de la Mina, and in 
 
 the Eaft-Indies. 
 
 GUINEA was difcovered, as you have 
 heard, in the year 1471. and in the 
 reign of Don Alonfo I. who pretended title 
 to Spain by his wife Joan, called the Ex- 
 cellent. King John II. of Portugal, and 
 the thirteenth in defcent, imagined that 
 the fpices that came into Europe might be 
 brought by fea, and hearing there were 
 Chriftians in thofe parts of the world, both 
 thefe things incouraged him to undertake 
 the difcovery. 
 
 Bartholomew Bias, an officer in the ftore- 
 houfe in Lisbon, was fent from Cajile de la 
 Mina to difcover the length of the land of 
 Africk, and found out the cape of Good- 
 Hope ; from thence he failed to the eaftward 
 one hundred and fifty leagues, to a port 
 which he named L/i Infanta, and gave 
 names to all places where he pafled. 
 
 The king would not only rely upon his 
 relation, but fent a Francifcan frier to find 
 out the. Indies by land; but the frier, for 
 want of language, returned from Jerufalem: 
 after that he fent two of his fervants that 
 were fkilful in the^Arabick language, the one 
 called Peter de Covillao, the other Alphonfo 
 de Paiva: they departed from Cintra the 
 7th of May 1487. and coming to the Red 
 Sea, they parted company ; Paiva went to 
 Prcfter John's country, where he died : Co- 
 villao travelled to Calicut, and other places 
 of the Indies, where he informed himfelf 
 fully and fubftantially of the whole country. 
 In his return home he met with two Jews 
 that were fent from the king of Portugal to 
 meet him, and to wilh him to inform him- 
 felf of the ftate of Prejler John. 
 
 One of the two Jews he fent back with a 
 nlation of the (late of the Indies, the other 
 l)f carried with him to Ormus, from whence 
 
 he likewife fent him to the king, to give an 
 account of his voyage, and himfelf went to 
 Prejier John, where the king, whofe name 
 was Alexander, us'd him courteouflyi but 
 he dying, the other that fucceeded him de- 
 tain'd him prifoner, fo that he never lived 
 to return to Portugal, or to fend more in- 
 formation to the king his maftcr. 
 
 The king having information fufficient 
 by letters the Jew brought him, he imme- 
 diately cut down timber, and built two 
 new Ihips for that difcovery in 1495. and 
 the 25 th of Oilober. 
 
 YJwi^John, in the mean time, died, and 
 Don Emanuel fucceeded, who added great 
 fame to the kingdom of Portugal: he fur- 
 nifhed the two (hips aforefaid, the one of an 
 hundred and twenty tons, and called her 
 the Angel Gabriel, the other of one hundred 
 tons, and nam'd her the Raphael, with one 
 caravel he bought, and one other to carry 
 viduals. 
 
 He appointed for general a fervant of 
 his call'd Vafco de Cama, well experienced 
 in fea affiiirs: Paul de Gama, his brother, 
 went captain of one ihip, and Nicholas 
 Coello of another, both of them being the 
 king's fervants. Bartholomew Dias was to 
 accompany them to Mina in Guinea. 
 
 The 8th of July 1497 he embark'd at 
 Belem with an hundred and forty-eight men: 
 the pilot was Pedro de Alanquer, who had 
 been pilot with Bartholomew Dias in hi& 
 former voyage ; and if they loll company, 
 the place of meeting was in the ifiand of 
 Cabo Verde. Tiiey pafl"ed by the Canaries, 
 and off the river of Oro they loft company 
 for eight days in a ftorm ; but met again 
 at the ifland of St. Augiifiin, where they re- 
 frelhed themfeh'es for i'even days. 
 
 The
 
 IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 559 
 
 The 3d o^ Augufl Vafco de Gama went 
 from thence, and left Bartholomew Bias be- 
 hind ; the 4th of Novembtr he fpied land, 
 and Ciillcd it St. Helkna, fuppofing it had 
 been thirty leagues from the cape ot Good 
 Hope : the people in this place would have 
 betrayM him. 
 
 The 20th, being PVednefday, he doubled 
 the cape : on Sunday he came to St. Blafe, 
 being a warering-place, fixty leagues from 
 the cape. Here he itay'd ten days, and de- 
 parted the e\^\.h.o\' December; and in go- 
 ing to the river of Infanta, he endured a 
 great Itorm. Here he found gentle and ci- 
 vil Negroes ■■, one of his company could fpeak 
 the language of the Negroes ; he named it 
 Teira de boa gente, and the river, Cobro. 
 
 The 15th of January he failed along the 
 coaft, and met with Negroes of great civi- 
 lity in their boats, who gave him light of 
 the Eajt-Indies, and he call'd this river Bons 
 Sinais : here he ftaid thirty-two days, to 
 trim his (hips, and erefted a mark, which 
 he call'd St. Raphael : the place was infec- 
 tious, and his men began to be fick. 
 
 The firft of March he came in fight of 
 Mofambique., where they were taken to be 
 Moors, and at firft well ufed, but finding 
 them to be Chriftians, they would have be- 
 tray'd them. Here they had news that Ca- 
 licut was nine hundred leagues from thence, 
 and took in a pilot that had been there j 
 which comforted them much. 
 
 The firft of April they came to certain 
 iflands, v/hich they called Acoutadii's, be- 
 caufe finding the pilot in a lye, here they 
 whipped him, and he confefled he brought 
 them thither to have caft them away, as al- 
 fo that he would have enticed them to ^i- 
 loa, making them believe that Chriftians 
 dwelled there. In this courfe the St. Ra- 
 phael ftruck upon a fhoal, and was mira- 
 culoully preferved, and this ftielve they call'd 
 St. Raphael. 
 
 The 7 th of Af^^ they came toMombafca, 
 where the people knowing them to be Chri- 
 ftians, and what had pafled with them in 
 Mofambique, they praftifed to betray them. 
 
 They came to Melinde, eighteen miles 
 from Mombafca, a city built like the houfes 
 of Portugal, the king a Moor, but courteous, 
 and glad of the Portuguefes coming thither; 
 he furniftied them with pilots to Calicut; 
 and here he met with four fhips of Chriftians 
 of the Indies, who were wonderful glad to 
 fee them : thofe Chriftians gave them warn- 
 ing not to truft the Moors of Melinde. The 
 king entred into friendftiip with the king 
 of Portugal. 
 
 The 2 2d they departed from Melinde, 
 and croflTed over the gulph, being feven 
 hundred leagues, which they failed in thir- 
 ty-two days, and never faw land. 
 
 The 24th of May they difcovcred l.^ndMo^ 
 near Calicut, and tlicre they found a Muor ^^ 
 of Tunis in Barbary, who knew the Pcr- 
 tuguefe nation, and afk'd them. In the de- 
 vil's name, how they came thither.' The 
 Moors of Calicut contrived all trcafonable 
 pradices they could againft the Pcrtuguefes, 
 and fo prevailed with the king, that wars 
 enfued betwixt them, and fo continued a 
 long time after. 
 
 They returned from Calicut, where they 
 efcaped great danger of treafon, and in 
 their way fell in with divers iflands, where 
 the people were willing they fhould creft 
 a crofs with the arms of Portugal: this 
 place he called Porto de Santa Miria. He 
 came to the ifland of Anchedivi, where he 
 trimmed the ftiip, and watered : here was a 
 fpy ferit to difcover his forces ; which fpy 
 counterfeited to be a Chriftian, and born in 
 Italy ; but he w.is fufpeded to be as he 
 was, and they racked him three times, 
 and then he confefTcd his villany. The 
 general carried this fpy into Portugal, 
 where he became a good Chriftian, and 
 gave great light of the affairs of the Eafi- 
 Indies ; which ftood the Portuguefs in great 
 ftead. 
 
 Before they arrived at Mtlinde diey en*- 
 dured great mifery ; and if God had not 
 inftantly miraculoufly fuccoured them, the 
 general's brother and Nicholas Coello were 
 refolved to have returned to Calicut, and 
 put themfelves to the mercy of the king ; 
 but at laft they fpied land, which proved 
 the city of Alr.gadoxa, fairly built, and in- 
 habited with Moors, one hundred and fe- 
 ven teen leagues from Melinde. 
 
 The firft of February they came to Me- 
 linde; where they were well entertained, 
 and the king accepted of a pi!Lir, to be fzt 
 up in fign of friendftiip with the king of 
 Portugal, and fent an ambaflador thither. 
 
 The 17th of February they departed, 
 and the 20th following they burnt the St. 
 Raphael for want of men, and took the ge- 
 neral's brother out of her. 
 
 The 20th they came to the ifland of Zan- 
 guebar, where the king ufed them cour- 
 teoufty, and from thence to Mnf.nwiqy.e. 
 
 1 he 3d of March to the ifland of St. 
 Blafe; the 20th they doubled the cape of 
 Good Hope, and then failed to the iflands of 
 Cabo Verde, where the general's brother 
 fell fick, and hired a caravel to carry him 
 to Portugal, becaule his own fliip was weak 
 and leaky. 
 
 Before his arrival at Cabo Verde, Nicholas 
 Coello v/illingly loft his company, that he 
 might carry the firft news to the king of 
 his difcovery of the Indies, and came to 
 Cafcais on the loth of July 1499. 
 
 The
 
 3<5o 
 
 Mo N SON. 
 
 Sir William MonlbnV Nifoal Trcti^s, 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 The general came to the Tercera*!, where 
 his brother died ■, and in September to Bel- 
 liney where the king diii him great honour, 
 and made him carl ot Vidigiieira : he gave 
 him the royal arms of Portugal for his ef- 
 cutchcon, at the toot whereof were two 
 iloves, alluding to his name Gama. 
 
 In his fecond voyage he went general of 
 thirteen fliips and two caravels : he was mod 
 fortunate in that voyage, and dilcovered 
 many lands and peoj)le, that afterwards 
 proved both wealthy and profitable to the 
 Porttiguefes by their trade. 
 
 Betwixt his firfl: voyage and this fecond 
 there were two others ; the general of the 
 one was Pedro Ahares Cabral, who depart- 
 ed from Lisbon the 7th oi March 1500. 
 In his way to the Indies he difcovercd the 
 country of Brajil, in ten degrees, and lad- 
 ing to the fouthward in feventeen degrees 
 and a half, he came to an harbour, which 
 he called Porto Siguro. 
 
 Cabral, upon this difcovery, fent a pin- 
 nace to the king to inform him of ir, which 
 at this day is more profitable to Portugal 
 
 than the trade of the E^ift-hdics. 
 
 Cabra/, the 29th of May, fetting out 
 fiom the coafl: of Brazd, was taken with 
 the mod violent ftorm that ever was read 
 oi"i the day feem'd to be as black as night, 
 the fea to burn like fire : four of his fhips 
 were fwallowed up in the fea, and Bartho- 
 lomew Bias, the difcoverer of the Cape of 
 Good Hope, in one of them. 
 
 The unlucky entertainment in Brazil 
 made after amends to the Portuguefes ; for 
 at this day their fugars, and the wood of 
 Brazil, yields them more profit than the 
 precious ftones, fpices, or other merchan- 
 dizes of the Eajl-Indies. 
 
 The firft inhabiting o^ Brazil was with 
 fmall charge and adventure, the people 
 that went were defperate, and of the worft 
 kind, rather to be banilhed for ofix^nders, 
 than any hope of profit that fhould accrue 
 unto them ; but the country proved fo plen- 
 tiful and rich, that although they have re- 
 ceived great detriments by the Hollanders in 
 Baya and Fernanhnco, yet it will quickly be 
 redecm'd again by peace. 
 
 Some other particulars concerning the Eafl-Indies. 
 
 I. F> EFORE I treat of any particulars 
 XJ of the Enfl-Indies, give me leave to 
 put you in mind of fome obfervations of 
 mine, whicJi will not be unworthy your 
 perufal, feeing they are to be attributed on- 
 ly to God, who is the fearcher of all hearts, 
 and the difcoverer ol hidden fecrets. 
 
 2. It is (Irange and furprizing, that out 
 of fo many flourifhing nations as God hath 
 created and civiliz'd, he fliould eleft and 
 chufe the kingdom of Portugal to perform 
 this great work of his, a country in thofe 
 days of lefs efteem and reputation, of lefs 
 renown and fame, and ot lefs ability and 
 valour, than any other Chrlftian monarchy 
 we can call to mind, and to affign them 
 fuch a time to efi'ed it, when they enjoy'd 
 a happy peace with their neighbours, and 
 had no enemy to oppofe or hinder their de- 
 figns. 
 
 3. The firfl difcovery, as you have heard, 
 was to Guinea in 147 i, where nothing ap- 
 peared to the PortugiiefiS but barbarous 
 Blacks, a flrange and unfeen fight to them, 
 and not to be believ'd at their return, if 
 procefs of time had not made it flimiliar to 
 them by after-traffick to coiifirm their re- 
 port. 
 
 4. This difcovery gave the light and 
 way to all others that enfucd upon it, as 
 fliail appear, like an arc begun, that others 
 take from one to another ; but we muft 
 confefs, the Portuguefes, to their honour, 
 were the firft breakers of the ice, to give 
 pafiage 10 ail other flrange countries j and 
 
 I 
 
 as Guinea yiedled a complexion to their 
 people that differed from us, as much 
 as black from white ; fo did America, 
 which was not long after made known to 
 us, produce a fort of people differing from 
 the Europeans in whitenefs, and \.\\e Africans 
 in blacknefs, but a mean betwixt both, and 
 a colour like an olive; which to as ma- 
 ny as have feen it, feems flrange, confi- 
 dering that Guinea and America lie eafl and 
 weft, all in one parallel, fo that in reafoii 
 there fhould be no fuch difference. 
 
 5. This change in complexion, and the 
 plentilul increafe of gold in thofe climates, 
 is attributed both to one caufe, which is 
 the heat and operation of the fun -, and, in 
 my opinion, not unproperly, as may be ga- 
 thei"ed out of the enfuing reafons. 
 
 6. The fun rifiiig to the eaflward, be- 
 twixt the two tropicks, runs its courfe weft- 
 ward over Afia and Africa, till it come to 
 the Ocean fea, in which circuit its extream 
 heat engendeis the rich metal of gold, and 
 changes the complexions of creatures to a 
 black hue, which the heat relicfts from the 
 earth. 
 
 7. Coming to the ocean aforefaid, it 
 pafles the diftance of 8 or 900 leagues over 
 the air of the fea, and is cooled by it, as 
 it was formerly heated by the land, that 
 by the time it draws near the continent of 
 America^ it has loft great part of its vigour 
 and force, and not able to produce that ef- 
 fe<5t, as in Africa •, and therefore is not 
 able, as it were, to mellow the earth, and 
 
 make
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tradis. 
 
 J5i 
 
 make it become gold, as after it does, when 
 it has run its courle tlic breadth o\' Ame- 
 rica, where its heat again ripens that mat- 
 ter and fubftance of gold : for we fee, by ex- 
 perience, that the greatcft quantity of gold 
 is fent out of Peru into Spain, it being the 
 weftermoft part of America ; when to the 
 eafterwardmoft part thereof, as Guiana, and 
 other pLices nearefl: us, never afford gold ; 
 and this for the reafons aforefaid, as I con- 
 ceive. 
 
 8. But to return to the difcovery of the 
 Ea/t-Indies : I will recite fome particular 
 blelfings and benefits that God hath pour'd 
 upon the world in general, upon Europe in 
 particular, and upon the Portugal nation 
 efpecially : for as they were the firfl; difco- 
 Verers, to their immortal honour, fo all at- 
 tempts by other nations, in other countries, 
 mull be attributed to them as a people that 
 trod out the firfl path for others to walk in, 
 as I will fliew by rcafon hereafter in this 
 book, when I come to treat of it. 
 
 9. This eaftern dilbovery has relblved 
 one doubt that no ecclefiaftical or modern 
 hiflory could do before, which was the life 
 and martyl"doni of that holy apoftle St. Tho- 
 mas, as the monuments there make it ma- 
 nifefV, and as a remnant of fome Chriflians 
 in thofe delblate places, gave an infallible 
 teflimony. 
 
 10. And whereas In continuance of time 
 many errors were crept in amongft thofe 
 filly Chrillians inclining to the G/vt'!? church, 
 yet by the pains, travel, and danger of life, 
 the Portugueses have brought them to the 
 light of the truth, and have fince increafed 
 the flock fo abundantly, that the name and 
 true worfliip of Chrift is propagated in the 
 uttermofl parts of the world, yea as far as 
 Chiiia and Japan. 
 
 11. By the eaftern difcovery the length 
 o^ Africk is butted out as far to the fouch- 
 ward as the Cape of Good Hope, and from 
 thence to the eaftward as fxr as the Cape of 
 Cuarda I'u ; in which courfe we have found 
 the Red Sea to fall into the eaftern ocean, 
 which before was not known to us in Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 12. By the eaftern difcovery, and our ac- 
 cefs to China, we have found out that guns, 
 powder, and printing, were in uie with 
 them many hundreds of years before they 
 were known to us weftern people : we may 
 likewife add many other curious works, 
 which to this day we cannot equal or imi- 
 tate them in. 
 
 13. By this difcovery we have difprov'd 
 that opinion of the philofophers, and other 
 learned writers, who maintained the impof- 
 fibiiity of inhabiting under the Torrid Zone, 
 for the excefTive hear, which our daily voy- 
 ages beyond the line have made familiar 
 wiih us. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 14. By this difcovery we have authenti-MoNsow. 
 Cally proved by fad, antipodes, a thing be- "-OTN^ 
 fore held ridiculous by many, (viz.) that 
 
 one people's feet are oppolitc 10 another's, 
 which, iiW Magellan f-iiied round the world, 
 could not be made plain. 
 
 15. By this difcovery we found the two 
 poles equal in their nature, and tliat the 
 lame eftcift: the north ftar produces unto U'i 
 on this fide the line, the foUth does the 
 like on the other fide, but with tiiis dilfe- 
 J-ence, that when it is funimer wiih ihcm, 
 it is winter with us ; and when it is fummcr 
 with us, it is winter with them. 
 
 16. By this difcovery we have found the 
 ftrangenefs of winds, to blow contrary 10 
 our climate, and fiiould not have believed 
 it, if experience iiad not fhcwcd it: as, 
 namely, the certain conftancy of a wind to 
 blow from the Canaries to the IFeJi-Indics, 
 betwixt the north and the eaft, and never 
 to change -, and then again, fif)ni the coaft 
 of Brazil towards the F.aji-lndies, as fat 
 as China, we find a limited wind, certain 
 in fome places for three months, and in o- 
 thers for fix -, the day of their entrance and 
 change being known to all people : and 
 thefe are called the Monfans ; but from 
 whence the name is derived, whether be- 
 fore the Chriftians accefs into thofe parts, I 
 cannot find. 
 
 17. By this difcovery we have found out 
 ftrange and unheard-of fiflies ; amongft th? 
 reft, and of moft wonder is the Remora. 
 whole nature is to ftop the way cf a fliip, 
 and to bring her a-ftern, though the wind 
 be ftrong and large to carrj- iier fc^ward. 
 
 18. This fifli has been heretofore writ of, 
 and look'd upon as a poetical fi.:tion, till a 
 voyage in a carrack to the E.afl- Indies, put 
 all men to filence; for the beak head of that 
 fliip was clafp'd about wiih a Remora, to thi 
 tear and wonder of the mariners ; tor they 
 found thcmfelves by the heiglit to be an 
 hundred leagues a-fiern ol their ordinary 
 courle •, and at laft finding the cauk, with la- 
 bour and pains they got this monfter unglued ; 
 and at laft the carrack arrived at the port of 
 Goa, where, for the memorablenels and 
 ftrangenefs of it, this fliip, the captain, the 
 day it ha[)pen'd, and her arrival, are pub- 
 licketl piifttii'd, and to be fcen to this day. 
 
 19. By this difcovery we are come to the 
 knowledge of many iflands and rocks not 
 known before, and fome of them not above 
 a quarter of a mile in compafs, as namely, 
 La Peana de St. Pedro, in four degrees to the 
 northward of the line, all white, and like 
 a fugar-loaf ; the ifland of St. Helena, two 
 miles in compafs, healthfully ieated, tliat 
 yields plenty of water, fifh, goats, and 
 fruits, as well to us in our navigations from 
 the Eaft-Indies, as to the Pu:uguefes in 
 times paft. The ifland o^ Afcerifm:, wholly 
 
 4 Y barren.
 
 ^6l 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Mo NsoN. barren, not affording fo much as water: 
 y.^^"^ but the ftrangcnefs of thcle rocks and ifiands, 
 is. That they are plac'd in the midft of 
 the ocean, the ncarell of them not being 
 within one thouHind three hundred miles of 
 any main continent. 
 
 20. Wc arc come to know the goodnefs 
 and operation of the bczoar-ftone, and of 
 the bcaft it fclf that yields it. The cocoa 
 of Maldivia, and the Rrange growth of it 
 upon trees five or fix fathom deep in the 
 fea i the virtue whereof flu exceeds the be- 
 zoar-fione. 
 
 2 1. By this difcovery we have learnt ma- 
 ny means for health by drugs, and choice 
 things of nature, for man's body, the place 
 of their growth, and the ftrangenefs of 
 them. We know the Mada, or rhinoceros, 
 a bead that has a horn in its forehead, and 
 is thought to be the unicorn : But it is not 
 fo, though it had the fame virtue -, for uni- 
 corn there is none. 
 
 22. By this difcovery we are now 
 ferved with our fpices, drugs, precious 
 lloncs, and all other India commodities, im- 
 mediately from thence by the fhipping 
 of Europe, which was wont to be received 
 by the way of Turky, at unreafonable prices, 
 and at the will of the Turk. 
 
 23. By this difcovery the Portuguefes 
 have brought in and fettled the Portuguefe 
 language, which is now grown familiar 
 and frequent in thofe parts of the world : 
 
 - They have built many famous cities and 
 towns, erefted bifliopricks, churches, and 
 monafterics; they have eftablifhed tempo- 
 ral and fpintual laws, and the fame form 
 of government they enjoy and live under 
 in their own country. 
 
 24. By this difcovery they have found 
 many ftrange kings, who govern their 
 people with much civility, their towns 
 and cities anciently built, their palaces 
 of great majefty and pomp, and all things 
 elfe anfwerable to their excellent policy, 
 rule, and government. 
 
 The names of the tovm the Portuguefes 
 have in the Eafl-Indies, ivith their form 
 of government. 
 
 Trnmtc. 
 Tdore. 
 
 Bandn. 
 Boyna. 
 
 Soffala. 
 
 The iQand of Mo- 
 
 fambiqtie. 
 The ifland of Ormus. 
 Diu. 
 Daman. 
 Bofain. 
 Chaid. 
 Goa. 
 Oner. 
 Bargalor. 
 
 Mangalor. 
 Cananor. 
 Cranganor. 
 Cochin, 
 Cortlan. 
 
 Colianbo, in the 
 ifland of Ceylon. 
 Negapatan. 
 St. Thomas. 
 Malacca. 
 Molucca iflands. 
 
 Goa is the metropolitan city of all the 
 EaJi-TndieSy lies in the kingdom of Decan, 
 and is an ifland twenty or thirty miles in 
 compafs, both pleafant and fruitful : The 
 viceroy refides in this town, as docs the 
 metropolitan bifliop of the whole Indies. 
 
 The carracks arrive from Portugal in 
 this port of Goa, unlefs they be forced about 
 the ifland of St. Laiircncc, which if they 
 be, they can fetch no harbour nearer than 
 Cochin, which is the place the carracks ufe 
 to take in their lading in their return to 
 Portugal. 
 
 The winter in Goa begins the 15th of 
 May with very much rain, and fo conti- 
 nues till the 15th of Aiigufi ; and during 
 that fpace no fliip can pais over the bar 
 of Goa, bjcaufc the continual fhowers of 
 rain drive all the fands together near a 
 mountain called Oghana, whence they 
 fpread themfelves over the fhoals of the 
 b^r, and into the port of Goa, whence 
 they can find no way out, but continue 
 there till the \Oi\i oi Aiigujl, when the rain 
 ceafes, and the fea drives the fands away 
 again. 
 
 How a new viceroy is declared, in cafe the 
 old one dies ; and of the feveral titles 
 given to perfons ferving in the Eafl- 
 Indies. 
 
 If a viceroy dies in the Eafl-Indies, there 
 are always five Vic's, as they call thetn, 
 which are letters under the king's feal, 
 figured I, 2, 3, 4, 5, which they open 
 according to their figures, beginning with 
 number i, and fo on, in cafe thofe named 
 in the firft be dead, till they light of one 
 whom the king has appointed viceroy, 
 Thefe letters are kept by the jefuits, and 
 opened at mafs, in the prefence of all the 
 nobility and others, with great folemnity 
 and fl:ate. 
 
 'Fidalgo da cafa del Roy noffo fenhor : This 
 is a gentleman of the king's houfe, and the 
 chief title. 
 
 Mofos Fidalgos, An honourable title, and 
 are commonly gentlemens fons, or ad- 
 vanced by the king's favour. 
 
 Cavalleiros Fidalgos : This is a title of a 
 knight, and much abufed by bafe people 
 that are made fo. 
 
 Mofos de Camara : Thefe are the king's 
 fervants, fome of his chamber, fome of his 
 accounts, and fome for other fervice ; and 
 this is the firft degree of credit ; and as they 
 deferve, fo they are advanced to better. 
 
 Efcadeiros Fidalgos : Thefe are efquires. 
 
 Homes
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William Monfon*^ Naval Trads. 
 
 i'^i 
 
 Homes Honrndos : This is the meancfl; 
 rank amongft them. Every man that fcrvcs 
 the king in the Indies, is paid according to 
 thofe titles j and when they return with 
 their certificates into Portugal, under the 
 hand of the viceroy and Matricola-Goicra!, 
 tlie king prefers them according to their 
 titles and places. 
 
 The fiverdl countries from whence Eaft-India 
 commodities are brought. 
 
 Cloves from the Molucca idinds •, mace 
 and nutmegs from Banda, Java, and Ma- 
 laca ; pepper from Malabar ; cinamon from 
 Ceylon ; pearls taken at a place called Ba- 
 harem in the Perjian Gidph, in June, July, 
 Augufi and September ; fandel from Cochin 
 and Malaca; all china commodities from 
 thence, as quickfilver, white fucket, cam- 
 phir, lignum alloes, China roots, fine filk 
 and -lattin •, galls from Cambaya, Bengala, 
 and Siria ; ginger from Cambaya, and many 
 other parts ; wax and long pepper from 
 Bengala ; mufk from -Tartatj, by the way of 
 China ; coco de Alaldivia from the fhorcs 
 of Maldivia ; indico from Zindi and Cain- 
 bay a ; long pepper from Bengala and Malaca -, 
 opium from Pegu and Cambaya -, alloes foc- 
 catrina from the ifland Soccatora, where 
 St. Thomas was fliipwrecked ; manna and 
 wormfeed from Pcr/ia ; rhubarb from Per- 
 fia and China j callicoe from Calicut. 
 
 Some particulars of the carracks navigation 
 to the Eaft- Indies. 
 
 Every man that goes, puts in fecurity to 
 perform the voyage ; and if he goes not, 
 pays dearly for it. 
 
 The mafter and pilot have for their pay, 
 outward and homeward, feventy-five pounds 
 each ; but the room allowed them to cany 
 commodities, they commonly let out for 
 five thoufand ducats ; no officer that goes, 
 but buys his place of the provilbr. 
 
 The boatfwain has for his wages one hun- 
 dred twenty-five ducats, and three thoufand 
 ducats freight ; the quarter-mafter has for his 
 wages fevcnteen fliillings and fix-pence per 
 month, and two thoufand fix hundred ducats 
 freight; and every other officer according to 
 his rate and proportion. The fadtors and 
 the purfers have no pay, only their cabins 
 allowed, which will ftow twenty pipes of 
 wine a-piece, and a cabin aloft to he in. 
 
 There is no difference in their allowance 
 of viftuals, every man has thirty-two pounds 
 of flelh a month, onions, garlick, dried 
 fifli eaten at the beginning of the voyage. 
 Sugar, raifins, honey, prunes, rice, and 
 fuch things, are kept for the fick men. 
 
 Every man makes his own provifion to 
 drefs his meat, as wood, pans, pots, isle. 
 
 There are officers for the king that gIveMoNsos. 
 the fiune allowance to the foldieis; for the <*^V^^ 
 foldiers and fulors are ferved apart. 
 
 In their return the king pays no foldiers i 
 and fuch foldiers as come home arc pafTcn- 
 gcrs, and have no allowance, either of meat 
 or wages. 
 
 The lailors in their return have no allow- 
 ance of meat, only bread and water, till 
 they come to the Cape of Good Hope, and 
 then they make provifion dicmfclves -, they 
 are only allowed the flowage of tlicir cheft 
 below, which if they will fell, they may 
 have eighty ducats for it. 
 
 No foldier that comes home, as aforcfaid, 
 can depart the Indus without a pafs from the 
 viceroy ; and ihcy muft llrve there five years 
 before they can liavc it. 
 
 In ruling to the Indies, fomctimes they 
 keep too much to the coall of Brafil, and 
 are forced home again, beciufc they cannot 
 double the f|-iOres of Abrolhos. 
 
 The fliip that goes from Mofambique to 
 Goa, no man can adventure in, but the cap- 
 tain of Mofambique, and fuch perfons as are 
 married in the town ; for none but married 
 men are fuffered to live there, becaufe of 
 peopling the place, which is very unwhol- 
 Ibme, and infedtious. 
 
 The government of Mofambique is worth 
 to the captain for his three years, three 
 hundred thoufand ducats ; but after his 
 three years, he is bound to ferve at the com- 
 mand of the viceroy three years more, un- 
 lefs he have a fpecial patent from ihc king 
 to the contrary. 
 
 The brave exploits of the Portuguefes at 
 Adem, and other pieces. 
 
 The great fuccefs of the Portuguefes pur- 
 chafed them both fame and envy, a- well 
 from Chriflian princes as Turks -, and Soli' 
 man the Magnificent, in the year 1537, at- 
 tempted, by his bafTa Scliman, in Egypt, a 
 voyage againll the Portuguefes at /idem, upon 
 the mouth of the Red Sea. 
 
 He furnifhed himfelf with eighty brave 
 fliips, twenty-five foilts, four gallcafles, 
 twenty galleys, and fcven other veflels ; all 
 which he carried from Cairo to Suze in pie- 
 ces, being eighty miles by land. 
 
 With thefe forces he refolutely befieged 
 Adem, which was defended by greater va- 
 lour by the Portuguefes and their governor 
 Franeifco de Ahnada. 
 
 The Turks were forced to retire with great 
 fliame ; carrying fbme few Portuguefes they 
 had taken prifoners to Confantinople, and 
 committing moft barbarous cruelty upon 
 them. 
 
 Don Alonfo de Albuquerque, with thirty 
 ill ips won C^//tK/ ; with twenty-one he took 
 Goa; with twenty-three M<j/tfffl ; with twen- 
 ty
 
 364. 
 
 MoNSON 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trads. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 ' ty-fix he entred the Red Sea ; with twenty- 
 two he recover'd Onnus. Lopes made a 
 voyage into the Red Sea with thirty-leven 
 galleys. Lopes de Sequiera with twenty-four 
 ftiips laid fiege to Guida. 
 
 Henry de Menefes v/afted Paitan with fifty 
 fhips : Lopes Vas left in the arfcnal one 
 hundred thirty-fix Jhips of war, very well 
 furniflied : I<luno d' Acuna undertook the ex- 
 pedition to Diu with thirty-fix fliips. 
 
 The famous exploit o/" Ferdinand MageUaens, m'ho fu fl Jailed round the 
 
 World. 
 
 '"r^HE honourable exploits and enter- 
 JL prizes of the Portuguefe nation ceaicd 
 not, but ftill one or other of them was in 
 aftion, and would not be fatisfy'd till they 
 had brought to light the weftern parts of 
 the world, as by their endeavour and la- 
 bours they had done the eaftern •, for it feems 
 they had an opinion of the world's round- 
 nefs, and that by a Ihip failing weflward, 
 and another eaftward, they might meet to- 
 gether by confent, if the wcfttrn fea could 
 be difcovered. 
 
 The man that firft undertook to refolve 
 this cloubr, was Ferdinand Magelkens, a 
 PorU'guefe by nation, and a gentleman by 
 birth, who having lived feven years in the 
 Eaji-hdies^ and pondering with himfelf, 
 that the world was round, thought there 
 might be another way to the Mobuco iflands, 
 befides the common known courfe by the 
 cape of Good Hope ; and was the more em- 
 boldened to it by a kinfman of his own, 
 Juan Serrano, who dwelt in the Molucca's. 
 
 Upon his return to Portugal., what the 
 occafion was, is unknown ; but he and ano- 
 ther gentleman, called Rui. Falero, left the 
 fervice of their king in 1 5 1 6. and offered 
 it to cardinal Ximenes, then archbilliop of 
 Toledo, and governor of Spain, upon the 
 death of king Ferdinando. 
 
 Don Emanuel king of Portugal hearing of 
 the flight of thefe two fervants of his, fent 
 to expoflulate their departure, accufing them 
 as fugitives, and his fubjefts, and unfit for 
 any prince to entertain -, and fought to di- 
 vert their propofuion of a new difcovery, 
 but couM not prevail with the cardinal. 
 
 Rui Falero was fo highly concerned for 
 leaving the king's fervice, and the diiLonour 
 that would redound to him by it, that for 
 very grief he run mad, and dy'd. But Ma- 
 gellaens being honoured with the order of 
 knighthood of St. James, proceeded upon 
 his voyage, and fet fail the 20th of Septem- 
 ber from St. Lucar ; and in the year 1 5 1 9 
 he arrived at Teneriff, one of the Canary 
 IJlands, on the 26th of the lame year. 
 
 Then coming into twenty two degrees, 
 on the coaft of Brafil, he found a harbour, 
 and called it the river of Serrano, after the 
 name of his pilot ; from thence he went to 
 port St. Julian, where he wintered, and 
 there his death was confpired by fome cap- 
 tains, and others of his company, who 
 
 were executed for it in the fiid port of St. 
 Julian. 
 
 Mr. Douty, that confpired the death of 
 Sir Francis Drake, (as Sir Francis icem'd to 
 pretend,) was there executed -, and in this 
 illand they found a part of the Magellaens 
 gallows, on which his men were hanged j 
 from hence Magellaens came to the river of 
 Santa Cruz, where one of his fhips was loft, 
 but the men faved. Sailing thirty leagues 
 further, he came to a cape, which he called 
 by the name of Urfida, bccaufe it was upon 
 St. Urfula'i day he there enter'd the ftraights, 
 and one of his fhips forfook him, and re- 
 turned home, whereof Stephen Go7nes was 
 pilot. 
 
 He found the ftraights an hundred and 
 thirty leagues in length, and two in breadth, 
 the fhore deep, and land full of fnow, tho' 
 it lay but in fifty-two degrees ; the point 
 from whence fhe difcovered the South Sea, 
 he called Cape Defcado, and placed a crofs 
 on it, as a token for his fhip, which he did 
 not think was return'd ; now did he conjec- 
 ture the Molucco's were not far from him, 
 but therein he was deceiv'd. 
 
 From the ff raights he failed three months, 
 and never fwv land, and was put to wonder- 
 ful extremity for want of viduals, and many 
 of his men died with hunger. The firll: 
 ifland he fell in withal, he found uninhabit- 
 ed ; and being two hundred leagues one from 
 another, he called them Unfortunate TJlands; 
 dien came he to other iflands, which he 
 called Ladrones, becaufe they were all thieves, 
 and like gipfies. 
 
 The iSth oi March 152 i. he landed up- 
 on an ifland called Zaynal, thirty leagues 
 from the Ladrones, uninliabiied ; yet he 
 (laid there to refrefli his men upon it; and 
 after arrived at an ifland called Zaloan, 
 where he found civil ulage; and lb many 
 iflands there together, that they called the 
 fea Archipelago de Lazaro. 
 
 He pafled by the iflands Cenalo, Huynan. 
 and many others, till he came to the ifland 
 of Botman, where he was civily entertain'd, 
 and at Catagan. 
 
 He went, by the help of pilots from one 
 ifland to another, till he came toCebu, which 
 is the beft ifland of the reft. The 7th of 
 April he fent to vifit the king of Celu, who 
 ufed him courteoufly ; and here he met with 
 fome Mocrsj who told the king of their 
 
 countrymsr.
 
 IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracis. 
 
 3-5? 
 
 countrymen the Porluguafes being at Malaca, 
 and in the Indies : tlie king of Cel'U, with 
 his queen, and all the whole ifland was bap- 
 tiz'd, the king called Chmles after the 
 emperor, his Ion Ferdinand after his bro- 
 ther ; and here they dedroy'd all their 
 idols. 
 
 Not fiir from Cebu there is another ifland 
 call'd Mdtan, where the king retus'ti to pay 
 tiibute to Alagcllan in the emperor's behalf; 
 whereupon he made war with him, and was 
 unfortunately flain, with eight of- his com- 
 pany ; which in my opinion was great folly 
 in Magellan to adventure his life againft a 
 people and ifland that never chrillian was 
 likely to come to more. 
 
 After his death, his company chofe John 
 Serano and Barbofa, Portuguefes, for their 
 commanders. Ser^.no was after betray'd by 
 his interpreter, and himfelf and thuty of 
 his men (lain ; and as many taken prifoners. 
 Upon this diliifter the king of Cebu re- 
 nounc'd his religion, beat down the churches 
 and croiTes, and return'd to his ancient ido- 
 latry. Eight of the thirty that were taken 
 prifoners were fold i:ico China ; and within 
 tew days after MagclLni's, death they had 
 news of the Molucca iflands. Going from 
 Matan they found an ifland called Boholli, 
 where they burnt one of their three fbips, to 
 furnifli the other two. 
 ■> : They came to the ifland called Ponayot- 
 ton, the people being mofl; black ; from 
 thence they went to Chippit, to Cagayan, 
 and to Pulon ; to the ifland of Borneo, where 
 the king eniertain'd them with great magni- 
 ficence. 
 
 They arriv'd at the ifland of Ciumbqbon, 
 where they fl:aid forty days to trim their 
 fhips, to take in water, wood, and other 
 necelliirics : fome of the men by this time 
 were altogether without cloaths ; and there 
 -they found leaves, which, when they fell 
 from the trees, would move and ffir as 
 though they were alive; and being cut, 
 blood would come out of them. 
 
 In failing to Tugimnor and So/o, they paf- 
 fed the fea ol H'^eeds, and in thofe iflands 
 found great pearls ; and then they went to 
 the ifland of Baytan and Callagan, where 
 they took a canoe, that informed them of 
 the Molucco iflands ; and pafTing by many 
 other iflands, on the 8th of November 1 52 1, 
 they arrived at the Moluccos, and the ifland 
 of Tydore, where they were honourably en- 
 tertain'd by the king. He told them, he 
 had feen in the heaven's certain figns, that 
 fuch fhips, and fuch men as they were, 
 fhould come to that ifland ; and for the 
 more friendfliip with the emperor, he would 
 have his ifland called no more 'Tydore, but 
 Callile : this king was a Aloor by religioii. 
 
 The king of the ifland of Gilolo was a 
 pagan, but came to them with great fricnd- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 fliip: both thefe kings accompanied them Mosjon. 
 to the ifland of Marc, and when they part- -^"Y"^ 
 cd, it was with tears. From thence they 
 caine to the iflantls of Chaccvan, Ldgania, 
 Sicho, Grocke, Caiphc, Chulacco, Lumiilda, 
 1\rcnton, Ambiton, Budia, ami many others, 
 till they came to Gal/ion and Mcuto, whu'c 
 they ftaid fifteen days to mend'thcir fliip. 
 
 I'hey arrived from Moula to Tymciu on 
 the i5tli oi January 1522, ami here the 
 men mutinied. In this ifl.ind they found 
 great ftore of white landers ; and in it the 
 French pox is very rile and common ; and 
 coming to Tuida, they had plenty of cin- 
 namon ; from hence they diret'ted their 
 courfe to the cape of Good Hope, iLunning 
 the fight of the ifland of Sunialra, or any 
 other land. 
 
 After many days failing with contr.117 
 vvimls, at lafl: they came to die cape ot Good 
 Hope, and iinding their want and extremity 
 lb great, many of them moved to return to 
 Mofambique, and to fubmit theinf:l\'es to 
 the mercy of the Porlugiiefes -, but molt 
 voices withlbood it, though hali" the men 
 were dead. 
 
 After a long navigation they came to the 
 iflands of Cabo Verde, and let their boat on 
 fliore, where fourteen of them were betray'd 
 by the Portuguefes of that ifland ; and John 
 Sebaftian Cano, then captain, who had out- 
 liv'd all the other commanders, perceiving 
 the flilfltood of the Portuguefes, he hoiftcd 
 fail, and direfted his courfe to St. Lucar in 
 Andalufia, where he arrived on the 6th 
 o^ September 1522, with only eighteen Spa- 
 niards of all thofe he carried with him, 
 haying been upon the voyage three years 
 wanting fourteen days, and celebrated mon- 
 day for funday, (that is to fay,) one day's 
 .difference in coinputation. 
 
 The other fliip turned back, by reafon 
 of her weaknelii, towards Ne-j: Spcdn ; and 
 being crofled five months widi contrary 
 winds, was forced back again to the Mo- 
 lucco iflands, where flie met a fleet of five 
 fhips of the king of Portugal's command- 
 ed by one Brito, who took both Ihip and 
 goods, and fent the men prifoners to Mala- 
 ca : this afterv/ards bred great contention 
 between the two kings of Spain and Por- 
 tugal. 
 
 An addition of the author^s concerning 
 voyage of Magellan. 
 
 this 
 
 This voyage of Magellan decided a long 
 and difficult controverfy amongfl: the learn- 
 ed, as well divines as others ; lome being 
 of opinion that the world was round, others 
 not ; and amongfl the reft, that famous fa- 
 
 iugujline, 
 
 Si. 
 
 ther of the church, 
 
 the world was not round, 
 
 his works. 
 
 4Z 
 
 held that 
 as IS apparent by 
 
 But
 
 ^66 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MovsoN. But Mngdlan\ fliip having fail'd about 
 '^^'V^ it, as by his voyage is manifcft, has quaflied 
 the errontous opin ons of thole that denied 
 the roiindnels of it. 
 
 In my opinion, if the world had been 
 certainly known to be round, as no doubt 
 but it was imagin'd by Cohmbus, it might 
 be a great motive, and indeed an unanfwer- 
 able reafon to animate and encourage him 
 to the difcovery of a new land, after the 
 open fea of the cape of Good Hope was known, 
 and the Eafi-Indies found out by the Po?-- 
 tugttefes. 
 
 For he could not be fo ignorant, but un- 
 derftand that by running a wcfterly courfe 
 from the Canary IJlands, if he v/ere not in- 
 terrupted by a land, the fea would conduft 
 him to a place difcovered by the Portu- 
 guefes in the Eqft-Indies ; and then, if the 
 worft befcl him that could, yet he fhould 
 be able to fhake hands with the Ponugiiefes, 
 his neighbours, in the mod remote regions 
 of the world. 
 
 yl difference betwixt the Spaniards and the 
 JPortuguefes about the Eaft-Indies. 
 
 The ftraights being newly difcovered, 
 which took the name of Magellan, and gave 
 an entrance into the Soitih Sea, and by confe- 
 quence unto the Mohtcco iflands, added fuel 
 to the fire before kindled between Charles I. 
 emperor and king of Spain, and T>on John II. 
 of Portugal, about the right of thofe iflands, 
 to whom they fhould belong, upon the di- 
 vifion of the new world. 
 
 This bred a long queftion between the 
 two princes, till it was accommodated, as 
 fhall appear in my difcourfe of the northern 
 paffiige. 
 
 As all good fuccefTes encourage men to 
 follow the fleps of the treaders-out of the 
 way, even fo did this difcovery the more 
 animate them, becaufe it brought with it 
 both honour and profit, not only by the 
 places difcovered, but by the known wealth 
 they yielded ; and out of hope that other 
 enterprizes might prove as famous and com- 
 modious, the Spaniards neglefted no occa- 
 fion to fecond this late difcovery -, and there- 
 fore in the year 1525, this tradl and paf- 
 fage was attempted by Garcia de Louifa, a 
 knight of Malta, with feven ihips, and 
 four hundred and fifty men. 
 
 He departed from the Groyne with unfor- 
 tunate fuccefs, himfelf pafs'd the flraights, 
 but died in the voyage ; Ibme of his fhips 
 were lofl, others put into New Spain ; his own 
 fhip arriv'd at the ifland of 'fydore in the Mo- 
 lucco's, another came to the ifland of Bachiam, 
 where the king thereof enter'd his fhip under 
 
 colour of f riendfhip, flew the captain, his bro- 
 ther, and took all the men prifoners : another 
 was loll in Candiga ; and, to conclude, they 
 all fell into the hands of their enemies, ci- 
 ther Portiigurjes or iflanders. 
 
 Vargas bifhop of Placentia, fent feven 
 fliips out of Bilboa to the Molucca's ; only 
 one of them pafTed the flraights, and ar- 
 rived at Areqidpa, a port in the South Sea, 
 and went no further : this fliip was the firft 
 that difcovered the lying of the coaft of 
 Pern. 
 
 Notwithflanding the many difgraces and 
 lofTes the Spaniards received by this new 
 found flraighr, yet it did nothing difhear- 
 ten them ; but they tried by all ways and 
 means how they might have accefs to the 
 Molucca iflands, by another way than by 
 the cape of Good Hope ; and Ferdinand Ccrteiy 
 the conqueror of Nezv Sain, by order of 
 the emperor, fent two fliips with four hun- 
 dred men, in the year 1528, the general 
 yilvaro Serou, to fcek tlie Moluccas from 
 New Spain ; which fucceedsd no better than 
 the reft had done ; neither was the ftraights 
 left ofr", but often attempted by thefe that 
 follow. 
 
 Thro fecond enterprize after Magellan^ 
 was by two fliips of Genoa, which arrived 
 at the mouth of it, and one of them with 
 a ftorm was cafl away at the river of Plate^ 
 the captain called Pancaleon ; the other in 
 1526 return'd home. 
 
 Sebcftian Cabot, a Venetian, would have 
 pafTed the ftraiglits, but could not -, he re- 
 turn'd to the river of Plate, being then em- 
 ploy'd by Don Emanuel, king of PortugaL 
 
 Americus Vefputius was fent likewife by 
 Don Emanuel to find the ftraights ; but 
 neither could find the ftraight, nor yet the 
 river of Plate. 
 
 Simon de Alcafara went with divers fhips 
 and four hundred and forty Spaniards •, but 
 before they came to the ftraights, they mu- 
 tiny'd, and ten or twelve being flain, re- 
 turned. 
 
 From this year, till the year 1577, the 
 attempt of the ftraights lay dead, not any 
 one feeking to enterprife it, till Sir Francis 
 Drake had it in agitation, and performed it 
 with as great a refolution, to the general 
 honour of our nation. 
 
 It was after this, and in 1586, begun 
 and performed by Mr. Cavendijh. The 
 time of his departure from England, his days 
 of failing, the fpace he was abroad, and 
 the time of his return, fhall appear in a 
 brief repetition I have made by way of jour- 
 nal, with fome addition of Sir Frauds Drake 
 himfelf, which is next that follows. 
 
 A>i
 
 1300K IV. 
 
 Str William Monion s Naval Tracfs. 
 
 J«7 
 
 ^n if2trodu5iion to Sir Francis Drake' J voyage about the ivoriJ. 
 
 I Have laboured in all my relations to 
 walk uprightly, and with integrity, nei- 
 ther fwaying to the one hand, or bending 
 to the other ; I have endeavoured to carry 
 my intentions fo equally, as not to deferve 
 blame for too much commending; nor re- 
 proof, for detrading more than truth leads 
 me ; and as I have begun fo indifferently, 
 fo will I continue as fincerely, and iay fome- 
 what of this noble gentleman Sir Francis 
 Drake, who is to enter into the next rank 
 oF my difcourfe. 
 
 There is no man fo perfeft, but is fit to 
 be amended ; nor none fo evil, but he has 
 fomething in him to be praifed: and com- 
 paring the imperfeftionsof Siri7-rt«mDra-('^ 
 with his perfections, the world, and not I, 
 fliall truly judge of his merits. 
 
 His detractors lay to his charge the bafe- 
 nefs of his birth and education, his oftenta- 
 tion, and vain-glorious boafting-, his high, 
 
 
 haughty, and infolent 
 
 and except 
 
 againft his fufficiency for a general, though 
 they allow him to be an able captain. 
 
 His friends and favourers anfwer in his 
 behalf. That the meannefs of his birth was an 
 argument of his worth; tor what he attain- 
 ed to, was by no other means than merit. 
 They lay, that every man is fon to his 
 works; and what one has by his anceftors, 
 can fcarcely be called his own ; that virtue 
 is the caufe of preferment, and honour but 
 the effeft; that a man is more to beefteem- 
 ed for being virtuous, than being called wor- 
 fliipful ; the one is a title of honour, the 
 other defert. 
 
 that I can fiy no more, but that we are all 
 the children of Aiani. 
 
 His friends llirther Hiy, That his haugh- 
 ty and high carriage is fomewhat cxcufable, 
 when it appears not but in his command j 
 for a general ought to be ftern towards his 
 foldiers, couragious in his pcrfon, valiant 
 in fight, generous in giving, patient in fuf- 
 fering, and merciful in pardoning: and if 
 Sir Frauds Drake was to be praifed for moll 
 of thefe virtues, let him not be bl.tm'd or 
 condemn'd tor one only vice. Many times 
 where a man feeks obedience, it is imputed 
 to his pride and high carriage; but if 
 people's hate grew upon envy, (as it is like- 
 ly,) it appeared greater than if it had been 
 grounded upon injury. 
 
 The exceptions againft him by thofj 
 that condemn him as an ill general, are, 
 his negled of furnifhing his fleet to the /«- 
 dies in 1585. his not keeping 5^«.'(? Dcniin- 
 go and Carthagena, when he w.is [)ofielicd of 
 them in that voyage ; his weak preparation 
 for fuch an expedition as that of Portugal; 
 his promife to go up to Lisbon that voyage, 
 and non-performance; the taking of the 
 pinnace in his way to the Indies, which dif- 
 covered his direc^tions in 1595. All thcfe 
 I formerly handled ; and reler the reader to 
 the place where they are treated of; though 
 fornething I will iay of him, as he was a 
 private captain, and efpecially of his re- 
 iiown'd voyage about the world, being the 
 firll attempt of that nature that ever was 
 performed by any nation, except the Spa- 
 niards themfelves: and it was the more ho- 
 
 Marius being upbraided by Sylla In the nour to him in that the ftraiyhts of Magel 
 
 bafenefs of his birth, 
 carriage, anfwered, 
 
 like manner, for the 
 and haughtinefs of 
 
 That he was not of (b great a family as Syl- 
 la, yet SyHa could not deny but that he 
 was the better man; for in Sylla's houfe 
 were painted the ads of his forefathers; but 
 in his were hung up the banners that he 
 himfelf had won trom his enemy. 
 
 In vindication of Sir Francis Drake's 
 oftentation and vain-glory, they tiiy it was 
 rot inherent to him alone, but to moft men 
 of his profefTion and rank. It is true, he 
 would fpeak much and arrogantly, but 
 eloquently, which bred a wonder in many, 
 that his education could yield him thole 
 helps of nature. Indeed he had four pro- 
 perties to further his gift of fpeaking, (viz.) 
 His boldnefs of fpeech, his underftanding in 
 what he fpoke, his inclination to fpeak, and 
 bis ufe in fpeaking; and though vain-glory 
 is a vice not to be excufed, yet he obtain'd 
 that fame by his adtions, that facility in 
 Ipeakingj and that wifdom by his experience, 
 
 counted fo terrible 
 very thoughts of 
 
 in thcfe days, 
 attempting ic 
 
 Ian were 
 that the 
 
 were dreadful; fecondly, in that it had been 
 but once palled, and but by one fliip that 
 ever return'd into Europe, and that above fix- 
 ty-nine years before his enterprize. His praile 
 was. That he could carry a voluntary ac- 
 tion fo difcreetly, fo patiently, and fo refo- 
 lutely, in fo tedious and unknown a navi- 
 gation, the condition of fcamen being apt 
 to repine and murmur. But, laflly, and 
 principally, that after fo many miferies 
 and extremities he endured, and almoft two 
 years Ipent in unpraftifed feas, when rcafon 
 would have bid him fought home for his 
 reft, he left his known courfe, and ventured 
 upon an unknown lea in forty-eight degrees; 
 which fea or palTage we know had been of- 
 
 but 
 
 never di 
 
 f- 
 
 ten attempted by our teas, 
 covered. 
 
 This attempt alone muft filcnce all his 
 detradors ; tor it fliew'd an extraordi- 
 nary refolution In his perlbn, a fpccial df- 
 
 fire
 
 ^(58 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naa^al Tra^s. 
 
 Book IV.' 
 
 MoNscN.fjre to enrich and benefit his country, and 
 ^^'''V^ a fingular patience to endure tlie diiallers 
 and mifliaps tliac befcl them. 
 
 And yet he miift not go fo clear without 
 (lain or b'.cmifh: tor you mud know, that 
 though he defcrved well in the direc- 
 tion and carriage of his journey, yet the 
 ground of his enterprize was unjuft, wick- 
 ed, and unlawful, his defign being to Ileal, 
 and thereby to difturb the peace ot princes, 
 to rob the poor traveller, to fhed the blood 
 of the innocent, and to make wives wi- 
 dows, and children fatherlefs. 
 
 No man had more experience of the in- 
 conftancy of fortune than he ; for the na- 
 ture of fortune is to bite when fhe flatters, 
 and to firike when fhe is angry. 
 
 What his birth and other deferts were, 
 needs no reiteration. Fortune did much for 
 him ; but at his death (he was angry with 
 him: firft, in that there was a doubt whe- 
 ther it was natural-, fecondly, and the bcft 
 his friends can lay, that it was caufed by 
 grief, for failing of his expeftation in that 
 voyage •, thirdly, after his meritorious fer- 
 vices, his heir was profecuted and perplex- 
 ed for debts and accounts to the crown ; and 
 laftly, died, like Pifarro and Almagro, with- 
 out a child to fucceed him, and perpetuate 
 his memory. 
 
 Sir Francis Drake'i voyage round the 
 world. 
 
 SI R Francis Brake departed from Ply- 
 mouth with five fhips and a pinnace, on 
 the 13th of December 1577. The 25th he 
 fell in with the coaft of Barhary; the 29th 
 of December with the ifle of Mayo and cape 
 Verd; the 13 th of March he pafled the 
 equinoftial line; the 5i:h of April he fell in 
 with BrafiU and in thirty degrees, and fo 
 to the river of Plate; where he loft the 
 company of two of his fhips ; but meeting 
 them again, took out their provifions and 
 caft them off. 
 
 The 29 th of May they came to 5/. Ju- 
 lian\ port, where the people were extraor- 
 dinary tall of ftature, and Magellan termed 
 them giants. This was the place where 
 Mr. Douty was executed the 7th of 'July 
 1578, and in the fame ifland where Magel- 
 lan executed his mutiniers, as I have fliew'd 
 before. 
 
 The 20th of Augufi he fell in with I he 
 flraights oi Magellan; the 25th oi September 
 he p.iflcd them; the 25th of November he 
 came to Macho, a port in Peru, in thirty 
 degrees, where he had appointed a meeting, 
 if the fhips had loft company ; but captain 
 Winter was returned home after he had paf- 
 fed the ftraights. The 25th of December he 
 came io St. Jacob; the 29th to Cippo, where 
 the Spaniards armed three hundred men 
 againft them. 
 
 \n February \\t arrived in Chile; the 15th 
 at Lima; the i6th of March at Acapulco, 
 where he felt a terrible earthquake in his 
 fhip. From the i6ih of April till the 
 5th of June he failed without feeing land, 
 and arrived in forty-eight degrees, thinking 
 to find a paflage into our leas, which land 
 he named Albion: the people were courte- 
 ous, and took his men for gods; they live 
 in great extremity of cold and want. Here 
 they trimmed their Iliip, and departed the 
 25111 of July 1579. ftanding his courfe 
 for the Mducco's. 
 
 The 29th of September he fell in with 
 certain iflands, where he met with the worll- 
 condition'd people of all his voyage; the 
 19 th of Oeioberhc came to Mendiona, where 
 he water'd; then to the iflands Tagolada 
 and Saron the ift of November ; the 4th he 
 had fight of the Molucca's ; and coming to 
 Ternate, was kindly and civilly ufed by the 
 king; \}[\Q \o\}n. of December x.o Celebes; and 
 here his fhip ftruck upon a rock, but was 
 moft miraculoufly preferved: he came near 
 to Beratin, where he was refrefhed, but 
 found the people cruel. The i6th of March 
 be came to Java Major, thinking to go 
 from thence to Malaca, hut necefliry forced 
 him to diredt his courle homeward. The 
 25th of March 1580. he departed from 
 Java; the 15th of June he pafled the cape 
 of Good Hope, having fifty-feven men, and 
 but three buts ot water; the 12th of July 
 he came under the line ; the i6th he fell in 
 with the coaft of Guinea, and there water- 
 ed; the 22d of Augufi into the height of 
 the Canaries; the nth of September irttb 
 the height of Tercera; the 24th in fight 
 of Scilly ; the 25th to Plymouth, where he 
 was well welcomed, and his fhip afterwards 
 carried to Deptford; where fiie lies to this 
 day for a monument, and himfelf knighted 
 in her, as he worthily deferved. 
 
 A Piort account of Mr. Cavendifli'i voyage round the world in the 
 
 year 1586. 
 
 THIS voyage into the South-Sea was vejidifij, whofe voyages I biiefly treat of 
 
 often attempted by fundry Englijlrmen next, 
 
 after Sir Francis Drake had led the way, Mr. Cavendijh, having fpent his beft 
 
 but never any of them had the fortune or means at court, thought to recover himlelf 
 
 happinefs to perform it, but only Mr. Ca- again by a voyage into the South-Sea ; for 
 
 J . then
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naviil Traiis. 
 
 3^9 
 
 then the wars with Spain began, and it was 
 lawful to make any fpoil upon the Spaniards. 
 According to his hope, he inriched himfelf 
 with a greater fortune than was left him at 
 firft, if difcretion had taught him how to 
 manage it. 
 
 He buih two fliips from the (locks for 
 this voyage, and departed from Plymouth 
 on the 2 I ft of July 1586. The 5th of ^u- 
 gufi he fell into the Canaries; the 27th of 
 September he departed from Sera Leona in 
 Guinea; the 25th of O£lober he fell in with 
 the coail of Brqfil; the 6th of January he 
 put into tlie ftraights of Magellan, where 
 he found but twenty-two Spaniards alive of 
 three hundred which Diego Flores de Valdes 
 kft there, in his unfortunate voyage he un- 
 dertook to intercept the Englijh in their 
 pafllige that way. 
 
 The 27th of February they were out of 
 the ftraights; the 14th of March axn^ to 
 the illand of St. Maria and Chile; after to 
 Marmorano., and the town ot Irica; the 
 4th of May 1587. he came to Pijla, from 
 thence to Cheripa, to Paita, and to the 
 ifland of Puna. 
 
 The 1 2th of July he pafled the equinoc- 
 tial •, the 28th he came to Acapulco, which 
 he burnt; the 1 3th of Auguli to the port of 
 Navidad, and then to St. J ago ; the 3d of 
 September to the bay of Compojlella; the 
 1 2th to the ifland of St. Andrew; the 26th 
 to the bay of MaJJedan, and ib to the port 
 of Aquacara, near the cape of California, 
 where he lay till the 4th of November, and 
 look his great and rich prize that came from 
 the Philippine iflands. 
 
 In forty-four days he went to the iflands 
 of Ladrones, being nigh two thoufand 
 leagues from thence; the ifland he fell in 
 withal was called Guana: the 14th of Ja- 
 nuary to the Philippines, he fell in with 
 "Tandaya, then to Manila, and fo to the 
 Molucca's, he palfed by the iflands of Min- 
 danao, Sibolla, and Borneo; the 28th to 
 Java Major; the 29th of May he fell in 
 with the cape of Good Hope; the 7th of 
 June with the ifland of St. Hellena; the 
 
 4th of July 1588. he paflTcd the tine, be-MowioK. 
 ing tlie 4th time he had palfed it. v-oT^- 
 
 The 24th of /luguft he law Flcres and 
 Corvo; the ■ii\ o\' September he met a Flcmijh 
 hulk, that told him the gootl fucccfs ot our 
 navy againft the Spaniards in 1588. the 
 5th he met with captain Clarke of South- 
 ampton, who had taken a Brafd man, and 
 entering into our channel, he was in a more 
 violent ftorm and imminent danger than in 
 his whole voyage, as he told me hiinfclf; 
 the 9th he came with great joy to Ply- 
 mouth, and was received with much ap- 
 plaufe for his honourable enterprize, as he 
 well dcferved. 
 
 As there were divers Englijhmen that at- 
 tempted this voyage to the South-Sea, and 
 only two performed it, as you have heard; 
 fo there were two others that pafled the 
 ftraights, but not with the like fuccefs, 
 (viz.) S'lv Richard Hawkins in 1593. who 
 found the Spaniards better provided than 
 when Drake and Cavendifi were there; the 
 Spaniards having intelligence of his coming, 
 alter a long and cruel light, took antl car- 
 ried him and his fliip to Lima, where he 
 remained prifoner till 1597. and was then 
 brought for Spain in that fleet I met and 
 fought at the Tercera iflands. 
 
 The other that pafled the ftraights wa.<! 
 Mr. John Davies, the difcovercr to the 
 north-weft, who being captain of the De- 
 ftre with Mr. Cavetidijh in his fccond voyage, 
 and the fxme fliip he had performed his 
 voyage about the world in, repan(;d the 
 ftraights when Mr. Cavendifo could not; 
 but by contrary winds and foul weather, was 
 forced to return back again. 
 
 Captain Davies was after flain in his fe- 
 cond voyage to the Eajl-Indies. Thcfe 
 two voyages of Drake and Cavendijh pro- 
 ved fo happy, that they encouraged not 
 only Englijhmen, but Hollanders to enter- 
 prize it, hoping to annoy the Spaniards^ 
 thofe ftraights giving a paflTage to Peru, 
 which afforded the greateft wealth in the 
 world. 
 
 Of fuch Engliftimen as attempted the pajjage of the Jlraights, and" 
 
 jailed. 
 
 IN the year 1582. and two years after 
 Drake's return, her majefty fent two 
 fhips, and two pinnaces, under the com- 
 mand of Mr. Edward Fenton, to try his 
 fortune in the South-Sea ; which the king 
 of Spain hearing, he employ'd Diego Flores 
 de Valdes, (who was after general of the 
 Cfl///^ fquadron for England in 1588.) to 
 way-lay Fenton, as he paflTed the ftraights 
 of Magellan ; which Mr. Fenton being in- 
 formed of, when he arrived at Brqfil, and 
 Vol. III. 
 
 in the fame port where two of Flcres's fliipj 
 had ftay'd, and with whom he had a fmall 
 encounter; and perceiving it was in vain 
 to proceed any hrther, he returned home 
 without ieeing the ftraights. 
 
 This voyage of Flores, from the begin- 15 fi- 
 ning to the latter end, proved moft mife- 
 rable and unfortunate; for befides the lofs 
 of the greateft part of his fleet and men in 
 going and coming, he built a fort within 
 the ftraights, and placed in it for governor 
 5 A Pedro
 
 370 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Na^al Tra^fs. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Mali son. Pedro Sarmienlo, with five hundred Spa- 
 ^-'"'V"'^ niards, who periflied, as I have before ex- 
 preired. 
 1586. The earl of Cumberland, on the 26th of 
 Junr, fcnt two (hips and two pinnaces to 
 pafs the ftrciglits, in the year after the war 
 broke out betwixt England and Spain. Thcfe 
 fhips arrived in forty-four degrees upon the 
 coafl: of BraJ!l, to the fouthward of the line, 
 intending to profecute their defign for the 
 South-Sea •■, but being in want of all things 
 necefiluy for fuch a voyage, they proceeded 
 no farther. 
 
 Mr. Chidlj, being encouraged by the 
 
 ,589. 
 
 good fuccefs of Mr. Cavendijh, who the 
 9th of Sepleviber before, arrived from his 
 profperous voyage, fold the better part of 
 his eftate to furnifli him in this expedition 
 for the South-Sea ; but his fuccefs proved 
 
 mon: lamentable, himfelf and moft of his 
 men <iying without feeing the (Iraights, or 
 returning a penny protit towards his ex- 
 pence. 
 
 Mr. CavendiJIj having fpent what he got \ia\. 
 in his former voyage, attempted a fecond ; 
 but with the like fuccefs as Mr. Chidley, 
 both as to death, and failing of the fight of 
 the llraights, except in his Ihip the Defire, 
 which I have fp -ken of 
 
 Mr. Benjamin Wood, a mariner by pro- 1596. 
 fefTion, but more underftanding than ordi- 
 nary mariners, undertook this voyage with 
 one {hip and a pinnace belonging to Sir 
 Robert Dudley ; but there was never any 
 news of fliip or man, being fuppofed to be 
 caft away upon the fhoals of Ahrolhos, which 
 lie in feventeen degrees to the fouthward 
 upon the coafl: of Brafil. 
 
 Of fuch Holland fnps as have pcijjed the JiraigJ.ts ; but to little furpofe or 
 
 profit. 
 
 '597 
 
 FIVE fliips went from Holland, and 
 pafled the ftraights of Magellan, only 
 one of them returned by the Cape of Good 
 Hope. In thole Ihips there went feveral 
 Engliflmen, and particularly one called 
 Mr. Adams of Limehoufe. This man after- 
 wards arrived at the iiland of Japan, where 
 he was much efl:eemed by the people of that 
 country, and found means from thence to 
 give advertifement into England of his be- 
 ing there, and the ftate of that country, 
 with defire that our merchants would un- 
 dertake the trade of Japan : He was fo 
 induftrious and careful to benefit his coun- 
 try, that if he had lived, he intended to 
 have attempted a pafTage fVorn thence to 
 England, by the norrh-eaft, v;hich has been 
 ofeen enterpriz'd from hence, but ftill 
 failed. But I do not approve of his opinion 
 herein ; for that in winter the Monfons al- 
 ways blow foutherly, a fcafon of continual 
 night -, and in fummcr northerly, full in 
 their teeth, as they fhould pafs. 
 
 ,614. Five other fliips of Holland pafTed the 
 ftraights, only their pinnace was caft away 
 before fhe entered the ftraights, which fhips 
 and captains I v/ell knew. 
 
 J623. The Najfau fleet departed from Holland 
 with the greateft pride and affurance of pro- 
 fit that men could do. They were termed 
 the Najjau fleer, becaufe the prince of 
 Orange was the greateft adventurer in them. 
 
 They were furnifhed with an extraordinary 
 expence, and choice men, both of foldiers 
 and failors -, but pafTing the ftraights, and 
 coming into the South-Sea, they found the 
 world much altered in thofe parts fince 
 Drake's and Cavendijh's being there •, for 
 whereibever they offered to land, they were 
 repulfcd with lofs and fliamc ; fo that in 
 conclufion they could not perform fo much 
 with fourteen or fifteen choice and brave 
 fliips, and two or three thouland men, as 
 Mr. CavendiJJj had done with one fliip 
 alone of an hundred and twenty ton and 
 thirty men, he having landed in feveral 
 places. 
 
 Cornelius Van Scowten difcovered a new 
 paflage into the South-Sea, three degrees to 
 the fouthward of the ftraights of Magellan \ 
 in which voyage he arrived at many iflands, 
 in his courfe to the Eajl-Indies, that were 
 never difcovered or known before, where 
 he found people of feveral complexions; 
 but none of thofe places where he arrived 
 gave any great hope or promife of profit, 
 if the navigation thither had been eafy. 
 
 This fhall fuflice touching matters of the 
 Eajl-hdies, and the ftraights of Magellan, 
 until I have occafion hereafter to mention 
 them. And another while I will diredt my 
 cdiirfe unto America and the IVeJl-Indies, 
 which was difcovered within few years after 
 the Eajl. 
 
 The difcovery of America by Golumbus. 
 
 A 
 
 ME R ICA was fo called after Ame- 
 ricus Vefputius, a Florentine ; but in 
 my opinion, there was leaft reafon to do 
 him ti ac honour of all thofe that took up- 
 on them to difcover in his time. I could 
 I 
 
 1615. 
 
 never hear of any thing he did of fame, no, 
 not fo much as the finding the river of 
 Plate, when he went upon the difcovery 
 of it. 
 
 No
 
 Book IV. 
 
 lS'/V William MonfonV Naval Tracis. 
 
 No man deferved to have that country 
 called after his name, but Columbus, the 
 firft difcoverer of it, who was unworthily 
 and unthankfully dealt withal by the Spa- 
 niards in Hifpaniola, where he was govern 
 nor ; for they fent him prifoncr into Spain 
 in chains. But king Ferdinand and Ifabel 
 his wife arc to be excufed from any hand in 
 this unworthy ail: -, for they hearing of his 
 ufage, caufed him to be releafed ', and be- 
 fore this happened, they did him the great- 
 eft honour chat ever was done to llibjec'ts ; 
 for they made him fit in their prcfence. 
 
 The Spaniards cannot be excufed for 
 their ingratitude to Columbus on another 
 account ; for they write, though few give 
 credit to their relation, that a pilot in a 
 caravel that was forced with an eafteily 
 wind upon the coaft of America, and re- 
 turned but with three men alive, died in 
 Columbus's houfe, from whom he had the 
 light of his difcovery. 
 
 But no author eidier names the pilot's, 
 or the caravel's name, or where he arrived, 
 or to what province in Sp^iin flie belong'd -, 
 but confufcdly, one faith, fhe was a Porlu- 
 guefe, another a Spaniard^ another a Bif- 
 cai)ier, another that flie belonged to the 
 ifland of Madera, another to I'ercera ; and 
 they differ as much in the place where Ihe 
 arrived. This was foully done of the Spa- 
 niards, to detraft from Columbus, for no 
 other i:eafon but that he was a ftranger. 
 
 Chrijlopher Colon, or Columbus, as we call 
 him, was born in Genoa in Italy, his ori- 
 ginal a mariner ; afterwards he betook him- 
 felf to make fea-cards, and had this voyage 
 in his thoughts a long time, but was much 
 troubled how to undertake it for want of 
 means •, for he fiw the king of Portugal 
 bufy in his conqueft of Africk, and in his 
 entcrprize in the Eaft-huiies ; the king of 
 Spain was as much taken up in his wars 
 of Granada ; v/hercupon he fent his brother 
 Bartholomew Colon to Henry Yl\. king of 
 England, who was both rich, and free from 
 war 1 but the king gave little credit to him : 
 And indeed the three kings did rather de- 
 ride him, than accept ot his ofFers, look- 
 ing upon him as a cheat, and as an impo- 
 ftor. 
 
 Columbus being at Lisbon, embarked for 
 Palos de Mcgiier in Spain, where he fpake 
 with one Alonfo Pinjon, a flcilful pilot, and 
 a Francifcan frier called Perez Maehina, a 
 learned cofmographer. The frier defired 
 him to recommend his defign to the duke 
 of Medina Sidonia, and the duke of Medi- 
 na Celi, who had (hips at that time in 
 St. Mary port -, but they rejefted him as 
 the kings had done, and looked upon his 
 propoftl no better than a dream. Then the 
 trier .advifed him to go to the, king and 
 queen, who were at the fiege of Granada, 
 
 and writ to another frier in his behalf Moxsos. 
 called Ferdinand de Talavera, the queen's ^OT'Ni 
 contcfTor: He came to the court in 14S0. 
 and delivered his petition to the king and 
 queen ; but being a poor man, a ftianger, 
 and evil appatclkd, was fcorn'd, only Al- 
 phonfo^ do Avila, contador-mayor, gavj him 
 his diet. This contador one day carried 
 lum to Pedro Gonfcdes de Mendofa, arch- 
 bilhop of Toledo, who brought him to the 
 king and queen, and promifcil to furnifli 
 him for his voyage, when the war of Gra- 
 >iada was at an end, which happened not 
 long after V and becaufe the king wanted 
 money, an ofiicer ot h's, called Z-ravj de 
 St. Angel, lent him fixiten thoiiland du- 
 cats. 
 
 The difcovery of the hidies, and beating 
 the Moors out of Spaitt, after they iiad been 
 there fevcn hundred and fevcnty years, fell 
 out both in one year. 
 
 Columbus was furninicd with three cara- 
 vels and an hundred and twenty men at 
 Palos de Mogiier. Martin Pmfon was pilot 
 of one, Francis Pinfon of another, and Dctus 
 Pinfon of the third, all three brothers, and 
 departed the third of Auguft 1492. They 
 came to the ifland of Gomera, one of the 
 Canaries, where they refreflieu ; from thence 
 he failed thirty-four days weft without fee- 
 ing land, infomuch that his company mur- 
 mured, and connived his death ; but he lli- 
 tisfy'd them with good words and promifcs •, 
 at laft he fpy'd a thick cloud, which prov'd 
 land on the nth of Otiober, where u^they 
 all rejoiced, thanked God, and kifs'd CV 
 lumbus's hands. 
 
 The firft land they fell in with was 
 called Guinaya, one of the iflands of Lii- 
 caios : From thence he went to Hifpanicla, 
 then called Uaitu, where the admiral's fliip 
 was loft, but all the men and furniture 
 fiived. 
 
 The Indians fled from them, all but one 
 woman, whom they took and cloathed, 
 and ufed courteoufly, and let her go again ; 
 which did fo much imbolden the Indians, 
 that they reforted to the Spaniards, and 
 help'd them to unlade their fliip that was 
 loft, and do them other fervices ; and with 
 the good will of the king they built a caftle 
 of wood, and left thirty-eight Spai.inrds in 
 it under a captain ; and this was the firft 
 footing the Spaniards had in the Indies. 
 Columbus took ten parrots, fome turkeys, 
 and other things the land aftbrded, and rj- 
 turned to Palos in Spain in fifty days. 
 
 The king and queen were at Barcelona 
 when Columbus arrived, whither he went 
 with his Indians and other rarities the third 
 of April, a year after he departed from 
 thence. 
 
 At his coming to the king the In-:c:ns 
 were baptiz'd, the king, queen, and p'ince 
 
 being
 
 372- 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navitl Tra(AS. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoM. being prefeiit, who were their godfathers 
 ^"'^'Y"'^ anJ godmother : They caiifed Columbus to 
 fit by them, which was never done to any 
 lubjeft. They confirmed the privilege of 
 the tenths, and gave him the tide of admi- 
 ral of the India, and to his brother Barlko- 
 lomiTJj that of Adelantado. 
 
 The queen favour'd this difcovcry more 
 than the king, and would not for a while 
 let any Arragonians go to the Indies with- 
 out licence. The king rewarded many of 
 Columbui's, company ; but the mariner who 
 firlt difcovered the land, not being recom- 
 penced to his content, fled into Barbary, 
 where he turned Turk. 
 
 The Indians confefs'd to Columbus, that 
 there were many prophecies amongft them. 
 That they fhould be fubdued with white 
 men with beards, with apparel on their' 
 backs, with bright fwords that fliould cleave 
 a man in funder, and fliould girt their fwords 
 to their fides. 
 
 Columbus in his fccond voyage had feven- 
 
 teen fliips and one thoul'and two hundred 
 men, mares, fhccp, cows, and corn to fow. 
 The firft land he tell in with was the ifiand 
 of Defeada ; and coming to Hifpaniola he 
 found his thirty-eight Spaniards (lain, thro' 
 their own fault, for injuring the Ltdians. 
 He built a town, and in honour of the 
 queen called it Ifabella. And now began 
 the Spaniards and Columbus to diliigree, as I 
 have fliew'd beibre. 
 
 What afterwards befel the Spaniards in 
 their difcoveries and conqucfts of the In- 
 dies, has been fufficiently handled by feveral 
 authors. 
 
 I will only treat of the flimous exploits 
 of Francis Pizarro and Ferdinando Cortes ; 
 the one, conqueror of the rich countries and 
 mines of Peru, the other of the famous 
 countries ot New Spain and Mexico. Their 
 births, originals, and adventures, are fuch, 
 and fo itrange, that former times cannot 
 fbew the like, and, perhaps, in future ages 
 they will fcarce be believ'd. 
 
 Of the Jirjl difcovery of the South-Sea by Vafco Nunnez de Balboa, ichich was 
 the jirjl fiep to the difcovery and conquejl of Peru. 
 
 VAfco Nunnez de Balboa, an induftrious 
 man, but in difgrace with his king, 
 undertook the difcovery of the South-Sea 
 with but a few Spaniards, and performed 
 it with prodigious labour, futferings, and 
 danger from the Indians, with whom he 
 often, fought, but ftill came off viftorious. 
 On the 25th of September 15 1_:?, from the 
 top of a high mountain he fpy'd the fea to 
 the fouthward of him, which fo much re- 
 joiced him and his men, that it amaz'd the 
 Indian king. 
 
 An Indian king on the fouth fide treated 
 him with much courtefy, carrying him 
 in his canoos to the ifland of pearls ; and 
 on this fide Vafco built the town of 
 St. Michael, the firft the Spaniards had 
 there. 
 
 Vafco having difcovered the fea and 
 coaft, fettling friendfliip wherefoever he 
 came, and gathering much wealth, re- 
 turned to Darien, whence he firft fet out, 
 and was received with much joy and tri- 
 umph •, thence he fent away a mefl"enger to 
 give the king of Spain an account of his 
 iticcefs, who pardoned his paft offences, 
 and made him Adelantado of the South- 
 Sea. 
 
 Vafco Nunnez de Balboa continuing at 
 Darien, Pedrarias d'Avila arrived there, 
 being fent from Spain to tike upon him 
 that government, and received by Vafco 
 with extraordinary honour; but had Vafco'^ 
 mcffenger arrived in time, Vafco had been 
 appointed governor. Pedrarias carried one 
 thouliind five hundred men, but he and 
 they behaved themfelves fo cruelly in all 
 parts, that they brought much deftrudtioii 
 upon the Spaniards. 
 
 Vafco and he fell out, but were recon- 
 ciled by the blfhop ; and Vafco married his 
 daughter. Vafco being upon the Sculh-Seay 
 the place of his command, Pedrarias fent 
 for and got fiille witneffes to accufe him, 
 that he fhould ii.;y. He would not obey 
 him, but would be upon his guard with 
 his three hundred men he had with him, 
 if any body offered to wrong him. Upon 
 this falfe fuggcftion Pedrarias put him to 
 death ; at which the king of Spain was 
 much offended, and Pedrarias gained the 
 ill-will of all men ; for Vafco was gen,e- 
 rally beloved and refpeded ; and the fen- 
 tence given againft him was unjuft, being 
 procured by falfe witneffes, and out of a 
 private grudge. 
 
 The aSiions of Francis Pizarro, conqueror of Peru. 
 
 I) EFOR E I fpeak of Francifco Pizarro, may feem the more ftrange and admirable : 
 
 3 his deeds, and exploits, I will fet down He was baftard to captain, P/z^rrc, ferving 
 
 his birth and education, that his actions in Navarre, and was left an infant at 
 
 I the
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Naval Tradh. 
 
 the church-door, where no body would own 
 or take companion of hinr, till at hft his 
 flither, for Ihame, took him home, and 
 brought him to do all kind of drudgery; 
 and one day fending him to keep his hogs 
 in the fiekl, he gave them a fort of poifon, 
 which killed feveral of them. The boy 
 not daring to return home, run away, anil 
 ■went to Seville, and from thence fliippal 
 himfclf for the Indies, and by degrees came 
 to be enfign, and afterwards captain. 
 
 Pizarro and Dirgo dc Almagro, being at 
 Panama, were defirous, like other under- 
 takers, CO try their fortunes in difcoveries. 
 yllniagro being rich, drew to him one Fer- 
 dinand Luque, a fchoolmafter and prieft of 
 that town, who was likewife wealthy ; and 
 all three undertook a difcovery, with a vow 
 one to another, equally to divide the profit 
 that fliould accrue. It was determined a- 
 mongft them, that Pizarro fliould under- 
 take the conquefl: ; Ahnagro go and come 
 with all necellaries to relieve them; and 
 Luque to make provifion for fupplies. This 
 happen'd in the year 1525. 
 
 The firft voyage thM Pizarro made, was 
 with one fl:!ip, and one hundred and four- 
 teen men : he filled one hundred leagues ; 
 and went afliore feveral times, where he 
 found fharp encounters, loft ibme of his 
 men, and was himfelf hurt in feveral places; 
 which forced him to return to Cbincama, not 
 far 'iromPana?na, repenting of his enterprize. 
 
 Almagro, who (laid behind Pizarro, to 
 fupply him, as you have heard, went after 
 him with feventy men, and came to the ri- 
 ver of St. John ; and finding no fign of Pi- 
 zarro's being there, returned ; but at his 
 going back he landed at fome places where 
 he found Pizarro had been, and where he 
 was hurt, 
 
 Almagro flew and hurt feveral men, and 
 returned to Panama, thinking Pizarro had 
 done the like ; but underftanding that he 
 was at Cbincama, he went to him, and by 
 confcnt furnilhed two fliips, and carried 
 two hundred Spaniards and fome Indians. 
 They arrived at a marfhy and waterifh 
 place, where the people live in trees: they 
 are warlike, and killed many Spaniards, and 
 called them the Scum of the fea, having no 
 fathers ; and iaid, they would have none in 
 their country that had beards, or that would 
 break their cuftoms. 
 
 Pizarro and Almagro had a great defire 
 to conquer that country, becaufe of the 
 fhevv of gold and flones ; but could not do 
 it with that fmall force, becaufe many of 
 them were dead. Almagro returned to Pa- 
 tiama for fourfcore men more ; but before 
 his coming back, Pizarro endured great 
 want of viduals. 
 
 Upon Almagro's. return, they found their 
 forces fo fmall, the country fo barren and 
 
 N° 106. Vol. III. 
 
 m 
 
 unhcalchful, that they left it, and went toM^N^o.t. 
 Chatama, where tiiey found plenty of all '^^ ^^ 
 things, and thought to make themfelvcs fo 
 rich, that they needed not to proceed fur- 
 ther : but they were deceived ; for the In- 
 dians were their enemies ; and fo many, that 
 they durll not light them. Almagro was to 
 go back for more men to Panama and Pi- 
 zarro to (fay in the ifland of Guara. 
 
 The Spaniards were fo weak and tired, 
 and fo dilcontented, that they dtfireil ta re- 
 tire with yllmagro, and to leave their hopes 
 of gold ; but Pizarro would not fulfer 
 them, either to go or write, left tlicy fliould 
 have difcreditcd the country ; and fo Alma- 
 gro would have got no foldiers: but not- 
 withftanding this prohibition, the foldiers 
 writ, and hid their letters in bottoms of 
 thread, by which means their miferies came 
 to be known, and complained of to the go- 
 vernor, who commanded, that no man 
 fliould ftay with Pizarro againft his will. 
 
 At Almagro's coming to Panama, one 
 Pedro de h Rios was arrived lor governor, 
 who proclaimed, that no man fliould ftay 
 with Pizarro againft his liking; and fent a 
 melFenger to Pizarro to let him know fo 
 inuch. Whereupon moft of his men left 
 him; and thofe thit Almagro took up, run 
 away from him ;' fo that Pizarro had but 
 twelve men left with him, whereof one was 
 a Grecian. He went to an ifland called 
 Gorgena, where he lived upon fnakes, herbs, 
 and crab-filhes, till Almagro^ return from 
 Panama ; and then he went over to the 
 main land, and put the Greek afhore, who 
 brought him news of the riches of that coun- 
 try, and the plenty of viduals, with the 
 ftate of their king A'.abaliba ; which was 
 great joy to them all ; for the Scutb-Sea was 
 the fountain and happincls of all their difco- 
 veries. 
 
 Pizarro hereupon returned ioPanama,i\.ndi 
 from thence imo Spain, to carry the emperor 
 news of this rich country, which he defired 
 the government of He \tk tv^o Spaniards 
 behind him to learn the language, cuftoms, 
 and riches of the country ; but they were 
 afterwards flain by the Indians. 
 
 Pizarro v/as above three years upon this 
 difcovery of Peru, and endured as inuch 
 hunger, and other miferies, as man could do. 
 
 PizarroV return to Panama, thence into Spain, 
 and thence back again to Peru. 
 
 At Pizarrd's, arrival at Panama, lie im- 
 parted the hope of his difcovery to Almagro 
 and Luque his afl!ociates, who were grown 
 poor by their undertakings ; but yet fur- 
 niflied him with one thoufand pieces of gold 
 for his journey into Spain, moft part of 
 which they borrowed. 
 
 At his arrival in Spain, the emperor gave 
 
 him the title oi Adclantado oi Peru: and to 
 
 5B en-
 
 374 
 
 ^/> William MonfonV Niwal TraSis. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 IfoKsoN-. encournge men to go with him, Pizarro 
 ^^^^iT^ promiled more riches than he knew of, 
 though not ib great as after it proved. He 
 c.irricd with him three of iiis brethren, Fer- 
 dinand, Jchn, and Gonfalo -, Ferdinand on- 
 ly Icgitimare, the others baftards. They ar- 
 rived in Panama in great pomp and pride. 
 But y^lmogro v/as offended with Francis Pi- 
 zarro, b-caufe he had taken upon himfclf 
 all tiic Iwriour in Spain, and excluded him 
 who was at all the expence, and part of 
 the Libour and pains. Pizarro excufed him- 
 fclf-, which gave but lirde fatist'aftion. 
 
 llie expence of the Pizarro's was fo 
 great, and their means fo fmall, that they 
 could not proceed upon their enterprize, 
 without the help of yf/w^o^ro ; whom Fwk- 
 cis Pizarro laboured to wm again. In con- 
 cluiion, by mediation of friends, Almagro 
 furniflird him with fevcn hundred pieces, 
 and fuch arms and victuals as he had ; fo 
 that Pizarro proceeded with two fhips, and 
 as many men as he could carry. He came 
 to a place called Coaque, where he found 
 much wealth, but endured much mifery. 
 From hence he fent to king Atabaliha for 
 friendfhip ; who anfwered, It he would re- 
 turn the wealth gotten, and clear the coun- 
 try, he would be his friend ; or elfe not. 
 A frier was fent to perfuade him, but all in 
 vain ; fo that they came to a battle. Many 
 of the Indians were (lain, and their king ta- 
 ken prilbner; and not a. Spaniard kWhd or 
 hurt, but only Francis Pizarro in the head, 
 as he v,as fnatching at the king to take him. 
 
 Before this, Pizarro took the idand of 
 Puna, and gained great wealth, which he 
 gave to his foldiers that came to him lately. 
 Here his people fell fick of the pox, a na- 
 tural difeafe of thofe parts ; and here he de- 
 livered feventy prifoners that had been ta- 
 ken by the iflanders, and fent them free to 
 Tumbes, whence they were. Notwithftand- 
 ing this courtefy, they incenfed the people 
 againft the Spaniards, and flew three that 
 were fent in civil manner to treat with them ; 
 which fo enraged P/z^rro, that he took their 
 tov/n, and brought them to obedience. 
 
 Thefe things happen'd before the taking 
 of Atabaliba prifoner; who now being in 
 their hands, offered tor his ranfom, as much 
 filver and gold as would fill a great and fpa- 
 cious room wherein he was ; which he truly 
 perform'd ; but the tinie was fo long before 
 it could be brought two hundred miles, that 
 Ferdinand Pizarro adventured to go for it ; 
 and in that journey he Ifarnt much of the 
 fecrets of the country. 
 
 Francis Pizarro divided the treafure thus 
 gotten, and gave to every man his due ; 
 never foldiers in the world were fo rich. He 
 dealt juftly with Almagro, and gave him 
 what was his due : all things grew exceed- 
 ing dear, a fhirc at ten pounds, a quart of 
 
 2 
 
 wine at five pounds, and one thoufand two 
 hundred and fifty pounds a horfe. Pizarro 
 fent his brother Ferdinand to the emperor 
 with his fifths, and a relation of what had 
 happened : many common foldiers went, 
 who carried, ibme twenty, fome thirty, 
 fome forty thoufand ducats in plafc. 
 
 There was an Indian call'd Philip, a chri- 
 ftian, and interpreter to the J/irtOT^r^^, who 
 fell in love with one of Alabaliba^s v/Wcs , 
 and thinking to marry her after his death, 
 accufed him of plotting the deftruftion of 
 the Spaniards, for which he was condemned 
 and executed ; but whether juftly or no, is 
 a queflion. Before his death he defired to 
 be baptized •, but whether from his heart, 
 or no, that is uncertain. 
 
 Pizarro hearing the fame of Cufco, 
 marched thither, and took it, where he 
 found as much wealth as he had by the ran- 
 fom of ^/^^^//Z'^; and it is thought there 
 was as much hid that never came to light. 
 
 Almagro h.\d commiffion from the empe- 
 ror to be marihal of Peru, and governor of 
 one hundred leagues of land further than 
 Pizarro. Whereupon he took upon him to 
 govern Cufco; and this was the firft begin- 
 ning of the ftrife betwixt them two, but for 
 the prefent accommodated ; and Almagro 
 went to difcover the country of Chile in 
 '^SZBy where he endured much hunger, 
 cold, and other difafters. 
 
 Ferdinand Pizarro returned out of Spain, 
 and came to L'.rna, s.fKr Almagro's departure 
 to Chile ; and brought a patent to his bro- 
 ther, wherein he was made a marquifs, and 
 to Almagro the government of New 7'oledo. 
 
 He required all the filver and gold that 
 was received for the ranfom of Ataba'iba for 
 the emperor ; the other being a king : but 
 the Ibldiers anfwered, they had paid their 
 fifths, which was their due. This caufed a 
 fudden mutiny : but Pizarro appeafed it, 
 though with the ill will of his foldiers. 
 Mango, whom Pizarro had made king, re- 
 belled againft him, and had almofl taken 
 Cufco. In the conflid: he flew divers Spa- 
 niards. 
 
 Almagro hearing the emperor had made 
 him governor, as aforefaid, returned out of 
 Chile, and took Cufco by force, ailedging it 
 was in his government. He impnfoned 
 Ferdinand Pizarro : Mango the Indian king 
 befieged it ; and now began broils betwixt 
 Almagro and Pizarro ; and now did Fran- 
 cifco Pizarro receive many lofles by the In- 
 dians that rebelled againft him. Pizarro 
 fent forces to regain Cufco from Almagro ; 
 but by mediation of friends they were to 
 meet and confult before they tbught, but to 
 little purpofe; for that treaty broke up, 
 and they fought a moft cru.'l fa tie, wy 
 which Almagro ^'^s taken, and put into the 
 fame priibn he had put the brother of Pi- 
 zarro,
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Travis. 
 
 zarro, who there coiukmned and executed 
 him. I'i t\\t Indians had taken advantage 
 of this diyifion, they liad defeated the whole 
 power of the Spaniards. 
 
 Ahic.gro was of mean birth, and never 
 known who was his father: he could not 
 read; but was valiant, frank, merciful, and 
 vain-glorious. Francis Pizarro, upon this 
 accident lent his broihcr Firdinemd \moSpain 
 with the emperor's litths, and to excufc the 
 death of Aimogro. He came to ValladoUd in 
 great ffate, and with much wealth, but with- 
 in a while after was committed to prifon. 
 
 Francis Pizarro went on with his viifto- 
 ries, and endured great hardfliips; yet he 
 prevailed, got gr^at wealth, and made peace 
 with the Indian kings. Gonzalo Pizarro was 
 a principal man in all thefe undertakings. 
 
 Francis PizarroV Dealh. 
 
 Francis Pizarro returning fiom the Ciiy 
 cf (he Kings, endeavour'd to be reconcil'd 
 to Diego de Almagrc, Ion to him that was 
 put to death -, but he would accept of no 
 conditions of iriendOiip ; neither would 
 John de liada advife him to it, who was 
 left in charge of him at his father's death, 
 wi:h command to feek revenge of the Pi- 
 zarro's ; and tliough Francis Pizarro was 
 ftill informed of the praiffice againit him, 
 yet he little eftccmed of it i but notwith- 
 Ilanding his fccurity, on the 24th of June 
 •1541, John de Rada and ten others cntred 
 upon him whilll he was at dinner, and flew 
 him. He was a man neither liberal, nor 
 covetous, nor would he proclaim what he 
 gave ; he was a good hufband for the king, 
 and a great gameller, not regarding with 
 whom he play'd ; he would never wear rich 
 apparel, and yet fometimes would put on a 
 garment that ferdinando Cortes fcnt him ; 
 he took a pride to wear white fhoes, and a 
 white har, in imitation of Gonfah the great 
 capcain ; he uied his IbLiiers well, and got 
 their loves -, he was grofs, valiant, and ho- 
 nourable, and negligent of his health or liie. 
 
 Upon his death, his and Almagro's fac- 
 tion had many bickerings ; and at lafl thofe 
 of Ali/mgro's party feditioufly proclaimed, 
 there was no other governor in Peru but 
 Digo d.e Ahnagro. i.e appointed Jc/.'w de 
 Rada his general ; they committed many 
 inlblencies, murders, and cruelties; they 
 divided all the goods of the Pizarrd's and 
 their friends, and placed whom they lifled 
 in command, meaning to make Diego de 
 Almazro their kins;. 
 
 The emperor hearing of thofe tumults in 
 Peru, lent one Vaca de Caftro, a dodor, 
 with authority to punifli them •, and he 
 coming thither, thole who ftood for the em- 
 peror repaired to him : whereupon Almagro 
 prepareti all his forces to meet him, where 
 
 37? 
 
 they fought a cruel battle, in which ///ot.;-Monsc 
 gro was overthrown ; though more men were -^^^ 
 flain on the other fide ; few captains efc-ap'il, 
 and thofe that were hurt, died, by rcalbn of 
 tl'.e great frofl and fhow that was in the 
 country. 
 
 y,!ca deCa/lro executed thirty of the prin- 
 cipal offenders, and baniflied diveis others. 
 Almagro f^cd to Cufco, flunking to find re- 
 lief ; but his lieutenant he left there, hear- 
 ing the fuccefs of the battle, apprehended 
 him, and Vaca de Caftro at his coming thi- 
 ther cut ofi" his head. 
 
 This Diego de Ahnagro was a baftard, 
 whom his father had by an Indian woman 
 in Panama ; but he was braver than the me- 
 llifo's ufed to be; he was the firft that ever 
 took up as' ins againR the king in the Indies : 
 liis followers were fo loving anci conftant to 
 him, that though they had often offers of 
 pardon, they would not leave him. 
 
 Vaca de Ca/lro fettled things in good or- 
 der, gave the Indians content, who now 
 begun again to cultivate their grounds 
 which before they could not do for the wars; 
 and about this time many mines were dif- 
 covered. 
 
 The emperor being informed of the re- 
 volts in Peru, and the ill ufage of the In- 
 dians, he dil'placed his commifTioners there, 
 and chofc others, giving them an oath to 
 deal juftly, and to order thugs upr't-htly. 
 He made forty laws, and fighed th( m at 
 Barcelona the 20th of November 1542. But 
 thefe laws were ill taken in Peru. 
 
 He ient Blafco Knnnez Vela wirh the title 
 of viceroy, with the laws aforefaid ; where- 
 in the emperor gave great free 10m to the 
 Indians ; which tl Icontented the Spaniards j 
 though no doubt the emperor did it out of 
 a good confcience. 
 
 Thefe things bicd fo great a heart-burn- 
 ing in the Spaniards, that with one confent 
 all the towns of Peru revolted, am' made 
 Gonzalo Pizrrro their general. The vice- 
 roy armed as much on the other fide ; and 
 at lirfi; fent the bifliop to perfuade Pizarro ; 
 but he would admit no treaty. The vice- 
 roy was hated of all men, and elpecially for 
 murdering the king's factor, that was taken 
 pri loner in the City of the Kings. 
 
 Now begin great garboils, v h.it with the 
 imprifoning of the viceroy, and the coming 
 of Gonzalo ; but before this happen'd, the 
 viceroy had imprilbn'd Vaca dt Cafiro, and 
 the five commillioners tiiat came with him 
 out of Spain, for the better appeafing of 
 things, and fent Ca/lro prifoner into Spain. 
 
 Pizarro came to tlic C:ty of the Kings, 
 and caiifed the emperor's commiflioners to 
 admit him for governor. 'I'hofe that had 
 the charge to carry the viceroy prifoner in- 
 to Spain, let him at liberty : which proved 
 an unlucky fervicc ; for jf he had been 
 
 carry'J
 
 37« 
 
 MONSON 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraBs. 
 
 Book IV 
 
 carry'd into Spdin^ Pizr.rro would have 
 agrec:d with the commillioners. Pizarro 
 ftrcngtliencd himfelf as well by land as by 
 fca, and lent Ferdiuand Bachicao with fifty 
 men, who was eftcemed a coward, but did 
 nnich inilchicf: he incrcaled his two bri- 
 gantincs to twenty-eight fliips, and came 
 to Pancma, where he did what he pleafed, 
 like a tyrant. His tleath was pradis'd in 
 Panama; which he hearing, prevented, 
 with the death of thofe that intended it, 
 and returned to Peru with four hundred 
 men, to the defence of Pizarro, who fol- 
 lowed his vidory, and put his enemies to 
 many itraights. They committed great 
 cruelties one againft another when they were 
 talcen on either fide. 
 
 Pizarro hearing of the great fpoils that 
 Bachicao made at lea, by confent of his 
 council difplaced him, and put in Pedro de 
 Plincjofa in his room. 
 
 Pizarro lent Hinojofa to fcour the feas, 
 left they fliould make head againft him, 
 
 and to give fatisfaftion for the fpoils that 
 Bachicao had made ; but they of Panama 
 were jealous of him, till at laft they agreed 
 he fliould enter the town with forty men, 
 and afterwards return to Peru to Pizarro. 
 
 The viceroy Blafco Nunnez and Pizarro 
 came to a battle, in which the viceroy was 
 taken priloner ; and being known to one 
 that had fcrv'd him, he cut oft~ his head, 
 and the next day buried him, Pizarro mourn- 
 ing in black for him. 
 
 After this Pizarro governed with great 
 juftice and uprightncfs, till he was drawn 
 into tyranny by Francis Canvtjal and others, 
 who would make him king, faying. They 
 might do if, becaufe the country was gain'd 
 by them, as well as Pelaius king of Spain, 
 when the Moors entrcd it. They would have 
 conditioned to ha\'e Ferdinando Pizarro, 
 who was prifoner in Spain, fet at liberty ; 
 others propofed to bring in the turk amongft 
 them. 
 
 Giicafent out of Spain to quell the rebellion in Peru, 
 
 THE emperor hearing of the tumult in 
 Peru, occafioned by the commiflio- 
 ners proceeding againft the viceroy, and 
 the inlblencies of Pizarro, being then trou- 
 bled with his wars of Germany, chofe out 
 a milder man than Blafco Nunnez to go- 
 vern in Peru, which was Pedro d.e la Gajca, 
 a prieft •, a man whofe wifdom was tried in 
 other affairs. He went with little fliew of 
 pride: the commiffioners he chofe to be 
 fuch as he could truft, and he had the title 
 of prefident. The emperor writ to Pizarro, 
 and dated his letter from Venlo in Germany 
 in February 164.6. 
 
 Gafca arriv'd at Nombre de Dios, and car- 
 ried himfelf mildly, faying. He came not 
 to make war, but according to his profef- 
 fion, to make peace, and revoked the ri- 
 gour of the laws that caufed the war. 
 From Panama he fent the emperor's letters -, 
 and writ himfelf to Pizarro, telling him. 
 He was come to pardon all offences, to draw 
 him to obedience, to give Citisfaftion to his 
 people, and, if he refufed this grace, to 
 make war. 
 
 Pizarro was enraged at the receipt of 
 thefc letters, and would not fuffer the 
 gentleman that brought them to fit down 5 
 which the gendeman took for a great af- 
 front. Pizarro called for his friends, to 
 confult what anfwer to give the prefident's 
 letter. Carvajal, the chief incendiary, was 
 abfent ; and therefore it was hoped he 
 would accept of grace •, yet every man de- 
 livering his opinion, fome adviie to take 
 and raze Panama and Nombre de Dios, that 
 the emperor might have no place to relieve 
 2 
 
 his men and fliipping •, and they having all 
 the fl-)ips in the fouth fea, might without fear 
 enjoy Peru to themlelves, and then doubted 
 not but to make New Spain revolt too, or, 
 at leaft, they would rob all the towns on 
 the fea coaft, and live by fpoil and rapine; 
 which indeed they might have done, ha- 
 ving the general of the lea true to them. 
 
 Pizarro cunningly anlwered Gafca^s let- 
 ter, by confent of thirty of his men, under 
 their hands -, That they underltood of his 
 coming by Hinojofa, general of the fea, and 
 the fair fhew of good he pretended -, but it 
 was too late, after fo many murders, oc- 
 cafioned by the viceroys ; perfuading him 
 to return to inform the emperor. That they 
 would receive no governor but Pizarro, 
 and offered to fend fome man of quality 
 into Spain to make their cafe known to the 
 emperor. Carvajal diverted Pizarro from 
 all good intentions, and would not fuffer 
 him to make any acknowledgment to Spain: 
 They fent thefe letters to Gafca, and of- 
 fered to give him a great quantity of mo- 
 ney to depart home •, and if he refufed it, 
 they writ to their admiral Hincjcfa to ap- 
 prehend him. Thefe letters being brought 
 to Panama, put Gafca in fear that he fliouid 
 be killed ; for they abfolutely refufed to re- 
 ceive him in Peru. 
 
 Gafca dealt fo cunningly with Hinojofa., 
 that he brought him to lubmit himfelf and 
 fleet, and became a true fervant to the empe- 
 ror. This was the overthrow of Pizarro -, 
 and Hinojofa was continued general, and 
 none of his captains difplaced. Gafia now 
 prepared again for war, and lurnilhed him- 
 
 lelf
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William Men Ton'/ Naval l^a^fs. 
 
 felf for his journey to Peru ; and before liis 
 arrival fent a pardon to all the common fort. 
 In his expedition he carried iiimfclf cour- 
 teoufly, lovingly, and friendly. 
 
 Gafca's carriage, and the fubmifllon of 
 the fhips, made a great change amongfl: the 
 rebels ; for happy was he that could appear 
 for the emperor. Pizarro was much grieved 
 to hear of thefe alterations ; but, like a cou- 
 ragious captain, fent to all his friends to 
 come to him with their forces ; but mod 
 part of them forlbok him, and the town of 
 Lima, Cufco, and the reft, took part with 
 the emperor. 
 
 When John de Cnjla came to Pizarro to 
 Arequipa, they confulted what to do, ha- 
 ving four hundred and fifty men in the 
 whole country againft them : he refolv'd to 
 go to Chile, where never Spaniard had 
 been ; but he was followed by one Cenlcno 
 with a loyal party for the emperor, between 
 whom was fought a cruel battle, Pizarro 
 gaining che vidlory : he loft two hundred 
 and twenty men, and Centeno many more. 
 Cenleiro fled •, but tlie others having fo great 
 a lofs did not follow him. Pizarro, upon 
 the viiftory, divided his forces into feveral 
 parts. Cepeda, a principal man of account 
 on his fide, perluaded him to make condi- 
 tions with Giifca, which he would not do, 
 but was angry at the inotion, and grew fuf- 
 picious of him. 
 
 Gafca came into Peru with two thoufixnd 
 men, where he heard of the overthrow Pi- 
 zarro had given Centeno ; and his men be- 
 ing fickly, and finding the corn green, and 
 not to be eaten, they were much difcoura- 
 ged ; but Centeno coming with the remain- 
 der of his forces, put them into heart ; 
 whereupon he went in the purfuit oi Pizar- 
 ro., but had great trouble in pafTing the ri- 
 ver Aptirima. Pizarro being advertisM of 
 it, departed from Cufco with a thoufand fol- 
 diers. Donna Maria Calderon Ipeaking a- 
 gainft the tyranny of Pizarro, Fran. Calde- 
 ron entered her chamber one morning, and 
 (Irangled her in her bed. Now came their 
 armies in view of one another, every one 
 taking advantage of the place: Gafca de- 
 lay'd giving battle, in hopes that moft of 
 Pizarrd's men would leave him -, but they 
 did not ; and he being forced by fnow, 
 cold, and hunger, engaged in the heat of 
 the adlion. Cepeda, who (as I faid before) 
 advifed P/z^rro to accept of conditions, fled 
 to Gafca, which much difliearten'd Pizar- 
 ro's fide. This example, and others that 
 did the like, made moft of them yield. 
 
 Pizarro feeing it, chofe rather to fubmit 
 than Ry, and yielded himfelf to Villa Vicentia., 
 ferjeant-major, who carried him to Gafca. 
 Never fuch a battle was fought, in which 
 the heads and chief commanders were doc- 
 tors and fcholars. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 377 
 
 Cafca fent forces to cut off thofe that Monsoh. 
 efcap'd in their way to Cufo, and to fccure -OT^J 
 tiie town. The day Ibllowing, being the 
 ninth of April X548, Gafca committed 
 the caull" of Pizarro and oilier offenders to 
 judges, who condcmnM him and thirteen 
 more to death, whereof Francis Carvajal 
 was one, and indeed the chief proinotcr of 
 all the mifchief in thofe pans. 1 le w.is 
 eighty-four years of age, and had been 
 an enfign in the battle of Ravenna : he was 
 foldier to the great captain Gonfalo Fernan- 
 dez, and the moft noted foldier in the In- 
 dies, yet never counted valiant nor fliilful. 
 It was a by-word, As cruel as Carvajal, bc- 
 caufehc had been the executioner of four hun- 
 tlrcd Spaniards Pizarro caufed to be put to 
 death after Blafco Nunnez came into Peru, 
 carrying blacks with him continually for 
 that purpofe. Pizarro was never over- 
 thrown but in this battle, though he had 
 fought many. 
 
 Gafca's fbldiers looked for a better re- 
 ward than was given them ; though, indeed, 
 they were well dealt with, yet they muti- 
 ny'd upon it, but were foon quieted. 
 
 Gafca took a courfe for the cafe of the In- 
 dians, and to reduce tiiem to the chriftian 
 religion, as alfo for the peaceable govern- 
 ment of the kingdom. 
 
 V^'li^n Gafca arriv'd at Nanbre de D:os 
 out of Spain, he brought not an hundred 
 men with him, nor money, but procured 
 credit, and, at his going away, paid all 
 debts, and canied with him to the emperor 
 almoft two millions, but for hiinfelf not a 
 penny, being the firlt man in authority that 
 ever did the like ; for covetoufncfs was the 
 bane of all the Spanijh affairs. 
 
 No man that had cominanded in Peru 
 had efcaped death or iinprifonment but this 
 Gafca : Francis Pizarro and his brothers be- 
 headed Almagro; Almagro's fon murdered 
 I'Vancis Pizarro -, Blafco apprehended Fa- 
 ca de Caftro ; Gonfalo Pizarro flew Blafco 
 Nunnez ; and Gafca did as much to Gonfalo 
 Pizarro. There were flain one hundred 
 and fifty-eight captains and men in autho- 
 rity, which is to be imputed to the genius 
 and riches of the country : for the like di- 
 vifions happen'd before the Spaniards came 
 thither, which made a long war amongft 
 them. 
 
 When Gafa had fettled all things in 
 good order, he prepared for his return 
 into Spain, and came to Panama, leaving 
 much weahh there, which he could not 
 carry -, but it happened that two Ions of 
 Rodrigo Contreras, governor of Nicaragua, 
 with two hundred foldiers entered the town, 
 and took the treafure, and as much more 
 as they could get. One of the two bro- 
 thers got himfelf with his wealth into 
 two or three fhips, the other follow'd Gaf 
 5C t".
 
 378 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN.frt, thinking to rob and kill him. They 
 '-'V^ murdered many, and Hew a biniop, becaufe 
 he fenc to their father into Spain on account 
 of their villanics: they drew to them all 
 faftious and difcontented people that fa- 
 voured the party of Ptzarro. 
 
 Gafi-a hearing of thofe diforders, re- 
 turned with fpeed, fought with, and over- 
 came theuv, one of the brothers was 
 drowned in pallmg a river: he diipatched 
 fliips after the other, and took him and all 
 his wealth. This proved a fortunate fuc- 
 cefs to Gafia, and got him great honour. 
 
 He imbarked at Nomhre deDios tor Spam 
 in 1550. with much wealth for others, and 
 reputation to himfelf: his going, coming, 
 and ftaying, was little more than tour years. 
 
 The emperor made him bilhop of Pla- 
 centia, and fent for him to Aushurg in Ger- 
 many, where he then lay, becaufe he would 
 be informed by word of mouth of all pro- 
 ceedings, and the ftate and condition of the 
 people of the Indies. 
 
 This fhall fuffice for lb much as con- 
 cerns the beginning, progrefs, and conclulion 
 of the Spafujh conquctt ot Piru, which were 
 lull of difficulties, hiizards and cruel mur^ 
 ders among themfelves. For what concerns 
 particular men, towns, and countries, I re- 
 fer you to divers authors, as well in Spanijh 
 as Englifl:; and will now proceed to the 
 conquetl of Neiv Spain and Mexico, by that 
 renown'd and fortunate gentleman Don Fer- 
 dinand Cortes. 
 
 The exploits of Don Ferdinand Cortes marquis del ViiUe. 
 
 FErdinand Cortes .was the fon of a gentle- 
 man, but of fmall fortune; and fee- 
 ing his father could not maintain him in 
 the port of his birth, he defir'd to put 
 himfelf into the world-, and, with his fa- 
 ther's blelTing, and little help otherwiie, 
 he made fhitt to get into the wars of Italy, 
 where he ilay'd not above a year, through 
 want and fickncfs ; and being forced by 
 neceffity to return for Spain^ was forced to 
 beg till he got to Stville, knowing his fa- 
 ther's circumibnces could not relieve him 
 at home. 
 
 Not long after his arrival at Seville, 
 there happened a fleet to depart from thence 
 to the Indies, in which he procured a 
 pafTage; and being taught to write and 
 read, put himt(;lf into the fervice of a 
 fcrivener, and by degrees, through his 
 own induftry, advanced himfelf to perform 
 thofe adions you fhall read in the follow- 
 ing difcQurfe. 
 
 After running through feveral employ- 
 ments in Hifpaniola and Cuba, he became 
 familiar and intimate with the governor 
 of that illand Diego Velafqtuz. This go- 
 vernor, upon the report of the wealth of 
 Jticatan, had fent hl^nephew John de Gry- 
 olva, to difcover along that coaft ; who re- 
 turning with a promifing account of the 
 riches, not only of that coafl he was fent 
 to, but of that afterwards called Bew Spain, 
 Velafquez fitted out a fleet at his own ex- 
 pence to conquer that country, and gave 
 the command of it to Cortes, whom, upon 
 iecond thoughts, he defign'd to have re- 
 moved ; which Cortes having intelligence 
 of, he hafted away with his fleet upon his 
 difcovery. 
 
 Being arrived at Vera Cruz, and recei- 
 ving t!\ere information of the valt wealth 
 of the king of Mexico, he let forward to- 
 wards him on the i6th of Auguft 1520, 
 
 with five hundred foot, fifteen horfe, and 
 one thoufand three hundred Indians to car- 
 ry the baggage. 
 
 After four days march he came to a 
 goodly country, called Chincbecas; but be- 
 fore he came thither he had palfed high 
 hills, full of fnow and ice, though it was 
 in Auguft. 
 
 Next he came to 'tlafcalla, a people who 
 were enemies to the Mexicans. Cortes over- 
 threw them in three conflifts: the town 
 had twenty thouftnd houfes, very fair, and 
 handfome markets and fairs: Ccrtes took 
 it by night, and returned to his camp, 
 where he found his men in mudny; but ap- 
 peafed them, out ot hope they Hiould fpread 
 abroad the gofpel of Chrift. 
 
 From thence he went to Chalotecan, a 
 country no lefs fruitful -, wliere he was en- 
 tertained with their kind of mufick, but 
 they were fet on by the king of Mexico to 
 betray him, which was difcovered by an 
 Indian woman; and Cortes fuddenly fet 
 upon them, and overcame them. The king 
 o\ Mexico fent to excufe himfelf of this trea- 
 fon, and to lay it upon the people of the 
 country: he fent to invite Cortes to Mexico, 
 and as he palTed the country he was well en- 
 tertained, efpecially in Tlalelulco and Xalifco, 
 the one friend, the other enemy to the 
 Mexicans. 
 
 When Cortes came within half a mile of 
 Montezuma, the king fent a thoufiind cour- 
 tiers, all in one garb, to meet him, who 
 Htluted him one aher another, firft touching 
 the ground with their fingers, and kifTing 
 it; then came Montezuma with two hun- 
 dred better apparelled, two and two toge- 
 ther, without flioes, thougli they ufe flioes 
 at other times; he leaned upon two ot his 
 nobility, to ll:iew that he was upheld by his 
 nobles. 
 
 Cortes
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traf/s. 
 
 Cortes was told, he muft not touch tlie 
 king, fof that it was the cuftom ot" the 
 country; he prefented tiie king with a 
 chain of bugles, and fomc diamonds in it ; 
 which the king took in good jxirt, and gave 
 him in requital another of gold wrought in 
 fnails, crabs, and fuch toys. He lodged 
 Caries in his palace with great folemnity, 
 and made liberal provifion tor his army. 
 The king erefted a curious throne of Hate, 
 where he diredled his Ipeech to the Sj>a- 
 Jiiards, as follows : 
 
 Noble foJdiers, and merciful captaivs to 
 jhem that yield, you are wtlcome into this 
 country of oun ; I would have you know^ that 
 our forefathers have told us, and our chro- 
 nicles declare it, 'That ive are not anciently of 
 this land wherein we live, but brought hither 
 by a king, who left us here, becaufe we re- 
 fufed to return with him in company: Our 
 forefathers niarry'd, had ifftte, built houfes, 
 which we enjoy ; end ive have ever been of 
 opinion, that they will come to us again, and 
 make us fuhje5ls to them, as they have former- 
 h been to our anceflors. /Ind therefore confix 
 dering from whence you come, and that you 
 are fent from a great king, we yield to you all 
 obedience and fervice, and make account ycu 
 are entred into your own heufes. 
 
 I am not ignorant of what hath happened to 
 you by the way, and that the Cempoalans have 
 fpoken ill of me ; they are my enemies, and 
 I pray you believe ihem not; I know they tell 
 you my houfes and walls are gold, and that I 
 make myfelf a god: but I pray you behold 
 my houfes that are made of wood, lime, and 
 fione, and mvfelf a flefoly man like others. 
 Indeed I have plate from my ancejlors, and 
 what I have floall be yours. I muft now de- 
 part ; but will fo provide, that neither you 
 nor yours f:all want. 
 
 Cortes anfwer'd, That what he faid was 
 true; and that the king ^ Spain ■rc.vu the king 
 they looked for; and that he was fent thither 
 purpofely to let them know fo much. After 
 they had pafled fix days in great jollity, 
 Cortes had news that fome of his men were 
 murdered by the king's appointment; tor 
 which he was glad, thinking to take that 
 occafion to I'ubJue and conquer him and his 
 country. 
 
 Cones fent for the malefaftors, and put 
 them to dearh : they accufed Montezuma, 
 whom likewik' he imprifoned, but within 
 a while after he fet him at liberty : he con- 
 fefled his fault, and promifed his allegiance 
 ever after. 
 
 The king chofe rather to dwell in the 
 palace with Cortes, than at pleafure abroad. 
 To give him fatisfacfion, he fent to difco- 
 ver mines for him, and procured a great 
 quantity of wealth to prcfent hiw; he 
 
 wiflied and adviicd his nobles to obey 
 Cortes, and labour'd how he niigiit fubduc 
 Cacomacftn, his valTal, who wholly refufed 
 to fubmit to Cortes. This ail of his was 
 affirmed by publick notaries in writing by 
 the confent of all the nobility, and inter- 
 changeably given to one another. 
 
 Valafquci, the governor of Cuba, envy- 
 ing Cortes, fent Narz'aes with eighteen liiil 
 of (hips, to command Cortes to go out and 
 quit Alexico; v/htrcM Cortes was amazed, 
 and in a dilemma; for if he made head 
 againll Narz'aes, the Indians would prelent- 
 ly have revolted, and if he did not, Nar- 
 vaes would in time poflcfs himillf of the 
 country : wherefore he relblved with one 
 hundred and fcvcnty men to go againft 
 Narvaes, leaving a garrifon in TenuJIitlan, 
 which he commended to the care of the king. 
 Narvaes had eight hundred Spaniards, and 
 nineteen great pieces ; nevertheleis Cortes fet 
 upon, took him, and the reft yielded them- 
 felves. 
 
 In this interim, the citizens of Tenujlitlan 
 revolted againft, the king and Spaniards, 
 and alTiiuhed the caftle, alledging, their 
 diflike to the Spaniards, was for breaking 
 down their idol. 
 
 Cortes haftened thither with feventy horie, 
 and five hundred Spaniards, which gave 
 heart to them in the caftle; the Indians 
 were defperate, and defired rather to die 
 than live: they put Cortes to a retreat, 
 which emboldened them much. 
 
 Cortes afterwards ufed many engines, and 
 other inventions; and though he flew mul- 
 titudes of Indians, yet they valued it not: 
 Montezuma looking out of a window, 
 thinking to diduade the people from their 
 violent courll-s againft the Spaniards, was 
 ftruck with a ftone, of which wound he 
 died within three days. He was a man of 
 a good nature, wife, and prudent. The Spa- 
 niards gave the Mexicans his body to bury, 
 and oftered the Indians conditions of peace; 
 which they wholly refufed, vowing to 
 tl.ruft the Spaniards out of their country, 
 though it were with the lofs of looo men 
 to one. Yet within a day they deceitfully 
 matie a propofition of peace, which Cortes 
 accepted of; and to give them the more 
 content, he fet a prieft of theirs at liberty, 
 thinking it would have wrought more hear- 
 tily; but the day following, when Ccr/« 
 had the leaft fulpicion of them, and fat 
 quietly at dinner, they attempted one of his 
 houfes: whereupon he fuddenly role from 
 table, and with his horle charged the In- 
 dians, where he loft divers men, and was 
 himfelf fore wounded, and fcarce able to 
 retire. It was now come to that pafs with 
 the Spaniards, that they muft either pcrifli, 
 or quit the city ; and that night they rclblv'd 
 to fiy with Montezuma's children, and rrea- 
 
 furc i 
 
 3 79 
 
 MONSOM .
 
 380 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval l^raSis. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 ,\[oNsoN. fure-, but the /«^/^?w having notice of it, 
 -^V^^ purfiicd them, recovered the prifoners, flev^ 
 one hundred and fifty Spaniards, forty-one 
 horfes, and two thoufand Indians that took 
 their pare. Now did Cortes endure great 
 mifery and famine, and had but one dead 
 horfe -to feed on in five days, till he came 
 to Tkfcalla. 
 
 The Tlafcalkns entertained him courte- 
 oufly, svhere he flay'd ten days^ he built 
 many fortrefTes for his own ilifety and theirs, 
 and fent for aid into Hifianiola: In the 
 mean time he gained the love of many 
 Indians, who took part againfl the Mexi- 
 cans. 
 
 Cortes bui't thirteen boats j and on the 
 other fide, the new king of Mexico prepar'd 
 for war, and made certain pikes to annoy 
 the horfe, which they feared more than the 
 men. Cortes cut a pafilige into the iixlt lake, 
 for his boats to have a palTage to the fiege 
 of 'Tenufiitlan: thefe fl^.ips intercepted all 
 provifion, and annoy'd the Indians infinite- 
 ly. Cortes alTailed the town in four places, 
 having in his army one hundred and twenty 
 thoufand men ; fome came for fear, fome 
 for liberty, fome for friendfhip, fome out of 
 gain : this fiege lafted ten weeks, and wa- 
 fted ten thoufand people with famine, and 
 other misfortunes. Cortes by chance took 
 the new king, as he was Healing away fe- 
 cretly by the lake : he fubdu'd "Tmiiflitlan, 
 and fourteen towns by the lake fide ; as al- 
 fo all the Mexicans realms, and provinces 
 to the crown of Spain, giving great fpoil 
 to the foldiers, and referving the fifths to 
 the king. 
 
 Cortes deferved more honour than all the 
 reft of^ the Spaniards, for his conqueft in the 
 Indies ; he lubducd New Spain, and gave it 
 that name, becaule it was like Spain ; he 
 may very well be compared to Marias 
 and Scipio in the Roman ftate : his houfe re- 
 mains great to this day, and has the title 
 
 of marquifs del Valle, which he left to his- 
 pofterity. 
 
 Cortes being afterwards captain-general, 
 and Mendofa viceroy oi Nova Efpaiiia, there 
 happened many private grudges between 
 them, but yet they joined together for the 
 finding out of the paliage from ti;iofe feas to 
 ours, which we propeily call the north-v/cil 
 paffage; as alfo in tiie conqueft of Sibcla and 
 ^ivira, where they were perfuaded by cer- 
 tain friers, Tliat the people worfnipped 
 the crofs, and had other tokens of Chniiia- 
 nity: but all proved take, and few Spc.' 
 niards returned home, their mifery was io 
 great, and the country fo cold and barren, 
 the people cruel, and five hundred leagues 
 from Mexico. 
 
 Cortes, after his taking Mexico, fent to 
 difcover the northern parts, and his people 
 arrived in a country where T^icoanlipe Cician 
 Pipe was king, who received them loving- 
 ly, and fe:ic ail ambafTador to Cortes, think- 
 ing he was come out of the clouJs, and 
 that their vcifels were great whales: they 
 wondered at their horfes, and accepted a 
 friendly pe;\ce, offering Cortes fifty-ihou- 
 fand men to alTift in conquering T'utefec, 
 who was his enemy for ufing the Chriftians 
 well. 
 
 Notwithftanding that Ferdinand Cortes 
 had delerved as much honour as could be 
 laid upon him; to the difgrace and fhame 
 of that time and age,' he was called from 
 his command, and at his arrival in Spain 
 was unworthily dealt withal. 
 
 He afterward went the unfortunate jour- 
 ney with Charles the firft to A'giers, not 
 having fo much command as to be admitted 
 a councellor of war. In that expedition he 
 loft two emeralds in the field, which could 
 never be found again, valued at one hundred 
 thoufand crowns. He died the fame year, 
 and much about the fune time that Hemj 
 VIII. king of England, died. 
 
 'The 7iames of the Jirfi governors of the ijland Hifpaniola, where the Spaniards 
 made their Jirji habitation, and from whence they difcovered other parts of 
 the Weft-Indies 5 with an account of all tkofe difcover ies. 
 
 CHriftopher Columbus was governor eight 
 years-, during which time he and his 
 brother Bartholomew conquered and peopled 
 the greateft part of it, and made it benefi- 
 cial to the king. 
 
 Francis de Bovadilla fucceeded Columbus, 
 and fent him prifoner into Spain ; he go- 
 verned three years, and well. 
 
 Nicholas de Ovando was next, and went 
 thither with thirty fhips, into which Bova- 
 dilla put all the wealth he had got for him- 
 fclf and the king, which was the greateft 
 the Indies had afforded till then ; but all 
 
 thefe fhips with their wealth, except fix, 
 were caft away in a ftorm. Ovando was a 
 religious man, and governed I even years 
 with much wifdom. When he went thence, 
 he was lb poor, that he was forced to bor- 
 row money for his expences, though his re- 
 venue was two thoufind pounds a year. He 
 would not fuffer any fcandalous perfon to 
 live among them : he conquered Ibme pro- 
 vinces not fubdued before, pacify'd others, 
 and was made chief commendary of Alcan- 
 tara when he return'd home. 
 
 James
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraCis. 
 
 5S1 
 
 James Columbus governed fix or fcven 
 years, but was removed, and in dilgracc 
 with the king, with whom he had ll-vcral 
 years fuits for his father's right to the Indies. 
 
 F. Luis of Figutroa, prior of the mona- 
 ftery of Mayorano, was fcnt by cardinal 
 Xiiiienes, who governed after the death of 
 king Fcrdip.nnd and his queen. He took 
 from the courtiers all their Iiidinns, becaufe 
 they being in Spain, their fervants ufed the 
 Indians very ill. He put them to fchool to 
 be inRruiiled, but many of them dieii of 
 the fmall pox. In his time the planting of 
 lugars in iliat ifland was much improved. 
 
 After him went A4a?reIIo de Villulobos but 
 with the title of prefident, which ftiil con- 
 tinues. 
 
 The firft bifhop of 5/. Domingo was 2). F. 
 Garcia de Podtlla, a Francifcan. Many mi- 
 racles were wrought in the firft converfion 
 •of the Indians. The firft archbilliop of Sl 
 Domingo was Alfonfo de Fuca Mayor. 
 
 In the ifland the Spaniards found no fort 
 of four-footed beafts, except three forts of 
 conies, but they have now all forts of 
 cattle, and of one cow there came eight 
 hundred in twenty-fix years. Many of the 
 clogs the Spaniards carried turned wild, and 
 did more harm than wolves ; and the cats 
 they carried out of Spain would not cater- 
 waul there. 
 
 "The ijlands of the Lucayo's. 
 
 Thefe ifiands are four hundred in num- 
 ber, lying to the northward of Hifpaniola, 
 and the firft difcovered by Columbus. The 
 people are fairer than in Cuba., and Indians 
 ufed to come from other places to live with 
 thofe women. They had no flefh -, and 
 when the Spaniards carried them to Hifpa- 
 niola, and gave them flefli'to ear, they 
 died. They thought, that when they 
 died they were carried into the northern 
 regions, and from thence to paradife in 
 the Ibuth. 
 
 Seven inhabitants of Hifpaniola, amongfl 
 whom was Lucas Fafquez de Jyllon, a fcho- 
 Lir, and auditor of the ifland, fitted out 
 two caravels at Puerto de Plata, in the year 
 1520, to fetch Indians from the i Hands Lu- 
 cayo's to work in their mines •, but they 
 found no men there, and therefore refolved 
 to go nordiward for fome, becaufe they 
 would not lofe their labour. They came 
 into thirty-two degrees, where is now cape 
 St. Helen, and the river Jordan. The In- 
 dians took tlieir fhips for great fifhes, and 
 entertained ihc Spaniards well, who brought 
 away two of thofe Indians ; one wliereof 
 v.as caft away in one of the caravels, the 
 other ftarved himfelf to death. 
 
 Lucas Vafqucz, by the report of an In- 
 dian, fuppoled the country to be rich, and 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 therefore went into Spain to beg leave ofMoN^oy. 
 the emperor to conquer it. Leave was -^V~^^ 
 granted ; and he being made a knighr of 
 the order of St. Jago, returned to St. Do- 
 mingo, where lie fitted out fome fliips in the 
 year 1524; but his admiral fhip was lolt in 
 xh^t x'wcv Jordan, with many men -, and this 
 was his end. 
 
 St. John de Puerto Rico, or Borriqueii. 
 
 T!ie people of this ifland were braver than 
 thofe of Hifpaniola. Columbus difcovered it 
 in his fecond voyage, and John Ponce di 
 Leon went to inhabit it in 1509. The king 
 and queen received him courteoully, and 
 became Chrillians. At firft they thought 
 the Spaniards were immortal ■, wherefore to 
 try it, byconfent they drowned one Sa'ceda, 
 whom they much feared •, and feeing he 
 died when they threw him into the water, 
 they took heart, revolted, and killed five 
 hundred Spaniards. They much dreaded a 
 dog called Bezcrillo ; his mafter received 
 pay of the emperor for him, and the dog 
 did great fervice. He would diftinguifh 
 betwixt the Indians that were friends and 
 foes; at laft he was killed with a poifoned 
 arrow. The firft bifliop of this ifland was 
 Alonfo Manfo, Anno 1 5 1 1 . 
 
 Florida. 
 
 The admiral Columbus taking John Punce 
 from his government at Borriquen, and he 
 being left without command, and rich, fit- 
 ted out two caravels, and not finding the 
 ifland Boynca, where tlie Indians told the 
 Spaniards, there was a well that made old 
 men young, he difcovered the coaft of Flo- 
 rida on Eajlcr-day, Anno I ^i^. He fitted 
 out three fhips at Seville, came to Guada- 
 lupe, where putting men afhore for wood 
 and water, and to wafli their clothes, the 
 peoplg of that ifland flew them. Thence 
 he went ro Florida, where the Indians ftand- 
 ing on their guard, wounded him, and ma- 
 ny more ; and he died of his hurt at Cuba, 
 after lofing much of. his wealth. He fiiiled 
 with Columbus in the year 149.^, and was a 
 good officer, and did good fervice. 
 
 Ferdinand de Soto, who had been in the 
 wars of Peru, and was grown rich by the 
 ranibm of Atabaliba, defired the conqueft of 
 Florida, v/hither he went, and fpent \\v<: 
 years in the attempt ; but he and all his 
 men died without doing any thing. 
 
 After the death of this Soto, many fued 
 for the conqueft of Florida; and in 1548, 
 Julian Samana begged it : but the emj^eror 
 thinking it no good courle to convert the 
 Indians by force, fent fevcral friers to con- 
 vert tiicm -, but tiie Indians killed four of 
 them ae their firft landing. 
 
 5 D PanUiO
 
 j8i 
 
 MONSON. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val ^rdcJs. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Panuco. 
 
 Fifty leagues from Florida is the river of 
 Panuco. The firll difcovercr of it was 
 Francis de Garay, who only filled along the 
 coaft -, but he that undertook the conqueft 
 was Pamphilo de Nari'aes, with the title of 
 Adelantado. He failed from Si. Lucar with 
 five fliips, fix hundred men, one hundred 
 horfes, and all other provifions, in the year 
 1527, and fuffercd much by the way through 
 the ignorance of his pilots : yet he proceed- 
 ed with three hundred men ; but his fault 
 was, that he did not inhabit where he land- 
 ed. Of the three hundred Spaniards that 
 went afhore with him, only four lived, who 
 wandered fix years up and down naked, and 
 wrought many miracles •, as healing of dil- 
 eafes, and raifing a dead man to life. This 
 Narvaes was he that went to oppofe Cortes 
 in New Spain. A Morifco foretold it to 
 him, that his fleet fiiould have an ill end -, 
 and few of it efcaped. 
 
 Francis de Garay fitted out three caravels 
 jitjamaica in the year 152S, intending to 
 attempt Florida, which they thought to be 
 an ifland ; for they were more willing to in- 
 habit iflands than the continent. Attempt- 
 ing to land, all his men were either kill'd 
 or hurt ; but he got to Panuco, and re- 
 turned to Jamaica, where he refitted his 
 fhips, and recruited his forces, but had 
 worfe fuccefs than before. He vied with 
 Cortes, hoping to gain as much honour as 
 he had done, becaufe the country promifed 
 well. He therefore provided eleven fhips, 
 with feven hundred men, one hundred and 
 fifty horfes, and all neceflaries, and failed to 
 Panuco, where he lofl all, but himfelf, who 
 efcaped to die afterwards at Mexico. Nunno 
 de Guzman was alfo governor of Panu- 
 co ; he carried but two or three fhips, and 
 eighty men, and yet revenged the flaughters 
 the Indians had made. ^ 
 
 Jamaica. 
 
 Colinnbus difcovered Jamaica in his fe- 
 cond voyage. His fon James conquered it, 
 when he was governor ot Hifpaniola. Fran- 
 cis de Garay Wiis the richefl governor it ever 
 liad, but for his lois in the expedition to 
 Panuco. This ifland breeds the befl: hogs 
 in the Indies : the chief town is called Seville. 
 The firft abbot it had was Peter Martyr of 
 Jingleria, who writ the decades of the Indies. 
 
 The difcovery of New Spain is before, 
 with the actions of Cortes. 
 
 Cuba, 
 
 Was difcovered by 'Columbus, and call'd 
 Fernandina, from king Ferdinand : Nicholas 
 
 de Ovando began the conqueft of it, when 
 he was governor of Hifpaniola : the chief 
 town and port in it is the Havana. The 
 firft bifhop was Hernando de Mefa, a Domi- 
 nican. Many miracles were wrought in this 
 ifl.md, by which means it was the fooner 
 fubdued. 
 
 Tttcalan. 
 
 Francis Hernandez de Cordova difcovered 
 it yinno 15 17. having one hundred and ten 
 men with him. Here landing to take wa- 
 ter, he was oppofed, and had twenty men 
 killed, fifiy wounded, as he was himfelf in 
 thirty-three places, and two taken, whom 
 the Indians ficrificed. He returned to Cu- 
 ba, troubled for his lofs ; but glad that he 
 had found fuch a fruitful country. 
 
 Francis de Montejo went next to conquer 
 if, with five hundred Spaniards, in fliips of 
 his own, and built a town called Santa Ma- 
 ria de Vitoria. Here he endured much hun- 
 ger, and other miferies ; but outlived them ; 
 and continued tv/enty years, marrying an 
 Indian woman, and following the cuftoms 
 of the Indians. He reftifed to go with Cor- 
 tes upon his conqueft. 
 
 His companion Aguila peopled Campe- 
 che, Merida, Villa Dcca, Salamanca, and 
 Seville, where he lived quiedy and peace- 
 ably with the Indians, who in this place 
 worfhipped the crofs, and had temples and 
 altars -, which made the Spaniards conceit, 
 that tome of the Goths fled thidier when the 
 Moors fubdued Spain. 
 
 Hondura's. 
 
 CduKibus difcovered all this coaft, think- 
 ing to find a paflfage into the Scuth-Sea. 
 Francis de las Cafas founded Trunillo in the 
 year 1525, by order of Cortes. Here the 
 Spaniards imprifon'd and kill'd one another. 
 
 The people are ill-natured -, but very obe- 
 dient to tlieir mafters. The firft bifliop's 
 name was Pedraca : the firft governor was 
 James Lopez de Salzedo, killed by his own 
 people. Next to him was Vafco de Hcrrera, 
 who was killed in the flime manner, as were 
 other governors. 
 
 Nombre de Dios. 
 
 The country about it was call'd Veragua^ 
 difcover'd by Columbus, Anno 1502. James 
 de NicueJJd, who went with Cohmbus in 
 his fecond voyage, obtained the govern- 
 ment of it, and fitted out in Spain nine vef- 
 fcls, with feven hundred and eighty men, in 
 1508. He coafted along to Car:/:agena„ 
 where he found the company of Alonfo de Ho- 
 jeda, his great friend, in tliftrcfs, the Indians 
 having killed fevenry of his men ; which 
 
 they
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracls. 
 
 they revenged, entring their hoiifes by night, 
 and killing and raking them all prifoners. 
 
 After this, N:ciiejja pafled from Hojeda 
 with two caravels, appointing the reft to 
 follow him. Lopez de Olano, who had the 
 command of a veffel, miffed of him, and 
 went to feck him in the river of Chagre : 
 There they went afhore and funk their vef- 
 fcls, intending to make it their refidencc, 
 and chofe Olano for their general, till the 
 C(>ming of Nicnrffa. Three of NicKfJpi^s 
 men came to them in a boat, telling them 
 where he was, and that he had loft his two 
 caravels, and endured great hunger for three 
 months. 
 
 OIcDW hereupon fent one of his boats to 
 fetch him out of that mifery -, hut when he 
 came to them, he bafely impriioncd Olano, 
 accufing him of ufurping command, and de- 
 ftroying the fhips. 
 
 He would not ftay here, though they 
 were within three months of reaping their 
 corn -, for fear Olano fhould have the honour 
 of the undertaking. 
 
 Out of the other bark they made a cara- 
 vel, and went to Porto Bel/o, fo called by 
 Columbus, becaufe of its goodnefs. Here 
 the Indians ftew twenty of his men. He 
 left half his company, and went away to 
 Cape Marmol, where he built a tort, calling 
 it Nombre de Dios. Of feven hundred and 
 eighty men he had not above one hundred 
 left alive. Here grew great contention be- 
 tween Fafco Nunnez de Balboa and Francis 
 Encifo about the command ; which was 
 the caule they landed not, but returned. 
 
 Nicuejfa, feeing they were gone, went to 
 Hifpaniola to complain, but was drowned 
 by the way -, but firft he went afliore by 
 the way, and writ on barks of trees, which 
 were afterwards found. This way pajjed the 
 unfortunate James de Nicueftli. He was the 
 firft that difcovered Daricn ; where he was 
 reduced to fuch extremity, that his men 
 were forced to eat dogs, toads, and one 
 another. After this Philip Godofre de- 
 fired the government of Beragua, but with 
 no better fuccefs, by reafon of famine : This 
 was in the year 1536. 
 
 The admiral Le-ijois Columbus fent Chri- 
 fiopher Pena to people there, who fufFered 
 much by famine. By agreement betwixt 
 the king and Columbus, he was created duke 
 of Veraguas and marquis of Jamaica, Anno 
 1546. 
 
 Darien. . 
 
 Hojeda, Nicuejfa, and Bajlida, as you 
 have heard, were the difcoverers of this 
 country ; and after many calamities, muti- 
 nies, famine, and other misfortunes, Hojeda 
 died a trier at St. Domingo, and left Fran- 
 cis Pizarro his lieutenant. 
 
 383 
 
 In 1502. Bajlida fitted two vcfTcIs at Ca- Monsos. 
 diz. He had been with Columbus in all his -''V^ 
 voyages 1 but loft his fliips at St. Dcmingo 
 by the worm that eat them. He was im- 
 prifoned by Bovadilla, for trading with the 
 Indians without le.ave -, but the king gave 
 him two hundred ducats a year in lieu of 
 Daricn. When thofe Indians fought with 
 the Spaniards, they would put gold at the 
 end of their arrow;, thinking they would 
 ftoop for it, and tluy might kill them. 
 
 Pizarro feeing the fifty ilays expired, 
 wherein Hojeda had promifed to return, (who, 
 as was fliiil above, was become a frier,) bciin^ 
 in great want of viduals left that country, 
 and put to lea with two caravels ; one of 
 them was caft away in a ftorm, and the 
 other had her rudder ftruck off" by a fifli; 
 which made'them all conclude themfelves 
 loft -, but by good luck they got to Cartha- 
 gcna almoft ftarved. 
 
 In his way he left Encifo, whom Hojedci 
 had left to follow with viduals. Pizarro 
 told him, how Hojeda was turned frier -, hut 
 Encifo thought it was an invention of his 
 own, and that Pizarro had fled from him -, 
 but being fatisfied, he caufed him to return, 
 though Pizarro oftered him two thouland 
 ounces of gold, not to go back, the coun- 
 try was fb unfortunate. 
 
 They landed at Comagre to take in water; 
 and though the Indians were men- eaters, yet 
 they ufcd rhcm kindly, when they undcr- 
 ftood that neithtr Hojeda nor Nicuejja 
 were there. Going into Uraba their (liips 
 ftruck, and their mares, hogs, and all they 
 had was loft. 
 
 This difaller made Encijo defpcrate, 
 thinking they muft all perifh ; and they all 
 fwore to one another, rather to die by the 
 hands of men than by hunger. They land- 
 ed with one hundred men, and were beaten. 
 Thence they went to a country clofe by, 
 and built a village, calling it Guardia : 
 Ac firft the Indians were quiet ; but afier- 
 wards became their enemies, whom they 
 overcame, and poficfted much wealth of 
 theirs. 
 
 Now began great fa-ftions between Encifo 
 and Vafco Nunnez de Balboa : Nunnez rci u- 
 fed to obey him, or pay the king his fifths ; 
 and thus they continued a year. ' 
 
 Henry Cohnenores went with two cara- 
 vels from St. Domingo, to relieve Hojcda's 
 men. And after many dangers he arrived 
 at Carefa, and put fifty-five men aftiore, 
 whom the Indians flew, excepting feven, 
 that hid themklves in a irce; but they were 
 taken and eaten. Cobmnores fearing the 
 Indians would attempt his caravels, re- 
 moved to the gulph of Uraba, and firing 
 his guns, was anfwercd with fires by the 
 Spaniards afliore. There was great joy for 
 their meeting; and all of them made up 
 
 onj
 
 384 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN. one hundred and fifty men-, a fufficicnt 
 
 ••^v ^- number againit the Indians. 
 
 The fadions continued -, and to appeafe 
 them Colmenores advifed. That Encifo fliould 
 govern, he having the king's patent for it. 
 Numiez rcfufed, antl would not allow of it ; 
 but afterwards took Encifo, and confifcated 
 all he hatl. Eiuijo got into Spain to com- 
 plain of him, and obtain'd a fevere judgment 
 againll him -, which came to nothing, becaufe 
 afterwards Nunmz was the caufe ot finding 
 the Suuth-Sea, and all the wealih obtain'd 
 by it. Nunnez had done many other good 
 fervices, and conqucr'd Cpjlilla del Oro. 
 
 Kunnez having the abfolute power, en- 
 deavoured to govern well, and had two 
 hundred and fifty Spmiiards :^ and in the 
 town of Nueftra Scnnora el Entigua del Da- 
 rien, with one hundred and thirty of them 
 he went out to find viduals fcr the reft : An 
 Indian king rciufing him relief, he took 
 two of his wives and children, and carried 
 them away. In the plundering the town 
 he recovered three Spaniards that had been 
 taken of Niciujja's company, who told him 
 how well that king had ufed them -, where- 
 upon he relealed his two wives and children, 
 and took their oaths to aid him againfl: 
 Ponca their enemy, and to relieve them 
 with viduals. 
 
 Nunnez fent his friend Maldivia to Santo 
 Domingo for more men, becaufe the country 
 promiled gold, and with him a procefs 
 againft Emifo. He flicked a town two 
 leagues up the country, where he had gold, 
 but could not take Ponca ; and fearing to 
 be fo far in the country without more help, 
 he returned to Comagrc, and made peace 
 with him. Comogre had a fair-built houle, 
 plenty of viftuals, and lived in a civil man- 
 ner. He had feven wives and ieven chil- 
 dren, his eldeft fon gave him feventy flaves 
 to ferve the Spaniards, and much gold. As 
 they were weighing the gold, two Spaniards 
 fell out, which the king obferying, he 
 ftruck down the fcales, faying, " If I had 
 " known, Cbriftians, you would have fallen 
 " out for my gold, I would not have gi- 
 " ven you any ; for I love peace, and I 
 " wonder that you who are friends fhould 
 " fall out for fo vile a thing. If your coun- 
 " try be fo civiliz'd as you report, it had 
 " been better you had kept in it, than to 
 " come fo far to quarrel. We live here 
 " and content ourfelves with indiftercnt 
 " things, and you call us barbarous -, but 
 " we will not kill one another for gold; but 
 " I will fliew you a country where there is 
 " gold enough." 
 
 The Spaniards were afionifh'd to hear 
 the young man talk fo rationally ; apd 
 caufed the three Spaniards that were taken, 
 to aik how far that country he promifcd 
 was off, and how called. He told them 
 
 2 
 
 feven days journey, and tliat the name of it 
 was Tenncnana ; but advifed them to carry 
 more men, becaufe the way was mountain- 
 ous, and the people men-eaters. 
 
 Nunnez hearing him talk of another fea, 
 embrac'd him with great joy, and befought 
 him to become a Chrillian -, which he did, 
 and was baptiz'd by the name of Charles. 
 He was a great friend to Chriflians, and 
 promifed to go with them to the other fea, 
 provided they would carry a thoufind Spa- 
 niards, for fewer would not conquer Terme- 
 nana ; if they miftiufted him, he offer'd to 
 go bound -, and if he told a lye, they fhouki 
 hang him; and this was the beginning of 
 the difcovery of the South-Sea. 
 
 Nunnez returned with great joy to Dn- 
 rien, and divided his wealth. The king's 
 part came to fifteen thoufand pefos, which 
 was caft away going to Spain. Numiez en- 
 dured great milery, the corn they fow'd be- 
 ing ipoiled with rain. Men were fent out 
 with great danger for food, who returned 
 with gold ; but all full of fores made by 
 the biting of gnats. 
 
 Colmenores went another way with feven- 
 ty men ; they met together, and went 
 among the people that live upon trees. 
 The Spaniards defired a peace with them, 
 which they refufed, relying on the height 
 of their trees ; but when the Spaniards of- 
 fered to cut them down, which they ima- 
 gined they could not do, till they i/3.w it, 
 they then ofi^ered them peace and victuals. 
 Gold they did not ufe, but promifed to 
 fetch fome, yet came not again being gone 
 to perfuade other kings to join with them 
 againft the Spaniards. They gather'd five 
 thouland men in boats, which was difcover- 
 ed by a woman Nunnez had with him. He 
 prevented their treafon, and flew moft of 
 them ; and they never after attempted any 
 treachery againft the Spaniards in thofe 
 parts. 
 
 Colmenores was fent to the emperor with 
 this news ; but his wife they kept as a pledge. 
 Colmenores had been a foldier under the 
 great captain. 
 
 John Sebedo, a Francifan, was the fiift 
 biflv^p of Antigoa, in Darien, and the firft 
 prieft that ever was in that new world. 
 Nunnez was a gentlernan by birth, induftri- 
 ous in war, and beloved by his ibldiers. 
 This country is unwholefome, fubjed to 
 much rain, and many were there killed by 
 thunderbolts. 
 
 Zenti, 
 
 Is a river, a town, a port, ten leagues 
 from the fea, which has a good trade for 
 filh. The Indians there work their plate 
 curioufly. Bafcada difcovered \t A)ino 1512, 
 but linjeda and Encijo did molt good there. 
 
 Encifo
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William A^onfon'^ Naval Travis. 
 
 Encifo being ready to give battle there, 
 tokl the Indians they were Spaniards, and 
 peaceable men, who came thither from afar, 
 in great danger, and defired victuals. The 
 others anl'wcred. There was little fign ihey 
 were kich men -, and defired them to be 
 gone, for they would admit of no flranger 
 among them. U'he Spaniards pc'rfuadcd 
 tlicm to &wn the true God ; and told them 
 that country was given them by the pope, 
 who had the commanil of fouls v and 
 that they came to take polfeirion of it. 
 They anlwer'd laughing. That they appro- 
 ved of the fervice of one God, but would 
 not difpute of religion •, that the pope was 
 very free of what was not his own, but had 
 nothing to do with them -, and that either 
 the king of Spain was very poor, to defire 
 their country, or very bold to threaten 
 them ; and that if he came thither himfclf, 
 they would fct his head upon a pole. To 
 conclude, they engag'd, and the Spaniards 
 overthrew them with the lofs of two men. 
 
 Carlhagena. 
 
 Juan de la Cofia, who was pilot with 
 BaJliJa in 1 504. fet out four caravels, offer- 
 ing to fubdue the Indians of this place. He 
 came to Carlhagena, where he found captain 
 Leu-is Guerra; they joined together, and 
 took feven hundred men, and returned with- 
 out doing any great matter. 
 
 Peler de Herrera went governor with an 
 hundred men, forty horfes, and three cara- 
 vels in 1532. He peopled it; but a mutiny 
 happening among the Spaniards, he and his 
 brother were brought prifoners into Spain. 
 IjThe people here are taller than in any 
 other part of the IFeJl- Indies. They are now 
 CJiriftians and have a bilhop. 
 
 Santa Maria. 
 
 ■ Baftida difcovered and governed this 
 
 land m 1524. but it coft him his life-, for 
 
 his foldiers mutiny'd againft him, becaufe 
 
 "he would not give them the fpoil of gold, 
 
 faying, he valued the Indians more than 
 
 them. His death was procured by his 
 
 friend Peter Fuentes, who thought by his 
 
 death to rule all. 
 
 Don Pedro de Lugo fuccceded him ; and 
 
 after him his fon, both of them exceeding 
 
 covetous. Here Pedrarias d'Avila landed, 
 
 when he went governor to Darien, and had 
 
 a great engagement with the Indians, who 
 
 were much daunted at the cannon firing 
 
 from the fliips-, for they thought it had 
 
 been thunder and lightmng. 
 ■ Jiij ::,, 
 
 New Granada, 
 
 Is eighteen leagues from Santa Maria, and 
 Vi'as dilcovered by Gonjalo Ximents : He 
 Vol. III. 
 
 3«5 
 
 found out the mines of Emeralds, hy means ^'o''^'"'' 
 of the king of Bigouf.t, who ufed the Spa- -^^^^ 
 niards tWiWy. This king had forty wives i 
 his fubjects were obedient to him, and 
 would not fuller him to fpit on the ground. 
 1 hey kept a Lent two months in the year; 
 during wliich time they were not to know 
 woman, nor eat fait. In 1547, tlie cmpe^ 
 ror lent a governor to Ni-u) Granada. 
 
 Vsiuztula. 
 
 The firft governor here was jimhrofe AU 
 finger, a German., in behalf of fome iner- 
 cliants the emperor mortgag'd it to. In 
 152H he was killed, and his men reduced 
 to fuch mifery, that they eat three Indians. 
 George Spira, anotiier German, fucceeJcd 
 him. 
 
 Queen Iftdiel would not conftnt that any 
 but her own fubjedts fliould go to the Indies ; 
 but after her death, the king gave leave to 
 the ylrragonians. The emperor opened this 
 gap to ftrangers, by this contrad with the 
 Germans, yet now none can go bu^ Spa-^ 
 nicrds. 
 
 Venezuela is now a biflioprick •, it is fa; 
 called, becaufe fcated like Venice : The wo- 
 men are more familiar than in any other 
 part of the Indies ; but their religion and 
 attire is no better. 
 
 Cunuina and Cuhagua. 
 
 Cmmna is a river that takes the name of 
 the province. I Icr.e was a great fifliery fot) 
 people, and certain friers built a monaitcry. 
 in the year 15 16. John Gam/? being their' 
 vicar. Three of them went to convert tho 
 people up the country, but were flain ; yet 
 afterwards the others brought the people to 
 civility, and their children to learn. 'X'hus 
 it continued tv;o yearsf; at the end whereof 
 they revolted and flew one hundred Spa- 
 niards, entered thp town,.defl:roy'd the \.\\o- 
 nartery, and killed all the friers. 
 
 James Columbus being governor of Santo 
 Domingo, fent three hundred Spaniards to 
 revenge this wrong, under the command of 
 Gonfalo de Ocampo. At his firfl: coming he 
 pretended to the Indians that he came cut 
 of Spain., which emboldened them to come 
 aboard him. When he had as many as he 
 thought fir, he feized ihcm, made them 
 conieis ail their villainy, and compelled 
 them to build the town ot Toledo, wiiich is 
 within halt a league of tiie ini. 
 
 When the aiorelaiil moiiaftery pouriflicd,, 
 Bartholomeva de las Cafas, a pricft that l}Jd,; 
 Ywcd'm San 1 Domingo, begged thegovcrn- 
 tncnt of this country, promiling the empe- 
 ror more v%ealth ; and tiiat the Indians 
 fliould be better ufed than before. By means 
 of count Najlau, and other tkmaigs, he 
 5 L oljtaiii\i
 
 58<5 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^ual Tnicis. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN-obtainM it. He was furnifli'd at the king's 
 ^""''^^r'^ cxpcnce, and carri.d three hLindrud labour- 
 ers, with every one a crofs on his brealV, 
 like a knight. At hiscoming he found Ocam- 
 po there, and the country in another condi- 
 tion than he had cxpei^e<i. He requireil 
 Ocampo to ob;y iiim, which he relulcd till 
 he liad orders Ironi Columbus^ who employ- 
 ed him, ant! would not allow him to come 
 into his town ot 'Tohdo, but obliged him 
 to build a great barn of clay without for 
 his labourers. Both went to Santo Domingo 
 to complain -, by which means Toledo was 
 unpeopled -, which the Indians taking the 
 adv'.inrage of, they entered upon the clay- 
 houfe, and left not a Spaniard alive. The 
 priclt hearing hereof, became a frier, and 
 never fenc the Fletnings the pearls he had 
 promifed tliem. 
 
 The lofs of the pearl-fifhery was a great 
 dam;\ge to the king -, but Columbus fent 
 John CaJleUon, with a number of Spaniards, 
 who made amends for the follies of the o- 
 ther two, recovei'd the country, built a 
 caftle at tlie mouth of the river, and fet up 
 the pearl-fifhery at Cubagua, where Ntiv 
 Cadiz was built. This ifland was but two 
 miles about, and barren in thofe days, but 
 yielded to the value of two millions in pearls. 
 There is a fweet and medicinal Ipring in it. 
 At (bmc times of the year the fea is red, 
 which they impute to the breeding of oiflers, 
 and purging of women. They fiy here are 
 mermaids. This ifland of Cubagua was dif- 
 cover'd by Columbus, which was the caufe 
 of his difgrace, being accufed for concealing 
 pearls he took there. 
 
 Vincent Pinfon, and Adrian his nephew, 
 growing rich in their voyage with Columbus, 
 fitted out four caravels, and had leave to dil- 
 cover thofe countries where Columbus had 
 not been. They came to cape St. Augufiin, 
 where they fount! people as big as Germans, 
 and had experience of their valour •, for they 
 flew eight Spaniards, yet he brought away 
 thirty Indians, and much brafii •, but loll 
 two caravels, men and all, having fpent ten 
 months upon the voyage. 
 
 Orellano and Amazons, 
 
 This is counted the famoufeft river in 
 the world, rifes in Peru, has many iflands 
 in it, and flows an hundred leagues into the 
 country. The man that gave an account 
 of it was Francis de Orellano, lieutenant to 
 Gonfalo Ptzarro. 
 
 Orellano being in Peru, was fent by his 
 captain to feek viftuals, and being in a 
 boat, was carried with fuch fwiftnefs by 
 tne current, that he could not return to 
 Pizarro. He carried with him much 
 wealthy and came out into the north fea 
 down that river. From thence he fitil'd in- 
 to Spain, where he fued for employment, 
 
 2 
 
 and undertook that voyage to the river of 
 Orellano. He (laid in Spain till all hi3 
 wealth was Ipent, and then married, and 
 drew his wile's friends to venture with him. 
 He gathered five hundred men, but unfor- 
 tunately died at his going to fea, and that 
 enterprile was never after attempted. He 
 reported he met with Amazon women ; buc 
 it was not believ'd. 
 
 It is fuppoicd that Marannon and Orella- 
 no have both the lame fource in Peru ; and 
 that the latter is fifteen leagues over, where 
 it falls into the fea. 
 
 "James de Or das, who had been a captaitT 
 with Cortes at the conqueft of Mexico, was 
 fent thither with the title of Adelan'ado, 
 carrying fix hundred Spaniards, and thirty- 
 five horfes ; but the enterprize fail'd by his 
 death. 
 
 Jerome Ortillano was fent afterv.ards with 
 an hundred and thirty men, in the year 
 1534. who arriv'd not there, but flaid and 
 peopled at St. Michael, Venevcnie, and o- 
 ther places. 
 
 The river of Plate. 
 
 From cape St. Atigujlin, to the river of 
 Plate, is feven hundred leagues. Some at- 
 tribute the honour of difcovcring it to Ame- 
 riius Vejputius ; but it was John de Soils, in 
 1512. who returned into Spain with his 
 fhips laden with Brafil wood, and obtain'd 
 the governinent of the river of Plate; but 
 landing with fbme men, he and they were 
 ail flain in 151 5, yet his fliips rerurn'd fafe. 
 In the year 1526 Scbafiian Cabot, in his 
 voyage to find tiie Molucca iflandi., of \\hich 
 he fail'd, arriv'd at the river of Plate with 
 four fhips, at the emperoi's charge. la 
 Brafd he found iLme Frenchmen trading. 
 The Indians kill'd two of his men, but 
 would not cat them, faying they were fo!- 
 diers. Cabot returned into Spain with little 
 credit, though he was not to blame, bccaufe 
 his men were in fault. 
 
 Don Pedro de Mendofa went to the river 
 of Plate in 1535, with twelve fhips, and 
 two thoufand men, a greater number than 
 ever had been carried to the Indies at one 
 time ; in the way tliither he fickcned, and 
 in his return died. 
 
 Alvar Nunnez Cahcza de Vcca was lent 
 Adelantado to the river of Plate in 1541, 
 with four hundred men, and forty fix horfes. 
 He could not agree with the Spaniards Don 
 Pedro left there ; nor yet with the Indians^ 
 fo that they fent him prifbner into Spain. 
 
 John de Sanabria was bound to carry diree 
 hundred men, at his own coft, to the river 
 of Plate ; but he died at Seville, and his 
 fbn went. 
 
 F. Bernard de Armenia, and four others, 
 went to the liver of P:ate, and by the way 
 fell upon an ifland, where thev iound three 
 
 of 
 
 I
 
 300K IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traih. 
 
 i%-i 
 
 of Cabot^s company, who had learnetl the 
 language, and by their means they convert- 
 ed the lavages wonderfully. 
 
 Four years before this an Indian called 
 Orignay, had proclaimed in thoie parts, that 
 lliordy there would come Chriflians and 
 preachers among them -, advifing ihole peo- 
 ple to receive them, for they were holy, and 
 would make them leave their bcufilinefs. 
 He made fongs to that ertedt, which they 
 fung; and this prov'd a great help to their 
 converfion ; tor they entertain'd the friers as 
 if they had been gods. 
 
 For the belter underjlanding of the circuit of 
 America, / will here fet dozvn a rtitter of 
 the difiame from haven to haven, and cape 
 to cape; and will begin ivith the northern 
 regions. 
 
 Leagues. 
 From Greenland to the river Nevada 200 
 From thence to Maluas 200 
 
 From thence to cape Marfo 70 
 
 From thence to Delgado 50 
 
 From thence to Granzio 200 
 
 From thence to Dacalos 200 
 
 From thence to cape Florida 800 
 
 From Bacallao Bay to Rio 
 From thence to the bay of the 
 From thence to Rio Fcndo 
 From thence to Rio Gamas. 
 From thence to cape St. Mary 
 From thence to cape Baxo 
 From thence to St. Antonio 
 From thence to cape Arenas 
 From thence to port Prinio 
 From thence to Rio Jordan 
 From thence to St. Helena 
 From thence to Rio Seco 
 From thence to Labruz 
 From thence to Cona 
 From thence to cape Florida 
 From thence to Ancon 
 From thence to Nilves river 
 From thence to Flores 
 FVom thence to Santo 
 From thence to Pefcadores 
 From thence to Rio Palnias 
 From thence to Panuco 
 From thence to Vera Cruz 
 From thence to Alvarado 
 From thence to Cafmado 
 FVom thence to GrizaUa 
 From thence to Redando 
 From thence to Jucatan 
 
 FVom Florida hither is accounted 
 From thence to Rio Grande . 
 From thence to cape Camera 
 From thence to cape Gra/iofa 
 From thence to Difagnadera 
 From thence to Zorobaro 
 From thence to Nombre de Dios 
 From thence to Farallones in Darien 
 From thence to the gulph of Urana 
 
 70 
 iflands 70 
 70 
 70 
 70 
 40 
 100 
 80 
 80 
 70 
 40 
 40 
 20 
 40 
 40 
 
 50 
 
 100 
 
 20 
 
 70 
 
 70 
 
 loo 
 
 30 
 70 
 
 30 
 50 
 
 80 
 
 90 
 
 800 
 
 100 
 
 150 
 
 70 
 
 70 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 70 
 
 14 
 
 From thence to Cartbagena 
 From thence to Santa Maria 
 From thence to cape de Vela 
 From thence to Caquibaca 
 From thence to gulph Trifle 
 From thence to cape Coriano 
 From thence to Cubagua 
 From thence to point Solis 
 From thence to cape Anegado 
 From thence to Rio Dula 
 From thence to Orellano 
 From thence to Marannon 
 From thence to Tiera de Humes 
 From thence to Angela St. Lucar 
 From thence to cape Primero 
 From thence to cape St. Auguftin. 
 
 LjagU'S. MoKsoir. 
 70 -''V^ 
 
 50 
 50 
 40 
 
 50 
 
 100 
 
 4 
 70 
 70 
 50 
 
 lOO 
 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 
 70 
 
 Cape St. Auguflin is the nigheft land be- 
 twixt Africk and America., and but five 
 hundred leagues from cape Verde. 
 
 From thence to "Tados SanHos 
 From thence to Abrelos Ojos 
 From thence to cape Frio 
 From thence to the bay St. Michael 
 From thence to Rio St. Francifco 
 From thence to Tibiqiierio Rio 
 From thence to the river of Plate 
 From thence to Santa Helena 
 From thence to Arenas Goadas 
 From thence to the Bazas Ancgdas 
 
 100 
 
 lOO 
 
 100 
 
 600 
 
 700 
 
 700 
 
 50 
 
 55 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 IS 
 40 
 
 45 
 20 
 70 
 
 Coafting America from port to port, as I 
 have done, it amounts to nine thoufand 
 three hundred and odd leagues. 
 
 From thence to Tierra Baxa 
 From thence to Baxa Sinfonda 
 From thence to Arecifes de Ijibas 
 From thence to cape St. Domingo 
 From thence to cape Bbnco 
 From thence to Rio de Juan Serrano 
 From thence to the cape of Eleven thoufand 
 Virgins 80 
 
 From thence you pafs the ftraights of Ma- 
 gelLvt, which is an hundred and fifty 
 leagues long. 
 
 Now you enter' the South Sea. 
 
 From cape Dcfeado to cape Primero 
 From thence to the river Salinas 
 From thence to cape Hcrmofo 
 From thence to Rio St. Francifco 
 From thence to Rio Santo 
 From thence to Puerto Defcado in Chile 
 From thence to Rio Defpoblado 200 
 
 From thence to Ariqua 90 
 
 From thence to Lima 140 
 
 From thence to cape Aguila 100 
 
 From thence to cape Blanco 40 
 
 From thence to cape Helena 70 
 
 From thence to ^^ezemes 70 
 
 From thence to Rio Peru 100 
 
 From thence to gulph St. Michael 70 
 
 From thence to gulph Urana 1 30 
 
 From 
 
 70 
 
 100 
 
 70 
 
 120
 
 i 
 
 388 
 
 AfoNSON". 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val Tni^s. 
 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 From 
 Fi'om 
 From 
 From 
 FVom 
 From 
 From 
 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 tliencc to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 thence to 
 
 Panama 
 
 "Troantepcqice 
 
 Guerra 
 
 Baricn 
 
 cape B^<3*!Co 
 
 port oF PojjeJJlon 
 
 Fotifeca 
 
 Chora t ego 
 
 Rio Gi-anne 
 
 Gunrtinoln 
 
 Cbitula 
 
 Puerto Serrado 
 
 ^eacttwpetes 
 
 CoHna 
 
 cape Ccrrienles 
 
 Leagues. 
 
 650 
 70 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 45 
 
 50 
 100 
 
 40 
 
 100 
 
 ICO 
 
 Book IV.- 
 
 Leagues. 
 70. 
 
 From thence to Chcneton 
 
 From thence to Rio Miraflores 250 
 
 From thence to cape Calif or nio 230 
 
 From thence to the bay ot Abad 100 
 
 From thence to cape Etiganno ico 
 
 From thence to cape de Cruz 50 
 
 From thence to port Sardinas 100 
 
 From t hence to Syerra Neada i ^o 
 There is the furtheft difcovcry. 
 
 It is to be confidered, that the South-Sea 
 ebbs and flows very higli, and the North- 
 Sea docs nor, unlefs it be in Pavia^ the 
 ftraights of Meigellaji, or a few other pla-' 
 ces. And thus much concemm^ Jmeriea. 
 
 The length and breadth -of Europe, Afia, and Af. ick, the other tloree knoicn 
 
 parts of the u-orld. 
 
 EUROPE takes its weftern beginning 
 from the furthell part of Ireland, run- 
 ning to the river Tanais towards the eaft, 
 accounted two thoufand one hundred fixty 
 fix miles, both places lying in fifty-two de- 
 grees of latitude ; and from north to fouth, 
 that is, from the Morea, lying in thirty- 
 five degrees northward, to feventy-two de- 
 grees of latitude, is reckoned two thouland 
 two hundred and twenty miles, and had in 
 it of late years, till fome of them were u- 
 nited into one, twenty-eight Chriftian king- 
 doms. 
 
 Jfia, from the eaft to the weft, that is 
 
 to fay, from the river Tanais^ diredfly eaft- 
 ward, four thc;ufand two hundred and eigh- 
 ty-lour miles ; and from north to fouth tour 
 thoufand five hundred and fixty miles,' ■ 
 
 Africk, from eaft to weft, {vi%) frotTW 
 Ca/mbra to Guardafu in ten degrees of 
 north latitude, is four thoufand one hundred 
 fifty-five miles -, and from north to fouth 
 tv/o thoufand k\cn hundred and fixty miles, 
 {viz.) to the equinottial line, ten degrees, 
 fix hundred leagues ; from thence to the 
 Cape of Good Hope, two thoufind one hun- 
 dred and fixty miles. 
 
 'The two 'Worlds undifcovercd, befides the four known. 
 
 THE four known parts and divifions 
 of the world have been often fpoke 
 of in thefe difcourfes -, and, befides thefe 
 four, there are two others, generally con- 
 ceived not as yet difcovereu. 
 
 The one under the pole, and not fit to 
 be attempted, though v/e ccrtairily know a 
 land to be there -, but my hope is, as .in my 
 difcourfe of the north-weft paftage will ap- 
 pear, that under the sorth-pole we fhall 
 find a fea and no land, through which we 
 fhail pafs to China, and thofe parts of the 
 world. 
 
 If not, though that part of the earth 
 fiiould afford us another world, as big and 
 fpacious as all the reft befides, yet could 
 we expefl no more advantage from it, than 
 Greenland affords us, which never any man 
 inhabited to bid us welcome, nor commo- 
 dity on fliore to entice us thither to repair; 
 and, therefore, tho' another world fhould 
 appear in that climate, it can neither be- 
 nefit us, nor the Chriftian commonwealth, 
 more than a country of ice and fnow. 
 
 The fecond imagined new world is to 
 thefputhward of the ftraights of Magellan, 
 I 
 
 commonly called Tierre del Fuego, which' 
 is fuppofcd to be a continent, ard to run 
 caft and weft the compafs of the world 
 about. 
 
 That there is a land, befules the probabi- 
 lities, there are proois , the one by Mr. Ri- 
 chard Haivkins, in his voyage into the SotHh- 
 Sca ; for falling fliort of the Ibaights of Ma- 
 gellan, he cfpy'd a country -, but his inten- 
 tion being ot another fort than difcovery, 
 he would not approach the fhore, but flood 
 his direct courfe to the ftraights, which he 
 palfed in 1594. 
 
 The next proof of a land, though not 
 of a main land, fuppofed by Sir Francis 
 Drake to be to the Ibuthward of the 
 ftraights, was found out by Cornelius Van 
 Sloivden, of whom I have.lpoken in my fe- 
 cond book, that in tliC year 1616. difco- 
 vcred a pafllige into the South-Sea, three 
 degrees to the fouthward of the ftraights, 
 v.'here he found diverfity of lands and illands 
 till he arrived at the Molucca's, as I have 
 faid in the fecond book. 
 
 But be it firm land, or iftands, it is all 
 one to us, that feek by the knowledge of 
 
 U
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV ^avai TraSfs. 
 
 it to make gain by it. It is a vain tiling 
 for us to think, that a country leated in lb 
 cold a climate, and not inhabited, fhould 
 bring forth the fruits of the earth, or that 
 it can bz planted to afford us any commo- 
 dity, no, not the value of fetching, though 
 it /hould coft us nothing. 
 
 For compare it witii Newfoundland, and 
 the continent of that coaft, long fince dif- 
 covered and known to us, and confider what 
 life or profit we have made, or can make 
 of a plantation there, and we fliall find it 
 not worth our labour; for though it be not 
 fo cold as farther to the northward, yet tis 
 in tliat extremity of coldnefs, that in many 
 hundred years it cannot be tempered for 
 our bodies to live in. 
 
 This may feem an ambiguous fpeech, 
 that the earth of an intolerable cold con- 
 ftitution may be tempered for men to live 
 in, and to make ufe and benefit of 
 
 But what I fhall lay in this point is 
 prov'd both by reafon and experience, That 
 the coldnefs of America in fifty-one degrees, 
 which doth parellel us in England, is by 
 many degrees colder than with us in Eng- 
 land, and the difference thereof caufed by 
 art and pains: for where there is a planta- 
 tion of towns and houfes; commerce of 
 people, whofe breath fends forth a heat •, 
 divifions of lands, as by walls, ditches, 
 hedges, the grounds trenched and dried 
 with continual fires; it yields a perpetual 
 heat, and is a fhelter againft all kind of 
 cold, in comparifon of a country that has 
 none of thefe benefits or helps. 
 
 We ourfelvcs have examples of it, be- 
 twixt a natural moorifh and wet dwel- 
 ling, and fuch a place that by induftry and 
 art is brought to a better perfection. We 
 fee the difference of houfes that are conti- 
 nually dwelt in, and fires kept burning, 
 and others that lie uninhabited, wafle, and no 
 care taken of them. 
 
 Befidcs thefe reafons, to difcourage us 
 from planting in thefe degrees of America 
 equal to England, the French have convin- 
 ced us by their example, who, by their 
 long travel and charge, have fought to pro- 
 duce fome benefit out of thofe countries-, but 
 all their labours have proved vain-, for, 
 they find, the cold deftroys all their good 
 intentions, and the only gain they now 
 make is in their trades for furs. 
 
 Tlien, if by reafon and proof, America 
 in fifty-one degrees can yield us no profit, 
 being but two thoufand iniles from England, 
 where we have a conveniency to tranfport 
 cur men and provifion once a year, at an ea- 
 fy rate, in ihips that fifh in Newfoundland, 
 by whom we may be reliev'd ; what can 
 we expeft from a country in the fime lati- 
 tude fouthvvard, that is as cold, the people 
 b.irbarous and lavage, and having no con- 
 
 Voi.. Ill 
 
 j8? 
 
 venicncy to tranfport our men, othcrwife Mofiso^ 
 than in fhips we purpofely hire, to fail -^Y^ 
 nigh fevcn thouland miles from England, 
 the eqiiinortial line to be twice palTcd, in 
 going and coming, which muft diftcmpcr 
 mens bodies by the fudden entering out ot 
 the cold into the heat-, and this is the only 
 cuile to be imputed to the death of our 
 men in our long navigations. 
 
 More than for our own latisf.iclion, that 
 a land is there placed, we can expect no 
 good from thence; for where there wants 
 heat, there wants riches, by proof of the 
 pure metals, and the quantity and diver- 
 fity of them, growing betwixt the .two 
 tropicks, above all other parts of the 
 world. 
 
 And for our other kind of commodi- 
 ties that are produced out of the earth, the 
 temperate zone affords them in moll abun- 
 dance, but not caufed by the heat of the 
 fun alone, but by the managing and ma- 
 nuring of the land, by the labour and in- 
 duflryof the people, and by the commerce, 
 trade, and civility, betwixt man and man, 
 country and country; for, no doubr, in 
 times pad, when the people of England 
 were barbarous, they lived in the "lame 
 eftate, and the country was of the fame con- 
 dition that other places are, of the fame 
 height at this inltant. 
 
 Therefore I conclude, that though ail 
 the countries contained in the hot and tem- 
 perate zones yield no profit, unlets they be 
 manur'd and us'd accordingly, yet, I fiy, 
 no part of the world out of thofe zones, 
 where the cold has fo predominate a power 
 over men, beafts, and fruits of the earth, 
 is of any value or goodnefs to intice men 
 to inhabit or people it; for neither by art 
 or induftry fuch a climate can be made ca- 
 pable for man to live in, or fruitful to inakc 
 any ufe of 
 
 But notwithftanding thefe reafons col- 
 ledfed out of experience, there are fome 
 men, who, to appear fingular, and others 
 for argument fake, go about to prove there 
 are other countries not yet difcovered, as 
 pleafant and as plentiful as thole that arc 
 known by daily traffick. 
 
 It has been my chance often to meet with 
 fome of thefe felf-conceited witty men, and 
 for want of learning to defend my opinion, 
 I have fled to the proteftion of reafon, with 
 humility to fubmit to judgment, and to 
 acknowledge my errors, after I am confu- 
 ted by proof: but before the difcovery of 
 any fuch countries fhould be fet on foot, 
 I have advifed, That the firft thing they 
 flioukl attempt, fhould be to find out an- 
 other fun; for the power and operation of 
 this fun is known to us by the light it fends 
 abroad to all parts of the world at feve- 
 ral feafons of the year, as the countries arc 
 5 F fcated
 
 590 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val TraBs. 
 
 Book IV< 
 
 MoNsoN. fcaied from the eqiiinoftial line, which is 
 
 ^ v'"^ tcmic-a The girdle of the ivorld. 
 
 I'liis fun is known to rile in the ehd, and 
 fct In the well:, making its courle every 
 twenty-four hours about tlie workl; its (ie- 
 clination to the northward and fouthward, 
 is well known to us not to exceed the two 
 tropicks, which are in twenty-three degrees 
 and an half from the equinodfial : we hke- 
 wife know, that it is the guide ot the 
 lengthening and Ihortening of the days, oc- 
 cafioncd by its motion. We alfo know all 
 fuch lands in America, Africa, and yljia, 
 as lie between the two tropicks ; and, trading 
 
 into thofe countries, know what the heat of 
 the fun in that fpace produces. 
 
 Then feeing we are perfcdiy acquainted 
 with the virtue and quality of 'our fun, and 
 the power and heat it fends forth to the 
 countries adioiningto it; and that the riches 
 of all places grow by the heat they are 
 feated in •, I deiire to be fatisfied what richer 
 countries can be hoped for befides thofe 
 already known to us, iinlefs there be an- 
 other fun to work the operation this fun 
 does. And thus much concerning my pri- 
 vate opinion ot the two worlds undifco- 
 ver'd. 
 
 Other fias be/Ues the ocean, great part of them lately difcoi'ered. 
 
 I HAVE failed into all the quarters and 
 corners of the earth through the wide 
 unknown ocean, and left no countryun- 
 ipoken of, to which the main fea has given 
 pallage. But befides the great, fpacious and 
 known feas, befides the commerce, trade, 
 and intercourfeof all nations, I have at large 
 related there are other feas, which, in com- 
 parifon of the ocean, may be termed ra- 
 ther lakes or flraights, which I will a little 
 handle. 
 
 The firft (hall be the CafpianSea, which 
 is invironed and compaffed about v^ith land, 
 and feated in a main continent; where 
 there is no iflue or pafilige into any other 
 fea; but like a pool or pond it has a fetded 
 being. 
 
 The fecond is the Red Sea ; which, after 
 one thoufind two hundred miles running, 
 falls into the Indian Sea; and but that this 
 fea is named a fea in the fcripture, which is 
 the authentick proof of all other authors, it 
 fhould no more deferve the name of a fea, 
 than the Perfian Giil-ph, which falls into the 
 Indian Sea, and is equal in breadth and 
 length to the Red Sea, and yet is called a 
 gulph. 
 
 The third is thtMediterranean Sea, which 
 divides Europe from Africk; and fome- 
 thing I will fay of this fea, when it comes 
 to the place to be treated of: but firft con- 
 cerning the Cafpian and Red Sea. 
 
 The Cafpian Sea is at leaft two hundred 
 leagues in length, and one hundred and fif- 
 ty in breadth; many rivers running into it, 
 and efpecially the river Volga out of Ruffia; 
 which river divides itfelf into feventeen 
 branches before it falls into the Cafpian Sea. 
 
 There are few (hips, and but Imall trade 
 on this fea, for want of mariners and fea- 
 port towns ; and becaufe of the poverty of 
 the people, and abundance of ice. 
 
 Our Englijh merchants finding a trade in- 
 to Perfia out of Rujfia by the Cafpian Sea, 
 built a lliip after the manner of England; 
 the tar ufed about her ifllied out of the earth 
 
 thereabouts; (he was of twenty-feven or 
 thirty tons burthen, and failed with Engliffj 
 mariners. Tiiis was tiie firft and the beft- 
 builc (hip that ever failed, or difpiay'd 
 Chriftian colours in thofe fcas; (he drev/ 
 not above five feet water ; for the fea is 
 both (hallow, and i'ubjeft to (hoals This 
 trade was left off, by realon of the danger 
 of thieves and robbers, and the barbarity of 
 the people. 
 
 About this fea, Otlcman, the fi: ft of that 
 name and houfe that bare rule amongft the 
 Turks, had his original, and came from 
 thence in the year 1300. 
 
 In Ibme places of this fea the water is 
 frefh; and in fome other places as (alt as in 
 the ocean. 
 
 It neither ebbs nor flows, except fome- 
 times with the rage of the wind. 
 
 There are fcveral forts of fifh, which are 
 not in our feas; but great monfters and 
 fifhes there are none. And thus much for 
 the Cafpian Sea. 
 
 The Red Sea is not red, as many con- 
 ceive; but takes the name from tlie red 
 bufhes that grow along the fhore fide. 
 Others are of opinion, that the name is de- 
 rived from the red finds in that fea, efpe- 
 cially towards the Ihore, which caufe the 
 water to look red. 
 
 This fea has three channels; that in the 
 middle is the deepeft, and betwixt twenty- 
 five and thirty fathom; the other two ar« 
 fuil of rocks and flioals, which makes Ic 
 navigable only in the day-time, and that 
 with danger. 
 
 The fliore affords neither graft, herbs, 
 nor weeds, nor the lea any quantity of fi(h. 
 
 Some are of opinion, that the gold of 
 Opbir was brought out of the Epjt-Indies 
 through this fea. 
 
 No man can fail in this fea, but Turks, 
 or fuch as have licence from them ; tor w hich 
 they pay very dear. 
 
 Prejlerjohn has only one harbour in the 
 Red Sea, called Arquico; the Portuguefes 
 
 iind
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 and PreJitT John have often attempted to 
 damnify the Turks m the Red Sea ; but they 
 proceeded fo fiintly, that they ftill failed in 
 their enterprizes. 
 
 Mecca is the place fo famous for the fe- 
 pulchre of Mahomet, and for tlie number of 
 people yearly reforting to it, featcd upon 
 the Red Sea, and forty davs journey from 
 Cairo in Eg}ft. Sida is a great port in this 
 fea, whither forty or fifty ihips yearly re- 
 fort, laden with fpices, and other rich com- 
 modities out ot Cambdaya, and other parts 
 of the Eaft-Indies. And now to the Medi- 
 terranean Sea. 
 
 Out of the Mediterranean two other feas 
 
 ?9i 
 
 but for my parr, I iiold with him who judges Moxjo'. 
 that fea Ikis a pafTagc under the earth. ^^^s 
 
 My next obfervation is, that God has 
 placed in that fea, the mofl:, ami the moft 
 plentiful iflandsof the earth-, wiiich idanJs 
 have heretofore fent forth men of fame, to 
 inrich the world with wit and learning, and 
 in this time fpread their commodities into 
 all the countries of Europe, and receive 
 theirs in exchange. 
 
 And though I may attribute to every 
 illuid fome particular honour, but that it 
 is not proper to my difcourfc, that treats 
 only of the fea, yet will I lay for the excel- 
 lency of the illand of Cyprus, which the 
 
 are increafed; the Adriatick, which runs up Turkshwc injoy'd ever fince the year 1571, 
 
 to the city of Venice, and divides Italy irom 
 Greece ; and the Euxine, that parts £a- 
 rope from Afia, pofieffed only by the great 
 Turk. 
 
 The Euxine Sea, and no other part of 
 the Turk^iy dominions, except the iPiand of 
 Cyprus, affords him any harbour to build 
 galleys in, or fhips, or materials to build 
 them withal. What fhips, galleys, or o- 
 ther velTeis foever he at any time fends in- 
 to the Red Sea, are carried from thence to 
 Alexandria, and tranfported to Cairo, and 
 fo to Sufa, which is above two hundred 
 miles by land -, a trouble and charge not'to 
 be eftimated, if we confidcr his fleet of 
 eighty great fhips, twenty-five foifls, four 
 galleaffes, twenty galleys, and feven other 
 vefTels, all brought out of the Euxine Sea to 
 Sufa, in the manner aforefiid, when he at- 
 tempted and failed in his enterprize to 
 Aden in 1573. 
 
 The commerce and trade into the Medi- 
 terranean Sea, has been more ancient and 
 famous, than all other feas in the world, 
 although it is neither long nor broad ; for 
 at the entrance into it, it is not above two 
 leagues over, which was forced by means 
 and labours of people, as it is received by 
 tradition -, and I the rather believe it, be- 
 caufe to this day the entrance into this fea is 
 tailed The pillars of Hercules, who is faid to 
 be the author of the work ; and were it not 
 for this fmall entrance, confidcring that the 
 fea has a floppage upon the land of Syria, 
 it were rather to be termed a lake than a 
 fea. 
 
 Among other obfervations on the Medi- 
 terranean, this is not the leaft to be confi- 
 dered, that though the ocean continually 
 runs through this linall ffraight of two 
 leagues, carrying fuch abundance of water, 
 that in reafon it were enough to overflow 
 and drown that pare of the earth on which 
 it beats, having no pafTage out •, yet in no 
 part of the land where thefe waters pafs, 
 does it exceed its ordinary and ufual bounds 
 and limits. There have been many opini- 
 ons and difputes about the reafon hereof j 
 
 that it affords, without the help of any o- 
 ther country, materials to build and furnilh 
 a fhip, as namely, malls, ropes, fails, and 
 fuch like, tliat flie need not be beholden to 
 her neighbours. 
 
 My third obfervation is, that in that 
 fea there have been fought more naval 
 battles, by the Romans, Turks, and Chri- 
 flians, than in all the other feas of the world 
 befiJes : i\\t wars of the pirates were in that 
 fea, whom Pompey the great overcame, to 
 his everlarting honour and praife : the Rc- 
 mans kept in continual im[)loyment in that 
 fea two thoufand fail of Hiips, fifteen hun- 
 dred galleys, eighty great galleons, with 
 their prows and poops richly gilt, and had 
 always double provifion for the navy. 
 
 My fourth obfervation is, God's blefTmg 
 to the Chriitians and Chriftian ihores, op- 
 pofite to Barbary, poffeffed by Turks and 
 Aloors ; for that in all that coaft of theirs, 
 God hath not given them one harbour to 
 entertain a fleet-, which has made them 
 heretofore ignorant in navigation and fea- 
 afi^liirs -, whereas, if the fliore had aflbrded 
 them ports, and their land timber, and all 
 other materials to build fliipping, confi- 
 dcring their numbers, valours, and the di- 
 vifions of Chriltians, I am of opinion, be- 
 fore now they had been matters of the bet- 
 ter part of Europe. And I may the better 
 conjecfure it, by the hurts and fpoils the pi- 
 rates of Algiers and Tunis have of late years 
 committed upon the Chriltians, fince they 
 have had the ufe of Chriftian fhips ; fcJr 
 themfclves have none. 
 
 And only thefe two places afford llifety 
 for their veffels -, Algiers by a mole or cove, 
 made by art in tlie fea : Tunis by an open 
 road, called the (jclctta ; and this Ihall fuf- 
 fice for the Mediterraneaif. 
 
 Befides thefe feas aforefaid, there are many 
 lakes -, fome known, others imagined, or 
 received by tradition, as namely, that of 
 Africk, called Zembre, out of which flow 
 the rivers Nilus, Niger, Como, i^ama, 
 Maginca, and liivers others. 
 
 The
 
 39^ 
 
 Sir William Monfon j Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN. Tlie river Niliis flows forty days in a 
 
 *-'^"^''^^' year, and decrealcs as many, (that is to fay) 
 
 from the 27th of July to the 6th oiOliokr. 
 
 The river N/'xer doth the like ; and much 
 
 about that time. 
 
 The river Cdiiilra and Seneca, which di- 
 vides the colour and complexion ot the peo- 
 ple, falls out ot ]\'iger. On one fide ot the 
 river Cambra the people are ot a dead afli- 
 colour, lean, and of Irnall flature ; on the 
 other, black Negroes, tall and well propor- 
 tioned. 
 
 In the lake of Zembre, as alfo in the ri- 
 ver of Layar, there are water-horfes, and 
 water-oxen, which a: night come afliore and 
 graze -, the horles are fometimes taken and 
 made tame -, they run fwifc ; but a man 
 muft be careful how he rides over a deep 
 river on one of them, for they will fuddenly 
 dive under water. 
 
 Sinus Perfhus is in the gulph oi Perfia; 
 and has in the mouth of it, in the Indian 
 fea, the ifland of Ormus, famous for the 
 great trade to it from the Indies, and all the 
 countries in chat part of the world. 
 
 There are divers towns of the ylrabs on 
 the gulph of Perfa, and great traffick by 
 water; notwithflanding it is both fliallow, 
 great cuftoms are paid, and it is fubjeft to 
 Arabian thieves. 
 
 The town they firft imbark at in paffing 
 down to Ormus, is Bcirr ; the vefTcls that 
 
 fliil in that fea, are of forty or fifty tons in 
 burden, and have no iron in them, but on- 
 ly in their anchors. 
 
 Babylon ftands upon the river 'Tigris, 
 which falls into the river of Euphrates ; it 
 is a great through-fair, and Hands in Perfia ; 
 from Babylon they go to Baljora, which is 
 a town of great tralfick ; in former time it 
 was under the Arabs, but now under the 
 Turks : from Balfora they go to Ormus, 
 which is fix hundred miles dillant, and all 
 in the Per/tan gulph. 
 
 Befides the fea and lands lately difco- 
 vered, of which I have formerly treated, 
 producing nothing but my own reafons to 
 ftrengthen my opinion, there are other feas 
 and unknown pafT^iges, fuppofed to make a 
 pafTage or communication from one to an- 
 other ; as namely, the north- wefl; and north- 
 eaft paflliges to bring us to other feas, which 
 our nation, above others, has been indu- 
 ftrious to fearch out, to its yearly cxpencc, 
 hazard and charge, without eifedting any 
 thing as yet. Thcfe that follow are reafons, 
 or rather aiguments pro ^ contra, to prove 
 or difprove a paflage ; which I refer> as I 
 do all the refl of my difcourfes, to the con- 
 fideration of men of more judgment than 
 myfelf ; it was written upon the return of 
 Hudfon's fliip, after he was trcacheroufiy 
 murdered by his company. 
 
 u4 difcoiirfe concerning the north-iveft pajfage. 
 
 THERE are three things to be con- 
 fidered in this pretended voyage 
 upon the difcovery of the north- weft palTage 
 this prefent year 1610. 
 
 1. The firft is the probability of a paf- 
 fage. 
 
 2. Whether it is like to tend to the fouth- 
 ward or northward. 
 
 3. What commodities are like to arife to 
 us alone, above any other nation, by it. 
 
 That there is a pafl^age, is confidently 
 believed ; though there be feveral opinions, 
 whether it runs into the South-Sea, or into 
 the North-wejl, which experience muft de- 
 termine. Some there are who pretend to 
 have pafTed it themfelves -, but their words 
 carry fo little fhew of reafon along with 
 them, that they deferve no credit. 
 
 Gemma Irigius fays, there went three 
 brethren from Europe through this paflage, 
 whence it took the name of Fretum Trimn 
 Fratrum. 
 
 In my opinion, if Gemma Frigius intend- 
 ed we fhould believe his report, he fliould 
 have fet down the names of the three bre- 
 thren, their country, the fliipping, out of 
 what port, or by whom they were eni- 
 
 ployed ; the feafon of the year they {itx. 
 forth, the time of their return ; the courle 
 they failed ; what hope or defpair in making 
 benefit of their diicovery ; the conditions 
 of the people they met with ; tlie commodi- 
 ties of every country where they had com- 
 merce ; the altitude of every place ; what 
 dangers are to be ftiunned, or tome particu- 
 lar accident that fell out in the voyage ; for 
 thefe are defigns of men's voyages and dif- 
 coveries: and not mentioning any of them, 
 why may we not conceive it to be a fiftion, 
 as well as divers other names, that are given 
 to places in maps, within the lands oiAfrick, 
 Afia, and America, which never any man 
 was known to be at, to give an account 
 of. 
 
 We muft either conclude that pafl^ige not 
 worth following, which was uifcovered, 
 and ktc oft' after the firil: voyage ; or that 
 thofe princes, or others, to whom they made 
 relation of it, gave little credit to their re- 
 port. 
 
 For, no doubt, it there had been any 
 fuch thing, it was undertaken for the fiime 
 end we now attempt it, (that is) for the dif- 
 covery of nev/ lands, where we may have 
 
 com-
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir VVilliam MonfonV Naviil TraSis. 
 
 commerce and traffick : They could not be 
 ignorant oi the nature of commaiitles, and 
 it is like tliey would have brought home an 
 example ot Ibmc, that would have given en- 
 couragement to have fK-rfcvcred, and rot 
 defifted I'rom the cnterprize, it being dif- 
 covered ; neither is it likely, that three 
 brethren, who [ireilimed to undertake luch 
 a voyage for their honour or glory, would 
 let die fo noble and fo memorable an adion, 
 as the north- well: pafTage. 
 
 The fecond realbn to prove a pafiage, is 
 alledged by Cornelius Nepos, That there were 
 certain Indians caft upon the coaft of Ger- 
 many, which were prelented by the king of 
 Snith to ^cinttis Marcel/us Cekr, the pro- 
 conful of France, 
 
 The third, that in the year i i6o. whilft 
 Frederick Barbarajfo reigned emperor, there 
 came certam Indians call upon the coaft of 
 Gennany. 
 
 The fourth, that Othen, in the ftory of 
 the Goths, affirms. That in the time of the 
 Gennan emperors, there were certain In- 
 dians caft upon the coaft of Gennany. 
 
 Thefe four proofs are verify'd by three 
 authors : But confidering that v/e read in 
 the days of ^inttis Marcellus, the Romans 
 were fo defirous to enlarge their empire, that 
 they left no means unattempted, nor no coun- 
 try heard of unconquered ; and that they 
 would not examine thefe men, of the cuftom 
 of the country, the diftance from whence 
 they came, the wealth and power of their 
 king, the way of their coming, and, at 
 leaft, to devife how to fend an ambafTador 
 to be informed of the ftate of their nation, 
 and ro fettle an intercoudc of trafRck ; I 
 muft confefs, if thefe things were not put 
 in pradice by the Romans, they were lefs 
 careful of their government and greatnefs 
 than any hiftory can lay to their charge. 
 
 Thefe reafons, with one more, I muft 
 likewife alledge to the two Chriftian em- 
 perors. That rhey (hould be fo carelefs in 
 their duty towards God, that having know- 
 ledge of heathen people, they would not 
 ufe their beft endeavours to draw and bring 
 them to theyoke of Chrift; by which means 
 they might have been civilized j and ha- 
 ving learn'd the language and true vvorftiip 
 of God, this would have proved a good 
 introdudion to have wrought their own ends 
 and dcfires upon them. 
 
 Thefe, I fay, may breed fome fcruple in 
 me, to doubt that they were people of the 
 M-^eJl- Indies ; though in thofe days, they 
 might give them the names of Indians, be- 
 caufe the favages, and the people of Ameri- 
 ca, nor America itfelf, was not then difco- 
 vered, nor of many years after. I will not 
 deny, but that fuch men might arrive upon 
 the coaft of Germany ; but I Ihould have 
 N° 107, Vot. III. 
 
 m 
 
 been better confirmed, if the burthen and Mon so. %■. 
 manner of building their ftiip, had been w^V"*^ 
 exprefled, with the number of men, 
 their time of ablcnce from home, the b.-- 
 liaviour and civility of the people^ what k.i 
 or ftraight they paficd, what commodities 
 they brought with them, and dclircd to car- 
 ry from tiience ; for the author faid ihcy 
 came to trade. 
 
 But the greateft argument we are grounded 
 upon that tiicy came out uf the Indies, is, 
 becaufe in the ditcourfc they gave them the 
 name of Indians ; but I do verily believe, 
 it there were any fuch people, th.it they 
 were lavages oi' Amcii,a, ovcr-againft Ger- 
 many, who were put from the lliotc Widi a 
 wcfterly wind -, as tlie Spaniards relate of a 
 Bifcainer, that was forced with an caftcrly 
 wind from the Canaries to the coaft of Ami- 
 rica, from whom Cohanhus had his light for 
 the dilcoviry of the Indies: Bodi thefe re* 
 ports I believe alike. 
 
 The fifth proof of a pafTige is p/oundcd 
 upon a report of Cortered, a Pcriuguefe; 
 who, by his own report, pafted it, and gave 
 it the name of Cortereai. But where this 
 Portuguefe was born, or took fliipping, or 
 by whom he was imployed, or upon what 
 occafion, what became of the reft of the 
 men, the name of the ftiip, captain, and 
 mjfter, or the journals of tlie voyage.s, is 
 not exprefTed 5 which nwkes me doubt of 
 the credit of this ftory ; for there is no man 
 fo void of fenfc, that does not obfcrvc tht 
 month and day of his departure from home, 
 and all accidents in the journey ; or though 
 the Porliiguefe fhould be carelefs thereof, 
 yet of ten mariners, eight of them would 
 obferve it. 
 
 But leaving this to the Porta^^uefe^^ forget- 
 fulnefs, let us examine who fliould employ 
 him ; and upon what occafion. If we fpcak 
 according to reafon, no prince fo likely as 
 the kings of England, Scotland, or Denmark ; 
 whole countries lie more convenient for the 
 pafliige. 
 
 Neither is it likely that any other than 1 
 prince would fet them out, becaufe it would 
 concern a prince more than any private 
 man ; but allow that more than one or ten 
 ftiould employ them j think you the fecrct 
 of the voyage could be concealed, or that 
 they would leave profecuting it when 
 difcovered : No, no ; for in tliofe days 
 England, Scotland, and Denmark, would 
 have thought it a great happinefs to their 
 ftate to have found it out. 
 
 And to prove what I fay, that EngliUid 
 ■was ignorant of any fuch difcovery, we have 
 no record of any luch voyage undertaken 
 out of England; nor proof of the Portii- 
 guefc'i offer to any king of England, as wc 
 have of Columbus, who tendered his fcrvicc 
 £ G to
 
 394 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal Tracls. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Mo.Nsos. to Henry VII. for the difcovery of the fVeJi- 
 ^'^'"^^ Indies, before he made olTcr of it to Spain. 
 
 Hov/ this Porluguefe could caufe ilich ii 
 filence in the reft of the company, as not to 
 make report of it, is very doubtful, Iceing 
 man naturally is apt to extol himfclt ; and 
 ilich a fervice as tliat paflage, would caufc 
 the men not only to boall of it, but alfo to 
 make offer where it was moft likely to be 
 accepted -, which, as I have faid, I could 
 never hear was done to England. 
 
 It is aaold faying, That two may keep 
 counfel, if the third be away, but that the 
 Partiigtiefe could pafs in a flfip that hat 
 but two or three men to fail her, or that 
 they could be made fo filent as not to 
 report, I refer myfelf to any judicious 
 man. 
 
 The voyage was neither by the king his 
 mafter's appointment, nor by any miniller 
 under him, or by the confent of the one or 
 the other, you may conjefture -, becaufe the 
 difcovery of that paffage, v/as likely to ha- 
 zard his greatnefs in the Eaft-hdies ; and 
 therefore, if any fuch (hould be attempted, 
 it is likely he fliould rather forbid than fur- 
 ther it. 
 
 And feeing it was never feconded by Eng- 
 land, Scotland, or Denmark^ and the king 
 of Portugal had lefs reafon than the reft to 
 ^ difcovcr it, I believe the Portuguefe was 
 
 like a great many vagabonds in England, 
 who beg und?r the name of foldiers, that 
 never were in war. 
 
 The fixth proof of a pafllige, and parti- 
 cularly out of the South-Sea, is related by 
 one Sahatierra, a gentleman of Spain, that 
 Ipoke it from the n«3Uth of one Andreiv 
 Serneta, a frier, in the year 1560. which 
 frier confefied to the fiid Sahatierra, that 
 he had palled from the South-Sea into Ger- 
 :riiany through the north -weft paffiige. 
 
 This report feems to be a hear-fay of a fe- 
 cond perfon •, and whether the trier fpoke it 
 to Sahatierra, qr no, that muft reft upon 
 the honefly of Sahatierra ; and whether the 
 frier fpoke truth in faying it, refts as much 
 upon the honefty of the trier ; fo that there 
 ■are two mens credits at flake, and neither 
 of them both to be examined -, but let us 
 examine the likelihood of it. 
 
 The king of Spain in thofe days had as 
 little reafon to dilcover fuch a pafllige into 
 the South-Sea as the king of Portugal; be- 
 caufe it would be as great a damage to him 
 as to the king of Portugal ; the trade of Pe- 
 ru being as much expoied as that of the 
 Eajl-Indies. 
 
 But fuppofe there was no hurt or damage 
 to the king of Spain by that paflage, yet 
 the finding of it would be more inconve- 
 nient ; for it is nearer from Lima to Pana- 
 via, and from thence to Ncmbre be Dios by 
 land, and fo into Spain, which is the or- 
 I 
 
 dinary way of trade, than from Lima to 
 Spain by a north- weft" paflage. 
 
 And therefore feeing the difcovery of 
 that palfage would neither profit nor flior- 
 ten the Spaniards voyage, but might in 
 time prejudice, yea hazard the whole In- 
 dies, I lee no reafon the Spaniards had to at- 
 tempt this difcovery, but rather to divert 
 it •, and therefore the frier's teftimony to 
 be doubted. c. ..c • 
 
 By his ov/n report, this paflTage was not 
 long difcovercd before the year 1560. Sir 
 Martin Forl/uJJjer's laft attempt to the north- 
 had weft was undertaken in 1576. fo that there 
 could not be twenty years difference betwixt 
 their tv.'o undertakings. 
 
 If the hiei's relation had been true, it is 
 not likely it would have been concealed : And 
 feeing Sir Martin's aftion was undertaken by 
 thequeen,whohad better means tounderftand 
 the ftate of it than any private man, no que- 
 fl:ion but the queen would have procured a 
 certain relation for Sir Martin''^ better in- 
 ftrudion. 
 
 Or if the frier's arrival had been upon the 
 coafl: of Germany ; as neither the time, 
 place, company, nor fliip, is fpoken of, 
 nor any German writer makes mention 
 of, which it is likely they would have 
 done, if it had«been true, or if not, fo 
 memorable a thing as the north-weft paflage 
 would not have been forgotten in twenty 
 years. 
 
 Befides, the Germans had been as likely 
 as any nation in the world to have attem- 
 pted it, it there had been caufe, confi- 
 dering how induftrious and Ingenious they 
 are by nature ; and feeing that neither re- 
 port made it famous, nor that it was ever 
 feconded by any other perfon, I think the 
 frier pafl"ed it in a dream, or upon the horfe 
 Pegajus. 
 
 'I'he feventh reafon to prove a paflTage, 
 was by Stephen Gomes's offer to Charles V. 
 in 1527. who would have lent to difcover it, 
 but that his imployment was fo great other- 
 wife, that he could not attend it ; and the 
 king of Portugal fearing that the emperor 
 would perfevere in the enterprize, gave him 
 three hundred thoufand ducats to defift ; as 
 faith Franeijco de Ulloa. 
 
 How probable this is, let us a little ex- 
 amine. Firft, I think that neither Gomes, 
 nor any other man, durft make fuch an of- 
 fer to the emperor ; for he might as well 
 have prefented him with poifon in his cup, 
 as to difcovcr a pafllige that might prove 
 lb hurtful to the ftate of Spain ; and I think 
 few kings would have fuffered Goynes to 
 have lived, if they believed his relation, left, 
 upon refufd, he might have tendered it 
 to fome other prince or country that might 
 lie more conveniently for it. 
 
 Se-
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracts. 
 
 39? 
 
 Secondly, Gomes could not have been 
 fuch a fool, but to think, as it ftood with 
 the ftate of the emperor, to have the paflagc 
 found ; yet as the emperor was kino; oi' Spain, 
 it was the mod hurtful and dangerous 
 thing that could happen to his kingdoms; 
 and of the two titles and dignities, the em- 
 peror was to refpect his inheritance ot Spnin^ 
 being fucceffive, as the other was but cle- 
 ftive. 
 
 To prove that it lias been pafTed, is not 
 fet down by Gomes; and reafbns°that it may 
 be pafled arc as well known to thoulands as 
 to Gomes ; which makes i:ne judge of Go-mes 
 to be an undertaking fellow, as we Ivave 
 many in our age that will put themfelves 
 into aclion, and promife good fuccefs to 
 keep themfelves employ'd. 
 
 And I do the rather believe this of Go- 
 mes, becaufe I read in the voyage of ALigel- 
 Inn about the world, that this Gomes was 
 pilot of one of his fliips, wherein Alvaro 
 Mefqi'.ita, Magellan's nephew, went captain ; 
 and coming into the ftraights ot Magellan, 
 Gomes mutiny'd, and compelled this captain 
 to return home. 
 
 Bcfiues, I find it recorded of the fliid Go- 
 mes^ That he undertook the difcovery of 
 the north-weft paflfage in 1525. and after 
 ten months fpent without eire6ting it, he 
 brought home certain Indians, and arriving 
 at the Groyne, was called to trom the fliore 
 as he enter'd that harbour to know what 
 he came home laden withal •, who anfwer'd, 
 with Efclavo's, meaning with Indians, which 
 the others conceived to be Clavo's, viz. 
 cloves, upon the firft apprchenfion thereof-, 
 and in hope to get a reward of the king, 
 the party pofted up 10 the court wirh ti 
 
 cd the king of Portugal with that difcovc- Mt.* 
 ry, or received money of hini to that pur- ^ * 
 pofe, as is exprefTcd. But I oblirve i: is 
 the nature of all men to (latter themfelves 
 with hope of a thing they would have, nnd 
 will wrelt rcafons and (lories to Hrenyduii 
 their belief, by example of this which dny 
 mili-cport ; and therefore I will let liowa 
 the truth of this (lory out if authentic k 
 authors. 
 
 There was a long quertion ami debate be- 
 tween the emperor and the king ot Pcr/ii- 
 gal, to whom the Molucca's Ihould belong. 
 And it is true the emperor libourM to tind 
 anoiher way to the Molucca's, than by the 
 Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 Magellan was a Por/t'gftrfe by l.irtli, who 
 had lived ieven years in tiie In, lies : 1 Ic 1. ft 
 the ferviceof his king, and ofi'crcd it to the 
 emperor, giving hope to find a new way 10 
 the Molucco's, tho* it proved the lofs of 
 his own life. 
 
 The concroverfy to whom the Molmcos 
 (liould belong, continued b^'tween the two 
 crowns of Spain and Portugal, and the Spa- 
 niards made fundry attempts, by way of the 
 ftraights, but evermore v/ith unfortunate 
 fuccefs. At laft Don John III. of Portugal, 
 and brother-in-law to the emperor, willing- 
 ly lent him three hundred and filty thou- 
 fand ducats when he went into Italy to be 
 crowned emperor, upon condition the king 
 of Portugal fhould no way be molcftcd in 
 his pofTclIion of the Molucco illands till tliat 
 money was repaid ; v/hich being never tlone, 
 the Spaniards never fince pretended to thofe 
 iflands. But there was no mention made of 
 a north-weft pallige. 
 
 Alrhougii there are a great many more 
 
 dings, that Gomes had been at the iflands of probab. lines that the (Irai^ht? hive not been 
 
 Molucca's, and was return'd home, liden 
 with cloves-, but when this news was con- 
 tradifted, the fellow loft his charge and 
 travel, and they v/ere both derided. 
 
 But to return where I left off, though 
 there had been no likelihood to impeach 
 the emperor in his Indies by this paflage, 
 yet confidering it was like to prejudice the 
 king of Portugal in the Eaft-Indies, the em- 
 peror had reafon, without receiving any 
 fuch fum of money, to hinder it -, for as 
 much as the more nations traded that way, 
 the fooner they might difcover thofe places 
 that were difcover'd afterwards, as namely, 
 the Philipines, and other iflands, and in 
 time might prove his moft dangerous neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 But efpecially the emperor was married 
 to the daughter of Don Emanuel king of 
 Portugal, who had the reverfion of all his 
 kingdoms, if his heirs males failed, as it 
 did, and became hereditary to Spain. 
 
 And therefore it was moft ridiculous we 
 fhould conceive the emperor ever threaten- 
 
 at any time paflt;d, than odi, nvile, yet it 
 is no reafon abfolutely to diiprove a paliago, 
 whatfocvcr any man fliall ground upon phi- 
 lolbphical arguments, or by any globe or 
 card that is extant •, for except a globe- ma- 
 ker can as well prove by experience that 
 there is fuch a fea as he lets down, and by 
 the teftimony of fome men that went it, he 
 may as well fuppofc what he makes fea to 
 be as dry land as the delarts ot Arabia : And 
 therefore leaving this trial, I will prv;ceed 
 further. 
 
 I ha%-e perufed all the voyages to the 
 north-weft made by Sir Martin Forbufl.Hr, 
 and Mr. 'John Davies, with v.hoin I have 
 often conferred touching this palflige -, and 
 I have found by them a likelihood of it, 
 but no more alTurancc than from thole that 
 never went fo far as they did. Therefore 
 whatfoever is hitherto done, is but im.'.gi- 
 nary. 
 
 I muft coniefs that the laft year's attempt 
 of lludfon'% has given us knowle^lge of (our 
 hundred leagues further than ever was 
 
 knowa
 
 39^ 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Nanjal T^rct^s. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MovsoN. known before i and out of his difcovery we 
 ^"^"V^ ani to conjecture more or Icfs pofiibility of 
 it. 
 
 And beaiufe I make this voyage the 
 foundation of all others that fliall fucceed, 
 I will fct down, as much as I can remem- 
 ber, what I receiv'd from the mouth ot the 
 mailer that ranic home from Hudfcii, touch- 
 ing the particulars of his voyage, an.l whe- 
 ther it will avail us, or no, being difco- 
 vered. 
 
 The entrance was in fixty-three degrees, 
 and they ran in that height two hundred 
 leagues, and finding the freight, which was 
 forty leagues over to run fouih, they fol- 
 lowed that fouiherly courfe, making account 
 it would bring them into the Si/U/h Sea; 
 and here they ran two hundred leagues more, 
 till they found the water too ihallow and 
 unpaflable. 
 
 They winter'd in an idand in fifty-two 
 degrees •, where in the whole winter they faw 
 but one man who aime to them but twice : 
 the fecond time of his coming he brought 
 with him three deer-fkins, which he would 
 not exchange for a hatchet -, for he priz'd 
 them at more value -, but when he faw that 
 he could not have it under the whole three, 
 he was content to let them go, and promis'd 
 by figns to come the next morning j but 
 came not. 
 
 The favage was cloathed in fkins, and 
 his arrows forked with iron. They found 
 the place much fubjedt to north-weft winds, 
 and far exceeding any part of Etigland in 
 coldnefs. 
 
 As they tended fouth, going about the 
 headland, they palled near the fliore, and 
 betwixt certain rocks, fmall iflands, and 
 main lands. 
 
 They found the flood to come from the 
 north-well, which is one of their aguments 
 that it came from the main fea. The next 
 voyage mud be to difcover from whence 
 this current comes, and to fee it" in running 
 weft or north-weft, they can find a ftraight 
 to run fouth, or an open lea to the north- 
 ward, 
 
 Viftuals they found none from the fhore, 
 but white partridges ; the water they had 
 was fnow water, which fell abundantly 
 into their ftiips every night: wine, aquavi- 
 tje, and other liquid things, did freeze in 
 an exceeding manner, though it was but in 
 fifty two degrees. 
 
 I conceive two efpecial benefits by Hud- 
 fopJ's difcovery ; the one. That we have 
 paflTed two hundred leagues more weft than 
 was ever difcovered , that hereafter we may 
 be bold to fail two hundred leagues dire£tly, 
 without lofing any time to fearch one fhorc 
 or other, which would have taken up a whole 
 fummer, if they had not intended to win- 
 ter. 
 
 The fccond is, That whereas there was 
 hope ol a paiTage to fall into the Soutb-Seay 
 not many leagues after the entrance into 
 the ftraights, this difcovery has put us out 
 of doubt of it ; fo that I make account there 
 is another fummer gain'd. 
 
 ' I will fuppole we are two hundred leagues 
 in the ftraights, and, as tl>cy fay, we encoun- 
 ter with a north-weft flood : but before we 
 direct our courfe weft and north-weft, let 
 us judge of this flood, and where they met 
 it : if in the midft ot the channel, we may 
 the better believe it came out of the main 
 fea J but if amongft iflands, broken land^ 
 or rocks, we have no reafon to ground our 
 hopes of a voyage upon it. 
 
 For by experience upon the coaft of Bri- 
 tcny, or where there are many iflands or 
 rocks, .the tides alter according to the rocks 
 and iflands ; and I know Hudfon's company 
 confefs they met them amongft rocks and 
 iflands j and therefore no hold is to be taken 
 of a north- weft flood. 
 
 But according to the hope we conceive 
 of this flood, we diredt our north-weft 
 courfe, being entered the ftraights, and in 
 fixty-two degrees. You muft note, that in 
 running north-weft, every twenty-eight 
 leagues you raife a degree ; and the further 
 you run any point to the northward, the 
 greater hazard you fhall endure by ice and 
 cold, the worft wintering, if you be put to 
 it, and the further from your voyage, be- 
 caufe the courfe lies foutherly. 
 
 But one hope may be, That the northern 
 part of Jtncrica, which is made land in the 
 maps, will prove fea. Allowing it to be 
 true, and the ftraights to run but two hun- 
 dred leagues farther, either northward or 
 weftward, then let us compare the time we 
 have to pals the ftraight, and reckon our 
 departure from England, and we ftnall find 
 the climate very unfeafonable, either to win- 
 ter, or to make a faftory, if we pafs it not 
 in one fummer. 
 
 From England to the Straights-Mouth, fe- 
 ven hundred leagues-, to the place difcover- 
 ed two hundred ; to the fea imagin'd two 
 hundred north-weft, where I will fuppofe 
 there is an open fea, though the contrary is 
 known. Now have I run one thoufand one 
 hundred leagues, and in fixty-two degrees. 
 And if we will know the diftance from 
 thence to the Molucca's, or where we have 
 now a trade, this rule will lead us, {viz.) 
 to meafure with the meridian line from 
 t!ie entrance of the ftraight, lying in fixty- 
 two degrees, due fouth, to the height of 
 twenty-three and a half, which is the lati- 
 tude of cape California ; then meafure the 
 diftance from this meridian to the cape 
 California, and from thence to the cape 
 Mendacina, which is the furthermoft known 
 part of America, and after to the Molnccc's, 
 
 and
 
 Book 
 
 IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^Viil TraSIs. 
 
 397 
 
 and you fliall find nothing gained by this 
 difcovery, for that of necenicy the land 
 of America mud be doubled, before we di- 
 reft our courfe to any of the places afore- 
 faid. 
 
 But fuppofe, upon the opening of the 
 fea to the northward, the land proves as is 
 delcrib'd in ni.oft. globes and maps, {viz.) 
 all land, and no iea, then are you to run 
 due weft in fixty-two degrees, as aforefaid -, 
 or as the land fli.Ul lie, fo many leagues as 
 you Ihall meafure by the Ibrmer rule, {viz.) 
 from the faid meridian line to the cape Men- 
 dacina, which, confidering the diftance and 
 the dUlcmpcrature, the courlc alone would 
 not be run in a whole fummer. 
 
 Or if, being in fixty-two degrees, we 
 find a pallage to run fouih-well, and to 
 tall into the Soutb-Sea, about the height 
 ot cape California, it is great odds, that 
 ftraight will not always run deep, by example 
 ot tiic Red Sea and Perjian Giilph ; both 
 which want no breadth, though very (hal- 
 low J and if this fliould prove deep and 
 broad, yea, thougli the narroweft place be 
 but one league over, we may have the ho- 
 nour to difcover it ; but any other nation 
 {hall reap as great benefit by it as ourfelves, 
 if we cannot make it good and fortify it on 
 both fides. ' 
 
 Let us reckon how many leagues we 
 fhall run before we come to the Molucco's 
 by the courfe into the South-Sea. Allow we 
 be in fixty-two degrees, and nine hundred 
 leagues from England ; and that our en- 
 trance into the Soutb-Sea be in twenty-three 
 degrees fouth-weft ; then have we raifed 
 thirLy-nine degrees, which in a fouth-weft 
 courfe amounts to nine hundred and feventy- 
 fivc leagues; and from that height to Ja- 
 va the diftance is certainly known, by the 
 navigation of Mr. Cavendifh, the pilot of 
 whofe fliip, and many other principal men, 
 are yet living, and have annexed the dif- 
 tance of places, the days of failing, and 
 their abode in every harbour where they ar- 
 rived, to the Difcourfe of the Voyage about the 
 World \ as thus : 
 
 From cape California, in twenty- three de- 
 grees and a half, to the iflands of Ladrcnes, 
 they note one thouland five hundred and 
 fifty leagues ; from the Ladroftes to the Phil- 
 lipincs three hundred and twenty •, from the 
 Pbilipines to Java Major five hundred and 
 twenty-five: fo that by this computation, 
 which cannot be difproved, it amounts to 
 four thoufand five hundred and fevcnty-two 
 leagues betwixt England and Java, by a 
 pallage into the South Sea ; and reckoning 
 from Java to England the common way, 
 by obfcrvation of the laid pilot, it is but 
 four thoafiind five hundred leagues, {viz.) 
 from Java to the cape of Good Hope one 
 thoufand eight hundred leagues : liom 
 Vol. Ill, 
 
 thence to Flores one thoufand two hundred, Monsos. 
 from Flores to England four hundred and fif- -^>t^>* 
 ty •, ib that we find by demonllr.uion, that 
 it is further by four hundred and fbrty-five 
 leagues, by a pallage into the South Sea^ 
 than by the known way of the cape of 
 Good Hope, which is daily frequented. 
 
 But it may l)e faid, by the nonh-weft 
 palliige we fliall have the trade of Japan 
 and China ; which will more avail us th.ui 
 the trade of the Molucco's, and the Eaft- 
 IiiJies, becaufe they are many leagues 
 nearer. It the paflage be found, I contels 
 there is Ibmething gained in the diftance, 
 but nothing in the navigation, allowing 
 that this pallage falls into the South Sea ; as 
 it it does not, little good is like to enfuc 
 of it, becault: of the iiazard of cold, ol ice, 
 and of unknown feas, which experience mull 
 teach us. 
 
 But to difprove the opinion of fuch as arc 
 erroncoully carry'd away with the conceit 
 that the ftraights are like to fill into the 
 South Sea ; about the cape of California, this 
 that fbllows fhall give an infallible fatisfac- 
 tion, by proof that has been made upon 
 that coaft to the weftermoft part of all y'lme- 
 rica, both from Alexico wiihin the land, 
 and from /hapulco, and the port of Navi- 
 dad by fea. 
 
 Ferdinand Cortes, who was captain-gene- 
 ral of this new-conquer'd country of New 
 Spain, and Anthony Mendofa, at that time 
 viceroy of it, the one hating the other mor- 
 tally, as is the cuftom where two flich com- 
 manders have fuch equal authority ; yet 
 they both preferred the fervicc of their 
 mailer before thtir own f})leen and revenge, 
 and jointly undertook a difcovery of ^ivi- 
 ra, and the weftermoll parts of America^ 
 being made believe it abounded in riches, 
 and had a trade from China, and other 
 parts oi Afta. They employ'd in this jour- 
 ney one Francis Fafques de Caranaca, who 
 arriv'd there by land with a number oi Spa- 
 niards, both horle and foot ; in which jour- 
 ney they endured greater famine and other 
 extremities, than all the reft of the Spaniards 
 undertakings in the continent of America. 
 
 Some of thole Spaniards, though not ma- 
 ny, return'd by land to Mexico; from whence 
 tliey departed, and reported the calamities 
 and extremities they lliffered. By this I col- 
 left, and by my colledtion will frame my 
 unanfwerable argument, to give the world 
 fiitisfatffion, that from Alexico to the wef- 
 termoft part of America, in whicli fpace, if 
 there be a paflage, it muft fall into the 
 South Sea, in all their journey they found 
 neither fea, ftraight, or other impediment, 
 to hinder or ftop their journey by land, but 
 that they went and arriv'd at Silwla and 
 ^ivira ; from whence they return'd, which 
 they could not have done if there had been 
 r, 1 i a ftop-
 
 39S 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra6is. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN a (Toppage by water, either frefh or falf, 
 »-'' V"^ ncitlier did they cany any provifion otboats, 
 or other means to tranfport men or horfe. 
 
 But for better iatisfadion to this point, 
 I will lay open a later proof, known to 
 divers Englijhmcn yet living, that were 
 with Mr. Cavendijh in his glorious voyage 
 about' the world in 1586. After he had 
 pailld the llraigius of Magellan, and the 
 coaftsof CM^, Peru, zndiNewSj^ain, he came 
 to California, where he took his rich prize 
 of \'ttviin hundred tons of China filks, co- 
 ming from the Pbilippine iilands, bound 
 for tlie port of Navidad in Neiv Spain : 
 tliis fliip had in her one hundred and nine- 
 ty pafTengers; and after he had laden his 
 own fhips with her merchandize, he burnt 
 both fliip and goods, not being able to car- 
 ry her with him ; and for the men he put 
 athore at cape California ; from whence they 
 travelled by land as fiir as to the port of 
 Navidad, whither they were bound by fea. 
 In their way they pafled many Indian 
 countries, not commonly known to the Spa- 
 niards before; in all which travel they found 
 no interruption by Ibaight, river, or other 
 let of water, frefli, or fik : and for the 
 proof of their fafe arrival at the port of 
 Navidad aforefaid, befides the relation I 
 have feen of ir, it happened that many 
 years after, a pilot of the laid prize taken 
 by Mr. Cavendijh, and a Grceli by nation, 
 returning into his country, after twenty 
 years fpent abroad, happened into the com- 
 pany of one Mr. Lock an Englifmian, in 
 Italy, with whom he grew acquainted, and 
 related to him all the particulars of his 
 voyage, as well what happened by fea as 
 by land, after Mr. Cavendipi putting them 
 afhore. But leaving this argument, I will 
 proceed farther. 
 
 Allow that we be in twenty-three degrees, 
 and in the South-Sea, and direft our courfe 
 to the iflancfs of Japan, we are to run one 
 thoufmd fix hundred leagues a vvefterly 
 courfe (viz.) to cape Mendofino feven liUn- 
 dred leagues, and from thence to Japan 
 nine hundred, by the reckoning of Francis 
 Gall, who was a perfeil pilot, and had of- 
 ten failed it; fo that by this courfe we fhall 
 run three thoufand four hundred and f ven- 
 ty-five leagues from England to Japan. 
 
 To prove that nothing is gain'd by this 
 navigation, I will allow we are at Japan, 
 and refolve upon our return for England the 
 fame way we went: we muft fo caft bur voy- 
 age, as to be lure of a fufficient time for 
 ourpadiige through the ftraights in fummer, 
 otherwife we mult refolve to be frozen or 
 ftarved by the way ; and what a hazard we 
 fliall run, if winds crofs us, our malls break, 
 our fhips fpring a leak, the iails fplit, men fail 
 by ficknels, I fay, if any of thefe accidents 
 happen, we are left deftitute of all help or 
 2 
 
 hope, and the greatefl; calamity or mifery 
 that ever betel men will light upon us; for 
 there is no death comparable to hunger and 
 cold: and to fliew how unlikely it is for 
 us to return in one, or fcarcely in two 
 fummers, let us examine the winds and 
 feafons. 
 
 The Spaniards that come from the Phi- 
 lippines to Nezv Spain, fiand over to the 
 main land of America, and coaft the Ihore, 
 finding the winds all caflerly at fea, info- 
 much that they are returning eight months, 
 which they are going in ten weeks; and this 
 is the rather approved by Mr. Cavendiflfs 
 lailing from cape California to the Philip' 
 pines, who never found the wind from be- 
 twixt the eall and north-eaft, from the 19th 
 of November to the 15th of January, in 
 which time he failed two thoufand three 
 hundred leagues. 
 
 So that althou2;h we fhall arrive with a 
 fiir wind at 7^7/1(7;/, yet, confidering we flull 
 find it againll us m our return, we fliall foon- 
 er by one third part, and widi lefs hazard 
 and danger, come home by the cape of 
 Good-Hope, than through the South-Sea. 
 
 Let me now appeal to the opinion of any 
 mariner, whether it were not better for a 
 man to fail fix thoufand leagues in a certain 
 and known navigation, where the v^inds nor 
 feafons never fail, than three thouland in an 
 uncertain fea, as we fliall find to the north- 
 ward, where the winds are variable, and 
 the climate unnatural, except it be in the 
 South-Sea, which I have fhewn the inconve- 
 nicncy of. 
 
 The delay of voyages is commonly when 
 the tador is not ready to lay his goods 
 aboard ; for there may be time loft in 
 feeking fuch C' mmodities as his merchant 
 writes for, for a convenient time and 
 feafon to fhip it; fome want or difability 
 in the fliip or company ; arrefl: or ftay by 
 the prince where they are ; or many other 
 cafualties not thought upon : but when a 
 fliip departs from any harbour fo far off as 
 the Eaji- Indies, and feeks to recover the 
 place whither fhe is bound, it cannot be 
 any great hindrance to the merchant to lofe 
 a month's time in coming home, but the 
 rather profitable, as I will demonftrate by 
 one of thofe voyages. 
 
 For if by the north-weft there be lb 
 quick a paflage, and fo fhort a way to go 
 and come as is defired, I fay, the trade in 
 few years will be overlaid ; for as it is now 
 by the cape of Good-Hope, fince we and the 
 Hollanders have had traffick in the Eaft- 
 Indies, pepper is bought from 2d. to 4 J. 
 there, and when it increafes in price where 
 it fliould lelfen, and falls where it fhould 
 increafe, what think you in time this voy- 
 age will come to, if followed, either the 
 one way or the other ? 
 
 Let
 
 IV. 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Naval Tmdh. 
 
 Let us likewife confider what needlefs 
 commodities they bring from thence. I Ice 
 not but this country may live as well with- 
 out fpices, as our forefathers have done-, 
 neither are they to be had in truck ot our 
 home commodities, as cloth, lead, and tin; 
 but if the merchant make gain by this trade, 
 the chicfcft: ilock he imploys mult be in fil- 
 ver, which has, and will, in time, make 
 fuch a dearth of money in England, as all 
 men in general will rue it : and as I have 
 laid before, we Ihall have the kfs money, 
 and the great quantity of thofe needlels 
 commodities, if the navigation fhould prove 
 ftiort and eafy. 
 
 It a man will fpeak truly and indifferent- 
 ly of the trade of the Eq/i-hdies, it is not 
 fo fit for any king or prince, as the king of 
 Spain, who has other Indies to fupply the (li- 
 ver that goes out of his country ; tlien what 
 hope liave we to perlevere in that voyage, 
 who have no mines or means by traffick to 
 bring money into this kingdom ? For this 
 take for an infallible argument. That coun- 
 try which receives more commodities than 
 it vends, the overplus muft of neceffity be 
 of money : and by reafon of our wafteful 
 expence, in fuch needlefs and fuperfluous 
 things, asfilks, lawns, Ipices, wine, tobac- 
 co, fugar, and a hundred fuch vanities; we 
 muft confefs there comes in much more of 
 thefe commodities, than goes out of the 
 realm in truck for them : and then let us 
 confider the benefit of this trade, and how 
 long it is like to continue good, for the 
 benefit and profit of this kingdom. 
 
 The mifchief that is befallen us, by ex- 
 haufting our filver was forefeen long fince 
 by Charles V. emperor; who, beholding 
 the greedy gain of the Portuguefes, in their 
 trade to the Indies, was wont to lay, " They 
 *' were enemies to Chriftendom, by car- 
 " rying their treafure from Europe to enrich 
 " the heathens." 
 
 But now to proceed to what I conceive 
 of Hudfon's laft voyage : I find we are hope- 
 lefs of any good by the fouth fl:raights where 
 he winter'd, becaufe of the fhallownefs of 
 the water in fifty-two degrees; or if it had 
 run as far as to have brought him into an 
 open fea, yet it was a great error in Hud- 
 fon, to bid his company^ welcome into the 
 South-Sea, upon that ftraighf, tending to 
 the fouth ward ; for if you pleafe to meafure 
 it by a meridian line, you will find it would 
 have brought him fcarcely as far as the 
 iflands ofLucaias, which is fhort of the IVe/i- 
 Indies, and the hnd Columkis firft difcover'd. 
 
 I verily believe the lavage Hudfon met 
 withal, had been acquainted with trade; firft, 
 by adventuring lb near the (hips and men, 
 the fight whereof would have daunted him, 
 if he had not fecn the like before. Second- 
 ly, that whereas at his firll coming, he 
 
 399 
 
 brought with him three dcer-fkin?, which ^Ion'cs- 
 
 he would not truck for a hatchet, cfteeming ^"Y^'J 
 
 them ot better value; this fhews he knew 
 
 the price of the hatchet, and knew as well 
 
 how to rate his hides: and thirdly, by the 
 
 iron of his dart, which (liewed manilcflly, 
 
 he ufcd to trade with Chnftians. 
 
 But ii it be true, which is told ne, that 
 Ibme flit! imagine the iron came from Ja- 
 pan, and thaf thofe of Japan traded with 
 them people ; the conceit is ftrange to 
 me, that any man fhould believe that Ja- 
 pan lying fo far thence as it is, fliould 
 have trade with a people and country 
 that affords nothing, no, not fb much as 
 viftuals. 
 
 It the Japonefes came to difcovcr, they 
 faw themfelves out of hope to pafs that way, 
 by example of our men; fo that it is like, 
 that if they had been there once, they would 
 not have come twice; and therefore little 
 fign of a trade: or if they came to difcovcr, 
 it is likely they hop'd to find a fea, as well 
 as land ; and then I fee not, but they might as 
 well come to us, as we defire to go to them. 
 
 But whofoever will underftand reafon, 
 need not go fo tar as Japan for it ; for it is 
 moft apparent, confidering the height, the 
 diftance from the ocean fea from hence 
 and from Canada, where the French yearly 
 trade, it is like this fellow had trade with 
 the French; and I am of opinion that Ca- 
 nada is but one hundred and fifty miles from 
 this place; and I further believe. That the 
 relation the French give of a fea they have 
 feen weft in thofe countries, is no other than 
 this ftraight, or what clfe you will call it, 
 that Hudfon difcovered. 
 
 Having (liewed the fmall probability of 
 a palllige, and confuted fuch mens rcafonsas 
 have pretended to have palTed it, having al- 
 ledged fome arguments, that we fliould have 
 gained little time, though it were difcovered 
 either north or Ibuth; and thirdly, what 
 profit fliall we reap by it, though it were 
 found? efpecially confidering we fliall have 
 no more privilege than any other nation, 
 except it prove narrow, for us to Itrengthen 
 and fortify ? 
 
 Now laftly will I fet down a projeft, how 
 to untiercake a difcovery with jmall charge; 
 and either find it, or be out of hope of if, 
 in little more than two years. 
 
 Befides the charge and endeavour that is 
 to be ufed in this voyage of difcovery, I will 
 perfuade, though it be with fome coft to 
 the adventurers, That cither a pilot be pro- 
 cured from Spain, that hath failed from the 
 Philippines to New Spain, who I think is 
 better able to give a light of this voyage, 
 than liy experience we fliall attain to in ma- 
 ny years. 
 
 Or if there be a difficulty to get fuch a 
 pilot, yet that he may be conferred with, 
 
 by
 
 400 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN-by fome of good underftanding in cof- 
 ^-''V'^ niogr.iphy; for, no doubt, failing along 
 the llvjic, as they do in that navigation, he 
 tan be able to fay, whether it be likely 
 that any great river or itraight can give hope 
 of a [Ullage that falls into the Soutb-Sea ; 
 or, at leal):, he is able to tell the diltance 
 \'r6m China to the main land oi America; 
 and wheiher the current fets irom the north, 
 or no, as Francis Gall defcij,bes ; and he is 
 able to tell the breadth of the main land of 
 yhietica, irom cape Mendopno to New Spain, 
 if you doubt of Francis Gall's report; and 
 this will I wifh to be done, before under- 
 taking another voyage-, for certainly it 
 will give great hope or defpair to our dif- 
 covery. 
 
 I know it is conceived by the Spaniards 
 in thole parts of the world, that there is a 
 fe I to the northward that divides J/ia from 
 Jfrick; but if it be true, (as I think no lefs,) 
 tie entrance of it mull; be farther northward 
 than yet we have difcovered ; and I am of 
 opinion, we mull bring the mod northern 
 part of all America foucherly, before we 
 run weft; or as the land fliall bear; and 
 then finding no ice on tiie {larboard fide, we 
 may be bold to lay, we have entred into 
 an open iea; for it (lands againft fenfe or 
 reafon, that any ftraights fliould run deep or 
 narrow, as it inuil do, if we profit by if, 
 whether it run well, north, or ibuth, fo 
 many leagues as the breadth of America, if 
 America be truly defcnbed; as that we 
 fliail know by the conference with the pilot 
 of the Philippines. 
 
 But now to proceed upon the north-weft 
 difcovery; The men that go that voyage, 
 mufl be fuch as trade into Iceland; for 
 they are beft able to endure the cold, and 
 mofl acquainted with the northern cli- 
 mates. 
 
 Three vefTels are enough to undertake it; 
 the one of two hundred tons, the other of 
 fifty tons apiece. The fhip is to carry fuch 
 provifions for wintering, as fhall be thought 
 neceffiry, with a furplus of victuals to be put 
 into the barks at the departure of the Ihip 
 from them. 
 
 This fhip may, if they fee a convenient 
 place, make her voyage upon the coaft with 
 filliing; if not, (he may put round for New- 
 foundland, and buy her lading of fifh, which 
 being carry'd into the ftraights, will make 
 a protitable return, towards the charge of 
 the difcovery. 
 
 The two barks mufl: be flrong and fhorr, 
 becaufe of their aptneis to flay and tack, it 
 they come into a narrow ftraighi, fhoal wa- 
 ter, or amongft ice. 
 
 The captains muft be fkilful mariners, 
 and good cofmographers, men of good 
 reputation, and of great refolution, for 
 their credits to perform fuch a voyage; and 
 
 for their carriage, not to be daunted at any 
 difafler. 
 
 Their commifTion muft give them liberty 
 to punifh with death, if mutinies or difor- 
 dersarife; but above all, nothing mufl; be 
 wanting that can be thought of for a two 
 years voyage in a northern climate. 
 
 The mailers muft take an oath, to ufe 
 their beft endeavours to advance the voyage, 
 and to keep fecret the journal : the plats 
 ami cards, and all other writings that con- 
 cern their navigation, mult be taken from 
 them at their coming home, and fealed up 
 to prcfent to his majefly. 
 
 There are m my other cares to be com- 
 mitted to the captains and mafl^crs ; as their 
 mutual agreement ; their hufbandiiig of 
 viduals ; their drawing the proportion of 
 every cape; the depth and dillance from 
 place to place; the obfervation of winds, 
 times, and feafons; the variation of the 
 compafs, and care in keeping company ; 
 and to appoint a place of meeting, if they 
 lofe one another, hailing each one both 
 morning and evening; what to do in fogs; 
 to take polieflion of fuch countries as they 
 come to for the king, and leaving fome 
 figns of their being there for whofoever fhall 
 come after. Many other things are to be 
 thought on before their going irom home, 
 too tedious to fet down. 
 
 If the two barks fhall arrive in a place 
 where a river or ftraight does open two 
 ways, they are to part company, and each 
 of them to proceed upon their difcovery, 
 as they fhall agree upon, (with this diredion,) 
 That upon either of their returns, they ap- 
 point a certain place on fliore, where to 
 leave their letters wrapped up in a box of 
 lead ; and in thofe letters to make relation 
 of their fuccefs, from their departure from 
 one another. 
 
 There mufl be great providence to pre- 
 ferve their men in health, and from danger 
 of their enemy; not to believe the allure- 
 ment of lavages, but when they fland upon 
 their own guard ; and if they be forced to 
 ufe violence, to have a fpecial care that the 
 firft piece they flioot, be fure to kill oi iiurt; 
 for fo fliall the lavages be more terrify'd, 
 when they find the pieces kill as well as 
 make a noife. 
 
 But leaving the difcovery of the north- 
 weft paflage to the care, wifdom, and dif- 
 cretion of the undertakers ; I will deliver 
 my conceit of a voyage, which hitherto 
 no man hath written of, mucJi lefs at- 
 tempted; and that is, due north under the 
 pole. One reafon that induces me to it, 
 is the nearnefs to China, Japan, and the 
 Eqjt-Indies, if there be a paiTage ; for 
 by computation, it cannot be above fif- 
 teen hundred leagues from England to ,'^^//k- 
 fay. 
 
 My
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Nit'ual Traih. 
 
 My other reafon is groundcLl upon an 
 error of the philofophers ; who conceived 
 it was uninhabitable under the hiie, which 
 experience has taught us to the contrary : 
 the like opinion tl.ey held of the pole; and 
 we know they have no more reafon for the 
 one than for the other. And feeing the ad- 
 venture cannot be great or dangerous for the 
 undertakers, I would wifli men to be as 
 forward and willing to venture therein, as 
 they are now in this to the north-weft ; 
 for the proof is alike for any thing that is 
 done as yet. 
 
 My third motive is grounded upon that 
 which makes the impediment of the north- 
 weft palTage -, which is ice ; and that I 
 Jeaft fear or doubt of, for the reafons fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 The abundance of ice which floats in tlie 
 fea, and hinders the north-weft palliige, is 
 not the ice of the fea ; for the great fait fea 
 cannot freeze -, but it is the ice frozen in 
 frefti rivers and founds, which, at the break- 
 ing up of the year, is driven out of the 
 iame harbours into the fea ; which fliews 
 there is more land upon the coall of La- 
 brado, than towards the north pole ; for 
 
 401 
 
 fhips have failed one hundred leagues toMoNjox. 
 the nordiward of the north cape of Nor- '^^'^sj 
 way,, and in fixty-fevcn degrees, and have 
 found no ice ; whereas, if there had been 
 land in that courle, or to the northward of 
 ir, they would have lound tlie ice, by the 
 reafons aforefaid. 
 
 Antl whereas cold may be alledgcd for an 
 impediment upon this ilifcovery, we find 
 by proof, and not without realbn, that it 
 is hotter to the northward in fummer, than 
 nearer the fun, becaule of the reflexion of 
 it, that gives a light and a heat for one 
 half of the year : it is to be compared to 
 a continual eafy and gentle fire, which will 
 caft a greater heat, and of a longer con- 
 tinuance, than a violent flame that is foon 
 quenched. 
 
 And becuife all difcoverics before fpoken 
 of, and that hereafter are to be attempted, 
 have been, and muft be, by the p.iins, la- 
 bour and induftry of m-uiners, 1 think it 
 not amifs to fet down what I was dcfired by 
 Mr. IVright, the great m.ithematician, to 
 write, to incourage and further a certain 
 ftipend for the maintenance of navigation, 
 for feamen's better inftrudtion. 
 
 The convenlency of a Icclure of navigation. 
 
 I HELD it not amifs to infert fo much 
 as I was defired to write, concerning the 
 neceflity of having a publick ledlure read, 
 for the inftruifling of mariners and feafa- 
 ring men of this kingdom ; which is as fol- 
 loweth. 
 
 If I fhould go about to prove, how much 
 more fit it is for England to maintain na- 
 vigation, than any other country that lies 
 upon the continent, I fhould do no more 
 than many worthier perfons have hitherto 
 undertaken, or that men in common reafon 
 fliould conceive •, for England is an ifland, 
 and therefore bound to maintain fliipping 
 for defence of itfelf, offtnce to other nations, 
 and inriching the commonwealth with trade : 
 for neither can any man enter in peaceable 
 or warlike fort, or we ourfelves pafs forth 
 of the kingdom, without the help of fhip- 
 ping. 
 
 And yet are fliips alone no more avail- 
 able, without men to conduft them, than 
 weapons without hands to fight. Seeing 
 therefore that fhips and fea-faring men are 
 unfeparable, the one of no ufe without the 
 other, we muft have as "great care to bring 
 up men, and make them ikilful in that art 
 of navigation, as to maintain fliipping, for 
 the good of the commonwealth. 
 
 But, with pity I fpeak it, we have not 
 refpedled the inftrufting our mariners ; and 
 no marvel that we have fuftaincd fo great a 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 lois by fhipwreck ; for no more dun our 
 feamen get by bare experience, they never 
 endeavour themillves to knowledge , and I 
 judge the reafon is, becauie they have no 
 means to attain it ; otherwife I think ihey 
 would be as willing to know their errors, 
 as it were fit they fliould be taught. 
 
 The help they received in thefe later 
 times, was by men's writings, which I hold 
 not fo profitable as what they fli.ill hear 
 deliver'd by mouth ; for the ordinary ma- 
 riners are oftentimes ignorant of what they 
 fliall read, as not underftanding either word 
 or fenfe ; and when they fhall have it de* 
 monftrated to them, and the hard words 
 and meaning made plain, they will both 
 conceive what they hear, and be -.'.blc to 
 put in practice when they undeiftand it. 
 
 Another difcommodity they fliall find by 
 writing, is, that the fecrets of the art will 
 be publiflied to the world, and other na- 
 tions are likely to make as great ufe and 
 benefit of it, as we ourfelves : and therefore, 
 as we ought to ftrive to exceed other men 
 in navigation, in refpcdt I have fliewd it 
 imports our country lb much ; fo ought we 
 to keep it fecret, according to the example 
 o^ Spain, which fecks to conceal divers ri- 
 vers, and other places in the Indies, from 
 us, which they know by difcovery might 
 breed thcni inconvenicncies, and benefit us. 
 
 5I 
 
 It
 
 402. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navd ^raBs. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 AfoNsoif. It is a queftlon, whether ii man fliall at- 
 ^^^r-^ tain to better knowledge by experience or 
 learning ? and many times you have con- 
 iroverfics arile betwixt a fcholar and ma- 
 riner upon that point. 
 
 The fcholar accounts the other no better 
 than a brute beall, that has no learning but 
 bare experience to maintain the art he pro- 
 fefles : the mariner accounts the icholar 
 only verbal ; and that he is more able to 
 fpeak, than aft. 
 
 I confefs this is great arrogancy in both, 
 to (land fo obflinately upon themfelves, 
 when they ought in rcafon one to afTift the 
 other ; but efpecially the mariner is to re- 
 ceive comfort from the fcholar ; for he that 
 has but bare experience, receives what he 
 has by tradition, for learning is the original 
 ground of all arts -, but he that has expe- 
 rience joined with learning, it makes that 
 man excellent in the art he profefTerh. 
 What made Abraham Kendall and Mr. 
 John Ddvies fo famous for navigation, but 
 their learning, which was confirmed by ex- 
 perience ? 
 
 If we had but a Icdure of navigation 
 read, which fcamen might refort to, they 
 would foon reform their fpightful humours, 
 and confefs how needful it is, that learning 
 fliould be added to experience. And this 
 lecture, no doubt, in a little time will make 
 men as famous as either Kendall or Davics, 
 to the honour and benefit of the common- 
 wealth. 
 
 Men of learning were able to give great 
 light for the finding out the longitude, and 
 for the difcovery of new lands or pafTages, 
 which expLrience muft beat out, when they 
 have their grounds from learned men. 
 
 Every man in travel or journeying de- 
 fires to find the neareft and eafieft way, for 
 his reft and gain of time, to come to his 
 journey's end : and fo ought the mariner 
 much more-, for the fea is tedious, and 
 more difficult than the land. The land is 
 firm and ftedfaft ; the fea wavering and 
 moveable: the land is known and determi 
 ned by marks, figns, and limits ; the fea is 
 vaft, and no marks to know it : the land 
 has hills, mountains, and rocks ; the fea 
 has ftorms, tempefts, great difficulties and 
 dangers, and therefore the more need of 
 help to avoid the fearful perils, and un- 
 look'd-for accidents man is fure to meet 
 w ithal in the wide and fpacious fea. 
 
 I am of opinion, there is no error the 
 mariner finds at fea, either in card, ftar, 
 inftrument, or compafs, but upon his infor- 
 mation may be reduced by the fkilful ma- 
 thematician, and made perteft, if not fud- 
 denly, time may work it, by following 
 fuch inllrudtions as Ihall be prefcribed by 
 ihem. 
 
 It is ftrange to fee our errors, that we 
 prefer idle and frivolous ftudics that bring 
 no profit, as namely, there are leftures of 
 logick, rhetorick, and mufick, allowed, 
 and the readers of them have a competent 
 maintenance for the fame ; none of which 
 ftudies can be in eledlion to bring the 
 twentieth part of benefit to the common- 
 wealth that this is like to do, if it be well 
 ufed. 
 
 But I fpeak not, that I would have this 
 lefture only erefted, and the reft fupprefled; 
 for learning muft be nouriffi'd in all com- 
 monwealths, being the ground from whence 
 government is derived ; and tor my own 
 part, I will rather wifh a larger contribu- 
 tion for the maintenance of the reft, than a 
 diminiftiing of what they have. 
 
 I am partly of opinion of our Mathema- 
 ticians, that hold there is no certainty in 
 the art of navigation in our ordinary ma- 
 fters that take charge ; for if there were, they 
 v.'ould not lb much vary one from another, 
 as ufually they do : - for proof whereof, let 
 there be four or five mafters or pilots in one 
 fliip that goes or comes from England to the 
 Tercera's, if they be any time in traves at 
 fea, you fliall have fome of them thirty 
 leagues before the fliip, and others as many 
 leagues behind the ftiip. 
 
 Imagine by this what danger every ffiip 
 is in that goes from England, and comes 
 home again, which, to men of underftand- 
 ing, is a wonder that more fliips do not 
 mifcarry, confidering the danger of our 
 coaft : It is not art, but fear and care, that 
 prcferves them ; for if they fliould prsfume 
 upon their art to bear in with any land, 
 the rocks would devour ten times more fhips 
 than they do : but the mafters having fo 
 provident a care, and fo great a miftruft in 
 their own art, that though they obfeive the 
 fun and ftars never fb exactly, they will not 
 prefume to bear in with the land which 
 they have not made, except the coafl: be 
 clear, and the wind large to claw it off 
 again. 
 
 But if this art can be made perfect, and 
 the e^rors correfted, and reduced to a cer- 
 tainty by the painful ftudy of the learned, 
 it will prove a happy thing to all feamen^ 
 and by confequence to the whole common- 
 wealth. 
 
 The only means of help that is to be 
 expelled or hoped for reformation of thefe 
 ancient abfurdities, which the mariner by 
 all his wit and Ikill cannot correft, muft 
 be by a publick lefture allow'd to be read, 
 and competent means coUefted and gather'd 
 for the fame : for if the hearers of a ledture 
 of the liberal fciences receive profit by 
 hearing it read, you muft confefs they will 
 receive much greater profit from this, being 
 well taught. 
 
 For
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William Monfoii V Nifvjl Tr.uls: 
 
 40J 
 
 For, befides the common good wc lliall viaories by ica, than ever any of our ftwc- Mo^ 
 
 receive by this ledurc, it will concern gen 
 tiemen to ftudy it, who leeing the pleafurc 
 and the neccffity of it, will make tliem for- 
 ward in actions by Tea, which will be a 
 great ilrcngth and (lay to the kingtiom -, 
 tor it is reqiiifice that gen'lemen fliould 
 have an infight into Tea altairs ; feeing thry 
 are commonly imployed in his majelty's 
 Ihips in time of feivice. 
 
 It is well known to other nations as to 
 ns, that England of late years has underta- 
 ken greater enterprizes, and atchiev'd greater 
 
 fathers have done. And tliat thefc famous 
 memoirs of ours may remain to pofterity, 
 it is lit that gcntkmen who live in this age, 
 but efpccially fuch 03 have been adors*^in 
 expeditions themfclves, fliould contribute to- 
 wards a maintenance of a lecture of navi- 
 gation -, which adt of theirs will remain for 
 a monument to ihofe that are the founders 
 of it : fb fhall they defcrve well of liiccecd- 
 ing ages, and their noble deeds will ever 
 live frelh in memory of thole that fliall 
 come after them. 
 
 ui .comparifon betivixt our ancient and kno'wn trades^ and tboj'e now in 
 •/being, fmce the- late difcavcry of new worlds ; with foinc thing relating 
 'to- the Hollanders and pjhing; particulars being referred to the lixth 
 
 ''■•:boot'' -^ 
 
 I 
 
 WOIJLD have our hopeful fifhing, 
 now intended, compar'd and parallcll'd 
 with fuch' aclions of ours, as of late years 
 have been atchieved with everlafting honour 
 and ' renown to our nation, as fliall appear 
 by that which follows, as well in the difco- 
 very of unknown couiitries, as in new plan- 
 tations, and other fought trades, not here- 
 tofore known nor dream'd of by our forefa- 
 thers J and yet the ambition of that mun- 
 arel and unmannerly nation, of //o/Aiwifeeks 
 to lelTen our prailes : they cannot really chal- 
 lenge any thing of thenifelves, but that we 
 gave them light of; as Ihall appear in the 
 fixch book following. 
 
 I confe!"s that fuch Englifi as have been 
 the aiftors, authors, and abettors of our 
 bnive enterprizes, have obliged the whole 
 commonwealth to them ; firll, by the ad- 
 venture of their lives, to feek out the fe- 
 crets of commerce. Secondly, by the ex- 
 pence' of their eftates, till they brought it 
 to perfeftion. And laftly, by their labour, 
 pains, and endeavour, to advance our navi- 
 gation to that it was in forrner times ; and 
 yet if all thefe be examined and compared 
 to our fifliing, it will come Ihort to the 
 happincfs our kingdom will reap by it. 
 
 If we enter into the original of our Ei'-g- 
 UJh trafficks, and tlie continuance of them, 
 till the difcovery of new countries, that 
 gave us a greater Icope to iearch out the 
 bovvels of the earth, you would think it 
 ftrange our nation could flourilh in lb high 
 a meafure as it did, in comparifon of the 
 prefent times : for I find, that in failing to 
 the fouthward, we exceed not the bounds 
 of the grand Canaries, ' which voyage in 
 former times was held a greater wonder and 
 ftranger than now about the world : neither 
 ■was the art of navigation ib common, or fo 
 perfectly known, till of kte years, that by 
 our travels we have attained to it ; for I re- 
 
 member myfelf the ignorance of a prime 
 mafter, who, going to the Canarie', re- 
 turned home without leeing any of the fe- 
 ven iflands, for want of fkill to diredt him. 
 
 And to prove what I have laid, that 
 our trafHck to the Canaries flretches no 
 further to the fouth, this following fhall 
 clear the doubt, (viz.) That upon all trea- 
 ties with Spain, fince the difcovery of the 
 Indies, we were not prohibited by name the 
 trade of the Indies ; only we are tied to 
 our ancient and accufloined trafficks with 
 Spain, which we cannot drive further to 
 the fouthward than the grand Canaries, nor 
 of right by that article of peace can require 
 it. 
 
 Our ancient and ufual trade, before the 
 new difcovery, was to all the dominions 
 and iflands of the kings o{ Spain, o'i France, 
 of Portugal, th.e Seventeen Provinces, the 
 feveral parts of Germany, Denmark, Nor- 
 way, Siirden, the Baltick Sea and IJlar.d : 
 thefe were the limits and bounds of our 
 Engliflj commerce, before the latter end of 
 Henry VII. when we came acquainted with 
 America, Africk and Jfia. 
 
 It is marvellous if we confidcr what Eng- 
 land is now, to that it was in former ages ; 
 what we.ilth is returned into this kingdom, 
 in refpeft of times paft ; what increafe is 
 made of his majefly's rents and revenues, 
 in comparifon of his progenitors ; what an 
 increafe there is of fliips in number and 
 goodnefs -, what dread and fear all other 
 nations apprehend of our greatncfs by fea •, 
 and what rumours are fpread abro.id in 
 all the quarters of the world to make us 
 famous. It is admirable if we call thefe 
 things to mind. 
 
 And to come to the particulars of aug- 
 mentation of our trades, of our plantati- 
 ons, and of our difcoveries, becaufc every 
 man fhall have his due therein, I will be- 
 gin
 
 404 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nitnjal l^nids. 
 
 Book 1\'. 
 
 MoNsoN. gin with Ni'-^foundland, lying upon the 
 ^'Or'*^ main continent oi'Jwerica, which the king 
 of Spain challenges as lirll dilcovcrcr -, but 
 as we acknowledge the king ot Spain the 
 firft light of the well and iouth-weft parts 
 oi' .'/merica, fo we and all the world mufl 
 confcfs, that we were the firft that took 
 poIfeHion for the crown of England of the 
 north part thereof, and not above two 
 years difference betwixt the one and the 
 other. 
 
 And as the Spaniards have from that 
 day and year held their pofiefTion in the 
 weft, fo we have done the like in the north ; 
 and though there is no relpeft, in compa- 
 rifon of the wealth, betwixt the countries, 
 yet England may boaft, that the difcovery, 
 from the year aforefaid, to this very day, 
 hath afforded the fubjeds annually one hun- 
 dred and twenty thoufand pounds, and in- 
 crcafed the number of many a good fliip 
 and mariners, as our weftern parts can wit- 
 nefs by their fifhing in Newfotmdhnd. 
 
 Neither can Spain challenge a more na- 
 tural right' than we to its difcovery, for in 
 that cafe we are both alike: if we deal tru- 
 ly with others, and not deprive them of 
 their right, it is Italy that muft affume the 
 difcovery to itfelf, as well in the one part 
 'q^ America, as in the other. 
 
 Genoa, and Chrijlopher Columbus by name, 
 muft carry away the praife of it from Spain ; 
 for Spain had not that voyage in agitation, or 
 thought of it till Columbus, not only pro- 
 pofecT, but accompliftied it. The like may 
 be faid by Sebaftian Cabot, a Venetian, who 
 by his earneft interceftion to Henry VII. 
 drew him to the difcovery of Neivfoundland, 
 and called it by the name of Bacalhio, an 
 Indian name tor fiih, for the abundance 
 of tifh he found upon that coaft. 
 
 And fpeaking of plantations, I will be- 
 gin with Neu'foundland itfelf, which lay 
 uninhabited, and the country unthought on 
 to produce profit, till my lord Baltamore, 
 and fome merchants oi' Briflol undertook it. 
 It may be they were the rather drawn to it 
 by the plenty of fifh, not once doubting of 
 the Ibil, becaufe they had no proof of the 
 winter's habitation ; and they might think 
 that a frefh and green fliew of a hopeful 
 fummer to the eye, fuch as England yields, 
 would fend forth the like winter, and the 
 like effedl in winter •, but by trial it failed, 
 and proved a chargeable adventure, and the 
 decay of my lord's eftate. He returned for 
 England, where once more he refolved to 
 try his fortunes in a new plantation in Flo- 
 rida ; but in the mean time, and in the year 
 1632, he died. 
 
 Let not this colony of Neivfoundland 
 eclipfe my lord's judgment, or the adven- 
 turers with him. The chiefcft exception 
 againft it, is the coldnefs of the climate. 
 
 and the like might have been f;tid of En>T- 
 land, upon the firft plantation of it •, for 
 they lie both in one parallel. Neivfound- 
 land aflords in view plenty of wood, grafs, 
 water, and other hopes of commodities, till 
 time and experience gave light to the con- 
 trary ; and at the firft, therefore, not to be 
 difproved, till a winter had maile known the 
 condition of the foil. 
 
 They had another help to their planta- 
 tion, in that they were in no danger of la- 
 vage enemies, which all Englijh colonies 
 are fubjeft to, and have tafted the mifchief 
 of; but, above the reft, if the land had 
 proved fuitable to their hopes, and worthy 
 of inhabiting, they might have planted and 
 fupplied it, at lefs than half the charge 
 and expence of other colonies where the 
 Engliflo are feated ; for that there refort 
 yearly one hundred and fifty (hips to the 
 fiftiing in Newfoundland, which fhips go 
 not half freighted, and not above fifteen 
 or fixteen days filling with a reafonable 
 wind, that would be glad at a fmall rate 
 to carry any provifions for the advancenienf 
 of the plantation. 
 
 And feeing I have begun with America, 
 I will take it in my way, not having re- 
 lation to the years of the firft plantation, 
 but the neighbourhood to one another, and 
 to the places where they are feated : and 
 the next, according to the latitude, is New 
 England, whofe fea affords excellent and 
 choice fifli •, whither divers fliips of England 
 yearly refort, to take and difperfe it into 
 icveral countries in Europe : the land, by 
 men's endeavours, will be made to produce 
 fundry commodities, as a book that is pub- 
 lifhed can witnefs ; but for want of time, 
 for yet it is but a child, and lately born 
 and inhabited, little can be faid of it, more 
 than a miftruft of the good fuccefs thereof, 
 through the numerous and irreligious people 
 that poftefs it, being refradlory to the church- 
 government of England. From thence run- 
 ning fouth, we arrive at Virgitiia, a place 
 evil chofen for fear, foil, air, or any thing 
 elfe to give encouragement for a plantation •, 
 yet feeing it was begun, and that the un- 
 dertakers would not feem imconftant, to 
 change their firft refolutions, they have 
 fince 1602 continued a footing in it, with 
 coftly adventure, though hitherto it pro- 
 duced little more than tobacco. But this 
 nothing leffens the worthinefs of the under- 
 takers, whofe end is the general good of the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 Not far from thence, to the fouthward 
 of it, in the year 1585, a colony was fent 
 to fettle in Norambega, by the procurement 
 of Sir IVnltcr Razvlcigb, a man much fa- 
 voured and graced by the queen in thofe 
 days ; and the man chofen for the conduc- 
 tion of his fhips thither, Was ^It Richard 
 
 Green-
 
 j3ooK IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val n^rcicis. 
 
 405 
 
 Greenville, who upon his arrival was to 
 leave the government to Mr. Ralph Lane ; 
 and though the fuuation, the climate, untl 
 the natural foil, and the proof of the com- 
 modities the country yields, was able to 
 give encouragement for the profecution of 
 it, yet for want of means, and willing 
 minds, whicli is the bane of all underta- 
 kings, it failed, and produced nothing but 
 tobacco, which has brought a greater mif- 
 chiet to this kingdom than the profit would 
 have countervailed, though it had proved 
 fuccefsful. 
 
 Later than all thefe, and, indeed, which 
 is now in the infancy, is a plantation in 
 Florida, and near to an ancient colony of 
 the French, wlio through ill government 
 were in the end forced to quit it. He that 
 can judge of things mufl confefs, That of 
 all other plantations, thij gives the greatcfl: 
 hope and coniforr, by proof that hath 
 been made of it, and the temper, and the 
 height it licth in, if it be carelully follow- 
 ed, and fufficiently fupplied. One danger 
 muft be efchewed, which other nations have 
 found the fmart of; which is the untamed- 
 nefs of the wild Indians, who are cruel to 
 themfelves, and worfe to ftrangers, as both 
 the French and Spaniards have tailed. God 
 fend them fortune that live there, to their 
 defires, fo they make not England (till unfor- 
 tunate with tobacco. 
 
 Eaft-north-eaft from Florida lies the ifland 
 of Bermudas, inhabited and peopled by our 
 nation ; whole extent can yield no greater 
 profit than the circuit of the ground can 
 promife, being but thirty miles in com- 
 pafs ; by means whereof the planters are 
 forced to till and manure their grounds in 
 that exceffive manner, that in a little time it 
 will not be able to fuftain their people, but 
 force them to find another habitation : 
 which will move the lefs pity, becaife they 
 feek only to plant for tobacco, a thing lb 
 noifome and loathfome to this kingdom. 
 
 This ifland at the beginning was difco- 
 vered by the Portugiicfe nation, and inha- 
 bited by them, till they found little profit 
 accrued from it, and then they abandoned 
 it, and left behind them fuch food, elpe- 
 cially hogs, as they could not carry with 
 them ; and thus it lay wafte for many years, 
 with a general opinion to be inhabited with 
 fpirits, which miule all men Ihun the fight 
 of it at their return out of the Indies : though 
 this error was eafily falved ; for I knew, 
 above fifty years fince, one captain Rujfel, a 
 Frenchman, fliipwrecked upon that ifland ; 
 and with great induftry of his people, for 
 few of his men were loft, they patched up 
 a boat out of the materials of the perilhed 
 fhip, that carry'd them to Newfoundland, 
 where they found relief and palfage into 
 their own country. 
 Vol. Ill, 
 
 I knew likwife In the year ii;o2. ano-^toNsoi*. 
 ther French fhip wrecked upon the fame ^■^^V"*^ 
 ifland, in which an EvgUP^wan , one Henry 
 May, was pafTenger, he having belonged 
 to one of the fliips caprain Ryman had, 
 when he was drowned returning from the 
 Indies. This May, and fonic few men of 
 this French fliip were prtferved, and made 
 Ihiff, as the others did, to get to Nrjijound- 
 land. 
 
 This plantation of Bermudas was not 
 purpofely undertaken by us, but accitien- 
 tally fallen upon by the like fliipwrcck in 
 Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summen^a 
 pafiage to Virginia, whither they were bound; 
 and being delighted with the pieafurcs of 
 that illind, which was fo well llored with 
 hogs, they feated their colony remaining 
 in it; fince then they found a reafonable 
 quantity of amber-greafe fioating out of the 
 i'u ; and not without reafon ; for the coafl 
 of Florida, oppofite to it, abounds in am- 
 bcr-grcafc. 
 
 The next, and more to the weflward 
 from thence, arc the iflantls of BarhaJoes 
 and S'. Chriftopher's; and whereas \.\\q Cana- 
 ry IJlands were formerly called the Fortu- 
 nate IJlands, fo would we have thefe iflands 
 called the contrary, {viz) the Unfortunate 
 Iflands, in tiiat they produce nothing but 
 ftinking tobacco ; which, if we judge wife- 
 ly, difcovers the mifchief it docs : but it 
 has fuch a bewitching jxjwcr over the ta- 
 kers, that all the ill which comes of it, they 
 interpret as good to their bodies, and have 
 no more power to leave it, than drunkards 
 when they arc muzzled in it. 
 
 The next, and upon the next continent 
 is Guiana, and the river ol' /Imazons, where 
 there have been many colonies lettled by 
 our nation in that fpicious country ; yet I 
 could never hear of any commodities that 
 role by it, or not fo much in value, as two 
 miles of ground in England would afibrd ; 
 and yet I muft rightly lay of that evil to- 
 bacco, this plantation fends the beft, if the 
 ftrength of tobacco be fo accounted. The 
 benefit of this plantation is, Tlut the fa- 
 va.q;es are more civil and tradable than in 
 other parts of America ; and that the cli- 
 mate and foil give hope of good to come 
 of it : but where the Dutch have had foot- 
 ing, and quitted it, takes away my belief 
 of it. 
 
 Further to the fouthward of this coaft 
 the Englifli never frue down with a refolu- 
 tion to plant ; and yet there are many 
 fliips that have made I'undry voyages, fome 
 to trade, others with letters of reprifal, 
 as well upon the coaft of Brafil, as through 
 the ftrai^hts of Magellan, who have af- 
 ter coalled to Chile, Peru, Panama, New 
 Spain, and cape California, and took their 
 leave of ylmcrica, and the weftermolt 
 5 K cape
 
 40(5 
 
 /' 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Tra6is. 
 
 Mo N 50 N. cape 
 U'-YV^ ver'd, 
 
 Mmdqfmay the fiirthcft land difco 
 
 Our trade to Africk and Afia. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 The next addition of our new trade, is 
 upon tiie continent of Africk, as fiir foiuli 
 as the cape of Good Hopr:, and then eaft- 
 ward to the cape of GuarUafuJa, whicli is 
 the Tea circuit of Africk -, from thence we 
 \vill pafb over to Ajia, till wc arrive at the 
 Molticco JJlands, and the continent of China, 
 to all which places we are now no ftrangers, 
 by our late and large navigation. 
 
 The firfl country and the nigheft to us, 
 where we fettled a new trade, not frequent- 
 ed by our forefathers, was Barhary, under 
 the king thereof, called Mulley Abaleck, in 
 1577, who gave the Englifh large and fair 
 conditions, as appears by the privileges ex- 
 tant ; and from that year to this very day 
 we have enjoy'd the fame ; and fo prevail'd 
 with fucceeding kings, that we have beaten 
 the Portiiguefes out of that trade, who at 
 firft laboured to do the like to us. 
 
 In our time of wars with Spain, our fhips 
 of reprifal have received great comfort and 
 relief of the two ports or roads in Barbary, 
 which, upon necelTity of viftuals, water, and 
 other wants, they have fupply'd us withal, 
 and taken from us fuch goods, by way of 
 trafEck, as we have made lale of; but with 
 that craft, fubtilty, and danger of betraying 
 us, that he who knows them well, would 
 no further truft them, than neceflity would 
 compel him. The Barbarians had fo much 
 honour and civil honefly, that if a Spaniard 
 and Englifl:nian were in their ports toge- 
 ther, they would forbid the meddling with 
 one another, being enemies ; fo great a re- 
 gard they had to the king's royalty : ns 
 otherwife, if they were never fo little way 
 off at iea, and one of them taken by the 
 other, if he that took, would bring her 
 taken into the port again, they would hold 
 her prize to him, and give money for her. 
 
 I remember the like cafe in my felf. 
 Anno 151^7, that coming into the road of 
 Salkc, I found a fhip of Catalonia, a fub- 
 jedl to the king of Spam, there trading •, 
 and the Engliflj merchants on fhore fearing 
 I would make an attempt upon her, be- 
 fought me not to offer violence in harbour 
 upon her, afTuring me, if I did, the king 
 would take occafion to confifcate all the 
 Englifii goods in his country, and to im- 
 prilbn, and, perhaps, put to death the mer- 
 chants : whereupon I forbore to attempt 
 her. 
 
 The weftern parts of Barbary have two 
 
 open roads, Safin and Santa Cruz ; out of 
 
 which the fhips that ride there put to fea, 
 
 when they find, by the bellow of it, the 
 
 I 
 
 wind likely to endanger them with a wcfter- 
 ly gale. 
 
 Our Ejiglijh fliips riding there have of- 
 ten been forced to put to iea, for their fafe- 
 ty ■, and many times before their return 
 they have met and taken feveral Spanifh 
 prizes ; which have been more beneficial to 
 them, than their merchantable voyage has 
 proved. 
 
 And to conclude with the trade of Bar- 
 bary, I muff fay, That though the Englifh 
 in time of war have often brought the fub- 
 jedts of the king of Spain prilbners into the 
 ports, and though the Moors did more va- 
 lue buying the men than merchandize, yet 
 how leud foever the EngUf.men were, or 
 what necelTity foever they were driven to, it 
 was never known they made fale of one 
 chriflian. 
 
 The next bordering country to Barbary, 
 is Guinea ; unhealthy, through extremity 
 of heat, and infeftion of the air, for v/hich 
 there are many reafons alledged, and anti- 
 dotes invented to avoid the contagion there- 
 of: but all in vain ; for the putrifadion of 
 tiic air is occafioned by the huge and morir 
 flrous beafls that country abounds in, which 
 when they die, by realbn of the excefTive 
 hear, call fuch an intolerable flench, that 
 infcdls and putrifies both air and earth, to 
 the deftrudcion of mankind. 
 
 The difcovery of Guinea, and the fove- 
 reignty thereof, was given to Don Alonfo V, 
 king of Portugal, in 147 i. which he enjoy'd 
 peaceably, and without interruption or chal- 
 lenge by any nation, till the year 148 1. 
 The voyage was intended by certain Eng- 
 lifh, and the negroes themfelves as willing 
 to accept of their neighbourhood, with of- 
 fer to give th'rm a proportion of land, 
 there to live and inhabit ; but this defign 
 was frullrated, and proceeded not, at the 
 inilance and rcqucft of the king of Portugal, 
 Don "John II. to Edivard IV. king of Eng- 
 land. And fir.ce that time, to this very day, 
 a footing in Guinea was never attempted or 
 defired ; which mufb be conceived to be 
 out of the unwholefomenefs of the climate 
 and the air. 
 
 But though we were not refident in Gui- 
 nea, by any place in the country we poflef- 
 fed, yet have we continued a yearly traf- 
 fick to fundry parts of that coail on this 
 fide the equinoctial, ever fince the year 
 1553, till this prefent 1632, and many cor- 
 porations and patents granted by queen Eli- 
 zabeth to her fubjeds of Exeter, and other 
 the weftern parts. 
 
 Another benefit we have made of tiiac 
 country, is the relief it has given us in our 
 longer voyages, as to Brafd and the South 
 Sea ; for all Ihips of ours, that have palled 
 the flraigius of Magellan, found fuccour and 
 
 re-
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traiis. 
 
 407 
 
 refrcfhing at the port of Sierra Leom, 
 where, at this day, we have a certain trade. 
 
 From the port of Senega in Guinea, we 
 have made feveral attempts to dilcovcr Tom- 
 bakatoo and Gago, two places within the 
 inward parts of Africa, which aHord the 
 greateft quantity, and the pureit and the bed 
 gold in the world -, and from whence the 
 king of Morocco or Barbary is furniflied 
 with all his gold, by his caravans he fends 
 thither in great peril i for many times they 
 arc fwallow'd up in an ocean of lands. 
 
 From this part of Guinea^ or rather from 
 the Cape of Lopex Gonfalez, till you come 
 to the Cape of Good Hope, noChriftianshave 
 traded with the Negroes, but the Portuguefes 
 themfclves •, in which courfe is featcd An- 
 gola and Congo, which is inhabited by ba- 
 nilhed men fent out of Portugal for offences 
 there committed ; a place of that infedtion, 
 as that it is fit only for men of that condi- 
 tion ; and from thofe places they furnifhed 
 the Wefl-Indies and Brafd with numbers of 
 Negroe flaves, who work in their mines and 
 fugar-works. 
 
 As Sierra Leona has been a relief to our 
 nation in our long navigation, as I have 
 declared, fo is the bay of Sdldania, within 
 three leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, a 
 fuccour to our fliips of the Eajt-Indies; for 
 thither they refort in their going and coming 
 from thence, though it yields no benefit 
 but viftuals and water, for which they truck 
 with the moft wild, ravenous, and irreli- 
 gious Negroes in the world. 
 
 From the Cape of Good Hope there are 
 two pafTages or navigations to the Eafl-In- 
 dies ; the one by the way the Portuguefes 
 fail, keeping the Africk fhore, on the left- 
 hand or larboard-fide ; which courfe we 
 likewife take with our fhips that trade to 
 Cambayai a counciy fubjett to the great 
 mogul ; and in going there they fometimes 
 touch at the ifland of Socotora, upon the 
 mouth of the Red Sea, and where St. Tho- 
 mas was fliipwrecked. This ifland yields 
 our merchants the beft yllloes Secatrina in 
 the world ; and not far from thence it af- 
 fords them as good commodities as the fleet 
 of Mecca could fend out ; which I forbear 
 to fpeak of. 
 
 And of late, by that track, we have 
 found the trade of Ormus ; which ifland we 
 gave the Perfians alTiltance to take from 
 the Portuguefes ; though I do not commend 
 that aft, in joining with Turks againft 
 Chriftians. 
 
 Sural and Cambaya, in that coaft, af- 
 ford us good and commodious traffick, 
 tho' the Portuguefes feek to impeach us : 
 But befides the going and coming home of 
 our fhips, as alfo of other parts of the In- 
 dies where they remain, they are freighted, 
 or elle freight themfelves, from port to 
 
 port, to their cxcealing grcit profit and Momow 
 
 gain. 
 
 »x-V^U 
 
 The other navigation from the Cape of 
 Good Hope, is to the fouthward of the ifland 
 of Madagafcar or St. Lawrence, but n(>t 
 frequented by the Portuguefes, but upon 
 great neccGUy, when they arc forced to it 
 in great penury, not being able to reco\Tr 
 Goa, or other part of the Indies, as in my 
 former book I have related : But to as that 
 refort to Bantam and the Moluccos, or 
 otiier parts of the Indies thereabouts, it is 
 far the nearer, and much the later •, for wc 
 fail in a more open fea than the Portuguefes 
 do to Goa, where they meet with many 
 rocks and fhelvcs. 
 
 When our fhips arrive at the fettled ports, 
 their trade is certain, and their return fo 
 ufual, that there needs no repetition thereof j 
 but our people not being contented till they 
 had difcovcrcd fuch countries and places, 
 as fame made report of, from hence they 
 made an attempt upon the difcovery of 
 China, Japan, and the fartheft remote pla- 
 ces of the world, being led to it by the 
 rumour of the magnificency and wealth of 
 them. 
 
 But it proved like m:uiy other reports, 
 rather (hadows than fubftance -, for though 
 the people of China dcfcrve more praife than 
 others, ior excellency of arts, and ingenious 
 inventions, yet it is far fliort of the wealth 
 that is faid to be in it to our weftern pans 
 of Europe. 
 
 This difcovery haih refolv'd us of the 
 ftate of thofe parts, which wc fo long de- 
 fired to know, fince we heard the fame of 
 them, which made queen Elizabeth often 
 fend her letters to fuch princes as dwelt 
 thercabours, and devifcd how to convey 
 them, and have anfwer of them. So dc- 
 firous [he was to underftand the con.litions 
 of thofe parts, and imploy'd fome of her 
 own fubjects by the way of the gulph of 
 Perjia, thinking to find the conveniency 
 from out the Eaft-Indies ; but fl:ill failed by 
 the finiffer praftices of the Italians, who in- 
 cenfed the Portuguefes that they came lor 
 fpies, and caufed them to be apprehended 
 and imprifoned, where they endured great 
 afHiftion before they returned into their na- 
 tive country. 
 
 What I have fiid is fufRcient to provs 
 that our new and latter difcovered trades 
 have far exceeded our ancient and long ac- 
 cudomed commerces, before the year 1586, 
 not only in value of wealth, but in diflance, 
 whither they reforted lor them. And it is 
 made apparent, that no part of Africk, 
 America, or Afa, that any nation has 
 traded to, but we have done the hkc : And 
 that whereas in fome places they have 
 fouoht to impeach and reft rain our trades, 
 yet wc have torced them to ic, and brouj^ht 
 
 tiion
 
 4o8 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN.them to our own conditions. And this 
 ^•"'V^ fliall fufflce for the fouthern and weftern 
 parts of the world. 
 
 Our trade to other parts nearer to us. 
 
 Now I will once more come nearer home, 
 and put myielf into the trade of the 
 Ifraights, being more plealant, gainful, and 
 lefs dangerous or laborious, than the reft I 
 have treated of. My lirft voyage fhall be 
 into the Mediterranean Sea, unworthy of the 
 name of a fea, by reafon of its ftraightnefs, 
 in comparifon of the great and Ipacious 
 ocean. 
 
 This fea has been anciently known to us, 
 but not frequented, for thefe reafons : Former 
 times did not afford (hipping fufficient to 
 follow it. Secondly, fuch goods and mer- 
 chandizes as thefe countries yielded, were re- 
 ceived from hand to hand, and we ferved by 
 veflels of their own. Thirdly, we could 
 not pafs without great peril and danger of 
 the Turks, who furprifcd and imprifoned us ; 
 whereupon the Venetians engrofTed the whole 
 trade upon thofe feas, and furnifhed us 
 with the rich merchandize of Turkey, Per- 
 fia, and India, at what rate they pleafed 
 themfelves : And yet this was not all; for 
 they laboured to make us ftrangers to the 
 Great Turk, the Egyptians, and bordering 
 countries, and brought them to that igno- 
 rance of our nation, that they thought ling- 
 land to be a town in the kingdom of Lon- 
 don. 
 
 The Venetians fent yearly their Argofers 
 to Southampton ; which town enjoy'd a char- 
 ter from the kings of this land, which was 
 wrefted out of their hands by the earl of 
 Leicejler, to the utter decay of that town ; 
 and the Argofers fince then have become 
 ftrangers in England ; the laft whereof took 
 her leave with an unfortunate end, which 
 my eyes were witnels to, in the month of 
 O^ober 1587. 
 
 This goodly fliip of one thoufand one 
 hundred tons, being richly laden with the 
 accuftomed commodities they ufe to ferve 
 the kingdom with ; and being come as high 
 in the channel as the IJle of Wight, which 
 land the Englifd pilot vifibly made : This 
 pilot, called Fojler, for his excellent fl-;ill, 
 was not long before redeemed out of the 
 Turkifj captivity by the Venetians, to ferve 
 in this voyage. 
 
 Upon this good land-fall, the pilot put 
 the palTengers in hope, many of them be- 
 ing of great account and efteem, the next 
 morning to harbour them ; for night grow- 
 ing on, he would not hazard to put in with 
 the fliore that evening •, but the gentlemen 
 being impatient of delays, and the land ap- 
 pearing to them, they thought themfelves 
 free from all danger, which is the common 
 
 ignorance of many that know not the feas. 
 But to be fhorr, they compelled the pilot 
 by force to put in at the Needles, the we- 
 ftermoft part of the IJle of Wight. When 
 the poor man, neither with perfuafions nor 
 tears, could prevail, he did his beft to en- 
 ter the channel of the Needles ; but fuch 
 was the greatnefs of the waves, and the 
 iinwieldiiicfs of the fliip, not anfwering her 
 helm, that fhe ftruck upon the Shingles, 
 where fhe, her goods, and company, except 
 ieven poor creatures, perifhed. 
 
 The fea betwixt the ifland and the main 
 land was enriched by her lofs, with feve- 
 ral forts of merchandize. What was faved 
 was not worth fpeaking of. I had the for- 
 tune to light on two buts of muflcadine 
 floating on the fea ; for then was I riding 
 at Coi£es, in the firft fhip I ever went cap- 
 tain of. I found tiiefe two buts of muflta- 
 dine a great help to us in our voyage, 
 when we were reduced to cxtrernity for 
 want of viftuals. 
 
 About this time our merchants of Lon- 
 don began to. take into confideration thefe 
 great and ineftimable riches brought into 
 the land by the Venetians and French, who 
 abfolutely enjoyed the trade of Turky ; and 
 the great part of that wealth, which came, 
 out of Perjia and India, was retailed from 
 them to us. They devifed how fuch com- 
 modities might come to our hands by a 
 more direft way, than to be ferved as we 
 were at fecond-hand ; and therefore re- 
 folved to make an overture, by favour of the 
 queen and her letters, to the great Turk, for 
 an immediate trafRck from England to Tur- 
 key and his dominions, and fb home again, 
 with fhips of her fubjeds, without being 
 beholding to others. 
 
 Thefe letters were fent by her majefty, 
 and received with great humanity and cour- 
 tefy by the grand fignior, as appears by his 
 letters yet extant. He could not give more 
 refped and honour to her majefty, than b>y 
 fhewing a willingnefs to embrace her gra- 
 cious propofitions of trade : And in conclu- 
 fion, articles were agreed on, and a grant 
 of great privileges and immunities by her 
 majcfly's fubjefts, which have fince con- 
 tinued, and been peaceably enjoyed. 
 
 We may reckon from this time the de- 
 cay of the Venetian (fate in matters of trade 5 
 for Argofers, which were wont to vifit us, 
 are now unknown to us, and we pofTefs the 
 wealth they were wont to reap. The com- 
 modities of Perfia and the Eajl- Indies are 
 brought by ourlelves, in our own vefTcls, 
 direftly out of Turkey ; where we have ob- 
 tained as great a freedom as we can defire : 
 Such places as the Venetians were wont to 
 take freight in their ihips, to tranfport from 
 port to porr, we now abfolutely enjoy that 
 privilege j for all ftrangers are more de- 
 
 firous
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal Traces. 
 
 firous to put their goods into Englijh bot- 
 toms than theirs. 
 
 Whereas we were wont to be ferved with 
 great part of our fpices from them, 
 and they, by the way of the Red Sm, out 
 of the Indies; now the palTage is better 
 known to us than to the Tio-ks themlclves, 
 by the cape of Good Hope; and inrtcad of 
 receiving India commodities from them, 
 we fupply as well them as the Turks with the 
 fame out of England. And laftly, the ter- 
 ror of the "Turks galleys, to impeach our 
 trades in the (traights, is now taken away, 
 by the privileges obtained from the grand 
 feignior-, and we may hold our flaips in as 
 great fecurity as themlclves: and moreover 
 we may boldly fay, we have llillaincd Icfs 
 lofs by the pirates of Alj^iers than they have 
 done-, which pirates of late years have been 
 the fcourge ot the Chritlian trade. 
 
 In our time Venice flourifhed in fliips and 
 galleys, above all other ports or parts of the 
 ftraights, though there were a competition 
 betwixt them and the ftate oi Genoa: and it is 
 not unworthy of note, that the firft ufe that 
 was made of ordnance and fmall Ihot, after 
 the invention of it in Europe, was in a na- 
 val battle between the Venetians and the 
 Genoefes. 
 
 This fhall fuffice for our fouthern, weft- 
 ern, and eaftern trades, or within th? 
 ftraights, as high as Conjlantinoplc, Egypt, 
 or other places, under the jurifdidlion of the 
 grand feignior. I will now return to the 
 north, and run through its frozen climes, as 
 I have already done through the fouth, and 
 its parching heat. 
 
 Sebqftian Cabott, a man before fpoken of, 
 having a (harp, acute, and folid brain, 
 apply'd himfelf to the imitation of Colum- 
 bus; who by his late and happy difcoveries 
 had enriched the world with wealth, and 
 himfelt with reputation. 
 
 Cabott being carry'd that way of ho- 
 nour, out of a ChrifLian refped;, to reduce 
 the world to a perfe6l knowledge of God •, 
 or out of a hope of riches, it being the na- 
 tural difcafe of mankind i or out of ambi- 
 tion, to make himfelf equal in fame with Co- 
 lumbus ; or out of a defire to perform what 
 he had long thought of, which was to 
 fail round the globe of the world; which 
 of thefe was his defign, I cannot fay, but 
 charitably will conceive the beft. 
 
 Whatever it was, I find an extraordinary 
 and hearty defire in him to enrich the Eng- 
 U/Ij nation, by adventuring his life in fun- 
 (iry attempts, to difcover what he had long 
 before conceived upon realbnable grounds, 
 and cffe£l what he had fo wifely projcded, 
 as appeared by fetting a-foot the northern 
 difcoveries. There wanted no thankfulncfs 
 in thole days, either in king or country, to 
 do him honour i and for requital ot his 
 Vol. III. 
 
 409 
 
 in 
 
 body and 
 of the 
 
 mind, he 
 
 travels, both 
 
 chofen governor of the merchant-adven 
 turcrs, for the difcovery of new regions, 
 dominions, iflands, and other places un- 
 known in the reign of king Edxard VI» , 
 and a penfion alligncd him. ; 
 
 He gave the only information and in- 
 ftruvition to the new- begun voyage and dif- 
 covery of Sir Hugh ll^illoughby in 155J. 
 which, though it proved unhappy to Sir 
 Hugh himillf, his (hip and company pc- . 
 rilliing with cold in the port of jir/ma in 
 Lapland, yet his third fhip recovered the 
 harbour of St. Nicholas in Rujfta, where he 
 fettled a rich and commotiious trade, profe- 
 cuted to this day by the merchants incorpo- 
 rated, and called the Rujfia company. 
 
 I'hc Englijh not thus ceafing, but as 
 men travelling, who arrive at a port or 
 city where they had never been, would be 
 inquifitive to know and learn the ftate of 
 the country and its neighbourhood, with- 
 out refting till they hail fatisfied their cu- 
 riofuy, fo our Englijh merchants finding 
 the Cafpian Sea famous by report, yet un- 
 known to us, and \ih bounds one way up- 
 on Mufcovia, they devis'd, though the 
 journey was long, troublefomc, and dan- 
 gerous, to arrive at that fea, by the ap- 
 probation and confent of the king of RuJfia; 
 and from thence to make trial, whither the 
 fixid fea would condud them. 
 
 This was no fboner conjecfured than ef- 
 fected; and our merchants furnillicd them- 
 fclves out of England with carpenters, ma- 
 riners, and other necefl^iries, to build a fhip 
 for fuch a voyage. This fhip was twciity- 
 feven tons burden, and the firft that ever 
 wore t\K Englijh colours upon thofe fcas; 
 from RiiJ/ia they arrived in PaJIa, not 
 once, but often, as appears by Mr. "Jenkin- 
 fin's, refuion. Thus was Perfia, and all 
 the countries adjacent difcovered by us; 
 firft, to the northward, as far as i?«^rt ; af- 
 ter to the Cafpian Sea; neither of them both 
 being known to our forefathers. 
 
 The Englijh did not thus reft; but as 
 they were led to thofe unknown feas by a 
 kind of fate, lb they fuppofed the fame fea 
 did not end thereabouts, but had a pafl-ige 
 farther to the ealhvard ; which, perhaps, 
 being difcovered, might lead 10 y^/rt/j ami 
 Clnna; and thereupon, for ih.' Ihortening 
 of the difcovery, they fent a fmall fhip at 
 the fpring, that wintered at Comoro, eighty 
 leagues from St. Nicholas, which let fail 
 from thence to find out the conjectured 
 pafTage: this bark ufed its endeavour, lb 
 that no blame could be laid upon the ma- 
 fter or the company; (lie palfed to the 
 eaftward of the IVaggats, where flic was in- 
 terrupted by extremity of ice and fnow, 
 and forced to return from v/hcncir (he de- 
 parted. 
 
 5 L This 
 
 was MoNsoM.
 
 410 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 MoNsoN. This did nothing difmay the Iiopeful en- 
 *^V^^ terprize of the merchants, but once more 
 they made an attempt with two pinnaces di- 
 reftly from EnglamU the mafters whereof 
 (PcU and Jackman) with the fame inllruc- 
 tions of the otiier bark, wherein Stephen 
 Burro-ws was, to find out the end of the 
 eafternfea; but being iilcewifc encounter- 
 ed with the extremity of weather, the one 
 returned, the other perifhed, though both 
 of them did their parts very fufficiently. 
 
 Being now hopelefs by their often repulfes 
 they found in the north-eaft paffagcs, yet 
 they would not let die what they had in 
 agitation, for finding the South-Sea, as the 
 fummum honum of all other voyages; for 
 from the fouth-well part of America, which 
 bounds upon that lea, is fent forth the 
 greateft quantity and mafs of gold and fil- 
 ver the earth affords : whereupon they left 
 this attempt to the eaftward, and made trial 
 of that to the weftward; for they imagined 
 that all great and large leas have a corre- 
 fpondence with one another, if it could be 
 found. 
 
 The firft man that made the enterprize, 
 as well upon the courttry of Baccalaos, which 
 he found and named fo, as alfo in his offer 
 to look out a paflage that way, was Sebajiian 
 C«^<?« aforemendoned; but failing of the 
 paflage, he hit upon the land -, but by rea- 
 fon of the vehement cold at that time of 
 the year upon that coaft, he flood to the 
 fouthward, and from thence into England, 
 taking pofleflion of the country for the crown 
 of England along the coafl: he went. 
 
 This voyage, and many more to thofe 
 parts, were let out by the city of Brijlol, 
 which to this day continues its fifhing at 
 Newfoundland : but for the difcovery of the 
 north-wefl paflage, the man that mofl: la- 
 boured and waded in it, was Sir Martin 
 Forhujher in three attempts: the firll in 
 1576. thefecond in 1577. the third in 1578. 
 After this, and in the year 1585. and 1586. 
 Mr. John Davis undertook the difcovery, 
 but failed, as many others have fince done ; 
 which is no wonder ; for he that will read 
 a difcourfe of the north-weft paflTage in this 
 book, fliall be fatisfy'd, it is a vain and 
 hopelefs thing; and fo has captain Fox, that 
 was employ'dupon it in 1631. at his return, 
 confefled to me, for fuch reafons as I fliew'd 
 him before his going. 
 
 Now to come to my own obfervations: 
 I am of opinion, that next to the difcove- 
 ry oi America, and the wealth thereof, v/hich 
 it fends into Spain, the Spaniards have great- 
 eft caufe to give God thanks, that the at- 
 tempts of the north-weft have fiiled ; for 
 thereby they enjoy the abfolute benefit of 
 the South-Sea, and the incomparable wealth 
 therein, without moleftation, fear, or di- 
 fturbance of any other nation; whereas if 
 
 the paflage had been known, no Chriftian 
 prince but would have ftrove to have had a 
 jKirt with ttiem; and now it is in vain by any 
 great attempt to prejudice the Spaniards, 
 but by the ftraights of Magellan, which is 
 the only known way thither. It is as vain 
 for any enemy to pofil'fs and inhabit fome 
 of the towns there planted, in refpcdt of the 
 diftance and danger to be feconded and fup- 
 plied out of Europe; And, laftly, any fuc- 
 cour out of the Eoft-hulies will fruftrate 
 any expet^lation of good, the winds blow- 
 ing continually contrary to arrive from 
 thence. I rclcr the reader to what I have 
 faid before of other difcoveries that failed, 
 and particularly to that, than which nothing 
 can be laid more to the honour of the dif- 
 coveref. Sir Francis Drake, in whole voyage- 
 about the world, may be feen what he did 
 and attempted ; and, therefore, I (hall not 
 repeat it here. But to proceed : 
 
 Comparing what I have faid of our for- 
 mer difcoveries, our laborious plantations, 
 and our new-found trades, with our prefent 
 intended fifliing, which of them will yield 
 greateft wealth, ftrength, and eafe, I have 
 made appear in my fixth book ; and there- 
 fore I prefent you that now live and are 
 in being with it, to judge which is good 
 and bcft ; for though it is true what is done, 
 deferves the name of good and immortal 
 praife; fo that which is now in hope to be 
 done does fir furpafs the former, and is to be 
 atchieved with lefs difficuity, lefs peril, and 
 lefs lofs, than the others that have made 
 our nation fo worthily famous. 
 
 When the contents of the fixth book fhall 
 be maturely confidered, the laborious indu- 
 ftry of the Hollatiders will plainly appear; 
 how they have raifed themfelves, and their 
 new-erefted commonwealth to an equality 
 with princes. Now ftiall it reft a little to 
 diftinguifli of their good deeds and bad ; 
 for fortune and fame gotten by craft, are 
 commonly of no continuance, but loft with 
 fhame. 
 
 What is due to them in praife of their 
 virtues, I will not rob them of; for I hold 
 it a fin to belie the wicked. They are fru- 
 gal in expence, the benefit whereof them- 
 felves and country find: they are indtiftri- 
 ous, as their actions abroad and at home 
 demonftrate; they are juft incontrads, ma- 
 king a confcience in the little religion they 
 have, to defraud a man: they labour to find 
 out the fecrets of lands uninhabited, and 
 countries undifcovered ; they are inventors 
 of arts, which to their praife they enrich 
 the world vvith: they are willing without 
 excufe to contribute to any good for their 
 ftate, not ftanding fo much upon privileges 
 or petitions of right, as to negledt any oc- 
 cafion of advantage to benefit the common- 
 wealth: they are laborious and painful c^f 
 
 body,.
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracts. 
 
 body, not admitting a beggar in their pro- 
 vinces; and willing to relieve and comfort 
 one another in ftrange countries; they are 
 enemies to tlie expence of law, and the 
 griping of lawyers, and end moft of their 
 controverfies by arbitration of friends; their 
 expence in drinking is faved and mitigated 
 by their mifery in eating ; for out of their 
 excefTive covetoufnels, rhcy aimolt ftarve 
 their bellies, and by their unmeafurable fru- 
 gality they fcarce cloth their bodies; for it 
 is fuppofed, that their people, in one of their 
 beft cities, fpend not in apparel the value of 
 a prince's coat in a year. 
 
 But all thefc virtues are drowned with a 
 covetous ingratitude, which has friendfliip 
 with no body, but for incereft ; and no 
 marvel, for popular Hates are no longer 
 thankful than they receive benefits. I'here 
 is nothing of fhorter life among them, than 
 the memory of pleafures and favours pad ; 
 they are fo carelefs to give fatisfixcftion for 
 the evils they do, that if we demand it at 
 their hands, it is as much as to fpeak of va- 
 lour to a faint heart, or charity to a merci- 
 lefs man, or a courtefy to a churlifli difpo- 
 fuion; it will prove but telling a tale to 
 him that is afleep. The definition of phi- 
 lofophers in matters of friendfliip is as fol- 
 lows : A friend is long fought for^ fcarce to 
 be found, ajtd hard to keep : a friend is al- 
 ways ready to comfort in adverfity, to help in 
 necejfity, to bear zvith one's infirmity, and to 
 reprove one's error gently. 
 
 But the Hollanders are otherwife in their 
 friendfliip: they are like an ill bird that lays 
 an ill egg, or an ill tree that bringeth forth ill 
 fruit, or a young cub that grows crafty like 
 his dam; they do patricife, and follow the 
 fteps of their predecefTors, that make riches 
 their heaven: and whereas it is held no 
 hurt to know evil, but to do it, thcfe peo- 
 ple are very perfect artifts in their trades, 
 as well in doing, as in knowing evil. 
 
 But to fpeak the truth, their natural evil 
 has been nouriHicd and made worfe by us ; 
 
 411 
 
 for if we had not connived at them andMoNsoN. 
 their adions, to ( ur prejudice, they had -^^^^ 
 wanted power to have executed their ingra- 
 titude; therefore in rcafon it l-,ad behoved 
 us to confider what we g-avc, before wc 
 gave; to whom we gave, or how wc gave-, 
 tor ftates ought to be governeti by wifdom, 
 and not by popular alTcCtion or pafHon: wife 
 men lliouli! not mealiire things by outward 
 appe.irancc, but by difcretion and reafon ; 
 or clle they behold their a(^tions in a falfc 
 glals. 
 
 But let us now at laft feck to avoid that 
 evil we have done, in making the Ilollan- 
 da-s too great for us to tolerate, left wc feel 
 the elfcd of repentance. It is not the 
 meancft point of wifdom to doubt and mif- 
 truft the worft; for doubts beget under- 
 Handing, and thereby prevention. 
 
 As in natural bodies, the longer one lives 
 in health, fickncfs is the n-,orc dangerous 
 when it comes; fo it is with us and the 
 Hollanders, the longer we have lived in a 
 mutual and unfeparable peace; now that 
 they have over-wrought us with cunning, 
 and made us feeble by the Itrength they had 
 fucked from us, it w ill behove us to reco- 
 ver our antient vigour antl valour, and be 
 no longer deluded with falle pretences, as 
 fafety to us and the commonwealth: let us 
 feek to follow the old rule, in fetking to 
 quench the fire in our neighbour's houfe, 
 though it be our enemy, left it fliould flame 
 into our own: for ic is an eafier thing to 
 meet a danger abroad, than to repulfe it at 
 home. 
 
 In this book I have fiid little to prove 
 what I have promifed in our intended filh- 
 ing, but refer the reader to my fixth and 
 Lift book, dedicated to his majefly. And 
 feeing I have made a relation of all dilco- 
 verics and plantations of Chriftian people; 
 I will end that fubjefl with a plantation ot 
 the French, for difcovcrers they cannot be 
 termed, which is the next that follows: 
 
 Certain plantations of the French 7Mtion, 
 
 THOUGH we cannot call the French 
 difcoverers of countries, becaufe they 
 never fought to find out any new worlds or 
 paflliges that were not found to their hands ; 
 yet fince the firfl difcovery of other worlds, 
 they have been always ready to infeft them 
 with piracy, and fuch voyages: for their 
 going to Peru has been no other than to 
 fpoil and rob other nations. 
 
 And yet I muft give them their due in 
 what they have deferved ; for though they 
 cannot be called Bifcoverers, as I have faid, 
 yet they may worthily be counted in the 
 number of planters, as well in the north 
 
 part of America, as in the fbuch beyond 
 the line, and upon the continent of Bra- 
 ftl. 
 
 To the northward they have inhabited 
 the river of Canada, where they have found 
 a rich commodious trade of furrs, till the 
 Englijh fupplanted them in the l.uewars be- 
 twixt us and France. The next place they 
 had footing in, they themfelves called it 
 Neiv France. The third habitation they 
 made was in Florida. And the fourth, as 
 I have faid, was to the fouthward of the 
 line, and upon the continent of Br^ifd; all 
 which I will particularly handle. 
 
 But
 
 411 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Naval Trac^s^ 
 
 Book IV 
 
 MoNsoN. But before I treat of them, I will lay 
 ^■^^V^^ a blemifh and tax upon their nation-, for 
 fome of their authors Itick not to affume to 
 themfelves the names of difcoverers of fuch 
 places wherein they were but planters; here- 
 m they do nianitell injury to the Euglip, 
 Spaniards, and Porliiguejh ; for all nations 
 do juftly attribute to them the finding ot 
 thole countries, as I have torinerly declared 
 and proved; the one by Sebajlian Cabolt, the 
 other by Pedro Alvares Cabral in his voy- 
 age to the Eaft- Indies in 1500. being the 
 fe'cond that was gone after the firft difcove- 
 ry. And now I will proceed to their plan- 
 tations, and fuccefs in them. 
 
 The firft undertaken voyage to Canada, 
 (for I will begin with the north part ot 
 Jmerica,) was enterprized by John Vera- 
 fana a Florentine, in 1524. employed by 
 Francis I. king of France, which Verafana 
 is faid to difcover from the fiftieth to the 
 twenty-eighth degree of the north latitude: 
 but it is to be difproved in faft-, for all 
 
 the extent of land betwixt thofe degrees 
 was long before dilcovered by Sebajlian Ca- 
 bott, in the right oi England, as 1 have often 
 repeated. 
 
 The next that undertook this colony 
 was James Carter of St. Malloivs, in 1534. 
 with three fiiips, wherein that winter twen- 
 ty-five of his men periflied with cold: bur, 
 however, the king prolecuted the voyage 
 both in the year 1540. and 1542. and the 
 French have ever fince had a yearly traffick 
 upon that coaft for furs, as alio in fifhing, 
 infomuch as it is written, that one Sevales 
 made forty-two voyages in perfon into 
 thole parts. 
 
 The next habitation the French under- 
 took was in the year 1603. into the coun- 
 try named (though m^xo^&rhj) New France, 
 which truly and properly belongs to E7ig- 
 land, as I have faid before j for if the firft 
 <lifcoverers be not allowed owners of the 
 land they difcover, by a law amongft Chri- 
 ftians, we, and all others, have as much 
 right to the Indies as the Spaniards and 
 Porluguefes themfelves. 
 
 In the year 1603. Henry W. king of 
 France, the 8th of November, granted a pa- 
 tent to Monfieur Le Mante, for a planta- 
 tion of thofe northern puns of America : 
 this voyage was begun the 5th ot March 
 the fame year by Samuel Cbamtlayne ot 
 Borage, who inhabited it unjuftly, and 
 gave it the name oi-New France. 
 
 This Champla ne was a painful, induftri- 
 ous, aijd a laborious undertaker : he pafied 
 many dangers, wondertul travels, adven- 
 tures, and treacheries oicen pradtis'd againft 
 him, as well by nis own people, as the uncivil 
 favages-, and to fecond this enterprize, Mon- 
 fieur Mante, the patentee, went thither 
 himfelf in perfon in 1604. with the like 
 
 X 
 
 fuccefs, as all planters in thofe northern parts 
 have found, {viz.) variable hopes and for- 
 tunes, to little purpofe, as appears by divers 
 voyages made to the fuccour and relief of 
 that plantation. 
 
 T[vi Englijlj in Virginia hearing that the 
 French were become incroaching neighbours 
 to them, and in a country that did proper- 
 ly, and of right, anciently belong to the 
 crown of England, as feveral parents made 
 it appear, which the queen granted to Sir 
 Humphry Gilbert and Sir Waller Raleigh, 
 knights; and thole Englijh fearing, that in 
 time this intrufion of the French might be- 
 get a cuftom, and that prelcription and pof- 
 feffion might make a cavil in the French to 
 infilt upon a right ; therefore the governor 
 and council in Virginia, in the year 1624. 
 advifed and undtrtonk to find out what the 
 country produced, as alfo to be better in- 
 formed concerning the French plantation, 
 which they were only told of by certain 
 Indians. 
 
 After fome time fpent In coafting along 
 that fhore, at laft they arrived at the port 
 and fort where the French had made their 
 habitation, and finding in the fime har- 
 bour a fliip of France belonging to the 
 planters, the Englijh, fuddenly and at un- 
 awares, furpriz'd her, without the lofs of a 
 man on either fide, except one French jc- 
 fuit, who was flain even as he was ready 
 to give fire to a piece of ordnance againft 
 the Englijh. 
 
 The French in the port being difmay'd 
 by the lofs and ditafter of their bark, the 
 £»^/{/!?' landed with great celerity ; where- 
 upon the French defired a parley, and time 
 to confider of their furrendcr; but this re- 
 queft would not be granted ; and therefore 
 they fecretly convey'd themfelves prefently 
 out of the fort, and in a hidden manner 
 efcaped, and left it to the poffeflion of the 
 E-iiglifh, to whom it properly belonged. 
 
 The French governor of that colony be- 
 ing expelled, and wandering up and down 
 without a houfe to put his head in, fent to 
 treat with the Englifli commander, offering 
 to become a fubjeclit to the king ot England., 
 and to hold his pofireftion of him and his 
 crown, pretending to difcover many fccrets 
 of mines, and other riches, not known to 
 any but himfelf. 
 
 But the Evglifl} commander's end being 
 only to hold their right in that country, 
 and having no authority to connive or per- 
 
 mit any nations living there, but his ma- 
 jefty's born fubjeds, he refufed all propofi- 
 tions of accommodation, and return'd to 
 Virginia, from whence he went, and carried 
 with him another jefuit, companion to him 
 fl.un, and fent him into England, where 
 he received good entertainment: the reft 
 of the French travelled to Newfoundland, 
 
 •where
 
 IBooK IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval T'ra(^s, 
 
 where they found pafiage for their coun- 
 try. 
 
 Now let me fpeak like a Chriftian, and 
 with a heart of pity, to fee fo great and 
 good a work, as the converfion oF fouls 
 trom iniidelity and paganilni, Ihoukl be 
 diverted and dcllroy'd by a vain word of 
 ambition -, for hithcrLc" the country is not 
 brought to that perfediion, as to produce 
 any thing that may make it worthy of fame, 
 or a ground for an ambitious man to work 
 upon : for if the quarrel betwixt thofe two 
 countries be confidered, it is like two dogs 
 that fliould fnarl and fight for the pidure 
 of a deer, or any other beaft -, for there is 
 little more fubllance as yet to be cxpeded 
 in. this wide, val>, and dcfolatc country that 
 can afford land fufficient to both the na- 
 tions, if content would pleafe them. 
 
 I will therefore wiih and pray with my 
 heart, that all princes wt)uld put to their 
 helping hands in the planting and efta- 
 blifhing the Chriflian religion in all remote 
 and barbarous countries, and that with one 
 confent they would fettle a national law 
 within themfelves, and to have it generally 
 received by agreement, to prohibit vio- 
 lence to any plantations where colonies are 
 feated for the propagation of the chriftian 
 faith: as alfo, that they would add and 
 confent to the like privileges to all poor 
 labouring fifliermen fifliing upon the feas, 
 that no difturbance may be offered them •, 
 their pains and danger well deferve it for 
 themfelves, and no lefs in refpeft of the 
 general food, every man reaps good by. 
 
 The frcHch had a colony in Florida more 
 ancient and countenanced by Chajlillon, the 
 admiral of France^ 'Anno 1562. a great up- 
 holder of the Hugonot fetSt. He fent for 
 governor monfieur Laanear, and John Ri- 
 gally who arrived in Florida in thirty de- 
 grees, and there ere<5led a pillar with the 
 Fnnch arms. At firft they were friendly 
 entcrtain'd by the favages ; but foon after, 
 accorvfing to the nature of the French, who 
 cannot long agree in love together, there 
 happened quarrels amongft them ; for the 
 commanders fhewed fuch cruelty and info- 
 kncy, that one of the captains was flain ■, 
 and, rather than a great part of them would 
 endure what they did, they put themfelves 
 in great adventure into a fmall pinnace to go 
 to their country ; but endured that neceffity 
 of viduals, that they were driven to eat 
 one of their company, and had familhed if 
 they had not been reliev'd by an Englijk bark 
 at lea. 
 
 This colony was not relieved according 
 to promife, becaufe of the civil war in 
 France, but that ceafing, Lannear was 
 fent once more, in 1564, but there enfued 
 fuch murders, fuch mutinies, fuch killing, 
 running away, and betraying one another, 
 
 N*'. loS. Vol. Ill, 
 
 41? 
 
 as it is wonderful to read ; and amongft Mo « son. 
 the reft there was orie Francis Jean, who "-^"V^^ 
 by great accident, got inio the Havana, 
 and made known 10 ihc Spaniards the French 
 plantations antl wcakncfs; whereupon the 
 Spaniards ftiit fome to lu[)pl.uu and weaken 
 them, who uled execution upon moft of 
 them, and poflefTcd their fort. Such as 
 furvived were put to moft lamentable fa- 
 mine, and, indeed, had periflied if Sir 
 John Hawkins, at his return out of the In- 
 dies, had not been brought thither by a 
 Frenchman, who left them a bai k and fomc 
 relief 
 
 In the fourth voyage of the French to 
 Florida, they requited the Spaniards as tiny 
 hai.! done to them before, and hang'il and 
 deflroy'd to the number of four hundred. 
 Alter this flaughter they reiurn'd to Rochd, 
 expeding great reward from the king for 
 that fervice ; but the Spanijl) ambaliiidor 
 prevail'd fo far, that the commander durft 
 not appear, but hid himftlf 
 
 Peter Mcdindes the SpaniJJj general, when 
 he exercifed his cruelty upon the French 
 writ over their heads, / do not this as to 
 Frenchmen, but to Lutherans rtWHereticks; 
 the French commanders ferv'd the Spaniards 
 the like fiuce, and writ over their heads, 
 hot as to Spaniards, but to traitors, robbers, 
 and murderers. The French after this quit- 
 ted the country and fort of Florida, and ne- 
 ver fince have had any footing in it. 
 
 Laffly, for the Frenih planting in Brofd, 
 it has been with the like lucccfs as in the 
 northern parts of America. The firft that 
 undertook it v/as Lcvius •, and the caufc for 
 which he undertooli it was to plantand fettle 
 the now-reform'd religion, as they term'd it: 
 he had an approbation of it b)' John Calvin 
 their fedt-maftcr, who much encouraged 
 the adlion : but it fell out that in time, one 
 fed increafing out of another, as common- 
 ly herefies do, initead of amity, they lived 
 in a contention, and never ceas'd wran- 
 gling and jangling upon the interpretation 
 of the gofpel, till it was decided by the pif- 
 tol : for murders, mutinies, and all other 
 milcrhiefs enfued upon it ; fo that in the end, 
 Levius confelfed it to be a work of God, 
 as the author of peace, and the hater ot di- 
 vifions ; whereupon he abandoned that fedt, 
 and reconciled himfelf to the church of 
 Rome, in which religion he lived and died, 
 as himfelf expreffed in writing. 
 
 Thevetts, and after him Stadius, were two 
 of the next that followed this plantation ; 
 and to make an end of the tragical habita- 
 tion, Diego Fkres de Vddes, in his return from 
 the Ifralghts of Magellan, as you ha\ c heard, 
 in the year 1582 coafted the Brajilian (liorc, 
 till at laft he came to an harbour called Pa- 
 raiba, where he found ^vc French fliips, three 
 whereof he burnt, and the reft he took, and 
 5 M inhabited
 
 4H 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 NfoNsoN. inhabited tlie fort with Wis Spaniards : the 
 ^-'''Y'^' Frenchmen ran into the mountains, where 
 they lived in company with the favages. 
 
 But for a conclufion of thefe plantations, 
 as well by us as the French, and to avoid 
 prolixity, I will briefly defcribe the nature 
 of the rude, wild, and fivage people of 
 /Ini'-rica ; who are not to be inticed with 
 fwectncfs and good uliige, nor to be mafter'd 
 by force and cruehy. Generally their reli- 
 gion is alike, though they adore feveral 
 creatures for God ; and every nation has a 
 fundry opinion and praftice in their ceremo- 
 nies ; but their fupreme God of all is the 
 devil, the enemy of mankind. 
 
 The foil and temper of many plantations 
 exceeds us in temperature, and planted, 
 manured, and husbanded at the charge of 
 a prince's purfe, no doubt but they may 
 be brought to perfedion -, for the bane of 
 all colonies is private men's undertakings, 
 that are impatient of delays, for if it yield 
 not an expeftacion of private gain, they 
 are willing rather to lofe their firft adven- 
 ture, than to flioot a fecond arrow to find 
 the former (hot : and moreover, ficlions 
 arife amongft people that are not governed 
 by a prince's dired authority ; envy reigns 
 amongft them, to fee fome advanced above 
 themfelyes, and are ready to call afperfions 
 upon their rulers, and to tax them with 
 deceit and fraud, whether they deferve it, 
 or not. 
 
 I obferve in all the Engliflo and French 
 plantations, the hopes are alike ; fometimes 
 they feed themfelves with the hope of a 
 pafiage into \\\c South-Sea ; other times with 
 the riches of mines, and the commodities 
 they produce, and make large relations to 
 perfuade people to perfevere in it. 
 
 But the conclufioif is mutinies, murders, 
 feditious defperate adventures, want of vic- 
 tuals, and other calamities, more ftrange 
 than ancient hiftories can acquaint us 
 with. 
 
 If the charge beflowed upon fuch vain 
 hopes were valued with the gain they have 
 reaped, it were not worth a purfe to put ic 
 in ; and for ours in Englajid it would be 
 confumed in finoke : for our ftaple com- 
 modity which it fends out, is ftinking bar- 
 barous tobacco ; for from the barbarous fa- 
 vages it is derived ; a brave original for 
 civil men to learn arid imitate. 
 
 The French herein fu" exceed us ; for by 
 their indulfry, and laborious endeavours, 
 they have attained to a rich and profitable 
 traffick of coltly furrs, which makes our 
 Ihame the greater, when we conlider how 
 eafily they have efFefted it, and how profit- 
 ably they perfevered in it, whilfb we are 
 fucking of fmoke, that brings with it many 
 inconveniencies, as time has made it too 
 plain to us. 
 
 Advice how to plant the ijland of St. Lawrence, the greatefi ijland in the Worlds 
 
 and reckoned a part of Alrick. 
 
 HAVING handled at large the difco- 
 veries and plantations the chriilian 
 nations have laboured in, and by their in- 
 duftrious pains have brought to good per- 
 feftion, I will now at laft lay fomething 
 of the likelinefs of a country, that in all pro- 
 bability may produce good -, I will only 
 colledt fome reafons, and refer the reft to 
 the examination and confideration of thofe 
 that are well inclined to the honourable 
 undertaking and proceeding of new planta- 
 tions. 
 
 There are two particular things to be 
 required in a colony : the one I have al- 
 ready fpoke ofj which is, That it be the 
 aft of a prince and his purfe to bear the 
 charge ; but if that be wanting, and the 
 aftion be put upon private mens expcnce, 
 there are three things to be confidered upon 
 fuch an enterprize ; the one, is the length 
 and diftance from home ; the fecond, how 
 to fupply it with leaft charge and mofl con- 
 veniency ; and the third, for hiring of vef- 
 fels for tranfportation of men and materials, 
 the condition of which fhips muft be ac- 
 cording to the place they inhabit, and the 
 en'efnies they are to fear. 
 
 This being done, the next confideration 
 is the climate, the nature of the foil, and 
 what profit it will yield at prefent ; as alfo 
 what hope of future ; the nature of the peo- 
 ple, and whether they may be made capa- 
 ble of reafon, and be reduced from their 
 barbarous incivility. 
 
 Of all the places I can think of, for con- 
 vcniency and profit within the bounds of 
 America^ yifrick, or Afci., out of my expe- 
 rience and lludy, is the ifland of St. Law- 
 rence, antiently called Madagafcar, five 
 hundred leagues from the cape of Good 
 Hope, the greateft ifland in the world, and 
 the place of all others I principally com- 
 mend -, for our planting will be in fourteen 
 degrees of fouth latitude, where our Eng- 
 Jijh are now no if rangers ; for commonly 
 they refrefli themfelves, and find fuccour in 
 their voyages lo the Eajl-lndics. 
 
 There is nothing that I obferve to further 
 a plantation but this will yield : Firil, the 
 winds are certain, at the time of the year, 
 to carry us dire<ftly thither, without Itri- 
 kinc lail 
 
 and thou^^h it be farther dilhint 
 
 from England, than yirginia, or 
 
 that part 
 . of
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 415 
 
 ot America, yet I hold u will be often end fail of the excellency of thcjDtlicrs in \foNsoN 
 fooner gone to than Virginia, where tlie rcfpeft of tht- chmate. The ica and tiic '-^'Y^J 
 winds and weather arc both uncertain in rivers will allord plenty of fiili of all kinds ; 
 going and coming. Secondly, whereas the and for the prefent we Ihall not want a fuf- 
 charge is great to hire lijps purpofeiy to ficicnt quantity of maii: and callado for 
 
 bread, till we low our Kn 
 
 tranlport men and provifions to ylincrica, 
 where the numbers are many, they are fub- 
 jeift to fickncfs, and other diliiilers of the 
 fea •, I do make account that it may be fo 
 ordcreil and contrived, that every (liip tra- 
 ding to the Eaft-lndns may be iiircd conve- 
 niently to carry twenty planters, without an- 
 noying or peilcring the fliip, being ipaci- 
 ous, and of great burden ; and tiiis will 
 prove lefs charge to the undertakers, than 10 
 hire them purpofeiy for Vi7'ginia. 
 
 And if we examine the nature and con- 
 dition of the country, and the people that 
 inhabit it, with the experience we have of 
 our Eiiglij'hriun that refort thither, we ("hall lalfehood may be to trTith, yet by that re 
 
 l'.n:J,:h corn of ail 
 lores. 
 
 And for the people in that part of the 
 ifland, it is known to all that have been 
 tiiere, that they have beha\ed thenifclvcs 
 lovingly and refpedfully to one anodicr, 
 and no Icfs to ftrangers. By their civil \iz- 
 haviour and labour they dr.iw their cattle to 
 a tamenefs, as with us ; which fliews they 
 are natur.illy civil, which is not ufiul 
 amongll fuch people: and to prove it ih-: 
 more, as well in that as in their oihcr 
 courfes, they are Mahometans in prolelTioii 
 ot relio;ion -, and thoujih it be as fali'e as 
 
 find the climate fingular for health, and the 
 ground fniiiful to produce wealth, as the 
 great and extiaordinary oxen the place af- 
 fords, cm vvitnefs. This alone exceeds all 
 the hope America can at prefent yield us : 
 for our increafe of cattle upon that continent 
 muft be raifed by inch bcafts as we carried 
 out of England, which muft be done with 
 great charge, trouble, and long time belore 
 they be brought to pcrfccftion. 
 
 The cattle we ihall there find, will bring 
 US a ccr.ain commodity of hides-, and as 
 we fliall leek to incrcale them, fo will our 
 gain and profit incrirafe the more. 
 
 What odier benen: we fliall make by 
 this plantation, time and our own endea- 
 vours will make it appear : tor the two 
 barks which I wifhed to be kept there for 
 in:clligence from other places, I would wilh 
 that the one Ihould dilcover the fouth part 
 of the ifland, and the other on the north 
 fide •, and to make their rendezvous at the 
 iame place from whence they departed ; fo 
 iTiall we difcover the very heart of the 
 whole ifland -, and no doubt but we fliall dif- 
 cover variety of gainful things, unrhought 
 of by us as yet. I have known of my own 
 experience, and by examination ot divers 
 Porttiguefes, with whom I have fpoken, 
 that the Moors who live and inhabit the 
 main continent of Africk, over-againft it, 
 have a fingular trade with the people ol 6V. 
 Lawrence for elephants teeth, ambcr-greafe, 
 i^c, all which we lliould enjoy with eafe, 
 when we are fettled, and pertedly known to 
 them. 
 
 Bcfides the plenty of beef it will yield us 
 for food, there is other delicate meat to be 
 found, as muttons, but with hairy fkins, 
 hens, and other forts of fowls ; oranges and 
 lemons, and other kind of rare fruits there 
 naturally growing; vi\\\Q\v America v/ill not 
 yield us, unlefs we plant tliem ; which will 
 
 igion they are taught more civil convcr- 
 fition and humane behaviour, than the In- 
 dians or infidels arc iiiftructed in, who ac- 
 knowledge feveral creatures for gods ; fonie 
 the fun, fome the moon, and fomc feveral 
 bealls and creatures of the earth : but I 
 make account, with our familiarity, love, 
 and good ufige, we fiiall entice their chil- 
 dren, with confent of parents, to bring 
 them for England, where they fhall have 
 good education and breeding, anfwerable 
 to our own ; and this will be ihe method to 
 work our good in our plantations of that 
 couniry •, and the only means to prop.i^atc 
 Chriftian religion in remote parts. 
 
 Having a plantation or fettled dwelling 
 in the iOand of 6V. Laivrence, we Ihall make 
 our navigation to tlie Eafl-Jndies much 
 more plealanr, fliort, and profitable, by 
 ufing and fettling a magazine ot commo- 
 dities betwixt us and the Indies. Firll, by 
 their receiving our commodities, and re- 
 tuining thofe we receive from thence, by 
 the fiime fiiips we employ ; for part of one 
 fleet may be lent from Si. Laicrence to the 
 Indies, and return the commodities thofe 
 countries afford to St. Lawrence, which our 
 fliips fiiali there receive, and bring them 
 dirctftly for England; fo that all our fiiips 
 fhall be continually going and coming, and 
 every twelve months have a return fioin 
 thence-, which now is more than double 
 the time. 
 
 I defire that this projefl to St. Laurence 
 may be compared with thofe our nation has 
 undertaken to America, and the reafons du- 
 ly confidered, without partiality ; and be- 
 ing lb fatisfied, that they would follow 
 them with a general conlent, and fo fettle 
 their plantations, that there may be a 
 neighbourhood from one to another -, for 
 being, as they are, thus divided, they can 
 give no help or fuccour, but niufl tland upon 
 
 prove a work of many years, and in the tluir own ftrength, what attempt focver 
 *^ Ihali
 
 /\i6 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 jMonson . lliall he made upon them by an enemy ; be- 
 vnn^ fides many other rcafons one may produce, 
 thi: would much avail them : for what 
 fuccour can Neitfoundland, which is the 
 furtheft part north, give the ifland of Pro- 
 vidence, the furthelb part fouth, or any 
 other places betwixt them that we inhabit, 
 as namely, New England, Virginia, Cope 
 Florida, the Barbadoes, St. ChriJtcpber's,Tar- 
 tiiga, and the ifl.ind of Providence, it you 
 examine the diftance from one to another. 
 
 and how the currents and winds fet upon 
 thefe coafts. 
 
 As the ifland of Providence is the laft I 
 name, fo it is the greateft in fame by the 
 pcrlons that countenance it, and by the 
 purfes that maintain it ; and becaufe you 
 Ihall know the difference betwixt that ifland 
 and Si. Ltv-^rer.ce, I will here make a de- 
 fcription of the ifland, and refer it to youf 
 own judgment. 
 
 The nature of the ijland Catalena, or of Providence, cis called hy us. 
 
 AMONGST many ridiculous and vain 
 plantations we have had footing in 
 feveral places of Jmerica, as appears in this 
 book, there is one fmall ifland, whofe name 
 we have changed from Catalena to the ifland 
 of Providence ; becaufe fome pretend to 
 forefee it may damnify the Spanip nation, if 
 they fliall hereafter give us occafion of war. 
 
 This ifland of Providence is lt;ated upon 
 the coart of Terra jinna, one hundred leagues 
 north from Ccrthagena, eighty leagues north 
 and by welt from IS ombre de Dios, and 
 from the headland of Gratias aDics, thirty- 
 five leagues. This ifland, for the greatnefs 
 of it, may be termed rather a rock than an 
 ifland, not exceeding ten or eleven miles 
 in length, and five in breadth ; a fmall pro- 
 portion of land to promife either vidtuals 
 for fufl:enancc, or commodities worthy of 
 labour to countervail the tenth part of 
 charge that has been beflowed on it. 
 
 For it is like a barren and uncultivated 
 ground, that of itfelf can fend forth no- 
 thing, if pains and labour do not make it 
 capable to afford nourlfliment -, even fo this 
 leafl: and worfl; of iflands can promife no 
 more than the ill ground I compare it unto; 
 but our undertakers think by the fituation 
 of ir, that it will advantage us much againft 
 Spain, the impregnablenels of it by nature 
 confidered, which we have helped by art. 
 
 The ifland has thefe particular benefits 
 in it : A port containing eighteen feet in 
 depth, with good ground to ride in -, it is 
 invironed with huge and high rocks and 
 clifts, and made impregnable againft land- 
 ing ; the harbour on the wcftermoft fide of 
 the ifland, which makes it a iafe riding, 
 by reafon of the perpetual eafterly wind 
 that blows off the ihore. ^'here's only 
 one place to land in ; for that excepted, 
 it is incompaiTed about with fuch rocks, that 
 a boat cannot come near the Ihore. If a 
 fhip put but one mile to leeward of the har- 
 bour, fhe cannot recover it again by reafon 
 of the current •, unlefs fhe put for Hifpanio- 
 la, and difembogue betwixt it and Cuba, at 
 Icall three or four hundred leagues, back- 
 
 wards and forwards ; neither can they di- 
 rcftly go from thence to Cuba, by reafon 
 of the Ihoals and flais in their n^-'arell courfe. 
 Therefore a fliip muft fland over for the 
 main land thirty- five leagues from Providence^ 
 and pafs tlirough a channel, ikji h.Jl a mile 
 in breadth, and yet four leagues in length. 
 
 The wind aiiJ- current lets to the wefl- 
 ward from Providence, till within twelve or 
 iburteen leagues of the fliore; and then the 
 current fets to the fouchward, though the 
 wind keeps its continual courfe from the 
 eaft ; and were it not for the change of 
 the current, it were impofilble for to fetch 
 Ncmbre de Dios, Porto BcUo, or Carthage- 
 na. Our EnglijJj fliips have a great advan- 
 tage of the Spaniards, by reafon of their faft- 
 nefs by awind, which the others canncr b;at 
 it up, becaufe of their leewardnels. 
 
 Every fourteen weeks, the climat'; where- 
 in the ifland is feated, produces an harveft 
 of corn, peafe, potatoes, and other roots 
 and herbs : the potatoes make a delicate 
 kind of drink, both pleafiun and wholefome. 
 I'he fea affords fuch great abundance of 
 fifh, that two boats and ten fifliermen 
 will be able to feed one thoufand pcrfons 
 every day. 
 
 There are two other iflands not above fix- 
 teen leagues from Prcvidencc, the one call'd 
 St. Andrc-iv, the other the Mofqiiito, not 
 inhabited. Thefe two iflands afford great 
 quantities of tortoifes, which will be a great 
 relief to the ifland of Providence : they are 
 not to be dwelt upon, becaufe they cannot 
 be made defenfible ; and St. Andrew's is 
 full of rocks and flioals, and dangerous to 
 come near, by any that do not perfedly 
 know it ; neither has it an harbour, though 
 in the weftermoft part of it one may anchor 
 in fatety. And thus much for the defcrip- 
 tion of the ifland, as namely, the height, 
 the feat, the diftance, the temperature, and 
 diftance from other places. Though there is 
 caufe for me to write more particularly of 
 this ifland, yet will I not here infert ir, but 
 fpeak more ainply of it in my fifth book ; 
 to which I refer you. 
 
 l!he end of the Fourth Book. 
 
 TO
 
 4«7 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PROJECTORS 
 
 O F 
 
 This AGE. 
 
 IF I could think of a more proper word than ProjeH, to entitle this cnruing book, 
 I would do it; for the name of projefts, and the inventors of them, arc grown fo 
 hateful and contemptible, that all honed men abhor and detefl: them. 
 There are no burthens, which the fliarpnefs of lewd brains can invent to vex 
 the commonwealth with, but they rtyle by the name of projefts, when indeed the 
 name Promoler were more proper, as people fitter to be loathed than cheriflied in a 
 well-govern'd kingdom. Such men are a curie to the country that breeds them, to their 
 friends and parents that nouriflied them, and to God himielf that created them •, tor 
 there is no man, diredly or indirectly, but finds himfelf hindered or injured by them; 
 their courfes incite God to punifh, and men to abhor them. A father of the church 
 faith. It is a greater fin to ■projeSl, and lay unlawful things on the poor ^ than a merit to re- 
 lieve them. A favourite to Alexander the Great, whom we may ratlier term a projeftor, 
 advifed him, after his great expence in war, and wealth decay'd, to lay taxes upon his 
 fubjcdts: but y^/a'rtwi^fr anfwered, 'That gardener did ill ivho ploughed up the herbs and roots 
 of his garden: for the king is like a gardener; roots, trees, and herbs, like the kingdom, 
 A flatterer told Antiochus, That all things a king did were lawful. 2'ea, he faid, to barba- 
 rous kings, but not to him that refpeUs juftice. 
 
 St. Lewis, king of France, was angry with one that advifed him to lay new taxes up • 
 on his fubjeCls, faying. That God puni/hed fuch examples in kings. This king well defcr- 
 ved the name he bore, who had more refped: to his fubjei5ts than to his profit. 
 
 A king of Perfia being defired by his favourite, to grant him an unjuft fuit, he told him. 
 No : but that he would give him the value of the thing he requefied, becaufe it would not 
 make him poor; but faid, / will not do what you defire, becaufe it is unjufi. Pro)e(5lors 
 (hould have as little employment under this king, as they have reputation amongfl: ho- 
 nefl men. 
 
 Though Jitgujlus Cctfar did not by name diflike the condition of thefe people that 
 vex the commonwealth; yet in his precepts given to the governors of his provinces, he 
 intimated a deteftation of them, when he told them, I do not fend you to rule, that you 
 fhould envy the innocent: or be a hangman to offenders; but that with one hand you fjould be 
 an helper to the good, arid encourage the evil to amend; that you be a tutor to the fatherlefs, a 
 pleader for widozvs, a faff to the blind, and a father to all. 
 
 I have heard of a judge in our time, who by his audacity, and forced authority and 
 impudence, w;is able to pervert and wreft laws to his appetite and liking: this wicked 
 judge had got a popular applaufe and efteem amongft the ignorant multitude, and by 
 iiis triends was commended to king James of Great Britain, for a good miniiler to his 
 (fate. The king anfwered. Tea, if 1 would become a tyrant. Intimating, that the judge 
 who mifconflrues laws, were a fit fervant for fuch, and not for upright kings. Solon was 
 fuch an enemy to the projedtors, that he eftablifhed a Lvw, That whofoever propofed any 
 thing to the prejudice of the commonwealth foould die. He alfo decreed. That it floould be 
 lawful to revenge an injury that Jhould be offered to one another, that every man might have a 
 feeling of the party injured. 
 
 Vol. III. 5N Tlje
 
 ^i 8 To the Proje^ors- of this Age. 
 
 The difference betwixt the projeftors of our age, and the projeas I tender In the enfuing 
 difcourfe, is this. They pretend evil under the colour of good -, they fet a fair counte- 
 nance on a foul face j they fmile on thofe whofe throats they would cut -, they do, like 
 Scipio^ and all other rebels, pretend reformation and taking away the abufe of the com- 
 mon-wealth, when themfelves are abufers of it. 
 
 In my projei.'ts I have no other end but the common good of the kingdom •, I neither 
 expeifl or defire gain ; I fet up no new devifed taxes or tolls ; I invent no impofitions, 
 nor raife contributions ; I force no man to undertake or compel people to adventure ; but 
 I perfuade, like a philofopher, who advifed four things to be confidered, before the ta- 
 king of any important thing in hand ; To examine the beginnings to confider the middle^ to 
 approve the end, and to confult voith the wife. 
 
 If any of my propofitions prove profitable to the ftate, and acceptable to the fubjedl, 
 I have obtained my wiih : If not, I defire they may die, without any more appearing in 
 the world. 
 
 BOOK
 
 4'9 
 
 BOOK v. 
 
 Containing divers Projeds and Strata£z;ems, 
 tender'd for the Good ol the Kini2;dom, 
 
 Mo \ .oil. 
 
 The Jirji projeSi Pall be for the ftifct)' of his wnjeftys navy, and //v conirnifirv 
 and inconveniency in keeping it at Chatham or Portl'inouth. 
 
 AS there is no man that builds a 
 hoiife, but at the firft ground- 
 work of his building will be 
 fure to make his foundation firm 
 and flable, (for on the flpength 
 thereof all the reft of the building mufb de- 
 pend,) even fo it is with kings and princes-, 
 for that king who means to live in iiifety, 
 and to avoid dangers at home, or from 
 abroad, muft firft feek to make his ftate 
 firm and fure, as well in defence upon an 
 invafion, as before he enterprize any aftion 
 of offence upon his enemy, or elfe his build- 
 ing is upon glafs and ice, and will fudden- 
 ly fall for want of a fetded foundation. 
 
 Therefore, like a careful builder that will 
 provide to encounter a danger, in my en- 
 luing projeiSts I will firft lay down a means 
 and remedy how to -fecure this kingdom 
 againft the attempts of our neighbours, if 
 in time they become our enemies, before 
 there (hall be caufe of hoftility, or before 
 we make any enterprize upon them in a 
 warlike manner. And the firft thing I will 
 handle, as the greateft importance to the 
 kingdom, is the fafety of his majefty's na- 
 vy, and the conveniency or inconveniency 
 in keeping them at Chatham or Portfrnoitth, 
 as I have faid before. 
 
 The conveniency of Chatham. 
 
 r. Chatham is fo fafe and fecure a port 
 for the fhips to ride in, that his nKijerty's 
 navy may better ride with a hawfer at Chat- 
 bam, than with a cable at Portfmouth. 
 
 2. The reafon of the long continuance of 
 the navy at Chatham, is the conveniency of 
 docks, and all other places, for the conve- 
 niency of fhips •, and confidering that the 
 officers of the navy are there feated with 
 their whole families, it would breed a great 
 
 innovation and change to bring them to 
 Portfmouth. 
 
 3. The nearnefs from Chatham to Londoti, 
 from whence they may' be fupplied with all 
 things they ftiall ftand in ncttl of, for th.ic 
 London is the ftorehoufe of all England: it 
 is neceffary therefore that the navy Ihoukl 
 be kept at Chatham, rather than at Portf- 
 mcHih. 
 
 4. JVoolwich, Black-d'all, Dcptfcrd, Lime- 
 hoitfe, and Ratcliffc, yield more docks for 
 the building and repairing of ftiips, than all 
 other places of England. 
 
 5. All England cannot furnifti failors like 
 to London, and the Newcajtle trade, which 
 once in three weeks repairs to the port of 
 London. 
 
 6. No part of England can vidual a navy 
 fo conveniently, fpeedily, and at lb fmall a 
 charge as London ; all the corn for bread, 
 beer, butter, and cheefe, (yc. is brought by 
 water from the adjacent countries tlitrea- 
 bouts. And for beef, pork, and bacon, 
 London is placed in the center, far more con- 
 veniently than Portfmouth, which h.vs never 
 a river to bring commodities from oiher 
 ftiires ; nor the country of Ha»ipjUrc lb 
 fruitful as to furnifti it. 
 
 7. Our trade to the Eaflland returns their 
 commodities to London, whicii funiiflits us 
 with all materials belonging to Ihippiijg, as, 
 namely, cables, cordage, pitch, tar, rofin, 
 mafts, yards, l£c. which cannot be done 
 at Portfmouth, the place yielding nothing 
 that creates a trade. 
 
 8 . The water at Chatham flows fufRcicnt- 
 ly every fpring tide to grave the greateft 
 fhips ; and it is a doubt whether it can be 
 made to heighten fo much in Portfmouth, as 
 to do the like. 
 
 9. No wind or weather can endanger the 
 coming home of an anchor in Chatham, and 
 
 the
 
 410 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book 
 
 Movr=o\.the river aflbrds fufficieiit fpace for every 
 ^"^"V^ (hip to ride, without annoying one another: 
 as to the contrary, a ftorm, with a wind 
 from the north-cad to the fouth-fouth-eaft, 
 will ftretch tlie cables of the fliips in Pcrtf- 
 mouth ; and if any of their anchors come 
 home they cannot avoid boarding one an- 
 other, to their exceeding great damage and 
 danger, the channel being fo narrow. 
 
 ID. A navy lying in the iiarbour of Portf- 
 nioutl.\ tlie fafety of tliem depem-Is upon the 
 town of Porifmouth^ and if Portfmoich 
 fliould be furprized or taken at any time, 
 the whole navy falls into the enemy's 
 hands. 
 
 1 1. Not a cable, anchor, maft, yard, bar- 
 rel of powder, or any other thing that be- 
 longs to the ftirnifliing a fleet, but muft 
 be brought from London or Chatham to 
 Port/mouthy with an exceeding great charge, 
 and no lefs delay and danger, confidering 
 the uncertainty of winds, the peril to be 
 intercepted by enemies, and the hazard of 
 fbip wreck. 
 
 12. The excefllve charge in fending down 
 carpenters, caulkers, and other feveral work- 
 men belonging to fliips, with imprefs of 
 mariners, will amount to an extraordinary 
 great expence. All which will be eafed 
 by being at Chatham. 
 
 'The exceptions to the navy lying at Chatham. 
 
 1. The feveral winds to carry them to 
 PortfmoHth. 
 
 2. The hazard of the flioals and finds in 
 going thither. 
 
 3. the diflance from Chatham thither, if 
 the French fliould attempt any thing upon 
 us. 
 
 4. And fome there are that advife part of 
 the fhips to be kept at Portfmputh, and the 
 other part at Chatham. 
 
 Whofoever fhall alledge thefe reafons, 
 muft diftinguifli of the fervice in hand, whe- 
 ther it be oftenfive or defenfive, or againft 
 Spain^ France^ Holland, or any part of the 
 eaft country. 
 
 If Holland or the Eaftland become our 
 enemies, then doth Chatham lie moft with 
 advantage to annoy them, if they attempt 
 any part of our north coaft, or Norfolk., Suf- 
 folk, EJJ'ex, and Kent, which are places of 
 moft peril, confidering their nearnefs to the 
 city of London. 
 
 If we have wars with France, there is lit- 
 tle advantage gotten betwixt Chatham and 
 Portfmouth ; for being at the Downs at Do- 
 ver, v/e fliall be over-againft France, and 
 nearer to the Ifle of TVight than Bnfi is, or 
 any part of Brittany, where I fuppofe the 
 fleet of France will be made ready ; and for 
 the two navies, Engliffj and French meeting 
 2 
 
 at fea, no place or time can be aftign'd them, 
 fliips being in continual adion, and fiiling 
 one day on one coaft, and another day on 
 another. 
 
 And whereas the feveral winds are ob- 
 jefted as an impediment to our navy at Chat- 
 ham, you muft know that an eaflerly wind 
 keeps in a fleet at Chatham ; and fo it doth 
 the French, if they be in any part of Britta- 
 ny : and our lliips alfo, if they fliould be 
 at Portfmouth, though they fliould be in 
 tiie Channel, yet v/ith that eaflerly wind, 
 they cannot go to the eaftward ; fo that 
 you fee an eaflerly wind brings an equal in- 
 conveniency, as well to the one, as to the 
 other. 
 
 And whereas from Chatham we muft have 
 two winds to bring us into the Channel, or to 
 Portfmouth, the one fbutherly or wefterly to 
 carry us to the Downs, the other northerly 
 or eafterjy to bring us to Portfmouth in three 
 tides ; with fair weather, from the Downs, we 
 fhall be able to fetch Portfmouth howfoever 
 the wind is ; in which traverfe we fhall be 
 as likely to met a fleet of France, as in any 
 other part of the Channel. 
 
 To anfwer the objeftion of fands and 
 fhoals to endanger us in our coming about 
 from Chatham, we fee that by the care and 
 fkill of pilots, no memory or record Can 
 tell of a fhip of his majefty's lb loft ; as 
 out of Portfmouth it is i'refh in old mens 
 mouths, and the ribs of the fhip I have 
 often fecn, called the Great Henry, a fhip 
 royal of king Hoiry VIII. there perifhed. 
 
 I likevvife remember in the days of queen 
 Elizabeth, and in the year 1586, that the 
 Revenge (after taken by the Spaniards,) was 
 as near dcftruftion, coming out of the har- 
 bour of Portfmouth. 
 
 And to fatisfy the advifers that wifh po^t 
 of the navy to be kept at Chatham, and the 
 other at Portfmouth, this I fay, That an ar- 
 my on land, or a navy at fea, which fhall 
 be divided, is eafier to be cut off before 
 they meet, than if they were met together 
 in a main battle, efpecially in fo narrow a 
 fea as ours, where fleets cannot pafs with- 
 out encountring one another. 
 
 Moreover, if the I^rench ihould anchor 
 with a number of fliips fufFicient to en- 
 counter with either of our two fleets divi- 
 ded, either at St. Helenas Point in the Ifle of 
 Wight, or the Downs, or Gorend, it were 
 impofTible for our fleet to pafs unfeen or un- 
 met withal ; by which means they niay cut 
 them off before they meet. 
 
 But, as I have laid, the Country muft he 
 confidered with whom v/c have war ; for if 
 we iiave war witli Spain, neither Portfmouth 
 nor Chatham is fb convenient as Plymouth ; 
 for in the winter, which is the time that 
 fhips muft keep harbour, they fliall have 
 fpace fufficient to make provifion againft the 
 
 fpring
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^jal Tradis. 
 
 411 
 
 fpring, and cafe a great charge in carrying 
 the fhips from Plymouth to Chatham, and af- 
 ter fromChaiham 10 Plymouth; which we can- 
 not allow lefs than two months, it" not more : 
 And moreover, from Plymouth we Hull put 
 to fea with our fhips nimble and clean, 
 fooner, and better manned and viftualled, 
 than cither from Portfmoutb or Chatham. 
 
 Therefore I conclude, in comparifon be- 
 twixt Chatham and Portfmoutb, Chatham 
 is the bell and lafcft place ; and widi that 
 our whole navy may be kept at Chatham, 
 and not make any continual refidence, but 
 there only, confidering the former reafons. 
 Never hurt befel any of them that made 
 their being there, either by weather or at- 
 tempt of enemy ; and yet I muft confefs, 
 they are not altogether fo fafe and fecure 
 from the affault of a fleet that fliall be brought 
 from the eaftward with an eafterly wind ; 
 and i;herefore it behoves us to be cautious 
 and wary of it, as follows : 
 
 In the ftratagems contained in my third 
 book, I advifed a general to provide to 
 withftand an enterprize to be made upon 
 fhips in harbour, \yhere they are ufually 
 moored with two cables, to which direftions 
 I refer you ; but with leave, fomewhat I 
 will fay of the flate of our navy at Chat- 
 bam, .and the danger that may befal us 
 from Holland, if they become enemies to 
 vis, as alfo fhew the way of prevention. 
 
 Holland, by reafon of their abundance of 
 fhipping, the number of foldlers quartered 
 in all the parts of their country, and their 
 daily and fpeedy ufe in gathering their 
 forces together for prefent fervice, as they 
 often do, will give us the lefs fufpicion if 
 they fhould intend any fudden (tratagem 
 upon us v and the firft thing that they will 
 attend, is the opportunity of a fettled ea- 
 flerly wind, to bring their fhips, without 
 ftriking fail, as high as Gravefend, and 
 there fuddenly put eight or ten thoudmd 
 rnen on the Kentifi fhore, to march to Up- 
 nor Cajile, four or five miles from thence ; 
 where they fhall find no refirtance, the 
 caftle being both weak and weakly pro- 
 vided ; and having it, they have an entrance 
 to the river, where the fhips ride. 
 
 The fliips having done fo much as be- 
 longs to them, in landing their men, they 
 will, no doubt, repair prefently to Upnor, 
 which is the place they will principally 
 fhoot at ; and the cafllc being taken be- 
 fore their coming, their pafTage is made 
 for them to furprize our navy, which they 
 will find unprovided of men, more than 
 the ordinary fhip-keepers ; their ordnance 
 commonly afhore, and without powder or 
 
 fhot; for unlefs there be imployment ofMoNsow. 
 fhips to fea, the ammunition is always kept -^ V^xrf 
 in the Toiver of London, and too Luc at 
 that time to be fupplicd from thence, if 
 this dcvililh defign fhould prevail ; I pro- 
 teft the very thought of it makes me trem- 
 ble, and wifli it may be prevented. 
 
 And for prevention, it will behove us to 
 feck how by art and fkill to raife works 
 and fortifications, both by land and water, 
 for the guard and ftrength of Upnor Caftle. 
 and to order and appoint that a certain 
 number of trained Ibklicrs, tJieicaboucs 
 dwelling, upon every alarm repair thither 
 with their arms, which will prevent any 
 fudden furprize ; and in the mean time wc 
 fhall have leil'ure to draw a greater army 
 together, than they will be able to with- 
 fland. 
 
 And fo much as concerns the defence of 
 the river, by booming, and making fconces 
 upon it, I have faid lufficiently in my for- 
 mer ftratagems -, but feeing this is a matter 
 of fo great import as the lafety of our na- 
 vy, and by confequence the fccurity of our 
 kingdom, I advife and wifh that the ord- 
 nance, or greattfl part of them, be con- 
 tinually kept aboard the fliips, both mount- 
 ed and fitted with all kind of ammuni- 
 tion belonging to them : That as in the cafe 
 of Upnor Caftle, the trained foldiers of the 
 country, have order to repair on board the 
 navy with their arms : That the fhips them- 
 felves be warp'd and towed as low ;xs the 
 innermofl: boom, and there to moor them- 
 felves a-head and a-ftern to welcome an ene- 
 my with their whole broad-fides. And if 
 all thefe fail, (as God forbid,) then the fhips 
 to fink themfelves at an anchor, to avoid 
 falling into the hands of an enemy ; which 
 fliips are eafily after to be weigh'd without 
 hurt or detriment. 
 
 Having left a remedy, as*you have heard, 
 for the iecuring our navy, my next pro- 
 ject fliall be to hinder French attempts upon 
 us, they being a nation of moft danger, by 
 reafon of their nearnefs and greatnels, and 
 efpecially if they be afTifted with the help of 
 Holland with fhipping, as no doubt, but 
 in matter of ftate France will labour to 
 gain Holland from us, and to fettle it with 
 a firm le.igue and friendfhip with them, 
 to redeem their lofs of Scotland, who for 
 many hundred years made their dependen- 
 cy upon that kingdom ; and if Scotland 
 prove honefl to EngLmd, they may fear by 
 our conjunction, of foes we are become 
 friends, and that Scotchmen may as well turn 
 their fwords upon their breafts, as they 
 have done heretofore upon ours. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 5 O
 
 412. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^vitl ^rctBs. 
 
 ^OOK v., 
 
 MoN-soN. ^ projeB to prevent the French la?iding in England, // tbcy become our 
 ^'^^y^^ enemies. 
 
 WE in England look upon FraHce to 
 be a ftrong and potent country -, the 
 people in it to be both warlike and valour- 
 ous; but it lying upon a main continent, 
 and ours an iiland, divided with a fea, we 
 think we may eafily oftcnd them, and not 
 be offended by them. 
 
 This opinion is generally received ; and, 
 indeed, not to be confuted, but by fuch as 
 underftand the fea better than the ordinary 
 fort of men ; but for the explaining it, if 
 ever there happen a war betwixt France and 
 us, I will truly fet down the danger that 
 may redound to us by France, and the 
 means how to prevent it, as I have alrea- 
 dy done, or will do, if a war happen be- 
 twixt Spain, or Holland, and us. 
 
 The general pofition is, That France is 
 no way to compare with us for number and 
 ftrength of fliipping •, and by confequence, 
 we are to fear no danger from thence, upon 
 any attempt they fhall make. 
 
 In anfwer hereof, it is true, if the meet- 
 ing and encountring a fleet at fea were cer- 
 tain, the ftrongeft are likely to prevail 
 againft the other. But I have formerly 
 fliewed, that there are three principal 
 things to be required in a fea-a6tion : I'hc 
 firft is providence, to learn the defign of an 
 enemy, to prevent him : The fecond is fecre- 
 cy, to keep the enemy from intelligence : 
 And the third, is how to work for ad- 
 vantage of wind and weather. 
 
 If the French intend to invade us, we 
 
 may eafily conje(5hire, by their preparation 
 
 by liind and fea, and the drawing down 
 
 their army to their port-towns •, but where 
 
 they mean to Attempt us, if they keep 
 
 their defign fecret, it will be hard to difco- 
 
 ver ; and the chief reafon we are to conceive, 
 
 is according to the place where they keep 
 
 their rendezvous,, the obfervation of winds 
 
 to bring them from thence to feize our 
 
 coaft, and the weaknefs of our harbours, 
 
 where we may conceive they think to land. 
 
 If there were no more difficulty than the 
 
 vulgar and common conceit, it were 
 
 probable not to be in the power of France 
 
 to hurt us -, but fpeaking like a feaman, 
 
 for that fea adtions muft be governed by the 
 
 winds, thus much I muft let you know. 
 
 That a foutherly wind, which brings them 
 
 for- our coaft, keeps our fhips in harbour 
 
 that we cannot budge ; fo that they Ihall 
 
 neither fear our force by fea, nor our fhips 
 
 be able to impeach them, unlefs by chance 
 
 and accident they arrive in the fame har- 
 
 bpur our fhips retire to ; fo you fee it is 
 
 neither the number or ftrength of fleets, that 
 
 can withftand them, if they obferve the ad- 
 vantage of a foutherly wind. 
 
 This is a peril that every man conceives 
 not ; for if France can of themfelves af- 
 ford a quantity of vellels, to tranfport an 
 army, or by hiring fliips abroad, or com- 
 pelling ftrangers to ferve that come into 
 their ports to trade ; it \i not much material 
 whether they be of ftrength, or no ; for 
 with a foutherly wind they fhall not fear 
 any force to meet them at fea. 
 
 There was never fore, but God provides a 
 Hilve ; and this fearful hazard muft be cured 
 by prevention : (as thus,) Oik fleet muft di- 
 vide into three fquadrons ; and being at 
 fea, and forced to feek the fhore, every 
 fquadron be appointed a particular harbour 
 to repair to ; by which means, every port; 
 on the ibuih coaft fhall be defended and 
 guarded by our ft-iips •, which will be a force 
 fuffiicient to withftand the ftrength of Fr^^wf^ 
 by fea, if they be not afTifted by Holland. 
 The ports being thus guarded, they are 
 prevented of landing •, for an invador is 
 not fo mad, as not to provide a harbour' for 
 his lecurity ; and no road or' bay with an 
 outwardly wind, is able, without great dan- 
 ger, to give hiiTi convfeniency 6f- riding oi; 
 landing, the fea and fiege will be fo great. ' 
 But it may be' objefted, ' That tho' this 
 ferve for the fouthern coaft, yet the north 
 part of England, Scotland, a,nd JVales lies 
 open to their landihg. The anfwer. td' this 
 is. That if our three fquadi-onsbe divided, 
 the one to make good tiie Doicns, another 
 the weft country, no fleet can pafs be- 
 twixt Dover and Calais, but they oF the 
 Dozens fhall have a view of them ; and the 
 fame wind the others have, will ferve them 
 to follow, and to prevent their landing : 
 The weftern fquadron will do the like upon 
 any attempt that fhall be made upon Alil- 
 ford Haven, IVaks, or any of that part of 
 England. 
 
 But our fureft courfe will be with fome 
 fliips to beleaguer their harbours of ren- 
 dczvoas in France a good diftance from 
 the fhore, for fear of embaying : We muft 
 confider that fuch winds as ferve to bring 
 them for England, make a fecure road upon 
 that coaft to ride in ; and fuch winds as 
 are dangerous to keep that fhore, make it 
 impofTible for t\\e French to piit out of har- 
 bour,' as I will fhew more particularly, 
 when I treat of the way to prevent the 
 French and Hollanders meeting. 
 
 Thus you may perceive, that an inva- 
 fion out of France into England or Scotland, 
 is to be prevented. But his majefiy has an- 
 other
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracfs. 
 
 other kingdom of more danger, the condi- 
 tions ot the people, and the opennefs of 
 the harbours confidered ; and that is Jre- 
 land, which I will a little handle. 
 
 Ircbjid, as i: is an ifiand, is in the cafe 
 of England, though more dangerous, in re- 
 fpeft the people are more rebellious, and 
 divided from England, that cannot be with 
 celerity relieved, if an enemy do land : 
 Befides, the Irijh nation and their natures 
 do not fo well fymbolize with the French, 
 as with the Spaniards ; or if they did, the 
 French have lefs advantage to invade that 
 kingdom than the others ; for lb much as 
 the fame wind that carries a fleet out of 
 France into Ireland, the fiime wind fcrves 
 us to follow them out of England. 
 ■ But feeing I am upon this fubje^l, I will 
 let you know the diflvrcnce betwixt the dan- 
 ger of a French invafion and a SpanrJI: into 
 Ireland. You mud confider that a fouth- 
 \veft wind that brings a fleet from Spain in- 
 to Ireland, is not only againll us to go in- 
 to Ireland, but keeps our fhips in harbour, 
 that we cannot put to k.i; by which occa- 
 fion the Spaniards may land in defpight of us. 
 
 Moreover, if with that wind they land 
 to the northward of Ireland, though it be 
 no further than to the river of Shannon, we 
 mufl have not only a north-eaft wind to 
 carry us to Mifen-Head, or cape Clear, 
 but when we are at either of the two places, 
 we mufl: have a contrary wind to carry us 
 in purfuit of them that land to the north- 
 wards, which is a foutherly wind -, and 
 how this is like to happen, and what dan- 
 
 4iJ 
 
 ger may befal us in the mean fpace, is a Moss- . 
 mam point of confideration : And therefore ^•^'^ 
 it fell out very luckily to us, that in the 
 Spaniards laft expedition to Ireland, they 
 landed at Kinfale, to which pl.icc one wind 
 cury'd us dircdlly out of England, to give 
 a relief to our army, and to prevent a Ic- 
 conii fuj^ply from Spain. 
 
 If they had landed further to the north - 
 ward of Mifen-Head, v/c Hiould iiavc h.a-!, 
 as I have faid, two contrary winds; be- 
 fides, they would have come to them,: 
 where they fhould have found fuccour and 
 relief, far from our army by land, where 
 our march had almolf been impoflible, con- 
 fidering the feafon of the ye.ir, and the weak 
 lielp that the country' would have j idded us. 
 
 My advice therefore i?, When an enemy- 
 is feared in Ireland, that there be a care to 
 keep our fleet at k\ olf of Mijai-Hcad, ns 
 a place to rake advantage of all winds; ctnd 
 that the beacons be well watched on fliore,- 
 with dircftions to the watchers, that they 
 give notice to our fleet at fea, to diftin- 
 guifli the enemies landing to the northward 
 or to the eaftward of that place ; for our 
 fliips lying open of the cape of Mifm-Headi 
 they will be able inftantly to follow them, 
 whether they fhall go to the northward or 
 eaflward. 
 
 But this caution I give, that no orcafiori 
 but necefllty compel the fleet to leek a har- 
 bour : For I havefliewed before the inconve- 
 nience ol it ; and the difficulry to get them 
 in again ; that in the mean time an enemy 
 may work his mifchief. 
 
 Hoist) to prevent the E'rert'cli <?«// the HolLmdecs meeting to re/cue one another, if 
 li: (li Uxii f-T.^'C i. il I , fljg^, become cnemies-to Enaihuid. 
 
 COnfidering how things fl:and, or may 
 hereafter ftand betwixt France and 
 Holland, to the prejudice of Engh.nd, (for 
 that every ftate changes with time and ad- 
 vantage to themfelves and commonwealth,) 
 it will not be amifs, for prevention of evil 
 that may happen to this kingdom, to fol- 
 low the practice of a fkilful phylician, in 
 the cure of his patient, to give him cordials 
 to avoid the difeafe, rather than afterwards, 
 when it has feized upon him, to go about 
 with phyfick to recover him ; and accord- 
 ing to this example, it will be better for 
 us before-hand to withfland the peril, than 
 feek to fhun it when it is too late. 
 
 The dangers are cf two kinds : The one 
 by an increale of fhips in France, that may 
 in time prove prejudicial to the (late -, for 
 it is perillous to have neighbourhood with 
 danger : The other is, the aflift:ance they 
 may find in foreign parts by fea, and 
 above all other nations, the Hollanders, 
 who are neareft: able to equal us in fliipping. 
 
 The fear of an invafion out of Franre, 
 our ancefliors never much dreaded ; for our 
 fliips were ftill the walls and buKVai'ks of 
 our defence, and ever made that nation re- 
 coil with diOiorour and lofs, as our hilto^ 
 ries do at large declare ; and rather tlian 
 the French ambitious thous;hts fliould now 
 afpire to greamefs of fliipping, it were far 
 better, happier, and lafer for us, to pro- 
 claim an cverlafl:ing war agiiinft them, 
 than by a fuflcring peace, they (hould at- 
 tain to a fl:rength by fea ; for princes in 
 matters of moft importance ought to go- 
 vern by rules of n;ate, and to be direded 
 by precedents of times. 
 
 We will not oppole the FrrwcA gi'cat- 
 nefs amongfl: thcmiclves at home,' wlicn it 
 fhall have no relation to us abroad : But 
 if France will not be contented with what 
 they have been, but labour to be greater 
 than we think fit they fliould be, wifdom 
 bids us provide for the bell -, which we can- 
 not better do, than to abate their pride and 
 
 power
 
 4H 
 
 Sir William Monfon'i Na^ai Trails. 
 
 Book V; 
 
 MoNsoN. power in tlie beginning; for it is an old 
 ^•'V^vj laying. That peace and power are incom- 
 patible, and live not long together; and 
 the ftrongell: pillar of peace, is to take away 
 the occafion that may breed a war. 
 
 But in cafe, according to my propofi- 
 tion, that IraHce^ out of matters of Itate, 
 (hall feek to give aflillance to Holland, and 
 we to impeach it at fea, this that follows 
 ftiall direft thofe that have the command 
 of fo great and weighty a charge as the 
 government of our feas. 
 
 Our fleet, confifting of a number of 
 fliips, muft be divided into three fqua- 
 drons, and appoint three feveral places for 
 their rendezvous, (viz.) the Downs, the 
 ifle of Wight, and Guernfey, all of tliem 
 oppofite to the harbours in France, be- 
 twixt Calais in Picardyy and Ufiant in Bri- 
 tany. 
 
 Our fquadrons are to work according 
 to winds; for that wind which is danger- 
 ous for us to keep the French coaft, is im- 
 poffible for their fhips to put out of har- 
 bour, as I have formerly ffjewed ; and there- 
 fore we need not put ourfelves to hazard, 
 but upon a juft occafion, when the wind 
 fhall ferve them. 
 
 Although fome of their ports are better 
 than others, yet there is none of them in 
 the diftance aforefaid but are bad harbours, 
 and dry from half tide to half tide, that 
 a fhip cannot get either in or out, but by 
 favour of a whole tide. 
 
 And it is moreover to be confidered, 
 that there is no wind that will carry a fhip 
 out of thofe harbours of France into Holland 
 or Zealand, but a foutherly or wefterly 
 •wind i for though they may put out to fea 
 with an eafterly wind, yet being at fea, 
 they cannot recover the places aforelaid, 
 and therefore had better keep the harbours, 
 and avoid the danger of meeting us at fea : 
 and befides, that fuch winds as atorefaid will 
 carry them out of harbour into Holland, we 
 (hall be as ready to take the advantage of 
 them from our own coaft, as themfelves 
 can be from theirs; confidering what time 
 they muft have to embark their men and 
 provifions, and obferve their tides for go- 
 ing forth of their ports. The Downs lie 
 conveniently to guard Calais, Bullen, Sf. 
 Vallery, and Havre-de-Grace; the ifle of 
 Wight will have an eye over Diepe, Sher- 
 brook, and all the creeks to the Hagg ; the 
 iflands of Guernfey and Jerfey will do the 
 like to St. Makes, which is a port of 
 greateft importance on that coaft. 
 
 But the places of greateft weight, are 
 Brejl, Blavet, and fome other harbours for 
 the entertainment of their beft and greateft 
 Ihips, which lie eaft and fouth-eaft from 
 UJhant, and not within the channel oppo- 
 fite to England. 
 
 But thofe French (liips that fhall there 
 remain, muft have two contrary winds to 
 bring them into our channel ; the one to 
 get about Ujhant; and that being done, the 
 other is to fail into Holland, in which 
 courfe they muft pafs our three fquadrons 
 aforefaid, and will find it impoffible to 
 clcape us. 
 
 Havre-de-Cruce, which is the fecond good 
 harbour next to St. Makes, lying betwixt 
 Calais and UJl:ant, is in the fame ftate of 
 Brcft and Blavet, which muft have two con- 
 trary winds to carry them to Holland; 
 though they be nearer to Holland by many 
 leagues, yet they fhall run the fame hazard 
 and peril of Brejl, as I have declared. 
 
 Thus you fee how eafy a thing it is to 
 prevent the French and Hollanders meeting, 
 if a difcreet and undeiftanding commander 
 have the rule of things, and knows what 
 belongs to it. 
 
 For the better information of thofe that 
 fhall be employed, I will fet down the 
 ftate and condition of every harbour in 
 France. 
 
 1'he ftate of the harbours ;k France. 
 
 THERE is a bank in the middle be- 
 twixt Dover and Calais, fouth from 
 Dover, and weft and by fouth from Calais, 
 that has but four fathoiji at low w^ter, and 
 four leagues long. , 
 
 The Old-Man is a good road for north- 
 eaft, eaft or fouth-eaft wind, fix or {even 
 fathom deep. 
 
 St. John's road, nigh to it, is a good 
 road lor the fame wind, and is fifteen or 
 fixteen fithom deep. 
 
 Bullen is a barred harbour, and dry at 
 low water. 
 
 The river of Somme, where St. P'allery 
 ftands, if it were not for a bank that lies at 
 the entrance thereof, were a good har- 
 bour. 
 
 From the Old-Man to Diepe, fouth-fouth- 
 vvcft, betwixt them lies the river oi Hen ; 
 the lov/ n o{ Treport is upon it, at low water 
 dry. 
 
 Diepe at full fea three fathom: there are 
 three bouys to direft you at half flood : fmall 
 fhips may go in at low water dry. 
 
 Feckhan, four leagues, weft-fouth-weft, 
 a good harbour, two fathom at low water. 
 
 Havre-de-Grace, at high water, three fa- 
 thom ; and at low water one. There is no 
 fliiling from hence up the river of Seine to 
 Roan, without a pilot. 
 
 Caen is fix leagues fouth-weft from Sand- 
 Head, a barred harbour, and full of fands 
 going in. 
 
 Four leagues eaftward lies the ifland of 
 St. Afark, and to be failed about, but foul 
 ground. 
 
 The
 
 Book V« 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s, 
 
 The bay of Hogs is a good road for 
 north-north-eaft winds, and, indeed, for all 
 
 winds. 
 
 Cherbourg is a fmall dry creek. 
 
 From thence is Faux-Mobcril, a dry ha- 
 ven. 
 
 A league from hence is cape de Ihigue : 
 well, three leagues from this cipc, lictli yll- 
 dernay, weft-and-by-jiorth, almoft three 
 leagues long, eaft and weft: the eaft is good 
 to fail near the fhore, but the weft is bad, 
 and the fouth fide worfe. 
 
 From Aldernay to Guemfey, weft-fouth- 
 weft, eight leagues-, the call end oi' Gitern-- 
 fey is flat, the weft ftoopy. Beware of the 
 ifland of y^roH; it is full of rocks : betwixt 
 the caftle and the land it is a good road at 
 •fix or leven fathom, and without the caftle 
 at twelve or thirteen fathom: it ebbs or flows 
 liere at fix or feven fathom up and down. 
 There is good anchoring round about the 
 ifland. 
 
 From Gticrnfey to St. Malo's feven leagues 
 fouth-fouth-eaft, and to Sacke., eaft-and- by- 
 north, one league : you may anchor about 
 it at twenty-fix or twenty-feven fathom. 
 
 From Gnernjeyiojerfey, fouth-eaft, eight 
 leagues: There is good anchoring at Giiern- 
 fey round about it, and yet there lie rocks 
 to the weft fide: on the north- fide there is 
 a good road for a north-weft wind. CatC' 
 line Bay ^ on the eaft fide, is a very good road. 
 You may go between Jerfey and the rocks, 
 called Pater-Nofier., eleven fathom, and an- 
 chor at 'Trinity Bay. 
 
 From the weft end o^ Jerfey to St. Malo's, 
 fouth-and-by-eaft, eiglu or nine leagues. 
 In the way there are rocks called the Monks. 
 
 The courfe from the Hagg to St. Malo's 
 by Grande Ville., Mount St. Michael, and 
 Caiicall, is full of rocks and fixnds. 
 
 The ifland near St. Malo's, called Zezcm- 
 bre,, a fliip may go round about it fafely. 
 
 The tides hereabouts rife and fall feven 
 fathom. There is no entrance but for fmall 
 Ihips into St. Malo's, 
 
 4^5 
 
 About five le.igucs weft from thence licthMoNS""- 
 a great iandy bay, where one may ride fix or '-''Y""^ 
 feven fitthom at all winds. 
 
 You may ride about the iflands of Bri- 
 fack; antl a league and a half from hence 
 are the iflands of Pickle, iflands which you 
 may fail about; asalfo the feven iflands, at 
 four fathom, as likewileGr^fw/rtwi. 
 
 I'he haven of 67. John's de Dicu, three 
 leagues fr.m Morlaix, is a barred harbour; 
 from whence you may go to Morlaix through 
 the rocks, and anchor in five f uhom water. 
 
 All havens thereabouts are barretl, but 
 Rofco, which is deep water, and has many 
 good fliips belonging to it. It is the Bus 
 that makes Rofco lb good a harbour. 
 
 Brefl is tiie bcft harbour in all Franc<\ 
 and BLivct the next: Odogerne is a goocl 
 harbour; the bank before it is five or fix fa- 
 thom deep on both fides ; there is three Hx- 
 thom within at low water. 
 
 IVefl Penmark is a good harbour, three 
 fathom at low water. Bindett is a dange- 
 rous harbour for rocks. 
 
 There is good anchoring about the iflanil 
 of Mutton and Groyc. 
 
 Blavet is an excellent harbour, four fa- 
 thom at low water. 
 
 Morbeaii is a gootl harbour, but forccablc 
 tides, eight or nine fathom; within the eaft 
 fide is a bokl fliore. 
 
 Behind the weft point of Croifick there is 
 a good road, at five, fix, or feven fathom, 
 and fafe as in a harbour. 
 
 The river of Nancy is a good harbour, 
 feven or eight fathom water ; but you mull 
 have a pilot. 
 
 The ifland ILycs has no good road; but 
 the beft is a fouth-weft, or weft- fouth- weft 
 wind. 
 
 St. Martin's twelve leagues, eaft-ibuth- 
 eaft from Pleyes. 
 
 From St. Martin's to St. John de Luz, is 
 fifty-four leagues, and never a harbour in the 
 way, hat Bourdeaux, worthy to be account- 
 ed, being all of them barred harbours. 
 
 A projcSi how to ivar upon Holland, if the)' ghc occafiou. 
 
 IF the Hollanders fhall negleft our favours 
 and friendfliips, or become obftinate, 
 perverfe, and infolent, and fo proud withal 
 as to difdain us, I have not that miftruft 
 of the force of England, but that it will 
 prove the revenge, and punifli their un- 
 thankfulnefs, as well by what I have faid in 
 the precedent project, as by this that fol- 
 lows ; for as in natural bodies, the longer 
 they live in health, ficknefs is the more 
 dangerous when it afliliils them, fo it will 
 prove in an unfuccefsful war of the Hollan- 
 ders, who have fo long failed with a pro- 
 
 ^'OL. III. 
 
 fperous and fortunate gale, when at laft they 
 tafte of the perverfenefs of fortune. 
 
 What can they value themfelves upon, (to 
 fpeak truly,) but England dcferves the ho- 
 nour of it ? We were the firft that gave 
 them life; and it is fuch a life, if they 
 would confider it, that if we feed them not, 
 they faint and fimifli. Let them remember 
 an old obfervation of ftate, That he voho en- 
 tertains an army of fir angers, takes a •xolf hy 
 the ear; for as it is dangerous to detain 
 them, fo it is more perilous to let them go. 
 And if his majefty at any time call home his 
 5 P fubjeas
 
 4i<5 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ NcWiil Tra^s. 
 
 BcoK V. 
 
 MoNsos.fubje(5ls from 
 ^•OT^ die wolves to 
 
 their fcrvice, that have been 
 their enemies, they will loon 
 become filly fhecp for others to prey upon ; 
 for things eafily and inilawhilly gotten, are 
 fooneft loft and confiimcd, if they be not 
 fupported. 
 
 li England at any time excepts againfi; 
 their ill ufage, and calls them to account 
 for injuries, they will find that we are the 
 flrongcr, and able to give them laws, and 
 they the weaker, to accept of the lefs evil -, 
 for where can they trade, but they fhall find 
 interruption by us, laying afide their pai- 
 fage through our leas? that without our 
 leave and harbours, they cannot iubfift m 
 their navigations ? But now to my purpofe, 
 to what I have in hand. 
 
 I will imitate the marquifs ofSanla Cruz, 
 a man eminent in Spain for his experience, 
 imployment, and good fuccefs in feaaftions, 
 who upon the breach of peace with England 
 in 1585, prefented to the king his matter 
 a relation how his territories flaould be de- 
 fended, and the EngliJIj annoy'd. 
 
 And as an imitator of the marquifs, I ad- 
 vife, feeing we know not how foon matters 
 of unkindnefs may burft out betwixt Hol- 
 land and us, that in the mean time we in- 
 form ourfelvesof the true ftate of their pro- 
 vinces by fea -, and that there be a choice 
 made of two fufficient feamen to be fent in 
 a fecret manner into the Low Counties, to 
 take a view of their Ihipping, as namely, 
 the number of veflTels, their ordnance, and 
 quality of them •, to inquire of their Ihips 
 abroad, and the conditions of them at large ; 
 of their number of mariners, and to diftin- 
 guifh betwixt the fifliermen and failors ■, to 
 inquire of the decay of their trades, if their 
 men and fhips be imploy'd in warfare ; to 
 obferve how a war with Eugla?id will relifh 
 with the multitude, and where and how 
 they think moft to annoy us ; for thefe 
 things are neceflary to be known from an 
 enemy. 
 
 The next muft be to fupply and guard 
 our forts and caftles on the fea-coaft •, for 
 it is a main and important thing to keep 
 the Hollanders from, the fuccour of our har- 
 bours ; and if they be forced to keep the 
 fea in foul weather, with contrary winds and 
 long nights, the length and narrownefs of 
 cur channels, the clifts of England and 
 France will be inriched with their wrecks. 
 
 Such towns feated oppofite to Holland and 
 Zealand, ought to be extraordinarily guard- 
 ed and fortified, but efpecially Sandwich, 
 Harwich, and Tarmouth, in refpeft of their 
 harbours and roads to entertain fleets, their 
 natural fituation for ftrength, and the num- 
 ber of people there refident that are defcend- 
 cd from Holland. 
 
 "But how all thefe places fliould be guard- 
 ed and defended by Ihipping that are lb far 
 2 
 
 diftant and remote from one another, there 
 refts the difiiculty. 
 
 In this cafe v/e muft work according to 
 the winds ; lor all lea aftions are guided by 
 it. And fuppofe the Hollanders with an 
 caftcrly wind direift their courfe for Har- 
 wich, Tarmouth, or other northern parts of 
 England cr Scotland ; and that our fhips 
 with that wind lie in the Doivns, which is 
 our ordinary rendezvous, this northerly or 
 noith-eaft wind is full in our teeth to pur- 
 ine them. 
 
 Or by keeping the fea with our fhips, 
 our meeting is as uncertain, the lea being 
 wide and Ipacious •, and if we be taken with 
 a hard gale of wind, and put to leeward, 
 whilft we feek to fetch it up again, they 
 fhall have time and leifure to land where 
 they lift, as I can inftance in this cafe many 
 precedents. 
 
 And therefore, inftead of the Downs, 
 I conclude Tarmouth to be the only road 
 for the rendezvous and feat of our flap- 
 ping -, for there we Ihall be ready upon all 
 occafions to fet lail, what wind foever fliall 
 bring an enemy from Holland, though it 
 were into the river of 'Thames, or the nor- 
 thern parts, having the leaft warning, which 
 we cannot fail of with fire-beacons, or pin- 
 naces to be kept at fea. And as the advan- 
 tage of an invader is to work with the advan- 
 tage of the wind, fo muft the defendant feek 
 as well to prevent them by the fame advan- 
 
 tage of wind. 
 
 The next thing I would wifli to be put 
 in execution, which rather fhould be the 
 firft, as of moft importance, as I have al- 
 ready declared, is, the guard of his maje- 
 fly's fhips in harbour at Chatham ; for the 
 profperity and welfare of England confifts in 
 their fafety : and if Holland fliould prove 
 an enemy, now that Flujhing is in their pof- 
 feflion, and within fourteen or fifteen hours 
 fail from Chatham, gives them a brave op- 
 portunity. 
 
 I think good to give this caution, that 
 an attempt upon the navy is more perilous 
 for an enemy to the eaftward of us, as Hol- 
 land, Denmark, Sweden, and Germany, than 
 from the fouthward, as France, Spain, or 
 the Straights ; for fhips from the eaftward 
 are able to come direftly with one wind 
 from the countries aforefaid, as thole from 
 the fouthward muft have two contrary 
 winds, the one at fouth-weft, to bring them 
 to the Downs, and after, an eafterly windj 
 to carry them to Chatham, which, perhaps, 
 will not happen in an age. 
 
 And it is not unworthy confideration, 
 how fatal thofe eafterly countries have been 
 to this kingdom, firft by the Saxons, and 
 after by the Danijb conqueft. 
 
 iVIy next advice is, that we ftrive by all 
 means pofTible to pofl"efs ourfelves of the 
 
 towa
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Ajon fonV Navd TraSis. 
 
 4^7 
 
 town of Flujhi>ig, being of more importance 
 to our ftate than any town of Europe, as I 
 will declare in my next projeft : firft, we 
 fliall be iircngthened with as many fliips 
 as belong to A^Uddlcburgh and Flufloiitg : fe- 
 condly, it will draw all the reft of Zcc.lnnd 
 into our fubjeftion, the principal harbour 
 being Flufl^ing : thirdly, it will be a bridle 
 to Holland; for they can no more maintain 
 their navigations to the fouthward, than a 
 llibjed; to live under a king, and difobey his 
 laws; Tov\^th\vin^FlttJ}jing, and guarding 
 the Doivus in Kent, all fuccours and fafety 
 for tlieir Ihips upon that coaft is taken from 
 ihem. 
 
 Now to proceed to tiie Hollanders en- 
 countering us at fea-, for that it muft come 
 to, not once but often, if wars ever happen 
 betwixt us. 
 
 They will in reafon labour to put their 
 fortune upon the firft battle at fea, becaufe 
 their ftate cannot maintain a long and lin- 
 gering war with us : fecondly, their fliips 
 and mariners, by which they live to fup- 
 port their ftate, their revenues being contri- 
 butions raifed out of trade, necefliirily muft 
 fail, when their fliips and men are convert- 
 ed to any other ufe than merchandize ; but 
 efpecially when the fune fhips and men muft 
 be maintained out of this kind of revenue, 
 which was wont to bring in gain. 
 
 Thirdly, the viftory firft gotten redou- 
 bles the courage of the viftor ; it aftonilhes 
 and diilieartens the vanquiflied ; it fhakcs 
 the fidelity of fubjefts, many whereof are 
 too much inclined to the Holland fi^6lion •, 
 it gets reputation, and gains friends and 
 alliances abroad, who commonly fway with 
 good fuccefs : and therefore, I wifh we ne- 
 ver prefent them, at the firft incounter, with 
 lefs force than to determine the quarrel. 
 
 The benefit the Hollanders fhall make 
 upon our coaft, is, the ufe of our roads, 
 though we debar them our harbours ; which 
 roads are open, fpacious, undefenfible, and 
 will fuccour them in all winds and weathers, 
 as namely, the IJlc of Wight, Portland, 'Tor- 
 bay, t?c. 
 
 And to prevent them herein, muft be to 
 divide our fleet into three fquadrons, as I 
 have often faid before ', and being fo divi- 
 ded, no fhip can efcape us -, for though 
 they fhall pafs one fquadron in the night 
 unfeen, or in a fog, they cannot avoid fal- 
 ling into the lap of one of the other two : 
 And we fhall make our Eajl- India voyage 
 no farther than our own channel •, for their 
 fliips muft pafs it going and coming. 
 
 I will not omit to put in execution a 
 ftratagem when our fleet fhall be thus divi- 
 ded, viz. to place along the fea-fhores fires 
 like beacons from the cape oi Corn'xall, to 
 the North-Foreland in Kent^ with a care 
 
 they be well watched and guarded -, that Monson. 
 when a fleet fliall be dcfcried at fea, or fliips ^^Or^^ 
 arrive in the road aforcfaid, tlie beacons 
 next adjoining to be fired, and like a run- 
 ning poll, one fire to take it of another, 
 that in a little fpace an eafterly fquadron 
 fliall have notice what happeneth to the 
 wcftward, and the weft to the eaft ; fo ciiat 
 howfoever the wind is, one of the fquadrons 
 fliall come round upon the other, and upon 
 the fliips in the roads aforefaid. 
 
 But perhaps feme will fay, that if fo few 
 fliips as thofe of Dunkirk did fo great a fpoil 
 to us in time of war, what can we expect 
 but dcrtruction from the Hollanders, that 
 have an hundred vcflTelo to one of the others 
 in tliofe days. 
 
 To whicli I anfwer, that though thel)««- 
 kirkers took many fliips in the queen's time, 
 yet they never lelfencd ours ncjr the Hcllan- 
 ders numbers •, for by reafon their harbours 
 were not to be entered at all hours and 
 tides, but only at a half-flood, they ufcd 
 to take out the mafters and merchants as 
 pledges to perform fuch conditions as they 
 agreed upon for releafing the fliip and goods. 
 And at that time they Ifood in that danger 
 of our Ihips, and the Hollanders who guard- 
 ed the coafts, that they durft not keep their 
 prizes longer than they had made this con- 
 iradl aforelaid. 
 
 But with us it will be otherwife -, for all 
 fuch fliips as we take, we fliall be able to 
 enjoy without danger or fear, our coafts and 
 harbours being nigh us, our ports ca[)able 
 at all times and tides to receive us. And I 
 dare boldly affirm, that if his niajefly will 
 give free liberty to his fiibjeds to take and 
 Ipoil as many Hollanders as they can in 
 their trades at fea, in a little fpace they will 
 be able of themfelves, without his majclty's 
 help or afTiftance, to take or deftroy the 
 better part of their vefTels within their pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 For let us compare them with the pirates 
 oi Algiers and Tunis, who till of late years, 
 that they were inftrucled by Chriftians, 
 were ignorant in what belonged to fliips or 
 mariners : and if we confidercd in what lit- 
 tle fpace they increafed to the number they 
 are now of, being all of them fliips of 
 Chriftians, and not one of their own, it is 
 to be marvelled, and our cafe to be com- 
 pared with it. 
 
 For if we fit, furnifh, and man fuch fliips 
 as we fliall take from the Hollanders, and ini- 
 ploy them againft the//(;//(?;;^«v themfelves j 
 the natural inclination of our men at fea con- 
 fidered, the imall expence in rigging, vic- 
 tualling, and furnifhing them -, the little dif- 
 tance they fliall lail both outward and home- 
 ward, and the continual llipplics from land 
 they fliall receive j for one fliip the pirates 
 
 of
 
 4^8 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Travis. 
 
 EooK V, 
 
 Mo I 
 
 • of Jlgicrs luive taken, as aforefaid, we 
 flv.ill become owners of forty, and make 
 one of them the dcftrufbion of another, 
 without liirther lielp, either at home cr 
 abroad. 
 
 For fccuring our N^'ViraJlk trade, it mud 
 be to fortify our (hips with ordnance, to 
 go in fleets, and to fail near the fliore, ti^u 
 if they be chaced, or in danger of taking, 
 to run on land. The countries upon the 
 fea-coaft niuil be commanded to keep a 
 good watch in the day-time, and to be rea- 
 dy to relcue any fliips that fliall be fo di- 
 llreired. 
 
 And becaufe I have named the fliips of 
 Nev:c(ijlle, I will Hiy fomething of them, 
 and compare them with the fliips of Hol- 
 land, which fome of my countrymen fo 
 much magnify, and hold fo terrible, that 
 they are frighted with the name of then., 
 and defire to fright others. 
 
 What I fliall fay may perhaps be won- 
 dered at, and my judgment by fome taxed ; 
 but, if well confidered, it will not feem 
 fo great an error, as upon the firfl: appre- 
 henfion. 
 
 I will compute two hundred fail of fhips, 
 betwixt two and three hundred tuns in bur- 
 den, belonging to the trade of Newcqftle, 
 veflels for their fl:rength in building, for 
 their fpacioufnefs within board, for the 
 decks to place their ordnance, and all other 
 conveniency to make men of war, I dare 
 fay HoUcind has not the like. 
 
 If thefe fliips be fortified with Engliflj 
 ordnance, which Holland affords not, but 
 with grief I may fay, is lupplied from us •, 
 and if one hundred of our trained foldiers 
 be put on board every one of them, which 
 we may do of our own nation, and which 
 Holland cannot do, unlefs they difTolve their 
 land-army, and put themfelves into the 
 mercy of the enemy, I will be bold to fay, 
 that thefe fhips alone will be able to en- 
 counter the whole force of the Netherlands -, 
 and, as I have computed but two hundred 
 fhips, by a projefl contained in this book 
 we fliall double the number of two hundred, 
 and, by confequence, be as fl:rong again. 
 
 Though this trade feems to be but of 
 fmall account, in refped of the groffnefs of 
 the commodity, that it is amongfl: our- 
 felves, and in the kingdom, and that the 
 fhips return from London unladen, yet we 
 may account it of mofl: importance and 
 confequence to tlic ftate of E7igland, confi- 
 dering the multitude of mariners it breeds, 
 
 and the readinefs of them for his majefty's 
 fervice, when he has fuddcn occafion to 
 ufe them -, for every three weeks thefe fliij^s 
 never fiiil to make their repair into the ri- 
 ver of T'hania, if they be not hindered by 
 wind ; as all other trades but this is out of 
 the kingdom, and upon their voyages in 
 fumircr, that if his majefly have need to 
 furnifli but two of his fliips to fea, there 
 v/ill not be found mariners lufHcient to man 
 them, if it be not for the Nrji-ca/lle trade. 
 Leaving this, I will once more return to 
 our annoying xhc Hollander s. 
 
 And if we go further from home to feek 
 out the Hollanders, yea, as far as the Eafi- 
 Indics, a place that hath pufted them up 
 with pride, and has bred a heart of difdain 
 againll us, more for the number of their 
 fliips that refort thither, and the length of 
 their navigation, than for any profit they 
 find there. The next voyage we under- 
 take fliall be to feek them in their return 
 from thence, in a defolate and uninhabited 
 ifland called Afatirichts, after the name of 
 the laft prince of Orange, lying in the 
 courfe betwixt thofe places of the Indies they 
 trade to, and the cape of Good Hope. This 
 ifland affords them great comfort and re- 
 frefliing, which makes their navigation 
 much the eafier and commodious ; and as 
 the meeting of fliips is more certain in a 
 harbour than at fea, fo is ours the more fure 
 to find and take them there. 
 
 If it happen that the Hollanders fill falling 
 in with that ifland, which niufl proceed 
 more out of negligence than will ; for they 
 are to expeft a great lliccour in their way 
 home by that ifland, then they repair to 
 Saldanna bay, near the cape of Good Hope i 
 or mining that, then to the ifland of Santa 
 Hellcna, well known to us, and long fre- 
 quented by the Porttigtiefes -, for no other 
 places can fuccour their unfutferable wants. 
 
 And though we fhould fail to meet them 
 in any of thefe places aforelaid, neverthelefs 
 they cannot account themfelves flife at home, 
 when they remember the long diftance they 
 have to fail, and the dangers they are to 
 pafs through our channel, if we become 
 their enemies, unlefs they avoid us, by go- 
 ing into the north part of Scotland, which 
 in my fifhing projeft I have handled. 
 
 There are' many other ways to ofl^end 
 the Hollanders, which I forbear to fpeak of, 
 referring them to my breaff, till there be 
 occafion •, and I will profecute my defign. 
 upon the ifland of IVakerland.
 
 Book V. 
 
 3ir William MonfonV Na'val Tnt&s. 
 
 419 
 
 AprojcB hoiv to get po/effion of the {(land of Wakerland, // the King of Eng- ^°,^- 
 
 land isoill compound with the natives. 
 
 IN my former projecfl I wldi'd as a 
 matter of greaceft importance to our 
 ftate, to feek and get the poflefTion of the 
 ifland of fVakerlarul, wherein Flujhing is 
 feated ; the reafons whereof I have in fome 
 kind declared ; and now fhall follow the 
 manner how to compafs it with confent 
 and liking of the inhabitants, if they will 
 accept and hearken to reafon, before we at- 
 tempt them with violence or force : for it 
 is a maxim. He that is mafier of the fea^ 
 fiall he able both to take and defend Flufhing 
 or mofi iflands. 
 
 The iirft thing we muft put in execution, 
 we muft have a book printed and divulged 
 in the name of fome perfon, pretending to 
 be born there -, and advifing the inhabitants 
 of the ifland to hearken to his reafons, be- 
 ing moved to write out of a natural affec- 
 tion he bears his country. 
 
 His firft reafon is for them to confider the 
 end for which they have fo long fought, 
 {viz.) their religion, their liberty, their fe- 
 curity, and their commodity, and have not 
 as yet attain'd them, nor like to do, fo 
 long as the king of Spain is made able to 
 fubfift in that war. 
 
 The fecond confideration, is how to com- 
 pafs thefe four ends by a more gentle and 
 eafy courfe than by war, which may be ef- 
 fedted if they will judicioufly weigh the en- 
 fuing reafons. 
 
 The book muft make it appear, what 
 difcourtefies and oppreffions Holland im- 
 pofes continually on them -, which indeed 
 is unfufFerable •, but that both their fecuri- 
 ty depends upon their mutual agreement, be- 
 caufe of the third that is enemy to them 
 both. 
 
 To wifli them to confider. That though 
 their payments in the ifland of JVakerland 
 do equal Holland in their proportion, and 
 that their men of war of Zealand are 
 efteem'd and known to be more warlike, 
 and to have done braver exploits than the 
 Hollanders by fea, yet notwithftanding what 
 fervice is done, either by land or fea, is all 
 attributed to Holland ; for Zealand and PVa- 
 kerland is not once mentioned j and there- 
 fore to advile them to divide themfelves 
 from Holland, that their worths and virtues 
 may appear to the world. 
 
 The way to attain to happinefs muft be 
 by the countenance and afliitance of fome 
 powerful neighbour prince to rely upon •, 
 and England, above the reft, would be able 
 to obtain that for them, in a peaceable man- 
 ner, which with the lofs of their blood, 
 they could not enjoy in feventy or eighty 
 
 Vol. IIL 
 
 years of war: and if the enfuing conditions 
 may be yielded to, by the king of Eng- 
 land, they may boldly flieath up their fwords, 
 and never have caufe hereafter to draw them 
 
 The condition on which the inhabitants are to 
 contrast with the king of England. 
 
 The beginning of all mens actions muft 
 tend to the fervice of God, every one ac- 
 cording to his private confcience j and no 
 other king in thefe parts of the world, but 
 the king of England, does maintain the re- 
 ligion by them profefled ; and for the bet- 
 ter proof thereof, his majefty's father, of fit- 
 mous memory, fhewed himfcif a principal 
 pillar, and the abfolute caufe to fettle the 
 true religion in their provinces ; as it ap- 
 peared by the council of Dort, againft the 
 innovation of the Armenians ; which feft 
 ^Fakerland was never known to favour or 
 embrace : nor will his majefty afliime the 
 nomination of their elders, or preachers, or 
 meddle with their church-difcipline, but re- 
 fer it to themfelves. 
 
 Whereas they are over-charged with con- 
 tributions and excifes, in the government 
 they now live under, they may condition 
 with his majefty, to eafe them the moiety of 
 what they now pay, and the other moiety 
 be referved for defence againft an enemy ; 
 or in ibrtihcations or maintenance of garri- 
 fons ; all which foldiers to be Englifj, as 
 people that are no ftrangers to them in ac- 
 quaintance or conditions, as they have made 
 proof when they lived together, without 
 any kind of difcourtefies. 
 
 Forafmuch as many times they appeal to 
 the general ftates, refiding in the Hague, or 
 upon occafion they are often called thither, 
 to their great expence and difcontent, they 
 fhall be eafed of that trouble and charge, 
 and determine all queftions, and lettle their 
 affairs amongft themfelves, by authority 
 from his majefty, without having relation 
 to any other provinces : this will prove a 
 greater freedom and liberty than they 
 could all this while compafs by the fword, 
 or can otherwife do by any way they can 
 think of. 
 
 His majefty by this grant, and other im- 
 munities he may give, without innovation 
 or infringing their ancient laws and cuftoms, 
 will make them freer than ever they have 
 been -, and his protection will be fo ftrong 
 a defence to them, that no piince or nation 
 dare offer to injure them, either at home or 
 abroad. 
 
 5 Q. ^
 
 430 
 
 MONSOK. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 Book V 
 
 It is apparent what benefit they fhall reap 
 by thefc privilcgirs: Firft, in eafing them 
 of the moiety of their excifes ; but moil 
 cfpccialiy, if his majefty will be drawn to 
 grant tiiein the privilege of his fiibjeds in 
 their culloms within his own dominions, 
 and to have a freedom of their fliips to take 
 freights within his majefty's ports, which 
 the laws of the land prohibit to any but his 
 own fubjcdls ; this will be much greater 
 to their advantage and profit, than ever 
 they fhall attain to by living under the go- 
 vernment they now do. 
 
 Perhaps his majefty may be drawn to 
 confent to the remove of the Englijh ftaple 
 from Dilpb to Middlehorougb, where it had 
 long continued heretofore, to the commo- 
 dity of the whole ifland, as themfelves beft 
 know. 
 
 In yielding their obedience to his maje- 
 fty, is no new precedent amongft them- 
 felves; for in the year 1424, after Holland, 
 Frizeland and Zealand, with the ifland of 
 M^akerland, had continued in the line of 
 ^hieri of jquitain, the fpace of fix hundred 
 years, Jacoline, widow and heirefs of thefe 
 provinces, refigned them to Philip I. duke 
 
 of Burgundy ; by which 
 
 refignation 
 
 thefe 
 
 three ftates became joined to Flanders, and 
 the reft of the provinces, and ftill continue 
 in the line of Philip. 
 
 If thefe people may enjoy their religion 
 quietly, their liberties freely, their fecurity 
 peaceably, their commerce, trade, and 
 wealth plentifully, and have the honour to 
 be fubjedl to lb mighty a king ; no man 
 can juftly pity them, if by rcfufing it they 
 fall into the hands of enemies. 
 
 And if their pride and obftinacy refufe 
 this folid advice of a friend, as the ftate of 
 Efigland now ftands, that by our permiffion 
 the Hollanders are grown to fo great a 
 ftrength by fea, it behoves us to feck a re- 
 medy for our fafeties ; which cannot be 
 better done, than by poflefling the ifland 
 of Wakcrland, which does more concern us 
 than any plot of ground ellewhere. 
 
 And if we be put by force to enjoy it, 
 there is no more to be faid than I have often 
 repeated •, That fb long as we are llronger 
 by fea, that we keep our ports guarded and 
 armed, and prohibit their entrance into 
 them, not only all Wakerland, but Holland 
 and Zealand, will be at our devotion as 
 aforefaid, as may appear by the projeft that 
 went before. 
 
 Of the harbours of Holland, Zealand, arid Flanders, iti order, if ime have 
 
 Wars, to take advantage of them. 
 
 V'l.: 
 
 THE Texel has three channels, where- 
 of the Spaniard's,, or the king's, is the 
 beft : when you are within, there is a good 
 road under the ifland of "Texel -, and from 
 thence you go up to ylmjlerdam, and all 
 places within the Zurich Sea. 
 
 To the northward of the Texel lies the 
 Vlie, a good channel, but narrow ; for fhips 
 that come out of the Zurich Sea, there are 
 two channels going out of the Vlie. 
 
 From the Texel to the Maefe, S. S. W. 
 twenty-four leagues-, the Maefe goes in- 
 to the Brill, and has three channels, whereof 
 one is better than the reft, and has fixteen 
 foot at a full fea: within the Brill the 
 channel carries them to Skedam, Roter- 
 dam, Delph-Haven, and other places there- 
 abouts. The old Maeje carries them up to 
 Don. 
 
 From the Maefe, or the Brill, up to Goree, 
 two leagues S. W. The Goree hath eighteen 
 foot at low water ; and lb you may go up 
 at Helvoet-Sluice, where you may ride with 
 the greatcft fliip of Holland. 
 
 From Goree to the ifland of TFakerland., 
 
 fix leagues S. W. The ifland of Scowden 
 is betwixt them ; and Bruers Haven is in 
 that ifland. 
 
 Fliifhing is the beft harbour in all Zea- 
 land, and lies in the ifland of IVakerland; 
 the channel has four fathom, at the water 
 going in. 
 
 From Flufhing to Graveling, twenty-four 
 leagues W. S. W. thefe harbours follow- 
 ing lie betwixt them, and all upon the coaft 
 of Flanders (viz.) OJiend, twelve leagues; 
 from thence to I'iewport, three 
 fom thence to Dunkirk five 
 from thence to Graveling, four leao-ues. 
 Mardike lies betwixt the two laft, and is 
 the beft harbour upon all that coaft, as it is 
 now made. 
 
 From the Texel to the Foreland in Eng- 
 land, S. W. forty-feven leagues. 
 
 From the Texel to Yarmouth, W. thirty- 
 two leagues ; from the Maefe to Harwich, 
 W. a little foutherly, twenty-nine leagues ; 
 from the Maefe, or Goree, S. W, and by W. 
 thirty-fix leagues ; from Flufoing to \!a!i.Fore- 
 land, W. twenty-four leagues. 
 
 leagues ; 
 leagues ; 
 
 J Projea
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Nanjal Tradh. 
 
 431 
 
 A froje5i how to tnake 'war upon Spain, ivrittm in the quec72's time, 
 to Sir Robert Cecil, hy her majejiy's ajf ointment. 
 
 and pre/cnted^°i^^oj). 
 
 THE continual annoyance our fmall 
 (hips of war have for many years of- 
 fered the Spaniards upon their own coafts, 
 makes them of late more provident than 
 before they were, by drawing home their 
 Ihips in fleets, that were wont to come llrag- 
 gling ; as may appear by the IVejl-Indies 
 trade, whofe fhips ftrove to be firft at home, 
 to take the better market ; but now they 
 ufe to repair to the Havana, where they 
 attend the coming of the plate fleet -, into 
 which fliips they put their filver, gold and 
 things of value •, and are wafted themfelves 
 by the fame fleet ; by which means few of 
 the India fliips, have been of late years 
 taken into England. 
 
 The Poriuguefe trade is more general than 
 the Spaniards ; as namely into the Eajl-In- 
 dies, Bra/d, Si. Thome, Caftle de la Mina, 
 and other parts of Guinea ; from the two 
 latter they ufe to fend their gold brigan- 
 tines to St. 'Thome, and tranfporc it into Por- 
 tugal with the fleet, which returns in Sep- 
 tember, both into Brqfd and hither ; they 
 freight the boats of Holland, and the eaft 
 country that are of good force, which defend 
 themfelves and their leflTer fliips in their 
 company from the Englijh. 
 
 Thefe fleets of later years have avoided 
 touching at the Tercera iflands, which were 
 ■wont to afford them relief and fuccour, be- 
 caufe they were continually haunted by the 
 Englijh; and fuch armada's as were wont 
 to be fent to thofe iflands, now keep off 
 the headlands on their own coafl:, as the 
 furefl: means to defend them •, for whofo- 
 ever feeks a coafl:, will firft fall with a head- 
 land or cape. 
 
 How to employ our fleets againft Spain. 
 
 The lafb fummer's good fortune that Hol- 
 land and we both had, in taking each of us 
 a carrack, may encourage us both to em- 
 ploy our fea forces againfl: Spain, being a 
 means to work us both fecurity, and for 
 Holland to profecute their wars with more 
 advantage : and if by one confent we agree 
 together, we mufl: refolve upon the imploy- 
 ment of two feveral fleets ; the number, the 
 time and manner how to employ them, with 
 the hopes of what we are to make by them, 
 are as follows : 
 
 The carracks outward : the plate fleet 
 homeward. 
 
 The Firm Land and New Spain fleets out- 
 ward. 
 
 The carracks and New Spain fleet home- 
 wards 
 
 The carracks departure from Lisbon is 
 certain -, for if they exceed the i 5th ot April, 
 they are commonly forced back, not being 
 able to double Abrolhos flioals on the coafl: of 
 Brofd in the eighteenth degree. 
 
 And, as I have iiiid before, that the 
 meeting of a fliip or fleet is more certain 
 upon a headland, nigh a port whither they 
 are bound, than in an open fea, where they 
 may efcape by nighr, by fog, by being to 
 leeward, or many other cafualties ; there- 
 fore, befides the grofs fleet that fliould make 
 good the coall of Spain, it were fit the 
 enemy were bufied in both his Indies ; and 
 how to oftend him in his Eaft-Indies, I have 
 fet down in this book ; to which I refer you. 
 Our fecond and moft material hope is upon 
 the plate fleet, whofe coming home is un- 
 certain ; though for the fpace of four or 
 five years pafl:, they have obferved the 
 months of March and April : the ports whi- 
 ther they refort are St. Lucar or Cadiz ; the 
 likelieft place of meeting them is cape St. 
 Mafy's, the headland they commonly make 
 before they put into St. Lucar. 
 
 The greatefl: doubt of meeting this fleer, 
 is the intelligence they may receive out of 
 Spain ; confidering the fmall diftance be- 
 twixt them and the Indies, and the certain- 
 ty of the winds, whereby they may give 
 warning to their fleet to winter there, if 
 they fee caufe; and therefore the fubtlefl: 
 and fecureft courfe to prevent them, is to fend 
 two or three pinnaces, excellent choice failers, 
 to lie before the Havana, to attend the 
 coming out of their fleet, and after to pur- 
 fue them afl:ern, till they bring them into 
 the height they mean to hail in ; which 
 done, one of the three pinnaces may repair 
 with all fpeed to our fleet, where they fliall 
 have direftions to find them, and give re- 
 lation in what fl:ate, and in what height 
 they left them : the other two pinnaces are 
 not to leave company of the fleet, unlefs the 
 fleet alter its height, which if they do, 
 one of the two pinnaces is to follow the 
 fame diredtions the other did, with this 
 caution. That if they find themfelves in 
 danger of being taken, they throw their in- 
 ftrudions over-board. 
 
 The third and lafl: hope of our fleet is 
 the fliips of Terra Firma, or the Firm Land, 
 which go for the next year's plate, and aie 
 commonly to depart from Spain, at the 
 coming home of the other fleet ; the place 
 to meet them is eighteen or twenty leagues 
 from Cape Canteen in Barhary. We n:ay 
 know by the wind, within a point or two, 
 how they will fteer, as alio the time of their 
 
 departure
 
 45^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^jal Tmcls. 
 
 Book V.ij 
 
 Mo N SON. (departure from S.'. Lucar by the moon-, 
 '""^y^*^ for they muft obfcrve the fpring-tides to 
 come ovlt the bar: wc may hkewife pro- 
 vide to have intelligence by the way ot M?- 
 tiiora or Sh/Iq; two towns in BarLaiy, op- 
 pofite to that part of Spain. 
 
 If we fliould prove fo unhappy as to mils 
 this fleet, if her majefty will purpofe this 
 fqiiadron to the Indict they will not tail 
 nueting with them at the northermoll part 
 of Dominica, where they ufe to water -, _ or 
 being departed from thence, their courfe is 
 certain to cape de Vek; and after to Nom- 
 bre de Dios, where commonly they take in 
 their treafiire, and where they may be eafi- 
 ]y furprized. 
 
 I will llippofe our fecond fleet to be' at 
 fea, upon return of our tirft, who have thefe 
 feveral hopes likewife: the carracks and 
 Ne-iv Spain fleet homeward -, and the Neio 
 Spain fleet outward. If her majefty will 
 relblve to keep a continual fleet, as is pro- 
 pofed, few of thefe fliips can poflibly efcape 
 us, either going or coming, feeing we know 
 the courfe they fail, the feafon of the year 
 they muft needs pals, and the harbours whi- 
 ther they are bound. 
 
 The hlew Spain fleet outward, is to de- 
 part from the lame part, through the fiime 
 leas, and in the fame courle, the Terra 
 Firma or Firm Land fleet doth ; only they 
 difter in the time of the year; for they ex- 
 ceed not their midfummer-day to fet fail 
 from Spain, becaufe of their fafe getting to 
 the port of St. John de Ulva, before the en- 
 trance of the northerly winds, which are 
 perillous upon that coaft. 
 
 Their watering-place is Guadalupe, where 
 a fmall fl;rength were able fuddenly to fur- 
 prize them ; their men and fliips being out of 
 order and frame, by their rummaging them, 
 and doing other works about them when 
 they come to water ■, and their force con- 
 firting but of two galleons of war, the one 
 admiral, the other vice-admiral. 
 
 The fecurity to our ft ate. 
 
 Thefe undertakings being followed ac- 
 cording to the defigns fet down, and taking 
 that good fuccefs that is hoped for, are one 
 great means to breed fecurity to our ftarc; 
 the enemy being impoveriOied, and we en- 
 riched. 
 
 Our only fecurity muft be to cut olT 
 Spain's forces by fea, feeing their means of 
 invafion and ftrength of defence depends 
 upon their fhipping: how this fervice may 
 be affeded, and the benefit that will arife 
 by it, is here briefly handled. 
 
 f'irft, and principally, we muft keep 
 employed two main fleets upon the coaft 
 of 6'^a/« eight months in the year, that is. 
 
 from Alarch to November % every fleet to 
 confift of forty-five ihips, to be divided 
 into three fquadrons -, one to lie oft" the rock 
 to intercept all traders of Lisbon; the fe- 
 cond at the fouth cape, to ftop all inter- 
 courle to St. Lucar and Cadiz, and to and 
 from the Indies; the third to the iflantls, 
 left they fliould there ftop, and put their 
 goods alliore, having intelligence of our 
 being upon the coaft of Spain. 
 
 Our fleet being thus divided, no army at 
 fea can be prepared, or at leaft gathered 
 to a head, but we ftiall intercept them ; we 
 fliall not only debar the Spaniards and Por- 
 tuguefis their own trade, but all nations to 
 them -, they will not be able to feed with- 
 out our permilHon; nor no nation can be 
 brought to greater extremity than they 
 will be. 
 
 Perhaps the number of thefe fhips will 
 exceed the proportion her majefty is willing 
 to imploy ; but ii Holland w'lW be drawn from 
 the tratle of Spain, and join with us, the 
 number may be eafily raifed by them, and our 
 maritime towns in England, fo that her ma- 
 jefty needs employ but fix fhips of her own 
 in each fleet, to fervc for admiral and vice- 
 admiral of every fquadron. 
 
 It is not the meaneft mifchief we fhall do 
 the king of Spain, if we war thus upon him 
 to force him to keep his fhores ftill armed 
 and guarded, to the infinite vexation, charge 
 and difcontent of his fubjefts; for no time 
 or place can fecure them, fo long as they fee 
 or know us to be upon the coalT. 
 
 The terror is fo great they conceive of 
 her majefty's fhips, that few of them pre- 
 fenting themfelves in view, do commonly 
 divert their actions, as may appear by thefe 
 brief obfervations following. 
 
 In the year 1587. Sir Francis Drake whh 
 twenty-five fliips prevented an expedition for 
 Efighnd that lummer, which theyattempt- 
 eil the next year, 1588. becaufe they were 
 not molefl:ed, as in the year before. 
 
 Our aftion to Portugal following fo fud- 
 denly upon the overthrow of 1588. made 
 the king of Spaiti lb far unable to of- 
 fend, that if it had been profecuted with 
 judgment, he had been in ill circumftances 
 to have defended it, or his other kingdoms. 
 
 From that time till 1599. he grew great 
 by fea, becaufe he was not bufied by us, as 
 before, as it appeared by the fleet that took 
 the Revenge-, which navy it is very likely 
 had been employ'd againft England, if it 
 had not been diverted by my lord Thomas 
 Howard in 1592. 
 
 And for four years together he employ'd 
 his fliips to the iflands, for the guard of 
 his merchants, which made him have no 
 leillire to think of England. The expe- 
 dition to Cadiz in 'ij')^. did not only fru- 
 
 ftrate
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Na^al Trads. 
 
 4JJ 
 
 ftrate the intended adion againfl. England, 
 but deftroy'd many of his Ihips and provi- 
 fions that fhould have been impioy'd in that 
 fervice. 
 
 In 1597. he meant a fecond revenge upon 
 England, but was prevented by the expe- 
 dition of my lord of EJJex to the illands; 
 which adlion, if it had been well carried, 
 And that my lord would have believed 
 good advice, it had ruined the king of 
 Spain. 
 
 The next year, that gave caufe of Fear to 
 the queen was 1599. the king of Spain ha- 
 ving a whole year, by our fufferance, to 
 make his provifions, and brought his fliips 
 and armies down to the Groyne; which put 
 the queen to a more chargeable defenfive 
 war, than the Value of an oflFenfive fleet 
 would have been maintained upon his coaft. 
 
 This great expedition was diverted by the 
 fleet of Holland, which the Addantado pur- 
 fued to the iflands. 
 
 The year that followed was 1 600. which 
 gave hope of peace-, for nothing was at- 
 tempted on either fide till the year 1601. 
 that he invaded Ireland^ but with ill fuc- 
 cefs, as you have heard. 
 
 The laft fummer, i6o2w he was braved 
 by her majefty's fliips in the mouth of his 
 harbours, with the lofs of a carrack, fo 
 that he was not able to profecute his affairs 
 againfl: Ireland; for no fooner was Sir Ri- 
 tbard Lewfon returned, but I was fent again 
 upon that coaft, as you have heard, who 
 kept the king's forces fo impioy'd, that he 
 betook himfelf only to the guard of his 
 fliores. 
 
 The fequel of all thefe aftions being duly 
 confidered, we may be confident, thatwhilft 
 we buly the Spaniards at home, they dare 
 not think of invading England or Ireland; 
 for by their abfencc, the fleet of their In- 
 dies may be indangered ; and in their at- 
 tempts they have as little hope of prevailing. 
 Thus have I ventured to deliver to your 
 honour, fo much as you defired at my hand; 
 and fo much as I think is convenient for our 
 prefent afUons. 
 
 How to work for intelligence out of 
 Spain, I have fliewed in my firft book ; but 
 will proceed to the ftate of the harbours in 
 Spain, for us to take advantage of. 
 
 Of the harbours in Bifcay. 
 
 From cape Machichaca to cape de Pennas, 
 lies the coaft of Bifcay. 
 
 From cape Machichaca to Bilboa thirteen 
 leagues, S. S. VV. Barmea is in the way; 
 a barred haven. 
 
 Placentia, W. from it ; a barr'd haven. 
 
 Bilboa, a good harbour ; but in it there 
 is a fand, called la Barfe. 
 
 N''. 109. Vol. hi. 
 
 Cafiro five leagues from Bilboa; no fafe-MoNsoN. 
 guard for fliips but with a S. W. wind. v^'tfNi* 
 
 From Cajlro to Lavedo fix leagues, W. 
 a good harbour for grL;.c fliips. 
 
 From Bilboa to St. Antonio, W. and by 
 N. nine or ten leagues. 
 
 From St. Antonio to cape Kefgo, W. three 
 leagues. 
 
 From cape Kefgo to St. Andrei^ five leagues, 
 W. and by S. a good harbour. 
 
 Betwixt St. Andre and cape Pennas, thirty- 
 feven or thirty-eight leagues, W. and thefe 
 havens betwixt them: 
 
 The haven of St. Mattin, W. five leagues 
 from St. Andre; a barred harbour. 
 
 St. Vincent, five leagues, a barred haven, 
 from St. Martin. 
 
 To Chares three leagues, in a barred har- 
 bour. 
 
 Rci Sella five or fix leagues; a 
 
 bafred harbour. 
 
 Frorh thence to Villa Vicioga, two leagues 5 
 a barred harbour. 
 
 From thence to Sanfon, feven leagues; 
 betwixt It and a little ifland, there is a good 
 road. 
 
 In the weft fide of Sanfon is likewife a 
 good roadi 
 
 Orion, where fifhermen lay their nets. 
 
 Torres, a good road for a S. W. wind. 
 
 The cape Pennas, three leagues. 
 
 From cape Machichaca to cape Pennas, 
 fixty-eight leagues. 
 
 But coming from St. John de Luce in 
 France, Fuenterabia, four leagues; froni 
 thence a good road for a N. W. wind. 
 
 Paffage is the next, a good habour, at 
 feven fathom. 
 
 St. Scbaflian, three leagues W. from it; a 
 good harbour, five, fix, or leven fathom 
 before the town. 
 
 From hence to cape Machichaca thirteen 
 leagues. 
 
 It is good anchoring in all the bays ujpon 
 the coaft of Bifcay twenty fathom. 
 
 The coafi of Galicia. 
 
 From cape Pennas three leagues S. S. W. 
 to Aviles a good harbour, and a good road 
 without, feven or eight fathom within the 
 harbour. 
 
 From Aviles to Ribadeo, three leagues, S. 
 W. and by W. a good harbour, three fa- 
 thom water. 
 
 N. W. from Ribadeo eight leagues, cape 
 Brilo ; and within Vivera, a good harbour, 
 one may go about the ifland oi St. Cyprian. 
 
 From Vivera to Ortegall nine leagues, 
 W. N. W. 
 
 St. Mark's, in the Way, a good road, at 
 feven or eight Hithom withouc; fafe for a 
 S. W. and a W. wind all the coaft along. 
 
 5R 
 
 A good
 
 454 
 
 Sir William MonlbnV Na^val Tracis. 
 
 Book 
 
 MoNsoN. A gooJ ro.id under Ortcgall for a N. W. 
 ^.''V^ wind, and a S. W. wind. 
 
 To cape Prior, S.W. eleven leagues; be- 
 twixt them is the h.wea of Scquera, a good 
 harbour, ten fitlioni within. 
 
 Three leagues from cape Prior lieth Fei-- 
 rol^ an excellent harbour at twelve fa- 
 thom. 
 
 S. and S. and by W. to the Groyne^ three 
 leagues, a good harbour. 
 
 It is foul about the ifland of Cizarkc. 
 
 S>ueres is 
 
 a good harbour for gieat 
 
 fhips. 
 
 From Cizarke, to Mongie S. W. and by 
 W. thirteen leagues. 
 
 Cocobayno hath eight or nine fathom. 
 
 Rio Roxo, full of rocks j but being in a 
 good harbour. 
 
 Po>!ie Vedra, eight or nine fathom ; in 
 fome places forty fathom deep. 
 
 You may anchor under the ifland of Ba- 
 yonne, ten, eleven, or twelve fathom. 
 
 Vigo, a good harbour, ten or twelve fa- 
 thom before the town. 
 
 Bayonne, five fathom ; but a blind rock 
 before the town. 
 
 Portugal. 
 
 Vinna, a barred haven, a narrow chan- 
 nel, but a good road without. 
 
 Villa de Conde, a barred harbour. 
 
 Metelema, two fathom full fea. 
 
 Porto, two channels -, the fouth is the 
 beft, but alters fometimes before the town, 
 ten or twelve fathom. 
 
 Aveiro, two fathom ; but within four or 
 five fathom. 
 
 Peniche, a barred haven : the iflands Ber- 
 Icngas off at fea, a good road, at ten fa- 
 thom. 
 
 Lisbon has two great channels going in, 
 before you come to Belem caftle. 
 
 Cezimbre is a good road, fifteen or fix- 
 teen fathom. 
 
 Setiiral has three fathom and a half at 
 half-flood. 
 
 Cape St. Vincent, a good road for a nor- 
 therly wind. 
 
 Algarva. 
 
 Lagos, Villa- Nova, and Faro^ all barred 
 and fmall havens. 
 
 Tavila, a crooked, dry haven, and alters 
 every year. 
 
 Andaliizia. 
 
 Ayamonte parts Portugal and Spain, and 
 is one of the belt havens in all the Condado, 
 three flithom half-flood. 
 
 Lepc, or St. Michael's, not to be entered 
 without a pilot, the channel alters fo. 
 
 Palos, or Saltes, fix fathom within, at 
 the bar three and a half at half-flood. 
 
 St. Lucar has a great bar, but deep with' 
 in for any fhip. 
 
 Cadiz, a brave bay at eight, ten, twelve, 
 or fifteen fathom : from thence to the 
 Straights mouth eleven leagues. 
 
 Barbary. 
 
 Oppofite to this part of Spain lies Bar- 
 bary, though the king of Spain has moH 
 harbours in it, as namely, Oran, Ceuta, 
 Tangier, Alaracke, Mamora, Afamor, and 
 Marzagoa. The Moors have only Salley oti 
 the north, and Safin and Santa Cruz on the 
 weft. 
 
 Arzila, the north channel, good fliips 
 may enter. 
 
 Alarache, the river crooked, but a good 
 road without, at fifteen or fixteen fa- 
 thom. 
 
 Mamora, two fathom at entrance, but 
 a good harbour within. 
 
 Salley., a barred harbour all that coaft ; 
 a good road at fourteen or fifteen fa- 
 thom. 
 
 Marzagoa muft have a pilot to bring in 
 a fliip. 
 
 To cape Cantyn thirteen leagues, only a 
 cape to ride under. 
 
 Safin, a good road, ten, eleven, or 
 twelve fathom. 
 
 The ifland of Magadore, a good road for 
 fmall fliipping. 
 
 Santa Cruz, fuch a road as Safin. 
 
 A projeSl how to increafe two hundred fail of pips. 
 
 LEAVING the voyages ufually gone 
 into foreign countries by our nation, 
 the next I will undertake, fhall be to fail 
 io Neii.-cqftle, which we may properly call 
 our North-Indies, bccaufe of the commodi- 
 ty and ftrength that arifeth to the kingdom 
 by it, as fhall appear by what follows. 
 
 The chief trade we have now-a-days to 
 increafe mariners and fhipping, is our trade 
 to Newcajik : there are yearly fet to work 
 in that trade two hundred fail of fhips. 
 
 which fliips and mariners are once in three 
 weeks in the port of London, ready for his 
 majefly's fervice, if there happen any fud- 
 dcn occafion. 
 
 All other trades are out of the kingdom, 
 and upon their voyages in the i'uminer- 
 time, fo that if his majefty has occafion 
 but to furnifh two of his fhips with men, 
 the kingdom cannot afford them at that 
 time of the year, if it were not for the 
 trade of NewcaUk, 
 
 The
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tradfs. 
 
 4?5 
 
 The courfe how to efFedt this projeft mud 
 be by increafing this trade, whereby more 
 fliips may be fet to work ; (as thus,) to pro- 
 hibit all ftrangers to fetcii coals at New- 
 caftle ; and for us to make our flaple at 
 London or JVoolwich for all (trangcrs to fetch 
 their coals from thence, after we have with 
 our own fliips brought them thither ; for 
 .whereas there are two hundred fail of ftran- 
 gers fhips fet to work to the trade of Ne'vu- 
 fajfle, the fame number of fliips would be 
 increafed, if his majefty's fubjedts had the 
 bringing of them for London or ffoolwich. 
 
 I will now prove it to be rather beneficial than 
 hurtful to ftrangers. 
 
 1. The ftranger will be able to perform 
 this voyage in ten or twelve days to London, 
 when many times he is five or fix weeks to 
 Newcaftle ; fo that he fliall make three re- 
 turns for one, 
 
 2. Whereas the ftranger carries only bal- 
 laft in his ftiip to Newcaftle, becaufe that 
 country cannot vent fuch merchandize as 
 they would otherwife carry, they need not 
 come empty to London ; for that London 
 will take off all fuch commodities as they 
 bring, to the increale of his majefty's cu- 
 ftoms. 
 
 3. Whereas moft of the ftrangers that 
 come to London, go away in their ballaft, 
 by which means they carry out of the king- 
 dom fuch moneys as they receive for freight -, 
 if the ftaple of coals be fettled in London, 
 they will be glad to imploy their moneys 
 in coals, which will be profitable to them ; 
 and we keep our moneys in England, which 
 is now carried away. 
 
 4. The bar going into Newcaftle, and 
 there lying on ground with their fliips, con- 
 fumes and weakens them, having their 
 weight of coals on board ; I mean the ftran- 
 gers fliips, that are not built with the 
 ftrength that ours are. As in London their 
 fliips will ride and float, and take in their 
 coals out of one fhip into another, which 
 will lengthen their fliips four years in the 
 ordinary age of fliips ; fo that they will 
 gain the third part of a fliip in changing 
 their ports. 
 
 5. They fliall not be rubjecl to the fpoilMo^•so^J. 
 of pirates, as hath been of late years to •y^V^^J 
 Newcaftle; for pirates never refort into the 
 Narrow feas, becaufe his majefty's fliips are 
 continually there. 
 
 The ftranger cannot except againfl this, becaufe 
 the like is ufed in other countries. 
 
 1. The Venetians iiave a law, that no 
 ftrangers fliall take in goods into their fliips, 
 in any of their ports, before their own fliips 
 be laden ; or eJfe they will take the lading 
 out of other fliips to lade themfeU-es. 
 
 2. In France there is a penalty, that our 
 Engliftjmen may not bj ing Jalt for their own 
 fpending ; if they do, it is forfeiture of Ihip 
 and goods. 
 
 3. In Calais they will not fuffer any paf- 
 fenger to go for England in other veflels than 
 their own. 
 
 4. In Dunkirk they have lately taken up 
 the Venetian law. 
 
 5. In Holland they will not fuffer any 
 fliip of another town to take in goods from 
 one town to another, but they muft tranf- 
 port it in a fliip of their own town ; as for 
 example, a fliip of Fluftoing to go to Rotter- 
 dam, to carry to Flufhing ; but it muft be 
 fent in a fliip of their own town : and this 
 they do, becaufe they will make an equality 
 in fetting their fliips and men to work. 
 
 6. The Bifcainers have the fame privi- 
 lege over all otlier Spaniards, the Venetians 
 have over ftrangers ; and the reafon is, be- 
 caufe Bifcay affords all the beft mariners in 
 the kingdom of Spain; and to incourage 
 them to fea, this privilege is granted them. 
 
 Now I have ftrengthened this kingdom 
 with defenfive forces to withftand the power 
 of an invafion, and fliewed the means how 
 to invade our neighbouring enemies, if they 
 become fo -, I will not contain myfelf in the 
 temperate zone, but feek what projedts may 
 be produced in the torrid zone, where the 
 fun has fuch a fcorching power, that the 
 philofophers thought it was unhabitable ; 
 and I will take Guinea in my way to the 
 Eaft-Indies, it being the place from whence 
 they were firft difcovered. 
 
 A proJeB in the days of queen Elizabeth, for the fettling her fubje&i in 
 Guinea ; fl:)e%oing of what convenie7icy it ijvould be. Writ in the year 
 ^597- 
 
 TH E negledling the opportunity in 
 times paft, by refufing the offer made 
 by Columbus to Henry VII. for the difco ve- 
 ry of the IFeft-Indies, which Spain then ac- 
 cepted of, has made Spain, which was one 
 of the moft inferior kingdoms in d^ Eur ope. 
 
 now become the mightieft in wealth, great- 
 nefs, and efteem ; and to think to leffcn 
 ti'icm in thofe parts where they are grown 
 lb mighty, is now too late, their footing is 
 fo ftrongly fettled in Jmerica, and elpccial- 
 ly between the two tiopicjcs, which qaairal-
 
 4?^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 EooK V, 
 
 MoNsoN ]y affords gold and precious merchandizes-, 
 ^'^''V**' for in colder climaccs we can expeft little 
 gold, by what we have found in Norrcn- 
 bega. 
 
 But many are erroneoiifly carried away 
 with an opinion of Guitiita, and the plen- 
 ty of gold in it, wliich makes them forward 
 to fettle an habitation in that country. The 
 only reafon I conceive men can have to in- 
 duce them to it, is the climate, that may 
 afford gold, but no proof of any hitherto 
 found there •, and I have given my reafons 
 ot the unlikelincfs of finding any there in my 
 fourth book. 
 
 My reafons for difapproving our plant- 
 ing in Guiaiia are thefe : firft, it is in the 
 continent of America, fronting upon the 
 Spaniards, whom we fl all find very ill 
 neighbours to us. The fecond is, the men 
 we fend muft be by fea, and that far off ; 
 and the number cannot be fo great to cope 
 with the Spaniards that are there already : 
 and it will fo much concern them, not to 
 accept of our neighbourhood in thofe parts, 
 that they will rather imploy their whole 
 forces to remove us, it concerning them fo 
 deeply, not to have any partakers with them 
 in their Indies. 
 
 Thirdly, we fliall enter upon a poor bar- 
 barous country, the people wild and rude, 
 that can give us no affurance of their fidelity, 
 being void of underftanding. The provi- 
 fions we muft live on, muft be carried by 
 us, the country having no ftrength but by 
 nature, no towns or houfes to lie in ; and 
 requires a long time and great charge to be 
 furnifticd with victuals, fordfications, and 
 
 buildings. 
 
 But leaving Guiana 
 given, I will a 
 and inhabitin 
 
 for the reafons here 
 little handle the planting 
 g, Guinea, and will prove it 
 the moft convenient place for us, now in 
 time of war, to poffefs and keep. 
 
 The country is nearer to us than Guiana, 
 the trade certain to the Portuguejes for gold, 
 and other commodities, which Guiana af- 
 fords not -, our fettling in it in times paft 
 was fo much feared by the Portuguefe kings, 
 that they fought by all means pollible to 
 divert us ; and king John II. underftanding 
 of a preparation of a fleet in England for a 
 voyage to Guinea, doubting it would prove 
 prejudicial to him, fent Rui de So>ifa, a 
 principal man ot his country, ambaifador 
 into England, to confirm the old league 
 with Edward IV. and to acquaint him with 
 the title he had to the feigniory of Guinea, 
 defiring him to lay afide his fleet that was 
 preparing for that coaft under the command 
 and conduit of John Tynten, as alfo not to 
 fuffer or permit any of his fubjeds to trade 
 for Guinea. 
 
 The king was willing to yield to his re- 
 queft, and defirous to accept of his league ; 
 
 for in refpeft of his domeftick troubles at 
 home, he could not have leifure to feek the 
 inlargement of his kingdom abroad: thus 
 for necefllty fake our country loft the oppor- 
 tunity of trading and inhabiting part of Gui- 
 nea in the days oi Edward IV. 
 
 And fince the year 1553, there was a 
 voyage undertaken by the perfuafion o^ An- 
 tony Ames Pinfeado, who being a man of 
 good regard with the king of Portugal, by 
 fall'e fuggeftions was caft out of his favour, 
 and forced to fly his country •, and coming 
 into England, hedifcovered to certain mer- 
 chants the benefit and commodity of Gui- 
 nea, he having lived there fome years him- 
 fclf. 
 
 The king of Portugal hearing of this 
 fleet, fought by all means to take off Pin- 
 teado: firft, by promife of great rewards to 
 procure his return -, which failing, his death 
 was praclifcd by Ibme Portuguejes in Eng- 
 land, which he having knowledge of, pre- 
 vented. 
 
 I-aftly, the king thought to fruftrate his 
 defigns, and armed a galleon to intercept 
 him at fea. This galleon met the Englifl}, 
 but durft not ofter any violence. 
 
 The voyage was proceeded on with great 
 hope of good to follow ; but through the 
 wilfulnefs of Windham, who had the com- 
 mand of it, a man both rafh and headftrong, 
 preferring his own ftubborneis before Pin- 
 teado's experience, the voyage was over- 
 thrown -, for after they grew rich by trade, 
 Pinteado perfuaded their return for that 
 year, alledging the danger of ficknefs by 
 their longer ftay upon that coaft : But Wind- 
 ham neg!e<5ting his counfel, in few days af- 
 ter there grew a moft contagious ficknefs 
 amongft them, that they both died, and 
 many of their company, before they could 
 recover home. 
 
 Doubtlefs, if this voyage had beendifcreet- 
 ly carried, as it was projccfled, it had return- 
 ed great profit for the pielent, and had fet- 
 tletl a continual trade into Guinea in a fmatl 
 fpace •, for the Negro kings oflered them 
 many immunities, and a place to dwell and 
 fortify, and this happened at the beginning 
 ot the Porliigueje plantation, which in little 
 time it would have been occafion for us to 
 have eaten them out of their trade, and 
 given us opportunity to difcover new 
 lands and trades within the country, as 
 the Porlugujes did from thence into the 
 Indies. 
 
 Many more voyages have been attempt- 
 ed by the EngHJJj, upon that coaft, with 
 firofitable returns : but at the chief place, 
 which is the Cajlle de la Mina, we could 
 never attain to have a trade ; but if her 
 majefty pleafe yet, there is no time over- 
 patl, but that the country may be fubdued, 
 her fubjefts fettled in it, and the trade main- 
 
 taia'd
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon':? Na^d Trdcfs. 
 
 437 
 
 tained with a yearly and certain benefit to 
 her majefty, as now it is to tlie king of 
 Spaif?. 
 
 The place of importance for ftrength and 
 Avealth is tlie Cajlle de la Mina, the taking 
 whereof makes all the reft of the country 
 tributary of courfe, it being the only place 
 defended by the Portugnefes, and where they 
 have fettled the chief trade of the whole 
 country. 
 
 John Baptijia de Revolafco, at my being 
 in Portugal, had the country of Guinea in 
 farm from the king, no man having licence 
 to trade thither but himfelf, whofe courfe 
 was not to feek the Negroes in their own 
 ports, and make the voyage long and un- 
 certain, but he fent his merchandize to the 
 Ciifile de la Miva, whither the Negroes re- 
 forted, as well from the inward part of the 
 country, as from the fca-fide, to utter their 
 commodities ; by which means he made 
 Mina a continual mart, being always fur- 
 niflicd with great quantity of gold. 
 
 The place being taken, the wealth in it 
 will be great, the keeping it not chargeable, 
 and the living in it fecure, it being ftrong- 
 ly fortify'd to their hands, with helps that 
 we fhall add unto it : It yields plenty of 
 viduals : The town is fairly built, the peo- 
 ple civil, the country not unplealitnt •, all 
 ihefe are fufficient encouragements and mo- 
 tives for us to inhabit it. 
 
 Though many object the ficknefs of that 
 climate, by example of divers iliips of ours 
 that have felt it, yet the true caufe has 
 grown from want of experience : For there 
 are divers obfervations to be followed by 
 them that fhall refort there to live. 
 
 The firft is the time of the year in going, 
 which is in September : The fecond, is the 
 lime of fVaying, which mufc not exceed 
 March. And whilli they abide there, they 
 muft keep and obfcrve a certain diet ; Jbr 
 there are three things principally to be 
 avoided, (wz. ,the unmcafurable eating of 
 fruits, the ferene or dew that falls morning 
 and evening, and the company of the Negro 
 women. 
 
 I have examined the voyages made thi- 
 ther by our Eriglifo nation, and find the 
 greateft death of our men is In their return 
 home, coming out of the hot countries into 
 the cold ; which proceeds principally from 
 want of cloaths m the poor mariners ; and 
 this is ordinary in our fliorter voyages : But 
 fuch as fliall live in the country, no time 
 of the year is to be refpeded for their health ; 
 for it is to be fuppofed that no man is fo 
 gluttonous as to over-eat himfelf, where he 
 fliall find fo great plenty, and fo good a 
 choice ; for nothing breeds a furfeit fo foon, 
 as after a fcarclty and want, to come to 
 plentiful feeding, and v/ant of government 
 
 Vol. in. 
 
 anddilcretlon to temper themfelves In their Mon^on; 
 
 Moreover, thofe that live afhore in Gui- 
 nea fhall have houfes to defend them from 
 the ferene, or other infeftion of the air. 
 And in anfwer of the Negro women, I 
 tiiiiik no Engtipnian fo barbarous as to of- 
 fer it. 
 
 By pollening the Mina it may give us a 
 great cncouragernent to other difcovcries } 
 neither do I fee any rcalbn but from thence 
 we may find a way by land to Tomhagoto 
 and Gago \ that would alibrd as great plenty 
 ol gold to the queen, as Peru does to the 
 king of Spain. 
 
 Tiie king of Morocco lias a trade to thofe 
 places ; and the chief merchandize carried 
 thither is ftlt: If we could get thither by 
 land, I doubt not, but from thence, or near 
 thereabouts, we fliall find fome river to fall 
 into the fea, that in time we may come at 
 it by water ; and then fliall her majelf y be- 
 come as great and rich in the eaftern parts 
 of the world, as the king of Spain is now 
 in the weftern. 
 
 Her majefty having Guinea, may turn it: 
 to her beft profit and coinmodity ; as to 
 plant fuch things as the earth will bear, 
 the foil affording as great plenty of mer- 
 chandize as the iVtft-lndies ; (as for exanif 
 pie,) Guinea and Brazil yield as good, and 
 as great ftore of ginger as the other doth ; 
 but the king of Spain commands that no 
 ginger ft.all grow in either of them both, 
 but fuch as they prelerve for their own ufc, 
 and call it green ginger; for if he, would 
 give leave to' plant it in Gubiea, the increaf^ 
 would be lb great, that he would njake it 
 of no value in ihc IVefr- Indies : Likcv.ife tjie 
 Weft' Indies, Guinea, and Brrfil, will yi,cld a 
 better grape, and a greater quantity of wine 
 will be made there than in Spain ; but the 
 king will not grant it, nor permit the ge- 
 neral planting of grapes. Thus does he 
 politickly keep one country under ai7other 
 in their commodities, and bars the earth 
 from bringing forth the increafe for the 
 ufe of man, as God has appointed. 
 
 There will be required for this voyage 
 five hundred foldiers, and convenient uiip- 
 ping to tranfport them, with all things ne- 
 ceflary for fuch an aflion. The men that 
 go muft be choice in their abilities of bo- 
 dy, and clear from ficknefs and difeafes ; for 
 inteded men carried from home, have been 
 the overthrow of many encerprizes. 
 
 The greateft force the Portuguefes pre- 
 fume upon, is their number, and the valour 
 of their Negroes, whom they make believe, 
 we defire to conquer and kill ; and that our 
 quarrel is their defending them. 
 
 But to prevent this policy of theirs, we 
 
 will carry Negroes with us that/peak their 
 
 5 S Ian-
 
 458 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraBs. 
 
 Book V^I 
 
 MoNsoN.iantniawe, and have lived in Europe, and 
 
 ^"''V^-' feen the difference of our ufing of them, 
 
 and of the Porttigtiefes ; for in Porliignl they 
 
 buy and fell them, as we do horfes, in 
 
 markets. 
 
 When thefe things fliall he known to the 
 Negroes, it will be a means not only to 
 defire peace and fricndlhip with us, but to 
 animate antl provoke them to rife againft 
 their mafters. 
 
 In this journey there muft be fpecial care 
 and choice in viftualling, both for the good- 
 nefs, quantity, and diverfity ; for our or- 
 dinary viftualling with fait meats breeds a 
 putrefiftion of blood in hot countries, and 
 is one great caufe of their ficknefs in thofe 
 parts. The men that go, ought to have 
 fhift and change of apparel •, for the nature 
 of the ferene is to rot any kind of garment. 
 Though this voyage was not undertaken 
 in the reign of queen EHzc.beth, which was 
 the aftive age tor fuch enterprizes, and 
 the time gave great advantage, by the weak 
 
 provifion the kingof 6^a/K had thereabouts, 
 yet fince the war ceafed, by our laborious 
 endeavours, wc have attained to a profita- 
 ble trade on that coafl: of Guinea. 
 
 I muft confefs I much laboured to put 
 this voyage in execution at the time we were 
 authoriz'd by a war with Spain, to juftify 
 our doings ; and to fliew my willingnefs the 
 more, at my releafe out of my imprifon- 
 ment in Spain, in 1591. 1 procured a rut- 
 ter ot the coaft of Guinea, that (hewed the 
 diftance, the height, and courfe from port 
 to port ; the dangers, and how to fhun 
 them -, die conditions of the people ; the 
 commodities the country affords, and what 
 they defire from us -, which I think not fit 
 to iniert in this book, for making the vo- 
 lume too fpacious and great ; but will pro- 
 ceed to a defign of the Eaft-Indies, which 
 was prefented by me, and promifed by the 
 queen to have it undertaken as I projefted 
 it. 
 
 A projeSi of a voyage to the Eafl-Indies, ivith a dcjign to have bad footing in 
 
 the hithcrmofl part thereof. 
 
 I Will profecute my voyage from Guinea 
 to the Eaft-Indies with my enfuing pro- 
 jefts, as Bartholomew Bios proceeded in his 
 difcovery •, and the firft port I will arrive 
 at, ftiall be Mofambique, a place of great 
 importance and relief to the Portuguefes, both 
 going and coming from the Indies. 
 
 If her majefty will pleafe really of herfelf, 
 or by joining with her merchants, to un- 
 dertake a voyage to the Eaft-Indies, it will 
 prove a great annoyance to the king of 
 Spain and his fubjefts, if the projeflrs fol- 
 lowing be well undertaken and profecuted. 
 
 The only good we are to expeifl of this 
 Eaft-India attempt, mufl: be the provident 
 proceeding in our firft voyage, as well to 
 fettle a certain and fecure trade, as to have 
 habitation in the country. 
 
 And therefore to go abruptly, and to 
 offer them a trade, confidering we are, or 
 fhall be difgraced by the Portugiiefes, and 
 Hollanders, were a thing uncertain, and full 
 of hazard -, for though thofe two nations 
 love not one another, yet to bar us of our 
 refort thither, they would not ftick to caft 
 many foul afperfions on us. 
 
 For prevention whereof it were neceffary 
 her majefty made choice of an able and well 
 experienced gentleman, who, befides the 
 charge of the voyage, fliould have the im- 
 ployment of an ambaffador. 
 
 His meffage and letters ftiould import the 
 greatnefs of her majefty's ftate, her power 
 by land and fea, her protedtion of the Ne- 
 therlands, and the leveral dilgraces and 
 overthrows fhe has given the king of Spain, 
 2 
 
 whereby it is to be fuppofed that fome 
 of the Portuguefes his fubjedls, in their fe- 
 cret hate to our nation, not being able 
 otherwife to revenge themfelves, have moft 
 unjuftly fcandalized our proceedings: There- 
 fore wiftiing them that they would receive 
 what flie writes for a truth, coming from fb 
 mighty a prince, and to give no further 
 credit to the Portuguefes, than as the beha- 
 viour of her fubjefts ffiall deferve. 
 
 What prefents or obligations of friendfhip 
 her majefty fhould fend in fign of her love, 
 I will omit, only there muft be care to win 
 fuch perfons as have moft credit with the 
 princes with whom you fliall traffick. And 
 the conditions and articles fettled, we defire 
 that an ambaffador may be fent to her ma- 
 jefty, with offer of pledges for his fafe re- 
 turn. 
 
 The exceptions againft this voyage, are, 
 the great diftance from England; the dan- 
 ger of the people, having no religion to 
 engage themfelves by •, the force of the 
 Portuguefes by their long continuance there ; 
 and the commodities we muft lend, which 
 are fiine filver and oil, the one we may ill 
 fpare, the other our country doth not na- 
 turally yield. 
 
 The method to provide againft thefe in- 
 conveniencies, is, whilft there is no fufpicion 
 of us, to poffefs and keep fome town of the 
 Portuguefes neareft us -, it will prove a great 
 refrefhing to us, and make the journey both 
 fhort and pleafant. Secondly, we fhall be 
 the more refpedted by the people, when they 
 fee we have footing fo near them. Third- 
 
 t
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trades. 
 
 459 
 
 ]y, we fhall weaken the Porfuguefes^ and 
 prevent their carracks wintering at Mofatn- 
 hique, if they fail doubling the Cape of 
 Good Hope. The reafon I prefer Mofam- 
 bique before the reft of the Indies., is the 
 nearnefs to us, and where their carracks cer- 
 tainly water in their way to the Indies, and 
 the time is lb certainly known to us, that 
 we fhall undoubtedly intercept them. 
 
 The riches of the town arc both gold and 
 merchandize ; for the governors and dwel- 
 lers of MofamUque are allowed only the 
 trade of 6'<?/v2/«, lying under that jurifdidtion. 
 The keeping of the town will be eafy, the 
 dwelling in it ftfe •, for it is feated in a ftrong 
 and defenfible ifland ; it has plenty of vi- 
 ctuals, corn excepted ; the town is fairly 
 built, with many commodities to it, and in 
 every point like the caftle de la Mina, I have 
 formerly defcribed. 
 
 When we are maftcrs of the town, and 
 have fortified it, and polTefTed ourfelves of 
 the carracks, the enemy will be weakened, 
 and uprovided of entertainment in their 
 way to the Indies ; for that it is the only 
 place where they have refrefhment. 
 
 The Portuguefes ufe this place for their re- 
 fuge and fuccour, not for trade, but only 
 what the governor drives with Sofala, as I 
 have (hewed •, but we will make it our chief- 
 eft town of mart, and thereby our voyage 
 fliall be made ftiort and eafy ; for our Chips 
 
 that go thither, fhall fetch away the goods Mo ns on. 
 that our fhips bring from Goa., and other -^"V""^ 
 parts of the Indies ; by means whereof, eve- 
 ry twelve or thirteen months we fhall have 
 a certain return of our adventures. 
 
 The way of proceeding upon this expe- 
 dition muft be to fend an extraordinary 
 number of iliilors, befides the foldiers ; the 
 lailors to man the catracks, the foldiers to 
 defend the town ; they muft depart from 
 hence in February, and be at Mofambiquc 
 by the laft of June, which will be twenty 
 days before the carracks arrival. 
 
 The money and goods taken in the four 
 carracks, may amount well nigh to fix 
 thoufand ton in bulk, which may be there 
 unladen and kept in ftore-houfes, and vended 
 into the Indies by our fliips yearly ; for they 
 are fuch commodities as will keep, and the 
 return of them in truck will be more com- 
 iTiodious than five times the bringing of 
 them for England. 
 
 Our hope is no lefs in meeting their car- 
 racks in their return for Portugal, at the 
 ifland of Santa Hellcna, where they never 
 fail to water ; and if we have the happineis 
 to enjoy them both going and coming, we 
 Ihall be mafters of an incftimable wealth, 
 and bring theP<7r///^a^_/^.dwellers in the Eaft- 
 Indies to fuch an extremity by it, that they 
 muft be forced either to revolt, or accept 
 of our trade. 
 
 A project and rcafom againjl our Eaft-India 'voyage, fully anjwered before the 
 
 trade began. 
 
 THE Hollanders, who are a people 
 both apprehenfive and laboricus in 
 what they conceive or undertake, having 
 light given them by the two voyages of Sir 
 Francis Drake and Mr. Cavendijh, what the 
 Eaft-Indies and South-Sea afforded in wealth •, 
 and being likewife feconded and encourag'd 
 by the follicitation of fome of their own na- 
 tion, who put themielves into the fervice of 
 the Portuguefes trading into the Eaft-Indies, 
 and whilft they were there, underftood the 
 depth and fecrecy of it, revealing it at their 
 return, were lb f\r prevailed upon, as to 
 Ipare no coft to make trial where there was 
 likelihood of profit ; and accordingly be- 
 gan a trade into the furthermoft pare of the 
 Indies ; and have yearly fince continued it 
 with various fucceis. 
 
 Not long after, we, who are rather imi- 
 tators than firft enterprizers of things,where 
 tliere is not a prefent return of profit, find- 
 ing by the iucccfs of the Hollanders that 
 the vo)'age was worth our embracing, by 
 the rumour of gain fpread abroad, (though 
 in this, as many other reports, fame proves 
 as often falfe as true,} thought fit to venture 
 
 fomething upon it : And accordingly our 
 Englifh merchants gathered their join t-ilocks 
 together, and from thence-forward to this 
 very day they have fettled a trade in the 
 Eaft-In^-.ies , and what it has produced you 
 flialJ underftand at the end of this argu- 
 ment. 
 
 But forafmuch as every innovation com- 
 monly finds oppofition -, from fome out of 
 partiality, and from others, as enemies to 
 novelty -, fo this voyage, though at the firft 
 it carry'd a great name, and hope of profit 
 by the word India, and example of Holland, 
 yet was it writ againft, and anfwered, as iti 
 the enfuing difcourfe fhall appear. 
 
 I . Objedl. "this voyage will he an occefton of 
 exhaufting cur fdver, which is already too 
 much diminifljed by the Irifti wars, and by the 
 Hollanders drawing of it and our gold over 
 into the Low Countries. 
 
 Anjw. I confefs this is the ftrongeft i-ea- 
 fon of the , feven, that are alledged •, yec I 
 think not but there may be means to draw 
 out of other countries fuch a quantity of fil- 
 ver, as would furnifh this voyage yearly -, if 
 
 there
 
 440 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Trafls. 
 
 Book Y 
 
 MoNsoN. there could be means to keep our own filver 
 ^•^"^V^^ from tranfportation into the Low Countries: 
 for it is to be fcarcil, that the beft part of 
 filvcr xht 1 Iclianders fend into the E^jl-IrJies, 
 is drawn out o^ England. But this objeftion 
 is fully anfwered by the projeft of Mofam- 
 hique. 
 
 1 . Objeift. // ts:ill he the decay of many a 
 good mariner, in the climate there, and by the 
 ■way being fo untemperate, that either the one 
 half, or a third fart of our people cannot but 
 perifh. 
 
 Anf-joer. This trade, in my opinion, vv-ill 
 be fo far from diminidiing our fcamen, 
 that no voyage will or can breed better ma- 
 riners-, for long voyages make the fkilful- 
 lefl: and beft navigators. But whereas the 
 unnatural heat is alledged for the caufe of 
 the death of men, we find by experience, 
 that the greateft infection and death ot 
 people is not whilft they abide in the 
 hot countries, but in the entring into the 
 cold out of the hot, which comes princi- 
 pally lor want of cloaths in poor mariners, 
 as I have faid fufficiently in my difcourfe 
 of Guinea. 
 
 3. Objeft. // will be the decay of (hipping; 
 hecaufe, unlefs they be fieathed with lead, they 
 prove fo worm-eaten, that they are never after 
 ferviceable, except it be for one voyage only. 
 
 Anfw. I cannot fee how this can any way 
 prove the decay of fliipping, but rather the 
 maintenance of greater lliips than have been 
 ufed among our merchants-, for if they 
 mean to maintain an yearly trade, they can- 
 not have lefs than eight or nine fhips of one 
 thoufand or twelve hundred tons each-, 
 which, upon the occa lion of fervice, are of 
 greater ftrength than the wJiole fhipping of 
 London; and where there are fo'many good 
 fhips fet to work, it will be a maintenance 
 both of fhips and men ; for as people die, 
 -double the number will be bred and harden'd 
 by thefc voyages. 
 
 All this while we fpeak by conjedure, 
 not by experience; for what greater trial 
 can there be, than of the Portuguefe fhips, 
 who make their voyages a year and half 
 long; and yet moll of them make twelve or 
 thirteen voyages : after this proportion they 
 continue much longer than ours ; yea, I have 
 known one carrack make twenty-four 
 voyages. 
 
 But if you allow that flieathing them will 
 continue them the longer, we may better 
 do it in England than Portugal, becaufe our 
 country affords it. 
 
 4. Objeft. It will hinder the vent of cloth: 
 for whereas now our merchants may put over 
 their fix months bills of debts, as well for 
 f pices as other merchandize, thereby to make 
 the more fpeedy return; our Eafl-India mer- 
 chants will he able to afford them fo cheap at 
 our own doors, that cur merchants and adven- 
 
 2 
 
 turcvs fhall he forced to abfiain from bringing 
 in of fpices, and fo zvant oftentimes prcfcnt 
 ccmmcdiiies to make return of. 
 
 Anfw. Here we fpenk generally, that it 
 will hinder the vent of cloth, becaufe the 
 merchants may put over their fix months 
 bills for fpices-, but the fpices being afford- 
 ed better cheap at home, the merchant mud 
 be forced to leave off his trade, as though 
 our chief vent of cloth were in exchan.q-e of 
 fpices: but I conceive that in mofl countries 
 where they utter our cloth, merchants do 
 not return fpices -, as into Barbary, Italy, 
 France, &c. From fome parts of the Ecijl- 
 Country we have fome fpices, but very 
 little, which was wont to come from Tur- 
 ky to Venice, and fo difperfed into the 
 Ecjl-CoiiKtries; but fince our trade to Turky 
 it has not been much. 
 
 What inconveniences can then grow of 
 this trade, but to our 'Turky company ? 
 which, if they cannot have other commodi- 
 ties than fpices, to exchange for our cloth, 
 it were better for the commonwealth to dif- 
 folve that trade, than that to the Eaft-In- 
 dics which is the fpring-head from whence 
 fpices flow. 
 
 As we are now ferved with fpices, it is at 
 the third hand, and at an unreafonable rate, 
 which enriches fome private men only; but 
 furely, if this trade to t'le Eafi - Indies -vi^k 
 encouraged, and carry'd with equality, the 
 commonwealth would be the better for it ; 
 infomuch that all manner of fpices would 
 be far cheaper than now they are. If any 
 find prejudice by this trade, it will be die 
 Turks themfelves; vvhen they fljall fee all 
 Europe ferved with Indian commodities, di- 
 reftly by fea, their trade will be over- 
 thrown. 
 
 5. Objeft. 'They will bring in fuch quanti- 
 ties of fpices as will lie too long upon their hands, 
 and not to be vended in due time; as was feen 
 by the pepper of the carrack, which notwith- 
 flanding a general reflraint againjl the bring- 
 ing in of all other pepper, to the hindrance of 
 many a merchant, yet. it was a year before it 
 cculd be made away. 
 
 Anfw. Allow that our trade will decay 
 in Turky, elpecially for fpices; and that 
 \ye be ferv'd with no other fpices 'than fhall 
 be brought out of the Eaft-Iudies, all cafu- 
 alties excepted; for you mufl underfland 
 they will fometimes ftay long for their la- 
 ding; fome of their fliips, it is likely, may 
 mifcarry, others not return juftly at the time 
 appointed ; fo that I make no doubt, but 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland, will be able 
 to take off a great part: if not, the Eajt- 
 Country and Ruffia will utter more than we 
 can fpare. 
 
 "WhereaS'you refer yourfelf to the example 
 of the carrack, it is thus to be anfwered : 
 They that bought the fpices of the queen 
 
 in
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^S. 
 
 44t 
 
 in the carrack conditioned. That till they 
 were vended, none fliculd be brought into 
 England; by which reftraint, and they ha- 
 ving ingroffed the whole quantity of the 
 fpices, before they made lale of them they 
 provided that the whole ftore fliould be fpent 
 within the realm; and then they forced 
 every man to pay what they lifted, know- 
 ing we could not otherwife be fupply'd : 
 and this proceeded out of abufej for when 
 the greateft quantity of the carrack's fpices 
 was unfold, then were they at the greateft 
 rate: and to the contrary, if there had 
 been no fpices in England when the carrack 
 came in, and that they had not been en- 
 grofled by fome few, no doubt but in a 
 year they had been wholly vended. 
 
 6. Objeft. The original of this voyage xoas 
 fecret malice of fome againfl the Turkifti 
 company, and a greedy defire of private gain ; 
 the effect whereof will be fuch a molefiation to 
 our neighbours the Hollanders, and fuch ha^ 
 tred we fhall reap at their hands, as all our 
 gain fhall not be able to countervail this one 
 inconvenience. 
 
 Anfwer. We are not to enter into the ha- 
 tred or private grudges of men, but into 
 the commodity or difcommodity that will 
 arife to our nation by this trade: if it be 
 more profit to maintain traffick into the 
 Eaft -Indies than into Ttirky, I fee no reafon 
 that for the benefit of fome private men of 
 the Turky company, we fliould nourifli the 
 one, and negledt the other; but methinks 
 if there were no more reafon of gain than 
 out of fpleen to -fome merchants of the 
 Turky company, they fliould not adven- 
 ture fo great a ftock, without a hope of 
 profit. 
 
 We fee by experience what commodity 
 the Portugucfes have made this hundred and 
 odd years by that trade, and we conceive 
 the Hollanders find a great commodity by 
 it, which may give us fatisfaction in it: 
 neither do I fee that the Hollanders have 
 more advantage to perfevere in that voyage 
 than we. 
 
 For offence to be given the Hollanders, I 
 fee not how in right and juftice they can ex- 
 cept againft us; for they can challenge 
 nothing of difcovery, fince of the two we 
 gave them light thereof by the voyage of 
 Sir Francis Drake and Mr. Cavendifh, who 
 had been there before there was ever men- 
 tion of Holland or Hollanders. 
 
 Secondly, they are not fubjefls to them, 
 with whom we fliall traffick, but free 
 princes ot themfelves, that may make elec- 
 tion and choice with whom they will enter- 
 tain leagues. 
 
 Thirdly, we may with better reafon, 
 and we have better means to bar the Hol- 
 landers of traffick with Turky, Barbary 
 atid Rufjia, than they to reftrain us of this; 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 for we were the firft light-givers of thofcMoNsov. 
 trades. _ UOr>J 
 
 And therefore, if all her majefty's gra- 
 cious refpeds to them fhould in the end be 
 recompenfed with ingratitudCj the world 
 would confefs their unworthinefs and evil 
 requital of fo many favours: but ilippofe 
 they fliould do their worft againft us, we 
 know how to be even with them by many 
 advantages we have over them, as before 
 has been declared. 
 
 7. Objeft. Lafily, the money thus tranf- 
 ported pays no cufiom at all to her inajefly, 
 nor are the merchants hound to return home 
 fo much treafure in value or quantity, hut only 
 upon their hare words. 
 
 Anfw. Though the money, upon the 
 tranfportation of it, pay no cullom, yet the 
 meixhandize which is bought with that 
 money pays a great and extraordinary cu- 
 ftom ; and her majefty's cuftom will be 
 increafed by it: but to take away all ex- 
 ceptions to this point, the merchants offer 
 to become bound to bring into the land fo 
 much filver as fliall be tranfported in this 
 voyage. 
 
 And feeing therefore the particular ob- 
 jedions are anfwered, of exhaufting our 
 treafure, confuming our mariners, deilroy- 
 ing our fliips, hindring the vent of our 
 cloth, bringing in commodities not utter- 
 able in due time, that malice was not the 
 caufe of it, that in juftice it cannot be pre- 
 judicial to the Hollanders, tliat it will be no 
 decreafing of cuftoms, and the filver we fend 
 not to be our own ; all thefe things being 
 rightly weighed and confidered, I refer niy- 
 felf to the cenfure of any indifferent man, 
 whether the objedions be fully anfwered, 
 or not. 
 
 What was written in the for liier difcourfe, 
 as well by the objedlor as the anfwerer, was 
 but conjeftural, till time and experience 
 which are the difcoverers of truth, refolve 
 the queftion doubted of. 
 
 But now having twenty and odd years 
 trial, what this voyage to the Eafl-lndies 
 has produced, a time fufficient to judge of 
 the conveniency or inconveniency to the 
 ftate, or the commodity or difcommodity 
 to the commonwealth, and the profit or 
 difprofit to the adventurer, I will thereupon 
 coUecft out of the reafons aforefaid, betwixt 
 the objeftor and anfwerer, and how near 
 their opinion forted to the truth, as alfo 
 what errors, and by whofe means they prov'd 
 prejudicial to the ilibjedt. 
 
 The firft objcftion of exhaufting our coin 
 was anfwer'd, and confeffed to be the 
 ftrongeft argument of all the reft: but a 
 third perfon, whom I term the moderator, 
 fays. That if the compmy had providL-d, 
 as they promifed, and as they might caiily 
 5 T have
 
 44i 
 
 Sir William MonfonV NcWcil Trails. 
 
 Book V(.i 
 
 MoNsox.havc done, to have brought the quantity of 
 M' V^- filvcr out of foreign parts, and have put it 
 alhore at Doz'tr, for all people to behold, 
 till their Ihips of the htUes had paii'cd by, 
 and then had imbarked it, this would have 
 taken away all occafion of repining by the 
 fubjeft, that their coin was tranlported 
 out of the kingdom to uphold the Eaji-In- 
 dia trade i if this had been really done, 
 without ev.ifion or cunning, the objedion 
 had been falved, and our moneys found no 
 impediments to the voyage. 
 
 The iccond, was the death of our men: 
 and though this was anfwered fully, yet to 
 confirm the opinion of the anfwerer, there 
 cannot be a better proof than experience, 
 that peoples bodies do as well agree with, 
 and return from the Indies in health, as from 
 fhorter voyages-, and that whofoever has 
 been there once, defires to go thither again: 
 fome there are that have made fix or feven 
 voyages, and found no diftemper or dif- 
 ference in their bodies-, and if there were 
 no greater objeftions than this of health, 
 it were tolerable, and worthy to be encou- 
 raged. 
 
 To the third, that it will decay fliipping, 
 the anfwerer difproves it very fufficiently: 
 bur, indeed, the greateft abufe of the voyage 
 fhall now appear in thecovetoufnefs and de- 
 fire of gain in our merchants, according to 
 the nature of Eiiglilhrnen, who ftrive to be 
 prefently rich, and have not patience to ftay 
 a time for it. 
 
 The bane of our Eqft-India voyage was,, 
 that they exceeded the proportion of eight 
 or nine ihips, treble to the number of thofe 
 that were projefted: this was the decay of 
 timber, which this kingdom will hereafter 
 fmart for -, for the lofs of men and money, 
 it will be regained in an age, when timber 
 muft be growing many ages. 
 
 This proportion of eight or nine fl-iips 
 would not have overcloy'd the trade, cither 
 there or here -, nor have brought the com- 
 modities of the Eafi-Iiidies to fo great a 
 price as now they are there-, neither would 
 it have drawn fo mighty ftocks of money by 
 the company to maintain it, whereby all 
 the kingdom find themfelves aggrieved, 
 imputing the want of money to this caufe: 
 thus it is apparent, that the voyage is not 
 the caufe of the inconvenicncy, but the ill 
 ordering and managing of it by the mer- 
 chants. 
 
 The fifdi objection is imputed to malice 
 againft the Turky company, and the mole- 
 ftation we fhall o.'Fer the Hollanders. The 
 moderator alledgcs, that there are very fe\v_ 
 of the Turky merchants that are not ad- 
 mitted with their ilocks into the Eafi-In- 
 dia company, and all qucllions accom- 
 modated ; whereby their malice ceafed : 
 and to the point of the Hollanders, we fee 
 that it is not that trade alone, but all others 
 in general they feek to deprave and deprive 
 us of; and it is true, that it is trade that 
 lets their hearts againft us, not only in our 
 own traffick, but that of late we have de- 
 barred them of their trades, which before, 
 out of cunning, they only ingroffed and 
 poficired ; as namely, that of Spain, and 
 the king of Spain's dominions, whilft they 
 had fubtilly engaged us in a war ; but now 
 that our peace debars them of it, and that 
 we enjoy it ourfelves, thefe are the motives 
 of their hates to us ; and as for their love, it 
 is to be. valued according to the profit or 
 ufe they can make of us, as in the next and 
 laft book I have at large declared. 
 
 This fhall fufHce for our Eajl-hdia 
 trade; but I will Hill have relation to the 
 Eafl-Indies. 
 
 A projc5i how to intercept the JJjips of Cambaya that trade yearly into 
 
 the Red Sea. 
 
 T Hough the trade of the Eajl-Indies was 
 firft found out and profecuted by the 
 Portuguefes, and in thefe latter times fre- 
 quented by us and the Hollanders, yet can 
 we not fiy, but that the natives of thefe 
 remote parts had ufe of navigation, com- 
 merce and trafiick with one another, long 
 before the relbrt of the Europeans amongft 
 them; as is apparent by the continual in- 
 tercourfe and trade, to this day, betwixt thofe 
 oi Sural, fubjeds to the great Mogul, and 
 Ziden, a part within the Red Sea, which is 
 commonly called the fleet of Mecca. 
 
 The veflels which pafs thefe feas we can- 
 not properly call fhips, becaufe their built 
 is much difiering from fhips; they are nei- 
 ther able to brook the waves of a grown 
 
 fea, or of force to withftand the power of 
 an enemy: thefe veflels are carry M with a 
 certain,- fettled, and conftant wind, both 
 outward and homeward, as I have de- 
 clared, when I had occafion to fpeak of 
 the nature of the winds, called the Mon- 
 fons ; yet, as ugly, and as unfhapely -as 
 thefe vefTels are to our eyes, they tranfport 
 ineftimable riches and wealth betwixt the 
 places aforelaid. 
 
 And whenfoevcr his majefty fhall pleafe 
 to prohibit the trade of his fubjedls to the 
 Eaft-Indies, and that the merchants flial! be 
 weary of it, which will be according to 
 their lofs or gain; for the nature of 
 a covetous merchant is like an ufurer, 
 that values and efteems his own profit more 
 
 than
 
 3ooK V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval 
 
 Traas. 
 
 445 
 
 than the conveniency or benefit of the 
 ftate: they are not fatisfied with abundance-, 
 for the more tliey have, the more tlicy dc- 
 fire. 
 
 But k-aving the pafTjon and humour of 
 fuch men who are only for themfelves, lee 
 us enter into the true condition ot this king- 
 dom, and the way to benefit his majcfty, as the Grand Siignior, into whofe country they 
 
 think of the hurt and milchicf that may en-MoNsos. 
 fue upon if, and to ballance inchfferently, ^■^'^^^ 
 ■whether it is to be embraced or rcjecftcd for 
 conveniency fake. 
 
 There are two fort of people, and both 
 infidels, that will find themfelves aggriev'd 
 if this defitrn be fct on foot. The one is 
 
 well as his liibieCls have been benefited by 
 the Eajl-Iridia trade ; and here I preient a 
 defign to his majefly, if he fh.ill prohibit 
 the trade of the Eajl-Indies, as I have laid 
 before. 
 
 It is not like other fea aiflions, that ene- 
 mies are authoriz'd to take from one ano- 
 ther in a broad and ocean fea, -where fliips 
 are hard to be met, or fhall conteft with 
 force and ftrength ; or in fuch weather as 
 fhall forbid Ihips boarding ; or fuch winds 
 as fhall make it difficult in fetching up a 
 chace -, or fuch veflels as Ihall make a doubt 
 of the riches of then- lading. 
 
 My projedl is to encounter the Cambaya 
 fleet, in their return out of the Red Sea, in 
 their courfe from thence to Siirat : thefe 
 veflels are not freighted with merchandize 
 of mean and bafe condition, but with the 
 richeft that Egypt and Turkey can afford : 
 their ftrength not able to refift -, their fail- 
 ing in a fea that never endured ftorm -, their 
 winds and feafons fb certain, as fome of our 
 Eaft-India fhips can put us out of doubt of, 
 who luve heretofore friendly vifited them. 
 
 The wealth in them, and the eafe in ta- 
 king them, being thus known, we are to 
 
 refort, to barter their Ead-India commo- 
 dities, and make a return of merchandize 
 there exchanged, to the great increafo of 
 cufloms, that accrue to the great Turk by 
 it. 
 
 The other is the great Mogul, king of 
 Cambaya, but of late years known to us by 
 the tratHck of our merchants : they arc the 
 lubjcds of this king that trade into the 
 Red Sea, who befides his cuftoms and other 
 adventures in the voyage, will receive de- 
 triment by the lofs of his flfips, which no 
 doubt will exafperate him. 
 
 Thefe are the confiderations on which de- 
 pends the conveniency or inconveniency to 
 ground this voyage upon, Whether the for- 
 bearance of that trade by us, or the profit 
 that will redound by it, will carry away 
 the flronger force. 
 
 Two fliips of his majefty's, for counte- 
 nance and ftrength, will be fufficient, with 
 choice of vidluals, and other provifions for 
 health •, the reft of the fhips to be rated in 
 tonnage, according to the proportion that 
 may be judged to contain the jioods taken 
 in the fliips afore laid. 
 
 A projeSi of the Genoefes to have brought the Eafl-InJia commodities into Muf- 
 
 covy by Land in 1520. 
 
 A 
 
 S commerce and trade draws a con- 
 courfe of people where commodity 
 appears, and by confequence acquaintance, 
 and civility, knowledge of one another's 
 cuftoms and countries, and the ways and 
 means to direft them thither ; fo did this 
 trade of the Eaft-Indies moft cfpecially, 
 being fo lately difcovered, and yielding fuch 
 great wealth and riches, a thing not dream- 
 ed of, till time gave light thereof by the 
 Portuguefes new difcovery. 
 
 The way, and the neareft way that could 
 be thought of, to attain to the Eaft-Indies, 
 was after attempted by feveral nations, 
 fometimes by the cape of Good Hope, other 
 fome by the ftraights of Magellan, and then 
 again froiri Ne-'M Spain, and, laftly, by the 
 north-weft paffage -, which fhews a great 
 willingnefs and defire people had to fearch 
 out the fecrers of thofe countries, which they 
 found fo plentifully ftored with all manner 
 of riches. 
 
 And becaufe the Genoefes were a people not 
 much accuftom'd to voyage in the ocean, 
 
 wanting bo;h fliips, fiilors, and harbours, 
 for fuch navigations, yet becaufe they 
 v/ould not be arcounded flothful or idle, and 
 feeing it was an age of wit, in which every 
 nation fought to exceed one another, they 
 in the year 1520, propofed a journey by 
 land from the Eaft-Indies to Muftcovy and 
 Rnjfia, and one Paul Centeraneo, a mer- 
 chant of Genoa, was imploy'd in it, and 
 went with authority from that ftate to Bafi- 
 lius, then king of Rufia, v/ith offer to bring 
 that trade thither. He fhcwed the rivers 
 and countries they Ihould travel through, 
 and acquainted hitn that the PortugufeSy 
 who ferved all Europe with fpices and 
 drugs, brought them by lea, whereby they 
 became mouldy, and loft their true opera- 
 tion and virtue, tliough indeed it was oiher- 
 wif^: •, for after the PorWgueftis leaded their 
 goods in their carracks, they never moved 
 or unfliipped them, till they arrived at 
 their port of Lisbon ; as on the contrary, 
 if they fhould come to Miifcovia, they were 
 to pafs many rivers, where they ihouKi 
 
 unlade.
 
 444 
 
 Sir William Monfon ^ Naval Tra6h: 
 
 Book V 
 
 MoNsoN. unlade, and lade again, to the fpoil and 
 
 ^■^''V*^ lofs of their merchandize, bcfides many 
 
 dangers they fhould fiifter by the Arabian 
 
 thieves, which the king of Rujjla did wiie- 
 
 ly fcircfce and confider ; and therefore re- 
 filled and reiL;t?>.ed that oifer made by Paul 
 Centeraneo, and it was never after attempted 
 or propofed. 
 
 A projeB hcii^ to attain to Tombagatu and Gr.go, the ricbeft parts of the 'world 
 for gold, feated in Afiick, and never yet dfcovered by Chriftians. 
 
 MANY and feveral attempts have 
 been made by the Enghjh trading 
 into Guinea, to arrive at tlie two places a- 
 forefaid, being incited to it by the fame of 
 the abundance of gold they yield, and the 
 finenefs of it by the daily proof that is 
 made of it in Barhary, whither it is brought 
 in truck of mean commodities. 
 
 The king of Morocco or Barbary yearly 
 fends certain camels, which pafs with much 
 hunger, pains, and peril, in going and 
 coming thither-, and many times they are 
 taken with violent ftorms and foutherly 
 winds, which fwallow and devour them like 
 the fea ; but yet this danger does not hin- 
 der the trade, becaufe the profit is fo great, 
 that a camel laden with fiilt will return his 
 load in gold. And this is the encouragement 
 our Englijhmen have had to attempt it by 
 rivers ; but have ftill failed, either by death 
 of the undertakers, by want of vi6luals, by 
 the encounter of the wild negroes, or fhal- 
 lownefs of the water to hinder their paf- 
 lage. 
 
 I will fet down the errors I conceive of 
 the former undertakings, and deliver my 
 opinion how it is fitting to enterprize it 
 with little charge or hazard to the aftors or 
 adventurers, by example of the Portuguefes 
 happy and honourable attempt made up- 
 on the difcovery of the Eajl-Indies, which 
 gave the firfl: light to all fucceeding difco- 
 veries, as I have touched in my fourth 
 book. 
 
 King John II. of Portugal, wifely ima- 
 gining with himfelf, that the riches of the 
 Eaji-Ir.dies, brought to us of Europe by the 
 way of the Red Sea, might have a pailage 
 from thence by an open fea, if it could be 
 difcovered, and the trade conveyed from 
 thence direftly to Portugal, without being 
 beholden to infidels, as then we were ; he 
 caufed timber to be felled to build two 
 fmall fhips for that difcovery of the Eafl- 
 Indies. 
 
 In the mean time whilfl he was imployed 
 in furnifhing the pinnaces for this voyage, 
 he iniploy'd thefc perfons following to dif- 
 cover by land the ftate of the Indians, and 
 to get what light he could to encourage his 
 ka intention. 
 
 The firfl man he employ'd was a Fran- 
 cifcan frier ; who tor want of language re- 
 turned from Jerufalem, widiout efFetling 
 
 any thing. The 'next he fent were two fer- 
 vants of his own, both of them skilful in 
 the /Irabick language-, the one called Pe- 
 dro dc Govillam, the other Alphonfo de Pai- 
 va. They left Portugal the 7 th of May 
 14S7, and coming to the Red Sea, parted 
 company : Alphonfo went to Prejier John's 
 country, where he died : Govillam travtWed 
 to Callicut and other places of the Eaft-hi- 
 dies, where he fully inform'd himfelf of 
 thofe countries. 
 
 In his return from thence he met with 
 two Jews, the king of Portugal had fent 
 to meet and advifi; him to inform himfelf 
 throughly of the flate of the Eaft-Indies. 
 
 One of thefe two JiWS he fent back to 
 the king, with a relation of the flateof thofe 
 countries-, the other he carried with him 
 to Ormus, from whence he fent him like- 
 wife to the king with a further relation, and 
 himfelf travelled to Prejier John's country, 
 where the king, whofe name was Alexan- 
 der, treated him courteoufly ; who dying, 
 the fucceeding king detain'd him prifoner, 
 where he died, and never fent more to the 
 king of Portugal. 
 
 The king being truly informed by the 
 relation of the two Jezvs, he haften'd the 
 preparation of his two fliips ; which voyage 
 proved fuccefsful by the difcovery of the 
 Eajt-Indies. By the example of this land 
 undertaking, we are to profecute our in- 
 tention for Tomhagatu and Gago, and to la- 
 bour how to arrive at them two places by 
 land, that we may with more eafe, after we 
 are there arrived, find out a paflage by a 
 river, when the country is made known to 
 us. 
 
 The men by whom we are to work our 
 defign, muft be the black people of that 
 country, whofe complexions are fuitable to 
 thofe of Africk ; for white men would feem 
 monflers to them, and foon be deffroyed 
 by them. The climate of the country, 
 the diet, the travels, the avoiding other 
 dangers and inconveniences, the negroes 
 can better fuffer than white men can un- 
 dergo. 
 
 Therefore I advife, feeing what we do 
 mufl be by the travel and endeavours of the 
 negroes of the country, that every Englijh 
 fhip that goes yearly to Guinea, may be in- 
 join'd to bring from thence three negroes, 
 with care to treat them civilly and kindly, 
 
 that
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal T^racis. 
 
 445 
 
 that at their return they may have juft caufe 
 to commend cur ufage of them. 
 
 Thefe negroes being arrived in England, 
 may be Tent into feveral cities and corpora- 
 tions, two or three of them in company 
 together, where they may be fet into free 
 icliools, to be taught the Engli/Jj tongue, 
 to v/rite and read, and the true worlhip 
 of God, with neceflary provifion for their 
 apparel and diet ; and when they are tiius 
 nr,ide capable to perform fo much as they 
 ilull be employ'd about in their own coun- 
 try, then to fend them back again, there 
 to follow fuch inftruftions as fhall be gi- 
 ven them for finding out the way and 
 paflage to the two places aforefaid ; and 
 after they return from thence, to afllgn 
 thetn a place where they fliall find a lliip 
 and men to entertain them •, for the only 
 thing that is to be required in this voyage, 
 is to difcovcr a way to ^Tombagatu and Gago, 
 and to know the true (late of that country, 
 and a means how to fettle a trade with the 
 people thereof. 
 
 The rivers by which we mufl make this 
 attempt, are Senega and Gambia ; and tho' 
 there be two entrances into them, yet they 
 make but one river, and betwixt them 
 compafs an ifland. 
 
 I confefs there have been many underta- 
 kings by the Englijh, to find a pafliige by 
 
 the river to 'tonibagatu and Gago, but toMoxsos. 
 little purpofe, as it has been carry'd ; there- ^^OT^^ 
 fore my dclign and defire is, that v/hat fol- 
 lows may be put in execution. 
 
 Bcfides the ordinary fhips that trade to 
 Guinea^ antl make their return for Eng- 
 land, I wifli that two pinnaces, each of 
 twenty tons, and two fubftantial fhallops, 
 be appointed to follow the difcovery in the 
 rivet's, to be v/ell manned, fufTiciently vic- 
 tualled and armed, to fVay out a whole 
 year, with feveral commodities the negroes 
 defire to have, to allure and entice them 
 to us. 
 
 Thefe two barks are to fliil fo high into 
 the rivers, till they be flopped by fhoals, 
 and then to caufe the two fhallops to pro- 
 ceed further with their oars ; for the greater 
 way they go by water, the Icfs journey the 
 negroes fliall have to travel by land. 
 
 Thefe fliips and fhallops are to make 
 their aboad thereabouts the fpace of nine or 
 ten months, and to employ themfelves in 
 traffick, to know the ftate of the country^ 
 to learn the condition of the people, to win 
 them by civility ; and by confent of them 
 to obtain a place afhore to inhabit and for- 
 tify, and make it a rendezvous for a yearly 
 courfe and trade ever after, as the Caftle dt 
 la Mina is to the Portuguefes. 
 
 A projeEi for a private voyage to Guinea. 
 
 THERE is much more ufe to be made 
 of the country of Africk, than either 
 we, or any other nation have laboured to 
 find out; which I do impute to the unhealth- 
 fulnefs of the climate, and the neglect of 
 people in not labouring to bring the blacks 
 to civility by courteous handling and treat- 
 ing them, as I have touched in my prece- 
 dent projeft. 
 
 And becaufe I would have nothins; at- 
 tempted that may not bring a poITibility of 
 profit, I here prefent a private voyage with 
 one fhip of two hundred tons, and four or 
 five fhallops, to be quartered and carried 
 in her. 
 
 It is not unknown to as many as trade to 
 the Eaji-Indies, what fuccour they find in 
 the bay of Saldatina, near the cape of Good 
 Hope, efpecially of oxen, where there are 
 the greateft abundance, and the biggefl of 
 body in the World ; and the feas thereabouts 
 afford great quantity of whales, out of which 
 may be made train oil. 
 
 My direftions in this voyage are to buy 
 and freight a Holland fhip of two hundred 
 tons burthen, with the number of fhallops 
 aforefaid, to carry in her to the value of 
 two thoufind or three thoufand pound car- 
 go, two hundred ton in cask, v.'ith all things 
 neceflary to kill and boil the whales ; and 
 three or four butchers to flay their beefs. 
 
 The place whither they mufl firft refort, 
 is the bay of Saldanna, aforefaid -, but in 
 -iheir way, to touch at the ifle of May, at 
 cape Verde, there to take fait to fave their 
 hides they (hall truck for. At their coming 
 to this bay, fome of their men mufl be im- 
 ploy'd in traffick with the Blacks ; fome in 
 killing their catde for their hides ; and 
 others in fifhing the whales, and making 
 oil of them. And as they fliall find a de- 
 cay of either oxen or whales, then to re- 
 move to the northward, where I doubt not 
 but they fliall find a fufficient ffore of both, 
 as alfo gold and other rich commodities, tQ 
 fettle u Trade ever after, 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 .5U 
 
 A ProjeSi
 
 4|6 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'vctl Tracls. 
 
 Book "V 
 
 
 . A projcSl how to trade to the Wefl-Iiidies for tobacco, with tl 
 ' king oj Spain, or feme one merchant his JnhjeSf 
 
 the confcnt of the 
 
 TI-1 E colour of our Eiigh(J:i fliips rc- 
 Ibrtirg to the E aft -Indies in time of 
 peace, is to leek a trade for tobacco •, and 
 under that pretence they have committed 
 divers piracies, tliough the king of Spain 
 has ufcil all the i^rid means and courles 
 poflible to avoid tliat milchief: he jias made 
 it death by law, if any of his fubjefts, eitiier 
 direftly or indiredly trafiick or have com- 
 merce with any foreign nation -, and has of- 
 ten ufed the rigour of that law, as well up- 
 on his own fubjeds that have offended in 
 that kind, as "upon ftrangers with whom 
 they have traded ; and yet gain is fuch a 
 temptation, that in fome places the Spa- 
 niards will not forbear trafFick, though they 
 run into imminent danger. 
 
 But to take away the occafion of this 
 abufe, and that England may be ferved with 
 better tobacco than any other growing elle- 
 vvhere ; and that the king of Spain, for 
 his part, receive no prejudice in his cu- 
 ftoms ibr tobacco, this is the way that I 
 devile. 
 
 That a merchant of Spain, and another 
 of England, do make a contraft, that the 
 Englijh fliall take off" fuch a quantity of to- 
 bacco, and at a certain rate agreed on, and 
 receive it at one of the ^ercera iflands ; 
 which will be an eafe to the navigation, ha- 
 ving the lefs way to ftil, and by conle- 
 quencc, the lefs danger of the fea and pi- 
 rates -, and this to be done with a fliip of 
 the Spaniards, and manned with Spaniards; 
 and for fuch commodities as fliall be brought 
 out of England, to deliver either at the 
 iflands aforefaid, or in any port of Spain, 
 at the eleftion of the Spaniards ; whereby 
 the king of Spain fliall not be deceived of 
 his cuftom either going or coming. 
 
 When the Spaniards have a certain vent 
 
 for their tobacco, which is a thing they 
 dcfire, they will not hazard to trade with 
 any fl:rangc nation by ftcalth ; and when 
 the EngliJ/j perceive they are out of hope 
 to truck tor tobacco in the Indies, they will 
 be difappointed of trade, and in a little 
 time make them become ftrangers in thole 
 parts ; and this is the reafon that mufl: be 
 ufed for the king of Spain to grant his con- 
 fen t to it. 
 
 And when we fliall be ferved with tobac- 
 co, and fliall have proof of the goodnefs of 
 it, in comparifon of the beaflly Itinking to- 
 bacco that comes from other places, people 
 will defire it for wholefomenefs, and deteft 
 the other; which when our planters at 
 Virginia, and other colonies, fliall find their 
 tobacco undervalued, it will be a caufe that 
 the people will apply themfclves to more 
 beneficial labours than they no\v do, in plant- 
 ing tobacco only. 
 
 And becaufe tobacco Ihall be better ufed, 
 and made up, to make it the more vendible 
 in England, (for the goodnefs and badnefs 
 of tobacco confifts in the ordering of it,) 
 we defire that two or three EngUJIomen, prac- 
 tifed in that art of making up tobacco, may 
 be hired by the Spaniards, and carried to 
 the Indies, to make it merchantable there 
 where it grows •, fb fliall we be fure to ferve 
 England, with none but choice tobacco, 
 where it will give a better price to the fil- 
 ler, and more content to the buyer. 
 
 Both the kingdoms and fubjeJls of 7^;/^- 
 laud and Spain will receive benefit by this 
 projed:, if they be governed by the direc- 
 tions aforeiliid •, and if there be a queftion 
 of the king of Spai)t\ confenting to it, it 
 is no more than mcrchanis within them- 
 fclves may contrive, without making re- 
 queft or fuit to either of the two kings. 
 
 An anjwer to a frojeci cf the Hollanders for furprizing the if and of Cana- 
 ria, a-nd that of St. Thome, uijdcr the equinoBial, anno 1599, in reproof 
 of fome of 7ny countrymen, who feck to prefer their anions before ours. 
 
 IT is wonderful to behold and fee the mu- 
 tability and uncertainty of this envious 
 fpiteful age of ours ; and amongft many in- 
 tolerable vices that reign, emulation is moft 
 rife •, for let a man be advanced by virtue 
 in his vocation, as namely, a fcholar to pro- 
 motion and dignity by his learning, it breeds 
 a fecret hate in all fcholars againft him : the 
 foldier for his fervice, makes all foldiers en- 
 vy him inwardly : the courtier preferred 
 by favour of the prince, makes all courtiers 
 
 repine at his fortune, and enter into exami- 
 nation of his merit above others, as though 
 they fliould be judges of their own v/orth. 
 This fhews the corruption of men's minds 
 in our time •, for virtue was never envied, 
 but by men of vice ; nor honour defpifed, 
 but by them that could not judge of it. 
 
 Envy flops not at private grudges ; for 
 very often it inflames the hearts of princes 
 againfl: the greatnefs of other potentates ; 
 it reigns in one kingdom againft the pro- 
 
 fperity
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^val Tra^s. 
 
 447 
 
 fperity and welfare of another ; but this 
 kind of emulation I confefs to be tolerable ; 
 for the example of one good prince may 
 make another virtuous ; and the example of 
 one kingdom, make another ftrive and en- 
 deavour to equal it. 
 
 But the fault I find, is with this mali- 
 cious liumour you ihall find in my enfuing 
 difcourfe; where, in this expedition of the 
 Hollanders., my counLrymen are apter to 
 give them honour, and to attribute gootl 
 fuccefs to them, it being an adtion ot their 
 own, than if they had joined with us. 
 
 I know not what to impute it to ; whe- 
 ther envy to others, becaule they could not 
 be aftors themfelves ; or a natural love to 
 the Holland nation, not perteftly knowing 
 them •, or to their popular government, be- 
 caufe they have caft ofi'" all fubje6tion to 
 monarchy : but fure I am, that cheir par- 
 tiality has difcovered a great deal of envy, 
 qs they fliall know by what follows ; for I 
 will fo unmafk them, that they fhall not 
 deny it. 
 
 After their ingaging us in a war with 
 Spain^ it is known, to as many as know 
 any thing, that notwithltanding our prohi- 
 bition of trade with Spain, which continued 
 eighteen years, they never committed any 
 hoftile adt by fea againft Spain, nor had en- 
 counter, with fleet or fliips of Spain ; but to 
 the contrary, fupplied them with all manner 
 of provifions and ammunition againft us. 
 
 Then feeing there appeared no aft of 
 theirs, to commend either their fufficiency 
 or valour, it is ftrange to me, that my 
 countrymen fhould extol them above our 
 felves, only out of an imagination of what 
 they would do, but not by proof of what 
 they have done. . 
 
 This trade of theirs into Spain continued 
 all the reign of king Philip II. but he dying, 
 and his fon fucceeding, he caufed a genei'al 
 embargo and arrefl: ot all Ihips within his 
 dominions, which belonged to any parts 
 of the Netherlands, that were not obedi- 
 ent to his father's government •, and pub- 
 lifhed an edift, that it fliould be lawful, 
 from that time forward, to ufe the fame law 
 upon any fuch fliips as fhould be found in 
 his country. 
 
 This was effedled accordingly ; and the 
 Hollanders being certified thereof, knew it 
 was not their advantage to fuffer their fl-sips 
 to lie and rot without imployment : nei- 
 ther had they means to maintain fo many 
 mariners as were in the country, without 
 they had the ufe of navigation. For thefe 
 two reafons, and a defire they had to an- 
 noy the king of Spain, they fent this prefent 
 year, 1599, ieventy-three fliips to fea, the 
 general whereof was Peter Van Doijl. 
 
 Whilft this preparation of theirs held, 
 there was an overture of peace made to her 
 
 majefty by the king of Spain, and arch- Monson- 
 duke Albertus, which the queen was in- '-'^^^'>«» 
 clined to hearken to ; but upon the earneft 
 interceffion and requefb of the Hollanders, 
 with promife to fecure her at home, with 
 their fleet abroad, from any hurt Spain 
 fliould intend againfl her that prefent year, 
 flie, out of a gracious refpeft to them, was 
 willing to furceafe I'peech of that treaty for 
 a time. 
 
 And now in aniwcr to a book thev 
 publilhed at their icturn from the Canaries., 
 which they intitled thus, ne conqueft of the 
 Grand Canaries tnade this Injl fnmmer h 
 fevcnty-tbree fail of pips, fent out by the cor.i- 
 mand and direSlion of the States General of 
 the United Provinces to the coaft of Spain, 
 and the Canary ijlands ; ivith the taking of a 
 town in the ifland of Gomera, and the fuccefs 
 of part of this fleet in their return homeivard, 
 which fet fail from Holland the 2glh of 
 March, and returned home the 10th of Sep- 
 tember 1599. When you read the two 
 firfV words. The couquefl, you will not think 
 there followeth lels than a kingdom •, for 
 commonly it is not a phrafe ufcd to any 
 ftate, but to a kingdom. 
 
 The Grand Canaria, which they think 
 to blind the ignorant people with, to be a 
 place of fo great fame and renown, becaufe 
 ot the length of the word in pronunciation, 
 is an ifland of twelve le.agues in length and 
 breadth ; many villages in it, and one 
 town bigg.r than the reft, called a city, 
 where the bifliop's feat is, for all the other 
 iflands. 
 
 There are in number fcven iflands -, Grand 
 Canaria, Tenerff, which is the bic'^eil, 
 wealthiefl and ftrongefl, Pahno, Gomera^ 
 Fuertcventiita, Larezarcfe, and Ffrro. 
 
 Upon the firft difcovery of theie iflands, 
 they were called the Fortunate, and now the 
 Canary Iflands ; and by letting down the 
 Canaries, he would have the v/orld think, 
 that they had conquered all the iflands •, 
 whereas, if he would have fpoken truili, 
 and according to fenfe, he fliould have in- 
 tituled his book. The furprize and taking 
 of the city of Palmes in the ifland of Grand 
 Canaria: the title of this book is as *-idi- 
 culous, as if we fliould write the ftory of the 
 Sack of Cadiz, and intitle it. The Conqufj't 
 of Spain, becaufe Cadiz is a city in Spain. 
 Thus you fee they are people that will fet a ' 
 great glofs upon a fmall flievv. 
 
 Their promife made to her majefty at 
 their fetting from home, was, to view and 
 fearch all the harbours upon the coaft of 
 Spain, and to deftroy the king's fliip.';, 
 whereby fhe fhould be fccured at home. 
 
 The firft port they fell in withal was the 
 Groyne, being guided with a favoLir.ible and 
 large wind ; for irom Holhnd thither, they 
 were fitiling but eleven days ; but wlieii they 
 
 came
 
 448 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val l^ra^s. 
 
 Book y.i|o( 
 
 MoNsos.came before the harbour, they behaved 
 ^y'W^^ thcmfclves lb unadvifedly, that the town 
 took the alarm, and was provided to with- 
 ftand them. 
 
 Here lay divers of the king's fliips, 
 v.'hich they woukl not attempt, but diflio- 
 nourably departed •, though I muft contefs 
 they performed halt their promife made to 
 the queen, in viewing the harbours; but 
 not the other half in deltroying their fliips. 
 ]f her majefty had refted upon their af- 
 furance of lafety, and not otherwile pro- 
 vided to Hand upon her own guard, I am 
 of opinion the Spaniards had fooner vifited 
 lis, than they them ; and yet they ftick 
 not to boaft, that they call anchor in 
 twelve or thirteen fathom water, and that 
 the town fhot two hundred cannon fliot, 
 but killed never a man : they alio fay they 
 towed out their fhips with boats, in defpite 
 ot their lliot •, whereas it appears, they lay 
 ib far off, that they were in no danger of 
 their flior, or that they were in fee wiih the 
 gunners not to hurt them, as any man may 
 conjeiSlure. 
 
 Bat it fcems they were fo much difcou- 
 raged with looking into this harbour, that 
 they never oircred the like to any other 
 upon that coaft ; but forgetting their pro- 
 mife to the queen, the general made known 
 his purpofe to his captains, that he meant 
 to attempt the iflands of Canaria. 
 
 If this projeft was defigncd him from 
 home, or that it was left to the difcretion 
 of the general to undertake what he thought 
 tit ; in the one, the ftates fliewed themfelves 
 ignorant in martial tea affairs, or the ge- 
 neral had no difpofition to enterprize the 
 lervice that might bring danger ; for the 
 Canaries are known to be of fuch fmall im- 
 portance, that we never held it worth our 
 labour to poffefs them, though it were ma- 
 ny times in our power. 
 
 Says the author, " The place of landing 
 " was difcommodious and difficult, but 
 "■ that moft of the enemies were flain, to 
 •■' the number of thirty or thirty-fix. The 
 " lord general leaping firft on land, was 
 " thruft into the kg with a pike, and had 
 " in his body four wounds more, being in 
 " great danger to lofe his life, but that 
 " one of the foldiers flew the Spaniard that 
 " did it ; but his wounds were of fmall 
 " moment." 
 
 Gende reader, firft you are to obferve, 
 that by their own confelTion, they had very 
 great difficulty to land •, and that before 
 they landed, they flew moft of the enemies, 
 which were to the number of thirty or thir- 
 ty-fix •, then let us think whether it was 
 greater valour in the thirty-fix, to with- 
 lland the twenty-four companies, as they 
 report of thenifelves after, or for the twen- 
 
 ty-four companies to overcome the thirty- 
 fix men : after this proportion it was three 
 Spaniards to two companies of Hollan- 
 ders. 
 
 Then follows a report of their lord ge- 
 neral's valour: a lord we will allow him, 
 becaufc the author gives him the title, 
 though, if it were examined, he was no 
 more lord, than they have authority to 
 make a lord : he was the firfl man, the au- 
 thor fays, that leap'd alhore, and received 
 a wound in his leg with a pike, and four 
 in his body, v^hich put him in great danger 
 of his life ; but that a foldier flew the Spa- 
 niard that did it •, and that his wounds were 
 of fmall moment. 
 
 Mark the improbability of the one, and 
 the variety of the report of the other : for 
 how is it likely that one foldier fliould 
 come to the pulh of pike, upon the gene- 
 ral's leaping afhore, and give him fo ma- 
 ny wounds, having his troops fo prepared, 
 that tliey would not fuffer the head of a 
 man to appear.'' This man's valour far ex- 
 ceeded the thirty-fix ; for he undertook 
 their whole force, being twenty-four com- 
 panies. 
 
 The author fays, the general was in great 
 danger to lofe his life -, and in the line fol- 
 lowing, his wounds were of imall moment : 
 thefe two are contraries, and for my part 
 I know not which to believe ; but confide- 
 ring the probability of the manner of his 
 hurts, and the contrariety of the ftate of 
 his wounds, I do verily think the thirty-fix 
 men could not make the refiftance they 
 fpcak of Secondly, the general came not 
 to the pufh of pike at his firft landing. 
 And thirdly, he received not fo many 
 wounds, as for his glory they report of him. 
 After they had thus landed, they follow- 
 ed the viiftory with great lofs to themfelves, 
 and little to the enemy, by their own re- 
 port -, for they fay, they neither found 
 wealth nor prifoner in the town, their goods 
 being all carried into the mountains, and 
 the people having quitted it, and efca- 
 ped. 
 
 The memorableft thing they did in the 
 town, was the delivery of thirty-fix pri- 
 foners, who reported that two others, one 
 an EnglijJjmon^ the other an Hollander, were 
 carried into the mountains, being cenfured 
 by the inquifition, whom they had not the 
 means to redeem for want of two Spa- 
 niards. 
 
 The author reports, that after the ta- 
 king of the town, their people committed 
 fuch diforders in the country, the palTages 
 being known to the Spaniards., and not to 
 them, that at one time twenty of them were 
 killed; another time they return'd with the 
 lofs of feventy men, and in the poor ifland of 
 
 Qamern
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tralis. 
 
 449 
 
 Gomera eighty, and made the reft retire •, be- 
 fides, at divers other places they received iofs. 
 This proceeded rather out of diforder 
 amongft themfelvcs, than any unlawful adl 
 of the Spaniards ; for thofe thus flain, were 
 no lets than free-booters that went a rob- 
 bing, without leave of their officers ; tho' 
 the Hollanders rail and exclaim againft their 
 cruelty, alluding to their names, diat the 
 Canaries were fo called, becaufe of Canes, 
 the abundance of dogs then found in the 
 ifland : They iay that the people would run 
 as fv/ift as dogs, and were as tyrannical and 
 blood-thirfty as ravening wolves, which 
 they fufficiently manifefled ; for as foon as 
 they could lay hold on any of their people, 
 like to mad curs, agreeing with their names, 
 they would prefently worry them : And 
 they, I confiL-fs, had no other remedy but 
 patience ; tor they took never a Spaniard to 
 exercife accuftomed cruelty. 
 
 But tho' they did not fufficiently revenge 
 themfelves upon the people, as you have 
 heard, yet they neglefted not to rifle their 
 cloyflers, monallerics, and churches •, and 
 not being content vvith the fpoil of them, 
 they deftroy'd and burnt them down to the 
 ground. 1 his example they never learnt 
 of us, in the aftions they have been with 
 us ; for Vv-e ever had a refpeft to the 
 churches, tho' we dilTered in religion, and 
 held it was a houfe ol our God as well as 
 theirs, tho' we ferved him not both in one 
 kind. 
 
 The llullanda-s are people that will omit 
 nothing for their glory ; and amongft many 
 famous i'.fts they have atchiev'd in this ex- 
 pedition, they fet down the taking of fevcn 
 tiftiermen by one of their pinnace?, Hfliing 
 under Fuerte-ventura, and the general's com- 
 mitting them to prifon. 
 
 Thefe feven Spaniards ftood them in great 
 .ilead for their reputation -, for had it not 
 been for the taking of thefe feven men, they 
 had returned without manifefting their land- 
 ing in any part of the king ot Spain's do- 
 minions -, not having taken a man before, 
 to have teftity'd to the world they had met 
 with an enemy. 
 
 After the lack and fpoil of the city of 
 Palmes, the general embark'd his army, 
 and was willing to perform fome other fer- 
 vice that was not of danger -, and called a 
 council of his captains and pilots, inquiring 
 oi them which was the weakeft ifland, for 
 there he meant to land : You fee he was not 
 defirous to know the wealthieft, but the 
 weakeft ifland •, making account where 
 there was wealth, there was ftrength that 
 would refift them : But he wifely confi- 
 dering that the taking an ifland, though it 
 was of no importance, yet it would carry a 
 great fhcw and glofs to the world, (for men 
 would not enter into the value and worth 
 
 voL.m. 
 
 but into the name of an ifland,) did here-MoNsoN. 
 upon couragioufly refolve upon the attempt •'''V^>«^ 
 of Gomera, a place of fo fmall account, 
 that they might have been afham'd to un- 
 dertake it, but efpccially to publifli it in 
 print. 
 
 If all our deeds, accoi-ding to that coin- 
 putation, were publiflied to the world, we 
 have had many fhips, not above three in 
 company, that have perform'd greater fer- 
 vice ; and yet the Ho/landers ftick not to 
 boaft that they left the ifland of Gomera 
 burning, which was never done before by. 
 any nation. 
 
 Some men that know not the ftate of 
 this poor filly ifland, would think it were 
 to be cotnpar'd with Vienna, which the 
 'Turks have often aflaulted with huge ar- 
 mies, and never had power to prevail againft 
 it. And in the fiime cafe men may ima- 
 gine, feeing they did that which was never 
 done by any nation, that it was a place of 
 that invincible ftrength, as though many 
 armies had attempted it, yet they had never 
 power to prevail againft it : Whereas, in 
 very truth, this ifland is poor in wealth, 
 and weak in power, readier to yield to a 
 weak enemy, than to withftand a mean 
 army. 
 
 This ifland was fubdued upon the firft 
 difcovery v/ithout fight •, all the reft- with- 
 ftood the conquerors ; which it is like the 
 general well knew by his demands, which 
 was the v/cakcft ifland, which embolden'd 
 him upon the enterprize. 
 
 Here he found no refiftance ; for all the 
 people abandoned the town and fled to 
 the mountains, and commicted many mur- 
 ders upon the Hollanders by their undifcreet 
 ftraggling. 
 
 Once again the general embark'd, and 
 dilpatch'd thirty-four of his fhips back for 
 Holland ; and himfelf with the reft meant to 
 proceed to thclFeJl- Indies : Thofc fiiips that 
 return'd took two prizes of fmall value, 
 that had but thirty men in both, which 
 takes up a long difcourfe in this book 
 I have anfwer'd. If all our prizes were 
 eftimated, and the number fet down, fincc 
 the beginning of our wars with Spain, there 
 have been at leaft fix hundred greater and 
 richer veflels brought to England, which we 
 think not worthy to bcaft of: But indeed 
 they are to be excufed •, for the taking of 
 thefe two barks, and the thirty men, are 
 the only deeds they did in their projeft to 
 the Canaries. 
 
 You have heard, upon the divifion of the 
 fleet, the general refolved for the IVefi-Indies ; 
 which refolution w.as fudilenly altered, and 
 he direfted his courfe to St. Thome, an ifland 
 under the equinoftial line : What becomes of 
 them, I am not very inquifitive to know, 
 till I fee it publifli'd in print, as this was; 
 5 X neither.
 
 450 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trades. 
 
 Book \ 
 
 MoNsoN. neither, in my opinion, can they expeft any 
 ^'"'V^-' thing but death, the country and climate 
 exceeding all parts of the world for ficknefs: 
 And I verily believe this latter projed to 
 St. Thome, was dcfigned by fome traitors 
 amongft themfelves ■, tor the Portuguefes that 
 live in that ifland confcfs, that no man born 
 in Europe, ever li\''d there fo long, as to 
 have a white beard, or attain to fifty years 
 
 of age 
 
 And to conclude, feeing how indifcreetly 
 the Hollanders have carry'd themfelves in 
 this laft aftion, wherein they have deceiv'd 
 the expecftation of all their well-willers, 
 that are not too much tranfported with 
 partiality, I would not have my country- 
 
 men hereafter to magnify tliem above their 
 worth ; but that in reafon, without affec- 
 tion, they will compare the managing 
 their aftions with ours, which in difcretion 
 they are bound to do ; and they fliall un^ 
 doubtedly find great difference betwixt 
 us. 
 
 What I have here writ, I proteff: is nei- 
 ther in malice to the Hollanders, nor in par- 
 tiality to ourfelvcs, but out of a fincere 
 love of truth ; for I am fo far from any de- 
 tratfting humour, that if I can fee amend- 
 ment in them and their adtions, I will be as 
 ready to do them honour therein, as I am 
 now willing to defend my countrymen from 
 the fcandal of fpightful tongues. 
 
 A projeSi how to ruin Spain, "with the ajjlflance of Holland, if lis majefly enter 
 
 into a new ivar ivith that crown. 
 
 IF the king of Great Britain declare him- 
 felf enemy to Spain, no man need doubt 
 but that he fhall have afTiftance of Hol- 
 land to join with him in any adlion againft 
 that crown -, and then it may be fuppofed 
 what hurt in time may redound to Spain 
 in the Indies, if both the nations do really 
 join together, and their defigns be well 
 grounded, by example of what hurt the 
 Hollanders alone have done the Spaniards in 
 Brazil and the Indies, without the help of 
 any other nation. 
 
 And to defcend to particulars, there is 
 lately an occafion, and an unavoidable op- 
 portunity offered, never thought on by 
 England or Holland, when they both had 
 v/ars, and ftudied how to vex the kingdom 
 of Spain by their hoflile actions : Now, I 
 iay, there is a new difcovery, wherein the 
 Indies may be hazarded, the Spanifi nation 
 fubverted, and all the rule, government, 
 and riches, fettled upon us and Holland, if 
 we join mutually together, as we have done 
 in fundry other aftions heretofore. 
 
 The ground of this dcfign flands upon 
 the peopling and planting of an uninha- 
 bited ifland, eighty odd leagues from Car- 
 thagena, in Terra Firma, and not above ten 
 or twelve miles in length, and, as I formei'- 
 ly fiid, fix in breadth, five hundred leagues 
 weft from the other iflands the Englijh now 
 pofTefs, and where there are already feared 
 fix thoufand able and fufficient foldiers, with 
 their arms, and other abiliinents for war, 
 and are like daily to incrcafe, by the for- 
 wardnefs of people that willingly put them- 
 felves into fuch aftions. 
 
 Such iflands as the Englifi are feated in 
 are in the hithermofl part of Jmerica, and 
 by which all fliips that go to the other iflands 
 aforefaid, or to Terra Firma, are to pafs 
 by, with a certain and fettled wind which 
 never fails •, and the men that there inhabit, 
 
 their bodies are made able and fit to live in 
 fuch unnatural climates to their former 
 breetling; their hard and evil diet, with 
 drinking water, is made familiar to them, 
 and they are become excellent foldiers. 
 
 Thefe people thus planted, will much 
 forward any enterprize that fhall be made 
 upon the Indies, by the conveniency and lit- 
 tle charge to tranfport them confidered ; as 
 Hkewiie the ability of them, which we may 
 account treble to as many as we fliall carry 
 out of Enghvid. 
 
 But now I will proceed to the defign, and 
 to the way how to put it in execution, which 
 may prove the moft dangerous plot that 
 was ever intended againfl Spain, fince the firfl 
 difcovery of the Indies ; though at the firfl 
 apprehenfion it may feem ridiculous, and 
 rather to be contemn'd than fear'd by the 
 Spaniards ; but if they will call to mind the 
 precedent of other times, they fliall find 
 that their king Don Rodrigo and his coun- 
 try was conquer'd in two years by a few 
 barbarous Moors not worth naming, and 
 could not be recover'd in feven hundred and 
 fcventy odd years of wars after. The like 
 may be faid of England, when it was fub- 
 dued and fubverted by kfs than four hun- 
 dred Saxons at the beginning ; things not 
 to be believed, but that times and flories 
 make it manifeft •, and in reafon this ifland 
 may prove as dangerous to the Indies, as the 
 others have been to Spain and England ; 
 for it is like a fpark of fire, out of which 
 greater fires may be kindled and made un- 
 quenchable. 
 
 This ifland, which I have fpoken of in 
 my fourth book, is near Carlhagena, and 
 not far from Porto Bella, and Nomhre de 
 Dios, whither the treallire of the Indies is 
 brought firfl from Peru by fea to Panama, 
 and after to the places aforefaid by land, be- 
 fore it be cmbark'd for Spain. 
 
 This
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval ^raBs. 
 
 451 
 
 This ifland has of late chang'd her name, 
 from Carthagena to Provideniia, out ot a 
 forefeeing providence and care that fome 
 well-minded EngliJImen do owe to their 
 country that have fo named it, thinking 
 to work the efFeft, for which they polTcls 
 and fo call it, as may be gafher'd out of 
 a difcourfe, it being of that importance, 
 by reafon of that impregnablenefs, and the 
 commodity of an harbour, to receive fome 
 fliipping of a reafonable bignefs, and be- 
 ing naturally encompafs'd about with rocks 
 and flioals, that it is impofTible for any 
 bark or boat to make an enterprize upon it, 
 but only in the harbour, which is fo for- 
 tified, that no force is able to aflail it -, in- 
 fomuch that it may be faid of this ifland. 
 That God has placed it with his finger, to 
 impede and forbid the trade of the Indies 
 upon that coaft, as aforefaid. 
 
 And tho' this ifland afibrds nothing but 
 water for the fuftenance of the people that 
 fliall inhabit it, yet in a fliort fpace it may 
 be fupply'd from the T'ortugas, which we 
 enjoy near Hijpaniola with hogs and beefs, 
 fufficient to relieve as many men as the cir- 
 cuit of the ground can contain. 
 
 But now to the ufe that can be made of 
 the ifland : It is to be confider'd, as afore- 
 faid, how dangerous a thing it will be to 
 the Spaniards navigations thereabouts. Se- 
 condly, that whereas in all our voyages 
 and expeditions in the queen's time to the 
 Indies,we. have ftill quailed, becaufe our fleets 
 never made their abode out oi England above 
 fix or feven months, going, coming, and 
 flaying there, for want of provifions to abide 
 there any longer, but were ftill forced to re- 
 turn when their greateft fervice was to be 
 executed. 
 
 The ufe we muft put this ifland to, is to 
 make it a magazine to relieve our greatefl: 
 enterprizes upon the main land, without 
 either fending or turning back into England ; 
 for every thing that England can fupply us 
 with, this ifland may receive from thence 
 without charge ; and the fliips thus freighted 
 may return laden with fait that fhall coft 
 them nothing, to countervail the expence 
 of their tranfportation. 
 
 Here fhall we be fully furnifh'd, and all 
 difficulties taken away, to further our enter- 
 prize upon the main land •, which upon 
 our firfl landing we mufl divide our armies 
 into two parts, the one to go to Panama^ 
 and pofiefs the port of the South-Sea^ whilfl 
 the other enjoys Carthagena and the North 
 Coajl ; that betwixt them they fliall give 
 the greateft blow to all the Indies as ever 
 was projected by man, as well Peru as Nrua 
 Spain. 
 
 Thefe places being taken, as it will prove 
 no great difficulty, by example of fewer 
 forces that have done far greater exploits 
 
 in the fame place, feas, and towns, this IsMonson. 
 the way for England and Holland to become ^-O/'^i* 
 matters of that land and fea: For the ftrength 
 of the Indies confifls in the people and inha^ 
 bitants of Peru and A'ijw' Spain ; the one 
 north, the other fouth, thoufands of miles 
 from thence ; which diftance will debar 
 them of fuccours, and all that coaft will 
 be left to their own defence j whofe weak- 
 nefs the Englijh have found in fundry a6tions 
 heretofore : Or if it be allcdged, that their 
 ports and towns are better fortified than 
 they have been ; it may be anfwcr'd, that 
 if it were fo, yet our army and ftrength 
 will be twenty times double to that in 
 former times-, and that moreover, a country 
 inv.aded (that relies upon the force of towns 
 and fortifications) by an enemy that com- 
 mands both land and fea, though it be 
 never fo impregnable, in the end muft 
 yield. 
 
 Leaving fome attempts formerly made 
 by our Englijh before they were warranted 
 by the war with Spain, who then joined 
 with the Sherneerones, which are Negroes re- 
 volted from their mafters betwixt Nomlre 
 de Dios and Panama, a place where they 
 feized upon the king's treafure afhore in 
 thofe times, I will recite fome particular 
 exploits done upon towns of the Indies, 
 during the war of queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Drake, with fewer than a thoufand men, ijSj. 
 took St. Jago in Cape Verde, St. Domingo in 
 Hifpaniola, Carthagena in Terra Firma, and 
 St. ylnlonio and St. Hellena in Florida. 
 
 Drake unA Hawkins, with feven hundred ^S9S- 
 and fifty men, took El Rio dc Hacha, Ran- 
 cheria, Tapia, Santa Maria, Nomhre de 
 Dios, and Porto Bella ; and were forced, 
 for want of fupplies, to return for England ^ 
 as, if the ifland of Providence had been 
 theirs, the advantage of it forefeen, and 
 they fupply'd from it, as is now intended, 
 they had taken Panama, and by confe- 
 quence had an entrance into the South-Sea ; 
 which would have proved the moft dan- 
 gerous defign againft Spain that was ever 
 projedhed. 
 
 If we call to mind private mens under- 1594. 
 takings, captain Prefton, with one hundred 
 and fifty men, took Puerto San^o, Clacho, 
 the town and fort of Chapa, the city oS. St. 
 Jago de Leon, and the town of Camena. 
 
 Captain Parker, with two fmall fhips and 1596. 
 one hundred and eighty men, took St. Vincent 
 in Cape Verde, Porto Bello, and a fort call'd 
 St. Jago, with the king's treafure in Terra 
 Firma. The fame captain Parker, in a 
 voyage before, and with fewer men, took 
 one town of importance, call'd Canipeche. I 
 could repeat many more •, but thefe fhall 
 fuffice. 
 
 The earl of Cumberland, with fi.sver 
 than one thoufand men, took Puerto Rice, 
 
 a place
 
 45^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book V. 
 
 MoNsoN.a place of great ftrength and defence, with 
 ^-Or>>^ the lofs of twenty-eight men. Thcfe pre- 
 cedents (hew what thefe places arc, or may 
 be made in ftrength. 
 
 And if (o few Ihips and men could fur- 
 prize and take lb many cities and towns 
 without the countenance or help ot the 
 queen, or ihc alTiftance of other princes or 
 countries, and in time of war that gave 
 continual alarms to them to provide for ene- 
 mies, what may England and Hollatid now 
 do, joining their forces together, that have 
 the command of more bodies of men, more 
 number of fliips, and to be furnifhed with 
 greater celerity to lecond their adfions, than 
 all the v.orld bcfides ? but efpecially, ha- 
 ving this ifland that will ferve for a key to 
 open the lock of the Indies ? 
 
 But to end with the defign of the North- 
 Sea, which is fo diftinguifhed by the Spa- 
 niards, I will now fail into the South-Sea, 
 and Peru, the fountain out of which the 
 treafures of the Indies flow ; and will fet 
 down the laft refolution taken by the pro- 
 jeftors, counfellors, and adventurers of this 
 adion, which in my opinion fcems to be 
 a thing of great reafon. They conclude, 
 as upon a matter of greateft confequence, to 
 take away all occafion of help or fuccour 
 from Spain, is to forbid the ordinary trades 
 of their neighbour countries into Spain ; 
 which being done, the Indies is hopelefs of 
 help ; and the way to put it in praftice, as 
 they conceive, is, to put out a general 
 proclamation throughout Europe, tor all 
 rations, towns, and cities, to take notice 
 of, that if fuch countries, towns, and 
 princes, will from thenceforward defift from 
 their traffick with Spain, with ammuni- 
 tion, viftuals, or other abiliments for the 
 war, that then from that day they fhall 
 enjoy the immunities and privileges of trade 
 into the Indies, as freely as now they do, or 
 have at any time done, in their commerce, 
 of England or Holland: As to the contrary, 
 if they relieve Spain with the commodities 
 aforeiaid, they are to Hand upon their perils, 
 and not to expeft favour. This will debar 
 Spain of foreign helps, and be a means to 
 unfurnifh them of all materials to fit out 
 fleets; fo that the Indies will be left to them- 
 felves, and the dwellers there to defend 
 them. 
 
 The conference and refolution of the trea- 
 ty aforefaid, provided for all things to be 
 prefently put in execution, and to forecaft 
 all doubts that might be impediments to 
 them ; and they confidered how eafy a 
 thing it was to go thro' the work they had 
 projefted : So on the other fide, they weigh- 
 ed, that the fubftancc of the wealth of the 
 Indies, was thoufands of miles from Pana- 
 ma, whither it was brought by fea, not ha- 
 ving iiieans or pafTage to tranfport it by 
 
 2 
 
 land •, and therefore conclude, that the 
 ruin of Spain in the Indies, was to have 
 an entrance and command tf the South- 
 Sea. 
 
 They know the condition of that fca, 
 and all the harbours and towns inhabited 
 and polTeffed by the Spaniards, from Chile 
 and Peru, till they arrive at the ports of 
 Navid.ad and Acafuko in New Spain, v>'hich 
 are the harbours whither Mixico, and all 
 that coalt iend their commodities, as well 
 into the ports of America, as into the Phi- 
 lippine ifland ; and that by the taking thofe 
 ports, the whole country of New Spain muft 
 nt'ceffarily fubmit and yield. 
 
 They are not ignorant, that though that 
 fea affords fhips for trade from port to port, 
 yet they and their fliips are fliut up from 
 any other traffick out of that fea, by reafon 
 of the flraights of Magellan ; and that the 
 fhips there built, are made only for mer- 
 chandize, not for defence and ftrength, not 
 one of them carrying one piece of ord- 
 nance. 
 
 They likewife know, that the Spaniards 
 thereabouts arc ricli, and unaccuftomed to 
 war ; that if they may have good condi- 
 tions for life and goods, they may be cafily 
 drawn to live undtr our fubjcdion and go- 
 vernment. 
 
 They moreover know the evil difpofiiioii 
 the people of thofe countries bear to tUt Spa- 
 niards, and how willingly they will be drawn 
 to join with us againll them ; and to join 
 the one and the other more heartily to the 
 invaders party, tliey refolve to make a 
 publick aft and decree. That all Indians, 
 as "^'ell the one as the ether, pall be freed 
 from their labours, their flaverics, and forced 
 tyrannies. And becaufe the Spaniards fhall 
 have no dependency or neceOity of the help 
 of Spain, it fliall be lawful for all men to 
 plant wine, oil, and other commodities they 
 defire. It fliall be alio as lawful for them 
 to enjoy their religion, as in former times. 
 Thefe will be motives and reafons fufficient, 
 as well to draw the one as the other to the 
 government of England and Holland, when 
 all the poflibility of relief fhall be taken 
 from them. 
 
 For the effefting of this they determine 
 to fend forty or fifty warlike fliips into the 
 South-Sea by the flraights of Magellan, 
 which fliall carry a fufficient number of men 
 to perform their defign, with all manner 
 of ordnance, with ammiinition to ftrcng- 
 then the fliores and fliips-, no part but fhall 
 be poffeffed, flrengrhcned, and inhabited by 
 us, till we come to Panama, where they 
 fliall find it planted and enjoy 'd by their 
 countrymen in as good a manner, as tliough 
 they fliould arrive in England ov Holland; 
 and from thence they may cafily pafs to the 
 ports aforefaid of Navidad and Acajuko m 
 
 New
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSis. 
 
 453 
 
 Kezv Spain, and conclude an ablblute con- 
 queftof the Indies; they may fay as Julius 
 C^far fA.k], I came, I faw, and I overcame. 
 
 And becaufe this counfel and refolution 
 flull not feem vain, by example of the 
 north leas aforefaid, where I have made a 
 repetition of fuch towns and ports as have 
 been taken by the EngliJJj, lb I will do the 
 like in the Souih-Sea, by one fliip alone that 
 departed England in 1586. and upon all 
 occafions and fervices could land but eighty 
 men. 
 
 The firft exploit he did, was by taking 
 away certain ordnance from a port, built 
 by Peter Sermiento in the ftraights of Ma- 
 
 gellan, where he found all the people ^> 
 dead, except three only. Sailing from ^ 
 thence to Chile, lie took Santa Maria; hci 
 took and fpoiled Marmaroma, Arica, Pif- 
 ca, Paraca, Chcripa, Paito, the iflands of 
 Puna, a place of great importance for the 
 building and trimming of Hiips-, and arri- 
 ving at Neiv Spain, he took and fpoileiJ 
 Acapulco, the port of Navidad, the pore of 
 St. Jago, the bay of Compoftella, the illund 
 of St. Ambrofe, and the bay of MaJJacla;n. 
 And therefore let no man doubt that any 
 part of that coaft or feas can refift forty 
 or fifty fail of fliips fcnt from hence. 
 
 ProjeSfs for the Spaniards to annoy the Hollanders in fevcral trades. 
 
 Tlbe firji projeEl. 
 
 THE Hollanders have compafTed a great 
 and beneficial trade into feveral places 
 of Guinea, which anciently belonged to the 
 Portuguefes, as the firft difcoverers of them : 
 the Hollanders now refort thither daily, and 
 are well accepted of by the Negroes of that 
 country, who bring them gold, and divers 
 other rich commodities, in truck for their 
 flight merchandize. 
 
 The projeft to hinder the trade of the 
 Hollanders, and quite to banifli them from 
 that coafl, is, to furniih as men of war, fix 
 or feven of thofe fhips they ordinarily fend 
 to Braftl well mann'd; and thefc in their 
 way to range along the coafl; of Guinea, 
 where they fliall undoubtedly meet and 
 take the Holland fliips that trade there in 
 feveral parts and ports, as is apparent, ha- 
 ving neither port, nor other ftrength to re- 
 fift them. Or if it fliall happen that they 
 have made any defence on fliore by the af- 
 fifl:ance of the Negroes, they may eafily fup- 
 plant them with the foldicrs they carry with 
 themi whereas by giving them a longer 
 time to inhabit that coafl:, it would become 
 a more difficult enterprize to fubdue them, 
 by the example of the Hollanders pofTefling, 
 divers places in the Eaft-Iudies, which at 
 the firft might have been prevented. 
 
 If the Hollanders be but once thus ferved, 
 it will be a means to make them quit that 
 coaft, and clearly thruft them out of Guinea: 
 for Guinea is not like the Ea/i- Indies, where 
 the Hollanders maintain an hundred fhips by 
 their feveral trades in fundry parts, as well 
 thofe places they enjoy, as the others that 
 accept of their commerce; whereas in Gui- 
 nea, the traffick is but in particular places, 
 whither the merchandize is brought them 
 by Negroes from afar off within the land, 
 which cannot be of any great bulk, for want 
 of carriage of fhips or boats; neither are 
 they defign'd any particular harbour, as the 
 Portuguefes are at Cajtle de la Mina.. 
 
 N° no. Vol. III. 
 
 The Hollanders have as litde hope of rob- 
 bing and fpoiling the Portuguefes, becaufe 
 their trade is but linall, and their fliips few, 
 whereby they are not able to maintain foot- 
 ing in that country, without greater expence 
 than the profit will countervail: fix or fe- 
 ven fhips of Portugal will be a fufficient 
 ftrength to drive them out of Guinea, thofe 
 fhips to range along the coaft, and cut 
 them off where they Ihall find them trading 
 in their feveral places. 
 
 My projeft is, after they are thus de- 
 ftroy'd, that the fix or feven fhips of Por- 
 tugal ftand over to Brafil, and there take 
 their freights of fugar, and other rich com- 
 modities, which, confidcring the faiety and 
 waftage by thofe fhips of war, will be a 
 means to eafe the expence in furnilljing the 
 fhips of war. 
 
 The fecond projeSi to Ruflia. 
 
 The north part of Ruffia was but a thin^ 
 imagined, till Sebaftian Cahott, by his per- 
 fuafions in the reign of queen Mary, drew 
 England to the dilcovery of it. Anno 1553. 
 which enjoy'd the abfolute trade thereof ibr 
 many years, till the Hollanders encroached 
 upon us, as they have done in all other trades, 
 as I have laid in my fixth book. In continu- 
 ance of time the Hollanders, have increafed 
 from two fhips to one hundred, as is appa- 
 rent by fo many as they yearly fend; and 
 have made a greater ufe of the country than 
 to merchandize alone ; for they have let up 
 a trade of making cables, ropes, and other 
 cordage in fuch abundance, that they out- 
 do all other places in the Baliick Sea ; art 1 
 from hence they direftly ferve Spain with 
 thofe commodities : and becaufe the paflTage 
 being through our channel, in time of war 
 they feared to be intercepted by us, they 
 direded their courfe to the north part of 
 Scotland and Ireland, purpofely to avoid us. 
 
 The advantage Spain is to take of them 
 
 in this proje61:, is to cairy th;.'ir dcfigns dif- 
 
 5 Y erectly
 
 454 
 
 Sir William Monfon / Naval Tracfi 
 
 Book V. 
 
 MoNsoN. erectly and fccrctly, to be provided of pi- 
 '^ lots without iiifpicion or noilc, which muft 
 be done out of England; for no other Cliti- 
 ftuin country trades into Rujfia but we and 
 the Hollanders ; and though their harbours 
 are dangerous at their going in, by rcafon 
 of their b.u-, yet it is famiUar with the pi- 
 Jots that ufe it. The force the Uollunders 
 have to guard their hundred iiiil of (hips, is 
 commonly three or four men of war, who 
 fufpeA no annoyance from Spain at any 
 rime ; and by thefe three or four fliips you 
 may judge of the llrength you are to em- 
 ploy againft them: though I advile you car- 
 ry no Icfs than thirty lail of fhips, well man- 
 ned, to man the Hollanders aftef you have 
 taken them. 
 
 Befides the command you fliall have over 
 the fhips aforefiid, you fliall polfefs their 
 flore-houfes, cellars, yards, and what elfc 
 belongs to them, and ipoil them, that they 
 be never able to ereft more, without an in- 
 finite charge. 
 
 The third confideration, is the feafon of 
 the year; for they muft caft to be at St. 
 h^icholas by the loth or 12 th of July, for 
 no longer than the 17th of Auguft they can 
 AvcU abide there, by reafon of the winter 
 fo iliddenly coming upon them : or if they 
 fliall arrive earlier than the 12 th or 14th of 
 that month, perhaps they may come with 
 the fooneft, and find their goods not fhip- 
 ped; but though they fhould, it will not 
 be very material, for they may row up 
 with their boats to Polmogro., eighty miles 
 diftance, where the greateft part of their 
 commodities are made, and fhall either 
 meet them in their tranfportation to the 
 Ihips, or poffefs them on fhore, where they 
 fliall undoubtedly find them. 
 
 Or if upon any other accident the Spa- 
 niflo fhips iliall not arrive at the port of St. 
 Nicholas, before the others put out to fea, 
 then they may fland to the north cape of 
 Norway, and there lie off and on the head- 
 land, which the Hollanders mufl of necelTity 
 fee and double, before they can direft their 
 courfe for Holland. 
 
 If RuJfia were a country in league with 
 Spain, or otherwife had correfpondence or 
 friendOiip with them in commerce and traf- 
 fick, then I confefs it were againft the laws 
 of nations and honour, to ofter violence to 
 an enemy within the port of another prince, 
 when they are under his proteftion. But I 
 could never underftand, that ever leagues 
 were treated of, or trade maintained betwixt 
 Ru£ia and Spain, or ambafiadors employ'd, 
 or other obligations of friendfliip, fince 
 king Philip was Vxn^oi England; and there- 
 fore the king of Spain can be no more taxed 
 or blamed, if he ufed this opportunity upon 
 his enemy, that is offered him by this pro- 
 pofition, efpecially when none of his fub- 
 
 jc6b can receive prejudice or fear of hurt, or 
 imbai-go to be made upon their perlbns or 
 goods. 
 
 Let the SpaniJJj commander, at this arrival, 
 in the road of St. Nicholas, have a care to 
 fummon fuch Englijh fliips as he fhall there 
 find in harbour, and to admonilh them to 
 forbear offering violence, or making other 
 rcfiftance in defence of the Hollanders fhips, 
 and let them underftand in a friendly way, 
 how they are to carry themielves by the 
 articles of peace, which they may carry and 
 ihew them; and withal to tell them round- 
 ly, if they exceed their commillion there- 
 in, that juftice will bd required at their 
 hands by their ambalTador rcfiding in Eng- 
 land, who will be fure to profecute it with all 
 rigour and feverity: and in the Spanifi fleet's 
 behalf, let the general give alTurance, no 
 way to impeach the Englijh, or by any di- 
 redl or indireft means to trouble or moleft 
 their peaceable traffick. 
 
 This projeft prevailing, the Spaniards 
 will be iiiriched with one hundred fail of 
 Holland fhips, and their lading; great part 
 whereof is cordage, and other things of con- 
 fiderable value, which Spain has mofl need 
 to be furniflied with, and need not hereafter 
 be beholden to friends for them. 
 
 y^ rutter of RufHa. 
 
 He that will direct his courfe from Spain 
 to the north cape of Norway, muft fteer a 
 northerly courfe, till he arrive to Iceland., 
 where upon occafion he may refrefli him- 
 felf with butter, flefh, and fifli, and from 
 thence fteer away E. N. E. for the north 
 cape. 
 
 From the north cape to the north Kave^ 
 E. and by S. thirteen leagus. 
 
 Thence to Marcroft, E. S, E. twelve 
 leagues. 
 
 Thence to JFardhoufe, S. E. fifteen 
 leagues. 
 
 Here you may have yourfclf from IVard- 
 houfe, to the point of Kcgre, E. S. E. ele- 
 ven leagues; no good road lor great Ihips. 
 
 F"rom Kegro to Zoufe, S. E. nine leagues. 
 
 From the feven iflands to Swetnos, twen- 
 ty-one leagues : there are iflands where you 
 may anchor. 
 
 From S-zuet7wfs to Lombafco, S. S. E. thir- 
 teen leagues. 
 
 From thence to Orgolotife, S. S. E. feven 
 leagues. 
 
 From Orgoloufc to cape Caudenos, N. E. 
 forty-feven leagues; but you muft fail from 
 the three iflands to Crofs-IJland, S. S. W, 
 thirteen leagues. 
 
 From thence to Calmoufe Archangel, S. and 
 by W. feven teen leagues on this MeoiJnh- 
 a?jgcl is St. Ni.holas. 
 
 The 
 
 i
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Nftval Tra^s. 
 
 455 
 
 ne third pryeSi^ 
 
 That the Spaniards may pradlile againft 
 the Hollanders, and to be as eafily effefted 
 as the reft, and of greater confeqiience than 
 all the others, is a defign againft their filh- 
 ing; which all men know is a means to 
 uphold their ftate, to increafe their ftiips, 
 and to multiply their wealth; in which, if 
 at any time they be prevented, or inter- 
 cepted, they become more milerable than 
 all other people, in that they ftiall be made 
 a prey to their enemies. 
 
 This fifliing I formerly treated of, with 
 the condition of the Hollanders that only en- 
 joy it by our permiftion: now will I pro- 
 ceed to the defign upon them, for the Spa- 
 niards to execute, fo it be with the approba- 
 tion and fufferance of the king of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 I have already declared the place of ren- 
 dezvous, where the Hollanders meet; as 
 alfo the time of the year, the month, and 
 day, when they begun to fifti, with the 
 profit they make of it : the place of ren- 
 dezvous is Blazownde in Sbutland, an ifland 
 in his majefty's jurifdiiStion of Scotland; 
 thither commonly refort one thoufand or 
 more fiftiing veflels, called buftes, which, 
 by a law made amongft themfelves in Hol- 
 land, cannot put forth line or net to filh, 
 till the 24th of June. 
 
 And therefore the Spaniard muft fo caft, 
 as to be at Blazownde before that time, or 
 at leaft two days, to take an opportunity be- 
 fore the others going out of harbour ; which, 
 if they have a care eftediially to accomplifti, 
 they (hall bring both the perfons of the Hol- 
 landers and their fliips to their mercy. 
 And after this is effedted, I need not teach 
 
 the Spaniards how to carry their biifinefs, MoKso.f. 
 or what conditions to make with the Hoi- ^^^"V^^ 
 landers; for they (liall have time fufficient 
 to compals their ends, after they lia\-e dicm 
 in their power. 
 
 life fourth proje^. 
 
 Is for the king of Spain to keep a coii- 
 ftant fquadron of ten or twelve fliips, choice 
 foilors, upon his own coaft: they will be 
 able to keep the French, the Hollanders, and 
 the Turks pirates, from the incurfions they 
 ufually make upon that coaft, and put them 
 to look their prey in a vaft and open fea, 
 which is as uncertain of meeting fhips, as 
 the finding a needle in a bottle of hay -, for 
 I have often fliewed, if capes and head- 
 lands be well defended, the others will not 
 be worth the coft and charges they fhall be 
 put to. 
 
 Befides the fervice done againft fliips of 
 war in this manner aforefaid, they will fe- 
 cure their own trades, and impeach all fuch 
 Hollanders, that fliall go in or come out of 
 the ftraights, if they keep a fquadron twelve 
 or fourteen leagues fouth from cape St. Vin- 
 cent, and fpread themfelves north and fouth 
 a league and more in diftance from one an- 
 other; one fliip of Holland that fhall be 
 taken in their courfe out of the ftraights, 
 will countervail the charge of a whole fqua- 
 dron for many months; and the example of 
 if, feeing their good fuccefs will encourage 
 the Spaniards to keep fliips continually thus 
 imploy'd. 
 
 Here I end my projeds, till I have oc- 
 cafion to fpeak of them again; and now 
 fhall follow my ftratagems. 
 
 Stratagems to be ufed at fea. 
 
 1 . A Fleet that is bound to a port, and 
 x\. fears to meet an enemy, may avoid 
 him by this ftratagem following: Befides 
 fuch pinnaces as muft be fent to look out 
 the fliips expefted, to give them warning 
 of an enemy, they ought to have other pin- 
 naces, choice failors, that fliould attend the 
 enemies fleet; and finding they lie in a 
 height, the others have order to fail in, to 
 draw near them, and to entice them to 
 chafe them; and in purfuit of them, they 
 will be drawn to leeward, and give pafllige 
 for their fleet's entrance. 
 
 2. But if this prevail not, they may 
 caufe one of their pinnaces to be purpofely 
 taken to deceive them with falfe inftruc- 
 tions; as for example. If their fleet have 
 order to come home in thirty-feven degrees; 
 the enemy finding thole directions, will not 
 
 fufpeft a deceit, but will ftand into thirty- 
 feven degrees, when the others will come 
 home in thirty-fix, the height formerly af- 
 figned them, and fo avoid them. 
 
 3. Or if a fleet be fent out for guard of 
 thofe fliips expected, and not fo good of 
 fitil as their enemy, to force them to quit 
 their coaft, it were better fuch • a fleet 
 fliould lie in a contrary height to that 
 their fhips have directions to fail in, than 
 otherwife; for the enemy finding in what 
 height they lie in, will verily believe they 
 have orders to come home in the fame 
 height, and will ftrive to meet them in 
 that height, before they fhall join together, 
 when the others have directions not to 
 come within forty or fifty leagues of 
 them, 
 
 4. If
 
 45(5 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val TnuJs. 
 
 Book V. 
 
 MoNsoN. 4. If fleets flwll meet in the night, or 
 ^^""V^*^ after an encounter they forbear fighting wlicn 
 it is dark, and one of them have a defire 
 to quit the other, they may caiiie fo many 
 lights as ufually ilieir admiral, or other 
 fhips, carry in the night, to be carry'd by 
 pinnaces in fuch a height as may equal the 
 poop of their fhips-, and the enemy accom- 
 panying thole lights, will not fulped: the 
 flight of the fleet, who in the mean time 
 may convey themfelves away, and leave 
 only the pinnaces behind them. 
 
 5. If a fleet will deceive an enemy ol a 
 lefs force, that is fo far to windward, that 
 they cannot fetch them, they may do it with 
 counterfeit flags, and working like mer- 
 chants fhips; and for a bait, may appoint 
 part of a fleet to chace another a-fiern, and 
 the chafer to wear the enemies colours. 
 
 The lliips mufl fhoot, but mils one ano- 
 ther; which they to windward fpying, will 
 come home in hope to have part ot the 
 booty, and fo be brought into the wake of 
 the fleet, and entrapped. 
 
 6. This ftratagem will ferve as well for 
 a road, to caufe in the like manner one 
 fhip to chafe another, as though fhe that 
 is chafed, laboured to recover the road: 
 and a flag leeming to be a friend, may em- 
 bolden them to go forth to the refcue of 
 her, and fo fiill into the laps of the ene- 
 my, 
 
 7. People are not fo eafily deceived with 
 counterfeit flags as they have been; for the 
 often pradtice of fuch Itratagems, makes 
 men more cautious: we were wont to make 
 it a common cuflom, alter we had taken a 
 Spanijh caravel, to cloth our men with the 
 others garments, and to fend them into 
 the harbours of Spain to be Informed of the 
 ttate of their fhipping. 
 
 8. In 1587. and the firfl time I went to 
 fea as captain, I had two pinnaces, and 
 one Spanijh frigate v/ith me: the frigate 
 took a Porluguefe, and after was robbed hcr- 
 fclf by a French (hip of war: out of necef- 
 iity this frigate was forced into the harbour 
 of Setuval in Portugal, and the people fee- 
 ing her Porluguefe built, and the men at- 
 tir'd in the habits of the Poriuguejes they 
 had formerly taken, and having a Portu- 
 guese aboard with them, that came out of 
 England:, and whom they trufl:ed, they 
 were fupply'd with what they wanted from 
 the fliore, and departed without fufpicion. 
 
 9. One night I came into the road of 
 Cezimhra, pretending to be a Flemming 
 bound to Setuval to lade fair, and defired 
 a pilot; under which colour I deceived the 
 pilot, and divers other boats and barks that 
 came aboard me, by whom I underftood 
 the ftate of the fleet at Lisbon, ready to fet 
 to fea in purfuit of me. I could recite many 
 ftratagems of this kind. 
 
 I 
 
 10. If a fleet intend an attempt upon an 
 harbour, where a llrong fort may impeacli 
 their entrance, by example of Lisbon, and 
 the caftle of St. Julianas, the ftratagem is 
 to fet two or three old veflirls on fire, fit- 
 ted with all manner of neceflaries to make 
 a fmoke, and to run them afliore under the 
 callle, that the gunners may not fee a fhip, 
 much Icfs have any aim at them, and fo they 
 may pais without danger. 
 
 1 1. What ftratagems maybe ufed againft 
 fuch fliips as are entred a harbour, and 
 how to prevent it, I have expreffed in the 
 fecond book, where I treated of the laft ex- 
 pedition at Cadiz, in 1625. 
 
 . And becaufe I have named Lisbon, I will 
 fet down a ftratagem I had in mind after 
 my imprifonment there. 
 
 12. Both many years before and after I 
 v/as prilbner in Lisbon, the Hollanders had 
 a free trade into all parts of Spiiir, which I 
 took advantage of in this ftratagem follow- 
 ing: I devifed that twenty Holland fhips 
 freighted with merchaiidize, under the co- 
 lour of merchants, fhould repair to Lisbon, 
 and that every fliip fhould have a number 
 of men fecretly hid in them: and when 
 they came to anchor at Belcm, which they 
 generally do, and are viewed by the king's 
 officers, thefe men fhould not appear; and 
 after their difcharge from Belem, I had or- 
 der'd that every fhip fliould ride as near the 
 king's palace at Lisbon, as conveniently 
 they could; and that in the night when 
 there was no fufpicion of them, and the gal- 
 leons had no more men on board than the 
 fliip-kecpers, the Hollanders fliould flieer 
 aboard, poffefs and burn them; for they 
 were fure to find no refiftance: after this 
 was done, there w.is no danger of their 
 coming out ; for it is an ordinary thing 
 for fliips to pafs Bckm in defpight of the 
 caftle. 
 
 1 3. If a flilp fall Into company of a fleet 
 at night, it is neceflary to have a fudden 
 and a ready anfwer; as alio two or three 
 of the nation to fpeak as they fhall be di- 
 re6led; as for example, and as you fhall 
 read in my laft voyage in the queen's time, 
 how in the night I liglited amongft twenty- 
 four galleons of Spain, and being fo nigh 
 the admiral, I could not avoid her, had I 
 been known to be an enemy ; I command- 
 ed a Spaniard that ferved me to call the ad- 
 miral, and tell him there was a ftrange fhip 
 entred amongft our fleet, which of all others 
 he could not fufpeft mine, becaufe of the 
 warning I gave him ; and in mem time I 
 tacked from him, and fo efcaped in a fe- 
 cret manner, making no noife. 
 
 14. In the ifland Expedition I met the In- 
 dies fleer, and it blowing little wind, I 
 went oft in my boat to defcry them: when 
 I perceived what they were, I made my- 
 
 fclf
 
 OOK V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval T^radfs. 
 
 457 
 
 felf and fliip known to them, urging them 
 to piirfue me •, which if they had done, I 
 had brought them into the wake of my lord 
 of EJfex and his fleet, from whom I depart- 
 ed but three hours before, where they had 
 been taken, and the ftate of Spain utterly 
 deflroy'd. 
 
 15. It is a common, ufe when fhips are 
 fcatteredj and chance to meet in the night, 
 not knowing one another, to hail one ano- 
 ther in a ftrange lauguage, which I difip- 
 prove, as a tiling dangerous •, tor tire otiier 
 being fatisfied by his tongue, not to be his 
 confortj or of his country, prepares to fight ; 
 and thus had it like to fall out with me : the 
 Aiary-Rofe and I meeting one night, after 
 we had loft company, one of my company 
 hailed her in Spanifoy without my privity, 
 whereat I was angry, and caufcd her to be 
 called to in Englifh^ even as flie was giving 
 fire to her broad-fiie. It is folly in this 
 cafe to counterfeit -, for no good can come 
 of it, feeing the one cannot part from 
 the other, without knowing what they 
 are. 
 
 16. The figns that dirofl a fleet in the 
 day-time, are ftriking, or hoifting the 
 top-fails, fhewing their flag, or fhooting their 
 ordnance ; by fhewing lights in the night, 
 many times I have known when a fhip hath 
 lighted in company of an enemy, that by 
 chance flie has made the very f\me fign gi- 
 ven by the general, by which means fhe 
 has efcaped ; and in the like manner fhips 
 have been taken by the ftme fortune : there- 
 fore there cannot be a better flratagem than 
 when a fliip fliall make a fign, to be an- 
 fwered by the fame •, and the contrary fliip 
 begin a new fign, before the other make 
 any ■, for it is not to be doubted, but the 
 other lliip will m'wer every fign that fhall 
 be made by her that makes the firft. 
 
 17. I once knew an unlikely ftratagem 
 take good effecH:, in this manner ; After 
 three days chafe of a rich fhip, my lord of 
 Cumherlcnd was out of hopes of fetching her 
 up, file was ib far to windward, only a pin- 
 nace kept her company, and in the night 
 carry'd a light for us to follow. I advifed 
 my lord to fire a culverin at her, though 
 we could not fetch her at tv/ice, faying, 
 that perhaps fhe would yield to the coun- 
 tenance of the fliip, that would not for 
 fliame do it to a pinnance. This feemed ri- 
 diculous-, and I had much a-do to perfwade 
 my lord -, yet upon my importunity he 
 yielded to it, and the fhip, a; I foretold, 
 fubmitted her fclf. 
 
 18. A (hip that is chafed and defires to 
 fliew fear, thinking to draw her that chafes 
 into her clutches, muft counterfeit and work 
 as though flie were diftrefled, and lie like a 
 wreck into the fea •, flie muft caft dregs, 
 hogOieads, and other things overboard, 10 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 hinder her way, fhe mufl fliqw no moreMoNsox. 
 men than an ordinary gang, and haul in her ■^""^T^'^ 
 ordnanccj and fhut her ports, that lier 
 forces be not difcerned, till the other (hip 
 come within command of her. 
 
 19. As fliips ought to obfervc their admi- 
 ral's working in the night, by his light, fo 
 ought they to be more careful when they are 
 nigh a ihorc, left they miflakc a light on 
 land, inllead of theiradmiral, by example of 
 1597, when the Adelantado drew down his 
 fleet from Lisbon to the Groyne, and coming 
 nigh the north cape, the greatcfl: part of 
 the fleet fleered with a light on the fliore, 
 mirtaking their admiral, and caft away thir- 
 ty-fix fliips and five thoufand men. 
 
 20. As lights direft one another at fea, 
 fo are they directors of fliips from the fhore, 
 as I can inftance in many cafes, fome of 
 which I have already declared j to which I 
 refer you. 
 
 21. Lights kept in the night off of a 
 headland, as the Lizard, or fuch capes, are 
 a fitfeguard to fhips in their paflTage, that 
 are in view of them. Lights likewife give 
 Vv'arning of an enemy that is upon a coaft, 
 and for that ufe beacons were invented. 
 
 22. Ships that are appointed for more 
 readinef> of a lervice to ri-lc in the found of 
 Plymouth, in the range of Dartmouth, or 
 other roads upon our coaft, and in the night 
 are fuddcnly taken with a ftorm at fouth, 
 v/hich is a deadly wind in thofe roads, if 
 lights be placed on either of the fides of the 
 point of Cat'Zz-a.'fr or Dartmouth, will be 
 guided into the harbour, be it never fo 
 dark. 
 
 23. In a barred harbour, fuch as Dunkirk, 
 that is continually beleaguered by an enemy, 
 by keeping lights from half-tide to half-tide, 
 he that enters, is directed how the tide in- 
 creafes or decreafes, and thereby how to a- 
 void the enemy. 
 
 24. Ships riding at ihe Downs, and fear- 
 ing a furprize from an enemy in the night, 
 with a foutherly wind, by placing two boats 
 with lights on either fide of the brake, will 
 dircft one how to pafs the channel, and a- 
 void the lands ; which being done, and the 
 lights taken away, the fhips that purfue them 
 will run upon their death if they follow. 
 
 25. The cutdng down mills, trees, raking 
 away buoys, or ofher marks that direft the 
 pilot, is a great fafety to any port, or place, 
 fuch as the Thames, where many fands muft 
 be pafled. 
 
 26. The placing of fliips for the advan- 
 tage of wind, is a matter of great confc- 
 quence -, as for example, if an invafion 
 againft England be intended from the Ibuth- 
 ward, dtat wind that brings and enemy for 
 England, will keep in our fliips in har- 
 bour, that they cannot ftir out ; only 
 one place is advantageous to us, which is 
 
 5 Z Limihoufe
 
 458 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Tra^s. 
 
 Book V 
 
 Mo K son. Li, mhoufe near Plymouth; for that wind 
 ^■Or>J th:it brings 'an enemy from the wellward or 
 fouthward, will fcrvc our (hips that lie in 
 Limehcitfe to follow them, if they pafs 
 into any part of our channel to the eaft- 
 ward. 
 
 2 7. Profpeftive glafles, if they were not 
 fo common, were an excellent ftratagcm 
 to be ufcd in many cafes at fea, and yet it is 
 no hard thing to deceive thofe that ufe 
 tlicm ; for a nicrchant-fliip that carries not 
 above ten or twelve men, may have the 
 Ihapes of men made, and feem to be one 
 hundred afar off-, they likewife may have 
 counterfeit guns made of wood, which the 
 glafs cannot difcover from iron, to the ter- 
 ror of the alliiilant. It may as well ferve 
 for a man of war to ftow his men in hold 
 till a (hip come near him. 
 
 28. The bid and the greateft Hiip in the 
 world may be funk by a bark of twenty 
 
 ' tons by this ftratagem, viz. to place a 
 cannon in the hold of a bark with her 
 mouth to the fide of the (hip the bark 
 fhall board, and then to give fire to the 
 cannon v.'hich is flowed under water, and 
 they fliall both inflantly fink-, the man 
 that fliall execute this ftratagem may efcape 
 in a fmall boat hauled on the other fide of 
 the bark. 
 
 29. Two galleons may be manned, and 
 ftirnilhed in the manner following, and will 
 be as great a guard and (afety to a fleet of 
 galleys as the wings of an eagle to little 
 birds, or a caftle to a fliip. 
 
 The tv/o galleons (hall carry each of 
 them one thouland men, with all kind of 
 arms for offence and defence: there (hall be 
 placed aloft fuch kind of fowlers as I will 
 invent. 
 
 Their hatches fhall be made with trap- 
 doors, and pikes placed under them, that 
 as fall: as men enter they fliall fall upon the 
 pikes fo placed -, all the deck fhall be 
 ftrew'd with round peafe tallow'd, that 
 treading upon them, no man (liall be able 
 to (land upon his feet -, the (hips on the 
 oudide to be (luck with tenter-hooks, that 
 they fliall take no hold to enter with their 
 hands ; and their cloaths \v\\\ flick upon the 
 tenter-hooks, tht they fhall not be able to 
 enter : there fhall be barricadoes, and clofe 
 fights made with all advantage, and all parts 
 of the fhip be made mufket-proof for the 
 lifeguard of men. 
 
 Allow by the water and without board 
 they fhall be fortify'd with packs of wooll, 
 that no (hot fhall pierce them, or galleys 
 be able to board them ; every fliip ffjall 
 have upon his yard-arm a barrel or two of 
 gunpowder mixed v/ith bullets, that as the 
 galleys fhall approach the diflance of the 
 yard, the barrel of powder fhall be let fall 
 with a pulley, and matches about the bar- 
 
 rel that fhall give fire upon the fall, and 
 breaking of the barrel : in this manner 
 will the galley be burnt, and the men flain 
 all at one inflant. 
 
 30. If galleys attend a fleet of fliips, 
 thinking to cut off (bme flragglers, as they 
 did to Sir Francis Drake., and after to us at 
 Cadiz, where they took fome few veflTels ; 
 in fuch a cafe, the great fhips mufl be a 
 guard of the outfide of the fleet to the lef- 
 fer fliips ; and if the fleet chance to anchor, 
 to place the leaft and weakefl vefTels outer- 
 mofl: of the fleet in the day-time, which 
 will imbolden the galleys in the night 
 to afTail them ; but when the darkfome- 
 nefs of the night fhall approach, then to 
 remove them, and in their place to caule the 
 beft and the greateft (hips of the fleet to an- 
 chor where the others did, that if the gal- 
 leys attempt them they (hall be entertain'd 
 to their lols. 
 
 3 I. If a fliip will board an enemy under 
 a caftle, let him that boards bring the fliip 
 boarded betwixt him and the caftle ; for 
 then dares not the cafl:le fire for hazarding 
 their own fhip boarded. 
 
 32. Sinking of fhips full of ftones is an 
 old invention, and uled as well to defend 
 one's fell in a barr'd harbour, as by an 
 enemy to keep in fliips from going out : 
 but it is to litde purpofe to him that pof- 
 fefles a harbour -, tor when the water is de- 
 creafed, fuch fhips funk may be waded to, 
 the ftones taken out, and the fhips burnt 
 without hurt to themfelves or harbour. 
 
 33. Booming harbours for the fafeguard 
 of (hips is ufual ; but at each end of the 
 boom fconces muft be built to defend it. 
 For this I refer you to my firft book, which 
 will give you more particular light. 
 
 34. One of the known dangers in a fliip 
 of great burthen, and in a great ftorm, that 
 carries weighty ordnance, is the breaking 
 iooie of one of her pieces in the lower tire ; 
 for before flie can be mufled, or overcome 
 by force of men, what with the rowling of 
 the fliip from one fide to the other, the 
 piece will carry, the fhip fide, and founder 
 her in the fea. 
 
 35. For avoiding thefe perils, there is 
 but one remedy, it it take eifeft, which is 
 fuddenly to heave up the hatches of the deck, 
 that in her recoil fhe may find the deck 
 open, and fall into the hold, where fhe (hall 
 be cafily overmafter'd. 
 
 I am of opinion, if any had efcap'd aboard 
 the king of .S'/rt/w's fhips that were wreck'd, 
 which was impoflible, they would confefs the 
 breaking loole of their ordinance was the oc- 
 cafion of their deftrudtion ; and no marvel, 
 for they ufe to carry their great ordnance 
 upon field-carriages, which makes them tlie 
 more dangerous and unferviceable, when 
 they come to traverfe them, 
 
 36. If
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traih. 
 
 4^ 
 
 36. If there could be made a ball of 
 wildfire, as I have heard fome take upon 
 them to do it, which ball Hiould burn with- 
 out quenching, then were it an eafy thing 
 to convey one or thole balls fecretly into a 
 fhip, and privately to hide it till the party 
 be gone out of the fliip, which then being 
 fet on fire, will not only burn the faid fhip, 
 but all others near her. 
 
 37. In paffing a fort in the night, it is 
 good to make both the fliip and fiiils black, 
 with a care that no light be feen in her: 
 but the way for an enemy to prevent her en- 
 trance is this, to make a fire oppofite to the 
 fort, and to lay the ordnance point blank 
 with the fire^ that when they (hall fee the 
 fliadovv of the fire taken from ihem by the 
 fliip and fails, then to difcharge their ord- 
 hance, and be fure to fink the fliip. 
 
 38. A fhip that will keep another from 
 boarding her, fhe being to windward, and 
 may board her, the remedy is, to put forth 
 two mafts at two ports, that the fhip co- 
 veting to board, fhe fhall light upon the 
 tt^afls, and keep her from coming near the 
 rhip. 
 
 39. It is a good flratagem to board a 
 fliip, though flie prefently fall off again ; 
 and during the time fhe is on board to 
 appoint the carpenters with their axes to 
 cut the port-ropes of the fhip boarded, 
 that at her coming off again, when fhe fhall 
 begin a new fight, her pieces may ferve 
 for no purpofe, becaufe her ports will be 
 clogged, and not able to put forth a piece 
 of ordnance, but lie to be annoyed by the 
 enemy. 
 
 40. A number of fhips lying in an har- 
 bour dry, from half-tide to half-tide, may 
 be thus dfeflroyed : As I will make a compa- 
 rifon betwixt England, Flanders, and France, 
 where two of them have wars with one ano- 
 ther, and the third peace with both ; I will 
 luppofe that a fhip of France, and a man 
 in her that I will truft, freighted for Dun- 
 kirk, where Evglijh barks are forbid to go ; 
 the bark is to be laden with deals, and other 
 dry fubftance apt to burn, and under her 
 boards there inufl be ftow'd pitch, tar, ro- 
 lin, and other ingredients not 10 be quench'd: 
 the Frenchman that fliall execute this flra- 
 tagem, muft forccatl at his entrance into 
 the harbour to leek to lie aboard the befl: 
 fhips, and where he may do the mofl hurt 
 and ipoil to the reft when his fhip is on 
 fire. 
 
 All things being thus provided, and the 
 train fufficiently made, the Frenchman mufl; 
 watch his opportunity that his match come 
 to the train by that time it is low water, 
 which he may compute by hours and the 
 length of his match ; and in that time he 
 may have his horfe in readinefs to carry 
 him over the river of Gravdin, but nine 
 
 miles from thence, where he will be in^^oNsof 
 France, and free from danger. UOpO 
 
 The' fire thus taking, and all things or- 
 dered by thefe direftions, as well this fhip 
 as all others in the harbour will be deftroy*d; 
 for the water going from the fhips, and 
 they lying dry, they are not able to remove 
 or llir, or have water to quench the fire 
 till the flood rife \ fo that in the mean time 
 they will be utterly deftroyed. 
 
 41. If fhips defire to furprize a fort or 
 fconce that would give them landing if it 
 were taken, it is thus to be done : To 
 imbark the men fecretly in their boats in 
 the night, and without noife of their oars, 
 and then to row as near the fort as they 
 can, without being difcovercd ; and in the 
 mean time to caiife a fmall boat, not 
 near the place where the others are, to fhew 
 a light or two with a match, as though 
 it were accidentally done and not willingly, 
 and to leave the boat adrift -, which the 
 fort perceiving, will prefently let fly her 
 ordnance againfl: her -, which the other 
 boats feeing, they may fuddenly land and 
 enter the fconce by their fcaling-lad- 
 ders, before their ordnance can be laden 
 again. 
 
 42. If an enemy fhould land in boats 
 upon a fhore, that the furge of the Tea 
 fhould be very inconvenient for the landing 
 of themfelves and arms, there is a kind of 
 bridge to be made with boards, that may 
 be laid over from the fide of tiie boat to 
 the land, and avoid the furge ; and inftead 
 of wading, their men may go in ranks 
 afliore without wetting. 
 
 43. If an army fhall land where the 
 fiiore is all beachy, and full of little ftones, 
 like Deal and the caflles thereabouts, where 
 they may bring ordnance to impeach the 
 enemy's landing, I would advife, that 
 the artillery flioot not fo much at their 
 boats, but fuffer them to come on fhore, 
 and then to let fly at the flones or hills 
 piled up on purpofe in heaps, that will 
 Icatter and dilperie, as not a man will be 
 left alive. 
 
 44. A fhip that defires to be boarded, 
 and to be entered by his enemy, may ufe 
 this flratagem •» to haul in all his ordnance, 
 to fhut his ports, to hide his men, to 
 flrike his fails, and make all the figns of 
 yielding ; which the enemy perceiving, will 
 be emboldened to board him ; and whilft 
 they are fufl'ered to enter and pillage, the 
 defendants may fuddenly rife, fubdue and 
 mafter them. 
 
 45. If an enemy fink fliips to keep in 
 others from going out, fuch ihips funk may 
 be fuddenly weighed, if the aflailant quit 
 the harbour, without any great detriment 
 to the fliip funk ; therefore they are to 
 make choice of the fliallowefl place to fink 
 
 their
 
 4^0 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 Book V. 
 
 MoN-.oN. their l"hips, and neareft to deep water, where 
 ^^-^r^ their own fliips may ride and float, that 
 with their ordnance you may keep the fliip 
 ibnk, that no boat, or other help, can 
 weigh them ; t hemic) ves fliall be kept from 
 any danger ot iiring •, for no enemy can ap- 
 proach them, fo long as the Ihips lunk he 
 
 there. 
 
 46. There is a ftratagein as old as the in- 
 vention of fhips, though the common peo- 
 ple attribute it to . the wit of Sir Francis 
 
 Drakiy at Cadiz, in 
 hiardsy to fill old 
 pitch, tar, train-oil, 
 wood, and to join 
 fliips together in the 
 
 15S8, againft the^^^- 
 fliips and vefltls with 
 brimftone, reeds, dry 
 three or four of thefe 
 night, and then turn 
 theni a-drift with the tide, where the ene- 
 my's fleet rides, and either burn or difperfe 
 them, after they are thus put from their 
 anchorage. 
 
 47. At my being at fea in my youth, 
 1585, two fmall fhips of us accompanied 
 together, we met a flrong and obfliinate fhip 
 of Holland, who refufed to flrike his flag, 
 or to (hew his cockct : this fhip had in her 
 an EnglifiJ pilot, by whom we expofl;ulatcd 
 with the Ucllandcr, without any femblance 
 of boarding her; but being very nigh her, 
 our mafler cried to the man at helm, with 
 great anger, to port the helm, left we fhould 
 come toul of her -, but privately he gave 
 charge to the helmfman, to put his helm a- 
 flar- board, when he fhould have put it port, 
 and cried with great vehemency to the Eng- 
 hjh pilot to bear up -, for our fhip came 
 againft her helm, and willed them to get 
 fenders, and have fpikes to fend off, left 
 we fhould come foul of her : the Hollanders 
 thought all we faid was true, and every one 
 of them put their helping hand to keep off 
 our fliip v/ith fenders and oars, not appre- 
 hending our intention •, and when we iaw 
 their people thus employed, and not to have 
 tiius to cake arms, we fuddenly boarded, 
 entered, and took her by this ftratagem. 
 
 48. As the greateft advantage of a fleet 
 of fliips of war is to have intelligence of 
 their enemy when they come upon their 
 coafT:, fo the way to obtain it, arriving upon 
 the coaft of Spain, is to let a fhip's boat 
 lie under the ifland of Burlings, where they 
 fliall not fail, by break of day in the morn- 
 ing, to take fifhermen that will be able to 
 inform them of the ftate of things afhore : 
 it may as well ferve for any other place, if 
 they fee fair weather in hand. 
 
 49. My lord of Cumberland, arriving upon 
 
 the coaft of Spain, was ibre diftreffed for in- 
 telligence ; and a hidden calm arifing, tv/o 
 or ^Jiree leagues from us we fpied two cara- 
 vels-, whereupon I put myfelf into the fhip's 
 boat, and rowed to them •, one of them I 
 took, the other might have efcaped, but 
 by this ftratagem I prevented her: I took 
 
 out two or three of her men, and manned 
 her with my own company, and immediate- 
 ly without delay fent her to meet with her 
 confort, who made figns that they might 
 think her difcharged, and rowed my boat 
 on board the fhip that there fliould be no 
 flifpicion -, fo that the caravel was thus taken 
 by deceit, which otherwife might have e- 
 fcaped -, but when I had fo much as I defi- 
 red for intelligence at their hands, I dil- 
 mifled them, and after found, I being ta- 
 ken myfelf, that they reported well of my 
 good ufage of them. 
 
 50. I had a ftratagem upon prince cardi- 
 nal Albert, when he was viceroy of Portugal 
 but was prevented by his hidden going into 
 the Low Countries ; and thus it was: When 
 I was pri oner in the galleys, about the loth 
 of September, the cardinal paflfed down to 
 a pleafant houfe called Cintra, with a fmall 
 train, where he fpent his time in devotion. 
 Ufually he repaired thither at the fame time 
 of the year, and to the fame purpofe ; which 
 I well obferved, and meant, if ever God 
 gave me liberty, to have furprized him in 
 this manner : To have conforted with two 
 or three fhips of war, which would no way 
 have hindered the hope of their voyage, to 
 have anchored before Cintra, that is feated 
 upon a hill, and not above two miles from 
 the fea. I meant in the middle of the night, 
 when there was no noife or fufpicion, to 
 have landed an hundred men with firelocks, 
 who might, vvithout difHcuIty, liave fur- 
 prized him and his houfe, and have brought 
 him to the place, where the boats were com- 
 manded to attend. 
 
 5 1 . When I was removed from the gal- 
 leys to the ciiftle of Lisbon, I had another 
 ftratagem on foot ; but was prevented by a 
 traiterous Englijhmcn, whom I was forced 
 to ufe as an interpreter, before I had the 
 language. 
 
 There was in prifon with me a Portuguefi 
 gentleman, called Emanuel Fernandes, who 
 had been in England fervant to Don Antonio^ 
 their pretended king: diis man was much 
 devoted to the fcrvice of the queen ; and I 
 obferved that a pilot of the king's, ufually 
 imployed to meet the Indies fleet with letters 
 of advice, to diredl them the courfe they 
 were to come hom.e in, reforted to him. I 
 fo dealt with feignior Emanuel, that upon 
 confiderations agreed on betwixt us, if my 
 defigns fhould prove fuccefsful, he did really 
 undertake to prevail with the laid pilot, in- 
 ftead of carrying the letters of advice to their 
 own fleet, to carry them to the queen, that 
 fo the trcafure might by this intelligence be 
 intercepted ; for I had fo contrived it, had 
 I not been prevented by the faid treacherous 
 EttgliflMian, that the queen fliould have no- 
 tice of it, by letters I wrote to the lord Bur- 
 leigh, lord high trcafurer, and to the lord 
 
 admiral
 
 V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^ual Tnt^s. 
 
 4<5i 
 
 admiral, and convey'd the faid letters in 
 the foles of my boy's flioes ; but by the falfe 
 dealing of the Englijhman aforefaid, my plot 
 was difcovered, and my boy carried into Bs- 
 lem caille, three leagues from tiience ; fo 
 that when I thought my fervant had been 
 embarked for England, two months after I 
 had intelligence by an Englijhman, gunner 
 of the faid caftle, that he was ftill there pri- 
 foner, and had lamiflied, if he had not ta- 
 ken pity of him. 
 
 The firft thing the Spaniards did, after 
 the imprifoning my boy, was, to rip and 
 fearch his fhoes, according to the intelli- 
 gence given them ; but though it was un- 
 fortunate to me, yet in another kind it fell 
 out luckily ; for a great rain falling that 
 morning he was carry'd away, it fo moi- 
 ften'd his flioes and letters, that they were 
 mouldered, and could not be read, as the 
 boy after confefs'd at my arrival in Eng- 
 land; fo that they could have no wit- 
 nefs, but the Englijhman who was my ac- 
 cufer. 
 
 Since I am upon this projeft, though it 
 may feem tedious to the reader, yet will I 
 fet down the danger that befel the gentle- 
 man and me, upon the occafion atorefaid : 
 This feignior Fernandez had been prifoner 
 in the caftle of Lisbon almoft feven years j 
 and his otfence for coming out of England 
 with letters and mellages to Don Antonio's 
 friends in Portugal ; yet fuch was the power 
 of money, that by means thereof he was to 
 receive liberty, had it not been for this 
 treafon difcovered by this vile Englijhman. 
 
 A day was appointed for his fentence of 
 death, which with weeping eyes he acquaint- 
 ed me with, like a friend in a defperate 
 cafe. I advifed him, if all other hopes 
 tailed, to feek fome ftratagem to efcape pri- 
 fon, with promife of my endeavour to help 
 him, and to be fhort, for delay could do no 
 good. He provided himfelf of a rope and 
 a cudgel to put betwixt the battlements of 
 the caftle wall, thinking when he went to 
 our neceftary bufinefs, which was once a day, 
 with a guard of two foldicrs, to have taken 
 an opportunity to have flipped down the 
 wall, and to have run into a church, there- 
 by feated, to take landluary. 
 
 But after four days trial made at our 
 coming to the wall, as I have faid, we found 
 it impoffible to put this ftratagem in execu- 
 tion in the day time-, and Iconfidered with- 
 al, the danger that might have befallen me, 
 if he had efcaped -, therefore we thought up- 
 on another courfe, though it was more im- 
 probable, and which was as followeth : Over 
 the little room he lay in, was a chamber 
 where foldiers had been lodged, that a 
 week before were embarked in a fleet to fea ; 
 the chamber was not fo high, but that by 
 the help of a high ftool, which he had in his 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 room, the top of it could be reached tor^'^NsoK. 
 Here we put our helping hands, one of us <-OP^ 
 ftill working, till we cut with our knives a 
 trap door out of the boards above head, 
 that a man might creep through it ; and 
 finding by the almanack when the nights 
 would grow dark, we contrived all things 
 againft that time, to perform our devifed 
 plot ; and by means of his fon, who had 
 accefs to him, he provided a fword-fcab- 
 bard, and a ftick to ferve inftead of a rapier, 
 that he might leem to be a foklier as he 
 palled the ccntinels; he carried his rope and 
 cudgel aforefaid, and a bag with a little 
 bread and wine for his fuftenance, under his 
 cloak j and thus he went armed out of the 
 chamber above, as a foklier, with a wooden 
 fword by his lide. 
 
 He paifed the Corps de Guard and five 
 centinels before he came to the wall, pre- 
 tending he went for his necefl^ary cccafions, 
 which they never miilrufted, feeing he car- 
 ried the fign of a foldier, which was a ftick 
 in his fcabbard. At his arrival at the wall, 
 without fear, or any ienie of age, he 
 flipped down by the rope, and happily 
 efcaped. 
 
 Not long after, the round pafTing about 
 the caftle, efpy'd his rope, cloak, cudgel, 
 and wooden fword, which aflflired them of 
 the efcape of fome prifoner -, whereupon the 
 drum bear, the alarm was taken, and the 
 foldiers furiouQy came running into my 
 chamber, as they did to others where pri- 
 foners lay, with their fwoids drawn, and 
 threatening death. I confefs I looked here 
 to have ended my life; but that pafsM, 
 and two foldiers were left to guard me till 
 morning. 
 
 They finding it was my neighbour feig- 
 nior Emanuel Fernandez that was efcapevl, 
 the hue-and-cry went through the cicy and 
 country, and command for his apprehen- 
 fion, but fuch was his fortune, tiiat he 
 efcaped the fui-y of the tumult, and I was 
 left at ftake to be baited for the offence. 
 In the morning early, I appeared before the 
 judge, as the only delinquent, the reft of 
 the prifoners cafting it upon me ; all agr-ee- 
 ing, I was the likelieft to know of his 
 efcape, becaufe of our continual converlation, 
 but little knowing the true caufe of our of- 
 ten meeting. 
 
 But neither threats, ill ufage, or promife 
 of liberty, could make me confefs any thing 
 to the prejudice of either of us. I was fo ur- 
 ged and threatned, that I was forced to 
 ufe for my defence this argument, {viz) 
 That I was no fubjcft to the king of Spairiy 
 but to a prince his enemy j that I was ta- 
 ken in war ; and therefore required the be- 
 nefit of that law for my redemption : I came 
 not willingly to their country to learn iheir 
 laws, or to bring in others to breed inno- 
 6 A vayon:
 
 ^6z 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSis. 
 
 Book "V 
 
 MossoN. vation: I was fubjeft at that time to the 
 ^-^^y'^ univerfal law of honour and arms, by 
 which I challenged the privilege of a gen- 
 tleman for my freedom ; and for the acci- 
 dent now in queftion, I deny'd that I had 
 any knowledge thereof, or th.it I was any 
 way privy to u ; and that the unlikeli- 
 nefs of it Ihould plead for me, and be a 
 fufficient tcltimony of my innocency: I told 
 them, they knew I was fo unlkilful in their 
 language, that I could not devife a pra6iice 
 or plot with a man I underflood not ; and 
 that my imprifonment had kept me from 
 acqu;Aintance either in city or country, to 
 contrive any evil againft their ftate; and 
 if it argued guilt to be acculed, no man 
 could prove innocent -, and therefore I de- 
 fired them that they would rather pity my 
 mifery, than accule me unjuftly : I intreated 
 them' to confider that I was a prifoner 
 among my enemies, deftitute of all relief, 
 and in a place where no friend could refort 
 to me; for I bemoan'd my wants, there 
 being a reftraint of intercourfe and trade 
 betwixt the two nations. 
 
 But what I couW fay did little prevail •, 
 for they aggravated my fuppofcd offence 
 with cruelty of threats ; inlbmuch that I 
 was forc'd to plead in another flile, and let 
 them know, that by the law of arms they 
 could prove nothing againft me that defer- 
 ved punifhment ; the privilege of which 
 law I challenged, as being taken in war, 
 and continued prifoner for my redemption ; 
 during which time, it was lawful for me to 
 feek my own liberty, and to negledt no oc- 
 cafion, wherein I might do fervice to my 
 prince and country ; and therefore what 
 they accufed me of, could not be deemed 
 an offence. 
 
 I told them moreover, though I ufed 
 this but as an argument, yet their barbarous 
 ufigc of me deferved a greater revenge than 
 I had ability to perform ; whereas, if they 
 had treated me with courtcfy, I had been 
 more bound to them, than if they had re-' 
 pofed truft in me. I ended with this de- 
 fiance, That they fhould be wary what vio- 
 lence they offer'd me-, for I had friends in 
 England, and was of a nation that both 
 could and would lufHciendy revenge what 
 cruelty foever they fhould ufe towards me. 
 Thefe reafons begot a more calm refpedl 
 from them ; and another while they ufed 
 perfuafive arguments, with promife of liber- 
 ty and reward, making me believe the gen- 
 tleman was taken, and confefTed fo much as 
 they accufed me of: But 1 well knew their 
 words were but wind ; for that they would 
 never have warned me, if they could have 
 juftify'd their allegations by a perfonal tefti- 
 mony : Yet I confefs the thoughts of one 
 thing much terrify'd me ; which was a 
 letter I gave to fignior Fernandez at his de- 
 
 parture, which might have been produced 
 againft me -, the letter was in his behalf, to 
 all EngliJJj captains at fea, for his friendly 
 entertainment, his defign being to put him- 
 fclf into a filheiboat, to look out at fea for 
 a man of war to tranfport him for England. 
 
 After a tedious examination of four hours, 
 when they faw their fubtleties could work 
 nothing out of me, prefumption being but 
 an unequal judge, they returned me to pri- 
 fon, with charge to be more ftriftly looked 
 to ; and after neglefted no cunning means 
 to entrap me, as I have more largely ex- 
 prefs'd in another difcourfe, at the requeft 
 of fome of my friends. 
 
 I will again return to the gentleman feig- 
 nior Fernandez, who no doubt was as much 
 perplexed out of prifon, as I who could not 
 fly from the danger of my enemies, in whofe 
 cuftody I remained. All hue-and-cries, 
 fearches, promifes of reward, and other de- 
 vifed policies, not prevailing for the ap- 
 prehending of the poor gentleman, he liv'd 
 in a diiguifcd obfcure manner, till time fur- 
 nifhed him an opportunity to imbark in a 
 fifherboat, to make ufe of my letters afore- 
 faid, where he fpent fourteen days at fea, 
 and failing to meet any fhip at fea, and 
 wearied with fea-ficknefs, he was forced to 
 return to fhore, where he lived fome time 
 among poor fhepherds and herdfmen, till he 
 thought his difguife and disfiguring him- 
 felf, had fo altered him that he could not 
 be known. 
 
 Now thinking his new-formed fhape 
 would fecure him from being difcovered ; 
 and hoping that the long time fince his 
 efcape might make his fa6t to be worn 
 out of memory, he was embolden'd, in a 
 beggar's habit, to try the charity of good 
 people ; and chancing to repair to a gentle- 
 man's houfe for alms, it happen'd that the 
 faid gentleman and he, had been fellow- 
 prifoners in the caflle of Lisbon, who by 
 his tongue, and other lemblances and marks, 
 difcovered who he was ; and immediately 
 called a fervant, which gave a fufpicion to 
 feignior Fernandez, that it was to give 
 warning to the officers to apprehend him ; 
 but to prevent what his heart mifgave him, 
 he iuddenly ran into the church thereby, 
 and took fandtuary for his defence. 
 
 This accident being fo ftrange, and fal- 
 ling upon a man the whole kingdom had an 
 eye upon, becaufe of his former efcape, the 
 prince cardinal was immediately with fpeed 
 advertifed of it at Lisbon, being above 
 one hundred and twenty miles from thence. 
 It was my fortune before this happen'd, to 
 be releafed out of my imprifonment, which 
 I account a happinefs, that thereby I was 
 brought into no danger. 
 
 The cardinal being advertifed, as you 
 have heard of feignior Fernandez's taking 
 
 • fanfluary
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfons Naval Tra^s. 
 
 4(55 
 
 fanftuary, with alJ fpeed califed him to be 
 taken out of the church, and brought to 
 his old accuftomed lodging in the caftle of 
 Lisbon, where not long after the law pro- 
 ceeded againft him, and he received the 
 doom of death due to fuch an offence; but 
 not without grief and forrow to many of 
 the beholders, as well Spaiiiards as Portu- 
 guefes; for indeed he was a man of much 
 goodnefs and great charity, and to his abi- 
 lity obliged many a foldier in the garrifon. 
 
 The day appointed for his execution be- 
 ing come, and having received all the rights 
 and ceremoniesof aChriflian, he was brought 
 outofpritbn, with a winding-fheet lapped 
 bandelier-fifliion about him; and many 
 foldiers and others to behold him, to 
 give him their lafl adieu; and for a 
 farewell for himfelf, he took occafion to 
 fpeak to the foldiers there prefent, in this 
 manner; he told them. How much he had 
 loved them ; and that to fbme of them he 
 had given teftimony of it, in his better for- 
 tunes, which he knew they would thank- 
 fully acknowledge; and in lieu of all his 
 former courtefies and kindneffes, he defired 
 them to requite him with one now at part- 
 ing, as the laft requeft he fhould ever make; 
 which was. For one of them with fpeed to 
 repair to the houfe of the Mifericordia, an 
 office of great reputation and trull concern- 
 ing religion and charity, and his defire was. 
 That they might be informed of the injury 
 done to God, themfelves, and the holy 
 church, by taking perforce a penitent fm- 
 ner out of finftuary: a thing lb unjuft and 
 unfufFerable, that it behoved them to take 
 notice of it. 
 
 This little hope gave great content to 
 the foldiers, and happy was he that could 
 make greatefl hafte to the houfe of the A//- 
 fericordia, to make relation of the ftrange 
 accident that had happened. The gentle- 
 men of the Mifericordia weighing the dif- 
 honour and injuflice done their houfe, de- 
 lay'd no time, but pofted on horfeback to 
 the place of execution, where they found 
 poor feignior Fernandez ready to recommend 
 his fpirit to God, and the hangman as 
 ready to perform his office; but fuch was 
 his fortune, by the fpeed and courage of the 
 gentlemen, that they redeemed him from 
 prefent death, and returned him to the place 
 from whence he came; for as they were 
 loth to lofe their privileges, fo they were as 
 unwilling to offend their king. 
 
 The flrangenefs of this accident may put 
 ■>. man in mind of an old Englifi proverb, 
 that Marriage and hanging goes by dejliny. 
 
 52. In the forty-eighth flratagem, I have 
 fhewed how neceffary, it is to get intelli- 
 gence of an enemy, and how to obtain it, as 
 you fhall there find, for that part of Spain 
 and Portugal I fpoke of; fo likewife you 
 
 fliall read in my firft book, how tocompafsMo>' ■' 
 intelligence of the fouth part of Spain, as *-0('' 
 namely St. Lucar and Cadiz, by example 
 of a precedent of my own: as alio in the 
 fame book, I refer you to the way how to 
 procure intelligence at the Terccra iflands*, 
 to which book I refer your for brevity Hike, 
 
 53. When the queen lived, fhe was in- 
 clined to hearken to a projeft of mine, for 
 the taking and inhabiting the caftle Tie la 
 Mina in Guinea, many years pofTelTcd by 
 the Portugiicfes; and for defence whereof 
 they rely'd moft upon the number of Ne- 
 groes, in whofe country Mina is feated; 
 and to endear the Negroes the more to them, 
 and to exafperate them againft the enemies, 
 they make them believe, That what war 
 foever they have with others, is in their de- 
 fence againft thole who feek to flay ihem, 
 and to polfefs their country. But to meet 
 with this projeft, I devifed to carry a num- 
 ber of Negroes out of England, that could 
 fpeak their language, and were able to re- 
 port the difference betwixt the Portuguefes 
 ufage of them and ours; for in Portugal 
 they fell their Negroes in open market for 
 fiaves, as we do horfcs, which they know 
 we do not; by which means we fliall be 
 able to dilappoint their defigns. 
 
 54. The marquifs of Santa Cruz, when 
 he took the Tercera iflands, made ofter of 
 landing at the city of Angra, and finding 
 the ifland had drawn all their forces toge- 
 ther to withftand him in that place, he in- 
 ftantly winded his galleys abotir, and rowed 
 five leagues to the eaftward of it, and land- 
 ed where he found no refiftance. The fame 
 did my lord of Ejjex at the ifland o^ St. Mi- 
 chael, who pointed to land at Porto de 
 Gallo, but left that rcfolution, and went 
 with his boats to Villa Franca, which he 
 took eafily, all their forces being drawn to 
 Porto de Gallo. 
 
 §^. Naming Villa Franca, I will fliy 
 fomething that happened to me eighteen 
 years before this I have fpoken of, rather 
 to make you laugh, than for ferioufnefs 
 liike, and yet I place it amongft the ftrata- 
 gems; and thus it was: You muft know 
 that notwithftanding the wars with England 
 and Spain, fome of thofe iflands connived 
 at the trade betwixt them and the Englijh 
 fliips, wliich went under the name and co- 
 lour of Scots: it chanced that one evening I 
 came into the road of Villa Franca, but 
 without the command of the caftle, at- 
 tending the darknefs of the night to go 
 aboard an Englijl:) fhip there riding, to 
 avoid fufpicion of being feen from the Ihore : 
 upon my boarding of the fame fhip, I was 
 carried by the mafter to banquet in his ca- 
 bin; his company that were on board 
 efpied a boat rowing from the ftiore, and 
 brought us news of it, being in the cabin, 
 
 which
 
 4(54 
 
 Sir William MonfonV NiTval Tra^s. 
 
 Book 
 
 MoNscN. which put the mafter to a deadly fear; for 
 ^■^'V^ my being difcover'd would have proved 
 his undoing. I comforted him, and willed 
 him to follow my diredions, and he flioiild 
 efcape any llich danger. I defirod him to 
 go out of tlie cabin, and leave me there, 
 and to fiy what I ihould bid him. The 
 boat came to the fliip-fide, and told the 
 mafter. That the ftrangc fhip that rid not 
 far from him w.is an Englifi rover, and 
 willed him to be careful; for that night 
 'twas thought he would furprize her: I 
 willed the mafter to tell them. That he 
 fufpedled as much, and ftood upon his guard, 
 but feared that the fhip had defcry'd their 
 boat coming oH" from the (hore, and it was 
 hkcly they would intercept their boat in 
 their return to land, and advifed them, as 
 they loved their liberty, to haften away. 
 This put the Portugucfes in fuch a fear, that 
 fuddenly, without fpeaking one word more, 
 they put oft' their boat without entering 
 into the fliip; which made us laugh hearti- 
 ly, and v/as a good addition to our fupper. 
 
 ^6. In the year 1600. there was a com- 
 plaint made by the inhabitants of the cinque 
 ports, that the Fmub incroached upon their 
 fifhing at fea, a rocky ground five leagues 
 fouth from Rye; which place ferves all 
 London with choice fifti : whereupon I was 
 fent down to redrefs thisdiforder, and made 
 ufe of the ftratagem following; becaufe, if 
 I had difcovered myfelf with my ftiip, the 
 French would have fled : therefore I mann'd 
 the EngliJIj fiflier-boats with my own com- 
 pany, and gave them order, as I fliould 
 pafs by with my own fhip, and fhoot a 
 piece of ordnance, to board the French and 
 poflefs them; which they did, and by 
 means thereof the cinque-ports injoy'd their 
 ancient privilege. 
 
 57. The ftratagem of taking the pirates 
 in Ireland, Anno 1 6 1 4. is amply fet down 
 in my fecond book, to which I refer you, 
 ■wifhing you to perufe it ; for it will give 
 you pleafure and content in reading ir, and 
 a light withal how to ufe the fame ftrata- 
 gem, if there be occafion. 
 
 58. A fliip, and by confequence he that is 
 imploy'd in her, may be deceived by touch- 
 ing the needle in the manner following: a 
 fhip going her courfe to the port flie is 
 bound, may be deceived in touching the 
 north point fouth with a loadftonc, which 
 is contrary to the place fhc is going to, and 
 may, perhaps, carry her upon fome ftioals 
 and rocks, that in a right courfe tl.ere is no 
 caufe to fear. 
 
 n)<). In the voyage with my lord of Lind- 
 fey, in 1635. wc fent over a fifher-boat to 
 Brejl, BaltGur bay, and other places upon 
 that coaft, to fpy and view the ftate of the 
 French and Holland fleet, which we knew 
 
 was thither retired, but witli fuch inftruc- 
 tions as the French could not fufpei^t it; and 
 that they might fee we had great confidence 
 in them, and to receive advcrtifement from 
 them, we pretended the caufe of our imploy- 
 ing the boat was to look out certain Turkijh 
 pirates, who we fuppofed hover'd upon their 
 coaft. The boat returned with a true re- 
 lation, as we after found ; which gave us good 
 latisfaftion. 
 
 60. Not long after my being taken by 
 the galleys in Spain, if I had not been by 
 accident prevented, I had efcaped the im- 
 prifontnent I endured for many months in 
 the fiid galleys at Cafcais and Liibon, which 
 was moft grievous to me, by this ftrata- 
 gem following. Whilft we rid in the har- 
 bour of Lisbon, there came aboard the gal- 
 ley where I was, a mafter of a fhip of Hol- 
 land, who fpake good Engliflj: this man 
 came from Bra/il; for at that time the Por- 
 tuguefes freighted Holland ftiips in moft 
 of their long voyages, though they pre- 
 tended to be in war one with another. This 
 Hollander pitying my cafe, wifhed me pri- 
 vately aboard his fliip, promifing to conceal 
 and hide me that I fhould not be found; 
 befides his word, I took his proteftation 
 and vow to perform his promife, if I could 
 devife to efcape out of the galley. I verily 
 believe the man meant truly and honeftly; 
 for he confirmed it by many proteftations 
 at other times and days. Whereupon I was 
 not idle to devife an efcape, and writ a let- 
 ter with my own hand, direfted to the reft 
 of my company, then prifoners with me, 
 declaring that my captivity was fo hard, 
 that I could no longer endure it, but chofe 
 rather to end my life by drowning myfelf, 
 and wifhed them to fignify fo much to my 
 friends in England: and one night, when all 
 things were whift and filent in the galley, I 
 intended fecretly to efcape, by ftealing fe- 
 cretly into the ladder of the galley at the 
 tide of ebb, and to convey myfelf into the 
 water without noife, or moving either hand 
 or foot, till I was brought clear oft' the gal- 
 ley's view, and then to fwim on board the 
 Holland fhip, who lay juft in the wake 
 of the galley, and in view of me : this I 
 might eafily have done without fufpicion, or 
 notice taken of me ; but unluckily it fell our, 
 that the day before I meant to put this ftra- 
 tagem in execution, the galleys were com- 
 manded upon fome fervice to fea ; fo that 
 before our return to Lisbon the Holland ftiip 
 was gone a new voyage, and I fruftratcd of 
 my hopes. 
 
 As commonly one difcourfe begets ano- 
 ther, fo this accident puts me in mind of 
 fome others that befel me, or that I was wit- 
 nefs to, in the time of my imprilbnment, 
 
 which 

 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon*/ Naval Trails. 
 
 4(55 
 
 which I have been defined by my friends 
 to put in writing, that there may remain a 
 remembrance oi them after my death : and 
 what I infert is neither as prqjecft or ftrata- 
 gem, but only a plain narration of what I 
 have heard and feen. 
 
 Riding in the port of Lisbon, (for there 
 is no other place for the gallies to refide up- 
 on all that coaft,) there was difcovered to 
 the general a praftice by an Italian to draw 
 the Forfado's, or galley-flaves, to take arms 
 and rile againft the fokiiers, and poflefs 
 themfelves of the galley and men where he 
 was, in order to recover their liberties, and 
 difpofe of the galley as they pleaicd. This 
 treafon being examined, the//u//Vz;zconfeired 
 it; and for his reward his two arms were 
 made fall to the ftern of two galleys, and 
 his two legs to two others, and he quartered 
 by the rowing of the galleys. If this Ita- 
 lian had had the wit of an Italian, he would 
 not thus have played the fool ; for he might 
 v/ell know, where fo many men were to be 
 trufted, as are in a galley, it could not 
 choofe but be revealed. The flaves con- 
 fiding of fo many nations, and the tref- 
 paffes, being fo different, fome condemn'd 
 for life, others for years more or lefs, and 
 any one revealing it, was able to purchafe 
 his own liberty and reward. Or fuppofe 
 they had prevailed in their defign, the reft 
 of the galleys had been able to have ma- 
 ftered them ; or if nor, they had been de- 
 ftitute of victuals to futkiin them, not ha- 
 ving fo much as water ; for every fecond day 
 they ufed to fetch their water fiom the 
 fliore : or though all thofe I have fpoken of 
 had been no impediment to them, yet there 
 had been no place to have fled to but fome 
 port of France, no nearer them than feven 
 or eight hundred miles. 
 
 The next accident I take notice of, was 
 in the fame port ot Lisbon, and in the fame 
 galleys that happened to the captain of the 
 vice-admiral, a churlifh and ill-natured 
 man, as myfelf had fome occafion to fay •, 
 for after my being taken prifoner, I found 
 him difcourteous and uncivil towards me •, 
 -for without leave, knowledge, or warning to 
 my page that ferved me, nor permiffion to 
 fee me, he fent him to the farthefl: part of 
 all Spain, intending he Ihould never return 
 more into his country -, though afier he 
 failed of his purpofe, by means of an Eng- 
 lij%man that lived thereabouts, whither he 
 was fent, and underftanding this accident of 
 his coming thither, and that he had been 
 my fervant, whofe name and friends he well 
 knew, though he was unacquainted with me-, 
 yet at my requeR by letter, when I heard 
 of the condition of the man, mod courte- 
 oufly he procured means, and obtained li- 
 berty and licence for my fervant to return to 
 me, and of his own accord furnilhed him 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 with money fufficicnt for his journey, who^io^ 
 arrived fafcly, and continued to do me ler- -'^' 
 vice during the time of my imprifonment •, 
 whom after I preferr'd to be a captain in the 
 fervice againll the Spaniards. 
 
 This ill-condition'd Spaniflj captain after 
 tafted a jult reward for his ill difpofuion ; 
 for as it is the ufe of captains of galleys to 
 make choice of fome Mcor or Turk to attend 
 them in their cabins, as people more neat 
 and officious than Clirillians, and more ob- 
 fequious and dcfirous to plcail- than their 
 own natural councrymcn : out of thofe fup- 
 poied reafons the captain made choice of one 
 of them, a Turk in religion, and moft con- 
 fonant to his humour, as he conceived. It 
 happened, that as this Moor exceeded in di- 
 ligence, (b it increafed his credit and trufl 
 with his captain ; who fending him one day 
 afliore to wafh his linen, (for fome of the 
 Moors exceed women in that employ,) he 
 carried with him one hundred crowns of 
 his captain's, which he had in charge among 
 other moneys and plate ; this Moor was in- 
 ticed by company to play, v.here he made 
 a fhort end of his hundred crowns. 
 
 After fome time his theft was difcovered 
 to his captain ; who v/as ib inraged, having 
 no means to rf;cover his lofs, that he re- 
 turned him to his oar and painful bank in 
 the galley, where he remained in his former 
 flavery. But this was not revenge fufficicnc 
 to pleafe the captain, but he ordered him a 
 cruel punifhment uilially iniiifted upon of- 
 fenders, laying them flat over the Cruzca, 
 where he was unmercifully beaten with a bull's 
 pizzle till he was made unable either to ftand 
 or fit, or to do the king's work •, nor was 
 the captain willing he ihould do him iLivice 
 till time had overcome his paffion; but thea 
 finding a great want of his attendance, he 
 once more delivered him out of his chains, 
 and accepted ot his fervice as he was won", 
 and fo he pafied Ibme time as he was for- 
 merly wont to do. 
 
 But the Moor carried a canker'd reveng-e- 
 ful heart againft his captain, which he craf- 
 tily diflemblcd, not giving any kind of fu- 
 fpicion till he had found a way and oppor- 
 tunity to compafs it ; which was in this 
 manner : 
 
 At his ufual hour in the morning he re- 
 paired to get up his captain, but provided 
 all things for his purpofe ; as firft, a crofs- 
 bar to keep down the fcutde ; and being 
 below, he provided himfelf with powder, 
 fire, match, and other neceffaries, which he 
 placed in the outward room, and liiddenly 
 rufhed into his captain's cabin with a 
 naked dagger in his hand, to Vv-hom he 
 gave eight ftabs, making account he had 
 flain him ; but hearing a noife without, he 
 left the captain, and betook himfelf to a 
 gendeman who cried out for help ; which 
 
 6B 
 
 being
 
 4(5(5 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Trai^is. 
 
 Book "V 
 
 MoNsoN. being done, he put the match to the train 
 ^.'''Y^^ he had prepared, and let the galley on fire, 
 which he Icap'd into and burnt himfelf to 
 afhes ; but by the help of the other galleys 
 that rid near her, they fuddenly boarded 
 her, laved all her Oaves, and the captain, 
 •who was not quite dead -, but what elle was 
 in her was all confumed. A rare example 
 of reveno-e in a heathen to a Chriftian ! and 
 though the captain and he differed in rcli- 
 gion,^et not much in condition and perverfe 
 natures. 
 
 This captain was after queftioned as the 
 author of the deftruftion of the king's gal- 
 ley, by the ill udige of this flave; and had 
 it not been for the general's fake Don Fran- 
 dfco de Colonm, brother to Don Carlo Co- 
 loma, who was after ambaflador into Eng- 
 land in king James and king Charles's time, 
 he had deeply fmarted for it. 
 
 Misfortunes thus left not the captain, but 
 ftill attended him, as a thing fiital to his 
 ill nature •, for after the recovery of his 
 hurts, and reftitution of his command, he 
 was once more rifled and robbed by another 
 Moor' he entertained in the place of his 
 other fervant : This Moor was inticed by 
 two Spanipo foldiers to commit the theft ; 
 and after it was done, he and the foldiers 
 pafTed over the river without interruption, 
 and kept company together till they arrived 
 upon a fpacious great hill, where the fol- 
 diers, finding a good opportunity for their 
 purpofe, flew the Moor, pofTeffed the mo- 
 ney, and efcaped themfelves ; fo that they 
 ■were never heard more of whilft I was in 
 Spain. 
 
 I will leave fpeaking of the galleys whilfl 
 1 was in them : And now I was removed to 
 the caftle of Lisbon, where I remained pri- 
 Ibner a good fpace -, but I will end with 
 the hap of two of the faid galleys, which 
 my eyes beheld, and myfelf was made an 
 adtor of revenge upon them. 
 
 In myfirft book, and in the year 1591, 
 you will find how I became prifoner to the 
 Spaniards, and what paiTed in the fight 
 betwixt fix galleys and the fhip I was taken 
 in : It happened that about eleven years 
 after, and as you fliall likewife find in the 
 llime book, that Sir Richard Letvfon and 
 myfelf had the furprizing a carrack and 
 two galleys, which we burnt in the road 
 of Zezimbra ; which two galleys were of 
 the number aforelitid that took me, and one 
 of them the very fame wherein I was kept 
 prifoner. This aft of revenge to fome men 
 would have been very pleafing. 
 
 In September, which is comn>only the 
 month for the galleys to make their retreat 
 into harbour tor winter, I and eight of my 
 company were ftrongly guarded to the ca- 
 ftle of Lisbon, there to lie imprifoned till a 
 courfe was taken for our redemption out of 
 
 England, with an allowance o? y d. -i per 
 diem for each man for his maintenance, a 
 proportion that did not equal 3 d. per dievi 
 according to the rate of things in England. 
 All the time of cur imprifonment we were 
 clofe confined, only in the morning we re- 
 forted to the caftle walls, with a guard of 
 foldiers, to perform our neccflary occa- 
 fions. 
 
 It happened on St. Andrexv's day fol- 
 lowing, being upon the walls, at our ufual 
 hour, we beheld a great galleon of the 
 king's turning up the river in her fighting 
 fails, being fumptuoufly deck'd with anci- 
 ents, ftreamers and pendants, with all other 
 ornaments, to fliew her bravery. She let 
 fly all her ordnance in a triumphant man- 
 ner for the taking Sir Richard Greenville iti 
 the Revenge at the ifland of Flores, flie be- 
 ing one of that fleet, and the firft voyage 
 flie ever made. 
 
 I confefs it was one of the greateft and 
 forrowfulleft fights that ever my eyes be- 
 held, to fee the caufe the Spaniards had to 
 boaft, and no remedy in me to revenge it 
 but in my tongue, but hoped for future 
 comfort, and took fuch Englijhmen as were 
 in my company to witneis what I ftiould 
 fay to them : I offered to give them one 
 for ten, if I did live, to be at the taking 
 and poffeffing of that triumphant gal- 
 leon, that carried the name of that day, 
 viz. St. Andrew. This paflTed but as an 
 idle defire I had to fee my word come to 
 effeft. 
 
 In the year 1596, which was five years 
 after, enfued our Cadiz expedition, under 
 the command of the earl of Effex and the 
 lord admiral, where, amongft fifty-eight 
 fhips there deftroyed and burnt, the faid 
 St. Andrew was, and fhe and another only, 
 fiived from the fire : but this was nothing 
 to my prognofticating wager, for I could 
 affume no more to myfelf than any other 
 man of that fleet •, but it happened, as I 
 was captain of the Repulfe under my lord 
 of Ejj'ex, I was appointed in the Repulfe'^ 
 boat and fome others to fave the galleons 
 that were run afliore, whole names were 
 thefe, St. Matthew, St. Andrew, St. Philip., 
 and St. 'Thomas : the St. Matthew and St. 
 Andrew we preferved, though it was 
 with fome peril to us : the St. Philip 
 and St. Thomas fet themfelves on fire, even 
 as I was ready to enter the St. Philip : and 
 I may boldly fay, what I fpake in the ca- 
 ftle of Lisbon was now punftuJly per- 
 formed •, and for the truth hereof, it is 
 not long fince one of the Englijhmen lived, 
 and till his death vouched my words to be 
 true. 
 
 Thefe four ftrange accidents I have in- 
 ferted in this fifth book, at the entreaty of 
 friends that have heard me often relate them ; 
 
 but 
 
 J ;i
 
 Book V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tra^s. 
 
 4(57 
 
 but what fliall follow was upon the impor- 
 tunity of fome of my children, who confi- 
 dered how young I was when I put myfelf 
 into the wars at lea, how long I have fince 
 lived, and been acquainted with the affairs 
 of the world, which amounts to fifty-fix 
 years, and the often dangers and perils I 
 have gone through by the fword by fix- 
 mine, by danger of the fea, and other ca- 
 fualties, as all men are fubjeft to that run 
 fuch defperate adventures. Thefe reafons 
 prevail'd with me, that I yielded to their re- 
 queft : and though in my firft book I have 
 had occafion to fpeak of mofl of them, when 
 I treated of the voyages that then happen- 
 ed, and wherein there was occafion to men- 
 tion them, yet, for brevity fake, I have 
 added them to the latter part of this fifth 
 book, that they may fuddenly be turned to, 
 and found referring to the year and book 
 where you fliall find them ; and I will make 
 my beginning in the year 1585, when the 
 wars with Spain began, and wherein I was 
 an aftor at the taking of the firft Spanijh 
 prize. 
 
 In that voyage of 1 585, and in the month 
 of September, I was a youth of fixteen years 
 of age, and fo inclined to fee the world 
 abroad, that without the knowledge of fa- 
 ther or mother I put myfelf into an aftion 
 by fea, where there was in company of us 
 two fmall fhips, fitted for men of war, that 
 authorized us by commifTion to feize upon 
 the fubjeds of the king of Spain. We de- 
 parted from the IJle of Wight, to which 
 place we returned with our dear-bought 
 prize : flie was a Bifcainer of three hundred 
 tons, well manned, fufficiently furnifhed, 
 and bravely defended ; fhe came from Grand 
 Bay in Newfotmdland, which at our firft ar- 
 rival upon the coaft of Spain we met with, 
 and refufing to yield to us, we fuddenly 
 boarded, and by confent of all our men 
 entered her ; but the waves of the fea 
 growing high, we were forced to ungrapple, 
 and to leave our men fighting on board her 
 from eight of the clock in the evening till 
 eight in the morning. The manner how, 
 and all other circumflances, you will find in 
 my fecond book. 
 
 My next efcape was in the year 1587, 
 and the firft voyage I went captain to fea ; 
 where, abiding longer than I expefted, I 
 was put to great extremity of viftuals, and 
 coming from the Canary iflands towards 
 England, I fell in with Ireland, and put 
 into Dingle bay, where the fame morning I 
 was taken with a moft dangerous and tem- 
 peftuous ftorm, being upon a lee-lhore, and 
 the weather as dark and foggy as though it 
 were night. The maimer found himfelf fo 
 nigh the land, that within an hour we could 
 not efcape fhipwreck upon the devouring 
 clifts, if God did not fend us the fight of a 
 
 little rock called the Cr^ic, half a mile from Monsonj. 
 the entrance of the port of Dingle : every '*^~\~"'^ 
 man was as careful to look for this rock as 
 for life, for our fxfety confifted in the fight 
 of it -, and by great fortune it was fpy'd by 
 a Brazilian Indian that ferv'd me ; which 
 rock was a perfeft direiflor to our mafter, 
 and in half an hour he harbour'd us In the 
 port of Dingle. This put me in remem- 
 brance of what I had formerly read, that 
 there was nothing more pleaiant to a man 
 than to fee himfelf at the point of death by 
 fhipwreck at fea, and fuddenly to efcape the 
 danger by arriving in fafe harbour. 
 
 Here I received two lives from God, the 
 one was the efcape of fhipwreck, as you 
 have heard •, the odier of famine -, for when 
 we were iafely arrived, we took view of our 
 bread, for other vidluals we had none, and 
 we had divided to every man his propor- 
 tion of bread a fortnighc before, and found 
 but fix bifket cakes amongft our whole fifty 
 men and more. 
 
 Reckoning according to years, which 
 courfe I mean to follow, my next fhall be 
 in 1589, when I ferved as vice-admiral to 
 the earl of Cmnberland to the iflands Azores; 
 and coming to Flores, the moft weftermofl 
 ifland of the feven, my lord had notice of 
 certain Spanijh fliips riding in the road of 
 Fayal, ready to take the firft wind for 
 Spain, to the fouthward of which ifland my 
 lord had paded eight days before. Upon 
 this news my lord haltcned thicher, botii to 
 be refblved of the truth thereof, as alfo to 
 make an attempt upon thofe fliips, if he 
 lliould fee a poffibility to prevail : but ar- 
 riving two days after towards the evening, 
 a calm tock him, and he was not able to 
 reach within two leagues of the road where 
 the fliips lay ; whereupon there was a coun- 
 cil called, as in all cafes of difficulty there 
 is, wherein myfelf and captain Lijier very 
 earneftly propofed, and by entreaty pre- 
 vailed, that we might have leave in that 
 calm to row to the road to take a view of 
 the fhips, that againft morning we might 
 fee where to take advantage by furprizing 
 them. 
 
 As we drew near the Spaniards the dafli- 
 ing of our oars was heard, which gave the 
 alarm to the admiral, who only were the 
 flag, and inftantly let fly her ordnance, 
 without any certain aim, more than the 
 dafhing of the oars direfted. Captain I.ifier 
 and I feeing our lelves milled by the fliot, 
 were fo much encouraged, that, rather like 
 mad than difcreet men, we ran aboard the 
 admiral with an intent fuddenly to lurprize 
 her J but finding fo great an inequality in 
 our forces, (for the fliip carry'd fixteen pieces 
 of ordnance, was well mann'dand provided,) 
 we were glad to put off" our boat and retire, 
 repenting of our bargain. 
 
 As
 
 4<58 
 
 Sir William MonfoiiV Naval Tnicis. 
 
 Book 
 
 i 
 
 MoNsox. As we v/ere rowing towards our fleet 
 ^ "'^ again, which all this wliile beheld the fight, 
 and heard the report of the ihips ordnance, 
 we met another boat of greater burthen fent 
 to luccour us ; and after joyful lalutation, 
 we refolved and concluded with both our 
 boats to return ag.iin, and give a fecond 
 aflault upon the admiral, telling tliem the 
 ftatc and condition of the Ihip, which did 
 fo encourage both the one and the other, 
 that by confcnt it vvas agreed tliey fliould 
 board her in the quarter, and we in the 
 haufe, and we to cut her cable, and let her 
 drive ofF to Tea. All this vvas fuccelsfully 
 aded, and the fliip miraculoufly enjoy'd, 
 notwithftanding the continual fliot from the 
 caftle, to which the fliip was moored ; and 
 which caftle a month alter v/e took, and af- 
 forded us forty-five pieces of ordnance, 
 mounted and difmounted. I muft not for- 
 get, that as we entered the admiral on the 
 one fide, the Spaniards leap'd over-board 
 on the other, except the captain, John de 
 Pahna, and one more. 
 
 Now having got an unexpefted viftory, 
 rather by valour than realbn, we towed 
 out the fliip with our two boats, the caftle 
 not fparing to fire at us, till we brought 
 her without reach of the flrot, and then we 
 agreed to take out all our men, except one 
 at helin to govern her, and ftruck down her 
 iiils -, and we ourfelves returned in our boats 
 once more into the road, where we pof- 
 fefted ourfelves of the other feven (hips left 
 behind, three of v/hich were of reafonable 
 good value. For the other particulars of 
 this voyage I refer to my firft book, where 
 you fliairfind this relation following ; 
 
 Coming into the ifland of St. Marfs, we 
 found an unwelcome entertainment, though 
 indeed we meant the people no farther hurt 
 than to be fupplied with water from the 
 ifland ; but it feems they were better pre- 
 pared to forbid us than we expecled ; for 
 at our offering to land with two hundred 
 and odd men, two parts of them were fud- 
 denly hurt and flain •, in which encounter 
 my fword, which I placed naked, and the 
 point upward, was fhot a funder, and the 
 bullet pafs'd through the belly of my doub- 
 let, which, if it had not been for my fword, 
 had done the like through my belly. 
 
 My lord being thus fruftrated of all hope 
 of water and other refiefliment, was to feek 
 the help of another ifland to give him relief-, 
 for now drink began to be fcarce, and it 
 was likely it would put us to defpcrate 
 want ; and ftanding from hence to the 
 ifland of St. George., by labour and pains, 
 and by the help of my fwimming, my fhip 
 drawing little water to come near the ftiore, 
 I procured fo much water as kept us after 
 from perifhing. 
 
 Paffing by the other fide of the ifland of 
 4 
 
 St. George., we might fee a goodly fpour, 
 iflliing out of the great clift, wliich gave 
 my lord a great comfort to be fupply'd 
 with drink by that fpour. Now begun our 
 people to be in cVfpair of any help of drink, 
 either by fea or iflantl, and by one confcnt, 
 in a tumultuous manner, cry'd out to return 
 to England, which much troubled my lord, 
 who hoped lor a better fortunate voyage be- 
 fore his return •, and finding no man fo 
 heartily true to him as myfelt, he bewail'd 
 himlcif and his cafe to nie, how much it 
 imported him to try what water that fpout 
 would yield him, conjuring me, by the love 
 I bore him, that I would put myfelf into a 
 fniall boat that rowed vvitl» three oars, one 
 man to fteer, and inyfelf to fir, and to ven- 
 ture afl:ore, to fee the pofTibility that fpout 
 would yield him for water, promifing that 
 he and his fliip fhould ftand within a mile 
 of the land, to take me up at my return. 
 I performed it as honeftly as he repofed truft 
 in ine, though by an accident it had almoft 
 coft me my life. 
 
 In my way, rowing towards the fhore, 
 a great whale was fpy'd from my lord's 
 fhip, lying with her bacl< upon the water 
 afleep, as is the nature of whales before 
 ftorms. This whale was fuppofed to be a 
 rock, and dangerous for the fhip to bear 
 further into land ; and thereupon tacked 
 about to iea, leaving me to the mercy of 
 the waves. I had no fooner fet my foot 
 alhore, but it began to be dark with night 
 and fog, to blow, rain, thunder, and ligh- 
 ten, in the cruelleft manner that I have feen. 
 There was no way for me to efcape death, 
 but to put myfelf to the mercy of tlie fea-, 
 neither could I have any great hope of help 
 or life ; for the fhip was out of fight, and 
 only appeared a light upon the flirowds to 
 dire6t me. This fudden alteration of wea- 
 ther, gave me loft in the opinion of my 
 lord and all his company. 
 
 AH this while the fhip lay upon the lee •, 
 and feeing it was in vain to expect my 
 return, the mafter called with the whiftle to 
 
 fill the fails ; but the mafter-gunner 
 
 being 
 
 a countryman of mine, and one that loved 
 me well, (an approv'd man of Ikill and 
 art, by the place he held as mafter-gunner 
 in the pope's admiral galley in the victo- 
 rious battle of Lipanto, in which batde he 
 was fore wounded,) he humbly befoughc 
 my lord to forbear filling the fills one hour 
 longer, which my lord willingly granted; and 
 in that interim of time, one of the compa- 
 ny in the fhip Ipy'd a flafh of fire, and 
 heard the report of a mufl^et ; for all our 
 powder was ipent to that very lalt fhor, by 
 means whereof we were preferved, rather 
 by miracle than any human art. And to 
 make it the more ftrange, we were no 
 foor.er rifen from our feats, and ropes in 
 
 our
 
 300K V. 
 
 Sir William Monfon j Naval Tra(^s. 
 
 4(59 
 
 our hands to enter the fliip, but the boat 
 immediately funk. And though I have 
 paflcd many dangers, as will appear by this 
 treatifc, ycc I account this the greateft ot 
 all, and none of the rell to be parallel'd 
 with it. 
 
 "What miferies v/e endured in the latter 
 end of the voyage, you fhall find in the 
 firfl: book, where I have occafion to fpeak 
 of our return, and the excremity we en- 
 dured, which was more terrible than befel 
 any fliip in the eighteen years war; for lay- 
 ing afide the continual expeftarion of death 
 by Ihipwrcck, and the daily mortality ot 
 our men, I will fpeak of our famine, that 
 exceeded ail men and Ihips I have known in 
 ihecourfeof my life: for fixteen days to- 
 gether we never tafted drop of drink, ei- 
 ther beer, wine, or water; and though we 
 had plenty of beef and pork of a year's 
 faking, yet did we foibear eating it, for 
 making us the drier. Many drunk ialt wa- 
 ter, and thofe that did died fudJenly, and 
 the laft word they ufually fpake was drink^ 
 drink, drink: and I dare boldly fay, that 
 of five hundred men that were in that 
 fhip feven years before, at this day there 
 is not a man alive but myfelf, and one 
 more. 
 
 The firft port we arrived at was the Fin- 
 try in Ireland, five miles by land from 
 Dingle church, that gave me fuccour in my 
 former voyage, as I have faid : here we 
 made fhift to furnifli my lord with a horfe, 
 and myfelf and fome other gentlemen fol- 
 lowed a-foot. At our coming to the town, 
 we found my lord in the houfe of the fove- 
 reign, which is the title of mayor, telling 
 his ftrange adventures, and his dangerous 
 eicape of famifhing with want of drink. 
 The fovereign told his lordflilp, That 
 about two years before, a gentleman came 
 into their port, in as great a want of meat, 
 as his lordfhip was of drink ; and even 
 as he was repeating my name I entered the 
 door, whom my lord took by the liand in 
 their prefence, and fold. Lupus cji in fa- 
 hula. They beheld me with admiration, 
 and told my lord, that it was my fortune 
 that brought him thither; and held thcm- 
 felves happy that it was in their power to 
 give him relief, as they had done the like 
 to me before. 
 
 In the year 1590. my former ficknefs, you 
 have heard, I took in Ireland, kept me from 
 imployment, or thought of the fea; but 
 now finding my body as willing as my 
 mind to follow my begun courfes, this 
 year of 1591. I attended my lord of Cum- 
 berland ovizt more, and had the command 
 of the Garland under him, wherein he went 
 admiral. I can lay little of any confequence 
 of this voyage that concerned myfelf, but 
 my imprifonment by fix Spanifl^ galleys, 
 Vol. III. 
 
 near the ifland of Burlings, wh.idi I haVe^It'NsoN. 
 had caufe to remember, by fome accidents -^V'*"' 
 you fhall read in my fuccce(.ling voyage. 
 
 My confi:ancy has been fuch, though to 
 my cofl, where I have made proleifjun of 
 love, that no Imall unkindnefs could fud- 
 denly divert me, when my atledion has 
 been grounded upon true friendn:iip, as may 
 appear by my laithfulncfs to the lord I 
 now Ipcak of, for whom I have often ven- 
 tured my life, with little fruit of his favour. 
 And I muft confefs it was fome blemifli to 
 my judgment; for notwithflaiiding many 
 admonitions, I was incredulous, ftill rely- 
 ing upon him, and followed him in this 
 voyage of 1593. in the place I had for- 
 merly held, captain of the Golden Lyon, a 
 fliip of the queen's, v^herein he fcrved as ad- 
 miral. What I fliall fiy here relates to 
 fome principal accidents that concern my- 
 felf in this voyage; and for the reft, I re- 
 fer you to 'my Hrft book, where I have 
 fliewed, that my lord being fevered from 
 his fleet about the Burlings, met with 
 twelve hulks of the eaft country, that af- 
 ter fome fight, yielded, and delivered him 
 a large quantity of powder, which they 
 carried for the king of Spain's fervice; my 
 lord took the one half of thofe fiiips, and 
 fl.ood off to fea; the other half he left 
 with me to examine and rummac^e. To- 
 wards night my lord call off thofe of his 
 company, whom I fpy'd making towards 
 me and their conforts, which feemed ftrange 
 to me, that was left guarded but by a fmall 
 fhip, and his long-boat with fifty men. I 
 feared, as after I found true, that thofe 
 fliips had a refokuion to board and take 
 me; but to prevent their defign, I leap- 
 ed into my lord's boat on one fide of the 
 fliip, as they boarded her on the other f 
 in which leap I received a hurt in my leg, 
 which to this day, in 1641. I have found 
 a great decay to my whole body. 
 
 In the fud book you will find, that frorn 
 hence my lord flood to the ifland of Cuer- 
 vo, where he was taken with a moft me- 
 lancholly ficknefs, and in defpair of health 
 or life, unlefs he might be relieved with 
 the milk of a cow; and I feeing in what 
 condition he was, and valuing his life as 
 much as my own, I ventured my perfon 
 to get him a cow from the hands of the 
 enemy, either by fair or foul means ; and 
 put myfelf into the hands of the Portuguefes 
 of the ifland of Cuervo; firil fliewinp- a 
 flag of truce, I told them the caufe of my 
 coming to them, was out of k)ve; and that 
 we had a great fleet at fea thereabouts: and 
 left any ol them fliould do them injury, I 
 brought them a protection from our gene- 
 ral, the earl of Ciimlcrland^ to defend them, 
 if any violence fhould be offered them; 
 and fo infinuated to them, as they atTorded 
 6 C me.
 
 470 
 
 Sir William Moii(onV Ncwal TraBs. 
 
 Book V 
 
 MoNsoN. me courtcons entertainment-, and bccaiife 
 w^V'^ niglu drew on, they defired me to ftay all 
 night: I willingly imbraced their offer, and 
 by my liberal carriage, obtained what I re- 
 quired; and the d.iy following carry'd a 
 cow and other refrediments aboard, which 
 gave plenty of milk till my lord's arnv.d 
 in England. This cow, in all likelihood, 
 was the llwing of my lord's life for the pre- 
 fent-, which he acknowledged. 
 
 In the enfuing year 1 595. I was married ; 
 but before my marriage, I engaged myfelf 
 by promife to attend my lord of Cumber- 
 land, as his vice-admiral, to fea. Himfelf 
 went in the Malice Scourge, a brave fliip, 
 built by himfelf; his vice-admiral Allfuier, 
 a goodly fliip of the merchants. 
 
 Now I began to have a proof of what 
 before I had juft caiife to fufpeft, viz. the 
 inconftant friendihip of my lord of Cum- 
 berland:, for though I was drawn by his 
 fweet words and promifes to this voyage, 
 and that we had proceeded upon it it lb far 
 as Plymouth, and from thence eight or nine 
 leagues to fea, towards the coalt of Spain, 
 without imparting, or making fliew of any 
 thing to me, he fuddenly quitted the 
 voyage, and appointed another captain for 
 his own fhip, which did fo much difcon- 
 tent me for the prefent, that I abandoned 
 the company of his fliip at fea, and be- 
 took myfelf to my own adventure: This 
 bred an after-quarrel betwixt my lord and 
 me; and it was a long time before we were 
 reconciled. 
 
 My voyage produced no danger of fa- 
 mine or Iword, as other voyages had done. 
 The worft enemy I found were ftorms, 
 which were fuch as forced me to cut my 
 main-maft by the board, and compelled 
 me to bear for England. After I had 
 weathered the coaft of Spain, the ftorm held 
 on ib outragious, and of fuch long conti- 
 nuance, that I was driven to Spain before 
 the lea, betwixt the Groyne in Gallicia, and 
 Blavet in Brilany, which port the Spaniards 
 at that time poflefTed. The fea was fo grown, 
 and the waves fo mighty, that they raked 
 me fore and aft, for want of a main-maft 
 to keep up the fliip ; fo that I expefted for 
 many days together nothing but founder- 
 ing in the fea; but at laft it pleafed God 
 to fend me to Plymouth, where I found the 
 people much diftrafted, upon the news 
 brought them of the arrival of four Spa- 
 mj}> galleys, from Blavet to Penzance in 
 Cornwall, which village they took and lack- 
 ed. Thefe four galleys could not chufe 
 but pafs me that night in a calm unfeen. 
 Sir Francis Drake was now at Plymouth, 
 ready bound with his fleet to xhaWejl-In- 
 dies, in which voyage he died. Upon the 
 news of thefe galleys, he inftantly put to 
 
 fea, and myfelf with him; and arriving at 
 Penzance, we found the Spaniards were 
 gone, and the poor fpoil not worth tlieir 
 lubour they found in the town. 
 
 The next olfenfive voyage by us, was to 
 Cadiz, in 1596. under the command of the 
 earl of EJjex, and iny lord atlmiral, where- 
 of I had formerly occafion to fay fome- 
 thing, when I made mention of burning 
 of fifty-eight fail of fliips, and the ta- 
 king the St. y^ndrezv. 'I"he principal and 
 dangeroufcll thing that happened to me 
 in that voyage, was the accident follow- 
 ing : 
 
 My lord of EjJex having made way 
 through the town, at length came to the 
 ipacious market-place, where he found the 
 grcatcft and fliarpcft rcfiftance from the 
 houlcrs thereabouts, that forely flanked him, 
 which way fbever he pafied or looked, and 
 one houfe more than the reft feemed nioft 
 dangerous; whereupon I defired my lord to 
 fpare me fifty old Ibldiers of the Low Coun- 
 tries, to give an aflluilt upon that houle, 
 which his lordfhip granted, and I perform- 
 ed, and took it. In that conflid: I was 
 fhot with a mufket-bullet through my fcarf, 
 and breeches; and the handle and pummel 
 of my fword fhot from my fide, without 
 any further hurt. As I ftooped for my 
 handle and pummel of my fword. Sir John 
 IVinkfield was next to me a horfeback, who 
 had received a hurt in his thigh a little be- 
 fore; and as he was afking me how I did, 
 (for it feems he feared I was Ibrely wounded 
 by my ftooping,) he was fliot with a bul- 
 let in the head, and fuddenly fell down 
 dead; and thefe were the Lift words that 
 ever he fpoke. What more concerns this 
 voyage in general, you will find in the firft 
 book: but by the way, this I note, that as 
 the fword is the death of many a man, ib it 
 hath been twice the preferver of my life, the 
 one at the ifland of 5/. Mary's, in 15S9. the 
 other now at Cadiz, in 1596. 
 
 The ifland expedition iucceeded this to 
 Cadiz, m 1597. equal with it both in 
 greatnefs, goodnefs, and the perfon of the 
 man that commanded it. In this expedi- 
 tion I was captain of the Rainbow of the 
 queen's, which fhip had a fpeciaJ caufe to 
 lie remembered, by tneeting the Indies fleet 
 in the manner follov/ing. 
 
 My lord of E(]'ex had intelligence from 
 the ifland of Craciofa, where he had ibme 
 men afliore, of certain Ihips defcry'd oft' 
 to fea. The night drawing on, his lord- 
 fhip divided his fleet into three fquadrons, 
 and myfelf being the next fhip to him, 
 he commanded me to ftand away fouth 
 that night; and if I fpy'd any fliips, to 
 make figns, with fliooting my ordnance, 
 and making falfe fires, promifing to fencl 
 
 twelve
 
 3ooK V. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navctl TrctBs. 
 
 47 f 
 
 twelve fliips afrer me. I inftantly departed 
 as I was direfled, not doubting but the 
 twelve fliips would follow me. It blew little 
 wind, and within Icfs than tour hours, about 
 twelve a-clock in the night, I- fell in com- 
 pany of a fleet confiding of twenty-live fail ; 
 whereupon I put myfelf into my boat, the 
 calm continuing, refolving, though it were 
 with my apparent peril, to difcover what 
 Ihips they were, before I would prefume to 
 make figns, as I was direfted : Approaching 
 near the fleet, I hailed them in Spanijlj, who 
 anfwered me in the fame language ; and by 
 their courfe, I knew them to be the Indies 
 fleet ; and having as much as I defired for 
 the prefent, I returneil on board the Rain- 
 bow, and afterwards performed fo much as 
 I was commanded, in fhooting of my ord- 
 nance, and making falfe fires: I accompa- 
 nied the fleet that night, and the next day, 
 till I brought them into the road of Angra, 
 in the ifland of Tercera ; and what after be- 
 fel me and them, I refer to myfirft book: All 
 the hurt that happened to me in this delpe- 
 rate attempt of mine, bcfides the hazard of 
 Ihot from the cafl:les and fleet, my fhip be- 
 ing fliot through fifteen times, was foul 
 words and railing language, with fome 
 fhot from the Spaniards when I firft hailed 
 them in my boat. 
 
 In our return this voyage, I was in more 
 peril, hazard, and danger, than any other 
 lliip of our fleet ; for the Rainbow is known 
 to be the mofl: rowling and labourfome fliip 
 in England, efpecially in the condition I 
 was in, having fpent my foremafl: in a 
 mighty florm, and mountainous feas, where 
 we hourly expedted death. 
 
 My next voyage, of all others, was mofl. 
 fortunate to me, wherein the carrack was 
 taken, and the beft fervice performed by fo 
 few fiiips, that happened in all the queen's 
 time ; and yet it gives the leafl: occafion to 
 fpeak of, of many others wherein I was an 
 aftor, fave only that I muft aflTume to my 
 felf to be the chief perfuader of the attempt 
 upon her. The refolution taken by confent 
 of council, how to afliail her, was in this 
 manner, That Sir Richard Lewfon and I 
 Ihould anchor in the road of Zczimbra, near 
 the carrack and their other forces, the refl 
 of our fliips to ply up and dov/n, and not 
 to anchor: Sir Richard, according to his 
 direftions, made his firft entrance into the 
 road ; but by the negligence of his matter, 
 much to his diflike, he failed in anchoring, 
 and the current taking him on the bow, 
 carried him out of the road ; fo that it was 
 the next day before he could recover in again : 
 Myfelf having the rear, followed my admi- 
 ral according to former order, till I had 
 brought one broad-fide againft the galleys, 
 and my other againft the carrack and caftlc, 
 which done I let fall my anchor ; and tor 
 
 what followed upon it, I refer you to myi^^^oNsoN. 
 firft book. .•^V*"' 
 
 This voyage ending, the next was the 
 laft undertaken by the queen ; for not long 
 after fhe died : And this was the laft Vv yage 
 againft Spain ; for by her ocafh the war 
 ctfafed, and as I was a foldier and a youth at 
 the beginning thereof, fo I was general of 
 this laft fleet -, and for the particulars of th's 
 voyage, more than thel'e few following, I 
 will refer you to the firft book aforefliid. 
 
 I departed England the laft of Auguji 
 ]6oi. and arrived at the rock the 26th of 
 September, where a light was efpy'd by my 
 n:iip in the night, which after we found to 
 be a iTeet of twenty-four galleons, v^'hich I 
 had intelligence of the day before by the 
 caravel I lent into the fliore to ciifcover. I 
 drew lb nigh thofe fliips, that I could not 
 efcape them if they had fa!>;en me to be an 
 enemy ; and finding myfelf thus intangled, 
 I commanded a Spaniard, who then ferved 
 me, and held a dagger at his heart, upon his 
 life to fpeak as I diretled hitn, which was 
 as follows ; To call to them with a loud 
 voice, that there was a ftrange fliip fallen 
 amongft their fleet, and that he knew not 
 what Ihe was ; I conceived, that having warn- 
 ing from me of it, of all others fhe could not 
 fulpeft I was ftie; and in the mean time, 
 in a fecret manner, I tacked about, and 
 quitted myfelf of them, without further 
 fufpicion ; but the Adventure, (for only flie 
 and the Whelp was left with me) could not 
 carry hcrfelf fo diflTemblingly, but flie was 
 in danger of being wken, and efcaped with 
 the lofs of fome men. 
 
 The next morning they chafed the Ad- 
 venture and IVhdp, for I was gotten a little 
 way to head of them •, three of the beft fail- 
 ing fhips of the Spaniards drew mar the 
 Whelp ; and perceiving, that unlefs I a6led 
 fome defperate thing fhe would be taken, 1 
 flruck my top-fiil, though it was much 
 againft the will of my mi'.ftcr and company, 
 crying out, that I would lofe myfelf and 
 fhip ; I ftood with the PFhelp and Adven- 
 ture, and caufed them to ftand their courfe 
 to fca, whilft I ftaid for the three Spanip 
 fliips, with whom I would make trial of 
 their force, and hoped to make them have 
 little lift to purfue them. The Spanifi ad- 
 miral was aitern with his whole fleet, who 
 perceiving n^y working, and the little re- 
 fpe£t I had to liis three fhips aforefiid, 
 tacked in with the fhore, and fliot oft' a 
 warning-piece for his fleer, and the ihu-e 
 fhips to follow him. 
 
 Being thus luckily acquitted from the Spa- 
 nijh fleer, wherein Don Diego de Boracb.ro 
 was general, I returned to the fouth cape, 
 with the Whelp only ; for I had lofl com- 
 pany of the Advemure two nights bc-fore : 
 And arriving there the one and twentieth of 
 
 Qt;7ci'er,
 
 472- 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Travis. 
 
 Book V.J 
 
 1\otiso^. OSioher, I gave clvafc to a galleon ot: the 
 w^Y^^ fleet of Ciringo, who recovered under the 
 caflle of cjpe ^"^agre, before I could fetch 
 her up -, bur though I knew the force of the 
 c.ilUe, by fundry iliot I had formerly re- 
 ceived from it, ;ind was acquainted with the 
 excellency of the gunner, who was an Eng- 
 lifiman of my acquaintance, in the fight of 
 their general Ciriego and his fquadron, 1 at- 
 tempted, and had taken her, had it nor 
 been for the cowardlinefs of the helmfman, 
 that fhear'd off as I was ready to board her ; 
 the fight was not long but dangerous, with 
 the lo!s of twelve men on my fide, and in 
 no les danger of finking-, who was fo bea- 
 ten from the caille, that it was a fpeftacle 
 to behold my iliip, for flie might be crept 
 through from fide to fide. For all other 
 circumftances I refer to my firft book. And 
 fo I take my leave of the queen's reign. 
 
 This voyage ended, and I returned for 
 England : At Chrijlmas after, there was a 
 conlukation by the lords of her majelty's 
 council, to prepare two fleets, the one tor 
 the fpring, the other to fccond the firft in 
 June following; Sir Richard Lcwfon to 
 command the former, and myfelf the lat- 
 ter, in fome adion againft Spain •, but 
 though this was a pretence to iatisfy the 
 ■world, yet the lords had anodier intent in 
 it ; for at that time they knew the queen 
 being fick, there was much danger of her 
 death, becaufe of her years, which made 
 them the more willing to haften this fleet to 
 fea, to have it in a readinefs to defend the 
 kingdom, if the queen's death fhould hap- 
 pen. 
 
 And though Sir Richard Le-ivfon, nomi- 
 nated general of this fleet, was not beloved 
 by the lords, fearing his ambition; yet they 
 continued him in his place and command : 
 And whereas I was appointed to fecond him 
 in a latter fleet, yet the lords by importu- 
 nity perfuaded me to accompany him as 
 vice-admiral in this voyage, they having a 
 greater truft and confidence in me than in 
 him ; and therefore I was ordered to com- 
 mand the Mcrehonour^ a better (hip than 
 that Sir Richard ferved in. 
 
 All this was done out ot policy ; and few 
 of the lords, but fuch as were intimate 
 friends to the king knew of it; for their in- 
 tention was, if the queen died, and king 
 James had found any oppofition, that my 
 lord Thomaj Howard, afterwards earl of 
 Suffolk, fhould take charge of this fleet, and 
 come aboard me, and I to go into Sir Ri- 
 chard's fhip, and Sir Richard's, authority to 
 ceafe. But, God be thanked, there was no 
 
 caufe for this wife forecafl: of the lords ; fof 
 his majefly repaired peaceably lo Londcil, 
 and we returned fifely to Chatham, after 
 we li.id feen tlie king's entertainment by his 
 wcll-aifeclcd fubjefls. 
 
 I'vvo years alter, and in the year 1604, 
 I was nominateti admiral of tlie Narrciv 
 Seas, without fuit or feeking of mine: And 
 tl'.e firft Icrvice I was appointed to, w.;s the 
 tranfportaiicn of the conflable of Caftille, 
 who was to repair hither, to conclude a 
 peace betwixt the two crowns, that had 
 been eighteen years at variance. What 
 happened in that employment, as alfo in 
 the twelve years after, that I ferved as ad- 
 miral, I refer you to my fecond book 
 throughout ; only I muft" lay, that as in 
 former imployments, 1 went not without 
 danger of life by enemies, by the peril of 
 fea, and famine, as I have formerly repeated ; 
 in this imployment I was to fear neither 
 foe nor famine, the king having a general 
 peace with all princes and nations, and my 
 imployment being not fo far from liome, 
 but that in few days I might be fupplied 
 with vifluals ; though I account another 
 danger greater than the reft, which confifted 
 in accidents of the fea, and extremity of 
 ftorms and foul weather, in the foiith and 
 ftraiteft part of England, where cotnmonly 
 I was to lie at anchor ; and upon any oc- 
 cafion being put from my anchors, the nar- 
 rownefs of the feas betwixt land and land, 
 would put me into imminent danger of 
 lliipwreck and life : The flioals and fands 
 were no lefs dangerous, confidering, that 
 very often we were to be attended with fogs 
 and mifls; befides, that we were fometimcs 
 put to double a lee-fhore, which, if we 
 failed of, we prefently perifhed. 
 
 But God ib provided for me, that I 
 efcaped all thele hazards ; and at laft found 
 malice had a greater power and force againft 
 me, than by fea I found, or othersvife I 
 deferved ; for when I thought to have left 
 my painful labours at fea, and to have en- 
 joy'el tranquillity of peace on land, envy, 
 unluckily and unlooked for, feized upon my 
 innocency : For being thought a bofom 
 friend to a nobleman I much honcur'd, who 
 at that time began to be aimed at, and was 
 afterwards born down by a court-fa£tion, 
 though I was one ot the meaneft in number, 
 and unworthy to have knowledge taken of 
 me, as a man of no eminency- yet confi- 
 dering how my eitate then ftood by my 
 engagements, and otherwife, I found toriune 
 more averfed to me than moft of the others 
 had felt, by malicious pradices. 
 
 'The end of the fifth Book.
 
 47^ 
 
 TO THE 
 
 K I N G's Moft Excellent Majesty. 
 
 THE dedication of books is ancient, ufual, and ufeful; though in thefe later 
 times they are turned into apologies, exprefling the unworthineis of the au- 
 thor, and the infnfficiency of the matter, modefty carrying with it fo iliame- 
 faced a countenance againll the law of hiftory ; for Cicero iaith, I'hat eloquence 
 is not fo viuch to be refpe5fed in -jariting, as not to pubHp:) falpoods, and dijjemble truths. 
 
 For me to follow the rules of apology, will betoken a great weakneis and imbecillity, 
 and look as if I had obtained vidtory over an art I am ignorant in -, for eloquence be- 
 long.'; to fcholais, who by their witty pleading, will drive every circumftance to a confe- 
 qucnce. 
 
 Silence were better in my cafe than fpcech, were it not I am to fpeak of things I 
 know, of things needful and neceflary, both for your facred majefty, and your whole 
 commonwealth. 
 
 I need not reiterate what the infuing narration reports ; I only and humbly crave leave 
 of your majefty, that my defefts may not blemifli the worthinefs of the work now in 
 hand, no more than a homely painter that takes upon him to draw a fair fiice : the be- 
 nefit of my labour will be to your majefty an immortal honour and glory ; to your 
 kingdoms an everlafting praife and profit \ and to your faithful fubjeds an elTential proof 
 of happinefs. 
 
 All in one muft applaud your facred majefty for atchieving this work, which never any 
 of your famous progenitors had in agitation 5 fo that we may truly judge, that from the 
 beginning (by God's providence) it was referved for king CHARLES to make your 
 name, your fame, your fortune, and all other bleftings, equal with your progenitors 
 Charles's, and efpecially Charlemain, from whom your majefty is lineally defcended : and 
 as that Charles worthily deferved the title of Great, fo I doubt not but the fame God will 
 pour the fimc greatnefs and happinefs upon your majefty, that our hemifphere may en- 
 joy as great a renown by you, as other lands have done by thofe from whom you are de- 
 fcended. 
 
 If your majefty would have been fway'd by pretended policy of ftate, by folicitation, 
 by afitftion, or other inticements, and left the common utility of your fubjefts, this 
 work had lain ftill like a child in his fwaddling-clouts, without care of nurfing it ; but 
 your majefty's virtue appears herein, and we, your loyal fubjeds, cannot honour you 
 enough for it. And if we ftiould fpeak all the truth of your facred majefty, it were to 
 fay far more than we do of your moft excellent virtue and goodnefs : but for want of 
 parts otherwife to exprefs me, my office fliall be, to pray for your majefty's long life, 
 for your viftorious atchievements, the confufion of your enemies, and that all men's hearts 
 may be as fenfible of your majefty's good, as the meaneft of your fubjeds. 
 
 W. M. 
 
 N° HI. Vol. III. 6D TO
 
 474 
 
 T O 
 
 All GENTLEMEN, and others, that have 
 read my former Difcourfe concerning the Sea. 
 
 I Have annexed this lelation o^ fijh'mg to my former treatifes of the Sea, which you 
 have done me the honour to periife: I confels it had been more proper to have in- 
 ferred it at the beginning of thelii books, than at the latter end, for thefe reafons: 
 the dedication would have required it, as being humbly piefented to his majefty's 
 proteftion; the fubjeft would have challenged ir, as a ground and foundation of the in- 
 creafe of iliips, navigation, and traffick; ii>^/fiK(f would have ftood upon it in right, as 
 a work of greatell confequence, goodnefs, and renown, due only to her. 
 
 But being thus in a confultation and dilemma with myfelf what to do, I confidered 
 and concluded, That the firft view of a book either gave delight, or difguft, to the ju- 
 dicious reader; and if I fliould have prefented you with this rude and laborious fifhing, 
 as the firft dilli of my banquet, it would have difheartened your farther proceedings; and 
 therefore I chofe rather to pleafe your palate and tafte with ftrange occurrences and ac- 
 cidents at fea, as moft delicate ipeats to keep you from furfeiting. 
 
 There are two parts to be play'd in the fcope of my difcourie; the one by you, which 
 is the fpeculative part, out of curiofity to inform yourfclves of the fecrets and pradlice of 
 the fea, not intending to make profeffion or profit by it; but like to aftudent in Alchywy^ 
 who covets to know the depth of the art, but not to fpend a penny in the pradtice, or 
 defign to compafs it. 
 
 The lecond part is only proper to thofe that mean to make themfelves apprentices to 
 the fea and the art of navigation, to inlighten their future knowledge and underftanding : 
 b.it this is not attained to by eafe or (loth, but by practice and pains; not by imagining 
 and reading, but by peril, travel, and toil; not by youth and careleffiiefs, but by years 
 and ftayednefs: for though Alexander the Great was bUt twenty years of age when he be- 
 gan his conqueft, yet none of his captains were under fixty; and though Dcmofihenes was 
 the moft fomous of all philofophers for eloquence, yet at firft he was but a fcholar, and 
 taught by Plato. 
 
 There are many things contained in the former feveral books, which cannot be accounted 
 within your element : I commend therefore fuch things to your idle hours, as give de- 
 light and recreation to your wafteful and confuming time, when leafure admits no mo- 
 ment of matter to think on, like the fport of young whelps, that are to be ufed for 
 pleafure, when one has nothing elfe to do, or for want of other company. 
 
 The reading of thefe difcourfes is not worthy the name ot ftudy; for they handle no 
 ferious thing, either of hiftory or learning, but are to be efteemed for curiofity fake, as 
 Romulus did carvers of ftone, or Caius Cccfar goldfmiths, or Vefpafian painters. 
 
 Your wifdom knows better how to apply yourfelves to the reading, and making choice 
 and ufe of what is comprehended in the former difcourfes, than I can either adviie, or in- 
 ftrud: And (for a farewel) I wifh you as much happinefs as one friend can do to another, 
 that is, content to your mind, honour to your deferts, wealth to your vv'ill, and blef- 
 fing from God. All happinefs is comprehended in thefe few words, and they are made 
 the fubjefts for the eloquence of tongues to amplify upon; for it is matter that makes a 
 good orator, though I confefs form adds fomewhat to it. 
 
 BOOK
 
 475 
 
 BOOK ^1. 
 
 MONSOX. 
 
 Which treats of a Fifliery to be fet up on the 
 Coafb of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with 
 the Benefit that will accrue by it to all his 
 Majefty's three Kingdoms: With many 
 other Things concerning Fifli, FiHiing, and 
 Matters ot that Nature. 
 
 d difcovcry of the Hollanders Tirades, and their circumventing us therein ; 
 a72d tl:e means hoia to reduce the fijhing into our hands, {as of right due to 
 tis :) With the honour and feciirity that will redound to his majejly and all his 
 JhbjcBs. 
 
 NO man is fo void of reafon cis 
 not to know that he is born for 
 the fervice of God, his prince 
 and country -, God requires it 
 for our own good; a prince, out 
 of duty derived from the commandment of 
 God; and our country, by the law of na- 
 ture, next to our parents: God direfts us 
 by his written word how to fcrve him ; a 
 prince, by his human laws how to ferve 
 and obey him ; and our country, by inftinft 
 of nature how to ferve and j-everence her. 
 The city of Paris had a faying of old. One 
 God, one king, one faith, and one law. 
 Thefe four words are effeftual, and as much 
 as can be comprehended in our fervice to 
 God, prince, and country. Cicero faith 
 That 'take away the piety towards God; and 
 you take away all conjunction of human fo- 
 ciety. 
 
 As moft men differ in feature of face, in 
 diet, condition, and education; yet all good 
 men agree in an unity of the fervice of God, 
 prince, and country, in thefe fcveral degrees 
 and qualities ; the divine with prayer, the 
 foldier with arms, wife men with counfel, 
 and rich men with treafure. 
 
 Thefe being done willingly, makes a 
 fweet harmony betwixt king and common- 
 wealth ; for that prince is happy that has 
 
 young men to talce pains, 
 
 and old men to 
 
 counfel ; the one fupports the other in con- 
 venient time, like fruit that all comes not 
 together, nor ends together ; fome teaching, 
 and others obeying. 
 
 The next confideration is, how to make 
 the people fubfift in the fervice ot God, 
 prince and country ; for there mull be a 
 
 i'ational means to work by, feeing monar- 
 chy cannot be upheld and fupported with- 
 out people employ'd, and fet to work 
 in their fcveral labours : and therefore, 
 confidering God has created man for the 
 fervice of him, his prince and country, 
 every one is bound to apply himielf to the 
 fervice of them, and to prefer them before 
 all private rcfpefts. Let me follow that 
 maxim, as the meaneft of many thoufands 
 of other fubje>fts, and offer my mite, as the 
 firfl fruit of my harveft ; not like the di- 
 vine, the foldier, the wife or the rich 
 man, I fpeak of, but with my poor talent 
 God has indued me with, which is my ex- 
 perience, that could not have been com- 
 paffeJ, if God had not given nie a longer 
 life than many others : if with that life he 
 had not mavelloufly defended me from 
 dangers of enemy, the fword, water, 
 and many other callialties incident to man- 
 kind. 
 
 If with thofe days and years he had not 
 given me a defire and means to obferve, 
 confer, and be inquifuive, I had not been 
 able to have prefented this my defire to 
 ferve my king and country, but fhould 
 have gone as naked out of the world, as I 
 came into it. 
 
 My meaning is, not to leave our fruitful 
 foil untill'd, or feas unfrequented, our iflands 
 unpeopled, or feek remote and ftrange coun- 
 tries difinhabited, and uncivil Indians un- 
 tamed, where nothing appears to us but 
 earth, wood, and water, at our firft arri- 
 val; for all other hopes muft depend on 
 our labours and coftly expences, on the ad- 
 venture of the ici, on the honefty of under- 
 takers t
 
 47^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na^al Trafis. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 MoNsoN. takers ; and all thefe at Lift produce no- 
 w^V"'- thing but tobacco, a ncvv-invcnted needlcfs 
 weed, as too much ufe and cuftoin make it 
 apparent. 
 
 In what I propound, 1 will not direft you 
 to the eloquence' of books to perfwade, to 
 the invcncing wits to entice, to the atfecting 
 traveller to encourage, nor to any man that 
 with tair words may abule you ; you fliall 
 know as much as I can lay, in cafting a 
 line and hook into the Tea. His majcfty doth 
 inftantly challenge his own ; and by exam- 
 ple of one line and net, you may conjec- 
 ture by multiplicadon the profit that will 
 ariie by the work. You fhall be made to 
 know, that though you be born in an ifland 
 feated in the ocean, frequented with inviii- 
 ble fifh, fwimming from one fhore to the 
 other, yet your experience has not taught 
 you the benefits and bleffings arifing from 
 that fifli. 
 
 I doubt not but to give you that light 
 therein, that you fliall confefs yourfelves 
 blinded, and be willing to blow from you 
 the foul mift that has been an impediment 
 to your fight ; you fliall be awakened from 
 your drowfy flccp, and roufe yourfelves to 
 further this beft bufinefs that was ever prc- 
 fented to England, or king thereof, nay, 
 I will be bold to fay, to any ftate in the 
 world. 
 
 I will not except the difcovery of the 
 TVeft-Lidies by Columliis -, an aft of greateft 
 renown, of greateft profit, and that has 
 been of greateft confequence to the Spanifh 
 nation. 
 
 You will wonder, being born a fubjeft 
 of England, and cafting your eyes upon the 
 gainful foil of the land, that you never 
 conceived what the lea afforded : I confefs 
 it were impofTible for you to live in that 
 ignorance, if it did not appear by the en- 
 fuing difcourfe, how you, your country, 
 and efpecially the princes of thefe realms, 
 have been abufed, and the profit thereof 
 concealed. 
 
 The comparison betwixt the Weft-India trade 
 and our fifhing. 
 
 To make my comparifon good betwixt 
 the trade of the IVefi-Jndies and our fifhing, 
 which of them yields moft honour to 
 dieir king, and moft profit to their coun- 
 try, moft danger and moft labour to the 
 fubjedls, I refer to my coUefted rea- 
 fons. 
 
 If men confider the divine work of God, 
 and the end of his working, it is marvellous 
 to behold, that America, being a continent, 
 and equal to all the reft of the world in big- 
 nefs, fhould be concealed from the creation 
 til; one thoufand four hundred and odd years 
 sifter the birth of Chrift, and not fo much as 
 
 thought of, though fome philofophers feem- 
 ed to rove at it. 
 
 And vvhen it pleafed his Divine Majefty 
 to caft that bleffing upon Europe, if we con- 
 fider the time he did it, and the occafion 
 why he did it, it will put us into admiration 
 and acknowledgment of the power of Chrift, 
 againft the opinion of Jews and 'Turks % 
 for could he fhew himfclf a more juft 
 and loving God, than in pouring upon 
 Chrjjiendom fuch a bleffing of wealth, at 
 the time it was likely to be fwallowed 
 up by barbarous 'Turks and Moors, who 
 were only withftood by the wealth of the 
 Indies ? 
 
 We may hope the (lime God has the faine 
 happinefs in ftore for this kingdom, to add 
 immortal glory to his majefty's goodnefs ; 
 or elfe it was impoffible, in human reafon, 
 that our loving neighbours, the inftuftrious 
 Hollanders, Ihould for fo many years enjoy 
 this fifliing, who, to their everlafting ho- 
 nour and praife, have increafed thereby 
 more veffcls for the fea than all Europe be- 
 fides can mufter. 
 
 The firft difcovery of the Indies gave no 
 great hope of profit, till after a long, 
 chargeable, and painful navigation, it was 
 brought to perfedtion, 
 
 Tiie fifliing upon his majefty's coaft of 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland, needs no 
 difcovery ; the experience of our neigh- 
 bours having found it out and praftis'd it, 
 fince the year 1307, to their unmeafurable 
 wealth, and our fhame: and for the ho- 
 nour of him that firft found out the fecret 
 of pickling of herrings, which was one 
 fVilliam Backalew by name, there was a 
 fluTious tomb in the ifland of Beverlute 
 erefted, yet to be feen, where he was bu- 
 ried. 
 
 The bidies fend forth more gold, filver, 
 and other merchandize, than all the Euro- 
 pean trades befides. 
 
 The fifhing produces more riches by its 
 trade than the others do, as I will make 
 appear when I come to compute the one 
 with the other. 
 
 The wealth of the Indies is not brought 
 from thence without great expence and ha- 
 zard, confidering the cafuahies of the fea, 
 and the fear of enemies to intercept it. 
 
 The fifhing is ftill in view of us and our 
 fliores, our veffcls daily expefted into our 
 harbours, and others ready to eafe them of 
 their burthen, and to tranfport it into other 
 countries not fir remote, where they are in 
 no danger of hurricanes, enemies, or other 
 perils. 
 
 The infurance in going and coming from 
 the Indies may be valued at a great rate, 
 which we fhall fave in our fifhing, there 
 being no fear or hazard in it. 
 
 Tiw
 
 OOK 
 
 VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval ^ra6is. 
 
 477 
 
 The wealth of the Indies being furpriz'd 
 by an enemy, is more prejudicial to the 
 king of Spain than four times that wealth 
 woulJ profit liim, his enemy being made 
 ftrong and rich, and he weakened and im- 
 poveriflied by it. 
 
 No fuch accident can prejudice us -, for 
 in the mifcarrying of our fifliermen, we 
 lihall only lofe fo many barks, fait, and 
 nets, and no enemy enriched or fortified 
 by it. 
 
 Inhabiting in the Indies caufes a fcarcity 
 ol natural Spaniards, whereby many times 
 the king's atiairs foil and perilh. The 
 fifliing employs all our loofe people, which 
 abound in this kingdom, and makes them 
 capable to. ferve their prince and country. 
 
 The Indies let to work four times more 
 fliips than all the red of the dominions 
 ot Spain, and add more ftrcngth to them 
 by fea. 
 
 The fifhing will maintain twenty veflTels 
 to one of theirs, and England furnifn them 
 with moll of the materials belonging to 
 them •, whereas in Spain they are brought, in 
 time of war, with great peril and danger 
 of the enemy. 
 
 The Indies are far remote from Spain to 
 be lupply'd, if there happen changes in any 
 part thereof; which othernations may take 
 notice and advantage of 
 
 The fifliing is one body, governed by a 
 company, that no enemy can annoy ; and 
 it queftions arife betwixt parties and par- 
 ties, they are fpeedily to be determined 
 without charge or cietriment to either ; 
 whereas the others have their appeals to 
 their c(5urts of juflice in Spai7i from the 
 Indies. 
 
 The chief commodity of the Indies is 
 bullion, hides, cochineal, i^c. Our only 
 filli countervails the value of them all ; and 
 though for the prefent it affords no bullion 
 in fpecie, yet it draws the money coined out 
 of that bullion. 
 
 The fliips that trade to the Indies are 
 great in burden, and make but one return 
 or voyage in a year ; and when they are 
 caretn'd, the water in Spain not rifing 
 enough to ground them, it is done with 
 far greater labour and charge than ours, 
 that are brought on ground one tide, and 
 hauled off another, ready for a new voyage, 
 and never wanting freight. 
 
 But what I have obfcrved is not to be ef- 
 fc£led with words, but works •, not with 
 miking, but doing and ading ; for betwixt 
 words and deeds there is great difference; 
 words without cfFcft are like water that 
 drowns people, and does itfelf no good. 
 
 The property of a merchant is to have 
 money in his purfc, and credit upon the 
 Exchange to advance his trade. 
 
 All men in this work muft become mer-MoNsof 
 chants, not only for themfelves, but for their ^^^V^ 
 prince and country -, all are to reap profit 
 by it, none pain or ibrrow, but the lloth- 
 ful, idle, and bafe people, who are like 
 drones amongft bees ; tor the purchafe of 
 floth is difpraifc. 
 
 There are three things neceflary in every 
 work ; the man that works, the inftrumcnt 
 to work with, and the matter. There is 
 nothing required of the men in our work 
 but labour and pains ; the inilrumcnts to 
 work with are Ihips of fevcral kinds to b;^ 
 made and ereifled -, and the matter to ibt on 
 the work is money ; All theic concurring 
 in one, will make it a work of fame, re- 
 nown, ftrength, riches, and all the good 
 that God can bcftow on a nation and peo- 
 ple. But if fluggiflinefs and carelelTnefs, or 
 other miftruft of return of gain prevail, it 
 being out of the element and breeding of 
 gentlemen, and others that apply them- 
 felves to the profit of the land, and not 
 the fea ; and that they ncgled the offer and 
 propofition following, we are worthy to be 
 chaflencd with penury and want, and un- 
 worthy to enjoy the blefTing of God, which 
 he has poured on this land above all others 
 he has been pleafed to create. 
 
 What better light can we have for this 
 work, than from our nearefl and intimatefl 
 friends the Hollanders ? who, by their long 
 travels, their exccifive pains, their ingeni- 
 ous inventions, their incomparable induflry, 
 and provident care, have exceeded all other 
 nations in their adventures and commerce, 
 and made all the world familiar with them 
 in traffick ; whereby we may juftly attri- 
 bute to them, what the Chinejes afllimed to 
 themfelves. That only they have two eyes, 
 the Europeans but one, and all the reft of 
 the world none. How can this better ap- 
 pear than out of their labours and our fifli 
 only ? 
 
 They have increafed the number of vef- 
 fels ; they have fupplied the world with 
 food, which otherwiic would have found a 
 fcarcity -, they have advanced trade fo abun- 
 dantly, that the wealth of fubjefts and 
 the cufloms of princes have found the be- 
 nefit of it; and lafily, they have thus 
 provided for themfelves, and all people 
 of all forts, though they be impotent and 
 lame, that want employment, or that are 
 forced to feek work for their mainte- 
 nance. 
 
 And becaufe their quantity of fifh is not 
 to be vended in their own provinces, but 
 to be difperfed in all parts of Europe, I will 
 give you an account of it, as it has been 
 carefully obferved and taken out of the 
 cuflom- books beyond the fcas. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 6 E 
 
 7he
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraSis. 
 
 478 
 
 MoNf o:.-. 
 
 ^"'"Y"^ q'be quantity of fjh vended in other countries. 
 
 In four towns within the Scundy viz. 
 Kmingsbcrg, Melvin, Stetin., and Dantzick, 
 there is vended in a year betwixt thirty and 
 tony thoiifand laft of herrings ; whicli will 
 amount to more than fix hundred and twen- 
 ty thoufand pounds ; and we none. 
 
 Denmark, Norway, Swede)?, Licfland, 
 Rie, Kegel, the Narpe, and other towns 
 within the Sound, take off above ten thou- 
 fand lafts, worth one hundred and fixty tliou- 
 fand pounds. 
 
 The Hollanders fend into Rufia above 
 fifteen hundred lafts of herrings, fold at 
 twenty-feven thoufand pounds ; and we not 
 above thirty or forty lads. 
 
 Stcde, Hawburgh, Bremen, Embden, and 
 upon the river Elbe, in fi(h and herrings, 
 above fix thoufand lads, fold at one hundred 
 thoufand pounds •, and we none. 
 
 Cleveland, Juliers, up the river Rhine, 
 Frankfort, Cologne, and over all Germany, 
 in filh and herrings near twenty-two thou- 
 fand lafts, amounting to four hundred and 
 forty thoufand pounds -, and we none. 
 
 Gclderland, Artois, Hainhault, Brabant, 
 Flanders, and the archduke's countries, eight 
 or nine thoufmd lafts, fold at eighteen 
 pounds the laft, amounts to one hundred 
 and fixty thoufand pounds •, and we none. 
 
 At Roan in Normandy, five hundred lafts 
 of herrings, fold at ten thoufand pounds ; 
 and we not one hundred lafts •, there com- 
 monly fold for twenty, and fometimes thirty 
 pounds a laft. 
 
 Befides what they fpend in Holland, and 
 fell there to other nations, the value oi ma- 
 ny hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 Now having perfedcd the valuation of 
 the Hollanders fifli, caught on our feas, and 
 vended into foreign countries, our fhame 
 ■will manifefl:ly appear, that of fo many 
 thoufand lafts of fifti, and fo many hundred 
 thoufand pounds in money made by them, 
 we cannot give account of one hundred and 
 fifty lafts taken and vended by us. 
 
 The Hollanders are no lefs to be com- 
 mended, in the benefit they make of the re- 
 turn of their fifh •, for what commodity fo- 
 ever any country yiekls in lieu thereof, 
 they tranfport in their own vefl*els into Hol- 
 land, where they have a continual ftiaple of 
 all commodities brought out of the fouth, 
 from thence fent into the north and the eaft 
 countries: The like they do from out of the 
 fouth into the north, their fhips continually 
 going and bringing ineftimable profit, like 
 a weaver's fhuttle, he cafts from one hand to 
 another, ever in aftion, till his gain appear 
 in the cloth he makes. And if we compare 
 Holland's forecaft with ours, the imputation 
 of floth and negligence will lie heavicft upon 
 
 Book VI; 
 
 us, like him that beats the bufh for others 
 to catch the birds: For Rujfa, with our 
 adventure, charge, and fhipwreck, was firft 
 known to us, that for many years together, 
 afforded great profit, by the ufual trade of 
 eight or ten fliips yearly. 
 
 About twenty years paft, the Hollanders 
 incroachcd upon us with two fhips ; and in 
 continuance of time they brought us from 
 ten to two or three, and themfelvcs to fixty 
 veffcls, or more, and lately to one hundred ; 
 the chiefeft gain arifing out of our fifh, and 
 other Enghjh commodities they fetch from 
 us. 
 
 Newfoundland being an ancient patri- 
 mony of Eiigland, and we the firft difco- 
 verers thereof, immediately after tlie finding 
 out of the l-Veft- Indies by Columbus, has been 
 fince a great enriching to the wcftern parts, 
 with the fifli there yearly taken ; and now 
 the Hollanders of late have found the way 
 thither, and fent in the year 1629. and ever 
 fince, twelve or fourteen great fhips, to 
 buy the fifh taken by his majefty's fubjefts-, 
 whereby his majefty does not only lofe his 
 cuftom in going out, if it be brought for 
 England, but in the return of that commo- 
 dity, which might amount to fourteen or 
 fifteen thoufind pounds, if his highnefs's 
 fubjefts had the carriage of it. 
 
 To fay no more of the Hollanders great- 
 eft trade with England, there arc three 
 fifhes of little note, and not regarded by us, 
 which they make gain of themfelves : The 
 firft is lobfters ; the greatefl part whereof 
 that ferves London, at the time of year, they 
 bring from the furtheft northern part of 
 England; which is never praftifed by the 
 Englijh. The fecond is, the great quanti- 
 ty of oyfters yearly tranfportcd by them 
 into Holland, which caufeth the decreafe 
 and dearnefs of oyfters among us. The 
 third, is lampreys, out of the river of 
 Thames, which they ufe for bait for cod in 
 the north feas •, and this is the caufe of the 
 fcarcity and dearnefs of this filh in London. 
 
 The Hollanders navigation into the 
 Streights. 
 
 But the greateft navigation of theirs, and 
 of moft importance to their ffate, for main- 
 tenance of fhips of burden and ftrength, is 
 into the Straights, from the port of Mar- 
 feilles, along the coafl as far as Venice. In 
 this trade I will compute but fixty fhips 
 of two hundred tons burthen each, having 
 above as many more trading into Spain, 
 Portugal, and the fouth part of France, and 
 all with our Engliflj fifh, taken by his ma- 
 jefty's fubjecfts; as namely, pilchards caught 
 in England and Ireland, baccaloes or poor- 
 john in Newfoundland, and red herrings 
 taken and made at Yarmouth. 
 
 TJie
 
 OOK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV 2^(Wal Tritch. 
 
 479 
 
 The Hollanders are almoft abfokuely 
 mafters ot thefe trades; what by combina- 
 tion made v/ith the merchants that deal in 
 that kind of filh, and what through the 
 cheapnefs of the freight in their vclfels-, 
 which makes them fell the cheaper. 
 
 During thefe eighteen years laft paft 
 they have fo increafed their navigation, 
 whereas before they had not above two fliips 
 to five of ours within the Straights; within 
 the laid eighteen years they are able to fliew 
 ten of theirs to one of ours, and merely by 
 die trade of fitli-, for true it is, there is no 
 coinmodity in the world of fo great bulk 
 and fmall value, or that can fee fo many 
 ihips of burthen to work. 
 
 As for example: A mean man may 
 freight his (hip of two hundred and fifty 
 tons with fill), that will not coll above one 
 thouland fix hundred pounds, that forty 
 merchants cannot do, of better and richer 
 commodities: I fpeak not upon furmife, 
 but what is approved by divers merchants-, 
 but efpecially one of good account, whofe 
 name I mull conceal, unlefs authorized by 
 iiim to publilli it, who computed fixty fliips 
 of this fort ot fifh aforcfaid-, of the which 
 there is not returned one penny profit into 
 England, where they gather the fweet dew 
 of their food. 
 
 The principal work I aim at, is how to 
 undertake the Hollanders with our own wea- 
 pons, and how to equal them with pinks, 
 bufies, and other vefiels till we be made 
 partners with them in their fifhing; not by 
 hofiility, or uncivil ufage, nor to deprive 
 them by his majefty's prerogative, which 
 the law of nations allows us; or out of en- 
 vy to their labours; or to revenge difcour- 
 tefies ; only we will feek to do what nature 
 diftates, (viz.) to enjoy and make ufe of 
 our own, by the countenance of our blefled 
 king, that in jullice gives all people their 
 right and due. 
 
 Holland is inriched by the fixty fhips 
 aforeiltid, which I have computed, by the 
 carriage of red herrings, as I will after dc- 
 monftrate, fix huifdred twenty-one thoufand 
 feven hundred and fifty pounds, in their re- 
 turn out of the Straights. 
 
 'The Hollanders _;^/7;^ in their pinks, end 
 hujfes, that the Englifh may not only equal, 
 but out-do them in it ; and the great bene- 
 fit it will be to the nation demonjtraied. 
 
 There needs no repetition of any former 
 relation ; for truth has fpoke it, which is 
 fo glorious of herfclf, that it needs no fhade 
 to give it better glols : in what follows I 
 will demcvnftrate by the particular proceed- 
 ings of the Hollanders, in their pinks and 
 bufles, what certain gain they yearly raife 
 
 out of them; and when experience, the'^'lo^scN-. 
 mother of knowledge, fliall make it appa- '^■^'V^^i* 
 rent to you, ■ I hope you will remember 
 what you arc, and how cafily youm.ty make 
 yuurfelves and country by it. 
 
 I confefs this filling is a bufinefs I have 
 taken into confideration. My lord of 
 Northampton, if he were now living, was 
 able to witnefs how much it was lolicitcd 
 and defired by me, and no lefs wifhed and 
 defired by his lordfiiip. I caufed one To- 
 bias Gentleman, a mariner by profcllion, but 
 indeed a man of better parts than ordinary 
 feamen, and much prattifed in their nor- 
 thein fifliing, to dedicate a book to his 
 lordfliip, which gave particular notice of 
 the Hollanders proceedings in their pinks 
 and bufles, and what we fliall do in the 
 imitation of them. 
 
 But by the death of my lord, it reded un- 
 thought on by me, till the late duke of 
 Richmond revived it, and importuned me 
 once more to it. His death in the like 
 manner made it die, till his majefly, of 
 late, out of his princely care for the good 
 of his loving fubjefts, for the renown of his 
 kingdoms, and defire of the unity and equal 
 benefit of his two realms of England and 
 Scotland, took more than an ordinary care 
 how to effeft it, well befeeming fo blefied 
 and benign a prince: and now I will de- 
 fcend to the particulars of the Hollanders buf- 
 fes, as well in their taking herrings, as cod 
 and ling, and the feafons of the year for 
 both. 
 
 From the Texel in Holland to Brafiund in 
 Shetland, an ifland belonging to his ma- 
 jefty's dominions of Scotland, is two hun- 
 dred thirty and odd leagues, whither 
 there refort the 2 2d or 23d of June well 
 nigh two thoufand fidiing vefliels. The 
 twenty-fourth they put to iea, being pro- 
 hibited till that day, and a penalty upon 
 the breaker thereof, holding the herrings till 
 then unfeafonable to fait for their fatnefs. 
 
 Every one of thefe velfels that day direds 
 its courfe to find out the fhoal of herrings, 
 like a hound that purfues the head of a ■ 
 deer in hunting. When they have laden 
 their bufles, which is fooner or later, as 
 they find the Ihoal of herrings, they pre- 
 fently return home for Holland, and leave 
 their herrings afhore, to be there repacked, 
 and from thence immediately to be fent 
 into the Sound, where they receive them for 
 a great dainty. 
 
 The -bufles having thus difburthened 
 themfelves in Holland, once more furnifhed 
 with victuals, cafk, and fait, they repair 
 to fea to look out the flioal they had for- 
 merly left ; and then finding them, and 
 filling them once again, they do as they 
 did before, rt^turn to Holland. 
 
 Nor
 
 480 
 
 Sir William Monfons Naval TraBs. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 Nor thus ceafing, the third time they re- 
 pair to the fhoal, its aforcliiid -, and in their 
 three fifliings, computing with the leaft, 
 they take to the number of one hundred 
 lafls of herrings, whicli being valued at 
 ten pounds tlie laft, which is no more than 
 eighteen fliillings a barrel, will amount to 
 one thoufand pounds fterling each fhip. 
 
 Many times this fifliing fleet is attend- 
 ed with certain veflels called yawgers, 
 which carry fait, cafk, and victuals, to truck 
 with the bufTcs for their herrings, and carry 
 them direiflly into the Sound, without re- 
 turning into Holland; for it is a matter of 
 great confcquence and gain, to bring the 
 tirft herrings into \.\\t Sound; for there they 
 are efteemcd as partridges with us, at their 
 lirft coming: but now of late years the Hol- 
 landers are prohibited by the rtate carrying 
 or trucking away their herrings, till they 
 firll land them in Holland; which will 
 prove the more commodious to us. 
 
 I will fet down the rate of a bufs new 
 from the Itocks, with the price of her nets, 
 tackling, fair, vifluals, calk, mens wages, 
 and all other charges whatfoever belonging 
 to heri and will rate the profit gained by 
 her four months fifhing, which is likely to 
 continue twenty years, being the ordinary 
 life of a bufs. 
 
 It is to be noted, that I have propor- 
 tioned in this computation a bulb of thirty - 
 five h!l, that is to fay, feventy ton; but 
 I confider with niyfelf, that we will make 
 a greater gain with a bufs of twenty laft, 
 which is but forty ton, than the Hollanders 
 do with their feventy ton, in refped: of the 
 nearnefs of our harbours to put in upon all 
 occafions ; and after the proportion of our 
 buflcs, we muft leffen fo much out of the 
 feven hundred and forty-five pounds, which 
 is the firll difburfemenr, as aforefaid. 
 
 Now having fhewn you the charge of the 
 bufies, I will fhew you the charge of a pink 
 of twenty laft, that is forty ton. 
 
 A pink being built new, and all things 
 new to her, will not coft two hundred and 
 fixty pounds, with her lines, hooks, and 
 other fifliing appurtenances. 
 
 /. 
 260 
 18 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 Imprimis. A prink 
 
 Item. Twenty laft of barrels 
 
 Item. Five weigh ol fait 
 
 Item. Beer, cafk, bread, and petty- 
 
 talley. 
 Item. For mens wages for two? 
 
 months j 
 
 } 
 
 Sum is 328 
 
 Imprimis. A bufs, with her furniture and 
 tackling, will coft 500 /. 
 
 Item. One hundred lafts of cafk, at 1 8 j. 
 the laft, 90 /. 
 
 Item. For fait, thirty weigh, at 3/. 10 s. 
 the weigh, 105 /. 
 
 Item. For beer for the men four months, 
 a gallon a day, 16 1. 
 
 Item. For bread, after the Hime propor- 
 tion, 111. 
 
 Item. For butter, cheefe, billets, 20/. 
 
 Item. F'or mens wages for four months 88 /. 
 
 // is to he conftdered, that mens wages are not 
 to be paid till the voyage be ended ; fo that 
 the prefent disbtirfement is but 723/. 
 
 Rating the hundred laft of herrings but at 
 1000/. there is gotten clear in four 
 months, 500/. in a buls, and 165/. in 
 money •, lb the total fum as appears got- 
 ten is 66ci I. 
 
 Here plainly appears, that there is got- 
 ten fix hundred and fixty-five pounds in one 
 fummer-, whereof, if you dedudl one hun- 
 dred pounds for the wear of the bufs, and 
 the reparation of her nets againft the next 
 lummer, yet ftill there remains five hundred 
 and forty-five pounds for clear gain by one 
 bufs in four months; a profit exceeding all 
 other trades. 
 2 
 
 Twenty lafts of barrel cod, at fifteen 
 pounds the laft, amounts to three hundred 
 pounds ; and deducting fixty-eight pounds 
 ten fhillings, for the fitting her to fea, there 
 remains two hundred and thirty-two pounds 
 ten ftiillings clear gain, by one pink in two 
 months, rating the cod and ling but as 
 they are fold in Efiglatjd; but being tranf- 
 ported, commonly they will double their 
 price. 
 
 I prefent you not with toys to pleafe chil- 
 dren, or with ftiadows of untruths; for I 
 know truth to be fo noble of itfelf, that it 
 makes him honourable that pronounces it ; 
 and that an honeft man will rather bear 
 witnefs againft friendftiip than truth. I 
 have made it appear with what facility the 
 Hollanders go through with the golden 
 mine of theirs, which they fo term in their 
 proclamation extant: I make proof their 
 buffes and pinks are built to take fifli; that 
 they fill themfelves thrice a fummer with 
 fifti; that this fifh is vended and efteemed 
 as a precious food in all the parts of Eu- 
 rope; and that the return thereof gives them 
 means to live and breathe ; without which 
 they could not. - ' 
 
 It is manifeft that fifh has brought them 
 to a great ftrength both by land and fea, 
 and fame withal, in maintaining their in- 
 teftine war againft fo great and potent an 
 enemy as the king of Spain. 
 
 And
 
 JOOK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfbnV Ndval Traits, 
 
 481 
 
 And if all thefe benefits appear in tliem, 
 and nothing but fliame and fcorn in us, let 
 us enter into the caufe thereof, and feek to 
 amend it ; let us labour to follow their ex- 
 ample, which is better than a fchoolmafter 
 to teach us. Nothing is our bane but idle- 
 nefs, which ingenders ignorance, and igno- 
 rance error; all which we may be taxed 
 with : for to a flothful man nothing is fo 
 cafy, but it will prove difficult, if it be not 
 done willingly. 
 
 There are but two things required in this 
 work ; that is to lay, a will to undertake it, 
 and money to go through with it: which 
 being found, we will place charity to begin 
 at home with ourfelves, before we yield it 
 to our neighbours ; and then this bufinefs 
 will appear to be effected with more bene- 
 fit, more flrength, more renown, more 
 happinefs, and lefs expence, than Hollan- 
 ders have or can go through withal. Time 
 is the mod: precious experience ; and you 
 fhall find that time will cure our carelefs- 
 nefs paft, that reafon could not hitherto 
 do. 
 
 The inflruments by which the Hollanders 
 work, are their vefTels of feveral kinds, as 
 I have declared, not produced out of their 
 own country -, for it yields nothing to fur- 
 ther it, but their own pains and labour. 
 
 Their wood, timber, and planks to build 
 fhips, they fetch out of divers other places ; 
 and yet are thefe no more available to un- 
 dertake their fifhing and navigation, than 
 weapons are without hands to fight. Their 
 iron, hemp, cordage, barrel-boards, bread, 
 and malt, they are beholden for to feveral 
 .countries ; and if at ar,y time out of difplea- 
 fure they be prohibited the tranfportation, 
 they are to feek a new occupation, for the 
 ftate fails, 
 
 , Comparing their cafualties and inconve- 
 niencies with ours, you fhall difcern the 
 advantage and benefit God has given us, 
 in refpe<5t of them ; for all the materials 
 formerly repeated, that go to their fhip- 
 ping, England yields molt of them, or in 
 little time the earth will be made to pro- 
 duce them in abundance ; fo that we fliall 
 not need to fland upon the courtefy of our 
 neighbours, or to venture the hazard of the 
 fea in fetching them. 
 
 Whereas all manner of people, of what 
 degree foever in Holland, have commonly 
 a ihare, according to their abilities, in this 
 fifhing j and that the only exception amongft 
 ourfelves, is the want of money to under- 
 take it; you (hall underftand how God and 
 • nature have provided for us ; for I will ap- 
 parently anfwer the objeftion of money, and 
 caft it upon the fluggiflinefs and ill difpo- 
 fition of our people, who if they will take 
 away the caufe of this imputation they fhall 
 Vol. III. 
 
 take away the offence due to it, and by'»Jo; 
 which we are fcandaliz'd. ' «-^^ 
 
 In the objedion of lack of money to 
 fee on foot this work, it would feem ridi- 
 culous to ftrang'.rs that behold the wealth 
 and glory of this kingdom, with the fump- 
 tuous buildings, the coftly inflde of houfes, 
 the mafs of plate to deck them, the daily 
 hofpitality and number of fervants to ho- 
 nour their mafters, and their charitable alms 
 diftributed out of their fupcrfluitics. And 
 to defcend to people in p.irticular, if tliey 
 behold the bravery of apparel vainly fpent, 
 the rich and curious jewels to adorn their 
 bodies, and the needlefs expences yearly 
 wafted, they would conclude, that it were 
 not want, but will that muft be our im- 
 pediment. 
 
 But leaving thefe obfervations, let me 
 tell you, that there is never a lord, knighr, 
 gentleman, or yeoman, of any account in 
 England, but for want of money is able to 
 furnifn either timber, iron, wheat, malr, 
 beef, pork, bacon, peafe, butter, cheelq 
 or home-fpun cloth out of the wooU. 
 
 All which fhall be taken from them at 
 an ordinary rate, and the value allowed 
 them in adventure. 
 
 No man that has or hires land, but may 
 as well plant for hemp, to make lines, 
 nets, and cordage, feeing the laws of the 
 kingdom command it, as any other grain i 
 which hemp may be fpun by their neigh- 
 bours and tenants, and lb all people let on 
 work. 
 
 Then what need have we of money, but 
 for the building of vefTels ? for you fee with 
 what eafe every thing elfe is compafied. 
 
 Before thefe bulfes Ihall direft their ccurfe 
 to Shetland^ to be there welcomed by the 
 Hollanders in their own houfes, (a thino- 
 not ufual for ftrangers to entertain their 
 true inhabitants,) I will firft view all har- 
 bours and creeks, capable for buffes in his 
 majefty's kingdoms of England and Seal- 
 land, and there lay fuch provifions for the 
 benefit of our filhing, that it fhall appear, 
 if the Hollanders have ufually made a thou- 
 fand pounds in four months by their three 
 fifhings, we fliall be able to exceed them in 
 the courfe following : 
 
 I will fuppofe our bufTes to be at Bra- 
 found in Shetland, ready the 24th oi June 
 to put to fea, in purfuit and chafe of the 
 herring-flioals. I will fuppofe likewife, 
 that the one and the other have fiflied their 
 vefTels full, the Hollanders ready in their 
 way to Holland, there to unlade and return 
 again, as I have fiid before. If you com- 
 pute the diftance and lofs of time in the 
 four hundred leagues, running backward 
 and forward, then fhall you find great 
 difference of gain betwixt us and them ; 
 6F for
 
 48i 
 
 Sir William MonConV Nai'dl Trafls. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 MjNsos-.for we HwU not need to run many leagues, 
 ^y^>r^ nor perhaps not ten, till we nuke ovir repair 
 into the next harbour, where provilion iliail 
 be made of viftudls, fait and cafc ; and 
 our bulTes putting the herrings afliore to be 
 repacked again, with all fpeed they liaften 
 ■ to lea in puriliit of the flioal ; and the her- 
 rings being repacked, are immediately fent 
 to The Sound to take their tirft market : all 
 which will be effedtcd before the Hollanders 
 can be at home with their herrings ; and 
 after they are arrived in Holland, they are 
 to lail very nigh as fir to the Sound, as we 
 Ihall be from England or Scotland. There 
 needs no argument to prove the truth there- 
 of, feeing a fea-card or plot will demonftrate 
 
 it. 
 
 But I may be anfwered, that the yaw- 
 gers, formerly fpoken of, which truck with 
 the buflcs for herrings, will fooner be at the 
 Sound than we, and make a great benefit by 
 the firft fale of their fifh. 
 
 But to give you fatisfa(5lion herein, I pray 
 you conceive our buflfes are in harbour with- 
 in the fpace of three hours after they have 
 fiflied, and not fubjeft to foul weather to 
 hurt them. They ihall have a convenience 
 to mend and dry their nets ; they are to 
 unlade their herrings, and to lade their Mr:, 
 calk, and viduals, without interruption, 
 and to fea again fpeedily : whereas the yaw- 
 gers muft watch their time for fair weather, 
 and a fmooth fea, to excbinge their fait, 
 viduals and cafk, for herrings. 
 
 They muft watch a fit time and weather 
 to mend any defeds in their nets, bulTes, 
 or in drying them : thus you may fee, all 
 cafualties confidered, our arrival at the 
 Sound before them is more certain, for the 
 rerfons before exprelTed. 
 
 But there was never any bufinefs fo eafy, 
 but it either found objeftion, or oppofition, 
 till made plain and apparent, as well to the 
 doubters as the beholders •, for moft men are 
 guided by opinion rather than by judgment: 
 and fo fares it with this hopeful and unan- 
 fwerable work, where forae frame fuppofed 
 reafons and impediments-, but time will de- 
 termine their doubts, and declare their mif- 
 takes. 
 
 There are three arguments, but rather 
 errors, that polTefs people's tongues with 
 the difficulty of our fifliing -, which I do 
 not mean to convince with bare words, but 
 with infallible truths ; for I had rather of- 
 fend in telling truth, than pleafe by feign- 
 ing falfhoods. 
 
 The firft objection is, the taking our 
 ■fifli with greater charge than the Hollan- 
 ders, by means whereof they will over-work 
 as. 
 
 The fecond, that they would do no lefs 
 in the vent and iale thereof, by their long 
 pradice in that trade. - 
 
 The third is, the fear of fraud and de- 
 ceit amongft ourfclves, after the example 
 of the Eajt-hdies, Virginia, and other com- 
 panies lately erected. 
 
 Truth has no need of a ghoftly father 
 to abfolve her ; reafon fliall make her fpeak 
 to the firft objeftion in taking our fifh, v/ith 
 the compai ifon of Holland. 
 
 You mull know that the charges belong- 
 ing to a fifhing vefTel, is her hull, tackling, 
 nets, fair, cafk?, vie'tuals, the number of 
 men, and their wages. 
 
 Butter and cheefe excepted, there is 
 none of the reft of the materials growing in 
 Holland, and moft of them afforded in Eng- 
 land, Scotland, or Ireland ; by reafon where- 
 of England may yield them better cheap 
 than Holland. 
 
 The feveral viduals carried to fea, are 
 flefh, fifh, bread, beer, butter, cheefe, and 
 peafe : for fifh we may value at an equal 
 rate, for it cofts neither of us more than the 
 taking ; and as flefh is more chargeable than 
 the reft, it will coft us nothing -, for it is to 
 be confidered that a fat beef, in the ifland 
 of Hybridcs is Ibid for lefs than twenty (hil- 
 lings, the hide and tallow whereof in Erg- 
 land will give ten fiiillings, the other ten 
 will be railed in carrying wine, ftrong wa- 
 ters, and other commodities defired by the 
 people of the country ; for every ten (hil- 
 lings fo imployed doubles the adventure ; 
 as namely, Jqua vit^e, ten (hillings beftow- 
 ed in Efigland, will yield more gain than 
 will purchafe the carcafs of a cow. 
 
 tor bread, beer, butter, cheefe and peafe, 
 England affords them better cheap than 
 Holland : firft, in refpeft they grow in Eng- 
 land in greater plenty than in Holland: fe- 
 condly, they all pay excife in Holland, and 
 not in England: and thirdly, no man but 
 knows the difference of feeding betwixt the 
 Hollanders and the Englifi ; and that a Hol- 
 lander eats half as much again as one of our 
 Englifl) at fea. 
 
 But the one and the other carries an 
 equal proportion of men, and their wages 
 are upon an even rate ; but herein we (hall 
 over- work them by the reafons following : 
 
 \x\ a bufs of fifteen or fixteen men, the 
 meaneft amongft the Hollanders has twenty 
 fliillings a month ; and we will eafe the 
 charge of wages eight in fixteen in our fifh- 
 ing about the Leives, viz. we will carry 
 but eight men to the place of fifhing, where 
 we will hire eight more for lefs than half 
 the wages we give the reft ; and herein fliall 
 we fave forty-eight pounds a year in every 
 bufs, by means whereof we (hall go cheaper 
 than the Hollanders nine thoufand fix hun- 
 dred pounds in our two hundred bufles. 
 And moreover, in the wages and viftuals 
 of the men, we ftiall fave fo much as will 
 come to fixceen hundred pounds. 
 
 Whereas
 
 5ooK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na-val Tracis. 
 
 48J 
 
 Whereas it is conceived that the Hollan- 
 ders will tranlport their fifh at a Icfs charge 
 than we, it will appear otherwilc ; for the 
 yawgers that attend Tome of their bofles, 
 to carry their herrings to their firft mar- 
 ker, as I have faid, thofe herrings of theirs 
 are not repacked, but allowed more than 
 two barrels to each laft, to make up their 
 tale ; by means whereof they pay two bar- 
 rels freight in every lad of herrings, more 
 than we that have the Ihore near us to re- 
 pack them : which in two hundred bufTes 
 will amount to five thoufand pounds more 
 gain to us than to the Hollanders. 
 
 Whereas every filhing vefiel in Holland 
 contributes to twenty or thirty fliips of war 
 to defend them from the Dnnkirkers, our 
 peace eafes us of that expence. And this 
 fliall fuffice in anfwer to the comparilbn be- 
 twixt the Hollanders and us, in taking their 
 fifh. 
 
 And to the lecond point, to prove that 
 we fhall vend our fifh at as eafy a rate as 
 tlie Hollanders, (thus I fay) That your ex- 
 perience mufl teach you, that in the Sound, 
 where the greatefl quantity of herrings is 
 uttered, as I have before fhewed, neceffity 
 will compel them to take them off; for it 
 is not their affedion to the Hollanders above 
 us that will make them rcfufe ours to accept 
 of theirs ; and then confequently ours will 
 be better Ibid, in that we fhall fcrve the 
 market before them, by the means and rea- 
 fons aforefaid. 
 
 And if we go further from home, as to 
 Spain or the Straights, you rnufl: underfland 
 that the Hollanders fliips go with fewer men 
 than ours, occafioned by the flight build- 
 ing and tackling of their fliips, in compa- 
 rifon of us : and as there is twenty or forty 
 men difference in the failing of them, the 
 like difference there is in the ftrength of 
 them : wherefore the merchant had better 
 for the fafety of his goods, give fifty fhil- 
 lings freight to us, than thirty fhillings to 
 the Hollanders ; his goods fhall be better 
 defended againft pirates by our forty men, 
 than the other's twenty. 
 
 The Englip fhips will double a lee-fhore, 
 when the others will be forced in foul wea- 
 ther upon the rocks ; the cables and anchors 
 of the Englijh will hold, when the others 
 will be forced to come home and break ; 
 the E}iglijh will be able to put out iail at fea, 
 when the others will take in (Ixil ; the Eng- 
 lijh, upon fbme accidents, may come on 
 ground, and by their flrength come off 
 «gain without hurt, when the others will 
 perifh ; the Englijh go deep in water, 
 which makes them wholefome in the fea, 
 and carry the merchants goods with little 
 lofs i the Hollanders are labourfome and 
 dangerous in a ftorm, which caufes great 
 leakage in oil, wine, and fuch commodities. 
 
 to the great annoyance of the merchant •,^Io'»'=«'>'- 
 yea, oftentimes more than the dilFcrence of <^^V>^ 
 the freight. 
 
 As the Englijh go in greater fecurity than 
 the Hollanders, fo fliall the merchants fave 
 by not infuring the value of difference in 
 freight ; which I could compute and prove, 
 but that it is too tedious. 
 
 And moreover, if the EngUfl: have the 
 abfolute carriage of the fifli taken by them, 
 and the laws of the realm warrant it, our 
 fhips Avail never want imploymenr, nor have 
 caule to look out for frcigh:s; by rcalbn 
 whereof a fhip of two hundred tons may go 
 cheaper by two hundred pounds than ulual- 
 ly they have done. And thus much for our 
 foreign trades. 
 
 Now let us return to the vending our fifh 
 in the kingdom oi England^ and IVaks. 
 
 If the late proclamation for the obferving 
 of fifh-days be duly kept, it will be a means 
 to vend our fifli, and incourage others to 
 venture in the fifhing; fo as there be a 
 prohibition, as there is in Holland, that no 
 fifli be brought into any of his majefty's 
 kingdoms but by his own fubjedts. 
 
 Neither will it feem a thing unreafona- 
 ble to injoin every yeoman and farmer with- 
 in the kingdom to take a barrel of fifli for 
 their own fpending, confidering they lave 
 the value thereof in other viftuals; and 
 that it is no more than the fifhermen will 
 do to them, to take off their wheat, malt, 
 butter and cheele, for their food at fea. 
 The farmer by this means fhall never be 
 unprovided of fifh, to obferve the days com- 
 manded by his majefly, without fending to 
 the market, as otherwife they would be com- 
 pelled to do. 
 
 The firmer will find by experience that 
 it is as cheap a food as any other they can 
 feed upon, and gives a better delight to the 
 taffe, confidering the feveral ways in dref- 
 fing it. 
 
 The labouring man who works with the 
 farmer takes of him his butter and cheefe ; 
 for every poor man's cafe is not to keep a 
 cow ; and fuch labourers will be as willing 
 to take fifli from the farmer as any other 
 victuals, if he be willing to fpare it. 
 
 There are few farmers but will fpend the 
 value of a barrel of fifh yearly •, and he 
 that does fo fliall fave twenty in the hundred 
 by buying the quantity of a barrel together, 
 rather than by retail. 
 
 And becaufe the country fliall be better 
 ferved with fifli and other commodities than 
 they have been, we will make feveral fl:aples 
 of flit, coals, and other merchandize de- 
 fired by the country, where boats may have 
 pafllige up the rivers not ufed heretofore ; 
 as namely, Mddlejex, part of HertfordJkirCy 
 Surrey, Buekiiighamjhire , and Oxjordjhire, 
 may be ferved by the river of 'Thames. 
 
 EJJ'ex
 
 484 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal TrdBs. 
 
 Book 
 
 KfoNsoN. Effex may ferve itfclf, part oi Hcrifcrd- 
 ^^<>r^/.vre, and p.irt of Suffolk. 
 
 Norfolk will ferve CamMdge/Ijire, part 
 of Suffolk, Bedfonf/J^ire , Huntingtonfiire , 
 Norlhamptonpire, and a ftaple there made 
 will ferve IV^rxickfiire ; for from thence go 
 their empty carts to fetch coals, which may 
 tlirnifli the (liire v;ith little charge. 
 
 LificolnJJjire will furnilh itfelf, Notting- 
 
 hivnjlme, part of Rutlandfiire, and Derhy- 
 
 Jhire by tiie "Trent -, Cumkrlnnd and IVeJl- 
 
 moreland, will furnilh themfelves by the eaft 
 
 and weft fea. 
 
 We will leap over the land to the weft- 
 ward, as Chcfljire and Lancajkire, which will 
 furnilh themfelves, part ot Shropjhire, Wov 
 cejlcrjlme, SlaffordJi:'irc, and the north part 
 of IFales. 
 
 That fide of the fea will furnilh PFdlcs 
 till you come to Severn. 
 
 The north fide thereof will furnilh Pem- 
 brokejhire, Carmorthenjbire ., Glamorgan/hire, 
 and Monmouthjhire, and the fouth part 
 thereof will ferve the north fide of Corfiival, 
 Devon and Somerfet ; and up the river of 
 Severn will ferve Gloucejlei-lhire, Hereford- 
 Jhire, part of Shropjhire, tForceJlerJhire, and 
 Wiltjlnre. 
 
 The fouth fea of England will furnilh 
 Corn-zval, DevouJInre, Somerfetjhire., Dorfet- 
 fiire, HampJJjire, and part of IViltjhire^ Suf- 
 fex, Kejit, and part of Surrey. 
 
 Thus is England and fV'aks compafled, 
 nnd a confideration to be had for the meet- 
 eft place to ereft our ftaples, to utter the 
 commodities brought them, and to receive 
 from them. 
 
 If at any time corn falls the countries, 
 we will hereafter fupply them at a reafon- 
 able rate with our trade to Danlzick with 
 herrings : if plenty make it warrantable to 
 tranfport by the ftatute, we will take it off 
 from them, ib as they fhall have no juft 
 
 but fhall be able 
 perlbn ib blind. 
 
 to get their livings; no 
 but may live without 
 alms. 
 
 I"or, befide the making of nets, and fuch 
 work as belongs to it, we will fet up a 
 trade of making of cables, and all manner 
 of ropes, as well to vend abroad, as furnilh 
 the kingdom at home; as alfo pole-davics 
 for fiiils, and not be beholden to France for 
 them. 
 
 All thefe reafons confidered, it is appa- 
 rent, that the farmers and people of the in- 
 ward country, who hitherto have not tafted 
 of thefe happinefles, and whofe palTages by 
 water have not been frequented or known, 
 fhall reap as great a commodity and profit 
 by this fifhing, as ourfelves ; and have no 
 more reafon therefore to refufe the taking of 
 our herrings in the manner aforeliiid, than 
 we have to take off the commodities by 
 which they live. And this fliall fuffice for 
 the fecond point of vending our fifh. 
 
 Thefe fix feveral trades following we will 
 ereft in all parts of England, not hitherto 
 praflifed but in feme places near the fca- 
 fidc: 
 
 Hempflers, 
 
 Spinjlers, 
 
 Carders, 
 
 Rope-makers, 
 
 Weavers of Pole-davieSy and 
 
 Net -makers. 
 
 Befides the increafe of coopers, fmiths, 
 fhipwrights, caulkers, fawyers, failors, fi- 
 fliermen, baflcet-maliers, fail- makers, la- 
 bourers, and many other trades in great 
 abundance. 
 
 In anfwer to the third allegation of cou- 
 fenage and deceits amongft ourfelves, by 
 example of the Eqft-Indies, Virgmia, and 
 other trades, I cannot fay whether they de- 
 caufe to complain either of dearth or abun- ferve the imputation of the fraud that is call 
 dance. 
 
 We will provide that no rogues or vaga- 
 bonds fhall be to them annoyance, or the 
 poor of the parifh charge them ; for all fuch 
 people flial! be fet to work by us : then 
 will the contributions to the houfe of cor- 
 reftion ceafe, which will be a more eafe to 
 the parifhioners, than the value of many a 
 barrel of herrings which they fhall take off 
 from us. 
 
 When our ftaples fliall be erefted in the 
 country as aforefaid, out of them we will 
 furnilh every parifia within the kingdom 
 with hemp by weight, to fet the people to 
 work, and to receive it again by weight, 
 allowing every one fuch a rate for their 
 ■work, that they may live well thereby. No 
 girl nor boy of nine years of age, no man 
 nor woman, how lame of their legs foever, 
 4 
 
 upon them, or no ; for report is like an 
 echo, heard, but no man knows where: but 
 to give fatisfadlion as well in the managing 
 our trade, as that truth fpeaks it, no deceit 
 can creep in at it, as that which follows 
 fhall declare ; It is not intended (as I con- 
 ceive) that a feleifh company fhall have 
 the difpofing of this fifhing, as the other 
 has, or to receive, difburfe, or imploy the 
 moneys raifed by the adventurers, or to di- 
 reft and order things at their pleafure ; but 
 contrariwife, for example, whofoever fliall 
 be a member in it, fhall have his choice 
 what to adventure, with whom to adven- 
 ture, and the manner how to adventure, 
 without controulment of any other : as 
 this. If he undertake for a bufs or a fhip, 
 it fhall be in his choice to accept of a part- 
 ner, two, three, four, or more. 
 
 And
 
 3ooK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Traces. 
 
 4S5 
 
 And after the value of their adventure, 
 to ere£l fo many fhips as it fliall pleafe 
 themfelves to nominate, and appoint fuch 
 perfons for the ordering of it as they fliall 
 make choice of; fo that if deceit appear, 
 it will be among themfelves, for no body 
 elfe fhall meddle in their adventure. 
 
 But becaufe in all commonwealths there 
 miift be a head to govern and execute ju- 
 ftice, to which the reft of the body muft 
 fubmir, it is convenient that the fupreme 
 commiflion and authority be given to fome 
 of the lords of his majefty's honourable 
 privy council, and other perfons of quality 
 to be chofen, as well in the kingdom of 
 Scotland and Ireland, as in England, to fet- 
 tle a form of government, with a judge to 
 rule, and to provide for all mifchiefs and 
 inconveniencies that may happen betwixt 
 man and man, and prevent the abufcs and 
 queftions that may arile betwixt merchants, 
 mariners, owners of fliips, falters, coopers, 
 and others whom it may concern : but thefe 
 commiffioners are in no wife to handle or 
 meddle with the parties in their adventures, 
 or with their flocks of money, or with the 
 employment of it. 
 
 Farthermore, to flop the mouths of fuch 
 fufpicious conceits of fraud, you fliall 
 find it is not in the wit of man to over- 
 reach them, for the reafons following : The 
 quantity of filli that a bufs takes cannot be 
 concealed ; for of necefTity fhe muft repair 
 to the ports of England or Scotland, where 
 the culfomers enter every barrel of fifli in 
 their books, and none can be tranfported 
 without a cocket: befides the number of 
 cafk they pay for, they muft look to have 
 them filled, and likewife the quantity of 
 fait bought, to have it employ'd. 
 
 The price, as well of thofe that are vend- 
 ed at home as tranfported abroad, is eafily 
 known ; the ufual freight of fhips, and the 
 faftorage is foon gucffed at, and therefore 
 no means left for deceit to enter in at. 
 
 Now to return once more to our fifhing, 
 where we left the buffes for that fummer, 
 and provide them againfl the middle of No- 
 vember, to repair to the ifland of Lewes, 
 where, till the beginning of February, they 
 fliall take the principal herrings of all others 
 in loughs and harbours, as I have formerly 
 declared. 
 
 Which being done, about the firfl of 
 March they depart from thence to the 
 ifland of Rona, betwixt fifteen and fixteen 
 leagues from Lewes, from whence there runs 
 a bank of one hundred miles in length, and 
 as far as 'Tillbead in Ireland; which bank 
 affords the befl quantity of cod and ling of 
 any part of the leas, and one hundred and 
 odd years not ufed. 
 
 From the ifl of March, as I have faid, 
 to the 20th of Jime^ is the time I have af- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 figned to repair to Brafound in Shetland; in Monson. 
 which fpace I make account they will fill '-^'V'*^ 
 their velfels twice or thrice with cod and 
 ling, and leave them in the ifland of Lewes, 
 there to be fetched by other fliips that fliall 
 bring fait, and all other kind of necefliiries 
 which fhall be fitting. 
 
 The 20th of June approaching, the 
 buffes are to repair to Brafound, as I have 
 faid before ; from whence they mufl pro- 
 fecute their fifliing of herrings, as in the 
 former year, till their arrival at Tarmcuth. 
 If then they pleafe to take an account of 
 their year fpent, it will appear that one bufs 
 employ'd by us, as I have projedled it, will 
 be of much more value than to the Hol- 
 landers, and be the way to teach us how his 
 majefly's dominions fhall flourifli, not for 
 a while, but for ever. 
 
 At Tarmouth we may account the good- 
 nefs of the herrings fpent ; for betwixt IVin- 
 terton and Orfordnefs they ufe to fpawn, and 
 are called by the Hollanders the ropefick her- 
 rings, which they forbear to take. 
 
 The nature of the young herring, after 
 it is fpawn'd, is to feek the comfort of the 
 frefh water, and put themfelves into the 
 mouth of the Barnes, or amongfl: the fands, 
 where the water is not altogether lb brackifli ; 
 but like poor filly creatures they are here 
 entrapped by the flale nets that ufe to take 
 the fprats ; but for one fprat they take they 
 catch one hundred of thefe young herrings, 
 and bring them to Billingfgate, where they 
 fell them not for above two-pence or three- 
 pence a peck ; which if let alone, would by 
 Midfummer following grow to be a perfedt 
 and big herring, worth twenty-five or thirty- 
 fhillings a barrel. This mifchief muft be 
 prevented, and the fifhermen injoin'd not 
 to go to the weftward of Orfordnefs to take 
 fprats. 
 
 From Orfordnefs the herrings direft their 
 courfe to the North Foreland in Kent, wh'jre 
 they furnifh both the Engliflo and French 
 fhores with fo many as are taken by both 
 nations, though they be both fliotten, and 
 of the worfl: kind. 
 
 Their abiding hereabouts is according to 
 the winds ; if it hang foutherly or wefterly, 
 they remain the longer ; but if eaflerly, 
 they arc taken, as it were, with the wind 
 in the poop, which carries them the length 
 of our channel, till they arrive at the Lands- 
 End in Corniiall, from whence they divide 
 themfelves like a fleet of fhips that fliould be 
 direfted by a general : fome go through St. 
 George's channel, betwixt England and Ire- 
 land ; others to the weftward of Ireland, 
 till they arrive at the iflands of Hebrides or 
 Lewes, the pLice of rendezvous ; and we 
 may fuppofc they are at home, by the 
 ftrength and goodnefs they find in that 
 place ; for though they run the length of 
 b G our
 
 486 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ncwal Tra^s. 
 
 Book VL' 
 
 MoNsoN.our chamicl lean and Gck, yet as Toon as 
 ^■-^V^^ they repair to thofe idands, they become 
 the largcfl, the fliireft^ and the beft her- 
 rings in the world ; and here they are taken 
 in k)Ughs and harbours, as I have fiiid, 
 and vakied at forty fhilHngs the-Li(l above 
 others. 
 
 Here I will leave them taking their refV, 
 and fliew another benefit we lliall receive 
 upon the ]lioals of Shetland, Orkney, and 
 tlie Hybrides, which the Hollanders have not, 
 nor cannot make ufe of, in refpeA they are 
 not fubjecfts of his majefty. 
 
 And becaufe I have purfued the herrings 
 till I left them at the iOands of Lewes, I 
 will begin with thofe iflands, and truly 
 fiy, they are placed for the benefit of fifli- 
 ing above all places in the world. 
 
 The condition and fituation of thofe 
 idands I refer to the map, that will give you 
 light of their feat, their altitude, and their 
 neighbourhood with Scotland and Ireland ; 
 but the nature and difpofition of the people 
 you fliall receive from me, who have leen 
 them, and can bed fpeak of them. 
 
 Of many hundred idands belonging to 
 this kingdom ot Scotlandand Ireland, I may 
 fay, thofe of Lewes exceed the red: in ferti- 
 lity of foil ; it yields, with the labour of 
 people, (which they are not guilty of) all 
 manner of grain, cattle, fifh, and fowl ; and 
 although their fire be not of v/ood or coals, 
 which we efteem the beft fewel, yet it hath 
 plenty of peat and turf, that they have lit- 
 tle caufe to fear cold. 
 
 There is an old faying, which may be 
 well applied to thofe idands, and the in- 
 habitants of them. That they have a good 
 land, and are ill people •, for, to fpeak the 
 truth, the chriftian world cannot fhew a 
 more barbarous, more bloody, and more un- 
 tamed generation. But his majefty being 
 lately informed of their breeding, and un- 
 civil living, is gracioudy pleafed to reduce 
 them to the knowledge of God, and the 
 acknowledgment of him, which hitherto 
 they are ignorant in. 
 
 This being done, and the idands being 
 furniflied as is intended, I will make it ap- 
 ■ pear, that the leas about them, and the 
 loughs and harbours within them, will 
 yield more commodity to the fubjefts of 
 his majefty's three kingdoms, than any other 
 trades whatfoever, either near home, or far 
 abroad. 
 
 Now will I ftand over for the idands of 
 Orkney and Shetland, which have no need 
 of other defcription, but that it is pity 
 fo good and civil people fhould inhabit 
 no better a country : we may iivy the con- 
 trary of them that we faid of the idand of 
 Lewes, that it was a good land, but evil 
 people ; thefe are good people, but poffefs 
 an evil foil. 
 
 The way to relieve them, is humbly to 
 intreat his majefty to pleafe to accept of 
 his revenue in Orkney and Shetland in fidi, 
 to encourage the people of thofe idands to 
 undertake and piaftife the ufe of fidiing, 
 which, through poverty and the want of 
 trade, they are not now able to go through 
 with. 
 
 Bcfides the rent to his majefty in fi(h, 
 whatfoever fifh they diall take by their own 
 labours we will take oft' from them, and 
 fupply them with fait, nets, hooks, boats, 
 and what elfe they ftiall ftand in need of i 
 by means whereof, every man in thofe 
 idands diall be able to fubfift and maintain 
 himfelf, that now knows not how to get 
 his living, but is brought up in doth and 
 idlenefs. 
 
 I'Vhat Is requifite for the planting of the ijland 
 of Lewes, and other iflands adjacent. 
 
 1. It is fit his majefty call in the grant 
 lately made by the earl of Seaford to the 
 Hollanders, for inhabiting of the fliid idands, 
 who take them purpofely to ered a fiftang 
 upon that coaft, whereby to defeat his ma- 
 jefty's fubjeits of that benefit. 
 
 2. That his majefty grant liberty and 
 privileges to his fubjedts of England and 
 Scotland, there to ereft and inhabit towns, 
 villages, ftorehoufes, and all manner of ma- 
 nuftdlures and trades ; that hereafter we 
 dull not need to fupply thofe idands, but 
 find all things eftablifhed to our hands, as 
 in all other places of Europe where trades 
 are upheld and maintained. 
 
 3. That his majefty inftitute a governor 
 there, to be refident for the fpace of three 
 years, and not exceed that time, left in 
 longer continuance abufes creep in through 
 the avarice ot governors. 
 
 4. That in every idand there be credled 
 one principal town above the reft, and a 
 citadel in it, to keep the people in obedi- 
 ence ; for the inhabitants of thofe idands 
 are naturally inclined to incivility, treache- 
 ry, and hberty, which are next neighbours 
 to rebellion. 
 
 5. That every child be taught x\\zEngli[h 
 or Scotch language, and that their education 
 be according to their abilities of body and 
 difpofition of mind, or as the eilates of their 
 parents are able to maintain them, fome in 
 learning, fome in manuring and husbanding 
 of grounds, but the moft part in fidiing 
 and fea-afti^irs, having fo convenient a feat 
 for the fame. 
 
 6. That the natural inhabitants of thofe 
 idands have no correfpondence with the 
 Hollanders upon the main continent more 
 than is needful, confidering the danger that 
 may enfue by iheir too great frie.iddiip, 
 who are naturally the moft dangerous and 
 
 worft
 
 Book V'I. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TraBs> 
 
 487 
 
 worfl: people of all his majefty's dominions ; 
 and that there be fpecial care that they marry 
 one with another in the ifland, or with Eng- 
 glijh or ScottiJ).\ and in any cafes to prohi- 
 bit all marriages between them and the 
 iflanders aforefaid. 
 
 I have annexed hereunto what I think 
 fit to be puir in prefent execution, for 
 planting the iflands of Ilybrides -, which be- 
 ing done, all the good formerly exprefled 
 will (ollow ; befides, there are other things, 
 which I forbear to touch, as matters not fit 
 for me to handle. 
 
 I have brought my intention to an end, 
 and laid open the mifchief our (late has long 
 fufier'd by refigning, or at leaft conniving at 
 the Hollanders fifhing, who have made long 
 ule of it. 
 
 I have made it appear how eafy it is for 
 us to enjoy, or to be reftor'd to what we 
 have loft, and the profit all kind of people 
 fhall reap by it, if will and money be not 
 wanting. I have made it plain to as many 
 as defire to know the truth, that the in- 
 creafe of fliips in Europe is occafioned by 
 the taking and tranfporting our fifli -, that 
 nine thoufand Holland vefiels are kept by it, 
 and all their people daily fet to work •, in- 
 fomuch that I dare boldly fliy, if the food 
 of fifli were prohibited by all forts of chri- 
 flians, and duly obferved, it would lefTen 
 the number of fliipping three parts in five. 
 And therefore, feeing our fifli is able to 
 make us happy, and this narration lays 
 down the way how to attain to that happi- 
 nefs, let neither excufes, falfe pretences, or 
 aftetflion to the Hollanders, divert us from 
 it, as it did in the year i6oy, when by pro- 
 clamation the Hollanders were to refort to 
 London for licence to fifli on the coaft of 
 England; and Edinburgh, for the like in 
 Scotland; and yet neither of them both 
 was perform'd, nor the contempt que- 
 flioned. 
 
 Two hundred ufurcrs, with willing minds 
 and forward purfes, are able to matter this 
 work ; but, I fear, the devil, whofe friend- 
 fliip is not to advife, but to deceive them, 
 will not allow a gain fo well gotten. The 
 excelTive praftice of ufury is the decay of 
 .commonwealths, repugnant to all humanity, 
 charity, and natural benevolence, and a fla- 
 very to thofe that defire to live poor to die 
 rich. 
 
 Bur, to fpeak the truth, it is pity that a 
 work of fo great goodnefs and gain fliould 
 be tainted by men of fo penurious a condi- 
 tion, who are neither good nor evil by the 
 difpofition of another, but by their own 
 perverfe will and nature ; God, I fear, will 
 blefs our endeavours the worfe for them •, they 
 are like trees that carry no bloflbms in the 
 
 ipring, and therefore no hope of any fruit Monson-. 
 at the fill. s.^^""^ 
 
 This work is unfpotted, and pity it 
 fliould be defiled with the fin of avarice j 
 his majefty's gi-catncfs and glory will ap- 
 pear by it ; for nothing can be to a prince 
 more royal, than to make the ftate of his 
 kingdom better than he found it ; or of 
 evil and fiothful fervants, to make them 
 profitable to a commonwealth. 
 
 This fliall fuffice for lb much as concerns 
 our manner of fiftiing, our commodity 
 arifing by fiftiing, and the ufe other nations 
 make of our fifli, which I have divulg'd to 
 many my intimate friends ; antl now fliall 
 follow other matters, ftill concerning the 
 liibjea of fifliing: And the firft fliall be 
 
 touching flit and cask. 
 
 Concerning full and cask. 
 
 The next neceflfary thing we can endea- 
 vour and labour to advance our fift/ing by, 
 without being beholden to other nations, is 
 flit and' cask •, for in my former narration I 
 have fliew'd, that moft of the materials be- 
 longing to our fifliing may be found in Eng- 
 land, except fait, pitch, and tar ; and to take 
 fifli without fait to five it, is like choice of 
 meats and no cook, or others to drefs it i 
 for both putrify without prefent help. 
 
 Such falts as are for the ufe of fifliing, 
 are of divers kinds and ftrength, fome top 
 hot and ftrong, others too weak and faint -, 
 and therefore if a mean betwixt both could 
 be invented, and made within his majefty's 
 dominions, we might eftecm it a great 
 jewel, ■ and next in value to the philofo- 
 phcr's ftone, and the finder out of the fe- 
 cret to deferve as great honour of his coun- 
 try as JVilliam Bacalute, who was the firft 
 devifer of packing of herrings amongft the 
 Flemings, as in my former relation I have 
 declared. 
 
 There are many, as I am informed, at 
 this day, who make trial to attain to the 
 art and fecret of making filt ; I mean with 
 the convenient ftrength for the Hiking and 
 pickling of fifli ; I do not fpeak of the 
 malcing of our white fait, long praftiled 
 in England and Scotland ; for that kind of 
 fait of idelf is not for this ufe, and yet 
 not bad, if according to the quantity it be 
 mixed with the ftronger filt -, for it makes 
 a fifli the whiter and better to the eye for 
 fale. 
 
 Thofe that undertake this work and in- 
 vention of adding ftrength to fait, above our 
 ordinary white fult, niuft have,^ care of the 
 place they choofe to make it in •, firft, for the 
 tonveniency of the taking it oft' by fiflier- 
 nien when it is made; fecondly, fuch a 
 place where the liilt water hath no niixtun: 
 
 With
 
 488 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val Tra^s. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 MoNsoN.with fre/lies or flinds -, and diirdly, wlicre 
 \^^Y^^ they fliall find plenty of fuel for their purpofc. 
 
 The firft pradicc that was made of it 
 was in the Ijle of Wight, a place, in my 
 opinion, ill chofen by the projedors -, firft, 
 for uttering of their lalt, if tiiey had brought 
 it to perfeftion ; for the greateft quantity 
 they could vend, is at Tcirmmilh in Norfolk, 
 and the coaft towns thereabouts, to the nor- 
 thermoft part of a\\ Scotland; which was al- 
 nioft as great a voyage as to bring it from 
 the coaft of Britany, where it is made. 
 
 Neither had the weft country any advan- 
 tage in the tranfportation •, for that all the 
 pOTts of Dartmouth, Plymouth, and all parts 
 of Severn, which only ufe the fifliing of 
 Ireland and Newfoundland, (hall be eafier 
 and more conveniendy fervcd out of Brita- 
 ny with fair, than from the IJle of Wight ; 
 Southampton and Portfmouth alone would 
 receive benefit, by reafon of their nearnefs; 
 and not confiderable, in refpedt of the little 
 fifhing they ufe. 
 
 The IJle of IVight was a place as ill cho- 
 fen, in refpect of the brackiftinefs of the 
 fea, and fcarcity of fuel, in comparifon of 
 the northern parts, that can be fupply'd 
 with coals at an eafier rate ; and for proof 
 of the freftinefs of the fea, in comparifon of 
 other feas, thefe are my reafons : Where two 
 lands make a ftraight fo fmall, as betwixt 
 England and France, and both the king- 
 doms fend forth many frefli rivers which 
 fall into the fea, the fea cannot have fuch 
 force of ftrength or faltnefs, as the northern 
 coaft has, where the ocean comes pouring in 
 upon them. 
 
 We fee by experience in Holland, that the 
 fait they make, is not with the water tliat 
 comes near thofe towns where they make 
 it -, though a man that knew not the con- 
 trary would fenfibly think it had fufRcient 
 faltnefs for that purpofe •, but they find it 
 otherwife, and have fhips purpofely made 
 to fill themfelves with the fait water off at 
 fea, and not near the land. 
 
 And if the Hollanders make fo great a 
 profit as they do, by their fiilt, imagine 
 what we fhall make of it, when we have 
 obtained the ufe of making it, confidering 
 our water by proof is falter, nearer hand, 
 and our coals at a far cheaper rate, if our 
 works be fet up at Tarmouth, Lynn, Bcfion, 
 Hull, 'Tinmouth, the Holy IJland, and all 
 the parts of Scotland ; in which harbours 
 our fifhermen either dwell, or will refort 
 thither daily for fait. 
 
 Therefore I conclude, if the perfedlion of 
 the work may be brought to pafs, either in 
 making fait of fufRcient ftrength, out of in- 
 vention •, or if not, in imitation of the Hol- 
 landers to make fait upon fait, the towns 
 aforefaid are the meeteft to fet up that trade 
 4 
 
 of fait ; and the rather becaufe they have 
 now in praftife the making of white fait, and 
 tlie other will be the fooner eftefted by it. 
 
 And for fuch fait as fhall be ulL-d in the 
 Lc'ives, there is no place lies more conve- 
 nient for the making of filt of any kind, 
 than in that ifland, the fea having an extra- 
 ordinary filtnefs, and the country afibrd- 
 ing fo great plenty of fuel. 
 
 The Englijli and Scotch filhermen that 
 fhall ufe that fifliing, fliall find as great, and 
 as extraordinary profit and gain, by recei- 
 ving their fait at the ifland when they fliall 
 there arrive, as the freight of their fhips 
 will come to : For whereas they ufe now to 
 bring in their ftiip the beft part of their 
 lading in fait, finding their fUt made ready 
 to their hands, inftead of fait they fhall 
 lade themfelves with cafli, and other things 
 wanting for their ufe. 
 
 Salt upon fait is made out of the ftrength 
 of fait that cometh out of other countries. 
 France fends out the greateft part of fait ; 
 and according to its ftrength, the fait it 
 makes is of lefs virtue and operation, and 
 the more of it is fpent in the faking of fifli. 
 
 The Portuguefes and Spanifli fait is the 
 ftronger in fubftance, by reafon of the fun's 
 power ; for according to the heat and force 
 of the fun, lalt increafeth in ftrength. 
 
 To the fouthward of Spain, and as far as 
 cape Verde, and the ifland of May, as alfo 
 weftward from thence to cape de Ray, and 
 other places in the Wejl-Indies, the fait is 
 far ftronger than in Spain, by reafon of the 
 force of the fun ; and it will make double 
 fait to the other. 
 
 But whereas it is alledged by fome that 
 know not what belongs to the bufinefs, that 
 the going fo far, as to the places aforefaid 
 for fait, will not quit the charge : To an- 
 fwer that objeftion they muft know, that if 
 profit arife by this trade, it muft be in the 
 built and bignefs of fliips they imploy ; for 
 I would not advife a fliip of lefs than three 
 hundred tons, but as much bigger as they 
 pleafe, to be fent upon that voyage ; and 
 fuch fliips to be provided out of Holland, 
 till we get ufe in building them ; for they 
 will fiil with two thirds lefs men than ours. 
 
 And moreover it is to be confidered, that 
 the fait they there fetch cofts nothing ; for 
 it is there naturally made of the fea water 
 and the fun, and nothing is lequired but 
 their labour and pains in bringing it aboard. 
 
 If we hit of our falt-making in England, 
 it will prove a great benefit to us ; for the 
 king of France, and the king of Spain, 
 lately finding a neceflity for all nations to 
 take oft" their fait, have laid a gabel and 
 cuftom upon it, and thereby incrcafed the 
 price fo much, that we and all Europe be- 
 iides find it. 
 
 For
 
 JOOK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfoiiV Na'val Tracts. 
 
 489 
 
 For fucli parts of the weft country as bor- 
 der upon the Scuth-Sca, or upon the river 
 of Severn., either on the Englijh or JVcljh 
 fliore, I will refer to their confidcration, 
 whether they will be fcrved out of France, 
 Spain, and the IJk of Aim, or other places ; 
 or whether they will follow the example of 
 tiie northern parts in making fait upon fait, 
 as I have fliewed. If they intend this latter, 
 tlieir country lies very conveniently by the 
 help of coals they fhall have from Swanzey 
 in (Faks. 
 
 After this work is fettled and brought to 
 perteetion, I advife there may be an equal 
 carriage of it, betwixt the buyer and the 
 feller, that they may both live with an in- 
 different profit and gain ; and fo to accom- 
 modate it, that the buyer may be certain 
 of the price -, if nor, this inconveniency 
 will follow, That the falt-mafter will tranf- 
 port the fait beyond fea, where it goes at 
 the greateft rate ; like corn-inafters, if they 
 were not prohibited by a law, not refpedt- 
 ing the good that would redound to their 
 country*, fo much is their covetous defire 
 of profit ; but being bound to ferve the 
 kingdom at a certain price, and that we 
 fliall find no want nor fcarcity of it, let 
 them after have liberty to difpofe of it for the 
 beft benefit; but according to the old fay- 
 ing, charity Oiould begin at home. 
 
 There mult be a penalty alfo upon him 
 that will buy or be futnllhed with filt, 
 under colour of fidiing, and iliall notwith- 
 ftanding tranlport the iiune into any parts 
 beyond the feas, or oiherwife, for his pri- 
 vate gain. As well this abufe, as many 
 others that can be imagined to creep in, 
 mull: be forefeen and prevented. 
 
 According to the llrength of our fdt, 
 you may rate the quantity that goes to the 
 ialting a barrel of herrings, and fo eftimate 
 it from one barrel to one hundred laft, viz. 
 a weigh of fait is forty bufliels, and every 
 bufliel will lalt a barrel of herrings ; fo that 
 twelve bufliels will fait a laft of herrings, 
 being twelve barrels of thirty-two gallons 
 to a barrel. A laft of herrings is two tons 
 after the Eiiglijh account. 
 
 And if you can bring the fait to the pro- 
 portion of three pounds ten fliillings the 
 weigh, it were a price indifferent betwixt 
 the buyer and feller; yea, though you pro- 
 portion the Spanijh fait at a greater price, 
 and our white lalt at a leffer, yet, it be- 
 twixt both it may be rated equal, as I have 
 faid, at three pounds ten fliillings the weigh, 
 it were very well. 
 
 The fmie proportion of fait you muft ufe 
 to the cod, 172. a bulliel of fait to a barrel 
 of cod. And as for ling, it is not to be 
 barrelled up, but to be faked in bulk, 
 which will take up much the lefs fait. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 The next confidcration about our fifh-MoNsoN. 
 ing, is. How to make our provifion of ■/OT'^' 
 cafk, as well for herrings as for cod ; the 
 greateft quantity which furnilhes the HrA~ 
 landers, is bi'ought out of Nonvay, Sivcicn, 
 and other pans of the Sound, which they 
 return in their fliips, after they have made 
 file of their fifli in thofe parts. 
 
 The lame courfe we may take, if we 
 be fo plcafed, or that we cannot rciuin a 
 better freight ibr our fliips : But we have 
 an eaficr and a nearer way to be fupplied 
 with can<; for no country o'i Europe :\\^'o\\\i 
 better provifion of timber, or afli to make 
 them, or more conveniency to tianfporc 
 them to what coaft foever we fliall fifli on 
 in his majefty'.s dominions : This benefit we 
 enjoy above the Hollanders, who have not 
 in their country one whole timber-tree for 
 this puri)ofe, but are ferved iiom abroad, 
 as I have formerly fiid. 
 
 All kind of wood that belongs to the 
 building of fhips, or other works that have 
 relation to timber, we do, and fliall find, 
 in a little time, a great want of; for wood 
 is now utterly decay'd in England, and 
 begins to be no lefs in Ireland, if there be 
 not a fpeedy courfe taken to redrefs it, and 
 a prohibition againft the tranfporting of it 
 out of Ireland into Holland, which the Hol- 
 landers make a continual trade of, not only 
 of timber, but alfo of all other commodi- 
 ties Ireland affords, greatly to the preju- 
 dice of the Englijh; and for the better proof 
 thereof they have ereded a company 
 in Amflerdam, by the name of the IrijJi 
 Company. 
 
 And therefore I would to God his maje- 
 fty would take thefe things into confidcra- 
 tion ; as alfo to reftrain the felling ot timber 
 in England, which is too common by the 
 liberty that is given to widows, to fell and 
 fell without impeachment of wafte ; and 
 to young heirs, after they come to poflefs 
 their father's lands ; for the readielt mo- 
 nies they can think on tov/ards their waftc- 
 ful expenccs, is a fale of timber; and whilft 
 this is fuffered, and no provifion for pre- 
 ferving or planting of trees, as the law 
 provides for in that cafe, what can be ima- 
 gined will fall to England hereafter in fuc- 
 ceeding times ? for if money, or wealth, de- 
 cay in a kingdom, there may be means by 
 trade to recover it again ; if fcanien die, fo 
 long as there are fliips and navigation, they 
 will foon increafe, and make their deaths 
 forgotten ; but if our timber be confiimed 
 and fpent, it will require the age of three 
 or lour generations before it can grow 
 again tor ufe^ wliich we ought the more 
 to refpeel, becaufe the Ejii^lijh timber ftr 
 exceeds the Irijh in lightncfs and good- 
 nefs. 
 
 ■ 6 II 
 
 Though
 
 490 
 
 MONSOS. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Naval Tra6h. 
 
 Book V: 
 
 Though the carriage of fliip-timber be 
 ' prohibited, and as daily executed, yet 
 there arc divers abufes that muft be looked 
 to and prevented, as well in this kind 
 of timber, as in vent of our own red 
 herrings; the deceits whereof, betwixt 
 the Englifi and the Hollanders, combi- 
 ners, you (hall underftand by this that 
 follows. 
 
 The Hollanders have gotten a late pradice, 
 by their inwardnefs and friendfhip with fome 
 men of I'mniouth ■■, (for naturally that town 
 is more inclined to Holland than England, 
 as defcended from thence ;) thefe Engliflj 
 dwellers take upon them the building of 
 fliips, according to the diredion of the 
 other, who underhand difburfe the money ; 
 and the fliip being built, the Englijh in 
 fhew makes iaie of her to the Hollander ; 
 when his title in the fhip is, perhaps, 
 thirty pounds, to colour the deceit. There 
 are many other things to be proved, that 
 upon examination would dilcover many 
 abufes offered both to the king and fub- 
 jc-as. 
 
 Thefe combiners ftop not here, but craf- 
 tily avoid his majefty's proclamation ; for 
 whereas, -.ts I have formerly delivered, the 
 red herring is only made in Yarmouth, and 
 the Hollanders have in a manner the abfo- 
 lute carriage of them into \.\\ii.Streighls ; and 
 although the ttate is many times willing to 
 prevent the carriage of them by ftrangers, 
 yet craftily they ufe this policy, fpeedily to 
 lend away the herrings in Englijh velTels to 
 Holland, as foon as they are made, from 
 whence they immediately fhip them for the 
 Streights, before our great fhips can take 
 them in at Tarmouth : Other times they 
 meet fiich fhips as come from Yarmouth 
 laden with herrings, off the fands of 
 7'armouth, where they ride, take them in, 
 and carry them dircdly to ihc Streigh/s ma- 
 ny days before ours can be ready at 2ar- 
 mouth in our great fhips •, by which advan- 
 tage of time, they get their port, and make 
 lale of their herrings, long before our arri- 
 val there, and fell them at a double price 
 to us at our coming, to an ineflimable lofs, 
 both to his majefty's fubjeds and to his 
 cuftoms, as I have faid before ; by the pre- 
 cedent of a fhip freighted from Yarmouth to 
 Marfeilles. 
 
 And therefore to avoid this cunning and co- 
 zenage, it is fitting his majefty prohibit the 
 tranfportation of fifh, except in his fubjedts 
 bottoms, and a day to be limited for the 
 tranfportation, that we may be fure to be near 
 our port, before the ftrangers can follow us 
 out of England ; fo fhall we be fure to make 
 our market before the ftrangers can depart 
 England, which will be a great advantage 
 to us. 
 
 As this deceit appears in the vent of our 
 red herrings, fo there is no lefs an unconfci- 
 onable courfe held betwixt the Hollanders and 
 Englijf} fifhermen, that take the pilchards 
 and poor-john, the one in England, the 
 other in Ne-wfcundland -, for fuch is the ne- 
 celTity of the poor fifhermen, that they 
 receive imprefs of part of their money be- 
 forehand, to perform ftrift conditions they 
 are bound to, much to their prejudice, and 
 the Hollanders advantage •, whereas, if the 
 Englijh had the abfolute carriage of fiJh, they 
 would attain to the fecrets of that trade, and 
 deal more reafonably with poor men than 
 the others do. 
 
 I have before in this book computed the 
 value of fixty Ihips, of two hundred and fifty 
 tons each, what the Hollanders gain by the 
 trade of our fifh into t\\tStreights, and not one 
 penny thereof returned into England ; and 
 for a more authentick proof, I defire that 
 merchants may be examined upon the truth 
 thereof, and then you fhall find my com- 
 putation to fall out right -, and for your 
 better latisfiftion, I will fet down the feveral 
 ports within the Streights, and the num- 
 ber of fhips that repair to them •, by which 
 it will appear what lofs this kingdom has 
 for fo many years fuftained, and what gain 
 and profit may be made by it, if it be re- 
 duced into our hands; befides the ftrength 
 of fhips, the incre.afe of mariners, and fame 
 this nation will reap by it. 
 
 An eftimate of what zvent before. 
 
 1600 
 
 1250 
 
 80 
 400 
 
 A fhip of two hundred and fifty ^ 
 
 tons will carry, in fifh, to thc> 
 
 value of ) 
 
 Freight for the fame, at 5/. the"? 
 
 ton J 
 
 Affurance, 5/. per cent. 
 Charges at Venice at the leaft 
 All this is loft by the ftranger's 
 
 carrying of it, and calcula 
 
 ting fixty fhips after this pro-^621750 
 
 portion, there is loft the fum 
 
 of 
 
 Twelve for Venice ; eight with pilchards, 
 four with red herrineis. 
 
 Four to Ancona; whereof three with pil- 
 chards, one with red herrings. 
 
 Six to Civita Vecchia. 
 
 Six to Genoa. 
 
 Eight to Naples. 
 
 Twenty to Leghorn. 
 
 Three to Villa Franca. 
 
 Forty-fix to Marfeilles, whereof thirty 
 with dry fifli. 
 
 In all one hundred and five fhips, befides 
 many more fmaller for Spain and France ; 
 as I have fhewed. 
 
 Here
 
 iSooK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonlonV Na^vd Travis. 
 
 491 
 
 Here (hall follow fome indireft dealings 
 of the Hollanders, which I forbore to inlcrt 
 in the former difcourfe of filhing, and (hall 
 be inferred at the end of this book, calling 
 it an addition to my fixth book; but I 
 will fcill profecute the fubjed of fifli and 
 fifhing, and will not ceafe till I have laid 
 open every coaft of the known world, whi- 
 ther lifh reforts, and fhew the benefit that 
 is or may be made of it, as well by the in- 
 habitants as ftrangers. 
 
 Concerning Ji/}} and fifhing. 
 
 There are two natural foods for man to 
 feed on; the one is flefli, maintained and 
 increafed by the fruitfulnefs of the land and 
 foil of the earth; the other is fifli, fwim- 
 ming in the common, fpacious, and open 
 fea, which no man can challenge a right to, 
 as to the land they may ; and therefore it 
 may be called common. 
 
 This fifh requires no head, as beads and 
 cattle do, to overlook them, or to keep 
 them in their limits or bounds; no man 
 can fet his mark upon them, to challenge 
 a property in them: no body that calls 
 a net into the fea can fay what belongs to 
 them, till it be drawn again: no diiRcuky 
 or care can be required to nourifh it, feeing 
 there is fuch abundance increafed over all 
 the feas and coails in the world, as expe- 
 rience teaches us. 
 
 The difficulty in making ufe of this food 
 is in the taking it, which is done by arc, 
 engines, and pains; for unlefs the preroga- 
 tive of princes in fome cafes, and upon fome 
 coafts, prohibit the fufferance of taking fifli, 
 it is as lawful for a beggar as a king to 
 challenge a right to it, after it is taken. 
 
 The ufe of fifliing and the benefit that 
 arifes by it, needs no other repetition, than 
 in my former declaration. 
 
 There now only remains my labour and 
 obfervation to colleft the forts of t^iflies eve- 
 ry country affords, and which are uled for 
 prefent food, and which are fent abroad by 
 way of trade ; and then I will refer it to 
 confideration, what penury Europe, which 
 is the moll fiourifliing part of the world, 
 would be brought to, were it not for the 
 endeavours and labours of the poor filher- 
 men. 
 
 Befides the general fellies of herring and 
 cod, taken upon the coaft of England, 
 Scotland, and Ireland, and vended as in the 
 narration aforefaid, there are many excel- 
 lent fillies upon every maritime Ihire in 
 England, which are of great fuftenance to 
 the inhabitants, and which I forbear to 
 name, but will fet down only fuch fifh as 
 is vended abroad, and returns gain and 
 commodity to the kingdom by way of traf- 
 fick. 
 
 As the northern parts of England yield Monsos-. 
 both cod and herring, as aforefliid, fo do ^'OT'^ 
 the wtftern coafts, pilchards in liich abun- 
 dance, that many times they are not able 
 the third part of them, for want 
 as appears in the laft wans with 
 
 to lave 
 of fait, 
 France. 
 
 Ireland affords thefe three kinds of fiflics 
 in as great numbers as England; and the 
 herrings and pilchards exceed ours, which 
 makes them valued above the Evglijh in 
 other countries. They have another fiili 
 which frequents not our fliores, called the 
 hake, taken in the deeps betwixt England 
 and Ireland, much prized in Bifcay : they 
 have plenty of kay, or thornback, and 
 buckorm, which is dried whiting, much 
 defired in Britany. 
 
 The Icveral parts of England have fcveral 
 feaibns ol fifhing, Ibme whereof I have 
 Ihewed; but will add to it our fifhing at 
 the Sow, a rocky ground, a league and 
 more in length, and fix leagues fouth oft" at 
 fea to Rye. This is the principal place that 
 yields that primeft frefh fifli that ferves 
 London, and the place France did lately 
 incroach upon, under colour of five boats 
 licenfed by king Jc-.mes, at the rcqueft of 
 the French king. But his lubjedls increafed 
 almoft to as many fcores as boats, till by 
 order of the ftate, I reduced it to the allowed 
 proportion, as is to be feen in my fecond 
 book. 
 
 Upon the coaft of LancaJlArc, the fidi- 
 ing for cod begins at Eajier, and continues 
 till Midfummcr; for hake in the deeps, as 
 I have laid, betwixt Whitfuntide and St, 
 James's; about Padjiozv for cod and ling, 
 from Chrijlmas to the middle of Lent; 
 on the north part of Ireland, from Chnjhnas 
 to March. 
 
 Englijhnen have not the ufe of barrelling 
 up of cod ; and if it be not barrelled, it is 
 not vendible in France; neither can they 
 make haberdine; for if they could, it 
 would be well fold in Spain and Portugal. 
 
 Now to the fifhing upon the coaft of 
 Holland, France, Flanders, Portugal, Spain, 
 and other countries, where the fea ailbrds 
 fifh, but no great ufe is made thereof, more 
 than for prefent food ; for neither herrings 
 nor cod are there to be found, which are 
 the ftaple and vendible fifh for profit. 
 
 The coaft of Holland yields the leaft 
 quantity, and the worft choice of fifh of all 
 the reft ; and yet fifh is there moft eaten out 
 of necefllty, having fo many people that in- 
 habit the country, and fo little quantity 
 of land for their fuftenance. The grcateft 
 ftore of fifh that maintains them is taken 
 upon our leas, and kept in well boats, and 
 brought into Holland, where it is vended 
 and fold. 
 
 Coming
 
 49^ 
 
 Sir William AlonfonV Nifval Trads. 
 
 Book VH 
 
 MoNsoK. Coming upon the coaft of France, the 
 ^^"V^^ firft town you Ihall find to entertain you, 
 will be Calais, which in truth exceeds all 
 other places < t" that kingdom for the pre- 
 fcnt food of fidi; not that rhey arc Rich 
 fiflics as I have named before, cither for 
 quality, for quantity taken, or provifion to 
 take them •, for their boats are only fhal- 
 lops, not above a ton burden, unlefi. it be 
 in OiJober, when their bigger veffels rdbrt 
 thither to take the laft llioal of herrings 
 that comes from the northward. And it 
 happened in the year 1610. that fiity iail 
 of thofe veffels were funk, and eight hun- 
 dred people in them, as they were there 
 filhing. 
 
 If you keep along the lliore of France 
 til! you arrive at St. John de L»z, the fiir- 
 thermoft part thereof, it alTords no other 
 tilh, but for prefent fpending, except at 
 fome time of the year that they fait their 
 Ipare mackrels, which at the time of the 
 year they talce. 
 
 Bifcay is like Frafiw in the nature of fiQi, 
 and fifhing upon their own coaft: but what 
 profit either of them make by their filliing 
 upon the fhores of America, I will after 
 fhewj only I muft lay, that Bifcay is of- 
 ten vifited with monftrous fifhes, as whales 
 and grampoffes, which none of the reft I 
 have fpoken of are, in abundance, which 
 yields the taker of them more commo- 
 dity by the oil, than the value of other 
 
 fifli. 
 
 The next in order is Galicia, and Portu- 
 gal, as tar as cape St. Vincent, the fouther- 
 moft promontory of all that coaft, or of 
 Europe. I will join theni in one, becaufe 
 they are all one continent, and fubjeft to 
 one king. They both afford fifti alike in a 
 reafonable quantity, but efpecially of pil- 
 chards; and here they are fo excellent 
 above others, and fo neceffiry to the people 
 of Portugal, that the country had better 
 want their Eaft-India trade, than their fifti- 
 ing for pilchards upon that coaft. 
 
 Doubling the cape of St. Vincent, you 
 tend eaft, as far as the Straights of Gibraltar. 
 Befides the fifli thefe feas afford to equal 
 the reft of Portugal, it is haunted with a filla 
 called 'Tunney, a viftual of great ufe, in 
 that it is pickled up in barrels, and ferves 
 for fea-ftore, befides a great quantity that is 
 tranfported into the Straights. The cuftom 
 of this fifli is worth in value to the duke of 
 Medina Sidonia, forty thouland pounds fter- 
 ling a year. The fatteft Tunney is near 
 Gibraltar. 
 
 After you enter the Straights, that fea 
 cannot be compared to the others, neither 
 in quantity, nor in goodnefs of fifli, though 
 one kind of fi(h they have, which the others 
 have not, which is anchovies, elleemed for 
 a great dainty amongft us, becaufe of the 
 
 rarenefs of it, and coming fo far •, and yet 
 I think our fprats and young herrings in 
 England might be made to equal them in 
 taftc. 
 
 In returning out of the Straights, we will 
 keep the coaft of Barbajy w'eAwa.r6, as high 
 as cajic Canteene, in which circuit there is 
 very little fifh taken, though no doubt but 
 the fea affords as good fifli as upon the 
 Chriftian fliore, oppofite to it, but that the 
 Moors are no fifliermen, nor have provifion 
 or harbours for it. 
 
 The Chriftians enjoy all thefe ports, ex- 
 cept Sally; fo that if the Moors had conve- 
 niency of filhing, yet the Chriftians would 
 have hindered them, that they ftiould have 
 reaped no benefit by it. 
 
 From Canteene to the fouthward there are 
 two roads upon the coaft of Barbery, Safin, 
 and Santa Cruz; and in the middle be- 
 twixt them there is a fmall ifland, called 
 Mogolhore ; but no manner of fifli in any 
 of thofe places, nor veffels for that pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 To the fouthward of Santa Cruz, there 
 is plenty ot hake taken by the Spaniards, 
 who go purpofely out of Spain thither, to 
 fifli: Ibmewhat I can fiiy hereof, by proof 
 of a bark of mine that was freighted from 
 Seville, and fitted with fait, hooks, and 
 lines, and made a good return of her fifii 
 into Spain back again. 
 
 To the fouthward of this place, and as 
 far as cape Blanco, the hithermoft" part of 
 Guinea, there is an excellent fiftiing for por- 
 gus, fomewhat like to an over-grown fea- 
 bream, but much bigger. There are year- 
 ly employed out of Spain fifty or fixty vef- 
 lels, called canters, upon that fifliing only, 
 and it they efcape taking at their return, 
 they make commonly a good voyage. The 
 only inconveniency is, That upon that coaft 
 the winds hang continually betwixt the 
 north and the eait -, fo that many times they 
 are forced to run a wefterly courfe as far as 
 the iflands of Tercera, which makes the 
 voyage the longer and more dangerous for 
 meeting with the enemies. 
 
 From this part of Guinea, to the fouther- 
 moft place thereof, which is the cape of 
 Goodflope, the coaft is inhabited by Negroes, 
 except it be in fome few places, where the 
 Portuguefes have their abode; but the Ne- 
 groes are fo ignorant in fifliing in boats, that 
 they know not what belongs to it, though 
 there is plenty of fifli for food, if fifliing 
 were exercifed. 
 
 It is an old faying, 1'hat there is water 
 enough in the fea, but of no ufe, becaufe of 
 thefaltnefs; :\nA Fifj fufficient in the ocean, 
 but not poflible to take it. The greateft 
 ftore of fifh for food is upon coafts, efpe- 
 cially iflands, where they have ipace to 
 fwim about it; or in flioal water, where 
 
 3 line
 
 lOOK VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval TntcJs. 
 
 495 
 
 a line mrly reach the bottom ; for in the 
 main and large ocean it's impoflible to find 
 ground with all the lines you can lengthen. 
 Yet in the hot and fouthern feas there are 
 thefe kinds of fidies for food, which fwim 
 high, and fometimes appear above the wa- 
 ter, (viz.) the dolphin, tlie bonito, 'the 
 dorado, and fhark; the lall; whereof docs 
 not fpawn, but whelp like bitches: ftie is 
 ravenous, unwholefome to ear, and lb eager 
 upon a bait, or a thing (lie fliall fnatch at, 
 as I have known them bite a man's leg and 
 thigh away at a bite, as he has been fwim- 
 ming. Thefe fiflies are taken with harp- 
 ing-irons, fifli-gigs, and hooks made pur- 
 pofely. 
 
 Befides thefe filhes, which are good fu- 
 ftenance to long voyages, there are aifo fly- 
 ing fiflies, but never taken but accidentally, 
 when they are chaled by the dolphin, and 
 forced to put thenilt:lves to flight-, but as 
 loon as their wings or fins grow dry, they 
 may by chance light into a flup, for longer 
 they cannot fly. 
 
 There are no iflands to the fouthward, 
 great or fmall, beginning with the Ter- 
 cera's^ the Canaries, cape Verde, all the 
 iflands of the TFeft-Indies, the Bermuda's, 
 St. Rellena, l£c. but have great fl;ore of fifli 
 flocking about them ; but the leafl: num- 
 ber in all the feas, -is betwixt the two tro- 
 picks, where there is no ufe made of them, 
 for want of harbours, fear of enemies, and 
 other inconveniencies. Such fifli as are ta- 
 ken about the ifland of St. Hellene, or the 
 coaft oi Brafl, the next wefterly land to it, 
 have a virtue above all filhes for delicious 
 taite and wholelbmenefs, in both equal to 
 the befl: flefli with us. 
 
 Having followed and chafed the fifli as 
 far to the fouthward as any known land has 
 given liglit, let me once more return to 
 know what the northern feas and the iflands 
 yield in that cold climate and habitation, 
 and we fhall find it a great proportion for 
 the food of man. The fifh more naturally 
 defire the cold and northern feas, than the 
 hot and Ibuthern lliores, where the fun has 
 lb predominant a power and heat. 
 
 And to begin with the northern parts of 
 Europe, I will arrive at Denmark, Norway, 
 and Liefiand, whofe coafls abound in fifh, 
 as well for their own food, as for fale 
 abroad: I will call it food to them; for 
 in many places of Nor'-joay and Finland 
 it ferves for bread to the inhabitants, af- 
 ter it is dry'd in the froft, and made ftock- 
 fifli. 
 
 Nov,' let us leave thefe fliores, and fland 
 over to the iflands placed in thofe northern 
 feas, a great many whereof belong to the 
 crown of Denmark; as namely Nortbfare, 
 containing thirty in number; Frizeland, 
 Iceland, and others. And it is a marvellous 
 N° 112. Vol. IU. 
 
 thing to 
 
 fee with what abundance of fifli Mo.s-so:«. 
 they are frecjuentcd, and what a number of >'''"Y"^*^ 
 Hiips refort thither to take them, and after 
 to vend them: for to fpeak of Efr'^I.'i/.'J 
 alone, there go yearly horn the noniieni 
 and eaftern coall one hundred and fifty fliips, 
 which imploy two thoufand five hundred 
 feaftring men, that upon all occafions are 
 ready to ferve their prince and country. 
 
 All thefe trades albrelaid are not to be 
 told like new Itories, to breed wonders ; 
 for time has approved it ever fince thole 
 lands have been known to us: but as God 
 gave a new light of a new workl by the 
 difcovery of ylmerica, now d.iily known and 
 frequented by us of Europe, and whofe foil 
 yields benefit to theChriftian world; fo did 
 that God, that was the maker of the land, 
 fhew himfelf the lame God, in pouring forth 
 his blefling upon the fea, by the riches and 
 increafe thereof, wherein England had fome 
 honour thereby in the difcovery of New- 
 foundland, that fince proved moft commo- 
 dious to the commonwealth, and moft efpe- 
 cially to the weflern parts thereof, by their 
 yearly imployment of two hundred fail of 
 fhips thither. 
 
 The French, the Bifcainers, and the Pcr- 
 tuguefes, were fo much encouraged at our 
 difcovery of Newfoundland, as from that 
 time, till this very day, they have upheld 
 the trade thereof, by the fifh they call Bac- 
 callao, and vjc Poor-John; but by our con- 
 tinual haunting that coaft, we have found 
 an inconvenience alike, that the fifli grows 
 lefs, the old ftore being confumed by our 
 continual fifliing. 
 
 Tlie Bifcainers npt being contented with 
 this trade, where they found fo many neigh- 
 bours to join v^ith thenij went farther 
 to the northward, and pofTeflcd them- 
 felves of a harbour which they named the 
 Grand Bay, where tliey find, befides their 
 Baccallao ^hnnAdinct of whales, whereof they 
 make more advantage by their oil than of 
 the other. 
 
 The French being defirous to try experi- 
 ments, as well as the Bifcainers, found a 
 fifhing-land fifty leagues oft' to fea from 
 Newfoundland, and called it the Bank, where 
 commonly they make two voyages yearly, 
 without reforting a-fliore to dry their fifli, 
 and therefore it is called wet-fifli: and this I 
 hold one of the beft means to maintain their 
 mariners in all France; which, if in time 
 of war we feek to beat them from this fifli- 
 ing, we fhall find them but indifferent ene- 
 mies at fea. 
 
 The French alone, and no other nation, 
 have continued a footing in thefe countries^ 
 though v;e have often attempted to do the 
 like, and failed. But in the late years 
 of our wars with France, in 1628. we took 
 their fort, and pofleffed it fome time. 
 
 6 I The
 
 494 
 
 Sir William MonfbnV Na^al Tra^s. 
 
 Book VI 
 
 MoNsc N. The Englifij have had more abfolute trade 
 ^''"V^*^ IQ Ke'-^fowidbnd, fince the year 1585. than 
 ever before j for in tliat year the war broke 
 out bctwixi Spain and us : whereupon the 
 queen fcnt certain (hips to take fuch Bifcai- 
 nen and Porluguefes as fiflied there; a fer- 
 vice of great confequence, to take away the 
 fliips and visuals from our enemies fubjccts-, 
 and fince that they have ahnoll abandoned 
 their fifliing thereabouts. Out from thefe 
 men thus taken, and bioughc for England, 
 came the great fickncfs tiiat the judges and 
 juftices died of at Exeter. 
 
 Going fouthward from Newfoundland, 
 the EngliJIj have had a new plantation, by 
 the favour of the fea, that yields them great 
 flore of better and a larger fort of fidi than 
 the other coaft does; orjly it is too thick to 
 dry; and therefore not to be vended in 
 t\\s. Straights, or the fouthernmofl pare of 
 Sj>ain. 
 
 As you fail from thence farther to the 
 fouthward, though it be as far as the ftraights 
 of Magellan, you Jhall find all that coaft in 
 the nature of the fliores of Afriek, as low 
 as riie cape of Good Hope, both in the con- 
 dition of the fifli, and in taking it: but 
 fomething I will lay of ftrange tifh found 
 in the JVeJl-lndies, and the coall: of Brazil, 
 not known to us in thefe parts. 
 
 There is a fifli in the JVeJl-Indies called 
 the Malatia, that has a ftone in its head 
 the moft fovereign remedy for the cholick 
 in the world. 
 
 The tortoife, now familiar to us, by 
 our ufual navigations into the Indies. They 
 lay very large eggs, and a great quantity 
 together, which are hatched in the fand by 
 the heat and operation of the fun : the young 
 ones as foon as hatched creep into the 
 Tea. 
 
 I will not fpeak of the Remora that ftays 
 and fiops a fhip in her courfe under fail, 
 becaufe I have fpoken fufficiently of it, treat- 
 ing of the Eaft-Indies. 
 
 Upon the coaft of Brafil, thefe feveral 
 fifhes are of account and name; the Va- 
 rayiia, good meat to eat, and as big as any 
 ox. 
 
 The ox-fifh, a fifh royal, efteemed above 
 all fifhes, and healthful to eat ; of a good 
 tafte, either frefh or fait; it eats rather like 
 beef than fifh. 
 
 The Bcnuperia, like a fturgeon, of a 
 good tafte and wholefome; abundance of 
 them are taken in the fea with hooks and 
 lines. 
 
 The ox-eye, is like the tunney, an ex- 
 cellent fifh, and looks like the eye of an 
 ox. 
 
 The canury, a royal fifh, and much 
 efteemed ; it is fat, wholefome, and of a 
 good tafle; it yields good ftore of butter. 
 
 The wild filli, which the Indians call 
 I 
 
 Peckanithe, and know where it lies by its 
 fnoring: it is of a good bignefs, tafte, and 
 much efteemed: all fifhes found upon the 
 coaft of Portugal, are there alfo in abun- 
 dance. 
 
 There are many fword-fiflies and whales, 
 bct'wixt whom there are frequent battles, as 
 I have il-.ewed before. 
 
 I'he whales upon thefe fouthern coaftsare 
 more furious and dangerous than in the nor- 
 thern, though the northern be the bigger, 
 but not fo nimble with the tail, which is 
 the peril of the whale ; for if a boat come 
 a-head of her, Ihe cannot do much hurt, 
 but in rifing from the bottom, as I have 
 fliewed before. 
 
 There are many venomous fifhes upon 
 that •coafl, as, namely, the toad-fifh, of no 
 fmall bignefs; taking it out of the water ic 
 fnorts, and poifon lies in its fkin, and who- 
 foever eats ic with the fkin dies. 
 
 There are other fifties of the fame nature 
 like toad->fifhes. 
 
 The Perachie is like a fcate, and whofb- 
 ever toucheth it has the palfy, or is benum- 
 med; the Camaruma, the Amoriatie, the 
 Anicunib, the Irepourungo; befides many 
 others that are venomous. 
 
 There are many mermaids and ftrange 
 fhell-fifhes, as well thofe that are known 
 to our coaft, as others unknown. 
 
 I have feen a fifh very monftrous in the 
 ifland of Flores, that appears with its fins 
 about the gills, above the water four or five 
 yards, and its j.iws gaping above a yard 
 broad, which puts the beholders in fear. 
 This kind of fifh 1 never knew nor heard of 
 but in that place. 
 
 Something concerning whales, and feveral 
 forts of monflrous fijhes. 
 
 And now another while I will fpeak of 
 monftrous fifhes, that are ufeful and profit- 
 able, but not to be valued or eaten for 
 food, and tliefe they are: the whale, the 
 grampus, the porpoife, the fea-horfe, the 
 morfe, the feal, Qc. All thefe afford the 
 commodity of oil which is made of them, 
 when dead ; and the manner to kill them is 
 fo commonly known, that I need not re- 
 peat it. The whale yields, befides her oil, 
 bones, which are for divers ufes, imploy'd 
 in feveral trades; fhe yields Sperma Ceti, the 
 virtue whereof is known to us, and is fold 
 by apothecaries. Some are of opinion that 
 the ambergreafe comes from the whale, and 
 is caft afliore where it is found. 
 
 Some there are likev/ife that believe the 
 teeth of the fea-horfe are medicinal ; but for 
 my part I believe the contrary, and that the 
 only ufe to be made of them, is for hafts of 
 knives, and other works that ivory is put 
 to. 
 
 The
 
 Book VI. 
 
 Sir William Monfon'^ Navd ITraSis. 
 
 495 
 
 The whale and moft of the other fiflies 
 Are as frequent and common in the hot and 
 fouthcrn climates, as in the cold and nor- 
 thern coLintrics, though we only ufe the 
 cold, as Greenlaf!(i, where w6 kill and make 
 great benefit of them. 
 
 The Europet77rs fhores have the leaft num- 
 ber of whales ; whicli I impute to fliole- 
 water, becaufe the greatefl: quantity known 
 are about the great bay of Bi/cay, from 
 which place we were inftrudted in our 
 • whale-fifhing, when we began it in Green- 
 land. 
 
 The whales that are found dead amongfl: 
 us, of which I have had fome proof by one 
 or two call upon land, come dead aftiore by 
 fome hurt received at fea -, for the nature of 
 the whale, after fhe is hurt, is to feek the 
 land, where fhe leaves her body to enrich 
 him that has right to her, by her coming 
 upon his fhore. 
 
 Bcfides the great number of whales that 
 make their habitation in the north feas, and 
 the farther northward the greater (lore, there 
 are abundance of them upon the coafl: of 
 Brafil, tiie PFeft-Indies, and Guinea, which 
 may the better appear by the Indians conceit, 
 who thought the firft fliips they law, when 
 the Spaniards came thither upon the difco- 
 very, had been whales. 
 
 Upon the coafl. of Braftl there are fuch 
 abundance, that if the Porttigitefes who dwell 
 there would employ themfelves in killing 
 tliem, it would prove a commodious thing •, 
 but, I conceive, the reafon they put it not 
 in practice, is the mafs of gain they make 
 by their wood and fugars, holding the other 
 not worth their labour, and having no vent 
 for it but in Portugal. 
 
 By this you may perceive the pains and 
 induftry of man, and the difference betwixt 
 men and nations ; for if the Hollanders were 
 planted in Brafil., and had that benefit of the 
 whale the others have, they would, and 
 might very well with their cheapnefs of 
 freight, ferve Europe with their train-oil 
 from thence •, for I remember that two fliips 
 of Holland went to Saldanna's bay, as flir as 
 the cape of Good Hope, to kill whale, (for 
 upon that coaft there are abundance ;) but it 
 happened that one of the two (hips was 
 there wrecked, which perhaps might dif- 
 courage farther proceedings upon that 
 voyage. 
 
 But if we confider the induftry of the 
 Hollanders, and compare it with the (lotii 
 of the Porttiguefes, that the Hollanders went 
 two thoufind leagues to lade themfelves 
 with train-oil, when the Porttiguefes might 
 have done the like at their own home, and 
 rejeded it, we muft confequently attribute 
 as great praife to the one, as we may blame 
 and floth to the other. 
 
 There are many dangers that may hap-MowsoN- 
 pen, and have happen'd to (liips, by their ^-^"Y^^ 
 accidental meeting with whales at fea, fome 
 whereof I will mention upon my own know- 
 ledge. The nature of a whale is, when (he 
 receives a hurt, to feek the bottom of the 
 fea, and with iury to rife up again, and 
 fliew herfelf above water-, if in rifing fhe 
 chance to come under the keel of a Hiip, 
 (lie utterly delfroys the (hip, and die men 
 in her. 
 
 I remember, that being upon the coafl: of 
 Barbary, and not far from a whale, in 1587 
 I faw her mount above the water as high 
 as the top of a fliip, occafioned, as we con- 
 ceived, by the fword-fifh, who is an enemy 
 to the whale, and upon their encounter cun- 
 ningly gets under the belly of the whale, 
 and wirh his (word vexeth, and forceth her 
 to mount above the water, as I have fiid : 
 this whale, upon her falling down agiin 
 into the v/ater, made a greater noife than 
 tlic report of a cannon. 
 
 A whale in a calm betokens foul weather; 
 for there cannot be a truer fign of a ftorm, 
 than whales and porpoifes playing upon the 
 water. It happened in the (hip in which 
 I was taken prifoner off the BurUngs, in 
 159 1, the day fevennight before my taking, 
 in the night-time the fhip gave (iem to a 
 whale that lay afleep with her back above 
 the water ; the accident was lb (Irange and 
 rare, that it amazed the company, who 
 gave a fudden fhiriek, thinking the (hip had 
 been founder'd upon a rock •, but looking 
 over-board they beheld the fea all bloody, 
 which comforted them, conceiving it to be, 
 as they found it was, a ftem upon a v;hale. 
 
 In the year 15^9, being at the iflands 
 Azores with ray lord of Cumberland, after 
 our overtiirow at St. Mary's, as I have 
 lliew'd in my firft book, and have had 
 more particular occafion to fpeak of it in 
 my fifth book, to bring this for an exam- 
 ple of the greateft hazard I ever endur'd in 
 my life, occafioned by a whale tliere, as 
 you fliall underftand -, to which pbce I re- 
 fer you, becaufe I will not be too tedious in 
 this difcourfe. 
 
 In the reign of king James there was a 
 fliip of Portjmoiiih, the owner thereof my 
 good friend, captain 'fowerfon by name, 
 who in her way, in company of other fhips, 
 to a fifhing in Ne-dofoundland, gave ftem to 
 a whale as fhe lay afleep; the fliip had aii 
 her fills drawing, and a large wind, but for 
 want of the company's looking out, (lie 
 gave fuch a blow to the whale, that fhe 
 prefcntly founder'd ; but by the help of 
 other fhips of her company the men were 
 preferved, who otherwife had perifli'd. 
 
 Many other accidents of this kind have 
 happened to (hips, which I need make no 
 
 repeticioa
 
 49^ 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Navdl Travis. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 MoNiOK. repetition of, they are fo common; and 
 ^*^^'Y"^ this fliall fiiffice for the fuhjeft of fifhing, 
 as well for food, as others that yield the 
 commodity of oil. 
 
 I will fpcak little of the mermaid, bc- 
 caufe there are diverfities of opinions : fome 
 think there are none -, others that there are, 
 though there be little doubt thereof-, for 
 we Ihall find in the year 1322, in our Eng- 
 lifo chronicles, one taken in England, ano- 
 ther in Hclland, and a third in Britany, 
 for Che relation whereof I refer you to the 
 authors aforefaid. 
 
 There is a tradition to this day in Galicia, 
 one of the kingdoms in Spain, that a mer- 
 maid coming out of the fea, engender'd 
 with a woman afhore, and begot on her a 
 child: and to fpeak of later times, I fee 
 divers have feen them, who are now alive, 
 and can juftify it. 
 
 There are other ftrange fiflies to be feen 
 on the coafl: of Norivay, and efpecially in 
 fixty-eight degrees of latitude, which are 
 very wonderful, befides the great dan- 
 gers and other particularities belonging 
 to that fea, more than any other yet difco- 
 vered. 
 
 In the country and height aforefaid there 
 is a well cali'd by the name of Neal-Jlream, 
 which well draws the water to it with an 
 in-draught, and with fo great a fore-noife 
 and dread to the hearers, during the time of 
 the flood, which is fix hours, that it is to 
 be wonder'd at, above all wonders a man 
 can report. 
 
 The force and violence of this flood is 
 fuch, thA its power reaches two miles about 
 it every way ; fo that if a fhip or veflTel 
 happen to be within that compafs, it draws 
 her into its bottomlels gulph, where flie is 
 fwallow'd up, and periflies. 
 
 The ebb has the contrary efl'eft, which 
 endures the faid fpace of fix hours, and fets 
 off with the fame violence the flood draws 
 to it, infomuch that it will not fufl"er the 
 heavieft thing that can be thrown over- 
 board to fink. At this ebb the fifliermen 
 ufe to take many forts of flrange defor- 
 med fifhes, not feen elfewhere upon any 
 coaft whatfoever ; one whereof I will take 
 fpecial notice of, which has been avowed to 
 me by a very fufRcient man who faw it -, 
 it is like an eel, and one hundred fiithom 
 long, which has fometimes entered a boat 
 on the fide, and pafled through her on the 
 other fiJe •, and if it be cut afunder, which 
 a knife may well do, it cafls forth the 
 greatefl ftink in the world, and enough to 
 poifon a man that fmells it. 
 ; Some are of opinion, that the ftream 
 p^flTes under the ground through the parts 
 of Nor'jjay, and burils out again at the 
 northermoft part of Finland^ where is ano- 
 I 
 
 ther Neal-Jlream, though not To violent or 
 dangerous as this, and where the fime 
 kind of fifli are taken as in the other afore- 
 laid. 
 
 This place is called by fome the Navel of 
 tht fm ; and Ibme think the ebbs and floods 
 upon all the coafts on this fide the equinoc- 
 tial are caul'ed out of this miraculous Neal- 
 Jfrcatn. I fet this down but as a conjefture, 
 not to be rely'd on j for the fecret of eb- 
 bing and flowing is only known to God, 
 and not to be apprehended by man ; and fo 
 the philofophers acknowledge. 
 
 I'here are other dangers appearing upon 
 our coaff, but not lb terrible and fearful as 
 thofe of Norway ; and for which, there may 
 be rcafons given, (as namely,) the race of 
 Portland in Dorfetjhire, the race of Conquet 
 in Britany, the race of Lyo7ts in Italy ; and 
 I have feen another, not much inferior to 
 the leaft of th.fe, at the ifle of Pahna in 
 the Canaries. 
 
 That of Portland has beeri the defl:ruc- 
 tion of many a fhip and man, though ic 
 may be avoided, either by going wirhin it 
 towards the land, or without it to fta. The 
 fhip of war v^'hcrein I went the firft time to 
 ici., in her return from the coafl of Spain, 
 in her fecond voyage after, where flie had 
 made a profitable voyage, taking limdry 
 Spaniards, as her lading would liave wit- 
 neflxid, out of a covetuoufnefs to gain a league 
 or two, though fhe might have eafily avoid- 
 ed it, put herfelf into the race, Hide valuing 
 the danger, and was prefently fwallowed up 
 in view of her conforts, and neither man 
 nor boy efcaped. 
 
 The caufe of thefe races that makes the 
 bubbling and turning of the water and 
 ftreams is the meeting of tides, and the 
 foulnefs and rockincfs of the ground, which 
 makes that fpace of the fea, where this hap- 
 pens, to boil up like a pot upon the fire. 
 
 There are other places where the tide 
 fets with wonderful force and fwiftnefs, as 
 well upon the ebb as flood ; and namely. 
 Pint ley Frith, which divides the whole con- 
 tinent of Brilany from the iflands of Orkney : 
 I have pafled it, and found fuch admirable 
 tides, that I was amazed. I have heard 
 people thereabouts fiy, that the force of 
 diat tide is fuch, that if a fliip chance to 
 anchor in i-t, and the cable and anchors 
 hold, the ftrengch of the flream is lo vio- 
 lent, that file will be fwallowed up at an 
 anchor. 
 
 In the ifland of Orkney joining to it, as 
 alfo upon the coafl: of Norway, the tide fets 
 with that force, that he who knows not 
 the nature of it will be afraid to approach 
 near the fhore ; and yet experience tells us, 
 that the tide fets from the land, and keeps 
 a fhip from running on lliore. 
 
 The
 
 ;ooK 
 
 VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na-vnl TrdcJs, 
 
 497 
 
 The fea produces many other ftrange 
 things of nature, which I forbear to repeat j 
 but the thing I covet to know, is what 
 wonders the fea produces under the north 
 pole, not yet attempted by any nation, 
 though the Englifi have approached near- 
 efl it, fince the difcovery ot the ifland of 
 Greenland, whither they reforc to kill their 
 whale. 
 
 Philofophers mention four in-draughts in 
 the ocean fea, in the four quarters ot the 
 world ; from whence many conjefture, that 
 as well the flowing of the fea, as the blafts 
 of the wind, have their original : but thefe 
 being myfteries above my capacity or read- 
 ing, and nothing tending to the fubjeift of 
 fifhing, which at laft I have brought to an 
 end, I will draw to a conclufion of my whole 
 fix books, making account, after a long 
 and tedious navigation, I am at laft arrived 
 in a fafe and fecure port, where I have 
 leifure to recolleft myfelf, and think ot my 
 errors paft, in taking fo great pains to fo 
 little purpofe, as to write fo many lines and 
 leaves of the fea only, few gentlemen de- 
 lighting in it, or making proteflion of it : 
 but before I end, as in my former navi- 
 gation I have fpoke of the profit of fiOiing, 
 I will fet down the enemy to fifliermen and 
 fithing in this that foUoweth. 
 
 There is no adion at fea, be it great or 
 fmall, that brings not with it both charge 
 and danger ; nor no bufinefs fo eafy that can 
 be done, without pains and difficulty : and 
 this ibbjeft we are now upon, that is, fifli- 
 ing, the only thing that is required in it, is 
 labour and pains ; for danger is little to be 
 regarded, confidering it is not far from 
 home we are to feek our profit, nor our har- 
 bours fo tew, but they may be entered for 
 our fafeties both day and night, by eredling 
 lights. 
 
 But indeed the greateft danger that may 
 be feared to our fifhermen, is interruption 
 of pirates, who are the very fcum of a 
 commonwealth, and people to be abhorred 
 by all honefl and laborious men. It is ufu- 
 al, when thefe mifcreants fail of relief of 
 vidluals, and are made defperate by want 
 of it, to place all their hopes of food upon 
 the poor painful fifliermen, who, we may 
 truly fay, get their living with more hazard, 
 with more pains, with more cold and 
 watching, than any other trade or people 
 whatfoever : their labour produces nothing 
 that is ill, but the beft help for man, which 
 is food to live on. 
 
 Hufbandmen and fifliermen are the up- 
 holders of commonwealths ; all other people 
 live by their labours. They are ftewards to 
 provide fuftenance to feed on ; and yet com- 
 paring them together, there is great diffe- 
 rence betwixt their lives and pains : the huf- 
 bandman's work is without danger or ha- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 zard ; and if he be wet, he has prcfent hclpMox--'«N'. 
 ot fire to di-y him ; he is allowed a bed in- w^^'V""^ 
 flead of the other's board to lie on ; his 
 diet is certain, and in a quiet manner, when 
 the otJK-rs are toiled to and fro without a 
 Hedfift ftantiing : if the one be cold, he 
 may recover himfelf with exercife and 
 work ; if tlie other be cold, he is made 
 colder, his labour being in cold water -, the 
 one keeps his certain hours for fleep, the 
 other has no certain time to reft, but niutfc 
 attend his danger, which he is never free 
 from : every hour he muft be ready to look 
 out for his flioal of fifl), and watch his op- 
 portunity of weather and tide to take them : 
 the one has pleafure on holidays, and is 
 free from labour ; all days are alike to 
 the other •, and t\\<i Sunday can give no more 
 content or comfort, than the reft of the 
 week. 
 
 What heart can be fo hardened, or pi- 
 rates fo pitilefs, as to difturb thofe harm- 
 lefs and innocent creatures, that make pains 
 their pleafure, and their labour their coun- 
 try's plenty, procuring good for it by their 
 own toils. And becaule fuch wickednefs 
 will never efcape unpuniflied or unrevcnged, 
 as thefe pirates commit upon fuch harm- 
 lefs people, I will a while digrcfs from the 
 fubjed I have in hand, and relate a ft range 
 and tragical accident that delcrvedly betel 
 two pirates that were difturbers of the in- 
 nocent fiftiing. 
 
 A ftory cf ivjo pirata. 
 
 After my return from Ireland, m 1614, 
 where I had been imployed to fupprcfs the 
 arrogance and infolence of pirates, and 
 where I puniflied the conniving that was 
 betwixt thofe people and the inhabitants of 
 that kingdom, I once again fent a bark for 
 that coaft, to be informed how things ftood 
 after I left them, and whether the fevere 
 courfe I had taken againft them, in doing 
 juftice by death upon one of diem, wrought 
 better effedt than before. 
 
 The firft harbour my bark arrived in, 
 flie met a pirate named Tucker, a feaman 
 bred from his youth, and continual pradtice 
 made him excellent in his art and profeirion: 
 he was very glad upon this occafion of 
 meeting my bark to infinuate into my 
 man's acquaintance, thinking .thereby it 
 would be a means for him to bewail him- 
 felf to me, and to obtain the thing next 
 to life he defired, which was his pardon, 
 though he departed with the beft part of 
 his fpoils, which were things of good va- 
 lue. 
 
 His perfuafion prevailed fo far with my 
 
 fervant, that though his directions were to 
 
 view the northern parts of Ireland, where I 
 
 had lately been, and there to inquire after 
 
 6 K the
 
 498 
 
 Sir William MonfoiiV Na^jal Tra^s. 
 
 Book V] 
 
 MoNsoN.the behaviour of pirates, and the entertain- 
 ^i^'V**-' mcnt the countr)' g>ivc them-, ycr, as 1 have 
 laid, by the importunity oiTuckcr, my man 
 was diverted from his imploymenr, andper- 
 fuaded to return with his letter of rubmiflion 
 to me, on whom he wholly caft himfelf to 
 difpofe of, with promife there to (lay a cer- 
 tain time to exped my anfwer •, and to 
 I'weeten me the more, he prefented me with 
 a token worthy accepting, but that I was al- 
 ways cautious in fuch cafes how to connive 
 ' at pirates, as in my letter I expreflcd. I 
 miftrufted, before he could receive my an- 
 fwer, the winds then hanging contrary, he 
 would depart from Ireland; whereupon I 
 direded divers letters to one effeft, and fent 
 them by leveral fliips, if they fliould chance 
 to meet Tucker upon their way in their 
 voyages. But as I have fliewed, the lafl re- 
 fuge pirates have for viftuals, is to feed up- 
 on the fifliermen •, and Tucker finding that 
 Ireland could not fupply him, by the ftrid 
 courfe I had formerly taken, was forced to 
 go to the northward, to feek fuccour of the 
 poor fifliermen, a contrary courfe to the fliips 
 that carried my letters: and coming to_ the 
 north Farro, there he met with another pi- 
 rate of the fame fort, but far lefs honefl, as 
 it proved. Thefe two concerted together, 
 as thieves ufc to do, in mifchief. 
 
 The iflands of Farro are dangerous, by 
 reafon of the great tides, and their fetting -, 
 and it happened that Tucker's fliip was 
 wrecked upon one of them, in company of 
 his companion, the other pirate -, who fee- 
 ing it, did not degenerate from his kind, 
 for all fpoils were alike to him, friend or 
 foe •, inftead of help in that cafe of diftrefs, 
 play'd the part of a hawk over his prey, 
 and had no more pity of him than of a Spa- 
 fiiard, who were moft obnoxious to pirates 
 in thofe days. 
 
 To be fhort, this pirate, who falfly 
 called himfelf Monnocho, fuddenly pofiefled 
 himMf of Tucker's fliip, himfelf, his wealth 
 and company ; and ufed them with that ri- 
 gorous cruelty, as though his a6fion had 
 been lawful, and allowed by authority to 
 punifli delinquents and offenders, and rather 
 out of fear then pity, he fliewed mercy to 
 their lives; and miftrufling if he fliould 
 detain them in his own fliip, they might 
 make a party and faftion •, tor the condi- 
 tion of fuch people, is never to be conftant, 
 or honefl:, no longer than their devilifli 
 humours hold ; therefore to avoid any fuch 
 tumult, Monnocho feized upon an Efiglijlj 
 siflierman, amongft many others he had 
 taken, and put Tucker and his company 
 into her, to feek a new fortune -, which 
 you mufl: think was like to thrive, if you 
 confider their courfe of life. And here 
 they parted company like two wolves 
 
 that fliould feparate themfelves to feek their 
 prey, they care not where, nor of whom, 
 purpofing never to fee one another, unlels 
 the gallows gave them a meeting. Monnocho 
 was a fellow of as bafe a condition as his 
 prefent profeiTion made him, being not long 
 before a furgeon's mate, in a pinnace fer- 
 ving under mc. And now hovering about 
 thofe iflands, it was his hap to meet a fliip , 
 of the king of Denmark's to whom the 
 iflands belong : this fliip, after a little en- 
 counter, apprehended, and knew well what 
 to do with him, fo jufl: that nation is to the 
 deteftable courfe of fea-rovers. 
 
 Here Monnocho found worfe ufige than he 
 gave Tucker ; for the time was not long be- 
 fore his fliip made a return into Demnark, 
 and in as fliort a while after he tafled de- 
 ferved death upon the gallows ; where he 
 hung a Ipeftacle for all men to behold. 
 
 Now Monnocho is brought to the deftiny 
 by right due to him ; I will go fcour the feas, 
 and look if I can fpy Tucker, being out of 
 hope to find his fhip put to that ufe for 
 which flie was firll defigned ; I mean fifh- 
 ing. 
 
 After Tucker had fpent fome time at fea, 
 domineering over the poor fifliermen ; they 
 now tired with the ufurping tyranny of the 
 pirates, and being defirous to live by ho- 
 nefl: labour, rather than by evil pains, pri- 
 vately praftifed, and watching their op- 
 portunity, effeded that they had determin- 
 ed to put in execution -, which was, fudden- 
 ly to furprize and feize upon the pirates 
 perfons, when they fliould leall fufpeft 
 it. 
 
 The attempt proved fortunate-, for 
 fome they flew, and others they hurt ; 
 and Tucker they took prifoner, and infult- 
 ed over him, as he had done before over 
 them. 
 
 This lucky accident made the fifliermen 
 repair to fliore, to fupply their wants, their 
 provifions being confumed by the pirates j 
 as alfo to deliver the men, as delinquents, 
 into the hands of juftice, who were after 
 conveyed to the MarJJoalfea in Southwark, 
 where they daily expeded the doom of 
 death. 
 
 The poor man, captain Tucker, being 
 hopelels and friendlefs, fent me word of 
 his misfortunes after his departure from 
 Ireland., bewailing his hard hap and heavy 
 chance, not to meet with any of my let- 
 ters, written to him as aforefaid : He fhewed 
 the comfort of life was taken from him, 
 and confeflTed his ofl'ences were above fatif- 
 fadion ; and that I was the only iheet-an- 
 chor he was to rely on ; otherv\ ile he was to 
 perifh. 
 
 I confefs I was much moved and grieved 
 with his calamity, when I remember'd how 
 
 his
 
 Book VL 
 
 Sir William A^IonfonV Naval Trails. 
 
 499 
 
 his penltency appeared in liis former letter 
 to me, repenting his mifdoings, and de- 
 tefting his kind of Hfe, with a defire of par- 
 don and forgivenefs of his offences paft. 
 
 This complaint came at an unlucky hour, 
 both for him and me, it being in the midft 
 of the time that maHce fet herfelf againft 
 me ; for in few days after I was unjiiftly 
 committed to the 'Tower; and yet I thank 
 God, by his providence, not an hour before 
 I was imprifoned, I had finifhed and end- 
 ed his pardon, that I might iay the ending 
 of his trouble was the beginning of my 
 own ; but not through his cauie or occafion. 
 
 "Tucker being fet at liberty, was to difpofe 
 of himfelf as he fhould be guided by grace. 
 And to give fome fign of his thankfulnefs 
 for the favour I did him, he refolved not 
 to depart London, what fliift foever he made 
 to live, til! he had acknowledged his life 
 from me ; and though at that time there 
 was a general reftraintof all people's refort- 
 ing to me in the Tower, yet that prohibition 
 was no fooner taken off, but Tucker was one 
 of the firfl: that repaired to vifit me, with 
 tliat proteftation of thankfulnefs, and vows 
 of amendment of his life, that he gave me 
 fatisfadtion it proceeded from a penitent 
 heart. It joy'd me much to fee his refor- 
 mation, and I held myfelf happy for the 
 deed I had done in regaining a loft flieep 
 that had ftray'd out of the flock. 
 
 His credit being loll, which made him 
 unfit for employment, moved pity in me 
 what courfe to put him into; for no be- 
 ginner can kt up a trade without a ftock to 
 enable him : And to requite his remem- 
 brance of me, by the token he fent me from 
 Ireland, I returned him the better part of 
 that gift, wifhing that good fortune would 
 attend his happy beginning. 
 
 He was not long determining with him- 
 felf, but immediately took a voyage to 
 Denmark, whither he had often before traded. 
 Arriving there, and having occafion to go 
 about his affairs, it happen'd, that pafTing a 
 river, the ferryman of the boat knew him 
 by an infallible token ; for not long before 
 the man was taken by Tucker at fea. The 
 fellow had no fooner landed him and his 
 fare, but fpeedily he haftened to the ma- 
 giftrate, requiring a warrant for his appre- 
 henfion, aliedging the caufe; which was no 
 fooner demanded than granted, all people 
 of that country being naturally bent to re- 
 venge themfelves upon offenders in that 
 kind. 
 
 Being thus arrefted, he was carried to 
 prifon, where he received the rigour of ju- 
 ftice ; and upon trial, by the witnefs of the 
 ferryman was fentenced to die. The gib- 
 bet was erefted near joining to that where 
 Monnocho, his former companion, was ftill 
 {langing fcr him to behold, which was very 
 
 odd j for it is not the greatnefs of the per- Wo^^so"- 
 fon, nor of the accident, makes a wonder "-OP^^ 
 the greater; for all things, be they great 
 or Jitde, are at the difpolal of God alone, , 
 who many times advances the mean, and 
 cafts down the mighty. And it is worthy 
 of obfervation, how in many cafes he gives 
 light to men, to difcern his juft punifh- 
 ment to fome, for example of amentlment 
 of life to others. 
 
 And amongft the reft, this accident of 
 thefe mean and ungodly pirates is no Icfs 
 llrange, if we call to mind God's juftice up- 
 wards them, if you will confider the farfb 
 progrefs of their beginning, till death cut 
 them off, as it does all people that com- 
 mit unnatural crimes ; for fuch men never 
 efcape without cruel revenge : For a father 
 of the church laith. He ceafcs to be a man, 
 and becomes a brute heafl, that leaves the rules 
 of reafon ajtd honefly, and gives his mind to 
 niij chief and fcnfuality, 
 
 Thefe two mens curfed courfes are not 
 unlike a novel ; firft in their unexpefted 
 meeting in remote iflands, where they 
 were both flrangers ; fecondly, that upon 
 their meeting they protefted and vowed 
 friendfliip, though I muft fiy, that the 
 agreement of ill men in mifchief cannot be 
 called friendfliip: But call it what you will, 
 it did not long continue ; for there was a 
 bone caft betwixt them, as it were, betwixt 
 two ravenous maftiffs, to ilrive for, and the 
 flronger to carry it away. 
 
 After thefe two pirates had parted com- 
 pany, the one ftood to the northward, the 
 other to the fouthward, a quite oppofite 
 courfe to one another, and where there was 
 never likelihood of meeting more ; but ra- 
 ther to avoid and efchew each oriier, their 
 quarrel was fo mortal ; and yet both of 
 them tafted one fortune alike ; firft in their 
 apprehenfion, and after in their manner of 
 execution; but above all, the place never 
 doubted or feared by them ; and where, 
 perhaps, in many ages the like will not hap- 
 pen again, it being out of the road-way for 
 fuch people to refort to. 
 
 This fliall fufRce for God's juftice by 
 example of thefe two mifcreant pirates, 
 and his deteftation to their wicked courfes 
 againft the filly and innocent filhermen, 
 who, we may truly affirm and fay, of all 
 other people, get their living with the pain- 
 ful iweat of their brows. 
 
 I muft not omit to give divers precedents 
 of God's miraculous working in tlie exam- 
 ple of fifliing. Some I have heard avowed 
 in the places where thefe accidents have 
 happen'd ; others I have by report, which 
 is not fo much to be credited ; as, namely, 
 at Tenhigh in IVaks, a place not inferior to 
 any that I know in his majefty's three king- 
 doms.
 
 500 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na'val ^mcts. 
 
 Cook VI, 
 
 MoNsoN.doms, for fituation, air, plenty, and plea- 
 '-'^^^ furc, which in times paft cnjoy'd a plentiful 
 fifhing ; the other is the illand of the LtXi-es, 
 I have fo often treated oh 
 
 Thefe two places abounding at fevcral 
 times with an extraordinary quantity ot fifli, 
 the minifter of the one, and the bifliop of 
 the other, envying the profperity of the 
 poor fifhermcn, being led out of a covetous 
 defire, fought to impofe a greater tax by 
 way of tythc, than had ever been before 
 paid to their predecefTors, which was no 
 Iboner quedioned, but the fifh vanilli'd, and 
 for a time became ftrangers to thofe fhor-es 
 •where this happened -, and as I will not 
 conclude of the caufe thereof, yet I will fxy 
 with a father of the church, Non eft homm 
 ludere cumfan£iis. 
 
 This fhall fuffice for fo much as is con- 
 tained in my fixth book, touching fifh and 
 filhing, and the merchantable commodi- 
 ty arifing out of it ; in which I will com- 
 pare myfelf to a merchant, that freights 
 his Ihip with fundry and feveral commo- 
 dities, and fends them to feveral ports, 
 thinking by the variety of wars to counter- 
 vail the charge of the reft ; for what com- 
 modity is defired in one country, is com- 
 monly litde efleemed in another, as by ex- 
 ample of gold, which above all other things 
 is coveted in thefe parts of the world where 
 we live, and nothing accounted of by the 
 Indians where it is produced : Hatchets, 
 knives, and glafTes, are held grofs, bafe, and 
 of little value by us ; and yet efteemed in 
 the higheft degree of treafure amongfl them : 
 And fo fares it with thefe fix books, which 
 are freighted and ftufFed with fuperfluity of 
 needlefs collecftions. Some perhaps may be 
 delighted, and take advantage of them, how 
 unworthy foever they may feem of them- 
 felves ; for I remember the fliying of that 
 matchlefs and generous gentleman. Sir Phi- 
 lip Sidney, That there was no book fo bad, 
 but had fomething in it that was com- 
 mendable. 
 
 Whofocver is dcfirous to be informed in 
 fca aft^iiirs, and aif ions in the late v/ars be- 
 twixt Spnin and England, will find it in one 
 of my fix books : Whoever will icck to 
 avoid errors and oveifights by example of 
 that war, may learn it : Whoever fhall de- 
 fire to know how a general ought to carry 
 himlelf in the government of his fleet, v/ill 
 be infliruiffed in it : Whofocver covets to 
 underftand how to defend his country, and 
 offend others by fea, fhall be taught it: 
 Whofoever is defirous to fail into any of 
 the four cjuarters of the world, as Ameri- 
 ca, Europe, Afia, and Africk, fhall find the 
 ft-a open, and diicovered to his hands : 
 Whofoever will delight himfelf with the 
 paflages, troubles, and conquefls of- the 
 Spaniards and Portngiiefes, and their enter- 
 prizes upon new worlds, fhall underfland it : 
 Whofocver will hear how the Indians were 
 reduced to civility and Chriftianity, he 
 fhall not be ignorant in it : Whofoever will 
 put his hand to further fuch projects as 
 are containecf in the fix books, fhall not 
 only tec reafons to induce him, but fliall 
 deferve everlafl:ing praife of his country, 
 for his forvvardnefs in them : Whofoever 
 of an EngUflman will live no longer in ig- 
 norance of what our feas produce to inrich 
 them, fhall have it difcovered to their hands. 
 Things to be admired at, when they fliall 
 remember their former errors. 
 
 I will fay with Sir Philip Sidney, if any 
 of thefe prove profitable, commendable, or 
 delightful, the author is not to be con- 
 demned or blamed ; for indeed he is like 
 the merchant, fpoken of before, that mufl 
 feek to put off his ware, not by words, 
 but worth ; and as he refers himfelf to the 
 buyer, fo do I this difcourfe to the reader, 
 to judge at his pleafure -, for things give 
 better counfel to men, than men to things ; 
 and in recompence for my labour and 
 pains, I only crave a favourable conftru- 
 ftion, howfoever they fhall appear in your 
 conceit. 
 
 A N
 
 501 
 
 A N 
 
 MSNSOK, 
 
 ADDITION 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 Sixth and Laft Book of Fifliing; 
 
 AND THE 
 
 Reafons why it was divided from the other 
 
 former Difcourfe. 
 
 I Forbear to annex this addition to the 
 former relation of fifhing, to avoid 
 giving publick offence to the Hollan- 
 ders ; for it is an old faying, That 
 truth many times turns a Man to Ruth ; and 
 I fee that the prefent policy of our ftate is 
 rather to diflcmble an injury, than to 
 revenge it, though the Hollanders fecret 
 envy is more to be feared, than when they 
 declare themfelves openly againft us : but 
 yet it fhall appear that I have not been al- 
 together ignorant of their beginnings and 
 rife, but have carefully beheld their pro- 
 ceedings and aftions, and can judge of their 
 malicious detraftions to us, and others ; 
 which is the nature of faftion, at firft to 
 fhew itfelf humble, till it mount to the top 
 of ambition. 
 
 Our eyes and fenfes make it clearly ap- 
 pear, that they and their cunning courfes 
 are the mediate caufes of the poverty that 
 daily affails our glorious kingdom, as I ihall 
 inftance fome particulars within the land, 
 before I ingulf fiiyfelf into the open fea ; 
 which are as follow : 
 
 What trades and artificers of all kinds do 
 they fet up, to the ruin of many a poor 
 Englijkman^ that has lived an apprentice 
 and bondman feven years to attain his art 
 and occupation ? 
 
 What trades are there in which they have 
 not ftocks going, or fcriveners with money 
 to lend ? 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 What land is to be fold, or mortgage to 
 be had, that they have not the firft refufal 
 of? 
 
 What marriages of man or womari 
 falls amongft them, that they will inrich 
 the Englifl] with, fo long as any of their 
 country or tribe is found amongft 
 them ? 
 
 What maritime town, or other of ac^ 
 count, within twenty miles of the fea, op- 
 pofite to Holland^ that is not fluffed 
 and filled with their people, to the impo- 
 verifhing of the inhabitants and dwel- 
 lers ? 
 
 What maffes of money and gold have 
 they, againft the laws of the realm, tranf- 
 ported out of it, as truth has made it 
 plain ? 
 
 What lofs did they to the king and king- 
 dom, when they and their fadion oppofed 
 the brave work of dying and drelTing of 
 cloths, after it was in a good way of going 
 forward ? 
 
 What hurt or hindrance do they to our 
 navigation, when they freight ftrange vef- 
 fels, and refufe the Englijlj Jhips ? 
 
 What an innumerable wealth have thefe 
 people attained to, whofe beginning was no- 
 thing when they made their firft entrance 
 into this kingdom ? If it be confider'd, ic 
 will appear to be admirable. 
 
 And for all thefe domeftick damages 
 
 the fubjeds receive, his majctty has no 
 
 6 L more
 
 501 
 
 Sir William MoiifonV Ntwal Trafls. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 Mo N SON. more benefit by them, tlun if they were na- 
 ^--^Y^ tar.ll Ei.[i::!i/b. 
 
 Thcfe are the le:ift to what fliall appear 
 when I launcli into the ocean, anJ tiierc en- 
 counter them i but in the mean time I will 
 unmask their craft and cunning, and dil- 
 cover tiie llibtilty of their Et/gliJJj friends 
 to intrap us in the fnares ot their ]K)licy, 
 under tlie falfc colours and pretence ot fc- 
 curity to the Hate. 
 
 As well the one as the other tiefues It 
 may be held a maxim of (late, Tliat the 
 fecurity of Ibi^land mud depend upon the 
 fortunes oi Holland; a foul imputation they 
 call upon us, when we remember the noble 
 and victorious aiftions of our forelathers, 
 who made other nations fear them, and they 
 to fear none : but this pofition is devifed 
 to ferve private mens purpofes, contrary to 
 truth or reafon, as I will make it appear to 
 the judgment of wife men. But under this 
 conceived colour the Hollander plays the 
 part of a Panther^ which has a fweet fcent, 
 but a loathfome face, which makes other 
 beads follow till he has got them into his 
 clutches. And the Hollanders have fo en- 
 trapped us, that we are caught in their 
 nets, and by nets we mull be freed : we arc 
 made lilly fiflies, to be enfnared by the fub- 
 tilty of thole fifliermen ; but I hope we fhall 
 be releafed and relieved by fifli, with our 
 endeavour and pains. 
 
 Now to hoill fail and put to fca, to en- 
 counter, at lead to difcover, the Hollanders 
 iniolencies, their praftices, their deceits, 
 and defigns, wherein I will make the in- 
 difterent reader wonder, and after judge, 
 how dangerous a thing it was to put arms 
 into their hands, and how neceditry it is to 
 bring them into the fame date of fhipping 
 they were before the wars. 
 
 I will begin with the days of queen Eli- 
 zabeth, fpeaking to the watchmen of our 
 commonwealth of that time, and ufe an old 
 phrafe without application, That profit and 
 bribery makes a judge blind. 
 
 Was it difcretion and iafety in thole 
 men, after the Hollanders had ingaged us 
 in the war with Spain, that our diips were 
 arreded, our goods forfeited, and from 
 thenceforward prohibited traffick, yet to 
 Uifter the Hollanders to continue as ablblute 
 a trade into Spain ?s in time of peace, 
 and fupply them with ammunition, fliip- 
 ping, mariners, and intelligence againd us? 
 and rather than their manner of war fliould 
 ceale, by which they ingrofTed the intire 
 trade into their hands, if ever the king of 
 Spain's army in Flanders, or his armado 
 in Spai-n, fhould have wanted powder, or 
 other abiliments for the war, they would 
 jiave fupplicd him : for all their drift was 
 no more than to keep us fevered from Spain, 
 I 
 
 and to prolong the v;ar for their bcncfk of 
 commerce and traffick. I'his was the be- 
 ginning of their rifing, to our ruin •, and 
 from tliis very (.lay we mud reckon, as from 
 the birth of a child, their fird life and pro- 
 fperity. 
 
 Was it fecurity to us, when our watch- 
 men gave way to Monfieur, brother, and 
 next heir apparent to the crown of France^ 
 and who had fucceeded his brother, if he 
 had outlived him, to be invelled duke of 
 Brabant, who had then enjoy'd the Lozu' 
 Countries with France, and who was no 
 fooncr placed in it, but he began treache- 
 roully to pracftife, by example ot Antv^erp, 
 and other places ? 
 
 Was It the part of friends, and with 
 wliom they had lately leagued, that when 
 the king of Spain imploy'd a fleet againd 
 England, or upon defence of his own coad, 
 he had fliips, men, and his principal pilots, 
 Hollanders, who were either prelt in Spain, 
 or willingly ferved againd us ? 
 
 Was it not cunning in the Hollanders, 
 and fraud to us, when the greated trade of 
 the Spaniards antl Portuguefes into the (Vejl- 
 Indies, Guinea, and firajil, was in Hollajid 
 Ihips, which defended the Spaniards goods 
 from the Etiglijh, with more daughter to 
 the Englijh when they encountered, than 
 ever we received from Spain ? Here they 
 fupported an enemy by nature, to hurt and 
 injure a friend by fad and proof 
 
 Was it Iafety to us, or honedy in the 
 Hollanders, in the year 1599, that her ma- 
 jedy rigged and fumiflied a royal navy 
 upon a fudden fervice, and expected alTil- 
 tance of fliips from them by contraft, that 
 in conclufion they lent but leven Ihips, and 
 fuch, that the word of ours was better than 
 the bed of them ? Here they lelt us un- 
 provided to encounter a danger ; for a foe 
 is as good that hurts not, as a friend that 
 helps not. 
 
 Wlis it fecurity, honour, or profit to 
 us, that with an expence ot more men and 
 money than we have conquered kingdoms 
 heretofore, we have maintained their prin- 
 cipality, making mechanick peribns equal 
 with princes, railed a rabble common- 
 wealth againd the monarchy, trained up 
 their people in difcipline of war ? that of a 
 mean and timerous generation, we have 
 put valour and knowledge of arms into 
 their hands ? And for all thefe unfpeak.iblc 
 good turns done them, we have no more af- 
 furance from them, than difcourtefies we 
 receive in all parts where we meet : and no 
 marvel •, for popular dates write favours in 
 dud, injuries in marble. 
 
 Was it fecurity, in all the time of war, 
 to fufter our prime foldiers, and of all de- 
 grees, to be under their fubjeftion, the mod 
 
 pare
 
 ]00K VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV JSfcwal Tra6h. 
 
 503 
 
 part of our wt-alih exiiauftcd thither ; and 
 by confcqucnce to be in their power to dif- 
 pofe of this 1-cingdom as pleated moft voices 
 of their relcdl council, which in their go- 
 vernment is oppolite to monarchy ? For 
 whereas mon.irchy propounds honour as 
 the tirft thing, the ieconii the publick 
 good, and the third intereft •, a popular 
 llate prefers private profit, makes the com- 
 mon good the fecond, and honour the 
 lall 
 
 Was it fecurity to let go the cautionary 
 towns, FliiJ).v>ig ami Brill., being bridles to 
 their infolencies ? For by them we could at 
 any time either curb, or give them their 
 reins, as fince we find by enjoying that li- 
 berty all their injuries towards us began, 
 which before they durd not offer outward- 
 
 Was it, or is it fecurity to us to lutTer 
 yearly three thouland vefTels of theirs to 
 iifli upon his majclly's feas, and infringe 
 his majefty's laws of England and Scotland^ 
 in which leas they are bound to acknowledge 
 a fovereignty to the kings of both king- 
 doms ? and under that pretence of fifliing, 
 they may ufe this flratagcm, cunningly and 
 lecretly to put ten or twelve foldiers in eve- 
 ry buls? and under colour of fifhing, to 
 land in ibme of his majefty's dominions, 
 where it is to be feared they will not want 
 a party ? 
 
 Is it iafety, when we enter into confider- 
 ation, (by the multitude of their vefTels in- 
 creafed out of fifliing) how they infult up- 
 on us at our own home and abroad, as, 
 namely, in the Eaft-Indies, a thing able to 
 move pity for thefaft, and revenge for the do- 
 ing it ? and befides many other fcorns and dif- 
 graces they put upon us, which need no repe- 
 tition, becaufe they are frefli in our memory ? 
 They relemble Ilecuha, that has a humin 
 voice, fpeaking like a friend, but is a wolf 
 ravening like a fiend. 
 
 Is it good and beneficial to us to fee the 
 Hollanders enjoy our abfolute trade of the 
 world, and firil difcovered by us ; and not 
 contented with the moderate gain to them- 
 ielves, labour by all indireft means to im- 
 poverifli us, in uttering their commodities 
 at an under rate, whereby to weary us of 
 all ilich trades ? For fuch is their covetouf- 
 nefs, and fuch their unthankfulnels, that 
 they regard neither favours done nor to be 
 done them •, and when there is no fear of 
 revenge, there is little confcience of offence 
 in a covetous man. Lycurgus fays. That 
 riches and trade produce a fcarcity of virtue. 
 And it is a rule, That prove a man un- 
 thaiikfiil, and difprove him in all his other 
 aSlions. 
 
 By this falfe pofition. That England's. Iafety 
 muft depend upon Holland's prolpericy, we 
 were driven to a war with Spain., and by 
 
 that war to defend their commerce ; forMovsos. 
 they never undertook hoftile adl by fea a- *«'''V*^ 
 gainft Spain till obliged by necefllty that 
 they were prohibited that trade: but the 
 greateft mildiief of all others, was tole- 
 rating their Hfliing, which we only might 
 have enjoy'd ; by means whereof we have 
 relign'd our weapons, which are the fliips 
 increafed out of it, into their hands out of 
 our own, to difpofe of to their advantage 
 and our hurt, it at any time they comply 
 with their king, and make him thereby 
 mighty by fea, or if they caft themfelves 
 upon the proteftion of France., as they will 
 do if France can beflead then'i more than 
 we. I'his is a way, out of our cinders, to 
 kindle a fire to burn and conliime us. 
 
 It may be compared to a llibtile woman, 
 who, to abull- the fimplicity of her weak 
 husband with her hypocrify and indireft 
 pradiccs, draws him to rely on her for the . 
 managing of his eflate, being made be- 
 lieve he cannot oihcrwife fubfiff, according 
 to the former propofui(jn ; but he dying, 
 her voluptuous defircs difcover her foul in- 
 tentions, and flic defpiks his friends and 
 children. In this fmile Holland is the un- 
 natural mother ; this kingdom the filly huf- 
 band ; and the fubjefts the outcaft and un- 
 rel'pefted children. 
 
 Our watchmen, in their wifdoms, might 
 have forefeen this, and prevented it by en- 
 joying die filhing ; for then had England 
 kept the fame ftrength by fea, which Hol- 
 land has fince attained to -, then had Eng- 
 land undertaken the iiime courfes in fifliing, 
 as the Hollanders did •, then would not 
 England only have outlhipped them, but 
 all the work! in ftrength of fliips and 
 wealth of fubjeds ; and by conlequence have 
 cauled not only an admiration but a terror 
 to all the world that Ihould but hear of us, 
 as now we are brought to reproach and 
 Icorn, by that mean nation of Holland, in 
 remote countries, as fir as the Indies, where 
 they cafl the imputation of a petty nation, 
 and poor people upon us, and make them- 
 felves fovereigns and kings over this part 
 of the world ; and as verniine gnaw upon 
 meat, fo do they detract from the worthiell 
 perfcns. 
 
 In this trade, as in all others, they either 
 deprave us, or deceive us •, by example of a 
 merchant of note, who above five years 
 fince ireighted a fhip of red herrings from 
 I'arnwuth to Marjcilles, and departed in 
 company of fonie Hollanders. It happened 
 that by advantage of wind and weather the 
 Hollanders arrived at their port, and made 
 fale of their herrings to an exceeding gain 
 before the other's coming. The EngUjh 
 finding the Hollanders unburthened of their 
 lading, fome two hundred barrels excepted, 
 defircd to buy them at the rate the others 
 
 had
 
 50-1- 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Ndval Tra6is. 
 
 Book VI, 
 
 Mo N SON. had been fold, thinking thereby to keep up 
 ^"^""^ the price ; but tlie Hollanders Ibid them at 
 a low price to hinder and prejudice the 
 others fale. This envy of the Hollanders 
 was the greater, in that it was grounded 
 upon malice, and not founded upon in- 
 jury : For Macrobius fays, That anger is in- 
 creafed upon occafion^ hut malice upon ill con- 
 dition. 
 
 But if we enter into confidcratlon of our 
 other trades, which they feek to deprive 
 us of, let their carriages in Greenland, in 
 Newfoundland, and Rujfia appear, three 
 places firft known to us : In Greenland they 
 contefted with us In our whale-fifliing, and 
 were like to bring it to a naval battle, 
 though the law of nations cafts it upon us 
 as the firft difcoverers. Here their envy 
 appeared, and they fhewed there is no fuch 
 dangerous foe as the feeming friend. 
 
 Newfoundland being our ancient difcove- 
 ry, and that no nation could challenge in- 
 tereft therein but ourfelves -, not many years 
 fince the Hollanders praftifed to convey 
 threefcore or fourfcore mariners, out of the 
 weft country, to inftruft them in that man- 
 ner of fifliing -, but it was difcovered and 
 prevented -, beware therefore of them ; for 
 they are like a ferpent, that never ftings fo 
 deadly, as when it bites without hifllng. 
 
 Notwithftanding, as I have fhewed be- 
 fore, that they have brought the trade of 
 Ruffm, from two fhips of theirs to fixty, 
 and the decreafe of ours from fifteen to two, 
 yet this would not fatisfy them, but they 
 praftifed with the Mufcovia ambaflador at 
 the emperor's court at Prague, to forbid 
 us the abfolute trade of Ruffia ; like en- 
 vious perfons that defire no good to any but 
 themfelves. 
 
 It is no lefs admirable how they take 
 advantage of us, upon all occafions offered, 
 as namely in the year 1628. when our wars 
 with France prohibited our trading thither, 
 whereby we were compelled to be ferved by 
 the (hips of Holland with the greateft part 
 of wine that furniftied this kingdom. 
 
 This prohibition much increafed the Hol- 
 land fhipping i and they thereby raifed their 
 freight to their own price, and brought it 
 from twenty-four fhillings to four pounds a 
 ton ; a fum never heard of, but upon that 
 occafion. 
 
 One inftance I will make apparent by a 
 merchant of great account, himfelf being 
 witnefs, and to whom it happened : A 
 Holland fhip being in the river of Thames to 
 be fold, this merchant offered two hundred 
 and fifty pounds for her, but could not have 
 her under three hundred pounds; whereupon 
 they parted for this difference of price, and 
 the Hollander repaired to Bourdeaux with 
 his fliip, and there procured a freight for 
 
 England, which cleared three times the va- 
 lue of what he would have fold her for -, 
 for to this merchant's knowledge, he gained 
 nine hundred pounds by that voyage. 
 
 One great advantage the Hollanders have 
 of us, is the built of their ftiips-, there be- 
 ing little difference betwixt the Hamburgers, 
 or Eaflertings, and them. 7'his gives them 
 a freedom of trade into all parts, as well 
 friends as foes : As friends they pafs for Hol- 
 landers, as enemies, they take upon them 
 the name of Eafterlings; fo that betwixt the 
 one and the other, they circumvent us in 
 our freights of (hips, and have juft occafion 
 to laugh at us •, as, indeed, I confefs we de- 
 ferve it, when I confider what they do is 
 under pretence of fafety to this kingdom : 
 For good words, and ill deeds, deceive the 
 wifcft. 
 
 They have many inticements to draw 
 people and trade to them ; they debar no 
 man, be he Turk, Jeiv, or Chriftian, the 
 freedom of religion; which made one truly 
 fiy. That the true religion was profeffed in 
 ylmjlerdam ; for all ktH, be they never fo 
 diabolical, are there allowed and main- 
 tained by fome or other. 
 
 As for their cuftoms and exclfes, though 
 they be high, and indeed intolerable within 
 the land, (for thofe mechanick people being 
 in love with the word liberty, though they 
 find it not in effeft, live in excefTive flavery, 
 and pay impofitions for every thing they 
 eat or wear •,) yet any thing brought in by 
 fea, goes at a low rate ; as for example oif 
 wine from Bourdeaux, that which pays nine 
 hundred pounds cuftom in England, will 
 not come to above fifty pounds in Holland; 
 and all other merchandize after that pro- 
 portion. And this is the only caufe of 
 their great trade in their provinces above all 
 other parts. 
 
 As thefe are their policies at home, fb 
 have they no lefs deceits abroad, but far lefs 
 juftifiable by the rules of honefty ; for to 
 make a man honeft, is to take away the 
 occafion of being difhoneft ; but contrary 
 to the law of honefty, they injure, and will 
 give no redrefs -, they will fuft'er no wrong, 
 nor yet give fatisfaftion in things of right : 
 the thing they call good in themfelves, how 
 ill foever it is to others. But to come to 
 them more particularly. 
 
 You fhall not be ignorant of a policy 
 of theirs, wherein they fhewed craft and 
 cruelty to the Dunkirkers they took at 
 fea, only to abufe us ; for when they had 
 the chance to take one of them, which 
 was not often, and that with the advan- 
 tage of three fhips to one, moft inhu- 
 manly they would flay them, purpofely 
 to make us believe, their malice was im- 
 placable, and irreconcileable ; and yet 
 
 noiwich-
 
 VI. 
 
 Sir William MonionV Na'-jal Trads. 
 
 505 
 
 notwitliftanding thefe barbarous adls, they 
 made their daily refort and trade into the 
 ports of Dunkirk and Flanders, where they 
 fuppHed them with viduals, powder, Jhot, 
 or any other things they flood in need of. 
 
 And fince then, as in the days of icing 
 Jamei^ in the view of all people ; and 
 though our articles of peace with the arch- 
 duke did warrant our traffick thither, yet 
 tliey would forbid it, and fei/.e upon Ihips 
 of ours as they entered the ports of Flan- 
 ders, feeking to force us to Calais, from 
 whence they knew our merchandize would 
 be airried to Flanders, their drift being 
 only to inrich France by our lofs, with 
 the cuftoms we there paid : to thankful 
 people the remembrance of benefits fliould 
 never wax old ; for no man is more bound 
 to be grateful than they who have received 
 fuch deep obligations, as I have proved the 
 Hollanders have done from us. 
 
 Many grievances our merchants have re- 
 ceived from Spain came by their foul prac- 
 tices, as namely, by their carrying counter- 
 feit brafs money into that kingdom, and 
 laying it upon us ; for which we have found 
 a difpleafure and punifhment due for fuch an 
 offence. 
 
 In time of peace, in the' reign of king 
 James, the Hollanders fpared not to difperle 
 rumours throughout this kingdom of fleets 
 and preparations in Spain againfl us, to our 
 no fmall fcandal, as though we were born 
 to fear, or that our intelligence feemed fo 
 weak as to receive it from them ; when in- 
 deed they did it to nourifh jealoufies be- 
 twixt the two ftates, to eat us out of that 
 trade, as they have done in all others. 
 
 He that lliall read what is gone before, 
 fhall find that their ingratitude does as 
 much appear, as a crow that picks out the 
 eyes of him that firfi: nourifhed him. And 
 now I will apply myfelf to the watchmen 
 of our time, to confider of thefe coUeclions 
 following : 
 
 I. Whether the ground and foundation 
 of their pofitions, to make Holland equal in 
 power with England, was laid with mature 
 judgment, yea, or no .-* or out of feme pri- 
 
 vate cn'.!s to advance themfdvcs, fortunes, ^I-j^-'^ n- 
 and credit ? ^-OT"'^ 
 
 2. In the fccond I would have them con- 
 fiJ.cr, in what cflate UoUaiul, and ilic people 
 in it was in, before they contcllcd with 
 their lawful prince for lovcreigiuy, to that 
 they are now brought to ? 
 
 3. The third, is to confiJcr what a 
 height they are now in, by our conniving 
 with thcni, and we Icllencd and diminilhcd 
 by it. 
 
 4. The fourth, is the damage and hazard 
 we have run in labouring to continue their 
 grcatncfs, and not feeking to abate it. 
 
 5. The fifth, is the difcourtcfies done us 
 out of a covetous defirc of gain, and we ftill 
 to bear and permit them ? 
 
 6. The fi.xth, is tlie condition of their 
 Englij}} friends that Hill uphold their fac- 
 tion, and what the ends of their dcfigns are 
 like to prove, if they be let alone ? 
 
 7. The feventh, is their ftrength by ^ci.^ 
 and to think of a means to equal them in 
 number of fhipping, and how to bring 
 their fifhing, and other trades into our 
 hands, which may eafily be eftli^ted, if my 
 former propofition of filling be prcfe- 
 cuted. 
 
 8. And laflly, it is to be confidcr'd, what 
 tie or fecurity we can have of them, longer 
 than we yield to their infuflcrable injuries 
 and infolencies ? For they may well prc- 
 fume, that we bearing lb many blows at 
 their hands without revenge, demand the 
 more. 
 
 And this fhall fuffice for a difcovery of 
 the Hollanders firfl beginning in grcatncfs ; 
 their fixty and odd years of continuance, 
 and their prefent ftate now, in being; 
 wherein their ingratitude to England is laid 
 open, which the Perfians define to be a 
 fpring of vice, the enemy of nature, the 
 poifon of amity, the ruin of gentlencfs and 
 benignity. All men mull confels they have 
 found the true alfeiSlion of friendship in us, 
 defcribed by Plato, That be is a good friend 
 who does bis friend good, hut a mighty friend 
 that defends him from harm. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 6M 
 
 Sof>:e
 
 50(5 
 
 Sir William MonlonV Naval Travis. 
 
 Book VI. 
 
 MoNsoN. 5^;;;,, Qther thhigi I forbore to infert in this fixth book of fiphig, concerning 
 ^•or^ " ,A,, ";/7^„^f Hebrides, and efpc daily the Lewes, ivorthy f confderu- 
 
 the ijlands 
 tion. 
 
 I Forbore to handle the conditions of 
 thofe iflands, and the ufe the Hollanders 
 may make of them, for the fame reafons 
 exprefled before, as too tart a fauce for Hol- 
 landers taftes, and unfit to be publiflied to 
 the view of the vulgar fort. 
 
 But before I look fo tar to the northward 
 as thofe iOands, I will take a furvey of my 
 own country of England, and gather fuch 
 colleftions as to make me undcrftand the 
 other the better. 
 
 I will not fpeak, as I am an Englijhman; 
 for all men naturally are partial to the 
 country and foil that firft gave them life 
 and food •, but I will fpeak according to 
 fenfe and truth, to make my argument and 
 reafon the ftronger, in what I (hall fay of 
 the ftate of the iflands Hebrides. 
 
 As God hath given a bleffing to England 
 above all other lands he hath placed and 
 feated in this world ; for, as it were, with 
 his own finger he hath fettled it in a fea 
 for its own fecurity, an annoyance to all 
 other countries, in permitting and impeach- 
 ing univerfal trades and navigations, as that 
 we may truly % to that point, that we 
 are only happy above all others. 
 
 For whereas the fouthern and richeft 
 part of Europe cannot fubfift, nor the trat- 
 fick of the hdies be maintained and up- 
 held without fuch materials as are fent out 
 of the northern regions : as alfo, that there 
 is a necefllty in the fame cafe for the north 
 to receive benefit of the fouth •, all thefe 
 navigations, as well the one as the other, 
 muft neceflfarily have their paflage through 
 our feas and channel, and by confequence 
 fall into our mercies, as I have handled 
 in my firft book. 
 
 And as it has been an ancient pofition of 
 ftate, for the kingdom of England to have 
 an eye to its back-door, which was then 
 Scotland., till both the kingdoms were blelTed 
 and united in one, whereby the occafion 
 ofjealoufy, and the opportunity and prac- 
 tice of France ceafed, that was wont to 
 ftir up coals, and fet one nation againft the 
 other. 
 
 So I may fay of thefe iflands Hebrides., 
 that they may be made as dangerous a back- 
 door to Scotland and Ireland, as Scotland has 
 been in former ages to England, being 
 placed and feated with moft advantage to 
 annoy the two kingdoms aforefoid, it the 
 Hollanders hold their footing they now have 
 in them: the condition of the people of 
 4 
 
 Holland being confidered with their popular 
 government, which other nations begin na- 
 turally to affeft, by the example and in- 
 couragement of their late fucceffes and for- 
 tunes, by their wealth increafed out of their 
 trade, and by the exceflivc number of 
 fliipping, which are the dangers of iflands i 
 for without Ihipping they cannot be in- 
 vaded. 
 
 By the Hollanders poflefTing thofe iflands, 
 they may make their rendezvous and ftaple 
 of all their fouthern navigations, as well in 
 peace as war ; they fliall find fufficient fuc- 
 cours in thofe iflands of viftuals, both flefh 
 and fifh, to give them relief; they fhall 
 find that in thofe iflands they ftiall be fe- 
 cured with feveral harbours of more impor- 
 tance and goodnefs, than their own coaft: 
 can aftbrd them -, thofe iflands will furnifh 
 them more natural helps againft an enemy 
 to defend themfelves, if any attempt fhould 
 be made againft them ; but above all, when 
 they have thus lettled and feated themfelves, 
 we fhall lofe our ancient and accuftomed ad- 
 vantage of their paflage through the Nar- 
 row Seas, which is the only awing power 
 we have over them and all other nations ; 
 for they enjoying thofe iflands, will be en- 
 abled to refort to them nine months in the 
 year, and fo to pafs to Holland by the nor- 
 thern parts of Ireland and Scotland, and 
 avoid our channel and us, and our means to 
 intercept them. 
 
 Moreover, in thofe iflands, which are 
 feated as a back-door to Scotland and Ire^ 
 land, as I have faid, and in fo remote a 
 place and diftance from England, the dan- 
 ger is, that the people, who are untamed, 
 uncivil, will eafily rebel by the infinuating 
 pradlices and inftigation of the Hollanders^ 
 who are ready to allure, intice, and under- 
 take any unlawful aftion, which fhall tend 
 to the overthrow ot monarchy, and to fet- 
 tle their own form of ullirped govern- 
 ment. 
 
 And therefore it behoves us to have a cir- 
 cumlpecl eye over the Hollanders •, for if 
 errors and dangers are not remedied in the 
 beginning, after follow great and unavoid- 
 able mil'chiefs, like what is paft ; which is 
 fooner to be repented than recalled. 
 
 This fhall fuffice to thofe points I have 
 treated of in this fixth book, wherein I have 
 unmafked and difcovered, out of my own 
 experience and obfervations, the Hollanders 
 long and fubtil deceits to abufe us ; for all 
 
 true-
 
 Book VI. 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Na-val Traiis. 
 
 507 
 
 true-minded Engltjhmen to behold with an 
 eye of indifference, how with cunning and 
 craft they have ftill laboured to nourifla 
 divifions betwixt the two mighty kingdoms 
 of England and Spain, merely for their own 
 profit and gain, till the death of queen Eli- 
 zabetb ; when they could no longer fupport 
 their politick praftice, king James fucceed- 
 ing, who brought the bleJled effedt of his 
 motto, Beati pacifici. 
 
 I could follow this fubjeft of the Hollan- 
 ders, but for making the bulk of this book 
 too big ; and that I would not do injury 
 to another book that is written by the lame 
 author, intitled. Certain ohfcrvalions that 
 are not worthy the name of hiftory, that hap- 
 pened to England fmce the year of our Lord 
 
 1550, and a little before. Wliich.book con- Wonsok. 
 tains thefe particulars : .■.■_: rr ■: ■'' »*OP^ 
 
 The favours England hath done Holland. 
 
 I'hc Itate of Holland from tJie beginning 
 of their inlijrredtions. The continuance, 
 and what the end is like to prove. 
 
 Colledions gathered out of a book 
 written by Sir Roger Williams, and printed 
 1618. 
 
 Whether Holland do injury to their 
 prince, yea, or no ? 
 
 The dcfperate condition Holland has been 
 often reduced to. 
 
 The difference of times betwixt die be- 
 ginning of queen Elizabeths reign, and the 
 latter end. 
 
 A relation oj fome th'tngi that happened in the reign of queen Mary and queen 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 THOUGH I have made a defcription 
 at large of the Hollanders inconftancy, 
 fliithleflTnefs, and manifeft injuries they have 
 offered to us, yet I mufl fay, there is no 
 man fo wicked or vicious, but fome kind 
 of virtue will appear in him, for which he 
 deferves cherifhment, as well as chaftife- 
 ment for the other ; but naturally they are 
 people that rather defire to live without vir- 
 tue, than die without money -, and this that 
 followeth fl-iall fet forth their praifes in the 
 worldly carriages. 
 
 They are frugal in expence, the benefit 
 whereof thcmfelves and country find ; they 
 are induftrious, as their adtions at home and 
 abroad do witnefs ; they are juft in con- 
 trafts, holding a confcience in the little re- 
 ligion they have, not to defraud any man ; 
 they labour to feek out the fecrets of lands 
 not inhabited, and countries undifcovered •, 
 they are inventors of arts, which to their 
 praife they have enriched the world with ; 
 they are willing without excufe to contri- 
 bute for the good of the fbte, not ftanding 
 fo much upon privileges or petition of right, 
 as to negled any occafion of advantage to 
 benefit their commonwealth ; they are la- 
 borious and painful of body, not admitting 
 a beggar in their provinces, and willing to 
 relieve and comfort one another in flrange 
 countries ■■, they are enemies to the expence 
 of law, and the griping of lawyers ; and 
 end moft of their controverfies by arbitra- 
 tion of friends: their expences in drinking 
 are faved and mitigated by their mifery in 
 eating : for out of their excelfive covetouf- 
 nefs they almoll flarve their bellies, and by 
 their unmeafurable frugality they fcarce 
 cloath their bodies ; for it is verily believed 
 the people in one of their chief cities fpend 
 
 not fo much in apparel as is fpent in a 
 prince's court. 
 
 But all thefe virtues are drowned in a 
 covetous ingratitude, that holds friendfliip 
 with no body but for intereft, which ends 
 in the felf-fame intereft : and no marvel ; 
 for popular ftates are no longer thankful, 
 than they receive benefits ; nor nothing is 
 of ihorter life amongft them, than the me- 
 mory of pleafures or favours paft: they 
 are fo carelefs to give fitisfaftion for the 
 ill they do, thaj if it be demanded, it is 
 as much as to fpeak of valour to a faint- 
 heart, or charity to an unmerciful man, or 
 of courtefy to a churlifli difpofition -, for it 
 v/iil prove but the telling a tale to him 
 that is afleep. The definition by a phi- 
 lofopher in matters of friendfhip is as fol- 
 loweth : 
 
 A friend is long fought for, fcarce to 
 find, and hard to keep ; a friend is always 
 ready to comfort in adverfity, to help in ne- 
 celfity, to bear with one's infirmity, and 
 reprove his errors gently. But the Hollan- 
 ders are contrary in their friendfhip ; for 
 they are like an ill bird that lays an ill egg, 
 an ill tree that brings forth ill fruit, or a 
 young cub that grows crafty like his dam 5 
 they pradlife and follow the fteps of their 
 predeceffors •, they make riches the heaven 
 of their thoughts ; and as it is held no hurt 
 to know ill, but to do it, thefe people are 
 perfect artifts as well in doing as knowing 
 mifchief 
 
 Yet, to fpeak truth, their natural ill 
 has been nouriflied and made worfe by us ; 
 for if we had not connived at them and 
 their affions, to our own prejudice, they 
 had wanted power to have executed their in- 
 gratitude : therefore it had behoved us to 
 
 confider
 
 5o8 
 
 Sir William MonfonV Naval Tracts. 
 
 Book \i 
 
 MoNsoN.confider whit we gave, before we gave-, as 
 ^•'"V^*^ alfo to whom we gave, and how we gave 
 if, for ftates ought to be governed by wif- 
 dom, and not by popular aftcftion or 
 paflion. Wife men fhould not meafure 
 things by outward appearance, but by dil- 
 cretion and reafon, or clfe they behold tlieir 
 actions in a falfe glafs. 
 
 But now let us at laft feek to avoid that 
 evil we have done in making the Hollanders 
 too great for us to tolerate, left we feel the 
 effeft of repentance. It is not the meaneft 
 point of wifdom to doubt and miftruft the 
 worft ; for doubts beget underftanding, and 
 thereby prevention: and as in natural bo- 
 dies the longer one lives in health, fickncfs 
 is the more dangerous when it comes, fo it 
 is with us and the Hollanders -, the longer 
 
 we have lived in a mutual and iniepKrable 
 peace, now that they have over- wrought 
 us with cunning, and made us feeble by 
 the ftrength they have fuck'd from us, it 
 will behove us to recover our ancient vigour 
 and valour, and be no longer deluded v»-ith 
 filfe pretences of fafcty to us and the com- 
 monwealth. I^t us follow the old rule in 
 feeking to put out the lire of our neigh- 
 boui's houfe, though he be our enemy, left 
 it (hould flame into our own; for it is an 
 eafier thing to oppofe danger abroad than 
 repulfe is at home. 
 
 I have had occafion to infert fome part of 
 this laft leaf in my forriier fourth book, 
 which is there to be feen. 
 
 I 
 
 The End of the Sixth Book, 
 
 A true
 
 ?" 
 
 THE 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 READER. 
 
 MOST of the modern Edjl-India voyages that have been 
 pubhfhed of late years, being very defe(5f ive either in 
 refpecfl of the many fabulous relations that are inferted 
 frequently, rather to pleafe the reader, than to purfue the 
 ftrid rules of truth, (not to mention the errors in the com- 
 putation of the diftances of places, and frequent unnecefTary 
 digreffions,) it is no wonder, if the moft curious in hiftory have 
 conceived a very indifferent opinion, if not an intire aver- 
 fion to them. It was upon this confideration that the enfuing 
 treatife coming to our hands, we thought it abfolutely worthy 
 the pubhck view, it being agreed by all who have had the 
 opportunity of traveUing in thofe countries, that the fame 
 may, in refped of its fincerity and exadnefs, challenge the 
 prerogative before any other hitherto publifhed upon the fame 
 lubjeiib For, confidering that the author thereof lived not 
 only in the ftation of a minifler in divers places of Hialabar 
 and Coromandel, and efpecially for feveral years in the kingdom 
 of Jafncipatnam in the ifle of Ceylon^ but al fo aflifled in perfon 
 in divers fieges and expeditions, an^ thereby had more than 
 ordinary opportunity to t>e- informed concerning the nature 
 and conflitution of thofe countries, their products, inhabi- 
 tants, manners, cuftoms, i-eligion, ceremonies, oeconomy, 
 traffick, manufa£luries, civil and military exploits, and what 
 elfe may be requifite for the accomplifhment of a good hi- 
 ftory, founded upon the faith of one who had been an eye- 
 witnefs of thofe tranfa^flions ; confequently he may challenge 
 the preference before many, who relate matters chiefly upon 
 heariay. As to thofe things which are not grounded upon his 
 ocular teftimony, the fame were taken from authentick records 
 and manulcripts, and illuftrated with maps and draughts of 
 chofe feveral countries, cities, nations, ^c. done to the life. 
 
 What
 
 5* 1 2, The Preface to the Reader. 
 
 What relates to the Idolatry of thefe Pagans^ we are con- 
 vinced, by his own teftimony, that belides the opportunity 
 he had ot vifiting their Pagodes^ or temples, (a thing rarely 
 allowed there,) one of then- moft learned Brahmam lived 
 with him in the fame houfe for a confiderable time, from whom 
 he,, by conftant converlacion, as well as out of their own re- 
 cords, learned the moft fecret receilbs of their relicrjon, and 
 - had the exadl draughts of their idols, much beyond what 
 jihraham Royerius (who v/rit upon the fame fubjecft) can pre- 
 tend to upon that account. As for our part, we have made 
 it our chiefeft care to give you an exad delineation of the 
 before-mentioned draughts m the beft copper plates that 
 could be procured j and that with all imaginable exadtneis, 
 according to the true originals, contrary to wha^t is pracffifed 
 by many, who ftudy to reprefent matters of this kind, rather 
 according to their own fancy, than to truth. We have only 
 this to add, that to avoid all unneceflary prolixity, it was 
 judged requifite to omit many digreffions, tending not fo 
 much towards the elucidation ot the hift:ory, as (we luppofe,) 
 to ihew the author's criticifm in the holy Tcripture. 
 
 , . U3.1,. 
 
 .-.lii''; 
 
 fi( ss<;t\W^v\?it, 
 
 An
 
 5'? 
 
 An Exa£l 
 
 DESCRIPTION 
 
 Bal- 
 Die.vs. 
 
 Of the COASTS of 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel 
 
 I N T H E 
 
 E A S T-I N D I E S. 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 T/je (ihi/ion and t'tmifs of the Indies. The author s purpofe in the enfui?ig 
 treatife. A defcription of Cambaja and Suratte. The treaty with the Great 
 Mogul, hy Mr. Van Teylingen. 
 
 T 
 
 HE main defign of the enfuing 
 treatife being to give an exaft 
 account of the Indies^ as far as 
 is come to our knowledge, ei- 
 ther by our own experience, or the conftant 
 converfation with people of unqueftionable 
 credit, viz. the coafts of Malabar and Coro- 
 mandely together with the ifle of Ceylon, and 
 places thereunto belonging •, we thought it 
 not beyond our fcope to infert the true li- 
 mits and divifion of the whole Indies., 
 whereby the reader (together with the an- 
 nexed map) may form to himfelt the more 
 clear idea of the fituation of thefe places. 
 The li- India therefore borders to the weft upon 
 
 raits of the ^{^^ ^\y^^ Indus, towards the Arabian Sea; to 
 " '*'■ the north it is inclofed by the mountTaurus, 
 on the eaft fide by the vaft Eajlern Ocean, 
 and to the fouth by the Indian Sea. India 
 was anciently divided into two parts by the 
 river Ganges •, thence the more eaftern part 
 was called India beyond the Ganges, and 
 the weftern part India on this fide of the 
 Ganges, now known by the name of Indo- 
 ftan, and, according to the opinion of fome 
 authors, is the fame mentioned in the fcrip- 
 turc by the name of Ilavila. 
 
 India is bcfides this divided into feveral 
 kingdoms and provinces, to wit, the empire 
 of the Great Mogul, Dccan, Malabar, Co- 
 romandel, Crika, Bengale, Pagu, Siatn, and 
 Cambaja, bcfides the Aftf/J/tv illes, (of which 
 Vol. in. 
 
 there is a vaft number,) the iflands of Cey^ 
 Ion, (of which in the fecond book, of Su- 
 matra, Borneo, Celebes, Amboina, Banda^ 
 and theMolucque ifles,viz. Termate, Machian, 
 Bachian, Tidor, Motir, Potbacker., and divers 
 others. 
 
 As it is not my intention to treat of the 
 whole Indies, but to confine my felf to thofe 
 parts I have for the moft part feen my felf, 
 and to give you a relation of fuch remark- 
 able tranfadtions, both of peace and war, 
 as have happen'd there ; fo I will begin 
 with the kingdom of Cambaja, and its ca- 
 pital city, having the fame name, and end 
 with Bimilipatam upon the coaft of Orixay 
 bordering upon Bengale. 
 
 Cambaja is a different province from Gu- 
 furatte, lituate at twenty-two degrees of nor- 
 thern latitude ; it has got its name from 
 its capital city named Cambaja, (formerly 
 the Indian Cayrus,) feated at the mouth of 
 the river Indus, (or Sandus) known by dif- 
 ferent names among divers nations : it rifcs 
 among the mountains of Paramifus, and 
 being augmented by at leaft nineteen other 
 rivers, (among which are the Hydafpes and 
 Hypafis, wiiither Alexander the Great car- 
 ried his arms,) it falls by feven different 
 channels, or, as fome will have it, by five, 
 into the fea, two of which pafs through 
 and exonerate themfelves into the fea in 
 this kingdom of Cambaja. It borders to 
 6 O the 
 
 The au- 
 thor's in- 
 tentions. 
 
 The pro- 
 vince of 
 Cambaja. 
 
 The Ri/er 
 Indus was 
 formerly 
 alfo called 
 Sandus and 
 Pan gab, 
 from its 
 five bran- 
 ches.
 
 514 
 
 A Vefcription of the Coajls of 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Bal- the eaft upon the country oi M.iudoay to 
 v.\. u s. jj^g y^^^ ^,po., the country of the I^autakers 
 ,jr[|^^ or Gedrof:ers, to tht- north it has the king- 
 mi J and donis of Sanga and Dnlcinga, and to the 
 fenility of fouth that of Decan. It is one ot the moft 
 CamUija. tn,ittiil provinces of the hidies^ which tur- 
 nilhcs the circumjacent places with corn, 
 wheat, rice, peafe, butter, oil, and divers 
 otlier provifions. The inhabitants are ge- 
 nerally either Cufurattiem or Benjans, be- 
 ing much addicted to traffick, and very 
 quick in tlieir dealings. They make here 
 the bell callicoes of all forts ; and the coun- 
 try abounds in indigo, granates, hya- 
 cinths, amethifls, and divers other precious 
 Its extent. Commodities. According to Cluver's com- 
 Ciimhcija is one hundred and 
 
 putation. 
 
 leagues 
 
 A defLTip- 
 tion of (he 
 city of 
 Cambaja, 
 
 fifty German 
 broad. 
 
 The city of Canibdja 
 
 long, and as many 
 
 ailed the Benjan 
 
 but lome 
 what de- 
 cay'd fince 
 
 Pr,radife) lies, according to the common 
 computation, fixteen leagues to the weft ot 
 formerly a Brahia, feated at the entrance ot one ot 
 rich city, the largeft channels of the river Indus. 
 About three leagues thence, on the oppofite 
 fiiore, is a great village, inhabited by the 
 by the ill rebellious Rafpotttes, a perverfe generation, 
 conduft of living for the moft part upon rapine. This 
 theMoors river is almoft dry all the winter, though 
 at high tide it rifes feveral fathoms deep, 
 fo that then fhips may come up to the very 
 ■walls of the city, where at low tide it is 
 fordable. This city is reckon'd as big again 
 as Suratte, being well built, and fortify'd 
 with a triple wall : it has three Bazars., 
 or great market-places, for the fale ot all 
 forts of merchandizes, and twelve gates ; 
 befides that almoft every ftreet has a pecu- 
 liar gate, which is thut up every night, to 
 prevent diforders : its whole circuit is about 
 fix or fcven Englijlo miles ; and without the 
 gates are four very delicious large cifterns or 
 ponds, and fifteen gardens, for the diver- 
 fion of fuch of the inhabitants as are pleafed 
 to divert themfelves there with walking in 
 the cool of the evening. They are for the 
 moft part pagans, and addicfted to traffick, 
 efpecially in all forts of fluffs for clothing, 
 which they tranfport to Diu., Gca^ Atchhi^ 
 Mccha and Perfia. 
 
 Jmadabath, the capital city of the pro- 
 vince of Gufiiratte, lies eighteen leagues 
 from Cainbaja, about twenty three degrees 
 and a half northern latitvide, and confe- 
 quently direftly under the tropick of Cancer: 
 it is feated in a great and moft delightful 
 ]3lain, juft on the bank of a very fine rivt-r ; 
 it is both ftrong and populouf, being forti- 
 fied with a goodly wall with round turrets 
 and twelve gates. 
 
 The ftreets are very broad, the houfes 
 very handlome, and the pagan temples 
 ftately built. In the center of the city is 
 the caftle, the refidence of the governor, 
 
 2 
 
 furrounded with a very high wall ; the gates 
 whereof are guarded by a certain body of 
 troops, who let no body pafs or repafs 
 without leave •, this being formerly the or- 
 dinary feat of their kings. The commo- 
 dities found at Awadabath are girdles, tur- 
 bants, gold tiiTues, filk ftuffs, fatins, da- 
 maflcs, tapcftries, fucliar, amfpien or opium, 
 gummi lacca, borax, prcferved ginger, mi- 
 rabolans, fal-armoniack, and indigo. Un- 
 der the jurlfdidion of Amadabath are 
 twenty-five confiderable towns, and two 
 thoufand nine hundred and ninety-eight 
 villages. 
 
 Tile city of Suratte is a place of great The city 
 traffick, both the Englijh and Dutch ha- °f Suratte. 
 ving taftories here : it lies open to the 
 water-fide, except that the caftle is well 
 provided witii cannon brought from the 
 fliip Middkburgh, which was loft there 
 . 1617. But on the land-fide it is fortified 
 by a wall of ftone, the old fortifications 
 being only of earth : it has no more than 
 three gates, but two governors independent 
 on one another, one of the caftle, the 
 other of the city. Next adjacent to the 
 palace of the laft ftands the cuftom-houfe, 
 where all goods imported or exported pay 
 three and a hAi per Cent, cuftom, except gold 
 and filver, v.'hich pay only two per Cent. 
 
 Thefe cuftom-boufe officers are very D'fferen 
 
 troublefome and iniurious to ftrangers. 
 
 and 
 
 ces about 
 
 A defcrip 
 tion of ,\ 
 madabath 
 
 have often given juft caufe of complaint Qonjs, 
 to our company, as will appear from 
 the following petition, and the MoguFs 
 patent (or Firman) granted to the faid 
 company, and dated the 15th day of the 
 month Rammafay in the i6th year of 
 the king's reign, and fince that of Alahomet 
 1052. 
 
 " '"pHE Butch are approached to the The 
 
 " jL gates of your majefty's court, Dutch pe- 
 
 " expecting at the feet of your majefty's QreatAlo- 
 
 " throne, ( whofe brightnels is like that gui. 
 
 " of the fun, and reaches to the fkics) 
 
 " the happinefs of feeing the eyes of the 
 
 " greatell monarch, to offer their juft 
 
 " complaints againft the officers of your 
 
 " majefty at Suratte, who have been ex- 
 
 " tremely troublefome to them in ex- 
 
 " afting from them illegal duties of their 
 
 " goods bought at Agra and Amadabath, 
 
 " and thence brought to Suratte : they 
 
 " humbly requtft your majefty to fend 
 
 " your orders by your Duzvan or com- 
 
 " milfioner to the cuftom-houfe officers at 
 
 " Suratte, with ftrift command to regu- 
 
 " late themfelves accordingly, as they ex- 
 
 " pert to be accountable for it to your 
 
 " majefty." 
 
 J 
 The king did immediately difpatch his ' 
 
 ders, that the cuftom-houfe officers Ihould 
 
 not 
 
 01
 
 r. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandcl. 
 
 5^5 
 
 not take from the commodities bought at 
 Jgra, and belonging to tlie Dutch, from 
 ten to twelve per Cent, and thofe bouglit at 
 Amadabath ten, or ten and one half -per 
 Cent, that they (hould be obliged to reft I'a- 
 tisfied with the bills of loading given them 
 by the Dutch merchants, and cxatl no more 
 cuftom under any other pretence -, that fur- 
 thermore, all commodities bought at Brcdera 
 and Suratte fliould pay according to the 
 price they were bought for ; and that they 
 fhould avoid giving any jull reafon of com- 
 plaint to the Dutch. But thefe promifes 
 had not the defired effeft, as will appear out 
 of the next following letter of Mr. John 
 van T'eylingen, prefident and governor of the 
 Dutch tadories in Gufurattc, Indoftan, and 
 Aiocha. 
 
 Mr. Van " T"T" THereas by the manifold exadions 
 Teylin- <■(■ \/\J a^j injuries, the robbing of the 
 gen's let- „ f^^oj-y pf q^j. company, the detention 
 " of Daniel Mnjfouzv, barber's mate, and 
 " divers other enormous proceedings, the 
 " perfons in the fervice of the company, 
 *' in the empire of the G)-eat Mogul, have 
 *' received confiderable detriment from di- 
 " vers of the Great Mogul's officers, (con- 
 " trary to the intent of his Firman, or let- 
 " ters patent.";,) which muft needs tend to 
 " the great damage of the company in ge- 
 *' ncral : it has, after mature deliberation, 
 " been thouglit expedient, by Mr. Cornel. 
 *' van der Lijn governor-general, and the 
 " reft of the members of the council of the 
 " Indies, to redrefs the faid affronts and in- 
 " juries by force of arms. The yachts, the 
 " Larch, the Sluice, the Lillo, and the 
 " Eight Churches, being equipped lately 
 "■ for that purpofe, and to be joined by di- 
 " vers other fhips from Batavia, we give 
 *■' the command thereof, during my abfence 
 " from the fleet, to the head faftor Gerard 
 ■•' Pelgrim, which however fhall ceafe that 
 " minute, when I come aboard any one ot 
 " tlufe ihips in perfon. To prevent all 
 " diforders, rapine, and other enormities, 
 " I do by thefe prefents give a ftrift charge 
 " to all the officers, of what degree foever, 
 " and to all the foldiers and feamcn aboard 
 " thefe velfels, not to hurt the Moors, ei- 
 " ther in their lives or eftatcs, (this being 
 " contrary to the intention ot the council,) 
 " but only to feizc upon thek fliips, money, 
 " and goods, and to fecure them, till fa- 
 " tisfa6tion be obtained by the company 
 " upon their iuftpretenfions. We therefore 
 " once more coiumund all the officers, fol- 
 ** diers, and feamen, without exception, 
 " not to injure or rob (after the feizing 
 *' of any of thefe ftiips) the Moors in their 
 " perfon.s or goods, under the penalty of 
 " corporal punifliment, and (according to 
 ** the nature of tire crime) of the lofs of 
 
 " their lives, as they will anfwer the fame Ba l- 
 " to the contrary at their peril." ' l^^r^^^ij 
 
 Given at the l^utch Factory at Suratte, 
 Teb. lo. 1649. 
 
 John van Tkyj.ingen. 
 
 The folloiving Order v:as likezvifc di"e5fed to 
 the Head FaBcr Gerard Pclgrim, and the 
 Factor Peter Ruttens. 
 
 " TT beino; firmly rcfolved in council, Secret or- 
 ■ 01 . . . derstoMr, 
 
 1 the 25th of O^ober, to profccute with q"p°J^ 
 " the utmoft vigour the defign laid formerly ^^\^ a^j 
 " by the governor-general, and the council p. Ruttens; 
 " of the Indies, (which was delay'd by our 
 " long ftay) with the firft opportunity, the 
 " yacTits, the Sluice, Larck, Lillo, and 
 " Eight Churches, are chofen for that pur- 
 " pole : but two of them being now at 
 " Mocha, and the other two ordered to ftay 
 " there the winter at Dahul, we conftitute 
 " the head faftor Mr. Gerard Pelgrim com- 
 " modore over the faid fliips, as foon as 
 " they are reioined, aboard the Larck, or 
 " any other of thefe fhips he fliall be pleafed. 
 " to chufe, where he fhall carry the flag, 
 " with authority to call on board the council 
 " of war when occafion requires. In his 
 " abfence, or feparation of the fhips, the 
 " faftor, Peter Ruttens, fhall exercife the 
 " fiime authority as Gerard Pelgrim, both 
 " which however fhall ceafe with the ar- 
 " rival of the prefident Mr. John van Tey- 
 " linden. Whether the two before men- 
 " tioned yachts fliall leave Mocha togetlier, 
 " or not, is not yet determined •, but in 
 " the mean while we ftriftly charge you, 
 " that fo foon as you have notice that. the 
 " Chajirovan, (a fhip of a vaft bulk,) or 
 " any of the other fhips belonging to Su- 
 " ratie are preparing to depart, you fet 
 " fail fome days before them, under pre- 
 " tence of being bound (according as we 
 " ufed to do) for Gamron. All which is 
 " to be underftobd, provided matters be 
 " not brought to a happy conclufion before 
 " that time -, for if that were, you have 
 " nothing to do but to profccute your 
 " voyage in good earneft thither, unlefs 
 " you had a fure profpefl of gaining con- 
 " fiderably by your ftay, and increafing 
 " the price of your cargo. For the reft, 
 " it is to be your main concern, to take 
 " effedual care that none of the Great Mo^ 
 " gul's fhips, nay, even fuch as trade thi- 
 " ther from Diu, cfcape your hands •, and 
 " efpecially to keep a watchful eye over 
 " the Chafirovan, which commonly fails 
 " fooner than the reft, and has more ready 
 " money aboard. In cafe it fhould happen 
 " (which we hope it will not) that the 
 " yacht the Eight Churches, which is to 
 " return from Gamron, fhould, by fome 
 
 " accident
 
 5i<S 
 
 Bai- 
 
 r V V 5- 
 
 J Defiriptm of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. z. 
 
 " accident oi other, be detained in her 
 " voyage, we have provided againft it, by 
 " dilpatchine; to the commanders thcreot 
 " a copy of "theft- orders for their direftion 
 " upon occafion -, which after the rctmn 
 " fiom their voyage they are to deliver, 
 " fcaled up, into your cuftody, where the 
 " lame is to remain till you fct fail ag;iin •, 
 " which is to be rcdelivcrtd to them to icrve 
 " for a furc dircc'tion, in cafe you Ihould 
 " be l^jiaratcd at fra. Silence ought to be 
 " your moll: peculiar care in this cale, tor 
 " fear the fccrct coming to the ears of the 
 " Mor.rs, they fhould ftop the departure of 
 " their Ihips. The Lnrck and the LiUo, 
 " and in default of thofe, the Poft, after 
 " their firfl: appearance here, fliall be fcnt 
 " to Gamroiu whence they fli;ill fail pretty 
 " late, as if bound for 5rt/rt-cv<^v but under 
 " pretence of being unable to profecute their 
 " voyage, come to an anchor in the road 
 " before BahuU from whence they fliall 
 " fail, Aug. 15. fleering their courfe di- 
 " reiJ^tly for tlic river of Suratte; where they 
 :' arc to ftay till the arrival of the prefident 
 " Mr. John van Teylingen aboard them ; 
 " and in the mean while feize upon all the 
 "• Moors veflels coming from Mocha •, yet 
 " fo, as not to commit any further out- 
 " rages againft them, except only to keep 
 " them in fafe cufliody till the company 
 " fliall have received fatisfacfion from the 
 " king Chaftiaan. So foon as they have 
 " retaken a velTel, they fhall take the Na- 
 " chodas merchants and feamen over in their 
 " fhips, and keep them under a good guard, 
 " yet without any moleflation, rather fhew- 
 " ing them all the marks of refpe^t and 
 " civility that can be -, and fhall put as many 
 " Ibldiers and feamen of ours aboud fuch 
 " a fhip as fhall be thought fufRcicnt to 
 " keep her : and proclamation is to be 
 " made, injoining every body to abftain 
 " from doing the leafl injury to the feized 
 " Moors., either in their perfons or goods -, 
 " and officers are to be appointed to fee 
 " the fame put in execution. After we 
 " have got all, or mofl of the Moorijh vef- 
 " fels into our hands, you fhall take care 
 " to embark all the Facqaiers, and other 
 " loofe people in one fhip, and to let them 
 " fail their ways where they pleafe, they 
 
 being not worth our keeping. Tliis 
 done, you fhall take the firft opportu- 
 nity of fair weather to tranfport, firlt 
 the ready money, and afterwards the 
 merchandizes aboard our vefTels ; but lb, 
 as that they be well packed and fealcd 
 up firft, an exact inventory made, with 
 the names or marks of the refpedive 
 owners ; each parcel is to be marked 
 with a peculiar letter, a copy of whicli 
 is to be given to the owners, and a writ- 
 ten acknowledgment to be taken from 
 the Nachodas of what is thus taken, and 
 to be redelivered, in cafe matters be ad- 
 jufled hereafter, that fo every one may 
 know where to look for his own ; the 
 fador being to be careful in this point, 
 in the trar.fportation, as well as the 
 mailer of the fliip in receiving, as they 
 will anfwer for the lofs at their peril. 
 The Engliflj yacht coming from Mocha 
 you are to let pafs unmolefted for weighty 
 reafons, purfuant to the relbkition taken 
 in council the fourteenth. The fame is 
 to be done in rcfpeft of all French, Da- 
 niJJj, and all otiier fhips in amity with the 
 ftates, provided they don't attempt any 
 thing upon the Moors in your cuflody j 
 in which cafe you fhall defend yourfclves 
 to the lafl extremity. Lallly, if the 
 matter could be fo contrived, that our 
 veflels coming from Mocha might inter- 
 cept and feize the fhips of Cambaja, and 
 carry them to the river of Suratte, it 
 would be a fingular piece of fervice, and 
 much hafben the accommodation. I con- 
 clude, wifliing you health and happinefs 
 in your voyage and undertaking, lor your 
 own glory, and the interefl of the com- 
 pany." 
 
 From the Dutch Fa5lcry at Suratte, 
 Feb. 20. 1649. 
 
 Signed, Arent Barentfz, 
 
 Jchn van Teylingeny 
 Jooft Dirik, 
 Adrian van der Burgh, 
 Daniel van der Hagen, 
 Gerardo Pelgrim, and 
 Elias Boudaan. 
 
 C H A P. 11. 
 
 I'hc Treaty carried O'l. What Articles ivere propofcd hv the Dutcli, mid agreed 
 to by the Kir^. His Patef/t, or Fiiman, a?/d Ratijicatiofi of thi Treaty. 
 
 FO R fear of exafperating the Great 
 Mogul beyond redrefs, it was thought 
 fit m ilifpatch the following letter to his 
 majelly. 
 
 2 
 
 " TV /T O S T renowned, moft potent, 
 " i.V 1 and mofl illufbrious king, and 
 " lord, filled with majefty and weak 1, the 
 " brightefl princes among the moft power- 
 
 " fuU 

 
 Chap. Z. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 517 
 
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 Articles 
 propofed 
 by the 
 Dutch to 
 the Great 
 Mogul. 
 
 fill ; As an unjuft war is dcfervedly de- 
 tefted by all nations, and feldom comes 
 to a happy conclufion ; lb our being ob- 
 liged to aft againft your majefty (pur- 
 fuant to the command of our general, 
 and the council of the hidies,) is founded 
 upon very jyft and legal pretenfions. 
 Had your officers thought fit to treat us 
 according to the tcnour of your maje- 
 fty's patent, or Firman, granted to us, 
 we fliould never have attempted to raife 
 any differences betwixt your majefty and 
 us, much lefs have had recoiirfe to open 
 hoflihties. But when we were forced to 
 fee our traffick, not only in this place, 
 but alfo at Bengale, interrupted and fpoil- 
 ed by moft injurious monopolies (to the 
 great detriment of the company) by in- 
 tolerable afixonts, and refuling our juft 
 requeft, and humble petitions, to have 
 die two fugitives, and fince circumcifed 
 fervants of the company, delivered into 
 our hands ; and to have due reparation 
 made for the damage fuftained by the 
 company in the robbery committed upon 
 their faftory. All th'efe injurious pro- 
 ceedings have obliged our governor- 
 general, and the council of the Indies., 
 to have recourfe to the law of arms, to 
 procure us reafonable fatisfaftion ■, and 
 having for this purpofe fent us four fliips 
 from Batavia, we did the 12th and i6t!i 
 of this month feize your majefty 's fhips 
 thtGenJawer and Sabal/l/i, (coming from 
 Mocha,) and after having taken out of 
 them all the ready money they had a- 
 board, and underftanding that the faid 
 Genjawer and Sahabbi belonged properly 
 to your majefty, we thought fit (out of 
 refpeft to your perfon) to have them 
 carried by our feamen into the river, and 
 under the caftle of Suratte, not queftion- 
 ing but what we have been forced to un- 
 dertake upon this account, for the main- 
 taining of our juft riglits, will meet with 
 a favourable conftrudtion from your ma- 
 jefty. The money feized by our veftels, 
 fhall not fuffer the leaft diminution, but 
 be kept with all fecurity, till fuch time 
 that your majefty ftiall grant us a new 
 patent in due form, purfuant to fuch ar- 
 ticles as we have orders from our fupe- 
 riors to reprefent to your majefty, and 
 are as follows : 
 
 " I. It is defired that leave be given to 
 build a warehoufe for our own ufe, 
 either in or near the fquare of the caftle, 
 where we may lay up fafely our mer- 
 chandizes at the firft hand free from 
 thofe diminutions and lofies we fuftain- 
 ed yearly in the Alphandigo, paying 
 exaftly the ufual cuftoms ; that done, 
 we fhall be at liberty to carry on our 
 N°. 114. Vol. III. 
 
 " traffick, as formerly, unuifturbed andBAi.- 
 " unmolcfted. "''■''' 
 
 The governor's anfwer was, " That ci- q^hg^ 
 " ther a place or houfe ihould be granted fwer. 
 " us juft without the caftle, not far from 
 " the Alphandigo, for our proper ufc only. 
 
 " II. We dellre that our traffick may be 
 " carried on without difturbance at Ben?ale. . 
 " and in the circumjacent places, free from 
 " paying any duties, exxept what is paid 
 " ufually at Pipeli, (the place where goods 
 " are imbarked,) purfuant to the patent 
 " formerly granted by his majefty, but 
 " contravened by the avaritious governors. 
 
 Hereunto it was anfwered, " That the 
 " governor Micrmofa ftiould endeavour to 
 " obtain this point from the king. 
 
 " III. Reftitution was required of fuch 
 " fums of money, as of late years had been 
 " unjuftly detained, both at Stiratte and 
 " Amadabath, and full fatisfaftion defired 
 " for what cuftoms had been extorted from 
 " our ihips betwixt Agra and Amadabath, 
 " contrary to the exprcfs words of his ma- 
 " jelly's patent •, the whole fum amounting 
 " to forty-one thoufand four hundred and 
 " feventy nine Ropias. 
 
 " IV. His majefty was requefted to iftlie 
 " his orders for the full reftitution of what 
 " money was taken out of our faftory at 
 " Sural te ; and that a certain fum (as his 
 " majefty fliould direft) might be allotted 
 " in lieu of fatisfaftion for the robbery 
 " committed upon the faid faftory, the 
 " murdering of the company's fervants, and 
 " the injuries and afironts put upon us : the 
 " lum of the money taken away from thence 
 " amounting to fixty fix thoiiiand R'-pias. 
 
 Unto thefe two points the anfwer was 
 " madci " That the reftitution of what was 
 " taken trom us was a reafonable requcfl •, 
 " but to give fatisfaftion, for that other 
 " enormities were committed by robbers, 
 " (fince fled from juftice,) was not in their 
 " power ; but if any of thefe criminals 
 " could be taken, they fhould be delivered 
 " into our hands. 
 
 " V. That for the future none of his ma- 
 " jefty's fhips, or any others belonging to 
 " \S\o{&o{ Suratte, Bengale, or other places, 
 " ftiould traffick to Achin, Pera, ^leda, 
 " Oedjang-Salang, Malacca, Sec. and in cafe 
 " they fhould, they might be feized and 
 " declared as good prizes by our vefTels, 
 " by reafon that the company being then 
 " ingaged in a war againft thefe places, 
 " were refblved to block up their rivers, 
 " and to keep all foreigners from traffick- 
 " ing with them by fea, till they have re- 
 " ceived entire fatisfaftion at their hands. 
 
 " VI. It was defired that his majefty 
 
 " would deliver to us the (beforementioned) 
 
 " two circumcifed fervants of the company; 
 
 '- and if tliey were at prefent out of reach, 
 
 6 P "to
 
 5i8 
 
 A Delcription of the Coafls of 
 
 Chap. Z.: 
 
 Ba L- 
 PVE U S. 
 
 " to Jepofit into our hands, in lieu of them, 
 " four hundred thouHind Ropias ; which 
 " fum fliall be reftored immediately attcr 
 " tlie delivery of thcfe two perfons. 
 
 The anfwer was -, " That one of thefe 
 " circumcifcd fcTlows was retreated many 
 *' years before into Pcr/ia ; and the lafl died 
 «♦ in his flight about eight montiis before •, 
 " but if tiu-y would have his bones, they 
 " would endeavour to procure them. 
 
 " VII. That if ever any of the rom- 
 " pany's fcrvants fliall run away hereafter, 
 " they fliall not be protefted, much lefs 
 " be circumcifed ; and in cafe any of tlie 
 " inferior officers fliould notwitliftanding 
 " this detain any of them, (contrary to 
 " your majefly's knowledge) they Ihall be 
 " obliged to deliver the fame to us. 
 
 " This article was granted, provided they 
 " did not take refuge among the Rajpoutesy 
 " then in rebellion againfl: the Mogul. 
 
 " VIII. That fatisfadion fliould be gi- 
 " ven for what expences the company had 
 " been forced to be at both by fea and 
 " land, fince the robbery committed upon 
 " their faftory. 
 
 " This article was rejefted, a general 
 " fatisfaflion being promifed already. 
 
 " IX. That for the future a fufficient 
 " guard fliould be kept to proteft the fer- 
 " vants and goods of the company from 
 " the like danger-, and that in cafe any 
 *• fuch thing fliould ever happen again, 
 " the governor fliall be obliged to make 
 " fatisfaclion. 
 
 " It was promifed, that for the future a 
 " guard fliould be kept to fecure the com- 
 " pany againfl: all danger. 
 
 " X. If our Caffila, or caravan, (which 
 " God forbid) fliould be plundered by the 
 " way, that the governor fliall be obliged 
 " to find out the goods; and if found, re- 
 " fliore them to us ; and in cafe of negledl, 
 " to make fatisfaftion for them. 
 
 It was anfwered -, " That we mufl: fue 
 " for a Firman, or patent, on that ac- 
 " count, which would without queftion be 
 " granted. 
 
 " XI. That in all the cities, towns, and 
 " territories under his maiefty's jurif- 
 " didion, we fliall be exempted from 
 " paying any duties, cufl:oms, or impo- 
 " fitions, except the cuftoms at Sitratte 
 " and Brochia ; and in cafe any money 
 " fliould be exafted from the fervants 
 " upon that account, the money fliall be 
 " m.ade good by his majefl:y's Dwwan, 
 " or commiflloner, at Suratte. 
 
 *' XII. That the cullom payable From 
 " fuch goods as are to be exported, fliall 
 " continue on the fame foot as fettled by 
 " the king's lafl: Firman^ or patent. 
 
 " This article was granted without the 
 " le^ift: limitation. 
 
 " XIII. That the cuftoms of the mer- 
 chandizes imported, fliall (as formerly) 
 be fatisfy'd with merchandizes each i;i 
 its kind. 
 
 " This was alfo granted. 
 " XIV. I'hat we fliall be at liberty to 
 difpofe and fell our cargoes and goods 
 where and when we pleafe, without be- 
 ing controuled therein by the governor, 
 or any other merchant. 
 " Tliis was likewife agreed to. 
 " XV. That no governor, of what qua- 
 lity or degree foever, fhall obfl:ru(5t us 
 in the buying up what commodities we 
 have occafion for, or imploying of bro- 
 kers and other fervants for that purpofe, 
 fuch as we judge may be moft fervice- 
 able to us ; neither fliall they be taxed, 
 or otherwife molefted on that fcore. 
 It was anfwered ; " That doubtlefs his 
 majefty would grant that article ; and 
 that in the mean time no body fhould 
 intermeddle with the traffick belonging 
 to the company. 
 
 " XVI. That no body, of what degree 
 or quality whatever, fliall pretend to 
 obftrudl us in the fending away of our 
 goods, or fl:op our Caffilas (caravans) or 
 carts, and camels thereunto belonging, 
 much lefs to endeavour to detain the 
 fame after they have been hired. 
 Unto this it was anfwered, " That the 
 king would doubtlefs grant this requefl:. 
 " XVII. In cafe of any contefl:s arifing 
 betwixt both the nations, whereby mur- 
 der or manflaughter may enfue, (which 
 God forbid,) the governors fliall have 
 power only to punifh the criminal, if he 
 be one of his fubjefts ; but if he belong 
 to the company, he is to be put into 
 the hands of our direftory, in order to 
 be punifhed according to the laws of our 
 country ; and if any of our people en- 
 gage with any of the Indian women, the 
 fame fliall be delivered up to us to fufFer 
 condign punifliment. 
 Unto this it was anfwered, " That this 
 article muft be referred to the king's de- 
 termination ; but that further fatisfaftion 
 fliould be given upon this head to the 
 Dutch company at Suratte. 
 " XVIII. If by tempefts, or other ac* 
 cident, fome of our fliips fliould be ftrand- 
 ed, or otherwife be loft on thefe coafts, 
 the goods faved by your majefty's fub- 
 jefts fliall be reftored to the owners. 
 " This was granted. 
 *' XIX. That we fliall be maintained and 
 proted:ed in the quiet enjoyment of the 
 propagating and refining of the falt-pe- 
 tre i and that we fliall meet with no op- 
 pofition from the governors in tranfport- 
 ing the fame, or be burdened with new 
 exatftions, as it happened two years be- 
 
 " fore.
 
 Chap. 2. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel 
 
 519 
 
 " fore,when the prince oi Zaatfchan fqueez'd 
 " fix hundred ropias out of the company. 
 
 " This article was referred to the king. 
 
 *' XX. That fuch as fhall be injurious in 
 " words to any of our nation, fhall be pu- 
 " nifhed by the governor, in the prelence of 
 " the affronted party, to prevent further 
 " inconveniencies, which otherwife might 
 " arife from thence. 
 
 " This article being very juft, was agreed 
 " to. 
 
 " XXI. That we fliall have full liberty 
 " to keep and maintain the yacht we always 
 " have had upon the river of Suralte, and 
 " (in cafe this becomes ufelefs) to build an- 
 " other, and ufe it as formerly, for our di- 
 " verfion, or other occafions. 
 
 " We don't in the leaft doubt, but that 
 " your majefly, according to your wonted 
 " bounty, will take into lerious confidera- 
 " tion this our humble, but neverthelefs juft 
 " and equitable requeft ; it beiHg our con- 
 " ftant wifh, that matters may be brought 
 " to a fpeedy accommodation : and we 
 " promife that immediately on the receipt 
 *' of your majefty's Firman, or letters pa- 
 " tent, we will difcharge what money and 
 *' perfons are in our cuftody, and carry on 
 " our traffick in your majefty's dominions, 
 " as before : but in cafe your majefty 
 " (which we hope not) fhould refufe our 
 *' petition, we defire notice may be given 
 " us thereof, that we may in time (with 
 " your majefty's confent) remove our ef- 
 *' fefts, and quit your territories •, it being 
 " our firm refolution not to ftay here, unlefs 
 *' your majefty will be pleafed to grant 
 " our juft requeft -, notwithftanding which 
 -*' we live in hopes of a favourable anfwer 
 " from your majefty's goodnefs." 
 
 Unto this was affixed another paper, as 
 follows. 
 
 Moji potent king ! 
 
 JUST upon the conclufion of our 
 humble petition, the deputies im- 
 powered by Miermofa the governor, to 
 treat with us concerning the differences on 
 foot betwixt us, viz. Mierfia Mamoeth, 
 Hagie Siasbeecq; Zabandaar, and feveral 
 other perfons of note, have promifed us 
 to give fatisfaftion for the money (pur- 
 fuant to your majefty's orders) taken from 
 us, to ftop all traffick from Bengale, and 
 this place, ^c. to Achin, Pera, ^(cda, 
 and Oedjang-Salang, &c. till the diffe- 
 rences betwixt us and thofe places be 
 brought to a conclufion ; concerning 
 which we expeft further orders from our 
 governor-general of the Indies. It was 
 further promifed us, that a place iliould 
 be affigned us for the building of a ware- 
 houfe, near the Alfhandigo ; which as wcH 
 
 <c 
 
 <( 
 cc 
 (( 
 Jil 
 ii 
 cc 
 (( 
 cc 
 
 C( 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 as the other articles being confirm'd to us B a l- 
 by oath of the before-mentioned depu- °* ^ ' ' 
 ties, we were on our fide willing to re- 
 leafe the goods feized by our Ihips, which 
 we have done, accordingly, and refettlcd 
 our traffick at Suratte, as before : all 
 which we hope will not be unacceptable 
 to your majefty ; humbly begging your 
 majefty to be pleafed to take our farther 
 propoials into confideratioii, and to fa- 
 vour us with your royal Finnan, to avoid 
 all furtlier differences, and to eftablifli a 
 mutual, firm, and everlafting correfpon- 
 dence betwixt us, which we ftiall very 
 religioully obferve, (as long as your ma- 
 jefty's governors don't aft contrary to the 
 faid Finnam,) without the leaft interrup- 
 tion on our fide. We wifh your majefty 
 a profperous and long hfe, and vidory 
 over your enemies. 
 
 Dated in your majefty's city of Suratte, 
 September 28. in the year 1649. after 
 the birth of Chriji. 
 
 The King's Letter was thus : 
 
 'The king Chaasjan fends the following di- 
 re£lions to Mierfia Arep, his governor 
 of Suratte. 
 
 JUST as the Sajetes are efteemed King's let-, 
 among the faints, lb is Mierfia Arep te^ °'' ^"' 
 refpedted in his family. I would have ""*"' 
 you reft fecure of my royal favour : be- 
 fides what dignities you were poffeffed 
 of before, we have thought fit to beftow 
 upon you the reward of Paans Zeddi., 
 and three hundred horfes for your fer- 
 vices, in the government of the open 
 country •, and fince tlie departure of Mi- 
 ermofa have put you into his place •, and 
 for the better maintaining of your gran- 
 deur, have allotted you the royal reve- 
 nues of both your governments, in the 
 adminiftration of which you ftiall be very 
 vigilant and courteous •, towards the 
 chief merchants you Ihall comport your 
 felf very obligingly, and give a helping 
 hand to all the foreign nations traffick-- 
 ing there, as tending to the no fmall 
 increafe of our treafury. Your authori- 
 ty ftiall not extend to exafl more than 
 the ufual cuftoms, even of the meaneft 
 perfons, but you ftiall aft in every thing 
 as a man of honour and confcience : what 
 rarities you happen to meet with coming 
 from foreign places, you fliall (hke your 
 predeceffor Miermofa) fend to my daugh- 
 ter Sahebbejen, who twice a month pays 
 her refpeft before my throne ; whatever 
 is extraordinary fine and rare, let it be 
 v.ilued, and purchafe it of the owner ac- 
 cordingly •, but if you cannot agree, fend 
 
 " him
 
 510 
 
 A Dejcription of the Coajls of 
 
 Chap. 5. 
 
 Bal- «' him hither, diat he maybe fatisfied in 
 
 °V^lli " his jiift demands. So loon as my royal 
 
 ^■""^'''"^'^ " Firman comes to your hands, you Hiall 
 
 " endeavour to lilt ten chnftian conftables, 
 
 " well verftd in their art, into our fervicc, 
 
 " and you Ihall fpare no coft to have Ibme 
 
 " great cannon call for our ule. We have 
 
 " been informed, that about two years ago, 
 
 He makes " the Dutch faftory was robbed of fifty 
 
 it lefs than " thoufand Ropias, for which they have 
 
 '* ■* " fcized divers fums of money belonging 
 
 " to our merchants, and coming in their 
 
 " fhips from Mccha, and have thereupon 
 
 " declared their fentiments to the governor 
 
 " Miermofa ; it is therefore that I com- 
 
 it u 
 
 mand you to oblige the Hollanders to 
 reftorc the faid money to the owners, 
 who have neither tjie leaft fhare or know- 
 ledge in what relates to their lofs: and 
 in cafe you Ihould not be able to bring 
 things to an agreement with the Hollan- 
 ders, we command you to demand the 
 faid fums of money of Miermofa and 
 Onimercbafi, and pay the fame to the faid 
 merchants, (vvhofe effeds are feized,) in 
 recompcnce of their lofs. 
 
 Thefe are the contents of the king's 
 
 letter, 
 fian. 
 
 as it was tranflated from the Per- 
 
 C H A P. III. 
 
 The Chom of Suhali, or the road before Siiratte. Traffick of the Dutch, Englifli, 
 Moors, and Portuguefe to Suratte, Gufuratte, Brochia, Goga, Pattepatane, 
 Mangcrol, Brodera, and other places. 
 
 befcrip. 'T^HE city of Suratte did (purfuant to 
 tioDofSu- JL their ancient records) pay a yearly 
 "«c- tribute of two millions Mamoidys, or one 
 ' million of livres, or four hundred thoufand 
 crowns, to their king Acbabaar, one Gamia 
 Ganna being then their governor, who had 
 eighteen hundred villages under his jurif- 
 diftion. All about Suratte art abundance 
 of very pleafant and {lately fummer-feats, 
 and magnificent burying-places, (a thing 
 much in requefl among the Moors,) befides 
 fevcral large cifterns, or rather ponds, faced 
 with freeftone. Among the reft one de- 
 ferves particularly to be taken notice of, 
 as having no lefs than an hundred angles of 
 twenty-eight yards each, with ftone fteps to 
 lead you down into the ciftern •, in the midft 
 of which ftands the tomb of the founder. 
 
 About an hour and a half to the north 
 from the mouth of the river of Suratte, 
 (named Tap-gyly) is a road, where fhips 
 may ride at anchor near a ridge of fand- 
 banks, which, together with part of the 
 continent, breaks the force of the winds. 
 This road, commonly called Chom Suhali, 
 TheChcm or Sualicom, lies at twenty-one degrees fif- 
 01 Suhali. (y minutes north latitude, extending from 
 north-eaft to north, and again fouth-weft to 
 fouth : the entrance of it is but narrow, 
 and at high water not above feven, but at 
 low water fcarce five fathoms deep, with a 
 hard fandy bottom : the north-north-eaft, 
 and fouth-fouth-weft winds make here the 
 higheft tides. The harbour of Suhali is not 
 above a mufket-fhot broad : the fouth- 
 fouth-weft winds make this road unfafe, the 
 land-ftielves lying then almoft dry. The 
 Englijh fettled their faftory there 1 609. and 
 the Butch 1616. who carry their merchan- 
 dizes upon waggons drawn by oxen from 
 the faid road four leagues to the city. 
 4 
 
 It is to the fettlements of thofe two na- Trafiickof 
 tions Suratte owes its chief increafe in Suratte. 
 trade, many rich merchants and artifans 
 having been drawn thither fince that time, 
 who fend their commodities thence by the 
 Red Sea to Arabia, Aden, Mocha, Hideda, 
 Juda, Mecca, Chihiry, Catziny, Doffer, 
 and Souakin, (in Ethiopia,) confifting in fine 
 and coarfe Indiafi, Gufuratte, Dccan, and 
 Bengale ftufl's and cloths, callicoes, indigo, 
 fugar, gums, ginger, tobacco, wheat, rice, 
 butter, and other provifions, in which this 
 country abounds. Befides that, two or 
 three of the king's ftiips trade into thefe 
 parts, and tranfport certain precious com- 
 modities belonging to fome peculiar mer- 
 chants and perfons of the firft rank ; thefe 
 are generally obliged to the company, for 
 furniftiing them with fome able feamen and 
 conftables, (the Moors being but ill verfed 
 in thefe things-,) efpecially while they were 
 at enmity with the Danes. t 
 
 One of the king's fhips, named Sahy, ar- ' 
 
 rived here 161 8, in its return from the Red . , 
 
 Sea ; the cargo whereof confifted in coral, | 
 
 camlets, fattins, velvets, woollen and linen 
 cloths, tin, quickfilver, cinnabar, leather, 
 fafFron, flaves, (both black and white) gum 
 arable, aloes of Socotora, amber, civet, fan- 
 guis draconis, myrrh, raifins, almonds, 
 dates, coftee-berries, and about fix or feven 
 hundred paflengers returning from Maho- 
 niet's tomb at Mecca and Medina ; the 
 whole valued at two millions five hundred 
 thoufand Rapid's, each Ropia being about The value 
 half a rix-dollar. ofaRopia. 
 
 Thefe fliips fet fail in March and April 
 for the Red Sea, and return in September or 
 Offober -, they feldom Ipend above twenty- 
 five days in their paffage. The inhabitants 
 of Goa, Dabul, Bajfain, Dainan, and Diuy 
 
 do
 
 Chap. 5' 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 52.1 
 
 »e3 
 
 Traffickof(;lo aJfy fend their fliips to Mocha and fome 
 the Red Q^^gr places in tiie Red Sea ; and the Ben- 
 Jans and Armenians ufcd to come thence to 
 Suratte in their light fhips loaden with all 
 forts of trifles, wiiich they exchange for 
 wheat, linen, rice, and coffee-berries. 
 
 Towards the latter end of the Mouffon, 
 viz. in March and April, abundance of Ma- 
 lahars refort hither : thefe being mortal ene- 
 mies of the Portiiguefes, are commonly well 
 armed with fire-locks and fcymitars, and 
 formerly ufed to be very mifchievous to 
 them. The commodities they bring to fale 
 here are coarfe fugar, cardamon, pepper, 
 and cayr, (of which they make cables and 
 ropes,) and coco-nuts. 
 
 Formerly the inhabitants of Suratte ufed 
 to fend yearly one or two fhi^is in A'lay or 
 June, (when the Portuguese fliips were in 
 harbour) to Achin, T'anajferi, ^leda, and 
 the Maldive iflands, laden with itufi's, and 
 cloths, and callicoes ; and returned with pep- 
 per, camphire, cloves, nutmegs, mace, fan- 
 
 OK V s. 
 
 The Ma- 
 labars ene- 
 mies of the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 a hill, being furrounded by a ftrong ftone B a l- 
 wall : This place is famous for its manufac- " "" 
 tories of linen and cloths, of which they 
 make more here than in any other place of 
 the Indies ; and they have the beft way ot 
 whitening the firft. The Malnhars ufed 
 formerly to come hither every year with 
 nine or ten fliips. The Dutch and Englipj 
 have had their faftorics here a confiderable 
 time ago. Its inhabitants are for the motl 
 pait Bcnjans, who are very expert in ma- 
 naging the linen manufadory : the two 
 fuburbs of the city are chiefly inhabited by 
 callico-weavers.and merchants: Brochia is 
 reckoned to contain cighty-feven villages 
 in its territories, the country round about 
 being all low grounds, except that about 
 five or fix leagues to the fouth-eaft, the 
 mountains of Vindat have their beginning, 
 which are very rich in Achatjiens. All 
 merchandizes paffing through Brochia pay 
 two per Cent cuftom. 
 
 Go?a is a fmall city feated in the bay Gogatl.ir- 
 
 del-wood, porcelain, C/?'/w/^sTlks, (brought o^ Camhaj a, where it grows fo ftraight, jX^^^^g^^ 
 
 thither by thofe of Malacca,) tin, benzorn, 
 elephants teeth, and coco-nuts ; the laft be- 
 ing almoft the only Product of the Maldive 
 ides. 
 
 The men in power here are generally very 
 haughty and fierce ; and though fufficiently 
 curbed by the king's abfolute fway, yet by 
 reafon of the diflance of the provinces from 
 his refidence, commit many enormities-, 
 his territories bordering upon Per/in, Auiva, 
 the river Ganges, and Bengale, thence to 
 Decan, and to the weft by the fea. 
 Extent of The province of Gufuratte (in which all 
 Gufuratte. the before-mentioned cities lie) extends in 
 length from fouth to north ; it begins at 
 Damana, and reaches forty Cos beyond 
 
 that it rather refembles a river than an 
 
 baja. 
 
 arm of the fea: it has neither walls nor 
 gates to the land-fide, but is defended by 
 a ftone wall towards the fea. Here all 
 the fliips defigned for Arabia, and the 
 fouthern parts, (by the merchants of Cam- 
 baja and Amadabath,) are careen'd and 
 vicftual'd, there being a ilife road here, 
 though lomewhat fliallow : here alfo the 
 Portuguefe convoys uied to keep their fta- 
 tion to expeft the coming of their mer- 
 chantmen. 
 
 There are befides thefe feveral other 
 places of lefs note belonging to this pro- 
 vince, as Pattapatane, Mangerol, (men- Pattapa- 
 tioned by fome under other names,) the in- "^"^ ^'^^ 
 
 Amadabath, bordering upon the country of habitants whereof live upon hufbandry and ^"&'^''° ' 
 
 Pathane inhabited by pagans, fo that its managing of cotton : Brodera, an inland grodera. 
 
 Two In- whole length is one hundred and eighty Cos, town, inhabited by hufliandmen and clo- 
 
 dian Cos or ninety Dutch leagues : to the eaft it bor- thiers ; the company ufcd to keep fome 
 
 one Dutch ^^.j., ^,pQ„ ^[-^g country of Parta Bafia, or at faftors there, to buy up coarfe cloth for 
 
 leaft within forty Cos or twenty leagues of the Arabians and Ethiopians •, not to men- 
 
 league. 
 
 it, extending further eaftward for three days 
 journey towards Amadabath, and to the 
 weft to the fea, and the kingdom of Suadi, 
 which is divided from Perfia by a great 
 defart. It was a moft fruitful and popu- 
 lous country, before it was reduced by the 
 Great Mogul. 
 The city About twelve leagues to the north of Sii- 
 ofBrochia, ratle lies the city of Brochia about nine or 
 ten leagues from the fea, and twenty-one 
 degrees fifty-fix minutes upon the river Nar- 
 dabath, which coming down by Decan and 
 Mandouw, affords a good pafTage for fhips'-, 
 •"! about half way from the fea towards Bro- 
 
 chia, the paflTage being ftopt up there by 
 a fand-bank, which has not above nine or 
 ten foot water. The fituation of this city 
 is both very convenient and pleafant, upon 
 Vol. III. 
 
 tion here its fortifications, gardens, tombs, 
 
 Mamadabath was, for its pleafant fitua- Mamada- 
 tion, fometimes honoured with the refidence t"**^- 
 of its kings, but is fince come to decay to 
 that degree, that it is no more than a poor 
 village now. We will alfo make mention 
 only of Nariau, JVajfet, (a very ancient 
 caftle,) Iffcmpour, Batona, and their pro- 
 dufts, fuch as indigo, faltpetre, borax, afi- 
 foetida, amfion or opium, gummi-lacen, 
 and divers other commodities. 
 
 But before we leave the province of Gu- 
 furatte, and take our Way thence over Diu, 
 Daman, &c. to Goa, and fo to the Malabar s, 
 we muft lay fomething of its traffick. It is 
 beyond all difpute, that the traffick of Su- Traflickof 
 ratte, and adjacent places, is of great con- Gufuratte, 
 6 Q^ fcquencp.
 
 511 
 
 A Dejcription of the Coafls of 
 
 Chap. 4* 
 
 Ba l 
 
 D^ If S. 
 
 fequence, provided there be no want of ready 
 .money, and the management thereof be 
 ^'''^'''^ committed to perfons of underftanding. I 
 remember that the college of XVII. give 
 thefe following by-niles to their faftors : to 
 inform theniltlvcs of the conftitution and 
 manners of the inhabitants -, what commo- 
 dities are vended, and beft to be vended 
 there ; who, and how potent our enemies 
 are ; what religion and coin is moft regard- 
 ed, and the true fuuation of the place where 
 they fettle, in rcfpefl: to its northern or 
 fonthcrn latitude. Certain it is, that the 
 inhabitants of the province of Gufurattc are 
 a cunning and fubtle generation, who muft 
 therefore be managed with dexterity and 
 mucli refci-vcdnefs, mixed with a becoming 
 gravity and outward fplendor, wherewitli 
 Thefe people are much taken, yet without 
 ever attempting to lord it over them ; a 
 thing which after has proved detrimental, 
 if not deftruftive to the undertakers. It is 
 to the wife conduft of our forefathers that 
 we are obliged for the eftablifhment and 
 improvement of our traffick at Suratte, 
 where our fadtory was no fooner fettled, 
 but we fent from thence, 1624. Jan. 20. our 
 
 firft fliip, called the Heufden, along the 
 coaft of Melif:de and Soffaby and thence 
 to the Cape of Good Hope, and fo to Hol- 
 land. 
 
 This was followed the fame year, March 
 12. by another, called the Pfwc^z, but was 
 forced to winter on the coaft of Coroniajidel. 
 Thefe were followed, AprU !■}. 1625. by the 
 fliip the City of Dort, and the JVefop yacht, 
 but were obliged to winter in the ide of St. 
 Maurice. In the year 1626. the follow- 
 ing (hips were fent to Holland, taking their 
 way through the South Sea, viz. the Golden 
 Lion, Wakheren, and Orange. 1628. the 
 City of Dort was fent thence to Holland 
 through the ftraits of Madagafcar, along 
 the coaft of Fujfalia. 
 
 Our Dutch veflels generally arrive here 
 from Batavia about the end of Augufi, in 
 OSiober, or beginning of November, and 
 fometimes towards the middle of December-^ 
 the Dutch factors at Suratte taking always 
 care to fend their fhips into Perjia in Ja- 
 niiary, or about the middle of February at 
 fartheft, that they may be at Batavia be- 
 fore the end of March. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of -what confeqtience the traffick of Suratte is._ A particular defcription of 
 the city of Mocha ; and of its pecidiar cuftoms. The city of Agra, and its 
 flrength. The defcent of the Great Mogul j his pomp and riches. 
 
 Ii 
 
 O' 
 
 ^F what confequence the traffick of 5«- 
 ratte is to the Dutch, they have been 
 fufficiently made fenfible by their faftors 
 ever fince 16 16. The chief commodities 
 to be vended here are, lead, quickfilver, 
 cinabar, ivory, tin, copper, cumeta's, 
 cloves, nutmegs, mace, pepper, porce- 
 lain, i£c. And this traffick is the more 
 confiderable, in refpeft of the communica- 
 tion it maintains with our other factories 
 in thofe parts, with Agra, Mocha, and di- 
 vers other places upon the coaft of the 
 Happy Arabia, where our traffick feems to 
 be well eftabhfhed, provided we take care 
 to live in good correfpondence with thofe 
 nations, which muft be maintained by all 
 polTible means, by avoiding fuch things as 
 Some re- ^^"^ '■^ "-^^ diflblution thereof. Amongft 
 marks up- thefe, the feizing the Moorifh ftiips has 
 on the feveral times brought our traffick into no 
 traffick in fmall jeopardy, as it happen'd 1621. when 
 thofe parts. ^^ J. j^-^^ ^^ Samfon and Wefos having made 
 reprifals upon fome Moorif/j veflels, our 
 trade into Arabia was quite interrupted, and 
 likely to have been quite loft. And we run 
 the fame danger 1628. after the yacht the 
 Crottenbroeck had taken a ftiip of Cufuratte 
 4 
 
 upon the coaft of Coromandel ; and tho' our 
 late feizure happen'd not to prove much to 
 our difadvantage, yet can't we at all times 
 promife ourfelves the fame fuccefs, it being -j 
 
 certain, that tho' the Moors court our friend- . -%'. 
 
 fhip, yet are they, on the other hand, very 
 ftubborn, and not eafily reconciled. 
 
 Another thing abfolutely requifite for the 
 carrying on of the trade here, is the king's 
 Firman, or patent, to keep the avaricious 
 governors of Cambaja, Suratte, Brochia, and 
 other places, in awe ; befides that the Por- 
 tuguefe priefts are always bufy to create an 
 ill opinion of us in the Moors : they muft be 
 carefully watched in their meafures and 
 weights, without which they will play you 
 the fame game as Godjanifan and Godjaajfan 
 did many years ago to Sir Henry Middleton, 
 an EngUJJj knight, who put them in irons 
 aboard his ftiip till they had given him full 
 fatisfadlion. 
 
 Our traffick to Mocha is likewife of great 
 confequence to us ; Mocha is feated in the A defcrlp- 
 Happy Arabia, at the entrance of the Red tion of 
 Sea, at thirteen degrees twenty-eight mi- ^^'"^'^a. 
 nutes northern latitude : it is of a confide- 
 rable extent, without any walls, in a bar- 
 ren
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 1^3 
 
 Its in- 
 
 freaie. 
 
 The trade 
 of Mocha. 
 
 Caravans 
 over Alep 
 po aird A' 
 lexandria. 
 
 Pilgrims 
 going to 
 Mocha. 
 
 ren ground, but well built with red and 
 blue ftones, the boufes flat on the top, like 
 thofe of Conjiantimpk ; it has three very fine 
 pagodes, or pagan temples, two whereof 
 have no fteeples, the third in the midfl: of 
 the city, being adorned with a very high 
 fteeple. At the north end flands a fmall ca- 
 ftle, like a redoubt, built of blue ftone, for 
 the defence of the harbour, 1612. 
 
 Mocha was about ninety or one hundred 
 years ago no more than a village inhabited 
 by iifliermen -, but fmce its reduction by the 
 Turks, is fo increafed by degrees, that it is 
 one of the chief places on that coaft now •, 
 the traffick of the Indian fliips that ufed to 
 come to an anchor at Aden (formerly a great 
 trading city) being transferred to Mocha, 
 by reafon of the caravans which come thi- 
 ther with more conveniency at certain times 
 of the year. Its inhabitants are Turks, 
 Arabians, Benjans, and Jews: here is con- 
 Itantly a great concourle of people from 
 the beginning of March to the middle of 
 September ; about which time the great fhip 
 called Maftfatiri (which is kept by the Tur- 
 kijh Sultan for the tranfportation of the 
 richeft commodities from the farthermoft 
 parts of the Red Sea hither) arrives here, 
 its cargo being generally efteem'd at 
 2500000 or 3000000 of reals, and con- 
 fiding in pieces of eight, golden ducats, 
 Italian golden tifiues, camlets, faffron, 
 quick-filver, and divers other commodities, 
 befides flaves of both fexes taken in the 
 Levant, or thereabouts, being generally 
 Grecians, Hungarians, or of the itle of 
 Cyprus ; of all which they pay ten per 
 Cent, cullom. The fame fhip fails back 
 again the firfl of January, laden with fpi- 
 ces, indigo, fine callicoes, turbants, and 
 fuch like /«^m« commodities. 
 
 Befides this, there comes every year in 
 March a Caffila, or caravan, confifting com- 
 monly of one thoufand fix hundred camels, 
 the merchants being for the moft part 
 Turks, Arabians, and Armenians : thefe 
 come by the way of Aleppo and Alexandria 
 hither, and fpend commonly two months in 
 their whole journey, becaufe they travel 
 not above three or four Dutch leagues in 
 a day. They bring along with them twift- 
 ed filk, gold wire, red coral, cinabar, f^xf- 
 fron, myrrh, divers forts of finall wares, 
 needles, fpeftacles, knives, fcifTars, look- 
 ing-glalTes, i^c. This caravan leaves the 
 place again in December, loaden with all 
 forts of Indian commodities, and thus 
 fpends near a twelvemonth in the whole 
 journey. 
 
 At Cairo you fee a vafi: multitude of pil- 
 grims towards the beginning of the year, 
 who take the conveniency of this caravan 
 to travel to Mocha, eight leagues from 
 whence lies Medina, where is the tomb of 
 
 Mahomet, which is thus yearly vifited by^*^- 
 betwixt thirty and forty thoufand pil-^'^'i!;, 
 grims. s^'V^*' 
 
 Mocha has been fo rich for many years Riches of 
 paft, that in cufloms and taxes it pays no Mocha, 
 lefs than two hundred thoufand reals, or 
 pieces of eight every year to the Grand Seig- 
 nior, being one of the largefl: and mofl con- 
 fiderable places under he jurifdidlion of the 
 baiTa of Temack. The governor of the city 
 fits fometimes in perfon at the cuflom-houfe, 
 vifiting the packs and chefts, he having a 
 certain allowance out of every cheft or pack. 
 All Indian fliips coming to an anchor here 
 are obliged to pay, befides the ordinary cu- 
 floms, anchorage-money according to their Ancho- 
 bulk, from ten to fifty reals, which, with rage-mo- 
 Ibme other exaftions, makes the whole "^' 
 amount to fifteen per Cent. TheTurks herg 
 have alfo another invention of fqueezing 
 Ibme money out of the Moorip Nachodes, or 
 officers of the fhips ; for the governor ha- 
 ving fummoned them immediately after 
 their arrival to appear in his prefence, 
 they are conducted thither in great flate, 
 attended by his drums, pipes, &c. and 
 being recondufted to their lodgings, the 
 clothes are taken away again. The fame 
 is repeated afterwards juft before their de- 
 parture, when they are recondufted to their 
 boats ; and their clothes being taken off 
 again, each officer is obliged to pay for 
 this mock drefs twenty or twenty-five reals 
 each time. 
 
 No fooner are the Moorijh fhips come in- 
 to the roads after they have dropt their an- 
 chor, but they muft carry their rudder and Rudder 
 fails afliore, and unload the whole cargo of and fails to 
 the fliip, (whether they fell it, or not,) of ^'''''""S'^c 
 which they are obliged to pay the full cu- ^ °'^* 
 ftoms. After they are quite unloaden, they 
 give a figna! with a cannon for the governor 
 or his deputies to come aboard to fee whe- 
 ther any thing be left behind ; and then 
 they have liberty to fell. 
 
 In the fpring the Portuguefes come hither Traffick 
 with their fliips from Gi;^, Goga, and other of the Por- 
 places ; their cargo is commonly indigo, '^,2"?'*^ "' 
 farcaa, caUicoes, fail-cloth, all forts of Gu- '^^ *' 
 furatte fluffs and clothing, tobacco, rice, 
 and medicines ; mofl of which commodi- 
 ties are fold to the Turky carravans, except 
 the rice and tobacco, which is confumed 
 in the country. They carry back reals or 
 pieces of eight, golden ducats, a certain 
 root ufed by the Indians in dying red. A 
 little before, or about the fame time, ufed 
 alfo to come to Mocha, the fhips of Daman, 
 Cambaja, and the Malabar coafl, loaden 
 with pepper, clothings of Cambaja and 
 Coromandel, allegia's, taffecela's, red and 
 "white cafTen, red jeta's, canekyns, baflas, 
 fine turbants, white and blue girdles, paint- 
 ed callicoes, rice, tobacco, coarfe and fine 
 
 porcelain :
 
 5^4- 
 
 B * L- porcelain : in lieu of which they carry back 
 
 "■' "-;_• horll-s, ruifins, ahiionds, camlets, elephants 
 
 ^^'^'^^'^ teeth of S^iffoL-i, red roots for tlying, which 
 
 grow only m/lrabin, chauni orcoffec-bernes. 
 
 Befules thefe the inhabitants o\ Achin, oi 
 
 Pal\, and other places on the coaft of Mehu- 
 
 da, trade hither : they commonly fet iail trom 
 
 home in Fehuarv, or beginning of Morch, 
 
 and return from Mocha about Augujt, to 
 
 take the conveniency of the MouJJon. 
 
 Water and I'he want of good water anil tucl, which 
 
 fuel fcarce ^j^^, j-j^jps p^^j^ piircliafe here at a dear rate, 
 
 at Mocha. .^ ^ ^^^^^ ^^.^^q. j^ j^^^j^^ . however, not 
 
 far from the city lies a fmall iQe, where 
 the £«?///j uled to lay up and careen their 
 fliips: here you may have provifions tor old 
 clothes in abundance, as hkewiie fuel and 
 water enough ; whence it is evident that the 
 trade of Suratte, Agra, Mocha, and Lihiry, 
 (a city feated on the Red Sea, at fourteen 
 degrees fifty minutes, fortified with four 
 round ballions, and adorn'd with three 
 temples,) is one of the mod confiderable 
 in thofe parts, as the Englifi have found 
 by experience 
 The city But before we take quite our leave of Su- 
 and callle ^^,f(g_^ ^nd the adjacent territories, we muft 
 of ^£'3- I'^y fomething alfo concerning the city and 
 caftle of Jgra. This callle, the ordinary refi- 
 dence of the Great Mogul, is one of the moft 
 noble ftru<5Vures of the eail, feated upon the 
 banks of the river Jemeni, fortified with 
 a ftrong wall of red ftone, with large and 
 deep ditches, draw-bridges, and four gates. 
 Here is alfo kept the king's treafury, and 
 the whole court, or general aflembly of the 
 great men of the empire, who oftentimes 
 are not refrained by the abfolute authority 
 of their monarch from committing moft bar- 
 barous enormities. 
 Mnrders Thus it Jiappen'd Augujl 4. 1644. in 
 committed the evening after fun-fet, when all the per- 
 in the pre- ^^^.^^ ^^f quality ufed to appear in the Go- 
 ihe king fc-lchanna to falute the king, among the 
 reft Raja Ammerfing (a commander over 
 five thoufand horfe, who had been abfent 
 fome days by reafon of his indifpofition) 
 making his appearance there, was aflced by 
 Sillabatchan, the king's chief Bakia, why 
 he had not appeared there in feveral days ? 
 He anfwered him. That he had been pre- 
 vented by his indifpofition ; wherewith the 
 other not being fatisfied, gave Raja fome 
 opprobrious words, which fo exafperated 
 him, that without more ado he run 5/7- 
 labalchan witli his fcymitar through the 
 body, laying him dead upon the ground. 
 Another lord named Galkhan, feeing the 
 other murder'd in the king's fight, cut al- 
 moft off the arm of Raja, and another gen- 
 tleman, the fon of Raja Rittelda, difpatched 
 him quite. The king leeing this tragical fpec- 
 tacle gave immediately orders that the body 
 of Sillabatchan fliould be carried to his houfe 
 4 
 
 A Deft; ipt ion of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. 4" 
 
 in order to his burial ; but that the body 
 of Raja Ammerfing fliould be thrown into 
 the river •, but fcavce were they got with the 
 body without the gate to execute the king's 
 command, when fome of the Rasboutes, (a 
 rebellious crew,) who had ft^rved under him, 
 leeing their commander's body dragged 
 thus along, did fall upon the king's fer- 
 vants, and killed above thirty of them, 
 among whom was the king's fceptre-bearer -, 
 fo that if the king would fee his orders 
 put in execution, he was obliged to fend a 
 confiderable force to protedl them againft 
 the Rasboutes. 
 
 Agra has four gates, one on the north- 
 fide cover' d with ftrong works •, the fecond 
 on the weft-fide, where is the market-place, 
 and the royal court of judicature ; the third 
 on the fouth-fide leads to the royal palace, 
 being always chjin'd up to prevent any body 
 from pairing through it on horfe-back, ex- 
 cept the king and his children •, the fourth faces 
 the river, where the king every day falutes 
 the fun, and about noon fees the engagements 
 of elephants, lions, and other wild beafts. 
 
 The city of Agra therefore is now the 
 capital city (as Labor was formerly) of that 
 part of the Indies on this fide of the Ganges, 
 which is under the jurikiiftion of the Great 
 Mogul. The caftle is faid to have been found- 
 ed by king Accahar, (defcended from the 
 great Tamerlan,) after the conqueft of Gu- 
 furatte. 
 
 I will not pretend to give you an exafl Wealth 
 account of the wealth of the Mogul, butj""*^ , . 
 leave you to guefs at his ftrength by the the^Mo- 
 forces he brought into the field 1630. againft gul. 
 Chaasjan, which confifted in one hundred 
 and forty four thoufand five hundred horfe, 
 and five thoufand elephants ; thefe laft the 
 Mogul alfo ufes for his diverfions, and he 
 is often feen in great ftate on the back of an 
 elephant richly accoutred, attended by a 
 great number of horfe. When thefe ele- 
 phants are to engage againft one another be- Combat of 
 fore the king, they pay their reverence by 'he ele- 
 bending their knees, and Ikaking their P^""' 
 trunks to the king •, which done, they fall 
 on with a great deal of fiercenefs ; but as 
 foon as they are hotly engaged, certain per- 
 Ibns are appointed to part them ; which 
 done, all enmity ceafes betwixt them, they 
 touch one another with their trunks, and 
 are fed with fugar reeds, and arrack, or 
 ftrong waters. 
 
 As to the wealth of the Great Mogul, the 
 fame appears in its luftre on certain feftival 
 days; the new-year's feaft kept on the FefliVal 
 day of the firft new-moon in March, days, 
 which lafts eighteen days. On the young y^^ 
 prince's birth-day every body brings his prince's 
 offerings to the king, who in his turn makes birth-dajr 
 prefents to his courtiers, bellows new places 
 and dignities upon fuch as have deferved 
 
 well, 
 
 i
 
 Chap. 5» 
 
 Alalabar and CoromandeL 
 
 51$ 
 
 The 
 
 king's 
 
 birth-day. 
 
 Another 
 fcaft. 
 
 well, and augments their yearly falaries. 
 The people flock on that day to the queen's 
 palace, (if fhe be living,) where having 
 likewife made their offerings under the 
 found of their mufical inftruments, the 
 prince is weighed in a golden pair of fcales 
 againft gold and filver, whicii (after the 
 weight thereof is fet down) is diftributed 
 the next day among the poor. 
 
 The prefent king's birth-day is celebra- 
 ted the fecond of September^ when the king 
 is weighed in the fame manner againft pre- 
 cious ftones, gold, filver, gold tifllies, filk 
 fluffs, butter, rice, fruits, i^c. which is 
 afterwards beftowed upon the Brahmans ; 
 and nuts made fo curiouQy of gold wire, 
 (as likewife almonds, and other fruits,) are 
 thrown among the people, that a thoufand 
 of them weigh not above twenty ropias, 
 and cofl: about fixty ropias. The whole 
 ceremony is concluded with drinking to a 
 great excefs all the night long, notwith- 
 ftanding Mahotnet's law. Sir Thotnas Row 
 relates that he had a golden cup befet with 
 Turquoifes, Rubies^ and Smaragdes, prefent- 
 ed him by the Great Mogul on his birth- 
 day, but not till he had emptied it four or 
 five times. 
 
 The Moors alfo celebrate a certain feaft 
 to the memory of two brothers, fervants 
 to Mahomet Raly, who being on their way 
 to Coromandel on pilgrimage, were forced 
 by the pagans of the country to feek for 
 fhelier in a certain caftle ; but being defti- 
 tute of water, they fallied out couragioufly 
 
 Upon the pagans-, and after having killed B a i- 
 many of them, were at lad (lain thcmfclvcs. ""'^ ^ ^• 
 Their memory is celebrated in June, ten ^'^'V"*^ 
 days after the new-moon, when they carry 
 a bear along the ftreets loaden with turbants, 
 arrows, bows, and fcymitars, certain pricfts 
 finging doleful tunes, and flafliing them- 
 felvts with knives, till the blood follows 
 very plentifully. In the market-place they 
 fet up the figures of t\vo men of ftraw, 
 reprefcnting the murderers of thefe two 
 faints ; at which they let fly their arrows, 
 and at laft burn them to allies. They keep 
 alfo another fcaft in June., when they kill 
 abundance of he-goats, and afterwards feaft 
 upon the meat. This is faid to be done 
 in commemoration of the facrifice of A- 
 braham. 
 
 The Great Mogul being abfolute lord 
 over thirty feven large provinces and king- 
 doms, the perfons and eftates of all which 
 are at his fole difpofal, befide the im.menfe 
 prefents of his fubjeds, (none of whom dare 
 approach his perfon without them.,) muft 
 needs be maftcr of immenfe treafures. The 
 king of Vifiapour fent at one time thirty 
 elephants, two whereof were girded by 
 golden chains, weighing four hundred 
 pound weight, two others with filver 
 chains, the reft of brafs ; befides five hun- 
 dred horfcs, the faddles and bridles whereof 
 were befet all over with diamonds, pearls, 
 and rubies. Mr. John Twijl has given the 
 world an exaft account of the treafury of 
 king Accabaar. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The title of the Great Mogul ; and of the kings of Achcm and Siam. The origin 
 o/" Mahomet ) feme of his pretended miracles, Alcoran, &c. 
 
 1 
 
 [ T is moft furprizing to underftand what 
 godlike titles the fubjeds of the Great 
 Mogul beftow upon their lord and mafter ! 
 How all his words are looked upon as ora- 
 cles, and all his actions received with a 
 profound amazement ! Hence it is, that the 
 vulgar fort are really of opinion, that cer- 
 tain rays dart from his head and turbant, 
 which admit not of the near approach of 
 indifferent perfons ; and that they fcarce 
 ever mention his name without the addi- 
 tional titles of the ntofi potent upon earth, 
 lord of the world, great monarch, the mofi 
 exalted majejly, the brightejt of princes among 
 the great ones, &c. 'Tis true, moft of the 
 Indian kings affeft moft magnificent, or 
 rather vain-glorious titles -, but the kings 
 of Achem and Siam feem to outvy all the 
 reft in this point : the firft ftiles himfelf 
 The king « King of the world, created by God, 
 
 fJi!?^"*'" " ^h°^^ ^°^y ^^"'^s l^ke the fun at noon- 
 day ; a king unto whom God has given 
 Vol. III. 
 
 titles. 
 
 the luftre of full moon ; a kihg chofen 
 by God ; a king perftft as the nortii- 
 ftar, king of kings, of the pofterity of 
 Alexander the Great ; a king before whom 
 all other kings muft bow their heads, 
 and pay homage •, a king as wife as a 
 round globe, and happy like the fea ; 
 a king who is God's flave and fervant, 
 who fees God, and lets the world know 
 the juftice of God ; a proteftor of God's 
 juftice ; a king blcffed by God ; a king 
 who covers the iniquities of men, and 
 forgives their offences -, a king under 
 whofe ftiade flaVes feek for flicker •, a 
 king perfecfl and infallible in his counfcls •, 
 a king and benefaflor to his people; a 
 juft king, who maintains God's juftice ; 
 the moft beneficial king upon earth, the 
 foles of whofe feet emit a moft odori- 
 ferous fcent, beyond all other kings ; a 
 king whom God has bleffed with his 
 gold mines, whofe eves are as bright as 
 6 R' 
 
 " tlxe
 
 516 
 
 A Description of the Coj/Is of 
 
 Chap. $. 
 
 The ki 
 of Siam 
 tide. 
 
 " the morning ftar ; a king who is mailer 
 of many elephants of all forts -, a king 
 unto whom God lias given riches, to 
 " adorn his elephants with gold and prc- 
 " cious (tones ; befides a great number of 
 " elephants of war, armed with iron teeth 
 " and copper (hoes; a king upon whom 
 " God has beftowed horfes with golden 
 " homelTes befit with precious ftones, and 
 " many thoufand horfes for war ; the 
 " choiceft (tone-horfcs of Arabia, J'urky, 
 " CiittU and Bahuki ; a king whofe terri- 
 " tories extend from the fouth to the north ; 
 " a king who beftows his favours upon all 
 " that love him, and rejoices fuch as are 
 " difturbed in mind; a king who has in 
 " his cuftody every thing that God has 
 " created ; a king whom God has placed 
 " above all things to rule, and to fhew the 
 " kiftre of the throne of Achem" 
 
 The king of 5iam goes ftill beyond it, 
 as may be feen by his letter written 1636, 
 to the late prince of Orange, Frederick 
 Hem-y. 
 
 ng " ^T^HIS is a golden letter of friend- 
 's " J fhip and confederacy, replenifhed 
 " with the brightnefs of God, the moft 
 " excellent, comprehending all that is to 
 " be known ; the moft fortunate, above 
 " what is to be found by men ; the bcft 
 " and the moft fecure in heaven, earth, 
 " and in hell ; the moft magnificent, de- 
 " licious, and moft agreeable words ; the 
 " glory and irrefiftable viitue whereof pafs 
 " all over the earth, with the fame vigour, 
 " as if through God's power the dead were 
 " revived from their graves, and purify'd 
 " from all their iniquities, to the furprize, 
 " not only of the priefts, but alfo of mer- 
 " chants, and all the fervile fort of man- 
 " kind. For what king can compare with 
 " me, who am the moft potent, moft il- 
 " luftrious, and invincible ? The mafter 
 " of an hundred crowns, adorned with 
 " nine forts of precious ftones •, fupreme 
 " lord \zve pafs by fome blafphenwus ex- 
 " prcjfwns'] of the vaft and moft noble 
 " kingdom of Siam ; the brightnefs of the 
 " moft beautiful city of hdia, the capital 
 " city of the world, the ftreets whereof 
 " are crowded daily with people ; a city 
 " adorned with all the beauties of the 
 " world, and irrigated with delicious 
 " brooks ; whofe lord has a palace of gold 
 " and precious ftones ; a mafter of gilded 
 " thrones, of the white, red, and round- 
 " tailed elephants, which three forts God 
 " has not beftowed upon any other kings ; 
 " a divine lord, in whofe territories is de- 
 " pofited the viftorious fword, and who 
 " refembles the God of war with four 
 " arms." 
 
 But to return to the Great Mogul, and T*ie ^^o- 
 his court: The Perfuin language is the S"'"^ '^°""- 
 court language there, though befides this 
 there are at leaft three other languages ufed 
 throughout his territories. The chief lords 
 of his courts have their certain monthly fa- 
 laries allotted them, out of which they are 
 obliged to maintain a certain number of 
 horfes ; among thefe are four who maintain 
 twelve thoufand horfes each, (the king's 
 fons entertain fifteen thoufand horle,) others 
 one thoufand, others one hundred, in pro- 
 portion to their fahiries ; the whole numbt.r 
 of horfc maintained by his courtiers, being ^ 
 
 computed at an hundred thoufand horfe. 
 
 The Mogul changes his cloaths every day 
 for new ones, which he beftows upon his 
 courtiers. The Mogul entertains certain of- 
 ficers of quality, called Nababes, at Suratte 
 and other places, whofe buiinefs is, to enter 
 upon treaties with foreigners, and to keep 
 the roads free from robbers^ by punifhing 
 them with the utmoft feverity. T\\t Mogul 
 has alfo a laudable cuftom, to lay up vaft 
 fums of money and provifions in certain 
 places, to be referved for necefTitous occa- 
 fions. He appears three times a-day, and 
 fits in council from feven till nine in the 
 evening. 
 
 The Moguls profefs the Mahometan reli- Religion. 
 gion ; but are no great zealots in it, as 
 Athanafms Kircher has well obferved in 
 Gclal Edim Mahomet, the tenth of the 
 Moguls defcended from the Great Tamer- 
 lain the firft, who called the Jefuits into his 
 empire ; and their continual debaucheries 
 in ftrong liquor (direftly contrary to the 
 law of Mahomet) is an infallible fign of 
 their indifferency in point of religion : be- 
 fides that, throughout all the em.pire, they 
 are nor near fo well verfed in the Alcoran 
 and the law of Mahomet as the Africans, 
 thofe of Fez and Morocco, &c. Notwith- 
 ftanding all their ignorance, this accurfed 
 dodtrine has fpread itfelf within fifty or 
 fixty years, from hence all over the ifles 
 of Java, Bcrnco, and Celebes, befides di- 
 vers other countries in thofe parts. 
 
 The Mahometaris are obliged to pray five 'J^^ ^^'* 
 times every day, vtz. in the morning, at j.^)- j^j, 
 noon, in the afternoon, after fun-fet, and 
 at midnight ; certain people being ap- 
 pointed, who, from the fteeples of the 
 mofques, exhort them to their prayers, by 
 crying Lailla ilia ilia, Mahomed RefulLalla : 
 when they are going to pray, they ftand 
 upright upon a carpet fpread upon the 
 ground, holding both their hands to their 
 ears ; fometimes bowing towards the ground, 
 fometimes ftanding upright again. The 
 Alcoran is tlie' law-book of the Mahometans^ 
 containing one hundred and fourteen chap- 
 ters, being a mixture of the Jewip and 
 Chrijtian dodrine. Mahomet flouridied a- 
 
 bout
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5^7 
 
 bout the year of Chrift 600. and died 632. 
 His companion was one Sergius an Arian. 
 The father of Mahomet was one /Ibdalla, 
 and his mother Emiiie, defcended of the 
 illiiftrious family of the Koreijhites. 
 Maho- Mahomet firft fcrved in the wars under 
 
 met's ori- the emperor Heraclius, and afterwards fer- 
 8'"- ved a merchant •, after whofc death he mar- 
 
 ried Chadiga, a rich widov/ -, and being ad- 
 dicted to enthufiaim, he and his companion 
 Sergius compiled the Alcoran, pretending 
 that he kept Correfpondence witli the arch- 
 angel Gabriel, who in his trances (which 
 were nothing but epileptic fits) had reveal- 
 ed to him thefe fecrets. He was born at 
 Mecca -, but being forced from thence, fled 
 to Medina, from which time the Mahometans 
 take their Epocha, and call it Medina Al- 
 tiabi, or the city of the great prophet. His 
 dodrine was firfl received by his wife Cha- 
 
 v.-'-V'sy 
 
 diga, and his fervant Seydin ; afterwards by Ba l- 
 Hali, Abubeker, Omar, Otman, and others " "''■ " ' • 
 his followers, who were called Caliphs. 
 The Perfians prefer Halt before Mahomet ; 
 and the 'Turks, Omar. Abubeker reigned 
 two years, Oraar ten years : it is he who 
 regulated the Alcoran, and inftituted the 
 fait in the month Rammedan. Otman reign- 
 ed twelve years, and conquered Mauri- 
 tania and Cyprus. Hali was by Mahomet 
 appointed his fuccefTor ; but the other three 
 having ufurped the kingdom, with the ex- 
 clufion of Hali, this is the reafon the Po'- 
 fians, who adhere to the laft, abominate 
 the three former. 
 
 The hatred between the Perfians and 
 Turks (though both Mahometans) proceeds 
 from the different interpretations of the Al- 
 coran, and certain ceremonies relating to 
 their prayers, covering their heads, is!c. 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 
 "The feajls, fabbath, and fome other things belonging to the Mahometans ; their 
 priejls, holy orders, maimers, a?id ciijioms. 
 
 NOT to infill: here upon the fabulous 
 trifles of Mahomet'i, vifions, con- 
 tained in fome parts of the Alcoran, we 
 will proceed to give you a fhort account 
 of tlie moil: material parts of the Maho- 
 
 metan religion. 
 
 Their cir- They Commonly circumcife boys and 
 cumcifion. gir]s at thirteen years of age, viz. fo foon 
 as they are able to fay tlieir confefTions, 
 •■ There is but one God, and Mahomet his 
 Prophet. If a Jew turns Turk, he is not 
 circumcifed again, but only wafhed with 
 water. Their wafhing, or bathing, is per- 
 formed upon a threefold occafion. 
 Waftiing. I. After they have eafcd nature, or co- 
 habited with their wives. 
 
 2. When they are to go to the Alofque, 
 or X.O rcTidi t\\t Alcoran. And, 
 
 3. After they have committed fome en- 
 ormous fins. 
 
 Their high prieft is called Mufti, in great 
 efteem with the grand feignior, and a mem- 
 ber of his privy council. Next to him are 
 the Cadilefloeri, or provincial high priefts 
 of Europe, Natolia, &c. Thefe are fol- 
 lowed by the Cady, Seriphes, San tones, 
 Hoggy, Tali/mans, and Dervifes. 
 Sabbath. The fabbath of the Mahometans is on 
 Friday, which they keep with the fame 
 ftriftnefs as the Jews do theirs on Saturday, 
 at leaft with more devotion, as the Chriftians 
 their Sunday. They have in each city, be- 
 lides the otiier Mofques, one great Mofque, 
 where they then alTcmble to perform their 
 devotion. Their lent begins in February 
 ■v^ith the new moon, and continues thirty 
 days, with a great deal of feverity, for 
 
 they neither eat nor drink all the day long ; 
 but fome make themfclves amends at night, 
 though the zealots will not tafte the leaft 
 of wine, or any other ftrong liquor all that 
 time, nor converfe with their wives. Thty 
 are permitted to marry as many wives as 
 they pleafe, tliough the Alcoran allows no 
 more than four wives. 
 
 Their churches are flat on the top, com- Churches 
 monly built on a rifing ground, fo as to be orMofques 
 feen at a diftance above the other houfes. 
 They have witliin nothing but bare white 
 walls, without pictures or hangings -, though 
 on fome of thtir tombs we fee certain paf- 
 fages ingraved out of the Alcoran. On the 
 Ibuth-eait of the Mofque ftands the pulpit 
 made of brick-work, about three ftcps 
 from the ground, from wiience their teach- 
 ers fay their publick prayers, and explain 
 the Alcoran. Their great Mofques are ge- 
 nerally adorned with two high fteeples, each 
 having fl:airs within from the bottom to the 
 top. Their Mofques have fcarce any reve- 
 nues belonging to them, except what the 
 prieft makes by letting fome few chambers 
 belonging to them : many of them are built 
 by charitable perfons, and fome of thefe 
 have a fettled income. It is further worth 
 obfervation, that if a Jew will turn Maho- 
 metan, he muft firft own Chrift, before 
 they will receive him among the Mufelmen. 
 
 They have many ecclefiaftical orders Divers or- 
 among them, three whereof have no pof- '^*"- 
 feffions, or any other propriety ; and fome 
 pretend to fuch a degree ot purity, that they 
 profefs themfelvts born without manly feed. 
 Some make certain vows, like the P^oman 
 
 Cathohck
 
 5^8 
 
 A Defcription of the Coajfs of 
 
 Chap. 5, 
 
 Tenets of 
 
 th ir reli- 
 gion. 
 
 Paradife. 
 
 Citholick monks; Ibme appear quite naked, 
 others only cover tneir privities. Some 
 have vowed perpetual filcnce •, fome carry 
 water without reward ; Ibme prick them- 
 fcives with Iharp-pointed needles or inftru- 
 inents ; others carry a ring of three pounds 
 weight in tlieir privy members. 
 
 For tlie rell, they beheve God a corpo- 
 real being, who is carried in a throne by 
 the angels ; and Chrift to be only a man, 
 and Miihomet the comforter mentioned by 
 John xiv. 1 6. They believe a third place 
 befidcs heaven and hell, and therefore pray 
 for the dead ; as alfo a general judgment, 
 but implicated in many fabulous abfurdi- 
 ties ; for they tell you that two black an- 
 gels, one called Hunger, the other ^la- 
 regncr, will appear, the firft with an iron 
 club, the other with a large fork in his 
 hand ; that every man befides is to have 
 two angels to affid him •, but if after all 
 he cannot give a good account of himfclf, 
 the angel with the club knocks him down, 
 and fo he is carried to hell. And becaufe 
 they are of opinion that thofe angels appear 
 to them in their graves, thefe are generally 
 built hollow ; whence alfo they often make 
 the following ejaculation : Good God, pre- 
 fetve us from the interrogating angel, from 
 the pain of the grave, and from the evil way. 
 They add many fabulous things concerning 
 the angel Adriel, who, at the approach of 
 the day of judgment, is to kill all living 
 things, and to hang himfelf at laft, till 
 after forty years the angel Seraphiel fhall 
 awaken the fouls ; and fuch-like fables, 
 too long to be inferted here. 
 
 Concerning beatitude, and the paradife, 
 they believe it confifts in a continued enjoy- 
 ment of pleafures there. They divide it 
 into feven different apartments •, one where- 
 of is of gold, the fecond of filver, another 
 of pearls, precious ftones, and fo forth. 
 Here they are to pafs their time in pleafures 
 with certain moft beautiful women, created 
 for that purpofe by God, whilft their wives 
 Ihall look through a grate, and be fpecta- 
 tors of the enjoyments of their hufbands 
 with thefe moft beautiful women, who fhall 
 not be fubjedt to the monthly times, or 
 child-bearing, and the men as vigorous as 
 Mahomet himfelf, who gloried in his ha- 
 ving out-done by double the number Ovid 
 himfclf, Et memini, numeros fujlinuijfe no- 
 vem. They fay they fhall drink in paradife 
 ot the fpring of Alcazar mentioned by Ma- 
 homet ; they fhall be delighted with the 
 fcent of the moft odoriferous citrons, which 
 fhall produce moft beautiful virgins that 
 fhall imbrace the Muffelmans and delight 
 them with their charms for fifty years to- 
 gether : and more fuch like notions, tend- 
 ing to elevate the thoughts with imaginary 
 corporeal pleafures, to be enjoy'd in the 
 
 next world by fuch as have obferved the 
 following rules in their life-time, which 
 they reckon abfolutely requifite to attain 
 to this blifs. 
 
 To believe one God, and Mahomet his Ru'ps to 
 prophet, and a day of judgment ; to pray ^''f?,^" 
 at certain times -, to wafli, bow, and ob- 
 ferve certain other ceremonies in praying : ' 
 to pay the tenths ; to faft in the month 
 Rammeden ; to go on pilgrimage to Mecca -, 
 to abftain from extortions, wine, and hogs- 
 flefli, becaufe they believe the hogs to have 
 been progenerated out of the elephants and 
 mens dung in the ark of Noah. They arc 
 alio forbid not to ufe tables nor dice, not 
 to fwear by God, not to be rafh in our 
 judgment, or deceive a brother either in 
 publick or private -, not to part from a vir- 
 tuous wife ; not to be too forward to objedl 
 and difcover the faults of a brother, or to 
 deijjife him ; not to fet the fear of God and 
 his punifhment out of our eyes, or to ca- 
 lumniate our neighbour, and fpread what 
 is heard upon flight reports. On the other 
 hand, they are injoined to be thankful for 
 God's mercy •, to be patient in adverfities, 
 and not to defpair of God's mercy ; and to 
 believe that whatever happens to us does 
 not come by chance ; (for the Mahometans 
 maintain ftrongly God's providence-,) not 
 to deny a brother's requeft out of avari- 
 tioufnefs ; not to raife God's anger out of 
 love to his creatures, or to prefer a tem- 
 poral intereft before that which is to come : 
 in all glioftly affairs, to have a refpeft to 
 him that is above us ; and in temporal 
 matters, to thofe that are below us : not 
 to enter into any alTociation with the devils ; 
 to refrain from vanity, allow orphans and 
 widows their own ; to inftruct their chil- 
 dren in fuch things as relate to the divine 
 fervice ; to do good to your neighbour ; 
 not to curfe any of God's creatures, but to 
 praife him in his works •, to read the Al- 
 coran, (except when you are unclean -,) to 
 appear at the publick congregations ; and 
 to do as you v/ould be done by. It is fur- 
 ther their opinion, that the fouls of the 
 brutes are likewif'e to be revived and joined 
 with their bodies. 
 
 In relation to their manners and cuftoms. Their 
 I will begin here with the charafter given "^ann^rs 
 them by a perfon of extraordinary learning, ^," ^'^' 
 viz. That in their whole behaviour they are 
 declared enemies to vanity, as zvell in their 
 words and deeds as in their clothing, which 
 makes them look upon many of us Chrifiians 
 like monkeys, who are apt to imitate- every 
 thing they fee ; whereas the Turks of both 
 fexes, young and old, rich or poor, are as 
 regular and decent in their habits, as if they 
 belonged to one certain order ; and are fo care- 
 ful in the education of their youth, that th^ir 
 fchool-mafiers prefcribe every day a certain 
 
 part
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 Malabar and CoromandfL 
 
 5^9 
 
 fari df the Alcoran, zi'hic/j thty learn by 
 hearty and fo in two years time pafs through 
 the whole Alcoran. 
 Tokens of In their marriages, and the tokens of 
 marriage- marriageablenefs and virginity, they ob- 
 ablenefs. fepve the following rules: As foon as the 
 monthly times begin to appear, they carry 
 the maiden, for fcven days together, adorn'd 
 with flowers, and, as it were, in triumph, 
 to the next brook, during which time flie 
 is to eat nothing but what comes from the 
 cocoa-tree. The Portuguefes (who perhaps 
 have got it from the Moors) publiOi the 
 marriageablenefs of their daughters by^ the 
 found of trumpets, and invite their next 
 Their relations to a feaft. When a marriage is to 
 marriages, ^g concluded, they bargain very hard for 
 the dowry ; but this being paft, and the 
 agreement made betwixt the parents, guar- 
 dians, or other neareft relations, the day 
 for the confummation thereof is appointed: 
 then the bridegroom on horfeback, adorned 
 with fweet-fcented flowers, under two um- 
 hrello's, paffes with his next friends through 
 the chiefeft ilreets under the found of trum- 
 pets, hautboys, drums, and other fuch-like 
 inftnmients, to the bride's houfe, where 
 having ftay'd half an hour at the door, and 
 entertained his bride with the mufick, and 
 the throwing of fome fquibs, and other 
 fmall fire-works, he is admitted into the 
 houfe ; and being feated upon a chair raifed 
 fomewhat from the ground, and covered 
 with tapeltry, the bride is brought to him 
 by her parents and relations in the prefence 
 of a prieft and the judge of the place, 
 (without whole confent no marriage is 
 valid :) the prieft having read certain paf- 
 fages out of a book, the bridegroom fwears, 
 tliat in cafe of a divorce from his wife, he 
 will be ready to reftore her dowry •, which 
 ' done, the prieft gives the benediiSi:ions, and 
 
 they are married ; the whole being con- 
 cluded at that time with a prefent of Betel 
 anei Arrack to the guefts, yet not to any 
 excefs, tiiough afterwards they keep the 
 wedding for three, four, fix, feven, or 
 eight days together, according to every 
 one's pleafure and ability. 
 
 However, divorces are very frequent 
 among the Moors, (or Indian Mahometans,) 
 which is foon done, if the hufband, pur- 
 fuant to his promife, returns the dowry, 
 which confilts commonly in nothing elfe but 
 the woman's apparel. A man is at liberty 
 to kill his wife in cafe of adultery ; but a 
 woman may not fo much as fue a divorce 
 upon the fame fcore. When a woman is 
 divorced from her hufband, fhe takes ge- 
 nerally her daughters along with her, lea- 
 ving the fons to the hufband's difpofal. 
 The next morning after the bridegroom has 
 lain with his bride, and found her a virgin, 
 publick proclamation is made tliereof 
 Vol. UI. 
 
 tH 
 
 vorces. 
 
 throughout the whole town, (for the ho- B a l- 
 nour of her parents,) when the bride's mo- "'^"2/, 
 ther haftening to her daughter's bed-cham- "•''^ 
 IxT, and finding the ullial tokens of vir- 
 ginity in the flieets or cloaths laid for that 
 purpofe, fhe carries tlicm to the bridi!- 
 groom's parents, who rejoice with her at 
 the conqueft of their Ion over the maiden's 
 virginity. But if thefe tokens are not ap- 
 parent, matters are carried off with lefs 
 pomp and more filence. 
 
 The Mahometans in general are enemies "^^^ '^- 
 
 honietans 
 
 to inceft, fo that even the Grand Seigniorh 
 
 fon, after the death of his father, never i„(-eit, but 
 
 touches his concubines, but fliuts them up addlded to 
 
 in a certain caftle : on the other hand, they fodoniy. 
 
 are extremely addifted not only to luft, but 
 
 alfo to fodomy itfelf, and combination with 
 
 brutes. Tliere are inftances, that two pro- 
 
 fbtutes in Perjia have been condemned, one 
 
 to be occupied by a horfe, the other by an afs ; 
 
 the firft died, but the fecond efcaped with life. 
 
 The Moors feed generally upon rice in- Their 
 ftead of bread, which is well tafted here, ^"'^'*- 
 and grows in great plenty in Bengale, and 
 divers other provinces ; the fame is in much 
 requeft throughout the Indies, in China, 
 Japan, in the ifles o^ Fonnoja, Java, Celebes, 
 Borneo, Ceylon in Malabar, and other placer, 
 though Japan and Bengale produce likewife 
 very good wheat. The poorer fort, who 
 can't get above four or five pence a day to 
 maintain themfelves, are forced to be con- 
 tented with Kitzery (a mixture of beanflower 
 and rice) boiled in water. Their habitations Habita- 
 are alfo very low and mean, made of clay, t'O"*- 
 and their houfliold-ftuff fuitable to their 
 houfes ; for befides a few veflels of brafs, 
 and the two bed-ftcads where the man and 
 wife lie, (who never fleep together,) there is 
 nothing to be feen there, they having nei- 
 ther benches nor chairs, but only mats to fit 
 upon. In fome places they ufe cording in- 
 ftead of wood for fuel : but the houfes of 
 people of fafliion are fpacious, and divided 
 into many apartments, flat on the top, 
 whereupon they take the cool air in the 
 evening. They are very fplendid in their 
 entertainments, wives, and houfes, but 
 efpecially in gold and filver plate. 
 
 Their clothing is very grave, and they Their 
 fcarce ever change the fafhion thereof; the c'°'^'"8- 
 men wear coats of callico, or rich tiflues 
 and filks ; they are ft;rait above, clofe to 
 the body, faftened with a girdle round the 
 waift, and reach down to the knees : their 
 breeches are wide above, and narrow at the 
 bottom, reaching down to the legs, and- 
 trimmed with fringes ; their flioes are of 
 gilt leather, which they turn down at the 
 heels, for the conveniency of throwing them 
 off upon occafion. When they falute one 
 anotlier, they touch the turbant with the 
 hand only, but never move them as we do 
 a S our
 
 530 
 
 A Defcription of the Confis of 
 
 Chap. 7* 
 
 Bal- 
 
 DA U S. 
 
 Their bu 
 
 rials. 
 
 our hats. Tliey are girt about their loins 
 with a girelle of fome fine (lufF, over which 
 tlic-y wear another of fine hnen, and a 
 broad dagger on the left fide. The ornn- 
 HK-nt of the women confifts chiefly in brace- 
 lets about their arms and feet, ear-pendants, 
 nofe-rings, and other jewels: when they 
 are going abroad, they cover their heads 
 with a veil, with fevcral hair-locks twifted 
 together, hanging down their backs. 
 
 They obferve certain peculiar culloms in 
 their burials \ for no fooner is the breath 
 out of the body, but their wives, children, 
 and neighbours make a moft lamentable 
 outcry, afking ever and anon the deceafed. 
 What made him die .'' whether he wanted 
 any thing in his life-time ^ this they con- 
 tinue for three days fucceffively : then they 
 invite his friends to a feaft in memory of the 
 deceafed, whofe corpfe being in the mean 
 while well waflied, and fowed up in fome 
 white ftuff, with all forts of odoriferous 
 drugs, is laid upon a bier, and accompa- 
 nied by three pricfts, (who fing and read 
 all the way,) carried by ten or twelve per- 
 fons to the grave : here they lay him upon 
 
 his right fide, with his feet to the fouth, the 
 head to the north, and the face to the 
 weft. This done, they lay boards over the 
 whole corpfe to keep the earth from touch- 
 ing it ; and whilft they are filling up the 
 grave, the ftanders-by mutter out certain 
 prayers, and then return to the houfe of the 
 deceafed with the priefts, who for feveral 
 days after pray for his foul, fliorter or 
 longer, according as they are able to pay 
 them. During this time, no fire mull be 
 feen in the houfe ; what victuals they ufe 
 being drefled without doors. Upon the 
 grave they lay two flones, one at the head, 
 and another at the feet, the interflice being 
 of the fame length with the dead corpfe 
 underneath it : upon thefe the priefls read 
 certain chapters out of the Alcoran, and di- 
 ftribute fome bread among the poor : upon 
 the fame, at the head, they fet fometimes 
 a turbant, and if a female be buried there, 
 a kind of a bonnet. Thus much of the 
 Mahometan fubjeJts of the Great Mogul; of 
 the idolatry of the Centives yf<t fhall have 
 occafion to treat at large in the third 
 book. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 A defcriftlon of Diu, A Jca-engagement of the Portuguefes moifh Jazy and 
 Hocenus. The fmgidar bravery of Laurence d'Almcyda, and Nonnius 
 Vafques Pereria. 'The harbour of Diu tahen by the Portuguefes. 'The fight 
 of Jazy and Hocenus. MooriQi colours fent to Portugal. 
 
 Origin of 
 Diu 
 
 AT the uttermoft fouthern pomt of 
 Gtifuratte lies the city of hiu, the 
 draught whereof you fee here annexed, 
 where the Portuguefes have three ftrong forts. 
 It is commonly called Diu, though its 
 right name is believed to be Tivo, i. e. an 
 ijle, in the Malabar language, as may be 
 feen in the names of Naynativo, Anchativo, 
 MaUivo, or the Maldive iQands, which 
 being in all fixty in number, extend from 
 the cape Commoryn from the feventh degree 
 of northern latitude, to the third degree of 
 fouthern latitude, a traft of one hundred 
 and forty, or one hundred and fifty German 
 leagues. 
 
 As to the origin of Diu, they relate that 
 one fazy, a native of Sarmatia, did fettle 
 in this ifland ; but being taken prifoner and 
 made a flave by the Mahometans in thefe 
 parts, he changed the Chriflian religion for 
 that of the Turks, and being fold into Cam- 
 haja, was at laft, for his fingular dexterity 
 in managing the bow and arrow, preferr'd 
 ^o the fervice of king Madrafakaon, the fa- 
 ther of king Mamudius. Jazy, to give a 
 proof of his fkill, fhooting one day at a 
 certain bird of prey flying, he gained there- 
 by fo much credit, that the king- not long 
 
 after gave him his liberty, and reflored to 
 him the ifle of Diu. 
 
 This ifle, which at that time had nothing to Rettored 
 fhew but the ruins and miferable remnants of by Jazy. 
 a once-flourifliing city, began to recover part 
 of its former fplendor under Jazy, by reafon 
 of its convenient fituation betwixt the. Ara- 
 bian fliore and the kingdom of Decan, Ha- 
 ving provided for the fecurity of the place, 
 by erefling divers forts and other fortifica- 
 tions, and his wealth increafing in a few years, 
 he began to equip a fleet in order to attack his 
 enemies fliips at fea. Hocenus (otherwife na- 
 med Mir Amirazem) a Perfian by birth, and 
 commander in chief of the fliips that were 
 to come from Egypt into the Indies, having 
 lately had a fmart engagement with the 
 Portuguefes, Laurence and Francis d'Al- 
 meyda, and coming that way, Jazy thought He enters 
 fit to enter into a confederacy with him, '"'° ^ '^°"" 
 which was done accordingly : whilft they i^jt'h^Ho- 
 were confulting by what means beft to annoy cenus. 
 their enemies with their joint fleets, news 
 was brought, x.\idX Laurence d' Almey da was The Por- 
 with a few fhips come to an anchor before tuguefe 
 Chaul, and had landed his men, (as being J|f^^°|^" 
 quite ignorant of the arrival of the Egyp- 
 tian fleet in thofe parts.) One Nizamaluc 
 
 ° to Chaui. 
 
 reigned
 
 Chap, y* 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 53 1 
 
 reigned at that time at Chaul ; for the great 
 perlbns of Decan having imprifoned their 
 king, had divided his kingdom among 
 themfelves, whereof this part was fallen to 
 his fhare. Nizamaluc, though no great 
 friend to the chriftians, yet for intereft fake 
 had ordered his fubjefts to maintain a good 
 correfpondence with the Portugiiefes trat- 
 . ficking in thofe parts ; which Alnieyda be- 
 
 ing not ignorant of, he thought he might 
 ftay here with fafety enough, till he had 
 the opportunity of convoying the Poriii- 
 gtiefe merchant fliips to Cochin. It was, 
 indeed, rumoured abroad, that the Egyp- 
 tian fleet had been feen on that coaft •, but 
 the Portnguefes imagining that the fame 
 might be occafioncd by the arrival of cer- 
 tain fhips coming about that time of the 
 year from Mocha, they made no great ac- 
 count of it : one of the fliip's crew at length 
 efpy'd a confiderable fleet from the top of 
 the main-mall, but could not difcern their 
 ftrength, till at laft they began to fufptft 
 the truth ; for Hocems was advancing that 
 way, and Jazy preparing to follow him, 
 = in order to attack the Portugiiefes. Cer- 
 
 tain intelhgence being at laft brought to 
 Almeyda, that the enemy was at hand, he 
 ordered his men aboard, which was fcarce 
 done when they faw the Egyptians advancing 
 againft them. Thefe Barlfaria^is had flat- 
 tered themfelves with hopes to furprize the 
 Portugiiefes •, but thefe having juft had time 
 enough to put themfelves into a good 
 pofture of defence, received their enemies 
 fo warmly, that they thought fit to ftay 
 for the arrival of ya7y ; however, they 
 charged one another (but at a diftance) all 
 that day -, but towards night Hocenus re- 
 treated with his velTcls to the other bank of 
 the river among the fands, for his greater 
 fecurity's fake. 
 The Por- The night being fpent on the Portuguefe 
 tuguei'es j-j(^£ ;,^ preparing for the combat againft 
 
 Hoce^uis. '•'^^ "^■'^^ *^'^y' 'when Almeyda being ignorant 
 of the confederacy betwixt Hocenus and 
 7^2}', attacked the firft with great fury, in 
 hopes of boarding the Egyptian ftiips ■, but 
 not being able to come clofe enough up 
 with them by reafon of the fands, he was 
 forced to reft fatisfied with plying them 
 with his cannon, which he did all the day 
 long, notwithftanding the enemy were 
 much ftronger in fliips and men. The en- 
 gagement was very hot, Laurence d'Al- 
 ineyda being himfclf wounded twice with an 
 arrow : the combat continued thus with 
 confiderable lofs on both fides, till towards 
 night Jazy came to the relief of the Egyp- 
 tians with forty fliips, but not daring to 
 engage with the Portuguefes, came to an 
 anchor at the entrance of the river, to be 
 nearer to Hocenus in order to join with him 
 the next day. 
 
 The Portugiiefes being fomewhat moved B a l- 
 at this unexpecT:ed fight, reprefented to "^^^I^li 
 their admiral Alneyda, that having gained ^amts of 
 fufficient honour in the yeftcrday's engage- the Portu- 
 ment, they ought now to confult prudence, guejcs to 
 and to endeavour to bring their fliips out ''"•""" ^''' 
 of the harbour in the night time into the "'" 
 open lea. Almeyda did not difapprove the 
 advicQ of his fea-commanders ; but as he isrejeacd. 
 was of a haughty temper, ib he could not 
 refolve to fteal away by night, but deter- 
 mined to make the beft of his way to mor- 
 row by day-light -, with this refolution he 
 order'd all his ihips, as well merchants as 
 others, to be ready to fct fail with the firft 
 tide by break of day. The Moors no 
 fooncr perceived his intention, but they 
 made towards them in order to intercept 
 their pafl"age ; in this engagement a bullet 
 happening to ftrike through tlie Pcr.'iigucfe 
 admiral next to the rudder, flie took much The Tor- 
 water, and was caft upon the rocks, whence t"g"'j'«^'i- 
 flie could not be got off: The Portuguefe ^ ^ 
 commanders feeing the impoflibility ofjock. 
 faving the fliip, fcnt a boat to the admiral, 
 defiring him to fave his perfon, and pre- 
 ferve himfelf for another occafion •, but in 
 vain, for he told them, that he would never 
 be guilty of fuch a piece of treachery, as to 
 leave thofe who had hitherto been his compa- 
 nions in danger in the lurch. Accordingly His bra- 
 he animated his men both with his words ^^'^" 
 and example to defend themfelves to the 
 utmoft extremity •, being thus animated by 
 their admiral, they fought like lions, re- 
 jecting all propofals offered them by the 
 enemy, rcfolving either to fave the fliip, 
 or die in the defence thereof. 
 
 In the mean while Almeyda having one Is wour.d- 
 of his thighs fliot off by a bullet, loft ^'^• 
 however not his wonted courage, but or- 
 dering his men to place him upon a chair 
 near tiie main-maft, he there gave his or- 
 ders as occafion required j but whiift he 
 was bufy in encouraging his men, another 
 unfortunate ball took away part of his breaft 
 and ribs, fo that his entrails falling out he 
 gave up the ghoft immediately, and his dead And kil- 
 carcafe was carried below deck immediate- l^'^- 
 ly. This was the end of the brave Almey- 
 da, who had fignalized himfelf fo often by 
 his bravery in the fervice of his king and 
 country. 
 
 There were befides him two other brave Two o- 
 fellows, though much inferior in rank, '^" ^^^"^ 
 whofe names well deferve a place in this"™"' 
 hiftory ; one was Laurentius Frerius Catus, 
 a fervant to the deceafed admiral, who be- 
 ing wounded with an arrow in one of his 
 eyes, threw himlclf notwithftanding this 
 upon his mafter's body, and when he faw 
 the Moors enter the fliip, fell in pell-mell 
 among them, and killed feveral of them 
 with his fword before they could difpatch 
 
 him.
 
 Ba"-- hini. The other was a failor, named Jn- 
 ''-^"'- drtw Van Pcr.'ua, who ftanding on the top 
 ^^"^'"^ of the main-maft, and being wounded by a 
 mulket-ball in his fliouldcr, and having be- 
 fore loit the life of his right-hand, dctuidcd 
 himfeh' from thence with his lett-hand tor 
 two whole days againll tliofe B.irh.iriaiis, 
 till at length they piomifed him liis lite ; 
 upon which he furrendered, and after- 
 wards returned fafcly into Portug.ih vfhfrt 
 he was honourably rewarded for his bra- 
 very. 
 
 Tiic taking of the admiral's fliip of the 
 Pcrtu^uefis, though it coft tiie Barbiiriam 
 fix hundred men, (one hundred and forty 
 being loft on the cliriilian fide, yet) occa- 
 lioncd no final! joy in their fleet-, as on the 
 other hand, tiie lofs thereof foon reached 
 to Cochin by fuch fliips as were fled thither : 
 liowever the Portuguefes were fo far from 
 being difmay'd thereat, that refolving to 
 be revenged upon thofe Barbcrians, they 
 left no ftone unturned to gather a more 
 formidable ftrcngth at fea; mA Albuquerque, 
 after having fettled matters at Socotora, (an 
 ifle at the entrance of the Red Sen,) did 
 confiderablc mifchief to the Moors near Or- 
 mus, as Laurence d' Almeyda (the father of 
 the admiral lately killed) revenged him- 
 felf for the death of his fon, by the taking 
 of Babul, Din, and Panane, whereof we 
 fhall give you a more ample account anon. 
 For Emanuel king of Portugal, being 
 informed concerning the convenient fitua- 
 tion of the harbour of Dili, fent his or- 
 ders to Sequeria to build a fortrefs there, 
 coft what it would. Accordingly Fi'an- 
 Diu at- cis d'Almeyda, after the taking of Dabul, 
 tacked by fteercd his courfe for the harbour ot Diu. 
 the Poi- fjoce7ius was for engaing the Portuguefes 
 '"£"« "■ without the harbour ; but at the perfuafion 
 of Jazy laid afide that defign, it being 
 thought much more expedient to expeft 
 the coming of the chriftians with their joint 
 forces, and to annoy them at their ap- 
 proach both by fea and land •, ior which 
 purpofe they had befidts the Egyptian fliips 
 and thofe of Diu received eighty brigan- 
 tines of Calecut, and had planted their can- 
 non at convenient diftances along the fhore. 
 The Portugucfe admiral was fomewhat fur- 
 prifed to fee the enemy keep fo clofe be- 
 yond expeftation •, yet interpreting the 
 fame as a good omen of his future viclory, 
 he fpent the remainder ot the day in view- 
 ing the pofture of the enemy, and conful- 
 tations what was beft to be done. 
 
 He having declared his refolution of at- 
 tacking the admiral's Ihip of the Egyptians, 
 aboard of which was Hocenus, the fame 
 was approved •, but he defired not to ex- 
 pofe his Perfon at this critical jundlure, 
 but to commit the management of the de- 
 fign to Nojinius Vafques Pereria : accord- 
 l 
 
 A Defcri prion of the Coafls of 
 
 Chap. 7. 
 
 ingly, every thing being got in readinefs, '^'f'y^^* 
 they entered the harbour the next morning "j^^'J^ ^ 
 with the firft tide, and a ftrong fca-wind, (jj^pj ;„ 
 Nonnius leading the van in his fliip with the har- 
 two hundred ciiofen men, being followed bour. 
 by the admiral d' /Jitney da to proted and 
 cover his rear. Nonnius advanced bravely 
 under the thundering noife ot the cannon, 
 (by which ten feamen that were furling the Ten men 
 fails were killed at once,) and making his killed by 
 way througli the midft of the Barbarians, °"^ ^"''*'* 
 at laft boarded Hocenus in his fiiip, though 
 not without great flaughtcr on both fides, 
 he himfelf having the misfortune to be 
 wounded in the tliroat by an arrow, of Nonnius 
 which he died three days after. wounded. 
 
 The Portuguefes not being difmay'd at 
 the difafter of their commander, but in- 
 flamed with revenge, redoubled their fury, 
 which the Barbarians being no longer able 
 to withftand, they gave all over for loft, 
 Hocenus liimfclt narrowly efcaping in a boat Hocenus 
 to the fhore, and (being fomewhat diffi- 
 dent of Jazy) took hoifc immediately, in 
 order to fly to the king of Cambaja, v/here 
 he was well received. Thofe of Calecut fee- So do thofe 
 ing the bell of their brigantines ruined by ° * *'"''' 
 the enemies fliot, thought it their beft way 
 to fave thcmfelves with tiie lighteft over 
 the fands, and two of Hocenus'^ gallies 
 were carried off by Roderic Zoares •, many 
 of the Barbarians leaped into the fea, where 
 they loft their lives ; the reft got aftiore 
 and difperfed, Jazy not being able to ftop 
 their flight. 
 
 There was yet remaining the fliip of 
 Jazy, a veflTel of a vaft bulk, appearing 
 like a caftle, well provided with artillery 
 and men, being befides this covered with 
 oxes hides to keep off the arrows, and 
 hinder the enemy from boarding by its 
 flipperinefs : the Portuguefes made fevcral 
 attempts to mafter it, but being as often 
 rcpulfed, at lail funk her with their can- J^^'* "^'P 
 The lofs of the Barbarians was com 
 
 non. 
 
 funk. 
 
 puted at three thoufand men, the Portu- 
 guefes had only thirty killed, but three 
 hundred wounded. The Portuguefes relate 
 that Nonnius's fhip being very old, yet 
 held out very well during the combat, but 
 immediately after was found leaky in ma- 
 ny places ; moft of the Mamaluqiies or 
 Egyptians were flain in this engagement. 
 How flenderly the Portuguefes were provi- 
 ded with all manner of neceflaries, may be' 
 gueflTed trom hence, that when Nonnius''s 
 wound was to be drcffed, there was no 
 linen in the fhip to do it with, but they 
 were forced to tear a fhirt for that purpofe. 
 Certain it is, that the Portuguefes can make 
 harder ftiift than moft other ' nations, a 
 thing of great confequence in time of war, 
 plenty and luxury being often the ruin of 
 the beft armies. The bgoty got by the 
 
 Portuguefes
 
 I^HAP. 8. 
 
 ' Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 m 
 
 Porluguefes in this engagement was confi- 
 derable ; for befides four war-fliips, and as 
 many merchant-men, with their artillery, 
 they got a confiderable quantity of gold, 
 filver, and precious (luffs and cloths, all 
 which was given a prey to the foldiers and 
 
 fliip's crew: three of the fultan's colours ^^^-j^ 
 were fent to Portugal, to be prefcrved there ^^^y^ 
 in memory of fo remarkable a viftory ; 
 which made an ample amends to the Po7- 
 tiiguefes for the lofs they had fuftained fome 
 time before near Chaul. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Peace made with Jazy. Ferdinand Coutinho ?fiade vicct'oy. Differetices ar'ifcn 
 betwixt Almeyda and Albuquerque. The Portuguefes take Diu ; which is re- 
 fortified by Jazy. Nonnius goes to Diu. The Ifie cf Betel taketi. Saldania 
 J'urprizcs Goga. 
 
 azy fues ^AZY thought it now time to fue for 
 or peace. J peace -, to obtain which he was not fpa- 
 ring in his promifes, to endeavour to en- 
 gage all the neighbouring princes into the 
 intercft of Portugal ; fo the peace was con- 
 cluded, under condition that he fliould fur- 
 render all the remaining Egyptian fhips to 
 the Portuguefes, releafe the prifoners taken 
 near Chaul, and provide their fleet with all 
 manner of necefiaries. Jazy being very 
 willing, or rather neceflitated, to comply 
 with the conditions, the Portuguefes thought 
 fit not to attempt any thing further againft 
 'Diu for that time, as being unwilling to 
 embroil themfelves with the king of Cam- 
 baja. Thus Almeyda retired victorious to 
 Cochin, having paid to Nizamaluc, as he 
 pafled that way, the ufuat prefcnts that 
 were in arrears. 
 
 But Almeyda did not long enjoy the fruits 
 of his late viftory ; for Ferdinand Coutin- 
 ed by Fer- ^^^ ^ pg^fop, q{ quality, was foon after lent 
 Coutinho ^^'•'^ fifteen fhips and three thoufand men 
 to join with Albuquerque, in order to attack 
 the Moors, and efpecially the city of Cale- 
 cut; for fome differences being ariien betwixt 
 Almeyda and Albuquerque, which were fo- 
 
 -'\lmeyda 
 is fucceed 
 
 DifFeren 
 ces be- 
 twixt Al- 
 
 ; '^^'^' ^ ' mented by fome mahcious perfons, the king 
 I Albu- ^^ Portugal thought he could pitch upon no 
 querque. better expedient to prevent the ill confe- 
 quences thereof, than by fending Coutinho 
 to fucceed Almeyda, who preferring the 
 king's intereff: before his private intereft, 
 quietly furrendered his charge ; and at the 
 fame time was reconciled to Albuquerque, 
 after he had managed the government of the 
 Lidies with more than ordinary conduft and 
 wifdom •, a perfon worthy of a much bet- 
 ter fortune than what happen'd to him af- 
 terwards. For in his return to Portugal 
 having occafion to touch at the Cape of Good 
 Hope, to take in fome trefh provifions, fome 
 of his men being got afhore, and falling into 
 differences with fome of the natives about 
 the exchange ot their commodities, Almeyda 
 running thither with fword in hand, to fee 
 what was the matter, the natives began to 
 tall upon him and his men -, and being re- 
 N". 115. Vol. III. 
 
 inforced with frefli numbers, fet fo hard up- 
 on the Portuguefes, that they were not able 
 to get to their fliips without fighting their 
 way through them, which they did with a 
 great deal of bravery ; but, alas ! not with- 
 out the lofs of their commander ^^"'O'"^^' ^p^g j^jth 
 (who was run through the body with a flick ^f ^1^^^. 
 pointed at the end,) and twelve more of da. 
 their beft foldiers. This was the unfortunate 
 end of this great man, fo famous for his 
 great atchievements both in Europe and Afta, 
 being forced to end his days upon the fhore 
 of Africa, which robbed him both of the 
 rewards due to his fervices, and even of a 
 chrillian fepulture. 
 
 We told you before, that the Portuguefes 
 thought fit not to attempt any thing further 
 againft Diu ; it is now time to ihew you 
 what further meafures were taken to bring 
 about their defign to ereft a fort in that 
 illand. They had fo far agreed the matter 
 with the king of Cambaja, that he favoured 
 their intentions, or at leaft was not againft 
 them •, but Jazy not only ufed all his en- /^e'^jfypg! 
 deavours at court to obftruft the defign of crite with 
 the Portuguefes, but alfo prepared every the Portu- 
 thing for a vigorous refiflance in cafe of need, guefes. 
 In the mean while he was not fparing in fair 
 words or promifes, nay, even in deeds to the 
 Portuguefes ; for no fooner arrived Sequeria 
 at Diu from Ormus, but he regaled the 
 fleet with frefli provifions, and the officers 
 with prefents, with a great many protefta- 
 tions of friendfhip to the crown of Portu- 
 gal: but when Sequeria began to talk to 
 Jazy concerning the intended fort, he de- 
 clined the matter, alledging that it lay not 
 alone in his power •, and therefore they muft 
 obtain the king of Cambaja's confent, in 
 which he would afiift them with all his in- 
 tereft. 
 
 Sequeria was not fo ftupid as not to fmell Is difco- 
 the rat ; but thinking it beft to repay him ^^''' ' 
 in his own coin, he diflembled the matter, 
 and returning his compliments with much 
 civility, he prepared underhand for war •, 
 but Jazy, who had a watchful eye upon all 
 his adions, knew fo well how to improve 
 6 T his
 
 B A L- 
 DX V S. 
 
 fazy forti- 
 fies him- 
 felf. 
 
 ^ Dcjcriptton of the Coajls of 
 
 Chap. 8» 
 
 Nonnius 
 Acunia 
 goes for 
 Diu. 
 
 His ren- 
 dezvous. 
 
 Sail for 
 DabuJ. 
 
 Betel be- 
 gun to be 
 fortified by 
 the Cam- 
 bajans. 
 
 his time, and provide for his llcurity, that 
 Sequeria thought it moft advifablc to delay 
 his projc-a till the next year, againfl: which 
 time he cxpefted fome confidcrable rein- 
 forcement. 
 
 Sequeria was no fooner departed, hwt J azy 
 embraced this opportunity of ftrengthcn- 
 ing himfclf on all fides •, he added fevcral 
 new works to the place, and erefted a caflle 
 in the midit of the entrance of the harbour, 
 and betwixt that and the city defended it 
 with a ftrong chain : he kept feveral fliips 
 loaden with ballaft ready to be funk upon 
 occafion, to (lop up the paflage on the 
 other fide, and ordered vaft pieces of ftones 
 and rocks to be funk under the v/alls, to pre- 
 vent the Portuguefe galleys from approaching 
 near to them : he alfo for the better defence 
 of the harbour hired one hundred and eigh- 
 ty brigantines, and fome merchant-men, 
 manqed with Araliaii-U Perfians, and Turks, 
 (profeffed enemies of the chriftians,) leaving 
 in the mean while no ftone unturned to 
 thwart the defigned projeft of the Portuguefes 
 at the court of the king of Camhaja. 
 
 Neither were the Portuguefes idle on their 
 fide, but having made what preparations 
 they thought fit for fuch an undertaking, 
 Nonnius Jcunia, the chief commander of the 
 Portuguefes in the Indies fet forward in or- 
 der to put it in execution : but being re- 
 folved to make ufe both of cunning and 
 force at the fame time, he had by prefents 
 engaged feveral bold and cunning fellows, 
 who were to pafs to Diu in the quality and 
 habit of merchants, but in efFeft to ferve 
 for Spies, and to give notice of what they 
 thought worth his knowledge. Thus pre- 
 pared, the time and place of the rendez- 
 vous of the whole fleet being appointed at 
 Chaul, he fet fail from thence with three 
 hundred fiil, great and fmall, well provided 
 with artillery and ammunition, having 
 aboard three thoufand Portuguefes, as many 
 Malabars, and two thoufand CaJiarines, for 
 Dabul, a fmall city in the confines of Cam- 
 haja ; where the Portuguefes being much 
 animated by the prefence and fpeech of a 
 certain Francifcan frier named Anthony Pe- 
 tron, declared that they would not defift, 
 till they had forced the Barbarians fi-om 
 their ftrong holds in thofe parts. But find- 
 ing the place deferted by its inhabitants, 
 they fteered their courfe towards Betel, (a 
 fmall rocky ifle not above a league in com- 
 pafs, feparated from the continent only by 
 a narrow ftraight,) about eighty leagues 
 from Diu. The fituation of this ifle being 
 fuch, by reafon of the rocks which inclofe 
 the ifle near the fhore, that it might eafily 
 be made defenfible by an indifferent force, 
 the king of Cambaja had not long before 
 fent thither a certain commander, a Turk 
 by birth, with two thoufand foldiers, and 
 
 one thoufand workmen, to ereft certain for- 
 tifications there; but having not had fuf- 
 ficient time to bring them into fuch a con- 
 dition as to be able to refift fuch a force 
 as this, they thought it their fiifeft way to 
 capitulate. 
 
 The commander in chief (having ob- 
 tained a paffport for that purpol'e) had an 
 interview with the Portuguefe general, of- 
 fering to furrender the ifle, under condition 
 that they might have liberty to depart with 
 all their baggage and goods. Nonnius al- '^^^y °^" 
 lowed the firft •, but would not confcnt to "^^^ ""j. 
 their taking the leaft thing away with them, on Condi- 
 except what they had about them. This tions. 
 harfh anfwcr was no fooner known in the 
 ifle, but they refolved to abide the utm,oft 
 extremity, rather than comply with it. The 
 king's treafurer found means to have a boat 
 built, wherewith he tranfported all the 
 king's money and goods to the continent. 
 Many of the garrifon enraged with revenge A moft de. 
 and defpair, brought all their horfes, beft fFf^te re- 
 moveables, wives and children together, and ° """"" 
 burnt them and themfelves. There were 
 about feven hundred left, moft of them vo- 
 taries, refolved to die with fword-in-hand. 
 Thefe like mad-men fell upon the Portu- 
 guefes with more fury than effeft •, for the 
 Portuguefe general having repulfed them, . :' 
 
 attacked the next night, by the light of the 
 moon, tlieir intrenchments with fo much 
 vigour, that after a moft obftinate refiftance The Por- 
 (in which the Turkifh commander was kil- ?"^ f' 
 led) they left them to the Portuguefes, fome j^g 
 running to the rocks, from whence they 
 precipitated themfelves into the fea ; others 
 endeavouring to efcape the fword by hiding 
 themfelves in the hollownefs of the rocks ; 
 but being difcovered, fome of them were 
 cut to pieces, the reft made flaves. A cer- 
 tain Moor having nothing left but his 
 fword, and feeing his comrade flain juft 
 by his fide, and a Portuguefe advancing 
 with his pike towards him, in order to kill 
 him, ran defperately towards him, and 
 thrufting himfelf upon the Portuguefe^ 
 lance, at the fame time killed his enemy y; 
 
 with his fword •, fo that they both died upon 
 the fpot. 
 
 The Portuguefes loft in this aftion about p"'"'"'^'''' 
 feventeen perfons of note, and had an hun- °^^^l 
 dred and fifty wounded, many of whom 
 died afterwards. Nonnius thought fit to 
 tarry here eight days, in hopes of receiving 
 fome intelligence from his fpies at Diu ; this 
 proved of great advantage to thofe of Diu, 
 for in the mean while Muflapba and Sophar 
 (who had been at the fiege of Aden) com- 
 ing to an anchor with fix hundred Turks, 
 and one thoufand three hundred Arabians 
 before Diu, the inhabitants thereof (who 
 before that time thought of nothing elfe 
 than how to come to a good compofition) 
 
 being
 
 ■Chap. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5jy 
 
 Prepara- 
 tions at 
 Diu. 
 
 being encouraged by this re-inforcement, 
 were refolved to venture all for their de- 
 fence. Mujlapha was no fooner entred the 
 city, but lie ordered the women, children, 
 and other defencelefs people to be fent out 
 of the town ; the reft being muftered were 
 found eleven thoufand in number, (without 
 t\\t Turks and Arabians,) able to bear arms : 
 ftri(5t watches were fet in all places, to let 
 no body pafs in or out of the town without 
 fpecial licence -, the cannon were planted on 
 the walls, mines dug and filled, chains 
 made acrofs the harbour, and the entrance 
 thereof defended by feventy-three well-man- 
 ned brigantines. To be fhort, nothing was 
 omitted that was thought necefiliry to 
 ftrengthen themfelves either by fea or 
 land. 
 
 ■Nomiius Jamia in the mean time tarried 
 at Betelf in expectation of the tidings he 
 waited for from his fpies there ; but thefe 
 being too narrowly watched to fend any 
 intelligence, he refolved to take his chance, 
 and fo fet fail for Diu, where he cafb his an- 
 chor in hopes to come to a parley with the 
 inhabitants ; but he was not a little fur- 
 prized when he heard the cannon from the 
 ramparts thunder among his fhips, and 
 three bullets that pafled crofs the ad- 
 miral's fliip, gave him fufficient warning, 
 that it was not fafe ftaying there long, which 
 made him give immediate orders for the 
 whole fleet to weigh anchor, and to fecure 
 themfelves without the reach of the cannon 
 
 from the city. Being by this time fuffi- B a l- 
 ciently convinced, (without confulting his°'*"^- 
 fpies,) that there were but little hopes of ""^"^^"^ 
 peace or a furrender, he took a full view 
 of the town, to fee on what fide it might 
 be moft conveniently attacked -, and finding 
 more probability to fucceed on the harbour 
 than on the land fide, (efpecially fince he 
 was better provided for a fea than land 
 enterprize,) he ordered all his flaips and ar- 
 tillery to be got in a readinefs, in order to 
 attack the caftle at the entrance of the har- 
 bour, break the chains, and to fall upon 
 the enemy's fleet, from whence he migiit 
 annoy the city with his cannon on the north 
 fide. The attempt was made accordingly. The Por- 
 but without fiiccefs, the Portuguefes being fo tuguefes 
 fiercely galled on all fides by the enemy's ^^^^^ ^'" 
 cannon, that they were forced to defift, and '" ^ ' * 
 Nonnitis thought fit to retreat to Betel, from 
 whence he returned with his fleet to Goa, 
 leaving Anthony Saldania with fome fliips 
 on the coaft of Cambaja, to watch the ene- 
 my's motions. Saldania, after having done 
 confiderable mifchief to the enemy, by the 
 taking of the fmall city of Goga, and burn- 
 ing twenty-five brigantines, left James Syl- 
 veria behind him, and returned afterwards 
 to Gao ; where having fpent the greateft 
 part of the winter in refitting their fhips, 
 Nonnius in the fpring fet fail for Chaul, 
 about two leagues from Calecut, to inter- 
 cept the Arabian fhips trading in thofe 
 parts. 
 
 C H A P. IX. 
 
 Nonnius routs the Mahometans ; takes Bazain ; and Martin Soza Daman. Ba- 
 dur king of Cambaja engages in a treaty ivith the Portuguefes. His forces, 
 and expedition to Citor, T/j(? deflru6lion of that city. Badur twice defeated y 
 fiies to Diu. His end. 
 
 r Y'L VE R I A was in the mean while 
 not idle, but took many fhips bound 
 for Diu, burnt fome villages, and kept 
 the place fo blocked up on all fides, that 
 in a little time they were within reduced 
 to great fcarcity of provifions. The next 
 following year Syheria continued to play 
 the fame game by deftroying many towns, 
 villages, and fhips : he alfo took the cities 
 ot Pate and Patane, as alfo Mangalor in 
 Cavihaja, with a vaft booty, and a great 
 number of prifoners ; the new king of 
 Cambaja being not in a condition to aflift 
 thofe of Diu, by reafon of fome inteftine 
 troubles. 
 
 Nonnius at the fame time keeping ftill in 
 
 remembrance the difgrace he had received 
 
 gainil Ba- before Diu, and being refolved to let flip no 
 
 opportunity of revenging himfelf, he laid 
 
 his defign againft Bazain in Cambaja ; ac- 
 
 Nonnms's 
 defign a- 
 
 cordingly lie fet fail with a fleet of eighty 
 fhips great and fmall, with four thoufand 
 land-men aboard them, (half Portuguefes, 
 half Malabars : ) he knt Emanuel Albuquerque 
 with fome fhips before, to fecure the en- 
 trance of the harbour, fent for James Syl- 
 veria, who had his itation on the other 
 fide of Diu, and followed himfelf with the 
 whole fleet. 
 
 Tocan the chief of Diu, had, upon notice 
 that the Portuguefes were arming againft 
 him, intrenched himfelf with a confide- 
 rable number of horfe and foot at Bazain. 
 Nonnius, on the other hand, being v>/ell in- 
 formed of the condition of the place by cer- 
 tain deferters, divided his troops into three 
 bodies. The vanguard was led by James 
 Syheria, the main battle by Ferdinand de 
 Za, the rear being commanded by Nonnius 
 in pcrfon. 
 
 As
 
 53^ 
 
 A Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. 
 
 9- 
 
 The Por. 
 Cuguefes 
 attack it. 
 
 Portu- 
 guefes 
 take it. 
 
 As they were advancing towards tlie 
 town, they rtccivcd fcvcral fmurt faliites 
 from the enemy's cannon, and whole Ihow- 
 crs of arrows, Tocan having intrenched 
 himfelf with ten thoiifand men in the out- 
 works ; notwithlbinding wliich, the Por- 
 iaguefes loft not fo much as one man wliilft 
 they were advancing towards the enemy, 
 whom they charged fo briikly, that they 
 were forced to betake to their heels ; and 
 the inhabitants feeing themfelves deferted 
 by their protedors, followed their foot- 
 ftqis. Thus this city, with all its works, 
 fell into the hands of the Portuguefes, with 
 the lofs only of fix men on their fide ; 
 whereas the lofs of the Moors was com- 
 puted at five hundred and fifty. They 
 found in it a confidcrable booty of provi- 
 fions and ammunition, as bullets, gun- 
 powder, and brimftone. Nonniits highly 
 extolled the bravery of Sylveria, who com- 
 manding the vanguard, had behaved him- 
 felf fo gallantly, that the main battle did 
 not as much as come to the charge, and as 
 an acknowledgment of his fervices, made 
 prefents to him and all his officers. After 
 they had deftroyed all the fruits of the field 
 round about it, they deftroyed the city, 
 and demolilhed the fortifications, as think- 
 ing it not for their intereft to fpare a fuffi- 
 cient number of troops to garrifon it. Thus 
 Nonnius having taken an ample revenge 
 upon the Barbarians, returned with his fleet 
 to Goa, and the Mahometans being con- 
 vinced by this, as well as the lofs of the ifle 
 oi Betel, (and afterwards that of Daman,) 
 o\ the ftrength and bravery of the Portu- 
 guefes, began to remit much of their fierce- 
 nefs, and were at laft forced to fubmit to 
 the building of a fort upon the ifle of Diu, 
 as will appear out of the fequel of the 
 matter. 
 Soza at- Martinus Alphonfus Soza being come late- 
 tacks Da- ly from Portugal (in the quality of admiral) 
 ^^^- to Goa with five ftout veflels, and being 
 joined by thirty-five fhips, and fix hundred 
 land-foldiers of Nonnius's fquadron, he let 
 fail for Daman, a city of Cambaja, about 
 fourteen leagues from Bazain. This being 
 a place of no ftrength, the inhabitants had 
 deferted their habitations ; but the Raf- 
 boutes, a daring and unruly generation, be- 
 ing joined by Ibme Turks, to the number 
 of five thoufand in all, had intrenched them- 
 lelves near the harbour, and defended the 
 entrance thereof with a good number of 
 great canon. 
 
 Alphonfus Soza took peculiar care in ta- 
 king a view of the pofture of the enemy ; 
 and as he was going in his boat from the 
 harbour along the fliore, having taken no- 
 tice of a place in the city which was but ill 
 guarded, he ordered fcaling-ladders to be 
 hung to the walls -, fo that whilft they were 
 
 fcaling the town the defenders fled, and 
 thereby gave an opportunity to the Portu- 
 guefes to make themfelves mailers of a gate : Take? and 
 here it was the flaughter begun, the fight demoliihes 
 being carried on with equal obftinacy for "* 
 fome time, till the Rasboutes being forced 
 to give way, many of them were cut to 
 pieces by the Portuguefes, who loft no more 
 than ten men in this acftion, but had many 
 more wounded. Three days were fpent in 
 demolifhing the fortifications, and laying 
 the whole city level with the ground : which 
 done, Soza turned his viflorious arms to- 
 wards Diu, and all along the coaft of Cam- 
 baja. 
 
 Badur king of Cambaja, being extremely 
 nettled at the fuccefs of the Portuguefes, 
 whom he was not in a condition to oppofe, 
 at a time when he faw himfelf entangled 
 in another war, thought it his beft way to 
 fue for peace with Nonnius Acutiia, offering Peace be- 
 not only Bazain, but alfo the adjacent ifles, p^"*^ ^^^ 
 (among which were likewife the '^'^^^^•^» y guefes and 
 and a confiderable traft of land on the con- Badur. 
 tinent, thereby to engage the Portvguefes in 
 his intereft againft his enemies, I'iz. Cre- 
 mantina the queen-dowager of Sanga, and 
 the Mogores, a warlike nation defcended 
 from the Scythe, who are frequently at war 
 with the Perjians: their king Miramudius, 
 who boafted himfelf to be defcended from 
 the Great Tamerlane, having not long be- 
 fore made a powerful irruption into Cam- 
 baja. 
 
 The intention of Badur was firft to van- 
 quifh the queen of Sanga, and afterwards 
 the Mogores : his whole force confifted in His war- 
 one hundred and fifty thoufand horfe and ''ke pre- 
 five hundred thoufand foot, befides f^f. parations. 
 teen thoufand hired foreigners, two hundred 
 elephants trained for the war, and a very 
 good train of great artillery : with this 
 army he marched to Citor, a very fine and 
 populous city under the queen of Sanga, 
 who was not long before retreated thence 
 with her children. The inhabitants of Citor, 
 unable to refift fo powerful an army, re- 
 folved to follow the footfteps of thofe in 
 the ifle of Betel, (mentioned before,) and 
 having brought together all their gold, fil- 
 ver, and precious ftones, &c. burnt them- 
 felves with their wives and children, with 
 the treafure. It is laid, that during the 
 conflagration, which lafted three days, 
 more than Itventy thoufand perfons pe- 
 rifhed by the flames. Badur entered vifto- He takei 
 rioufly into Citor, where having rewarded Citor. 
 the fervices of his officers that behaved them- 
 felves well with prefents, he marched di- 
 reftly againft the Mogores, but with very 
 different fuccefs ; for being twice put to 
 the rout by them, and deferred by Mu- ; 
 
 Jiapha his general, he was forced to fly to 
 Diu; and being full of defpair, would have 
 
 taken
 
 Chap. 9* 
 
 Malabar md Coromandel. 
 
 3^37 
 
 Sues for 
 peace. 
 
 IMt Por- 
 tuguefes 
 fort near 
 Diu. 
 
 Boldnefs 
 of James 
 Bottelho. 
 
 Newdiffc' 
 rentes be 
 twixc 6a- 
 .4Jur and 
 the Portu 
 ;£oefcs. 
 
 taken a refolution to leave his kingdom, and 
 to fend his treafure to Mecca ; but being, 
 at the earneft intreaty of his friends, re- 
 moved from that refolution, he fent an 
 ambaflador to Soliman the Grand Se/gmor, 
 to offer him fix huntlred thoufand crowns, 
 provided he would fend a certain number 
 of well-difciplincd troops to his affiftance ; 
 but fearing left the defired fuccouis Ihoiild 
 come too late, he offered to Soza., who then 
 lay before Chatil, as alfo to Nonnius Acunia^ 
 a proper place for the ered:ing a fort near 
 T>m^ provided they would alTifl: him againft 
 his enemies. 
 
 The Portugnefes willing to take the op- 
 portunity by the forelock, Soza failed to 
 Din immediately, and being followed by 
 Nonnius, the treaty was figned, ami a place 
 afTigned, viz. tiie hill which overlooks the 
 harbour of Diu. This happened in the year 
 1535. The Portugnefes went to work im- 
 mediately, and laid the foundation of a 
 triangular fort, the wall from the fea-fide 
 to the hill being feventeen feet thick and 
 twenty high', at the end whereof, juft upon 
 a hill near the city, was eredted a redoubt, 
 and on the other end a ftone tower, (fuch a 
 one as the Portugnefes have at Cranganor and 
 Cananor,) from whence extended another 
 wall to the other corner of the ifland : the 
 wall was defended by a deep ditch, as far 
 as the rocks would permit ', in the midll 
 whereof was a gate defended by two towers, 
 named St. Thomas and St. Janies. Thus 
 king Badur faw a goodly fortrefs perfecfled 
 by the Portugnefes within forty-nine days, 
 that pare to the fea-fide being fet afide till 
 another opportunity. 
 
 One James Bottelbo^ a brave commander, 
 but fallen into difgrace with Emanuel king 
 of Portugal, being willing to court any op- 
 portunity of being reftored to the king's 
 favour, got a brigantine built on purpofe 
 of eighteen feet in length, and fix broad -, 
 nnd having provided himfelf with as many 
 feamen as were required to manage her at 
 fea, he fet fail from Diu, without letting 
 them know whither they were bound, and 
 proved fo profperous in his voyage, that 
 without any remarkable accident he arrived 
 fafely at Lijbvn, and brought the king ad- 
 vice of their good fuccefs at Diu. 
 
 The Portugnefes left a garrifbn of eight 
 hundred men under Emanuel Soza in the 
 fort, and were no fooner retired from thence 
 - with their fleet, but Badur began to repent 
 • of his having admitted the Portugnefes into 
 the ifle of Diu, (efpecially fince the pro- 
 mifed fuccours arrived but flowly ;) where- 
 upon he ordered the governor Ninaar to 
 furround the city with a new wall, and to 
 inclofe the royal fquare without the place, 
 whereby their fortifications muft approach 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 D je.\j s. 
 
 very near to, and lie direcftly oppofite to^AL- 
 thofe of the Portugnefes. I'hcfe being re- "^ ' " 
 folved not to permit a thing of this nature, 
 which muft needs tend to their prtjudice, 
 Badur was much incenfed thereat, exclaim- 
 ing highly againft their proceedings, and 
 endeavoured to have furprlzed them in their 
 fort; which not fucceeding, he fought tor 
 aid froni the Samoryn of Calecut, and feveral 
 Mala/far kings ao-.iinlt them. 
 
 o t> 
 
 Nonnius being advortifed of all thefe trea- 
 
 once more with twenty 
 , , . , r n r more to 
 
 hundred cholen Portuguefe Yi\^^ 
 
 Nonnius 
 fails once 
 
 cheries, fet fail 
 ftiips and five 
 
 foldiers for Diu, ordering Martin Alphonfo 
 to follow him from the Malabar coaft. No 
 fooner had he caft anchor before Diu, but 
 feigning himfelf fick aboard, he fent cer- 
 tain perfons to compliment king Badur, and 
 beg his excufe for his not coming in perfon : 
 whereupon Badur went aboard togetlier Badur 
 with Soza, the governor of the fort, to S'^'^^ ''"" 
 give a vifit to Nonnius, who met Badur at \^^l^^ 
 the door of his great cabbin, and faluted 
 him with a great deal of civility. For 
 though the death of Badur was refolved on 
 before-handi yet, that tiiey might not feeni 
 to violate the laws of hofpitality, they had 
 thought fit to defer the execution thereof 
 till his return towards the ftiore : it was not 
 long before Badur went into his boat again 
 in order to return, but was nci fooner got 
 into it, and making the beft way to the 
 fliore, when Nonnius giving the fignal to 
 his men, and exhorting them to do their 
 duty, they leaped into boats kept for that 
 purpofe, and following that of Badur, at- 
 tacked him on all fides. The king being Is kill'di 
 grown defpcrate, exhorted his people to a 
 brave defence, encouraging both by his 
 words and example •, which made the fight 
 fo obftinate, that the Portugnefes were in 
 danger of lofing their prey, Soza himftlf 
 being flain in the firft-attack. The bravery The bra- 
 of a certain fcrvant of Badur deferves our very of a 
 particular notice, he being obferved to have ^^f*'^"' <^' 
 wounded, with eighteen arrows, as many '^ ""^^ 
 Portugnefes, till he was killed by a muficet- 
 Ihot himfelf. In the mean while, three 
 yachts, armed with Turks, were fent from 
 the fhore to fuccour the king ; but being 
 moft of them killed, and the king's galley 
 ftruck upon a bank, he leaped into the 
 fea, and though forely wounded, did fwim 
 to the galley of Trijlan Pavia, and difco- 
 vering himfelf to be the Sultan, begg'd his 
 life-, which Trijlan Pavia would willingly 
 have granted ; but juft as the king was en- 
 tering the veflel, he was flain by a feaman, BaJur 
 who knocked his brains out with a club. ''2'"- 
 This was the unfortunate end of Badur, one 
 of the moft potent kings of AJia, who not 
 long before had been a terror to all the cir- 
 cumjacent countries. 
 
 6 U CHAP.
 
 558 
 
 A Dejcription of ihs CoajJs of 
 
 Chap. lO. 
 
 D .T U S . 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 Soflir made a prtfoncr. The Portuguefes become mafters of the whole ijle. Mamud 
 king of Cainbaja. A conjiderable number of Ottomans fent to the Indies. 
 Dill hejie^ed by the Turks. A /mart engagement betiaixt the Mahometans and 
 PortiigiieVes. Din relieved. Garzias Noronia eonjlituted viceroy. 
 
 BUT to return to Diu, and tlic fea- 
 engagenicnt, where Sofar being taken 
 prifoncr. prifoner, was kindly entertained by Non- 
 nius. The tleath of BuJur (though not 
 very honourable on the Portuguefes fide) 
 guefcs' proved however of very great conlequence, 
 mafters of the Portuguefes becoming thereby mafters 
 the ifland. of the whole ifland without much oppo- 
 fition, the Hud Badur being defervedly 
 hated by his fubjeds, by reafon of his ty- 
 ranny and cruelty ; fix hundred foot were 
 left there in garrifon, and all neceflary care 
 was taken that the cuftoms both at Diu 
 and Rwuenftedt might be regularly paid. 
 Maffxus, in his fourth book of the Indian 
 Rumen-, hiftory, fays, that Rumenjladt, or Rumo- 
 fladt. polis, (lying not far from Diu,) was built 
 by Jazy, (mentioned before) and got its 
 name from the Conftantinopolitan "Turks that 
 fcour fometimes in the Indies, called by 
 tlicm Rumes. 
 The For- The Portuguefes found no great treafure 
 tuguefes qJ- fgafiy nioncy at Diu, but confidcrable 
 fea-fide. ^ftorcs of ammunition and provifion, and 
 the better to ftrengthen themfelves, for- 
 tified die city on the fea-fide. 
 Mamud Badur was fucceeded in the kingdom of 
 liing of Camhaja by Mamud his filler's fon, who 
 Cambaja. being ^-^ infant, under the tuition of Dria- 
 can, Aladremaluc, and Alucan, thcfe were 
 follicitcd by 5ofar (out of a hatred to the 
 Portuguefes') to engage in a war for the re- 
 covery of Diu. Alucan having got toge- 
 ther a body of five thoufand horfe and ten 
 thoufand foot, and ^ofar three thoufand foot 
 and one thoufand horfe, they pitched their 
 tents in "June not far from Rumenjladt. 
 His tutors Sofar attacked the town vigoroufly ; but 
 engage in being in one of the attacks wounded in 
 ^ '^^' both his hands, the Portuguefes got a little 
 breathing-time, and in the mean while re- 
 paired the walls of Rumenjladt, which for 
 fome reafons they had demolifhed before : 
 for Jnthonius Sykcria having refolved to 
 fortify and defend the whole iQand againft 
 the Indians, was difappointed in his defign 
 by Alucan, who improving the lofs of fome 
 Portuguefe fhips by tempeft to his advan- 
 The Pot- tagc, galled the Portuguefes fo forely from 
 forctd^nt ^'^ ^'^^ ^" '^'^^"' '^'""^renchments, that they 
 the fort" ° ^^""^ iorctA to quit their pods ; fo that 
 Alucan landing his men, foon became ma- 
 iler of the whole ifle and the fuburbs, where 
 4 
 
 there happened frequent fkirmifhes betwixt 
 them, the Indians being not llrong enough 
 to attack the fort, which was bravely de- 
 fended by Lupo Soza Coutinho. 
 
 Whilll thefe things wexe tranfacling in 
 Cambaja, the Grand Seignior, to revenge 
 the murder of Badur, (at the requefl: of his 
 widow,) had equipped a fleet of fixty-four 
 (lout galleys, which being joined by feven 
 fhips of Cambaja, and three Meors of Ma- 
 labar with three thoufand five hundred land- 
 men aboard them, under the command of 
 Soliman baflTa of Egypt, they fet fail from 
 Aden, not queflioning but they would foon 
 be mafters of the Portuguefe fort, and con- 
 fequently of the ifland, from whence they 
 might extend their conquefls into the con- 
 tinent of the Indies. Matters beins; con- 
 certed beforehand betwixt Soliman and So- 
 far, the laft went out to meet the Turkijh 
 fquadron about fifteen leagues at fea ; and 
 Anthonio Sylveria being advertifed ■ of their 
 approach, took all imaginable precaution 
 for his fecurity, in difpofing what force he 
 had to make a vigorous defence, and at the 
 fame time gave notice thereof to Goa, to 
 folicite for prompt fuccours from thence, 
 encouraging his men both by his example 
 and exhortations. By this time Scliman 
 having caft anchor in the road of Diu, he 
 ordered feven hundred chofen men to land, 
 and attempt the attack of the Portugueje 
 fortrefs ; which they did accordingly, but 
 were forced to retire to Sofar's fort with die 
 lofs of fifty janizaries killed, and a greater 
 number wounded •, the Portuguefes had alfo 
 fix men killed, and twenty wounded. 
 
 About the fame time the Turki^j fleet be- 
 ing in great danger of being forced by a 
 ftrong fouth wind upon the coafl, and much 
 expofed to the enemy's fiiot, he retreated 
 to the harbour oi Madrafaba, five leagues 
 from Diu ; where having concerted new 
 meafures with Sofar, he fent back his land- 
 forces to renew the fiege of Diu. But Alu- 
 can, one of the tutors of king Mamud, ha- 
 ving conceived a jealoufy of the defign of 
 the Turks, retired with his forces from be- 
 fore Diu; and having reprefented thejr am- 
 bitious proje(5ls to the king, he Iboh ob- 
 tained of him a prohibition in all his terri- 
 tories not to furnifh the Turkip camp with 
 provifions. 
 
 This 
 
 Sylveria 
 prepares 
 for a brave 
 defence. 
 
 Soliman 
 lands and 
 attacks the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 Retreats ta 
 Madra- 
 faba. 
 
 Alucan 
 leaves Dio» -
 
 Chap. ir. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 539 
 
 A fire-en- 
 gine of the 
 Turks. 
 
 Set on fire 
 by thePor- 
 tuguefes. 
 
 Rumen- 
 itadt left 
 by the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 The 
 
 Turks re- 
 new the 
 fiege of 
 Diu. 
 
 The 
 Turks 
 ftorm the 
 place. 
 
 Are re- 
 
 pulfed. 
 
 This proved no fmall difappointment to 
 Soliman, who notwithftanding this did not 
 lofe courage, but purfued his defign of 
 carrying the place, coft what it would : 
 for tliis purpofe the Turks contrived a very 
 large firefhip, which, under favour of the 
 tide, and the fmoke of fome burning wood, 
 they intended to fend into the harbour, and 
 to fix to the fortifications ; and whilft the 
 Portuguefes were bufied in quenching the 
 flames, they were to attempt the furprifing 
 of the fort on the land-fide : but whilft they 
 were ftaying for the fpring-tide, Francifco 
 Goveano, a Portuguefe, found means to fet 
 it on fire, though not without great hazard, 
 being obliged to pafs twice the enemy's fire ; 
 twenty of the Turks aboard the firefliip 
 leaped into the fea, and were all (lain. The 
 Turks were fo incenfed at this difappoint- 
 ment, that they exerted all their fury 
 againft Rumenjiadt, the walls whereof be- 
 ing fo ruined as not to be maintained any 
 longer againft a vigorous attack : Paiieco, 
 the chief commander thereof, thought fit 
 to quit it in tim.e. The Ttirks flufhed 
 with this fuccefs, renewed the fiege of Dhi, 
 both by fea and land, with more vigour 
 than ever, leaving nothing unattempted, 
 with cannonading, mining, or whatever 
 might be attempted to reduce the place ; 
 whilft the Portuguefes, on the other hand, 
 with counter-mines, retrenchments, and fre- 
 quent fallies, endeavour'd to ftop their fuiy. 
 TheTurks being at laft, by means of a gal- 
 lery, advanced over the ditch, and entering 
 the breach, a moft furious combat enfued 
 for four hours fucceflively, the Portuguefes 
 defending themll-lves like lions. Maff^eus 
 relates, that a Portuguefe having fpent all 
 his balls, pulled out one of his teeth, and 
 charged his muflvet with it. At laft the 
 Turks were forced to retire with the lofs of 
 five hundred men fiain, and one thoufand 
 wounded : the Portuguefes alfo on their fide 
 had fourteen of their bcft officers fiain, and 
 fo many of their foldiers either killed or 
 wounded, that they had fcarce forty men 
 left fit for fervice. Befides this, they began 
 to be in fuch want of provifions and ammu- 
 nition, that they were very near, reduced to 
 
 the laft extremity. However, they did not B a l- 
 lofe courage, but encouraged one another °;^^A^, 
 rather to die upon the fpot, than to fubmit ^"^^^^'^^ 
 to the moft fordid fiavery •, the women and 
 children were even not backward in givmg 
 all the affiftance they were able. 
 
 In the mean time, Nonnius Jama, being 
 fufficiently fenfible of the danger of the for- 
 trefs of Diu, had left no ftone unturned for 
 the relief thereof; but the cafe admitting 
 of no delay, he fent fixteen Patachos or 
 yachts tjiithcr : thefe coming to an anchor Diu re- 
 in the night-time before Madrafaba, had lieved. 
 each put four lanthorns on their fterns, with 
 an intention to terrify the enemy. This 
 fucceeded accordingly ; for the Turks having 
 by this time loft above three thoufand men, 
 and fearing the fuccour expedled from Goa 
 might be much ftronger than really it was, 
 fet fire to the city, and leaving five hundred 
 wounded men, and moft of their great can- 
 non behind, reimbarked the firft of Novem- 
 ber, fteering their courfe towards Arabia ; 
 and Sofar, with the remnants of his forces, 
 retired to the continent, to the no fmall 
 honour of the Portuguefes, who, with fo ^^ ^^^ 
 fmall a number, had defended themfelves great ho- 
 not againft barbarous undifciplined Indians, nourof the 
 but againft a body of warlike, wdl-exercifed Po""'"" 
 Turkl^j troops. It is faid. That Francis I. S"^^«- 
 king of France, was fo highly pleafed with 
 this brave aftion, that he defired, and had 
 an original picfture of the brave Syheria, 
 the governor of the place. 
 
 Whilft Nonnius was bufied in making all jsjonnius 
 the neceflTary preparations for the relief of relieved 
 Diu, Goa Garzias Noronia was fent by Don by Gar- 
 John, king of Portugal, with eleven men ^'.^^ '^°'"^ 
 of war, and ieven thoufand land-men, to"'** 
 relieve Nonnius : among thefe there was one 
 ftiip fiUfd with malefaftors and criminals of 
 all forts, who had obtained their pardon from 
 the king ; but this being fcparated from the 
 reft-, was never heard of afterwards. Non- 
 nius Jcunia hiving furrender'd the govern- 
 ment to Noro7iia, after a ftay of ten years 
 in thofe parts, fet fail for Portugal, his na- 
 tive country ; but before he could reach it, Nonnius'* 
 died at fea, near the Cape of Good Hope, on ^«a'''- 
 the African coaft. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Noronia mahs an agreement with king Mamud. Luplus Soza conflitutcd gover- 
 nor of^ Diu, Sofar '.f fmifter dejigns agatnji the Portuguefes : He befieges Diu, 
 in co?ijun£lion with Mamud ; is Jlain in the enterprize. The city is vigoroiijly 
 ajjaidted, and is bravely defe?ided. An unjhccefsful /alley made by the Portu- 
 
 guefes. 
 
 Noronia \J0R0NIA applied all his thoughts to 
 
 de" tties w ^^^ ^^^'" ^^ ^"' ■' ^^^ having dif- 
 
 Mamud?" Patched certain deputies to Mamud, to treat 
 
 with him of a peace, they at laft, not with- 
 out a great deal of difficulty, came to the 
 following agreement ; in the negotiation of 
 
 .(, which
 
 540 
 
 A DcJcn{jtion of the Coafts of 
 
 Chap, i t. 
 
 Bal- which they met with no fmall oppofition 
 *•'■ " '• from the grandmother o\' Maniud aiul Sofar, 
 ^■''"^^'^ who were coiitiiuially inciting the yoiing 
 king to revenge the death of his uncle king 
 Their a- Bai)u)\ viz. I'hat the king o\' GanhJ'i 
 grecment. flioiild renwin in the poncffion of the city 
 of Din, and the Portuguefes continue ma- 
 ilers of the fort and harbour thereof-, that 
 tliey Ihouid divide the cuitoms fliare and 
 (hare alike -, and tliat the Camhajans fliould 
 be at liberty to ereft a wall to front the 
 caftle, provided the Tame were done at a 
 convenient diftance. 
 Lupius Matters being thus fettled, Lupius Soza 
 
 conilituted ^^^^ conftituted governor of the place in- 
 governor. ^^^^ ^^ Syheria, with a garrifon of nine 
 hundred men. But it was not long before 
 Mamud, at the inftigation of his grand- 
 mother, fent a confiderable body to attack 
 Bazain ; but Laurentiiis Tavora making a 
 vigorous falley upon them, conilrained them 
 tolreek for peace. Sofar in the mean time 
 having recovered himfelf, had for fix years 
 together bent all his thoughts upon the ruin 
 oi^ the. Portuguefes; and having found means 
 to ingratiate himfelf into king Mamud's fa- 
 vour, they fent underhand their emifl'aries 
 to the neighbouring Indian princes, to en- 
 gage them againft the Poriuguefes, who they 
 told them did lord it over them, under 
 Miferable pretence of trafficking in the Indies. The 
 (late of the affairs of the Portuguefes were at that time 
 ^°'^°' but in a very indifferent condition in thofe 
 ^"*"' parts, their treafuries exhaufted, their na- 
 val ftrength neglecfted, their feamen very 
 fcarce -, and the land-foldiers deferted in 
 fuch numbers, that of the nine hundred that 
 were in garrifon under the command of 
 Lupius Soza, there were not above two 
 hundred and fifty left in the government 
 o^Mafcarenhas; and what was worfe, there 
 was not above a month's provifion, and a 
 flender fliare of ammunition left. 
 
 Sofar was not unacquainted with thefe 
 things, having learned them from divers 
 Portuguefe merchants •, fo that looking upon 
 this as a fit opportunity to execute their 
 projcfted defign, they pitched upon the 
 winter feafon, when they knew the Portu- 
 guefes could not be fo eafily fecured from 
 Trcacheiy Goa. Sofar being in the mean while not 
 of Sofar. negligent to cajole Mafcarenhas, the Portu- 
 guefe governor, by his letters, into a belief 
 of his fincerity, the fame did not difcover 
 his real intentions, till it was almoft too 
 late -, but finding no other redrefs but in a 
 brave defence, he made all the necelTary 
 preparations for it, by fending away all the 
 ufelefs mouths, and fortifying himfelf after 
 the befl: manner he could •, and having 
 bought up what quantity of rice, flefli, and 
 dried fifh he could get of the Portuguefes, 
 he fent advice of his approaching danger 
 to Bazain, Chaul, and Goa. This hap- 
 
 pened in the year 15+6. Sofar took for Breaks oat 
 a pretence the new walls that were to be '"'°. ^P^™ 
 erefted at one end of the city, which being ''°^'''""' 
 built too near the Portuguefe fortrefs, thefe 
 ftopp'd the progrefs thereof, which fdon 
 gave oicafion to open hofliilities. Mafca- 
 renhas, to animate his foldiers, told them, 
 '* That they ought to remember the brave 
 " actions oi thcPcrtuguefes in this veryplace, 
 " where they had fruftrated the defigns 
 " of the Turks, of which the fame Sofar, 
 " who now cAme to attack them, had born 
 " his fliare •, that God would certainly pu- 
 " nifli the breach of faith of this wretch ; 
 " and that they ought not to be difmay'd 
 " at the winter feafon, there being no que- 
 " Ition, but that the Portuguefes, by their 
 " fl<ill in maritime affairs, would over- 
 " come thefe difficulties, and fuccour them 
 " in due time." The next thing he did, 
 was to take care of all the pofts : the water- 
 redoubt he committed to the care of Mar" 
 tinho Carvalho with thirty men, and the 
 defence of the fliiore towards Cambnja to 
 Jacobo iMi, 
 
 Sofar by this time had begun to carry on Sofar at- 
 his approaches a good way, and ply'd the ^^^^^ Diu. 
 place warmly with his canon, but could 
 not without much difficulty attempt an af- 
 fault by reafon of the ditch, which being 
 enlarged of late, was as broad again now 
 as it was in Syheria's time ; however, h'e 
 ceafed not to play with his canon, efpecially 
 in the night-time ; and being fenfible of 
 what advantage it would be to him, if he 
 could make himfelf mafter of the harbour, 
 by taking the water-redoubt, he contrived 
 fuch another engine, or firefhip, as the 
 Tu}-ks had made ufe of in the former ficge, 
 which they intended to kt on fire, and to 
 carry with the high tide under the fort : 
 but the Portuguefes having received intel- 
 ligence of this defign, fent out Jacobo Lett 
 with twenty men, to burn her -, which he 
 did with incredible bravery, and the lofs of 
 one man only, being forced to carry the 
 veffel through the enemy's fire on both 
 fides, till he brought her within a certain 
 diftance of the fort, where fhe was fet on Sofar's 
 fire, and .confequently Sofar's projedb va- fireihip 
 niflied into fmoke. ''"™'- 
 
 Not long after the Portuguefes were re- The Per- 
 joiced with a frefli fupply of men, provi- tuguefes 
 fions and ammunition from Goa, under the J^'^^'^^ 
 command of the young de Cajiro, a brave ^^^^^ 
 gentleman ; who, after he had been afflifted 
 with very hard tempefts at fea (in which, 
 feveral of his veffcls were feparated from his 
 fquadron,) came with the reft, being eight 
 in number, into the road of Diu, and in 
 fpitc of the befiegers, landed his men, am- 
 munition and provifions, which increafed 
 the number of die garrifon to four hundred 
 and fifty men. About the fame time Ma- 
 mud,
 
 Chap. 1 1. 
 
 Malabaf and Coromanclel. 
 
 541 
 
 ' King Ma- mud, king of Cambaja, came in perfon witli tack, they advanced without the Icaft noife * ^• 
 
 mud comes ' ' " ■ ■ - ----- ..iri„^_- 
 
 . into the 
 1 1 camp. 
 
 ' a good number of troops into the camp : 
 Mafcarenhas being wilhng to know their 
 exad number, fent out feveral defperado's, 
 who engaging the out-guard of the enemy, 
 three of them were killed in the fkirmifli, 
 but the reft had the good fortune to carry 
 off one of the enemy's fentinels, by wiiom 
 Mcfiarenhas was informed of what he had 
 
 in two bodies before the break of day to- 
 wards the breach, in hopes of furprizing 
 x\^^Portugue[es^, but finding them upon Th^'J^";^^ 
 their guard, they entered the breach with ^^^ ^^^^ 
 moft terrible and dreadful outcries -, which, 
 however, were fo tar from terrifying the 
 brave Portngtiefcs, that they were repulfed 
 witli great Daughter ; fome of the Indians 
 
 a mind to know. Mafcarenhas having or- taking the advantage of the low-tide, got 
 
 dered certain fignals of rejoicing to be 
 made, the enemy fent a meflenger to know 
 the reafon thereof i who was anfwered, that 
 'twas done on account of the king's arrival 
 in the camp, which put them in hopes that 
 for the future they fhould fight againft a 
 great prince, whereas hitherto they had 
 been engaged with vagabonds and rogues. 
 Mamiid immediately after his arrival le- 
 
 into the water-fort, where they pitched 
 Mahomei"?. ftandard, which Mafcarenhas 
 no fooner perceived, but flying thither, he 
 gave them fuch a reception, that alter 
 thirty of them were flain upon the fpot, 
 the reft were forced down headlong over 
 the wall. This done, he returned to his 
 poft, where both by his words and adtions 
 he fo encouraged his men, that Rmnecan, 
 
 veiled his cannon with great fury againft after a hot difpute of fix hours, fr»v himfelf 
 the walls of the fortrefs, and having brought > >• 1 ■ -- < t ^1 •_ .n.! 
 
 along with him an expert gunner, he or- 
 dered him to caft certain fiery balls into the 
 place, though without much fuccefs, till 
 
 Make? a 
 breach in 
 the wall. 
 
 fc's 
 ellip 
 int. 
 
 kPor- 
 {iieto 
 «ive 
 mt (if 
 
 Sofar 
 kiU'd. 
 
 the faid conftable being killed, another fuc 
 ceeded in his place, who was fo unfkilful 
 in his art, that his fireworks did more mil- 
 chief in the camp than to the enemy. How- 
 ever, by the continual battering of the ene- 
 mies cannon, a large breach was made by 
 this time in the wall, which the befieged 
 repaired to the beft of their power-, but 
 their main reliance was upon the breadth of 
 the ditch, which the befiegers were endea- 
 vouring to pals by the help of their galle- 
 ries. To prevent this, the Portuguefes had 
 openeel an old vault at the foot of the wall, 
 in which they fpent feveral days and nights, 
 but turned to their advantage, fince from 
 thence they could take away great part of 
 the materials the enemy had brought thi- 
 ther for the filling up of the ditch. From 
 hence It was alio that Sofar received his 
 death's wound, being flain by a bullet 
 which pafled through his hand and fore- 
 head, which occafioned no fmall diftur- 
 bance in the enemy's camp ; and had it not 
 been for Rumecan his fon, the fiege had 
 been likely to have been raifed at that 
 time. 
 
 The joy the Portuguefes had conceived at 
 the death of Sofar their mortal enemy, was 
 not a little allay'd by the perfeverance of 
 the befieged in filling up the ditch ; and 
 that with fiich fuccefs, that having ftopped 
 up the before-mentioned vault, Mafcarenhas 
 began to be reduced to the utmoft ftrefs, 
 of which he gave notice to the viceroy at 
 Goa, requefting immediate fuccours. It 
 was now about the middle of Augufl^ when 
 the Mahometans were preparing for the 
 general alTault. They vifited their mof-;ues 
 with a great deal of devotion, and St. 
 James's Day being appointed for this at- 
 Voi.. III. 
 
 obliged to found a retreat. In this aftion ^^^^J^' 
 not only Mafcarenhas, but alfo Ludovico^ 
 Soza, Ferdinando de Caftro, Anthonio Paf- 
 fando, and all the Portuguefes in general, 
 acquired immortal honour, feveral women 
 having expofed themfelves in the midft of 
 the combat. 
 
 Notwithftanding this repulfe, the Indians 
 did not ceafe to continue their fire againft 
 the fortrefs, which not fucceeding accord- 
 ing to expeftation, they began to apply 
 their mines, not without fome fuccefs. 
 Mafcarenhas having taken notice that the 
 enemy retreated fometimeS without any ne- 
 cefTity, near a certain tower, g.ive notice 
 thereof to de Caftro, and fome other officers 
 of note, commanding them to quit it -, but 
 thefe fiufhed with their laft fuccefs, refufed 
 to obey, for which they paid dear foon 
 after -, for the enemy taking the opportu- 
 nity, when they perceived the tower full 
 
 of foldiers, blew it up on a fudden, with rj |^'"* 
 at leaft one hundred Portuguefes in it, and g„ {,y„. 
 among them de Caftro, and feveral others dred Por- 
 of quality : and fuch was the barbarity of wgueres. 
 the Indians, that they thru ft their fwords 
 through the half-dead bodies of fiich Por- 
 tuguefes as were thrown up into the air be- 
 fore by the mine. They were for im.pro- 
 ving this opportunity ; and, during the 
 confufion occafioned by this difafter, at- 
 tacked the fort with incredible fury, but 
 were fo warmly received by Mafcarenhas, 
 that they were glad to retreat. To prevent 
 the like for the future, the Portuguefe go- 
 vernor ordered his men to act with more 
 caution for the future, and the tower of 
 St. James to be blown up, which was exe- 
 cuted ; and not long after, finding the Three 
 enemy ready to attack the tower of St. hun^fd 
 Thomas, he blew up the mine underneatli , , '^^ 
 it, and with it three hundred Indians. by a mine. 
 
 The Portuguefes affairs in the fortrefs 
 
 began, notwithftanding all this, to grow 
 
 6 X worfa
 
 54^ 
 
 B AL- 
 II .'E U S . 
 
 A Dcjcriptm of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. IZ.^1 ( 
 
 Diu re- 
 lieve J with 
 loine men 
 and provi- 
 lions. 
 
 Mutiny a- 
 mong the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 worfe and worfe-, for thougli tliey had 
 made iiitrcnchnicnts within intrcnchments, 
 yet had they (after a ficge of four months) 
 not above one hundred and fifty men lett 
 for the defence thereof-, and being reduced 
 to great extremity for want ot provifions, 
 were forced to feed upon unwholefome 
 tilings; wliich fo difcouraged the gar- 
 rifon, that they were refolved to put an 
 end to their mifery by fighting their way 
 through the enemy. 
 
 But being iult upon the point of putting 
 their defign in execution, they were rejoiced 
 with a moll: unexpefted rehef from Goa, 
 whence they had fcnt fifty frigates,^ under 
 the command oi Alvares de Caflro and Fran- 
 cifco de Menefes, who arrived happily at 
 Bazain. Alvares failed ftraightways tlience 
 with part of his forces (amounting to nine 
 hundred in all) for Diu, and good ftore of 
 animunition and provifions •, the reft fol- 
 lowed before the end of Scplemhcr. You 
 may cafily imagine with what joy the poor 
 emaceratcd foldiers of the garrifon received 
 this welcome news; which however they 
 would not improve to fo much advantage 
 as they might have done, out of a perverle 
 temper, peculiar to the Ponugnefes, who, 
 as they are foon dejefted in adverfity, fo 
 are they infupportable in profperity : for 
 now the foldiery began to accufe Mafca- 
 renhas of cowardice and negledl, telling 
 him in plain terms, that they were refolved 
 no more to be fhut up within the walls, 
 but to aft like brave Portuguefes, to at- 
 tack the enemy in their works, and to 
 make him once for all to repent that ever 
 he had attempted the Portuguefes, whofe 
 glorious name was dreadful all over the 
 Indies : this they told him they were fully 
 refolved to put in execution •, and if he 
 refufed to head them, they would chufe 
 another, the firft, the beft they could. 
 Mafcarenhas, who knew very well the ftub- 
 born pride of the Portuguefes, when fluflied 
 with fuccefs, did what he could to divert 
 them from their defign by all the mild in- 
 finuations and moft forcible arguments he 
 could invent, telling them that the fecureft 
 
 methods were always the beft; and how 
 dangerous it might prove to hazard the 
 lofing of the fort when they were in a con- 
 dition to keep it till the approaching fpring, 
 when they expeded fulHcient fuccours from 
 Goa : but finding them deaf to his per- 
 fwafions, he fpoke to them in the following 
 manner : " Soldiers, ye are not infenfible Mafcaien- 
 " that if you would confider your duty, ^^^ his 
 " you ought rather to follow my com- ^^^^'f, '** 
 " mands than your own directions ; but jj^^j 
 " fince you have tied up my hands, and 
 " both by your words and actions, nay, 
 " by your very looks, give me fufficiently 
 " to underftand, that inftead of com- 
 " manding I muft obey, go on, and Ihew 
 " your courage, your knowledge, and 
 " experience in martial affairs : go on, I 
 " fay, I will inftead of leading you on, 
 " follow you, with this caution, however, 
 " that I would have you remember to take 
 " care to return with the fame marks of 
 " bravery as you march out." Then di- 
 viding the whole garrifon into three bodies, 
 he ordered Alvares de Caflro to command 
 the van, the main battle he gave in charge 
 to Francifco de Menefes, himfelf remaining 
 to guard the rear. Thus they marched Their un- 
 towards the enemy ; but with far difterent J^j^^fsful 
 fuccefs from what they had promifed them- ^ ^^' 
 felves : moft of them after the firft charge 
 retreating towards the town, inftead of 
 pufhing forward. The body commanded 
 by Menefes being charged in front and 
 flank, betook themfelves to their heels, 
 and de Cajiro himfelf, being forely wound- 
 ed by a ftone, was hardly favcd by Maf- 
 carenhas, who crying out to the foldiers, 
 that it was now time to Ihew their bravery 
 they had fo much boafted of before, would 
 fain have flopped their flight, but in vain -, 
 for they retreated with fo much fear and 
 precipitation, that for fome time after they 
 fcarce durft look the enemy in the face, or 
 keep their poft ; whereas the Indians, in- 
 couraged by this fuccefs, approacfhed with 
 their engines nearer and nearer to the walls 
 of the town. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 De Caftro cowes to Diu. Takes fome Arabian veffels. Routs the Indians ; ivho 
 leave the ijle. Rumecan killed. Soliman's tranfaBwns before Aden : He 
 caufes the king of that place to be harig'd on his majl, and t)iakes biwj'eif majier 
 of the city. A dejcription cfDixn^n, Dabul, ^«^ Vifiapour, 
 
 De Caflro 7^^ CASTRO, viceroy of Goa, had no 
 fends Acu- *-' fooner received the unwelcome news 
 ciaioDiu-of jhe j^^^h of his fon, and the diftrefled 
 condition of Din, but he fent at the begin- 
 ning of die fpring Alvares de Acunia with 
 I 
 
 five men of war and four hundred land- 
 men thither, with ftri<5l orders that they 
 fliould keep within their fortifications till 
 the whole fleet with the intended fuccours 
 fliould arrive there. Alvares in his paflTage 
 
 . . thither 
 
 Til 
 
 up 
 
 CI 
 
 P 
 
 i
 
 Chap. ii. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 H3 
 
 I Se takes tliither rook feveral Arahian vcfil-ls, aboard 
 
 ome An- ^^ wliich were Icveral perlbns of note be- 
 
 gjj ' longing to Sofar, who, though they offered 
 
 a great fum C)f money For their ranfom, were 
 
 all cut to pieces, and their heads thrown 
 
 into the river. 
 
 The fpring being pretty well advanced 
 by this time, De Cafiro fet fail for Bazain 
 with forty yachts, having on board fourteen 
 hundred Portuguefe land-foldiers, and three 
 hundred Canarine's. With thefe, after ha- 
 ving for fome time infefted the coaft of 
 Cambaja^ he arrived in the Ilha dos mortos, 
 whence he fent an exprefs to Mafcarenhas, 
 with orders to batter the enemies intrench- 
 ments near the fea-fide with his cannon, to 
 facilitate his landing -, which being bravely 
 executed by Mafcarenkas, De Caftro en- 
 tered the harbour without much oppofition, 
 De Caftro ^^d foon after landed his men. De Cajtro 
 re .eves bgip,o; not a little furprized to fee the fort 
 perlbn. appear more like a heap or rubbilh than 
 a fortification, the very ditches being laid 
 level with the ground, he called a council 
 of war to confult of the moft proper means 
 to put an end to the fiege : fome were of 
 opinion, that fome time ought to be allow'd 
 to the foldiers to refrefli themfelves after 
 the fiitigues of the fea; but De Cnflro 
 telling them. That it would be a great dif- 
 grace for a Portuguefe viceroy to be locked 
 up in a fort, it was refolved to attack the 
 enemy next day. 
 
 Accordingly they marched out in good 
 make a order, De Cajtro ordering the draw-bridges 
 general to be drawn up, to cut off all hopes of re- 
 
 The Por- 
 
 Cuguefes 
 
 ("alley. treating into the fort, and leaving Anthonio 
 Correa with fome men to guard it againft 
 any fudden attempt. The better to diftraft 
 the enemy's forces, Nicolao Gonfalvo was 
 commanded to make a falfe attack with 
 fome fhips on the backfide of the ifland. 
 Rumecan on the other hand, trufting to his 
 numbers, took care to guard his pofts on 
 all fides, againfb which De Cc.ftro marched 
 with a much leffer force, exhorting his fol- 
 DeCaftro's digrs in a few words. That they ought to 
 peec 1 ^g^„gfjj}^gf. fjy^f f]y^y y^;-.^y J ^ king, who never 
 diers. failed to reward fuch of his foldiers as fought 
 bravely for God's caufe, and the defence of 
 his territories in the Indies, the frefervation 
 whereof defended on this battle ; that there- 
 fore they fijould fight like men, and confidei- 
 that all their fafety lay in their hands, all 
 hopes of retreating being cut off by the 
 ■putting up of the gates of the fort, and the 
 removal of the fleet to the backfide of the ifle. 
 
 Things being thus difpofed, Gonfalvo 
 made his falfe attack on the other fide of 
 the iQand, which fo alarmed the Indians, 
 that they haftened in whole troops thither ; 
 which gave opportunity to the Portuguefes, 
 (who v/ere about three thoufand ftrong,) 
 animated by the example of De Caftro and 
 
 Mafcarenhos their leaders, to break in upon B a l- 
 the Indians with fuch fury, that they were ° '■•■-" ^ ■ 
 not able to refift them. Rumecan finding ^^ :^^^^^ 
 his forces to give way, and imagining that the In- 
 the fort was left dellitute of men to defend dians. 
 it, aflaulted the fame full of defpair •, but 
 being repulfed by Correa, was forced to 
 follow the reft, and being clof;.ly purfued 
 by the Portuguefes, quitted the i(le, and with 
 the remnants of his forces paffed over to the 
 continent. The Portuguefes entered the city, 
 where tiiey killed all they met with, with- 
 out any regard to age or fex, where they 
 got an incredible booty, ami among other 
 things the ftandard of Cambaja, a prodi- 
 gious quantity of arms, ar^l thirty-five brafs 
 cannon, one whereof being of an extraordi- 
 nary fize, is kept to this day in the arfenal 
 at LiJl)on, with certain Arabick charafters 
 upon it. The Portuguefes loft not above 
 fixty men in this adion -, whereas of the 
 Indians were killed no Icfs than four thou- 
 fand, and fix hundred taken prifoners : , 
 Rumecan himfelf loft his life, as he was .pre- Rumecan 
 paring to pafs over to the continent. De '^""' 
 Caftro, after having given the king of Por- 
 tugal an account in his letter of this glo- 
 rious vicftory, and the bravery of his offi- 
 cers and foldiers, gave orders for the re- 
 pairing the fortifications of the fort, and 
 returned triumphant to Goa, where he was 
 received with the general acclamations of 
 the people. 
 
 Caftagnedo gives a fomewhat different re- 
 lation of this aftion ; for he tells us. That 
 Rumecan wanted neither bravery nor coa- 
 duft •, and that he put the Portuguefes fo 
 hard to it, that had it not been for Mafca- 
 renhas, who led in pcrfon the foldiers to the 
 charge, the Portuguefes would in all likeli- 
 hood have loft the day. He lays further. 
 That they had one hundred and fifty men 
 killed, and among them divers brave offi- 
 cers, George de Soufe, John Manoel, Fran- 
 cifco Azevedo, Cofmo de Paiva, Balthafar 
 George, Eduardo Rodrigo, Juliano Ferdi- 
 nando, Vafques Ferdjnando, and others •, that 
 the Indians lofs amounted to three thoufind 
 men ; and that the whole fiege of Diu con- 
 fumed the Portuguefes at leaft two thoufand 
 men. 
 
 We told you before, that Soliman did 
 come with his fleet before Diu, from Aden ; 
 about twenty leag,ues thence, coming to an 
 anchor, to take in frefli water, he fent cer- 
 tain deputies with a letter to the king of 
 Aden, with the ufual prefcnt of a brocado'd 
 veft of tilFue of gold, offering him his 
 friendfliip, and requiring him in the Grand 
 Seig??icr's name to furnifh his fleet with flefti 
 and fuel, if he could not afllft in perfoa in 
 the expedition he was going upon, to ex- 
 tirpate the Portuguefes (declared enemies of 
 the Mahometans) out of the Indies. Tha 
 
 king
 
 54+ 
 
 A Defeription of the Coajis of 
 
 Eal- 
 
 VX V s. 
 
 Soliinnn's 
 treachery 
 with the 
 king of 
 Aden. 
 
 The king 
 of Aden 
 forced a- 
 board the 
 Turkirti 
 fleet. 
 
 king of Mdii was at that time a tributary 
 to tiie IWfuguefes, unto whom he paid 
 y-ariy t. n tliouland ducats tribute -, not- 
 withftanding which he gave a very honour- 
 able entertainment to the meflengers, pro- 
 mifing to turnifli them with what ncceliiirits 
 tliey wonted. About k vcn days after the 
 whole ^urkijh fleet entering the harbour of 
 yfden, was received with fingular dcmon- 
 ftrations of joy, the king fending one of his 
 chief courtiers aboard to congratulate So- 
 cman upon his arrival, and to invite him 
 afliore. Soliawn returned for anfwer, That 
 he (hould be glad to embrace the king's 
 kind offers •, but that the late fatigues of 
 the fea had jnit him into fucli difordcr, that 
 he could not (lir at prefent •, but as foon as 
 he fliould be recovered of his prefent in- 
 dilpolition, he would not fail to pay his 
 refpeds to the king. 
 
 The king's melfengers were no fooner 
 returned to the city, but Soliman lent three 
 hundred men after them, under pretence of 
 refrelhing themfelves, and taking a view 
 of the place, (being all chofen men ;) and 
 the better to cover his treachery, he fent 
 word to the king, that to prevent any dif- 
 orders, he would fend one hundred men 
 the next day to bring them aboard again. 
 The king of Aden was fo credulous as to 
 afTign thefe three hundred men their quar- 
 ters in his caftle-, which Soliman had no 
 fooner notice of, but he fent the next day, 
 inftead of the one hundred men, no lefs 
 than two thoufand Janizaries, to the no 
 fmall aftonifliment of the king, who now 
 beginning to miftruft the matter, did not 
 know what courfe to take •, but whilft he 
 was confidering what meafures to take, 
 news was brought' that a much ftronger 
 body of Turks was advancing into the city; 
 who liad no fooner pofted themfelves near 
 the caftle, but die commander in chief told 
 the king with a fmile. That he would be 
 pleafed to give a vifit with two or three of 
 his courtiers to Soliman, who was indif- 
 pofed aboard his veffels. The king now 
 began plainly to fee the danger that threa- 
 tened him i but not being in a condition 
 to make any oppofition, he was forced to 
 fubmit ; and being brought before Soliman, 
 he afl<ed him with an unparallel'd mag- 
 nanimity, under what colour he could pre- 
 fume to take in cuftody a prince in amity 
 with the Grand Seignior, and to treat him 
 no otherwife than as a criminal ? Unto 
 which Soliman reply'd, And are you not 
 tijhamed to let the admiral of the Grand 
 Seigp.ior/rty three days in your harbour with- 
 out paying him a viftt ? The king returned, 
 Jlad the Grand Seignior bei-n here in perfon, 
 I night to have done no more than what I 
 have done ; and I am fare IJJjould not have 
 ken treated thus. 'Tis true, I am now in 
 I 
 
 Chap. I2,< 
 
 your power, which I might have prevented, t 
 
 bad I not trufied myfelf and tny kingdom with 
 thofe who are now going to betray both ; 
 without which Aden need not have flood in 
 fear of your flrength : I am now, though too 
 late, fenfible of my approaching deftiny, feeing 
 ^nyfelf in the bands of a treacherous tyrant ; 
 hut though you may difpofe of my body, I hope 
 the bravery of the inhabitants of Aden, and „ 
 
 the grandeur of their princes, will out-laft ' 
 
 your barbarous cruelties. Me had no fooner The king 
 ended his fpeech, but Soliman ordered him of Aden 
 to be hanged on the main-mail yard, with '^^ng^'l- 
 tour ot his chief courtiers, and afterwards 
 feized upon the city, excufing his trea- 
 chery with the Grand Seignior's order, to 
 punifh the king for his being a friend to 
 the Portuguefes. 
 
 Diu bemg one of the chiefcft places of 
 the Indies, we thought it would not be un- 
 acceptable to the reader, to infeit the intire 
 hiftory thereof here. We will now proceed 
 to the defeription of the other places : Da- Daman. 
 man was one of the moft ancient and noted 
 places of the kingdom of Cambaja, which 
 as we told you before, was taken and de- 
 ftroyed by Martino Alphonfo de Soza. As 
 to Chaul and Bazain, there is fcarce any Chaul, 
 thing remarkable to be faid of them, ex- bazain. 
 cept what has already been mentioned in 
 the account of Diu. 
 
 Ddbul is a city feated at feventeen degrees ■^ defcrip- 
 forty-five minutes of northern latitude, upon ^A°"u ? 
 a molt plealant river, arihng out of the 
 mountain Ballaguatte, about two leagues 
 from the fea ; in former times much fre- 
 quented by foreign merchants, and famous 
 for its traffick and riches. Sabajus (a de- 
 clared enemy of the Portuguefes) had fur- 
 rounded this city with a wall, and fortified 
 the harbour thereof with a llrong caftle, 
 which being garrifon'd with fix thoufand 
 men, (among whom were five hundred 
 Turks,) he thought himfelf fecure againft 
 any attempts of the Portuguefes. 
 
 But D Alraeyda, tjie Portuguefe admiral, 
 appearing with his fleet, (abo.ird whereof 
 were thirteen hundred European land-fol- 
 diers, befides tour hundred Ai«/.?Z'(7r.r,^ fent 
 fome of his galleys to make a falfe attack 
 upon the caftle, whilil he took this oppor- 
 tunity of landing his men at fome diftance 
 from thence. The Indians perceiving their 
 error, marched with all poliible fpeed out 
 of their gates againft the Portuguefes, whom 
 they galled forely with their arrows ; but Is taken 
 thefe advancing with fword-in-hand againft ''>' ^^^ f"' 
 their enemies, made fuch a havock among ^"2"* "' 
 them, that they were glad to retreat to- 
 wards the city, and being clofely purfued 
 by the Portuguefes, thefe enter'd pell-mell 
 with them, and- made a great flaughter, 
 killing all they met with, without fparing 
 men, women, or children. They got here 
 
 a con- 
 
 ■1 
 
 ii
 
 Chap. 12.' 
 
 Malabar and CoromancleL 
 
 545 
 
 a confiderable booty, though a great part 
 of the beft moveables were burnt with the 
 city, which was fet on lire by the Portu- 
 . guefes. 
 Limits of \Ye have hitlierto given you an account 
 the king- ^j- j.]^^ ^^^ confiderable cities of tlie king- 
 Decan. ^^or" of DecaHy bordering to the fouth upon 
 Malabar, upon Bifnager to the eaft, upon 
 the fea to the weft, and upon Cambaja to 
 the north : it's divided into three parts, 
 viz. into Ciincan, Canc.ra, and Ballaguatte, 
 the laft of which is a ridge of high moun- 
 tains flat on the top, with moft excellent 
 paftures, extending even beyond Goa. 
 The king- The next in order is the kingdom of Vi- 
 Acmoiy'i- ji^pQiij- . ti^e length whereof is no lefs than 
 lapour. j.^^ hundred and fifty leagues, and its 
 breadth one hundred and fifty. Its capital 
 city, which bears the fame name, lies fe- 
 venty leagues beyond Goa, eighty from 
 Dabul, and is faid to be five leagues in 
 compals, with very ftrong walls, and five 
 noble gates, on whicli are mounted above 
 a thoufand brafs and iron pieces of great 
 cannon. They tell us, that among thefe 
 there is one carrying no lefs than five hun- 
 dred and forty pound weight of gunpowder, 
 caft by a certain Italian, a native of Rome, 
 who being queftioned by one of the king's 
 commiffioners concerning the money he had 
 difburfed upon this account, threw him 
 into the fame hole where he had caft the 
 cannon before. Some have reckoned this 
 city, but erroneoully, among the cities of 
 The king Cambaja. The king of Vifiafour was for- 
 ot Vifia- rnerly abfolute fovercign of this kingdom ; 
 pour now y^^^^ ^i^^^^ ^ j^j ^^^ htavv war was forced, 
 
 the G reat ^^'■'^ divcrs Other, princes in thofe parts, to 
 Mogul, become a vaflfal to the Great Mogul : lie ufed 
 alfo fometimes to be embroiled with the 
 Portuguefes. 
 
 This kingdom borders to the fouth of 
 TFingurla, upon the river Mirfee, the boun- 
 dary of 'the country of Carnatica, in the 
 Its limits, territory of Sivipaneyk. To the north of 
 IVingurla lies the fea-port of Danno, the 
 boundary of the kingdom of Vijiapour on 
 the fide of the empire of the Great Mogul, 
 about ten leagues from Daman. The river 
 here has four fathom and a half water at 
 high tide, and one fathom and a half at 
 low water. The fecond river is named T'er- 
 rapour, having at low water half a fathom, 
 and with high tide two fathoms depth. 
 The third called Chunam, has generally 
 two fathoms. The fourth, called Ma- 
 
 cbyn, has two fathom and a half at high B a l- 
 water, and half a fathom at low tide. l"he ^'^■^^^• 
 fifth harbour is called (-^.ellcny ; the fixtli, ••^'V'*^ 
 Bazain ; the llventh, Bombain, (Bombay,) Bombay, 
 where the depth is fix fiithom at high, and 
 four at low water: the eighth is called 
 Siowjoel, where at high water there is fix 
 fathom deep. All thefe rivers belong to 
 the kingdom of Vifiapour ; but are for the 
 moft part in the pofieftion of tiie Porlu^ 
 gucfes, who have built their forts upon them : 
 as for inftance, at Bombain, (Bombay,) a 
 fpacious harbour, (at eighteen degrees fifty 
 minutes nortliern latitude,) where fliips may 
 lie lafe at anchor againft all the winds. Here 
 the Portuguefes have built a vtry fine caftle, 
 (the draught whereof you may fee in the 
 next cut,) which commands the whole road •, 
 and was in 1662 given in part of a dowry, 
 together with Tangier, in the Streights of 
 Gibraltar, to the infanta of Portugal, upon 
 her marriage with Charles II. king of Eng- 
 land ; whereby the EnglifJo thought to have 
 got a great booty from the Portuguefes ; 
 whereas they are in effefl places of no con- 
 fiderable traflick. The rivers Dabul, Ra- 
 diapour, and Carapatan, are intirely pof- 
 felfed by the natives. 
 
 For the reft, this kingdom abounds in 
 falt-petre works. The royal palace lies in The royal 
 the center of the capital city, defended by P^'ace. 
 a double wall and ditch, with one hundred 
 battering pieces, and a garrifon of two 
 thoufand men ; the richeft merchants dwell 
 in the fuburbs. The other cities of note 
 of this kingdom are Cintapour, a fea-port 
 town, Razapour, Banda, Rajebaag, inland 
 cities ; Arec, Mirdfy, Jjla, Tamba, and 
 IVingurla, where the Hollanders have a Wingurh; 
 ftately faftory : it is feated at fifteen degrees 
 feven minutes of northern latitude, a place 
 very confiderable, not only for its plenty 
 in wheat, rice, and all 'forts of provifions 
 and refrefhments, but alfo for its fituation 
 near Goa, vv^hich ftood the Dutch in no fmall 
 ftead, whilft they were engaged in war 
 with the Portuguefes, and had blocked up 
 that harbour. The forces of the king of 
 Vifiapour confifts in one hundred and fifty 
 thoufand horfe, and eight thoufand foot, 
 of which more anon in the defcription of 
 Negapatan. We will in the next place pro- 
 ceed to the defcription of Goa, together 
 with its origin, and what afterwards hap- 
 pened moft remarkable in thofe parts be- 
 twixt our nation and the Portuguefes. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 6 Y 
 
 CHAP.
 
 S^6 
 
 A Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap, ly 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 DX. U S. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Goa taken k Albuquerque, ^e death of Sabajus. Hidalcan comes before Goa. 
 Albuquerque takes Goa a fecomi tmc ; routs the Moors, and ejhblijijes chrt- 
 Jlianity In that city. The 'life and actions of Xaverius in the Indies, China, 
 and Japan : His zeal and piety. 
 
 Goa has 
 a bad air, 
 and molt 
 of its pro 
 vifions 
 from the 
 continent. 
 
 Goa taken 
 by Albu- 
 querque. 
 
 Sabajus 
 his death. 
 
 THE city of Goa is feated in an ifle of 
 a'confidfrable bignefs, at fixteen de- 
 grees of northern latitude. The air or cli- 
 mate is not very wholefome here, fo that 
 the Porlugtiefes have in this place (as the 
 DiUcb have at Batavia) their great hofpital 
 of the Indies ; becaufe many of the Euro- 
 peans die here immediately after their arri- 
 val, antl many more fall fick by reafon of 
 the moifturc of the air, as it was formerly 
 at Batavia, which has been remedied fmce 
 in fome meafure, by draining the fens 
 thereabouts. Goa is the capital city of the 
 Portugucfe Indies, the chief refidencc of 
 their viceroy and archbifhop. The city 
 is built after the Portugnefe manner, each 
 houfe having its peculiar garden, as at 
 Cochin, and other Portuguefe cities in the 
 Indies. 
 
 The famous city of Goa was conquered 
 for the Portiiguefes by Albuquerque in the 
 following manner : One 'Timoja, a famous 
 perfon in thofe parts, having poffeflTed hini- 
 felf of a fmall iOe belonging to the king- 
 dom of Onor, was a declared enemy of 
 Sal/ajus, (of whom before,) and the Maho- 
 metans of Goa, who interfering with him in 
 their commerce, he had deftroyed many of 
 the fliips of the Egyptians and Saracens tra- 
 ding thither. Thus being linked in point 
 of intereft to the Portuguefes, he had de- 
 clared to Almeyda his readinefs to do what 
 fervice he was able to perform to Emanuel 
 then king of Portugal. 
 
 Albuquerque coming into thofe parts, fent 
 for Timoja, to confult with him concerning 
 certain matters of moment relating to thofe 
 parts, who informed him, that Sabajus 
 being a declared enemy of the Portuguefes, 
 had, after the taking of Dabul, beftow'd 
 vaft fums of money in making prepara- 
 tions agabft the Chriflians ; but being pre- 
 vented by death from putting them in exe- 
 cution, he was fucceeded by his fon Hi- 
 dalcan, who being engaged in a war with 
 the neighbouring kings, and Goa at diis 
 time embroiled with inteftine divifions, 
 which had made moft of the garrifon de- 
 fert his fervice, he was of opinion, that in 
 cafe Albuquerque would for this time fet 
 afide his expedition againft Ormus, and at- 
 tack Goa, he might make himfelf mafter 
 of that city without much oppofition : and 
 to convince him ctf the fincerity of his in- 
 4 
 
 tentlon, he offered to go along with him 
 in perfon, and to take his Ihare in all the 
 dangf r. Albuquerque approving ot , the 
 counfel of Timoja, called together a coun- 
 cil of war ; in which it being agreed to lay 
 afide the defign upon Ormus, and in lieu 
 thereof to attack Goa, 'Timoja lifted a good 
 number of foldiers, (under pretence that 
 they were to be imployed againil Ormus,) 
 and foon after having join'd Albuquerque 
 with fourteen fhips, they tarried near eleven 
 days in the ifle of Anchediva : for fome of 
 the Portuguefes began to queilion the fuc- 
 cefs of this enterprize, alledging that there 
 were four thoufand men in garrifon in the 
 city, and that it was imprudence to rely 
 too much upon Timoja : but Albuquerque ^'^u- 
 perfifling in his refolution, fet fail from the fg""(^1' 
 ide, and came to an anchor before the bar for Qoa. 
 of Goa. 
 
 From hence he detached Anthony Ncro- 
 7iia, his fifter's fon, and Timoja with fome 
 light veflels, to make diemfelves mailers 
 of the two forts that defended the entrance '^*^° ^^^ 
 towards the city; which being done with ^^^"" 
 all imaginable fuccels, he fent his meflen- 
 gers to Goa, to let the inhabitants Icnow, 
 that if they would fubmit, they fhould be 
 treated like friends, and be difcharged of 
 one third part of the tribute they were ob- 
 liged to pay to Hidalcan -, but in cafe of 
 refi-ifal, they muft expeft no mercy. The 
 inhabitants o{Goa feeing themfelves reduced 
 to this nonplus, in the abfence of Hidalcan, 
 moft of their foldiers having deferted, and 
 their forts in the enemies hands, thought 
 it their wifeft courfe not to abide the ex- 
 tremity, but to accept of the offers of the 
 Portuguefes ; which they did accordingly, Goa fur- 
 and received Albuquerque with all the de- '^^"f^'^p ^ 
 monftrations of friendfliip, who rode trium- tuguefes. 
 phantly on horfeback into the city under 
 the acclamations of the people, a Domi- 
 7iican carrying an enfign with a crofs in it, 
 and another the keys of die city (furren- 
 dered to him) before him. He was very 
 punctual in performing all the articles agreed 
 upon betwixt him and the inhabitants, for- 
 bidding the foldiers, under the nioft fevere 
 penalties, to commit the leaft outrages. 
 His next care was to take a view ot the con- 
 dition of the city, where he found divers 
 goodly veffels, fome lately built, others upon 
 the ftocks.i the. arfenal very well provided 
 
 with
 
 Chap. 13. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 547 
 
 Loll again 
 bytliePor- 
 tuguefei. 
 
 •'. 
 
 Hidalcan 
 prepares 
 for the rC' 
 «overy of 
 Coa. 
 
 with artillery, and the king's ftables with 
 a confiderable number of the beft yirabian 
 horles. And finding, by the fituation ot 
 tlie place, of what confequence it might 
 prove to the Portugueses for the future, in 
 carrying on the war upon the continent ot 
 Cambaja and the cape of Corus, and to 
 keep the neighbouring princes in awe, he 
 left no ftone unturned to provide for its 
 fecurity. 
 
 Thus much for the firft enterprize of the 
 Portuguefe upon Goa. We will now alio 
 give you a fliort account of their further 
 fuccefs, how they loft it again by treachery, 
 and regained it a fecond time, the 25th 
 oi^ November 15 10. where theie following 
 perfons fignaliic'd themfelves to their im- 
 mortal honour, Manuel de Cunba, Manuel 
 de Lacerda, Don John de Lima, and his 
 brother Don Jeronimo de Lima-, Denys Fer- 
 nandes, Diego Mendes de Vafconcelos, with 
 many others. 
 
 For Hidalcan had no fooner received the 
 furprizing news of the lofs of Goa, but he 
 made a peace with the neighbouring princes 
 upon the beft conditions he could, with an 
 intention to bend all his forces towards the 
 recovery of Goa. The better to compafs 
 his defign, he fent Camalcan his general, 
 a brave foldier, before with eight thoufand 
 foot, and fifteen hundred horfe, to endea- 
 vour to pafs a certain branch of the fea 
 which inclofes the ifle, he himfell intending 
 to follow with an army of five thoufand 
 liorfe, and forty thoufand foot, as foon as 
 he had made all the necefiary preparations 
 for fuch an enterprize. 
 
 Camalcan having pitched his tents near 
 the fea-fhore, this, together with the news 
 of the approach of Hidalcan with a moft 
 powerful army, caufed no fmall confter- 
 nation in the iQand. Goa was inhabited at 
 that time by two forts of people, viz. the 
 Mahometans and Pagans; the firft out of 
 an irreconcilable hatred to the Chriftians, 
 cry'd out for Hidalcan the fon of Sabajus, 
 who was of the fame religion with them ; 
 and the Pagans fearing left they ftiould be 
 feverely chaftifed for their having furren- 
 dered the city upon fuch eafy terms, were 
 for purchafing Hidalcan's favour by be- 
 traying Albuquerque'^ counfels to him. The 
 worft of all was, that many even among 
 the Portuguefes began to upbraid Albu- 
 quirque with want of conduft ; who they 
 faid, out of vain-gloiy only, without the 
 leaft regard to the intereft of Portugal., had 
 with a handful of men ventured upon fo 
 defperate an enterprize, as the fcizing of 
 fo populous a city. 
 
 Albuquerque^ nothing difmayed at all 
 thefe obftacles, endeavoured to appeafe the 
 Portuguefes by fair words and promifes, 
 ft)ok one hundred of the chief inhabitants 
 
 into cuftody ; and having intercepted a'^AL- 
 letter diredled to Camalcan, he punilTied "'*" '• 
 the author thereof with death, with divers ^■^'V^ 
 others who were convitled of a correfpon- 
 dence with the enemy. But as his chief Albuquer- 
 aim was to difpute their paflage crofs the *1"^ endea- 
 branch of the fea, he had erefted batteries l^^V" ^** 
 
 • J 1 . , . ,. hinder 
 
 provided with cannon at convenient di- their paf- 
 ftances near the fea-fide, and fecured all fage into 
 their boats, by which means he had repulfed ^^^ ^^^- 
 them feveral times in their attempts. At 
 laft, taking the advantage of a dark tem- Camalcan 
 peftuous night, they brought over both ^^\ '"'** 
 their horfe and foot, without receiving any * ' ^' 
 confiderable damage from the Portuguefes. 
 Thus approaching to the city in battle 
 array, moft of the inhabitants joined with 
 them, which obliged the Portuguefes to re- 
 treat thither, though without any great 
 profpeft of fecurity. 
 
 Camalcan fummoned Albuquerque to a 
 furrender under certain conditions •, but 
 though he was fenfible of the approach ino^ 
 danger, and the difficulty there would be 
 of receiving any rehef in the winter feafon 
 from May till September, when the frequent 
 ftorms render the feas thereabouts unnavi- 
 gable, and choak up the entrance of the 
 harbour of Goa, yet was he refolved to ex- 
 peft the arrival of Hidalcan, and to abide 
 the utmoft extremities, rather than to fur- 
 render the pbfp, refolving, if all failed, to 
 pafs the winter in his fhips in the harbour 
 in fpite of the enemy. Camalcan, afto- 
 nifhed at the refolution of the Portuguefes, 
 made feveral fierce attacks upon them, but 
 in vain ; till at laft Hidalcan appearing 
 with all his forces, he refolved to cut olT 
 all manner of j-)rovifions from the Portu- 
 guefes, by which means he did not que- 
 ftion to become mafter of the place without 
 bloodlhed. 
 
 He refolved however to fend a herald to 
 Albuquerque, to offer him honourable con- 
 ditions, if he would depart -, but whilft 
 they were treating upon that head, he found 
 means to have a fhip loaden with ballaft 
 funk below the city, where the branch of 
 the fea is pretty narrow, and the channel 
 very ftrair, with an intention to have an- 
 other funk hard by it : Albuquerque was no 
 fooner advertifed thereof, but he called a 
 council of war •, in which it was unani- 
 moufly agreed, that they fliould embark 
 the next night, before they had ftopp'd up 
 the whole channel, that the enemy might 
 not intercept their paffage. 
 
 Accordingly they marched out in tiie 
 dead time of the night ; but having fet fire 
 to their magazine, they were difcovered 
 and attacked by the enemy -, fo that with 
 rhuch ado they got to their fhips, when 
 they weighed their anchors, and with in- 
 credible difficulty pafled through the nar- 
 row
 
 548 
 
 A Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. ij. 
 
 n he Por- 
 tuguefesin 
 great di- 
 Itreri. 
 
 A hazar 
 dous ac- 
 
 row dunnd at fome cliftance Irom tlic town : 
 by which, however, they were not treed 
 from their mifcry or danger ; for by the 
 continual windings of the river they were 
 frequently expofed to the enemy's rtre, and 
 being deltitute of frelh water, they were 
 forced to drink fait corrupted water ; what 
 horfe-Hefli they had left being alfo con- 
 fumcil, they were reduced to teed upon 
 mice, cats, and leather, which occafioncd 
 a great mortality among the Portuguefes. 
 Add to this, tiiat they were continually an- 
 noy'il with the enemy's cannon from tlie 
 two before-mention'd forts, (left by the 
 Portuguefes for want of men,) and £ivv no 
 way how to pais th-m without a moll ma- 
 nifeft hazard. 
 
 yllkquerque being put to thefe ftraits, re- 
 folved upon a thing which at firft fight ap- 
 T P °^ pciired rather to be a madnefs, than founded 
 Euefes°"" "po" fe"0us confiderations ; but the event 
 fhewed, that in extremities the boldeft and 
 mod hazardous undertakings are often the 
 beft. Both thefe forts were provided with 
 good garrifons ; but being fenfible of the 
 mifery of the Portugueses^ they regarded 
 them fo little, that they fcarce thought it 
 worth tlieir while to guard their polls: 
 Albuquerque having received fome notice 
 thereof, detached three hundred chofen 
 men, whom he divided into two troops -, 
 thefe being animated with great promifes 
 and revenge, advanced towards the forts 
 at the fame time, and finding the centries 
 adeep, killed them, and fo entering the 
 forts, foon put the reft to t^ight, took pof- 
 felTion of the fort, and carried off the can- 
 non aboard their veffels. Hidalcan v/as fo 
 iurprized at this bold enterprize, that not 
 thinking himfelf fecure in the place where 
 he was, he ordered his tent to be pitched 
 at a greater diftance. 
 
 The next thing the Indians attempted 
 was, to endeavour to fet fire to the Portu- 
 guese fleet, by means of dry brufli-wood and 
 faggots dipp'd in pitch and rofin •, to pre- 
 vent which, Albuquerque manned out cer- 
 tain boats to burn them before they could 
 come near enough. This occafioned a 
 fmart engagement, wherein Anthony No- 
 ronia, (a brave young gentleman, declared 
 viceroy of the Indies after Albuquerque) being 
 dangeroufly wounded in the knee, died a 
 few days after. The enemy's lofs was alfo 
 very confiderable ; but the death of A'o- 
 ronia^ together with the manifold miferies, 
 dangers and difficulties they had daily to 
 The For- ftniggle with, made the Portuguefes refolve 
 ftifToA ^° ^^'^ ""^ '■'^^ ^^^ °^~ Anchediva to fet afliore 
 chediva. " '^'''^''' ''^^ 'n\tn, who ftood in great need of 
 refrefhments for their recovery. 
 
 Whilft Albuquerque was here ruminating 
 ■with himfelf how to recover Goa^ a fqua- 
 
 Anthony 
 Noronia 
 ilain. 
 
 being routec 
 arms. 
 
 dron of ten Pcrtuguefe men of war arrived 
 in the Indies. Strengthened with this fuc- 
 cour, and having new modelled his forces 
 by purging them of fome mutinous Ipirits, 
 he embarked one thoufand five hundred 
 land-foldiers, and three hundred Malabars 
 aboard thirty-four velTels ; and (leering his 
 courfe to the iQe of Onor, he concerted new 
 meafures with Timoja for the recovery of 
 Goa : and having engaged him to lift as 
 many forces as poliibly he could, he fet fail 
 immediately towJrds Goa with Inch an afto- 
 nilhing confidence of fuccefs, that the In- 
 dians upon his approach deferted the forts 
 without firing a cannon. 
 
 Advancing from hence to the city, a Attack 
 bloody engagement enfued near the royal ^''^ ^ '*" 
 palace, which Ilidalcan^s foldiers pretend- 
 ed to defend to the utmoft extremity, but 
 the reft' threw down their 
 Ibme precipitating themfelves from 
 the walls into the ditch, others feeking re- 
 fuge, or rather death among the waves, 
 whilft the reft difperfed in the ifland. This 
 engagement lafted above fix hours. Imme- 
 diately after 'Timoja coming to the afliftance 
 of the Portuguefes, they entered the city, 
 where they made a moft miferable havock And take 
 among the Moors, whom they were rcfolved "• 
 to extirpate root and branch •, fevcn thou- 
 fand whereof are fuppofed to have been 
 flain in four days time : the Pagans them- 
 felves being exalperated at them for having 
 difpoflefs'd them of their lands, cut many Commit 
 of them to pieces, and among the reft the 8''"' "^' 
 trenfurcr of Hidalcan, in whofe houfe they *'"■*' 
 found a good booty. Such of the Maho- 
 metans as were taken prifoners, Albuquerque 
 ordered to be inclofed in a Turkifh mofque, 
 together with a certain renegado Chriftian, 
 who had deferted to Goa, and to fet it on 
 fire ; which was executed accordingly. 
 
 The next thing Albuquerque took care of, 
 was to have bricks and lime made for the 
 rebuilding and ftrengthening of the forti- 
 fications ; and (if we may credit the Por- 
 tuguefes) as they were digging under the 
 luins of fome old walls, they found a brazen 
 crofs, which (confidering no Chriftians were A crofs 
 ever known to have lived there before) was ^""""^ .'" 
 looked upon by them as a miraculous good nf^c"'"* 
 omen, prefaging the eftabliflmient of the 
 Chriftian religion there. 
 
 Albuquerque having puniflied with death 
 fuch of the inhabitants as had had a hand 
 in the firft mutiny, ordered that the Por- 
 tuguefes ftiould marry the young women 
 of the country, (after they had been bap- 
 tized,) the better to people the city, which 
 from that time began to increafe confide- 
 rably ; Sequeria having caufed the firft 
 church that was built, with the adjacent 
 houfes and convent, to be dedicated to 
 
 St. 
 
 i 
 
 II 
 i « 
 
 ^1
 
 ^HAP. 
 
 ^3- 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 549 
 
 ^he Si. Francis. And in the year 1548. the 
 hurchof church and convent of Dominicans was 
 ifcansand^'"^*^^*^ of brick- work, twelve fatliers of 
 >qmini- that order being about that time introduced 
 ans. into the Indies by James Berwudius, a Ca- 
 n reafe offi'^''^"- After the arrival of the Jefuits in 
 he Chri- tholc parts, (who have alfo a fine college 
 tians. here,) there were in four years time bap- 
 tized no lefs than feventeen thoufand two 
 Jiundrcd and ninety Indians, without rec- 
 koning thofe converted by the Francifcans 
 and Dominicans before. In the Jefuits 
 chapel lies intrenched the body of Francis 
 Xave7-ius, of which the Portuguefes relate 
 ftrange miracles, as well as ot his whole 
 life -, an ample relation whereof may be 
 feen in John de Lucena in Portugtiefe, by 
 Daniel Bartholi in Italian, and by feveral 
 others in Latin ; and in anotlier treatife of 
 Bartholi, printed at Rome 1653. concern- 
 ing the adions of the antient fathers of the 
 Jefuitical order. It will be fufficient for us 
 to touch upon fome of the chief heads re- 
 lated by the Portuguefes of this Saint. 
 riie death He died in the ifle of Sanchan in China, 
 it Xave- 1552. the fecond of December, of a violent 
 HIS. fever, in the eleventh year of his voyage 
 over the Indies. His dead carcafe was laid 
 in a coffin with his cloaths on, filled with 
 lime, with an intention to tranfport his 
 bones thence after the fiefh had been con- 
 His body fumed by the quick lime. Many days af- 
 ter the Portuguefes opening the coffin, found 
 his body not only uncorrupted, but alfo of 
 a lively colour, and moft agreeable fcent. 
 Thence being tranfported to Malacca, and 
 the coffin being opened a fecond time, 
 above three months after his deceafe, they 
 found neither the leaft figns of corruption, 
 or any naufeous flench. After he had been 
 buried here five months, a certain Jefuit tra- 
 velling that way from Goa, being defirous 
 to fee the body of Xaverius, found not only 
 the body, but alfo his clothes uncorrupted, 
 and of a very odoriferous fcent. 
 
 Thus it being judged unfeemly that his 
 body fhould remain any longer underground, 
 Didacus Pereria caufed a magnificent coffin 
 adorned with gold and filk to be made, 
 wherein the body was depofited at Malacca, 
 till it could be tranfported to Goa, where 
 it was received with incredible demonftra- 
 tions of joy by the viceroy, all the perlbns 
 of note, and efpecially by the Jefuits, and 
 depofited with a great deal of ceremony in 
 the chapel of St. Paul. And finding that 
 the people were fo eager to touch his body, 
 that it was to be feared they would in time 
 confume it, or carry it away by piece-meals, 
 it was inclofed in an iron grate ; fuch being 
 the zeal of the people of Goa, at that time, 
 that they would embrace the body of Xa- 
 verius without intermiffion, lay their beads 
 upon it, rub it with their hands, i^c. and 
 N''. 116. Vol. III. 
 
 uncor- 
 
 (upted. 
 
 Is tranf- 
 
 '. ported to 
 Goa. 
 
 the whole city rung of the praifcs of thisEAi,- 
 faint, of his imcommon zeal, piety, cha-'^'^"^' 
 rity, mildnefs, his dangers in his voyages, ^■'"V*^ 
 his chaflity, temperance, fatls, prayers, 
 miracles, conftancy, prudence, and great 
 adions for the honour of Chrift. 
 
 The fpeech he made upon his departure 
 for Japan and China to his friends, who 
 were for diffwading him from fo dangerous 
 an undertaking, is lb excellent in its kind, 
 that it very well deferves a place in this 
 treatife. 
 
 TAm furprlzed to fee you, who fjjend ^^^'efiu^'s 
 your days in the praife of God Al- ^P^'^^'^' 
 mighty's power and mercy, fhould now 
 be f"o diffident thereof in regard of my 
 perfon. Have you forgot who is the 
 fupreme governor of the univerfe ? and 
 that every thing is ruled by his will ? 
 Can you be deftitute of inftances of this 
 nature? Don'tthe waves of the fea, who 
 opened a way to the fervants of God 
 through the depth thereof, furnifh you 
 with an undeniable example .? Don't the 
 winds, who allay'd their fury by his com- 
 mand, proclaim his power ^ Fray look 
 upon Job, who could not be affiifted by 
 the devil, without God's fpecial pcr- 
 milfion. The mouth of truth himfelf 
 tells you, that the hairs of our heads are 
 numbered. As we fee ambaffadors of 
 temporal princes, relying upon their 
 charadlers, and the power of their ma- 
 ilers, pafs unarmed and undifturbed, 
 through an enemy's camp; fo it be- 
 comes us, who bear the charafter of 
 interpreters of the divine lavs and of 
 teachers of the Heathens, to rely upon 
 nothing but the affiftance and power of 
 the divine majelly, which without any 
 other weapons can carry us fafely through 
 all dangers both by fea and land, through 
 fire and fword, or what elfe may feem 
 to oppole the accompliflmient of his 
 will. And if it happen that fome of his 
 faithful minifters fall into the hands of 
 cruel perfons ; if they are devoured by 
 wild beafts, futfer fliipwrecks, or are 
 expofed to hunger, thirfl, cold, heat, 
 ficknelTes, and other miferies-, all thefe 
 are to be looked upon as the effefts of 
 the divine pleafure, to try the faith and 
 conftancy of his fervants : for were it not 
 fo, we are fufficiently convinced by ma- 
 ny examples, in what manner our God 
 has a careful eye over them ; how he 
 has fent the ravens to feed them, the 
 angels to feed them •, how the wildeft 
 beafts have depofited their natural fury, 
 and become mild -, how the flame itfclf 
 has not been able to hurt them, nor the 
 greateft tyrants to execute their cruel- 
 ties upon them. 'Tis true, the vicftory 
 6 Z . " does 
 
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 550 
 
 A Defcriptiorf of the Coajfs of 
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 Ba u- " docs not aUv.iys incline on our fide, aiul 
 D^us. cc y^e are often friiftratcd in the cxpeCta- 
 ^^V^ " tion of the fruits of our labour ■, but 
 " thofc difappointnunts ought not in the 
 " lead ftop the hand of a zealous minilter, 
 " in attempting every thing that may con- 
 " duce to God's honour, and the falvation 
 " of fouls. If a foldier, in hopes of a imall 
 " Oiiire of honour, ventures his lite in the 
 " midit of liis enemies -, it tlie feaman, tor 
 « the hopes of an inconfidcrable lucre, 
 " leave tlie fhore, and commit his he to 
 " the mercilefs waves, would it not be a 
 " Ihame for a minifter of Chrifl to retufe 
 " to hazard his lite for God's fervice, and 
 " to look upon every thing as a trifle in 
 « comparifon of the kingdom ot heaven, 
 " and Its incrcafe ? Let no fuch thoughts 
 " enter our minds, there being nothing lo 
 " precious, that ought in this regard to 
 " hinder us from the promoting ot God s 
 " fervice." 
 
 A moft excellent fpeech, worthy to be 
 Imprinted in the hearts of all faithful mi- 
 nifters of Chrifl; ; and the more valuable 
 upon that fcore, that his deeds were alto- 
 gether agreeable to his words; for em- 
 barking at Goa for Malacca, he thence 
 ftt fail in a Chinefe Jonke, or veffel, for 
 Japan, where he arrived happily at Can- 
 goxhiia, where this great man did not think 
 
 it below himfelf to be inftrufted in the firft 
 rudiments of that language for Chrifl's fake. 
 The next thing he applies himfelf to, was, 
 to have the chief articles of the Chrillian 
 faith tranflated into the Japomfe language, 
 making ufe for this purpofe of an inter- 
 preter, till he attained himfelf to the per- 
 feftion thereof, in which he ceafed not to 
 labour day and night •, being moved by aa 
 uncontroulable zeal of planting the gofpel 
 among thole Pagans. Truly a very com- 
 mendable zeal, not to be forgotten by all 
 who bear the name of Chriftians; and 
 though Xaverius's religion differs in certain 
 points from ours, yet might his piety and 
 other commendable virtues ferve as an en- 
 couragement to all pious minifters, to fol- 
 low his footfteps in performing the fervice 
 of God to the utmoft of their power. It 
 mull be confefled on all hands, that had 
 not the adlive fpirit of the Jefuits awakened 
 the Francifcans, and other religious orders 
 from their drowfinefs, the Roman church 
 had before this time been buried in its 
 ruins : and as for myfelf, I am very wil- 
 ling to own, that my pen is not capable 
 of exprefllng the worth of fo great a man ; 
 though at the fame time I am of opinion, 
 that if Xaverius were alive now, he would 
 difown many things, efpecially as to his 
 miracles, fince publifiied by his followers. 
 
 Increafe 
 and traf- 
 fickof 
 Goa. 
 
 Inhabi- 
 tants. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Increafe of the city of Goa : Its traffick, manners, and inay of living of the 
 Portucruefes there. The ivar betavixt the Dutch company and the Portuguefes. 
 Their' ambafjadors appear in the great council at Batavia : Tkeir propofitions 
 and tranf actions. 
 
 THE city of Goa increafing every year 
 in riches and traffick, increafed alio 
 in ftrength by the addition of feveral forts 
 near the water-fide -, this being the capital 
 city of the Portuguefes in the hidies. Its 
 traffick was much more confiderable for- 
 merly than of late years, fince by our 
 blocking up the bar of Goa, they were not a 
 little difturbed by our fhips. Whilft Goa 
 was in its f^ourifliing ftate, they ufed to 
 fend their fliips to Pegu, Siam, Japan, Per- 
 fia, Cambaja, Arabia, Malabar, Coroman- 
 del, Bengale, Achem, befides divers other 
 places. It is well inhabited, not only by 
 Europeans, but alfo Canarins, Moors, and 
 Pagans of all nations, who live for the 
 moft part upon trading, or are handicraftf- 
 men. The great ftreet of Goa has many 
 rich (hops well ftored with filks, porcellain, 
 and other precious commodities, druggiftry 
 wares, manufadlurits, ^c. Some of thefe, 
 as well as frefh provifions, are fold every 
 
 day in the market-places, where you hear 
 a crier, or audioneer, (called by them La- 
 lang,) to fell in publick all forts of goods, 
 both movable and unmovable, cattle, flaves, 
 ^c. to the faireft bidder -, but they leave 
 off early, by reafon of the excefTive heat 
 about mid-day. 
 
 The manner of living of the Portuguefes The way 
 is the fame here as in moft other places of °|. '^'"^ 
 the Indies ; they are diftinguifhed into Ca- tugucfes. 
 zados, i. e. married people, and Zoldados, 
 Tingle people ; the laft are moft efteemed. 
 The Portuguefes here are generally very idle, 
 feldom applying themfelves to any employ- 
 ment, leaving the management of their 
 bufinefs, for the moil: part, to their flaves j 
 even the women committing the care of 
 their children to the female flaves, who alio 
 give them fuck. The men frequently marry 
 with the natives of the country, yet not fo 
 much now as formerly : the children begot 
 betwixt a Portuguefe and an. Indian woman 
 
 are
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 551 
 
 Their jea 
 
 loufy. 
 
 Didem 
 
 pers. 
 
 are called Mijliccs, as the children of thefc 
 Mijlices are called Cajtices. 
 Their luft. The men are generally addiifled to ex- 
 cefllve kift ; and I remember to have fcen 
 three women-flaves lie in at once, who were 
 got with child by their mafters ; fornication 
 and adultery being confidered among them 
 as errors of little moment : but they arc 
 very averfe to drunkennefs, notwitliftanding 
 which quarrels and murders are frequent 
 among them. 
 
 rnJ pride. '^^^ ^^^^ ^'"'^ ^^^*^ generally exccfiivc 
 proud, there being fcarce any of them that 
 thinks himfelf removed a little above the 
 vulgar fort, but what has his uinbrello car- 
 ried over his head, another fervant to carry 
 his cloke after him, and another who holds 
 his fword : they ufe frequently fnuff, not 
 excepting even the maidens and women ; 
 and as they walk along the flreets, they are 
 continually ftroking and fetting up their 
 whifkers. They never appear abroad 
 either a foot or in chairs unveil'd, their 
 hufbands being (and perhaps not without 
 reafon) very jealous of them ; for which 
 reafon alfo they keep them at home in 
 their apartments above flairs, the windows 
 whereof are fo contrived, that they can 
 look upwards, but not downwards into the 
 ftreets. 
 
 The dift:empers moft in vogue at Goa are 
 the burning fevers, which the Portuguefes 
 cure by venefeftion, fometimes five or fix 
 times a-day, but they let but little at a 
 time. The French or SpaniJIo pox are alio 
 fo common here, (as in moil other parts of 
 the Indies) that a Fidalgo, or gentleman, 
 here does not look upon it as a diigrace to 
 have been afflicted with it twice or thrice in 
 his life-time. For the refl, the Portuguefes 
 ufe much fweetmeats, and take a draught 
 of cool water after it, they being enemies 
 to flrong liquors, and moderate in their 
 diet, a fmall Ihare fufficing for a good num- 
 ber of people. The women feed much 
 upon rice, though they have excellent 
 wheaten bread -, they alfo ufe frequently 
 Betel and Jrek, and all forts of pickles, 
 which makes them have a pale colour. 
 The king T^^& king of Vifiafour has more than once 
 of Vifia- fhcwn his inclination of attacking Goa by 
 pour wil- land, efpccially at that time, whilft Come- 
 hng to at- ll^^^ Simonfo commanded the Dutch fleet in 
 thole parts, he being much refpefted among 
 the Mahometans ever fince his burning of 
 the galleons near Mormagon : but the death 
 ot the laid admiral prevented the defign of 
 that king, as much queflioning whether his 
 fucceflbr might be a man of the fime (lamp. 
 In the year 1641. the faid king promifed 
 a fecond time to form the fiege of Gca^ pro- 
 vided the Dutch company would engage to 
 lot a certain number of their fliips winter at 
 Dabtil, Ortzery, or fome other of his maje- 
 
 fty's harbours, which was no more than a 
 neceflary precaution, it being certain, that 
 in cafe the fiege fhould mifcarry, the Por- 
 tuguefes^ without our afTiftance, would liave 
 made themfelves mafters of thcfe harbours. 
 Formerly it was accounted dangerous to 
 fend our fhips to the bar of Goa before OHo- 
 I'cr ; but experience has taught us fince, 
 that tjiis coad of the Indies is navigable tc^ 
 w.irds tiie latter end of Augufl, or in Sep- 
 tember, the exaft time when the rich fliips 
 come from Mofambiquc, Mofcatte, and di- 
 vers other places, which have fometimes 
 been taken by our fliips ; whereas if they 
 come later, they have nothing elfe to Ao 
 but to attempt the galleons under the caftle. 
 In the year 1640. the Portuguefes made fliift 
 to bring into the harbour two carracks, and 
 as many galleons, well provided v/ith men 
 and all other necefiaries, which gave them 
 the opportunity to fortify the ifie of Mor- 
 magon ; fince which time, to render the 
 blockade by fea the more effeftual, the Hol- 
 landers have order'd certain frigates to cruize 
 with a floop near the cape and the Burned 
 Iflands, (called lib as qimnadas,) whereby the 
 Portuguefe Caffilas, which fiipply them with 
 provifions, are prevented from going out 
 or in. 
 
 It is fufficiently demonftrable, that the 
 Dutch company did at firft judge it for their 
 intereft to be mafters of Goa, but laid it 
 afide afterwards, thinking it more for their 
 intereft to block up the bar of Goa ; cer- 
 tain it is, that both the direftors and the 
 governor and members of the great council 
 ot the Indies, looked upon the war be- 
 twixt them and Portugal as propitious to 
 them, as is evident from the petition deli- 
 vered m May 1641. by the faid direftors 
 in the Hague to the States General of the 
 United Provinces. 
 
 The chief intent of this petition, was to 
 fhew. That though it was beyond all que- 
 ftion, that the Dutch Eaft-India company 
 was erefted in its firft beginning in the years 
 1 60 1, 1602, and 1604, to carry on a peace- 
 able commerce in the Indies ; but that fince 
 experience had fufficiently convinced them, 
 that the Portuguefes, who had play'd the 
 mafters in the Indies for many years before, 
 had left no ftone unturned to difturb the 
 commerce of the Dutch, by feizino- their 
 fliips, and imprinting very diladvantageous 
 notions of them into the Indian princes. 
 That in 1602. when the Dutch Eafl-India 
 trade was incorporated into one focicty, or 
 company, two peculiar advantages were 
 (among others) obtained thereby at that 
 time : firft, full authority of protefting 
 their traffick jointly in the Indies by force, 
 of arms ; the confequence whereof had 
 been, fecondly, that the Indian princes were 
 entered into an engagement with the faid 
 
 Dutch 
 
 Now Cos 
 is to be 
 block'd lip 
 by fea. 
 
 TheDutcli 
 care not to 
 be malleri 
 of Goa. 
 
 The war 
 betwixt 
 the Dutch 
 and Poitu- 
 guefes pro- 
 pitious to 
 the firlL
 
 Ba L- Duith compiuiy, out of hatred and tear of 
 
 a jr. vs. tht PcrtugKeffs i that, by thde means, the 
 
 .wnr>J Hiipsof thtrPiilch company liaving purged 
 
 the ftas of the pirates, had fettled fince 
 
 Faaories i\^^ y^^ 16^4. their factories and traf- 
 
 Dulchin '"'^'^' ""^ °"'y '" "'^ ^'^'^ ''^^"'^^ *'^"'" 
 the'lndies. the Red 6Vrt as far as Japan, but alfo 
 
 in the territories of the GraJid Seignior, in 
 /Irabia, at Mocha, in Ptr/rt even in the ca- 
 pital city of Jfpahan, in the kingdom of 
 Cambaja, and " tlie empire of the Great 
 Mogul, in Decan, in Malabar, Narfinga, 
 Coroinandel , Golgonda, Bengale, Aracan, 
 Pegu, AchiK, Sumatra, Jambi, Palimban, 
 Bantam, Cambodia, Siam, Cochin -China, 
 Tonquin, &c. That fince the eftablifhment 
 of thefe taftorics, the fecurity of their com- 
 merce was chiefly founded upon this maxim, 
 To maintain a war againft the declared ene- 
 my of thefe Indian princes, their engage- 
 ments to us being founded upon their opi- 
 nion of our enmity with the Portuguefes. 
 To prove this, they alledge the following 
 ten reafons. 
 
 Ten rea- i. Becaufe the DK/f/'Z«7?-/A/^/^ company 
 fons for ^^5 chiefly by means of the war with the 
 nuance'of Portuguefes arrived to that greatnefs it is 
 awar with now at, their whole traffick in the Indies 
 the Portu- being founded upon this bafis •, whence they 
 guefes. draw yearly a return of feventy-eight thou- 
 fand nine hundred and ten millions of guil- 
 ders •, and if the faid foundation were not 
 fhaken, they might expeft every year larger 
 returns. 
 
 2. That in cafe of a truce, they fliould 
 not reap the fruits of the viftories, viz. to 
 put a ftop to their power, a thing abfolutely 
 to be confidered. 
 
 3. In cafe of a truce, the equipment of 
 many fliips of war would be laid afide, by 
 which means Holland would be deprived of 
 the ftrength of a confiderable number of 
 men of war in cafe of necelTity. 
 
 4. That in cafe of an abatement of the 
 equipment of fliips of war for the £^7? In- 
 dies, and confequently of the diminution of 
 our trade in the Indies, and the return of 
 cur fhips from thence, the advantage accru- 
 ing to Holland by the convoys mull alfo be 
 neceflarily diminiflied. 
 
 5. That many thoufands of families in 
 the Indies would thereby be deprived of 
 their livelihood. 
 
 6. That the whole Eajl-India trade, by 
 which many millions are gained yearly, 
 would decay in proportion as the Por- 
 tuguefes fhould increafc in the faid traf- 
 fick. 
 
 7. That in regard of the intereft of the 
 Butch company, it ought to be confidered, 
 that fince of late years they had been at 
 vaft expences in providing fiiips of war, 
 and lifting of foldiers, they were (through 
 
 J Dcfcri^tion of tb:^ Coafls of 
 
 Chap. 14.' 
 
 God's blcfTing in a probability of ma- 
 king farther conquefts upon the Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 8. That in cafe the Eaji- India trade 
 Ihould come to decay, and confequently 
 their jn-ofit be diminilhed, they would be 
 in danger of being quite opprelfed by the 
 heavy burden they lay under, of providing 
 garrifons and other neceilaries againft the 
 attempts of the Europeans their enemies. 
 
 9. Tiut thereby the Dutch company 
 would be expofed to the hazard of being 
 deprived of all the advantages they had 
 gained by right of arms from the Portu- 
 guefes, or othcrwife. 
 
 10. In cafe of a peace or ceflation of 
 arms betwixt the Dutch company and the 
 Portuguefes, it was to be feared, that the 
 good underftanding betwixt the faid com- 
 pany and the Indian princes would foon de- 
 cay, to the no fmall detriment and danger 
 of the company and their fervants, efpecially 
 in Japan : which traffick, if it were loft, the 
 trade of China would be of little confe- 
 quence ; a peace or truce with the Por- 
 tuguefes being abfolutely contrary to the 
 engagements they had with the Indian 
 kings. 
 
 In confideration therefore of the. great 
 detriment that would accrue to the faid 
 company by a peace with the Portuguefes, 
 the faid clireftors did moft humbly petition 
 their high and mightinelTes to take it into 
 ferious confideration, whether the damages 
 their fubjefts, and efpecially the company, 
 were likely to fuffer thereby, would not in 
 a great meafure over-balance the advan- 
 tages the States might promife themfelves 
 from a peace with Portugal; and in cafe 
 they judged the peace with Portugal abfo- 
 lutely for their intereft, whether the Eajl 
 Indies might not be excepted in the faid 
 peace, as was done in the tnice concluded 
 1 609. and whereof other inftances were in 
 frefh memory betwixt France, England., 
 and Spain, who notwithftanding they were 
 entered into alliances fince the conclufion 
 of the peace in Europe, yet did continue 
 the war in the Indies, as is evident from the 
 Englifh fquadron's appearing before Mofam- 
 bique, Goa, and Manilha, and the affifting 
 of the Per/tans in tiie conqueft of Ormus 
 againft the Portuguefes. 
 
 Laftly, They requefted, that in cafe 
 their high and mightinelTes did not judge 
 their reafons of fuch weight as to ftop the 
 truce in the Eaft Indies betwixt the com- 
 pany and the Portuguefes, who lately have 
 fhaken off the Spanifh dominion, and em- 
 braced the intereft of king John IV. their 
 high and mightinelTes would be pleafed at 
 leaft to delay the conclufion thereof till ad- 
 vice cogld be had whether any of the places 
 
 belonging
 
 Chap. 
 
 14. 
 
 ! Malabar And Coromandcl. 
 
 553 
 
 belonging to the Porlugucfes m the Indies 
 had declared for the new king; that th? di- 
 reftors might have the opporttinrty (i'l'caCe 
 of an enfuing truce) to recal liich of -their- 
 fervants as were perhaps engaged in the-' i>?T- 
 vice of fome of the bid/nji princes, without 
 which they might be in danger of being ilir- 
 prized and fei^cd there, to their irrecovera- 
 ble detiimcnt. ;..■'-"■ ''■■'■ -^ :;' • - ■ • 
 Goa The bar of Gfe<?' had-for atonfidcrablc 
 
 blockM up cirne been kept blocked up-by- a fquadron 
 Pu-ch ^^ Dutch fliips the better to annoy the 
 Por!v.gue[es in their trafRck. James Cooper 
 kept the faid harbour block'd up for tliree 
 years fucceflively, as commodore, who was 
 lucceeded by /Idaui M'efterwcld^ (of which 
 hereafter in the defcription of Ceylon,) and 
 he by /hithony Kao.n. In the year 1639. 
 commanded before that place Cornelius Si- 
 vionfon Van der Veer, (mentioned before,) a 
 brave commander; and i6j.i. Mt'.ttheiv 
 Hendrikfz !r^.nJi-> with ten fhips, and one 
 thoufand one hundred and forty-feven men : 
 this tlect took a carrack richly laden from 
 Portugal; but he b.eing ki'k-d in the engage- 
 ment, was fucceeded by Cornelius Leendertfz 
 Blaau, rear-admiral. 
 :Two Por- In the year 1642. two Portuguefe ambaf- 
 '"^rlr '"^-<^o''^5 named Diego Mendes de Rritto, and 
 dors come Gonfalvo Villojo de SanB Jofeph, a religious 
 toBatavin.of the order of St. Francis, being fent by 
 tlie Portuguefe viceroy of the Indies to the 
 general and great council of the Indies at 
 Batavia, the fame were ordered to be re- 
 ceived with all marks of honour and refpeft : 
 for which purpofe Mr. John Alaatzuyker, 
 chief penfionary, Juftus Schouten, a mem- 
 ber of the great council of the Indies, Si- 
 mon van yllphen doftor of the laws, fheriff" 
 of the city of Batavia, Sebald IVanderaar 
 receiver general, Peter Soury, Barent IVich- 
 mans. Dirk Snoek, Evjoud Spieringh, head 
 taftors, John Lamcot, ferjeant-major, Ge- 
 rard Herbers doftor of the laws, head fac- 
 tor, Francifco dc Souza de Cc.ftro, and An- 
 thonio Fialbo Fereirn, both Portuguefe gen- 
 Their re- tlemen, were fcnt to conduct them from 
 ccption, aboard their veflTel to the general's palace, 
 under the difcharge of five pieces of can- 
 non ; and being immediately introduced 
 Appp.ir in into the apartment where the great council 
 coancil. vvas then aflembled, after the firft compli- 
 ments on both fides, one of the ambafiadors 
 began to make his harangue : " That Por- 
 " tugal having withdrawn itfelf from the 
 " Spanijh jurifdiclion, had chofen Don 
 " John, duke of Braganza, their king ; 
 "• that the faid king having foon after fent 
 *■' an ambafiador to their high and mighti- 
 " nefles to treat of a peace and an alliance 
 " betwixt both nations, they had all the 
 " reafon to believe that the fiime was 
 *' brought to a happy conculfion before 
 " this time : in regard of which they were 
 Vol. III. 
 
 " fent by the viceroy of Goa to treat with Ba l- 
 " their excellencies about a ceffiition of'^^'!', 
 " arms, as would more at large appear out 
 " of their credentials." Which they deli- 
 vered at the fame tinU- to the governor ge- 
 neral with this fuperfcription : 
 
 /L O. Senhor /Inthonio de Dienien, Capitaon 
 General de Nacaon Ollandefa 7'Cefte Oriente. 
 
 On the other fide was written, 
 
 DeConde d''Aveiras Viceroy e Capitaon d^ India. 
 
 The letter was fealed with the arms of 
 Portugal, and written in the Portuguefe lan- 
 guage, as follows : 
 
 ¥ N the beginning of September arrived Their ere* 
 B in our fort Oner, a caravel, fent from dcntials. 
 Portugal ; whereby we were informed, 
 that the Portuguefes h^ve proclaimed and 
 acknowledged a king of their own, by 
 the general confent of that nation. Hi-i 
 m-ijefty of Portugal did, in one of his 
 letters, give notice to us, that certain 
 ambafiadors having been difpatched to 
 their high and mightineffes the States 
 general, to treat about a peace, it was 
 not doubted but the fame would be foon 
 concluded, a truce having been already 
 agreed upon betwixt the two nations in 
 Europe, whereof notice had been given 
 by the faid majcfty to the commodore 
 i^inft, intimating. That as a cefliition of 
 arms was concluded in Europe, fo the 
 ftme might take effeft in thefe parts, 
 and that he had given orders to the 
 viceroy of Goa accordingly. After the 
 dcceafe of the faid commodore we gave 
 notice thereof to Cornelius Leendertfz 
 Blaau his fuccefiTor, who excufing him- 
 fclf with his want of power, as being 
 obliged to follow ftriftly the orders of 
 the great council ot the Indies, we thought 
 fit to fend Diego Me>ides de Britto, gen- 
 tleman of the Icing's houfliold, and fa- 
 ther Gonfalvo Villofo, to treat with your 
 excellencies concerning this point, they 
 lieing provided with credentials from his 
 maielly, that whatever fliall be agreed 
 upon v/ith them fiiall be valid and kept 
 inviolably. We wilh all bleflings to the 
 crown of Portugal and the United Pro- 
 vinces. Dated Decemb. 6. 1641. 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 Conde d' Aveiras. 
 
 The great council having told them, that 
 they would take the matter into ferious con- 
 fideration, the difcourfe began to turn upon 
 indiflerent matters, and among the refl: con- 
 cerning the carrack lately taken by the Dutch. 
 
 7 A 
 
 I'he
 
 554 
 
 B.M.- 'I'lic ambalTadors being afked whether the 
 "■*"'• captain did not prelent the viceroy with 
 ^■^"^^"^ two or thret- cafks of wine, tliey anfwered. 
 No i at wliich the governor general (hewed 
 a great dillike, telUng the ambafllidors, 
 thaT tliey mull jiardon the matter, it being 
 a common thing tor tlie bcil feamcn to malce 
 the worll courtiers. After the ambafTadors 
 had dined with his excellency, they were 
 cond uAed to tiieir lodgings at Mr. Jama 
 TiitUige.f larder's hoiile. They were both perlbns 
 of a goodly afpjeT:, the Francifcan being 
 betwixt fixty and leventy years of age, 
 and train, the other of about fifty. Their train con- 
 filled in two pages, and four Portuguefe 
 footmen, befides the negroes and miftices, 
 a gentleman, a lecretary, furgeon, and two 
 boys •, their livery was orange colour. 
 Their fe- The Hth of February the laid ambafiadors 
 cond .111- demanded a feconil audience ■, which being 
 dicnce. for weighty reafons deferr'd till the loth, 
 they appeared a fecond time at nine a clock 
 in the morning in the great council, reite- 
 rating their former propofitions concerning 
 a ceflation of arms ; and left the governor 
 general might not as yet have received a 
 full account of what had been traniafted in 
 Europe, they produced certain original let- 
 ters, fent by his Portuguefe majefty to the 
 viceroy : but thefe being only private letters 
 from certain Dutch merchants living at Lif- 
 bon^ .and another letter from the States ge- 
 neral to the admiralty of that place, and 
 confequently the fame that were laefore fent 
 hither from our fquadron at Gc«, by the 
 way of CoronmndeU by the floop called the 
 Pipeli; His excellency the governor general 
 reply'd, That the lafl: being fent to the 
 council before by the commodore ^^fit 
 they had periifed the fame, and found, that 
 in the letter of the States general, it was 
 exprefly faid. That the Dutch Jhould not mo- 
 l''ft the Portuguefes on the other Jide of the 
 line ; which being to be underftood of the 
 north fide, the Indians were not compre- 
 hended therein , befides, that they had not 
 received any inftruftrons upon that account 
 from the governors and diredtors of the 
 Enjl-India company. 
 
 But to convince the ambafilidors that 
 they were not entered into this war out of 
 any other motive than to obtain an honour- 
 able peace, they' could not but put them 
 in mind, that though they had delivered 
 their credentials from the viceroy, they had 
 not brought along with them any pofitive 
 proof, whether the faid viceroy were autho- 
 rized by his majefty of Portugal to treat 
 concerning matters of fuch great confe- 
 quence ; and it was confequently to be 
 doubted whether the fame would be ap- 
 proved of and ratify'd by his majefty. 
 
 One of the ambaflkdors reply'd. That 
 the viceroy of India was always tindow'd 
 
 A Defcriptm of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. i\\ 
 
 with a power of making peace and war, 
 many inftances of which could be alledged 
 upon divers occafions, which would leave 
 no room to queftion his authority in this 
 cafe ; but if they did, they were ready to 
 remain as hoftages for theaccomplifiiment of 
 wliat fliould be agreed upon. His excel- 
 lency the governor general returned. That 
 he was fatisfied of the authority of the vice- 
 roy in making peace or war with the In- 
 dian princes, but remained doubtful, whe- 
 ther the fame did extend alfo to the Eu- 
 ropean nations : neverthelefs, that he be- 
 lieved the viceroy would not tranfgrefs his 
 commiffion, and that therefore they had 
 been acknowledged as plenipotentiaries ; 
 which being done, there remained nothing 
 now to do, but to proceed to the ti'eaty 
 itfelf, and to make their propofitions under 
 what Conditions they would have the truce 
 fettled. 
 
 The ambafiadors anfwered, That they 
 looked upon it as unnecefiary to infift upon 
 many conditions or limitations at this junc- 
 ture, when they expefted every day to hear 
 of a peace concluded betwixt both nations 
 in Europe; according to the conditions of 
 which, both parties would be obliged to 
 regulate themfelves hereafter : that their 
 only aim now being to obtain a ceffation of 
 arms, the main thing in queftion, was to 
 fix a certain time of its beginning, which 
 they thouglit ought to be taken from that ♦ 
 very hour the truce was agreed upon and 
 fign'd betwixt them. 
 
 The governor general told them, That 
 he agreed with them in that point -, that 
 not many conditions were required at this 
 time ; but that it would be next to an im* 
 pofTibility the truce fliould commence from 
 the very hour the fame was figned, it being 
 very probable that the Dutch fquadron 
 Would, in the mean while, not let (lip any 
 opportunity ot taking their advantage over 
 the Portuguefes ; as the forces lately fent toCey- 
 lon, perhaps, might have made an enterprize 
 upon Negutnbo or Columbo ; as, on the other 
 hand, the Portuguefes might probably have 
 undertaken fomething againft Gale, or have 
 obtained fome advantages againft the Dutch 
 in other places : the viceroy himfelf having 
 commandeei Don Philippo Mafcarenhas, that 
 he fhould (till the news of the truce did 
 arrive) aft with his utmoft vigour againft 
 the Dutch in Ceylon. He urged. That all 
 thefe things confidered, it was to be feared, 
 that in cafe the truce commenced according 
 to their defire, this might furnifh occafion 
 to new mifunderftandings, it being more 
 than probable that neither of the two parties 
 would be willing to reftore what they had 
 conquered in the mean while ; that there- 
 tore it was his opinion, that the beginning 
 of the faid truce muft be fo fixed, as that 
 
 fufEcient
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 555 
 
 rufRcicnt time might be allowed for giving 
 notice thereof to the fubjefts of both 
 parties. 
 
 The ambafladors made many objedtion's 
 againft this, infifting to have the beginning 
 ot the triioe fettled from the date ot the 
 figning thereof; alledging, among the rell, 
 that they could fcarce imagine the viceroy 
 fhoiild have fent fiich orders to Alafca- 
 renhas. The governor general reply'd, 
 That he had certain advice of it from 
 Ceylon ; but that notwithftanding this, he 
 hoped the ambafladors fliould not leave 
 Balavia unfatisfied. He at the fame time 
 invited them to dine with him, where they 
 were fplcndidly entertained, and drank to 
 the health of the king of Portugal, and 
 the prince of Or/mge. 
 ifhe third The I Sth of February the faid ambafla- 
 «ud:ence. ^^^^ j^^^ another audience ■, wherein they 
 defired apofitiveanfwer to their propofitions, 
 the time defired by the governor to conlult 
 with the great council being expired. They 
 urged. That fince the 1 4th of February fome 
 yachts were arrived, which had brought 
 the confirmation of the news of the peace 
 lately concluded betwixt both nations -, 
 therefore they did not queftion but their 
 excellencies would no longer deny them the 
 defired trade. 
 
 The governor general gaVe for anfwer, 
 That the faid yachts had touched at Fer- 
 nambuco, trom whence they had brought 
 ihe articles of a ten years truce betwixt his 
 Portuguefe majefty Don John IV. and 'the 
 high and mighty the States general of the 
 United Provinces, in refpeft of their terri- 
 tories in Europe, with exception however 
 of tlie places and colonies belonging to 
 the Eaft and IVcJl India companies ; that 
 they had alfo brought along with them the 
 articles or conditions agreed upon betwixt 
 their high and mightinefies and Triftan de 
 Mendoza the Portuguefe ambaflador, con- 
 cerning the IVeJl-India company : whence it 
 appeared, that the fame ought to be firft ra- 
 tified by his Portuguefe majefty, and fent 
 back to the States general -, and that the 
 fame after that fliould not take cfi:ei5f before 
 notice be given thereof in Brafil : and the 
 fame being agreed upon in reference to the 
 Eaft-India company, and our ihips which 
 left Holland m September lalt, being expefted 
 every day in thefe parts with the ratifica- 
 tions of the faid treaty, it was thought 
 convenient by the great council to expeft 
 their coming, and to regulate themfelves 
 according to the conditions agreed upon 
 betwixt their refpective mailers •, efpecially 
 fince the faid fhips wouki probably arrive 
 before the feafon would permit the ambaf- 
 fadcH's to depart for Goa, and confequently 
 there would be no lofs of time in this 
 refpc(ff. 
 
 The ambafladors told them. That theyBAL- 
 could not but think it ftrange, tliat fincc "Jf!!^:^ 
 both nations lived in amity in Europe, they 
 fliould aft in a hoftile manner againll one 
 another in the Indies. The governor ge- 
 neral reply'd, Tliat fince their refpeftive 
 mafl:ers had thought it convenient it fliould 
 be fo, till the ratification of the treaty by 
 liis Portuguefe majefty, and that notice had 
 been given thereof to them, they were 
 obliged to take their meafures accordingly. 
 The ambalfadors anfwered. That they had 
 promifed themfelves a quite other anfwer ; 
 though in all other refpeds they acknow- 
 ledged the honours and obliging entertain- 
 ment they had received, defiring that a 
 copy might be given them containing an 
 exacT: account of all the tranfafcions, du- 
 ring their ftay here, betwixt their excel- 
 lencies and tliem, by which it might ap- 
 pear that they had not been defeftive in their 
 zeal and indullry to bring this matter to 
 the defired cfted. This v/as promifed by 
 the orovernor general, with tliis addition. 
 That to give them all imaginable l^itif- 
 faiflion concerning the truce, they would 
 alfo give them a faithful copy of the 
 articles thereof, not queftioning but that 
 the fhips would arrive in the mean v/hile ; 
 but if they fliould happen to ftay longer, 
 beyond expeftation, they would confult 
 all proper means to give them what fa- 
 tisfacflion they could. They thankfully 
 received this anfwer, extolling once more 
 the obliging entertainment they had met 
 with at their hands ; tliey dined with moft 
 of the members of the great council at the 
 
 governor general's houfe, and towards the 
 
 1*11 
 evening took the air on horle-back. 
 
 The ^oth of March the faid ambafllidors Their 
 had another audience ; in which they deli- ^°.""'^ ^" • 
 Vered a memorial to the great council: 
 which being read, the governor general 
 told them, That what was alledged in the 
 faid memorial was a matter of flift, and 
 agreeable to what had been entered in their 
 records -, but that they would not have them 
 defpond concerning the arrival of the fhips, 
 which he was forry ftaid fo long behind ; 
 but that iiotwithftanding this, he hoped 
 they fliould not depart without fatisfaftion. 
 The ambafladors reply, His excellency 
 would be pleafed to remember his promife, 
 of not letting them depart without fatisfac- 
 tion, or obtaining the end of their commif- 
 fion, in cafe the ihips fliould not arrive. 
 
 The governor general returned for an- 
 fwer. That by faying fo, he did not intend 
 to confent to the truce, which was beyond 
 Ills power, at leaft till the arrival of the 
 faid fliips •, but to give them all the pof- 
 fible marks of his good-will and efteem, 
 and that they fliould be difmifled with all 
 the marks of refpeift they were able to pay 
 
 them,
 
 55^ 
 
 A Vcjcription of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 thcni. That fmcf his maftcrs had tliought 
 fit to limit the beginning of the truce to 
 the time of its being ratilied by his majefty 
 of Pcrtn^nk and Ixing returned into Hol- 
 land, and tliencc to the Enft-Lidies, they 
 were abfolutely obliged to wait tor the 
 arrival of it, kil it Ihoiild feem as if they 
 thought thcmlllvcs more underftanding in 
 this point than the States general. 
 
 One of the ambalTidors made anfwer, 
 That they were perfiiaded his excellency 
 the goven-.or general was iufficiently au- 
 thorized to make peace antl war at his plea- 
 fure in thcfe countries, the fame tending 
 to the advantage of the Dutch nation ; and 
 that this ceffation of arms could not but be 
 acceptable to the States general, who had 
 fo lately concluded a peace with the king 
 of Portugal. Me further told them. That 
 the viceroy of Goa was always authorized 
 with fucli a power •, but in a more peculiar 
 m.anner at this time, having received ex- 
 prefs orders for that purpofe by a cartel 
 from his majefly. 
 
 At lafl: the amballadors perceiving that 
 the great council remained Itcdfaft in their 
 refolution, they thought it unfit to pufh 
 the matter any further for that time, reite- 
 rating their former requeft, of having a 
 copy granted them concerning their tranf- 
 aelions here ; and defiring, that fmce the 
 feaibn began to open the paiTage- by fea to 
 Crromar.del, they might be difmilled forth- 
 with, in order to profecute their journey by 
 land to Goa bei'ore the winter, the fam.e 
 being imprafticable afterwards, by reafon 
 of the frequent rains. The governor ge- 
 neral promifed them intire fatistaftion upon 
 both thcfe heads, aiul that a fliip flioukf be 
 got ready for their excellencies ; but that 
 lunvcver, he could not forbear to tell them, 
 That in his opinion they would do better 
 to tarry a little longer, in expeftation of the 
 before-mentioned fhips, and the ratifica- 
 tion expefted to be brought over by them. 
 They replied, That having received ex- 
 ])refs orders from the viceroy to return to 
 Goa with the firft opportunity, they were 
 obliged to obey, unlefs his excellency would 
 lay his commands upon them to the con- 
 trary. The governor general anlwered. 
 That it was not in his power to command 
 them, what he had faid being only by way 
 of advice -, but if they were refolved to the 
 contrary, they fhould not be in the leall 
 daaincd : Tliat if tliey thought fit, advice 
 might be fent thereof to the viceroy by the 
 fhip that was then juft ready to i^iil for 
 Ccromandel; or if they difliked this propo- 
 fition, one of them might tarry at Batavia 
 till the arrival of the ratification, whilfb the 
 other return'd to Goa. This expedient 
 being approved by them, it was agreed 
 that the Fraticifcan father lliould go back 
 2 
 
 to Goa by the way of Csrcwaudel, and the 
 other flay at Batavia, till the arrival of the 
 ratification. 
 
 ■ Then the ambalfadors defired the re- Some par- 
 Icafement of certain Miftices and Negroes ^"="'/"' '■^■ 
 that were prifoners among us •, which being J'l^J ^'j^^" 
 foon granted by the governor general, he b.in"adors. 
 adced the fame ftivour in behalf of four 
 other perfons who had been clapp'd in irons 
 on occafion of fome mutiny at Batavia., in 
 which they were the ringleaders ; which was 
 alfo granted, under condition that they 
 flioukl depart the country with the Fran- 
 cifcan father. They alio made the like re- 
 quefb concerning Francifco de Souza de Ca- 
 ftrc, who (at the requeft of the governor 
 general) being releafed out of his prifon 
 by thole of Achin, was delivered up to the 
 Duich ; he had likewife leave given him to 
 depart with the Frav.cifcan father, provided 
 he paid his debts before his departure. 
 
 The firfb of Ap'il the two fliips called the Another 
 Tyger and NajjaiJi^ which had left Hollani^''^'^''^''- 
 the 1 6th of September laft, being arrived at 
 Batavia, the faid ambafiadors appeared once 
 more in the great council, intimating. That 
 they being informed that at the time of the 
 departure of thefe fliips out of Holland, the 
 ratification of the articles of his Pcrtuguefe 
 majefty concerning the Eaft-Indies was not 
 arrived ; at which they were much fur- 
 prized, as not knowing what might be the 
 reafon thereof; they defired to know whe- 
 ther his excellency had not received any 
 more particular intelligence, which might 
 induce him to grant the defired cefTation 
 of arms. The governor geneial replied. 
 That he had put it beyond all doubt, that 
 the ratification would have been brou2;ht 
 along with thefe fliips ; but fince it had 
 happen'd othenvife, it was not in his power 
 to grant the required truce. The ambaf- 
 fadors afl<'d. Whether they fhould both 
 depart ? or whether his excellency thought 
 convenient that one of them fhould flay 
 behind ? The governor general told them. 
 That they were at their own difpofal ; but 
 that fince they expet:;t:ed every day the ar- 
 rival of their winter-fliips, which infallibly 
 would bring over the laid ratification, he 
 judged it might be beft for them to con- 
 tinue a little longer at Batavia. 
 
 Hereupon they refolved once more, ^^hatQ^^^^p , 
 the Franciscan father fliould go back over ambaffa- 
 Coromc.ndel to Goa, whilft the other fliould dors re- 
 ftay at Batavia for the arrival of the rati- '"''"^ to 
 fication. Accordingly a written certificate ^°^' 
 was given to the ambafl&dors concerning 
 their zehl and induftry in compaflang their 
 commifTion, figned by his excellency the 
 governor general Anthony van Diemen, by 
 Cornelius van der Lijn, John Aiaatzuyker^ 
 Jujlus Schouten, Cornelius JVitxen, and Peter 
 Boreek in the caftle of Batavia, April 9. 
 
 1642.
 
 Chap. 1 5. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 557 
 
 1642. To the Francifcan fatlier the council 
 gave the following letter, dire£tcd to the 
 viceroy of Goa. 
 
 A letter to «' 
 thf viceroy ^^ 
 of Goa. ' „ 
 
 Mofi Illufirious Lord'. 
 
 Diego Mcndes de Britlo, gentleman of 
 the king's hoiifhold, and the re- 
 verend father, brother Gonfaho de S. 
 Jo[c-pl\ your excellency's ambaffiidors, 
 being come in our road the 28th of Janu- 
 ary aboard the 'Dolphin, were honour- 
 ably received by us the next day. They 
 delivered to us your excellency's creden- 
 tial letters, dated in Goa the 6th of T)e- 
 cember of the lall year ; as alio the let- 
 ters of his Portugi'.efe majefty to you, 
 concerning the truce betwixt Por/z/f^/ and 
 the United Provinces. The before- men- 
 tioned ambafiadors have not been remifs 
 in their zeal, induftry, and duty, to prefs 
 in their feveral audiences the obtaining of 
 a truce -, which we would willingly have 
 granted, had not we received certain 
 advice by fome fliips arrived the 14th of 
 February, by the way of Fernambuco,^n(\ 
 others arrived the firft of April here, of 
 a truce concluded betwixt his majefty of 
 Portugal and the States general of the 
 United Provinces-, wherein it v/as exprefly 
 agreed with his majefty's plenipotentiary 
 'Trijlaon de Mendoza Furtado, among 
 other points, tliat the truce agreed upon 
 
 ^Y">J 
 
 " for ten years in Europe, fhould be of the B a l- 
 " fame validity in thefe parts, yet ib that °'^"/ 
 " the lame fhould not commence before 
 " that his Portugucfe majefty fliould have 
 " fent back his ratification into Holland, 
 " and the flune be publickly proclaimed 
 " afterwards in thcfe parts, as will more 
 " fully appear to yc;ur excellencies out of 
 " the inclofed letters. Thus being obliged 
 " to follow the direftions of our lords and 
 " mafters, we could not proceed further in 
 " this bufinefs till the arrival of the next 
 " fhips from Holland; whicli being expcfled 
 " daily, with the liiid ratification, we did 
 " advile your ambaftlidors to ftay, (or at lead 
 " one of them) for the coming of the faid 
 " fhips, as the only means not to render your 
 " excellency's embafTy altogether fruitlefs : 
 " Accordingly Mr. Biego Mcndes de Britto 
 " intends to haften his journey to Goa, 
 " immediately after the lirft further notice 
 " of the fiiid ratification, which we hope 
 " will prove agreeable to your excellen- 
 " cy's fentiments. We recommend your 
 " excellency to God's prote6tion. Dated 
 *' in the caftle of Batavla, the 8th of 
 " April 1642. 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 The governor general for the United 
 Provinces in the Kajl-Indies. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The rat'ijicatmi of the ten years truce brought to Batavla. A protejlatlon fent 
 to the count d'Aveiras. 'treaty of peace with the 'viceroy: The articles thereof. 
 Agreements about the divifion of the limits betivixt the Portugueies and Hol- 
 landers i7i the ife of Ceylon. Agreement betii'ixt Mafcarenhas and Cornelius 
 Van Sanen. 
 
 The ratifi- '"F^HE fo much defined ratification (fign- 
 
 cation I ed at Lisbon the i6i.h of 'January 
 
 pubhfti'd. 1642, and delivered at ihe Hague the 15th 
 
 of February following,) being at laft brought 
 
 to Batavia, the fame was publifhed the b'th 
 
 of October throughout the Indies. 
 
 (C 
 
 (I 
 cc 
 
 ANthony Van Diemen governor 
 general, and the members of the 
 great council of the Eajl-Indics under the 
 jurildiftion of the United Provinces, make 
 known to all it may concern •, That 
 whereas by two feveral letters, dated the 
 2 2d of February, and the 15th of March, 
 164.2. brought over by the fhip the 
 Salamander, we have been advertifed, 
 That the 12th of June 1641. a firm 
 alliance and truce has been concluded for 
 ten years betwixt the moft potent Don 
 John IV. king of Portugal, Algarve, and 
 lord of Guinea, and of the conquefts 
 Vol. III. 
 
 " made on the Ihore of Ethiopia, Arabia, 
 " Perjia, and India, on one fide, and their 
 " higli and mightineffes the States general 
 " of the United Provinces on the other fide, 
 " including all the before- mentioned king- 
 " doms, countries, provinces, iflands, and 
 " other places on both fides of the equi- 
 " noftial line, (without exception,) all fuch 
 " as now aftually are, or for the future 
 " m.ay be under the jurifdid'on of the faid 
 " king and the Statcsgencral •, during which 
 " fpace of ten years fuccefTively all hoftilides 
 " betwixt their refpeftive fubjeits fhall ceafe 
 " both by fea and land, without limitation 
 " or exception of any places, perfons, or 
 " circumitances, as by the articles of the 
 " laid truce does more amply and fully 
 " appear. It is therefore that we are com- 
 " manded to furceafe all manner of hoftili- 
 " tics from this day for the next fucceeding 
 " ten years, according to which all our fub- 
 7 B «' jcfts
 
 558 
 
 A Dcfcription of the Coup of 
 
 Chap. l^. 
 
 Fal- " jedts fluU rcgiil.ite themfclves -, and to 
 D.-Fus. <.<. ta^^e cfiedual care that nothing may he 
 ^^'^^•' " tranfadcti any wife contrary to the true 
 " intent of tlie articles of the faid alliance 
 " and truce, but to maintain the lame 
 " inviolably. And that nobody may plead 
 " ignorance in this cafe, we have ordered 
 " thcfe prclcnts to be publifhed, injoining 
 " every body, under fevcre penalties, not 
 " to infringe any of the before- mentioned 
 " articles, as they will anfwer the fame at 
 " their peril. Dated in the caftle of 
 " BataviiU OoJob. Ar- 1642. and firft pub- 
 " lifhed the 7th of the ftme month, under 
 " the great feal of the company in red 
 " wax. 
 
 Anthony Van Dicmen. 
 
 By order of his excellency, 
 
 Pe(er Mefdach, Secretary. 
 
 However, this truce was but ill obfervcd 
 by the viceroy of Goa, cfpecially in the 
 territories of Gale, in the ifle of Ceyhn, 
 which induced the Dutch general and great 
 council to fend him this following proteft. 
 
 The pro " 
 teit lent to ec 
 the count ^^ 
 d'Aveiras 
 
 «< 
 cc 
 
 t< 
 
 • The " 
 Portu- « 
 guefespre n 
 tended 
 that the 
 Dutch ju- *' 
 riidiftion " 
 did not ex- c( 
 tend with- ^^ 
 out the 
 walls of " 
 CJale. »' 
 
 BY letters from our commifiary Peter 
 Boreel, whom (after the ratification 
 of the truce betwixt his Portngiiefe ma- 
 jefty and the States general of the United 
 Provinces) we difpatched to Goa, to 
 give notice thereof to your excellency, 
 we have been informed beyond all ex- 
 pedation, that upon his arrival there, 
 and his earned requeft to your excellency, 
 (purfuant to our orders,) to withdraw 
 the army under the command of Don 
 Philip of Mafcarenhas from the terri- 
 tories of Puntegale, under our juriididion, 
 your excellency has been pleafed to 
 fliew fo much avcrfion to comply with 
 his demands, though founded upon un- 
 deniable and juft grounds reprefcntcd to 
 your commiffioncrs in the feveral con- 
 ferences held upon that fubjed *, that 
 he finding his prefence ufelefs at Goa, 
 he was forced to return from thence 
 without being able to encompafs his juft 
 defigns, and (purfuant to his orders 
 received from us) to denounce before 
 his departure, the continuation of the 
 war to your excellency, till fatisfadion 
 might be obtained upon this fcore. 
 And fince the unjull: detention of the 
 territories of Gak tends to our confider- 
 able ditriment, we declare. That upon 
 perufal of the writings fent to us by 
 your excellency by the hands of our com- " 
 miflary, we can make no better conftru- " 
 dion of the whole matter, than that " 
 your excellency's intention is, under this " 
 
 " framed pretext, to render the truce con- 
 
 " eluded betwixt our reipedive mafters 
 
 " invalid, and of no worth. It is there- 
 
 " fore that we think ourfelvcs obliged to 
 
 " approve every thing that has been tranf- 
 
 " aded upon this head by our commifiary, 
 
 " and to make ufe of fuch means for the 
 
 " jufiification of our rights, as God has 
 
 " put into our hands, and are altogether 
 
 " iuitable to the lav/s of nations. And as 
 
 " upon thcfe confiderations, we have fent 
 
 " back this fieet, by which your excellency 
 
 " will at once receive this Proteft, and 
 
 " be made fcnfible at the (lime time of 
 
 " our refoKition of maintaining our juft 
 
 " caufe, which will queftionlefs prove the 
 
 " occafion of new difTcrences betwixt 
 
 " his Portuguefe majcfty and the States - 
 
 " general of the United Provinces, as 
 
 " alfo of much effufion of blood, of vaft 
 
 " expcnces, and many other inconvcni- 
 
 " ences -, we call God to witnefs, and 
 
 " declare and proteft by thefe prefcnts, 
 
 " that we are innocent, and are not an- 
 
 " fwerable for the direful confequences of 
 
 " this breach of the truce, which we were 
 
 " ready to have pundually obferved 
 
 " on our fide, purfuant to the inren- 
 
 " tion of our mafters, had not your ex- 
 
 " cellency bereaved us of all hopes of 
 
 " adjufting matters by an amicable compo- 
 
 " ficion for the recovery of our rights in 
 
 " the country of Gale, unjuftly detained by 
 
 " your excellency. 
 
 Dated in the caftle of Batavia, the c,ih of 
 Auguft 1643. 
 
 Signed, Anthony Van Diemen, 
 Francis Caron, 
 Jttftus Schputen, 
 Cornelius Vander Ujn, 
 John Maatzuyker, 
 Soloinon Siveers. 
 
 Thus matters remained in fufpenfe be- 
 twixt the PortHguefs and us, till the year 
 1644. when Mr. Maatzuyker, being au- 
 thorized by their high and mightinefles, as 
 alio by the general and great council of 
 the Indies, to treat with the count d^i- 
 veiras, viceroy of Goa, concerning a firm 
 truce, and to adjuft the remaining diffe- 
 rences for that pu! pole, (yet upon appro- Truce be- 
 bation of their refpcdive mafters,) the fame twixt the 
 at laft concluded a truce the loih of No- P°""" 
 vember, upon the following conditions. guees an 
 
 the Indies. 
 
 OTH parties declare that this Ti,e ^on- 
 prefcnt agreement, intended forditions. 
 the compofing of fuch ditferences -as 
 have hitheno occafioned much blood- 
 fhed, and obftruded the fo long defired 
 peace, ftiuli in no wife be deemed, or be 
 
 " preju- 
 
 I
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 559 
 
 " prejudicial to the rights and ibvcrcign- 
 " ties either of the molt illuraious king of 
 " Portugal, or of their high and migliii- 
 " fielFes the States-general of the United 
 " Provinces, as the fame are eflabliflied (by 
 " the truce agreed upon betwixt his Por- 
 " tuguefe majefty, and tlie laid States genc- 
 " ral) in their refpecSlive cities, caftles, for- 
 " trelTes, towns, harbours, and feas in the 
 " hhVh's ; and that this agreement fliall be 
 " inviolably obferved on both fides imme- 
 " diately after its fecond publication at 
 " Gaa. 
 
 II. " Since the happy cffefts of the truce 
 " have been obftmcfcd hitherto by certain 
 '* differences arifen about the juft divifion 
 " of the limits in the ide of Ceylon, it is 
 " agreed that the decifion thereof fliall be 
 " intirely remitted to the refpeiflive ma- 
 *•' ftcrs and lords of both nations, and in 
 " tii'J mean while a full cefiation of arms 
 " and all hnftilities to be kept inviolably, 
 " and all forts, territories, and other mat- 
 " ters, to remain in the fame ftate as they 
 " were at the day of the publication of 
 " thefe prefents at Goa ; fo that not the 
 " lead alteration or innovatioh is to be 
 " made either in building, rebuilding, or 
 " mending any thing, much lefs in making 
 " any preparations either for a defenfive or 
 " oftenfive war. 
 
 III. " But that whilfl: the before-men- 
 " tioned differences remain undecided, the 
 " produces of the country may not be ne- 
 " giecled or loft by reafon of the diff'e- 
 " rences betwixt the pofTeflbrs, it is agreed 
 " that the llime (hall be divided into two 
 " equal lliares betwixt the Portuguefes and 
 " the Dutch, yet fo that the fame fliall 
 " be depoficed (remain in cuftoJy) with 
 " the lall, till the decifion of thefe dif- 
 " ferenccs by their refpeftive principals 
 " in Europe ; whereby they oblige thetn- 
 " felves at the fame time to a full reftitu- 
 " tion in cafe the lame be agreed upon 
 " by the faid principals. And the laid 
 " ambafllidor declares and protefts, that 
 " the word depojited, inferted at the requeft 
 " of the viceroy (for the better adjufting 
 " of matters) fhall not in any wife be in- 
 " terpreted as prejudicial to the polfeflion 
 ■" and title of the States general to thefe 
 " lands and their producfts. And to avoid 
 " all contcfts concerning the satherin" of 
 " thefe fruits, it is agreed the Portuguefes 
 " fhall have full liberty to gather, without 
 " any moleftation or hindrance, fuch fruits 
 " as grow in one part of the lands in dif- 
 " pute, viz. that part which is next adja- 
 •" cent to their fort ; as on the other hand, 
 " the Hollanders fliall enjoy the fame free- 
 " dom in gathering the fruits in that half 
 
 ," part adjoining to their fortrefs. The 
 •*' .fiinfie is alio to be underftood of equal - 
 
 " ly fliaring the adminiftration of iuP.icc E'* '■- 
 " in thefe parts, left malefaftors may be ^'f,^J^ 
 " cncoui-aged, and crimes pals unpunifli'J, 
 " by reafon of the uncertainty or the 7.<\- 
 " minillration of jullice-, publick procla- 
 " mation hereof being to be made in this 
 " ifle by the rcfpedive governors of botii 
 " nations. 
 
 IV. " Raja Sivga the king of Candy fliall 
 " be comprehended in this truce, (accord- 
 " ing to the third article,) with all his 
 " kingiloms, provinces, and pofleflions. 
 
 V. " All proprietors, owners, or far- 
 " mei-s in the villaq;cs, fliall have full liber- 
 " ty to return to tneir pofleflions and farms, 
 " of what nature focvcr, with their families, 
 " provided they return within the fpace of 
 " fix months, either in perfon, or fend their 
 " deputies, and pay the ufual taxes and 
 " duties to thofe under whole jurifdidion 
 " they live, without any trouble. And 
 " that no inconveniencies may arife in point 
 " of confcience, it is agreed. That liberty 
 " of confcience flial! be allow^ed, and the 
 " free exercife of religion in all pariflies, or 
 " villages, except in the fortified places be- 
 " longing to the Hollanders, till the bcfore- 
 " mentioned decifion be arrived out of 
 " Europe. 
 
 VI. " The labourers of the ifle of Ceylon, 
 " called Schalias, employed in peeling of 
 " the cinnamon, fhall have liberty to work 
 " with both panics, yet not without the 
 " confent of that party under whofe jurif- 
 " di(5tion they live; and the better to main- 
 " tain the truce, neither party fliall be per- 
 " mitted to entice thefe labourers of Ceylcn, 
 " or any other of the natives out of one an- 
 " other's fervicc, widiout mutual confent, 
 " but fliall be obliged to fend them back 
 " to rheir refpefUve dwelling-places. 
 
 Vri. " All the goods leized en account 
 " of, or during thefe differences, fliall be 
 " rellored, or elfe the value thereof paid 
 " in money, provided they were afbually 
 " in the polfefllon of either party, and not 
 " otherwife •, upon which account i\\<^ Dutch 
 " ambafllxdor promifes to pay here at Goa, 
 " or at Sirrattc, in the next following month 
 " of January at flirtheft, the fum of one 
 *' hundred thoufuid Spanijh reals, to be ac- 
 *' counted for according to the true valiis 
 " thereof they bear at Bctavin, as the pay- 
 " ment of the money fliall be made, accord- 
 " ing to the courfe of money in thofe places 
 " where thefe goods were taxed ; to be un- 
 " derftood of luch goods as, notwitluland- 
 " ing the payment of the before-fa id money, 
 " are found to remain as yet unfatistied for 
 " from the 2 2d day of Febriiaiy 164?, 
 " being a twelvemonth after the ratifica- 
 " tion ot his Portuguefe majefty was fent to 
 " die Hague. 
 
 VIII.
 
 $6o 
 
 Bal- 
 
 VKV S. t« 
 
 ^ Defer ip ion of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 VIII. " In cafe during this truce any dif- 
 ferences Oiould arife betwixt both parties, 
 
 " this agreement fliall remain firm and in- 
 " violable, and every thing remain in the 
 " fame ftate, till the decifion of the refpec- 
 " tive principals ; and in cafe the nature of 
 " the matter admits of no delay, the lame 
 " is to be referred to the determination of 
 " certain arbitrators, to be chofen by both 
 " parties; and whillt the (It me is in agi- 
 " cation, the pretended party to remain in 
 " polTcnion till the point is decided by the 
 " faid arbitrators. 
 
 IX. " This prefent agreement is not in 
 " the leaft to be prejudicial to fuch judg- 
 " ments or dccifions as have been made or 
 " given betwixt contending parties, or may 
 " be given for the future by our refpe6tivc 
 " principals-, but the ftme flrall be regard- 
 " ed and taken as valid in all refpcdls by 
 " both parties, notwithftanding this agree- 
 •' ment, intended only for the removing 
 " of differences till the fame can be appro- 
 " ved of by our relpeCtive principals-, which 
 *' agreement for the ceafing of all manner 
 " of hoftilities, and maintaining a firm 
 " truce in the ifle of Ceylon, is promifed by 
 " both parties to be publiflied immediate- 
 " ]y, and inviolably obferved both in re- 
 " Ipeifl of the governors and fubjefts, 
 " as his excellency the viceroy engages 
 " the fame for himfelf and his fuccelTors, 
 " generals, and governors-, and my lord 
 " ambafiador for the States of the United 
 " Provinces, and the Edft- India company, 
 " purfuant to the authority granted him by 
 " the moft noble Anthony van Diemen, ge- 
 " neral governor of the Indies. In confir- 
 " mation whereof this agreement is autho- 
 " rized and confirmed by a folemn oath 
 " taken upon the goipel in the prefence 
 " of the moft reverend archbifliop and 
 " primate of Goa, Don F;yv Francifco de 
 " Martyres, and Don Alfhonfo Medis, 
 " patriarch of Ethiopia, members of the 
 " privy council of his majtfty, and in the 
 " prefence of the other privy counfellors ot 
 " Goa, -who have given their full appro- 
 " bation and confent thereunto, as alfo 
 " in the prefence of IVollebrand Gleynz 
 " chief direftor in Perfia, Abraham Fie- 
 " rens minifter of the gofpel, John Pot- 
 " ley fifcal, Andreas Frifais fecretary, 'fho- 
 " mas Ktiyk he;id-fa£tor-, who, together 
 " with his excellency the viceroy, and his 
 " excellency the ambaflador, did fet their 
 " hands to if, J^feph de Chaves Coto Ma- 
 " jer, his excellency the viceroy's fecreta- 
 " ry, having taken care to make the 
 " draughts thereof. 
 
 Signed thus, 
 
 Conde d' Aveiras, 
 John Maatztiyker, 
 
 Fr. Francifco de Man'tyres, 
 Alphonfo Medis. 
 Francifco de M.elo de Cajiro, 
 Don Manoel Pereira, 
 Antbonio Sarin Mochado, 
 Anthonio Movis Baretto, 
 Jof'ph Pinto Pereira, 
 IVollebrand Gleynz, jun. 
 Abraham Fierens, 
 John Pottey, 
 Don Bras de Cafro, 
 Lovis MiigilhaoH, 
 Andreas Frifms, 
 Andr. Selem. 
 
 " Several draughts of this agreement 
 " having been made both in Latin and 
 " Portngucfe, it is agreed betwixt the vice- 
 " roy and the ambalHtdor, That in cafe 
 " any doubt fliould arife about the inter- 
 " pretation ot certain words, recourfe is to 
 " be had to the Latin, which being the 
 " original, is to be interpreted according 
 " to the plain fignification of the words, 
 " without any collateral conftruftion: in 
 " confirmation of which this declaration 
 " was thought fit to be made. Subfcribed 
 " a fecond time on the fame day by the 
 " under-written perfons. 
 
 Conde d' Aveiras, 
 
 John Maatzuyker, 
 
 Fr. Francifco de Martyres arch- 
 
 bifhop and prirnate, 
 Alphonfo Medis patriarch of Ethig- 
 
 pia, 
 Francifco de Melo, 
 Don Manoel Pereira, 
 Anthonio Sana, 
 Anthonio Mctiis Baretto, 
 Jofcph Pinto Pereira, 
 PFolkbrand Gleynz, jun. 
 
 In the year 1645. January 10. the dl- 
 vifion of the limits in the ifle of Ceylon was 
 agreed upon in the city of Columbo, Don 
 Pbilippo Mafcarenhas, fucceflbr to the count 
 d^ Aveiras, being then viceroy of Goa. 
 
 THE countries betwixt Columbo and 
 Negumbo fhall be divided into 
 two equal lliares, according to their feve- 
 ral diftri(5ls, (called Corks,) as far as the 
 fame can be done, to prevent the confu- 
 fion which might otherwife arife from 
 the divifion of the antient jurifdiftions : 
 but in fuch places where the fame is not 
 to be done, this divifion is to be made 
 by fliaring the villages ; fo that confi- 
 dering there are feventeen diftri6i:s be- 
 twixt the two before-mentioned forts, 
 feven thereof are to be annexed to the 
 jurifdiiftion of Columbo, viz. Herra Corla, 
 Omapauduna Corla, ^atigora Corla, Bi- 
 
 " ligal
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 561 
 
 
 //^«/ Corla, Galbare Corhj, Apiligan Corl^i, 
 and Pcrnacur Corla, lying all together to- 
 v/ards that fide. To the fore ot Negumbo 
 are to be annexed eight diftricfls, I'/z. 
 Pitigal Corla^ Diomede Corla, Umpitla 
 Corla, Carvagal Corla, Vili Corla, Ala- 
 dura Corla, Hiericla Corla, and Mangur 
 Cork; the reft to be divided into two 
 equal fhares, Alicur Corla by the river 
 Di'.ndagan to be the common boundary 
 of both nations-, fo that part which lies 
 to the north fliill belong to Neguwho, 
 and to Columbo what lies on this fide. 
 The province of Catugamhala Corla is to 
 be divided by the fame river, together 
 with its three lelfer diflridts, Udacaha Pa- 
 lo, Mifuda Palo, and Jeligala Palo ; fo that 
 Jdigala Ihall hill to the fliare of Nc- 
 gumbc, and Udacaha to Cohmibo; but 
 Mictida Palo fliall be divided into two 
 equal parts, in proportion to its villages; 
 fuch villages as lie next Jdigala Pato to 
 be under the jurifdidion of Negunibo, 
 and thofe on the fide of Udacaha un- 
 der Columbo. The Portuguefes fliall re- 
 main in the poffefllon of Pulelaon and 
 Calpenlyn; but the river of Alican is to 
 be the boundary betwixt Columbo and 
 Gale; fo that part lying on the other 
 fide of the river fliall remain to the 
 Hollanders; but the other part on this 
 fide, together with the river and har- 
 bour, to the Porluguefes, in the fame 
 manner as they were formerly poflefled of 
 it-, under this condition however. That 
 the Hollanders living here, or in any other 
 parts, fliall have the free ufe of the fa id 
 river in filliing, or exporting and im- 
 porting their merchandizes without pay- 
 ing any cufloms. And whereas by the 
 feventh article of the agreement made at 
 Goa it was agreed, that the labourers 
 (called Schalias) who peel the cinnamon, 
 fhall be employ'd by both parties, to pre- 
 vent all further differences for the future 
 upon this head, it is agreed. That the 
 Hollanders fliall every year, in harveft 
 time, fend one half of thefe labourers 
 out of the villages of Bill and Cofgiire, 
 under their jurildidion on the other fide 
 of the xhtr Alican, to aflift, as formerly, 
 the Portuguefes in peeling of cinnamon, 
 under condition that the cinnamon thus 
 peeled by them in the Porluguefe territo- 
 ries, fliall be laid up in a certain place 
 upon the river Dandagan, to be divided 
 once every year in two equal fliares be- 
 twixt the two parties, provided that each 
 party pay the ulual price to the Schalias 
 for the peeling of their fliare of cinnamon. 
 This divifion is to take place, and to 
 ftand firm till the fame be otlierwife de- 
 cided by our rd'pcftive principals in Eu- 
 rope, with this leicrve neverthelcfs in re- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 *' gard of the Hollanders, who being igr.o- Ba p- 
 " rant hitherto in the true fituationof the "•'^us. 
 " countiy, may eafily be deceived, in this '"''^'^''^ 
 " point i and therefore ought to have the 
 " liberty to appeal 10 better judgmenr, and 
 " dcfire a recompenfation of their lofies. 
 " But in c.tle the parties fliould di'.ivgrcc 
 " upon this head, this fliall not occafion 
 " any rupture, but the truce fliall notvvith- 
 " flianding this remain in full force, ac- 
 " cording to the intent of the ninth article 
 " of the before-mentioned agreement. Don 
 " Philippo Mafcarenhas the prefgnt viceroy, 
 and Mr. John Maalziiyckcr, do aifo engage 
 to caule this treaty of the divifion ot the 
 limits to be publillied immediately, tor 
 the general benefit of all fuch as have any 
 " concern therein, that the inhabitants of 
 " this ifle may no longer remain in igno- 
 " ranee under whofe juriRiiAion they live-, 
 " and for the due performance thereof, 
 " have confirmed the fime with their oath."?, 
 " and fublcribed the draughts thereof both 
 " in Laiin and Porluguefe ; yet ib, that 
 " in cafe of any doubt, recourfe is to be had 
 " to the Lalin original." 
 
 In the year 1647. a provifional agree- 
 ment was made by Don Philippo Ma fear en- 
 has, the then viceroy, and Cornelius van 
 Sanen, head-faftor and director of fVingurla, 
 for the adjufting of the di (Terences concern- 
 ing the forirefs of Malacca. 
 
 N ihe name of God, Amen. Be it y^^ree- 
 known to all who are concerned in nicnt be- 
 thisprefent agreement. That 1647. April ^'■•^'■^^^ Phi- 
 18. the following agreement has been ''PF° -^-'af- 
 made in the caflle of the city of Goa, ''^^'qII 
 in the prefence of his excellency Don ne'jius van 
 Philippo Mafcarcnhas, viceroy of G,?.'/, Sanen. 
 and Cornelius van Sanen, head-fador and 
 direiitor ot Wingurla, authorized by tlie 
 governor general and great council of tlie 
 Indies, lor ihc adjuiling of the dilTerences 
 arifing concerning fomc pretended rights 
 of the city and fortrefs of Malacca, con- 
 cerning the cuftoms and duties to be paid 
 at Malacca; leveral conferences having 
 been held with the merchants of Macau, 
 yet could not the fame be reduced to any 
 juft equilibrium, or fettled upon a firm 
 bafis, though we made as reafonable of- 
 fers as poflibly could be expedled: lb 
 that in cafe your excellency thinks it con- 
 venient to proceed further in this matter, 
 you may treat upon this head with Corne- 
 lius van Sanen, our hcad-faftor at IVin- 
 gurla. By vinue of this commiflaon, I 
 reprefentcd to the viceroy, that in point 
 of juftice fuch of our fhips as pals by 
 " Malacca without unlading or felling 
 " any of their commodities, ought to pay 
 " no cufl:oms there: unto which his ex- 
 " cellency having given for anfwer, That 
 7 C " u
 
 5(52 
 
 A Defcriptm of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. I(5. 
 
 UKXiS. 
 
 " it appeared out of the treaties and wri- 
 " tings agreed upon betwivc both parties, 
 " that they ought to pay the fame, it was 
 " thouglufir, for the preventing ot further 
 " differences, and maintaining a good cor- 
 ♦' rcfpondence betwixt boiii nations, to 
 " agree upon the iollowing provifional 
 " treaty, till the full decifion of our rc- 
 " fpecCive principals; and with this pro- 
 -'^ vifo, That this agreement Ihall not in 
 «' the lead tend to the prejudice either ot 
 " his Portuguefe majedy, or of the States 
 ," general, in their reipetitive rights and 
 " polfenions. That his majeily's fhips, 
 " as well as the D;.'.'t/' merchant-men bound 
 " to China, or any other of the fouthern 
 " parts, coming to Malacca, fliall only be 
 " obliged to pay fix per Cent, for llich 
 " goods as they (hall actually fell there; 
 " the fame to be paid to the Dutch from 
 " all fuch goods as they (hall fell in any 
 " of his majerty's harbours. Purfuant to 
 " the agreement made at Batavia by the 
 " great council wiih the merchants of Ma- 
 " cau, in the prefence of the reverend Frey 
 " Gonfalvo de S. Jvfeph, each veffel, whe- 
 " ther fmall or great, bound to Macau, 
 " whether it fells or unloads any goods at 
 " Malacca, or not, fhall pay two fchutleins 
 
 «' of gold for its paffiige thither and back- 
 " wards; from which duties, however, 
 " are to be exempted his majefty's fliips, 
 " provided thay may be fearched, and an 
 " oath taken thereupon, that they have no 
 " merchandize aboard; and if any are 
 " found, the owners are to pay four and 
 " a half /)fr Cot/. That fuch fliips as pafs 
 ■■' by Malacca, and are not bound to China, 
 " fliall pay four and a half per cent, whe- 
 " ther they unload or fell any goods or 
 " not; then they may proceed in their 
 " voyage without any molcftation. Which 
 " agreement is to be publiihed and ftriftly 
 " obferved by both parties, and confirmed 
 " by oath, till the decifion of our both 
 " fides rcfpeftive principals. 
 
 Signed, Don Philippo Mafcarenhas, 
 Cornelius van Sanen, 
 Duarii de Fugeredo de Mello, 
 Frey Gonfalvo de S. Jofeph, 
 Francifco de Mdo de Caftro, 
 Anthonio Scuza Coutinho, 
 John van Tcylingeri , head-fador. 
 Anthony Oitdcrmeukn, 
 Jacob R of cam, 
 Leendert Jahnfon. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 A dcfcription of Anchediva, Canara, Oner, Batecalo, Malabar. Cananor 
 built, and bcfieged by the Malabars; bravely defended by Laurence de BrittO} 
 befieged and taken by the Hollanders. 
 
 The ide of 
 
 Anchedi- 
 
 va. 
 
 THEifle of Anchediva, not tar from 
 Goa, and about fifty leagues from Ca- 
 leciit, is almoft covered with woods and fo- 
 refts, but well ftored with fifli: the Portti- 
 guefes had formerly a fort here. Scbajus, the 
 father of Hidalcan, fent a fleet of fixty fliips 
 to Anchediva, (whilfl: Glineyda was at Ca- 
 nanor,) to chafe the Porttiguefes from tliat 
 ifland, under the command ot Anthony Fer- 
 nando, a mofl; impious wretch, who having 
 forfaken both his religion, and the fervice 
 of his native country, turn'd Mahometan, 
 aflliming die name cf Abdala; and being 
 well verfed in maritime affairs, was in 
 The Por- ^^^^ favour with Scbajus. This renegado 
 tuguefe having landed a good body of men in this 
 fort be- ifle, left no flone unturned to make himfelf 
 fieged. niafter of the fort ereifted there by the Por- 
 tuguefes: but being bravely defended by 
 Emanuel Pajfengie, a native of Genoa, de- 
 fended from a great family, and famous 
 for his brave aftions, Abdala, hearing of 
 the return of the vidorious fleet, was glad 
 Is demo- to leave both the fort and the ifle. The 
 li(hed. fort v/as not long after demolifhed by the 
 Portugucfes themfelves ; who had been taught 
 by experience, that too great a number of 
 
 fortrefTes confumed all their profit, and ex- ^-^^ ^g^, 
 pofes them befides to no fmall danger ; like fon there- 
 a hen who has more chickens than fhe can of. 
 proted widi her wings, often lofes one by 
 the rapacious kite. 
 
 The country of Canara is very fertile in Canara. 
 rice and other neceflaries of human life; its 
 inhabitants, commonly called Canarins, are 
 very robull, and fit for all manner of hard 
 labour. The chief cities near the fea-fliore, 
 are the city and kingdom of Onor, not farOnor. 
 diffant from Goa, where the Portuguefes had 
 alfo a fort, it being formerly a place of con- 
 fiderable traffick. Next to Onor lies Bate- Batecalo. 
 calo, about twenty-five leagues from Goa, 
 the king whereof became tributary to the 
 crown of Portugal under the reign of Ema- 
 nuel; but refufing afterwards to pay the 
 iifual tribute, Sequcria fent Alphonfo Menes 
 with fome fliips to block up the harbour, 
 which foon reduced the king to obedience. 
 Afterwards the queen of Batecalo entertain- 
 ing the pirates in her harbours, and refu- 
 fing likewife to pay the tribute. Sofa 
 failed thither with forty-nine fhips and one 
 thoufand five hundred land-men; and after 
 lie had caft anchor in the harbour, fent his 
 
 meflTengers
 
 CiiAr. 1(5. 
 
 Makbar a?jd Coromandel. 
 
 5^ 
 
 Malabar. 
 Its extent. 
 
 Its rivers. 
 
 The an- 
 cient llate 
 of Mala- 
 bar. 
 
 Sammo- 
 ryn, i. e. 
 emperor. 
 
 meflengers into the city to require the pay- 
 ment of the tribute, and the liirrendcring 
 of the pirates. She being frighted at the 
 fight of fo powerful a fleer, furrcndcrcd 
 four of the pirates fhips ; but endeavouring 
 for the reft to detain the Pcrtugtiefes with 
 fair words, theie landed their men, not a 
 little incommoded by the arrows fhot at 
 them by the inhabitants from the cocoa- 
 trees, but having put themfelves in order 
 of battle, they advanced towards the city, 
 where they were (in tiie abfence of the 
 queen) fo warmly engaged by the inha- 
 bitants, that the combat remained doubt- 
 ful for fome time, till thefe being worfted, 
 they fet the city on fire, with the lofs of 
 twelve men only on their fide. In this 
 aflion one Almeyda, a brave Portuguefe, 
 feeing his comrade inclofed on all fides by 
 the enemy, fought his way through them •, 
 and having refctied his companion, with- 
 ftood the whole force of the enemy, till 
 "he was relieved by a body of the Porlu- 
 -guefcs. Afterwards they made incurfions 
 into the country, which foon obliged the 
 queen to confent to the payment of the 
 tribute. 
 
 Barcelor, Baranor, and Mangalor, being 
 places of no great confequence, deferve no 
 particular defcriptions ; wherefore we will 
 proceed to the country of Malabar, which 
 (according to common computation) be- 
 gins abouc fifty leagues to the fouth of Goa, 
 and extends to the cape of Comory?!, to the 
 utmoft borders of India, on this fide of 
 Ganges. This whole country being full of 
 rivers, is confequently of an eafy pafTage ; 
 though moil of die rivers here are fo flial- 
 low, that they are not capaple of bearing 
 any fliips of bulk or burden. The largeit 
 rivers are Bergera, (a great receptacle for 
 pirates,) Panane, and Crangoior, the com- 
 mon boundaries of the kingdoms of Caleait 
 and Cochin : thefe, as well as the river of 
 Cochin, are about eighteen or nineteen foot 
 deep at high water. The whole country 
 of Malabar is divided into five kingdoms, 
 viz. Cananor, Calecut, Cranganor, Cochin, 
 and Coulang, unto which fome add the 
 kingdom ot 'Trevancor, the leaft fertile of 
 all, and the two petty kingdoms of Porca 
 and Cakcoidang. 
 
 In former ages Malabar was fubjeft to 
 one fovereign prince, who kept his court at 
 Calecut, now the refidence of the great 
 Sammorjn. This king having, at the per- 
 fuafion of fome of his courtiers, undertaken 
 a voyage over the Red Sea, to vifit Ma- 
 homcih tomb, and to be thoroughly inftruded 
 in that faith, died in his return from thence ; 
 and leaving no ifTue, the whole empire was 
 divided between his eiquire, fword-bearer, 
 and fceptre-bearer : the firit taking for his 
 
 fhare Cananor ^ the fccond Calecut, and theBAL- 
 xK\r A Cochin. on. vs. 
 
 I'he nights are very cold all along the 'fjJT*'^^ 
 coall of Malabar with very chick fogs, efpe- mate, 
 cially in January, February and Alarch, 
 when the days are cxceffive hot. They have 
 every day a lea and land wind -, the firft begins 
 every morning at nine or ten a clock, and 
 holds till funfet. This coaft is fcarce navi- ^^^^1 (^^^ 
 gable from June till November, the befl fons. 
 time here being (vom April till June. Their 
 winter begins in May, and continues till 
 November. 
 
 The chief produds of Malabar, are pep- Produfls. 
 per and cardamum : Cochin affords great 
 quantities of pepper; but Cananor yields 
 the btfl, efpccially in the irdand countries, 
 whence the Moors and otlier merchants from 
 Carnatica and Vifmpour ufe to fetch it in 
 confiderable quantities. The pepper of Pcpper. 
 Calecut is IcfTer of grain than thofe of Ca- 
 nanor and Cochin. This commodity is ge- 
 nerally cheaper at one place than another. 
 They buy it by the can.ia, at the rate of 
 three hundred and ninety or four hundred 
 fanams a canda, a fanam being wbrt!i about 
 ten pence of our money. In the year i O40, tlie 
 price rofe to four hundred and fifty fiinams. 
 The pepper delights in fhady places ; the 
 ftem is weak like thole of the vines, and ufes 
 to be upheld by llaiks like our hops: each 
 ftertl bears commonly fix bunches, every one 
 a foot long, rcfenibhng in colour to our 
 grapes before they are ripe. They are ga- 
 thered green in OElober and November, and 
 dry'd in the fun upon mats, when they turn 
 black. Befides the pepper and cardamum, 
 this country produces alio ginger, and bor- 
 borri of a iariron colour. Formerly thefe 
 two commodities ufed to be fold for five 
 fltnams a man -, it affords alio fome aloes, Man Is a 
 but in no great quantity. Befides thefe, certain 
 Malabar affords very few commodities, ex- ^"^'S'^^- 
 cept a few bezoar-ftones, * found about Ca- * Found 
 nanor, falt-petre, gummilacca, (though none '" ^^^ ^^^ 
 of the beff, being fold for a fanam the man,) )°°!''' ^.'"^ 
 and abundance of wax and honey. ^r feven 
 
 The whole country is covered with innu- reals a- 
 merable cocoa-trees, befides fuch other trees P'ece ; 
 as generally grow in the Eaft-Indies. The |°.'"^^''^^' 
 commodities carried t6, and to be fold in 1^^°^ 
 Malabar, are ainfion or opium, much in and fold ' 
 ufe here, eipecially among the Nairos, when for twelve 
 they are to fight, to intoxicate their brains. "■^.^'^ a- 
 Ambergreefe is alio in great eftecm among P"^*""" 
 the Malabars, and tranfpnrted thither from 
 the Maldive ifiands. I have ^ttn an ounce 
 of it fold at Cananor for fix reals. Malabar 
 confumes alio abundance of cloves, nutmegs, 
 and mace, as alio allom, ihina-root, lead, 
 tin, brafs, copper, brimflone, cinnabar, 
 fcarlet and crimfon clothes, red damalks, 
 bcnzorn, and coarfe pcrcellain. 
 
 Th=
 
 5^4 
 
 6a l- 
 
 D ."F. V 5 . 
 
 A Defcriptiort of the Confis of 
 
 Chap. i6. 
 
 Cananor. 
 
 Termapa- 
 tan. 
 
 Pirates of 
 Malabar. 
 
 ThePor- 
 
 tugueles 
 build a 
 fott as 
 Cananor. 
 
 The whole coaft of Malabar abounds in 
 firties, and at Cochin they have molt excel- 
 lent cods. Belly provifions are alio here 
 in great plenty, and bought at an eaiy 
 rate ; for they abound in oxen. Twine, and 
 poultry. The cocoa-trees furnifli them 
 with drink, which if not ufed to excels, is 
 tolerable wholefome. Out of this liquor 
 they diftil their arrack, much courted by 
 rhe common foldiers and feamen, to their 
 great detriment. 
 
 The firft is the king of Cananor, not 
 in refpeft fo mucii of his power, but of 
 his fituation next to Goa. His refidence 
 is about three or four leagues in the 
 country from the river of Balipatan ; the 
 extent of his kingdom is from Monlcdely 
 to Eergera ; he maintains a confiderable 
 number of muns.eteers and archers, who 
 are very expert in managing their fcyme- 
 tars. 
 
 Cananor is a populous city, inhabited 
 chiefly by rich Mahometan merchants, who 
 live without, yet under the cannon of the 
 fortifications. They had formerly a confi- 
 derable trafE.k to Suratte, Cambaja, and 
 the Red Sea, whither they ufed to fend year- 
 ly twenty-five or thirty fhips ; but this 
 place is much decayed in trade of late years, 
 and is likely to be worfe. 
 
 About two leagues to the fouth of Ca- 
 nanor lies the city of Termapaian, under 
 the jurifdiftion of a Mahometan ; it is 
 ftrengthened to the land-fide by a good 
 wall. The rebellious pirates of Bergera do 
 confiderable mifchief to the king of Cana- 
 nor and his fubjefts, who, as well as the 
 other nations tr.ading in thefe feas, are 
 forced to buy paflports of them for their 
 fecurity. They ufed formerly to infeft thefe 
 feas with forty frigates at a time, but are 
 not fo potent of late years, fince the Dutch 
 have frightened the Portuguefes out of thefe 
 parts •, fince which time they have now 
 and then attempted the Dutch, as they did 
 with the fhip called the Dolphin, but got 
 nothing but blows. Their chiefs are Ma- 
 hometans, and the foldiers partly Moors, 
 partly Pagans. 
 
 Cananor lies about forty leagues to the 
 north of Cochin, having a fpacious and fe- 
 cure harbour : the country thereabouts 
 abounding in pepper, cardamum, ginger, 
 mirabolans, tamarinds, ^c. Peter yilvarus 
 Capralis, commander in chief of the fecond 
 fleet fent by Emanuel king of Portugal into 
 the Indies, after having given a vifit to the 
 king of Cochin, and the great Sammoryn, 
 came alfo to Cananor ; where being kindly 
 received, the king fent an ambaflTador along 
 with him to the king of Portugal. Al- 
 meyda did ereft here (with the king's con- 
 fent) a flrong fort for the fecurity of their 
 commerce ; which being afterwards moft 
 
 vigoroufly attacked by thofe of Calecut and 
 Cranganor, was bravely defended by Lau- 
 rence de Brit to, to his immortal honour. 
 And upon this occafion it will not be be- 
 yond our purpole, to give you the reafons 
 which induced the Aloors to enter upon this 
 war, whicii was accompany'd with many 
 mofi: remarkable aftions. 
 
 TUc Portuguefes having made themfelves 
 maffcrs at fea, not only on the coaft of Ethio- 
 pia, but alio of India and Arabia, would 
 not permit the inhabitants of ihefe countries 
 to fend out their fliips without jsafTports 
 obtained from them -, for which purpofe 
 they kept a ftrift eye over all the Malabar s, 
 in a moft peculiar manner. A certain Por- 
 tuguefe, captain of a man of war, having 
 attacked a veilcl of Cananor, which he f'up- 
 pofed to have come from Calecut without a 
 pais, he caufed the mafter thereof, and ano- 
 ther perfon of note on board her, to be few- 
 ed up in a cloth, and lb threw them over- 
 board ; which being done not far from Ca- 
 nanor, the dead carcalies were caft afhore 
 there. The inhabitants knowing the per- 
 fons, and undcrftanding their fate, were fo 
 exafperated at the Portuguefes, that they 
 cry'd out for vengeance, and afTaulted the 
 fort. Almeyda offered them fatisfadion, 
 and cafliier'd the captain ; but in vain, the 
 Moors continuing obftinate, and relblving 
 to revenge the death of their countrymen 
 upon the Portuguefes in the fort. 
 
 Laurence de Britto being fenfible that he 
 muft expc6t a formal fiege, relolved to ftand 
 the brunt bravely •, and lent his melTengers 
 loAlmeyda, to defire prompt fuccours. In die 
 mean time the king of Cananor was not 
 idle, but having intrenched himfelf near 
 the harbour, all along the fea-fide he ereft- 
 ed certain forts, to cut off the communi- 
 cation betwixt the city and callle. At the 
 ilime time being reinforced by twenty thou- 
 fand men, lent from Calecut, they now re- 
 fc)lved upon a formal fiege. There was a 
 certain ipring betwixt the city and caftle, 
 which being the only one whence the Por- 
 tuguefe garnfon could be fupplied with 
 frcfli water, this occafioned frequent and 
 bloody fkirmifhes ; fo that they were forced 
 to purchafe their water with much cfFufion 
 of blood. Laurence de Britto had v/ith him 
 in the fort a certain mathematician, named 
 Thomas Ferdinand, by vvhofe advice they 
 digged from the fort underground to the 
 fpring, and by pipes conveyed it to the 
 place where they had occafion for it ; fo that 
 after having fupplied their own wants, they 
 ftopped in the next fally the fpring ; lb 
 that the Moors were forced to remove their 
 campfrom thence-, buttheyin the fort enjoy 'd 
 the benefit thereof. They then began their 
 attack on the other fide, and by the lielp of 
 lacks filled with cotten, advancing to the 
 
 ditch 
 
 Reafons 
 why the 
 Malabars 
 entered in- 
 to a war 
 with the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 Britto 
 
 en-.s lO 
 Alraeyda. 
 
 The 
 
 fpring was 
 afterwards 
 inclofed 
 within the 
 fortifica- 
 tions.
 
 Chap. 17. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 Great di- 
 ftrefj in 
 the fort. 
 
 ditch, fillM it witli faggots, and made a fierce 
 alTaiik -, but being bravely repuifccl by tlie 
 Portiiguefes, and forced to retreat, tlieie ial- 
 lyed out upon them, and made a great 
 flaugliter of the barbarians. 
 
 Thefe finding that force was not likely 
 to do their bufinefs refolved lo reduce it 
 by famine, knowing that the winter feafons 
 would cut off all hopes of relief to the 
 befieged. On the other hand, the PortugueJ'es 
 made many fucccfsful (alleys upon thein ; 
 in one of which a Caftilian^ named Guada- 
 lajara^ charged with one hundred ami lifty 
 men, a flrong body of the enemy, killing 
 above three hundred of them upon the fpot, 
 and taking Ibme of their great cannon. 
 Soon after it h.ippened unfortunately lor 
 the PoriugiufL's, that a fire arifing in the lort 
 by the careiefnefs of a ilave, ibme pare of 
 their magazines of provifions was conlum'd, 
 whereby a great fcarcity bjing occafioned in 
 the fort, many r.cgroes run over to the 
 enemy, and gave them a full account of 
 the condition of the garrifon, who were 
 now forc'd to feed upon cats, rats, mice, tj'f. 
 At lall heaven was pleafed to commilerate 
 the iniferable (late of the Porluguffes, by 
 fending a prodigious quantity of loculls 
 from the lea, ("a thing not unfrequent in 
 thofe parts,) which ferved them both for 
 food and refrefhment. The Ipring begin- 
 ning to approach, when the Sammoryn 
 fearing the bffieg'd might be fhortly rcliev'd 
 by their countrymen, redoubled his fury 
 againft the fort ; and having lent them 
 divers confiderablc fupplies of men, (v/liich 
 had increaled his army to fifty thouiand 
 men,) he relblved to try his utmoft to re- 
 duce them by force, (the Porluguefes being 
 in the mean while fupply'd with provifions 
 
 Bai.- 
 u ;f, u s . 
 
 by a certain prince of the country, an enemy 
 
 to iht Sammcryn.) De BriUo having rcceivM 
 
 intelligence that the enemy were preparing 
 
 for a general afl^ujlt, took care to guard all 
 
 the avenues both on the fea and land-fide. 
 
 The Moors allaulted the Porluguefes with 
 
 their utmofl fury, promifing themlelves an 
 
 afiured vidory, by reafon they continually 
 
 relieved their men with frefh troops : but 
 
 the Porluguefes receiv'd them fo warmly, 
 
 that after a fmart fight they put them to 
 
 the rout, and puriliing them with great 
 
 flaugliter, the king of C.w«.'7«- thought itPe.iccwith 
 
 his beft way to make peace with the Pcrlu- t'lekingof 
 
 guefes. Caxianor. 
 
 Thus much of Caiiaiwr, whilll in tlie 
 hands of the Porluguefes : the next thing 
 which falls under our confidera-ion, is how 
 it came to fall into the hands of the Hollan- 
 ders. Thele having made themfelves ma- 
 ilers of Craijganor, Cochin, and Coula>ig, 
 failed 1663 Uom Cochin, with a confiderablc 
 fleet, and a good number of land forces, 
 under the command oVJacoh Hvfiar, Peter 
 du Pon, Henry "can Rbede, and clivers other 
 brave officers, for Cananor. Having landed 
 their men, and foon made themfelves 
 mailers of the city, (which was without 
 defence,) they battered the fort with their 
 great cannon, but without any great fuccels, 
 the bafcions and ditches on the land-fide 
 being cut out of the rocks, and the fortifi- 
 cations to the fea-fide impregnable. How- 
 ever, after a fiege of few days the Porlu- 
 guefes confidering, that by the taking of Co- 
 chin all hopes of relief were baniflicd, they 
 furrendered upon honourable terms •, and the 
 Dutch having put a garrifon of two hundred 
 men in the forr, entered into a llri^l alliance 
 with the king of Cananor, 1664. 
 
 HowCa. 
 n.inor was 
 reduced by 
 the Dutch. 
 
 Cananor 
 iurrendred 
 to the 
 Dutch. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 yl defcriptim of Calecut and Panane. The arrival of Vafco de Gama. His 
 treaty ivith the Sanjitioryn. V.manc fortifcd, befteged, and demolifl:cd by the 
 PortLi2;uefes. Adiance betwixt the Dutch and the Sammoryn. '7/v Portu- 
 eiueleyyi/r/ in Calecut attack' d by the Sammoryn, and defended by]ohn de Lima. 
 
 The king- 
 dom of Ca- 
 lecut. 
 
 An. i;02. 
 the Sam- 
 moryn 
 brought 
 into the 
 field fixty 
 thoufand 
 men ; and 
 I 529, one 
 hundred 
 thoufand. 
 
 THE fecond kingdom of Malabar is 
 that of Calecul, under the jurifdnflion 
 of the Sammoryn : it begins about three or 
 four leagues to the ibuth of Bergera, and 
 ends at the river Cranganor -, its whole 
 extent being in length thirty-two leagues, 
 and twenty in breadth. This king is the 
 moil potent of all the Malabar kings, 
 having a confidcrable number of Nairos un- 
 der his jurildiction, who are very expert 
 both in handling the bow and fire-arms. He 
 has made coniiderable encroachments upon 
 his neighbours of late years, the revenues 
 of his new conquefts, amounting now to 
 three hundretl thoufand flmams yearly. 
 N^ 117. Vol. III. 
 
 The Sammoryn, who reigned 1662, wa^-, 
 when I iaw him, not above fifty years ot 
 age, and yet much impaired in his intellec- 
 tual part by the cxcetfive ufe of Opium, a 
 drug much in requcfl among the Malabars. 
 
 In the kingdom of the Samtnoryn, and in ^n odd 
 
 mod others along the coaft of Malabar, curtom of 
 
 the crown is not inherited by the fon of '^^<^"'^*o" 
 
 the king, but by him who is next of kin '° ' ° 
 o' / crown. 
 
 to his mother or fifl:er ; for they looking 
 upon that as the liirer fide, they have 
 introduced this cuflom to prevent the ba- 
 ftaruizing of the crown. Thus the king 
 who reigned 1642, was fuccceded by his 
 uncle on the mother's fide, and he was to 
 7 D be
 
 ^66 
 
 A De(cnption of the Coajls of 
 
 Chap. 17. 
 
 be fucceedcd by his fiftcr's Ton. The Sam- 
 vmyn mono^X)lizcs all the pepper of the 
 growtli of his country, none of his fubjeds 
 being allowed to fell it to any but his fac- 
 
 tors. 
 
 Gama 
 omes to 
 I'ar.anc. 
 
 His re- 
 ception. 
 
 ran,ine. Bctwjxt Camnor ;md Calecut lies the 
 town of Pivumc, fcatcd upon the fea-fliore : 
 here the DiiUi> came iboj, to treat with 
 the Samnwryn; but he being then in the field 
 apainft the Porlngiufs, the admiral fent 
 three deputies to him with a letter from 
 prince Maurice of I^afjau. In tliis place 
 the Siimmon-n kept his refidence at that 
 time, whcii Don Vtifco de Gar,ia came 
 into thefe parts. Ho having caft anchor 
 before Calecut, difpatched imitiediately a 
 n>.eircngcr to the Samnwryn, to give notice 
 of his arrival, and to let the king know 
 that the renown of his great name having 
 reached the ears of the king o'iPonugnl, his 
 majerty had iniruftcd him with a letter, 
 which he being defirous to deliver in perfon, 
 therefore defired leave to wait on his majefty. 
 The Sanmcnn being extremely plt-afed 
 with the compliment, fent immediately 
 certain pilots to conduil: the Porlugueje fleet 
 into the harbour of Cafocatc, where there 
 was much better and fafer anchorage ; from 
 whence he was condufted with extraordinary 
 pomp to the <$'/?;>?.';;; <7)7«. ' ' 
 
 For Don Gcnia being got aflidrel, at- 
 tended by eight gentlemen richly attired, 
 was received in the Sdmmcryii's name by the 
 Catttal, (or he that manages all foreign at- 
 fairs,j accompanied v/ith a vaft number of 
 guards, hautboys, drums, and litters, and 
 thence carried through Calecut to Panam 
 (where the Sammoryn then refided) under 
 liich a vail concourfe of fpeftators, that 
 His re- feveral were crouded to death. At court 
 ceptlon at Ccnia was welcomed by the Caimales, (or 
 court. chief courtiers,) and afterwards by the high 
 prieft of the Erahmans dreffed in v/hite 
 callico, who taking Ga7)m by the hand, 
 conducted him to many fpacious apartments 
 (at the door of each whereof ftood about ten 
 lentinels) into a fpacious hall, the walls and 
 fioor whereof were covered with rich tape- 
 ftry, and carpets of filk and gold ; the chief 
 men of the kingdorii fitting round the hall, 
 upon wooden , feats, artificially wrdughr, 
 "ond-'abovie anotfher, hke the feats in ah 
 The Sam- amphitheatre. The Sannncryn himfelf was 
 nioryn's f;>aLeJ (according to the cuftom of the 
 country) upon -xn Alkatyf, or carper, drel- 
 ' fed in white fine callico, ' brocadoed with 
 iftowers of gold, adorned with divers rows 
 of diamonds of great value : in his eahs he 
 had ftately pendants of precious (lones, and 
 on his head a cap (after their country fa- 
 fliion) covered with diamonds, pearls and 
 odier precioiis ftones-, his bare feet being 
 likewife adorned with rings fet with all forts 
 of precious ftones. 
 
 One of the king's attendants offered his 
 maicdy a golden velTel with arrack and 
 betel, which the Indians chew almoft con- 
 tinually to preferve their teeth and gums, 
 and treat their gucfts with it as we do with 
 wine, ftrong liquors being not much in ufe 
 here. Gama, after having paid his obeifanee 
 to the king, began thus: •■i.\\<\ 
 
 " T7 Manuel, the prefent king of Por- Gama's 
 
 " XL tugal, my mafter, moved by the fpeech to 
 
 " renown of the greatnefs of your majefty ^^^ ^s™" 
 
 " among the kings of Malabar, has fent '"°''>'"- 
 
 " me v/ith credentials, to enter into a ftrict 
 
 " league vnth you, in order to fettle a 
 
 " firm correlpondence and commerce be- 
 
 " twixt both nations •, which my mafter 
 
 " would have been willing to have per- 
 
 " formed in perfon, had not the vaft di- 
 
 " fiance of your majefty 's dominions prov'd 
 
 " an invincible obftacle to his generous in- 
 
 " tentions." 
 
 in!Jo:>jj; \\u\ v. ■: 
 
 Aftei' which having deliver'd his prefents, 
 the king anfvver'd by his interpreter: 
 
 HAT he had not the leaft doubt 
 of the good intentions of his bro- 
 " ther Emanuel king of Portugal, having 
 " luch convincing prOoiS thereof before his 
 ". eyes, by honouring him with {^^ fplendid 
 " a legation-, notwithftanding the vaft di- 
 " ftance of their countries ; that he was 
 " willing to enter with them into a ftrict 
 " league and amity ; and that they fliould 
 " enjoy the benefit >pt .a free commerce, in 
 '> his 'lerriiorits." ynini: <>ir'. biiti-iin-il ',•'.:! 
 ..' i>j jfi ■.i;iJ ( ifi VM u.' ';:^,!t)l'" ■ "i'A 
 
 Thert^rhe' kifighaving afked them feve- 
 ral particulars concerning their voyage, fhip- 
 ping, and trafnck, order'd Gawa to be con- 
 ducted to the lodgings prepared for his re- 
 ception. 
 
 The news of this embafl"y foon came to 
 the ears of the Moorijlj merchants in thoie 
 pans ; who fearing, not without reafon, 
 thai the Pcrtuguejes would do them confi- 
 derable mifchief in rheir traffick, joined 
 with the Arabians trading in thofe parts to 
 hinder the confummation of this treaty ; 
 for which puipofe, having purchafed the 
 ■fitvolir of many of the courtiers by money, 
 they infinuated into the king, that Gama 
 was no more than a great pirate, who en- 
 deavoured to get a tooting in the king's 
 dominions, which in time might prove his 
 ruin •, whereas he might reft iecure in his 
 dominions, by incouraging his fubjefts in 
 their traffick, with the exclufion of foreign- 
 ers. Thefe infinuations proved lb effec- 
 tual, that ih.Q Saimnoyn began to give a fa- 
 vourable ear to them, and had, perhaps, 
 proved of very ill confequence to Gama^ 
 had not a certain African^ a native of 'Tunis^ 
 
 who 
 
 The 
 
 king's an- 
 I'wer. 
 
 Tiie 
 
 Moors en- 
 deavour 
 to obftruft 
 the defiga 
 of t]ie Por- 
 tuguefes.
 
 AiM\ 17. 
 
 Malabar ^r?d Coroiriandel 
 
 567 
 
 .ima 
 :';j pri- 
 mely 
 joard. 
 
 who underftood Porlugnefe, and had for- 
 merly converfed wlih them, dilcovcrcd the 
 danger to him ; who thereupon, witl}Oiit 
 further delay, got aboard his own fliips, 
 wicii his attendants, and having weighed 
 Jiis anchors, kept at a greater dilhince Irom 
 the fliore -, whence he writ to tlie Sammoryn. 
 
 The 
 
 king's an- 
 fwtr to it. 
 
 • Hill, 
 [nd. 1. 
 16. 
 
 
 body of his befl troops, under the com-BAi.- ,i, 
 m.md of Lai::rence and Nonnius, in fmall ^ ''^- ".J\ 
 galleys to lead the van, being to be fol- "''' 
 lowed by the great fhips : thefe entered the 
 harbour with unfpeakable bravery, not- 
 withftanding the enemy's fire, who fenc 
 their great and fmall fhot very thick upon 
 them from both fides of the fhore, but 
 without any confiderable efieft, moll ot 
 their bullets paffing over their heads, bc- 
 caufe the foldiers kept dole, lying upon their 
 bellies in the galleys. The enemy feeing 
 them entered the harbour, leap'd in whole 
 troops into the water, attacking them with 
 incredible fury, in hopes ot boarding them: 
 but tiie Porttigucfcs fcood to it with lo much 
 refolution, that at lall they forced the In- 
 dimts to give way •, and purluing them 
 to the fliore, ipade thcmfelvcs maRers of The forts 
 the two forts, and fet fire to all the fliips '^ken. 
 in the harbour, which v/ere richly loaden, 
 as alfo to the city. In this aftion a certain 
 Pcrtuguefe enfign, with his foldiers, did 
 wonders,, and the Mahometans fought like 
 lions-, but one of their commanders, a fel- 
 low of a huge bulk, being (lain by Laurence, 
 the reft betook themlelves to their heels. 
 The Indians loll five hundred men in this ^}'"^ .^"."- 
 
 1,1, r \ ored "3"> 
 
 iiigagemenc, and the Portugucjes about^^^ ^j^g j^. 
 twenty-two. After which Almtyda and^-dians. 
 ciinha failed to Cananor, from whence the 
 firft fleered his courfe to Cockhi, and the 
 fccond for Portugal. About Panane grows, 
 bcfides cardamum, tlie bed pepper, and is 
 foltl here at a very reafonable rate. 
 
 Thus much of Panane : we will now c^jgcut. 
 proceed to give you an account of Calecut, 
 the capital city of Malabar, and the rcli- 
 dence ot the Sammoryn, where Steven van 
 der Hagen, the then Dutch admiral in. 1604, 
 entered into a ftrifl league with that king, L„j,„e 
 who granted a free commerce to the D;^/f/^ betwixt 
 throughout all his dominions. Many years the Dutch 
 before the Porluguefcs had obtained the (ame ^^^ '"^ 
 libcriy ot the Sammoryn, who hatl aflia-ncd "^"^ 
 them certain habitations in th.it city -, fo 
 that they began to flouriili in tlieir com- 
 merce, and the Porlugucfe priefts were very 
 iucceiilul in the converfion of many of the 
 pagans. This exafperated \.hc, Moors and 
 jirciiians, who inticed the Nairos (always 
 greedy after prey) to fall, to the nutiiber of 
 tour thoufand, upon the Portuguefes, (not 
 above feventy flrong) in their fadory, whOj,ygCg3 
 were almofl all nrailacred by them. msflacred'. 
 
 Pedro Alvarez Capral, the Porluguefe 
 general in thofe parts, being informed of 
 this barbarous attempt, and finding that 
 the Sammoryn had not been altogether ig- Their 
 norant oi the matter, to revenge the death dca;h re- 
 the pagodes, and with direful execrations of his countrymen, burnt ten of their mcr- venged. 
 ingiged to one another to defend the city, chant fhips richly loaden, battered the city 
 or die in the attempt. 1'ri/an d" Acunha, v/ith his great guns, and killed them above 
 the Porluguefe general, detached a certain fix hundred men. The fame treatment thefc: 
 
 barba- 
 
 'ii letter. " "IP HAT the ill defigns of the Moors 
 " .1 againfthisperfonbeingdifcovcred to 
 " him, he had thought fit to retire aboard, 
 " and to defire his majclly not to be di- 
 " verted from his promiic by their fiilfe 
 " infintiations, afiliring him that he would 
 " reap much more benefit by the friendship 
 " of the king of Portugal, th.in by the 
 "■' Moors and Arabians." 
 
 TUq Sammoryn promifcd the meffenger to 
 make a llritt inquiry afccr, and to punifli 
 feverely thofe offenders, who had infringed 
 the law of nations: and in his letter to the 
 king of Portugal affures him, 
 
 " '"T^PI AT the arrival of the Portuguefes 
 " I in his dominions was very accepta- 
 " ble to him, providetl they might regulate 
 " them 'elves fo, as not to give any occafion 
 " of difturbancc there ; and that the league 
 ,"■ he wa.s. entering upon with his majcfty, 
 *''miglit not prove prejudicial to the good 
 " correfpondence he had hitherto enter- 
 " tained with divers other nations." 
 
 "Gdma.'\\.^v\uQ received this letter, fet fail 
 for the ifle ot Ancbediva, where having fur- 
 niflied himielf sviuh frellv provifions, he re- 
 turned to Portugal, to give an account of his 
 iranfidlions to 'king Emanuel. l"he flmious 
 Vafio de Gama died 1524, being the firft 
 who difcovered the pafiiige into the Eaf- 
 Indies by the cape of Good Hope. 
 
 And upon this occafion I cannot pafs by 
 in filence what is mentioned by Ferdinand 
 Lopes de Cajlanheda '•', viz. that Gama, with 
 fome of his retinue, being at Calecut, and 
 cntring into one of the pagan temples, paid 
 their reverence to the images, as taking 
 them for the fame they had left in their own 
 ciiurches iq Portugal ; a convincing proof 
 that fuperfdtion and idolatry very near re- 
 femble one another. 
 Panane Panane being well fortified by the Sam^ 
 
 moryn with two forts, creeled on both fides 
 of the entrance of the harbour, the Portu- 
 guefes, notwithflanding this, refblve to at- 
 teinpijt. They no fooner appeared in fight 
 of the harbour, but a certain number of the 
 
 ittack'd Mahometans afTociated themfelves in one of 
 
 jy the 
 
 'ortu- 
 
 'ueles.
 
 56^ 
 
 B A !.- 
 
 D fl: u s . 
 
 J Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. 17. 
 
 barbariaiiG afierwards 
 iicfes. 
 
 received from Mc- 
 
 We will not in this place pretend to give a 
 particular account of a!l the difterences and 
 warlike exploits 
 
 of the Portugitefes here, and 
 of file famous adions oi Albuquerque, Henry 
 Meml'cs, Janus Syk'cria, Capral, ^ 
 will "only mention in this place, 
 Portuguefes having found means 
 fort at Calecut, by the connivance of Nan 
 
 We 
 that the 
 to ereft a 
 
 neceflliry preparations to follow with a 
 much greater force in the fpring. 
 
 The Sammoryn faring the worft, left no 
 ftone unturn'd to oblige the befiegcd to a 
 furrender before that time ; and the before- 
 mentioned Sicilian having done his utmoft 
 endeavour with mines, mortars, and bat- 
 tering pieces, but in vain, he rcfolved to 
 reduce them by famine, which he might 
 queftionlefs have efiedled, had he had only 
 
 The Por- 
 tuguefe 
 fort be- 
 ficged. 
 
 headar the o\dSammorxn'% fifter's fon, (who a fmall fquadron of fhips to block up the 
 favoured the Poriuguefes,) the kings of C ana- harbour. But the befieaed being from tmie 
 
 to 
 
 Bravery cf the 
 ll'e Porta 
 guefcs. 
 
 Fonfeca 
 ordered 
 not to 
 land. 
 
 ncr and Codin were fo nettled thereat, that 
 they did not defill till they had ingaged the 
 Sammoryn to attack it. 
 
 It being then in the winter feafon, when 
 the Portugiiefes could fcarcc exped any re- 
 lief, and the fort provided with a garrilon 
 of three hundred men only, they were dri- 
 ven to great diftrefs •, a certain renegado, 
 a native of Sicily, who had fcrved as an en- 
 gineer in the fiiege of Rhodes, direding the 
 Moors in their attacks. Hereupon John de 
 Lima, governor of the fort, did all he could 
 to defend himfclf, in hopes of the approach- 
 ing fpring -, and having extended his forti- 
 fications (by means of great cafks filled 
 with find) to the fhore, lent notice of his 
 diftreffed ftate to Henry de Menefes, who 
 without delay fent one hundred and forty 
 land foldiers aboard two (hips, commanded 
 by Chrijlopher Jufart and Edward Fonfeca, 
 to his relief-, but the laft being becalmed 
 near the fhore of Cakcut, and the other not 
 having above eighty men aboard, John Li- 
 via did not think it advifeable to land with 
 ib fmall a number, as being not fufHcient 
 break through the enemies works into 
 fort. However Jiifart being refolved 
 to venture at all, landed in a boat with 
 thirty voluntiers, who fought their way 
 through the enemy, and with the lofs of 
 four of their men readied the fort, which in 
 the mean while was afiliulted by the barba- 
 rians, who were lb warmly received by the 
 Porr.iguefc grenadiers, that they were 
 to retire in great confufion to their works. 
 
 Soon after Fcnfeca arriving with his Ihip, 
 conveyed a letter, taftened to an arrow in- 
 to the fort, intimating his arrival, and de- 
 firing his inftru6tions how to ferve him. 
 Lima fent an anfwer, that he thought it not 
 advifeable to expofe himfelt and his men to 
 the lame danger as Jufart had done, but 
 that he lliould return with all fpeed to Me- 
 nefes, and folicit a fuccour of five hundred 
 men, with a good quantity of ammunition, 
 wherewith he did not queflion but to de- 
 fend the place. Fonfeca being returned to 
 Cochin, and having delivered his meffage to 
 Menefes, he difpatched immtdiately y^«//.;(j- 
 ny de Syha, with fome fhips, for the relief 
 of the befieged, whilll he was making al! 
 
 glad 
 
 to time fupplied with provifions and refrefli- 
 ments by ihiall boats, whicla entered in the 
 night-time, they held it out bravely till 
 fpring •, when Menefes arriving with fifteen The fore 
 hundred PorHiguefes, landed his inen, and*^^ ^*^* ' 
 having put the Malabars to the rout, with 
 the lofs of three thoufind men on their fide, 
 (among whom was alfo the Sicilian,) the 
 Sammoryn was fo terrified thereat, that to , 
 
 prevent his country from being ravaged by ' 
 
 the Portuguefs, he clapped up a fudden 
 peace -, and the Portugiiefes judging the fort 
 too chargeable to keep, did afterwards ^^' y^' , 
 moliOi it of their own accord •, in the fpring-*" 
 ing up of which many Malabars (greedy af- 
 ter prey) v/ere blown up into the air. , 
 
 Notwithffanding this peace, the Sammo- 
 ryn let flip no opportunity of doing mif- 
 chief to the Portugiiefes, being incouraged 
 thereunto by the differences arifen betwixt ^''^^'■^" 
 the Portuguefe generals, as betwixt ^^^'^'^cA'-^the Po°tu 
 and Cama, and Samfajo and Mafarenhas, gygfg ^. 
 about the viceroyfhip, which had almofl nerals. 
 proved fatal to the Portuguefe affairs in the 
 Indies. 'I'his is evident from a letter writ 
 by Chrijiofher de Scufa to the laid Sam- 
 pajo ; in which he reprefents to him the 
 danger unto which the Portuguefs (a fmall 
 number in companion of their enemies) 
 were expofed daily in the Indies, by his 
 difference with Mafarenhas about the vice- 
 royalty, exhorting him not to have recourfe 
 to violence, but the arbitration of fuch per- 
 fons as were competent judges-, telling him, 
 that in cafe of relufal he mud not exped 
 to be obey'd by hirn. Which coming from 
 a perfon noted for his courage, liberality, 
 and generofity in thefe parts, did not a 
 little abate the haughtinefs of Sampajo j 
 and Alafarenh. s returning into Portugal, 
 was favourably received by the king, who 
 having recalled Sampajo, obliged him to 
 give full fatisfadion to Mafarenhas for the 
 imprifonments, affronts, and damages, he 
 had fullained upon that account. For the 
 more ample relation of which, we refer our- 
 lelvcs to the Portuguefe hiflorians. From 
 Cakcut, we will turn tov;ards Crangancr, 
 in order to give you a defcription of its 
 origin and fituation, and by what means 
 it fell into the hands of the Hollanders, 
 
 I! 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. 
 
 1 8. 
 
 Malabar and CoromandeL 
 
 5<59 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 A defcr'ipt'ion of Crnnganor : Uow it ivas befieged, mid taken hy the Dutch : 
 Iti excellencies The ijle of Vaypin. Cochin fortified: Its inbabitants, 
 kiildings, plenty of provi/ions, &c. Is bcfteged the firji tune by the Dutch, 
 ivhs raifed the Jiege, 
 
 
 The river 
 and city of 
 Cranga- 
 nor. 
 
 Is befieg'd 
 by tiie 
 Dutch. 
 
 And taken 
 by Itorm. 
 
 Lofs on 
 both fides. 
 
 CRANGANOR lies five 
 the north of Cochin^ and twenty to the 
 fouth of Calcait, upon a limdy hill. On 
 the fouth fide of the entrance of the river, 
 is built a ftnall fort called Paliport ; a mile 
 above which, higher to the river, lies the 
 city and fortrefs of Crangaiwr, a place 
 ftrongly fortified by the Portuguefes at divers 
 times-, for in the beginning they had only 
 a tovvfer, which they afterwards ftrengthen- 
 ed by a w;\ll, and at lafl: inclofed the whole 
 by regular fortifications of earth. The king 
 of Cranganor keeps his rtfidcnce not fir from 
 Cranganor. He that then reigned was a 
 young, Itifty, and tall perfon, a declared 
 enemy of the Pari uguefes, as well as theSam- 
 mcry'n. 
 
 In the year 1661, after x\\Q.t)utch had 
 made thcmfelves mailers of Goulang^ and 
 by Ifrengthening the fame with fortifica- 
 tions, and a good garrifon, had fecured the 
 fouth fide, they thought it expedient (be- 
 fore they attempted the conquefi of Cochin) 
 to get alfo a fir.m footing on the north fide 
 at Cranganor, efpccially fince they feared 
 they might be obliged to pafs the winter 
 thereabouts, it being in Dccetnber. Ac- 
 cordingly we landed our men ; but found (be- 
 yond expecftation) the fortifications in fuch a 
 Ifate, as not to be attacked without great 
 cannon. Above fourteen days being fpent 
 in raifing batteries, making of trenches and 
 breaches, but to no great purpofe, and the 
 approaching feafon obliging us to carry on 
 the fiege with ail pofuble expedition, it was 
 refolved (upon intelligence given by a cer- 
 tain perfon, concerning the condition of the 
 place) to attack the point next to the river 
 on Sunday, Jan. 15, 1662, very early in 
 the morning. 
 
 The fignal being given accordingly by 
 a cannon-fliot, our forces advanced under 
 the favour of the fmoke of our great ar- 
 tillery to the bulwark, which they took 
 with fwortl in hand, chafing the Portuguefes 
 thence to the jefuits church. In this adion 
 the Dutch caprains, Poohnann^ Schulenburg, 
 and Simon Wcrding, as alfo lieutenant Syl- 
 Vcjlcr, acquired immortal honour, being 
 flain as they were mounting the breach, 
 with fevcncy-eight common foldiers, and 
 many wounded. 
 
 On the Portugucfe fide above two hun- 
 dred Chriftians were kill'd, befides a great 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 number of the Nairos ', and among the reft, 
 Urbano Pialbo Fereira the governor of the 
 place. 
 
 The Portuguefes then hung out a white 
 flag, defiring a parley upon reafonable con- 
 ditions, which were granted them ; and by 
 virtue thereof the Portuguefi foldiers tratit- 
 ported into Europe. During this fiege we 
 found the nights very cold, though the days 
 were almoft infupportable by the excefiive 
 heat. And after the conqueft thereof, being 
 ordered to preach the thankfgiving Icrmon 
 in one of tiie jxirifli churches, (of which 
 there were feven,) I pitched upcn a text in 
 Deuteronomy xxm. 14. 
 
 The Hollanders judging it at that time 
 convenient to furrender the place into the 
 king's hands, the fame was done according- 
 ly ; but regained and refortified the fame 
 afterwards, when they found themfelves en- 
 gaged in a war with the Sammoryn, who 
 made frequent excurfions as fitr as Cochin, 
 a thing fo common among thefe barbarians, 
 that no fettled peace can be expedted with 
 fo many kings. 
 
 And upon this occafion I cannot fufficient- 
 ly commiferate the condition of the inhabi- 
 tants of the countries about Cranganor and 
 Cochin, who being guided by ignorant Ro- 
 mifi pricfts, are in great danger of falling 
 by degrees into paganifm again, the dif- 
 tri6l of Cranganor having formerly been 
 fo confiderable for the great numbers of 
 Chriftians of St. Thomas (as they are cal- 
 led) inhabiting there, that a Portuguefe 
 archbifliop had his refidence in that city. Crang.incr 
 It is the general opinion here, that St, 27j)^. oncean 
 mas the apoftle coming firfl: to Socotcra, an ^'''^''''.'", 
 ifle at the entrance into the Red Sea, there °^^^^ ' 
 preached the gofpel with good fuccefs ; 
 whence coming to Cranganor and Coulang, 
 he converted a great number to the Chriflian 
 fiith. From hence taking his way through 
 Coromandel into China, he returned to Ma- 
 liapour, where he fuffered martyrdom. But 
 of thele Chriftians of St. Thomas we fhall 
 have occafion to fay more hereafter, our 
 prefent purpole being to fay fbmething of 
 the flate of affairs in the Portuguefe times. 
 
 Firft then, at our arrival at Cra-nganor,'Vht\e- 
 we found there a noble college of the jefuits, ^"its oii- 
 with a ftately library belonging to it, the'''^*' 
 ftrufture itfelf being not inferior to many in 
 Europe-^ befides the church ^'i\X\zFrencifeans, 
 7 E they
 
 57^ 
 
 A Defcription of the Cocifls of 
 
 Chap. i8. 
 
 OX.\3t. 
 
 The col- 
 lege of 
 
 they had a {lately cathedral, adorned with 
 the tombs of the archbiOiOps of this place. 
 Without the wall of Crau^anor, Wits the_ 
 college of Chaiwiic, famous, tor the refort ot 
 the chrilf ians of S:. fbonias hither, who ex- 
 Chanotte. ercifed their religious vvorfliip here in the 
 Syriac language •, and having ereftcd a 
 Ichool for tlic education of tiicir youth, had^ 
 kvcral mailers and priclls of their own ; of 
 which more in the defcription of Cochin. 
 
 This language being in high clleem 
 among the natives here, and ufed fome- 
 timcs alio by our faviour and his apodles, 
 not only a printing-houfe, but a feminary 
 has been credted at Rowe for the culcivadng 
 thereof, and propagating the lame among 
 the youth. 
 
 1 hus, 1 62 2, a Syriac didionary was pub- 
 lilhed at Rome hy John Baptiji Fcrr^rius, 
 
 The Syri- 
 ac Ian- 
 
 guagepro- ^^jj^g ^f gi^„^ ^-n^j ,he Syriac grammar 
 pagated at ,. _ . : ,• j- • j 
 
 Rome. ot Gi'Citgitis Ameira, a iamous divine and 
 
 philoibpher of the college of the Mo.ronites, 
 born near the mount Lrbamts. And 162S, 
 Ahrabamiis EcchcUnfis obliged the world 
 with his Inlrcdn5tion to the Fiindo.mc-.Hah of 
 the Chridian Ic.i'h in the fime language. 
 Whence it is evident that the Roman clergy 
 exceed ours, in their zeal of propagating the 
 Roman religion •, though on die other hand, 
 it mufl be allow'd that their plenty furniflics 
 them with fufHcient opportunities of per- 
 forming of thofe things, which tlie reform- 
 ed mini jhrs for v/ant oi means are forced to 
 let alone. 1 have feen divers books printed 
 with the Porluguife charaders, in the Ma- 
 labar language, tor the inilruftion of the 
 Paruas; one whereof I keep by .me to this 
 day ; though at the fame time I muft con- 
 fels, that in cafe we Ihould follow the fame 
 method in printing with our charadlers, 
 though in their language, it would not have 
 the lame clTect, they being much bigottcd 
 both to the Reman clergy and the Patu- 
 . gutje language ; fo that I have met with 
 fome of the Paruas, who fpoke as good 
 Pcrtuguefe as they do at Lisbon. For the 
 refl, the produfts ot Crangr.nor are the fame 
 as in the other parts ot Malabar, except 
 that now and then they meet with lome 
 gold dull, but in no great quantity. 
 Theiflecf Betwixt the river ol Cra/igancr -.xn'^ that 
 \ sypm. of Cochin lies the ifle of Vaypin. Wjien the 
 Dutch, in February 1662, befieged Cochin 
 the firft time, they ere6led a fort upon the 
 bank of the river, from whence they batter- 
 ed the place, the river being there not 
 above a mufket-fliot over. This fort was 
 c illed the New Orange ; and here we found 
 a goodly edifice, formerly belonging to the 
 b;ihop of the place, as alfo a very large 
 church, in which 1 preached the 29th of 
 Ja7i. 1662. The ifle itfclf is tolerably fer- 
 tile, under the jurifdidlion of the king of 
 Cochin, whofe dominions extend from the 
 2 
 
 river of Cranganor, fix leagues fouth of Cc- 
 
 being 
 
 tbout ten 
 
 chin, tiie whole length 
 leagues. The kings ot Cochin have always 
 kept firm to the Portuguefe interefl, ever 
 fince 'Tritinipara, being conquered by the 
 king of Calecut, fought for refuge among 
 the Poriuguefcs, who reftored him to his 
 kingdom, though he afterwards preferred a 
 private life before his crown. 
 
 Cochin is a very anticnt city -, but was not Cochin, 
 fortify'd till 1504, in the time of the two 
 Albuqiierq^ties, who fet Hiil 1503, from Be- 
 lem in Portugal ; and after many fmart en- 
 gagements with the Sammoryn, Alphonfus 
 returned into Portugal, where he obtained 
 the furname of ^rke Great, his aftions being 
 dcfcribed in a peculiar treatife publifli'd at 
 Lisbon I ^y6, by John Batreira. Soon after 
 the Portuguefes built a church there, and en- 
 tered into a league with the Sammoryn, and 
 the fortifications were confidcrably aug- 
 mented by Edzvard Patie.co, and a wall 
 erefted by L. Vaj'co towartls the fea-fide. 
 In fome years after this ciry began to in- 
 creafe fo confiderably, that it might com- 
 pare witli fome of the befl in Europe, its 
 ler.gth being near two E/igliJJj miles. 
 
 At firft the chriftians and mahometans Ghriflians 
 lived promifciioufly in the city, which oc-^""^ "'^'^°' 
 cafioning frequent difturbanccs; ^Albuquerque ,-^^,^^L^ 
 obtainetl from the king Naubeadora, that together, 
 each fliould have their peculiar quarters af- 
 figned them to live in. In and about the city 
 of Cochin lived alio formerly Ibme Je%tjs, who 
 even now have a fynagogue allowed them 
 without the fortifications ; they are neither 
 white nor brown, but quite black. The 
 Portuguefe hiftories mention, that at a certain 
 time certain blafphemous papers againft our 
 fiviour, with fome fevere rcfledtions againft 
 the jefuit Gonfalvus Pereira (who afterwards 
 fuB'cred martyrdom at Monopa'apa,) being 
 found in a box fet in the great church for 
 the gathering of alms, and the fame being 
 iuppufed to be laid there by fome European 
 Jetvs, who now and then ufed to relbrt thi- 
 ther privately, this gave occafion to intro- 
 duce the inquifuion into Goa. 
 
 Cochin may for its bignefsjuftly challenge 
 the fecond place after Goa among the In- 
 dian cities formerly in the pofieflion of the 
 Portuguefes, though at prefent it is not near 
 lb big as the city oi Batavia. Its fituation lies 
 at ten degrees of north latitude, bordering 
 to the v/elt upon the fea, and the river has 
 about feventeen or eighteen fathom water at 
 high tide •, but its entrance is very difficult 
 in the winter-time, being commonly choak- 
 ed up by the fands which are carried thither 
 by the (tream in the winter-feafon -, which, 
 however, are again removed by the violence 
 of the current in the fummer-time. 
 
 About Cochin, as well as all along the 
 coaft of Malabar, they have every day 
 
 two
 
 1 8. 
 
 Malabar and CoromancIcL 
 
 571 
 
 two forts of winds, "jiz. the land-wind, be- 
 ginning in the evening •, and tiie fea-wind, 
 at ten in the niorning. Cochin is not ac- 
 counted fo wholcfome as mod of the other 
 places featcd on the couft of Malabar, by 
 icafon of its fuuation in low and marlliy 
 grjoiinds, but abounds both in filh and 
 rielli; and its fituation is extremely delight- 
 ful, by reafon of the many brooks and ad- 
 jacent little iflands in the river, wherein 
 nuny of the Portugiiefes have built them- 
 fclves very pleafant fummer-ieats. 
 
 The river runs on the back-fule of the 
 b:-ll houfes of the city, where they catch 
 filh wiih cafting-nets, at which the Chincfcs 
 
 inhabiting here are very dextrous. 
 
 :ient 
 . Lirches 
 ar.J con- 
 vents of 
 e .chin. 
 
 For- 
 
 r he Mala- 
 bar Co- 
 :uin. 
 
 mcrly this city could boaft of divers ftate- 
 ly churches, i^nct dcmolilhed by tliC Dutch. 
 The jefuits church and college flicing the 
 fca-fliore, had a lofty ftceple, and a moft 
 excellent fet of bells : the college, which 
 was three ftories high, and contained about 
 twenty or thirty apartments, being fur- 
 rounded with a (Irong wall. The cathedral 
 was alfo a noble piece of architcfture, ad- 
 orned with two rows of pillars, and a lofty 
 Ileeple. 
 
 The church and convent of ihe Auji in 
 fi iers ftood upon the bank of the river •, and 
 the church of the Dominicans, with their 
 convents, were two rare pieces of workman- 
 fiiip, beautified with a double row of pil- 
 lars of moft excellent Hone. I'he church 
 and monaflery of the Francifcam is the only 
 that remains ffanding as yet, but has no 
 more than tv/o brothers left, who are allow'd 
 the free exercife of their religion. 
 
 The beft houfes of Cochin have their 
 court-yards and gardens belonging to them, 
 mclofed with very thin, yet ftrong and high 
 walls, fo that the neighbours cannot overlook 
 one another. The fimarion ot the city is 
 much more in length than breadth, without 
 any channels in the flireets ; however, that 
 end towards the fea-fiJe is much broader 
 than the other, a^s may be feen by the an- 
 nexed draught ; which alfo reprefenting an 
 cxa6t view of its fortificatiGns we will refer 
 the reader to it. 
 
 The Malabar Cochin 
 
 is feated fomewhat 
 
 the Indian falTiion, 
 
 it is very populous. 
 
 lower, and built after 
 
 with very broad ffreets 
 
 and the royal palace is built with bricks 
 
 and mortar after the European way, with 
 
 apartments very fpacious and lofty ; near 
 
 wiiich ffands the Pagode, with a very large 
 
 ciffern adjoining to it. 
 
 Anno 1662, in February, at the time of 
 our firft landing before Cochin, the Nairos 
 inhabiting hereabouts (notwithflanding we 
 pofitively declared we were no enemies of 
 the king, but only of the Pcrtuguefes) af- 
 fembled in great numbers in this palace 
 and the Pagode, and from thence aflaulted 
 
 our forces; which obliged us to drive thcniBAi,- 
 from thence, with the flaughter of four ^^.y^ 
 hundred on their fide, they fighting very p^^,^ ,,y„. 
 defpcrately, by rcatbn they hati beforehand arcd Nai- 
 intoxicated their brains with very large doles ros flain. 
 of Opium. The old queen of Cochin being The qaeen 
 taken prifoner in the fray, by Henry van of Cochm 
 Rhedc an enfi^n, was kept in fafc cuftody taken pri- 
 for lome time after. 
 
 Afterwards we began to form our attacks 
 againlf the Porlugtieje Chcchin in three levcral 
 places i that on the land-fide near the church 
 of Si. ^Thomas, (which ferved us for a chapel 
 and hofpital,) being commanded by the 
 general in perlbn ; that along the fea-fidc, 
 by 2'sbrand Gotskcn \ and the third, near the 
 river, by the commodore Roothaus. After 
 fome timefpent in making of trenches, and 
 raifing of batteries, it was thought expe- 
 dient to furprize the enemy on that fide 
 near the river. The firft Sunday in February An unfcc- 
 being appointed for that purpofe, captain •^"'i'"' ai- 
 Pclcr IVap was ordered to begin the aifxult J-,^['j^^P=" 
 with a certain detachment at four a clock in 
 the morning: but it being after fun-rifing 
 before they could reach the place, the Por- 
 Uigucfis took the alarm -, and being timely 
 fuftained by frefli troops drawn thither by 
 the ringing of the bells, gave fuch a warm 
 reception to the Hollanders, that after a mofb 
 obftinate engagement, they were forced to 
 found the retreat, with the lofs of divers 
 of their beft men, and among them the 
 belorementioned captain, who was killed by 
 two musket-bullets. The general Ryetos van 
 Goens and the commodore Roothaus were 
 alio both in great danger, the fiift receiving 
 feveral ftiots through liis hair, the lalT: being 
 likely to have been call into a deep well. 
 
 Notwithftanding this difappointmenr, 
 the trenches were carried on with all ima- 
 ginable fpeed, though not without great 
 difficulty, by realbn of the marftiy grouncs, 
 which coft us a good number of men, more 
 than we could conveniently I'pare at that 
 time, when our forces were not a little 
 weakened before, we having left at leall 
 three hundred fick and wounded at Coulang, 
 and a confiderable garrifon at Cranganor, 
 and in the fort of New-Orange on the point 
 of the ifle of Vaypin. We continued, how- 
 ever, to batter the town inceflantly with 
 our great artillery, and to omit nothing we 
 thought might annoy the enemy ; till a 
 whole month being fpent in this fiege, and 
 the number of our men reduced to fourteen 
 hundred, we began to confider of the ap- 
 proaching winter, the uncertainty of the 
 event, and the Vv^ant of feveral things necef- 
 fary to carry on a long fiege ; fo that after 
 mature deliberation, it wasjudged neceflary 
 to raife the fiege, and delay the execution 
 thereof to a more convenient time. 
 
 Accord-
 
 A Defcription of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 Tlie fiegc 
 xaifed. 
 
 Accordingly our cannon, ammunition, 
 and other moveables, being fcnt aboard 
 upon floats, tlie general made a iafe retreat 
 in the night-time, without beat of drum j 
 and the better to cover his dcfign, had 
 gained a certain Jeiv by money to make the 
 clock of St. Jhmas church ftrike as ufually: 
 'I o which alfo contributed not a little the in- 
 genious invention of a certain gunner, 
 named Henry Boer dorp, who went the 
 rounds all night long, and calling, IVho is 
 there ? StiVid, and that in a different tone, 
 deceived the enemies ccniincls, that they 
 
 The re- hid not the leaft ful'picion of our retreat ; 
 
 treat of the fo that all the Dutch forces got fofely 
 aboard, without the lols of as much as 
 one man, except a Ne^ro flave. When the 
 Dutch foldiers lliw the artillery and baggage 
 going on board, they were not a little dil- 
 latisfied thereat -, but being appealed by 
 commodore Roo'.haus, who told them that 
 it was done only to iccure them againft the 
 
 Dutch. 
 
 enemy, who intended to make a general 
 falley, they were afterwards glad to follow 
 their officers diredtions in the retreat. 
 
 It was almoft noon before the Portnguefes 
 were convinced of our retreat, as fulpeding 
 the fame to be only a ftratagem to draw 
 them into an ambufh •, but when they faw 
 us weigh our anchors, they exprefled their 
 joy with the difcharge of their cannon round 
 the walls. The Dutch general having left a 
 fufficient garrifon for the guard of the fort 
 of New-Orange, another a.t Crargaiwr under 
 the command of captain Verfpreet, and con- 
 ftituted Peter dti Pon, a brave foldier, com- 
 mander in chief of all the forces in thofe 
 parts, failed to Coulang ; which place being 
 likewife provided with all neceflaries, he 
 took his courfe towards Batavia, with an 
 intention to give Cochin a fecond vifit in the 
 fpring ; which he did accordingly with bet- 
 ter fuccefs. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The //7c' of Vo\-\wo(i fiirprized by the Chinefes, Cochin befieged a fecond time by 
 //)t' Dutch, is fofced to furrender ; the chief articles of the capitulation. The 
 city made more cornpciB, and fretigthened ivith regular fortifications. The 
 P^oman Qitbcl'ck bijhop of the Chriflians of St. Thomas comes to Cochin. His 
 original bull of indulgifjce. 
 
 F} Y this time we were fufficiently inform'd 
 > of the miferable ftate of our country- 
 men in the ifle of Fonnofa ; (which the 
 Portnguefes would often upbraid us with du- 
 ring the fiege.) A compleat account where- 
 of would be perhaps too tedious, and look- 
 ed upon as beyond our purpofe; therefore I 
 v.il! only, for the fatisfaftion of the reader, 
 infcrt a letter written by the reverend Mr. 
 John Krtiyf minifter ot the gofpel there in 
 the fort of Zealand, and afterwards at Ne- 
 gapatan on the coaft of Coromandel, (where 
 he died,) and direded to me and Mr. A. 
 Breyl my fellow-minifter in thefe parts. 
 
 AFTER my arrival here the 6th of 
 October with my family, I was 
 feized with fo violent a fever, as difabled 
 me to write to you, yet did not hinder 
 me to remember my hearty fervice to 
 you by Mr. Koos, captain of our fhip, 
 and the fadlor Mr. lietif. Whether the 
 fime was brought to you, or not, I am 
 ignorant as yet. 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 (( 
 
 IC 
 
 (C 
 
 « 
 
 having for fome time 
 after been fo dangeroufly ill with my 
 diftemper, that my recovery was almoft 
 defpaired of ; but am now by God's pe- 
 culiar mercy fo fir recovered, that I 
 went iirft to church on nurfday laft, 
 and preached twice thzSunday following, 
 and intend to viCt the lick to-morrow, 
 
 2 
 
 and to adminifter the holy lacrament on 
 Sunday next. To give you a particular Miferable 
 account of the late miferable ftate of the condition 
 ifle of Formofa, is both beyond the °^ J°'' 
 compafs of a letter, and my prefent 
 ftrength ; and though I tremble at the 
 very thoughts of it, yet will I mention 
 the chiefeft tranfadtions : The firft afTaulc 
 of the furious Chinefes was made againft 
 the caftle of Sacam, whereabouts, after 
 they had cut fome of our foldiers in 
 pieces, they took my eldeft fon and my 
 wife's brother, who, though very young, 
 had one of his arms cut oft". The next 
 day our ftiip, called the HeElor, being 
 engaged with a vaft number of Chinefe 
 Joncks, was blown up, and in her fome 
 of our beft foldiers, among whom was 
 alfo my father-in-law "Thomas Pedel. The 
 fort ot Sacam being, after a defence of 
 a few days, forced to furrender for want 
 of frefti water and other necefTaries, the 
 minirters, officers, fchoolmafters, fol- 
 diers, and in general all the inhabitants 
 of the flat country, were forced to make 
 the beft terms they could for thcmfelves. 
 The fquadron of fhips commanded by 
 Mr. Kauw, (after it had for a fmall 
 time rejoiced our drooping fpirits,) be- 
 ing difperfed by tempefts, and the ftiip 
 the Urk forced upoti the fands, and ta- 
 
 " ken
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandcl 
 
 Several 
 
 minifters 
 beheaded 
 by the 
 Chinefes. 
 
 " ken by the enemy, the fame was neither 
 " feen nor heard of in five or fix weeks 
 " after. To be fliort, the whole coiin- 
 ♦' try being over-run by the Chiuefes, our 
 " foklicrs every where routed, Koukerken 
 " laid in aflies in fight of our fort ; fiich 
 " of our countrymen as had not ilcured 
 " themfelves by a timely fiight, fell into 
 " the hands of the mercilcfs enemies, who 
 " liicrificed the reverend Mr. Hamhroek^ 
 " with his fon, and divers others in 'Tilo- 
 " cen, to their fury ; as alfo Mr. Peter 
 " Mus minifter of Favorlang, and Mr. 
 " Arnold IVinjkcim minifter of Sinko.n^ wlio 
 " had their heads cut off, and their wives, 
 " with many others, carried into flavery. 
 " By this there being great want of necef- 
 " firies in the fortrefs, tlie foldicrs died 
 " daily of the bloody liux, fcurvy, and 
 " dropfy ; fo that in nine months time, ha- 
 " ving loft above one thoufand fix hundred 
 " men, both by famine and the fword, we 
 " were forced, (for the prefcrvacion of our 
 " lives) to capitulate. Who can without 
 " tears remember the unexpefted deflrudion 
 " and ruin of fo many fixmilies, and of near 
 " thirty miniffers, partly in their lives, part- 
 " ly in their fortunes, (among whom I had 
 " my fhare, having loll all that I had ga- 
 " thered in fifteen years time,) the lofs and 
 " diflionour of the company, with the un- 
 " fpeakable miferies, among which I reckon 
 " mine none of the leaff, as the 'ofs of 
 " three parts of my library.? All which we 
 " ought to look upon as the effe6fs of 
 " Goii's juft indignation, on account of 
 " our manifold fins. I have no more to 
 " add, than that it is none of the Icaft 
 " among my other affliftions, that matters 
 " are both fo ill reprefentcd, and worfe 
 " taken at Batavia." 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 Your affcdionate collegue, 
 Negapatnam ,3. to fcrve you, 
 
 yoannes Kruxf. 
 
 Oftob. 1662 
 
 But it is time to leave the miferable in 
 the ifle of Formofii, and to come to the 
 fecond fiege of Cochin. Anno 1662. in Sep- 
 te?Kher, Jacob Htiftart, late governor of the 
 Moluques and Ainboyna., and afterwards re- 
 fiding in the fitme quality in Ceylon and 
 Malabar, fet fail from Batavia with a good 
 fquadron of (hips, 7'sbrand Goske commo- 
 dore, for Cochin, leaving Mr. Ryklof Van 
 Gcens at Batavia, by reafon of his ficknels. 
 The fe- but followed foon after. In November we 
 cond fiege began to batter the place moft fijrioufly, 
 of Cochin, being willing to reduce it before we could 
 receive the news of a peace concluded be- 
 twixt us and the Portugiiefes, (which we ex- 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Propofab 
 mr.ije to 
 the be- , 
 fieged. 
 
 Unfuc- 
 cefjful at- 
 tempt of 
 the Dutch. 
 
 pcfted every day), and Iiaving the lafl: year 
 received certain inftructions from the'govcr^ 
 nors of our company to allow free con> 
 merce and liberty of religion to all fuch 
 Portugnefes as would fubmit to us, we pro- 
 pofed to the befiegcti. That they laould be 
 left in full pofTefiion of their churches, (ex- 
 cept one, (provided they would receive a 
 Dutch gairifon. This was not ill rcliflicd 
 by fome •, but Ignatio Scnneuto the gover- 
 nor refufing to comply with it, we rciblved 
 to lole no time to reduce the place by force. 
 Accordingly it was relolvcd in a council 
 of war to alfault it on the river fide at low 
 title -, and to render the paflage the Icfs 
 dilficulr, a great number of lacks filled with 
 iand were prepared to be thrown into the 
 river. But this attempt prove.l unfuccefs- 
 ful, our people meeting with fo hot a re- 
 ception there, that they were glad to think 
 of retreating. But as we had no time to 
 lofe, fo we foon pitched upon another, 
 which was carried on with better fucceis: 
 For that brave commander Peter du Pen be- 
 ing ordered to afiliult the baftion on the 
 bank of the river, he executed his conimif- 
 fion fo fuccefsfully, that (though not with- 
 out great refifiance) he broke through the 
 enemy, and maintained himfelf in fome of 
 the adjacent houfes againll the whole force 
 of the enemy, till being feconded by frefh 
 troops of his own, they put out the white 
 flag, and lent their deputies to capitulate 
 upon the following conditions. 
 
 THE Francifcans to enjoy the free exercife Articles of 
 of their religion under the proteftion of furrendtr 
 the ftates. The clergy to have free liberty to of Cochin, 
 carry away all their images, church-orna- 
 ments, relicks, i^c. and what elle belonged 
 to them. The governor Ignatio Sarmsnlo 
 and his family, together with all the offi- 
 cers, to be received civilly by the Dutch. 
 The garrifon to march out with enfigns dif- 
 pLiyed, drums beating, with bag and bag- 
 gage ; and to be conduced in Dutch vef- 
 iels to Goa, except fuch of the foldiers 
 as were in immediate pay of his majefty, 
 who were to be tranfported to Portugal. 
 Such of the inhabitants as were willing 
 to ihiy behind under the jurifdiction of the 
 Dutch company, to have free liberty to re- 
 main in their full polfeffions. And that care 
 fhould be taken of the fick and wounded. 
 
 All which was punftually performed, and 
 the keys of the city delivered to our general, 
 who foon after entered vi<5torious on horfe- 
 back in great pomp, and order'd a folemn 
 thankfgiving to be made in the great church 
 lately belonging to the jefuits for the con- 
 quelt of fo important a place ; which was 
 done accordingly. 
 
 7 F 
 
 Being
 
 574 
 
 liAI.- 
 DX V S. 
 
 Orders gi- 
 ven by ihc 
 Duich ge 
 neral. 
 
 ^ Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 i 
 
 A Romnn 
 
 bilhop 
 
 over (he 
 
 Chrillims 
 
 here, 
 
 cimics to 
 
 Cochin. 
 
 Being thus become intirely mafters of 
 Cochins after it had been one Inindrcd and 
 fifty years in the pofTellion of the Portuguefcs, 
 the Dutch general made it his chieteft care 
 to ifliic his orders not to molcft the Portu- 
 gtiefes, but to oblerve jxinaually the articles 
 of the capitulation. The next was to de- 
 molilh a certain part of the houfes and 
 churches of the city, in order to draw it m- 
 to a more narrow compafs, and to render 
 the fortifications the more regular, the for- 
 mer requiring too great a number of men 
 to defend them. The king of Cochin being 
 crowned, and divers of the neighbouring 
 petty princes obliged to become his tribu- 
 taries, fcvcra! il riot alliances were made with 
 the neighbouring kings to the fouth of the 
 river of Cochin. 
 
 About the func umcJofephdeSanHn Ma- 
 riay of the order of the Difcalceated Carme- 
 lites^ lent by the pope in quality as a bifliop 
 among the ChrllHans of St. Thomas., came 
 Cm his return into Europe) to Cochin to (ii- 
 lute our general, and was very kindly re- 
 ceived by his excellency. He had two forts 
 of enemies to contend with during his flay 
 in thefe parts : Firlt of all, with the Portu- 
 guefes, who could not brook that any other 
 but their countrymen fiiould be exalted to 
 that dignity ; and that not by the pope, 
 but by their own king; the other was the 
 Archi'dabo, (as the Portu^nefes flile him,) or 
 chief head of the Chri'ftians of St. Thomas 
 hetcaboufs, who being a Negro, would nei- 
 ther iubmit himfelf nor his flock to the i?o- 
 mifi i'jiifdiftion. 
 
 Concerning the Chriftians of St. Thomas, 
 we fliall Ipeak inore at large anon. But to 
 return to the bifliop, brother Jofeph de San- 
 [ia Mario, he was fent from Rome with a 
 bull of indulgence, granted 7<3K. i6. 1660. 
 in the fifth year of Alexander VII. pope of 
 Rome, ftibrcribed by the cardinal Barberi- 
 vi, Jofeph Caetams, &c. the true original 
 whereof being in my cuflody, and containing 
 many things tending to the elucidation of the 
 affairs of the Chrillians of St. Thomas, (of 
 whom we are to treat immediately after,) we 
 thought it not beyond our fcope to oblige 
 the reader wiih the iranflation thereof 
 
 Francifcus, hijhop of Portiia ; cardinal Bar* 
 berini, vice-chancellor of the holy Roman 
 church, and prote£lor of the honourable 
 fraternity of the church cf St. Jerome •, 
 
 Jofephus Caetanus, keeper of both the feals of 
 hisholinefs, referendaiy and prelate; Carolus 
 Antoniusa Puteo, knight ; P'rancifcus Cinus, 
 follicitor general of the court o/Rome ; Jo- 
 hannes BaptiffaValentis, abbot; PetrusBaf- 
 fanus, Carolus dt^Comitibus,Pompejus Se- 
 rinus, Marianus Vecchiarellius, and Joh. 
 Bapr. Ciofanus, commiffoners ; 
 2 
 
 WISH to our dearly beloved bro- Tie b'lU 
 thers and fiflers in Chrifl, of "f '"'^"1- 
 the mofl reverend fraternity of the apo- S^""^^- 
 file of St. Thomas, of the church dedica- 
 ted to that iaint, without the walls of 
 Cochin, founded by legal authority, eter- 
 nal falvation in the lord. 
 " The more than ordinary inclination 
 you have fhewn to piety, charitable 
 works, and other holy cxercifes, have 
 induced us, whoj according to our duty, 
 arc to take care of the filvation of the 
 faithful, and promoting of piety and re- 
 ligious cxercifes, to receive into and 
 unite with our fociety your fraternity in- 
 tended for the exercife of pious and cha- 
 ritable works, and by thele prefents re- 
 ceive you as fuch, and thereby make you 
 partakers of all the indulgences, autho- 
 rity, and other fpiritual gifts granted 
 us by pope Paul V. of happy memory. 
 And the reverend fin her, brother Jo- 
 hannes de Saniifa Maria, frier of the or- 
 der of the difcalceated Carmelites, prefident 
 of your fraternity, havinginyour nameear- 
 neflly fbllicited for the laid reception, and 
 a grant of the indulgences, we the above- 
 mentioned prelates and commiiTioners, 
 relying upon the authority of pope Cle- 
 ment VIII. of happy memory, and his 
 grant of Nov. 7. 1604. and moved with 
 a holy zeal and Chriflian love for the 
 promoting of the true religious worfl^p, 
 we do, by virtue of thefe letters, receive 
 your fraternity, founded according to the 
 apoflolical and canonical inftitution, with 
 the approbation of the moft reverend 
 bifliop, or the ordinary of that place, 
 into our communion and fociety, pur- 
 fuant to the apoflolical authority granted 
 us for that purpofe ; and therefore im- 
 part to the iaid fraternity, and to all its 
 inembers, all the indulgences and other 
 fpiritual gifts, fpecified and granted to 
 our fociety by the faid papal bull of 
 Paul V. to give encouragement to your 
 fraternity for the performance of all forts 
 of pious works, and the obtaining of 
 eternal fiilvation (by God's mercy) after 
 this life. 
 
 [.V. B. The bull of Paul V. being very 
 long, fulfome, and not material, was 
 not thought fit to be inferted.] 
 
 " And it being our full intention, that 
 " all the indulgences, and other fpiritual 
 " gifts granted us at large, as before laid, 
 " fhould be enjoyed by your fraternity and 
 " its members, purfuant to the inftitution 
 " of pope Clement VIII. of happy memory, 
 " we will and command, that thefe our let- 
 " ters fhall have the fame authority, (when 
 
 " pro-
 
 Chap. 20. 
 
 produced,) as if they contained the ori- 
 ginal itfelt For the confirmation where- 
 of, we have ordered this letter to be 
 figned by the fecretary of our fociety, 
 and our leal, together with that ol the 
 protedor tiiercof, to be affixal to it. 
 Given in Rome^ at the ulijal place of our 
 alfembly, in the year after the nativity of 
 our fiviour Jefus Cbrift 1660. of the 
 Xlllth indiition, the i6th ot January 
 in die fifth year of the reign of our holy 
 father Alexander VII." 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 Cardinalis Barbcrir.us protciftor. 
 Jofcph Caetatius prelate. 
 
 Fr and feus Ciniu, '' 
 
 Carolus Autonius ciPuteOy 
 
 AlariiiHus Vccchiarelliv.s. , ^, „. 
 
 n„... r D fr VCommmioncrs. 
 
 letrus Bajjanus, j 
 
 John Bdpt. Ciofanus, 
 
 Philippis dc Rubeis, J 
 
 Andreas Leonius fecretary. 
 
 Bal- 
 
 u;ev s 
 
 C H A P. XX. 
 
 ^he voyages, miracles, and death of St. Thomas the apojlle. "The dodlr'nie of 
 the chrijiians of St. Tliomas; of the Greek, Syriac, and Georgian chri- 
 ftiaiis; of the Ruffiar.';, Neftorians, Jacobites, Coptes, Abyfliiies, Arme- 
 r.lans, Maronites. A good correjpondeiue bet-wixt the eajlern and lueflern 
 churches very nccefjary. 
 
 St. Tho- 
 rn:! s his ar- 
 rival in 
 
 tlie Indies, 
 
 Hisfeve- 
 ral voy- 
 ages. 
 
 * I faw 
 this pillar 
 1662. 
 
 One of St. 
 Jhomaa's 
 iiiiracics. 
 
 IT is tlie gener.il opinion, that the apoflle 
 St. Thomas did come into the Indies, 
 but efpecially into thefe parts : his firll 
 coming was in the ifle ol Socotora, (at the 
 entrance of the Red Sea,) where he con- 
 verted many to the Chriflian faith; it being 
 certain, that to this day many of the inha- 
 bitants flyle themfelves Chrijiians of St. Tho- 
 mas, which alio induced Xaverius to touch 
 at that ifiand in his voyage to the Indies, 
 and, if we may credit John de Lucena, 
 would fain have ftaid there. Y^omSoiOtcra 
 St. Thomas failed to Cranganor, whence, af- 
 ter he had converted many to the Chriftian 
 faith, he v/ent to Coulang. Upon the rocks 
 near the fea-Hiore of Coulang Hands a ftone 
 pillar*, eredted there (as the inhabitants re- 
 port ) by St. Thomas. From Cotdayrg crof- 
 fing the high and dangerous mountains he 
 iraveli'd into Coromandel, where having 
 likewife planted the feed of the golpel, 
 he failed into Chtna; where, alter he had 
 preached the gofpel to the infidels, he re- 
 turned to Maliapour to confirm lome of the 
 new converted Chriftians in their taith, and 
 there fufFer'd martyrdom. 
 
 Maliapour (afterwards called St. Thomas 
 by i\itPortuguefes} was at that time a famous 
 city in Coromandel, where this holy man 
 would fain have built a church, but was 
 prevented by the Brahmans, and their king 
 S again. They relate a very miraculous 
 thing of St. Thomas: The fea having caft 
 up a tree of a vaft bulk, the king, who was 
 defirous to ufe it in the building of a houlc, 
 hatl employed a great number of men and 
 eleph.ants to bring it from thence, but in 
 vain, the wood being not to be moved from 
 the place: St. Thomas flanding by, told the 
 king. That if he would prefent him with 
 
 the piece of wood, he would carry it alone 
 to the city, (then ten leagues from the 
 fliore. The king looking upon him as a 
 mad-man, told him, He fliould do with 
 it what he plcafed. Whereupon St. Thomas 
 tying his girdle to one of the branches, and 
 makmg the fign of the crofs, drew the 
 whole tree after him with a great deal of 
 eafe, followed by a vaft number of people; 
 and coming to the city, eredcd a Hone 
 crofs there, telling the fpedators, That 
 whenever the fea ihould rife up to that 
 place, God would fend certain ftrangers 
 from far ciiftant places to fettle the Cnii- 
 ftian religion here-, which the Portugufes 
 would have to be verified at the time of 
 their coming there. 
 
 St. Thomas having, by this miracle, and 
 the converfion of a vafl number of pagans, 
 arrived to a great authority among them, 
 this fo incenfed the Brahmans, that one of 
 them killed him with his luunce upon a hill 
 near the city, where he ufed to perform his 
 devotion. They had before that accufed Another 
 himfalflyof a murder-, hut St. Thomas ha.- mhAc. 
 ving refufcitated the child from death, he 
 declared his own father to have been his 
 inurderer; which had fo powerful an in- " 
 iiuence upon many of the chief men of the 
 country, and the king himfelf, that they 
 received baptifm. Some fay that St. Tho- 
 mas was killed at Calaminha, by miftaking 
 this word lor Calurmina, i. e. upon a ftone; 
 Calur fignifying in the Malabar language a 
 ftone, and Mina upon, St. Thomas having 
 been flain upon a rock : whence it is, that 
 if to this day you afk one of the Chriftians 
 diSi.Tbomas, where St.Thomas fufl'ered mar- 
 tyrdom, they will tell you, A'laliapotir Ca- 
 lurmina, at Maliapour upon the ftone, where
 
 57^ 
 
 A Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. 20. 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 •Tom 
 •557 
 
 . 1. 
 
 mas was 
 try -, ir. was 
 aiul 
 
 in 
 
 thefe uncertain rela- 
 
 way (founded upon 
 
 is, that St. 'Thomas 
 
 he was ftoned, and at lafl run through with 
 a launce. 
 
 They tell you of a certain crofs made by 
 his blood, and a vaft number of miracles 
 wrought by it, for which I will refer my- 
 fclf To Lucena, Oforius, and Baronius*. 
 The Chrillians of St. Thorns teach their 
 children in their very inl^mcy thefe follow- 
 ing heads concerning Sr. Thomos. St. Tho- 
 the man who iirft abolinied idola- 
 he who converted the Chinefes 
 Negroes; it was he that baptized them, 
 and taught them the true iiiith, and to pro- 
 fefs God the Father, the Son, and Holy 
 Ghofl. They alfo tell you, that he con- 
 verted the three kings of the eaft, (one of 
 whom, called Pcrumal, they fay was king 
 of Ceylon,) and that St. Thomas'^ body was 
 transferred from Maliapour to Ede]]a 
 Mefopotamia. 
 
 But fetiing afide all 
 tions, the molt fecure 
 no imall probabilitie.s) 
 was aflually in thefe parts, and converted a 
 great number of people to the Chriftian 
 faith: which contradicts that bold liiTer- 
 tion of the Roman Catholicks, that all na- 
 tions have received the Chriftian faith from 
 Rome; it being beyond all queftion, that at 
 the time of the arrival ot the Porlnguefes in 
 thofc parts under de Gama, the inhabitants 
 declared rhemfelves to be Chriftians h-om 
 mofl ancient times, defiring the protedlion 
 of the king of Por/«_g-«/againft the pagans, 
 and in token of their obedience prelent- 
 ed him with a filver fceptre gilr. Nay, 
 ^'2'"''°3''= the church of Rome cannot boaft of that 
 honour, even of all parts of Europe itfelf; 
 fincc the kings of England and Scotland, 
 Lucius and Donaldus, embraced the Chri- 
 ftian faith one hundred and twenty-four 
 years after our faviour's nativity, without 
 having the ieafl: communication with the 
 church of Rome; whence Ter/i!l!icin rightly 
 ftys, Brilannorum loca Romnnis inaccejja 
 Cbrijlo fubdila fun!. And Cypriamis fays to 
 the fame purpofc, two hundred and forty 
 years after the birth of Chrift, That the 
 vine-branches of the gcfpcl have fpread them- 
 felvcs beyond the extent of the Roman empire. 
 Thus Dsrotheus, bifliop of Tyrus, under the 
 reign of Conjlantine the Great, pofuively af- 
 ferts. That the chamberlain of queen Can- 
 diice did introduce the gofpel into Ceylon 
 and the Happy Arabia. 
 
 The Chrillians of St. Thomas remained 
 many years in the primitive purity of the 
 Chriilian religion, till in time, for want of 
 paftors, they began to be infefted 
 fterwaius with fome pagan fuperftitions, and were in 
 reftored to moft imminent danger of lofing the rem- 
 tlieir pri- ^ants of the truths of the gofpel, had not 
 ritv ^ ^" Mar tome, a native of Syria, taken care of 
 the decay'd ftate of Chriftianity in thefe 
 
 of the 
 church of 
 Rome. 
 
 The Chri 
 ftiaiis of 
 St. Tho- 
 mas de- 
 cay'd, and 
 
 parts; and being feconded in his endea- 
 vours by divers other teachers out of Syria, 
 Babylonia, Chaldea, and Egypt, the Syriac 
 language was introduced, and the former 
 purity of religion rcfbored among them, till 
 in time the Ncflorian herefy got footing in 
 Syria, and was from thence tranfplanted hi- 
 ther, as is fufficiently evident from the re- 
 cords of the Malabars. 
 
 This Martome (fignifying in their lan- 
 guage as much as lord Thomas) being much 
 refpetlcd by the kings of Cranganor and 
 Conlang, and by the Chrillians ot St.Thomas 
 in general, was declared by them their 
 
 head : and the bifliops of Cochin, Coulang, ^^d their 
 
 own bi- 
 
 rity. 
 
 or, being after v^'ards fent for „ 
 thefe introduced the Syriac 
 
 and Cj-ang 
 out of Syria, 
 language, and acknowledged the patriarch 
 of Alexandria or Babylon i'or their metropo- 
 litan, till at Lift they fubmitted to the 
 pope of Rome; for the fupreme ecclefiafli- ^^j^^q^^, 
 cal head of \\\t Indians (at the perfuafion ledge the 
 of the Pw/a_g-«(yaJ did, 1562. acknowledge j^riiyic- 
 the iijpremacy of the pope of Rome, pro- ''°" °^ 
 vided they might continue in the former °'"^' 
 free exercife of their religion, which was 
 confirmed in the lynod of Goa, where they 
 would not confcnt to the Ieafl alteration of 
 any of their church-ceremonies. But af- 
 ter the deceafe of this bifhop, his fuc- 
 cefTor, 1599. embraced, with the refl of 
 his clergy, in another fynod, the Roman 
 fciith. 
 
 The Chriffians of St. Tho-mas inhabit for Where the 
 the mofl part on the coafl of Malabar, Chrillians 
 about Cranganor, Cochin, Conlang, Tra- ^. 
 "vancor, and fome in Coromandel, amount- inhabit, 
 ing in all to a confiderable number. Before 
 they were united with the church of Rome, 
 they were infcifled with the Ncflorian herefy, 
 as lome are flill to this day; whence it is 
 that they deny the two natures in the perfon 
 of Chrifb. This Neflorius was bifhop of 
 Conflantinople, and Entyches Archimandrit 
 was abbot in the flime city. His doc- 
 trine was received at firfl in the couiicil of 
 Ephefus, by the interefl of Chryfapius, (to 
 pleale Eudoxia the em.prefs,) lord-chamber- 
 lain to Thecdcjius the emperor; but Chiy- 
 fapius being flain at the inftigation of Pul- 
 chcria, the fifler of the emperor, the fame 
 was afterwards condemned in another fynod 
 g{ Ephefus, held in the year 431. two years 
 after the death of St. Auftin, wherein Cyril 
 bifliop of Alexandria prcfided, as the be- 
 fore-mentioned council of Epheftis, and the 
 doctrine of Entyches was condemned in the 
 council of Chalcedon, 451. 
 
 For the refl, the ancient Cliriflians of St. Theirdoc- 
 Thomas did adminifler the holy facrament trine, 
 in both kinds, ufing fait, bread, and the 
 juice of raifins inftead of wine. It was a very 
 ancient cuflom among them, not to bap- 
 tize their children till they were forty days 
 
 old.
 
 Chap. 10. 
 
 Malabar and Coromaiidel. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Many fcfls 
 n theliall. 
 
 I. The 
 
 Greeks. 
 
 z. The 
 
 Vlekhites. 
 
 » See Ni- 
 ceph.Hift. 
 EccI.l.iS. 
 z. 58. &1. 
 z8. C.45. 
 
 3. The 
 Georgi- 
 
 4. The 
 Ruilians. 
 
 5. The 
 
 Nertori- 
 
 old, except in cafe of imminent danger of 
 life. They ufed no undtion, neither any 
 images, except that they had crolTes in their 
 chui'ches. I'heir priefts were forbid to 
 marry a fecond limc. They were declared 
 enemies of Cyril of Alexandria, a great an- 
 tagonilt ol che Neftorians, but reverenced 
 Nejiorius and D!ofiorus as flints. Tiiey did 
 not acknowledge the fuperiority of the pope 
 of Rome, and ufcd the Sjriac New I'ella- 
 nient in their cliiirches. 
 
 As divers religions have been broached 
 of late years in Europe, fo there arc many 
 fc(5ls of ancient (landing in the Eaji. The 
 chiefeft of thcfe are the Greeks, who ac- 
 knowledge the patriarch of Conftantinople 
 for their head, viz. thole of Natalia, (ex- 
 cept Armenia and Silicia,) Grecia, Ruffia, 
 Bulgaria, Servia, Bofuia, IValacbia, Mol- 
 davia, Podolia, and Mufcovia. 
 
 The next are the Mekbiles, the mofl: nu- 
 merous of all the feels in the Eaft: they are 
 CAMedSyriaris from Syria, and A-:!eLhiles hy 
 their enemies, becaufe they conformed them- 
 felves in their religious worihip, according 
 to tlie emperor's orders. * They acknow- 
 ledge for their head the archbifliop of Da- 
 mafcus, who anciently had his refidence at 
 Antioch. 
 
 The third fefl is that of the Georgians, 
 inhabiting the ancient Iberia between the 
 Euxine and Cafpian feas. Some would have 
 them to be called Georgians, becaufe, as 
 they fay, they reverence S:. George as their 
 patron i but erroneoufly ; \.\\t Georgians \\x- 
 ving been mentioned both by Pliny and 
 Mela, long before St. George was known. 
 They are of the lame religion with the 
 Greeks, and have eighteen bilhops of their 
 own, befides a metropolitan. 
 
 The fourth fe6l is the Rujfw.ns, who 
 likewife profeft the Greek religion, denying 
 with them the proceeding of the Holy Ghoft 
 from Father and Son, the main point in 
 queflion betwixt the eaftern and weftern 
 churches. 
 
 The fifth fe£l of the Nejlorians follow 
 the heretical doftrine of Nejiorius, and live 
 for the mofl part among the Pagans and 
 Mahometans in Babylon, AJJ'yria, Mefopo- 
 tamia, Parthia, Media, &c. Nay, Paulus 
 Venetus affirms, that they are found from 
 the north fide oi Cataja to the mofl foutherly 
 parts of the Indies; fo that on the eaft fide 
 beyond the river Tigris fcarcc any other 
 Chrillian iedl is to be met with: the reafon 
 whereof they alledge to be, that Co/roes 
 king of Perfia, a declared enemy of the 
 emperor Heracluis, forced all his fubjcfts to 
 embrace this doctrine. The patriarchal feat 
 of the Nejiorians is at Muz.il, a city of Me- 
 fopotamia upon the river Tigris, now fubjeft 
 to the Turks; notwithflanding which it 
 has forty thoufand Chrifiians, and tifteen 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 churches. Some of the Ne/icriatts did fub- B a t.- 
 mit to the Roma:!! juriQiQ.\on under pope°'*",'' 
 Julius III. who was creued pope 1550. and "'^^ 
 reigned five years. And the patriarch Ab- 
 diefu, who was invcfteti with tiie cpifcopal 
 dignity by pope Pius IV. vvasprcfcnt at the 
 council of Trent. 
 
 The fixfh is that of i\\e: Jacobites^ having 6. The J3- 
 got their name from one Jacob, a native of cobites. 
 Syria, and a follower of the dodrinc of 
 Eutyches c^^o. according to Nicephorus and 
 Damafcenus. They inhabit ior the moll 
 part mSyria^ Aleppo, Cyprus, Mefopotamia, 
 Babylon and Palefiina, whence the patri- 
 arch of Jerufalcm is alfo a Jacobite; but 
 the patriarch of the Jacobites refides at Ca- 
 rantit, an ancient noted city in Mefopotamia. 
 They acknowledge but one nature in Chriff, 
 make the fign of the crofs with one finger 
 only; they mark their young children with 
 the fign of the crofs by means of an hot 
 iron; life both b.iptifm and circumcifion, 
 and rejeft the purgatory, it being their 
 oi)inion that the foul remains with the boiiy 
 under ground till the day of judgment; and 
 that the angels are compolcd of a fiery and 
 lucid fubftance. 
 
 Tiie feventh are the Coptes, or Egyptian 7- T'f'C 
 Chriftians, being rather the name of a na- C°P'"- 
 tion, than belonging to ar,y peculiar reli- 
 gion: they are the lame with the Jacobites, 
 the word Cophihi being the fame with 
 jEgophli; tor notwithflanding the doctrine 
 of Eulyches. was condemned in the council 
 of Chakedon, and Diofcorus patriarch of 
 Alexandria depofed upon that fcorc, the 
 fame took deep root in the eaflern parts, 
 and more efpccially in Egypt. Thck Egyp- 
 tians (according to Tecla Maria, an Abyj],ne 
 prieft) agree in point of doclrine with the 
 Abyjjincs, and acknawledgc the juriilii6lion 
 of the patriarch of Alexandria, whole refi- 
 dence is now at Cairo. 
 
 The eighth (cCt is that of the Ahyjfines, g. The A- 
 or Mediterranean Ethiopians, being generally b^ffines. 
 Jacobites, whence their king (called eiione- 
 oufiy by fome * Preftcr John) is ftyled the *Preftegan 
 Prince of the Jacobites. They rejed abfo- ^^^' ''"^ ''" 
 lutely the council of Chakedon, and will al- |,|f,°^„^ 
 low it no place in their writings. To their Afijtick 
 patriarch they give the naine of Albuna, i. e. prince: 
 our father, who muft be a native out of the *°'"^ "'i!' 
 territories of Alexandria, and of St. Anthony' i p^)'^^" * 
 order, for it is obfervable, that all the pa- wo'rd!" 
 triarchs and bifliops in the Eofl, are either 
 of the order of St. Bafil bifhop of Cefaria 
 and Ciippadocia, or elfe of the order of St. 
 Anthony. The patriarchs of Conjlajitinople^ 
 Antiocbia, and Armenia, are of the order of 
 Si. Ba/il; thole of Alexandria and Ethiopia, 
 as alio thofe of the Jacobites and Mannilcs, 
 of St. Anthony's order ; but the patriarchs of 
 the Nejlorians are promifcuofiy of eiilier 
 of thele two orders. The Abyjfines have 
 7 G "ior
 
 573 
 
 A Dcfcriptm of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. 2.0. 
 
 B A L- lor tlieir head the patriarch of Ethiopia : 
 D >T u s. they arc rcbaptized once every yc.'.r, on the 
 ^''^"^ 1 2th (.lay, us indeed are moft of the other 
 eaftern Cliriftians. They follow tlie rules ot 
 the old tL-ftament in reference to clean and 
 unclean things. It is obfervable that, con- 
 trary to the ciiflom of all the other eallern 
 Chriftians, (except the Armenians,) they ufe 
 unleavened bread in the holy iacrament : 
 though fome affirm, that this is only done 
 on ffjurfday in the holy week, and that at 
 other times they ufe leavened bread. All 
 perfons, both ecclefiaftical and civil, take 
 and receive the facrament {landing; and 
 that always in the church, the king him- 
 felf not being difpenfed with in this point : 
 the pricft gives the bread, and the dea- 
 cons the wine -, and that day the f-icrament 
 is received ( which is generally once a 
 week J they are forbidden to fpit. They 
 baptize both with fire and v/ater ; be- 
 fides which, they circumcife their children 
 on the eighth day ; and tiiat both fexes, 
 no: according to the manner of the Jeti's, 
 but after the Mahometan way -, v/hence it 
 feems as if it were radier a cuflom than a 
 point of religion. And if we deduce their 
 original irom the ancient Elhicpians, Hero- 
 dotus tells us, that they uied to pradife the 
 fame in very ancient times ; if from the A- 
 rabians, the matter is fufficiently evident, 
 the Arabians being defcended from IJhmael, 
 though they are generally ambitious to trace 
 their origin rather from Sarah than Hcgar. 
 For the reft, they rejeft purgatory and 
 prayers for the dead ; as alfo all traditions, 
 looking upon the word of God as the only 
 rule of faith •, bur, with the Jacobites, allow 
 no more than one nature in Chrift. Of the 
 religion of the Abyjfines, Damian a Goes, 
 Athanaf. Kircher, Alvarius, and others, 
 have given a more ample account. 
 9. The The ninth feft is that of the Armenians, 
 Armcni- jn great efteem among the Mahometans, by 
 ^"^* reafon of their traffick and riches ; though 
 
 fome alledge another reafon, vi%. that an 
 Armenian did {oxzx.t\M.ahomct''i, future great- 
 nefs. In the year 1656, a ccnam Armenian 
 merchant, named Goja Salomon, a very grave 
 and fober perfon, travelled in our company 
 to Macaffar, where we were to treat about 
 a peace with the king, and he to fetch fome 
 money due to him from the DaniJJj compa- 
 ny, who gave us feveral needful inftruc- 
 tions, concerning both the ecclefiaftical and 
 political afi'airs of the Armeni::ns. They 
 anciently belonged to the jurifdiftion of 
 the patriarch of Confiantinople, purfuant 
 to a decree of the council of Chalcedon ; 
 but afterwards having withdrawn them- 
 felvcs from the Greek church, fet up two 
 patriarchs of their own, viz. one in the 
 Greater, the other in the Leffer Armenia. 
 We were told that they adminifter the fa- 
 
 crament to the very infants •, whereas the 
 Ruffuuis don't allow it to children under le- 
 ven years of age. They declare pofitively 
 againll the purg;itory and tranfubflantia- 
 tion. They rebaptize fuch as turn to their 
 religion from the weflern churches : they 
 don't allow any happinefs to the ibuls of 
 the decealed till after the day of judg- 
 ment. 
 
 The tenth fed is that of the Maronites, ,0 Thg 
 having got their name, not from the famous Maro- 
 heretick Maron, (as William Tyrius and Pra- lites. 
 teoliis talfly imagine,) but from a certain ho- 
 ly man, in certain ancient records, mention 
 being made of the convent of St. Maron, 
 the triers whereof v/ere called Maronites : 
 fome of them inhabit in Aleppo, Damafats, 
 Tripolis, Syria, and Cyprus; but their chief 
 feat is the mount Libanus, whofe whole 
 compafs being computed of feven hundred 
 leagues, but in molt places rocky and bar- The 
 ren, is inhabited by about twelve thoufand mount 
 families of the Maronites, who pay to the L'banus 
 grand feignior feventeen crowns /)jr cw/z/wl" V'^ 
 a-piece for every head that is above twelve jv-jaro- 
 years old ; and a crown a-year for each piece nites. 
 of ground cf fixteen fpans in the fquare. 
 The m.ountain is of fuch a height, that it 
 may be difcovered at forty leagues diftance. 
 The patriarch of the Alaronites has eight or 
 nine fuffraganean bifhops, he himfelf being 
 always a frier of the order of St. Anthony, 
 and refides fometimes near the mount Liba- 
 mis, in a convent of St. Anthony, fometimes 
 at Tripolis. The Maronites are at prefent g^g ^-jj 
 under the juri'didtion of the fee of i?w2^ ; Xyrius d'e 
 and pope Gregory XIII. (the fame whoBel. Sacr. 
 caufed the alteration of the new ftile to be'"'^-^"- 
 inferted in the almanack) erefted a college ^^^' 
 of the Marc%ites at Rome. The Maronites 
 agree with the Greek church in this opinion, 
 that the Holy Ghoft proceeds only from 
 the Father ; that every foul was created in 
 the beginning. They look upon a female 
 infant as unclean for eighty days after its 
 birth, and the males for forty, which is the 
 reafon they don't baptize them before that 
 time; and adminifter the ftcrament to the 
 children foon after they are baptiz'd. They 
 don't carry the ftcrament in procefllon, and 
 allow not of a fourth marriage ; but don't 
 ordain any priefts or deacons without they 
 are married before ; and allow a parent the 
 power of annulling the marriage of his fon 
 or daughter, if the fame be done with- 
 out his confent. Beatitude they do not 
 believe till after the day of judgment. 
 For the reft, they follow the opinion 
 ot the Monothelites, that there is but one 
 nature in Chrift. The Maronites had 
 united themfelves four hundred years ago 
 with the fee of Rome ; but when Saladyn, 
 king of Egypt and Syria, did conquer thofe 
 parts, the Maronites relinquilhed the Ro- 
 
 mcin
 
 Chap. 20. 
 
 Alalabar and Coromanclel. 
 
 The eaft- 
 ern cliur- 
 ches deny 
 the fupre- 
 macy of 
 the Ro- 
 man {ce. 
 The 
 Greeks 
 ufed al- 
 ways five 
 days be- 
 fore Ea- 
 fter to ex- 
 communi- 
 cate the 
 pope. 
 
 In what 
 language 
 the Chri- 
 flians wor. 
 fhip God. 
 
 man communion, till they were re-united to 
 them a fecond rime underCri.g^fjrvXIII. and 
 Clement VIII. Of the Si. Thomas Chriaians 
 v*e have ipoken before. 
 
 Among all thefe eaftcrn fefls, there are 
 few who teach any points contrary to lalva- 
 tion, except thofe o\ Ncjforius and Eutyches; 
 for they execrate the adoration of images, 
 rcjfd purgatory, allow marriage to the cler- 
 gy, adminiUer the lacramcnc to the laity in 
 both kinds, deny tranfubllantiation, and do 
 not acknowledge the jurifdidlion of the fee 
 of Rome. 
 
 Miijfccus relates, that the patriarcli of the 
 Abyjjtnes being defired by their king to dif- 
 pute with the jefuit /^(>/t.T?^/<;, told the king, 
 "•That he would net enter into difpute with an 
 heretick, and charged the king, under pain 
 oi eternal damnation, not to read their 
 writings. It is beyond all difpute, that 
 the Coptes avoid the Latin church as much 
 as the Jens. Cardinal Baronius tells us in- 
 deed, thii Marcus, patriarch oi Alexandria, 
 did fend his deputies to pope Clement VIII. 
 in order to fubje(5l himfelf and all E^'pt to 
 the papal chair; but the fame proved abor- 
 tive, and proved no more than a compli- 
 ment in the end. See Thomas a Jefuit, I. vii. 
 c. 6. Whence it is evident, that fetting 
 afide the doiitrine of the Holy Ghoft pro- 
 ceeding from the father only, they are fub- 
 jeft to not near fo many errors as the Ro- 
 man catholicks. 
 
 The eallern Chriftians exercife their reli- 
 gious worfhip in different languages. Some 
 are of opinion that all the primitive Chri- 
 ftians, for one luindr-ed and twenty years af- 
 ter Chrifl's nativity, viz. till the reign of 
 Hadrianus the emperor, ufed only one lan- 
 guage, viz. the Hebrew, but without any 
 certainty. Certain it is, that the Arme- 
 nians have a tranflation of the bible into 
 their own language ; which by fome is at- 
 tributed to ChryJ'cjtcm while in exile. Alva- 
 res affirms that the Airyffines have tranflated 
 the bible into their own language, and fo 
 have the Ruffians, or Mtifcovites, contrary 
 to what is pradtifed by the Romans ; for 
 pope Pius IV. put the bible among the pro- 
 hibited books. And Erajmus, in his letter 
 to Charles Utenhofer, tells him, that Lewis 
 Berquin was, 1529, burnt at Paris, for no 
 other reafon, but his having afierted, that 
 the bible might he tranflated into the vulgar 
 tongue, and read liy the common people -, not- 
 withftanding St. Jerom and Cbryjojlom had 
 employed then'.felves m tlie work. 
 
 The other eaftern Chriftians perform their 
 religious fervice in the Greeiiy -Latin, and 
 Chaldean languages ; and ufe divers litur- 
 gies, as thole compoled by Petrtts, Jacobus, 
 Sixttis, i£c. Whence it is evident, that it 
 would be no very difficult talk to fettle ^l^ 
 good mutual correfpondence betwixt them 
 
 and the proteftant churches of £/.'/r/)?, which 
 has been too much negleftcd hitherto, 
 though we have had feveral opportunities 
 given us by the eaftern Chriftians to embiace 
 lb ufeful a defi^n. Thus (as Camcrarius tells 
 us) the Greeks of Conjtan'.inopk did encou- 
 lagc the Bohemians and Hi'ffites againft the 
 Roman Catholicks. Jofiph, patriarch of 
 Conftantinople, fent one Demetrius a de.icon, 
 to IVittemburgh, to confer with the divines 
 there concerning an union, who carried a 
 Greek copy of the Augujlan confefllon back 
 with him to Conftantinople. At the fynod 
 of Thorn in Poland, 1595, certain deputies 
 lent by the Greek Chriftians appeared to ex- 
 hort to a unity, and endeavour a reconci- 
 liation betwixt the Cahinifts and Luihcrans. 
 And in the year 1616, Cyril, patri.vch of 
 Alexandria, fent one of his priefts to George 
 Abbot, the famous archbiftiop di Canterbury, 
 in order to have him inftrucled in the uni- 
 verfity of Oxford in the true principles of 
 the protelrant churches. Neither ought we 
 to pafs by in filence the confeffion of Cyril, 
 patriarch of Conftantinople, of liis adhe'ring 
 to the dodrine of Calvin, which drew up- 
 on him the hatred of the jefuits, who could 
 not reft fatisficd till they had underhand 
 procured his death, 1638. 
 
 His letter writ upon that fubje5i to a certain 
 friend of his, and preferved by the learned 
 Andrew Rivet, is as follows : 
 
 PE R C I O ho voluto fcriver a V. R. 
 e proteftarvi che mi fiate teftimo- 
 nio fe jo more, que jo more Catholico 
 Orthodoxo, nella tede del N. S. Jcfu. 
 Chrifto nella dottrina Evangelica confor- 
 me la Confcffone Bclgica la confelTione 
 mia e la altra dclle chiefe Evangelice che 
 Ibni tutti conformi. Abhorrifco li er- 
 rori delli Papifti, e le fuperftitione delli 
 Greci, provo e abraccio la dottrina del 
 ■dottore meritiflimo Giovanni Calvino e de 
 tutti che fentono con lui, in qucfto voglio 
 che mi fiate teftimonio, per che con fin- 
 cera confcienza cofi tengo, cofi profeflb 
 e confefTo como anco la mia confeflione 
 moftra, e recommando a vos quefto de- 
 pofito, calb che morlFi, di tarne parte- 
 cipi Tutti li fratelli Chriftiani Ortho- 
 doxi : e mi recommando alle preghiere 
 di V. R." 
 
 579 
 
 B A L- 
 OJE V 9. 
 
 A corre- 
 
 Ipor.dence 
 
 with the 
 
 ealUrij 
 
 Chriilians 
 
 neceiVary. 
 
 Alii 15-25. Marzo. 
 
 Cyrillo Patriareha di CcnftantinopoU. 
 
 Which tranflated into Englilh runs thus : 
 
 " ^TpHcrefore I was willing to declare to 
 " J. you, and defire you to be my wit- 
 " neis, that in cafe I die an Orthodox Ca- 
 
 " tholick. 
 
 Letter of 
 the pitri- 
 arch of 
 Conlianii- 
 nopl.;.
 
 J. Defer ipt ion of the Coajis of 
 
 Chap. 2L 
 
 iboUck, and in the purity of the faith 
 taught by Jefus Chrift, agieeablc to the 
 " Confcffmi of faith of liie church of the 
 " Uniud Provinces, mine being uhogether 
 " the fume with theirs, and with the other 
 " evangelical cluirches. I abhor the errors 
 " of tiie RonuiH church, and the fuperlli- 
 " tions of the Greek, but approve and cm- 
 " brace the d.octrine of the moft worthy 
 " John Calvin, and of all thofe that have 
 " the fame fentiments with him. 1 call you 
 " to witnefs, that I believe, confefs, and 
 " attefl the fime by thefe prefents, recom- 
 " mending this my confellion to your care, 
 " in order to communicate the fame (in 
 " cafe of my death) to all truly-be- 
 " lieving brethren, and myfelf to your 
 " prayers." 
 
 March 15-25. 
 
 Cyril, Patriarch of Conjtaniinople. 
 
 As the preceding letter is a convincing 
 proof of the ftedfaftnefs of Cjr//, in his ad- 
 hering to the doftrine of Calvin, fo out of 
 what hath been faid before, it is evident 
 that mod of the eaftern Chriftians have an 
 
 averfian to the Roman religion. And I re- 
 member that Baijamin the Jew, in his tra- 
 vels, makes the lame obfervation, in particu- 
 lar, in refped of the patriarch of Conjianii- 
 nople. In the year 1664, being at Cochin, 
 I addrelled mylelf to Mr. Jacob Hiijiart, our 
 general, to grant leave to the archdeacon, 
 or chief of the Chriftians of St. Thomas in 
 cccleliallical affairs, to come ihithcr, in or- 
 der to have a Irec conference with him : 
 which being readily granted, he fent his 
 letter to the archdeacon for that purpofe •, 
 but he excufed hinifelf, alledging, (and not 
 ■without reafon,) That we having given fo 
 extraordinary a reception to the Roman bi- 
 fliop, Jojeph de Santa Maria, he could not 
 appear in pcrfon among us, without his pre- 
 judice, to my great diffatisfailion, being 
 extremely forry it was not in my power to 
 perform my promife made in my letters to 
 the States general 1662. And upon this 
 occafion I cannot, without praife, mention 
 the generous zeal of the Suites general, who 
 at their own charge did order to have the 
 New Teilament and our Catechifm tranfla- 
 ted in the tongue uled ainong the modern 
 Greek Chriftians, the fame being very diffe- 
 rent from the ancient Greek language. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 A dcfcription of the kingdom e/' Pcrcatti, and Calccoulang. CouL.ng /livVt' taken 
 by the Hollanders. The nature and manner of living of the Nairos. '^The 
 Paruas 7nade Chrifliam. Extraordinary zeal of Don John king of Portugal. 
 
 ,p,,g ^-p H E kingdom of Percatti (called by 
 kingdom -1 fome Porca) begins about four or five 
 cf Porca. leagues to the fouth of Cochin, and extends 
 to Coulang, its whole leng.h being about 
 twelve leagues. 
 .pj,g In the year 1 642, the Dutch appeared the 
 
 Dutch firft time in this place, and treated with 
 treat with the then king of Siani, Baatchery Vaiilaar, 
 that king, ^^^j^q ^yjjg noc above twenty- three years of 
 age,) concerning a free trade with pepper. 
 Which the king was very glad to accept 
 of, being three years paft ingaged in a war 
 with the Portiigitefes, who had feized upon 
 part of his dominions, and would have 
 erefted fome fortifications there. He de- 
 livered to our deputies a fealed letter, di- 
 refted to the general and great council of 
 the Indies, in which he requefted, that we 
 would a: leafl once a year fend thither a 
 fhip freighted with fuch commodities, as 
 before thai time ufed to be carried to Cana- 
 nor and Calecut : whereupon an interpreter 
 was fent aboard the next day, to defire a 
 palTport from his majefty for fuch of our 
 fliips as palled that way ; which was gran- 
 ted. 
 
 The king who reigned here 1664, of 
 whom Mr. Jacob Hnfart and I had audience 
 at that time, was about twenty-four years 
 old, a very adfive and well-limbed perfon, 
 his hands, feet, and ears adorn'il with jewels 
 of a great value. Formerly they ufed to 
 tranfport their pepper from hence 10 Mocha; 
 but fince that time the Englifh have traffick- paaory 
 cd there in that commodity, who had their of the 
 fa(5loryjuft upon the lea-fhore. The great- Englifh, 
 efl ftrength of this king confiffs in about 
 five hundred fmall galleys, wherewith in 
 the rainy feafon, when the rice-fields lie 
 under water, he ufed to make his excur- 
 fions from the utmoft point of the cape of 
 Comoryn as far as Panane, and efpecially 
 to annoy the king of Cochin. He proved 
 a troublcfome neighbour to the Dutch com- 
 pany, till by the terror of their arms they 
 brought him to fubmifTion, having in the 
 fiege of Cochin fided with the Portuguefes 
 againft us. 
 
 Deeper into the country live abundance 
 of Chriftians, converted by the Portuguefes : 
 . they get their livelihood by managing and 
 gathering the pepper ; which they are ob- 
 liged
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 581 
 
 liged to fell to the king's fador, a Brah- 
 
 wan. 
 
 The air 
 
 m«hclc- 
 unie. 
 
 :^alecou- 
 lang. 
 
 Coalang. 
 
 ! The air 
 
 very 
 'whole- 
 
 ibme. 
 
 The inha- 
 bitants 
 treache- 
 rous. 
 
 A pagan 
 temple 
 plundered 
 by the 
 Portu- 
 guefes in 
 time of 
 peace. 
 
 The air of this countiy being accounted 
 extremely unwholefome, hence it is, that 
 mofl: of the inliabitants are troubled with 
 fwelled legs ; tlie caufe whereot they attri- 
 bute to the nitrous water, which they ufe 
 for their common drink : blindncfs is alio an 
 ordinary diltemper here. For the rell, the 
 ground is exceeding fertile, and very fit 
 for tillage -, fo that moft of the inhabitants 
 live upon hufbandiy, efpecially ot rice. 
 
 The next adjoining kingdom is that of 
 Ccilec6u!a?ig, of no great extent : here the 
 Dutch company has had their faftory many 
 years ago, which ufed to buy up a great 
 quantity of pepper in thefe parts. 
 
 The Icaft among the Malabar kingdoms 
 is that of Coidang, extending to the utmoil 
 point of the cape Comoryn, about fifteen or 
 fixteen leagues in length. The city of Cou- 
 lang was firft built by the Portuguefes, be- 
 ing much of the fame bignefs as Puntegale 
 in the ifle of Ceylon, having no lefs than fe- 
 ven churches, fome very good houfes, and 
 many thoufands of trees, efpecially towards 
 the fea-fide. This city is reckoned one of 
 the wholefomeft on the whole coafl of Ma- 
 labar, by reafon of its pure air, and moft 
 excellent fprings. The Portuguefes at their 
 firft coming ereftcd only a ftrong houfe, to 
 defend themfelves in cafe of neceflity againll 
 the inhabitants ; notwithftanding which, 
 they were at a certain time furprized by 
 them, and all cut to pieces ; which barbarity 
 was afterwards revenged by Laurence Alniey- 
 da, fon to Francis Abneyda, who burnt 
 twenty of their fhips richly loaden. 
 
 In the year 1503. one hrQX.\\<:v Rhoteric, a 
 Dominican frier, coming into thefe parts 
 to propagate the gofpel, did convert many 
 of the pagans, and encourage the Chriftians 
 of St. Thomas inhabiting here to perfevere 
 in their faith. 
 
 The inhabitants are generally very bar- 
 barous and treacherous, of which they have 
 given feveral times fufficient proofs to the 
 Dutch. At a certain time they afTaulted 
 the city by night, and had almoft carried 
 it by furprize ; and at another time captain 
 Henry Glwwing taking the frelh air with 
 fome officers without the gate, were trea- 
 cheroufly murdered by them. 
 
 In the time of the Portuguefes there flood 
 a certain Pagode about four leagues without 
 the city, famous for its riches throughout 
 the Indies, which induced Sofa to plunder it, 
 notwithftanding there was then a peace be- 
 twixt them and the Portuguefes. The Nairos 
 revenged the lofs by killing about thirty of 
 the Portuguefes ; and Sofa having fent a large 
 velTel full of fanams (their coin) to John 
 king of Portugal, the fame was by the ad- 
 vice of the pope lent back to the king of 
 N^ 118. Vol. m. 
 
 Coulang, by whom it was placed ag.aia inKAt- 
 the fiid Pagcde. ^J^^^ 
 
 In the year 1661. when the Hollander s^^^^^^""^ 
 came to thefe parts to befiege the city of Dutch be* 
 Coulang, tliey were forced to have three fi^gc Cou- 
 fmart engagements with the Nairos, who, '^"S * "=' 
 to the number of feven or eight tlioufand j,ayin„ ' 
 men, armed with fcymetars and mufl<ets, left it Be- 
 and being intoxicated with opium , fell fore, 
 upon them like defperate men •, in which 
 adfion Mr. Dublet, our under- faftor, loft 
 his life. 
 
 And upon this occafion we ought not to 
 pafs by the Nairos. Thefe are the gentlemen The Nal* 
 of Malabar, defcended for the moft part ^°^' 
 either from royal families, or BrahmanSy 
 and are for that reafon exceedingly haughty, 
 proud, and bold : if they meet any of the 
 coinmon people in the ftreets, they cry out, 
 Po, Po, i. e.. Give way. Give -juay. They 
 feldom appear without their fcymetars and 
 fhields, which they leave at the door when 
 (by a peculiar privilege) they go to give a 
 private vifit to one of their neighbours 
 wives, as a fign that no body muft enter 
 there in the mean while to difturb them. 
 They are all bred to the war, even from 
 the feventh year of age, when they begin to 
 anoint their limbs with certain ointment?, 
 to render the nerves pliable, which makes 
 them very aftive and nimble, and the beft 
 wreftlers in the world. They are not only 
 well acquainted with die ufe of bows and 
 arrows, but alfo with mufkets and great 
 cannon ; for I have feen them give a falvo 
 with the fame order and dexterity as our 
 beft-difciplined troops in Europe ; and they 
 are of late years arrived to that ptrfeftion» 
 that they make their own gun-barrels, gun- 
 powder, and matches. They commonly 
 engage naked, having only a piece of. ftufF 
 wrapp'd about the middle : being very nimble 
 they often turn their backs, but foon return 
 to the charge, when they find the leaft 
 opportunity of having an advantage againft 
 their enemies. On the hilts of their fwords 
 they wear certain pieces of metal, which 
 making a noife as they move, ferves them 
 for a certain mufick : they are very dex- 
 trous in defending their bodies with their 
 fhields ; and confequently are better at 
 handy blows than at firing, for they com- 
 monly fire too high. Among the Nairos, 
 thofe who call themfelves Atnok are the The 
 worft, being a company of defperadoes, ^'"°''- 
 who engage themfelves and their himilies by 
 oaths, to revenge fuch injuries as are done 
 them. They are often feen at Batavia. The 
 power of the kings of Malabar is generally 
 efteem'd by the number of the Nairos under 
 their jurifdic^ion. If any of tiieir kings 
 fhould be murdered, they would facrifice all 
 to revenge his death. As they are naturally 
 ucrc>:', and addiifted to all manner of luft 
 7 H • and
 
 58l 
 
 A Defeription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. ii. 
 
 The 
 Dutch 
 
 fleet in 
 great dan 
 ger of bC' 
 ing loft. 
 
 The flfct 
 fails for 
 Cochin. 
 
 The king 
 dom of 
 Trevan- 
 cor. 
 
 and pride, To they are declared enemies of 
 the Chriftians. 
 
 Scarce were the Dutch mafters of Cotdang, 
 but their fleet, confifting of twenty-three 
 Ihip.s great and iinall, were forpnzed by lo 
 violent a ttmpell, (which lallcd tliree days,) 
 that they thought to have been all loft, as 
 lying at anchor under a low fhore, and 
 therctbre expofcd to the utmoft fury ot the 
 winds. The fliips names were, the Ulieland, 
 Sea-horfe^ Haddock, Bantam, Flujhing, Ma- 
 rygold-flower. Cat, Tertoien, Red-Liofi, Eraf- 
 mus, Sluyce, Achilles, the Romer, Flower- 
 Valley, IValnnt-tree, the Uoufe of Swieten^ 
 the Elburgb, Stadthottfe of Amjlerdatn, and 
 the Exchange of Amfterdam ; the four laft 
 being lately come from Holland freighted 
 with provifions, fuch as meal, bacon, cheefe, 
 wine, oil, and mum, bcfides a good num- 
 ber of land-men, many whereof were ill of 
 the bloody flux. During this ftorm we fent 
 our fervent and conftant prayers up to hea- 
 ven for the delivery of our fleet, on which 
 depended' all our fafety ; for the Stadthoufe 
 of Amflerdam was in fuch diftrefs, that flie 
 gave one fignal after another for relief, ha- 
 ving above fix foot water > the Erafmus had 
 loft all her anchors, but by good fortune 
 got clear of the fands ; the Sea-horfe had 
 taken fire, but was foon extinguifli'd ; fo that 
 we came off with the lofs of three floops 
 only. The fury of the tempeft beginning 
 to allay on the tliird day, juft at the very 
 time when we were coming from prayers 
 out of the church, and by midnight the 
 fame being quite ceafed, a folemn thankf- 
 giving was ordered to be kept the 23d of 
 November 1661. when I preached upon the 
 text of Pfal. Ixvi. 12. By this time it being 
 judged fit for our fleet to depart, a conve- 
 nient garrifon was left in the place under 
 captain Kocks and Mr. Nyhof, for the de- 
 fence of the fortifications of the city, which 
 were lately made of earth. 
 
 The kingdom of Trevancor borders upon 
 that of Coulang : all along the fea-fhore in- 
 habit the Paruas, who being for the moft 
 part Chriftians, you fee the ftiore all along 
 as far as Comoryn, and even beyond it to 
 Tutecoryn, full of little churches, fome of 
 wood, others of ftone. Thefe people owe 
 their converfion to Francifcits Xaverius, he 
 being the firft who planted the princi- 
 ples of Chriftianity among them ; they be- 
 ing fo much taken with the reafonable- 
 nefs of the ten commandments, that they 
 received baptifm in great numbers, tliough 
 an accidental quarrel betwixt a Paruas and 
 a Mahometan proved a ftrong motive to 
 their converfion : whence it is that John de 
 Lucena fays, As the differences arifen betwixt 
 the Jews and the Egyptians, proved the 
 means of the delivery of the people of God, 
 end of the recovery of their fpiritual and tem- 
 4 
 
 poral liberty •, fo by God's direflion, a quarrel 
 ivhich happen\i betzuixt a Paruas and a Ma- 
 hometaji, proved the delivoy of the frfifrom 
 their fpiritual and temporal Jlavery. 
 
 I'he Paruas being forely oppreflTed by Conver- 
 tiie Alahometans, one John de Crus, a na- fion of the 
 tive of Malabar, but w ho had been in Por- Paruas. 
 tugal, and honourably treated by John the 
 then king of Portugal, advifed them to feek 
 for aid at Cochin againft the Moors, and to 
 receive baptifm. Accordingly fome of the 
 chief men among them (called Patangatyi 
 in their language) were fent upon that er- 
 rand to Cochin ; where being kindly re- 
 ceived, they (in honour of him who had 
 given this advice) took upon them the 
 furname of Crus •, a name ftill retained by 
 moft perfons of note among the Paruas. 
 In fl)Orc, being delivered from the Moorifh 
 yoke, and the pearl-fifliery (which former- 
 ly belonged to them) reftored to the right 
 owners, above twenty thoufand of them re- 
 ceived baptifm. 
 
 But though they were baptized, moft of 
 them being deficient in the knowledge of the 
 true fundamentals of the Chriftian religion 
 for want of teachers, they had in a little 
 time fcarce any marks of Chriftianity left 
 among them, except the ceremony of bap- 
 tifm ; as Maffieus, John de Lucina, and Mi- 
 chael Vas in his fpeech to Francifcus Xaverius 
 fufficiently teftify. For the Portuguefes being 
 too eager in baptizing thefe people, pro- 
 vided they could fay by heart the Creed, 
 Our Father, and Aveinary, and being un- 
 provided with teachers to inftruft them, 
 they foon returned to paganifm ; fo that 
 upon this fcore the Romifh priefts need not 
 talk fo big as they often do. 
 
 John the then king of Portugal being Care of 
 fenfible of this defeft, did all that in him |,f%J;"^S_ 
 lay to remedy this evil, by fending divers j j-^j. 
 young fcholars to the univerfities of Sala- tnetr con- 
 manca, Paris, and Conimbria, to be edu- vcrfion. 
 cated and fitted for the miflions into the In- 
 About the fame time Ignatius Loyola, 
 
 iies. 
 
 the founder of the jefuits order, began to 
 be famous at Rome, for having with his 
 fociety made a vow to preach the gofpel 
 throughout the world : whereupon the king 
 of Portugal ordered Peter Mafcarenhas, his 
 amhairador there, to confer upon that head 
 with Ignatius, and to defire fix Miffwnaries 
 for the Eaft-Indies ; two being only granted, 
 Simon Roterigius, a Portuguefe, (v.'ho had 
 ftudied at Paris at the king's charge,) and 
 Francifcus Afpilcolta Navarrus, furnamed 
 Xaverius, were felefted for that purpofe : 
 but the firft being feized by a quartan ague, 
 and forced to ftay at Lisbon, Xaverius (af- Xaverius 
 ter having received pope Paul's benediftion) 8°" *• ^^^ 
 fet out, 1 540. for the Indies. 
 
 He was no fooner come thither, but ha- 
 ving vinderftood the deplorable ftate of tlie 
 
 Paruas,
 
 Chap. 21. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5Sj 
 
 Paruas from the mouth of Michael Vas, he 
 did not reft fatisfied till he miglit deliver 
 them out of their darknefs : for this pur- 
 pofe having had feveral conferences witli 
 John Albuquerque bifhop of Goa, and Martin 
 Alphonjo de Sou/a the viceroy, he obtained 
 leave to go among them •, for though he 
 appeared there in the quality of the apolto- 
 lical nuncio, yet would he pay iiis due rc- 
 fpefts to the civil government. 
 Comes a- j^g jgf^ q^^ -^^ ^^^^ beginning o'i November 
 
 pTuas ^"^ 1542. incom^znj oi Franci feus duMeincids, 
 and two young interpreters educated in the 
 college of St. Paul ■, and coming among the 
 Paruas, applied all his care in having tlic 
 chief fundamentals of the Chrillian religion 
 tranflatetl into the Malabar language, or 
 in inftrudling the fchoolmafters in the right 
 way of educating their youth. For tlie 
 reft, with wiiat zeal John king of Portugal 
 profecutcd the propagation of the Chriftian 
 religion in the Indies, will beft appear out 
 of his letter written 1546. to Don John de 
 Cafiro, his viceroy of the Indies, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 To John de Caftro, Viceroy of India, all 
 Happinefs * 
 
 John king,, -^T-OU knowing what an abominable 
 
 ot Porta- V , . .,,'='.. , 
 
 gal's letter. X tiling idolatry is in our eyes, the 
 " fame fhall for the future not be tolerated 
 " in my dominions. Being informed that 
 " in the country about Goa the Pagan tem- 
 " pies are fufiered and frequented both in 
 " publick and private, as well as divers 
 " forts of Pagan diverfions, we command 
 " you once for all to have the fame demo- 
 " liflied, burnt, and rooted out •, and that 
 " all imaginable care be taken to prevent 
 " the importation of idols, either of wood, 
 " metal, earth, or any other matter. The 
 " heathenifli fports fhall be aboliflied, and 
 " the Brahmans not in the leaft encouraged ; 
 " and fuch as contravene this our mandate 
 " ihall be feverely punifhed. And con- 
 " fidering that the Pagans may be brought 
 " over to our religion, not only by the 
 " hopes of eternal falvation, but alio by 
 " temporal intereft and preferments, you 
 " fhall for the future not beftow any offices, 
 " or any other places in the cuftom-houfe, 
 " (as has been pra£lifed hitherto,) upon 
 " the Heathens, but only upon the Chri- 
 " ftians. We underftand alfo, that you 
 " commonly prefs the Indians for our fea- 
 " fervice •, in which cafe we would have 
 " you {hew as much favour as you can to 
 " the Chriftians ; and if neceffity will not 
 " allow you to excufe them from that fer- 
 " vice, to encourage them with good pay 
 " and rewards ; In which point you fliall 
 " confult with Michael Fas, a perfon well 
 " known to ws for his piety and zeal in. 
 
 " propag.iting the Chriftian religion. 
 
 " ing further informed, that oftentimes 
 
 " negroe flaves, that might be inllruited 
 
 Be-E.^L- 
 
 v^^Y>J 
 
 in 
 
 _.. the principles of our religion, are 
 " for filthy lucre's fake fold to the Mr- 
 " hometans, the fame flvall be ftriaiy pro- 
 " hibited, and care taken againft all man- 
 " ncr of ufury. In the city of Bazatn 
 " you fliall build a church, and dedicate 
 " it to St. Jofeph, and provide for the 
 " fubfiftence of the vicar and his afiiilants ; 
 " to accomplifli which you may employ 
 " fomething out of our revenues, and the 
 " three thoufand pardaus formerly em- 
 " ployed to the maintenance of the Ma- 
 " hometan mofque and their fervice, fliall 
 " for the future be allotted for the fub- 
 " fiftence of the priefts, and fuch other 
 " perfons as give a helping hand towards 
 " the converfion of the infidels. Among 
 " the new converts, or all fuch as have 
 " hitherto, or for the future may be brought 
 " over to the Chriftian religion, by the 
 " care of Michael Vas, you fliall diftribute 
 " yearly nine hundred quarters of rice out 
 " of our revenue : it being our will, that 
 " all the agreements made with the Chri- 
 " ftians of St. Thomas, concerning the 
 " weight, meafures, and price of their 
 " commodities, fliall be inviolably ob- 
 " lerved. And underftanding nevcrthe- 
 " lefs that the contrary is pradifed in and 
 " about Cochin, in the pepper-trade, we 
 " command you to afTill thole Chriftians, 
 " and to take effeftual care they may not 
 •' be damnified, but treated with all mild- 
 " nefs, as becomes Chriftians. You fliall 
 " alfo folicite the king of Cochin, not to 
 " perrtiit any forcery, or llich like things 
 " to be tranfaded, by the fale of pepper ; 
 " and being informed that the faid king 
 " bereaves fuch of his fubjefts as embrace 
 " Chriftianiry of all their means, you fhall 
 " earneftly intercede with him on their 
 " behalf; and \ye will alfo write to him 
 " for that purpofe. We could wifli hcar- 
 " tily, that the bufinefs of Socotera (which 
 " you have recommended to our care in 
 " your letter) might be fettled fo as to 
 " deliver thofe miferable people out of 
 " their flavery, provided the fame could 
 " be done without exafperating the Grand 
 " Seignior, under whofe jurifdiftion they 
 " live. You may upon this head confult 
 " with Michael Vas, and aft in the matttr 
 " according to your difcretion. It being 
 " alio come to our ears, that the Paruas 
 " are fometimes but very inditferently ufecl 
 " by our officers, who force them to fell 
 " their pearls (got by fifhing or diving) 
 " at what rate they pleafe to take them ; 
 " this you fhall not allow of, but permit 
 " them to difpofe of their commodities at 
 " the beft price they can get. You fhall 
 
 *' make
 
 584 
 
 Bal- 
 
 O .T U S . 
 
 A Defcription of the Coa/is of 
 
 CllAP. ZI. 
 
 Extraordi- 
 nary care 
 of the Pa- 
 ruas. 
 
 make an cxaft inquiry, whether the in- 
 habitants of the iea-(hore might not be 
 protcftcd, and our revenues fecured with- 
 out a fleet •, lb tliat the lliips employed 
 in tliat iVrvice might be made uk ot 
 upon other occafions. You Ihail con- 
 llilt anil debate with Francifcus Xayenus, 
 whether it were not pradicable, tor the 
 better increale of the Chriftians, that 
 tiie pearl-filhery might be permitted^ 
 only to tiie Chriftians, with exclufion ot 
 the Mahometans and Pagans. And as 
 many among the Paruas^ who have cm- 
 braced Chriftianity, meet with very ill 
 treatment from their Pagan friends and 
 relations, and are defpoiled ot all, thcfe 
 you fhall aflift out of your revenues, ac- 
 cording as Michael Vas fiiall judge it 
 convenient. 
 
 " We have further underftood that a 
 certain royal youth has efcaped from his 
 fither or uncle to Goa., in order to be 
 baptized : as his converfion is of great 
 moment, fo you fliall be very careful of 
 his perfon, and of his inftruiflion and 
 education in the college of St. Paul, and 
 provide for his entertainment in clothes, 
 attendance, and other matters, fuitable 
 to his quality : he having notified to us, 
 in his letter, that he is the legal heir of 
 the crown of Ceylon., you flwll make due 
 inquiry after that matter, and v/rite to 
 us your fentiment thereof. The furious 
 attempts of the tyrant of Ce;jlon againft 
 fuch of his fubjefts as embrace Chriftia- 
 nity, oblige us to command you to take 
 a flow and fecure, but a fevere revenge 
 of him, to let the world fee, that we are 
 ready to give all imaginable proteftion 
 to thofe poor creatures, who have re- 
 
 nounced their pagan and diabolical ido- 
 latries. It being a general rumour here, 
 that the images of our Saviour and the 
 virgin Mary are made and fold by the 
 Pagans, a thing unfeemly, and unbe- 
 coming the Chriftian name, the fame 
 ought not to be allowed of The ca- 
 thedral churches of Cochin and Coulang^ 
 wiiich have been building for a confi- 
 derable time, being (as we hear) going 
 to decay, we command to be finifhed, 
 and covered with a good roof, to keep 
 out the rains. It is alfo our pleafure 
 that a church dedicated to St. 'Thomas 
 fliall be built in the ftreet of Ncroc, and 
 that the church of St. Cruz, lately begun 
 to be built at Calapor, fhall be brought 
 to perfection. In the ifle of Cioran you 
 fhall order a church and fome meeting- 
 houfes to be builtj for the conveniency 
 of the new converts to be catechiz'd in» 
 and to be inflrudled in the word of God. 
 We could alfo wifh with all our heart, 
 that idolatry might be banifhed out of 
 Salfete and Bardes ; but in this matter 
 you muft proceed with caution, for fear 
 of exafperating the minds of the people ; 
 which end may be mofl conveniently 
 obtained, by fhewing them with all ima- 
 ginable mildnefs their grofs errors, and 
 how, inftead of the true God, they pay 
 their devotion to infenfible images and 
 idols. For the fame reafon you fhall 
 not ncgleft to confer with tlieir principal 
 men upon this head, and to encourage 
 fuch as embrace Chriftianity by your fa* 
 vour, prefents, and otherwife. It is our 
 will that a peculiar regard fhall be had 
 to this our letter, and the contents thereof 
 punctually obferved." 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 A defc7-iptio}i o/'Tutecoryn, ajid the Pearl-Flpery: That city taken by the Hol- 
 landeis. The ijle of Rammanakoyel. Adam's Bridge ; the Jl:ape of his foot 
 itnprinted in a Jlone. Tindi. The taking o/'Megapatan, which is befieged by 
 the Naike } reduced to great extremity by famine ; once more attacked^ and 
 maintained. 
 
 The Pa- 'np H E Paruas ever fmce this union with 
 ruas are _£ ^\^^ Romijh church, are fuch zealots 
 obftinTt7 ^" ^^'^^ religion, that there are fcarce any 
 in the Ro- hopes of ever bringing them over to our 
 miih fu- fide i their ignorance in religious concerns 
 perlUtions. being fuch, that befides the ufe of their 
 beads, and making the fign of the crofs, 
 they know nothing of the true fundamen- 
 tals of the Chriftian religion they pretend 
 to profefs. In the year 1661. I was or- 
 dered to take a journey from 'Hutecoryn to 
 Cotilang, to vifit the churches along the 
 fea-fhore, and endeavour to introduce a 
 
 reformation there -, but my endeavours 
 proved ineffeftual by reafon of the great 
 number of popifh priefts yet remaining in 
 that country i and luppofing a reformation 
 could have been introduced, there were no 
 minifters to maintain it in fo large a tradt 
 of land, where the Paruas were for the mofl 
 part great favourers of the Portuguefes, and 
 blind zealots in their religion, of which I 
 had fufficient proofs before at Tiitecoi-yn. 
 For the Dutch being become mafters of that 
 place, 1658. I was foon after employ'd in 
 the bufinefs of reformation^ but without 
 
 fuccefs V
 
 Chap. ll. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5S5 
 
 Blind zeal 
 of thel'a- 
 ruas. 
 
 Fereira 
 employ 'd 
 in reform- 
 ing the Pa- 
 
 ruas. 
 
 Tutecoryn 
 taken by 
 the Dutch. 
 
 The pearl- 
 fifhery. 
 
 fuccefs; for when I preached in Portuguefe, 
 •fcarce any one of the Paruas durft enter in- 
 to the church, but remained in tlie porch 
 for fear of the Romiflo priefts Hving among 
 them ; for though thcfc priefts did not then 
 live in the city, 'nevertheiefs the inhabitants 
 would carry their children a great way in- 
 to the country, to be baptiz'd by the 
 priefts. 
 
 I remember that pafTingone time through 
 the m.arket-place oi 'Tutecoryn, a great num- 
 ber of people,- at the accidental ringing of a 
 bell, proftrated themfelves upon the ground j 
 whom I aflceJ, whedier they thought this a 
 fit place for their devotion, when tiie church 
 was fo near at hand, defiring them to fol- 
 low me thither. They anfwered. That fince 
 the church was defpoiled of the images and 
 other ornaments by us, they murt look 
 upon us as enemies to their religion. I re- 
 plied. That we were no enemies of images, 
 but only of the worftiipping of them, as ap- 
 peared by feveral hiftories of the baptilni 
 of our faviour, the converfion of St. Paul 
 and others, remaining in the churches. To 
 be fliort, I found that the whole knowledge 
 of the Paruas (both young and old) confifted 
 in being able to fay by heart the Creeci, Our 
 Father, the Ten Commandments, and the Ave 
 Mary. 
 
 After my departure the reverend Mr. John 
 Fereira Almeyda, a native of Lisbon, was 
 for a whole year employ'd in the reformation 
 'of the Paruas, but with lefs fuccefs than 
 myfelf, they having conceived an odium 
 againft him, as one who had quitted that 
 religion, and whofe effigies upon that fcore 
 was burnt at Goa. 
 
 In the year 1658. in January, we fet fliil 
 from Negumbo, and in the beginning di Fe- 
 bruary landed near Tuteccryn, alter fome 
 refiftance from the natives, who fet the 
 city and their fmall galleys on tire, and fo 
 retired deeper into the country. Tutecoryn 
 is properly no more than a large village, 
 without walls, ditches, or gates; it has 
 three fpacious churches, and abundance of 
 goodly houles built of ftone, which afford 
 a good profpeft at fea. Hereabouts they 
 make the beft lime in India. The Dutch 
 company has been feveral times endeavour- 
 ing to ereft fome fortifications here; but 
 the Naikc, or lord of the country, not wil- 
 ling to content to it, they have hitherto 
 been contented with a flictory in one of the 
 three churches; where always lefides a fac- 
 tor and under-faftor, with three afllftants, 
 and fix or eight ibldiers. 
 
 Near this place is the famous pearl-fifhe- 
 ry, whereof there are no more than three 
 in the eaft, viz. one near Ormus, the fe- 
 cond in the bay of Ainam, on the Chinefe 
 coaft, and the third in the bay betwixt cape 
 Comoryn and the ifle of Ceylon, wherein are 
 
 Voi,. III. 
 
 alfo comprehended Maneinr^nd Arlpou. The Ca l- 
 pearls are found in certain oiftcr-fhells, °'^"'- 
 (which are not good to eat,) and are taken ^"^^ 
 by diving fcven, eight, nine, or ten fathom 
 deep, fometimcs not without great danger. 
 The pearl- fiflicry is not allowed every year, 
 (bmetimcs the oifter-banks being covered 
 with fand, and fometimcs the oifters not 
 being come to their full maturity. I'o 
 make a trial of the Lift, they take out a 
 few, and by the quantity and quality of the 
 pearls taken in them, judge whether it will 
 quit coft to fifh, or not. If the fifhing be 
 relblvcdupon, the inhabitants of the circum- 
 jacent p.u-ts come in great numbers with 
 their fimilies and boats, and pitch their 
 tents near the fea- fide, where they remain 
 until the hflicry is over. 'I'he Butch com- 
 pany has a certain fliare in what is taken 
 for their proteftion, the reft being fold 
 publickly in the markets of Tii'.eccr\n and 
 Calipalnam. The Paruas alfo dive fome- The Paru- 
 times for certain hours for a kind of fea- as though 
 fnails, called Chancos, whereof they make ^''"'^'^."°» 
 rings, that bear a good price at Bengale. before lir 
 
 The pearls of Tuteco-ryn and Manaar are havem.->.de 
 neither in colour nor brightnefs comparable certain 
 to thofe taken near Ormus on the Perfian conj""- 
 coaft. The pearls are queftioiilcfs nourifh- "°"^ '" 
 ed both by the fea and river water, as beijig [iieiVbeing 
 often found at the time of low tides in the hurt by 
 rivers. Abundance of pearl duft is from thediarks. 
 hence tranfportcd into Eurcpe, where ic is 
 uled in the cordial medicines. The Jarcre 
 pearls are valued according to their bigneis, 
 Ihape, and whitenefs. IVluch cloth is made 
 ac Tutecoryn, the weaving-trade being very 
 confiderable here, which, together with the 
 plenty of eatables, rice, fugar, ijc. makes 
 this place to be much regarded by the com- 
 pany. 
 
 This tracT: of land is fubjeft to moft furious The di- 
 winds in October, November, and December: "^^'^ °^ 
 and in tlie winter leafons to Hidden and heavy 'I "'^<^<^ 
 rains. It is very iundy near the fca-rnore, ' 
 and has nothing but iklc-water, v/hicli pro- 
 duces fcabs, and other cutaneous diftempers, 
 as I can teftify by my own experience. Du- 
 ring the months of January, February and 
 March, the nights are extremely cold, by 
 reafon of the thick fogs, which fall conllant- 
 ly at that time, the days being at the fame 
 time fo exccfiive hot, that there is no touch- 
 ing of the ground without their fhoes, called 
 Seripous by the inhabitants. 
 
 And upon this occafion I cannot pafs by 
 without making this obfervation, Tliatnot- 
 withftanding the nearncfs of Tuteccryn and 
 Comoryn, they at the tame time have very 
 different feaibns: for in April, May, June, oiSerenr 
 July, Auguft and September, thole inha- feaionb on 
 biting on the fouth-fiJe of the laid cape, '''^ north 
 enjoy all the blctfings of the fummer fealon, T^^^h 
 whilft thofe living on the north-fide arc at 0,0^^°.' * 
 
 7I 
 
 tii& uiai.
 
 586 
 
 A Defcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap. 22. 
 
 Ea l- 
 
 U/EU S. 
 
 Themoun- 
 tains oc- 
 cafion the 
 difference 
 ofi'eafons. 
 
 the fame time fubjed to all the inconveniences 
 of the winter ; this fide being then conftant- 
 ly peftered with tempeftuous winds, whilft 
 on the other fide tiie air is ferene and calm ; 
 the difference of which muft needs be looked 
 for amon^ the mountains, the receptacles ol 
 winds, ra'ins, and fnow, the dime being ob- 
 ferved in other parts of the India, as well 
 as in Africa. For if Africa were not moun- 
 tainous, it would be altogether barren and 
 uninhabitable, no more than the countries 
 under the Torrid Zone, which if they were 
 deftitute of mountains, would alfo want 
 rivers, (the fourccs of them being all in 
 the mountains,) nor hard rains. Thus it 
 is obfervable, that about Columbo, Gale, 
 iini\ Mature, abundance of rains fall at dif- 
 ferent times, becaufc that part of the lile of 
 Ceylon is mountainous; whereas near Ma- 
 naar, Jafnapatnam, and the other places, 
 where there is a flat country, it rains only 
 in OSiober, Novemler, and a little in Decem- 
 ber, all the refl; of the year being without 
 the leaft rains; the defedt whereof is how- 
 ever fupply'd in fome meafure by the fogs 
 or dew; the fouth winds which blow then 
 from the cape of Comoryn, prevent the rains 
 on that fide. The inhabitants of Peru are 
 very fenfible of this difference; for whilft 
 the inhabitants of the mountains are often 
 rejoiced with fudden fhowcrs of rain, thofe 
 of the flat country, and efpecially near the 
 fea-fide, never feel any rain, but only a 
 thick fog or dew. 
 
 Whence it is evident, that according as 
 the mountains fend forth the winds and 
 rain on one fide or the other, they pro- 
 duce the difference of feafons in thefe parts; 
 this is very perfpicuous on the cape of South 
 Point of Africa, where fuch violent gufhes 
 of wind are fometimes fent forth out of the 
 concavities of the mountains, that they are 
 able to overturn all that meets in their way. 
 I remember that travelling once that way, 
 I had enough to do to keep myfelf and 
 my horfe upright; and at another time a 
 coach belonging to x.)\q Dutch company there, 
 was overturned by fuch a gufli of wind. 
 They take it for an infallible fign of an ap- 
 proaching tempefl: on the cape of Good Hope, 
 when they fee thick clouds appear on the 
 top of 'Tabkmaintainand. The lame is ob- 
 ferved in moft other mountains under the 
 Torrid Zone; for the inhabitants near the 
 Equino^ial Line have their due rainy fea- 
 fons twice a year, viz. in fpring and au- 
 tumn, occafioned by the gathering of the 
 clouds in the mountains, the pinacles of 
 which reaching very high, fl:op the courfe 
 of the air, which in thofe parts moves con- 
 ftantly from eaft to weft,) which thereby 
 being condenfed into clouds, thefe produce 
 of neceflity either fudden winds or rains on 
 one fide, and blefles the other fide at the 
 
 fime time with a ferene air and happy cli- 
 mate, the tops of thefe mountains being in 
 thefe parts like a partition-wall to fummer 
 and winter: for the further elucidation 
 whereof, I will refer myfelf to the moft in- 
 genious lord Bacon, and des Carles. 
 
 From Tutecoiyn towards the ifle of Ram- Ifle of 
 manakoycl a.ve to be feen divers churches of ^3"""^- 
 the Partias, as at Baipaar, Mcnapaar, l^c. "^^"^^ • 
 where Xaverius planted the Chriftian doc- 
 trine. The ifle of Rammanakoyel abounds 
 in cattle, having got its name from Brnm- 
 ma or Ramma, and the Malabar word 
 Koyel, i. e. The temple of Ramma; for 
 near the fea-fide is to be icen the pagode 
 of the Teuver, or lord of the ifle, which 
 they fay contains an incredible treafure. 
 'Fhe foundation is ftrengthened and fup- 
 ported v/ith Ifones of a vaft bignefi to- 
 wards the fea-fide, to break the force of 
 the raging waves, when the fouth winds * 
 blow. l"he ifle is however but indifferent- 
 ly fertile, being in fome parts very fandy, 
 which is very troublefome to the eyes when 
 the winds blow very hard. The lord of 
 the ifle has built a ftrong caftle oppofite to 
 the coaft of Corcmandel, and the country 
 under the jurifdidion of the A'^/'^'f. In the 
 year 1662. I and lieutenant Herman Eg- 
 bertfz travelling that way, were feized upon 
 by the inhabitants, and committed prifoners, 
 being forced to live without vi6luals or drink 
 for a confiderable time, till a certain inha- 
 bitant of Manaar coming that way, and 
 knowing me, releafed us out of our captivi- 
 ty. The cannon of the caftle commands a 
 certain ftrait paffage, which leading to Ma- Strait paf- 
 naar, Jafnapatnam, and Negapatnam, the fage under 
 fime may be flopped at plcafure by the '^^ "'^J? 
 lord of the ifle, by finking only a few ffones 
 in the channel ; whereby the navigation that 
 way is at his abfolute difpofal. 
 
 Not far from hence is that they call Adam's 
 Adam^s Bridge, being a ridge of fands and bridge, 
 rocks extended as far as Manaar, being 
 fometimes paffable in fmall boats. In die 
 defcription of Ceylon, we fliall have occafion 
 to fpeak fomething more of this Adam's 
 Bridge, and the Adam's Mount. Certain it 
 is, that the Cingalefes, as well as the Siamefes 
 have fome knowledge of Adam; for the laft 
 fliew you the print of a foot (fiid to belong Adam's 
 to the firft man) in a rocky mountain of a f"ot (hewn 
 yard and an half in length, three quarters ^ ' 
 broad, and a quarterdeep, edged round about 
 with filvcr, near which is built a moft mag- 
 nificent temple, much frequented by the 
 Siamefe priefts, and other inhabitants of the 
 circumjacent country, it being their opinion, 
 that the leaft drop of the w'ater gathered r^j^^ j^^. 
 in this print of the foot, and dropped upon water, 
 their heads, cleanfes them from their fins ; 
 for which reafon they never ufe it without 
 a great deal of reverence, no body daring 
 
 to
 
 .HAP. 11. 
 
 Malabar ami Coromandel. 
 
 587 
 
 to enter the temple without ten, twelve, or 
 more wax candles lighted, according to 
 their refpecSlive abilities; and when they 
 return, they take fome of this holy water 
 along with them in bamboe canes, for the 
 life of their friends, that have not the op- 
 portunity of coming thither in perfon. The 
 king himfelf goes once every year on pil- 
 grimage, with all his Alandarincs^ (or great 
 courtiers,) to this temple, where they ule 
 this water at the time of the full moon, 
 and conclude the night with dancing and 
 drinking. Some of the Siamcfe priefts did, 
 by fpecial leave from his majefty, fhew to 
 cer t!Lin Hollanders, 16 §4.. in Marcb, a plate 
 of gold, of the iame length and breadth as 
 the beforementioned Adam's Foot, with fix- 
 ty-eight figures engraven upon it, which 
 they fiid were formerly to be feen in the 
 print of Adam's foot in the rock ; but va- 
 niflied as foon as they were engraven in this 
 plate, and were the following: A queen 
 with a ring on her finger, divers rofes, a 
 chain, an arm, a led of gold, a chair of the 
 fame metal, an elephant's tooth, a royal ■pa- 
 lace, a golden fword-belt, an umhrello, a 
 royal hanger or fcymitar, a fan made of the 
 leaves of the terry-tree, a fan made of a pea- 
 cock's tail, a royal crown, a priefi zvith his 
 mendicant pot of iron, a chain of precious 
 flones, a red coiiflip-floiver, a double one of the 
 fame kind, a zvhite one and a double white one 
 of the fame kind, a cup full of water, a pot full 
 of water, the fea, the world, a for eft beyond 
 the world, the purgatory of the Siamcfe, the 
 highefi mountain of the world, the fun, the 
 fnoon, the evening-flar, the great God of the 
 heavais, the god of the four winds, two 
 thou I and fervants of the four winds, a fea- 
 fnail, two fipes of gold, the feven chief ri- 
 vers, feven mountains with precious fiones, 
 feven royal ladies, the king of beafls, the king 
 of the caimans or crocodiles, an enfign, an- 
 other of paper, a chair or Utter, a fan with 
 a long handle, a mountain in an ifiand, the 
 king of ferpents, the king of tygers, a leaping 
 hoife, a large elephant, a white one of the 
 fame kind, a water-ferpent, a cafuarius, (a 
 bird like an oftrich,) the king of the white 
 cows, an elephant with three heads and as 
 many tails, a ferpent, a fhip of gold, an an- 
 gel, a cow with a fucking calf, a certain bird, 
 half a man and half a bird, a female of the 
 fame fort, a finging bird, the king of the 
 peacocks, the king of the cranes, a bird cal- 
 led Krapat, a bird called Kuyfliit, fix hea- 
 vens, fitxteen forts of heavens. 
 
 Concerning all which the priefts give you 
 their interpretations. The before-mentioned 
 Adam's Bridge extends to Tellemanaar, the 
 furthermoft point of the ifle of Manaar, of 
 which more anon in the defcription of Cfji/c/V. 
 
 We will now take our turn in the fouth- 
 ern parts of Coromandel, fubjeft for the 
 
 moft part to the Naike of Madure and 'Tan- B a l- 
 Jouwcr. Tandy is the firft place next to the '"^'-^s. 
 territories oi'jr'fnapatnam; and I remember x^^jl^. 
 myfelf, that fctting fail one morning, about on the 
 eleven of the clock from fafnapatnam, we coatl of 
 were within fight of the "fliore by four in Coroinan* 
 the afternoon, and the lame night, at nine of 
 the clock, cafl anchor before Ncgapatan. 
 From Tandy they tranf[)orc yearly many 
 hundred heads of cattle to J afnapatnam. \ 
 near the firft ftands a certain pagode, called 
 Kailiemeer, a very high Itrufture, in the 
 road to Nega pa tan, ox Negapatnam, i.e. the 
 City of Serpents, Ncga fignifying in the Ma- 
 labar language a lerpenc, 2,ni\ Patnam a city; 
 becaufe the country hereabouts abounds 
 with a certain fort of venomous ferpents, 
 called by the Cobres Capellos, which are in 
 fuch reverence among the Pagans, that if 
 they fliould happen to kill one of them, 
 they will look upon it as an expiable crime, 
 and to forebode fome great misfortune. 
 
 This city was taken by compofition, with- Thedtvof 
 out ftriking a ftroke, by John van der Laan, Negapat- 
 and Lucas van der DuJJ'en, commanders of "^n^- 
 the Dutch forces, 1658. the laft of the two 
 being fince made governor of Cochin, and 
 the other forts on the Malabar coaft, fub- 
 jecl to the Hollanders. The Portuguefes were j^ , , 
 permitted to depart with their goods, fa- \,y ^\^^ 
 milics, church-ornaments, tff. in certain Dutch, 
 fliips appointed for that purpofe by the 
 Dutch company. The city is feated near 
 the fliore, has no convenient harbour, as 
 indeed the whole coaft of Coromandel is de- 
 ftitutc of them: its buildings are very 
 ifatcly, cfpccially the church, which affords 
 a vt-ry goodly profped: towards the fea- 
 fide ; the land-winds arc excefTive hot and 
 ftiHing here, as on the other hand, the fea- 
 winds are reficfliing both to men and beafts. 
 It is oblervable, that whilft the land-wind 
 blows, they gather water in ftone vcflels, 
 which keeps very cool ; the worft is, that 
 thefe winds prevent people from fweating, 
 which makes the heat the more infupporc- 
 able. The fame is to be obferved at Mnfu- 
 lipatan, where they are fo flitting, that ma- 
 ny people are killed by them. 
 
 In the year i66o. July the 14th, I let 
 fail from J afnnpatnam to Negapatnam, to 
 introduce the reformed religion there; and 
 accordingly preached the firft time the ib'th, 
 both in Dutch and Portugucfe, and admini- 
 ftered the holy facrament to twenty perfons, 
 and baptifin to feveral children. After Theprote- 
 Mr. Frederick Frontenius and myfelf had Jlant rc!i- 
 fpent fome time there in fettling the pro- gion intto- 
 teftant religion, Mr. John Kru\f, formerly ''^'^^'^ '" 
 miniftcr in the caftle, called tfie A't/rtW/Vj [^j^'^^P"" 
 in the ille of Tajowan, was conftituted mi- 
 niftcr at Negapatnam, who after his death 
 was fucceeded by Mr. Nathaniel de Pape, a 
 perlbn of iudefatigablc care, who in a very 
 
 Imall
 
 588 
 
 Bal- 
 
 D .VMS. 
 
 J Defer ipt ion of the Coup of 
 
 Chap. 2 
 
 I 
 
 Mlfcry 
 about Ne- 
 gapacnam 
 
 fniall time h.is in.ide confidcrable advance- 
 ments in the Portugtiefc and Malabar lan- 
 guages, who by the encouragement, and 
 under the piotcaion of Mr. Cornelius Spcel- 
 juan, governor of the coaft of Coromandd, 
 and famous for his late viftories obtain'd 
 acrainft the Macajjars, and the king of the 
 illc of Celebes, has fettled and fpread the 
 doiftrine of the gofpel in the circumjacent 
 villages. 
 
 At the time of our firft arrival, we found 
 the affairs of Negapalmm in no imall con- 
 ■ fufion; the city having been juft before be- 
 ficgcd by the ISIaike, who, after a vigorous 
 llxlley made by the bcfieged, had been lorced 
 to retreat with the lofs of three or four 
 hundred men. Bcfides this, the king of 
 VJfiapour had not long before the fiege made 
 an inroad into the country, and by deftroy- 
 ing all the fruits of the earth, and what- 
 ever elfe he met with, occafioned fuch a fa- 
 mine, that the poor country wretches being 
 
 forced to fly to the city for want of rice 
 and other eatables, you fliw the ftreets co- 
 vered with emaciated and halt-ftarved per- 
 fons, who offered themfelves to flavery for a 
 fmall quantity of bread i and you might 
 have bought as many as you pleafcd at the 
 rate cf ten fliillings a head; above five 
 thoufind of them were there bought and 
 carried to Jufnapalnaw, as many to Co- 
 lumho, bcfides feveral thoufands that.wqr^ 
 tranfported to £fl/t?wV;. ■ i , 
 
 In the year 1669. the A'is/i^^ was again 
 embroiled with the Duuh company -, but 
 being bravely repulfed, was glad to be at 
 quiet. Without the gates, on the north- 
 fide of the city, flands a very lofty pagode, 
 called China, near which is a fummer-feat, 
 with very plcafant gardens and orchards, 
 formerly belonging to Francifeo d' Almeyda, 
 an antient rich Portuguefe, now living at 
 Trangebar. 
 
 Carcal. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 A defcription of Carcal, Trangebar, Trinilivaas, Coideron, Porto Novo, 
 Te-rnapatan, TirepQplier, Chengicr, Sadrafpatan, Madrafpatan, St.Thoma?, 
 Paltacatta, Carnatica, Penna, Caleture, Petapouli, a?id Mafulipatan. 
 
 TWO leagues from Negapatan lies 
 Carcal, where, as well as in moll 
 other fouthern places, Adrian van der Mcy- 
 den, head-fli(5tor of our company, did 
 ereft a faftory fome years ago; but fince 
 we have been maflers of Negapalan, the 
 faftory of Carcal is not regarded. The 
 chief commodities here are certain fluffs, 
 efpecially thofe called rambotyns, much in 
 requcft among the Japonefes. 
 Trange- From Carcal to the Danifi fort, called 
 ^^i"- 1'rangebar, are about three leagues: it has 
 
 four bulwarks, and the garrifon confills for 
 the mofl part of Topaljes and Negroes, under 
 the command of one Eskel Andres. The 
 inhabitants confifl ot Porlitguefes, Pagans, 
 and Mahometans: their traffick is very 
 inconfiderable, their chiefefl advantage ari- 
 fing from the cxcurfions they make upon 
 the neighbouring Ahhometans, with whom 
 they are in conflant enmity, by reafon 
 of the ill ulage they have ever received 
 fioni them. About two years before our 
 departure thence, one Simon van Aleden- 
 hlick had got a commiffion from the Danes, 
 and took a rich Moorijh veffel, and killed 
 the whole fhip's crew. I have often won- 
 dered why the Danes fhouid not more en- 
 courage their trade in the Indies than they 
 do, fince they have the fame, or rather a 
 better opportunity for fo doing than the 
 EngliJIo. 
 
 From 7'7'angebar you go by the way of Coideron. 
 Trinilivaas to Coideron, where there is a 
 very dangerous fand-bank. From thence 
 you come to the place called the Four Pa- 
 godes, and fo to Porto Novo, or Newhaven, Porto No- 
 about four or five leagues from Trangcbar. vo. 
 At Porto Novo inhabit fome Portugmfes: 
 their trade confifls chiefly in a certain hard 
 wood called Hunter's vjood. Coco-nuts, Arek, 
 Cair, &c. 
 
 A.bout a league from Porto Novo flands Tegnapj 
 Tegnapatan, where the Hollanders have tan. 
 likewife a fadory. Next to this lies Ti- 
 repcplier, upon a river which is navigable, -pif^Q- 
 within half a league of ihe Dutch fadlory. jier. 
 The load lies at eleven degrees one fourth 
 of northern latitude, having leventy-feven 
 fathom water, with a grey fandy ground, 
 very fit for anchorage, not above a mile 
 from the fliore. There is fafe riding at 
 anchor here (as all along the coafl of Coro- 
 mandel) during the fouth Moujfon, but very 
 dangerous in the north Moujfon. The caflle 
 of Tirepoplier is tolerably flrong, according 
 to the fafhion of the Gentives. The faftory 
 formerly belonging to the Dutch was with- 
 in the cafirle, where is alio a flately large 
 pagode, with a high ftone-tower fiat at top, 
 which ferves the mariners for a guide. The 
 mines of the old caflle, belonging iormerly 
 to th.e Portuguefes, upon an alcent near the 
 fea-fliore on the north-fide of the river, 
 
 are
 
 jHAP. 13. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5^9 
 
 are alfb feen a good Way at fea. The coun- 
 try hereabouts is generally fandy, and fome- 
 times rocky. Tirefoplier is under thejurif- 
 diftion of the Crijlappaneyk, whofc ricfidence 
 is at Chengia; about two days journey to 
 the fouth of 'Tirepoplier. 
 lengier. The city of Chengier is very populous, 
 and three times as big as Rotterdam, feated 
 in a moft pleafant valley, near a delightful 
 river, to the fouth of it: It is fortified 
 with double ftone-walls, and has four high 
 rocks without, upon three of which are 
 its many ftrong fort5, and upon the fourth a 
 Pcigode. Tiie firft of thefe rocks is inclofed 
 with a very ftrong wall, the fecond with 
 four walls, and the third with no lefs than 
 feven, with as many gates all of ftonc, and 
 kept by a confiderable garrifon •, the afcents 
 to the forts being cut out of the rock, and 
 fcarce accefllble by reafon of their fteep- 
 nefs and ftraitnefs. On the top of thefe 
 rocks are moft delicious fprings, frefli-water 
 ponds, and gardens. Befides which there 
 is another fortrefs upon an unacceffible rock 
 without the city, commanding the avenues 
 towards it on that fide. The N^ik's pa- 
 lace ftands betwixt two of the beforemen- 
 tioned rocks, moft pleafontly fituatc, and 
 well fortified. Great cannon are a kind of 
 rarity here, and thofe few they have, (like 
 thole in the fiege of Negapatan, 1658.) are 
 made of long and broad bars of iron joined 
 together with iron hoops ; their bullets are 
 of ftone, and cut round. 
 
 The Naike was, at our firft arrival in thefe 
 parts, very obliging to our deputies, whom 
 he treated very fplendidiy for fourteen days 
 together : And after he had given them a 
 full view of his prodigious wealth, con- 
 fifting in moft fumptuous apparel, filver, 
 gold, and jewels, as alfo of his wives, 
 concubines, and forces, both horfe and foot, 
 he difmifs'd them very honourably, upon the 
 news of //^r^^/o being on his march againft us. 
 
 The Naike being almoft arrived to the 
 age of dotage, one Trinviiigelaya (who had 
 emafculated himfelf) was adminiftrator of 
 the kingdom, a cruel and bloody-minded 
 perfon, very covetous and implacable in 
 his hatred, who, by his feverity againft 
 criminals, had rendered the country free 
 from robberies and pillages. This Aya, or 
 adminiftrator general, was very urgent with 
 our deputies to agree with him once for all 
 for the yearly fum of one thoufand eight 
 hundred rixdollars in lieu of the cuftoms, 
 offering to us the government oi Tegnapatan, 
 the free exercifeof the Chriftian religion, and 
 full power to rebuild the ruined caftle of the 
 Portuguefes. 
 
 The country hereabouts abounds in rice, 
 felt, fruits, and other eatables -, notwith- 
 ftanding which, by reafon of the vaft num- 
 
 N° 119. Vol. III. 
 
 ,^V>J 
 
 ber of the inhabitants, they muft be fup-BAi,- 
 ply'd with provifions from abroad. Their "^"^J 
 chief commodities to be exported are linen 
 and woollen ftuifs, much in requeft among 
 thofe of the Moluqties, Ar,iboyna, Btwda 
 and other Malajan places. But great care 
 muft be taken thefe ftuffs agree with their 
 patterns, efpecially in tiie goodnels of the 
 colour, wherein they are very deceitful. 
 The commodities imported and exchanged 
 here, arc nutmegs, mace, pepper, fandal- 
 wood, Chinefe filks, velvets, laitins, em- 
 broidered and wrought carpets of all forts 
 of colours, raw filks, Pataua girdles, mufk, 
 cinnab;ir, quickfilver, (but no porcellain 
 or Chinefe camphire) brazain, tin, lead, 
 copper, tffc. 
 
 From 'Tirepoplier you go over Pcelezere, 
 Poelenioer, and Alembrne^ to S(rdrafpa!afi,Sndr!i{- 
 where the Duicb have a faftory, and from P^'^"- 
 thence to Madrafpatan, otherwife Ckinnc- Madraf- 
 patan, where the Englijlo have the fort ofp^'an- 
 Si. George, garrilbned with Topatzcs and 
 Miftices i and from whence they fend their 
 fliips every year, as well as from Sural. 
 St. Thomas is a city belonging to the Portu- St. Tho- 
 guefes, fituate in Maliapour, at twenty-three mas. 
 degrees one half northern latitude, about a 
 clays journey from Paliacatla ; but taken 
 from them about eight or nine years ago 
 by the Moors. It is an ancient trading city, 
 their chief trafHck confifting in coloureci 
 ftufFs, their weavers here being famous 
 throughout the Indies., as well as their 
 dyers : They are tranfported to Malaga., 
 Java, the Moliiques, Siatn, Pegu, tec. The 
 excellency and laftingnefs of their dying are 
 attributed to a peculiar qu.ility in their wa- 
 ter, the fprings whereof arife out of very 
 white flindy ground, without the leaft mix- 
 ture of clay. 
 
 Paliacatla, i. e. the Old Fort in the Ma- Paliacatta. 
 labar language, is feated at thirteen de- 
 grees twenty-two minutes of northern lati- 
 tude, five long leagues from St. Thomas. 
 About fix leagues into the country, in a 
 direct line from the harbour of Paliacatta, 
 you fee a ridge of high mountains extending 
 from fouth to north ; on the fouthern part 
 you fee an interrtice or valley, where in 
 antient time flood the caftle of Rama Geri- 
 dorgon ; in lieu whereof was afterwards 
 built the fort Geldria, where the Dutch j-^g 
 governor keeps his refidcnce. It is not very Dutch fort 
 large, yet fortified with fome bulworks, fuf-<jeW"a- 
 ficientto refift- the powerof the neighbouring 
 Moors. Mr. Anthony Pavilion, counfellor of 
 the Indies, had at that time his rtlidcnce there 
 as governor, after Mr. Cornelius Speehnan j 
 and the g.irrifon confiftcd of about eighty 
 or ninety men. 'l"he road is very good at The road 
 half a league from the fhore, where youol Palia- 
 may ride ilifely at anchor at fcven or eight ""^• 
 7 K fathom
 
 590 
 
 Fal- 
 da: u s. 
 
 ^ Vcfcription of the Coafts of 
 
 Chap, ip 
 
 fathom depth during the fouthern MouJ[o}i ; 
 but not in (he northern Moufon, when the 
 waves breaking forth widi great violence 
 of the bay of B^ngafc and the Ga>iges 
 this Ihorc, render anchorage very 
 
 out 
 
 againll 
 
 dangerous. 
 
 About three leagues and a half from the 
 road is a certain iand-bank, extending from 
 the river into the fea for a league together, 
 where there is no anchorage within four and a 
 half, or five fathoms Water. Two leagues to - 
 the north is the point of SicerecourJi ; from 
 whence jets out into the fea a iand-ridge 
 for above two leagues and a half, near which 
 there is no fafe anchorage within fix and a 
 half or fcvcn fathoms water. Near the bar 
 there is from fix to ten fathoms water in the 
 fouih Moitjfon at high tide -, but the boats 
 or lighters that carry the merchandizes mull 
 keep under the fouthern fliore, there being 
 abundance of fiielves under the northern 
 fliore. About a good cannon-fliot within the 
 moudi of the river, within reach of the caftle 
 is- a good winter-road for the Indian fliips. 
 This river lies at lead five leagues to the^ 
 north-wefl: into the country, by the city of 
 /Irmagon and the foreft of Sicerecourdi ; 
 from ^whence Paliacatta is furniflied with 
 wood for building and fuel, whereof there 
 is great fcarcity in the barren grounds round 
 that city. A fmall brook runs alfo by the 
 fort, where we ufed often to divert ourielves 
 in boats. 
 
 The canal leading to Paliacatta is almoft 
 dry during the fomh Mcuffon ; but overflows 
 the country for two leagues round in the 
 northern Mmijjon. The grounds about 
 Paliacatta are very nitrous, fandy, and 
 unfit to produce any thing in great quantity ; 
 which is the reafon that they muft be fup- 
 ply'd with mod forts of provifions (except 
 filli, whereof they have plenty) from other 
 places. The fortifications being built upon 
 fenny grounds, which reach for four or five 
 kagues round, have been often in danger of 
 being fwallowed up by the waters in the 
 rainy feafon, and were therefore not main- 
 tained widiout vaft charges. Under the 
 cannon of the fort of Geldria lie two vil- 
 lages, one to the fouth, called Diramamy, 
 built upon a fmall ifle, the other on the 
 north fide within reach of a mufket, called 
 Coupon, and inhabited by Chriltian fiflier- 
 men, being converted to the Chriftian fiiiih 
 in the time of the Portuguejes. 
 
 We will now proceed to the kingdom 
 of Carnatica, extending fixty Badagarian 
 leagues (one whereof is equivalent to three 
 Dutch miles) from fouth to north, and 
 forty from Paliacatta to the coaft of Mala- 
 bar. In this country it was that the three 
 The three j^^aikes, or chief lords of the crown of Fe- 
 
 The king- 
 dom of 
 Carnatica. 
 
 IS'aiku. 
 
 lour, keep their refidence, who pay a cer- 
 
 tain yearly tribute to that crown, viz. the 
 Vitapanaike oi Madtirc, the king's bafon-J 
 bearer, two hundred pagodes (each of whichi 
 is' worth fix Holland guilders) per annum -,' 
 the Chrifiapanaike of Chengicr, the king's 
 betel box-bearer, as many; and i\\t Naike 
 of tanjcmver, his umbrcllo-bearer, (who 
 is lord of Ncgapatan.)) four hundred per 
 annum. Thele dignities bfing hereditary 
 time out of mind, the countries of Ma- 
 dure, Ckcngicr, and 'Tanjou-iver have been 
 annexed to them, under condition of a year- 
 ly tribute, and are befidcs this obliged to 
 give their perfonal attendance at the coro- 
 nation of the lawful fucceflbr of the before- 
 mentioned kingdom. 
 
 Further to the north (about a day's 
 voyage) from Paliacatta, lie Penr.a and Penna. 
 Caleture, betwixt which places is found Caleture. 
 the beft effaye-roots, which are alio to be 
 found in the ifles near Jafnapntan : It is a 
 finall root no bigger than a little fprig 
 of about a fpan in length, ufed by the 
 dyers. The way to try its goodnels, is 
 to break it to pieces, and to fee whether 
 it be very red within, or elfe to chew a 
 piece of it -, and if you perceive a nitrous 
 tafte in ir, it is very good. To try the 
 true dye thereof upon callicoes, you may 
 fquecze fome lemon juice upon it, and 
 let it dry in the fun ; if it be not true it will 
 change pale. There is alfo a five-cornered 
 fruit, called carunbolle, the juice whereof 
 being fliarper than that of lemmons, is 
 likewife made ufe of in trying fine true dye 
 of the efiaye-colour. For this nation being 
 very cunning in their way of dealings 
 oftentimes make ufe of a dye called fordacd 
 inftead of the efiliye, and of the bark of a 
 certain tree growing mOrixa; btit may eafi- 
 ly be diftinguiflied by the colour, being 
 fomewhat darker than the true efTaye, and 
 if rubbed with water, will tinge it. They 
 have a nice way of refining and trying the 
 gold here -, and the Dutch company coin 
 abundance of golden pagodes here, with 
 the king's ftamp upon them. Abundance 
 of nely, rice, gingely-leeds, oil, butter, 
 coarfe cloths, iron, honey, and yellow 
 wax, is brought hither from Orixa and 
 Mafulipatan, the whole voyage thither and 
 back again being commonly performed in 
 four months. From hence to Arracan, 
 Pegu, and Tanajjery, you pay eight or ten 
 -per cent, for freight of pepptr, fondalwood, 
 fluff's, fteel, and iron, and make your re- 
 turns in gold, rubies of Ava, gummi-lacca, 
 long white- pepper, lead, i^c. Betwixt 71^- 
 naffery and Occeda, towards Malacca, are the 
 harbours of Tanangar, Sencaza, and Perach, 
 oppofite to Achem, whither they trade with 
 vail profit, and bring back abundance of tin, 
 acommodity much in requeft with the A/wr-j, 
 
 where-
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 AJalabar and Coromandel. 
 
 5'9f 
 
 wlierewich they tin their copper vcfiels. 
 Petapouli. Pctapouli is fituate at fixteen degrees of 
 north latitude: as yoti lail call-and-eall to 
 the north towards this road, you lee an ifle 
 at a league and a half dillance, made by the 
 north branch of the river covered with coco- 
 trees, an infallible guide to the road, where 
 at a league's dillance from the fliore, there 
 anchorage at fix fathom water in 
 
 IS 
 
 good 
 
 a fandy bottom. 'I'his is the fecureft harbour 
 on all this coalt during the north Aioujfon^ 
 by reafon of a point of land jetting out for 
 three leagues in the fea to the north of the 
 ifle, and inclofing as it were the road by 
 a tlemi-circle ; whereas in the fouth Motif- 
 fon, the fea is very boillerous, and the 
 waves very turbulent here. The bar of 
 Petapouli has fome Ihallows fcarce pafilible 
 but by fmall velTels. The city lies a league 
 within the river, which is pretty large, 
 and runs up into the country till it joins its 
 waters with the river Mcca. 
 
 Petapouli is of no great extent, inhabited 
 by fome Moors and Perfians of note •, but 
 for the moft pare by Gentives, flibjefts of 
 the king of Golgonda. As hereabouts grows 
 a kind of efTaye-colour, exceeding all the 
 reft, called Tambrevelle, fo the painted and 
 dyed fluffs of Petapouli exceed even thofe of 
 Mafulipatan. This root grows like a fmall 
 Iprig of a foot long, the colour whereof is 
 lb deep that they are obliged to mix it with 
 the elKiye of Arrical and Orlacour^ to make 
 it the more lively. The efTaye-root grows 
 in the ifle made by the river ovcr-againft 
 the city, whereof the governor has the mo- 
 nopoly, and pays a certain yearly fum for 
 it to the king ; which as it is paid moft 
 commonly in dyed ftufTs and cloths, fo he 
 employs the weavers himfelf ; and for that 
 reafon will not eafily permit them to be 
 fold to the merchants, (at leaft not without 
 his confent,) who tranfport them from 
 thence into Perfia. Here good indigo is to 
 be bought, but much dearer than at Mafu- 
 
 lipatan : from hence we alio tranfport cot- B a l- 
 ton-yarn, white fluff's, and feveral other '''*-"^* . 
 commodities to Holland. v-or*>- 
 
 Mafulipatan is a city fe..t€d near a large Mafuiip*- 
 river, where the Englifli and Dutch liavet.m, 
 their faAories. It is very populous, and 
 the rcfidence of a governor, who pays a 
 certain yearly tribute to the king of Gol- 
 co/h!ar, which he fqueezes out of the inha- 
 bitants, cfpecially the Gentives, who are 
 forely opprcfled by the Per/tons and A'loors 
 here, who farm all the weaving trade from 
 the great perfons, wherefore there is fcarce 
 any trafficking here with profit, unlels 
 you have a patent from the king, which is 
 not eafy to be obtained, becaufe the go- 
 vernors, who pay one hundred and forty 
 thoufand pagodes of annual tribute to the 
 king) conftantly oppole it -, and it is a 
 difficult matter to approach the king (who 
 keeps his court at a great dillance thence,; 
 without purchafing their favour, or fome 
 other great mens at court. For the refl, 
 this city is a place of great traffick, where 
 moft of our commodities, as alio thofe 
 tranfported hither from the Molucca's, 
 China, fcfc are fold at a very good rate. 
 Here is alio a great concourfe of merchants 
 from Cambaja, Suratte, and other phces 
 under the juritljidion of the Gtrat Mogul, 
 as alfo from Goa, Orixa, Beiigak and Pegu, 
 Here is likewife a confiderable traffick in 
 diamonds and rubies : the iirfT: are dig- 
 ged in the kingdoms of Golgonda and De- 
 cam, near the city of Byftia^a beyond Su- 
 ratte, each ftone weighing above twenty 
 five mangelies or carats, belonging to the 
 king of Byfilaga, the reft to thofe that have 
 farmed the mines. There is a certain 
 mountain, called Cotfa Vuytthia, in the 
 country of Decam, which afibrds thechoiceft 
 diamonds. Borneo, but efpecially the city 
 of Succadana, are likewife very famous for 
 diamonds. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 An accoujtt of rnoft forts of precious floties, as cUamonds, rubies, fmara^ds, fa- 
 pljirs, amethijls, jafpers, fardoaicks^ agates, granates, &c. 
 
 THE moft noble of all precious ftones 
 is the diamond, called Aoa>a? by the 
 Greeks, from a'Ji,i,cixi-©-, i. e. impregnable. 
 Pliny, and others of the antient naturalifts, 
 being of opinion, that it is neither to be 
 broken by the force of the hammer, nor 
 penetrable by the violence of the fire ; which 
 however has fince been fufficiently contra- 
 dicted by experience, though the fame is 
 Ifa xxxii ^'^^^'''^^ times ufed in the fame fenfe in the 
 ,3." fcripture. * It is likewife called Adamas by 
 
 ]tt.\\'i\.\.ihz Latins, Dcamant by the Germans, Ada- 
 
 manto by the Spaniards, Almaes by the Ara- 
 bians, jut an by the Malajar^, and H:cra 
 and Jua by the Indcjlhans. The beauty of 
 a diamond confifts in its hardnefs, tranlpa- 
 rency, and luftre; tiiough to fpeak the tru'.h, 
 there are but few diamonds without fome 
 defedts, which however pals cutrenc among 
 thofe who are no nice judges of it. L.ead 
 is reckoned to be exaclly three times as 
 heavy as a poliflied diamond. 
 
 There is a certain kind of diamonds, 
 caliud Bofcbiers, which are not by a third 
 
 part
 
 592- 
 
 Bal- part (o v;»luaWe as the reft, though fomc- 
 D.-Eus. jjp^gs jhgy exceed for brightnefs all the 
 '""Y^^ other forts ; but if they incline to a rcddifh 
 or yellow colour, they arc not worth half 
 fo much, tiiey'bcing only valued according 
 to the weight of the carats, without any 
 Thegood- multiplication. To try the goodnefs ot a 
 nefsand Jjamond you niuft cut one diamond with 
 th!"dif 'inof'^cr ; and if the powder thereof be of 
 InondT an adi-colour, it is right; but if white, 
 otherwife ; for all other precious ftones ex- 
 cept the diamond afford a white powder -, 
 and the more the powder of the diamond 
 approaches to a grey, the more precious 
 it is. They have another way of trying 
 the diamonds, by making them red hot, 
 and afterwards quenching them in cold trcfli 
 water •, and it they do not crack, they are 
 true and good. I'he true value of the bed 
 diamonds (provided they are clean, and ot 
 a juft thicknefs) is computed thus : The 
 jull value of a good dianx)nd, weighing a 
 carat, (each whereof is equivalent to four 
 grains,) is eighty gilders, or thirty-two 
 rix-dollars. Now to know the juft value 
 of one or two carats, you muft* multiply 
 two with two, the produft whereof being 
 four, this muft be multiplied with the va- 
 lue of a diamond of one carat, viz. eighty 
 gilders, the produd whereof amounts to 
 three hundred and twenty gilders ; fo that 
 according to this computation, a diamond 
 of twenty carats is worth thirty-two thou- 
 fand gilders •, and, according to the lame 
 proportion, one of an hundred carats, no lefs 
 than eight hundred thoufand gilders. 
 The ruby. The ruby, called Ruhinus, or Carbun- 
 ctilus by the Latins, Mamiuykam by the 
 Malayans, Battamora by the Siamefes, and 
 Laal by the Indojians , it will endure the 
 fire for a confiderable time. There are 
 three feveral forts of rubies •, fome are of a 
 high-red and brilliant colour: thofc of a 
 dark-red colour, though they carry a very 
 tine luftre, yet are not fo much valued as 
 the former. The oriental rubies are called 
 EfpineUes ; thole of Germany are very hard, 
 but inclining to a dark-brown, and there- 
 fore of lefs value, notwithllanding which 
 they are true rubies. They feldom exceed 
 the bignefs of a good pea, and are very 
 thin, and the ftone-polifhers make them 
 thinner ftill, to increafe their luftre. The 
 EfpineUes are of much brighter colour, but 
 not fo hard, and confequently of lefs or more 
 value, in proportion to their hardnefs, fome 
 being as hard as a faphir. 
 Their dif- The Carbuncles are adulterated with San- 
 Jerent daracha, but thefe falfe colours are foon dif- 
 goodnefs, ^o^^''^^ '" "^he corners of the poliftied ftones, 
 and value, which do not receive thefe colours. The 
 oriental carbuncles arc hkewife of two dif- 
 ferent kinds ; fome are of a dark-brown 
 colour, the others are bright, and carry 
 
 ^ Defcription of the Cod/Js of 
 
 Chx\p. 
 
 24. 
 
 luftrue like fire -, and thefe are the moft pre- 
 cious. The rubies are appraifed like the 
 diamonds by carats, one, two, three, or 
 more •, with this ditierence, that the rubies, 
 though of the flime weight, are fomewhac 
 bigger in proportion than the diamonds, 
 and without the leaft clouds, or other de- 
 tefts. 
 
 The fmaragd, or cmerault, called 'Tama- The eme- 
 ral by the jlrabians, and Jafche bv the In- ""•'• 
 dians, is one of the precious ftones, called 
 Xfnafxy^^ by the Greeks, and Efmaraude 
 by the French. They are of three difFe- of three 
 rent kinds. Sglhia and Egypt produce thefe lunds. 
 ftones, as well as the Eafi-hidies. They 
 entieavour to imitate them at Paliacatla 
 and Rijnagar in glafs. Thofe of Scytbia are 
 accounted the beft ; thole of Peru are the 
 next in goodnefs, of a dark-green colour, 
 very hard, and more tranfparent than thofe 
 of the Eajl- Indies. I'hefe laft are harder 
 than thofe of Teru, but much lefs regard- 
 ed. Thofe uf Pern are of a pale colour, and 
 brittle. 1 he general opinion is. That in 
 cafe an einerault fhould be found excellent 
 in all its parts, vix. in colour, ftiape, and 
 tranfparency, it would be comparable to a 
 diamond of the lame bignefs, nay, would Their va- 
 even furpafs it in value, by realbn of its^"^- 
 rarity. 
 
 The faphir is called I^Lila by the Arabians, The fa- 
 and Ml Ham by the Malayans. They are of P^ir. 
 two forts : thofe of a dark-blue colour are 
 the beft -, thofe of a pale colour refembling 
 the diamonds, the worft. They are found 
 in Malabar, Calecut, Cananor, in the king- 
 dom of Bifnagar, in the ifte oi Ceylon \ but 
 Siam and Pegu produce the beft. 
 
 The hyacinth, called 'Ya'xi.S'S- by the The hya- 
 Greeks, is a red ftone, not unlike the car- cimh- 
 buncle, but does not endure the fire. It is 
 found in Spain. The jewellers fell fome- 
 times the ftone called Ethiopis for a hya- 
 cinth : they are of two kinds ; one red, the 
 other inclining to a yellow. 
 
 The amethift, called 'Afi.i^vr^ by the The ame- 
 Greeks, is of a purple colour ; thofe that '•'"'t. 
 are found in the Eajl-Indies are preferred be- 
 fore the reft. 
 
 The Jafpiry fo called by the Latins, and The jafpii- 
 'lao-B-i? by the Greeks, is of two different found in 
 kinds; fome being of a lovely green colour, '^'"°*' 
 hke the emeraults, and of luch a bignefs, as 
 to I'erve for materials for drinking-cups ; 
 fome have the green mixed v.ith white ; 
 fome are of purple, others of a role colour, 
 with variety of flowers in them ; others are 
 dark-brown and blue, with white veins ; 
 fome are marble on one, and jafper on the 
 other fide. 
 
 I'he fardis has got its name from Sardi- The fari 
 nia, where it is frequently found, as well as '^'5- 
 in Epirus. There arc three leveral kinds, 
 and were by the antients diftinguifhed in- 
 to
 
 'hap. 14. 
 
 Malabar and Coroniandel. 
 
 595 
 
 Apoc. 
 xii. 20. 
 ;xod. 
 
 xviii. 17, 
 o. 
 
 "he far- 
 onick. 
 
 f he agate. 
 
 JLinber. 
 
 ijranate. 
 
 to the male and female. That the (Iirdis is 
 different from the lardonic, is evident out 
 of the holy fcripture. * 
 
 The Sardoiick, called Yx^hin^ by the 
 Greeks, has got its name from Sarda and 
 Onyx, or its refemblance to a human navel. 
 The /Igate is i'ound about Suratte, but is 
 of no great value, unlefs it be curiouily che- 
 quered with figures. 
 
 uimber, called Succinum by the Latins, 
 "haekt^ov by the Greeks, and Alambre by the 
 Fortuguefes, is a kind of a gum or rofinous 
 fubftancc, found near Koningskrg, and fonie 
 other places in Prujfia ; in great efteem 
 among the Japonefes and the Indians in ge- 
 neral. It is often chequered with various 
 figures, and has the virtue of attradling 
 Ilravv, paper, and fuch light matters. 
 
 The Granate refembles in colour to the 
 coral. There are two forts, the Indian and 
 Spanijlo ; the laft are very red and bright ; 
 thofe found in Ethiopia, are fcarce to be 
 diftinguiflied from the hyacinth, except that 
 their luftre is fomewhat lefs than that of the 
 hyacinth. 
 
 The ftone call'd Olhos de Gatos, i. e. Cats- 
 eyes, by the Fortuguefes, is in much greater 
 efteem among the Indians than the Fortu- 
 guefes ; who are of opinion, that if you rub 
 Jinen cloth with them, it will be fire-proot : 
 but this I have found contrary to truth by 
 by my own experience. 
 
 The Hematites, or blood-flone, ('Aifiai;T«{ 
 by. the Greeks) has got its name from its 
 dark-red colour, and its virtue in quench- 
 ing of blood. It is found in Neiv-Spain, 
 and reputed by them a kind of Jafpir ; the 
 Indians make beads of them, and wear them 
 about their necks : they alfo lay them in 
 water, and afterwards hold them clofe in 
 their hands, and look upon this as an ex- 
 cellent remedy to flop the fuperfluous 
 monthly times of the women, or any other 
 flux of blood. This (tone is alfo found in 
 Ceylon and Cambaja where it is call'd Sila- 
 kenea. 
 
 The Nephritis, or Kidney-flone, has got its 
 name from the word Nsip^J;, i. e. a kidney, 
 becaufe it is worn by the Indians againft the 
 pain of the kidneys, and therefore in great 
 efteem among them. It is found in New- 
 Spain ; and the greener it is, the better it is. 
 The naturalifts tell us, that the ftag, 
 when tormented in his bowels by certain 
 poifonous worms, runs up to the neck in 
 water, at which time the flimy tears which 
 adhere to the corners of his eyes are coagu- 
 lated to the bignefs of a wallnut, which 
 thence have got the name of Hart-Jiones ; 
 which taken in wine, are looked upon as a 
 fovereign antidote againft all manner of poi- 
 Ibns and infeftions. 
 The fer- The Serpent-Jione is found in the Indies, of 
 pent ftone. a dark-brown colour, witfi a white fpot 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Hart- 
 I fione. 
 
 like an eye in the middle. Some will have B a i- 
 thcm to grow in the heads of the fcrpents ; d^eu s. 
 others are of opinion, tiiat the water-lcrpenc ^^''V^*^ 
 hung up by die tail, with her head hanging 
 downwartls, fo near to a vcffcl full of water, 
 that flie may lick it, does fpcw out this 
 ftone ; which tied to the belly, is accounted 
 an excellent remedy againft the dropfy. 
 The Spaniards call this ftone Piedro dclla 
 Cobra, and the Fortitgncfs Fcdro de Cobra, 
 being commonly of the bignefs of a fhilling, 
 lefs or more. The true Serpent-Jlcne is found 
 in that kind of ferpcnts, called Cobra de 
 cabelo by the Fortuguefes, and "Serpens Filofus 
 by the Latinifls, being the moft virulent of 
 all lerpents. They try the goodnefs of this 
 ftone by putting it into fair water, which 
 if it bubbles, it is accounted true ; another 
 trial is, when it fticks dole to the lips, or 
 to the wound, unto which it will adhe-e 
 till it has drawn out all the poilbn, when 
 it falls oft" like a leech, and is thrown into 
 milk : of this I ftw the efi"ed: my felf with 
 good iliccefs in a negro flave ftung by a 
 ferpent, belonging to our head-fidor at 
 Jafnapatnarn, Swjorephas Vofch. The Br ah- A compo- 
 mans make a certain compofition (which ''''°" °* 
 
 they keep very fecret) in mutation 
 natural Serpent-ftone, the chief 
 whereof are 
 
 of the"'^'" 
 
 ingredients 
 
 peiit-Ilcne. 
 
 iippofed to be the head, heart, 
 liver, and teeth mixed with the 'Terrajigillata. *}f} ^^°J^ 
 Concerning the true virtues of the ferpent- , l"^"'' 
 ftones, you may conllilt Michael Boimus, * Mundi 
 and Athanafms Kircher. + fubterran. 
 
 The ftone called Fedra de Forco, i. e. Ffogs- 
 Hogs-Jhne, by the Fortuguefes, grows in the '^on^- 
 Vejica Bilearea of the hogs about Malacca. 
 It is of a ruddy colour, and fometimcs grey, 
 grcezy or oily at the touch like Fcnice Ibap, 
 and of a bitterifli tafte. When they will ufe 
 this ftone, they put it in water, till it ac- 
 quires a bitterifli tafte, and fo give the water 
 to the patient, for the cure of peftilential 
 and other fevers. They are highly efteemed 
 in the Indies. 
 
 The Toad-fione is found in the head of a Toad- 
 certain kind of Toads, of the bignefs of a'^o"^- 
 good bean, of various colours, but moft in- 
 clining to a green, fmooth and iliining on 
 the out-fide, which is bony, but the infide 
 of a ftony fubltance : they are reputed an 
 excellent remedy .againft the ftone in the kid- 
 neys, poifon and infirmity of the ftoinach. 
 To get this itone, they take a very old toad, 
 put It in a vefTel full of holes, and fo bury it 
 111 a dunghil near a pifmires neft, till the 
 pifmires have conlumed the whole fubftance 
 of the toad, except the ftone. They try the 
 goodnefs of this ftone, by laying it before a 
 tortoife, which if it is ready to fwallow it, 
 it is accounted a true ftone. 
 
 Of the Bczoar-fione fomething has been Eezoar- 
 faid before in the defcription of Cananor, be- ftone- 
 ing accounted a great antidote, but efteemed 
 7 L mucii
 
 594 
 
 B A L- much more in former times than of late 
 da: us. y^r3_ yi^e bezoar-ltone is found in the 
 ^-''"""'^ llomach of certain goats in Perfm, and the 
 ide ot Borneo, called Pafnn. It is of a very 
 folid ruddy liibilance, growing in diflercnc 
 partitions, like our onions, which are eafily 
 difcernable when the ftone is broken : they 
 arc of divers colours ; fome inclining to an 
 olive colour, others to a dark-green •, fome 
 round, fome of an oval figure; the imooth- 
 eft and largcll are accounted the beft. Tliey 
 are alfo found in the ille called Ilba de Va- 
 cas, i.e. Coiv-ijland, about fix leagues from 
 Jafnapattiam^'hMt in no great quantities; 
 for I remember that Mr. Anthony Pavilion 
 told me, that out of feventy or eighty goats, 
 which he ordered to be killed, he had but 
 a few ftones, and thefe but indifferent ones, 
 and very brittle. i:\\c Malayans try this ftone 
 thus : They rub it five or fix times with 
 mortar, and if it changes the mortar into a 
 yellow colour, it is accounted true. Thofe 
 of Banda tell us, that they find the bezoar- 
 ftone in the heads of certain apes. The 
 Indians and Chinefes mix it witli rofc-vvater, 
 and ufe it againrt poifon, melancholy hu- 
 mours, and quartan agues. I'hey alfo 
 make ufe of it as a prefervative ; for they 
 purge twice a year, viz. in March and Sep- 
 tember; and for five days after take from 
 ten to thirty grains of bezoar in rofe-water. 
 They fell this ftone by weight ; one of three 
 hundred, two hundred and fifty, one hun- 
 dred and fifty, or one hundred and forty 
 carats, is accounted equivalent to three 
 times the weight in gold, each carat rec- 
 koned at eight Dutch ftivers. One of an 
 hundred, ninety, or eighty carats, to one 
 and one half the quantity of gold, or at fix 
 ftivers the carat. One of feventy, fixty, 
 fifty, or forty carats, to one and one fourth 
 of gold, or at four ftivers the carat. The 
 lelTer ones ih proportion of one fourth of 
 gold, or two ftivers and half the carat. 
 Oriental There are oriental and occidental bezoar- 
 and occi- ftones ; thofe of the eaft, efpecially of Per- 
 dental be-yj'^^ much exceed thofe of the Weft- Indies. 
 Arabia, Malabar, Japan, and China, pro- 
 duce thefe ftones, and the mountains of 
 Peru in the Weft-Indies. The Per/tans call 
 this ftone £(?/zo^r, i.e. 'the Lord of Poifon ; 
 and the Arabians, Hagiar Corrahone. For- 
 merly it ufed to be fold in Holland at the 
 rate of eight gilders per ounce. If the out- 
 ward rind or Ikin be taken off, the next ap- 
 pears fmoother and brighter than the firft. 
 The bezoar-ftone has no pit, but a concavity 
 containing a certain mealy fubftance, the 
 virtue whereof is faid to excel the ftone it- 
 felf. Thofe taken out of the goats living 
 in the mountains, arc accounted better than 
 of thofe feeding in the vallies. Thefe ftones 
 are found in certain bags of a hairy fub- 
 fl:ance, growing within the concavity of the 
 4 
 
 A Dcfcription of the Coafis of 
 
 Chap, ij^, 
 
 zoar 
 
 ftomach, of a fpan in length, wherein the 
 ftones lie in a row like buttons on a waift- 
 coat, as a certain Porluguefe tells us. They 
 have alfo another way of trying the good- 
 ncfs of this ftone : they take a needle with 
 a thread, and having dipped the ftme in 
 the juice of a venomous herb called Ballc- 
 ftra, they draw the needle and thread through 
 the leg of a dog or fome other living crea- 
 ture, leaving the thread in the wound till 
 the dog faints away. This done they give 
 him a certain quantity of bezoar-powder, 
 which if it recovers him, the bezoar is good ; 
 if not, it -is looked upon as adulterated. 
 
 Of fcveral other trials we have fpoken in 
 the defcription of Cananor. 
 
 Among tholb commodities, which are The in- 
 tranfported from Mafidipatan, the indigo digo. 
 being none of the leaft, it will be requifite 
 we ihould fay fomething alfo of this pre- 
 cious merchandize. The indigo is of diffe- 
 rent kinds, and grows in divers places: the 
 broad indigo grows about two leagues from 
 Amadabath, the capital city of Gufuratte^ 
 efpecially in the village of Chirchees, from 
 whence that kind of indigo has got its name. 
 The indigo is a flirub growing up to man's 
 height, with fmall hard twigs, like the 
 blackberry-trees: its blofibm refembles that 
 of the briars, and the feed that of the Fce- 
 num Grtfium, call'd Difenegre by the French. 
 They fow it in June and July, and cut it 
 in November and December. 
 
 The indigo of Chirchees grows three yenrs Indigo of 
 fucceffively after it's firft fowing. The firft Chiichees 
 year they cut the leaves about a foot above 
 the ground ; which being dried in the fun 
 for twenty-four hours, they are put into 
 barrels full of falt-water, of a man's height, 
 and kept down to the bottom by laying 
 great ftones upon them, the better to fqueeze 
 out the tinfture. The water being ftirred 
 often for four or five days, it is let out into 
 great cafks, where it is fiirred and trod con- 
 tinually by certain perfons, till the water 
 thickens, and the indigo fettles to the bot- 
 tom, in the fame manner as they manage 
 the butter in Holland. The fediment be- 
 ing feparated from the water, and ftrained 
 through thin cloths, is fpread upon the 
 ground (firft covered with vvhite aflies) to 
 dry. The country people adulterate the 
 indigo with a certain earth of the fame co- 
 lour, or with oil, to make it feem the bet- 
 ter upon the water. The fecond year the 
 indigo grows again on the ftalks that were 
 left in the fields, which is accounted better 
 than the Gingy, or wild indigo. If you intend 
 to preferve the {^t^, you muft let the ftalks 
 dry the iecond time, and afterwards gather 
 the feed. The indigo of the third year's 
 growth is of little value, and confumed for 
 the moft part by the inhabitants of Gufuratte 
 in dying their linen and woollen cloths. 
 
 The
 
 Chap. 25. 
 
 Malabar and Coromandel. 
 
 595 
 
 fe-j; 
 
 Its good- The chief figns of the goodncfs of the in- 
 iiefs. digo, are its lightnefs, and feeling dry be- 
 
 twixt the fingers, its fwimmi.ig upon the 
 water, and, if thrown upon burning coals, 
 its emitting a violet-coloured fmoke, and 
 leaving but little afhes behind. The ground 
 which has born the indigo mull lie f.illow 
 the fourth year, ur.lcfs ycu would fow it 
 with fomc kitchen herbs. 
 
 Hereabouts alfo grows the indigo, called 
 Aniel de Binul, by thofe of Gufura'te. They 
 fow it in June in light and fandy grounds, 
 and it grows chiefly in June, July, Anguft, 
 and September, the ordinary rainy months 
 here, v/hich, together with the heat of the 
 fun-beams, bring it to maturity, it being 
 certain, that too much rain is pernicious 
 to this flirub. Great care is to be taken 
 that the grounds be well cleared from thorns 
 and thiftles. The buyers of indigo ought 
 to be cautious how they buy it ; for if it 
 happen to be not very dry, they may lofe 
 three pounds weight in ten in eight days 
 time. 
 ■ The In- ♦ The Indigo Laura, or Indigo de Bay ana, 
 \ digo Lau- is of three different forts ; the firft crop is 
 " called Voulhy by thofe of Gufuratte, the fe- 
 
 -cond Gerry, and the third Cancel. The firft 
 is cut in OUcher, the fecond about the mid- 
 dle of November, and the third in January. 
 The firft is of a light blue colour, and held 
 agiinft the fun, and fqueezed with the nail 
 of the thumb, fhews a violet colour. The 
 fecond, call'd Gerry, the nearer it approaches 
 to a violet colour, the more valuable it is. 
 The third, called Catteel, is the worft of 
 all, of a ruddy colour, and fo hard as fcarce 
 to be broken to pieces. 
 ,-, • , J. The goodnefs of the indigo is tried in the 
 the indigo, following manner -, about nine or ten o'clock, 
 in a clear fun-fhiny morning, they take a 
 
 piece or two, and after they have broken it B a i.- 
 in pieces, hold it againft the fun, to ^tc^''^^^- 
 whether they can dilcover any find in it : '^^'^^ 
 they alfo fquecze with ti.eir nails fome of 
 the colour out, which the nearer it comes 
 to a violet, the better it is. They alio try 
 it with water and fire : They throw a piece 
 of indigo forty or fifty times fucccfilvcly in- 
 to a calk filled with water ; and the longer 
 it fwims upon the furface,* the better it is 
 deemed. They alfo caft- a {)iece of indigo 
 upon burning coals ; and if the fmoke or 
 flame appear of a high violet colour, the in- 
 digo is good. 
 
 It is fowed in feveral places : the Indigo --. j • 
 Laura zbout /Jgra ; m teltapcur, twelve d,Vo is al- 
 Cos from Agra ; near the city of Byana, fo made 
 thirty Cos from Agra, (where is the beft ;) i" Coro- 
 near the city of Bajaune, thirty-eight Cos '"^"'''^'• 
 from Agra -, near the city of Kindowen, for- 
 ty Cos from Agra. The country people are 
 obliged to carry their indigo into the next 
 adjacent city. 
 
 Next to MafuUpatan we muft alfo fay 
 fomething of Bimilipatan, where the Du ch 
 have had a f'aftory a confiderable time ago ; 
 and from thence, as well as moft other 
 parts of Orixa, tranfporc abundance of rice, 
 peafe, and other provifions, into other parts. 
 The whole country hereabouts enjoys a 
 wholefome air, though in one place more 
 than in the other: for though the heats are 
 excefllve, nay, almoft intolerable, yet are 
 the fime in a great mcafure qualified by the 
 cool fea-winds -, lb that the rcafon of the 
 many diftempers and pale countenances, 
 which often attend the Europeans in thofe 
 parts, is not fo much to be attributed to 
 the unhappinefs of the climate, as to their 
 own intemperance and debaucheries. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 T/jt' manner of living of the Hollanders in the Eaft-indies : their itfe of tea and 
 chocolate : their ordinary drink ; manner of Jleeping. A dej'cription of the 
 two rivers, the Ganges attd the Nile. 
 
 Manner A S the manner of living of the vulgar 
 )f living X\. fort among i\\t Dutch in x.\\<t Eajl-In- 
 'f'f^e dies is none of the beft, fo we will be fitif- 
 fied with giving an account of thofe of the 
 better fort. They commonly rife with the 
 fun, fieep after fun-rifing being accounted 
 very unwholefome here in the morning. 
 Some have a cufl:om of wafhing their heads, 
 nay, the whole body with cold water, im- 
 mediately after their coming out of bed ; 
 others do it with kike- warm water, three or 
 four times a-wcek ; the laft of which I have 
 found the beft by experience. They com- 
 monly fhift their linen every day. Bran- 
 dy, or any other ftrong liquors are not much 
 ufcd by the wifer fort in the morning, un- 
 
 lefs it be a fpoonful juft before dinner, and 
 a little at night before they go to bed. 
 
 The tea (always ufed fafting by the Chi- The ufo 
 nefs) has got a mighty afcendant over the°^ '^^• 
 Hollanders of late years. The beft grows 
 in China, being a flirub, rifing not very high 
 above-ground, efpecially in the province of 
 Kiangnan, near the city of Hocichicu : the 
 leaves are dried, rolled up, and prefcrved 
 for ufe. 
 
 Father Martinus Martini, in his Chi- 
 nefe Atlas, gives us the following account 
 of the tea. The leaves are very like thofe 
 of the Rhus Coriaria, called Sumach by the 
 Arabians, nnd f^s by the Greeks, of whicli 
 it feems to be a Ipecies, though it does not 
 
 "row
 
 A Dcfcription of the Coap of 
 
 Chap. Z5. 
 
 I low pre- 
 pared. 
 
 What Tort 
 of drink is 
 mod pro- 
 per for the 
 Indies. 
 
 grow wilJ, but is planted, being a flirub 
 with Ihiali twigs. In the beginning of the 
 ' funimcr it biuls out a light- coloured biof- 
 fom of an agreeable fcenf, after which ccnie 
 green buds th.u turn black at lafl. They 
 take a leaf, and after they have warmed- it 
 in an iron pot with a gentle heat, they lay 
 it upon a clean mati and having well rolled 
 it, put it again over the fire, till it be tho- 
 roughly dried, *ind twiftcd together ; when 
 they put it up m tin or leaden veflTcls, to pre- 
 ferve it from the moid air, which woulil loon 
 corrupt it. The tea being of different forts, 
 confequently bears a lower or higher price, 
 according to its goodnefs. Its chief virtues 
 are to difperfe the grofs vapours of the head 
 and ftomach, and confequently to exhilerate 
 our fpirits. The Chinefes, as they are never 
 troubled with the gout; fo they attribute the 
 fame to the tea ; and Kinhcr afcribes to it a 
 diuretick quality. Its tafte is fomewhat bit- 
 terirti, and not very agreeable at firft, but 
 well enough afterwards. The Turks tell us 
 wonders of their Caawa, or coffee, and the 
 Spaniards of their chocolate ; but it lias been 
 found by experience, that the firft increafes 
 the gall, and the lafl inflames the blood, 
 and nouriflies too faft ; whereas the tea is 
 much more moderate in its nature; notwith- 
 ftanding which its immoderate ufe hinders 
 the concodlion of the ftomach, (efpecially if 
 taken after dinner,) and too much dries up 
 the moiftures of the body ; which is the rea- 
 fon the Chinefes never take it after meals. 
 The Chinefe tea is, both in goodnefs and price, 
 much fuperior to the Japonefe. I have found 
 by experience that four or five cups of the 
 extradion of the frefli leaves of the tea makes 
 one light-headed; and I remember when the 
 beft tea was fold at the rate of twenty-four 
 gilders per pound in Holland. 
 
 The ordinary drink of the Hollandirs is 
 a mixture of water and fugar boiled toge- 
 ther. Some fill certain earthen veffels over 
 night with water, and add to it three or 
 four glafles of 5/)ij»zy7j wine, which, cxpofed 
 together all night in the dew, turns white, 
 and affords a pleafant liquor: but is a 
 little too cool; for which reafon fome put a 
 certain quantity of mum in the veffel. The 
 Britnfwick mum is both more pleafxnt and 
 wholcfome here than in Europe \ the woril 
 is, that it is exceffive dear, acafk being fome- 
 times fold from forty to one hundred rix- 
 dollars. Among the wines, thofe of Spain are 
 moft in requeft: its true, they fometimes in- 
 flame the gall ; but againft that they make 
 ufe of Rhubarb and Crcmor of Tartar. l"he 
 French and Rbenijh wines are not ftrong 
 enough in thefe hot countries, where the fto- 
 mach requires more lively cordials, as a little 
 brandy, or a moderate fhare of canary. Their 
 ordinary food is goats, flieep, fowl, hares, 
 peacocks, and fuch like. 
 
 He Hollanders moft generally take their • 
 afternoons fleep here, as the Italians and fome 
 other Europeans do in hnt countries; a thing 
 fufficiently commendable in the Indies., where 
 the heat of the fun beams invites the inhabi- 
 tants to pafs away the middle of the day 
 (when they are unfit for bufinefs) at their eafe. 
 They have alfo a conftant cuftom of wafh- 
 ing their mouths after dinner. About three 
 or four a clock in the afternoon they take 
 their tea, and after that a walk ; the evenings 
 and nights being pretty cool and very pleafant 
 here, efpecially when the moon ftiines. They 
 fup commonly about feven or eight a clock, 
 but very moderately, and go to fleep about 
 ten or eleven upon quilts, feather-beds being p-gather- 
 not ufed in the Indies: but care muft be taken beds not 
 to cover well your belly, hips and legs, for ufed in the 
 fear of the cramp, efpecially if you lie ex- ^"'''«. 
 poled to the open air in inoon-fhiny nights, 
 the neglect of which often proves fatal to the 
 foldiers and feamen, alter they have heated 
 themfelves with anak, or other ftrong li- 
 quors. 
 
 Thus much of the manner of living of the • 
 Hollanders in the Eaft-Indies : concerning 
 the different clans or families of the IndianSy 
 the manner o[ living, aufterityand preroga- 
 tives of the Brahmans., their Vedam tafts, 
 marriages, feafts, burials, yix. Abraham Ro- 
 gerius has given fo exaft an account, that it 
 would be needlefs to repeat them here. The 
 foundation, ftrength, and magnificence of 
 their pagodes, efpecially of thofe dedicated 
 to Wifnou and Efwara, with their revenues 
 and idols, are likewife moft exaftly defcribed 
 by the lame author: and among other 
 things, that their pagodes have no other light 
 but what they receive through a hole on the 
 top; that they are divided into three feveral 
 vaults, fupported by ftone pillars; the firfl 
 whereof ftands open to all goers and comers ; 
 the fccond has two ftrong doors, which are 
 kept open in the day-time, and guarded by 
 a certain number of Brahmans ; the third 
 part is always kept clofe, being the refi- 
 dence of the idol, before which hang lamps, 
 which never ceafe to burn. But of the re- 
 ligious worlhip of the inhabitants oiCoroman- 
 del, Malabar, and Ceylon, we ftiall treat more 
 at large in the third part of this treatife. 
 
 And fince we have had occafion to fpeak 
 fo mucli of the places between the rivers In- 
 dus and Ganges, commonly known by the 
 name of India on this fide the Ganges, we 
 muft alfo fiy fomething concerning thefe 
 two rivers. The Ganges exonerates itfelfj.j,g • 
 into the fca of Bengale, called otherwife Si- Ganges. 
 nus GangeticHS and Sinus A7garicus by Ptolo- 
 mey, dividing the inoft eafterly part of the 
 Indies from the weftern parts; the firft 
 whereof comprehend Bengale, Aracan Pegu, 
 Malacca, Sumatra, &c. According to the 
 opinion of St. Auf/in, Sr. Jerom, Ambrofe^ 
 
 and
 
 'hap. 15. 
 
 Malabar and CoromandeL 
 
 ^91 
 
 and many others of the antient fiithcrs, the 
 Ganges is tlie fame wliich is in the holy fcrip- 
 ture called Pifon ; but Cornelius a Lapide has 
 fufficiencly demonftrated that Pifon cannot 
 be the i-iver Gnuges, no more than Gihon the 
 Ni/us. I'hegeneral opinion is, Thatthefource 
 of the Ganges is in the mount Caiicafus, as 
 thole of the Euphrates and Tigris are in the 
 Armenian mountains ; and that of the Nik 
 among ihe Mountains of the Moon, near the 
 cape of Good Hope, on the African coaft ■, 
 though fadier Kircher puts the original rife 
 of the Nile in the country of Agaos near 
 Sagela, bordering upon the kingdom of Go- 
 rhe fourcey^^^^^ The fource arifes in a plain on the 
 ^l]^, very top of the mountain, furrounded with 
 delightful trees -, but does not gather into a 
 rivulet till at the foot of the faid mountain •, 
 and being augmented by the accelTion of 
 divers other brooks, gathers into a lake of 
 thirty leagues in length, and fourteen in 
 breadth. From hence it purfues its courfe, 
 and by various turnings and windings returns 
 near the place of its fource, whence palTing 
 through the rocks and precipices, it continues 
 
 * L. ii. c. its courfe into the middle of Ethiopia. * Ifaac 
 ''i' ,- J'^offius derives the rife of the Nile out of 
 habentO- Goyome, a province of the AbyffmeSy and 
 Ilia Nili, lays, that among other titles that king makes 
 /Ethiopes ufe of this, King of Goyome, v;here the 
 autem ejus jvjjjg j^^^ -^^ ^.^y^_ -pi^^ antient Egyptians had 
 
 fo ^reat a veneration for the Nile, that they 
 beftow'd the title of the arm ot Oftris upon 
 it; for as the pagans numbered the reft of the 
 elements among the gods, fo they had no 
 lefs opinion of the waters, efpecially in the 
 great rivers. Hence it is that the inhabi- 
 tants near the Ganges call it the heavenly 
 river ; and are of opinion, that the waters 
 of that river cleanfe them from their fins ; 
 nay, thofe of Bengale are fo fuperftitious in 
 this point, as to carry their fick and dying 
 friends to this river, where they lay them 
 up to the middle in water ; and for fuch 
 as have no opportunity or flrength to be 
 carry'd thither, they are perfuaded, that if 
 they wafli themfelves with any other water, 
 and at the fame time think upon the laid 
 river, fiying, Ganges, purify me, they fhall 
 I Annot. be cleanfed from their fins, -f Servius ob- 
 '" ''^.- ^'- ferves, that it was the general opinion of the 
 heathens, that the water would cleanfe them 
 from their fins : which feems to agree with 
 
 * ^^ft- what is related of Pilate *, and ot the Pha- 
 XXV11.24. ^jj-^g^ ^j^j Jews in general. The Mahome- 
 
 Mark. v'ii. '^"^ ^''^' ^° "^'^'^ "^^7' ^^^ ^''^^ from that fu- 
 
 3. perfl:ition ; the water of the Ganges being 
 
 fokl among them in bottles at a very good 
 
 piice, as we do our fpaw-watcrs -, and they B a i,- 
 pay a confiderable cullom lor it. d.t- vs. 
 
 Hence it is, that the Perfmns look upon ^^"V*^ 
 it as a crime to do one's need into the river, 
 or io throw carrion into it, nay, even to fpit 
 into it ; and that they have attributed fuch 
 furprifing qualities to the Waters of many 
 rivers. When the water of the Nile is car- 
 ried, in ortler to be i'acrificed upon the altar, 
 the people pay their reverence to the veflcl 
 that contains it, by proftrating thcmfdvcs 
 upon the ground in the fuiie manner as the 
 Malabars do to the water of liamcfivara^ 
 near the Pagode, called Ramanakoyel, to 
 which they attribute likewife a peculiar vir- 
 tue of purging them from their fins. 
 
 Kircher puts the fource of the river Ga?iges 
 in the mount 'Thebeth, where, he fays, is a 
 large fea, whence arife the four capital ri- 
 vers of India, viz. the Indus, Ganges, Ras-'i^ 
 and Athec. The Indian pagans deiluce its 
 origin from Dezuendie, or the heavens; from 
 whence it defcends into the Dewendre Locon, 
 or fublunary world, and thence into the 
 earth, as may befeen in the beforefitid Abra- 
 ham liogerius. They farther believe, that 
 it they call the bones of their deceafed 
 friends into the Ganges, their fouls will en- 
 joy the blifs of Deiiendre for as m,any thou- 
 fand years as the bones remain fingle years 
 in that river -, it being their opinion. That 
 though this water has not the power to in- 
 troduce them to future blifs, yet it is a 
 guide to heaven through the feven fublu- 
 nary worlds, which they believe every one 
 mull pafs through before he can enter tha 
 heavens. They have each its proper name, 
 but are comprehended under one general 
 name, viz. Dewendre Lccon ; and among 
 them, that of Bramma Locon, or the place 
 where Bramma governs, is next to heaven ; 
 and none are fuffered to enter there, except 
 fuch as are pafl'ed from heaven to the earth, 
 and thence again through the before-men- 
 tioned fublunary worlds. It is beyond all 
 doubt, that many, both among the Je-ws 
 and Gentiles, have afllgned certain places for 
 the fouls to dwell in, befides heaven and hell-, 
 in which they are imitated by the purgatory- 
 mongers, and fuch as believe a fcparate 
 place tor the antient lathers and innocent 
 children. 
 
 Before the river Ganges puts a flop to 
 our voyage, and the deibnption of the 
 places mentioned in this treatiie, we mull 
 add fomething concerning the Malakar lan- 
 guage. 
 
 Vol. hi. 
 
 7 M
 
 598 
 
 Bal- 
 
 DMVS. 
 
 A SHORT 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 TO THE 
 
 MALABAR Language. 
 
 THE Malabars write upon the leaves 
 of the wild palm-trees with iron 
 pencils ; their letters are very an- 
 tienr, and diftinguifhed into, (i.) Short or 
 running letters; (2.) Long ones; (3.) Vowels; 
 (4.) Cofifcmants ; {5.) Dipthongs; {6.) Letters 
 tifedotily in the beginning of a word; (7 ) Such 
 as are ufed only in the middle; and (8.) Such 
 as are ufed only in the end; as will more 
 clearly appear out of the annexed cuts. And 
 feeing that the Malabar letters have hither- 
 to not appeared in publick print, either in 
 Holland or Germany^ it will not be amifs 
 to alledge the reafons thereof, and to fliew 
 thiu this language is no lefs worth our care 
 now-a-days, than the Hebrew, Chaldean, 
 Arabian, Per/tan, Samiritan, and other lan- 
 guages. 
 
 The main reafon why the Malabar lan- 
 guage has remained fo long unknown to us, 
 is, becaulc that country was not conquered 
 by the D«/f,?? company till in the years 1661, 
 1662, 1663. from the Portuguefes; and it 
 is not their cuftom to lend any minifters into 
 thofe places, where they are not fovereign 
 mifters. 'Tis true, I affifted at the fieges 
 of Coulang, Cranganor, Cochin, i^c. and, 
 1658. at the fieges of Tutecoryn, Manaar, 
 Jcfnapatnam, ^.nA Ncgapatan; but was im- 
 mediately after ordered to Pfcphina in the 
 kingdom of Jafnapatnam, where I had the 
 overfight over twenty-four churches. During 
 the Ipace of near four years, that I ftaid here 
 alone, I was fenfible what obftacle the igno- 
 rance of the native language was to my good 
 intcniions; for though many of thcChriftians 
 here were well enough verfed in the Dutch 
 and Portugucfe languages, yet fomc belong- 
 ing to the ipx)re remote churches, who had 
 been but flenderly infcruded in the princi- 
 ples of the Chriftian religion by the Roman 
 
 miirionaries, v/ere ftrangely at a lofs till I 
 got a good interpreter, who being well 
 ikiUed, both in his mother-tongue, the Ma- 
 labar, and the Portugucfe languages, did 
 me great fervices for eight years together. 
 His name was Francis; and it was chiefly 
 with his affillance, that the fundamental 
 points of our religion, being comprehended 
 in a fmall treatife, were tranilated out of the 
 Portuguefeimo the Malabar hn^M^^s, which 
 has been fince printed, 1671. 2X Roterdam, 
 by John Borflius. The multiplicity of bu- 
 finefs in fo weighty a concern as the falva- 
 tion of fouls, having been no fmall hin- 
 drance in encompaffing fo difficult a lan- 
 guage as the Malabar, I was forced to be 
 contented with what part thereof I could 
 attain, and thofe few intervals of time I 
 had left, whereof I have given fome fpeci- 
 men in the following pages and cuts. I can- 
 not upon this occafion pafs by in filence the 
 confiderations which might induce us to pro- 
 pagate the Malabar language with more 
 care, than has been done hitherto-, it being 
 certain, that if our religious Vv-orfhip could 
 be firmly eflabliflied in thofe parts, (where- 
 of the knov/ledge of the language is one of 
 the chief means,) it would be very infliru- 
 mental to reconcile not only many of the 
 inhabitants, but alfo even of the Indian 
 princes themfelves to ourintereft-, a piece 
 of policy well underftood by Emanuel king 
 o{ Portugal, when he introduced the Roman 
 Catholick religion by the help of the jefuits 
 in the Indies. 
 
 I reji your fervant and friend in 
 Jefus Chrifl, 
 
 Geervliet, 7a/)'2i. 
 
 1671, Philip Bald^eus. 
 
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 /liT 
 
 tiittnit /i . 
 
 i^ in fit 
 
 rr 
 
 rr nr 
 
 rf 
 rr _ 
 
 
 4 
 
 /' 
 
 aj^^ 
 
 W/- y-/ 
 
 lldlUl 
 
 iidj'^dnn /in /j7i^ on 
 
 u 
 
 JllUil 
 
 /• 
 
 y 
 
 ? / (jh-^rt n t 
 
 ^/: 
 
 III Winn 11 1 . ann- 
 
 J" 
 
 u 
 
 CL-JIT — 
 GU(5^T 
 
 II II nn ji u jJij-rt li 
 jiujHt na \ n u fj n n n u 
 
 jjcnd jitiJAji't lid 
 
 lid ana tie /a7ia ' /id 
 
 jicz nina /hdi- l^iji nftu.ci 
 
 izdiiia /liTjJi^^rt 'i^ 
 
 jlOJ'-iina II d>- /l77U7 fid- 
 
 jiatii^ina nan diiznt". n^. 
 i/iaiui ft . 
 
 in 
 
 LUrr_ 
 G LU' _ 
 
 cRnuJ 
 
 wiiia 
 
 
 y-iZ^'^niict j'n Jjiu 
 yinn j-i /jtc^rt 
 rinna 
 
 j-nna 
 
 pii\inn 
 
 rdiin 
 
 / 
 ydnnn 
 
 VI J a II a 
 
 I'liLZi^rl- 
 /•// Ian,/ 
 
 I- 
 
 Ui dr 
 
 I- 
 
 v^n 
 
 \-i 
 vu 
 
 S" 
 
 Kd Jnn,/ 
 
 J 
 
 }\ci'^n nn \\cr'^i ii/i /-; y\z\ 
 
 Grr 
 
 G rr 
 
 6^rr 
 
 G rrrr _ 
 Grrnr _ 
 
 Grr 6^ 
 
 rr 
 
 rn nn 
 rnj'nnn 
 nn n 
 i'n\inii 
 ru na 
 rni>^n till 
 i^diiii 
 I'dn nn 
 1 
 
 Td /Jidirl- 
 rn /i7nc/ 
 
 
 ri 
 
 ri /ana 
 
 rn/Jii^rt 
 
 ' / 
 /•// Jann 
 
 vd /Jidri' 
 
 rd JJiicf 
 
 \d]-n//a riC\- ^iiiht 
 
 /'a /Jiart 
 /v I ana 
 ranj'ana ran l^infii-: 
 
 i^aiiit 
 
 / 
 raj'^n lui 
 
 irnnn 
 
 r 
 
 62jnr 
 
 G(5<^- 
 G6^- 
 
 'ana 
 
 /am II a /a /ana 
 
 /uJA^rt 
 /a /ana. 
 /iJAjri- 
 
 G 6^ IT- 
 
 G^n-_- 
 
 G G^(5Tr 
 
 6^ 
 
 -2j 
 
 
 /in a 
 /ij\ina 
 /n II n 
 /n'.nut 
 
 Jd na 
 
 /" 
 /diina 
 
 /(di'aiui /dC\'aiiini~: 
 - ^ //^/ 
 
 /dm a /a /Jurf- 
 
 /' ^ / 
 
 /cTj'ana j d^ jn/icf 
 
 /ani'iiiiii /anJiniit: 
 I /an a / . 
 
 /i /d/na 
 /n /7lJrl' 
 In /a na 
 
 /^ /^ ^ 
 Jd Liarl' 
 
 A/ 
 
 Id Jann 
 
 6'' 
 
 j^ina 
 7^arana 
 Ti na 
 
 id>r 
 
 7hiJJid>rt- 
 
 ' / 
 J\i Jann 
 
 ^ / 
 
 '^* I Win a ?•/ tJna
 
 2Jrr 
 .2J6rr 
 
 ru iiii 
 
 
 /. 
 
 
 7 V 11 U 
 / 
 
 r. 
 
 7V J t/Jl 
 
 r. 
 
 "^. 
 
 / / / 
 
 J'n 
 rr 
 
 TtUl 
 
 n ra ii it 
 
 n 
 
 ? 
 
 LP 
 
 y 
 
 / iin.i 
 
 / 
 
 r 
 
 .'cT/lil 
 
 / 
 '/ 
 
 I'd Hit 
 
 ./ 
 
 // 
 
 A/ 
 // jj/i,./ 
 
 . '// //Z ^/' /- 
 
 
 3 
 
 6Tr -- 
 
 6YT 
 
 >rr 
 
 (5YTrr_ 
 
 (SVTT 
 6Vr(5>T 
 
 1 17 nil 
 
 /' 
 I ma 
 
 / tt n a 
 
 ! iW^illUt 
 
 / l'U flit 
 
 liryitna 
 
 /l>-/1iI 
 'J^Til /III 
 
 /ii II I'll lilt 
 I Id nJ 
 
 // Jim J 
 jiilAart- 
 III f J 11,1 
 J i' /jiar 
 
 t- 
 
 t 
 
 / 
 
 'cL\'l)^ill 11 t 
 
 fi^jUirrl- 
 fiy^ fjiuf 
 
 At II dlli/lt' . 
 
 A, 
 
 A/ 
 A' 
 
 r,. 
 
 r. 
 
 A 
 
 a 
 
 9 - 
 3? - 
 
 _2jit 
 
 6P- 
 
 (5^^ 
 
 G?) — 
 
 OTT 
 
 (^F 
 
 OUT 
 
 adr 1. 
 
 ocpinr 
 
 G CXTT 
 
 ©ODT 
 
 ^cxjr - 
 
 G ^^ 
 
 G^oo) 
 
 GoaroYT 
 ocrr 
 
 r Til lilt rr ill/7 or I- rrj 
 
 iTiirit iici ri'ci jaih/ rra 
 
 rrina rri/jii.Th rri 
 
 A f 
 
 ri'/ii/i/ rriiUTjrl' rrii 
 
 I '^ / ' / 
 
 rrin\tn,i rrn JjiiJ rm 
 
 rrciiii ri'i' uTLTt- rrc 
 
 / y / / 
 
 rri'il/iil /•/•<.• IaJIIiI rrc 
 
 rrirriiiiil rm\- i^tn/ihrnr) 
 ri'i^i/i/ rra/Jiarl' itc^ 
 nri7i'itihi rrj Ji/nij rr. 
 /W//7V///// rrjii l)'tn/i/--:ri 
 
 'Cll 
 
 I rra /I a /-r. 
 
 nana 
 
 lilt i/ijrH- n.i 
 
 n a ran a na jj/iii na 
 
 '(A 
 
 ar/' III 
 
 111 na 
 
 I 
 111 \~7tiia 
 
 // 1 JJi a 
 
 /// _ J na 111 
 
 iiulni>rl- nil 
 
 nil na 
 
 / "If / 
 
 nil r ana na Ijnj nii 
 
 ncna nc /Jicrf- n^ 
 
 nirana 
 n 
 
 lie' 
 
 ana lie 
 
 iri'ana nivr ditiiit-aiLrv 
 nL>-L\cT^ II i^ 
 nil 'jncj nj- 
 namna nan '}liii/it:nau 
 
 mna 
 
 ncr-anu 
 
 I na 11 a 
 
 IL , 
 
 L_D _ 
 
 L_Drr 
 
 Guorr 
 
 <3 i_D rr _- 
 G I— o onr 
 
 niaiia 
 
 ma A'^iyi'i na 
 iiiajwna ma 'ana ma 
 tnina nn Lic^rt /// / 
 niii'Jna mi /ana mi 
 III ana ■ m n L'TcT/' iii n 
 niurana niii jjii^/ m n 
 nii'/ia im Pi<^'J' "i'^ 
 I'wana im /ancj mc 
 fjiiv I -ana nnv-i-^innt: miv i - 
 
 nuy/ia 
 
 ^ / 
 
 nij^Lipr/- ma 
 
 i^Li 
 
 //iiy^rana ma a/ii/ 
 
 W.' 
 
 anrana man ~^inJit: nia 
 
 ni 
 
 It 111 ana m 
 
 n
 
 ■^-^N;
 
 Oi/r J'citiurin i/M^nabi 
 
 ir 
 
 utiic/iuhi^ ^ Characters 
 
 ///// 
 
 '// 
 
 .,^. 
 
 EfT L.— car e^ <5>^ i — i G 
 
 2'l riL in 
 
 In 
 
 SuncUhcctur lu-mcn 
 
 or O^d^rr^ (g (^ s^^^^ld 
 
 ill It in J\'nial' 
 
 rrd^2—OOT cu)i cty)i — U— i® 
 
 T rra^^LL-iL£>.-2-j'rT_z£J0DTL-Q 
 
 - _2J rr C5ar.-2J 
 
 (7^ 
 
 _2J or csljSs drr^ ^ ^ 
 
 )! Jllilfc 
 
 Q^\ I rrG^oT']5j^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 /V,/ /// 
 
 ^ 
 
 I I OLJrrGOgO^rrrc 
 
 r: 
 
 .2_i rr IT rr LJ3 (5<^ -J-^ d<^^ 
 
 T.y; itnt.ij' 
 
 .T ^ (5>rr_2J IT ODT^ ^ ;? ^^ 8=^ 
 
 LULJJLDrTL^GLJTO 6^ L«4^ 
 
 /: i,v\v' ^ due HI 
 
 (05 QaPUJUJ.-2-|Ocrr5^ ocrr 
 
 // <.' i ' /.r cj U L^lTyi a nil III 
 
 _2J ovT (5\T or CEj 0T (5^T I I 
 
 I — ^ ld OT rnii BS" qv^ ^ (50 
 
 i'/- iu It m 
 
 /ii>tcn lia 
 
 i L=j O Lj rr_^ L_p ooa 
 
 
 I V L~ II 
 
 r' 
 
 /tVc: ulcn'u in t / in ^ a . 
 
 llJc'tJ- 
 
 rL III I H-c 
 
 CO 
 
 ''<! i" Z-h 11 Clif 
 
 cnr> L-p Bt- I — . oar ^ xr ^ (^ ^ 
 
 /v /7z tfti in itj n jJiiHJ 
 
 r^ rr r^er err Qi i nr ? ..i 
 
 t^C^fttL^l^tl.' Its C l~ It i' // 
 
 es(^ L_o rrL_i Gujrr G^^r^ 
 
 inane a J" ticj- 
 
 ire II hi hi^ II cm 
 
 ill 
 
 _^iT(xrrLjDi_Di jlSll. 
 
 / n 
 OCDL 
 
 -^iiji^iii 
 
 cm n I iwiv nt '. 
 
 a^(5 L_D_2J (5^(5^^LAV^ 
 
 rrc5DT0^L-DL_S^mT AsdtGi 
 
 -.2J gD)| OTD I LLJ L-O a^ ocr 
 
 Chrifriliii ' ^^Ti-liuin 
 
 (5^ ocrr n^ Lx> L_p crCHL
 
 S J- LLJ COT &G B" 5^B=>3^rr 
 
 ^ tUcnii n mil /u^//runi 
 
 jiJr S © i? GOT (3^ f I ODT0^ 
 
 
 lW 
 
 ) L_D IT COT © 3= I — \L3fr 
 
 «y■/^ / /•/ /// xS ,/ n iT t'c'^ 
 
 T> 8^ cxjr oof LO ff I ^ r5" CYT 
 
 tfiiirur 1' t rj 111 L 
 
 rrr Q LJ T (^ <^ © lu, rr 1 1 
 
 irtiT (5 L^ ] ® 0^ @ (3 ^ 
 
 (30_^ CRT) 5? LLJ ocicrr ® © 
 
 ^ ''^ -^' -I'-J^^' 
 
 OCrT_2L|JI^l J5'^(50f^ODT_2J 
 
 6\J 
 
 f 
 
 -D, 
 
 //.,; 
 J 
 
 ;.■// 
 
 ^ 
 
 JZ^ 
 
 9__2J-iLJI — W>B^\ ^1 I 
 
 5^ ' ^' 
 
 I niv?-;i^j 
 
 rrocm ^irajTrovT rsj^ 
 
 r(5\D ® j? :SJ ^ i~P OOT (J 
 
 r|> o^ I LL^ (5^ r? ocrr.2J i£- 
 
 ^ nr^^ rr ocrr_2J rr oorn^ 1 
 
 udj2jc50(tO L^0^rr-2_jrr 
 
 S n I ri hi 111 
 
 'S'ctnctiini 
 
 J2J IT ocrr a^ ^^ L^ iTOcrr © 
 
 Oaf-nci/icain 
 ^ i ^ L-^ ffd^ By I (JU) 9 I © 
 
 iu^ ^ af J2_j ^ B=> ©0 oar a^ 
 
 r ^^ rrfr / ram et » 
 
 ^ ©^ T (5>& a^a;.2-jT^LLJ 
 
 <Si I n L- -tiyrti in cj u tt/ u .' 
 
 a? j5^ 1-D T ODT (3" ar O rrou) 
 
 ^'i7//? /7Z // // / nil ^ III 
 
 rrd^ arr By^^i 1 LpL-0 2_ 
 
 /z c c catiT-nu III 
 
 // 11 1 
 
 ii . u 
 
 L^t 
 
 rc inif/ i,>min 
 
 e^ S © 5? CJCTTL^ OTDLp ar (5YT© 
 
 ~a I'll IS 
 
 a lit us 
 
 
 ^ JU T a^ (5Tr.Z_ LL^ TT^^ 
 
 I'l' /i/r7-^rii J II i' //z 
 
 Gy) I LP or orr ©9 OPT gg) 9a; 
 
 >*^/ /:i7 //z 
 
 ^ 
 
 (5LJ3^a«(5>T OTJLJ LLV^-SJ 
 
 LU^ LO j_^ T T oar.^ OOlj 
 
 I nJ-ic-'i^/r/i/z j'cniiri-^ 
 
 L_D .2_C5C5aT ©i_oaT_2^'_^e^ 
 
 10
 
 A SJwrt OrtJio^rapJij oj- the 1> 
 
 j[^' . ^LCuuirs Connuon.yrr'itc uj^on tic L.uipcj of J aim I 
 (ij lomcarc .iccountcdjfiorlr {z) otJic r^s [o n^j^ {jJJ oni. ar, 
 fih*'to tjic (^j/z/;/z.7/7/-^.f-^ lom^ Qonlon^int-s yyjiidi -tncy cad 1 
 Slutj t-ficij .-Jfjitxcd fitters, diejanic ly-h our B'lytJrouys, 
 in the L^iniun.i of a ?yor? (y) fo'^jm onui in l-.w niiddU'X% , 
 
 __^ J- ^ "^ .-^ --^— T-r 
 
 ,5 c^T 
 
 /• ^ 
 
 il Jiiif I 
 iV/.i.'ri ■ // 
 
 n? 
 
 o 
 
 /. 
 
 jy.nij 
 
 I ii.t 
 
 II n J 
 i: y.nia 
 .■nj 
 cm J 
 ,t I " /■ ;/</ ,/ rain/if'U-'ii.f 
 
 a . J I' J. a 
 
 ti 
 It 
 
 rt 
 
 a . J II if 
 
 en. I 
 / 
 
 Din 
 
 C 
 
 / JJu'iL' Lire luLt uiL Letter-j: 
 called by tdem (l^^iLei/elitt 
 
 .!in\ni.t Jti Jiji/it.vuf 
 
 7 
 
 ./r 
 
 iU 
 
 'C/ 
 
 r 
 
 
 IL. 
 
 ^ - 
 
 /i/ouci/zts^Liiiiic'iy ?ji' 
 
 d r / C /T / / 
 
 ivc L s, iiiiiJ^e a OulLauLe SJior 
 
 r.tiui <.-</ 
 
 irar.iiiit L\t,/..K.it,/jtui. L-a,J, 
 
 JtKllU cfUljA'>i-l- i/lll 
 
 J It I [\i Hi! ail I fj nj it 
 cirnd cnd'ijrl' 
 
 
 / 
 
 /// 
 
 \^OTl/o 
 
 iia Tit J. 
 
 r.ni./ 
 
 . // 
 
 ' /> 
 
 I , . ,. 
 
 t2j It. I a. t II u II i/ 
 CT Ciitin.t c,i 
 *-" *5 nil, it! it nn 
 
 r.i Hit 
 
 L_D 
 
 cxjcn 
 
 ft 11 it Hit fin 
 
 ^ I, I Hit t 
 
 '> lUln.t It 
 
 — Iiiiit.i /,' / i> 
 
 (5VT 
 
 rr 
 cjcrr 
 
 //.' .t Hit 
 
 ]\l /lil 
 
 fit n.t 
 
 / 
 
 . it llcl 
 
 J\t /IJ 
 
 J.t It it 
 
 J it tl.t 
 
 r.iit.t 
 
 II it It. t 
 
 III 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 ciiVitnti i-'ii .Jill! 
 iiucitii ,ki- Licrl' 
 
 ctltCitllit J<.L',jJtllf 
 
 Clt 
 
 L-/I 
 
 ',/■ 
 
 '/ '''' '' I 
 
 if lie',/, J. 
 
 L'ic'rit Hit c'ii' I -,^1/1 illicit if 
 
 LL-itit ccdicrl 
 
 — i\\"itiiit l'c-' , IjiilJ. 
 C . 
 
 i'.iuj'il Hit, i:tiii?it:/iirit.7 
 
 d 
 
 It/ Hit Hit 
 
 y 
 
 / 
 
 
 G nzj ^ 
 
 G ngjrr 
 
 Qrsj 
 G ni-ievT 
 
 lilt /lit tiu itittiit L/iL-'rl' 
 11 it It itr it Hit lujiiit Jj iiif 
 
 lur II i Liivl- 
 Hit It lit It it It if II I : J II if 
 
 Hit iiul'iL^rt 
 
 iiiriitij'itiiit turn 11 /an if 
 
 ' d <</ 
 
 ailL'liL'rt- 
 
 II it t Hit 
 
 It ill! II II it 
 
 
 It if} 
 
 ttcj Itillit 
 
 n 
 
 ■/-^;- 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 ti 
 
 tlj^ 
 
 "d 
 
 ^ 
 
 iti/tu-.i iiii iii/iic Jatiit iii/ti 
 
 ' -.^tr' 
 
 itifitii 1 ■// 11 il It if It ill- ci/2iitL'itit:iit. 
 
 -/ . / t ^ 
 
 itifti 
 
 d 
 lilt It ff 
 
 
 lit/ Hi: It it iiiiiti: l/iirrt- 
 
 Vitliit llJlliJ fjltif 
 
 il.fltOJ 
 
 C 
 
 Hitlt.tUJ\llltt lU 
 
 t Hit Hit lid /Id, 
 
 HHitH l)iH nii*n yf:n^ 
 
 \
 
 ,2US 
 
 A BAR LaISTG XT a G J. . 
 
 '^^itJi Iron J cuceLs, fJJh'ir J^c ttcr,'; iirc ail tuiijiii/Jica Liu^ 
 'I't'Ils 7y^iiLji tJicu Ccill J^i'^tiTS of- lire', i>L'c,iii/c IrJtei/ .ilt<^ 
 'J U'tters, L^rcTits I'f-Jjc' 7'OJi'cls ar^' l.icir ounc) duJ lire . f c ) 
 of^cci of- i'jyo n^/)'rj Is, [b J Ionic ^ii\' ca^Lcc/ lui tia^l LL'ttcrs.ii Cl 
 jonic in iJw cno or a Ji'ora . 
 
 5 ' 
 
 T 
 
 
 Cii ./ uiri' ; r/t./ 
 
 r^ /• /' 
 
 c d I l^w'l- cat 
 
 I'.l I . J !!.' t'h l 
 
 r r r 
 
 < ,/// .JlliJ 'Tilt I 
 
 tnc jjiiq. I a <• 
 
 / O-^A/ / 
 
 r rr ^' /* 
 
 c/ii' J J It if s ca.' 
 
 cfutu^innt'cnir . cniui 
 
 / • ^ 
 en . 
 
 vr 
 
 3 
 
 25 nr 
 
 L'.l.lTlt It it 
 
 cniwi lit! 
 
 r 
 
 l'/I U II ,! 
 
 rnii r,iiij 
 
 r 
 
 i tic n ,1 
 cnr.i II <i 
 chiri^itiia 
 
 chi^rct'ia 
 cn.iiira na 
 ir/i(tiiu 
 
 nnaiiit 
 n 11. 7 run a 
 _ nil III a 
 
 II 11 if J lid 
 
 nil I! lid 
 
 nil in'd lid 
 
 n/u-nd 
 
 iiih-diid line /jiid. 
 
 nli.erdnit n/iu'r^i/rtiuvid 
 
 nil Jnd nil ^l ': l> H ' 
 
 II lid I'liTI-f- 
 
 n hd II/ del 
 
 /. r ^' 
 
 III L'Ti}rl' 
 
 n 
 
 II 
 
 nil I .jnn 
 niin I'Li^rt- 
 
 n n II I a II if 
 n/w UTei't- 
 
 1111,1 
 
 nil I 
 iifii 
 II II It 
 
 II n II 
 
 n/u- 
 
 II 
 
 nnjTdiiit niiyfjiuj. 
 n/i<tin;niiJ nadif^in /<v/</; 
 inn. tint nii . " 
 
 r.iit.i 
 i\ir,iiid 
 ri lid 
 n wind 
 r n lui 
 riii'.liid 
 r.-ii.i 
 
 • • / 
 
 IWl ll.l 
 
 rd l■^L'rl- 
 I'd . d lid 
 ri Li eri- 
 ri jjiicf. 
 rn pc>r{- 
 
 /"// .jn.t 
 ., fy d 
 re JJiitI- 
 
 ■ ' / 
 re Jan..' 
 
 n 
 line 
 nil J 
 
 nfidu 
 
 I'd 
 r.i 
 r I 
 r I 
 
 r It 
 
 I'll 
 
 re 
 re 
 
 rdfd/td r .t\-^iiinien./ 
 rend re /ji:>r/- 
 
 61T> 
 
 G I rr 
 
 v-O I — rp rej'./ii.i /-\' jj'ti/. 
 
 N^ L_ 0~^~r r.inj^,/'td r.t iil)iniihnj 
 
 I t'\i't,t r 
 
 7\tl 
 
 7\in 
 
 / 
 
 oc5or - 
 
 OCXTT 
 
 oocrr 
 
 ODD)| 
 
 oaay rr 
 
 Cdoooi" 
 Soocrr 
 Goooi rr 
 <3oooi rr 
 GooDTjvr 
 ooar 
 
 ^ rr 
 
 find'id ft nd/A^ri- 
 n n.zj'.i nd it n d jj n c/ 
 dill n.t nn i /ter [ - 
 iinidnd 11 11 1 J III/ 
 niiitnd ft tin /aer/- 
 
 ,1 ntiy.t It d iinn /jiid 
 
 Z . , / /^^/ 
 n n e It d Ii lie //lert- 
 
 / ' / '^■' / 
 
 lined nd nne .jnif 
 
 ii iicei'.i nd nn.ei-}iitleiii/n ninri 
 
 'ill end diie I'l.yi^ n/ii? 
 
 ^ /'^ f ' r ' 
 
 n iieT.liid 11 lie J J 11,^ /ine 
 
 n ll.l n?'d ltd n 11,1 II JitiLwiiit: nndii 
 
 n n,t 
 find 
 tt It I 
 ant 
 
 /inn 
 
 / ' 
 niin 
 
 nne 
 nne 
 
 il It .111 u 
 
 fdiid 
 t.iT.ind 
 il lid 
 fir.i iia 
 ill lilt 
 
 / 
 
 /r 
 
 fd Lterf 
 ill fa n ii 
 a/^i^ri- 
 "// Jaiiij 
 ill lie rt- 
 /// I J a. I 
 /v/f./v- 
 ie /d 11./ 
 
 f 
 
 iiL 
 
 hi 
 
 ti 
 
 h' 
 
 ill 
 
 ill. 
 
 t-e 
 
 te 
 
 mj — 
 
 SjT iiivdn u 
 
 Cc ^ : — tend 
 
 Q)5^ ___:_ ie'dnn 
 <S^^ i.ei'dn.i 
 
 Q ^rr fSiid 
 
 Co ^ rr — t/j;/ // J 
 
 (B^ <j\T — hnn'.ind tdit yiu.U.-n./li i'. 
 li.nid 
 
 i.er i) 1/2/1 ij/iij 11 tier 
 l-ejL'iert /a 
 
 ie /d nn 
 
 .<r' 
 
 /^ 
 
 /■. 
 
 '.'/' 
 
 til 
 
 M.
 
 "'TTi
 
 599 
 
 Some rules for the attaining the knov^ledge of the I 
 
 Malabar language. 
 
 A t.- 
 
 (.^"Y^** 
 
 THE firft declenfion among the 
 Malah<irs comprehends the nouns 
 only of the MafciiUne Gender^ 
 which terminate in the fingular 
 number in ;/, and in the plural in r. They 
 have their fingular and plural numbers like 
 us, and name their cafes as follows : 
 
 The Nominitive 
 
 Pradamei^ 
 
 Genitive 
 
 Dutiei, 
 
 Dative 
 
 Triici, 
 
 Accufative 
 
 Chadurti, 
 
 Vocative 
 
 Panchami, 
 
 Ablative 
 
 Xafti. 
 
 An example of the fir ji declenfion. 
 
 Sing. Nom. Vanart^ fullo, the fuller of 
 cloth. 
 
 Gen. Vananureja, the fuller, 
 
 Dar. Vananucu, to the fuller, 
 
 Accuf. Fanancr, tlie fuller, 
 
 Vocat. Vanano, O you fuller, 
 
 Ablat. Vananiratily of the fuller. 
 
 It is bbferved that they have four forts of 
 ablative cafes. 
 
 1. The Localis^ as the laff mentioned, 
 
 2. Caufalis, vananale^ becaufc of the 
 
 fuller, 
 
 3. Socialis, vananore, with the fuller, 
 
 4. Comparationes, vnnanil, in comparifon 
 
 with the fuller. 
 
 Plur. Nom. Vamr, fullones, the fullers. 
 Gen. Vananareja, the fullers. 
 Dat. Vanarcul, vanaruccu^ to the 
 fullers, 
 Vanarei, the fullers, 
 Vanare, O ye fullers. 
 
 Accu. 
 
 Voc. 
 
 Abl. 
 
 Vanar iraiil^ vanar iralile, 
 of the fullers, 
 Vanaaral, vanarak, be- 
 caufe of the fullers;, 
 Vano.rore , vanarorum , 
 with the fullers, 
 Vannril, vanarilum, in 
 comparifon of the fullers. 
 
 Aft example of conjugation in the affir- 
 mative. 
 
 The prefent fingular tenfe. 
 
 I nan 
 you ni 
 he 
 
 Fichttvadigirren, I believe, 
 Vichuvadiguirray, you believe, 
 i C Vichuvadiguirran^ he believes, 
 
 (he> avan <Fichuvad.'guirral, fhc believes, 
 it \ ( Fichuvadiguirradu, it believey, 
 
 or Fichuvadjguidu. 
 
 The plural. 
 
 We nangal Fichuvadiguirron, we believe, 
 you ningal Fichuvadivirgal, you believe, 
 
 f M. F. Fichuvadicrargal, you 
 they adugal< [men or women] believe, 
 
 ( N. Fichuvadicradu, or Ficku- 
 vadiguidu, the things believe. 
 
 In the negative. 
 
 The prefent fingular tenfe, 
 
 I nan Fichuvadichren illei, I do not 
 
 &c. believe it, 
 
 as before. Fichuvadicrd ilki, you do 
 
 not believe it, 
 Fichtivadiczan illei, he does 
 
 not believe it, 
 Fichuvadiezal illei, they Jo 
 
 not believe it, 
 Fichuvadicrad' illei, it does 
 not believe it. 
 
 The plural. 
 
 We nangal, Fichuvadicrem illei, we do not 
 &c. believe it, 
 
 Fichuvadicrirgal illei, you do 
 
 not believe it, 
 
 Fichuvadicrargal illei, x hey do 
 
 not believe it, {Mafc. 
 
 tf Fem.] 
 
 Fichuvadicrad* illei , they 
 
 [Neut.-] 
 
 Fichuvadiguid illei, do not 
 
 believe it. 
 
 The
 
 <5oo 
 
 fi AL- 
 II ^. U » . 
 
 Some rules to learn the Malabar Lwgmge. 
 
 The pafciit tcnfe of honour, t. e. when 
 you fpcuk to perlons of quahty in the 
 iifHrmativc. 
 
 VicfjtivaJicroriJ, we (our majefly, 
 highncfs, (j^c.) do Ix-licvc it, 
 
 Vicktvadhrir, you (your majclfy, 
 i^c.) do bchcvc it, 
 
 Vichuvadtmire^ they (their majefties) 
 do believe it. 
 
 In the negative. 
 VUhitvidcron i/Iei, we (our majefty) 
 
 do not believe it, 
 Vichir.^adicrir Hid, you do not 
 
 believe it, 
 Vicbuvadicrar tllei, they do not 
 
 believe it. 
 
 Whence it is evident that the Maldur 
 lancTuagc is very difficult to be learned i 
 cfpecialiy by reafon of the vaft number ot 
 words whereof it confilb, one and the (lime 
 thing being frequently exprcffed by dirers 
 words or names. Thus not only every day 
 in the week, but alfo throughout the year, 
 has Its peculiar name. It is iurther manifift 
 from hence, that the Indians are not fo un- 
 poliOied as fome Europeam reprefent them -, 
 and that they treat one another (efpecially 
 perfons of quality) with fingular civility and 
 refpedb. 
 
 The imperfeft tenfe. 
 
 Vichuvadhrane apo Vichtivadiereiu I believed, 
 Vichuvadicreye apo Vichuvadicrmn, we did 
 believe it. 
 
 The perfeft tenfe. 
 
 Vichuvaditen, I have believed, 
 yichuvaditcm we have believed. 
 
 The preteperfeft tenfe. 
 
 A dual mtine vickuvadi!ay, I had believed, 
 A ducu mune vichuvaditcn, we had believed. 
 
 The future tenfe. 
 
 Vichuvadipen, I will believe, 
 Vichuvadipatj, we will believe. 
 
 Our Father in the Malahor Lui- 
 guage. , 
 
 V/kan gain yrucra engo.l pidave^ 
 In heaven who art our father, 
 unmrva 7wmam ellatcum chutatiiga ; tinu- 
 thy name be fanftified -, thy 
 
 reya irakjam I'ara ; ttn manadin panel 
 kingdom come ; thy will be done 
 a navargal vanatil ; cheyuma pclefumy- 
 in e-arth as in heaven ; give our bread 
 liun elarum chya -, andanduUa engal piky- 
 to us daily ; pardon us our 
 caran, ccvracucu ndngnl pivva caran- 
 trefpaffcs, as our trefpaflers for- 
 
 galey perru ; engaley tolxatricu e duvagii 
 give we •, lead not into temptation us, 
 ottdde engalucii poldngn vardmal. P^ilagu. 
 but of the evil deliver thou us. So it be. 
 
 The Creed. 
 
 VJnaumn pumium pareyta 
 
 Of the heavens and the earth crea- 
 cbai'^atucum vala pidavaginja, tamby- 
 tor, omnipotent father, 
 
 raneye viduvadicre7u Avatim-eya magitan 
 God, I believe. And in fon 
 
 oruven namureya nayen Xeju Chrijleye 
 
 his only Jefus Chrifl 
 
 •vichuvadrcren. 2ven chetamana efpirity 
 
 I believe. Who was conceived from 
 
 maU chan/tk kafini 
 
 the Holy Ghofi-, born from the virgin 
 
 Marial : vaitil nindii pirranda Ponxio 
 
 Mary, Sec. 
 
 Pilatin kil parulattu cruxile arraiandh chetu 
 aracapata padalangalil erri charruvatucum 
 valla pidaguia taml^iram balagapatil irucran 
 avaratil nindu irucra vagalacum chetavarga- 
 luium narutytha varnvan. Cbutamana cfpi- 
 ritii veye vichuvadicren. Cbutamana var- 
 gal cujlanum undanu vicbuvadicren. Pi- 
 liygal porrutalu chetavargeil hidrtalum en- 
 dendeyciim idla aytum I'mdanum vicbuvadi- 
 cren. 
 
 A D E^
 
 6oi 
 
 B A L- 
 
 DX U S. 
 
 DESCRIPTION 
 
 Of the Great and mofl: Famous 
 
 ISLE of CEYLON. 
 
 Ceylofi, 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 T'he fituation, extent, and difcovery of C.ylon. 
 
 T 
 
 HE ifleof Ceylon {tX-itTaprobana 
 of theantients, according tojohn 
 di Barros) has got its name a- 
 mon^ t\\Q Porluguefes, as well as 
 the other Europeans, from its capital city, 
 called Ceylo?!, known among the natives by 
 the name of Laukauwn. 
 
 This ifle extends from the fixth to the 
 tenth degree of northern latitude. Former- 
 ly its circumference was reckoned to be 
 about four hundred leagues, though fince 
 that time the fea has waOied away about 
 forty leagues on the north-fide of it. In an- 
 tient times it was queftionlefs (as we fliall 
 fee anon in the defcription of Alanaar) an- 
 nexed to the continent. The figure of 
 this ifle reprefents (according to Majftms) 
 an egg; but in my opinion refembles ra- 
 ther a Wcflphalia ham ; whence, without 
 doiibf, the 'Dutch fort near Jafnapatnam, 
 has got the name of Hams- Heel. 
 its extent. The before-mentioned Mafficus affirms, 
 that its circumference is at this time not 
 above two hundred and forty leagues, its 
 length leventy-cight, and the breadth for- 
 ty-four. But the Dutch, fince they have 
 been mafters of it, after the taking of Co- 
 lumho 16 §6. and of Manaar, and Jafna- 
 patnam 1658. have more exaftly computed 
 its compafs to be three hundred and fixty 
 leagues. It has many excellent harbours, 
 cities and fortrcfTes ; and is divided into 
 feveral provinces, as may be feen by the 
 title of the king of that ifland, v/ho ftiles 
 i Title of himfelf Raja Singa, emperor of Ceylon, 
 i the king of king of Candea, Cota, Ceytavaca, Damba- 
 ij Ceylon. ^ayi_^ Amorayapore, Jafnapatnam ; prince of 
 Ouvit, Mature, Dinavaca, and the four 
 Corles ; great duke of the feven Corks, Ma- 
 N^ 120. Vol. III. 
 
 tale \ earl of Cotiar, Trinqumcmale, Bate- The tit'cs 
 
 ^ ■" duke 
 
 cah, Velafe, yhilana, Drembra, Panciapa- 
 io, Veta, Putelaon, Valare, Gale, Belligacn ; 
 marquis of Duranura, Ratienura, I'ripane, 
 Acciapato ; lord of the fea-ports of Aliean, 
 Colunibo, Negombo, Chilati, Aladampe, Cal- 
 pcn'yn, /I/i/ifure, Manaar, and of the fiilie- 
 ryof precious ftoncs and pearls; lord of the 
 Golden Sun. All which places, cities, and 
 fortrefles we fliall have occafion to treat of 
 hereafter. 
 
 The ifle Ceylon abounds alfo in excellent 
 rivers, fuch as Cbilan, Malual, Aliean, Ma- 
 ture, Batecalo, '^rrhiquencmale, and others. 
 It produces various forts of precious fliones, 
 and is extremely fertile, efpecially in cinna- 
 mon. Here arc alfo found the belt ele- 
 phants of the whole Indies. 
 
 This ifle was firfl: difcovcred by the Chi- 
 ncfes in the following manner : Certain Cbi- 
 nefes having fufi^ered fhipwreck, were forced 
 afliore on that ifland, where they profefled 
 their king to be the Son of the Sun. The in- 
 habitants oi Ceylon adoring at that time the 
 Sun, as the Malabar s do to this day their 
 Efwara, i. c. the Sun, they were fo well 
 pleafed with their new guefls, that they 
 elected the captain of the Chinefe Jcnke, or 
 vefiel, tiieir king ; whence the prefcnt kings 
 of Ceylon trace tlieir origin, and have taken 
 upon them the title of Lord of the Golden 
 Sun, this iirft Chinefe king having ftiled him- 
 i'elt. The nnich-bekved fon of the alivays moving 
 Sun. From this king Lankauw Pati Maha- 
 dafcyn deduced his origin, who took upon 
 him the r\.xmQ.oilVell-belovedlordof the whole 
 ifle. His fon was Lanhauzc Singe Madahaf- 
 cyn, i. e. The well-beloved lien of the ifle ; and 
 after him, his Ion Maraflnge Makadafcyn, 
 7 N i. e. TrH 
 
 of 
 
 and earl 
 have been 
 introduced 
 by the 
 Ptortu- 
 guefes. 
 
 Its difco- 
 very by 
 the Chi- 
 
 nefcs. 
 
 Pedigree 
 of the 
 kings of 
 Ceylon.
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 601 
 
 Bal- I.e. the Kt-iU-ldovcd ccnqucrcr cf the lion. 
 D.tus. xhis king left behind liim two fons •, the 
 ^•'^V"^ fjrft named Unkauw Patti Mahaftane,^ or 
 The eye-apple tf the country ; the fccond Rad- 
 vera /ldaj\^fi, or, ne wcll-bdovcd king. 
 Thcfc two' quarrel ling about the iuccclTiori, 
 at lart divided kingdoms, that o\ Qvtdy 
 fulling to the fliare ot Radgora Alajiyn, and 
 all the reft to the cldcll. The poftenty of 
 thcfc two kings ruled for a confidcrabic 
 time after, the eldeft fon always fucceeding 
 before the others. Among thcfe Lcnkauw 
 Patti Mabctjlane dying in the feventieth 
 year of his age, left a fon named Maran- 
 donna Madgcra, i. e. 7'he conqueror of the 
 eye-apple ; who came no fooner to the crown, 
 but he engaged in a heavy war againft his 
 uncle by the father's fide, which was ended 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 nt laft by a marriage betwixt Marandonna 
 Mahajlone, the fon of Madgora, and Ma- 
 bbande IVandige. Tiiey left a numerous 
 ifluc of fons and daughters, and among the 
 reft one named Fimala Darma Soria /Idaf- 
 cyn, i. c. The conqueror of ihc lohole kingdom, 
 (born after his fathei's death,) who no fooner 
 came to age of maturity, but he attacked 
 all the neighbouring princes that refufed to 
 fubmit to his jurildidion ; and having by 
 degrees fubdued them all, and eftablifhed 
 himfclf in the throne, by the death of all 
 fuch as had oppofed him, he married at 
 lall Rokech JVondigc, i. e. The beautiful queen., 
 his fiflcr's daughter, by whom he had a 
 numerous iflue of fons and daughters, from 
 whom the prcfcnt kings are defcended. 
 
 C H A P. II. 
 
 The fir ft arrha! of the Portuguefes in the ijle of Ceylon, under the command of 
 
 Laurence d'Almcyda. 
 
 Arrival of 
 the Porlu- 
 gucffs in 
 C'ejlon. 
 
 HILST thefe inteftine wars were 
 
 d'Jlmeyda, by the command of his father, 
 imploy'd in cruifing upon the Mabo- 
 
 irrying on in Ceylon, Laurence 
 
 was 
 
 of the Por 
 tuguefes 
 
 mtans,' who were then tranfporting their 
 effeifls from Malacca and Sumatra over the 
 Maldive iflands into Arabia. The Portu- 
 guefes being informed of the condition of 
 the ifland, and knowing that it was beft 
 fidiing in troubled waters, did turn their 
 arms againft it, and after majiy bloody en- 
 gagements, made thcmfelves mafters of all 
 the places which produce the beft cinnamon, 
 which they ufed to tranfport in vaft quan- 
 tities into Europe. 
 RajaSirga At that time Raja Singa Adafcyn reigned 
 Adafcyn, in Ceylon. The general opinion is, that he 
 an enemy was a king's fon, and nephew to the king 
 ot Cora, though I have often heard the Por- 
 tuguefes, and fome of the Hollanders, fiy, 
 that he was no more than a barber, wliO 
 being well fkilled in divers languages, and 
 of a warlike inclination, aimed at the 
 crown •, and, at laft, was fo fortunate as to re- 
 duce the whole ifland (after he had killed all 
 the great men) to his obedience. This king 
 being a declared enemy of the Portuguefes, 
 he befieged Columbo with a powerful aririy, 
 and reduced them in a fhort time to fuch 
 extremity for want of provifions, that the 
 garrifon knowing the governor to be averfe 
 to come to a capitulation, they at firft broke 
 out into injurious words, and at laft re- 
 folved (unlefs they received relief from 
 Goa in a week's time) to kill their officers, 
 and to furrender at dilcretion. But the go- 
 vernor being advertifed of their defign by 
 one of his pages, did all that lay in his 
 
 power to keep the foldiers in obedience 
 with fair promifes, till the arrival of the fo Columbo 
 long wifhed- for fuccours from Goa; which f^l's^^^' 
 having defeated the Indian fleet, -they forced 
 them to raife the fiege. 
 
 This Raja Singa Adafcyn having made 
 himfelf mafter of the whole kingdom, ex- 
 cept Gale and Columbo, forced the emperor 
 Mahadefcyn to fly the country, who in his 
 purfuit fcattered his treafure of gold and 
 jewels upon the road, thereby to flop the 
 purfuit of his enemies. Raja Sijiga being 
 thus become mafter of the empire, confti- 
 tuted Vinne Lamantia, one of the late em- 
 peror's favourites, governor over the high- 
 land countries, whole fon, named Don John, 
 afterwards obtained the fovereignty. This Vinne La* 
 Vinne Lamantia finding himfelf in a con- mantia 
 dition to cope with his new pretended ma- '"'^bcls 
 fter, took up arms againft him ; and having ^^^-'^^'j^ 
 brought over the greatcft part of the coun- 
 
 try (grown weary of the tyrant) to his fide, 
 was proclaimed emperor, under the title of 
 Vinne Ladarma Soria, i. e. 'The deliverer of 
 the empire. 
 
 This war being carried on with various 
 fucccfs for a confiderable time, the Portu- 
 guefes got lime to breath, and induced Raja Come; to 
 Sitiga to come to a corapofition with Vinne a compo- 
 Ladarma Soria, oftering him the whole p"?".^"'': 
 treafure he had taken of Mahadafcyn, the '^'^J'^^'Sa*^ 
 lare emperor, provided he would refign the 
 whole fovereignty into his hands. 
 
 Whilft they were treating of the peace, 
 Vinne Ladarrna had a fon born him, (who, 
 bearing his father's name, lucceeded him 
 in the empire ;) but he was fcarce a year old, 
 when Raja Ringa, not thinking himfelf fe- 
 
 cure
 
 Chap. 
 
 3- 
 
 A Defcrip'tion of C E Y L O N. 
 
 60^ 
 
 Is bctray'd 
 to court. 
 
 And mur- 
 dered. 
 
 Candy 
 conquered 
 by Raja. 
 
 The Por- 
 tuguefcs 
 fide with 
 the Cin 
 galefes. 
 
 cure in the late treaty concluded with Finne 
 Ladarma, he at kill found means to cajole 
 him to his court, (notwithftanding thofe of 
 Candy llrongly oppoled it,) where he was 
 no fooner arrived, but being feized upon, 
 with all his attendants. Raja Singa ordered 
 him to be buried in the ground up to his 
 brcaft, and lb to be killed by the means of 
 certain wooden balls, which were thrown 
 at his head, till his brains were dadied out ; 
 the chiefetl of his attendants being likewife 
 put to death by the tyrant's oniers. 
 
 This done, he bent all his force againfl: 
 Candy ; and having made himfelf mafter of 
 the whole country, fold many of the in- 
 habitants for flaves, and difarmed the rell, 
 making the emprefs his prifoner. The Cin- 
 gakfes being much opprefTed by the tyrant, 
 who forced then) to carry earth and other ma- 
 terials upon their heads, for the building 
 of fortifications all the way betwixt Candy 
 and Settavaca, fought for relief by the 
 Portuguefes ^ who, glad of fo favourable an 
 opportunity of flrengthening their intereft 
 in that ifland, fent Andrew Viirtado^ a great 
 warrior, with a confiderable force to Jaf- 
 napatnam^ which he ilirprized, and having 
 got the king of that place in his power, 
 required his confent and afTiftance to pafs 
 through his country for the relief of Candy. 
 The inhabitants of that kingdom being not 
 as yet entered into any fettled treaty with 
 the Portuguefes^ were not a little furprized 
 at the fudden arrival of the Parangys^ (fo 
 they call foreigners,) fearing, (which proved 
 true afterwards,) that inftead of their pre- 
 tended delivery, they fliould only change 
 their flavery ; which the cunning Portu- 
 gusfe general having well forefeen, had 
 thought Don John and Don Philip, the laft 
 
 uncle of D'jtDia Catharina, and both cJu-Bal 
 rated in the Romijh religion to Candid ; the 
 
 laft of which he conftituted king, 
 
 generalifTimo 
 
 D-T, U 3. 
 
 Enter into 
 :in alliance 
 with them. 
 
 _ and Don 
 
 John generalifTimo ; leaving Donna Catha- 
 rina the daughter of the late emperor Maha- 
 dafcyn, and the fole hcirefs of the empire, at 
 Manaar. He alio took care to give notice 
 of his coming to thole of Candy., widi full 
 alTuiances, that he was come fxjr no other 
 end than to deliver them from the ufurper's 
 yoke ; which had fo good an effed upon 
 them, that they entered with him into an 
 offenfive and defenfive alliance againft Raja 
 Singa Adajcyn. 
 
 The ufurper got foon (cent of this treaty, 
 which made him advance with a potent ar- 
 my towards Jafnapatnam, to prevent the 
 Portuguefes from matching to Candy ; but 
 thefe were too nimble for him, and coming 
 to Candy before he was arrived in that king- 
 dom, immediately crowned Don P.biiipking, Make Don 
 and declared Don Jc/bn generaliflimo, under I'!"''P 
 condition, tlut both Ihould marry Portu-^^"^' 
 guefe ladies, and the inhabitants take an 
 oath of allegiance to the king of Portugal. 
 
 Don John in the mean time feeing "Don pon joj,„ 
 Philip preferred before him by the Por/«- exafpcra- 
 gnefes, conceived a mortal hatred againft ted at the 
 them, but thought fit to difTemble it, till ^''"■'"' 
 he fliould meet with a favourable opportu- ^"^'^'" 
 nity of (hewing his refentment. With this 
 intention he took care to have Candy forti- 
 fied fo, as not to fear any thing from Raja 
 Shiga, and the royal palace (lately deino- 
 lifhed by that ufurper) to be rebuilt with 
 more fplendor than before, for the reception 
 of the new king ; though at the fame time 
 he confulted with a certain famous forcerer, 
 how to remove the faid king by poifon, 
 which he eftedted afterwards. 
 
 CHAP. in. 
 
 JDon Philip poifoned. Don ]ohn fiiccceds him, He routs Raja Singa ; who dies 
 foon after. His fccretary Janiere takes up arms againji Don John. 
 
 THE Portuguefes fearing, not without 
 reafon, the approach of Raja Singa, 
 had fortified Gannoor, and fent John de Me- 
 lo in company of certain religious men to 
 Manner, to bring them frefh fupplies of 
 men, arms, and ammunition to Candy, the 
 inhabitants whereof were all difarmed by the 
 l)onPhilip ufurper, having firft introduced Don Philip 
 fettled at in great pomp, and placed him in the royal 
 Candy, palace with the general applaufe of the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 But he fcarce tafted the firft fruits of his 
 greatnefs, when Don John (taking the op- 
 portunity of the abfence of the chief of the 
 Is poifon'd Portuguefes) got fome poifon adminiftred to 
 
 by Don him, which not having the defired efFeft, 
 John, 
 
 he gave him another dofe, which put an 
 end to his life-, and by promiies of great 
 rewards, and other inticements, brought 
 moft of the inhabitants of Cajuly over to 
 his fide, who declared him their emperor. Who is 
 and gave hini the title of Vinne Ladarma^^'i'-'e'^ 
 Soria, after his father, mentioned before to P^^'"'- 
 have been murdered by the command of 
 Raja Singa. 
 
 The Portuguefes foreboding themfelves 
 no good from Don John, whom they knew 
 to be their enemy, fent mefTengers after 
 mefTcngcrs to John de Melo at Manaar, to 
 rcprefent to him their dangerous flate, 
 wherein they found themfclyes not riiiftakcnj 
 for no fooner was Don John feated in the 
 
 throne.
 
 (504 
 
 J Defcription 0/ C E 7 L O N;. 
 
 Chap. ^, 
 
 Bai- 
 
 r.t i» J. 
 
 And for 
 ccd the 
 
 throne, but he fcnt a herald to the Por- 
 ^ueja in gnrrifon at Gavnocr, who upbraid- 
 ing tlicm with perjury and perfidious de- 
 dans, ordcr'd them in the emperor's name, 
 to quit their ports within five or fix days, 
 which if they rehilkl, they mufl: cxpcft 
 no quarter. The Pcrtugnefrs finding thcm- 
 Iclvis unable to refill his power, and de- 
 fpairing of the defired rchef, thought it 
 their fatell way to come to a capitulation 
 with Don John, who granted thtm a free 
 I'ortugup- p.ifn-,gc with their fwords only, being forc'd 
 ki out of ^, j^ leave all their booty, but alio their 
 b.ig and baggage behind them. 
 
 The very next day John de Melo arrived 
 with fuccours from Manaar, but too late, 
 whilrt Rcja Shiga was advancing tov/ards 
 CW", threatening a moil fev^re revenge 
 to the inhabitants of that country. Don 
 John finding himiclf now deftitute of the 
 afiillance of the Portttguefes, and urKlerftand- 
 ing that his enemy had pitched his tents 
 near IFalane, was forely put to it how to 
 cope with fo great a force ; but being obliged 
 either to fight or quit his advantage, he re- 
 folved to engage the enemy, coft what it 
 would: For which reafon, having afrefli ta- 
 ken the oarh of allegiance from the inhabi- 
 tants, and furnifh'd them with arms, (fuch 
 as they could get in hade,) he advanced 
 towards them in order of battle. Rnja 
 Singa being not a little furprifed at his bold- 
 Meflageofnefs, fent him word, 'That he had beft take 
 Raja to ■•^■arning by his father Vinne Ladarma So- 
 Donjohn.^j^,^ ^^^/,!) ; end that in cafe he refufed to 
 fubmit to his mercy before it ivas too late, he 
 mufi expe£i no other treatment than to be cut 
 in pieces. Unto whom Don John fmiling. 
 His refo- fent for anfwer. That he ivculd take care to 
 lute an- p^i j( Qi^i gjr j^j^ pc-wer ; and if his father had 
 been as cautious cf him as he was refohed to 
 be, he need not have come to fo lamentable an 
 end ; to revenge ivhich he was come to this 
 ■place ; exhorting him at the fame time to 
 implore his mercy before it was too late. 
 Kaja Singa was fo exaf[5erated at his mcflage, 
 and the avcrfion he found in the inhabitants 
 of the country, that he declared, He wculd 
 punijh with death all that fhould oppofe him ; 
 and fo ordered his whole army to march to 
 Donlan, with an intention to fijrprize that 
 place before Don John could come to its 
 relief Don John, though he knew him- 
 felf much inferior in number, yet refplved 
 to follow him clofc at the heels -, and to 
 put the better countenance on the matter, 
 mr.rched in great pomp, with moft fplen- 
 did umbrellos born before him, and fuch 
 other royal enfign?, as the kings in thofe 
 countries ufc in their v<ars. Raja Singa 
 feeing Don John thus bravely advancing to- 
 wards him, refolved either to vanquifh or 
 to die glorioudy in the cnterprize, could 
 not forbear to break out into thefe worvls, 
 
 fwcr. 
 
 l\'rily Don John is a coiiragiotis warrior, 
 and I p'cfage that one day cr other he will af- 
 cend the throne. O Raja Singa ! rvhere is thy 
 noble boldnefs ? where are all thy great and 
 ambitious dejigns ? where thy fortune which no 
 body could rcftfi ? I am afraid of a fudden 
 change: O' ch'angeabk for^inne, why hajt' thou 
 turned thy back towards Raja Singa, who was 
 once thy favourite ! 
 
 Thus the fignal being given, the battle 
 begun, wherein Don John and his forces 
 gave way at firtl, the better to bear the firfl 
 all^iult of the enemy •, but afterwards Don 
 John at the head of his guards charged them 
 fo furioufly, that (notvviihftanding Raja 
 Singa did all that could be cxpeded from a 
 great captain) they were forced to give way, 
 and at laft to fcek for their fafety in their 
 heels; and fo he returned viflorious toCandy, 
 having loft no more than feven hundred men 
 in the whole cngagetnent ; whereas the lofs of 
 Raja Singa amounted to above three thou- 
 fond, who was fo dejefted at this defeat 
 that he ftruck voluntarily a thorn into his 
 foot, and refufing to have his wound drefs'd, 
 it gangrened, and put an end to his days at 
 Settevaca. 
 
 He fhewed not the leaft remorfe upon his 
 death-bed for his cruelties, except thofe 
 committed againfl the priefts of Daldowanfe, 
 whom he caufed to be burnt alive -, for be- 
 ing aflced by the tyrant, whether the mur- 
 der he had committed upon his uncle, mo- 
 ther-in-law, and brothers, could not be forgi- 
 ven, they anfwcred No -, IVell then (faid the 
 ufurper) / am now at liberty to do what I 
 pkafc, and fo committed them all to the fury 
 of the flames, except the high prieft, called 
 Tireanco, i. e. God^s vicegerent, by the Cin- 
 galej'es. The priefts of Peraneydeyo, being 
 aflced the fame queftion, forewarned by the 
 diiiifier of the others, g.ve for anfv^er, That 
 a perfon guilty of finh a fin could not enter 
 into heaven ; but if truly repenting, he might 
 by their interceffion be brought to remain be- 
 tivixt heaven and earth, without being fenfible 
 of the torments of hell. This anfwer was fo 
 pleafing to Raja, that he difmifted them un- 
 molcfted, telling them, That he had ordered 
 ■ the prirfls cf Daldowanle to be burnt, bccaufe 
 they would make Ged delight in ez'il ; but you, 
 who make him a merciful God, I will always 
 look upon as my friends. Juft before his death, 
 he fent for the before-mention'd Tireanco, or 
 high-prieft, defiring him to forgive the 
 cieath of his brethren, offering him con- 
 fiderable prefents at the fame time ; he re- 
 fufed the laft, but pardoned the crime, and 
 fo returned to Candy, where he died in the 
 hundred and twentieth year of his age. 
 
 Don John had no fooner received intelli- 
 gence of i2fl_;Vi'.s death, but he put himfclf at 
 the head of his army, to take poffefTion of 
 the whole kingdom. But the chief fccretary 
 
 of 
 
 Raja's 
 furprize. 
 
 Is defeated. 
 
 Dies. 
 
 The 
 
 priefts of 
 Daldo- 
 wanfe 
 burnt. 
 
 Raja's re- 
 morfe for 
 tbata£tioc.
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 A Dcfcviption o/' C E Y L O K. 
 
 60$ 
 
 Janiere 
 ufurps the 
 crown . 
 
 Seeks for 
 aflillance 
 by the Por 
 tuguefes. 
 
 A great ar- 
 my raifed 
 again ft 
 Don John. 
 
 of Raja Shiga having got all his mafttr's 
 treafure into his hands, and thinking himfdf 
 in a capacity to cope with Don ys/.'n, got 
 himfelf proclaimed king, under the name 
 of Janiere IVandaar^ and at tiie lame time 
 folHcited for fuccours by the Porlugucfes. 
 Neither was it long before Pedro Lopes de 
 Soufa arrived from Goa at the hcai.1 of 
 twelve thoulaiul five hundred Por tuguefes, 
 befides a good number of Mijiices and In- 
 dians, which occafioned no fmall confter- 
 nation in Don John's, army, who had been 
 lately fpcftators of the ravages committed 
 by thofe of Gale and Columbo fwith the affi- 
 ftance of the new king) in the how Lands, 
 and therefore had all the reafon to fear fo 
 ftrong a force of the Portuguefes ready to join 
 with his enemies. However Pedro Lopes 
 finding the Low Lands laid defolate, (the 
 befl: of the country,) and confequently pro- 
 mifing himfelf but fmall advantages by his 
 ftay, was for returning to Goa, had he not 
 been oppofed by the relt of the officers, who 
 alledged. That thebeft part of the late king*s 
 treafure remained as yet intire at Candy; 
 and that in order to make themfelves 
 mailers of the whole ide, they mull take 
 this opportunity of conquering the petty 
 princes one after another, which they put 
 in execution accordingly. For having partly 
 by force, partly by promifes, brought the 
 kings of the Low Lands, over to their 
 party, it was agreed to alfemble a flrong 
 army againft Don Johi. The quota^s of 
 the ieveral princes to be furniflied for this 
 expedition was regulated in the following 
 manner. 
 
 The king of Cota, fix thoufand eight 
 hundred men, four war-elephants, fifty 
 other elephants, one thoufmd eight hun- 
 dred oxen for carriage, and one thoufand 
 Colys, or pioneers. King Janiere Wandaar 
 Ragora twenty-eight thoufand nine hundred 
 and eighty men, twenty-four war-elephants, 
 
 two hundred others, five thouland oxen for Ba l- 
 carriage, three thoufind pioneers. The"'^"^' 
 kingdom of Jafnapainam nineteen thou- -^^^"^ 
 land nine huntlrcd men, ten war-elcph.ints, 
 forty of the common Ibrr, three thoufand 
 oxen, and two thoufand pioneers. The king 
 of Collar ftven thouland nine hundred and 
 eighty men, fix hundred pioneers, one thou- 
 fand oxen, thirty war-elephants, twenty- 
 five others. The king of Palugan, five 
 thoiifind eight hundred and ninety men, 
 one thoufand pioneers, three war-elephants, 
 and twenty-five others. The king of Ba- 
 tecalo nine thoufand eight hundred men, 
 two thoufand pioneers, two thouilind five 
 hundred oxen, four war-elephants and thirty 
 otJiers. The king of Panua, in conjundion 
 with fome other princes, fifty-nine thoufind 
 eight hundred ninety-fix men, two thou." 
 land one hundred and forty pioneers, fix 
 huntiyed and thirty elephants, and fixtcen 
 thoufand oxen. So that the whole number 
 of thefe forces amounted to one hundred 
 fifty-one thoufind and eighty-fix heads, 
 among whoni were one hundred thirty-nine 
 thoufand two hundred and forty-fix fight- 
 ing men, and eleven thouland feven hun- 
 dreti and forty pioneers, fcvcnty-five war- 
 elephants, one thoufand other elephants, 
 and twenty-nine thoufand five hundred oxen 
 for carriage. The quota of the Portuguefes 
 under Pedro Lopes amounted to one thou- 
 fand four hundred and fcvcnty-four Porlu^ 
 guefcs, one thoufand two hundred Mifices, 
 and one thoufand two hundred and twenty- 
 four Indians, forty-feven war-elephants, nine 
 hundred and forty-five others, and nineteen 
 thouland nine hundred oxen. 
 
 The firfl thing they took care of was to 
 fecurc their retreat, by ereding three forts, 
 called Manikeroweri, Mapati, and Ganna- 
 tari; which done, they direfted their march 
 with their joint-forces towards Candy, 
 
 C H A P. IV. 
 
 Don John draivs out his forces aga'inji Janiere and the Portuguefes: Attach 
 them with fiiccefs; but is routed at lajl. Dotina Catharina declared eni^ 
 prefs. Janiere murdered. '' 
 
 DON John having received intelligence 
 of their march, was put to a great 
 nonplus what courfe to take in this exi- 
 gency of his affairs, his whole army confid- 
 ing of no more than betwixt thirty and forty 
 thoufand men; but Icnowing them to be 
 refolute and intirely devoted to his interefl, 
 he kept as clofe to the enemy as poffibly he 
 could, and in feveral engagements got the 
 better of them ; till at lall being attacked 
 with incredible fury by the Portuguefes, they 
 put him to the rout, and took the citv of 
 "N". lai. Vol. III. 
 
 Walane, with the tofs of forty-nine men only ^ . 
 on their fide, killing above fifteen hundred j-ouiecl! 
 of the inhabitants; which ftruck fuch a 
 terror Into the refl, that the whole country 
 fubmitted without the kail oppofition, ex- 
 cept DoUefivagge, which they were not able 
 to take. 
 
 Don John not being able to rally his feat- Retreats 
 tered forces, retired with his emprefs into into «hc 
 the woods and deferts, where they were <^^'«''"- 
 forced to feed upon herbage for fome time; 
 and the Portuguefes being now mailers of the 
 7 O country.
 
 6oc 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 D .V L S . 
 
 of CEY L ON. 
 
 Chap. 4. 
 
 ^ Defer ipion 
 
 country, required the Cingakfes to own the uf.rper, Raja Singa Adajlyn Donna Catha- 
 kin" oi Ponuzal for thdr Ibvereign lord, m;^, after having reftcd herfdt from the ta- 
 
 " ~ tigues of the voyage for three days, was is crown- 
 
 trownctl v.ith the ullial folemnities, and put ed there, 
 into poflcflion of the empire. 
 
 About that time Don John came in the ^°" Jp'jn 
 of a beggar into Caiuh, 
 
 Donna Ca< 
 iharina 
 brought 
 fiom Ma- 
 naar. 
 
 A Portu- 
 gucfe 
 (hip lofl. 
 
 Superfti- 
 tion of 
 DonnaCa- 
 thaiina. 
 
 Thefe on the other hancKiefired that Donna 
 Catharimi, the daughter of M^Wrt^^v; their 
 legal emperor, might be brought from Ma- 
 naar, and ticcLired their emprcfs. Don Pd- 
 dro Lopes being well enough pleafed with 
 this propofition, yet willing to confult with 
 Janiere alx)Ut the matter, he found him 
 not averfe to it, his intention being to marry 
 her with the conll-nt of the Pcmgiiefes, who 
 had underhand promilcd the fame as a re- 
 ward of his ferviccs done to them. 
 
 Accordingly a numerous train and fplen- 
 did equipage was fent to bring the new em- 
 prefs 10 Candy, but one of the fhips foun- 
 dringat fea in a ftorm, one hundred and fifty 
 fokiiers, a great number of flaves, and two 
 chefts with money v/ere loft with her: one 
 Poritiguefe and two Negroes only had the 
 good fortune to cfcape of the whole fliip's 
 crew, who heard the captain of the fliip, 
 whofe name was Ptrere^ take his laft fare- 
 well in thefe words, O brave Perere, is it 
 thtts thy fate to be fa-allo-joed up by the fen! 
 hutfmce it is God's zvill, patience: Chriji re- 
 ceive my foul. 
 
 In the mean while all imaginable prepa- 
 ration being made for the reception of Donna 
 Calharina, (lie was preparing for her depar- 
 ture from Mniiaar: as flie was carried along 
 in her litter or chair, one of the poles of cane 
 happened to break, which the new emprefs 
 looking upon as an ill omen, Ihe cried out 
 aloud, Stop.Jlop, do not carry me am further, 
 for this portends fome great misfortune. Un- 
 
 where he ^''^'f'^ 
 
 as a beg- 
 
 for his 
 head. 
 
 difguile 
 
 fet feveral houles on fire, in hopes of firing g^r. 
 the whole city, but was frufl:iated in his de- 
 fign, the fire being always quenched in 
 good time, though it often broke out in 
 divers places at once. 
 
 I'he Portuguefes fufpcdling the matter, -pj^g p^j. 
 ofiered a rcvvaid of ten thouland pagodes tuguefes 
 (twenty thouiand crowns) to any that could offer a 
 take him dead or alive; which made Don 2°°°.'"'" 
 John defift from his enterprize, and to re- 
 turn to his ilell-rt. 
 
 The P or tuguefes finding themfelves now 
 in the quiet poflefTion of the country, were 
 no longer able to diguile their natural vices, 
 their pride, avarice, and infolence; which 
 occafioned frequent complaints to the em- 
 prcfs, but without redrels ; which obliged 
 the inhabitants to enter into nn afibciation 
 to deprive them of all fubfiftence, by cutting 
 off their fupplies of provifions. This ob- 
 liged xYizPorluguefe general to fend, in con- 
 jundion with king Janiere Wandaar, two 
 thouland Cingalefes, and one thoufand Por- 
 tuguefes, to the dukedom of Ouve, and two 
 thouland Indians, and two hundred Por- 
 iugiiefes to Halalmia beyond Candy, to fetch 
 in rice and other provifions. 
 
 The Pertuguefe foldiers, though they were Theycom- 
 very well received by the inhabitants, yet mit great 
 
 to which the governor of Manaar, who at- did they commit all manner ol inlblences in 
 
 inloleiices. 
 
 Leaves 
 Manaar . 
 
 Her re- 
 ceptioB at 
 Candy. 
 
 tended her perfon, replied. May it pleafe your 
 majefly, we ought to confider that ive are no 
 Heathens but Chriflians, and mufi therefore 
 defpife fiicb fuperfitions -, God will be the fup- 
 porter of you and your caufe. Then the em- 
 prefs bid them take another pole, and foon 
 after embarked with a fair wind, which 
 carried her in eight days to Candy. 
 
 Here fhe was met by Pedro Lopes, the 
 Portuguefe general, and feveral of the Cin- 
 galefi kings and princes, attended by a great 
 number of nobles, who paid their reve- 
 rence (according to the cuftom of the coun- 
 try) by laying their faces flat upon the 
 ground: This they cA\5amhaja. The emprcfs 
 arifing out of her litter, returned them 
 hearty thanks; and returning to her litter 
 was accompanied into the city by Lopes and 
 the before-mentioned princes with incredi- 
 ble pomp, and under the general acclamati- 
 tions of thepeople, who were infinitely pleafed 
 with the gold and filver that was thrown 
 among them as the cavalcade marched 
 along; which was fo i'plendid, that the 
 whole charge thereof amounted to one 
 million nine hundred thoufand livres, the 
 remnants of the treafure of the late deceafed 
 
 their quarters, even to the ravifiiing of their 
 wives, killing their children, and fetting 
 their houles on fire; fo that the Cingakfes 
 finding themfelves in a worfe condition now 
 than they were under their tyrannical em- 
 perors, entred into a conjuration to kill the 
 Porluguefes at a certain appointed time. 
 
 In the inean while Janiere follicited the 
 Portuguefe general Lopes, for leave to marry 
 the emprejs Calharina; which he handfomely 
 denied, alledging, that he could not con- 
 fent to it, without fpecial order from the 
 ,king of Portugal; but that he would write 
 to the king about it, Janiere looking upon 
 this only as an excufe, defired to let him 
 marry his fifler's daughter; which being like- 
 wile refufed by the general, Janiere con- 
 ceived from that moment a mortal hatred 
 againft the Portuguefes, and could not for- Differenct 
 bear to tell the general. That he did not ex- betwixt 
 pen. to have met ivithfucb a reward for the ^^^ I'oftu- 
 fervices he had clone them, fwearing that they ° ' "" 
 JJjould have oeeafmi to repent it. The Portu- 
 guefe being fomewhat exafperated at this un- 
 expcfted reply, told him, That he ought not 
 to take it amils, if he denied him what was 
 
 and 
 Janiere. 
 
 not in his power to give, viz. 
 
 Donna Ca- 
 
 tht'.rinay
 
 ]hap. 5. 
 
 A Defcription of CEYLON. 
 
 60-j 
 
 janiere 
 I nters into 
 t league 
 
 tharina, the leg.il heirefs of the empire, to 
 him who had iifiirped the title of a Icing, 
 merely by being got into the poflcirion of 
 the treafiire of Raja Singa Adafcyn, but that 
 he fliould be very ready to ferve him upon 
 any other occafion. Janiere being put out 
 of all patience by thefe infulting words, 
 replied fmartly, / am fenftble of your de- 
 fign ; you that came here as Jlrangers, now 
 you have got your ends through my means, are 
 the firjl who ivov.ld tyranize over r,ie. Then 
 rccolleding himfelf, he began to turn the 
 difcourfc, difiembling his refcntmcnti but 
 the f;me night difpatched a letter to Don 
 John in the dcfert, wherein he advertis'd 
 i/iTh Don '^'"^ ^f '^hxi had palled betwixt him and 
 ;ohn. the Portuguefe general, offering him the 
 empire, provided he would receive him as 
 king of the Low Lands ; which Don John 
 approving of, theyentred into a confederacy 
 to rill their hands of the Portuguejes. 
 
 Things being thus fettled, Don John be- 
 gan to appear among the Cingalafes (already 
 much exafperated againfl the Portuguefes) 
 reprefenting to them the danger they were 
 in, and how he was refolved, in conjunc- 
 tion with Janiere, to drive them out of 
 the ifland; which they readily accepted of, 
 promifing all the afTiftance they were able to 
 give. But as Janiere fent frequent letters to 
 Don John, it happened that fome of them 
 fell into the hands of the Portuguefes, who 
 being thereby fully convinc'd of the deflgn 
 carried on againfl them, begun, not with- 
 out great realbn, to fear, that unlefs they 
 confented to the marriage of Janiere with 
 Donna Catharina, they would fcarce be able 
 I to maintain themfelves in the ifle. 
 
 iprhe Por- A council being called for this purpofe, 
 they were much divided in their opinions, 
 fome being for confenting to the marriage, 
 to prevent farther mifchief, and to have Don 
 John murdered ; whilft others were for ha- 
 zarding all, rather than to confent to the 
 match, and to have Janiere murdered, un- 
 der pretence that he had laid a defign to 
 murder the emprefs and the general; for 
 which purpofe fome forged letters were 
 
 The Por- 
 
 ugueles 
 anfult 
 , ibout Ja- 
 liere. 
 
 to be produced, to judify their con- H a l- 
 duft, I) ^ u s. 
 
 To encompafs this defign, they took the ^^^jj^T*' 
 opportunity, when J^wzV/v was one day inhisacatli. 
 conference with t\\Q Portugmfe general and 
 fome other officers: the general feeing him 
 have a fcymctar on his fide befet with pre- 
 cious ftones, he defired to let him fee ir, 
 feigning that he liked it fo well, that he 
 would take it for a pattern to have fuch ano- 
 ther made after it. Janiere not fufpeding ^' '"'■"''''•■■ 
 their defign, unadviledly parted with his''"''' 
 fcymetar, which was no fooncr done, but a 
 certain Portuguefe captain (upon the fignal 
 given by tlie general) did run him through the 
 body with his fword, his attendants under- 
 going foon after the fime fate ; his guards 
 being advertiicd thereof, cried out, Iladdy, 
 Haddy, Treafon, Treafon, Radgore Janiere 
 Marupue, Kingjaniere is murdered; which 
 being a fignal to the reft, all the Indians left 
 tha Portuguefe camp, except the king of Co- 
 ta with his forces, who had not immediate 
 notice of this mofl deteflable murder. 
 
 The Portuguefes did all they could to ju- 
 flify their proceedings upon this account to 
 the emprefs, who (though but young) being 
 highly difpleafed thereat, told them, "That 
 fuppofing he was a traitor, he ought not to (^""^"^F'^' 
 have been thus barharoujly murdered, ^/// reflo'aions 
 either kept a prifoncr, or at leafi had the be- upon U. 
 nefit of a legal tryal. Refi ajjurcd, added 
 flie, that this treacherous faEl will turn to 
 your ruin ; for who is it that hears cf it, but 
 will curfe you, and never Irnjt you in what- 
 ever you pretend to? And, alas I fiid Ihe, hoxv 
 ill have you ferved your king and mc, who 
 am likely to be involved in your ruin? Be 
 therefore upon your guard, for you will pay 
 dearly for having rewarded thus a man who 
 had done you fuch fignal fervices. Thefe 
 words, though coming from ayoung woman, 
 and fcarce well initiated in the fundamenail-; 
 of Chriltianity, were aftually fulfilled af- 
 terwards, when the Portuguefes were driven 
 by our forces out of Batecalo, Gale, Colum- 
 bo, Negumbo, and fall of all out of Jaf- 
 napatnam. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 37r Portuguefes lea-vc Candy; are routed by the Cingalefes. Tlie emprefs ta- 
 ken pr if oner. Don John becomes majler of the empire; marries Donna 
 Catharina. Jeronimo Oriedo defeated. 
 
 Con John "TXC* A'^ John was not wanting to turn the 
 improves \^ hatred of the people (which mult needs 
 the faft to g^f^ig upon fo barbarous a faft ) to his advan- 
 DBc. ''^S^' ^"'^ '■'' reprefent the perfidious defigns 
 of the Portuguefes in the wortl colours, of- 
 fering them his afTiftance againft thefe fo- 
 reigners, as he had done before againfl Raja 
 
 Singa; whicii fuccceded fo well, that they 
 refolv'd unanimouOy to fide with him, in 
 order to drive them out of the country. 
 
 The Portuzuefes havino; receiv'd intelli- 
 gence of the great preparations matle againft ^l' 
 them, and that Don John was advancing \^^^ ^* 
 with his army towards Candy, began now. Candy. 
 
 but
 
 A Dcfcription ofCEYLO N. 
 
 <5o8 
 
 Bal- but too Lite, to ropciit of the murder of 
 D/»;us. y^,„iere ■, :iml Icing their ruin at hanci, uii- 
 -^^ ^ Icfs they took tinuly earc of thc-ir l.ifery, 
 they rctre-ated from CarJy to the tort ot 
 Gannoor, whence they fent to Cclumh tor 
 relict. Tlic Chigahfei having got nonce of 
 their fiighr, purluVi tlicm fo tlofely, that 
 many ot them tell into tiicir hands, cfpeci- 
 ally of thofc detachments fent to Goa and 
 Are mife- Ualalmia for provifions, fifty whereof they 
 "bly lent back with their cai-s, nofes, and privy 
 .rcatcil by ^,^^^^ ^„j „flr_ ;„ rcvcngc of the ravilhments 
 lefo^'"^ committed upon their wives and daughters. 
 The rortugmfes were fo tcrrify'd thereat, 
 that finding tliemfelves deftitute of all hopes 
 of relief, they refolvcd likev/ife to leave 
 Gannoor, and to retire to IFakne, which 
 .„ they put in execution in 1590, on a lun- 
 ' day ; and the better to cover their flight, 
 or at leall to divert the Cingakfis from pur- 
 fuing them, fet the circumjacent country on 
 fire. But thefe preferring their revenge be- 
 fore all other confiderations followed them 
 at the heels, and attacked them moll tu- 
 And rout- rioufly in four feveral parts at once. The 
 *''• Portugueffs defended themfelves moft cou- 
 
 ragioufly ; but being overpower'd in num- 
 ber, were forced to give way with the lofs 
 Pedro Lo- of many of their belt foldiers, either kill'd 
 pes and Qp ^:{V.m prifoners, among whom was the 
 ^na^ake^ii Portugucfe general Lopes and Donna Catla- 
 prilbners. rina. The general died within three days 
 of his wounds, after he had recommended his 
 fon to Don Johnh care, who was afterwards 
 by him (purfuant to his promife) fent to 
 Columbo. 
 
 The Indians got a confiderable booty, be- 
 fides a vaft quantity of arms, cannon and 
 ammunition, in this engagement ; and Don 
 John purfuing his viftory with the utmoft 
 vigour, made himfelf matter of all the forts 
 belonging to the Porluguefes ; fome by al- 
 t^iult, the garrifons whereof he put to the 
 iword ; fome by compofition, which was 
 punftually obferv'd. All which flruck luch 
 an amazement into the circumjacent kings 
 Don John and princes, that they appeared in perfon 
 rertored to before him, and asking pardon for their 
 dom having been engaged with the Porluguefes, 
 
 brought him confiderable prefents, and did 
 him homage with the ufual folemnity of 
 proflrating themfeves with their faces to 
 the ground. 
 
 Being thus fettled a fecond time in the 
 
 throne, he thought it the fafefl way to le- 
 
 cure himfelf of the fidelity of his fubjeds 
 
 Marries by marrying Donna Catharina, (the being 
 
 D. Catha- thgri but twelve years old,) which was celebra- 
 
 "■"• ted with great folemnity for one hundred and 
 
 ten days fuccetTively -, notwithftanding which 
 
 Chap, f 
 
 Cii.1 
 
 the charges thereof did not amount to above 
 five thouftnd Pagodes : but the prefents be- 
 Itow'd upon many of the nobility (to recon- 
 cile them to his intereft) to no Icfs than nine 
 hundred fixty-cighc thoufand fcvcn hundred 
 fifty-four PiigCiies, or four million eight hun- 
 dred fifty-nine thoufand five hundred thir- 
 ty-eight Dutch guilders, making the fum 
 of one million nine hundred torty-three 
 thouland eight hundred and fifteen rix- 
 dollars. tJis next care wa? to ftrengthen 
 his frontiers by three tlrong forts-, ar.d he 
 built himfelf a palace, furrounded with fe- 
 \eral bulworks, wherein he imploy'd the 
 captive Portugucfes •, who, to their great 
 griel, wjre forc'd to fee their enfigns dif- 
 play'd upon the towers of their enemies. 
 
 Don John having for Ibme time enjoy'd Orietfo d 1 
 the quiet pofTefllon of the throne, Don Je- Po""- 
 ronimo d'Oricdo was fent in the quality of^"^^?** 
 Portugueje general toLeyton, with a conlide- Qyi^n^ 
 rable number of land forces, compos'd 
 of Spaniards and Porluguefes, brought thi- 
 ther from Goa and other places on the ht- 
 dicm coatt. Having by great prefents brought 
 over to his fide mo(l of the princes of the 
 Low Lands, he order'd feveral forts to be 
 erected to fervc him for a retreat upon occa- 
 fion. Don John was fo far from annoying 
 his men in perfe£ling thefe fortifications, 
 that he feem'd to defpife it, faying. Lei them 
 go on, I will find a way to pull dozen as faji 
 as they can build: but underftanding that 
 the Pcrtuguefes were advancing towards Wa- 
 lanc, in order to furprize Candy (where they 
 intended to creft a tlrong fort betwixt "Tri- 
 quenam and Palugan, to bridle the country) 
 he attacked them in their march ; fo that a 
 mofl furious battle enfu'd, which remain'd is routed 
 dubious for fome time, the Porluguefes fight- by D. 
 ing like lions ; but at lall were forced toJ°'^"- 
 yield to the number of their enemies, who 
 purfued them for five days as far as Columbo ; 
 they keeping their ranks clofe, and making 
 good their retreat with unfpeakable bravery, 
 though not without confiderable lofs on their 
 Cde. Among their wounded was Oriedo 
 the general, who was oblig'd to king Cola 
 for his liberty, he having concealed him 
 in fome retired place, vvdthout which he had 
 infallibly fallen into the hands of the Indians. 
 Thefe, though not a little tued, with fo 
 long and troublefome purfuir, yet in their 
 return made themfelves mailers of the new 
 Portuguefe forts, and cutting the garrifons 
 in pieces, laid them level with the ground. 
 This viftory prov'd fo confiderable 10 Don 
 John, that during his life Oriedo either durft 
 or could not attempt any thing further a- 
 gainll him. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. d. 
 
 A Dejcription of Ceylon. 
 
 609 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Dominico Corre goes over to Don John: Beficgcs Gale, but is repiilui. Simon 
 Corre returns to Columbo. "The Portiiguclcs mijcrably vuijj'acred. Joris van 
 Spilbergen comes to Ce)'lon. 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 D^U S. 
 
 Dominico A BOUT that time Bominko Corre, a re- 
 Corre de- m\ nownM foldicr (known by the name 
 ferts. of Goliah) being difoblig'd by the Portu- 
 guefes, came over to Don John, having firft 
 cut oft' the nofes and ears of feveral monks 
 who had offended him. He alfo enticed 
 Corke Bandaar, a revolted prince, into Don 
 jfohn's camp, who caus'd him to be tormen- 
 ted to death, and bellowed his principality 
 upon Dominico Corre, to whom he gave the 
 name of Idel Soria Bandaar. Whilft he 
 was doing homage to the emperor, a very 
 large tree that flood hard by, fplit in two 
 pieces, without being touched ; which the 
 inhabitants (a fuperftitious generation) inter- 
 preted as an ill omen. 
 Is made Not long after the emperor fent a confi- 
 general. derable army under the command of Do- 
 minico Corre and his brother Simon Corre, 
 to befiege Gale : but the Portugtiefes defend- 
 ed themfelves fo well, tliat the greateft part 
 of this army was ruined, and Dominico him- 
 felf taken prifoner, whom the Vortugucfes 
 Ismur- (contrary to their promife) carry'd to Co- 
 dered. lumbo, where he was privately murdered. 
 This barbarous aftion lb hightly exafpera- 
 ted Don John, that he ordered fome Portu- 
 guefes to be killed by the elephants, others 
 he cut off their nofes and ears and fcnt them 
 His death to Columho to tell the general. That in cafe 
 revenged they did not fet all the prifoners at liberty, 
 by Don j;]^e Portiiguefes in his hands fliould receive 
 the lame treatment. 
 
 The fokiiers in garrifon ■.W.Columho feeing 
 this mifcrable fpectacle in their companions, 
 broke out into a mutiny againft the gene- 
 ral, who by murdering Corre againft his pa- 
 role, had given occafion to this dififter. 
 There was nothing to be heard among them 
 but. Kill the dog, kill him ; whilft Jeronimo 
 d'Oriedo cry'd for mercy. Notwithftanding 
 which, a whole troop of them were advan- 
 cing with their drawn fwords againft him, 
 and had certainly killed him upon the fpot, 
 had not fome monks thrown themfelves (to 
 their no fmall danger) betwixt him and them ; 
 and fpeaking to the foldiers, calling them 
 gentlemen, and begging them for the love of 
 Chrift, not to aft againft the crown of Por- 
 tugal in the perfon of their general, appea- 
 red their wrath ; though even then the gene- 
 ral was forced to hide himfelf in a convent, 
 till the tumult could be intirely appealed, 
 which was not till fixteen days after. 
 
 Notwithftanding the barbarous ufage Di7- 
 fninico Corre had met with from the Portu- 
 Vol, III. 
 
 John. 
 
 guefes, his brother Sitnon Corre went over to Simon Co- 
 them, pretending to the emperor that he in- '^ goes 
 tended to advance towards Columbo to re- p'^'^'' '° 
 venge his brother's death. He was very ho- guefes. 
 nourably received by the Portugmfcs, who not 
 only beftow'd the government of a province 
 upon him, but alfo marry'd him to a Porlu- 
 guefe lady, whom together with his fon (be- 
 gotten in this marriage) they kept as pledges 
 of his fidelity, whilft he was employ'd in 
 carrying on the war againft Don 7o/?'«. How- 
 ever, having got intelligence that the Portu- 
 guefes had form'd a defign againft the life of 
 the faid Don John, he gave notice thereof to 
 him, defiring him to be upon his guard. 
 
 The emperor being willing to be fully fi- 
 tisfy'd in a matter of fuch moment, appli- 
 ed himfelf to one Emanuel Dias, who being 
 formerly a foot-boy to the Portnguefe gene- 
 ral Lopes, was advanced by the laid Don John 
 to the dignity of one of his gentlemen of the 
 firft rank, and had received many other fa- 
 vours at his hands. Emanuel Dias, willing Emanuel 
 to contribute what lay in his power to his ^'^^ P'e- 
 mafter's fatistadlion, propofed ro go to Co- '^"'^^ '° 
 lumbo, under pretence of having delerted his ^^ (jj^ p^^, 
 fervice, but in truth to dive into the real de- tuguefe*. 
 fign of the Porti{^ucfes. Accordingly he ar- 
 rived at Columbo- on eafter day in the year 
 1602, where he propofed to Don Jeronimo ,gQ2_ 
 Oriedo feveral ways of murdering Don John; 
 and that with lo much aliiirance and I'eem- 
 ing probability, that he was highly careffed 
 by that general, who agreed with him con- 
 cerning the method how the defign fliould 
 be put in execution. For this purpofe five 
 Portuguefes were pitched upon to (hare the 
 danger and glory of fo brave an atftion, 
 (as they ftiled it,) among whom were three 
 captains, viz. Chrijlian Jacobo, Alberto Pri- 
 mero, and Cafpar Perere. Emanuel Dias He de- 
 being promifed no lefs a reward than the celves the 
 crown of Candy, pLiy'd the hypocrite fo ''<^'"'- 
 artificially, that he took a folemn oath up- ^""^ ^^• 
 on the crucifix to be true to his truft ; and 
 fo he was dilmiffed to [f'alam with a good 
 fum of money, from whence he return'd to 
 Candy. 
 
 There he gave an account to the emperor 
 how meafures had been concerted betv/ixt 
 Don Juronimo and him ; That a certain body 
 of troops fliould be polled near the fort of 
 IValane, to be ready at hand to futprife that 
 place as foon as they Ihould receive the fig- 
 nal of the murder of the emperor being put 
 in execution ; for which purpofe thofe who 
 7 P had
 
 (5io A Dcfcription of 
 
 had undertaken that task were within a li 
 
 CEYLON. 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 U .t U 3 . 
 
 mited time to appear near CatiJy. Hereup- 
 ^"'^''^ on the emperor advanced fecretly in the night 
 f^'7' time at the head of a good body of troops 
 to fValmt^, wlicre the bdorc-mentioncd ac- 
 comphccsap[)earing according to agreement, 
 well armed with yaponefe fcymetars, callecl 
 rmlJaJos, they were kindly received by E- 
 vhv:udDias, and introduced into the empe- 
 ror's prclcnce ; but foon after were feized by 
 his gii.ird, and the fignal given at the iame 
 time from the f. rt of IFalane. So that the 
 Pcr.'ugucjh believing every thing to have 
 fuccctded according to expectation, advan- 
 ced with all polHbie fpeed towards the fort, 
 wiitre th'.y qucilionlels wouki have met with 
 fo warm a reception, that few of them would 
 have returned home, had not a certain fer- 
 vanr, who had deferted from the enemy, 
 difcovered the whok matter to them •, which 
 made them retreat with all fpeed towards 
 Columho, leaving all their baggage and fome 
 arms a prey to the enemy. Emanuel Dins 
 
 Chap. J 
 
 got a vafl: reputanon by this bold entcrprize, 
 and was rewarded with vaft prefents by the 
 emperor ; but the five Portw^uefes were after 
 a long captivity put to a moil painful death. 
 
 About this time the Duicb general, Joris joris Spil- 
 Spilbergen^ comingwith two fliips on the coall bergen 
 of Ceylon, went to Candy on piirpofe to lit- ^J""!^^ ^'^ 
 kite the emperor in the name of the flates of *^ °"" 
 the United Provinces, and his excellency 
 prince Mp.urice of NcJfau ; and was favour- 
 ably received by Don John, and difmilTed 
 with confiJerable prefents. Having left E- 
 rafnnis Martens and Mr. Hans Pempel, two 
 very good muficians, there, he returned 
 highly fatisiied, September 3, 1603, by the 1603. 
 way of Mateeola to Aehen. But the Portu- 
 gv.efes were. not a little difTatisfied at his ar- 
 rival there, as fearing that in cafe the Tfiitch 
 fhould enter into a confederacy with the em- 
 peror, their Hay would not be long in that 
 ifland ; which proved true afterwards, they 
 being quite chafed thence in the year 165S. 
 
 Ci 
 
 CHAP. Vli. 
 
 Sebald de Weert comes to Ceylon. Great dijj'nt'isfaoiwi betwixt the emperor 
 and him. Is murdered. Don ]ohn foils Jick, and dies : His qualifcatiofis. 
 
 Sebald de 
 Weert 
 comes to 
 Ceylon. 
 
 Difference 
 beiwixt 
 the empe- 
 ror and 
 him. 
 
 Is aug- 
 mented by 
 the empe- 
 ror's am- 
 baiTador. 
 
 SEbald de Weert and Vibraads van War- 
 liick came foon after into Ceylon, where 
 they entered into agreement with the empe- 
 ror. Afterwards they failed to Achen to af- 
 femble more forces, and landing at Mateeo- 
 la with feven fliips the 26th of Jpril 1603. 
 De IVeert gave notice thereof to the empe- 
 ror, who dt-fircd him to come and put an end 
 to the conferences begun before for the con- 
 fummation of the treaty. De Weert comwio 
 into the emperor's prefence, was ask'd by him 
 why he had let the Portuguefe prilbners at 
 liberty ; which, as it had been done unad- 
 vifedly, fo he made the beft excufe he could 
 upon that fcore •, which being not fatisfattory 
 to the emperor, caufed in him no fmall fuf- 
 picion ; the fame was much augmented by 
 what his ambafTador ('who had been with the 
 vice-admiral De Weert at Achen) related to 
 him, that during his (lay with the Dutch he 
 could not obferve but that they were friends 
 of the Pcrtugiiefes, whereof they had given 
 fufficient proofs, when they fet the Portu- 
 guefe officers, that were their prifoners, above 
 him at the table. He further added, that 
 he had received information from credible 
 hands. That the vice-admiral intended to in- 
 vite the emperor and the chiefeft men of his 
 court, aboard his veiTel to a banquet, but in 
 efFect, to detain them prifoners, and make 
 themfelves mailers of the country : That he 
 had thought it his duty to give this caution 
 to his majefty, that he might not truft the 
 Dutch, and thereby with the reft of his prin- 
 
 ces be drawn into the fnare, to the irrepara- 
 ble ruin of the whole county. 
 
 Don John finding the ambaflador's rea- 
 fons not to be ill grounded, and having con- 
 ceived no fmall jcaloufy at the vice-admiral's 
 difcharging the Portuguefe^pnfoneys,, contrary 
 to his promife, it was debated in council, 
 whether they ought to treat with him any 
 further, or break off the treaty already be- 
 gun. After various deliberations, it was a- 
 greed to endeavour to perfwade the vice-ad- 
 miral to fail with his fleet to Cale, in order 
 (according to mutual agreement) to befiege 
 that place, whereby they would not want 
 opportunity to judge of his conduft in refe- 
 rence to the Porliiguejes. 
 
 Sebald de Weert foon afer invited the De Weert 
 
 emperor aboard his veiTel ; which he re- ""vites the 
 
 fufed, alledging. That the chief men of the ^"^1"°' 
 
 \- i c \ ■ on board, 
 
 empire did not approve of a thing never 
 
 known before. De Weert feeing the empe- 
 ror refolute in his refufal, deflred him to 
 do him the honour of coming only to the 
 fea-fliore to view his fliips ; and that he had 
 ordered a tent to be pitched there for his 
 reception. The emperor not only refufed Which js 
 alfo this offer, but his lufpicion was increafed, ref°''«^- 
 the before-mentioned ambafllidor whifpering 
 him in the ear. Are you no'-jj fenjible, my 
 moft gracious Lord, that I was in the right, 
 and that they intend to catch you in the fnare ? 
 And the Dutch vice-admiral De Weert beino- 
 not a little difl:urbed at fo fiat a denial, told 
 him frankly. That fimei his Majejiy did not 
 
 think
 
 Chap. 7. 
 
 A Defcription of C E Y L O N. 
 
 611 
 
 think fit to come either aboard him, or at leafi 
 to the fijore, he was refohed not to fight for ■ 
 him againjl the Portuguefes. Don John, 
 thoiigli not a little exafpcrated at lb bold a 
 reply, yet dilTembled his anger, telling 
 him only, that he fliould, purlliant to his 
 promife, fail to Gale with his fleet, whilfl: he 
 would take a turn to Candy to vifit the em- 
 prefs who was alone there, his brother-in-law 
 having taken a journey to the frontiers; and 
 that from thence they would haften with all 
 their forces to the fiege. Sebald de IVeert 
 being fomewhat heated with ftrong liquor, 
 DeV eert j-gpij^;^ undifcreetly. That certainly the em- 
 \vith too /""CA <^««/^ not be in diftrefs for a man •, and 
 much that he '•^as refohed not to fail to Gale, or to 
 boldnefs ; fight againfi the Portuguefes, before the em- 
 peror had done him the honour of viewing his 
 (hips. Don John, who was naturally a cho- 
 lerick pcrfon, was fo incenfed at this anfwer, 
 that he left the room, and in going out faid, 
 Bind the dog: whereupon four of his gentle- 
 men advanced to lay hold of him •, but he 
 endeavouring to draw his fword, and ma- 
 kins; a noife to call his attendance to his af- 
 Which fiftance, (who were left near the fea-fide by 
 proves the the emperor's order,) they laid hold of him 
 «ccafion jYqiii behind, and one of them fpliuing his 
 ^ 1^'^ head with a fcymitar laid him dead upon 
 the ground. 
 
 The prince of Ouvc being the only per- 
 fon who durft give an account to the empe- 
 ror of what had happened, he appeared 
 fomewhat difturbed thereat, afking him, 
 JVhy they did not wake him. a prifoner, accor- 
 ding to his order. Whereupon the prince 
 telling him, that it was impoflible to be 
 done, becaule he flood upon his defence, 
 And of £)q,^ jgj^f^ replied, Nay, Jince he fought for 
 dants ^'•^ death, let him have it, and let his atten- 
 dants follow their majler ; which was put 
 in execution immediately, fcarce any one 
 of thofe that came afhore with him efcaping 
 the fury of thefe barbarians, except a boy, 
 named Ifaac Plevier, a native of Fliff.ngen, 
 who was flill alive, and in the then empe- 
 ror's fervice, Nov. 22, 16 14. Some few 
 alfo had the good fortune of efcaping by 
 fwimming to the ihips. 
 
 The emperor loon after v/ent to Candy, 
 from whence he writ thefe few lines in 
 Portuguefe to the commanders of the Du'ch 
 vefTels ; ^e bebem vinho, noa he bon. Deos 
 fes juftitia ; fe quefieres pas, pas ; fequires 
 gi'.erra, guerra : i. c. Who drinks wine is not 
 good : God (hews his juftice : If you defire 
 peace, you fhall have peace ; if war, war. 
 However, Don John did not furvive long 
 
 this barbarous aftion, being feizcd widi fo B a l- 
 violent a burning fever, that to cool him-"--"^* 
 felf he was kept in cold water, without any 20^1^ 
 relief: Ho alio drunk frequently of thef^Hs f,ck 
 water of the brook cMa.\ Hal Cradcje, be-ofaburn- 
 twixt Ouve and Mataretic; which being fo •"£ f^*"- 
 cold, as not to be held in die mouth with- 
 out Ihivcring, yet could not in the leaft 
 quench his thirft. He often bewailed the 
 barbarous murder of the Dutch, but fiid 
 that De fVeert had no more than what he 
 defervcd. Thus hnguifhing for f.ime time 
 in continual agonies, he was in no condition 
 to difpofe of his affairs, but ended his life in 
 mifery, 1604.. He left behind him one fon. Dies, 
 named Mahajlanne Adafcyn, and two daugh- His iffue, 
 ters, one named Soria Mahadafcyn, i. e. Be- 
 loved funligbt, the other Cathen Adafcyn, 
 i. e. Beloved Peace ; all three born from 
 Donna Catharina, called by the Cingalefcs, 
 Mabalandige Adafcyn, i. e. Beloved Emprefe. 
 
 Don John was a valiant and great captain. His cha- 
 as his whole life fuf^iciently teftities : He was rafter, 
 tall of flature, and well-limbed, black, and 
 ■ ruftical in his fpeech. He had gathered ;i 
 vaft treafm-e of gold and jewels, and had 
 founded many forts, palaces, and publick 
 inns, called by the Cingalefcs, Ambolan, i. e. 
 Refting places. He kept a ffrid hand in the 
 government ; and as he never pardoned 
 crimes, fb he was very liberal to all fuch as 
 behaved themfelves vvell in their civil or mi- 
 litary flations, on whom he conferred ho- 
 nours and riches. He was a compleat flatel- 
 man, and flood firm to his ingagementswith 
 all foreign princes,, except l\\c Porlugucfs ; 
 upon whom looking with a jealous eye, he 
 had conceived a mortal hatred. As he dc- 
 fpif^'d all religions, fo he allowed the free 
 exercife thereof to all without diftindtion. 
 
 The corps of the deccafed emperor was ^v- .„ 
 no looner interred with extraordinary magni- amor-^ 
 licence, but the great men of the kingdom i'm g^-at 
 began to divide into feveral faflions, every «»-■"• 
 one aiming at the crown : The moll potent 
 ainong them was the prince of Ouve, who 
 publickly fet up for the empire, but was op- 
 pofed by Cetniwieraat, brother-in-law to the 
 late emperor, who pretended to be regent 
 for his nephew, (his brother's fon,) till he 
 fhould come to age of maturity. Donna Appeafed 
 Calharina well forefecing the ill confequences by Donna 
 that might enfue upon thofe pretenfions, de- ^_^^^^«- 
 clarcd herfelf regent of her young ion, and ""*" 
 by taking off the heads of fome of the moll 
 fulpeded lords, removed the prefcnt danger, 
 and appeafed the troubles that threatened 
 her ruin for fome tinie. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 t5ii 
 
 A Difription of Ceylon. 
 
 Chap. 8. 
 
 c n A p. VIII. 
 
 Bai- 
 
 UA.VS. 
 
 Dhijhns among the great men in Ceylon. The prince of Ouvc_ murdered by 
 Ccimwicraat, ivho marries Donna Catharina the ewprej's. 
 
 T 
 
 1 1 E Portu^uefcs rejoiced at tlie dcuh 
 _ of Don John, fcnt meflengers after 
 The Por mclTenj.crs to Goa, to advcrtife the viceroy 
 cuguefw of this welcome news, and to defire his ad- 
 oiftr a vice in this jundure. Tlic faid viceroy be- 
 confedc- i„g of opinion, that they ought to ingage 
 "Ydi • '" •'•" 'i"''ince with Donna Catharina, (as a 
 d'enied" means to make themfelves mafters by de- 
 grees of the whole ifle,) the fome was pro- 
 pofcd accordingly ; but rejcfted by Donna 
 Calbcirina, who told thcni, that flie would 
 remain fovereign miftrefs in her territories. 
 However the princes of the Low Lands being 
 forely oppreffcd by the incurfions and ra- 
 vages committed in their territories both 
 by the prince of Ouve and the emperor's 
 brother-in-law, hearken'd to the inticements 
 of the PonagucfiS, and entered into a confe- 
 deracy with them. 
 
 The emprefs being not a little difturbed 
 at thefe inteftine commotions, fearing fhe 
 fliould be lacrificed to the prevailing party,^ 
 called a general aflembly of all the lords of 
 -^ , the empire ; who all appeared accordingly 
 Ctnuwie- J" pei'ibn, except the prince of Ouve and 
 laat do Ccnmvieraat Adafiyn, who thereupon were by 
 not appear proclamation declared rebels by the emprefs, 
 at court, ^nd their eftates confifcated. However Ce- 
 nwxieraat having given fufficient realbns for 
 his abfence, and the prince of Ouve having, 
 at the interccfQon of his friends, obtain- 
 ed his pardon, they afterwards appeared at 
 court, but well guarded, neither party truft- 
 ing one another. 
 Prince Things thus pafTing on for fome time, the 
 
 Ouve re- prince of Ouve refolvcd, after the conclu- 
 folves to (ion of the aflembly of the Hates, to rid his 
 kill Genu- j^nds of Cenuwieraat, and afterwards to fe- 
 cure to himfelf the crown by marrying Don- 
 na Catharina : but Cenuwieraat having got 
 fcent of this defign, reiblved to be before- 
 hand with him •, to accomplifli which, he 
 difturbed his thoughts, fliewing to the prince 
 of Oirce upon all occafions moft fingular 
 marlcs of his refpedt and friendfliip. But 
 having in the mean while ftrengthened his 
 intereil, by ingaging moft of the great men 
 to his fide, he took his opportunity, when 
 they were both going to take their leave of 
 the emprefs: for coming at the outward 
 gate, the prince of Ouve would have given 
 the precedency to prince Cenuwieraat, as 
 defcended from the imperial blood ; which 
 he refufing to accept of, told him, that it 
 was his due, by reafon of his age : fo that, 
 after fome time fpent in compliments, prince 
 Ouve went in firft, and was inftantly run 
 
 through the back, and laid dead upon thelsmur- 
 ground by Cenuwieraat, who faid no more^^'^'^ ''/ 
 than. Traitor, thou haji thy reward ; and fo^^!^"_"^^'*' 
 retiring to his people, left the city immedi- 
 ately. 
 
 Thofe belonging to the prince of Oz<w A commo- . 
 hearing of the murder of their mafter, run "o" '" 
 through the ftreets, crying out, 'Treafon, ^^"'^X- 
 Treajon; which put the city into fuch an 
 alarm, that the people (believing the em- 
 prefs was killed) cut all to pieces they met 
 with, fo that the ftreets were every where 
 filled with horror and flaughter ; which 
 would have continued longer, had not Don- 
 na Catharina, by fliewing herfelf to the peo- 
 ple, fomewhat appeafed their fury. How- 
 ever, they not ceafing to exclaim, and ut- 
 tering moft horrid threats againft the prince 
 of Cenuwieraat, for the murder of prince 
 Ouve: the emprefs, to prevent further mif- Is appea 
 chief, thought it her flifeft- way to prohibit, f^d by thei 
 under j^ain of death, that any injury fhould ^'"f^'^- 
 be done to prince Cenuwieraat, declaring 
 that what had been done was by her own 
 orders ; which fomewhat fettled the minds 
 of the people. 
 
 But her thoughts were very different from 
 what fhe fliewed to the people, having con- 
 ceived fuch a horror at the fa6t, that fhe re- 
 iblved not to let it go unrevenged upon the 
 prince Cenuwieraat. He being advertifed 
 hereof by his friends, kept conftantly upon 
 his guard, not neglcfting in the mean while 
 to have it reprefented to the emprefs, (not 
 without good reafons,) that he had been CenuwiV 
 forced to undertake this fa6l for his felf-pre- ^at clears* 
 fervation, and the welfare of the kingdom, '"^^ ■ 
 her majefty, and his brother's children: 
 which had lb good an effeft upon the em- 
 prefs, that by the mediation of certain great 
 men, a inatch was concluded betwixt the Marries 
 emprefs and hiin, as the moft proper means the em- 
 to reftore tranquillity to the empire. AtP^^^s. 
 his coronation he took upon him the name 
 Camapaii Mahadafcyn. 
 
 He no fooner faw himfelf eftabliftied in 
 the throne, but he applied himfelf to the 
 Ihllanders, in order to enter into an alli- 
 ance with them againft the Porluguefes, as 
 will appear out of the feqiie! of this hiftory. 
 
 For their high and mightinefles the'^''."'^^ ''^" 
 
 States general of the United Provinces ha- qH'I' ' ,fJ 
 o. , bpaniaiuS* 
 
 ving, 1609, made a truce for twelve years and 
 with archduke Albert and Ifal^ella Clara Eu- Dutch. 
 genia infanta of Spain, by virtue whereof it 
 was among other matters agreed, that the 
 fame lliould take place alio in the Eajhln- 
 
 dies ;
 
 'hap. 9* 
 
 dies ; 
 bein 
 
 willing 
 
 u4 Vejcripion 0/ C E Y L O N. 61^ 
 
 which done, rhey equipped a fqna-B a i.- 
 
 the then directors of that company 
 to improve this interval for 
 
 fhips, which fet Jail out of [Iol!a;id " ''■ ^ ' 
 
 maniler 
 
 dron of 
 
 the cjoth of January, under the command 
 
 of Peler Botb, governor general of the In- 
 
 dies, and arrived fifcly the i8th of No- 
 
 the better fettling their commerce in thcle 
 parts, did petition their high and mighti- 
 neffes, and his highnefs the prince, to lend 
 their letters to all the Indian kings and 
 princes, to enter into a confederacy with 
 them 1 which being granted accordingly, 
 the faid letters, with certain articles and in- 
 itruftions, were by the diredtors of the foid 
 Butch Eaft-India company difpatched im- 
 mediately to the Indies aboard the Greyhound o\ the Portuguefes in thofe parts 
 yacht, captain Wemmer van Berchem com* 
 
 'jon- 
 ber following at Bantam^ with full power 
 from their high and mightincflc.^, and his 
 highnefs the prince, to enter into fuch alli- 
 ances with all the Indian kings and princes, 
 as they thought moft expedient for the fet- 
 tling of their commerce, and ruining that 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Letters from the States general of the United Provinces and prince Maurice, 
 fent by Marcellus de Bolchhouwer to the emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 THE letters from their high and migh- 
 tinefles and his highnefs the prince of 
 Orange to the emperor of Ceylon^ were as 
 followeth : 
 
 The let- 
 ter of the 
 "States ge- 
 neral to 
 the empe- 
 ror of 
 Ceylon. 
 
 I 
 
 Moji potent king, 
 
 T has pleafed the almighty God 
 through his mercy, fo to blefs our 
 " arms, taken up for the maintaining of the 
 " rights and privileges of our native coun- 
 " try againft the king of Spain and Portu- 
 " gal that after a bloody war carried on 
 " forty-two years fuccefTively both by 
 " lea and land, the laid king being con- 
 " vinced of our unanimity, power and con- 
 " ftancy, fupported by the ftrength of our 
 " friends and neighbouring allies, has 
 " thought fit to make us the fame offers, 
 " for which we had been obliged to com- 
 " mence a war, viz. to declare us a free 
 " people, independant from his power; 
 " and that he was inclined to enter upon a 
 ■•' treaty of peace or truce with us for a con- 
 " fiderable number of years. Which of- 
 " fers (after mature deliberation) having 
 " been accepted by us, a treaty was fet on 
 " foot accordingly with the Hiid king of 
 " Spain ixiA Portugal; which being brought 
 " to a conclufion the 9th oi April laft paft, 
 " a truce w;is agreed upon for twelve years 
 " next enfuing ; by virtue whereof all the 
 " fubjeds of this ftate are not only at li- 
 " berty to carry on their traffick, commerce, 
 " or navigation, in all the kingdoms and 
 " countries where thcy^ufed to enjoy the 
 " fame before the war, but alfo in all 
 " other countries, kingdoms, or princes, 
 " and with aU other nations or provinces, 
 " without exception ; and with this pro- 
 " vilb, that neither the king of Spain and 
 " Portugal, nor his officers and fubjeds, 
 " (hall, in refpe<5t of this traffick hitherto 
 " carried on, or to be carried on for the 
 " future, moleft or be troublefome (cither 
 
 N"'. 12 2. Vot.JH. 
 
 direftly or indlreflly) to our fubjefls, or 
 thofe belonging to any king, prince, or 
 other fupenor power, with whom v*e 
 have any commerce ; and that your ma- 
 jefly, as well as all other kings, princes, 
 ftates, and nations, as v/ell in the Indies 
 as in other parts, fliall be comprehended 
 in the faid twelve years truce, and not 
 be molefted or attacked on account of 
 their h'iendfnip and commerce with us. 
 But if (contrary to our cxpeftation, and 
 the folemn promife made by the king of 
 Spain and Portugal, confirmed by his 
 hand and feal) it ffiould happen that 
 your majefty's fubjefts and countries 
 fhould be involved in any troubles with the 
 fiid king, either by fea or land, by rea- 
 fon of their friendfiiip, alliance, or com- 
 merce with us, your majefty may reft 
 afTured, that we fhal! want neither will 
 nor power, neither fliips, ammunition, 
 nor forces, as well of our own, as of fuch 
 other kings and princes our allies, as are 
 guarantees of the faid treaty, and have 
 ingaged to fee tiie fxme executed in all 
 its particulars, and confequently in re- 
 fpe(5t of your majefty's dominions, as 
 well as of all other countries and domi- 
 nions, both in the Indies, and elfewhere, 
 to proteft and defend your majefty's do- 
 minions and fubjcfts againft all aggreflbrs, 
 who upon that account fliall molell them. 
 We do not doubt, but that fome of the 
 king of Spain and Portugal his creatures 
 and officers, will be apt to infinute in- 
 to your majefty his fubjefts, and otlicr 
 kings, princes, nations, and republicks, 
 a quite different fentiment of the faid 
 treaty. But we afllire your majefty by 
 thcfe prefents upon our faith, without 
 any tergiverfation, unto which your ma- 
 jefty and fubjefts, and all other kings, 
 princes, nations, and ftates, may give 
 ' intire credit, and defire that your ma- 
 
 7CL "jefty
 
 ^ J Dcfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 - Iclly will be plciifal to rely upon it ac- 
 » cordingly, to the firm ittclement ot a 
 «' mutual and goo.1 correlponc'.ency, navi- 
 «' gaiion, and tratfuk, betwixt our fub)eCts •- 
 
 Chap. 9, 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 Prince 
 Maurice's 
 letter to 
 the empe- 
 ror. 
 
 wc on our fide will not bt; wanting to 
 entertain the lame with the utmofi: fin- 
 ccriiy, confiding in the omnipotent God, 
 the king ot" kings who knows the depth 
 ot d»c hcirts ot men, that he will be 
 pkalcd 10 take both your and our lub- 
 jeds into his protection, and increale 
 their wdl-being through his power and 
 meicy. Dated in ihc Hague, Sept. 15. 
 1609." 
 
 Subfcribed, J. Coenders. 
 
 And fomewhat lower. 
 
 Your highncflcs moft hearty friends the 
 States general of the United Prcvinces, 
 by their order and command, 
 
 C. Ae RT ZE N. 
 
 Mf.i'rice, prince of Orange, carl of Naf- 
 fati, Catzcnellebogcn, Dieft, Vianden, 
 Meurs, marquis of Fere and U/ifingen, 
 governor, captain, and admiral ge- 
 neral of Guelders, HoUami, Zedand, 
 Weft-Friejland, Zutphen, Utrecht, Over- 
 tec. 
 
 Mqjl potent king I 
 
 " f^ O D protect your majefty, and give 
 " vj you all the blcfTings upon earth. 
 " We have for a confiderable time been 
 " engaged in a war ag.iinft the king of 
 " Portugal, in order to cppofe his ambi- 
 " tious defigns, the fame motive having 
 " induced your maiefly to defend your do- 
 " minions againll his attempts : The Al- 
 " mighty God has been pleated to bkfs 
 " cur arms with lijch fuccefs, as to oblige 
 " our enemy to a twelve years truce ; 
 " which, by the mediation of leveral neigh- 
 " bouring kings, has been brought at lall 
 " to a happy conclufion : But finding that 
 " the laid king did continue his warlike 
 " preparations, and imagining that the 
 " fame was intended chiefly, in order to at- 
 " tack your majefiy and fome other princes 
 " in the Indies, our allies, (after being be- 
 " rcaved of our afTiftance,) we thought it 
 " abfolutely requifite, not to agree to the 
 " faid truce, unkls your majcfty were in- 
 " eluded therein, together with the reft of 
 " our friends and allies. Whereupon the 
 . .*' liuue was concluded at laft, under con- 
 ^ " dition. That we, and all our friends and 
 2 
 
 allies, (hould enjoy full liberty to feed 
 " our tliips into what countries wc plea- 
 " kd, without any molcllation from the 
 " Portuguejds ; and that in cafe your ma- 
 " jefty, or any other of our confederates, 
 " fhould be attacked by him, we fhould 
 " deem the lame as done to ourfelves : 
 " To accomplifli which we lliall be rea- 
 " dy upon all fuch occafions to be affi- 
 " ftant in revenging any damages done upon 
 " that fcore to your majefty, or any other 
 " of our allies. We have fome reafon to 
 " fuppofe, that the intention of the faid 
 " king is, to ieparate by this artifice your 
 " majefty from our intereft, which ought 
 " to be a mutual caution to us, to be upon 
 " our guard for the future ; ibr fince the 
 " occafion of dividing us by force of arms 
 " is removed, they will not be fparing to 
 " attain to their end by traud and other 
 " finifter means. It is therefore, that we 
 " have ordered our governor general to 
 " treat vv^ith your maiefty, and to find out 
 " fuch means as may be moft proper to 
 " prevent their intrigues, and to unite us 
 " againft thofe whofe v/ord and ftith we 
 " dare not altogether rely upon. We did 
 " not think fit to ftipulate in the faid 
 " treaty, that his fubjefts fhould be ex- 
 " eluded from the traffick of Ceylon, but 
 " left the fame to your majefly's dilcretion, 
 " not queftioning, but that according to 
 " your wiiclom and underftanding, you will 
 " a^\ in that refpeft, fo as that nothing 
 " may be tranfadted that may tend towards 
 " the diffolution of our alliance ; which we 
 " hope the almighty will maintain by his 
 " blelTing, to the honour of his holy name, 
 " and the welfare of your majefty, and our 
 " beloved fubjeds." 
 
 Dated in the Hague 
 Odlob. 5. 1609. 
 
 Maurice de Najjau. 
 
 The fuperfcription was as follows : 
 
 " To the moft illuftrious and moft noble 
 " emperor of Ceylon, king of Candy, 
 " Trinqt'.enetnale, Jafnapctnam, Sette- 
 " Corks, Manaar, Chila"^', Cota, Ba- 
 " iccalo, Punte-Cale, our beloved bro- 
 " ther in the wars. 
 
 Thefe letters were no fooner brought in 
 the Greyhound yacht to Coromandel, but 
 the direftor of our Eajt-India company 
 there, named John Van Wefuk, onler'd im- 
 ^ mediately Marcellus de Bofchhotizver, our Marcellus 
 under-faftor, aboard the fhip called the Bofctiliou- 
 Blc.ck Lyon, to Ceylon, along with P.v^- wer fcnt to 
 Both, a native of /hunfcrt, commodore, ^"^^ °"' 
 bound likewifc for that ifland. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. lO. 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N, 
 
 (J15 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Murcellus de Bofchhoiuver coiiws to Candy. Ilis treaty and agrccK:ent 
 
 emperor of that ijle. 
 
 ith tL 
 
 i; A L- 
 
 MArcdlvj de Bofchhou'juer coming ac- 
 cordingly, Afrt/vi' 8. 1612. lo Can- 
 ny, had audience of his imperinl niajefty 
 CcnWiVicraat Adafcyn, unto whom having 
 delivered the before-mentioned letters, the 
 emperor received him with all imaginable 
 demouftrations of joy, placing him on his 
 fide on a chair of gold, clad in a white 
 garment : Whereupon the treaty being be- 
 gun, immediately the fame was concluded 
 May II. following, upon the following 
 conditions. 
 
 I. This confederacy fliall be kept invio- 
 lably, and ftand firm for the future. 
 
 II. All hoftilities Ihall ceafe, and a gene- 
 ral amnefly be granted. 
 
 III. In cafe the Portuguefes fhould attack 
 his majefty, the States general fiiall be 
 obliged to aflill his majelly with all their 
 forces. 
 
 IV. His majefty grants leave to the Butch 
 to ereft a ibrtrefs at Cotinriim, provided the 
 king of Cotiariim may enjoy his cuftoms and 
 other revenues. 
 
 V. The emperor obliges himfclf to fur- 
 nifh bricks, lime, and other materials, for 
 the buildin" of the faid fortrefs, as alio la- 
 bourers, to be paid by the company. 
 
 VI. His iniperial majefty fliall take care 
 to have warehoufes of ftone or brick erected 
 at Candy, for the fecurity of our company 
 againft fire. 
 
 VII. His majefty fhall take our fliips and 
 feamen under his protection, and defend 
 them to the utmoft ot his pov/er againft the 
 PorlugHi'.fes, as the Hollanders fhall be ob- 
 liged to do the fame, in refpe»5l of his ma- 
 jefty's fubjetls. 
 
 VIII. His majefty obliges himfelf to tranf- 
 a£b nothing in all military affairs that have any 
 relation to our company, without the know- 
 ledge of their olBcers •, for wiiich purpofe 
 iwo Hollanders fliall fitconftantly in his coun- 
 cil of war, to be prefent at all debates, and 
 other matters to be tranfifted there. 
 
 IX. Pie engages himfelf to have all the 
 merchandizes of the Dutch carried tipon 
 beafts fit for carriage to Candy, and i'uch 
 commodides as are bought there, to be car- 
 ried b.ick to the fea fliore at Cotiarma, at 
 his own charge. 
 
 X. In cafe any veflels, floops, or boats, 
 fhould happen to be caft away on thele 
 roafts, his majefty's fubjeJts fhall be ob- 
 
 J.i^ed^.tO fave as much of the goods as they 
 
 can, without any reward, for the ufe of our 
 company. 
 
 XI. The Dutch Jhall be permitted to c.v- 
 port their merchandizes, without exception, 
 cuftom free. 
 
 XII. All and every one of his majefty's 
 fubjedls fliall be at liberty to traffiek with 
 our company. 
 
 XIII. His imperial majefty obliges him- 
 felf to purchale any rarities, or other un- 
 common commodities at fuch a rate, as may 
 bear a proportion, in refpeft of other com- 
 modities agreed upon with our company in 
 their exchanges. 
 
 XIV. His majefty engages to deliver 
 yearly all the cinnamon that is to be got to 
 our company -, to be paid either in money 
 or in merchandizes, according to the ufual 
 exchange. 
 
 XV. It is agreed, that not any forts 
 of merchandizes Ihall be delivered to fuch 
 perfons as are entered into contraiSts of 
 commerce with the Hollanders, before 
 the natives ot Holland are fatisfied in this 
 point •, and in cafe the contrary be proved, 
 their perfons and goods fliail be de- 
 tained till they have made good the fiid 
 contract. 
 
 XVI. His majefty fliall not allow free 
 commerce to any of the European nations, 
 v/ithout peculiar confcnt from their high and 
 mightineflTes and his highnefs the prince 'of 
 Orange. 
 
 XVII. His majefty obliges himfelf to fur- 
 nifli timber and other materials, for the 
 building of vcflcls, yachts and boats, to 
 be delivered upon the fliore. 
 
 XVIII. All prifoners taken on both fides 
 fliall be releafed. 
 
 XIX. All the officers of the Dutch com- 
 pany fliall be exempted from his maje- 
 fty's jurifdiction •, and if any ot them hap- 
 pen to commit any trcfpafs, they are to 
 be puniflied by the heads of the Dutch com- 
 p.^ny, as his majefty's fubjeds fliall enjoy 
 the fame benefit. 
 
 XX. His majefty obliges himfelf to dif- 
 pofe of all his precious ftones and pearls tQ 
 the Hollanders ; as they on their fide engage 
 to fell all their extraordinary jewels, pre- 
 cious things, and other rarities, at a rea- 
 fonable rate ; but in cafe any difference 
 fliould arife upon that account, the fame 
 fliall not be alledged as a feafon for the dif- 
 tblving ot this confederacy. 
 
 XXr. For
 
 6i6 
 
 Bai.- 
 
 VKV i. 
 
 ^ Defcription of CEX LO N. 
 
 Chap. ir. 
 
 XXI. For the fiime rcafon his ni.ijefty and 
 the States general fhall maintain this alli- 
 ance inviuLibiy, and allift one another upon 
 all occafions. 
 
 XXII. All aifls of hoftility committed on 
 both fides, fhall be buried by a general 
 oblivion. 
 
 XXIII. No body, except his majedy, 
 Ihall have power given him to coin money, 
 or to enhance the value of the coin, be- 
 yond what has been agreed betwixt his ma- 
 jelly and the Hollanders, in proportion to 
 the money tranfportcd hither from Holland; 
 and if any of his majerty's or our fubjeds 
 are found to have coined falfe money, they 
 are to be puniflicd with death. 
 
 XXIV. His majefty and the Hollanders 
 fhall agree upon the moft proper methods 
 for fettling both the larger and lefler coin, 
 for the promoting of trafRck. 
 
 XXV. Such coin as Ihall be adjudged 
 current by both parties, fhall be changed 
 every three years by turns, once at Candy, 
 and the next three years in one of our 
 places. 
 
 XXVI. The coin fhall be either enhan- 
 ced or lowered, according to the prefent ex- 
 igency of aftairs in time of war. 
 
 XXVII. All the Indian nations fliall be 
 free to come and trafflck in their own vef- 
 fels in his majtfly's dominions, without 
 paying any cufloms, for the fpace of three 
 years next cnfuing. 
 
 XXVIII. After the expiration of the 
 term of thefe three years, his majefty fhall 
 be at liberty to enter into a treaty with the 
 plenipotentiaries of their high and mighti- 
 nefles, concerning the rate of cufloms of all 
 co.mmodities. 
 
 XXIX. His majefty agrees, that their 
 
 high and 
 
 ma 
 mightinefics, 
 
 and his highnefs the 
 
 prince of Ora>{^r, fliall enjoy one moiety of 
 all the cuftoms ; for which purpofe certain 
 commifTioners and clerks fl:all be appointed 
 by the confent of both parties. 
 
 XXX. All the prizes taken on the coaft 
 of Ceyloti, fliall be divided, fhare and fliare 
 alike, betwixt your majefty on the one fide, 
 anil their high and mightinefTes and his 
 highnefs the prince of Orange on the other 
 fide -, provided that what prifoners are taken 
 fliall be ranfomed, but never put to death. 
 
 XXXI. All faftors or other officers be- 
 longing to their high and mightinefTes, and 
 his highneis the prince of Orange, fhall 
 give pafTes to fuch of your majefty's fubjedts 
 as intend to traffick in thofe parts ; as his 
 majefty fliall do the fame •, without which 
 they fhall be liable to be feized, and their 
 goods confifcated. 
 
 XXXII. His majefty, their high and 
 mightinefTes, and his highnefs the prince of 
 Orange, fhall be obliged to take efFeftual 
 care to have the roads and pafTages, both 
 by fea and land, in the ifle of Ceylon, to 
 be kept well and clear from highwaymen 
 and pirates ; for which purpofe his majefty 
 obliges himfelf to furnifli timber, for the 
 building of galleys and other vefTels, for the 
 clearing of the feas -, and in cafe any high- 
 waymen or pirates are taken, they fliall be 
 punifhed with death. 
 
 XXXIII. His imperial majefty, their high 
 and mightinefTes, and his highnefs the prince 
 of Orange, do promife to keep this confe- 
 deracy inviolably, to the utmoft of their 
 power, nor to fuffer the fame to be violated 
 by their fubjefls ; to inflidl fevere punifh- 
 ments upon fuch as fhall go about to violate 
 it -, and give full fatistacftion for all damages 
 fuftained upon that account. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Marcellus do Bofchlioiiwer de fires leave to depart; "which the emperor' 'will not 
 conjent to : Has con/iderahle dignities bejlowed upon him. The Portuguefes rob 
 and murder the Dutch at Cotiarum. The emperor convenes the Jlates of the 
 empire. The Portuguefes routed near Jafnapatnam. 
 
 Bofclihou- *~r^HE articles of this confederacy being 
 werdefires 1 thus concluded, Mr.S-j/f/j/jcwafrdefir'd 
 
 iniflid^''^' ^'^^^^ ^"^""^ '^'^ imperial majefty to depart, 
 with the elephants that were ready to carry 
 certain commodities to Tegnapatan, for the 
 ufe ot the Butch fiiftory there; from whence 
 he might go to Paliacatta, to give the Dulcb 
 governor of that place an account of his ne- 
 Which is goti.ition. But the emperor and his coun- 
 denied. cil were not willing to confent to his difmif- 
 fion, alledging, That fince, according to one 
 of the before-mentioned articles, they were 
 obliged not to tranfaft any thing in warlike 
 
 affairs, without the knowledge and confent 
 of the Dutch, it was requifite he fhouldftay 
 with them for that purpofe. Thefe reafons 
 prevailed fo far with Mr. Bofchhouwer, that 
 he refolved to ftay ; and the emperor heap- 
 ed favours after favours upon him, having 
 created him prince of Migonne, Kockek-Corle, „ 
 Ananagepora, and Miwitigacl, knight of the diCTif^^^ 
 order of the Golden Sun, prefident of the beftowed 
 council of war, the fecond perfon in his pri- upgn him. 
 vy council, and lord high admiral ; and he 
 knew fo well how to improve the emperor's 
 good opinion of his perfon, that fcarce any 
 
 thing.
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 A Defcription ofCEYLO N. 
 
 thing of moment was 
 
 20. the Porlu-' 
 a body of one 
 
 DiiTerence 
 ■betwixt 
 •two bro- 
 »thers. 
 
 his advice. 
 
 Portugue- In the year 161 r. J me 
 
 fes murder guefes took the field witli 
 
 and plun- thoufand Portu^^Kefes, and three thoufuid In- 
 
 ^'^^^ dians their aUies, under the command of 
 Simon Core; and having got a certain Cdn- 
 dinefe for their guide, they marched through 
 unknown ways to Cotianon^ where tiiey lur- 
 prized the Dutch belonging to Mr. Bofch- 
 houwer, put them all to tiie fword, and 
 plundered the place, and then retired with 
 all fpeed to Sette-Cork, for fear of being 
 overtaken by the emperor's forces. 
 
 For the emperor had no fooner notice of 
 their march, but he fent a body of five thou- 
 sand men, commanded by Marafinge Atfile, 
 an old experienced captain, and under him 
 Miiyndappo and Vire Segre, two brave noble- 
 men, to Cotiarum; but coming too late, 
 they purfued the Porttigticfes day and night, 
 till they overtook them near SeUe-Cork, 
 killed twenty-three Portugucfes, fix hundred 
 Indians, fet feveral villages on fire, and re- 
 turned with many prifoners, and a good 
 booty to Candy. 
 
 About the iame time an envoy of the king 
 ofPalugam came to court, reprefenting that 
 jfobn Sangati his mafter's brother, and king 
 of Podere, was entered into an alliance with 
 the Pormgnefes, in order to deliver all his 
 harbours into their hands, and afterwards 
 to carry on a war againft his imperial ma- 
 jefty with their affiftance. Hereupon the 
 king of Podere being fummoned to appear 
 at court at a prefixed time, he fent an en- 
 voy to clear his innocence with the emperor, 
 unto whom he repreiented the perfidioufnefs 
 of the king of Palugam, who had killed his 
 own brother at table, for no other reafon 
 but that he might be fole mailer of the 
 whole kingdom •, offering befides to remain 
 there as a hoftage for his mafter's fidelity. 
 The emperor, though not very well iatis- 
 ficd with the king of Podere, by reafon of 
 his not appearing in perfon, yet confidering 
 that what had been alledged by his envoy, 
 concerning the murder ol his elder brother, 
 was no more than truth, and that certain 
 differences were arifen lately betwixt them 
 about the cuftoms of the river of Palugam, 
 one half whereof was allotted by the elfates 
 to the king of Podere, he difmilfed the en- 
 voy well fatisfied, refolving to fufpend his 
 judgment, 'till time fhould unfold the 
 matter. 
 
 'I"he emperor luving bent his thoughts 
 upon a war, he convened the elf ates of the 
 empire, viz. Idclc king of Cotiarum, Celle 
 JFaiidaar king ot Palugam, Comaro JFan- 
 diW.r king oi' Batccalo, Corrc Witty Raelha- 
 •ny prince of O/.'iv, A'Lircellus de Bofchhomver, 
 Meter Raelhaviy prince 
 de Rale prince of Coto- 
 
 6ij 
 
 undertaken without male, Mewnter Rale prince of Meivater, B a l- 
 
 The em- 
 peror con- 
 venes tlie 
 
 e!lates. 
 
 prince of Mi^^onuc, 
 of Vellene, Jallago 
 Vol. Ill, 
 
 1) A I- .- . 
 
 IVik Venefwge earl of ^^m/rc-Corle, "John 
 Sangati prince and lord ot Podere, Cole Rale 
 duke oi" Od.', 'Jattenore brother of the prince 
 Jalagodc, Gad Hebcrad governor of the 
 county of Harcipate, Corope governor of the 
 county of Odcgo d^Askeri, U'analrgere go- 
 vernor of tlie province of Matere. In the 
 lame aifembly appeared alfo the governors 
 and commanders in chief of the lefTer pro- 
 vinces, and the ambufiatior of the kuig of 
 Jafnapatnam ; the king ol Patania being the 
 only one, who, though fummoned by a pecu- 
 liar letter, dated July 16. 1611. made feveral 
 frivolous exculcs for his not appearing there. 
 
 Among other matters of the greaieil mo- What wai 
 menr, it was refolved in this aOembly to concluded 
 raife an army of fil'ty thoufand men, ont''"'"'^" 
 hah whereof was to be employed in the fiege 
 of Puntegale, undei- the cundudl of the prir.ce 
 ofOuve; the other againft IValane, under 
 the command of the prmce oi Mfgonne : and 
 in cafe they met with good fuccefs, both 
 armies were to join and attack Columbo. 
 For the carrying on of this enterprise, 
 four millions five hundred thoufind livres 
 were to be railed. Concerning the diffe- 
 rences betwixt the king of Palugam and his 
 brother John Sangati, they were both in- 
 joined, under pain of death, not to hurt one 
 another, till the matter could be f.irther in- 
 quired into. 
 
 A. high court of judicature was alio fet- 
 tled, to examine antl decide all llich matters 
 as before that time ufed to be determined 
 by the emperor and his privy council. The 
 judges of this court were the prince of Mi- 
 gonne prefident, the prince of Ouve, the 
 prince of Velaren, and the prince of Cotto- 
 male. None of the inferior courts v/cre to 
 
 take cognizance of criminal matters. 
 
 Wltll- 
 
 out the approbation of this liigh court, fiom 
 whence no appeal was to be allowed. The 
 prince of Ouve, the prince of Migonnc, the 
 prince of Velaren, the prince of Cottomalc, 
 and the earl of ^atre-Corle, were appointed 
 members of his majefty's privy council. 
 
 It was alfo further decreed, That not on- 
 ly liberty fhould be granted, but alfo houll-s 
 and lands allotted to fuch feamen as would 
 fettle in his majefty's dominions; by which 
 means they propoled to get in time a fuffi- 
 cient number of able feamen to man their 
 galleys, of which three were ordered to be 
 built immediately, with fome other veffels, 
 to cruife upon the Portugtteja on the coalt 
 of Orixa and Bengale, &c. It was alfo 
 agreed, that no quarter fliould be given to 
 the Portuguefes and their confederates, unlels 
 they were women or children; and that a 
 pardon fliould be publiflied for all defcrteis 
 that would return within fixry days into his 
 majefty's Icrvice; which w.ts done accord- 
 ingly at C^wiv, July z -3,. 1612. 
 
 7 R ' ' Whilft
 
 6iS 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 ua: u 5. 
 
 I'ortu 
 gucfes 
 march to 
 Jafnapat- 
 nam. 
 
 Are beat- 
 en. 
 
 A Dcjcnption 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. il. 
 
 Wliiill thefc things were tranfaiSting, ad- 
 vice W.IS brought th.it the Portuguefes were 
 on their march tow.irds Jafn^patnam; 
 whtTCupon the emperor having lent part 
 of his forces, ticfigncd for the expedition 
 againll IVa'.ane and Gale, to obferve then- 
 motions, they attacked the rear of the Por- 
 lugucfes, who imagining no otherwife tli.ui 
 tint the wliole force of the emperor was on 
 their back, were foon brought into confii- 
 fion; but finding their miftake, ralhed 
 ao-ain, and retreated towards Coliimbo, m;i- 
 kmg tiiemfelvcs maflers in their march tlii- 
 therof the dukedom of Migonne, where they 
 coir.ii-:itted all manner of cruelties. The 
 Modeliar, or governor, being accufed of ha- 
 ving betray'd his tnift, fent a letter to the 
 princeof A//^M»t', wherein he declared, That 
 after having fuftaincd three affiuilts, he was 
 
 forced to furrcnder; adding, That they 
 were ready to fliake off the Portuguefe yoke 
 with the firft opportunity that offered, 
 though the Portuguefes had taken mod of 
 their wives and children, (and among the 
 red the governor's wife,) along with them, 
 as hortages and pledges of their fidelity to 
 Colnmbo. I'hey fent alfo a prefent to their 
 prince, as a token of their obedience. The 
 letter was dated Auguft ^o. 1612. by the 
 command of the chief Vifego Alodcliar. 
 
 The prince, after having confulted about 
 this letter with the emperor, fent anfwer. 
 That he was extremely concerned at the lofs 
 of his country and fubjecls, exhorting them 
 to perfift in their fidehty -, and that as foon 
 as pollible he would appear among them at 
 the head of the imperial army. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The death of the hereditary imperial prince : His funeral ^ The king of Panua 
 rebels, is taken prifoner; and killed, icith all his adherents. 
 
 Death of A BOUT 
 
 the fame time the heredita- 
 
 A: 
 ry imperial prince Mahaftanne, ion of 
 
 rialprince. j]^^. ^^^^ emperor Don John, died after a fick- 
 nefs of fix days. The occafion of his death 
 was varioufly reported ; but the general opi- 
 nion was, That he had been poifoned by 
 Cenutaieraat, his fiither-in-law, to make way 
 for his eldeft fon Comara Singaftanne, to fuc- 
 ceed him in the empire. Certain it is, that 
 his death was generally lamented ; the guards 
 were doubled all round the imperial palace, 
 and great preparations made for his funeral ; 
 which was performed the 23d oi Auguft, in 
 the afternoon. The emprefs efpecially gave 
 moft evident marks of her grief, calling him 
 at parting. Her oinn ■precious flejh and blood, 
 her only hopes, life, and fatisfoMion, vowing 
 to revenge his death, and not to take any 
 nouriflimenr, thatflie might follow her fon. 
 She did afterwards fall into a fwoon, and 
 was fain to be removed out of the room by 
 her two daughters, who alfo were melted in 
 tears. 
 
 The corps of the deceafed prince being 
 cxpofed to the view of the people, they 
 broke out into mofl lamentable exclama- 
 tions, crying, Where is the traitor that mur- 
 dered our frince^ iveivill tear him to pieces: 
 So that the emperor fearing a general in- 
 furreftion, got the prince of Migonne, and 
 the prince of Ouve to tell them. That the 
 prince was not poifoned, but died of a fever ; 
 which fomewhat appeafed the tumult. The 
 corps being put into a mourning hearfe, 
 adorned with gold and precious ftones, was 
 carried to the place of burial in the follow- 
 ing manner: 
 
 His fuoe- Firft of all went the prince's muficians, 
 
 Ktl. a 
 
 clad in black Gingam, or linen; then the 
 mufqueteers and pikemen, three in a rank : 
 thcfe were followed by the fhield-bearers and 
 halberdiers with their halberds downwards: 
 after thefe came forty war-elephants, guided 
 by as many gentlemen •, and t\^x.Perftan 
 horfes led by eight knights of the Golden Sun •, 
 and after thefe the grooms of the bed-cham- 
 ber all richly attired. Then came the fcep- 
 ter and crown, carried each upon a black 
 velvet; cufliion, and the prince's arms. Thefe 
 were followed by the corps, attended by 
 eight of the greateft lords of the country; 
 then the emprefs's Palankin, or litter, at- 
 tended by fixteen with fans, four umbrello's, 
 and eight betel boxes, as alfo a nofegay of 
 gold to be worn by the emperor only. Af- 
 ter thcfe came the emperor lupported by the 
 princes of Migonne and Mewater, followed 
 by the chief lords of the empire and the go- 
 vernors of the provinces. They palled along 
 the flreets under leveral arches made of fine 
 fluffs and plaifter-work. The corps being 
 depofited on the place of burial with a deal 
 of Iblemnity, the priefts muttered out cer- 
 tain prayers, and the common people ex- 
 prefied their forrow by frequent mournful 
 outcries. 
 
 The place of burial • (called Nona by the -pi^p j^^g 
 Cingaltfes) was a four-fquare railed from the of buiia!. 
 ground feven fteps high: it was level on the 
 top, and adorned with feveral rows of trees. 
 In the midft of it was the grave, into which 
 the lords who had carried the corps threw a 
 great quantity of fandal-wood, and Iweet- 
 fcentcd Ipices; and having put the corps 
 upon it, covered with the fame fpiccs, as 
 high as a man coukl reach -, they alio poured 
 
 ia
 
 ' • Vol 3 ■/-■' ^'^■ 
 
 "-The TuneraLTomj of if HoyaL J^rince 
 
 
 y. 
 
 ,4 mf>^.m*i\ 
 
 ''^W< 
 

 
 Chap. 12." 
 
 A Defcriptm of CEYLON. 
 
 619 
 
 Ilis corps 
 burnt. 
 
 The king 
 of Panua 
 joins with 
 the Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 Appears at 
 court, and 
 is accufed 
 oftreafon. 
 
 in among it tliree large ve/Tels full of oil of 
 cinnamon, and another with butter. Over 
 the grave was ereded a large canopy rifing 
 up like a pyramid of feven feet high-, un- 
 der which Itood the lords whilft the ceremo- 
 ny lafted ; which being over, the prince of 
 Migomie took a bundle of ftraw, which was 
 given him by the prince of Ammc, and a 
 golden chafindifh with fire, and two lighted 
 torches; and being attended by the faid 
 prince ol Amine ^ and two gentlemen of the 
 bed-chamber, fet fire to the Ipices and cbrps 
 in the grave, under the moil dreadful eja- 
 culations and outcries of the people, which 
 lafted till the corps was quite burnt to aflies: 
 which done, the whole train returned to 
 court to condole the emprefs and her 
 daughters. 
 
 In September advice being brought to 
 court that the king of Panua had joined 
 the Portuguefes againft the emperor, and that 
 the king ofCoiiarum intended to follow his 
 footfteps, the emperor with the advice of 
 his privy council fent his letters, dated the 
 23d of September, to both thefe kings, to 
 .make their perfonal appearance at court 
 within fixteen days, under the forfeiture of 
 all their eftates, and banifliment. The 
 king of Coliarum happening to be ill at that 
 time, he fent his uncle to know the reafon 
 of his being fummoned to court ■, and there- 
 upon appeared in perfon on the 9th of OSfo- 
 ber following, giving fuch proofs of his in- 
 nocence, that he was foon cleared by the 
 emperor. But the king of Panua knowing 
 himfelf guilty, did not think fit to appear; 
 fo that it was refolved to reduce him by 
 force, his defection having put a ftop to the 
 expedition againft Walane and Gale. Ac- 
 cordingly the princes of Migonne and Ouve, 
 at the head of an army of thirty-five thou- 
 fand men, marched 'Jan. i. 1613. directly 
 -towards Panua., with a refolution to deftroy 
 'all with fire and fword: but the inhabitants 
 finding themfelves not in a condition to op- 
 pofe fo formidable a force, fent deputies with 
 prefents to the princes, defiring they might 
 be fpared, as having no hand in this defec- 
 tion ; which being granted, they were a- 
 merced in four hundred and fifty-feven thou- 
 fand L^ryw^j, (befides their yearly tribute,) 
 amounting juft t\3 two months pay of the 
 whole army, and to give hoftages for the 
 king's appearance at court in five or fix days 
 after. 
 
 Accordingly he was no fooner come there, 
 but being brought before the privy council, 
 his accufation was read to him in writing, 
 viz. " That he had entered into an engage- 
 " ment with i\\& Portuguefes againft the em- 
 " peror, and was to have married the young 
 " pr'mcek Hantan Aclafcyn, and with her, as 
 " a dowry, the kingdoms of Batecalo and 
 *' Palugam: That he had dcfpifed the em- 
 
 " pcror's order in not coming to cotirt i and n a l- 
 
 " hired a certain ruffian for i\vc thoiiland '>^' "s- 
 
 " hnryncs to murder the emperor, with a '■^^Y^^ 
 
 " promife of twenty thouland more, and 
 
 " certain [)ofreflions, after the lame was ac- 
 
 " compliflicei, as appeared both by his own 
 
 " hand- writing, and the confeflion of the 
 
 " ruffian." Which being fo evident againft 
 
 him, that he had fcarce any thing to reply, 
 
 he acknowledged himfelf guilty, craving 
 
 the emperor's mercy, in regard of his being 
 
 defcended from the imperial blood, and of 
 
 the many fervices done to the crown by his 
 
 anceftors. 
 
 He was by order from the council order- ^ 
 ed to be committed pnloncr in the cattle or „.j jg jj. 
 Meddema Honore; from whence he fent a fon. 
 moft fubmifTive letter to the emperor, im- 
 ploring his mercy to five his life, and to 
 condemn him to a perpetual imprifonnnent. 
 About fixty-two perfons, found to have been 
 his accomplices in thisconlpiracy, were fent 
 to other prifons, and afterwards puniflied 
 with death. 
 
 The 20th of March h&m^ the day ap- His trial; 
 pointed for the trial of the king and his 
 accomplices, fifty lords of the empire ap- 
 pointed for that purpofe, after a lull hearing, 
 found them all guilty of high treafon, and 
 accordingly pronounced the following fen- 
 tence : nat the king of Panua fijould be be- Sentence; 
 headed-, and the reft be thrown before the ele- 
 phants, and all their goods and eftates be con- 
 fifcated. This fentence being figned by his 
 imperial majefty, was put in execution ac- 
 cordingly the 24th oi March following in 
 the forenoon. 
 
 Accordingly a fcafibld covered v/ith white Execution^ 
 (the royal tolour here) being ercfted in the 
 caftle of Meddema Honore, the king was 
 brought thither, and feated himlelf upon a 
 gilt chair. He at firft appeared undaunted ; Bcha- 
 but being deprived of all his dignities, in viour. 
 the view of the people, and the fentence 
 read to him, he began to bewail his unlor- 
 tunate condition, aiking frequently whether 
 there were no hopes of a pardon ? Being told 
 no, he fuffered himfelf to be undreffed by 
 fome of his gentlemen of the bed-chamber, 
 (who were all in tears,) unto whom he made 
 rich prefents of jewels, and ordered his chan- • 
 
 cellor (who had not had the leaft knowledge 
 of this defign) to bind up his eyes. In the 
 mean while the king took fome Betel and 
 Arek, and then faid. Why do zve flay ? Un- , 
 fortunate I, what am I reduced to ? Then ''^^'^ ' 
 taking three turns round the Icaffbld, he (at 
 down, and taking a little Betel, told the 
 fpecftators, / am a king defended from the 
 imperial blood; but fince I mufl die, this 
 is my only reqnefl, 'That my dead corps may 
 not be left to the management of vile perfons, 
 but he honoured ivitb a royal fepult are. W hich 
 being promifcd by fome of the lords there 
 
 preliint
 
 6io 
 
 Sal- 
 DJt vs. 
 
 His fuc- 
 cdTof. 
 
 J Dcfiriptm 0/ G E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. i^. 
 
 prcrent !k Ic-cmca to be well nuisficd ; and 
 having alkctl their pardon for what iiad paf- 
 fcd, he had his eyes tied up, and laying his 
 head upon a block, it was levered from the 
 body, which (.u the interceirion of the fiid 
 lortls) liad a royal fcpuhurc allowed it by 
 the emperor. . ^ 
 
 Alter his death, Samatway, the kings 
 uncle, being with a general approbation de- 
 clare.! his fucceilbr, marched at the head ot 
 an army of fifty thoufand men, the 8th of 
 Jpril to Piuiiia, to take poflclTion of that 
 kingdom, which he found involved in no 
 
 fmall troubles, there being a flrong party 
 whooppofed his fiiccefl'ion: But one hundred 
 and twenty-five of the ring-leaders being cut 
 to pieces by the new king's forces, the reft 
 thought fit to fubmit. So foon as he found 
 himfelf in the quiet ponefllon of the king- 
 dom, he fcnt back the forces, as alio the 
 arreais of the annual tribute, befides confi- 
 derablc prefents. The Por/ugucfa not long 
 after fent their deputies to entice thofe of 
 Pamia with vaft promifes, to engage with 
 them afrefli •, but thefe were fent back with- 
 out being heard. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 T/v rniperor f,ti doivn before Walane. "The prince of Migonne quips a fquadron 
 of pip\ The cmpref fills Jick, dijpofes of her (fairs, and dies. 
 
 The em- 
 peror be- 
 licges W'a- 
 lane. 
 
 R.iifes the 
 ficge. 
 
 A fqua- 
 tlron of 
 fhips fent 
 acruifing. 
 
 IT was not long after that the emperor, 
 with a good army, formed the fiege of 
 // 'alane, and took the caftle by affault ; but 
 his Ibldiers being too intent upon the plun- 
 der, the Portugui'fes recovered themfelves, 
 and beat them from thence. The emperor 
 being highly cxafpcrated at this mifcarriage, 
 caiifed one hundred and five Cingalefes to be 
 hanged -, which proved of the worfe confe- 
 quence; becaufe the Porttiguefcs receiving 
 frefli fuccours foon after, he was forced to 
 raife the ficge. 
 
 In the mean time the prince of Migonne 
 hid not been idle to equip Ibme galleys and 
 Pujhs, (fmall veffels,) to cruize upon the 
 Portuguefes, between the cape of Comoryn 
 and the ifle of Ceylon. The fame fet foil 
 the 1 6th of Miry out of the harbour of Co- 
 iiarum under the command of a nephev/^ of 
 the prince of Owve as admiral, and IFan- 
 dige Nay ILvnii vice-admiral. The firft 
 galley was called the Candy, one Sande- 
 rafpo captain; the fecond called the Hol- 
 land, Kijiena captain ; the third the Migonne, 
 one Dingappc captain; the fourth called the 
 Fortune, one Ordia captain ; fifth, the Good 
 Luck, one Marafinge captain; fixth, the 
 Faithful, commanded by captain Sande- 
 rappo. Thefe fliips returned the fixth of 
 March 1613. wirh a great booty, amount- 
 ing to near fix hundred thoufand livrcs. For 
 they had taken two Portitguefe veffels near 
 Cbilau to the north oiNegunibo and Manaar, 
 tailed Pataftos, and three Fujles, befides 
 twenty barks which they fet on fire. Not 
 far from Calecut and the cape of Comeryn, 
 they took another fliip, whereof they threw 
 (according to order) the Portuguejes over- 
 board, forced another alliore, and took a 
 Moorifi veflel richly laden coming from 
 Ormus, and bound for Cochin, and another 
 Portuguefe fliip coming from Bengale ; the 
 Portuguejes and Mijlices of all which they 
 threw into the feas, keeping only the Por- 
 
 tuguefe women and Negroes. In the road of 
 Panaca, they met with another Poriiigitefe 
 fliip riding at anchor, deferred by the Ihip's 
 crew, which they brought into the harbour 
 of Cotiarum. His majefty ordered the 
 booty to be diftributcd among the officers 
 and feamen. 
 
 In July 1 61 3. the emprcfs Donna Catha- ,6,-, 
 rina being with child, fell dangeroufiy ill of The em- 
 a fever: Ihe fent for the prince of Migonne V"'^^^ ^^^'^'^ 
 and the prince of Otive, unto whom (after "^"^' 
 having taken an oath of fecrecy from them) 
 fhe dilcovered the whole fcntiments of her 
 heart, and (with the emperor's confent) 
 conftituted them governors of her children. 
 She had conceived fuch an immoderate grief 
 at the death of her eldefl fon, the prince of 
 Mahajianne, that flie would fcarce take any 
 fullenance. She declared, that nothing 
 troubled her more, than that before her 
 death flie fhould not fee the downfal of the 
 Portugtiefes in Ceylon ; and would often, 
 with a great deal of eagernefs, inquire whe- 
 ther the expefted fuccours were not arrived 
 out of Holland. Such was her grief, as I 
 told you before, about the lots of her fon, 
 that llie would fcarce refl day or night ; which 
 had queftionlefs proved the occafion of this 
 diflemper: and flie was no lefs troubled how fakes 
 to difpofe of her children after her death ; ihe care of her 
 bequeathed to them all her jewels and trea- children 
 lure flic had been gathering for a coniiderable ^"' 
 time; as alfo certain legacies to all her fcr 
 vants, and reftored all her flaves of both 
 fexes to their liberty. 
 
 Her ficknels increafing daily, ilie w.is 
 carried from Wilmanlotte (her ordinary i-e- 
 fidence) to Alodeni, wliere, in the preier.ce 
 of the emperor flic charged her eldeft Ion 
 to revenge the late deceafed prince's death 
 upon the phyfician, who, flie laid, was the 
 author tiicrcof: but as Ihe was fometimes 
 not well in her ft:nles, lo this was not 
 much regarded. In the mean while the 
 
 empe- 
 
 vants. 
 
 II
 
 'hap. 14* 
 
 A Delcri^tivn 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 emperor took care to prevent all diforJers 
 which might be occafion'd by the emprefi's 
 death, by reinforcing the frontier garrifons, 
 and doubling the guards in other places. 
 The emprei's having pretty well recovered 
 her fenfes, fent for her five children, Goma- 
 ra Singiijianne hereditary prince of the 
 crown, and his two brothers Janiere Ajl- 
 amie and Lamait, and the two princefles 
 Mahadafyn and Uanlan /Idaftyn : iTie 
 clafped them one after another, with tears 
 in her eyes, in her arms, and kifling them, 
 laid. See here, you dearejl part of my oiji^n 
 fleJJi and blood, your mother that has brought 
 you into the ivorld, but mufi leave you in a 
 little time. Then fhe called to her the two 
 before-mentioned princes, unto whom flie 
 delivered her children in thefe words : / 
 noiv deliver to you the dear eft pledges I have ; 
 take care of them as of your o-ivn eyes, and 
 retaliate upon them the many obligations you 
 have received at our hands. Then turning 
 towards the emperor, flie told him, Yoii are 
 the occafmi of my death. Which fo fenfibly 
 touched him, (he loving the emprefs ex- 
 tremely) that foon after it threw him into 
 a violent diftemper. After that fhe fcarce 
 fpoke to any body, except the prince of 
 Ouve, unto whom fhe declared her forrow. 
 
 6x1 
 
 for having adored and ficrificcd to the pa-BAi.- 
 gan idols, contrary to her better knov/ledge, O'^"*- 
 having been educated a chriftian, telling him, ^'^'^V''^^ 
 That flie faw the devils ready to llrangle 
 her. The prince of Migonne (upon whoirl 
 fhe fixed her eyes all the while) anfwered 
 her, T^hat the infernal fpirits had no power 
 over a Chriftian, provided they heartily re- 
 pented of their Jins ; that therefore floe ought to 
 reft fatisfied, and to implore God's mercy for 
 her foul, for Jefus Chrift's fake. Slie re- 
 turned for anfvver, / am a Chriftian, and 
 ix;ould zvillingly pray, I defire you to pray 
 nvith me. The prince of Migonne prayed 
 aloud, Our Father, and the twelve articles 
 of the chriftian creed : unto which the em- 
 prefs replied in Portuguefe, O Chrifti ajuda 
 mi ! O Chrift help me ! Soon after being 
 carried back to TFelmantotte, fhe fpoke her 
 laft words : O r,iy dear princes and priv.ceffes^ 
 faid fhe, luhere muft I leave you ? My lordsi 
 (pointing to the prince of Migonne and prince 
 of Ouve,) perform your prornifes ; fareijcel, I 
 am departing ; Cod, take care of my foul : 
 and fo fhe expired the 20th of July 161 3, 
 in the thirty-fifth year of her age, and was 
 buried the twenty-firft, with the lame pomp^ 
 and in the fame place, as the prince her Ion 
 was before. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 The emperor Jails very ill : AJf'cmbles the ejlates. The tranJa6llom of that af 
 
 fembly. 
 
 The em- '"jPHE emperor finding himfelf worfe 
 pfror falls J. and worfe, would needs be carried to 
 ^^- a fmall city called Dilege, where he ap- 
 pointed the flates of the empire to meet 
 Aug. 18, in order to fettle the fuccelTion of 
 the crown. The members of this great af- 
 fembly (according to the fchedulc read to 
 Affembles the king) were, Idele, kiiig of Cotiarum ; 
 i^<^ei^^i^^-Cellei^Fandaar, king of Palugam ; Comaro 
 IFandaar, king of Batecalo ; Samarivay, 
 king of Panua ; Namacar, the king of Jaf- 
 vapatnarr^^ ambafflidor ; Coriwitte, prince 
 of Ouve ; Marcellus, prince of Migonne ; 
 Materaet Hani, prince of ^(f/^r^« i Jalagode 
 Rale, prince of Catemale ; Mewater Rale, 
 prince of Mewater ; Jane Sengati, prince 
 and lord of Podere ; VViek Venefinge, earl 
 of ^latre-Corle ; Gael Heneraed, governor of 
 the earldom of Harfipate •, Corope, governor 
 of the earldom of Odogodas ; Kerry Wanafe- 
 gre, governor of the province of Mat^le ; 
 Attapatte, governor of Wluat Gamme ; and 
 Pafgrame Halvenrale, governor of Atapeli 
 and Wiliaele ; befides a great number of 
 other noble.men, unto whom his imperial 
 majefty made the following fpeech. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 '~1^HIS prefent aflembly being occa- His fpeech 
 JL fioned by my ficknefs, (perhaps 
 the fore-runner of my approaching end,) 
 I firft of all defire you to forgive me all 
 mifcarriages I may have committed, the 
 fiune having been done without my know- 
 ledge ; and feeling my felf very feeble, 
 and decaying in flrength, I thought fit 
 to take effeftual care about the fucceflion, 
 to avoid all contefts that might likely 
 arife after my deceafe. You cannot bs 
 forgetful what difturbance arofe in the 
 empire after the death of my brother 
 Vinne Ladarma Soria, which ought to 
 ferve us as a caution to prevent the fame at 
 this junfture, by committing the tuition 
 of Comaya Singaftanne, the cldeft heredita- 
 ry prince of the crown, to fuch as you fhail 
 judge beft qualified for lb high a trufl, 
 with a full authority to manage the ad- 
 miniftration of all publick affairs during 
 the prince's minority -, the choice whereof 
 I recommend to your prefent care." 
 
 The lords being not a little furprizcd at 
 
 this propofition, gave in their opinions La 
 
 7 S writing,
 
 6ll 
 
 A Definition of 
 
 writing, wherein they pitched upon the 
 prince of Migome ami the prince of Ouve^ 
 who bo:h excufcd thcmfclvcs, pleading their 
 inabih'ty, and dcfiring his majclly to chiifc 
 fomemorc able perfons in their fteads. The 
 emperor reply'd, fighing, Ami are you then 
 fo backvanlin doing me this piece ofja-vice ? 
 Can you he fo forgetful of all the obligations I 
 have heaped upon you ? They anfwcr'd, That 
 they were ready to facpiticc their lives and 
 crtatcs for his majcfty -, but that they were 
 afraid, their fliouidcrs were too weak tor fo 
 great a burden. Well then, reply'd the empe- 
 ror, we ivill leave the choice to myfon the prince, 
 wherewith the whole affcmbly was fatisfied. 
 The emperor then order'd the king of Colia- 
 rum to bring in the prince ; which being done 
 accordingly, he told him, Son, make your 
 choice from among all thefe kings and princes 
 of two perfons, fuch as you love bcft, who 
 pall be adminifrators of the empire after my 
 death. The prince anf.vei'd all in tears, 
 Coed father I and-ii'illycu die, dear father? 
 pray do not leave me ! which words drew tears 
 both from the emperor and the whole af- 
 fcmbly. The emperor anfwcr'd, / do not 
 blow ho-wfoon my time may come to leave you ; 
 wherefore I would have you pitch upon two 
 ■perfons, fuch as you love bcft next to my felf. 
 IVell then, reply'd the prince, / love the 
 prince o/Migonne, and likewife the prince of 
 Ouve, and next to him the prince of Velaren. 
 I am fatisfied, faid the emperor, bring the?}! 
 to me, that I may furrender you to their care. 
 Accordingly the prince having led the two 
 before-mention'd princes to the emperor, 
 he told him, Thefe ftjall be my governors 
 ?icw, and when come to maturity my chief 
 counfellors. The emperor returned for an- 
 fwer, not without forne emotion. My dear 
 fon-, fee here your father, whofe life, perhaps, 
 will not be long ; you are but young, therefore 
 he always advifed by thefe t^vo princes. A 
 torrent of tears which trickled down his 
 checks having ftopp'd iiis voice, he order'd 
 himfelf to be earned out of the affembly, 
 injoining only in a few words all the lords 
 there prefcnt, to perfift in their fidelity, 
 which thty unanimoufly promifed to do, 
 and in token of their intire fubmilTiDn, fa- 
 luted the emperor v.'ith the ufual Sambaje, 
 or reverence, according to the cuftom of 
 that country. 
 
 The next day the royal patent, to inveft 
 
 the before-mention'ti two princes with the 
 
 aJrainiltration of the empire, was read in 
 
 the ftflfembly. Cenuwieraul, by the grace of 
 
 Theadmi-God, emperor of Ceylon, king of Candy, 
 
 niilrators Setttvacca, Trinquenemale , f afnapatnam , 
 
 oU)\ttm- Sette-Corles, Manaar, Chilaon, Panua, Ba- 
 
 ^i^'T' ^^'^^^"^ Palugam and Jaele ; Prince of Ouve, 
 
 Dennevaque, Paffadon-Corle, Velaren, Co- 
 
 nmale, Mewater and Ventane \ duke of 
 
 CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 IFilkgame, Caie, Ody and Jattenore ; carl 
 of i^fa'.re-Corle, Harkepattee, Odogodafcaij, 
 Craiwitty and Batagedrce : Peace to all thofe 
 that read thefe prclents. 
 
 BEING much indifpofed, and con- 
 fcquently in no fmall danger of life, 
 we thought fit to convene all the great i 
 
 men of the empire to confult the wel- v 
 
 fare of the publick, and of our dearly 
 beloved fon Comora Singaftanve, (whom 
 God prefcrve.) It is for this reafon that we 
 have appointed tv/o princes adminiftrators 
 (after our deceafc) not only of the em- 
 pire, but alfo of our hereditary prince 
 during his minority, with full authority 
 to govern the realm ; the two princes 
 chofen for fo great a truit, being the 
 prince of Migonne and the prince of Ouve, 
 declared fuch by the unanimous confent 
 of the afiembly. We do by thefe pre- 
 fents furrender to the Did princes all our 
 kingdoms, provinces, and dominions, 
 to be governed by them, during the 
 minority of our dearly beloved fons ; 
 and as we are very glad to have been 
 able (in our life-time) to prevent all in- 
 teftine commotions by this fettlement, fo 
 we require and defire the two before- 
 mention'd princes to take upon them 
 the government of all our dominions 
 till our recovery ; or in cafe of my de- 
 ceafe, till the hereditary prince comes 
 to an age of maturity, or his brothers, 
 in cafe he fhould happen to die before 
 that time : We therefore command by 
 thefe piefents exprefly, that no body 
 elfe fhall prefume to take upon him the 
 admin iilration and tuition of the before- 
 mention'd princes and princeffes, but , 
 Ihall obey the fiid two princes without \ 
 the leall oppofition, under foifeiture of 
 their lives. Thefe two princes fhall take 
 effcdual care of the education of the 
 young princes and princeffes under pro- 
 per tutors, and to fee the eldeft prince, 
 when come to age, quietly fettled in ','■ 
 the throne ; and in cafe of his deceale, 
 fanicre Aftan to fucceed, as after him 
 Lamoftanne, the third, is to be the next heir 
 to the crown ; but in cafe all the faid 
 princes fliould die without iffue, our 
 dearly beloved daughter, the princefs 
 Mahadafcyn, and after her her fifter, the 
 princeis Hantan Madafcyn, fhall fucceed 
 them in their due turns. But in cafe thefe 
 alfo fliould leave no children behind them, 
 the empire fliall devolve into your hands, 
 and you fliall be at full liberty to chufe, 
 with the unanimous confent of the great Settlement 
 men of the empire, fuch a perfon of the of the em- 
 imperial blood as you think the befl: ?"■*• 
 qualified for the welfare of the empire, 
 
 " which
 
 Chap. I > 
 
 A Defcription of CEXLO N. 
 
 62J 
 
 " which I leave to the wifdom of this af- 
 " fembly. In the rfienn while, every one 
 " (after my deceafe) Ihall be obliged to be 
 " accountable to the two adminiftrators 
 " for all the revenues of the refpedtive 
 " lands without failure, upon pain of death 
 " and lofs of their eftates. The two ad- 
 " ininiftrators fhall have a due regard for 
 " all fuch counfellors as were in our life- 
 " time, and not turn them out, unlefs they 
 " Ihculd not behave themfelves as they 
 " ought to do, when they fhall have power 
 " to put others in their places. 
 
 " All mandates fliall be ifTued by the 
 " two adminiftrators in the name of the 
 " whole empire, and the hereditary prince-, 
 " according to which all the great men 
 " and nobility, without exception, fliall 
 " appear at court when required, and obey 
 " them in all other refpeds : they fhall alfb 
 " be obliged to take the ufual oath of al- 
 " Icgiance to the hereditary prince, and 
 " his two adminiftrators, and to promife 
 " to perfift in their fidelity, and not to 
 " fuffer any alliance or engagement to be 
 " made with our enemies the Porttiguefcs, 
 " or any rebels, under what pretence Ibe- 
 " ver. They fliall be oblig'd to afTift in 
 " the reducing of all fuch (though of the 
 " next kindred) as pretend to difturb 
 " the publicic peace: and latlly, all the 
 " kings and lords fnail take an oath, That 
 " after our deceafe they will raife no 
 " difturl-:,nce in the empire, but will fub- 
 " mit quietly to the prefent difpofition, 
 " under Ibrfciture of their lives. For 
 " which reafon our grant written in golden 
 " letters, is to be deliver'd to the princes 
 *' of Mgonne and Ottve ; purfuant to which 
 *' they Ihall have full authority to govern 
 
 " and proteft in our and the hereditary B a l- 
 " prince's name our dominions, and to ad-'' '^^5' 
 " miniftcr jufticc both in civil and crimi- ""'"^^ 
 " nal caufes. We therefore order and com- 
 " mand all kings, princes, dukes, earls, 
 " clergymen, nobles, governors, and heads 
 " of provinces and cities, captains, prefi- 
 " dents, counlellors, admirals, cliancellors, 
 " and all other perfons in our fervice, as 
 " deputies, adminiftratorsj farmers, inha- 
 " bitants, foldier?, citizens, and others in- 
 " habiting the cities, viil.iges, or any places 
 " whatever, all and every one in particular, 
 " to receive and acknowledge the bcfore- 
 " mentioned two princes, adminiftrators 
 " and governors of the realm, till the he- 
 " reditary prince come of age, and tO take 
 " the oath of fidelity to them, and fhew 
 " them the fame refpeil as to our own 
 " perfbn, and, as becomes faithful and true 
 " fubjed:s, to behave themfelves in all re- 
 " fpefts according to the true intent of this 
 " patent. We alfo annul by thefe prefents 
 " all laws or conrtitudons which may feem 
 " contrary to the true meaning thereof-, 
 " and to give it all the authority and 
 " weight that can be, have, in conjundlion 
 " with the hereditary prince, and the 
 " princes, dukes, and lords of this affem- 
 " bly, fign'd it with our own hand, and 
 " ordered the great feal to be affixed to it. 
 " For the fame reafon we have alfo com- 
 " manded the fame to be regiftred in all 
 " the courts, councils, and treafuries of our 
 " empire, that no body may plead igno- 
 " ranee of this our laft will." 
 
 Dated at the imperial court at DiKclege, 
 19 Aug. 1613. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 'The hereditary princes are carried to Cockele-Corle. Gael Heneraed is routed-, 
 and being Jhmmoncd to court ^ is made prijbner, and executed. 
 
 the admi 
 niiUators 
 
 The em- '"T^HE (aid patent being publiflied by 
 peror fur- J- his imperial majefty's order, the ad- 
 renders his mlniftrators, as well as the reft of the 
 '?'''^'T":'°^ft'i'^^s, took the oath of allegiance to the 
 hereditary prince ; which done, the ad- 
 miniftrators upon their knees return'd his 
 majefty thanks for the honour he had be- 
 ftowed upon them, wifhing him a long 
 and happy life. His majefty lifdng them 
 up, ordered them to fit down by him, and 
 difclofed to them ibme of his treafures which 
 were buried under ground, befides feveral 
 other matters relating to the adminiftration 
 of the ftate. 
 
 Then the three princes and two prin- 
 cefTes being called in, he exhorted them to 
 follow the diredions of their governors ; 
 
 and taking the eldeft prince in his arms, 
 My dearcjt fort, faid he, / wijh you and 
 your brothers and fifters all imaginable prof- 
 ferity : and then turning to the princes of 
 Nligonne and Ouve ; Receive, fays he, from 
 my hands thefe my dearefi treafures, isuhich I 
 commit to your care ; and thus deliver'd 
 them up to the two adminiftrators, who 
 took care to have them convey'd in the 
 night-time to the dukedom of CockcU-Cork Thj., ^^^ 
 for their better fecurity, charging thofe earned to 
 who conduced them, upon their lives not Cockle- 
 to divulge whither they were carried : ^''*'*' 
 which done, the alTembly was dilTolved the 
 twentieth. 
 
 The Portuguefcs had no fooner notice 
 of the death of -the emprefs, and the fick- 
 
 nsfs
 
 614 
 
 A Vcfcription of C 'E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 Ba l- ncfs of the etiitifior, hut they left no ftonc 
 "A"'- unturned (notwithilandiiig the milcarnnge 
 v^y^ of thfir ddlgn upon PiVUiu) to raile nc - 
 
 w 
 
 trouble;. For tliis purpolc ihey had tound 
 means to bring over to tiieir fide the ion oi 
 aul Hawiied, governor of llr.rcipatc, prc- 
 lident in the dukedom ot Cockdc-Corlt\ who 
 all along had fupplicd iliem with pruvifions 
 at JFalane, and h.id engaged kvcral ol 
 the nobility to raile divifions, thereby to 
 give opportunity to the PorSuguejes to make 
 themleivcs mallVrs of the kingdom. The 
 two princes adminiftrators having got lome 
 notice of the matter, they refolved to hnd 
 out the bottom of this defign. For this 
 purpofe the prince of Migonne marched the 
 15th of September at the head of a good 
 body, under pretence of changing the garri- 
 Ibns on the frontiers, but near Ode and 
 Jalteno met llencraed's, forces, who being 
 not a little furprifed at the light of the 
 prince, pretended they were ordered tor 
 CcHamak upon fome particular bufinels. 
 The prince being now more than ever con- 
 firmed in the matter, oniered their chief 
 commander to be brought before him im-^ 
 mediately, who being iearched, a letter of 
 Gael Hemiuied was found about him, viz. 
 A letter 27?^/ nil things looked ivith a good face tozvards 
 intercept- the acccmplipnent of the defign concerted be- 
 ed of He- ^.^j^^ ^j^f-^^j^ cf/yii he had confultcd with his 
 neraed's. j.^^ Ahecque, pref dent of Cockele-Corle, and 
 that they had agreed with many of the nobility 
 to murder the princes and princefjes, and like- 
 wife the princes of Migonne and Ouve, the 
 ifjue whereof they fjould know as foon as it was 
 put in execution. He fent them in the mean 
 time, a certain quantity of powder, ball and 
 prorifions, advifing them to be upon their 
 guard, becaufe the garrifon of Candy had been 
 reinforced covfiderably of late, which feem'd 
 as if fome defign were in hand againfl them. 
 
 The prince ga\»e immediate orders to 
 
 feize the commander, who Handing upon 
 
 his defence, was cut to pieces : Hisfoldiers 
 
 and pioneers attempted to fave themfelves 
 
 by flight -, but being purfued were mofl 
 
 Hencra- ^^'"5 except a few that favcd themfelves in 
 
 ed's forces the woods. The prince difpatched a mel- 
 
 roated. fenger immediately to the governor with 
 
 orders to come immediately to court, ha- 
 
 ijT • ' „ ving particular occafion to concert fome 
 
 He IS lum- o 1 • ■ ■ • 
 
 moncd to matters 01 moment with him. 
 
 court. He who knew nothing of what was pafied, 
 
 appeared accordingly the 17th of September 
 at the court in Candy ; where being well re- 
 ceived by the prince, they talked of feve- 
 ral matters relating to the government ; up- 
 on which occafion he gave him repeated af- 
 furances of his fidelity, telling him. That 
 he was ready to venture his life for the wel- 
 fare of the empire. The prince of Migonne 
 had much ado to difTcmble his anger, only 
 
 told him, We have neverthelefs received cer- 
 tain advice that you hatch treafon againfl the 
 crov.n, and ere entered into a confederacy 
 with the Portuguefes our enemies, contrary 
 to the oat)} you have jo lately taken. He de- 
 clared his innocence with many aflevera- 
 tions, defiring that he might be confronted 
 with his acculeis : Whereupon the prince of 
 Ouve told him, We could wiflo you innocent, 
 but are too well informed cf your treachery ^ 
 and fo ordered him to withdraw (after fome 
 further e.\cufe) to be dilarmed, and his per- Is feized. 
 fon to be ftcured. 
 
 The captain of the guard coming to feize 
 him, he laid, Friend, you are wrong; and 
 fo made the beft of his way towards the 
 gate, in hopes of making his efcape ; but 
 the captain afl<ing him, /ire you not the go- 
 vernor Gael Heneraed ? he anfwered, Tes. 
 The captain reply 'd, 'Then lam not wrongs I 
 beg your pardon, being obliged to execute his 
 majefly^s orders. So that feeing there was no 
 hopes of efcaping, he defired to be brought 
 before his majefty, or befpre the princes ad- 
 miniftrators. The captain told him. That 
 he had no fuch orders. Whereupon fome of 
 the governor's Ibldiers put themfelves in a His fo^ 
 pofture of defence •, but were all made pri- '''e''5 ta- 
 loners, and put to death the next day, be- 
 ing thirty-two in number. Ano[her party 
 attempted to efcape by night ; but fifty of 
 them were taken and committed to prifon, 
 which made his cafe worfe. 
 
 In the mean time the two adminiftrators The em- 
 took care to have the emperor's children peror's 
 tranfported to another caftle, and fent or- children 
 ders to all the governors to flop all the ""'^ '" 
 Ibldiers ot Heneraed, unlefs they were pro- pi^ce. 
 vided with a palTport from his majefty. 
 
 The 2 2d Heneraed was examined in the He is ex- 
 council, where at firft he boldly deny'd *'"'"*^' 
 every thing alledged againft him ; but foon 
 after confefled the whole, and begged mercy, 
 allcdging. That what he had done was out 
 of difcontenr, becaufe he had not been pro- 
 moted to a higher llation. He did not de- 
 ny that twenty-fix noblemen had been con- 
 cerned in this confpiracy, yet rcfufed to 
 name them -, but feeing the Brahman, who 
 had made the firft difcovery appear, he fiiid, 
 ]S!o quefiion but you zvill foon know their Karnes 
 now ; however, I will not difcover them. The 
 Brahman declared. That Gael Heneraed 
 had caufed two gentlemen to be murder'd, 
 becaufe they refufcd to have a hand in this 
 confpiracy. The twenty-fix noblemen be- 
 ing apprehended, confelfed the faft •, and 
 the 25th being appointed for their trial. Tried and 
 they were all condemn'd to death. The condemn'd 
 27th they were executed in the following ^"*"*^'^"* 
 manner : The fifty Ibldiers who had en- Yemgn^^"" 
 deavoured to mak-e their efcape, had their 
 heads cut off. The twenty-fix noblemen, Their ejp. 
 
 who ecution.
 
 , Chap. i6. 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 61$ 
 
 who had figned the confederacy, had their 
 heads cut off firft, and then their bodies 
 thrown before the dogs. Four of his chief 
 counfellors were drawn with hot pincers, 
 had afterwards their hands cut off, and their 
 bodies quartered, which were hung up about 
 the caftle. The unfortunate governor, who 
 had been a fpedlator of the miferable exits 
 of his accomplices, being hkewife burnt 
 
 .^f^>r^ 
 
 with red hot pincers at each corner of the B a i.- 
 (licefs, was broken alive upon the wheel, ^'*^"^- 
 and afterwards thrown before ilic elephants, 
 one of which threw him up to a confidera- 
 ble height, and afterwards catching him 
 again, cruflied him to pieces with his teeth. 
 I'he reft had the good fortune to efcape to 
 Coluiiibo. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 A battle betwixt the emperor ajtd the rebels. The Portuguefesyi/'o/w/t' a treaty of 
 peace -y which is refiijed. They march to-toards Candy ; but are routed. 
 
 An in 
 pgement 
 Detvvixt 
 'he empe- 
 'or and 
 rebels. 
 
 The Por- 
 
 ^uguefes 
 
 iirprize 
 
 Kheempe- 
 
 iior'scamp. 
 
 
 'ropofes a 
 peace. 
 
 SOON after the princes of Migonne 
 and Ouve., together with the earl of 
 ^atre-Corle, took a progrefs ioCockek-Corle, 
 being followed by two thoufand men, and 
 honourably received by the inhabitants -, 
 they -fettled matters upon the old foot, and 
 made fome alteration in the coin, giving 
 ftrift orders not to raife the money above 
 the prefixed value. 
 
 In the year 1614. there happened a 
 bloody engagement betwixt the imperial 
 forces and the rebels, wherein four thoufand 
 men being killed on both fides, and the laft 
 finding themfelves too weak, retreated in 
 the night time, and follicited the Portu- 
 guefes for help. The emperor rem.aining thus 
 mafter of the field, ordered his camp to be 
 ftrongly fortified ; and keeping only two 
 thoufand men, and one thoufand pioneers 
 for his guard, he fent his general with the 
 whole army to cut off the retreat of the 
 enemy. The Portugnefes having got notice 
 thereof, gathered fecretly a body of one 
 hundred Portuguefes, and five thoufind na- 
 tives -, and marching through unpafflible 
 ways, furprifed the outguards, and entred 
 the camp v/ithout much oppofition, every 
 one feeking how to fave themfelves by a time- 
 ly flight. In this aftion the prince of Mi- 
 gonne was wounded with a lance in his right 
 leg, and the prince of Ouve in the right 
 arm, and five hundred were flain upon the 
 fpot on the emperor's fide. 
 
 Anno 1 614. March 14. Don Munno dc 
 Feriera, brother of the earl of Fere^ ar- 
 rived at Columbo, in the quality of vice- 
 roy of Goa, to relieve Don Jeronimo d'O- 
 viedo. He brought along with him about 
 one hundred thirty-two Portuguefes, befides a 
 good number of Mijlices, to reinforce the 
 garrifons, with pofitive orders to endea- 
 vour, if poffible, to procure a peace with 
 the emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 Purfuant to thefe orders he fent the 3d 
 of June, Don Francifco de Menezes his en- 
 voy to Candy, with full power to treat with 
 the fiiid emperor upon the befl terms he 
 could. Accordingly the faid envoy dcliver- 
 
 N^ 123. Vol. III. 
 
 ed to the emperor a letter from the general, 
 and another from the viceroy of Goa, 
 written in the king of Spain's name, the 
 chief contents whereof (befides fome com- 
 pliments) were, 
 
 " That hisCatholick majefty being averfe The king 
 to the effufion of human blood, was in- of Spain's 
 clined to enter into a treaty with his ma- '"^""• 
 jcfty, in order to fettle a firm and Lift- 
 ing peace ; for which purpofe he had 
 granted full power to certain perfons of 
 note to treat upon that head, defiring 
 that his majefty would be pleafed to ac- 
 cept of them as fuch, and give them a 
 favourable reception. 
 
 Goa, Feb. 22. 1614. 
 
 The general's letter was much to the 
 fame purpofe. 
 
 The emperor having propofed the mat- 
 ter the 13th following in council, it was re- 
 folved they fliould bring in their propofi- 
 tions in writing, which being done the 1 Sth 
 of the fxme month, were as follows. 
 
 1. The king of Spain is willing to enter Articles 
 into an amicable treaty with the em- propofed 
 peror. ^y ^'™- 
 
 2. The peace to be concluded either for 
 ever, or for a certain fpace of years, to be 
 kept inviolably, and all hoftilities to ceafe 
 both by water and land immediately. 
 
 3. Each party to keep what they are in 
 pcffeffion of at prefcnt. 
 
 4. His imperial majefty ftiall renounce his 
 alliance with the Dutch, and engage him- 
 felf never to enter into any other with 
 them for the future, or any other ftate at 
 enmity with Spain and Portugal, and to 
 permit no other £.v; o/'tw/ nation to traf- 
 fick there. 
 
 5. Both parties to be at liberty to traffick 
 in what commodities tht-y plealc, with- 
 out entering into any articles upon that 
 head. 
 
 7 T 
 
 6. His
 
 A Defcnptm of CEYLON. 
 
 616 
 
 Bal- C. His maicfiy null grant liberty for the 
 iviL-. ^•J.^.^. ^^^xL-rcilc of t!\e Roaum Catholick rc- 
 ^^"^'^^ ligion in C'Wv, and the building a church 
 and convent, with convenient habitations 
 for two or tlirce hundred pcrfons, both of 
 the clergy and laity. 
 7. His majcfty lluii lend one of his heredi- 
 tary princes to keep iiis com t at Cohmio ; 
 in lieu whereof they will fend a pcrfon- of 
 quality to flay always near his niajefty. 
 S. His imperial majelly fliall reRore all the 
 jewels, money, prifoners, flaves ol both 
 fcxes, cannon, i^c. taken in the laft 
 war. 
 
 Are re- Th.fe piopofitions being read and deba- 
 
 jedcd. ted in the council, it was refolved not to 
 enter into any further treaty with the Por- 
 iugucfts, as fearing, not without reafon, that 
 fome treacherous defign (as often had hap- 
 pened before) lay concealed under this pre- 
 tended treaty. An anfwer was therefore re- 
 turned to the PortKgHcfe envoy, Jun. 20. 
 That his imperial majcfty was not inclined 
 to treat with the king of Spain, before all 
 the lands and lordfliips taken from him 
 were reftored : That however the Spaniards 
 fliould remain in pofledion of Gale ami Co- 
 lumbo, with the territories thereunto belong- 
 ing; but that his imperial majefly would 
 by no means renounce liis alliance made with 
 the Dutch, but keep the fame inviolably. 
 Furthermore his majcfty required a full com- 
 pentation of all the damages he had fuftain- 
 ed in this war, and was refolved to have 
 cullom paid him of all goods exported or 
 imported. 
 The Por- The Portugiiefes finding them fo rcfolute, 
 tuguefes would fain have made a confiderable abate- 
 propofea jyigfit in their pretenfions •, for which pur- 
 pofe they propofed a cefliition of arms ; which 
 being likewife rejefled, the envoy returned 
 the 8th oi June without eftcfting any thing, 
 with a letter from the emperor, diredted to 
 the Portuguefe general, containing in fub- 
 llance. That he was refolved not to violate his 
 oath with the Dutch ; and that being fenfibk 
 no faith ought to be given to the Portuguefes, 
 he intended to fuffue them by force of arms ; 
 mtd that they might make their account accor- 
 dingly. 
 The Por- The Portuguefes not a little exafperated at 
 tuguefes fo refolute an anfwer, marched with an 
 wards ^"^'^y °^ twenty-five thoufand men towards 
 Candy. Candy. The emperor's army confided of 
 twenty-nine thoufand men, and meeting juft 
 near Walane, Aug. 6. a fmart engagement 
 enfued, in which the Portuguefes wereworft- 
 ed, two thoufand one hundred Indians, and 
 Are ^ofty Portuguefes being flain on their fide, 
 
 beaten, with the lofs of fevcn hundred men on the 
 
 Chap. 1(5. 
 
 emperor's fide. The Pcrtngutfes favcd them- 
 felves from a total defeat, by the favour of 
 the adjacent woods. 
 
 This viftory occafion'd no fmall joy at 
 Candy; where the prince of Migonne and 
 the prince of Ottve, who had led the van, 
 were received with more than ordinary re- 
 fpect. Soon after a defertcr came to Candy, 
 who gave them an account of the whole con- 
 dition of the Portuguefe camp, w hich might 
 have been intirely ruined, had the Cingalefcs 
 purfucd their victory. He told them, that 
 before the battle, they had not left above 
 three hundred men at Columbo, v;hich had 
 occafioned fuch fears and tumults in that 
 city, that the ilime might have been eafily 
 furprized with a moderate force ; and that 
 upon the return of the general from the ar- 
 my, he had ordered fcvcral to be hanged 
 upon that account. 
 
 The 29th of Augifl, the emperor decla- The em- 
 red. That he would marry the daughter of pc^or 
 the late emprefs by her firft hulband, alledg- ^3°^"^'',^,^ 
 ing. That he had debauched her before, ^j^j j^jj 
 which made moll: of the great men confent daughtei- 
 to the match; but the prince of Af/VoKKf in-law. 
 oppofed the fame, telling the emperor with 
 a great deal of freedom, That to commit 
 inceft was directly contrary to the ivord of 
 God ; and that for that reafon he could -,iever 
 approve of it, but was obliged to put his impe- 
 rial majefly in mind of his fahation. Thefe 
 words liaving drawn tears from the empe- 
 ror's eyes, he promifed to lay afide all 
 thoughts of that nature for the future, and 
 to converfe v/ith her no othcrwife than a fa- 
 ther might do with his daughter. 
 
 The 5th of OcfobtT, thole of Candy de- 
 feated a convoy of nine hundred Portuguefes, 
 that were marching with provilions and am- 
 munition to Candy, but had not the fame 
 fuccefs in another enterprizc ; for having 
 laid an ambufli of five hundred men, to in- 
 tercept the Portuguefe general, as he was 
 coming from Columbo to Walane, the Por- 
 tuguefes having got intelligence thereof, fent 
 a ilronger body, which furrounded them, The Por- 
 and cut them all to pieces, except two Cin- tuguefes 
 galefes, who hid themfelves among the dead, '"'■prize 
 till the night gave them an opportunity to j^^j^'p"' 
 make their efcape. dinefes.''"' 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1614. the 
 inhabitants of Batecalo having murdered the 
 ambafiadors of the king of Pahigara upon 
 the road, a furious war eniued betwixt them, 
 in which the lafi worlled (with the afliftance 
 of the prince oiOuve) the king of Batccalo, 
 who was hinifelf treacheroufly murdered, 
 and his kingdom bcftowcd upon the king of 
 Pahgam. 
 
 Ch 
 
 
 c n A p.
 
 Chap. 17. 
 
 A Defcri^tion of CEYLON. 
 
 62.7 
 
 CHAP. XVII. B^^. 
 
 D /i: u s, 
 
 Mr. Bofchhouwer fent as an ambajjador to the United Provinces; cnten into^^-^'^r^ 
 an engagemeiit nvith the croivn of Denmark : Dies m his return to the 
 Indies. Gule Gedde the Danilh comviodcre arrives in Ceylon; returns 
 ivithoiit effcSling a?iy thing. The Portuguefes crcB divers fortifications by 
 fraud. The emperor s cnterprize upon Columbo. The Portuguefes beaten. 
 
 M- 
 
 imbafla- 
 lor. 
 
 jomes to 
 5antam. 
 
 Jrcdlus de Bofchhower, who had (as 
 we have uiiderftood) attained to the 
 higheft dignities in the empire of Ceylon., 
 being defirous to make himfelf known by 
 fome great enterprize, obtained leave from 
 the emperor, 1 6 1 5. to go to Mafidipatam, 
 to folhcite the fo long promifed fuccours 
 againft the Portuguefes, with full power to 
 enter into alliances with all fuch kings, 
 princes, and ftates, as he thought might con- 
 tribute any thing towards clearing his ma- 
 jefty's dominions from the Portuguefes. 
 
 Having for this purpole obtained divers 
 letters and credentials, wherein his majefty 
 promifed to ratify every thing the faid Mr. 
 Bofchboiver fhould treat of with any prince 
 upon that fubjeft, he fet out in quality of 
 Bofchhou- ambafiador and plenipotentiary from Ceylon 
 iverfent the 9th of May 1615. and arrived June 2. 
 at Mafulipntam, where at that time one 
 Hans van Hafe, diredor and vifitor general 
 of the Indies, commanded in chief, who 
 went along with MareeUus de Bofchhouwer 
 to Bantam, in order to concert meafures 
 with Gerard Reynfl, the Dutch general there, 
 concerning the intended fuccours againll the 
 Portuguefes. 
 
 But the faid general being dead fometime 
 before, and the war carried on at that time 
 by the Dutch company in the Molucca iflands 
 and thofe of Banda, as alfo againft Pcido 
 Ay, hindering the Dutch at that juncture 
 from fending the promifed fuccours to the 
 emperor of Ceylon, (it being abfolutely re- 
 quifite to fecure the Molucca's, before they 
 could think of any new conquefts,) it was 
 refolved by the council at Bantam to per- 
 mit Mr. Bofchhouwer (at his earneft requeft) 
 to go to Holland, in order to reprefent the 
 true ftate of matters in the empire of Ceylon 
 to their high and mightinefies the States ge- 
 neral, his highnefs the prince of Orange, and 
 the direftors of the Eajl-India company. 
 But upon his arrival in Holland, he found 
 ence m- things not in any wife to anfwer his expec- 
 Hol- tation ; for in regard of his quality and high 
 ftation in Ceylon, pretending to much more 
 refpeifl and honour than the company was 
 willing to grant him, this occafioned fuch 
 contefts among them, that he refolved (not- 
 withftanding his allegiance due to the ftates) 
 to go into Denmark, where he arrived 
 Jiene 16. O.S. 161 j. and not long after en- 
 
 nd 
 
 nd. 
 
 tered into an engagement with the -D^w.r Engngn 
 at Copenhagen, which was ratified by their with the 
 k\ngCbr!fl/anlV. 161 8. March ^o. Ac- 1^^""- 
 cordingly he fet fiiil from Denmark, with SetsC-ii! for 
 his lady, (who challenged the title of prin- Ceylon, 
 cefs of Migonne,) and a retinue of fcrvants 
 and foldiers, but died before he came to the ^^^^' 
 end of his voyage; after which, moft of 
 the foldiers deferted on the coaft of Corcman- 
 del, (where his lady died alfo afterwards,) 
 whereby, though all his defigns vaniflied into 
 fmoke, yet will it perhaps not be beyond 
 our purpofe, to give a more circumftantial 
 account of this unfortunate voyage. 
 
 Mr. Bofchhouwer having (as we told you) A particu- 
 obtained a man of \vai-, and a yacht from laraccount 
 the king of Denmark, on account of the em- 
 peror of Ceylon, and the Dnn[fl} Eafl-lndia'^^^^^' 
 company (lately eretffed) having joined five 
 fhips with them, under Gule Gedde, a Danifh 
 nobleman, they fet fet fail out of the Sound; 
 and after many temjitfts and other difficul- 
 ties, having pafTed \.\\cFjiglip channel, they 
 did not arrive in Ceylon till twenty-two 
 monilis after, 172. 1620. not without the lofs 
 of a confidcrable number of their men (among 
 whom w as Mr. Bofchhouwer himfelf) that 
 periftied for want of provifions, and the fa- 
 tigues of fo tedious a voyage. 
 . Someof theie fliips arriving in the har- Ti'^I^anes 
 bour of Batecalo, others at Coutjare, Gule^"^.'^ '" 
 Gedde gave notice of his arrival, and of the • 
 occafion thereof, as alfo of the death of 
 Bofchhouwer, to the emperor; who no fooner 
 underftood his death, and that the D.mes 
 pretended to put the equipment of this fqua- 
 dron to his ajccount, but he appeared much _^ 
 furpriz'd thereat, declaring. That he had '^^^ ^"'" 
 given no authority to Bofchhouwer to enter -^ftrtheir 
 into fuch an engagement; fo that the Danes q^^^, 
 had nothing but bare words, in recompence 
 of the vaft charge they had been at upon 
 this account. 
 
 The DaniJ]} commodore Gtde Gedde find- 
 ing himfelf thus difippointed in all his 
 hopes, applied all his thoughts, how to re- 
 imburfe the king his maifcr part of the 
 charge he had been at in the equipment ofTheDa- 
 this fquadron ; for which reafon he feized "'^^ c"""- 
 upon all Bofchbower's effects aboard his vef- '^^^^"' 
 fels, after having taken care of his burial, jjoi'-^^^i'iijoij. 
 which was pc rformed with little pomp ; but wer% ef- 
 that of his fon of three years of age, ('aIio kCa. 
 
 being
 
 6i8 
 
 Bal. being born at Copenhagen, was godl 
 
 D/E f 5. !,;„„ Cbridian IV. and died likcvvik in this 
 
 ^ Vefcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Ifon of 
 
 Chap. 17. 
 
 voyage) 
 
 done with more Iblemnity. 
 
 )yacej w;is uone wiui liiv^'^ .„.^.......^. 
 
 he leizing of Bofthhou-Ji-er's eftecls being 
 ..f:.r.„«l in the hnrbour of rrirqiiaicmale 
 
 performed in the hnrbour ot Trirqitcncm 
 by G«A' GM;, he lent Ins widow at her re- 
 cuell to Camfy, ftripp'd of every thing, ex- 
 cept what flic had laved privately by the 
 amftance of fome friends, from whence af- 
 ter a (lay of feven years, (he was by the 
 emperor Zcmat, (at the requea of general 
 Roland Crape) fent with lonie fervants to 
 Trauquehare. 
 
 After the departure of Bofchhctaverh wi- 
 dow for Candy, the commodore Gitle Gedde 
 fet fail with part of his fquadron from Cout- 
 jare, in oalcr to join the reft of his fhips at 
 Baiecalo, and to follicite once more fatisfiic- 
 tion from the emperor ; but in the mean 
 while, one of his fliips that was left at Trin- 
 queneimiU being feized, upon by the fliip's 
 crew, and afterwards fplit upon the rocks, 
 the feamen and foldiers got with their boats 
 to the coaft of Comnandel, where fome of 
 them took fervice among the Portugiiefes at 
 St. Thomas, the reft among the Dutch at Pa- 
 Returns to liacatle. Giik Gedde having but fmali hopes 
 Denmark, of fuccefs, and fearing that fome of the 
 other (hips might follow their example, 
 thought fit to weigh anchor, and take his 
 next courfe for Denmark. 
 
 The Portuguefes being infinitely glad at 
 the departure of thefe unwelcome guefts out 
 of Ceylon, now bent all their thoughts how 
 to exclude all other nations from the traffick 
 of that country: to encompafs which, they 
 judged it the moft proper means to ereft a 
 fort near that harbour, the place whereof 
 (after a narrow view taken of the ground, 
 and various debates) was pitched upon at 
 the north- weft point of the bay, upon a neck 
 of land jetting out into the fea, on the back- 
 fide of the pagode of 'Trinqiienemale, the 
 ■walls whereof would be of confiderable ad- 
 vantage to them. 
 
 Accordingly the faid fort being begun 
 1622. was carried on with all imaginable 
 eria a new vigour to bring it to perfeftion, before the 
 fort. emperor of Candy (with whom they were 
 at peace then) could have any notice of it. 
 For no fooner was that prince advertifed of 
 this treacherous defign, but he protefted 
 againft it, and fent a confiderable force to 
 demolifh if, but being repulfed by the Por- 
 tuguefes, thefe continued the fortifications, 
 being an irregular triangular fortrefs, which 
 they furnifhed with great cannon taken out 
 of the fea, belonging formerly to the Da- 
 nijh {hip that was cafl away near that 
 place. 
 
 Whilft the Portuguefes were imbroiledwith 
 the Chigalefes upon that acccount, a certain 
 Radye of the Malabars entered the kingdom 
 of jafnapatuam with a confiderable force, in 
 
 The Por- 
 tuguefes 
 
 hopes to recover the fame from the Portu- 
 guefes, who had lately conquered the fame : 
 but Phihppo d'Olivere their general, an old Ro^ the 
 experienced captain, received them fo brave- Malabars. 
 ly, that few of them returned into their na- 
 tive country. 
 
 The Portuguefes having thus once more Build two 
 rid their hands of their enemies, yet notniorefons. 
 thinking thcmfclves fecure, unlefs they 
 flrengfhencd their conquefts by fome addi- 
 tional fortifications, ordered certain new 
 works to be made, which afterwards were 
 changed into a royal fortrefs with four ba- 
 ftions. The foundation whereof was laid 
 1624. but not brought to perfeftion till 
 the year 1632. being lined with white 
 ftone. J 
 
 But to eftablifh themfelves the better in | 
 
 this itland, they concluded a peace (by the 
 mediation of certain clergymen) with the 
 emperor, who was willing to embrace it, 
 till he could find a more convenient oppor- 
 tunity of revenging himfelf for the many af- 
 fronts they had put upon him; one of the Make 
 nlain conditions of this paicewas, That theP'-^cewith 
 Portuguefes fhould not build any other forts ''^^ ^'^^P^' 
 or fortifications in any place of the empire, 
 but might remain in poffeflionof what they 
 had at prefent. 
 
 Notwithftanding this agreement, which 
 was fo advantageous to the Portuguefes, find- 
 ing that the European nations had ftill a free 
 accefs into the kingdom of Candy by the r\- 
 vtr Palliagamme, (otherwife calhd Batecalo,) 
 they were contriving all poffible means to 
 fecure that pafTage to themfelves. 
 
 To accomplifli their end with all imagi-Contri- 
 rable fecrecy, they pitched upon a Mi/lice, vance of 
 an experienced engineer, who, being of a the Portu« 
 dark colour, was fent in the difguife of a^"*'"' 
 Gufuratte Jogy, or mendicant frier, from 
 Columho to Batecalo., who fettled himfelf in 
 die village of Samanture; from whence ha- 
 ving taken a full view of all the circumja- 
 cent country for two years together, he 
 pitched upon a landy place, about two 
 leagues one half from the village, for the 
 erecting of the defigned fort -, but finding, 
 upon llrift inquiry, that the channel lead- 
 ing that way from the mouth of the river, 
 was the greateft part of the year choked up 
 with land ; and that confequently there 
 would be no conveniency of getting frefh 
 water there, he was forced to go about fix 
 leagues lower down the river, where meet- 
 ing with a fm:ill ifle of a league in circuit, 
 and not above a mile diltant from the main 
 channel, convey'd thither direftly from the 
 mouth of the river, he returned to Cs/.yw^o; 
 and having given a full account to the go- 
 vernment there of the advantageous fituation 
 of this ifle for their intended project, the 
 Portuguefes fent him back in 1627. with 
 thirteen companies of foldiers, in order to 
 
 put 
 
 it' 
 
 I
 
 ^7- 
 
 A Delcription of ChY LOU. 
 
 619 
 
 The Por 
 tuguefes 
 take tlie 
 iield. 
 
 put it in execution. Tiiefe, at their arrival, 
 having fecured themfelves by throwing up 
 fome intenchments inclofed with paliiladoes, 
 to work they went with all expedition to 
 perfcft the intended fortrefs, which was of 
 a quinquangiilar figure, with three baflions. 
 
 The king of Ca>uiy had no fooncr intelli- 
 : gence thereof, but he fent a good body of 
 troops thither to prevent their defign: they 
 made Ihift to land in the ifland, but were 
 forced to retreat without effcding any thing, 
 and leave the Portuguefcs to pLxleft their for- 
 tifications; which they did foon after, being 
 well provided with all forts of materials for 
 fuch a purpofe. 
 
 The emperor finding himfelf thus, by no 
 lefs than feven capital forts, built on all 
 the beft avenues of the 1(1^% reduced to fuch 
 flraits by the Portuguefcs, that without tlieir 
 confent he was not in a condition to keep 
 the leaft correfpondcnce with any foreign 
 nation, refolvcd to try his utmoll to draw 
 thefe thorns out of his flefh. For this pur- 
 pofe he thought fit to try the inclinations 
 of the Cingalefes inhabiting at Colitmbo; 
 and finding them ready to revolt by rea- 
 foiv of the many indignities received from 
 the Poriugnefcs, he engaged them to his par- 
 ty. Things b:ing thus fettled, the only 
 thing rem.^ining was, how to entice their 
 general Conftamine de Saa to take the field, 
 by which means they might find an .oppor- 
 tunity ofgoing over to the emperor. Know- 
 ing therefore that Don Michael de Noro/iba, 
 Conde de Lbiharos^ the then viceroy of Goa, 
 had lately wrote an affronting letter to the 
 faid general, wherein he told him. That he 
 was more fit for a merchant than a foldier, 
 and that he regarded more his own profit 
 than the king's glory, and his conqueft, 
 they infinuaied into him. That fince both 
 his expeditions againll Candy had proved 
 unfuccefbful, it would not be amifs (to re- 
 trieve his honour) to try his fortune againft 
 Ouvc, promifing to appear in the field with 
 all their power i which they did accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 Co'iiftcntine deSaa^ the Portugtiefe general, 
 was fo highly pleafcd at this propofition, 
 that he not only gladly embraced it, but 
 alfo fent a challenge to Comarra Sb/ge Ha- 
 fianne, prince of Ouve^ eldeil fon of the 
 emperor Zenerat yldafcyn, who lent him 
 word, that he would expeft his coming like 
 a man of honour. Acccordingly ihcPorfu- 
 guefe general took the field the 30th of Aii- 
 giijl with one thouland three hundred of 
 his own countrymen, one thoufind feven 
 hundred Mijlices, and eight thoul^ind Cinga- 
 lefes ; and the prince of Ouve being joined by 
 his two brothers, Vyftapalla and Raja Singa, 
 made up an army of twenty-three thoufand 
 men, who ('according to the advice of the 
 emperor their father) kept at a diftance. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 night. 
 
 what was alledged againib 
 his march till .,.^. 
 
 clofer to 
 and being con- 
 
 feeming to avoid an engagement. The Por- B a l- 
 tugiiefes being much furprized at their being ""^"*- 
 fuffered to pafs the mountains of O/^-ye with- '"'•'^ 
 out the leaft oppofition, marched diredly 
 to Eadiile the capital city of that dukedom, pi^^j^.^ 
 which they took and plundered with all theBadule. 
 circumjacent country, and fo retired again 
 towards the mountains, the princes being 
 all the while fpedators of their ravages, 
 with a refolution to watch their oppor;unity 
 of taking a fevcre revenge, lb foon as the 
 Cingakfes (according to their promife) fliould 
 defert the Portuguefes. 
 
 Thefe things v/ere not fo fccretly carried 
 on, but that Conjlanline de Saa got fome 
 fcent of the matter. This made him fum- 
 mon before hiin all their chief officers, un- 
 to whom he reprefented the reafons of his 
 fufpicion, but in very obliging terms, think- 
 ing it his beft way to diffcmble, yet to ufe all 
 imaginable precautions againft them. They 
 pofuively denying 
 them, he continued 
 when finding the enemy to Icecp 
 him than they ufed to do, 
 firmed in his former fufpicion by frefli in- 
 telligence, he ordered tht Cingakfes (contrary 
 to what they ufed to do) to pitch their 
 tents in the center of the camp, and the 
 next morning with break of day for the 
 whole army to fct fire to all their baggigc, 
 (except wearing apparel,) the better to fur- 
 ther their march, i'hey had fcarce march- 
 ed a few hours, when the princes coming up 
 pretty dole with the Portugtiefe army, the 
 eight thoufand Cingalefes joined with their 
 countrymen, and with their joint-forces at- 
 tacked them in the flank at the defcent of z\ T^j'- 
 
 ^ . , „ . - tacked in 
 
 mountain, firing upon them very funouily their 
 
 through an adj.icent wood, whereabouts a march, 
 great number of the Portuguefcs were flain, 
 the Cingalefes falling in pell-mell among 
 them with their fcymetars and pikes, efpe- 
 cially after a fudden florm had rendered the « , 
 Portuguejc firelocks aimoft ulelels, withoutgd. 
 which they might probably have made a 
 tolerable good retreat. Co;iftaniine de Saa 
 their general had his head cut off by one 
 of the rebellious Cingalefes, which he pre- 
 fented to Raja Singa upon a drtim, whilft 
 he was walhing himltilf in a neighbouring 
 brook. To confels the truth, de Saa de- 
 ferved a much better treatment, both in re- 
 fpeft of his valour, and the many good of- 
 fices he had done to the lame Cingalefes at 
 Columbo, who now lb bafely betray'd him 
 and his whole army. 
 
 It is not eafy to be imagined what a con- 
 fternation this general defeat occafioned 
 among the Portuguefes in the ifle of Cevlon, 
 and efpecially at Columbo ; for the defence 
 whereof there were fcarce any troops left 
 behind, except a few of the moft antient 
 among the inhabitants. 
 7U 
 
 This encouraged 
 th«
 
 Columba 
 
 b.fifgeJ 
 by theCin 
 glides. 
 
 A Dcfcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. i8, 
 
 the emperor to fend his youngeft ion Ma- 
 bajiannty (afterwards named Raja Shiga,) to 
 form the luge of that place which he did 
 accordingly ; but w.is fo bravely rccciv'd by 
 Lancerone de Sffifs their governor, that af- 
 ter a wliole month's fiegc, he was forc'd to 
 retreat without elfedcing any thing. Tiie 
 
 bcfieg'd being afterwards reinforc'd from 
 Goa with four hundred men, (among whom 
 were three hundred Caffers,) with a confi- 
 dtr.ible quantity of provifions, ammunition, 
 and other neccfiaries, began to hold up 
 their heads again, and bid defiance to the 
 Cingakfes. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 The cripcror d.'rs. Jjitcfline divijions bctivJxt bis tivojhns. The Portugu^fcs at 
 icar i"/tfj the new emperor ; make peace with iiim. The Hollanders invited, 
 />)• his mnjcjifs letter to tl:e governor of Piiliacatta, to come into the if.e of 
 Ceylon. 
 
 The old 
 emperor 
 dies. 
 
 The 
 
 youngeft 
 fon (cizes 
 upon the 
 imperial 
 title. 
 
 The Por- 
 tuguefcs 
 begin a 
 war a- 
 gainll the 
 emperor. 
 
 Are 
 beaten. 
 
 Make 
 peace. 
 
 SOON after, viz. 1632, the old empe- 
 ror happening to die, left the empire 
 bttwixt his three fons, -ciz. Ouve to Com- 
 marra Singa Ilaftame his eldcfl fon, MaUle 
 to Vifta Palla iladame his fccond, and Coji- 
 dy to Malvjiimne the youngeft, who, be- 
 fi.lcs this, aflum'd the imperial tide under 
 the name of Raja Singa Adafiyn., to the no 
 fmall diiratisfaCtion of his eldcft brother 
 Coniarra Singa Uajlanne, whom he knew lb 
 well how to amufe under different preten- 
 fiou'^, that the miuter rcmain'd undecided 
 as long as he liv'd -, and, immediately after 
 his death fci7Al upon the province of Ouve, 
 which VifiU PaUa the fecond brother (who 
 claim'd one half for" his fhare) took fo hei- 
 noufly, that matters came betYviixc them to 
 an open rupture. 
 
 The Portuguejts having by this time re- 
 ceiv'd divers fupplies from Goa, and pretty 
 Will rccover'd of their late difgrace, re- 
 folv'd to improve this opportunity to their 
 advantage. For which purpnfe entring the 
 Law Lauds, they iorc'd moll of the princes 
 there toTide with them, but durft not ven- 
 ture to attempt the pallage of the mountains. 
 Tiiey pitch'd their tents dierefore near Al- 
 lago, as the moft proper place to keep the 
 adj.Kcnt country in awe : but Raja Singa, 
 the new emperor, fuiprizM them in their 
 camp, and forc'd ilicm to retreat with all 
 hafte to Cclunibo. 
 
 The Porluguefes now finding themfelves 
 unable to cope with the emperor, thought 
 it rtquifi:e to come to an agreement -, for 
 which purpofe having fcnt their envoys to 
 Candy, a peace was concluded according- 
 ly ; but loon broken again on the Portugiiej'es 
 fule, who Lt flip no opportunity to improve 
 tlieir advantage, notwithllauding the fald 
 peace. 
 
 Raja Singa being thus fully convinc'd, 
 that no firm peace was likely to be fettled 
 with the Porluguefes in Ceylon, difiembled 
 his refentment •, but in the mean time re- 
 folv'd to invite the Hollanders to force them 
 out of the iflej and accordingly fent the 
 
 following letter, dated Sept. 9, 1636, to the 
 governor of Paliacatta. 
 
 I Raja Singa, emperor of the ifle of 
 
 Ceylon, king of Candy, Settevacca, 
 Danbadany, Anorayapore, Jafnapat- 
 'riajn, prince of Oi.ve, Mature, Di- 
 navaca, ^.alre-Cork, great duke of 
 Se tie-Cork, Matalte, earl of Cat ajar, 
 "Trinquenemale, Batccalo, Valcfebuitena, 
 Dunibra, Panoa, Patoveta, Putelaon, 
 Vajfare, Gale, Billigaon, marquis of 
 Duramira, Ratenura, 'Tinipane, Ax- 
 cepaon, lord of the ports of AUcacn, 
 Caleture, Columbo, Negombo, Chilao, 
 Madampe, Calpentyn, Ariputurc, Ma- 
 naar, and of the pearl-fifliery. 
 
 T Hough I do not queftion but that The 
 fitme has already made known to Dutch in- 
 you the good fuccefs of our arms againft ^}j^^ '"'° 
 the Porluguefes, yet did judge it abfolute- ty^hTem- 
 ly requifue to give a more particular ac- peror's let- 
 count thereof to the governor of the for- ter. 
 trefs of Paliaeatla. Firft of all the em- 
 peror did regain from the Porluguefes the 
 two fortreffes of Walane and Forago, as 
 likewife the city of Marua Gcma, with 
 five hundred Portuguefe inhabitants, and 
 a good number of monks of divers or- 
 ders. Don Nuuo Ahares Perere being 
 then their general, thought thereupon 
 fit to make peace in order to recover 
 the prifoners taken by the emperor's 
 forces. About eleven years after the 
 conclufion of the faid peace, Confiantine de 
 Saa, being made their general, did trca- 
 cheroufly furprize Jafnapatnam, and built 
 the forts of Dalecalo and Tri7iqueneftialey 
 giving no other reafon for their fo doing 
 to the emperor, than that having certain 
 intelligence, that fome of their European 
 enemies were coming to fettle there, they 
 were forc'd to ereft thefe fortifications 
 for their own defence. About a year 
 after the frier they had left their hoftage 
 at Candj-y being releafed by the empe- 
 
 ror
 
 Chap, r g. 
 
 A Defcri'^'tJon ofCEYLO N. 
 
 " ror, (according to his parole,) they mac!c 
 " a powerful irruption into the empire : 
 " and after their retreat the emperor hap- 
 " pening to die, I had fcaire afcendcd the 
 " throne, but within eleven months after 
 " they made another incuilion; but cn- 
 " countering them near j^mbatana^ wc for- 
 " ced them to retreat with confiderable 
 " lofs. Seven months after they invaded 
 " the dukedom of Ouve, where we routed 
 " them in a fmart engagement ; and the . 
 " rebellious natives having defertcd them, 
 " and join'd with us, (according to their 
 " duty,) compleated our victory : tlicir gcnc- 
 " ral, a major-general, and the governor of 
 " D:?iaz'aca being flain upon the fpot, with 
 " four hundred foldiers, and their colonel of 
 " the artillery, their governor of the feven 
 " Corks, and Me.tura, with three hundred 
 " foldiers, many captains, and enfgns ta- 
 " ken prifoners. Since that time we took 
 " the ibrt of Mantea Ravaiie with one 
 " hundred Portugnefe Soldiers with their 
 " captains, and another fort in Sofragaen, 
 " With three companies, belkles that two 
 " other fortifications of theirs were demo- 
 " lifh'd. It was much about the fime time 
 " that I kept the city of Culumbo invclled 
 " for thirty days-, but finding myfelf ill, 
 " I return'd to Candy, leaving the com- 
 " mand of my forces to Mara Tana Wan- 
 " daar, who, within fifteen days after my 
 " departure retreating thence, thereby gave 
 *' an opportunity to the enemy to protraft 
 " the war for a year and half, and after- 
 " wards deferted in perfon to the enemy. 
 " I did alfo fill into the enemies dominions, 
 " and having entrench'd my felf near Ga- 
 " iictcna in the four Corks, I did confider- 
 " able mifchief, fo that the new governor 
 *' of Coliimbo, Diego de Melo dc Cajlro, 
 " (formerly governor of St. Thomas,) fcnt 
 " thither from Goa, was forc'd to fue for 
 " pe.'ce, which I granted to prevent the 
 " miferies and calamities of a long war ■, 
 " the fdid general having fworn by the 
 " name of his God, and in his king's (lead, 
 " to deliver up the forts of Trinqiienemak 
 " and Batccah, and to releafe all prifoners 
 " on both fides. Thirteen months after the 
 " conciufion of this peace, the governor of 
 " Batecalo did fide with certain rebels, in 
 " order to afTallinate one of my governors, 
 " aiding and aiTifting them alfo in robbing 
 " a bark belonging to me, and committing 
 " divers treacherous a6i:s in many parts, as 
 " well of our ov/n kingdoms, as thofe of 
 " other Indian princes •, therefore I have ta- 
 " ken a refolution to rid my hancjs of thefe 
 " enemies, and to declare myfelf a brother 
 " in war with the king of the Hollanders, 
 " as long as the fun and moon fhall rejoice 
 *' us with .th?ir light, and the viceroy of 
 
 " Jacatra and the governor of Paliac^l'a^^^- 
 " flial! be willing to aflia me, in hopes that ""''"• 
 " this confederacy with the Dutch nation 
 " will anfwer my good intentions and fen- 
 " timents of them. I the king let the 
 " governor of Prt/wm//(i know, that (.luring 
 " the kvcn years fince my accefTion to the 
 " throne, I have' made the bed inquiry I 
 " could who was the moft potent king in 
 " Europe, in order to oppofe the defigns 
 " of the rortimi.cfes : and being at lafl in- 
 " formed that the king of the Hollanders 
 " was not o.rjy a fcourge to their king, but 
 " alfo fupportcd by the flrengih and power 
 " of fevcral other kings his confederate?, 
 " I took a firm refokuion (relying upon 
 " the fidelity of the governor of Pi?//ac<7,7^) 
 " to declare myfelf a brother in war to tlie 
 " king of the Hollanders as long as l"un and 
 " moon fliall continue in the firmament. 
 " 'Tis true, fome treaties of this kind have 
 " been made formerly betv/ixt my prede- 
 " cefibrs and the viceroy of Jaca'.ra, and 
 " the governor of Paliacalta ; but thefe 
 '' having prov'd ineflo'tu.il, it leems as if 
 '' it had pleas'd God to b; ing the fame to 
 '' perfection under my reign, in hopes thac 
 '' the governor of PaliacaHa will with all 
 " pofiible'care fccond our endeavours, where- 
 " of we give him affurances upon our royal 
 " word, that they fhall be at liberty to 
 " ereft a fortrcfs elth:r at Collar or Bate- 
 " calo ; for which puipofe they may employ 
 " a Iquadron of five fliips, (a force fufficiert 
 " to ballance the prefent llrengch of the 
 " enemy,) who may be fecure of our af- 
 " fiftance, either by myfelf in perfon, or 
 " by my brother. All the cannon or 
 " booty taken by them fhall be at their 
 " own dilpo'al ; and they fin II be provi- 
 " ded with all forts of materials requi- 
 " fite for the building of a fort either 
 " at Batccah or Co'iar. I further engage 
 " myfelf by my royal word, to repay 
 " the governor all the charges he fliall 
 " be at in equipping the laid fquadron 
 " to be fent to my aOlffance, to which 
 " of the before- mention'd harbours you 
 " plcafe. If- the governor anpioves of 
 " thefe propofiiions, let him fend a vefTel 
 " to Trinfj.encmale or Cotiar, in order to 
 " tranfport my ambafllidors with fifety to 
 " him, whom I would have reft fecure, 
 " that in cafe he can bring this bufinefs to 
 " perfedion, he fliall be well rewarded for 
 " h.is fervice according; to his dit^fnitv and 
 " merits : but if it be beyond his power, 
 " let him difpatch this mefTenger with all 
 " Ipeed to the viceroy of Jacatra. 
 
 Dated the 9th 
 of Sept. 1636. 
 
 Raja Singa Imperador.
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N 
 
 Chap. i^. 
 
 A certain Brabman being difpatched with 
 this letter, the fame liv'd tor fix months un- 
 dill-over'd among the Porluguefes at Ja/na- 
 fihuvn, before he could meet with a conve- 
 niehcy to \x. tranlportcd to the coaft of Co- 
 
 romandel; from whence he purfu'd his jour- 
 ney by land to Paliacattc, where he dcli-_ 
 ver'd Raja Sijiga's letter to the then govcr-' 
 nor Charles Reyniers. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 A treats'- cvui letter in return of that of the emperors. The Dutch deputies jn 
 Ceylon are boncurahh received, their tranjaaions ; and return with the em- 
 perors ambalJadors. ^ The Portugucfcs endeavour to render the Dutch Jujpe^ed. 
 The emperor's anfwer to the Dutch admiral. 
 
 Harles Re\mer', the governor of Prt//<?- pany of the other negroe, with a letter of 
 
 cr.tta Cafterwards general of the In- recommendation from the foftor Chrimma 
 
 ' ..... . j|.|„ emperor ot Csylon, under promife 
 
 c 
 
 dies) had no fooncr rcceiv'd this letter, but 
 he fent the fune to Batavia to the general 
 and great council of the Indies, who after 
 Refolution mature deliberation relblv'd to fend a per- 
 ot the fon fitly qualified for fuch a trull aboard the 
 council of falcon yacht, in order to enter into flrift 
 the Indies, ^^^^j^^ ^^^ commerce with the emperor,^ and 
 to procure a confiderable cargo of cinna- 
 mon ; whereof immediate notice was alfo to 
 be given to the Dutch fleet before Goa. 
 
 Ic is to be obfeiv'd, that fometime be- 
 fore this letter was brought to Batavia, the 
 general Anthony van Dimoi, and the coun- 
 cil of the Indies, had already taken the af- 
 fiirs of Oylon into their confideration, ha- 
 ving ordcr'd the beforelaid Mr. Reyniers to 
 make all pofliblc inquiry, whether it were 
 not feafible to get Ibme fliare as v/ell as the 
 Portugwfcs m the cinnamon trade. One John 
 Thiijjen, a mailer of a vcffel, (afterwards go- 
 vernor of Malacca, and now a meniber of 
 the council of the Indies,) who had been a 
 prifoner in Ciylon, having alio lately given 
 the faid council an ax.ifc account of the con- 
 dition of the ifle, it was refolv'd 1637, 
 to fend him forthwith with three yatchts, 
 the Falcon, the Voorlnrgh, and the Lejfer 
 Ihllandia, and the Ruttem frigat, to the 
 coall of Corcniandel ; where coming to an 
 anchor before Paliacatta the lafl: day of ylii- 
 gtijl, and tlitir commilFions being open'd, 
 he was, in conjuniStion with the taftor An- 
 drew llehnonl, conftiiiited envoy to the em- 
 peror of Ceylon. 
 Dutch £11- Accordingly the 2 1 fl: of OElcher they took 
 voys fent t|.,^.jp ^.,y towards Tignapatnam, where ha- 
 
 to Ceylon. 
 
 ... g furnifli'd ihemfelves with two negroes 
 acquainted with that country, they fet fail 
 for Ceylon, where they arriv'd within five 
 or fix days after, and caft anchor near the 
 village ot Calmony, or Calarme, about feven 
 leagues from the Cabo de I'radres, i. e. the 
 Monks Cape. They fent immediately one 
 ot the two before-mention'd negroes afliore, 
 to get intelligence what part of the country 
 they were in ; which being done by a cer- 
 tain fignal, (a fire made upon an adjacent 
 hill,) they fent him, after his return, in corn- 
 
 to . 
 
 that they were to return in fixtecn days 
 
 which they did accordingly, bringing a- 8 
 
 long with them not only certain hollages, P 
 
 and among them a certain Hollander, who, 
 
 living at the emperor's court, was willing 
 
 to accompany them, and gave them very 
 
 good intelligence, but alfo the Lrd high- 
 
 treafurer of his majefty, and John Alberts 
 
 another Dutchman, a native of Embden (who 
 
 having deferted from Mr. Anthony Caen's ji 
 
 fhip, had fince ferv'd the emperor in the 
 
 quality of a court-martialj in order to con- 
 
 dudt our envoys to the imperial court. 
 
 Accordingly they let out on their journey 
 from the village of Samanrure, and in four 
 days arriv'd at Pangcrgame in the country 
 of Vlntane, where they were introduced the 
 fame night by the light of torches into the 
 emperoi's prefence, who then kept his refi- Have au- 
 dence at one of his pleafure-houfes on the '^"'^^ ° 
 other nde or the river Mavngange. 1 heir ^^^^ 
 reception was very magnificent, as will ap- 
 pear anon by the entertainment given to Mr. 
 Gerrard IIuljl, whereof we fhall have occa- 
 fion to give a more ample defcription. The 
 credential letters written by the governor ot 
 Paliacatta, and deliver'd by the envoys to 
 his imperial m.ajefty, were as follows : 
 
 To the moft potent emperor Raja Sin- 
 g'\ &c. 
 
 Mojl potent emperor ! 
 " /"^OD proteft your imperial majefty. Letter 
 " -vJT Your majefty is not ignorant of the *''""' ^^'^ 
 long and tedious wars we have for fo^^^nT"' 
 many years lalt pair carried on (by thecanatothe 
 bleffing of God) with good fuccels, bothemperorof 
 in Europe and the Indies, agair.ft the king Ceylon, 
 of Spain and Portugal; and how at this 
 time we keep Goa, their chief city in the 
 Indies, blocked up with fo numerous a 
 fquadron of men of war, that they are 
 not in a condition to relieve any of their 
 fubje'fcs from thence. We have undcr- 
 ftood by your majefty's letter the many 
 outrages, infolencies, treafons, and wars, 
 
 " carried 

 
 Ihap. 19. 
 
 A Defcription <>/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 ^i? 
 
 " carried on by the P(?r/«f wry^j againft your 
 " majefty fince their fettlement in your tcr- 
 " ricories, contrary to the engagements, 
 " treaties and confederacies made betwixt 
 " you and them -, all which they have 
 " treacherouQy broken, in order to make 
 " themfelves maftcrs ot your empire, and 
 " to impofe the moft miferable flavery up- 
 " on your fubjefts. Our general of Jaca- 
 " tra being inform'd of thefe dcfigns, and 
 " your majefty's moft commendable inten- 
 *' tions to free your country from fuch un- 
 " welcome gueils, and to fecure your fub- 
 " jedts againft all violences, by fwceping 
 " out the very remnants of the Porluguefes : 
 *' the general, I fay, being extremely re- 
 " joic'd at this refolution, and more efpe- 
 " cially that your majefty defired our affift- 
 " ance, did give immediate orders for the 
 " difpatching of thefe envoys, to treat with 
 " your majefty, and to declare to you the 
 " fincerity of our intentions towards your 
 " majefty and your fubjefts, in the fame 
 *' manner as the ef^eds thereof have been 
 " fufficiently approved by many of your 
 " neighbouring princes and nations. If 
 " your majefty will be pleafed to allow us 
 " the exportation of fome cinnamon, we 
 " oblige ourfelves to afTift your majefty 
 " with muskets, powder, ammunition, 
 " and other arms ; fo that in cafe you will 
 " order two or more (hips cargoes of cin- 
 " namon to be got ready for our ufe againft 
 " May next, we either will pay ready money 
 " for it, or exchange the fame for ammuni- 
 " tion or other merchandizes, as your ma- 
 " jefty fhall think fit. So foon as our en- 
 " voys are afTured of your majefty's refolu- 
 " tions upon this head and of your inten- 
 " tions to enter into a further treaty with 
 " us, they fhall (according to orders) fit fail 
 *' immediately to our fleet before Goa, to 
 " confer with the admiral how foon and how 
 " many fhips may be detach'd out of his 
 " fleer, either for the tranfportation of the 
 " cinnamon, or your majefty's aid, accord- 
 " ing to the prefent exigency of afi'airs. 
 " We defire therefore your majefty to give 
 " thefe envoys, fent with a moft fincere in- 
 " tention to your majefty, a fuitable recep- 
 " tion, and a favourable audience : and af- 
 " terwards to difpatch them with all conve- 
 " nient fpeed, to further their arrival at our 
 " fleet before Goa, before the MouJJon be 
 " pafTed, which otherwife might prove no 
 " finall obftacle to our defign. We ac- 
 " knowledge we ougiit to have prefented 
 " your majefty with fome foreign rarities 
 " (according to cuftom; but being ignorant 
 " of the condition of your country, and 
 " in no fmall fear that thefe envoys might 
 " perhaps be detain'd by the PorUtguefes, 
 " we hope your majefty will excufe the 
 •' fame for this time. We pray, moft po- 
 
 . YOL. III. 
 
 tent emperor, that God may grant your B a l- 
 majerty health, profpcrity, and vidory "^ -^ " ^ 
 over your enemies." 
 
 Dated in tlie fort 
 Geldria, the 20th 
 of OSlob. 1637. 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 Your majefty's moft 
 devoted fervant, 
 
 Charles Reyniers. 
 
 The emperor, whilft the envoys wereTranfae- 
 making their propofitions, ftood with the"°"^°'^'''* 
 crown on his head, and a fcymetar in his^"*"^'" 
 hand, his head, arms, and legs adorn'd with 
 jewels, rings, and chains of gold. He in- 
 quired after the ftate of affairs in Hollandy 
 the health of the prince of Orange, and 
 whether the envoys had a full power to treat 
 with him. Unto which they anfwerVi, Noi 
 but that the admiral of the Dutch Ic^uadron 
 before Goa had. So they were conduced to 
 the apartments prepared for their reception, 
 to reft themfelves after fo fatiguing a jour- 
 ney. 
 
 The next day, being again admitted into 
 the emperor's prefence, he ask'd them feve- 
 ral matters concerning the prefent ftate of 
 afl^iirs in Europe : The Poriitguefes having 
 made it their bufinefs to reprcfent the Dutch 
 as an inconfiderable Mob •, and the emperor 
 neverthelefs having, by the great naval 
 ftrength thatappear'd of lateyears in the Eajl- 
 Indids, conceiv'd a quite different opinion 
 of their ftrengrh than what had been 
 whifper'd about by the Portugue/es, was very 
 glad to find the truth to prove agreeable to 
 his former fentiments, ronctrning the power 
 of a nation v/ith whom he was going to enter 
 into a ftrift confederacy againll the Pcrtu- 
 guefes. The next following day they began 
 to enter upon a treaty about the cinna- 
 mon, and the fort of Batccalo. Whilft 
 his majefty held frequent conferences (twice 
 a day for a whole week) with our depu- 
 ties, a letter was fent to the king or 
 prince of Mateli (the emperor's brother) -pj^g p^^. 
 by Diego de Melo de Cqftro, governor of guefes en- 
 Cohimbo ; wherein he complain'd of the in- deavour to 
 tended breach of the peace, ftiling the ^^^^[^ l^f 
 Hollanders rebellions fubjcols of the !<i"g of rttiXed.^ ' 
 Portugal, who had incurred the hatred of all 
 the other Indian princes. He added, That 
 the emperor -was guilty of this rupture, zvhcre- 
 of he had given notice in a letter to the vicei'oy 
 of Goa. His majefty defired that the 
 faid letter Ihould be tranflated into the 
 Dutch, and be delivered by the envoys 
 to the admiral before Goa, and told them 
 for the reft, that he was too well acquaint- 
 ed with their ways, to give ear to ihele '^''^ f™' 
 calumnies: That he would endeavour ['^y^j^.^'cj, ^^ 
 to amufe them with compliments, till the Dmch. 
 7 X he
 
 D X V >. 
 
 J Dcfcription o/" C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. lo. 
 
 Their bo 
 
 nourable 
 
 difpatch. 
 
 Letter of 
 the empe- 
 ror to the 
 Dutch ad- 
 miral. 
 
 he could find an opportunity of fur- 
 prizing the fort of Mankeware in the 
 LrjjCounlria, near die fouth fhore of the 
 ifle. He writ uifo a letter to the admiral 
 JFefterwold, and ordered three deputies to 
 go along' with our envoys to take a view 
 of the lleet before Goa, and to give account 
 iliercpf to him. 
 
 The 27th of the fame month his ma- 
 irfty thought fit to difpatch the envoys: 
 'Pa!anky>:s, or litters, were ordered tor 
 their journey, with fome elt-phants for 
 their bigg.ige, and a convoy of twenty 
 L'tjcaryns, unilcr tiie command of a co- 
 lonel to condu^it them, with orders to de- 
 fray their charges in all places through 
 which they palled. It was further remark- 
 able, that whilfl: the governor of Prdiacat- 
 tci's letter was delivered to his majefty, and 
 the envoys made their propofitions, he 
 arofe from his chair, and remained Handing 
 all the while, an honour never done to the 
 Pcrtugu.-fes. The Duhh envoys fet fail 
 the 4th of the next following month of 
 December, with the three before-mentioned 
 deputies aboard i\\c Falcon yacht, and com- 
 ino- up the i9di following with the Dutch 
 Iquadron before Gca, they delivered to 
 Adam irejlenvold, their admiral, the fol- 
 lowing letter from his imperial majefty. 
 
 " T T AVING fent a letter in Seplem- 
 " XJL her to the governor of Paliacatla, 
 " I received an anfwer thereupon the 19th 
 " of November 1657. but the envoys 
 " not being inftrufted fufRciently to treat 
 " with me, but the fame being referred 
 " by the general of Jacatra to the admi- 
 " ral of the lieer, I thought fit to fend 
 " certain deputies to treat with your ex- 
 " ceilency. The before- mentioned gover- 
 *' nor having made mention alfo of the 
 *' tranfportation of a certain quantity of 
 *' cinnamon, your excellency, ifyoupleafe, 
 
 may fend five men of war to attack the 
 fort of Bcitecalo, and fbme other vefTels 
 to other harbours, in order to take in all 
 the cinnamon that is to be had there. I 
 am informed that you intend to flay be- 
 fore Goa till April next, and then are to 
 return to Jacatra, in order to return af- 
 terwards with all pofTible fpeed to the 
 harbour of Cohimbo; and thence to de- 
 tach three lliips to the harbour of Bate- 
 calo, in order to make themfelves ma- 
 fters of that place. I v.'ill at the fame 
 time advance with my forces to Columbo\ 
 and in cafe God be pleafed to blefs our 
 arms with victory againfl our enemies, 
 I dare affure you upon my royal word, 
 that the city fliall be preferved for our 
 mutual ufe; and that we will enter in- 
 to a contracSi: with you concerning all 
 the pepper and cinnamon in the ifle. It 
 is therefore that I judg^ it advifable to 
 come with your whole ftrength, in or- 
 der to accelerate our confederacy, which 
 may be as durable as the fun and moon: 
 But if this fliould not be convenient, 
 pray fend a trufty perfon whom we may 
 treat with, there being little time to be 
 loft, fince things being already come to a 
 rupture with the Portuguefes, we fliall 
 ftand in prefent need of your afTiftance. 
 I expedf the return of the three deputies 
 with the arrival of your fleet." 
 
 From Vintane 
 28 Nov. 1637. 
 
 Signed, 
 Imperador Raja Slnga. 
 
 Sealed with the pummel of his majefty's 
 fcymetar printed in red wax. 
 
 It was direfted. 
 
 To the lord admiral of the Dutch fleet 
 before Goa. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Sea ciigcigcmcnt before Goa betivixt the Dutch and Portugnefe feets. 
 
 WHILST the envoys were honour- 
 ably entertained aboard the fleet by 
 Adam vaK IVejlerwold, the Dutch admiral, 
 a fea engagement happened the 4th of Ja- 
 nuary 1638. betwixt us and the Portuguefes. 
 The Dutch fquadron was compofed of the 
 following fhips. 
 
 The Utretcbl, aboard whereof was the ad- 
 the Dutch miral Adam van IVeJlenvold, captain Rey- 
 iquatiron. njer IFybrandz, head-fadlor James Nolpe, 
 carrying forty-two brafs and iron cannon 
 mounted, and one huniired and fifty men, 
 among whom were thirty-five fbldiers, com- 
 manded by lieutenant ILms Maagdelyn. 
 
 Sea en- 
 gagement 
 befoie 
 Goa. 
 
 A lift or 
 
 The Flijfingen, aboard of which was the 
 vice-adm.iral, head-fadlor, fifcal, and com- 
 mifl^iry John van I'lvift, Hubert Hubertfon 
 captain, carrying thirty-eight pieces of can- 
 non, and one hundred and forty men, among 
 whom were twenty foldiers, commanded by 
 a ferjeant named Cornelius Bloem. 
 
 The Arms of Rotterdam rear-admiral, 
 commanded by Herman Walters Baak, and 
 John David IVolfwinkel clerk, carrying thir- 
 ty-eight pieces of cannon, and one hundred 
 and thirty men, among whom were twenty 
 foldiers. 
 
 The
 
 Chap. 10. 
 
 A Dcfcri[?tm of C E Y L O N. 
 
 ^'3S 
 
 The Hague, aboard of which were Fkn's 
 van Caficl lic.id-tadl:or, Alinne IVilluwis Keert 
 de Koe captain, and James vtttt Capcl un- 
 dcr-fli6tor, carrying thirty-four pieces of 
 cannon, and one hundred and ten men, 
 among them twenty foldiers. 
 
 The Harderivyk, commanded by Pivl 
 Cliifen, Peter Bruchart under- factor, carry- 
 ing thirty-fix pieces of cannon, one hundred 
 and fifteen men, among them twenty fol- 
 diers. 
 
 The Vere, commanded by Ifaac Dickfon 
 Kien, Laurence de MarJJjal undcr-fadtor, 
 carrying thirty pieces of cannon, and one 
 hundred and five men, among them twen- 
 ty foldiers. 
 
 The Tt'.vf/, commanded by captain Cor- 
 fu'liuj Leendard Valk, Jcoji van, PFielyk un- 
 der-fa6tor, carrying twenty-four pieces of 
 cannon, and feventy-fevcn men, among them 
 twelve foldiers. 
 
 The Breda, commanded by Francis Tb-fc, 
 John Fox underfaftor, carrying twenty-four 
 cannon feventy-feven men, and among them 
 twelve foldiers. 
 
 The yacht the little 'Amfierdam, Jacob 
 Jacob/on Struck commander, carrying eight 
 guns, and twenty-five men. 
 
 The little Enchuyfen yacht, commanded 
 by captain Reynicr, carrying two brafs and 
 fw iron guns, and twenty men. 
 
 The Falcon yacht, John I'hiijfejj captain, 
 Adrian Hebnont faftor, carrying fixteen iron 
 guns, forty men, and among them fix fol- 
 diers. 
 
 The Dolphin frigat, commanded hy Peter 
 van der Kamar, carrying fix iron guns, and 
 twenty men. 
 
 The Porluguefe fquadron confided of thefe 
 following fliips: 
 
 A liH of '^'^^ ^"'^ 7^1^'^^^ ^°^ Anthonio Tclles de 
 thel'ortu- Menefcs admiral, carrying feventy-fix brafs 
 guefe (hips, guns, and four hundred men, among whom 
 were three hundred Porluguefes, the reft Ne- 
 groes. 
 
 The St. Scbafiian vice-admiral, command- 
 ed by captain Anihonio Menefes Bciirette, car- 
 rying fifty brafs guns, one hundred and fif- 
 ty Portugitefes, and two hundred Neg-roes. 
 
 A'ladre de Dfw rear-admiral, commanded 
 by Le-wis Gonfalves, carrying thirty-five iron 
 and brafs guns, one hundred and thirty Por- 
 tuguefes, and one hundred and twenty Ne- 
 groes. 
 
 The St. Bdrthclomcw, Lewis de Cajlel- 
 branco commander, carrying twenty-fix iron 
 and brifs guns, one hundred and forty 
 Portuguefes, and one hundred and fixty Ne- 
 groes. 
 
 The St. Francis, captain Domingo Fereira 
 commander, carrying twenty-fix guns, one 
 hundred Portuguefes, and one hundred Ne- 
 groes. 
 
 The St. Philip, commanded hyTionDiego 
 
 de Vaes carrying twenty-four guns, one^*^" 
 hundred Portuguefes, and one hundred Ne- °'^"4eJ 
 grocs. <«^V>=^. 
 
 With thcfe fix galleons, and twenty finall 
 frigats, ^the Portuguefes fet lail out of the 
 road of Gc^, Jan.i^. 1638. in fight of tlie 
 Dutch, who no fonner got figiit of thcm^ 
 but they weighed their anchors, and in form 
 of a crcfcent failed with a land-wind and low 
 water out into the main. " The Portuguefes, 
 divided into two fquadrons, followed tlieni 
 with all the fails they could make, their 
 a.lmiral making up towards the Dutch ad- 
 miral, as their vice-admiral (though not io 
 good a fiilor as the reft) diti to the fhips 
 the Rotterdam, the Vere, and the Falcon 
 yacht. In the morning about nine a clock Sea en- 
 both fleets began to cume wichin cannon- g^g'^^nent 
 flior, about three leagues from the road of ^r.',,'"' 
 Goa, where the engagement began betwixt rruefes and 
 the two admirals, who plentifully exchanged Dutch, 
 their broad fides for three hours fucceOlvely, 
 as did three others of the Porliguefe fhips 
 with the Dutch fleet, the reft of their gal- 
 Icons not being able to come up immediate- 
 ly for want of a wind. The Pcrtugufe 
 vice-admiral coming at laft up with the 
 reft, was brifkly fainted by our fliips the 
 Rotterdam and the Vere, whilft the reft of 
 the Dutch vefTcls did what they could to ad- 
 vance clofcr to the enciny; and at Lift ha- 
 ving got the advantage of the fca wind, 
 th.ey were for boarding the Portugucfe fnips, 
 li.iving fent the Tcxel and Dolphin frigats, 
 two fire-fhips, to get in among them; but 
 thefe fetting it before the wind, avoided that 
 danger. The Dutch admiral Weficrtrold, 
 did his utmoft in his fliip the Utrecht to 
 board the Pcrtuguefe admiral; which he 
 perceiving, retreated towards his fquadron, 
 which made the Dutch admiral ftt it with 
 all the fail he could make upon their vice- 
 admiral, which he did with fuch fuccefs, 
 that the Portuguefe was forced to cut his 
 fails and cables to 'get rid of his enemy, 
 whilft the whole Portugucfe fquadron plied 
 the Dutch admiral with their cannon, who 
 thereby received confiderable damage, efpe- 
 cially in his rigging. Our fhip the Fere 
 would have boarded the St. Bartholomew, 
 but they got clear of one another ; yet not 
 without receiving a good broad-fide from 
 the fhip the Hague ; and the Fliffingen find- 
 ing the Portuguefe admiral engaged with 
 thefe two fliips, fhe laid the Bartholcmcw 
 aboard, and with the afiiftance of the Hague 
 plied her ib warmly, that flie was fet on fire, a Portu- 
 the reft of the Portuguefe fliips retreating in guefe (hip 
 the mean while towards the fhore. Such ^^''^i "^° 
 was the violence of the flames, that notwith- P,"'^** *'^'' 
 ftanding all the endeavours that were ufed, f^^^ ^ 
 the Hague was alfo fet on fire, and foon af- 
 ter the Fliffingen ; and were all three confu- 
 med by the flames. 
 
 The
 
 6^6 
 
 A Defiription of CEY LON. 
 
 Chap. 21. 
 
 B A L- The Porthguefes in the mean while taking 
 
 D-ti's. the advantage of the confufion, made the 
 '•^'Y"**^ L)eft of their way towards the road ot Goa, 
 being purfued for one league and an halt by 
 the Rotuniam, Vere, and ^exel, dole under 
 their forts-, the reft of our (hips being bu- 
 ficd in faving the men from the danger of 
 the fire, and in repairing their mafts and 
 rigging; io that the victory remained on 
 our fide, which would have been very con- 
 fidcrable, had the lame been not allay'd by 
 the burning of the two before-mentioned 
 fhips. 
 Lofs on The lofs of the Dutch amounted to thir- 
 both fides, ty-five men, among whom were captain 
 llirman fVolters Baak; befides fifty wound- 
 ed, among whom was the fiiftor James 
 Nolpe. I'he lofs on the Porluguefe fide 
 amounted to feventy-eight Portuguefcs, and 
 one hundred and fifty Mijlices and Negroes. 
 Don Lrxis de Caftelbranco, and flither Lau^ 
 rence de Merinda, a jeluir, were taken pri- 
 foners, with ninety Portuguefes, and forty- 
 nine Mijlices and Negroes, being faved by 
 the fame boats that came to fave their 
 own men, and exchanged afterwards for 
 a captain and a factor, and eight other 
 Dutchmen belonging to the IVieringen yacht, 
 (burnt near Malacca,) befides a fum of two 
 thoufand crowns paid to Don Pedro de 5/7- 
 Z'a viceroy of the Indies. The ift of March 
 a Portuguefe carrack, half leaden with pep- 
 
 per and cinnamon, and bound for Portugal, 
 immediately after the departure of the Dutch 
 fleet was burnt by accident -, and the galleon 
 the Madre de Deos, underwent the lame 
 fate in April following, to the great detri- 
 ment of the Portuguefes, whole naval force 
 in the Imlies was net a little impaired by 
 the lofs of thcfe three great fliips. 
 
 The emperor of Ceylo?i's deputies, who 
 were prell-nt in the engagement, were fur- 
 priz'd at the bravery of the Hollanders, who 
 with their fmall fhips durft board the Por- 
 tuguefes, fo much ftronger both in men and 
 cannon. After the engagement the Dutch The 
 fleet came to an anchor near the ifiands on Dutch refit 
 tiie fouth-fide of Goa, to refic their Ihips, "^^'jj ^^^ 
 and to venture a fecond engagement. Soon of Goa. 
 after the Hertogenhofch, a brave velTel, com- Are rein- 
 manded by William Jacob Kojter, joined our ^or'itA 
 fleer, coming lately from Suratte with a rich 
 
 cargo of the beft Indian fluffs, indigo, falt- 
 peter, and other Indian commodities, va- 
 lued at four hundred and twelve thoufand 
 gilders at the firft hand, which for meer 
 lafety fiike were difperfed among the other 
 vefi"els. The 1 2 th of January arrived like- 
 wife the (hip Henrietta Louifa from Bata- 
 via, having on board feventy-fix thoufand 
 crowns, befides other merchandizes for our 
 fiiftory of Suratte, and was fent thither in 
 company of the Breda and Encbuyfen 
 yachts. 
 
 with two 
 fhips. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 William Jacob Koflery^w/ to Ceylon by admiral Wefterwold. The Portuguefes 
 vtarch to Candy; are totally routed by the emperor. The Dutch bejlege Batecalo. 
 
 A Dutch 'T'HE 23d of January 1638. the Fal- 
 fquadron J- on yacht being likewile difpatched 
 fent to to Batavia, with advice of the late engage- 
 Ceylon, ment, and fome merchandizes, as alio the 
 fick and wounded to be difpofcd in the ho- 
 fpital there, our fquadron confifted only of 
 feven capital fliips and two yachts. But the 
 Dutch admiral perceiving the Portuguefes to 
 make not the leaft preparations of attacking 
 them a fecond time, it was refolved in a 
 council of war, to fend Mr. William Jacob 
 Kojter commodore, with the T'ar/, the.Jm- 
 ftcrdam and Dolphin, mann'd with one hun- 
 dred and eighty men and (evcnty foldiers, 
 to the ifle of Ceylon, to give notice to the 
 emperor of the intended fuccours againfl: 
 May, and in the mean while to offer his 
 a(riftance in the fiege of fome tort, or other, 
 belonging to the Portuguefes; for which pur- 
 pole the admiral writ the following letter to 
 liis imperial majefty. 
 
 Adam van Wefterwold, comfellor extraor- 
 dinary of the Indies, and admiral of the 
 Dutch /fi?/, ivifhes the imft potent emperor 
 
 of Ceylon, king of Candy, &c. all hap- 
 pinefs and profperity, with the utmoft offer 
 of his fervice, for the throwing off the in- 
 tolerable yoke of the Portuguefes. 
 
 Moft potent emperor I 
 
 WHILST the illuftrious general The 
 and council of the Indies, under ^""^^ ^^- . 
 the jurifdidion of the United Provinces, ^"^^^^ 
 were employ'd in equipping a fquadron theempe- 
 of fixteen fhips, to be fent from 5iZ/<J- ror of Cey- 
 via before Goa, in order to annoy our 'on- 
 common enemies the Portuguefes, and to 
 prevent their fending any carracks or gal- 
 leons, during the late northern Mouffon 
 to Portugal, the fhip the Hufduynen ar- 
 
 ' rived at Batavia from the coaft of Coro- 
 mandel, with letters from the governor 
 
 ■ of that coaft -, wherein was inciofed your s 
 
 • majefty's letter, dated at Candy, Sept. g. 
 
 '• 1636. The (Iiid general and council of j 
 
 • the Indies, having underftood by thefe 
 
 • letters, the many treacheries- and out- 
 ' rages committed by the Portuguefes in 
 
 " your
 
 Chap. ir. 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 ^37 
 
 " your majefty's dominions ; and that you 
 " were pleafed to crave their afTiftance for 
 " the defence of your country, and rooting 
 " out our common enemies, ofiering for 
 " that purpofe to Iiave either Bateailo or 
 " Collar (which of the two we ihould 
 " pitch upon) fortified at your own charge 
 " for our ufe, as Hkewife to give fiuisfac- 
 *' tion for all the charge we Ihould be at 
 " in the equipment of fuch iliips as fhould 
 " be fent to your ailiftance : thefe propofi- 
 " tions having been well weighed by the 
 " general and council of the Indies, it was 
 " refolved by them, purfuant to the good 
 " inclinations they have to your majefty, 
 *' to comply with your defires. And it 
 " appearing by your majefty's letter, dated 
 " November 21. 1637. and fent to me by 
 " the Falcon yacht, that you ftill perfifl" in 
 *' the fame laudable fentiments, I took im- 
 " mediate care to fend a vefTel and two 
 " yachts, to advertife your majefty ot 
 " our coming under the commodore IVil- 
 *' Ham Jacob Kofter, the fecond member 
 " of my council, who is to treat with 
 " your majefty concerning our intended 
 " defign, and to concert meafures which of 
 " the Portuguefe forts may be moft conve- 
 " niently attacked at our arrival, and where 
 " your majefty's forces are to rendezvous, in 
 " order to aflift in the taking of the faid 
 *' forts-, for which purpofe a certain quantity 
 " of ladders of bamboes, befides fome other 
 " materials, muft be got ready. Your ma- 
 " jefty's deputies who come with thefe fliips, 
 " will be able to give you a more compleat 
 " account by word of mouth, concerning 
 " our intentions. If the blockade of Goa 
 " be raifcd by the end of April, I intend 
 " (purfuant to the orders received from the 
 " general and council of the Indies) to fct 
 " fail in perfon widi three of my biggeft 
 " fliips well provided with men and am- 
 " munition for Ceylon, to confer and treat 
 " more amply with your majefty concern- 
 " ing our projefted defign. I hope your 
 " majefty will according to your promiie, 
 *' order two fliips cargoes of cinnamon 
 " to be got ready againft our arrival. I 
 *' wifh your majefty a long Ufe, and vic- 
 " tory againft your enemies." 
 
 The before-mentioned commodore Kofter 
 dore Kof having fct fail accordingly, March 17. from 
 YqT^^ Gon, with the three ftiips, the Texel, Little 
 ' Amjterdam, and Dolphin, came to an an- 
 chor the 2d of April following, near 'Trin- 
 quenemale, a harbour on the north fide of 
 the ifle of Ceylon, where the emperor's de- 
 puties being fet afliore, in order to deliver 
 the admiral's letter at Candy, and give no- 
 tice of the arrival of the Dutch fhips, they 
 underftood, that the emperor immediately 
 after tlie departure of the Falcon yacht. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 jCom mo- 
 
 had caufed a good quantity of cinnamon,^*'-" 
 wax, and pepper, to be l.iid up for our °^J^^ 
 ufe. The Portugnefcs had no fooner notice 
 thereof, but they fent a letter to his majefty, 
 asking tiie reafon, JVhy he had ordered fuch 
 a quantity of merchandizes to he laid up, ivhich^ 
 purfuant to the contract Jlipulated betwixt 
 them, belonged only to them ? The emperor 
 returned them no other iinfwer, than 1'hat he 
 having promifed the fame to his friends the 
 Hollanders, he would try who fhould dare to 
 oppofe it. _ 
 
 This refolute anfwer fo nettled the For- '°'" 
 tuguefcs at Columbo, that being now fully con- put to a 
 vinced of the confederacy betwixt the cm- great non- 
 peror and the Dutch ; and that tlicy muft plus. 
 loon expeft to be attacked at Batccalo, they 
 were put to the greateft nonplus, what re- 
 folution to take in this prefent exigency 
 of affairs. Some confidering, that having 
 fcarce been able to cope with the emperor 
 alone, they would not be able to refill his 
 efforts when fuftained by the Dutch, were 
 of opinion to embark all their treafure, men, 
 and artillery, to demolifti the fort, and fct 
 fail for Goa. 
 
 But the braver fort rejeding this propo- 
 fition as bafe, and inconfiftent with their 
 king's honour, refolved, rather than thus 
 to quit an ifle, which they had fixed them- 
 fclves in with the loi's of fo much blood and 
 treafure, to venture the utmoft, and die in. 
 the attempt. Damijao Bottado, who had 
 laid the firft foundation of the fortrefs of 
 Batecalc, propofed, among the reft, That 
 they ought to gather all their forces, and 
 mitrch uptoC.'wr/v, hdore. Raja Singa coulil 
 be joined by the Dutch. 
 
 This advice being approved of, they "^'^^^ 
 marched in March 163S. under the com- "a^'^J" '°"- 
 mand of their general Diego de Mela, the Candy, 
 before-mentioned Damijao Bottado, and the 
 major-general Sorde, towards Candy. 
 
 The emperor having got notice of their 
 march, retired from thence with all his 
 people, leaving the city to their mercy, 
 which they took without any oppofition ; Take and 
 and having plundered and burnt the fame, ^^^^ "" 
 direcled their march to the mountains of 
 Gannor, or Ganero, where they pitched 
 their tents, their whole force confiftino- of 
 two thoufand three hundred Portuguefes and 
 Miflices, and fix thoufand negroes. 
 
 This it was that the emperor had fo lono- 
 looked for, who immediately ordered the 
 road to Walane, and all other places throuf^h 
 which they were to pafs, to be ftoppcd, by 
 laying great trees crofs the roads. The 
 enemies finding themfelves reduced to thefe 
 ftrairs, the Cingalefes unanimoufly revolted 
 to the emperor -, Ibtliat xht Portuguefes fi- Aredefert- 
 ing not the leaft hopes of efcaping by r- ^^ ^^^ 
 force oi arms, had recourfe to two triers, Hes. 
 one a Francifcan, and the other an Auflin 
 7 Y monk.
 
 638 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 2U 
 
 monk, who were lent to endeavov>.r to ob- gagement from a tree near the bank of a 
 
 Bal- , ....- . , 
 
 ■'•'^^- tain them a free paffage from the empe- 
 ^^">^^ ror to Coiumh. Bvit the emperor gave 
 them fuch an anlwer, that tlie triers thouglu 
 it their fifeft way not to return to their 
 camp ; fothat the P^r/w^K^y^'J finding them- 
 ftlves pall all reprieve, the general de Melo 
 asked Bo.'tado what was to be done, and 
 which wav they Hiould efcape the danger 
 into whicli tliey were drawn by his raOi ad- 
 vice, who gave him no other anfwer, than 
 that they mull: die together. 
 
 'Die emperor Rfija Singa in tlie mean 
 while kept clofe in his camp, watching 
 all the opportunities of attacking them 
 with the utmoll advantage, which foon 
 liappencd ; for a violent ftorm of ram 
 (which he knew would render the Portu- 
 gttefe firelocks in fome manner ufelefs) made 
 him draw out his troops againft the enemy ; 
 and putting the mulqucteers in front, he 
 ordered them after the firft difcharge to re- 
 tire, and o-ive way to five thoufand bow- 
 men of Mangel-Cork, who being fuftain- 
 cd by as many pikes, did break in with 
 fuch fury among the Portuguefes, that they 
 foon put them into diforder, and immedi- 
 Andputtoately after to the rout, with the Qaughtcr 
 the lout. of al 1 the Portuguefes, except a very few who 
 obtained mercy at the conquerer's hands, 
 amounting in all not to above feventy per- 
 fons. 
 
 The emperor was a fpeftator of this en- 
 
 river, wh.ich ran betwixt him and the moiin- 
 t.iin of Gannoor, whither they brought the 
 heads of the Portuguefes (lain in the battle, 
 which were heaped up in form of a pyramid -'\P[''^"^'^ 
 before him. All the great officers of the ° ^"^ '' 
 Portuguefes loft their lives near the moun- 
 tain of Gannoor ; and among them their ge- 
 neral dj Melo, whole Iwurtl was aftenvards 
 prefented by the emperor to the admiral 
 IVefienvold. 
 
 In the mean while matters having been 
 concerted with the Modeliar, or governor 
 of Mdttaclape, concerning the Portugnefe 
 fortrefs of Batecalo, they fet fail thither •, ^fZ^ of 
 and having landed one hundred foldiers, and '^^'"^<^^'o- 
 as many feamcn in two troops, they foon 
 raifed two batteries with the afTiftance of 
 the natives, one on the eaft, the other on 
 the fouth-fide of the fort, upon each of 
 which were mounted four brafs demi-culve- 
 nd the emperor having left the grois 
 
 rmes : 
 
 of his army under the command of his bro- 
 ther the prince of Mateli to inveft Columbo, 
 joined our forces before Batecalo, April 14. 
 in perfon, with a detachment of two thou- 
 fand men. Commodore Kofler being re- 
 ceived by his imperial majefty with all pof- 
 fible marks of honour, they immediately en- 
 tered upon a debate, how to attatk the for- 
 trefs with the utmoft vigour upon the arri- 
 val of the reft of our fhips. 
 
 Wefler- 
 wold 
 comes be- 
 fore Ba- 
 ceulo. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Adam Wefterweld'i Arri-val in Ceylon. Batecalo taie?t. 
 
 the Emperor and Mr. Wcflerwold. 
 
 £a(eraIo 
 furrender- 
 ed upon 
 Articles. 
 
 A 'Treaty betwixt 
 
 TH E admiral Wefterwold having fet 
 fail the 2 2d of April from before 
 Goa, arrived at Batecalo the'ioth of May 
 with the fhips the Maefiricht, Hardcrivick, 
 Rotterdam, Vere, and the Enchuyfen yacht, 
 having on board eight hundred and torty 
 men, officers, foldiers, and mariners. The 
 next following day having landed his men, 
 with fix great pieces for battery, the fame 
 were mounted immediately, in order to fa- 
 cilitate the paflage of their forces into the 
 ide upon which the fort was built: this be- 
 ing executed accordingly the 1 8th, and five 
 hundred men brought over under favour of 
 the cannon, which play'd inceflantly for 
 four hours upon the Portuguefes, they put out 
 the white flag immediately, and fent two 
 deputies to capitulate with the Dutch 
 admiral, which was foon done upon the 
 following conditions : That they ffiould fur- 
 render the fort immediately, and be permit- 
 ted to march out without arms or baggage. 
 The Portuguefes and Mijiices, to the number 
 of one hundred and eight, with their wives 
 
 and children, to be tranfported in a Dutch 
 veffel to Ncgapatan, but the natives to be 
 delivered up to the emperor ; which was ex- 
 ecuted accordingly, fifty of them (who had 
 murdered one of his majefty's gentlemen) 
 being impaled alive, and the reft fold for 
 flaves with their wives and children. 
 
 The fort of Batecalo is feated in an ifle of 
 about two Dutch leagues in compafs, three 
 leagues within the mouth of the river of Ba- 
 tecalo, which has given it its name. It was 
 fortified with high ftone walls and three 
 paflli.ble baftions, upon which were mounted 
 eleven iron and brafs cannons, befides fome 
 leffer ones, with a fuitable proportion of 
 ammunition. We found in it rice fufficient 
 for two months ; but their frcfh-water be- 
 ing about a musket-fliot without the fortrefs, 
 the Dutch had made themfelves xnafters of 
 that fpring. Commodore Kofler was made 
 governor of the fort, with a garrifon of one 
 hundred Dutch foldiers. 
 
 After the taking of this fortrefs, the ad- 
 miral PVeflenvold made an alliance with the 
 
 emperor 
 
 Severe pu- 
 nidiment 
 oftheCin- 
 galefes. 
 
 A defcrip- 
 tion of Ba- 
 tecalo. 
 
 I
 
 .Chap. 11. 
 
 A Description of GEY L'O N. 
 
 659 
 
 emperor of Ceylon in the name of their high 
 and mightinefles the States general of the 
 United Provinces, his highntfs Frederick 
 prince ofOrattge, and of the honourable £^77^- 
 India company, with the ap})rohation of the 
 general and council of the Indies, upon the 
 following conditions : 
 
 Alliance I. A Firm and ftedfaft amity fhall be 
 betwixt _£\ maintained betwixt his majefty and 
 rorofCey- '^'^ fubjefts and the Dutch nation and their 
 Ion and the £-2/? India company, who fhall aiTifb his 
 Dutch, majefty upon all occafions againft the Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 II. As often as any place or fort is taken 
 by the Dutch, with the affiftance of his ma- 
 jefty, from the common enemy, the booty 
 to be divided ftiare and fliare alike. . 
 
 III. After the taking of any forts, the 
 Dutch fhall provide the fame with neceflary 
 gari'ifons and ammunition •, and if any thing 
 be wanting to compleat the fortifications, 
 the fame fhall be done at the charge of his 
 majefty, as it fhall be thought requifite by 
 the Dutch. 
 
 IV. His majefty obliges himfelf to pay 
 punctually every month their foldiers and 
 officers. 
 
 V. As alfo to build in the conquered 
 places or forts (where no houfes are before) a 
 lioufe of ftone, (as the Dutch fhall think 
 fit,) to be ufed for a warehoufe, as alfo a 
 magazine for their arms and naval ftores. 
 
 VI. In cafe his majefty defigns any thing 
 againft the common enemy, the fame is to 
 be confulted with our chief officers. 
 
 VII. For tlie fecurity of the rivers, his 
 majefty is to fiirniih a certain number of gal- 
 leys and galley-flaves, which are to be pro- 
 vided witli foldiers and ammunition by the 
 Dutch. 
 
 VIII. His majefty and his fubjefts ob- 
 lige themfelves to make full reparation of 
 the charges the Dutch hath been at in equip- 
 ping the prefent fleet, yachts, vefTels, i^c. 
 and furnifhing them with men, foldiers, of- 
 ficers ammunition, provifions, i^c. or of 
 fuch other fhips as the general and council 
 fhall for the future fend to his majefty's 
 alTiftance into Ceylon, with their necelTary 
 m.en, ammunition, provifions, ^c. the 
 charges whereof fhall be reimburfed in cin- 
 namon, pepper, cardamum, indigo, wax, 
 rice, and fuch other commodities as are of 
 the produft of his majefty's dominions, ex- 
 cept the Mata or JVild cimwmon. 
 
 IX. His majefty, in refpeft of his friend- 
 fhip and good inclinations to the Dutch 
 nation, allows them free pafTage and traffick 
 in all his dominions, in the ifle of Ceylon, 
 in all his cities, towns, villages, fea-ports, 
 roads, bays, rivers, isfc. with their vellels, 
 yachts, boats, tf c. to buy, fell, or exchange, 
 import or export, without the leaft moleiVa- 
 
 tion, or paying any cuftoms under any pre- B a l- * 
 tencc whatever. 1 lis majefty's fiibjcds Ihall ^^^'"'^■ 
 not be permitted to fell t\\c Dutch any ciu- ^^ 
 namon, pepper, wax, and elephants teeth, 
 except what is fold by the emperor's order-, 
 who engages himfelf, that in cafe he fliould 
 have occafion to fell four, ten, twenty, or 
 more elephants, he will procure them the 
 like number at the fame rate as tlicy were 
 fold. 
 
 X. His majefty, and all the great men of 
 the empire promife not to allow their 
 fubjc(5ts to traffick either with any European 
 or Eaftcrn nation, either by fale or exchange, 
 in fuch commodities as arc of the produdl of 
 Ceylon, much lefs to permit the fhips of 
 thefe nations to tarry in the harbours of Cf>'- 
 lon, but to oblige them to dcpait forthwith. 
 However the neighbouring nations o'iDaiicy 
 and "Tanjouiver may pafs and rcpafs freely 
 with their veffels to and from Ceylon. 
 
 XI. His majefty obliges himfelf to fend 
 yearly to Batavia one or two fiiip-loads of 
 cinnamon, pepper, cardamum, indigo, waxj 
 i^c. as a reimburfement of the charge be- 
 ftowed in the equipment of the veffels fent 
 to his affiftance ; and in cafe the laid cargo 
 fhould amount to more than the charges, 
 the furplus to be paid to his majefty, either 
 in ready money, or fuch commodities as 
 his majefty fhall think fit. 
 
 XII. His majefty having granted full li- 
 berty for the Dutch merchants, to travel, 
 traffick, buy, and fell, the inhabitants fhalj 
 be obliged to furnifli them with beafts fit 
 for carriage, for the carrying of fuch goods 
 as they have brought either to their ^vare- 
 houfes, or aboard tlieir vefTels. Further- 
 more, the faid merchants or other Hollan- 
 ders fhall remain under the jurifdiftion of 
 the i-efpeclive commanders or heads of 
 their own nation, as the natives of Ceylon 
 ftand under the fubjeftion of the emperor. 
 
 XIII. No body, without exception, that 
 trades with the Dutch here, fliall haVc free- 
 dom to fell any fuch commodities bought 
 from them to others, before the Dutch have 
 fully received their quota ; and in cafe of 
 contravention, the Dutch fliall have a 
 power to feife his perfon, and to compel 
 him to produce the faid goods. Further- 
 more, in cafe any of the natives ftand in- 
 debted to the Dutch for a confiderable fum, 
 they fliall be fubjeft to the fime treatment ; 
 with this provifo neverthelefs, that in cale 
 any of his majefty's fubjecfts be taken into 
 cuftody by the Dutch, notice fhall be given 
 thereof to the emperor or his governor. 
 
 XIV. No body, of what quality •v\^iat- 
 ever, fliall pretend to niife or diminifli the 
 coin, otherwife than iias been agreed be- 
 twixt his majefty and the Dutch -, and fuch 
 as contravene this article on either fide, flizll 
 without mercy be puniflied with death and 
 
 con-
 
 ^ ,0 A Dcjcription 0/ C E Y L O N. Chap. 15. 
 
 fifcarion of their eftatcs to his majefty's palace, in the country of B^tecalc, May 23. 
 
 16.58 
 
 Bal- con 
 
 vMvi. ufe. ^ . 
 
 ^^''V^^ X^^ In cafe a Hollander fhould fly into 
 
 his niaicfty's dominions, the fame Ihall be , r i <r 1 
 
 dcHvcrcd up; as on the other hand the llime ponible tavoiir and alTiftance to luchjeffels, 
 
 in cafe any of his '^ " ~~ '' ' '■*"'" "" "' 
 
 Additional Article, 
 rhe Dutch oblige thcmfclves to fliew all 
 
 fhall be done on our fide, 
 
 majcfly's fubjeds Ihelter themfelves in our 
 
 dominions. 
 
 XVI. After the conclufion of this treaty, 
 neither his majefty, nor any of his fubjeas, 
 fhall maintain any fecret or publick com- 
 merce or corrclpondence with the Poriuguefcs, 
 our common enemies, much iefs to traffick 
 with them under any pretence whatever, but 
 look upon them as their conllant declared 
 enemies : and in cafe any of his majcfty's 
 fubjcds fliall be difcovered to have fold them 
 any commodities, the tranfgrefTors fliall be 
 puniflicd with death. 
 
 XVII. His majefl:y fliall not fufFer any 
 priefts, friers, or clergymen to dwell in his 
 dominions, but oblige them to depart as 
 the authors of all rebellions, and the ruin of 
 governments. 
 
 XVIII. In cafe any Dutch fliips employed 
 in his majefl:y's fervice fliall take any 
 prizes from the enemies, the fame fliall be- 
 long to the Eafi-India company, with this 
 provifo however. That the laid company 
 fhall alone bear all the damages fufl:ained by 
 the faid fhips in any of thefe engage- 
 ments. 
 
 XIX. In cafe the Dutch furnifli any great 
 cannon for the fortreflTes, or otherwife for 
 his niajefly's fervice, the fame may be freely 
 taken back, if occafion requires, without 
 any liindrance, and be brought aboard of 
 fliip, or otherwife, where it fhall be thought 
 nioft convenient. 
 
 XX. Tranfafted and concluded thus, in 
 the prefence of his imperial majefl:yof C(r('/<?«, 
 and of yida7n Wefterwold member of the 
 council of the Indies^ and commodore of 
 the fquadron of fliips on the coafl: of Ceylon ; 
 as alio diWllUam Jacob Kcfter^ vice-commo- 
 dore of the laid fquadron, at the royal 
 
 as fliall go from hence with his niajelly's, or 
 any of his governors paflTports to other 
 harbours. 
 
 Signed, 
 
 Raja Singa Imperador, 
 yjdiwi JVeJierivold, 
 IFilliam Jacob Kofier. 
 
 Sealed with his majefty's and 
 Mr. lFejlerwold\ fcals. 
 
 Purfuant to this agreement his majefly 
 ordered four hundred balls of cinnamon, 
 eighty feven quintals of wax, and three 
 thoufand and fifty nine pounds of pepper, to 
 be delivered to Mr. JVcJlenvold, in part of 
 the reimburfement of charges they had 
 been at, promifing to deliver the reft, as 
 foon as it could be brought together at the 
 feaport of Samature : and to haften the rati- Ratifica- 
 fication of the faid alliance, his majefty fent J.'°" of 'he 
 two ambaflTadors to Batavia, in company 
 of Mr. IVeJlcrwoldy with fome prefents to 
 the general and council of the Indies ; who 
 being honourably received and treated there, 
 were afterwards fent back with letters and 
 prefents for his majefty, with the yachts the 
 Griipskerk, Faidcon, and Vcnlo^ bound for 
 the coaft of Coromandel. 
 
 The emperor's army, in the mean while, Columbo 
 being about twenty thoufand ftrong, conti- l«''eged. 
 nued before Columbo ; and the Portuguefes 
 having been very unfuccefsiul in divers fal- 
 lies, it was more than probable that this 
 place (though the capital city of the Por- 
 tuguefes in this ifle) would be forced to fur- 
 render upon the arrival of the expefted 
 Dutch fleet under the admiral Anthony de 
 Caan. 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Puntcgale taken by Storm by William Jacob Koflcr. Caleture bcficgcd. 
 
 Puntegale '"pHE 8th of March, commodore Kof- 
 befiegcd. J. ter being come to an anchor about 
 noon in the bay of Puntegale, under the 
 enemies cannon, he landed his men before 
 night on the north-fide without any refif- 
 tance. Intelligence was brought by fome 
 negroes, that they expe6ted a reinforcement 
 in the city of two hundred and fifty Portu- 
 guefes from Columbo ; notwithftanding which 
 the Dutch divided their forces into three 
 bodies, and advanced clofe under the fort : 
 the 9th early in the morning, they were at- 
 
 tacked by the faid Portuguefes, whom they 
 repulfed, though not without fome lofs. 
 Neverthelefs they kept our forces in con- 
 flant alarm, thole of Candy being the iitli 
 of March advanced no further than BHH- 
 gamme, fix leagues from Gale; but (through 
 God's fingular mercy) three of our fhips, 
 viz. the Harlem, Middieburgh, and Breda, 
 coming on the fame clay to anchor in the 
 bay, and landing four hundred men, as well 
 foldiers as feamen, we were foon exempted 
 from all fear. 
 
 The 
 
 ^
 
 Chap. i^. 
 
 A Defcription of C E Y L O N, 
 
 641 
 
 Is taken 
 by ftornic 
 
 A defcri 
 tjon of 
 Gale. 
 
 The 1 2th finding they had made a fiifFi- 
 cient breach in tlie baftion of Si. J ego, they 
 began to make all neceilary preparations 
 for the ftorming of the place, which 
 was done accordingly the 13th with fuch 
 undaunted bravery, that, after an hour and 
 half's ftout refillancc, ic was taken by aflault. 
 This city was afterwards, viz. 1663. and 
 1664. rendered almofl. impregnable by the 
 Dutch by feveral additional tortihcations ; 
 and this day is ever fince celebrated yearly 
 by a folemn thankfgiving. 
 
 Mr. Kojfer (who was treacheroudy nuir- 
 der'd by the Cinga/cfcs, as Sel/ald de pf-^eert 
 was by his own imprudence) was fucceeded by 
 John Thiijjen, who is yet living, and has ren- 
 dered himfelf tamous for his many fervices 
 done to the company in thofe parts. In his 
 ftead came John Maaizuyker, fince gover- 
 nor of the Indies, who has ferved in that 
 ftation fifteen years. He was fucceeded by 
 Jacob van Kitlenjiein, in the prefidentfhip 
 of Gale ; (the affiiirs of the cotnpany 
 hitherto not admitting of the quality of 
 a governor here) who died afterwards 
 at Batavia, and was fucceeded by Adri- 
 an van der Meyden, in whofe time Cak- 
 ture, Columho, Manaar, and Jafnapatnam, 
 were taken. He was fucceeded by Ryklof 
 van Goens and Jacob Huftart ; by which 
 time the company having confidcrably en- 
 larged their limits in this ifle, a governor 
 was conftituted at Columbo, the city of Gale 
 being left to the management of a comman- 
 der in chief, the firft in that ftation being 
 one Tsbrand Goisken, a native of the Hague, 
 a brave foldier, fufficiently known for -his 
 fignal fervices done at the fieges of Columbo, 
 Manaar, Jafnapatnam, and Cochin, where- 
 of he was governor afterwards, and fince 
 chief dirciftor in Perjia. Adrian Roothaas 
 his fuccefibr, is a peribn who has rendei'd his 
 name famous by fea, efpecially in the Le- 
 vant and before Goa, as the former had 
 done by land, 
 p- Gale has a commodious bay, fit for an- 
 chorage, except that with a fouth-weft wind 
 the fea runs very hollow there. At the ve- 
 ry entrance of the harbour lies a danger- 
 ous rock, near to which all fhips muft pafs, 
 and againft which the Hercules, one of our 
 fhips was ftaved to pieces. There is no 
 coming into the bay, unlefs you pafs by 
 the water-fort, which is well provided with 
 cannon for the fecurity of the harbour. 
 The fortifications of the city itfelf confift 
 only in three baftions, the rcll being fo in- 
 cloled with the fea and rocks, that there is 
 no approaching to it, even with the ftnalleft 
 boats. On the top of a rock, which jets out 
 into the fea, is a lanthorn, and an iron can- 
 non, wherewith they give warning to the 
 fhips •, and near ic you fee the company's 
 flag difpl.iyed. The city is well built of 
 N° 124. Vol. III. 
 
 flonc, very high, with goodly houfcs, aB.^i- 
 ftately church, pleafint garden?, and mofl""^"^' 
 delicious fprings ; the mountains which fur- 
 round it, aflbrding a pleafant profpetl ; 
 over which you puis through roads cut out 
 of the rocks, called by them Gravettes. 
 
 About a day's journey from Gale ftands Caleture. 
 the fort of CaUturc, in a moft delightful 
 country, near the entrance of a large and 
 broad river, on the fea-fhore, furrounded 
 by a double ftrong wall of earth. It was re- 
 duced by the diredor general Gerard iluljl, 
 0£l. 15. 1655. in the following manner. 
 
 Having rendezvoufed his forces, confift- 1^ inveiled 
 ing of five hundred ninety-three men near'^^''"^ 
 Bcnlotte, and being joined the 28th of Sep- 
 tember by Ibme more troops under Chri/h- 
 pher Egger, Leonard IFil'fchut, and Melchior 
 van Schoonbeek, they directed their march 
 towards Caleture. But being informed that 
 the enemy were obliged to make a vigo- 
 rous defence, and our artillery being not yet 
 come up, it was thought advilable to de- 
 tach c;iptain Abraham Cous and Juriav. Ge- 
 vels with five companies, to fecure the pafs 
 of Oticatte over the river, thereby to pre- 
 vent the enemy from receiving any fupplies, 
 till the arrival of our fliips, that were ex- 
 pcfleti every day with more forces. 
 
 The 29th we took a view of all the a- 
 venues leading to the place ; and guards be- 
 ing placed in all convenient pofts, the fac- 
 tor Renier, Serooskerken and Mr. Tsbrand 
 Gotsken were difpatched to our fliips, to fend 
 us the necclTary artillery and ammunition. 
 
 The 5th of OSidber advice was brought 
 by two of the natives, that the garrifon, 
 confifting of three hundred men, was btic 
 ftenderly provided witl? provifions, their 
 whole ftore confifting only in 50 * Parras, * f^-cli 
 and two fm.dl packs of dried fi(h ; and that '''"■'^* '* 
 they were forced to live upon Canfies, or^Q^jj^ 
 water and rice. 
 
 The 6th of OHober after we had mounted 
 fome great guns upon our batteries, a cer- 
 tain -f T^opas, who had been fecretary to f A To- 
 captain Marcello Fialbo, came over to us, pas is the 
 who difcovered to the general Hulft ihe^""''^^^ 
 whole ftrength of the enemy, and the names ^ °j' 3^"'''* 
 of their officers; adding, that four or fivejnJiaa 
 days before his departure, there were about woman. 
 210 Parras of rice in the ftore-houfe, 
 whereof they diftributed a certain quantity 
 to each foldier every day, and to the king's 
 Negroes, called || Caffcrs, a quart a-picce ; 1| Caffers 
 That they had no Lafcaryns in the place, ^""e \c- 
 and, as he believed, could not hold it above f,'"" ' [r® 
 ten days, though they fcemed rel()lved to ^n„oj° 
 defend it to the laft extremity, in hopes 
 of being relieved the next week by Caj'par 
 Figeiro. 
 
 I'he fame day major John van der Laan 
 
 brought word, Tiiat ail vvas well fecured on 
 
 his attack ; and captain James S-i^jrt, and 
 
 7 Z the
 
 642. 
 
 Bal- 
 
 D^. I' S. 
 
 A Dcfcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 2J. 
 
 the f.if^or Ali-ahar4 Uarlman 
 with fixty fcimcn, the two 
 nons 
 
 brought 
 great 
 
 up, 
 caii- 
 that \Nerc ieic behind. Captain 
 BtanUiro was alio detached wiih forty Dutch 
 foldiers, and a goa.1 number of Lnfcmyns, 
 to the pafs of miUkande^ antl the general 
 Gerard IMj', with Mr. yWr/Vrw van dtr 
 Mtyden, having taken a view ol" our batte- 
 ries, did go to take a view of the pafs near 
 Pi}!klotte, vviiere, as well as on the odicr 
 fiile, they found every thing to their fatif- 
 fadiion, fcven hundred fifty-fix men being 
 imployed on that fide. 
 
 The 7 til of OSiober they went up the 
 river as tar as IFcllikande, to fee whether the 
 enemy could receive any fupplies of provi- 
 fions by the brook, or from above by the 
 way of Aiiguratolte and Tiboene ; bur found it 
 not kafible, by reafon of the fhallownefs of 
 the water. However five ferryboats were 
 fliewcd them in the narrowed places of the 
 river, where having placed fome Lafcaryns, 
 they committed the management thereof to 
 Mr. John vm der Laan. The 1 1 th of 
 Ociober, a mortar of a large fize, and a 
 twelve pounder, were mounted on the batte- 
 ry ; and Mr. John van der Lam came to 
 tell the general, that the fecond battery would 
 be ready to play on his fide the fame night. 
 
 The 1 4th, in the morning, we faw a Por- 
 tu^Uife lieutenant and drummer, with a 
 white flag, coming out of the fort, fent by 
 Anthonio Mendes d'Aranha, their comman- 
 der in chief, with the following letter. 
 
 They of- " TT Aving for feveral days paft difchar- 
 fer to ca- " jLl ged our truft as a captain ought to 
 pitulate. u £^o, and finding you not fo furioufiy im- 
 " ployed to day, I thought fit to take this 
 " opportunity, to try whether you would 
 " treat with me according to the cuftom of 
 " war ; for which purpofe I have fent you a 
 " trufty perfon. In the mean while all ho- 
 " ftilities (hall ceafe on our fide, hoping the 
 " fame from you. We recommend you to 
 " God's proteftion. Cakture, Odi. 14. 
 " 1655. 
 
 Anthonio Mendes d'Aranha. 
 
 A cefiation of arms being agreed upon, 
 Martin Sho/les, an cnfign, was fent back with 
 the Portuguefe officer, to treat about the con- 
 ditions, whilft a mefll'nger was difpatch- 
 ed with a letter to the Dijfave (or deputy 
 governor) of Saffra Gamme, to defire him 
 to have it rumour'd abroad, that the Pertu- 
 guefes in Cr.leiure, had lately been fupplied 
 with provifions; in hopes thereby to amufe 
 Gifpar Figeiro, (who ftood vvith his forces 
 near Moutr.pcHe,) not to haften to their relief. 
 
 The capitulation was foon after conclu- 
 ded upon the following terms : 
 
 the "'f "P'- 
 
 tuJation. 
 
 " 'TpHE foldiers to march out with their Articles of 
 
 " J. matches not lighted, balls in the '''' "~' 
 
 " mouth, and enfigns difplay'd ; the offi- 
 
 " cers with their Icarts, which they (hall 
 
 " lay down rolled up before the ftandard 
 
 " of the company. All the great officers, 
 
 " to the ciptains inckifive, to be rranfportcd 
 
 " during this McuJJon to Goa •, the reft of 
 
 " the officers and (bldiers to Batavia, and 
 
 " from thence to Portugal, at the charge of 
 
 " the company. All the officer.<^. and fol- 
 
 " diers fliall be allowed to carry their bag- 
 
 " gage along with them ; but their fervants 
 
 " (hall be left to the difcretion of the Dutch 
 
 " general. All church ornaments (hall be 
 
 " removed. All iuch as have married Por- 
 
 " tuguefe women and the Ali/ices fhall 
 
 " be conducted to Cohimbo, or wherever 
 
 " elfe they think fit. But the Lnfcaryns 
 
 " and Negroes, whether married or unmar- 
 
 " ried, fhall remain prifoners of war. The 
 
 " fathers and clergymen fhall enjoy the 
 
 " fame liberty as the higheft officers, and 
 
 " (hall be tranfported from Cakture on the 
 
 " (lime day. Thefe articles are to be rati- 
 
 " fied to-morrow morning, by fun-rifing. 
 
 " All the fuperior officers, including the 
 
 " captains, (liall have liberty to take their 
 
 " fwords along with them. It was figned, 
 
 Anthonio Mendes d'Aranha. 
 John Alonzo. 
 
 " After the ratification, it was thus fub- 
 " fcribed by both parties. 
 
 Gerard Hulji. 
 Adrian van der Meyden. 
 John van der Laan. 
 Anthonio Mendes d'Aranha. 
 John Alonzo. 
 
 The 1 5th, early in the morning, the Por- They 
 tuguefe o^c^r returned with the articles ; to-'narchout. 
 wards noon the gairilbn, confifting in nine 
 companies, making in all, two hundred and 
 fifty-five men, marched out of the fort, and 
 having paid their reverence with their enfigns 
 as ufual, the foldiers were dil^trmed. The 
 companies were the following : The royal 
 company, commanded by the captain-major 
 Mar cello Fialho, confided of thirty-one Por- 
 tuguefe s ; that of John Anthonio Felhaon of 
 twenty-feven ; that of Pedro de Barhos of 
 twenty-eight •, that of NLanuel Rodrigos of 
 twenty-eight ; that oi Diego Frois of thirty- 
 fi.x ; that of Jacomo Padraon of twenty- 
 eight -, that of Manuel Alendes of twenty- 
 feven ; that of Lewis Alvares Periero of 
 twenty-four ; and that of Leonardo de Sylva 
 of twenty-fix : In all two hum! red fifty-five. 
 
 Befides the perfons of note living in the 
 place, with their families, that were con- 
 
 duai.d
 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 A Defcriptm ^/CEYLON. 
 
 643 
 
 duded to Callamoende, and fifty more thvic 
 were with the governor Anthonio Mencles 
 d'Aranba, (.'.fterwards our prifoners at Jafna- 
 patnnm^) tliat were carried to Gale, the other 
 luperior officers were lent to Macoene, and the 
 reft kept undei a good guard in the fort. 
 
 Immediately notice oT this viflory having 
 been given to the emperor Raja Singe, gene- 
 neral Hulji and Mr. Adrian van der Aleyden 
 took a view of the fortifications of the place, 
 whereat they were not a little furprized, and 
 
 found therein, ten enfigns, five great guns, B a l- 
 four brafs ones, ten eight and five pounders, ""^ " ^^ 
 and one iron eight pounder, forty baite's "^ ' 
 of gunpowder, two hundred and tour bam- 
 boe canes filled, leven hundred and ten bul- 
 lets, one hundred and eighty nnilkets, fixty 
 two pikes, Icven chefts with mufkct-balls, 
 another barrel with larger bullets, fit for 
 mufquetoons, one hundred and fixteen am- 
 munition poucheSj five mufquetoons, fome 
 fiery bullets-, fixty fpades, and eight hatchets. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Evgagements near Paneture, and near Montual ; both to the difddvantage of the 
 
 Portuguefes. 
 
 YlLrand '"'^Sbrand Godskens being conftituted go- 
 Godflcens 1 vernor of Cakture, with a company 
 made go- ^q keep garrifon there, tnajor John van der 
 vernor of j^^^^^^ marched the i6th from the other 
 fide of the river, towards Paneture, being 
 followed by the general and Mr. Fan der 
 Meydm with the reft of the forces. In 
 the dufk of the evening, we came up with 
 the Portuguefes, whom we fakited fo brifkly 
 with our firelocks, that they thought fit to 
 retreat, leaving feventeen dead, and all 
 their ammunition, with tlaeir ftandard be- 
 hind them. On our fide, we had fifteen 
 wounded, befides Arent Janfz van Norden, 
 an enfign. According to the report of 
 ' one of their captains, who was taken 
 prifoner, they confided of fix companies, 
 commanded by Dominges Sermento, cap- 
 cain-major of Montual, detached to- 
 wards Caleture to fecure this pals till to 
 morrow for Cafpar Ftgeiro, who was on 
 his march at the head of fix hundred 
 men, to attempt the relief of that place. 
 Whereupon it was thought convenient to 
 make a halt betwixt 'Paneture and Gal- 
 kijfe, near a good fpring, and there to 
 cxpedt the coming up of the reft of their 
 forces. 
 
 The fame night, the moon fhining very 
 bright, a prifoner was brought into our 
 camp, who being a native of Antorf, and 
 well verfed in the Hutch tongue, told the 
 general. That he had ferved the king of 
 Portugal eleven years ; and that Figeiro 
 would doubtlcls be with them by day-light. 
 An in- The 17 th, being Sunday, word being 
 
 gagement brought that the Portuguefes were at hand, 
 
 betwixt rnaior John van der Laan- and captain Kous, 
 the Dutch n.j-Lc • j 
 
 and For- ^^^''^ potted with five companies, and two 
 
 tu^uefes. field-pieces, on a convenient place, to re- 
 ceive the firft fhock of the enemy, whom, 
 after a general difcharge of their fire-arms 
 and cannon, they received fo warmly with 
 fword in hand, that they were foon brought 
 into confufion, and purfued as far as to the 
 church, called No£a Senhora de MilagreSy 
 
 i. e. That of our Lady of Miracles, with a 
 flaughter ot one hundred and fifty on the 
 enemies fide. Among our troops major Van 
 der Laan was wounded in tlie cheek-, and a 
 gunner, two common foldiers, and a ierjeanc 
 killed. 
 
 The 1 8th of October happened another A fscor.d 
 engagement betwixt us and the Portuguefes, ingage- 
 near Montual. Our forces attacked them '"^"'• 
 in their entrenchments, from whence they 
 fired furioufly upon them; but no fooner 
 had they broke through their works, but 
 they threw down their arms, and ma le the 
 bell of their way to Cohaubo, Ica-ving all dieir 
 ammunition behind them, and twenty-two 
 killed upon the fpot j whereas we had not 
 fo much as one wouneled on our fide. We 
 left two companies as a guard of the church 
 of St. Sebafian ; and advancing nearer to- 
 wards Cohanbo, a body of Portuguefes re- 
 treated in boats from Montual to Columbo, 
 leaving the pafs open to us, where we found 
 three iron guns, and fome cinnamon, and 
 put a guard of fixteen foldiers in it under a 
 ferjeant. 
 
 Here we received intelligence. That of 
 the Vyfhole body commanded by Cafpar Figei- 
 ro, confiding of fix hundred Portuguefes, and 
 fent from Columbo to the relief of Caleture, 
 not above one hundred and fixty were re- 
 turned to that city. 
 
 The 19th, before noon, (omc Portuguefes 
 being got into a coco-garden, fome of our 
 foldiers forced them to retire ; but thofe 
 of the city firing upon them, killed one of 
 our ferjeants, and wounded Hans Chriflo* 
 phcrs, a lieutenant, and tvvo common Ibl- 
 diers. The fame day the general was certi- 
 fied, by letters from captain Kous and lieute- 
 nant tViltfchut, thctt iliey had already told 
 above three hundred (lain of the Portuguefes 
 upon the roads ; and that daily more heads 
 and priloners were brought in. l~hey fent 
 at tiie fame time' a waiftcoat of Cafpar Fi- 
 geiro, wherein was the following letter : 
 
 " Y o r;
 
 A Dcfcription ofCEYLO N. 
 
 Chap. If! 
 
 I nil rue- 
 
 (I' 
 tions to 
 
 Cafpar Fi- " 
 
 jcifo. " 
 
 t( 
 
 O U are not ignorant of the refolu- 
 tion taken the 1 2th of O^okr con- 
 ndciivoiirs to reheve the 
 
 cerning your cr 
 
 fort of Caidure. All the forces we have 
 been able to g-athtr for this expedition 
 confift in four hundred and twenty men, 
 wliich we lu)pe will prove fufficienr, 
 through the blefTing of God and your 
 good tbrtune and conduft, to make you 
 return viftorious. We leave the manage- 
 ment of that affair to your approved ex- 
 
 perience. It being inipollible tor us to 
 torefee all the circunillanccs and accidents 
 that may attend a bufinefs of this nature. 
 It mult be your care to get frequent in- 
 telligence of the pofture of the enemy, 
 and iiow to bring the provifions laid up 
 lor the relief of the place at Balanttotte in- 
 to the fort •, the fuccefs whereof you fhall 
 notify to us with the firft opportunity, 
 that we may fend frefh fupplies of rice 
 both for your ufe, and of the garrifon 
 in the fort. If you can meet with any 
 provifions in the country, you will not 
 tail to feize thcin for your conveni- 
 ency. 
 
 " In cafe you fliould prove fuccefsful in 
 the relief of Caleture, you muft join 
 your forces, and the captain-major of 
 the place muft fubmic to your command. 
 We do not qiieftion but you will not be 
 wanting in your duty in a bufinefs of 
 fuch valt moment, whereon depends the 
 prefefvation and welfare not only of this 
 city, but alfo of the whole ifle. 
 " If after the relief of Caleture you find, 
 that for want of provifions, or for other 
 
 weighty reafons, the fort is not to be 
 maintained, you fliall agree among your 
 felves what is fittefl to be done for his 
 majefty's interefl, whether it be not the 
 belt way to bring the forcifications into 
 a narrower compafs, and leaving only 
 one hundred and fifty men for the de- 
 flnce thereof, to join the reft with your 
 body. 
 
 " if you find it impracticable to bring 
 any fupplies into the fort, you fhall en- 
 trench yourlelf at a convenient diftance, 
 and from thence give notice to Aiuhonio 
 Mendes d' /Iranha the governor, that 
 he fliall nail up all the cannon, dcftroy 
 all the ammunition, and make the belt 
 of his way to your camp, thereby to 
 preferve fuch brave troops, on whom, in 
 Ibme meafure, depends the defence of this 
 city." 
 
 Columbo, Oil. 13, 
 
 SIgn'd, 
 
 Antonio de Souza Coutjnho. 
 
 And lower, 
 
 " Juft upon the conclufion of thefe pre- 
 " fents we have receiv'd the expefted fbc- 
 " cours from the Indian coaft, which con- 
 " fifting of two hundred men, is to be 
 " joined with your troops. We recommend 
 " you to God's proteftion." 
 
 Columbo, 0£i. 15. 
 1655. 
 
 ** Apaha- 
 
 mie is an 
 
 officer of 
 
 note. 
 
 f Haratie 
 
 J5 a fer- 
 
 jeant. 
 
 [I Lafcaryn 
 
 a common 
 
 folciier. 
 
 • Diflave a 
 
 governor. 
 
 A famoiis 
 robber ta- 
 ken. 
 
 with 
 court 
 with 
 
 C H A P. XXV. 
 
 A famous, highwaynm?! taken. The beginning of the fuge of Columbo. The on- 
 f.eror offers the Dutch his ajjiflance: His letter to the Dutch genera/. 
 
 About the fame day a thankfgiving-day A thankf- 
 was alio appointed to be held the 28th of ^'*'"'S" 
 Oolober, to return thanks to God for having ^^' 
 blelfed our arms with fuccefs, and begging 
 his mercy for the future. 
 
 The 2 I ft the; general, with fome other of- 
 ficers of note, having taken a view of the fi- 
 tuation of the city of Colwnbo at ^ia de 
 Lobo, ordered all forts of materials to be 
 brought thither from Montual, for the rai- 
 fing of a battery, and hired fifty pioneers for 
 that purpofe. 
 
 The 2 2d the DiJJave of Saffragamme ap- 
 peared in perfon in a houfe formerly belong- 
 ing to Diego Mela de Cajlro, governor, of 
 Columbo., brierir.g certain fupplies of rnen 
 from h^s majefty, which Wiis thankfully re- 
 ceived by the general. 
 
 The 2 3d another Hattefy vi^as crefted near 
 i\\Qc\\\:i\di\o'iSt.Sil'ajikk''''' 
 
 Two 
 
 ABOUT the fame time arrived three 
 A[ahamies, * and as many Haraties, -f 
 fome Lafcaryns, || from the imperial 
 ; and the DiJjave * of Saffragamme, 
 ettcrs from Mr. Joris Hcrvcndonk our 
 refident at Candy, intimating that he had 
 been commanded by his majcfty to notify 
 his being ill of an ague -, and that he hoped 
 before long to be with all his nobility at 
 Columbo. In return of which, another letter 
 was lent to his majefty, to notify our viftory 
 over the enemy. 
 
 The fame day advice was brought that the 
 famous highwayman, Francifco Anthunes, 
 was fallen into the hands of fome of our 
 Lcfcajyus; wherefore a detachment was or- 
 dered to bring him into the camp-, but ei- 
 ther through the cold and inconveniences of 
 the journey, or rather out of fear, he died 
 by the way, and was buried.
 
 Chap. 25. 
 
 A Defcription of CEYLO't^. 
 
 6\$ 
 
 Two days after came into the camp the 
 emperor's DiJJnve of the four Corks at the 
 head of feven hundred men ; and the fame 
 evening the general received a letter, writ 
 with his majefty's own hand, and brought 
 by one of his own poft-men. It was curi- 
 ouQy perfumed with all forts of fpiccs, and 
 on each fide you fiw the figure of a woman, 
 with her hands folded, lifting her eyes up 
 to heaven, being an anfwer to Mr. Adrinn 
 •van der Meyden's letter writ to his majefty 
 from Batecalo. The king feemed not well 
 fatisfied, that the faid letter had not been 
 wrapped in white linen as ufual -, and that 
 fome of his titles had not been inferted ; yet 
 he teftified his fatisfadlion about the arrival 
 of the Dutch fleet, alledging for the reft, 
 " That purfuant to the promife made himi 
 " by Mr. Jacob Kittenjlcin, and the agree- 
 " nient with him and Adrian van der Mey- 
 " den, the city was to be delivered into 
 " his hands : but that as he made no great 
 " account thereof, he was fatisfied, provi- 
 " ded they would allow him the honour of 
 *' the conqueft, which he would acknow- 
 " ledge upon all occafions." In the con- 
 clufion of the letter he told them, " That 
 " he had ordered lodgings to be prepared 
 " for them in all the places through which 
 " they were to pafs." 
 
 The 26th we were bufy in mounting the 
 cannon upon a battery, and had four men 
 wounded, and one killed. The fame day 
 we received a fupply of ammunition and 
 provifion, brought aboard the Lion yacht 
 to Puntegale. Sunday the 2 8th, after fermon, 
 a deferter with a negro came into the camp 
 from the city, who having made his efcape 
 through the fens, told the general. That 
 Cafpar Figeiro was by the governor of Co- 
 Welcome lunibo welcomed with thefe words : 2~ou de- 
 of Figeho J'ey^g fo be hanged; and that he had alledged 
 at Colum- rn^^ny falfehoods in his defence, and among 
 the reft, That he could not attack us, becaufe 
 we were fo deeply entrenched near the fea- 
 Jhore. 
 
 The lame day the emperor's Dijfave of 
 the feven Corks arrived in the camp with 
 five hundred men, who, together with the 
 other Lafcaryjis, were imploy'd in carrying 
 ammunition. 
 
 The 29th a deferter came over to us from 
 the city ; his name was Herman Liicai, a na- 
 tive of HirtogenbuJI: ; who having former- 
 the condi- ^y ^^''^''^cd our fervice at Gak, in company 
 tion at Co- of one named fValraven, had obtained the 
 Inmbo. name of John de Rofa among the Portuguefes ; 
 but having had the misfortune of killing 
 another at Columbo, was fled to Candy, where 
 he pretended to have been fent by the go- 
 vern^, to view the outworks of the place. 
 He gave the general an account of divers re- 
 markable paflages, and among the reft, that 
 he had been prefcnt in the engagement which 
 Vol. III. 
 
 A noted 
 deferter 
 gives an 
 account of 
 
 happen'd the 17th ; and that of that whole Bal- 
 body, not above one hundred and fifty Pw- "^'•■■• 
 tugucjt's returned [oColumbo,^\\v:Q. there were ^■^^i^ 
 as yet nine companies, amounting in all 
 with the citizens able to bear arms to eight 
 hundred men ; that the governor was high- 
 ly concerned at the lofs of thefe troops, and 
 the enfuing fiege, elpccially fince fome of 
 the citizens fliewed no great inclination to 
 fight. We play'd the fame day very furi- Columho 
 oufly upon the city, and the battery raifed furioufly 
 againft St. Scbaftian was likewife brought to ?''"'* '""'" 
 
 ° c c^- gfcat can- 
 
 perfeftion. ^,„_ 
 
 The next following day a certain Pcrtu- 
 guefe priibner was brought into the camp ; 
 he was fent from Milagre, and had lived 
 fourteen days upon grais and herbs in the 
 woods. The 3d of November a carpenter 
 and cannoneer were killed by a cannot-fhot 
 upon the battery raifed at ^da de Lobo ; and 
 the f;ime afternoon the floop, called the 
 Delft, arrived from Calelure with powder. 
 About the fime time a deferter came to us 
 out of the city ; but being lately come from 
 Goa, he could tell no great matter. The 
 lame evening the fiiip, called tht Br ow77fJh, 
 arrived with letters from Laurence Pit, go- 
 vernor of the coaft of Coromandel, having 
 on board forty-four thoufand five hundred 
 and forty-four pounds of gun-powder : fhe 
 brought alio advice, that the yacht the Pop- 
 kensbiirgh was fafely arrived at Gak, but that 
 they had no news of the fliip called the Had- 
 dock. The fame night we were bufy in 
 raifing a battery near the fea-fliore. 
 
 The 4th oi November, early in the morn- 
 ing, news was brought to the general from 
 Negur.iho, That, according to the report of 
 certain inhabitants oi Annarolundane, twelve n-j^v; gf 
 fail of fliips were difcovered off of Chilaon ; twelve fail 
 whereupon immediate orders were given to l^^'ig '''f- 
 the comm.odore Ed-ivard Hauiv, to ufe all *^^''^'^'^- 
 pofTible endeavours to get intelligence there- 
 of : the fame was alfo recommended to the 
 head-fa6lor of Gale, John lirocn, and to be 
 upon his guard. The fime afternoon, a 
 cannon bullet from the baftion of St. Stephen, 
 palTing through a gallery of the chuich of 
 ^ia de Lobo, whilft the furgeons were dref- 
 fing fome wounded foldiers, a foldier was 
 killed, two others had their arms fliot off", 
 and three more were dangeroufly wounded. 
 About the fame time 'Tenecon Apuhamy, 
 came in the quality of the emperor's mcf- 
 fenger, with a breaft fliield of gold, befet 
 with precious fl:ones, and faftened to a gold 
 chain, and brought the following letter 
 from his majefty to the general. 
 
 " 1~> AJA Singa, the greatcft monarch The em- 
 " JTV and moft potent emperor of the cm- P^'w's 'ct- 
 " pire of Ceylon, wiflies health to Gerard ^^^^^" ^^' 
 " Huljl, admiral of the fleet, belonging to jiui^. 
 " the moft faithful nation ot the Dutch. 
 
 8 A "By
 
 6^6 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 D^ U S. 
 
 A Description 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. i<5. 
 
 " By the letters fent to me from the go- 
 " vcrnor of our fortrefs oiGak, I have un- 
 
 dcriloocl, that immediately after your arri- 
 " val with the Dutch fleet there, you have 
 " made yourfcif mafter of the fort of Calc- 
 " Hire; and that one halt of the Portuguefe 
 " prilbncrs were lent aboard a fliip, the 
 " rcfl: being rcfervcd for our fervice. The 
 " news of your fuccefs in the engagement 
 " betwixt Cakliire and Cohimbo, without 
 «' any confiderable lofs on the fide of our 
 " faithful Hollanders, being likewife receiv- 
 " ed by me with fingular fatisfaftion, I lent 
 " immediate orders to all my Dt£hves (go- 
 " vernors) and chief commanders to bring 
 " into tiie field all the forces of our empire. 
 " In the mean while I received an Ola (let- 
 " ter) from the DiJ/ave of Saffragamtne, da- 
 " ted 051. 23. wherein he informs me, That 
 " having been fent for by your excellency, 
 " you inquired after my health, telling 
 " him at the fame time that you were come 
 " to no other end, than to deliver the cities 
 " of Columbo, Manaar, and Jafnafalnam 
 " into our hands ; which done, you would 
 " in perfon appear in Our imperial maje- 
 
 fly's prefence. I have been very ill for 
 many days paft, which however has not 
 prevented my taking the necefiary mca- 
 liires for the raifing of the forces of the 
 empire. No fooner had I received the 
 welcome news of your excellency, but I 
 was in a manner immediately reflored 
 to my former health, being now twice 
 as ftrong as before, and able (through 
 God's mercy) to affift in perfon in the 
 intended expedition, which I intend to 
 begin the 2d of November. I have fent with 
 this letter one of the officers of our court, 
 to inquire after your excellency's health, 
 and to bring you a prefent from me; 
 which I hope your excellency will value, 
 not lb much in regard of its value, as in 
 refpeft of the love and good inclination 
 of the giver." 
 
 Dated at our imperial Court 
 in the city of Candy, 
 
 oa. 29, 1655. 
 
 Raja Singa Raju, moft potent 
 emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 Refolutions and injiruBiom concerning the ititended general ajjault upon the city 
 
 of Columbo. 
 
 THE 9th of November a new battery, 
 with four great brafs cannon, having 
 began to play againft St. Stephen's baftion, 
 a general council of war was called ot all 
 the chief ofBcers, in order to confult, (after 
 having implor'd the divine afiiftance,) Whe- 
 ther it were convenient to venture a general 
 aflault upon Columbo : the general having 
 openly declared, that every one there prefent 
 fhould be at his full liberty to difcover his 
 real fcntiments concerning this great under- 
 A general taking ; it was agreed by unanimous con- 
 aflaultisa- fent, that feeing the alacrity of the foldiers, 
 F.^!.^"f°? it was convenient to attempt a general af- 
 fault. 
 
 Soon after the general difpatched a trum- 
 
 by general 
 content 
 
 peter. 
 
 The 
 
 Dutch ge I 
 neral's let- 
 ter to the 
 governor 
 of Colum- 
 bo. 
 
 bearing a flag of trace in his hand, 
 to the Portuguefe governor, Anthony de Sau- 
 za Coutinho^ with the following letter : 
 
 " '~r^HE fuccefs that has attended our 
 
 A- arms in the taking of Calettcre, and 
 
 the defeat of the troops under Cafpar Fi- 
 
 geiro, near the fliore of Panature, together 
 
 ■ with the advantages obtained already 
 
 ■ in the fiege of Columbo, may, as I fup- 
 
 • pofe, fufficiendy entide me to demand, 
 
 • without vanity, the delivering up of the 
 
 • city in the name of his imperial majefl:y 
 
 ■ Raja Singa, and the moft noble Dutch Eaft- 
 
 • India company. I hope your excellency 
 4 
 
 will not put a wrong interpretation upon 
 this demand, when you confider, that 
 purfuant to the tenor of your own letters 
 fent to Don Anthonio Mendes d' Aranha, 
 and Cafpar Figeiro, the firft dated Sep- 
 tember 30. and the lecond the 13th and 
 1 5th of October, (both which are fallen 
 into our hands,) you were then fufficiently 
 fenfible, that the defence of Columbo de- 
 pended, on the perfervation of the forces 
 in Calelure, and thofe under the com- 
 mand of Cafpar Figeiro. It is upon this 
 fcore that I am of opinion, I do not put 
 the leaft blemifh upon your courage, 
 fince being bereaved of thefe means, you 
 have neverthelefs given fuch ample proofs 
 of your zeal and bravery in the defence 
 of this place. My requeft is only founded 
 upon this. To avoid the effufion of inno- 
 cent blood, the almoft necefla'y confe- 
 quence and unavoidable fate of all 
 places taken by aflault, it being fufficient- 
 ly known, that the fury of the conquer- 
 ing foldiers is not eafily flopped upon 
 thofe occafions." 
 Nov. 9. Gerard Hulji. 
 
 The trumpeter returning a little jffhile 
 after, told, 'i'hat coming near to St. John's 
 baflian, the letter was taken from him by 
 a Portuguefe officer who alTured him that 
 
 the
 
 Ghap. 1(5. 
 
 A Dejcription oj CEY LO N. 
 
 -547 
 
 The go- 
 
 Tcrnor's 
 
 anfwer. 
 
 the governor fliould return an anfwer the 
 next day; hereupon the cannon being or- 
 dered to play as before, three companies 
 under the Heutenants /^/7/ww deJVit, Henry 
 Gerritfz, and Chriftopher Egger, were fent 
 to MoHlual, in order to be put on board the 
 two yatchts, the 'Ter Goes and the Erafmtts. 
 
 The loth of November an anfwer was 
 fent to the general upon his letter. 
 
 "AS God Almighty difpofes the 
 " jTjl chances of war according to his 
 " pleafure, fo he may as well declare now 
 " for our fide, as he has done foryou before: 
 " the place you require belongs to the 
 " king of Portugal, my matter, who ha- 
 " ving intruded me with the fame, I muft 
 " be accountable to him for it. The rea- 
 " fons alledged by your excellency are not 
 " fufficient to move me to lay afide the 
 " defence of this city ; not queftioning, but 
 " that time and experience will convince 
 " you, that our condition at prefent is much 
 " beyond what you imagine. I recom- 
 " mend you to God's protection. 
 
 Nov. 9. 
 
 Antonio de Souza Coutinho. 
 
 After the receipt of this refolute anfwer, 
 the general thought fit to give the following 
 inftruftions for the intended general aflault. 
 
 Inftruc- 
 tions for ^ 
 thegcire- ^^ 
 ral aflault. 
 
 " The yachts, viz. the Maid of Enchuy- 
 fen, commanded by Volkert Adrian Shram, 
 (who afterwards rendered himfelf fo fa- 
 mous in the north, during the Etiglijh 
 " war,) and the IVorkum, Arent Groenfield 
 " commander, fhall approach into the bay 
 " as near to the water-tort as pofllbly they 
 " can ; for which purpofe they (hall be pro- 
 " vided with one hundred and ten chofen 
 " feamen, five thoufand pounds of gun- 
 V powder, and with fliot in proportion. 
 
 The yachts fhall anchor in any part 
 " of the bay, where they can beft annoy 
 " the water-fort, and under favour of their 
 " cannon land their men. For this purpofe 
 " the yachts the I'er Goes and Erafmiis, fhall 
 " keep within cannon-fhot of the other two 
 " yachts, and have aboard, befides their 
 " fliip's crew, one hundred landmen each, 
 " viz. the companiesof /■F////^w deWit, Hen- 
 '-' ry Gcrritfz, and Chrijlcpher Egger, in order 
 " to land, in conjundtion with the men of 
 " the o'ther yachts. The boats, tenders, 
 " and other fmall veffels, fhall keep near the 
 " before-mentioned (hips, viz. the tender 
 " the Amfierdam with her floop, near the 
 " Ter Goes, and the iloop the JVefel, the 
 " boat of the Maiy gold- flower, with her 
 " floop ihc Delft, and the tender the Naar- 
 " den with the reft. The tenders the Hair 
 " and Brownfif}} fliall keep near the fhore, 
 " to be ready upon all occafions to carry 
 
 advice where it fliall be thought necefl'.i- ^^ l- 
 ry. In Hiort, all the boats fliall attend °'''i^ 
 the vcflels that are engaged againfl; the 
 fort, in order to {wvt their men, in cale 
 any of them fliould be funk or diilibled. 
 When the company's ftandard is fixed 
 above the red flag, this fliall be the fignal 
 of landing: if the faid rtandard is fct up 
 on the mainmaft-yard's arm, it Hull be 
 the fignal for the boats to come to fuc- 
 cour the fliip, flie being in danger of 
 finking. 
 
 " When the prince's flandard is fet up on 
 the ramparts, it is a fign, that we are 
 mafters of that part of the fortifications, 
 when the attack, either upon the caflle or 
 fort may ceafe, till the laid flandard be 
 fet up in captain Knylenburgh's quarters, 
 near the fca-lhoro; this being intended 
 for a fignal, that we are alfo mafl:ers of 
 the town on the land-fide, when the of- 
 ficers in their refpeftive attacks may either 
 ftop or go forward, according as it fliall 
 be thought convenient by the majority of 
 voices. 
 
 " Whilfl: the fliips the Maid of Enchuyfcn 
 and Workum are under fiiil to enter the 
 bay, all the reft of the fliips fhall weigh 
 their anchors, and put up the red flag, 
 as if they would enter the bay, but keep 
 without cannon -fliot. So fbon as the 
 forces are landed, all the officers, foldiers, 
 and feamen, fliall obey Mr, Adrian Roo- 
 thaiis, as their fuprcme commander. 
 " Whilft the fliips and men are engaged 
 againft the water-fort, the city is to be 
 affaulted at the lame time, near the fea- 
 fliore, at the baftion oi St. John, and on 
 the land- fide near the gate of Rc.juha: 
 the attack upon the baftion of St. John 
 fliall be commanded by captain Kous, and 
 the other by captain Kuylcnbiirgh, either 
 of them to be Icconded, as occ.-.fion re- 
 quires, by Mr. John van der Laan, the 
 companies of Kuyknburgh, Cover t ^lar- ' 
 tel, Jurian Gevel, Andrew Sleekens, Lam- 
 bert Steenhagen, Hans Chriftopher, Joa- 
 chim Block, Melchior van Schoncnbeck, 
 znAJohn Moll, with t\\iny-^\xjavanefes^ 
 and half a company of Bandanefes, to be 
 employ'd in the afi"ault of the firft baftion: 
 the fcaling-ladtlers fliall be carried and 
 fixed by the Bandanefes, Javanefes, and 
 Mardykcrs, mixed with fome Dutch 
 feamen, armed with hand-granadoes, 
 pikes, and hangers. The baft ions of 
 Clergos and St. Philippo, near that of St. 
 Sebaftian, (at the gate of Rajuha,) fliall 
 be attacked by the companies of captain 
 Weftrenen, lieutenant IVildtfchut, Join 
 Hartman, John Cooper, Hardenbergh 
 Roggenkamp, James Alenhier, Diedclof 
 van der Beek, Henry Broekhmfen, John 
 Coertjen, with i\vijava7iefes,\\\\\'i ^cova- 
 
 *' puiy
 
 648 
 
 D JF. US. 
 
 J Dcfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 27^ 
 
 " pany of Bandanefes, ami tlie company 
 " commantk'd by captain Rmfih. 
 
 " Captain PFellrencn fliali command the 
 " attack againfl: the baflion of Clergos, and 
 " captain Ruyfib that of St. Philippo, to be 
 " fccondcd by frefh forces, as occafion re- 
 " quirts. The Bmidanefcs, Javanefes, and 
 " Mardykcrs, in conjunftion with x\\t Dutch 
 *' fcamcn, fliall fix the fcaling-ladders, and 
 " the I^fcarvns of Ceylon be employed in 
 " carrying oft' the flain." 
 
 About the fame time we received intelli- 
 gence, that the Portugucfc fuccoiirs were ar- 
 
 rived at Goa; and that they intended to 
 come to the relief of Columho: word whereof 
 was fent immediately to Gale to be upon 
 their guard, for fear of a furprize. The 
 I ith of November., (the day appointed for 
 the general afTaulr,) it being calm, fo that 
 the Ihips could not enter the bay, the fame 
 was deferred till the next day, though we 
 did not cealc in the mean time to play more 
 fnrioufly with our cannon than ever before; 
 and we oblerved that the enemy had taken 
 in their red ilag upon the baftion of St. 
 Cms. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 A getiernl affanJt both by fea and land tnadc upon Columboj but without fticccfs. 
 Letters from Raja Singa to the general. Dutch prijbners come out of 
 Columbo. 
 
 The wa- 
 ter fort 
 battered 
 by the 
 fhips. 
 
 Columbo 
 alTaulted 
 
 THE 1 2 th, by break of day, the Maid 
 of Enchuyfen, and foon after the IVor- 
 ktim, being followed by the Ter Goes and 
 the Erafims, thundered moft turioudy againft 
 the water-fort, from whence they anfwered 
 them very brifkly. Immediately after the 
 aflault was begun on the land-fide in three 
 feveral places: the general in perfon with 
 ten companies attacked the gate of Ra- 
 juha, and the baftions of St. Philippo and 
 Clergos; and major John van dor Lao.n 
 with nine companies, thofe of St. John and 
 Couras; whilft James Lippens with two com- 
 panies of foldiers, and fome feamen, paiTed 
 the tens in feven Chinefe Champans, or boats, 
 in order to attack the city where it was leaft 
 fortify'd. 
 
 But the befieged fired fo furioufly upon 
 our men, efpecially with their firelocks, that 
 by fea and jj^^ feamen could not be brought forward to 
 ' fix the Icaling-ladders; which the gene- 
 ral perceiving, he advanced in perfon with 
 fome of the braveft officers, and fixed the 
 fcaling-ladders to the cortin: but having 
 received a wound in his left thigh, he was 
 forced to be carried off. In the mean while 
 news being brought that they had entered 
 the breach on major P'an der Laan's attack, 
 he returned to his ftation (before his wound 
 was drelfcd,) but found things in fuch a con- 
 fufion, that he was forced to retreat, the 
 major and his forces not being able to main- 
 tain themfelves in the breach, retreating at 
 the fame time, after they had in vain at- 
 with ill tetripted three times to recover it. Lieute- 
 fuccefs. nant Mclchior van Schoonbeek, a High- 
 German by birth, and of a noble flimily, 
 was the only perfon who got upon the ba- 
 ftion oi St. John; but for want of being fe- 
 conded, loft his life tl%ere like a brave foldier, 
 his head being afterwards ftuck upon a 
 pike by the Portuguefes upon the fame baftion. 
 
 The forces under captain Lippetis, having, 
 not without fome refiftance from four Man- 
 chous, or boats, pafled the fens, got into the 
 city, but the captain being forely wounded, 
 made fliift to retreat with fome few, the reft 
 for want of timely iliccours being all made 
 prifoners of war. The yacht the Maid of 
 Enckuyfen was fo forely battered from the 
 fort, that being ready to fink, her crew was 
 carried oft' by the floop the Langcrack ; but 
 the Workum cut her cables, and got out of 
 the bay without any confidcrable lofs. The 
 number of the flain on our fide amounted to j^umbe of 
 two hundred, and three hundred and fifty the flain 
 wounded, not including the two companies and woun- 
 of John van Hcrdenliirg and Roggencamp., ''^''• 
 and the feamen commanded by John Lippens, 
 that were made prifoners in the city. The 
 fliips the I'er Goes and Erafmus., who had 
 aboard the foldiers that were to aflault the 
 water-fort, not being able to get near, 
 enough by reafon of the wind, foon got out 
 of the bay. 
 
 " {~\^ '■^'^ unfortunate day the general Letter 
 
 received a letter from his imperial from the 
 " majefty, teftifying his good opinion of^'"P"°'' 
 " his excellency, not queftioning but that |j° '^j^ ^^ 
 " after the taking of Columbo he would de- 
 " liver the faid city into his hands, purluant 
 " to the ^reement made w ith Mr. JVeJier- 
 " wold. That he defired to have fuch of 
 " his rebellious fubjcfts, as fliould fall into 
 " our hantis, delivered up to his dijjdves, 
 " either alive or dead, in order to punifh 
 " them with the fame feverity, as he had 
 " done thofe at Batecalo; and that he had 
 " ordered his governor to ravage and de- 
 " ftroy all the villages in the Loxv Lands." 
 [He fent at the iame time inclofed a letter 
 from the Portugueje governor, Antonio de 
 Soiiza CoutinhOi slait^Oiiober iy . »it Cokmbcy 
 
 to
 
 Chap. 2.8. 
 
 A Defcription o/" C E Y L O N. 
 
 <549 
 
 to the cmpLTor, the chief contents whereof 
 were,] " That he could not forbear to put 
 " his mnjefty in mind of the ancient fiiend- 
 " Hiip betwixt him and the Portuguefes; 
 " which he was forry to have been inter- 
 " nipted by the Dulch making themfelvcs 
 " mailers of Caklure, and having routed 
 " their forces near Paneture, by laying fo 
 " clofe and vigorous a fiege to the city of 
 " Coluiiibo, that iliey were in great danger 
 " of being forced to furrender. Where- 
 " fore they craved his majefty's alTiftancc 
 " againft the Hollanders, who, after tiicy 
 " were mafters of the city, would certainly 
 " not deliver up the fame to his majefty, 
 " bu: lord it over his fubjefts; which his 
 " majefty, according to his wifdom, might 
 " ealily fee how much it would tend to his 
 " difhonourj v/hereas if he joined with the 
 " Ponugueft'i againft them, he might pro- 
 " mife himfelf all the advantages due to fo 
 " great a monarch." 
 
 1 The The 13th of Ncvcmher was fpent in car- 
 
 wounded rying the wounded foldiers to Negumbo, 
 
 k few away. Gfl/r, and Montual: the fime day the 
 enemy, in a bravado, put two of our enfigns 
 upon the baftions of St. John and St. Phil- 
 lippo. At the fame time advice was brought, 
 that the fhips the Avenhorn and Campen^ 
 richly laden from Perfidy were arrived at 
 Gale in their voyage to Batavia. For which 
 reafon the yacht the Brozvnfjh was difpatch- 
 ed to Gah\ to carry fome letters thither, to 
 be lent further to Batavia, as likewife a let- 
 ter to be fent by land to the emperor Raja 
 Sluga. The yacht the Popkensburg arrived 
 alfo with gunpowder, and other neceflaries 
 for our camp. 
 
 The 19th, a letter from the emperor i?f7- 
 ja Singa was delivered by his dijjaves to the 
 general, wherein he condoled him about his 
 wound, and the ill fuccefs of the la;e af- 
 fuult, telling him. That he was employed 
 day and night in making preparations to 
 join him with his forces, and defiring not 
 to venture a fecond alTauk before his arrival. 
 A letter of thanks being ordered to be writ- 
 ten to his majefty, the yachts the Workiim 
 
 ' Someftiips^l^ '^^/'^'^'"'^^'''.f' ^'^l^ a frigate, were dif- 
 ' fenc a crui- Patched io Ncgumbo, to cruife to the north 
 fing. of that harbour, to get timely intelligence 
 
 of the enemies approach. 
 
 The 26th fome cannon-ffiot being he.nrd 6 a i.- 
 at a good dilhince it was generally believed to " * '' ' 
 be the fignal ii om the fortrefs of Negumlo, to '■^"*''^*' 
 advcrtifc the arrival of the Portugucfc fleet. 
 Whereupon Mr. Adrian van der Meydenxook. 
 two companies of foldiers and as many feair.en 
 out of tile church o\ ^ia dc Lj)bo, (where 
 they had their poll,) and marclied directly 
 xo Montual., in order to embark ilum there, 
 to prevent the enemies landing. The gene- 
 ral, notwithftanding his v/ound, follov>'cd 
 thither in perfon, and found them ready to 
 embark, which was however deferred for 
 that time, till they fhould receive more cer- 
 tain intelligence. Only the yatclus the Mars 
 and the P'lijfir.gen, with fome ofTicers aboard 
 them, were commanded to cruize off the 
 northern point of Montual. 
 
 Much about the fune time arrived the 
 Roman yacht from Suratte, with fixteen 
 loads of wheat. The officers reported. That A uhola 
 a Portiiguefe fleet, confifting of thirty frigats '^'=«' of 
 was intirely deftroy'd by a tcmpcft near^"""' 
 IVingurlas but that no body knew from ^"'^'^ '^ ' 
 whence they came, or whither they were 
 bound; and that the cannon we heard fome 
 days before, was difcharged by them as a 
 fignal of their diftrefs to the Worbun and 
 Popkensburg. 
 
 The 2 9!:h C'i.^^Xzvn.Kufienlnrgh, who died 
 of the wounds he received in the late aflaujt, 
 being honourably interred, the ift of Z)f- 
 cember two ferjcants came into cur camp, 
 who being formerly taken prifoners at An- 
 guratotte by the Portuguefes, had taken the 
 opportunity, as thefe were flying from Ma- 
 naar to Tutecoryn, to defert and hide them- 
 felvcs among the Moors of Kiliearc, from 
 whence they v.-cre brought in one of our 
 veflels hither. On the other hand a certain 
 feaman, named Claas Claafz, did fwiin crofs 
 part of the bay into the city. 
 
 The fime night a new trench was open- 
 ed againft the baftion of St. John, and car- 
 ried on with all imaginable diligence. The 
 yacht the Roman was fent a cruifing to get 
 intelligence, whether any of the enemies 
 fhips could be difcovered at fea, as the 
 Fluping yacht was difpatched to the coafl 
 of Malabar, and the Erafmtis fent out in 
 her Head a cruifing. 
 
 IVant in Colunibo. 
 
 'Vaotin 
 Columba. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIIT. 
 
 Anthony Amiral dc Mcnezes taken prifomr 
 ti filiation of the Jiegc. 
 
 n 
 
 ue con- 
 
 THE 7th of December we got intelli- 
 gence, that moft of the inhabitants of 
 Coltimbo, for want of rice and other pro- 
 vifions, had been forced to lift themldves 
 among the regular forces j that in the late 
 Vol. III. 
 
 afTiult they had taken feventy or eighty 
 of our prifoners; whereas their whole lols 
 did not amount to above twenty or twenty- 
 five Portuguefes ; among whom were, how- 
 ever, two perfons of note, liz. Anthonio 
 8 B Barbofo,
 
 A Defcriptm 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 letters. 
 
 6^0 
 
 5 A L- B^rkfo, and Felicia Leefa, lord of Macocne. 
 v,Kvt. ^YhM they had mounted the cannon taken 
 ^•'^'^^'^^ out of tlie Merid of Enchuyfcn upon their 
 baftions, and were bufy in making chvers 
 retrenchments, in hopes of being foon ibc- 
 coural from Goa; and that their whole 
 force confided i!\ fevcn hundred Tortii- 
 guefes. 
 Amhonio The lOth of Dacmkr Jmhonio Ainiral 
 Mcntzes de Menezes (then governor oi" Jafimpatnam., 
 '=''^«=n^^"'' and afterwards, 1658. killed at the taking 
 of Manaar) was taken prifoner at Montual, 
 as lie was going from Ma/mar to Colutnbo 
 with fome letters, one whereof being writ- 
 ten in charafters, was iincyphercd by the 
 general's order, and was as follows: 
 
 To the general Antonio de Souza Coutinho. 
 
 «' t;) EFORE I had the lead intelligence 
 " JD of the approach of the enemies ihips 
 " I writ to your excellency by land, though 
 " I have not heard fince what is become of 
 " the meflengcr. The three Pado^s are 
 " well arrived at Goa, and the five nief- 
 " fengcrs fent thither j the fixth, fent by 
 " Anthony d' Jbrcii, did not ftay in the 
 " lead in this fort, but tarried two days 
 " at Negapatan and brings along with him 
 " full inftrudions concerning the relief of 
 " Ccliimho. I have not been idle in my 
 " itation, both in advifing how to raife 
 " men for our fervice in the Indies^ and in 
 " contributing all that lay in my power, of 
 *' my own accord, which by fome others 
 " has not been done without reluftancy •, 
 " efpecially in giving my afTiflance in 
 " equipping fome veffels of bulk, and gal- 
 " leys well-manned, for the relief of the 
 " city. I have hitherto heard no news 
 »' from the fleet at cape Ccmory7t, fent for 
 " that purpofe. I wifli they may reach the 
 " ifle of Mduaar, when we fhall have op- 
 " portunity to debate the whole matter 
 " with the commander in chief, how to 
 " contrive matters for the defence of the 
 " place; you may reft alTurcd, that no- 
 " thing fliall be wanted on m.y part, that 
 " may tend towards the accomplifhment of 
 " its relitf, which I heartily wifh may take 
 " effect, it being rny opinion, that a good 
 " fleet is the very means nov/ to prelerve 
 " that place, till we receive our fupplies 
 " from Goa. Perhaps it may pleafe God 
 " to deftroy the hereticks in this fiegc, and 
 " to abate their haughtinefs, occafioned by 
 " their late fuccefs, caufed by our neglefl; 
 " it being certain, that the fame might 
 " have been forefeen a confiderable time 
 " ago. Orders are given to have a good 
 " quantity. of matches made, which fhall 
 " be brought by the firft pado that goes 
 " from hence; the other two fhall follow 
 *' foon after, one of them being to be ar- 
 2 
 
 Chap, ij' 
 
 " med for the defence of the other : their 
 " approach you will know by the fignals 
 " agreed upon. Perhaps the governor of 
 " A'lanaar may have got intelligence of our 
 " fleet, and has given you intelligence 
 " thereof God preferve and deliver your 
 " excellency from all danger." 
 
 Jafnapatnam, Antonio Amiralde Menefes. 
 Nov. 1 1. 1655. 
 
 The contents 
 
 of another 
 
 follovos : 
 
 letter 
 
 were as 
 
 " T ^'"""^ ^'^ y°"'' excellency under covert 
 " \ of Selajiian Marlino with the galliots 
 " of September^ when I little dreamed of 
 " what we heard afterwards at Cochin^ 
 " and on the cape Comcryn, concerning the 
 " prefent danger of the city, and of the lofs 
 " of fo brave a captain as Anthonio Mendes 
 " d'Aranba, with a good number of our 
 " choiceft men. I have fince underftood 
 " feveral other things of this nature, which 
 " have coft me many tears. We did all 
 " we could to make the cape Ccjnoryn, but 
 " the contrary wind prevented us: however, 
 " though we have failed in this, you may 
 " affure yourfelf, that the viceroy will not 
 " fail to fuccour the city of Columbo, 
 " with all his forces in the Indies. It is 
 " rumoured here, t\\MT)on Manoel Mafca- 
 " renhas intends to leave this place, there 
 " being very bad news brought lately from 
 " Jafnapatnam; tut we hope, and pray to 
 " God that he will be pleafed to preferve 
 " the city till February." 
 
 Novemb. 
 
 II. 
 
 Nicolao d' Oliver a. 
 
 The reft of the letters were very near the 
 fame, with this addition only. That the 
 Porliigiiefes fet fail in OSlober with fifteen 
 frigats, but were forced back near the cape 
 Ccmoryn, fo near that they had landed fome 
 foKliers, who were marched by land to 
 Jafnapatnam, with an intention to come to 
 Columbo, to give notice there of the equip- 
 ment of fix galleons at Goa, intended for 
 the fuccours of the city; and that in cafe 
 the Dutch fliould block up that harbour, 
 they would fight their way through them. 
 All thefe lettets were fent to his imperial 
 majefty. 
 
 The 1 2th of December, two hundred iVf- Twohun- 
 groes being feen to falley out of the gate of dred ne- 
 Mapane keeping along the fea-fliore, three 8'°" 
 companies were ordered to attack them ; ^^}^^ ^ 
 but they no fooner cfpied our people ad- 
 vancing towards them, than they retreated 
 in hafte to the city : however three of them 
 defcrted to us, and gave an account, That 
 the reafon of their coming out was only to 
 
 fetch
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 A Defcription of C E Y L O N. 
 
 .6$l 
 
 The re- 
 port of 
 ibme de- 
 
 Certers. 
 
 fetch and cut fome faggot-wood for the re- 
 pairing of the baftions of St. John, St. Ste- 
 phen, and St. Philippo ; and that they had 
 made betwixt the two former a retrench- 
 ment, in cafe they flioiild be forced to quit 
 the baftions. 
 
 The fame day we finiflied our fecond re- 
 doubt, and the next two Portuguefe defer- 
 ters confirmed the report of the Negroes, ad- 
 ding, That they much dreaded our mines ; 
 that the baftion of St. John was guarded by 
 two companies, (of twenty-five or thirty 
 men each,) under Cafpar Figeiro, the gate 
 of Mcpane with three, and the reft in 
 proportion. At the iame time we faw a 
 whole troop of half ftarved wretches for- 
 ced out of the town •, but \ivere made to 
 return Irom whence they came, except a 
 few Pcrtuguefes, who could give good 
 intelligence about the condition ot the 
 place. 
 
 The 14th, in the morning, ten or twelve 
 boats came out of the town to fetch faggot- 
 wood ; but finding us prepare to attack 
 them, they retired with precipitation, af- 
 ter they had wounded three of our men. 
 
 The 15th the general agreed with twenty 
 pioneers to work continually (fix at a time) 
 in the trenches, at the rare of twenty pence 
 per diem, befides a good reward after they 
 had finiflied the work. In the afternoon a 
 battery of fix 
 eredfed. 
 
 An unfor- 
 tunate ac- lefTneis, doubly charged a gun upon a bat- 
 *"' tery, killed three of our own pioneers, and 
 
 wounded feven Negroes ; and in the evening 
 four great cannon were not without fome 
 lofs planted upon the before-mentioned 
 battery. 
 
 The ipth we played thence moft furi- 
 
 guns was ordered to be 
 
 The iSth a gunner having, out of care- 
 
 ttdent. 
 
 oufly upon the baftions of St. John and S'le- Ba l- 
 phen, and two more cannons were mountied"''^'"'' . 
 upon It the lame evening. 
 
 The 20th a new redoubt W^s begiin, the 
 trenches being then carried on within two 
 rods of the counterfcarp. In the evening 
 we mifled S/mon Lopes, who was again gone 
 over to the enemy. 
 
 The 26th ihrec N^tgro carpenters coming 
 over to us, reported that the Partuguefts had 
 undermined the b.iftion of 5"/. John, and 
 laid five large barrels with gunpowder in 
 five divers phces underneath it, having laid 
 the train by the means of certain bambo.; 
 canes, which were to be lighted on the top 
 whilft we were afTaulting the faid baftion, 
 which was the reafon that they had not dif- 
 charged their cannon from ihe.ice thefe two 
 days paft:. They added, that the fon of 
 Anthcnio de Souza Ccutinho, the governor of 
 ColtiHiho, being bufy in encouraging the 
 workmen by his own example, received a 
 wound by a mun^et-fliot in the head, 
 of which he died foon after. A council of Refolution 
 war was called, in which it was refolved to taken in a 
 carry on the trenches with all imaginable '^°''"'^'^ "^ 
 vigour, to prevent the enemy in perfc6ling 
 his retrenchments before the breach of the 
 baftion oi St. John, and to fix our miners there. 
 
 The 27th the general gave notice to the 
 difllives of Sc.ffragani and the four Corks., 
 that he intended to fend an envoy to his 
 majefty, to know his inclinations, whether 
 he intended to appear in perf^>n in our 
 camp, or not : He defired them to write to 
 him upon the fame fubjeft, the time for at- 
 tempting a fecond general aftliult drav.'ing 
 near ; and that in cafe his majefty had the 
 Jeaft doubt left of our fincere intentions, he 
 would give him full fitisfaftion upon that liead. 
 
 Another 
 'cdoubt 
 'jreded. 
 
 
 CHAP. XXIX, 
 
 The Pcrtuguefes thro'Vi> flones out of a mortar. V/e make a third redoubt : En- 
 deavour to lay the gallery over the ditch. A Jpy hanged. Letters from Co- 
 romandel. 
 
 THE 28th of Decemher in the eve- 
 ning the Portuguefes began to throw 
 fcveral ftones out of a mortar into our 
 works, which fomething furprized us at 
 firft, but afterwards we guefl^ed that it was 
 Simon Lopes, who lately deferted our fervice, 
 that had put them in the way of it. The 
 next day captain John Harlman was fent 
 with letters to the emperor at Candy, and 
 we were hard at work to bring the third re- 
 doubt near the fea-fliore to perfeftion, 
 where we planted a mortar, and continued 
 our approaches to the counterfcarp. 
 
 A Chin.efe deferter, a native of Macao, 
 reported. That they were iodifferently well 
 
 provided with provifions in the city, and 
 that it was true that the governor's fon was 
 dead. Letters were at the fame time difr 
 patched to Mr. L<?«rif«Ci?P//, governor of Co- 
 romandcl, to fend us fome ammunition, and to 
 order the fliips which, upon the arrival of 
 the vefl"eis from Tajoiian, fail from thence to 
 Batavia, to touch at Gale, to be imployed 
 in thwarting the intended fuccours of the 
 Portuguefes, or to take aboard part of the 
 Portuguefe prifoners among us. 
 
 The Sth of January, finding the enemy 
 bufy in planting p.alifado's in the ditch, 
 fome feamen, armed with hand-grenadoes 
 made them loon quit that enterprize. But 
 
 the
 
 6^1 
 
 Bat.- 
 
 D .•£ U 5 . 
 
 rortugiie- 
 fci fortify 
 thcmrclvej 
 in the 
 diich. 
 
 J Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 19. 
 
 The 
 
 Dutch en- 
 deavour in 
 vain to 
 fix their 
 galleiy. 
 
 Some let- 
 ters intei- 
 cepted. 
 
 the next following day finding the enemy ported there, that five galleons and twen- 
 to have made Ibmc entrenchments there, a ty-eight frigats were to come from Goa, 
 hole was ordered to be made in the wall ; and being joined with fome other veffels 
 and captain Henry Gerard^ the head gUn- and forces at Mamar were to fail to the 
 ner and ingineer, ami carpenter, being or- relief of Columho ; whereupon the general 
 dcreil to view the work, they reported fcnt his inilruftions to our fquadron to New in- 
 ihat the enemy had planted a row of watch the coming of the enemy, but j?J^"^^^'°"J^^ 
 palifado's clufc to one another, extend- efpecially to our cruifers, the Worhm^^^^^°^''^ 
 ing to the fca-diore, which made them Popkaisburgh, Mars and Erafnnis yachts ; fleet. 
 imagine that they cxpeded the moll fierce thirty Bandinefe foldiers, and as many 
 aduTlt on that fide. Mardykers were alfo ordered aboard thele 
 
 Six expert carpenters having ofix;red velfels ; and a Negro deferter reported 
 their fervice for perfecting the gallery, that thole come from Mamar to Cohim- 
 ii hundred crowns were promifed them as bo were half naked, and had brought 
 a reward ; and it being refolved to fix no letters ; one of them being wounded j 
 the fiid gallery tiie next day under fa- but knew nothing further. 
 vour of our great cannon and firelocks. The 15th of January fome of our 
 a certain number of mufqueieers were or- Lnfcaryns brought in a fpy, whom they 
 
 had taken under pretence of going into 
 the city to fell tobacco -, but upon the 
 evidence of two Cingakje carpenters that 
 he was a fpy, he was hanged on a gib- 
 bet near the place where he intended to 
 have got into the place. 
 
 The 19th letters were brought to the Letters 
 camp, fent by Laurence Pit, then gover- '^'°'" ^°' 
 nor of Coromandd, intimating that we"^""*^"** 
 might expeft a fupply of thirty-five thou- 
 fxnd pounds weight of gun-powder with 
 the yachts the Codfp, Rabbit, and Pa- 
 tience ; that for the reft the company had 
 loft fifty loads of rice, and two hundred 
 fifty Anwicnams * of Areek -^ by an acci- » a cer- 
 dental fire. That feveral private mcr- tain mea- 
 chants having lately fent certain fliips'^^''^ 
 
 dcrcd to the extremities of the trenches 
 But the wall being thicker at the bot- 
 tom than at the top, it was almoft even- 
 ing before they could make a breach 
 in it -, when attacking the enemy with their 
 hand grenadoes, they forced them from the 
 ditch, where they pofted twelve firelocks; 
 but thefe received fo warm a falute from the 
 enemies cannon and firelocks, both of the 
 baft ions of St. John and St. Stephen, and 
 the palifado-work, that they were forced 
 to retreat, and the fixing of the gallery 
 was thought fit to be delayed till a more 
 convenient time, having loft only one 
 caipenter and two Negroes in this enter- 
 prize. John Roothaus the Dutch rear-ad- 
 miral fent January 12. three Negro pri- 
 foners from the fleet into the camp, who 
 v.'ere taken coming with letters from 
 Manaar, in order to carry them into 
 CoUnnbo ; but they were of little moment, 
 except vWiat was contained in the fol- 
 lowing pafi";.gc, taken out of Lorenfo Bar- 
 boza^s letter, dirtded to Don Francrfco de 
 S^uza. 
 
 " Your fleet could not make the cape 
 " 'Cornoryn, becaufe they came too late, 
 " and were overtaken by a violent tem- 
 " pell •, the Ibldiers aboard were fent by 
 " land to •Tutecotyn, and from thence by 
 *' fea to Manaar. That they underftood 
 '" that great endeavours were ufed to e- 
 ^' quip a fquadron ot great fliips and 
 " higats, to be joined by eight galleons 
 " for the relief ot Columbo ; and that 
 " they had certain advice that the galleons 
 " were getting ready for that purpofe : 
 " That the reft they would be informed 
 
 loaden with all forts of provifions, we^ g^" '* 
 need not fear any thing upon that ac- Indian 
 count. The Rabbit alone had a cargo fiuit, of 
 of twenty -fix thoufind eight hundred ^^''"'^'^ 
 twenty-two pounds weight of gun-pow- v^*^ "".. 
 der, fifty packs of Guinea linen cloth, quoi-f. 
 and ten loads of rice, valued altogether 
 at twenty-three thouland eight hundred 
 fixty gilders. 
 
 It was further advifed. That in all proba- 
 bility the king of Gclconda was likely to be 
 embroiled in a war with Mirza Mula his ge- 
 neral, who had put ftrorg garrifons in the 
 fortrelfes oi Gcndecalte, Gronconde and Gocti : 
 That the general Chan Cbanne was lately re^ 
 tired with the forces of Vifiapom; confilling 
 of eight thoufind horfe, and forty thoufand 
 foot, from Velour to Vifiapcur ; but for 
 what reafon was nol known. A copy was alfo 
 fent of a letter, written by Leonard Jchnfon 
 Eiclor, Dccemb. 8. from kFingurla to Bata- 
 via; whence it appeared, that they were ma^ 
 
 " ot" by the captain- major's letter to the king great preparations at Goa for the relief 
 
 of Colt'.mbo. " Bur, added he, the Portu- 
 " guefe viceroy having fufficient intelligence 
 " of our ftrength before Columbo, it ieems 
 " to me to be rather a bravado, than a real 
 " defign, unlefs it were (as feme affirm) 
 " that the relief of that city was fo pofi- 
 
 tively 
 
 governor, i^c. 
 
 The faid prifoners reported. That An- 
 thonio Amiral had brought a reinforce- 
 ment of fix companies from Jafnapat- 
 nam to Manaar ; and that it was re- 
 
 2
 
 Chap. 29> 
 
 "A Dejcription of CEYLOK. 
 
 ^n 
 
 cing of Por- 
 
 " tively commanded by the 
 " /ugcJ, that the viceroy would be forced 
 " to attempt it, unleis he were prevented 
 " by the Dutch blocking up the harbour of 
 '' Goa before that time: That it was ru- 
 " moured there that the Portuguefe fokliers 
 " fliould be obliged by oath, confirmed 
 " by the blcfled facramenr, that in cafe 
 " they were not able to worft the Dutch 
 " fleer, they fliould fet fire to their own 
 " fliips, but he hoped that the city would 
 " fall into our hands before they could put 
 *' their defign in execution. But as it were 
 " not fafe todefpife one's enemy, fo he would 
 *' take care to give from time to time in- 
 " telligence of what he could learn to the 
 *' direftor general Gerard Hulft with all 
 " imaginable fpeed •, for which purpofe he 
 " hoped to purchafe the diligence of feme 
 *' of the natives by money." The follow- 
 Lid of the ing lift ^as annexed of fuch fliips as were to 
 "' . be imployed in the laid expedition : two 
 tor the re- carracks, two large galleons, one lelTer one, 
 lief of Co- two caravels, fix Patacho's, or yachts, twen- 
 !umbo. ty light frigats, twenty-four more from the 
 coaft of Sipaveneick^ with ibme galleons and 
 other boats called Singazeeks. His further 
 opinion was, that the faid fquadron might 
 be ready towards the end ot January •, and 
 that the fame was to be reinforced by fome 
 yachts from Chaul ; that befides the garrilbn 
 to be left at Goa^ two thoufand Europeans^ 
 not reckoning the A'lijfices and NegroeSy were 
 to be imbarked aboard the faid fleet. He 
 advifed further, that two Englijh fhips be- 
 ing fome days before come to an anchor 
 before Goa, the viceroy had offered the cap- 
 tains a confiderable fum of money, provided 
 they would iail along with the fleet to Cey- 
 lon ; but that they refufed to accept of the 
 fame, and were failed to the northward. 
 
 The 2 1 fl of January, two hours before 
 break of day, the general being got aboard 
 the Ter Goa^ called a council of war there, 
 wherein it was refolved to fend forthwith 
 the fllip the Coclfijh to Negurnbo, in order to 
 unlade her cargo (intended for Gale) there, 
 in company of the Amjierdam and Marygold- 
 Flower •, and the Hare yacht was ordered to 
 keep as clofe to the bay as poflibly flie could, 
 to obferve the fmall veflfels that might pafs 
 and repafs in and out of the city. 
 
 The 24ih of January the Flujhing yacht 
 coming from IVingurla, brought letters 
 from our fadlor Leonard JohnfoHy dated the 
 6th of January, . intimating, that the vice- 
 roy of Goay inftead of fending the pretend- 
 
 ed fuccours to Ceylon, had now refolved to B a t- 
 fend two carracks to Portugal, and three"'*"' 
 yachts to Mofamhique ; and that the dcfign "^^^ 
 of the relief of Cohmbc, fecme.! to be laid 
 afide : in confirmation whereof he ftnt the 
 following tranfl.ition of a letter written by 
 one of our fpics there. 
 
 To the conmodnre cf the Dutch fquadron 
 near Wingurla. 
 
 TWO fliips, (both arrived this year,) Letter of 4 
 viz. Bon Jefus, carrying fixty-five % f'o°» 
 guns, and the Nop. Scnbora da Crazid ^'^^' 
 of fixty guns, are intended to be fent 
 to Portugal, being now bufy in unload- 
 ing, and expeding only the return of our 
 fleet from Cochin, and the cape. It is 
 fuppofed they will be ready to liiil by the 
 end of the firfl: month of the year. Threfi 
 yachts more are ordered from Mofam- 
 hique, being now taking in their cargo, 
 befides another yacht, defigned for Ma- 
 cajjar. The caravel intended for China is 
 not ready to fail, and it remains uncer* 
 tain whether flie will go thither. But 
 if fhe does, it will not be till next Ipring. 
 Hitherto we fee no preparations cither of 
 men or fhips for Ce)/on ; and they feem 
 unrefolved, whetiier they had bcfl: fend 
 any relief thither, for fear they fliould 
 fall into the hands of the Duuh^ But if 
 any be fent, it will certainly not be till 
 after the departure of the fliips for Portu- 
 gal, for which the viceroy fliews a great 
 concern, being afraid they will be inter- 
 cepted by the Dtttch before they can 
 reach Portugal." 
 
 Tiur excellency's conflant Jlave^ 
 
 Dated J:in. 6, 
 1656. 
 
 Uragami Si nay. 
 
 Hereupon it was agreed in a council of Dutch 
 war, to order the fliips the Ter Goes, Mars, fiiips ^nt 
 the Arms of Holland, Amfierdam, Flufljing, '° ^°^- 
 Erafmus, Naarden, Zierik-fee, Marygold- 
 Flower, and the Hare, forthwith towards 
 Goa, there to exped the coming of the 
 fliips from Trajouan, in company of thofe 
 from Perfia and Suratte. And that the 
 yachts the Workum, Popkenshurgb, Cod-fifh, 
 and Rabbit, with fome light frigates and 
 floops, fliould be kept for the blockade of 
 the harbour of Columho. 
 
 N°. 125. Vol. III. 
 
 8C 
 
 C H A J?.
 
 654 
 
 A Dcfiription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 30. 
 
 B A L- 
 
 ''^^>r^ Mr. HaitmaiiV 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 p>r/hit by the emperor. 
 
 Some fpies hanged. The arrival offe- 
 Letters 'from the emperor and Dutch general. 
 
 il 
 
 turn 
 
 ABOUT that time the emperor fent 
 his letter to the Butch general, Mr. 
 Hulji^ in anfwer to his fent by Mr. Hm- 
 mm, the chief contents of which were, 
 
 « qp HAT he intended to come into 
 " J our camp in the night-time, having 
 «' been detained hitherto by the advice ot 
 « the great men of his court, [/hefe pagans 
 king very fuperjlilious in chuji>ig their time ;] 
 " but that now he was refolved to ipeak 
 " with the general in fpite of all the pre- 
 " tended obitaclcs. That he was glad to 
 " underdand, that notwithftanding our lofs 
 " in the laft general affiiult, we kept our 
 " pods -, and that he intended to difpatch 
 " Mr. Hartman the next Thurfday." 
 
 It tuas dated at Balane, 
 January zo, 1656, 
 and fubfcribed. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, 
 moft potent emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 Mr. Hart- Mr. Hartman returned, being prefented 
 man's re- with a golden chain and a ring ; and re- 
 ported, that fome of the emperor's Dijfaves 
 having brought him the news, that we had 
 loft a confiderable number of men by fpring- 
 ing of a mine, he was very glad to hear the 
 contrary afterwards. The 26th ol January, 
 early in the morning, a letter was delivered 
 from our head factor at Gale, John Kroon, 
 that the fliips the Patience, the Bengale, the 
 Blatk-buU, and the Greyhound, from Ta- 
 jouan by the way of Mafulipatan, loaden 
 with merchandizes from Perjia, and the 
 Vlieland belonging to thofe of Suratte, were 
 arrived there ; and that he had ordered 
 them to fail for Cohmbo. Two fpies come 
 Two fpies jjjjgjy. pyj. Qf ji^e city, to view the condi- 
 *""S«<^- tion of our attacks and batteries, were hang- 
 ed two days after. 
 
 At the fame time letters were brought 
 into the camp, dated the laft of November, 
 at Malacca, intimating, that the 14th, 
 15th, and 19th oi November 16 c,^, the fliips 
 the Vlieland, Black-bull, Arnemuyden, and 
 the Sweet-briar, were arrived there from 
 Tajcuan, their loading being valued at one 
 million three hundred forty-nine thoufand 
 four hundred and thirty-fix gilders at the 
 firft hand •, and that the Sweet-briar, the 
 Domburg and Lion, were with a good quan- 
 tity of tin of Malacca fent to Bengale. The 
 cargo of thefe fliips confifts commonly of 
 Japonefe filver, bars of copper, allum, gold, 
 
 Some 
 Dutch 
 fhips ar 
 lived. 
 
 China tea, and fugar of Formofa, befides a . 
 confiderable quantity of tin of Malacca. 
 Upon tiie coart of Malabar, and in Ceylon, 
 (where they commonly arrive at the fame 
 time,) they load witli cinnamon, pepper, 
 and cardamum. They generally make a 
 long voyage j for they fet fail from Batavia 
 to Japan and Tajouan in May, and come to 
 Malacca in December: from thence they fteer 
 their courfe by the Nicdares to Cey'lon, or 
 Bengale, or Coromandel, (but never from 
 thefe places to Ceylon, but fometimes re- 
 turn from Bengale or Ceylon to Malacca or 
 Batavia,) and from thence by Malabar to 
 Suratte and Perfta, and return in May to 
 Ceylon, (and fometimes ftraightways to Ba- 
 tavia ;) and fo further with their cargo 
 (they have taken in at Suratte or in Perfia) 
 to the coaft of Coromandel, where being 
 loaden with linen cloth, painted callicoes, 
 and other merchandizes, they return to Ba- 
 tavia in June or July. By letters ixomjohti 
 Thyffen, governor of Malacca, advice was Advices 
 given, that the tin trade (the chiefeft of from Ma-, 
 that country) had been but very indifferent lacca. 
 that year. 
 
 But it is time to return to the fiege of Two de- 
 Cohmbo. The laft day of January, two*^/'^'*^ 
 Portuguefe defer ters, who had made fliift to^jj-gypj ^f 
 let themfelves down by ropes from St. Ste- the con- 
 /)/.)raV baftion, reported, that many of their ditiori of 
 comrades were willing to defert for want of'^^^^J'* 
 pay, but that they were ftridtly guarded ; 
 that the garrifon confifted ftill of fix hun- 
 dred and fifty Europeans, and they had rice 
 for two months longer ; that they ftill re- 
 lied upon the promifed fuccours of fix gal- 
 leons. Soon after we faw a whole troop of 
 half-ftarved wretches coming out of the 
 town ; but one hundred and twenty were 
 forced to return without relief. The 12th 
 of February about five hundred of them, 
 men, women and children, being forced to 
 extremity of hunger, came to the general's 
 quarter imploring his mercy ; but they were 
 forced back into the town along the fea- 
 fhore near the baftion of St. John. In the 
 mean while the emperor fent the following 
 
 letter to the general : 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, 
 
 " /^ U R imperial majefty has former- The em- 
 " KJ ly (through God's mercy) been |^^'^°|;''^^ 
 " vidtorious over our enemies in Mahane, ji,g gg^g. 
 " where I routed their whole army com- ral. 
 
 " manded
 
 Chap. 30. 
 
 'A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
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 manded by Don Conjlantino ; after which 
 laying fiege to Columbo, I had my head 
 quarters in the garden of hcrjois Gomez 
 Pinto. It then pleafed God to afflift me 
 with a diftemper, which the viceroy ha- 
 ving got notice of, he defircd me to re- 
 turn to Candy ; which I did according- 
 ly, leaving my brother Carnana Singa^ 
 king of Olive, with the prince of Vifia- 
 palla, to command the fiege, who put no 
 fmall blemifh upon our imperial family. 
 Whilfl: they were imployed in that fieg^, 
 the treacherous PortuguefeSy having at 
 that time forced a multitude of ftarved 
 wretches out of the city, they had mixed 
 with them certain villains, who fet all 
 our works on fire. Wherefore I hope 
 your excellency will keep a ftrift guard ; 
 for I cannot forbear, for the love and 
 good inclinations I bear to your excel- 
 lency, to put you in mind, that the Por- 
 tnguefes are a moft perfidious nation ; and 
 that even my forces are compofed of di- 
 vers forts of people ; fo that your excel- 
 lency ought to have a particular regard 
 for your ov/n perfon, which will be a 
 finguiar fatisfaftion to me. For you 
 muft know, that there being variety of 
 people in the ifie of Ceylon, who have 
 ferved divers princes, and are ufed to ra- 
 vages and rapines, thefe are generally 
 treacherous, and not to be trufled by 
 your excellency, though perhaps they 
 will endeavour to obtain your favour by 
 flatteries and pretences of friendfliip, they 
 being fuch profligate wretches, as to be 
 induced by the hopes of a fmall gain to 
 undertake any bafe and treacherous aft. 
 The letters fent from this court to your 
 excellency being generally written in an 
 unknown tongue, I defire you, if you 
 find any defeft or inconveniency in them, 
 to give notice thereof immediately, to 
 remove all obftacles and mifunderfland- 
 ings on our fide, it being our refolution, 
 that the peace made with you fliall con- 
 tinue as long as the fun and moon furnifh 
 us with light, as you, on your behalf, 
 have ingaged it fliall lafl as long as the 
 world ftands. I once intended to have 
 fent you an anfwer to your letter, dated 
 Jan. 8. but underftanding that your ex- 
 cellency had difpatched to this court a 
 captain of the guards, I thought fit to 
 defer it for fome time. In former times, 
 whilft I was very young, I was incamp- 
 ed with my army in Mahajie ; but that 
 being many years ago, I did fend thither 
 certain perfons to view the place, who 
 aflTured me, that the place pitched upon 
 by the diflTave of the four Corks was un- 
 fit for our reception, which was the rea- 
 fon I ordered my head quarters to be 
 fettled in the forcrefs of Reygamzvatte. In 
 
 " . confideration of which, and other mif-BAL- 
 *' carri.igcs of the faid diflavc, I have put"^" ^ 
 " another in his place, with whom you "^•^ 
 " may confult in relation to fuch matters 
 " as tend to our fcrvice. I further ifTued 
 " my orders to the difTaves, and fent cer- 
 " tain perfons to prepare my quarters with 
 " the utmoft expedition ; which done, I 
 " intend to be there immediately after. 
 
 Dated in the camp 
 and court of Gui- 
 ramibula.Feb. 14, 
 1656. 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, 
 moft potent emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 The general being extremely pleafed with 
 the emperor's approbation concerning the 
 fending back of the poor ftarved wretches 
 forced out of Columbo, thought fit to fend 
 the following letter to the governor of Co- 
 lumbo. 
 
 FINDING that you fufFer the poor Dutch ge- 
 _ Negro citizens, after that you have neral's let- 
 received all the fervices you poflibly t^"" to the 
 could from them, to perifli for want ofS°^^f"°'' 
 fuftenance; and whereas you prevented u*^^"'""^' 
 their defertion formerly by ftrid watches, 
 you now permit them to go where they 
 pleafe, in order to be rid of them, I 
 thought it my duty (for the difcharge of 
 my confcience) to defire you to let the 
 faid Negro citizens know, that fuch as for 
 the future come out of the city, fhall be 
 puniftaed with death. 1'his I thought 
 fit to let your excellency know, in hopes 
 of moving you to compaffion. I remain 
 for the relt, your excellency's fervant." 
 
 Dated in the Dutch 
 camp before Co- 
 lumbo, Feb. 15, 
 1656. 
 
 Ge r ard Hulst, 
 
 The 17th of February the yacht the Sa- 
 phire came into the road from Coromandel, 
 and brought a letter from the governor 
 Laurence Pit, dated January 29, at Palia- 
 catta : her cargo confifted in rice and gun- 
 powder, though not fo much as was expec- 
 ted, the full quantity of brimftone not be- 
 ing brought from Tajouan. 
 
 But notwithftanding the beforefiid warn- 
 ing given to the Negro citizens, many of 
 them coming every day into our camp, one 
 of them was ordered to be hanged, to deter 
 others from doing the like 5 lb that after- 
 wards fifteen and more died every day in the 
 
 city of famine, and a fcorbutick dropfy be- ^^5^'"^ 
 
 •' ,,- ■ IT- ^ \ 11 Colum- 
 
 gan alio to reign among the Kuropeans there, bo. 
 
 The 19th a Mifiice deferter brought advice, 
 
 that they had equipped a boar, which lay 
 
 ready to fail againll tiic next night lor Ma- 
 
 vaar \
 
 6S6 
 
 UA U S. 
 
 The em- 
 peror's 
 letter to 
 the gene- 
 ral. 
 
 J Defcription o/" C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 3 I. 
 
 Tjntir i whereupon orders were fcnc to com- 
 mtxlcrc Roo.'hdHS to intercept her, if poffi- 
 blv he couW. The 2Crh Mr. John Hart- 
 mv, came svith the iollowing letter from the 
 emperor to the general. 
 
 Raj.a Sinca Rajou. 
 
 YOUR letter, dated the 8th of Fe- 
 bruary, I received the next fol- 
 lowing day,' wherein you tcftify your de- 
 fire of being .idmitted into our roy.il 
 prefence, in order to afiure me in perfon 
 of the fincere intentions of the Duich 
 company, to continue in their confede- 
 racy with our imperial majefty, made 
 from the time of your arrival with your 
 fleet in our empire. It has always been 
 my hearty wi(h to fee you in my prefence, 
 which I hope will be fulfilled with the 
 arrival of your excellency in our camp 
 near Raygamwatte. You further mention 
 the milbehaviour of fome of our lafcaryns 
 under the difiaves •, fo foon as our impe- 
 rial majefty arrives in theabovefaid camp, 
 thefe forces and officers (hall be relieved 
 by others, and llich as have not done 
 their duty to the crown be punifhed, as 
 is praftifed in the camps of other great 
 kings and monarchs. Your excellency 
 did alfo give notice, that you had fent 
 away nine fhips the fifth of this month. 
 God almighty, I hope, will blefs your 
 excellency's defigns with fuccefs, accord- 
 "ing to the utmoft of my wifhes, there 
 ■ being nothing that can more rejoice our 
 ' imperial majefty than the welfare and 
 • profperity of the Hollanders. And I hope 
 that after my arrival in the camp, fuch 
 meafures may be taken betwixt us, as 
 may foon reduce the city. The refr.a(5lo- 
 ry party among my troops you have men- 
 tioned, fhall be branded with infamy, 
 not only for themfelves, but alfo their 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 (( 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 generation -, fo that their names fhall be 
 defpifed hereafter for ever. Whenever 
 I fliull fee your perfon, I fliall imagine 
 to have the whole ftate of Holland before 
 me ; and fince, according to our confti- 
 tuuons, matters of this nature are not to 
 be trinfadled but on fortunate days and 
 hours, your excellency fliall be advercifed 
 thereof by fome perfon of note. Juft as 
 I was leaving Candy, the prince my fon, 
 given me by God for the welfare of my 
 f.uthful Hollanders, took leave of me, 
 defiring to be remember'd to your excel- 
 lency." 
 
 Ca: 
 
 In the camp of 
 Guiramibu- 
 la, Feb. i 8, 
 1656. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou. 
 
 1 he iiiid Mr. Hartman was prefented by „ . 
 1 1 1 u J 1 J Hartman 
 
 the emperor with a tame elephant, and told prefemed 
 
 the general, that the emperor had given with an 
 him Ibme private hints, that the prince his elephant, 
 fon would take it as a peculiar obligation 
 if the general would honour him with a 
 fmall prefent. 
 
 The emperor's diflfaves coming the 21ft: 
 of February to the general, in order to fetch 
 the anfwcr to the emperor's letter, they 
 were told, that the letter was not finiftied, 
 by reafon of many things of moment to be 
 inferted therein : but the general took this 
 opportunity to advife with them what pre- 
 fent might be moft acceptable to the prince. 
 They anfwered, they could not tell ; but 
 would confider of the matter. In the after- 
 noon they received the defired letter fealed 
 up, under the difcharge of the cannon, as is 
 ufual upon fuch occafions, when each of 
 the captains is prefented with a piece of 
 fattin, and two of the dilTaves with a red 
 Roan cap, a thing highly v.ilued by them, 
 (call'd "fop-py Honday in their language) with 
 a Japonefe buckler, for one of the prince's 
 attendants. 
 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 The bcfieged fire furioujly upon the befiegers. The emperor s envoys. Negro de- 
 J'erters forced back. Letters intercepted. The emperor prejents the general 
 'with an elk. A new battery ereBed. 
 
 brilkly 
 upon the 
 befiegers 
 
 The be- 'Tp H E 22d of February the enemy 
 fiegedhre J_ pjay'd moft furioufiy with their can- 
 non from the baftions of St. Stephen and St. 
 John, and kill'd us feveral men. His ma- 
 jefty being that day come to his camp at 
 Reygamwatte, to take a view of the quarters 
 prep.ued for his reception, perceiving a 
 more than ordinary fmoke, lent a meffen- 
 ger to know the truth of the matter. In 
 the evening, about fupper time, word was 
 brought that certain deputies from his ma- 
 
 jefty were arrived at a farm about two miles ^ . 
 from the camp; and that they had fent a fent into 
 meflenger to fignify, tiiat they were defirous the camp ., 
 to fpeak with the general that evening i^'O'" ^^* 
 which being readily granted, an enfign was '^""P^'"'^' 
 fent thither with fome foldiers to condu<ft 
 them to the camp, and to make an excufe, 
 that the time of the night had hindered their 
 reception to be fuitable to their quality. 
 They told the general, that his majefty 
 had received his letter with a great deal of 
 
 fatis-
 
 Chap, jl 
 
 A Defcripion c/' C E Y L O N. 
 
 ^57 
 
 latisfaftion ; and that they were fent to tell 
 his excellency, that his majefty was at pre- 
 fent at Wakwilly ; and that as foon as his 
 quarters were fitted up, he fhould be lent 
 for j for which reafon they were command- 
 ed by his majefty to order the diflave of" 6'.'?/- 
 fragamme to have the roads leading to Rey- 
 gamwatte repaired. They would willingly 
 have returned the fame night-, but it being 
 excellive dark, their quarters were afligned 
 them in the camp till next morning. 
 
 The fame day Edmund Ruyfch fcnt word, 
 that a great number of poor wretches were 
 coming out of the city : the men, to the 
 number of fifty, were fecured at Milagrc ; 
 but the women and cliildren being brought 
 before the general, he ordered them (pur- 
 fuant to their former refolution) to be whip- 
 ped back into the town near the baftion of 
 St. John ; this being looked upon as the 
 moft proper means to ftraiten the enemy, 
 and bring them to our terms. Towards 
 the evening the men, with twenty more, 
 who fince had joined them, being alfo 
 brought into the camp, the general took 
 two of them afide, and told them, that 
 they muft look upon it as a peculiar fa- 
 vour, to be fent back once more ; but if 
 they returned they mull expert nothing but 
 the gallows, unlefs they would ingage with 
 fome of the Aratches that had defcrted our 
 camp, to furprize fome baftion or other for 
 Deferrers our fervice. They were likewife forced 
 1 whipped back with a good whipping, and the 24th 
 
 backjnto ^^^^ hundred and fifty more had the fame 
 ' the city. . ■' 
 
 entertamment. 
 
 The 26th oi February the difTave of the 
 four Corks came to tell the general, that 
 thofe of Sajfragamme were ftili buly in re- 
 pairing the roads and bridges, and pro- 
 duced a letter from certain great men of the 
 court, injoining him to demand ten certain 
 perfons, than had made fhift to get out of 
 the city with the enemies troops, and fliel- 
 ter'd themfelves in the adjacent villages, 
 having deferted the king's fervice before. 
 The general was not unwilling to grant his 
 requelt ; but withal told him, that if 
 thele perfons of quality had been as forward 
 in furdiering their king's fervice as we, there 
 would not have been fo many defercers. 
 The lame day a letter was delivered to the 
 general written by oxxtoi our Aratches to the 
 Fidane of Pafdun-Corle, as follows: 
 
 'An inter- " T TAngedera Liomyde, fon-in-law to 
 
 I ajpted let- " X A Ranatonge Arachie, wiihes health 
 
 **r. !.(. jQ Vidane., and the three chieftains of the 
 
 " three Pattos of Pafdun-Corle. Imme- 
 
 " diately upon the receipt of thefe, you 
 
 " fhall without fail or delay gather, in the 
 
 " time of eight days, out of all the circuni- 
 
 " jacent villages, fifty pingues of pijlets, 
 
 " butter, pepper, atchiar, and earthen 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 " vciTels ; and with tliem, in company of Bal- 
 
 "• all the heads, or Majorals, of the villages '''*"^- 
 
 " of /hgi'.ralotte, come towards Home, and ^•''"^'^^ 
 
 " from thence into the imperial camp, 
 
 " there to pay your obeifance to his maje- 
 
 " Ity. Such as fail in their duty muft ex- 
 
 " pecf to receive condign punifliment. You 
 
 " muft not publifh my name, what I do in 
 
 " this refpett not being by my own autho- 
 
 " rity ; but when you come to court, you 
 
 " may then declare, that it was Uangedera 
 
 " Lionayde, Ranatonge Rale's ibn-in-law, 
 
 " who gave you this invitation." 
 
 The Aratcbe, who had been the author 
 of this letter, being feized and examined 
 the fame evening by Mr. Adrian van dcr 
 Mcyden, and major Van der Laan, did not 
 difown his hand, but rcfufed to difcover 
 (though he was threatened with prcfenc 
 death) by whole command he had writ it. 
 The general being of opinion, that there 
 was fome myltery hid under this pretence, 
 efpecially fince this Cingakfe lived under the 
 company's jurifdidion, and had received 
 fignal obligations from them, commanded 
 his head to be cut off, and delivered hitn 
 up for that purpofe to the provoft, in hopes 
 of extorting a contefTion from him by this 
 means ; but under-hand ordered him to be 
 fecured only aboard the Ihip the Arms of 
 Amjlerdani, for feai', that in caie he fiwuld 
 be executed on a fudden, they might be be- 
 reaved of the opportunity of difcovering tlie 
 trudi. 
 
 February 27, being Sunday, the general Letter 
 fent a letter to RajaSinga, t9 advertife his'cnt to the 
 majefty what had palfed with t\\<t Aratche,^'^'^"'^^■ 
 ^^v\^S. at the fame time inclofed the original 
 of the intercepted letter. The fame day 
 the diffave of Saffragamme coming to the 
 general to tell him, that the roads and 
 bridges were now repaired according to his 
 majefty's orders •, he was commanded by 
 him to employ the lame people in perfect- 
 ing the pallifadoes intended for the new re- 
 doubt near the gate of Rajuha, which he 
 promifed to do. The general alfo told him 
 what had happened with the Aratche ; which 
 he approving of, the general further defired 
 him to provide Ibme Buffiers for the ufe of 
 the feamen, who were forely afflitfted with 
 the fcurvy ; which he likewife agreed to. 
 
 Word being brought that four fifliermen 
 were coming over to us in a Tony, or fiOier- 
 boat, they were forewarned not to come in- 
 to the camp, under the pain of being hang- 
 ed, unlets they would ingage all the fifocr- . , , 
 
 ' ' ° °, 1 1 ,■ A Moor- 
 
 men to come at once. About the fame ji^ vcflvi 
 time a certain MooriJIj veffcl came into the brings ad- 
 road from Puntegak, with a palfport from vice ccn- 
 John Kroon our head faftor there. They'^^''"'"^ 
 brought advice that the lands and villages (jo^ ^^ 
 under the jurifdidion of G«/e were farmed Gale. 
 8 D out
 
 658 
 
 A Defcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 31. 
 
 ;Cj' 
 
 B A t- out at fifteen thoufand eight hundred and 
 D-cus. forty-nine rixdollars, for the next year, to 
 ^^^>^^ be paid by four Quarterly payments -, and 
 that the /Irec-k, which the company had ta- 
 ken at the rate of twenty-tour laryns the 
 ammenam the Lift year, was now to be de- 
 livered at the rate of lixteen laryns. i- ivc 
 more ihips arrived at the fame time laden 
 
 with rice. , ^ ,• , 
 
 l"he laft day of this month, finding that 
 the enemy worked againft us, near the gate 
 oU<iijiiba, lieutenant Alenhier was fent with 
 fix firelocks to fccure their workmen ; but 
 thefe favcd themfclves by an early flight, 
 and our people returned without receiving 
 Ships any damage. About the Hime time letters 
 from Co- were brought by the yacht the Arncmuyden, 
 romandel. J^teil the 17th oi February, on the coaft of 
 Coromandel, others being alfo expefted, da- 
 ted the I ith, with the yacht the Codfif/o, not 
 arrived as yet, having aboard one hundred 
 loads of rice of Bengali, a good quantity of 
 gunpowder, and fixty foldiers. The other 
 vefTel's cargo confifted in eighteen thouland 
 eight hundred and feventy-feven pounds 
 weight of gunpowder, two thoufand feven 
 hundred and eighty-one bullets of divers fi- 
 zes, I'iz. two hundred and thirty-one of 
 twenty-four pounds, feven hundred and fif- 
 ty of eighteen, eighteen hundred of twelve, 
 fifteen hundred ftone bullets, and ten thou- 
 fand pounds weight of lead, befides fome 
 other merchandizes, and fixteen loads of 
 rice, amounting to the value of fix thoufand 
 ninety-eight guilders, on account of thofe 
 of Ceylon only. At the fame time the Rab- 
 bit failed out of the road, being ordered to 
 cruife on the fouth point of Negumbo, and 
 to be relieved every eight days by another 
 
 fhip. 
 
 Pretty late in the evening, three deputies 
 from the emperor prefented the general with 
 
 an elk, which his majefty himfelf had hunt- ^|?^| se- 
 ed the fime morning in an adjacent wood, '^"^^^^'^' 
 which was received with great reverence by with an 
 his excellency. elk by 
 
 The general and Mr. Fan der Meyden, the empe- 
 hearing the beat of di um in the new redoubt, ''°''' 
 near the gate of Rojtiba, they went thither 
 in pcrfon •, and in their way met with feven- 
 tecn Lafcaijns, and vso Aratches, who being 
 polled in an outwork near the faid gate, had j 
 
 quitted the lame : they being ordered to be 
 fecured in the head quarter, they went for- 
 ward, and found that the alarm had been 
 occafioned by the coming over of the Laf- 
 caryns, whom they miftook tor enemies. 
 They reported, that the city was provided Defcrtcrs 
 with provifions till May, their allowance, give an 
 viz. twenty-five Mididos to a head, being account 
 given them for the month oi April: they^^_|j^^^ 
 added, that it was whifpered about, thatofCoIum 
 the governor had imbarked all his move- bo. 
 ables, money, and jewels in a boat, and 
 fent them in the night-time to Manaar ; 
 which news was very unpleafing to us, be- 
 caufe they had efcaped the fight of our 
 fhips. 
 
 The 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th oi March, 
 we advanced bravely towards the gate of 
 Rajuha: two Portuguefe deknevs, with fome 
 Lafcaryns well armed, being examin'd apart, 
 depofcd, that the city could not hold out 
 longer than towards the end of May, the 
 remnants of the rice being very ftony and 
 unclean, nay, wet and corrupted. Hereupon 
 the general ordered that a battery of two 
 guns fliould be erefted oppofite to the utmoft 
 point of the baflion of St. John, the better 
 to batter and lay level the flank of that of 
 St. Stephcn^s, and under favour thereof to 
 open again the trench leading to our mine, 
 and fo working along the wall, to take poll 
 upon the counterfcarp. 
 
 1 its- 
 
 \W 
 I (til 
 
 1 bl 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 Many defertcn give account of the condition of Columbo. Ysbrand Gotlkens 
 fent envoy to the emperor. His letter to the general ; ami ti.mt of the befieged 
 to tJje emperor. 
 
 ABOUT that time divers Lafcaryn de- 
 ferters, and among them a Porttiguefe, 
 made heavy complaints that they were for- 
 ced to feed upon corrupted rice : the laft 
 told us, that there were no more than forty 
 left of our prifoners, and that fuch of our 
 officers as were not flain in the alTault, died 
 afterwards of their wounds, except a fer- 
 jeant. He alfo difcovered to us, that the 
 befieged had carried all their guns from the 
 baftions of St. Stephen, St. Philip, and Cler- 
 gos into their outwork, before the gate of 
 Rajuha, in order to difcharge the fame the 
 4 
 
 next following night upon our pioneers. 
 Paul Meno, who vvas then upon the guard 
 there, was thereupon ordered to let the la- 
 bourers ceafe, till they had fpent their pow- 
 der and ball in vain, and then to let them 
 return to their work. In cffeft, they Ihot 
 very furioufly the next night, both with 
 their cannon and firelocks, upon our works •, 
 and by break of day the general went on 
 horfeback to Milagre, to view the works of 
 the difl^aves on that fide, which he found to 
 be well fecured by a ftrong fet of palifa- 
 does, reaching from the fea-fliore to tlie fens ; 
 
 and 
 
 St 
 
 tli, 
 lit
 
 k^ 
 
 HAP. ^1. 
 
 'A Defcription of CEYLON. 
 
 659 
 
 I boy 
 eferter 
 
 rings cer- ^nd 
 un ad 
 lice. 
 
 and being guarded by four companies, thcfe 
 were thought fufficient to oppofe any lally 
 of the enemy on that fide. 
 
 One of our foldiers being fome days be- 
 fore miffing, we underllood that he had 
 fought for flielter with his majefty for a 
 crime he had committed ; which at his ma- 
 jefly's requefl was remitted him, yet not 
 without being difcharged from our fervice. 
 The diflave who made this requeft, told 
 the general, that the grapes fent to the em- 
 peror had been very well accepted. 
 
 The 1 3 th of March a boy, who had de- 
 ferted the Portuguefes, came to the general, 
 in private. 
 
 told him in private, that having been 
 let down from the baftion Clergos with a 
 rope, by fome Lafcm-yns who kept guard 
 there, they intended the next night, with the 
 rifing of the moon, to come all over to us, 
 or elfe deliver up the baftion. The boy, 
 according to his own defire, being (bundly 
 whipped, was fent back into the city, to 
 take away all fufpicion of a private corre- 
 fpondence with us. 
 
 To fecond his endeavours, a company of 
 the guards was pofted in a convenient place; 
 but the befieged fired fo brifkly from the 
 baftions of St. Stephen and St. Philip that 
 night, that there was no opportunity of 
 putting it in execution at that time. A 
 T'oupas deferter reported the next day, that 
 the baftion of St. Stephen was guarded only 
 by fixteen men, having queftionlefs difpofed 
 the reft in other places, as being fenfible 
 that the gaining of that baftion would ftand 
 us in no great ftead. Six Lafcaryn defcrters 
 confirmed the fame foon after ; and two 
 among them affured the general, that the 
 governor of Columbo had fent a letter to the 
 emperor Raja Singa. 
 
 The 14th, Edmund Ruyfch., whofe quar- 
 ters were at Milagre, fent word, that Henry 
 IVilliam Boogare, a corporal, and Peter van 
 Brtiyfingen, a common foldier, were gone 
 over to the enemy. The fame day ten Laf- 
 caryns well armed came over to us •, and the 
 fame evening, with the rifing of the moon, 
 two cannon for battery were planted upon the 
 battery againft St. John's baftion. His ma- 
 jefty having defired that fome perfon of 
 note might be fent to him, to confer with 
 him in private, our faftor Tsbrand Gotskens, 
 a native of the Hague, a perfon equally dex- 
 trous with his pen as the fword, was fent 
 with all expedition thither. About the 
 fame time fome Lafcaryns with their wives 
 and children coming out of the city, were 
 turned back again •, a letter being at the 
 f^me time delivered to a certain boy for Si- 
 th"*d '''^" Lopes, lately gone over to the enemy, 
 ter Si- intimating, that. If he would endeavour to 
 3n Lo- make the Negroes in the city rife, he flmild 
 »• not only defer ve his far don, but alfo a good 
 rez.'ard. 
 
 wo 
 
 i lutch fol 
 ' ers go 
 ,'cr to 
 e ene- 
 
 y- 
 
 letter 
 
 At midnight we made a falfe attack, B a l- 
 which put the whole city into fuch an alarm, " -* u s. 
 that there was nothing to be heajd but ring- ^^^j^ 
 ing of bells, and the noife of drums-, but in attack up- 
 half an hour all was quiet again. The next on Colum- 
 day his majefty fent three deputies, to know t>o. 
 the reafon of luch fierce firing -, which be- 
 ing told them, they informed the general 
 that Tsbrand Gotskens had not as yet had 
 audience of the emperor, but would que- 
 ftionlefs be admitted the next day. A let- 
 ter was alfo fent to the general from the 
 emperor Raja Singa, wherein were inclofed 
 two others, one from Antonio de Souza 
 Coutinho, governor of Columbo, the other 
 from the chief citizens of that city, both 
 tlated the loth of March, in which they 
 implore his majefty 's affiftance. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou. 
 
 The em- 
 peror's 
 
 THE prefent opportunity has invi- 
 ted our imperial majefty to difpatch 
 thefe few lines to your excellency : two letter to 
 days ago, being IVednefday the 15th ofthcgenC' 
 March, I broke up from Guiramibula, '^^' 
 and marching along the other fide of the 
 river, by the way of IVale-voiity, have 
 fixed my tents in this place; from whence 
 I difpatchcd immediately fome of my 
 great courtiers, to notify my arrival in 
 the camp at Reygamwatte, and to inquire 
 after your excellency's health. I com- 
 manded them at the fame time (having 
 not as yet an anfwer to fome of yotir ex- 
 cellency's letters direfted to me) to defire 
 you to fend a perfon of note, unto whom 
 I might by word of mouth give an an- 
 fwer to the faid letters. It being nigh: 
 when I arrived in the camp at Reyga/U- 
 Kjoaite, I could not order the difpofition of 
 my forces till next morning, when the 
 two inclofed letters were delivered to me, 
 one from the governor, the other from 
 the citizens of Columbo ; the contents 
 whereof you will underftand from the 
 originals." 
 
 At our court and 
 camf o/Reygsm- 
 watte. Mar. 17, 
 
 Subfcribed, 
 
 1656. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, 
 moft potent emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 Moji potent emperor Raja Singa, tfc. 
 
 IMmediately after our enemies did en- t-, 
 1 • • n 1 ■ I The 20- 
 
 gage into this unjult war, which con- verno° s 
 
 tinues to this day, I let your m.ijefty letter to 
 
 know the reafons which induced me to '''^ empe- 
 
 folicit fome fupplies from your majefty ;''°''" 
 
 not queftioning, but that you would not 
 
 leave me in fuch an extremity, it being 
 
 always the ambition of great monarchs 
 
 " to
 
 66o 
 
 A Dcjcr'ip'ion of Cl^X L ON. 
 
 Chap, -^i 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 d;e u s. 
 
 " to take the lei's powerlul under their pro- 
 " tc(5tion i though tlirough God's mercy, 
 we h;ive hitherto not only defended this 
 city, but alfo at feveral times given the 
 " enemy fiilficient proofs of our bravery, 
 " in ddlroying and difperfing his forces, 
 " of which we have fent an account to your 
 " majcfty. But perhaps thcfc letters never 
 " cime to your niajclly's hands, being ni- 
 " terccpted by tlie enemy ; which feems the 
 " lefs furprizing to me, fince they have 
 •' treated the natives of this ifland, (wiih- 
 " out any juft caufe,} tiiat went out of this 
 " city, like flaves, forcing many of them to 
 " retire back witiiout the lead mercy. The 
 " city of Cchimho is an ancient inheritaiice 
 " of tiie Porlugucfes, beftowed upon them 
 " by the kings and emperors, your pre- 
 " deceflbrs, who always were ready to ho- 
 " nour them with their proteftion -, neither 
 " do we want opportunity to make your 
 " majefty (if youpleafe) fenfible of the ma- 
 " nitold fervices done by the Portuguefes in 
 " this ifle, in cafe we did not believe the 
 " fame to be (till in the memory of your 
 " majefty, and many of your great ones. 
 " We do not know to have given the leaft 
 " reafon of di'fpleafure to your majefty -, 
 " which makes us imagine, that you will 
 " be pleafed not to leave us in this extremi- 
 " ty, in regard it feems much more rea- 
 " fonable to affift the Portuguefes, your an- 
 '' cient friends, than the Hollanders, your 
 " new guefts. Time has already difcover- 
 " ed the intentions of the Dutch ; and ex- 
 " perience will foon convince you, that all 
 *' their aim is founded upon lucre and 
 " intereft, which they dillemble for the 
 " prefcnt ; but fo foon as they are mafters 
 " of this place, your majefty will too late 
 " be convinced of the truth of what I lay. 
 " I will not pretend to urge that matter any 
 " further for the prefent, leaving the deter- 
 " mination of the whole to your majefty's 
 *' wiidom, and the conduct of your coun- 
 " fellors. God preferve your imperial ma- 
 " jefty." 
 
 Columbo, Mar. 
 lo, 1656. 
 
 Antonio de Soiiza Coutinho. 
 
 Mojl high and moft fotent emperor avJ 
 lord. Raja Singa, ^c. 
 
 JMmediately after the Hollanders had 
 laid fiege to this place, our magi- 
 
 peror. 
 
 The cki- 
 
 zens letter " _ 
 
 ll'i'''""" ft^^tes" an? governors "did 
 
 " thereof to your majefty, as likewife of 
 
 " the infuing general afiault made by the 
 
 " enemy both by fea and land ; which be- 
 
 " ing done in the day-time, we let them 
 
 advance into the city, but afterwards 
 made them glad to afk for quarter, 
 which was granted them. Accoidinp- to 
 the confcllion of the Dutch themfelvcs, 
 they were two hundred and forty ftrong 
 when they paiTed the lens, tiie greatell 
 part whereof with their boats fell into 
 our hands, befides a Ihip of thirty guns 
 taken by us, and another mucli damaged, 
 which I hey hatl enough to do to carry off, 
 not to mention thofe that were llain in 
 the fliips, and in the aflault. Being af- 
 terwards advanced to the ditch, they fix- 
 ed their miners, and were bufy in bring- 
 ing over their gallery •, but we forced 
 them to retire with confidcrable lofs, 
 and took the gallery wiih the lofs of one 
 man only. There remains nothing now 
 but for your majefty to vouchfafe us your 
 favour, which we heartily wifli for and 
 defire. From what has been faid, we 
 hope your majefty is fufficiently convinced 
 of our good will and zeal, in defending 
 a place beftowed upon us by your impe- 
 rial majefty's anceftors ; and that, if fup- 
 ported by your favour, we fliall never 
 ceafe to perfift in the fame refolution, in 
 hopes that your majefty will rather af- 
 filt the Portuguefes, your ancient friends, 
 than the Hollanders. God protect your 
 majefty, and your dominions." 
 
 Columbo, Mar. 
 II, 1656. 
 
 By order from 
 
 Diego Leitaon de Scuza, 
 
 chief fecretary, 
 Manod de Forfeca. 
 Diego de Souza de Cunha. 
 Ruy Lopes Coutinho. 
 John Coelho de Caftro. 
 Bento Fereiro d'Abreu. 
 
 
 ".i 
 
 The 20th oi March a Negro pioneer came 
 over to us, who, having worked in theditch, 
 difcovered the place to us; and that four 
 Portuguefes being taken as they were coming 
 to our camp, had been hanged ; that 
 our new battery had killed two Canaryns 
 and a gunner, and wounded feveral others 
 upon the baftion of St. Stephen. Concern- 
 ing their provifions, they confirmed what 
 had been told us before. The general went 
 with the faid Negro m peribn to the ditch, 
 to fee the place where the Negro had been 
 at work, and perceiving three Portuguefes 
 clofe together in the ditch, he got upon 
 the wall, aud dilcharged his fufee twice at , 
 them ; but foon got" down again, without „] f^^J"^!' 
 which he had been in great danger, three ger of be- 
 buUets palling immediately after that way. fng killU 
 
 CHAP.
 
 :hap. 3 J. 
 
 A Defcription of C E X L O N. 
 
 66t 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 Bal- 
 
 U MV S, 
 
 Ysbrand Gotfkens returns from the emperors court : Gives an account of his '-''Y"^. 
 tranfaBions. Letters fent to Columbo. A battery raifed. A circimfantial 
 account from Goa, and its condition. 
 
 boy ta- 
 in as a 
 
 ABOUT noon a boy was taken in our 
 works, where Paul Mem then kept 
 guard, inquiring after our ftrength: and be- 
 ing afked, Why ? he anfwered. That the 
 governor of Columbo had fent him to inquire 
 after it. In confideration of his youth and 
 fimpHcity, he came off" with a good whip- 
 ping, and fo was fent back into the city. 
 Major Van der Laan fent word, that the 
 enemy having made a hole through the wall, 
 played from thence direftly upon his works, 
 and had kill'd a Negro ; and the fame night 
 they played with a cannon upon the fiime 
 works, but without hurting any body. 
 
 The 2:5d oi March towards evening, the 
 faftor Tsbrand Gotskens having taken his 
 leave the fame day of the emperor, return- 
 ed to our camp, where he gave the fol- 
 
 lowing account 
 tion : 
 
 m writing 
 
 of his negotia- 
 
 nego- 
 
 lation. 
 
 sbrand " That in anfwer to five feveral letters 
 Sotfkens «' written by general Hulft to his majefty, 
 ives an te he had commanded him to tell the gene- 
 '■J^'!!'™"''" '■•'^'' That having received a letter dated 
 " the 1 6th at Columbo, he would let him 
 " know the contents thereof. That his 
 " majefty was well fatisfied with the pro- 
 «' ceedings againft fuch as were fled out of 
 " the city -, which though it might feem 
 " fomewhat cruel, yet was he contented to 
 *' have the blame thereof himfelf, as tend- 
 *' ing to his fervice, and the fpcedy redu- 
 " cing of the city. That becaufe his ma- 
 " iefty was fenfible that whatever prefcnts 
 " he could make to the general of rich ap- 
 " pare], and fuch like ornaments, he was 
 " fufficiently provided with before, he had 
 " thought fie to beftow upon him the title 
 " and dignity of his Direttor-general, and 
 " that for the future he fhould be acknow- 
 " ledged as fuch throughout his dominions. 
 " That he further defired the general not 
 " to take it amifs, that after the diflaves 
 " had notified his arrival in the camp of 
 '^ Reygam"juatte, a guide had been denied 
 " to the captain of the guard, it being con- 
 " trary to the cuftom of his country for 
 " any one to be introduced at court, with- 
 " out notice being given of his arrival to 
 *• the emperor. 
 
 " What the general had alledged con- 
 " cerning the Moujfon, and the foldiers be- 
 *' ing fatigued by fo tedious a fiege, his 
 *' majefty was very fenfible thereof, and 
 " that when the general fhould come into 
 VoL.IIL 
 
 his prefence (which he hoped would be 
 within three or four days) they would 
 confer upon that point, and fettle the 
 matter to his fatisfaiftion : But his ma* 
 jefly being informed that his excellency 
 frequently expofed his perfon, and re- 
 garding him with the fame tcndernefs as 
 his own eyes, had defired his excellency 
 for the future to take more care of his 
 perfon, commanding all his officers of 
 what quality foever, to be careful of him 
 to the lafl degree. 
 
 " What his excellency had alledged, 
 concerning his majefty's being conflant- 
 ly employed in weighty affairs, and that 
 therefore he was unwilling to diflurb him 
 with frequent letters; His majefly re- 
 plied, that the fubjecft of his excellency's 
 letters being fuch, as mofl nearly con- 
 cerned his fervice, nothing could be more 
 acceptable to him, than to beflow his 
 time in perufing the letters of the moft 
 trufty fervant that ever he had in his life, 
 dcfiring therefore, that his excellency 
 might fuperfede thefe excufes. That 
 what his excellency had alledged in his 
 behalf, concerning the miftake in com- 
 manding his forces at Reigam-Corle, as it 
 was intended for his majelly's fervice, fo 
 it was very acceptable to him, and need- 
 ed no farther excufe ; as was likewife 
 the puniOiment inflidled upon the auih.or 
 of the letter writ from Pafdun-Cork, 
 to deter others from the like underta- 
 kings. Concerning the treaty made with 
 Mr. IVeJhrivold, his majefty declared, 
 he would keep the fame inviolably, not- 
 withftanding that feveral generals of the 
 Indies, and Bulch governors of the ifle 
 in Ceylon, had done many things which 
 had given occafion to no fmall difturban- 
 ces : but that as he called God to witnel's 
 of his innocence, fo he was extremely 
 glad to have met with a perfon of ho- 
 nour in his excellency's perfon, who ha- 
 ving done already confiderablc fervices to 
 his crown, he intended to enter with him 
 into a ftrift confederacy, which fhould 
 ftand firm as long as the fun and moon 
 fhould furnifh the world v/ith light, 
 " It was therefore that his majefty was 
 very defirous to know his excellency's in- 
 tentions, whether, after the taking of 
 • Columbo, they fliould attack the king- 
 dom of Jafnapalnam, or die ifle of Ma' 
 mar ? and whether it were not conveni- 
 
 8E 
 
 en;
 
 661 
 
 Bal- " 
 
 ^ Vcfcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 3 J. 
 
 Two let- 
 ters fent 
 into Co- 
 lumbo. 
 
 A fupply 
 
 of fifty 
 
 men 
 
 comes 
 
 to the 
 
 Dutch 
 
 camp. 
 
 How thefe 
 
 letters 
 
 were 
 
 received 
 
 there. 
 
 A violent 
 
 tempeft. 
 
 cnt CO fend fome of his forces under cer- 
 t.iin diflavcs tliitlicr immediately: Tlut 
 he had rccciveil two letters from the be- 
 fore-mentioned places, which Jhould be 
 tommiinicaa\l to his excellency. His 
 majelly alii) declared. That either next 
 Sunday or Thiirfday (which of thefe two 
 his excellency flioiild pitch upon) he 
 would expccb him at court, and that he 
 
 " would lend fome of his courtiers to con- 
 
 " dud him thither." 
 
 At tiie fame time certain deputies from 
 his majclly brought along with them two 
 letters penned by Mr. Uulft^ our general, in 
 anfwcr to thofe lent from Cclumho to the em- 
 peror, and difpatched to his nwjefty, which 
 being well approved of by him, and figned 
 by his excellency in his majefty's name, 
 were carried the next day into the city. 
 
 Soon after news was brought from Mon- 
 iiial, that four hundred Porluguefes^ com- 
 manded by four officers, had been feen near 
 the fea-ihore on the other fide of the river, 
 but hitherto had not made the leaft attempt 
 of palling the fame. Abundance of the 
 inhabitants of the inland countries, who 
 perhaps had never had a fight of a man of 
 war, or any well-difciplined forces, flocked 
 thither (with his majefty's permiffion) to 
 fee them. About the fime time we receiv- 
 ed a reinforcement of fifty men from Pun- 
 tegale^ being all they could Ipare. 
 
 The before-mentioned letters fent in his 
 maiefty's name, and carried by fome of his 
 Aratchcs and L-afcarym into Columho, were 
 at firft received with a general falute of the 
 cannon and fmall arms ; but being opened, 
 the inhabitants fufficiently teftified their re- 
 fentment, telling the meflengers, that in cafe 
 their condition was not fo defperate, they 
 would play them another game before they 
 returned •, of which ufage the meflfengers 
 defired the general to make his complaint 
 to the emperor. 
 
 The fame day arofe a violent tempeft, 
 with rain, thunder, and lightning, which 
 killed one of our fentinels, and ftruck three 
 mufquets, in the church of ^uia de Lcbo, 
 all to pieces. The emperor was fo com- 
 plaillint, as to inquire the next day by one 
 of his meflengers, whether we had fuffered 
 any damage in our tents or works, and was 
 anfwered, that God iiad prelerved us from 
 all the danger. The fome day, being the 
 25th of March, two Europeans came over 
 to us ; one of them, a native of Marfeilles, 
 was overtaken by the way, and received 
 nine wounds, fo that he narrowly efcaped 
 to our works, but died the next morning. 
 
 The 26di a ferjeant, a Mijiice, came over 
 to us, and reported, that two more of the 
 iiime company watched only an opportuni- 
 .' "4 
 
 ty to defert : That they had already diftrl- 
 buted to each foldier his quota of provi- 
 fions, viz, a parra of rice per diem, for the 
 month oi' Jpri! : That they were much af- 
 fliclcd with the dropfy and the Bcribery, a 
 fwelling in the knees, which takes away the 
 ufe of their legs. 
 
 Soon after commoiAovc Roothaus kni insomefifli- 
 three filliermen, taken by our boats within ermen . 
 mufl-cet-fliot of the water-fort. The fea-taken- 
 mcn had fifty crowns given them (the ufual 
 reward for every 'Tony or fiflier-boat) and 
 twenty-five more as an incouragemenr. 
 Thefe fifliermen being the chief perfons 
 who fupplied the city with provifions. Or- 
 ders were alfo fent to the commodore, not 
 to expofe his feamen, without an abiblute 
 necefllty. 
 
 Some of our beft workmen were alfo con* 
 fulted about the creeling another battery 
 againft the baftion of St. John, in order to 
 dcftroy their pallilado work in the ditch, 
 and to facilitate the bringing over of the 
 gallery. The general told the emperor's 
 diffave, that he ftood in need of four or 
 five hundred pioneers and workmen ; but 
 he declined the matter, telling him, that 
 when he came to the emperor, he would 
 doubtlefs not deny his requeft. 
 
 About the fune time a Porltignefe mer- A Portu- 
 chai^t came in a boat crofs the bay intogue'emer- 
 our camp, in company of a iV^^ro trumpe- '^''^^' 
 ter. They reported, that they were re-^°o"ie 
 duccd to great extremity in the place; that camp, 
 no lels than one hundred thirty had been bu- 
 ried yefterday ; and that if moft of the 
 Pcriugucfes had not their legs fwelled by the 
 dropfy, they had deferred long before this. 
 
 The 29th of March the enemy were 
 preparing to attack the reboubt of Paul 
 Meno two hours before day. But the 
 Negro pioneers with the fentinel retreating 
 in time, and giving the alarm, they retired, 
 after having exchanged fome mufquet-balls 
 without doing any harm. Four deputies 
 arriving loon after to inquire the occafion 
 of fuch fmart firing, they were fliewn the 
 works, and told, that we wanted four or 
 five hundred Colys, or labourers. Three o- 
 ther fifliermen were alfo brought up by the 
 Ic-amen, who had tlie ufual reward given 
 them. 
 
 At the fime time the Popke-,uhurgh yacht 
 arriving from JVingurla, brought the fol- 
 lowing advice : 
 
 That Don Rodrigo de Lobo, Conde de Se- News 
 credo, viceroy o'i Goa, and his fecretary, *^°'?. ^°* 
 widi three of his domefticks, having been Leonard 
 poifoned, died within four or five days af- Williams, 
 ter. His death being concealed for fome 
 tmie, Manuel Mafcarcnhas Homem,- iormtx- "\ 
 
 ly governor of Ceylon, was (purfuant to -the 
 king's orders) conftituted two days al'ter 
 
 viceroy 
 
 &i
 
 Chap. 35. 
 
 A Defcription c/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 66^ 
 
 viceroy in his ftead: but the Fidalgcs, or 
 gentlemen, not being (iitisficd with his per- 
 fon, they expetted daily a revolt (juft as it 
 happened againft him at Columbo, 1652.) 
 However, not long after the viceroy's death, 
 the merchants of Goa began to load all the 
 yachts that were tiiere, as alfo one galleon 
 and a carrack, whilft the governor was biify 
 in equipping of men of war and other vef- 
 fels, intended for Ceylon^ offering tv/cnty 
 Seraphhis (or Butch guilders) to every fol- 
 dier that would lift himfelf. Our refident 
 of PFingurla further advifed, that they had 
 fent from Goa one hundred fixty fhips, and 
 among them fixteen men of war, the 8th 
 of Fehrum-)\ to the north, to fetch provi- 
 fions and Ibme otherneceflary commodities; 
 and that the laid fleet had tarried four or 
 five days in fight of Wingurla by reafon of 
 the contrary winds. That three Patachos, 
 or yachts, were failed for Mofambiquc ; but 
 one being leaky, was forced to return to 
 Bonibaffa ; two more to Macajfar, two 
 more to China ; and one carrack and a gal- 
 leon, viz. the Bon Jefus and Nojfa Senbora 
 de Gratia, fet lail the igihoi Februaij for 
 Portugal, aboard of which were carried 
 the following gentlemen, being accufed of 
 certain crimes againft the government, viz. 
 Don Bras de Cajlro, late governor general ; 
 Don Levjis de Soiiza ; Don Pedro de Cajlro -, 
 Alaiiuel de Souzo Cabraer, mafter of the ar- 
 tillery •, Diego de Salvaar, captain major •, 
 EJlcvaon de Melo, late governor of Ba^yn ; 
 Charles Hitdfart, a rich merchant -, Dr. Cal- 
 dero, and Jeronimo Lobo de Falhetta. In 
 the Bajfyn, (under the jurifdicSion of Goa) 
 remained prifoners, on account of being 
 concerned in the declaring Don Bras de Ca- 
 jlro viceroy, Don Rodrigo Monfanlo, a cap- 
 tain in the Baffyn \ the Veador de Fazendas, 
 or fur-intendanr of the merchants ; and Le- 
 on Corre. 
 
 He advifed, that the before-mentioned 
 carrack and galleon had aboard a very large 
 cargo of ftuffs and callico's, of cinnamon, 
 indigo, pepper, bezoar-flones, cloves, is^c. 
 And that feveral of the richeft merchants of 
 Goa having imbarked all their effects aboard 
 the laid two vefTels, were gone privately a- 
 long with theni to Portugal. 
 
 Two days before the yachts the Zierick- 
 fee and Naerden arrived before Goa, four 
 Patamars *, with a Portitguefe, came to 
 that place to bring advice of the defperate 
 condition of Columbo ; and that they ftood 
 in great need of the fo long expefted fuc- 
 coifrs. But the government of Goa finding 
 
 a great averfion in the Poriugtiefe foldicrs,B a l- 
 as well as the Negro Teamen, to go to Ceylcir, ° ^ "J\ 
 elpecially in this dangerous fcafon, tiiey -'^'V"^ 
 pretended to have received letters from Don 
 Anthoiiio de Soiiza Cciitinho, governor of Co- 
 lumbo, with advice, that the Batch had been 
 forced, with the afliftance of /-i/T/'fl .S/w^^, to 
 raife the fiege, and to make this news pafs 
 for current, the new viceroy, Manuel Maf- 
 carenha.i Homem, got the governor of Co- 
 hwibo'% hand counterfeited, and ordered for 
 three days fuccelTively ringing of bells, illu- 
 minations, bonfires, and other dcmonftra- 
 tions of Joy, to be made for its relief. 
 
 By the fame letters from Wingurla advice 
 was brought, that our flfips defigncd for 
 Perfta and Suratte, were liiil'd from thence ; 
 and that according to the intelligence recei- 
 ved from Bitfely (a Mahometan city not far 
 from Goa,) the fo long expected fquadron, 
 confifting of between twenty and thirty fhips, 
 was to foil within three days with men and 
 provifions for Ceylon: though this proved 
 afterwards only rhodomontade. 
 
 He further added, that after the depar- 
 ture of the before-mentioned veflels bound 
 to Perfia and Suratte, frequently yachts had 
 been fent to the river of Goa, to get intelli- 
 gence of the motion of the faid Iquatlron : 
 that as far as they could learn, they flayed 
 only for the return of the before -mention'd 
 fleet fent out to fetch provilions from the 
 north ; when they intended to force all the 
 feamen, before they could {tx. foot afliore, 
 aboard the men of war, in order to carry 
 them, together with feven or eight hundred 
 Europeans loldiers, and good ftore of provi- 
 fions, to the ifle of Ceylon, for the relief of 
 Columbo. According to the governor of 
 WingurlflS opinion, the fiiid fuccours could 
 not be ready before yi?/>r77; and that if by 
 that time they had no certain nevv's at Goa 
 of the furrender of Columbo, they would, 
 befidcs the before-mentioned fquadron, ga- 
 ther all their naval and land-forces, and in- 
 deavour to penetrate, with the ftrong north 
 wind, which commonly blows in that feafon 
 into the harbour of Columbo for its relief. 
 
 He further added, that there lay two 
 galleons and a carrack at anchor in the river 
 of Goa ; one whereof, which lay near Mar- 
 magon, would l^fiuce be fit to go out this 
 feafon. Laflly, that the yacht the Roman 
 lay ready to fail upon the firft news he fhould 
 receive of the going out of the fliid fquadron 
 for the relief of Columbo, to give us timely 
 notice of their coming. 
 
 * Patamars, are Indian advice-boats, covered all over, for the carriage of letters, which they tie round in 
 wax cbths to the malls. Patamars are alfo flying foot-polls. 
 
 C H A P.
 
 (564 
 
 B A L- 
 
 D « U S. 
 
 A Defiription 0/ C E Y L O N. Chap. 34, 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 Letters betwixt the emperor and general Several d friers come over to us. 
 general invited to the emperor s camp. 
 
 Th 
 
 JfO 
 
 pcror. 
 
 THE 30th oi March a good number 
 oiPoriuguefes paffing the fens In two 
 boats, callcLl Adanchous, attacked our forces 
 i,i their works near the gate of Mapane ; 
 but after feme firing on both fides, were 
 forced to retire in confufion. Soon after a 
 certain captain of a village was taken by 
 our people, who was fent out to fetch in 
 fome falcines, intended to be made ufe of 
 in ftrcngthening the cortin betwixt the ba- 
 ft ions of St. John and St. Stephen. Two 
 ^onys, or fifherboats, were likewife brought 
 in, with five fifhermen, and the feamen 
 rewarded according to cuftom. 
 Lftter At die fame time the general writ a letter 
 
 from the to the emperor, wherein he imparted to his 
 general to ^j^cfty the news he had received concerning 
 "■^ ^'"" the intended relief of Columbo. In the cv&n- 
 ingiwoPortugusfes, deferters that came from 
 the baflion of St. Stephen, (having fent the 
 fentinel upon an errand) gave us a tolerable 
 account of the condition of the city •, and 
 the next day another Portiiguefe deferter bore 
 the marks of their extremity in his counte- 
 nance, which was very meagre. The fea- 
 men alfo brought in four fifhermen niore ; 
 v/ho making up the number of fifteen in all, 
 they were fold for flaves by the found of 
 trumpet, to reimburfe us the money that was 
 given to the feamen for the taking of them. 
 The firfl o'i April the difTaves of Ouve and 
 the four Corks came at the hcatl of a troop 
 of one hnndvtALafcaryns, divided into cer- 
 tain companies, into the camp ; and bring- 
 ing along witli them a letter from his ma- 
 jefly to~^the general, neatly laid together, 
 they were received with all pollible marks 
 cf iionour. The letter ran thus : 
 
 Fifteen 
 fiftiermen 
 fold for 
 flaves. 
 
 The em- 
 peror's 
 letter to 
 the gene- 
 ral. 
 
 " \/ OUR excellency's letter, dated the 
 " 1 24th of Afcn/?', I recciv'd the fame 
 " day; wherein you declare your readinefs 
 " to ferve our imperial majeffy upon all oc- 
 *' cafions; which, together with the proofs 
 " we have receiv'd thereof ever fince your 
 " landing in this ifland, could not but be 
 " highly acceptable to our imperial maje- 
 *' fty. Your excellency declares, that you 
 *' will referve what you have further to pro- 
 " pofe till the time you fliall be admitted 
 " into our prefence. Our dearly beloved 
 " diredlor-general being fo near our camp, 
 " has neverthelefs not as yet appear'd in 
 *' our prefence, which we eafily pals by in 
 " regard of the alTedion our imperial ma- 
 *' jcfly bears to your perlbn. We have fent 
 *' the dilTaves of Ouve and of the Four 
 " Corks to condudl you hither. When 
 they are arrived, your excellency may or- 
 2 
 
 i( 
 
 der the difllxves of the Four Corks, and 
 of the Seven Corks, and of Saffragamme, 
 to take care in the mean while of the 
 forces, and what elfe you fhall find mofl 
 requifite for our fervice, and to chufe one 
 of them (whom you pleafe) for your con- 
 dudor, not queflioning, but that (ac- 
 cording to your wifdom and experience) 
 you will provide for the fecurity of our 
 forces, and our dear Hollanders. God 
 conduft your excellency with his bleffing, 
 that our imperial eyes may fee your per-' 
 fon, which happy hour and day I expedt 
 witli joyful eyes ; affuring your excellen- 
 cy, that whatever you fliall propofe to us 
 " will be as acceptable to our ears as the 
 " moft harmonious mufick in the world." 
 
 At Reygamwatte, April i, 1656. 
 
 It was then confulted what method was confuit^. 
 moft convenient to be taken, and what .pre- tions a- 
 parations were necelTary in order to attend bout the 
 the emperor with the utmoft fplendor; his§^?"^''* 
 dilTave having (by his majefly's orders ) ^'"^^g-°_ 
 appointed the next following IVednefday „._ 
 for the general's reception. But before his 
 departure he order'd two twelve-pounders to Two 
 be planted upon the battery againft St. Jchn^s more can- 
 baftion, where the next day a feaman was"°"P'*'i" 
 killed, and a foldier fliot by the fame ball J^^^^j^^^" ^ 
 through the hat, without touching his head, 
 or any other part. The fame day fifteen gj^j^^jj 
 Lafcciryns well armed, coming over to us deferters, 
 from the baftion of St. Stephen, were over- 
 taken by fome Portugiiefe forces, with 
 whom there happened a fmart fkirmifli 
 before they could get clear, two of them 
 being wounded. They were imploy'd in 
 our works .near the gate oi Rajuha. 
 
 In the afternoon the difTaves of Ouve and 
 the Four Corks came with a numerous re- 
 tinue to attend the general, leaving it to his 
 choice whom of the two he would pitch 
 upon to conduft him to his majefty. After 
 fome difcourfe the difTave of Saffragamme 
 was named by his excellency for that pur- 
 pofe, and order'd to get every thing in rea- 
 dinefs for their departure againtl the next 
 morning. News was brought at the fame 
 time, that feven Canaryns were taken by 
 fome of the emperor's forces above Negum- 
 ho, coming in a fiflierboat from Columbo. 
 
 The 4th oi April in the afternoon, advice 
 being given that his majefty was come on 
 horfcback to the pals of fVelecande, the ge- 
 neral was preparing to meet him there i but 
 as they were juft ready to take horfe, cer- 
 tain difliives came poft with a melTage from 
 the emperor, defiring the general not to 
 
 come 
 
 (It
 
 Chap. ^4. 
 
 A Defiripion c/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 6(55 
 
 roey to the 
 emperor. 
 
 ■Honoura' 
 ble recep 
 
 come till to morrow, becaufe his majcfty 
 was returned immediately. 
 rhegene- Accordingly the 5th of Jpril the general 
 ral fetsout f^t out on his journey, in order to wait on 
 onhisjour- j^jg majeity, attended by tlie two fadors, 
 Edward Ooms and I'sbrajid Gotskens ; the 
 fifcal Lucas van dcr Dujfen, Cornelius Falken- 
 burgh fecretary, James van der Rbce the inter- 
 preter, George Bloom, and Don John de Cojla, 
 accompany'd by the imperial diilaves of 
 Ouve and Saffragamme, and a company of 
 firelocks under captain John Hart/nan ; Mr. 
 Adrian van der Meyden, major Fan derLaan, 
 the dilTave of the Four-Corks, befides feve- 
 ral officers ol note, conducting them as far 
 as to the pafs of Nacolegamme, his majcfty 
 being then encamped upon the river of Rey- 
 ga7invatte. 
 
 The firft teftimony of refpe6t fhewed to 
 the diredlor general of his majefty, was the 
 tion of the yf^^j. ^f three fine and well-accoutred horfes, 
 genera . ^-^^ ^j^^ courtiers to make ufe of them at plea- 
 fure. Thefe were followed by five tame 
 elephants, with their guides, who were or- 
 dered to keep in the van. Then came a 
 confiderable number of noblemen and of- 
 ficers, at the head of their refpeftive troops, 
 paying their refpefls to his excellency, and 
 asking after his health. As they approach- 
 ed the imperial head-quarters they were 
 met by fome of the chief men ot his majc- 
 fty's court, accompany'd by a vaft number 
 of foldiers, umbrello-carriers , trumpets, 
 muficians, eleven elephants, and two fine 
 horfes, with faddles, bridles, and other or- 
 naments befet with gold and precious ftones 
 to compliment his excellency in his maje- 
 fty's behalf. Thus they marched on through 
 a guard of fufi leers and bowmen ranged on 
 both fides for a quarter of an hour together, 
 till they came to a houfe prepared for the ge- 
 neral's reception, neatly furnifhed, the out- 
 ward rooms being hung with hanging of a 
 white linen cloth, and the bed-chambers 
 with gold fluffs. Here the general entered 
 with his retinue under a falvo of firelocks, 
 placed on the other fide of the river near the 
 imperial palace. They had fcarce arrived 
 here two hours, but his majefly's difTaves 
 came to inquire after the general's health, 
 being informed that his excellency was feized 
 with an ague, which had made him refolve 
 to come to him in perfon, had he not re- 
 ceived nearer advice, that his dearly-belo- 
 ved diredlor was on the mending-hand, of 
 which he expefted the confirmation with 
 the utmofl impatience. Thefe compliments 
 were returned by the general with the utmofl 
 demonflrations of refpecfl and duty, telling 
 the difTaves, That he was highly defirous to 
 appear in the prefence of fo famous and po- 
 tent a monarch fo foon as pofTible could be, 
 his prefence being abfolutely necefTary in the 
 camp. 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Next day being the 6th, great flore of^Ai,- 
 provifions of the bell kind wer; brought in °^ r^ 
 boats for the general and his wholt* retinue. 
 In the afternoon lome courtiers brought The fcr.s- 
 word to the general in private, t!uu his ma- "■*' P'":' 
 jcfty being feized that morning v/ith a ll'.d- hhTctyiV. 
 den illnefs, could (to his great affliction) not 
 fpeak v.ith his excellency that day. Mis 
 excellency reply'd. That he was heartily for- 
 ry his prefence was lb abfolutely neceflary 
 in the camp, that he could not without great 
 hazard flay, fince it was uncertain how loon 
 his majefty might recover ; for which rea- 
 fon he defired leave to depart for this time 
 till a better opportunity, defiring that four 
 horfes might be laid by the way, which, ^s 
 foon as his majefty thought convenient, 
 might carry him with all fpeed to court ; 
 whereupon orders were given to John Hart- 
 man to prepare for the march -, which was 
 done accortiingly the fame night. 
 
 Soon after we underflcod th?t his maje- 
 fty had been forced to have been let blood 
 in the arm ; and that he had fhewed a great 
 deal of ibrrow for the intended departure of 
 the general, telling his courtiers. That being 
 fcnfible how necelTary his prefence was in 
 the camp, he woukl either the next m.orning, 
 or at furtheft in the evening, admit him into 
 liis prefence, in cafe he found the leafl abate- 
 ment of his illnefs. In the mean while the 
 general fent the following letter to his ma^ 
 
 Moji ferene emperor, 
 
 " npHREE days being already pafTcd The gerr.. 
 " I fince I came hither by your maie- "^^''^ '^"^^ 
 
 " fty's command and dcfire •, but not being 
 " able hitherto to appear in your majefly's 
 " prefence, I moll humbly beg leave to 
 " return to the camp, the whole burden 
 " whereof refts upon my foldiers, pro- 
 " mifing to be ready to attend your majc- 
 " fly, whenever you fhall think fit to fend 
 " for me-, and living in conflant hopes, 
 " that in cafe fome mifcarriage or other 
 " fhould happen in my abfcnce, the fune 
 " will not be alledged againil me, and put 
 " upon me as a blemifh to blot out the 
 " remembranceof my former fcrvice. God 
 " proted: the emperor. 
 
 April 7. 1656. Your majefly's mofl 
 
 humble furvant, 
 
 Gerard hhlfi. 
 
 This done, the general ordered Tsbratui 
 Gotskens and Bon John de Cofta, with fome 
 of his trufly Lafcaryns, to take a view of die 
 king's guards upon the road, with an inten- 
 tion, that in cafe he faw no certain profpeft 
 of going to court today, (as indeed there was 
 3 F but 
 
 to 
 peror.
 
 666 
 
 A Description of Q.Y.XI.O N. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 O ,»• U 9 
 
 but little appearance he fhould, confiaering 
 the emperor's indilpofition, ) he would pri- 
 ^^^"^^ vately go jh)!!: to the camp. The 8th ot 
 April the tollowiiig letter was delivered to 
 the general from tlic cmjxTor. 
 
 The em- 
 peror's let- 
 ter 10 the 
 general. 
 
 " -p 1 1 1''. perfons fent to inquire after 
 " J your excellency's health, deUvered 
 " to me, with a great deal of latistaftion, 
 " your excellency's letter wrote on friday 
 " lall at four a-clock. I was extremely 
 " pl'Mfed to heiir you were in health, and 
 " retained the Hime inclinations for our fer- 
 " vice. It was on the other hand no fmall 
 " affliftion to me, that you had ftay'd fo 
 " long in my court, without being able to 
 " fee you. I alFurc you, that the fame has 
 happened far beyond my wilhes or inten- 
 tion ; but it feems to have been fo or- 
 dained by God, that your excellency 
 fliould be a witnefs of my illnefs, and at 
 die fame time have an opportunity of re- 
 
 " ceiving the prefent font to you by the 
 " prince, (born by God's providence for 
 " thewelfareof my fubjefts,) anddeliver'd 
 " into my hands before my departure from 
 " Candy. Your excellency may prepare 
 " your felf againft to morrow, when I will 
 " fend word tor your appearance in my pre- 
 " fence; which done, you fliall have liber- 
 " ty to return into the camp : when I will 
 " alfo iffue my orders for the furnifhing you 
 " with all things requifite for the accom- 
 " pliOimcnt of fuch meafures as Ihall be 
 " taken betwixt us. After my recovery I 
 " intend to come in perfon into your camp, 
 " for which realon I have commanded the 
 " diiTave of Oiive to prepare my quarters 
 " there. No more, but that our imperial 
 " majefty does not ceafe to pray to God 
 " for your excellency's welfare. 
 
 April 7. before Raja Sitiga, mofl: potent 
 Ireak of day. emperor of Ccylo)i. 
 
 3> 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 The general's tnojl magnificent entry : He 
 fence. What pajjed at their intervieiv. 
 innate end. 
 
 is admitted into his niaje fly's fre- 
 The general' s return : His iinfor- 
 
 Thegene- A BOUT noon, juft as the general was 
 cal'sentry. J^ ^^ dinner, we heard a noife of drums, 
 trumpets, and other mufick on the other 
 fide of the river -, and foon after faw fome of 
 the chief courtiers of the emperor, with 
 three of the choiceft horfes of his ftable, 
 adorned with moft magnificent faddles, bri- 
 dles, and other accoutrements, to advance 
 in very good order towards us ; fome per- 
 fons of the firft quality marching before to 
 invite his excellency to court. The general 
 ordered immediately his guards to pafs the 
 river with the prefents, with an intention 
 to follow them in perfon with his whole 
 train •, where his excellency was compliment- 
 ed by the diflaves of Oiive and Matuk, the 
 captain of his majefty's Guard du corps, and 
 a great number of other courtiers. The 
 whole cavalcade was ordered in the follow- 
 ing manner : His excellency's guards led the 
 van, fifteen enfigns and flandards being by 
 the firfb ranks carried trailing upon the 
 ground to fhew the fpoils of their enemies. 
 Thefe were followed by his majefty's horfes 
 and muficians, and then by five tame ele- 
 phants : without the gate of^ the palace were 
 ranged a vaft number of musketeers •, and 
 pairing over the bridge they found the guard 
 in the outward court ranged on both fides, 
 through which they marched into the impe- 
 rial palace. 
 His au- The doors being Hiut after them, all the 
 dience. Hollanders there prefent were condudled 
 4 
 
 through a large fquare into a fpacious hall, 
 (called by them Mandonoe,) on the weft- 
 fide whereof they found his majefty feated 
 in great pomp upon a chair of ftate, mounted 
 fome fteps from the ground. No fooner had 
 they altered the hall, but all the great cour- 
 tiers paid their reverence by falling fiat with 
 their faces upon the ground, and xht Dutch 
 upon their knees, till his majeily was pleafed. 
 to order them to rife by a nod. Then they 
 began to approach the imperial throne, ad- 
 orned with moft precious tapeftries of gold, 
 (called by them Jkatives,) coming to the 
 middle of the hall, they fell upon their knees, 
 a fecond time, according to the cuftom of 
 the eaftern nations, till his majefty was 
 pleafed to arife from his feat, and command- 
 ed the general to come nearer, who made 
 the follov/ing fpeech to his majefty : 
 
 Aloft potent monarch ! 
 
 " "VTOUR moft humble fervant ap- His fpeech 
 " X preaches your imperial throne with '^° ^"*' 
 " a mo(l violent pafiion, in confidence of 
 your generous inclinations and wont- 
 ed clemency, which has encouraged me 
 to addrefs myfelf to your majefty (whofe 
 name is renowned throughout the world) 
 with a moft fincere v/ilh, that God Al- 
 mighty will be pleafed to blefs your moft 
 illuftrious imperial majefty, and the 
 prince, with a long and happy life for 
 
 the 
 
 - peror.
 
 ' Chap. 3 6. 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 66() 
 
 His corpfc was depofited -in a vault un- 
 der ground at Gak\ till 1657. when by 
 order from Mr. Van der Meyderiy it was 
 interred with great folemnity in the church 
 there near the pulpit, his arms, buckler, 
 fword, and fpurs being hung againft the 
 wall. In the year 1658. tlic laid corpfe 
 being tranfported from thence to Cclunibo-, 
 was put into a {lately monument there, 
 with an infcription upon it, containing in 
 fubftance, That he had purchafcd the conqiicjt 
 vf Columbo by his death, for the honour of 
 his native country. 
 
 After the decrafe of the general, the bur- 
 den of the fupreme command of tlie fiege 
 was hid by unanimous confent upon the 
 Mr. Van flioulders of Mr. /Jdrian -van der Meyden, 
 der Vley- governor of Gale, who had the good for- 
 ' ''", "V tune to fee the city reduced in the next fol- 
 rrcner.-)! in lowing month ot May. 
 'that dig The 13th of April a letter v/as brought 
 I'ty- to the camp from Leonard Johnfon, dated 
 ^} ''^"^ the fecond, at IVinj/urla, intimatina;. That 
 ?cr!a, con- '^^°"ty"'^^'o ingats, under the command or 
 cerning Frantifeo de Seixa Cabreira, with all forts of 
 the I'oita- piovifions, and eight hundred Pcrtuguefes 
 gutfe fuc- i^indmen aboard, were failed from Gca \ 
 whereupon the o.onwwoA.^'cttRoothaus and Pe- 
 ter de Bitter being fent for, to confult what 
 was beft to be done, it was refolved (in or- 
 der to prevent their bringing into the city 
 the intended fuccours) to attempt a vigo- 
 rous affiiult upon the baftion of St. Stephen., 
 for which purpofe four brave officers were 
 chofcn, who, with eighty volunteers, (who 
 had offered themfelves for a reward of 
 iifty crowns a-piece,) were to make the at- 
 tack. 
 
 The fame evening the Fluffing yacht co- 
 ming to an anchor in the road, foon alter 
 -Adrian van der Maart., her captain, came 
 afiiore, and told the general. That about 
 ri-.eFIuf- tluee days before, meeting with the Portiw 
 iin; )-^c\i\. guefe fquadron near Coulang and the cape 
 I p '■''^'•'' * Comcryn, he had attacked one of their fri- 
 iett &^^ '^° fuccefsfully, that he faw her fink 
 
 before his eyes, fixteen Pcrtuguefes only, 
 with captain Siiuon Souza., being faved of all 
 that were aboard her ; that foon after he 
 had loft fight of them all, fuppofing they 
 were returned to the cape Comcryn, it being 
 his opinion, that as the wind ftood, they 
 muft before this have been near Columbo. 
 In the night time, a certain Portuguefe cap- 
 1 Poiti:- tair, one of the Fidalgos, or gentlemen, 
 I juefe gen- who had been concerned in declaring Don 
 ' 'sro^" Bras de Cajtro viceroy of Goa, came over 
 to us, having been detained prifoner in ths 
 baftion of St. Stephen, and made his efcape 
 with four of his fervants through Don Fran- 
 cifco de Rolyn's houfe, by means of a boat. 
 He entertained the new general for a confi- 
 derable time. It was in the mean time re- 
 folved to delay the affault upon the baftion 
 .N^. 126. Vol. III. 
 
 :oniesover . 
 o us. 
 
 of Si. Stephen for two or three d.ays. Our ^ * '" 
 interpreter, George Bloein, returned alfo with °'^''^ 
 tlie following letter of condolence from his 
 
 majtfcy. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, moft patent emperor of 
 Ceylon, voifhes health to Mr. Adrian van 
 der Meyden, governor of the imperhd for- 
 trefs of Gale. 
 
 YOUR letter, dated in the evening L««^^ of 
 at ievtn a clock on monday, the ,""^°f^„^ 
 loth ot April, d:d arrive in the impe- theempe- 
 rial camp about midnigb.t, ar.d v/as dc- ror. 
 livered to our imperial majefty on tuef- 
 day about noon. The death of our di- 
 redor-gcncral has caufed an cxceffive af- 
 fliction in our imperial heart. Whilft 
 our beloved direftor was at our court, 
 I was unwilling (according to the fingu- 
 lar love I bore to his perfon) to let him 
 know my illnefs ; but being now on the 
 mending hand, I am forced to hear of 
 his death, which now we muft- commit 
 to providence, and fubmit to his v/ill. 
 Our imperial majefty has likcwife under- 
 ftood by your excellency's letter, that 
 you are invefted with the fame power as 
 our beloved direftor-general was. It is 
 a general received cuftom in the courts 
 of all the great monarchs, that in cafe a 
 perfon of note, and in good eftecm v/ith 
 them, dies, his fuccefibr appears before 
 the faid monarch, and receives liis con- 
 hrmation and bleiTing at his hands. As 
 you have always been ftrviceable to us, 
 it is our pleafure that you come to court, 
 (in the fame manner as the director-ge- 
 neral did,) in order to receive the ho- 
 nours due to your merits; being fcnfible 
 that you have rendrai us confiderable 
 Icrvices, without iiaving received any re- 
 ward hitherto •, v/hcrefore it is my plea- 
 lure, that when you refolve to come, you 
 give notice thereof beforehand what day 
 you have pitched upon, in order to re- 
 ceive you with the lame refpeft as the 
 direftor-general, your predecefTor. I 
 doubt not in the niean while, but you 
 will be very careful in your high ftation. 
 At the clofing of this letter, advice is 
 brought, that the Pcrtuguefes expeiSb eve- 
 ry day fuccours, v/hich has made me give 
 ftri(5l orders to keep a ftrift guard, both 
 by fea and land." 
 
 In the camp and 
 court ot Rey- 
 gr.niwatte, i j 
 
 .April 
 
 656. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, moft 
 potent emperor of Cey- 
 lon. 
 
 Elei'en 
 
 In the night two Portuguefe, three To- Laicaryn, 
 paps, and eleven Lafcaryn deierters, gave ''"■f.^ '^°" 
 a doleful account of the miferable condi- P^ISguei^ 
 
 8 G tiondeferters.
 
 Ba L- 
 
 D.C U (. 
 
 A Defcription of CEY LO N. 
 
 Chap. 36. 
 
 More lie- 
 ferscrs. 
 
 Tlic em- 
 peror's Ict- 
 iti to the 
 new gene- 
 ral. 
 
 He crJers 
 the iate ge- 
 neral's 
 jewels to 
 be fent in- 
 to Hol- 
 land. 
 
 tion of the city, and of the ficknefs and 
 mortaHty that nigncd there. Tlie fixtcenth 
 we pl-iyed molt furioufly agiinft the gate 
 of R^juba ; and the general having il nt 
 advice of the expcfted fuccoiirs in the city 
 to the emperor, gave orders to commodore 
 Rooti'aus, to keep tlie Fluffing, Popkem- 
 burgb^ and JJon yachts in rcadinels, to 
 purfue the enemy's iquadron. About the 
 lame time a Portugiiefe captain came over 
 to us, with eiglueen Lafccryns and three 
 '■Tcpciffes: his pretence was, I'hat having re- 
 ceived an affront from the governor, he 
 had taken this method to revenge himfelf 
 Bieddof van der Beek writ from Mafane, 
 that the poor ftarved wretches in tlie plain 
 betwixt our works and the city, butciured 
 one another, two women having lately de- 
 voured their new-born babes. The igthot 
 April a letter was delivered to the general 
 from the emperor. 
 
 YOUR excellency's was delivered to 
 me after midnight •, by which you 
 declaring your readinefs to lerve me, the 
 fame was received with fingiilar fatisfac- 
 tion, knowing that your excellency, ever 
 fince your landing in this ifle, has fhewn 
 a more than ordinary inclination for our 
 fervice. Your excellency being now, 
 through God's mercy, put into this 
 high itatiop, it is expefted you fhould 
 give more fignal proofs thereof than be- 
 fore. You alfo mention the expected 
 Portuguese fuccours, and the fuccefs of 
 our faithful iloUanders againft them. I 
 hope in God, that this vi6t:ory will prove 
 the forerunner of others. What I writ 
 in my lafl, concerning your care in the 
 camp, was not intended as if I queftion- 
 ed your conduft, but becaufe it belong- 
 ed to ir.e to mention it. You further 
 advife, that the enemy's fquadron has 
 orders to fail direftly for Coliimbo % but 
 ccnfideripg the ill treatment Mancel Mnf- 
 carcnhas Ilcmem, the prefent viceroy of 
 Goc, met with at Cobtmbo, (whillt go- 
 vernor there, ) it fccms to me mofl 
 probable, that he has fent this fleet 
 rather to be worfted by the Hollanders, 
 than with a real intention to relieve Co- 
 lumho. 
 
 " Your excellency fays. That one Nko~ 
 lao de Mourn, captain-ma]or of the city, 
 is come over to us : I defire you would 
 give a good entertainment to all fuch as 
 come to us with a fincere intention. The 
 other news has been very acceptable to 
 me : God, I hope, will crown our en- 
 deavours with fuccefs. Your mention- 
 ing the late decealed direftor general's 
 name has renewed my grief; and as I 
 loved him intirely, fo I muft recommend 
 to you the jewels which were prefented 
 2 
 
 to him (whilft living) from our impe- 
 rial maielly, that the fame may be fent 
 info Holland to his next kindred •, it 
 being our will and pleafure to give up- 
 on this occafion a convincing proof to 
 our Hollanders of the mofl fincere af- 
 fcdlion we bear them. For though the 
 unfortunate death of the laid direftor 
 has robbed him of the opportunity to 
 execute thofe defigns he had projedted 
 for our fervices, yet his counfels, care, 
 and watclifulnefs, will remain for ever 
 in our memories. I am very follicitous 
 to know what method you intend to take 
 in reducing the city, whether by force or 
 famine. If you intend to take it by af- 
 fault, let me know of it two or three days 
 before-hand fecretly. My illnefs has hi- 
 therto prevented me from profecuting my 
 rtfolution of coming into the camp, to 
 take a a iew of all the works of the Hol- 
 landers ; however, I am refolved to come 
 nearer to the camp ; which, as foon as it 
 is done, I will give you notice thereof, 
 and defire your prefence there, in order 
 to concert meafures with you before you 
 return to the camp. No more, i£c" 
 
 Reygam watte, 28 
 April 1656. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, mofl: po- 
 tent emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 P. S. " It is defired that the captain 
 " who funk one of the enemies frigats, 
 " and forced the reft to return back, may 
 " come along with the general to the em- 
 " peror, in order to m.ake himfelf known 
 " to his majefty. 
 
 The fuperfcription was. 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, moft potent emperor 
 of Ceylon, wifhes health to Adrian van 
 der Meyden, governor of our imperi- 
 al fortrefs of Gale. 
 
 In the afternoon a ceffation of arms be- 
 ing ordered for fome time, the following 
 fummons were fent into the city. 
 
 H 
 
 Aving by the prefent fiege reduced Summon9 
 
 the citizens of Cclumbo to the laft 
 extremity, and bereaved them of all 
 hopes of the fo long expefted fuccours 
 from Goa, we thought fit to fummon the 
 city a fecond time in the name of his impe- 
 rial majefty. Raja Singa, and of the ho- 
 nourable the Dutch-Et'ft-India company. 
 For the fquadron fent the nth of this 
 month from Goa by the new viceroy Ma- 
 no el Mafcarenhas Homem [Conde de Sccredo, 
 his predecefTor dying the 1 3th of 'Janu- 
 ary') to the relief of Coliimbo, being pret- 
 ty well provided with provifions, but 
 very indifferently manned, was engaged 
 
 " fo 
 
 fent into 
 Coluznbo. 
 
 tn\
 
 .HAP. 
 
 37 
 
 A Dsfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 6^l 
 
 fo briskly by our people, that fome of 
 their frigats were loft, others much da- 
 maged, and the reft forced to retire in con- 
 fufion to Tutecoryn and Manaar. Ac- 
 cording to the opinion of your own cap- 
 tain Simon de Soiiza, and fome others, 
 that are our prifoners, moft of the men 
 aboard them are likely to defert, for fear 
 of falling into the hands of our fliips 
 that are cruifing thereabouts ; and the 
 reft will fcarce be able, by reafon of the 
 Mou(fo}i^ to reach this place. Perhaps 
 you may flatter yourfelf, that the fame 
 Monjon will oblige our (hips to leave, be- 
 fore long, as well thofe parts as this bay; 
 but if you rely upon this point, we de- 
 clare our felves innocent of all the grie- 
 vances and fufterings put upon the poor 
 citizens, who will, befidcs this, be thereby 
 put in danger of lofing all they have ; 
 whereas at prefent they may expedt ho- 
 nourable conditions, which they cannot 
 hope for hereafter. We recommend this 
 to your excellency's confideration, and 
 your perfon to God's protefcion. 
 
 In the imperial 
 camp before 
 Columbo, 1 8 
 April 1656. 
 
 Adrian van der Meyden. 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 D^ U S. 
 
 The following letter was fent in anfwcr -/"Y'^^J 
 to the former. 
 
 " 'Tp H E letter fent to me by the moft Ti,e ^^, 
 
 " 1 noble general Gerard Hulft, dated fwir. 
 
 " the gth of November laft, I anfv/ered at 
 
 " that time ; which, as it cannot be un- 
 
 " known to your excellency, fo the fame 
 
 " anfwer may ferve to your letter; neither 
 
 " the change of war, nor want of pro- 
 
 " vifions having given me fufficient oc- 
 
 " cafion hitherto to alter my refolution, 
 
 " which is, to take care of and defend the 
 
 " city to the utmort of my power, for the 
 
 " fervice of the king my maftcr. God 
 
 " proteft your excellency." 
 
 Columbo, April 
 19. 1656. 
 
 Antonio de Scuza Coutinho. 
 
 Being convinced by this letter, that no- 
 thing but force could reduce them to reafon, 
 the cannon v/ere ordered to play again as 
 before. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. 
 
 Many dcfertcrs. Letters fro?n the ewpcror. Ysbrand Goti-.kens fent to his 
 majefty. Refolution taken to ajjaidt the city. Succours arrived from Batavia. 
 
 THE 2ift oi April, feven Lafcaryn de- 
 fcrters reported. That the citizens and 
 Toldiers beginning to murmur for want of 
 rice, it was refolved to give each citizen 
 ^nd foldier three fourths, and to each 
 Topas and Lafcaryn an half niedide per 
 diem, befides their former allowance. 
 Soon atter a Portuguefe deferrer related, 
 That they had barricadoed up moft 
 of die ftreets, and planted cannon in 
 them 
 
 neral received 
 the emperor. 
 
 I The era- 
 
 j peror's let- 
 
 ' ter to the 
 
 general. 
 
 About the fame time the new ge- 
 following letter from 
 
 the 
 
 Raja Singa Rajou, &c. 
 
 " /^ U T of your letter, dated the 1 9th 
 " V^ of April, I have (with a great deal 
 " of fatisfadlion) undei-ftood your good 
 " health, and good inclinations for my fer- 
 " vice, as well as of major John van der 
 " Lean, and the reft of the chief officers. 
 " Before the arrival of the late direffor-ge- 
 " neral (of blefied memory) I had taken a 
 *'• refofution within my felf to come and 
 " take a view of your camp -, but being 
 " then prevented by my iUnefs, I f^ili con- 
 
 tinue in the fame refolution, not only to 
 view the works there, but alio to be a 
 fpeftator of the brave aftions performed 
 there for my fervice. My faithful Hol- 
 landers, who are come hither from far 
 diftant countries, have for feveral months 
 laft paft endured many miferies, not with- 
 out much eftufion of blood ; and as I am 
 ftedfaftly perfuaded that both I and our 
 imperial family may promife our felves 
 the fame and more for the future, fo fliall 
 I think it no trouble to come fo far into 
 the camp, to be an eye-wicnefs (to my 
 great fatisfaclion) of the brave aftions 
 performed there for our imperial maje- 
 fty's fervice. That no notice has been 
 taken hitherto by this court of the cap- 
 tain-major, is to be attributed to his be- 
 ing employed day and night in the com- 
 pany's fervice. Some foolifh people 
 are much deceived, if they judge that 
 there can be the leaft feparation of in- 
 tereft betwixt our majefty and the com- 
 pany, the wifer fort being convinced 
 that our intereft is the fame. The faid 
 major John van der Laan has done me 
 confiderable fervjce ever fince his com- 
 ing into this ifle ; and therefore I de- 
 
 ** clare
 
 dyi 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chaf. ^y. 
 
 " clarc, That fincc the Lite dircftor-ge- 
 " neral appeared at this court, I did hiy 
 " afide all animoiicy, in confideration ot 
 " his great quahties and fervices y fo that 
 " now the laid major who has fpilled his 
 " blood more than once, and been wound- 
 " cd with bullets in my lervice, fhall be 
 " made ienfibie of the love and affedHon 
 " 1 bear him, whenever he comes into 
 " my prefence. What you mention a- 
 " bout ALifi^renhas, is no Icfs than the 
 " truth, and an undeniable one, to con- 
 " vince the world, tliat God will take re- 
 «' venge of fuch as olfend their fovereigns, 
 "• which induces me to believe, that this 
 " war, we jointly carry on againft our 
 " enemy, will be blefTed by God with fuc- 
 " cefs. I was very glad to underftand by 
 " your excellency's letter, that the jewels 
 " prefented by me to the direftor-general 
 " have been fcnt to Batavia., in order to 
 " be tranfported from thence by trufty 
 " perfons into Holland. The laid direclor- 
 " genera! having done me fuch fignid 
 " fervices, ever fince his coming into 
 " tliis country, I intend fo foon as the 
 " war is brought to a conclufion, to fend 
 " a letter with the firil fliips to the 
 " St.ites general of Holland, to give them 
 " an ranple t;ftimony thereof. The re- 
 " folution taken in the council of war 
 " is very acceptable to me : but as 
 " your excellency in his high ftation has 
 " the chief managem.ent of fuch matters 
 " as tend to our majefty's fervice in 
 " your hands, fo I am moft inclined to 
 " follow your advice. The method pro- 
 " pofcd for the reducing of the city 
 *' has been debated in our imperial coun- 
 " cil ; but r.s the fame mull be expreffed 
 " in a different language (which carries 
 " along with it a coiifiderable alteration) 
 " I will pafs it by in filence, earneftly re- 
 " quiring you, that whenever the faid re- 
 " folution is to be put in execution, to fend 
 " me advice of it, that I may affift you 
 " there in perfon. You are of opinion 
 " that it would be more convenient for 
 " me not to come into the camp, till 
 " after the taking of the city; but what 
 " bufinefs have I in the camp then, un- 
 " lefs it be to fee the conditions per- 
 " formed ; whereas the late direftor-ge- 
 ." neral had given me his word, that 
 " tile city iliould be delivered into my 
 " hands. In the letter I fent to your 
 " excellency, I defired that the captain 
 " v/ho had funk the Partuguefe Ihip 
 ." fhould come along -with you to our 
 " court i and you having made no men- 
 " tion of him .in your anfwer, I am at a 
 *' ilaiid to guefs the reafon thereof. The 
 .'^ auk ward anfwer of the Porttiguefcs in 
 -'-' Cilumbo to your fummons, Ihews them 
 2 
 
 " to be void of fenfe •, and I, who am 
 " well acquainted with their bravadoes, 
 " look upon it as an infallible fign of their 
 " diftrefs, being convinced, by my own 
 " experience in divers engagements, that 
 " when they were moft at a pinch, they 
 " would brag moft. I liave for a confi- 
 " derable time confidered with my felf, 
 " whether I fliould write a letter to thofe 
 " in the city, but for fear of a haughty 
 " anfv/er, I refolve to let it alone. No 
 more, i^c." 
 
 Hhe 2 2d of April 
 1656. 
 
 Rcja Shiga Rajcu, moft 
 potent emperor of 
 Ceylon. 
 
 The following letter was inclofed, and 
 diredtcd to the Sabandcar of Gale, Dor. John 
 de Crjla. 
 
 AVING been informed by feveral 
 of our meffengcrs fent from hence 
 with letters, That fince the arrival of the 
 late direclor-general of blefied memory, 
 you have given all imaginable fatisfac- 
 tion in reference to his ptrion,' I intend- 
 ed to have fent you a prefent at that 
 time; but that the faid direitor's depar- 
 ture (which was fo fudden, that my fer- 
 vants did not overtake him bciore he 
 came to Krahenhof) prevented it. But 
 when the new general fliall appear at 
 court, you, as well as the reft of the 
 officers, ftiall not be forgot. You have 
 been an eye-witnefs of the refpeft paid by 
 me here to the dire6lor-general ; and when 
 ever the new general makes his appe^ir- 
 ance before us, the lame fhall (not with- 
 out great reafon) be increafed, our im- 
 perial majefty having received more 
 lignal f..rvices from his excellency, 
 whereof I would have you give no- 
 tice to him at the firft opportunity. 
 If you fliould happen to difcover any 
 error in fuch letters as are fent from this 
 court, you ftiall excufe them to the ge- 
 neral. You fhall alfo put him in mind, 
 that we ftand in need here of an anvil, 
 and a pair of fmith's bellows ; and as 
 there is frequent cccafion for wri- 
 ting, do not forget to let us be fur- 
 niflied v/ith fome white paper -, you 
 may fend alio fome China ware. Fare- 
 wel." 
 
 At the Ccurt of Reygam- 
 
 watte, April 23. 1656. 
 
 A Topas 
 defer ter 
 The 24th of the fame month, a Topas dc- brings a 
 fcrter, named Lazaro Henrico, who came '^"'^' ^!°"* 
 over .to us, during the fiege of Cakture, but in'"colura- 
 
 aftcr- bo.
 
 ^HAP. 
 
 n 
 
 A Defcription of CBYLO N. 
 
 ^7; 
 
 afterwards run over again to the enemy, 
 (notwithftanding he was well entertain'd by 
 the late dircdlor-generalj brought a letter 
 from Manoel Fcnfeque de Moniis^ a merchant 
 of Columbo^ directed to major Van der Laan. 
 
 Mr. Van der Laan^ 
 
 IBeg of you to believe what I am go- 
 ing to tell you concerning the prefcnt 
 condition of the city. Be carelu! not to 
 venture a ftorm, they having provitled 
 retrenchments in all poflis, well provided 
 with cannon, befides four mines, to be 
 difcovered to you by my fervant. The 
 rice is fold ftill at three Seraphyns, and 
 is very fcarce. If you intend to haften the 
 furrender of this city, fend fomebody 
 from Cakture hither, to convince them 
 that they are fWl living there : this be- 
 ing the reafon why they would not hither- 
 to hearken to any conditions. I fend my 
 fervant with this letter to you, to fliew 
 the fame to the general, though it is ru- 
 moured abroad here that general Hulfi 
 is dead •, but I don't believe it. The 
 next thing I have to requeft, for God's 
 
 
 flike, and as you tender our friendfliip, 
 is to preferve and fecure the bearer here- 
 of, being rcfolv'd likewife to come over 
 to you, which I cannot do at prefent, be- 
 ing fo narrowly v/atch'd ; but hope to be 
 with you in a few days. God grant you 
 a longJife." 
 
 Your fervant and flave. 
 
 T 
 
 IIOSE that are ordci'd to give the B a l- 
 afliiult upon the baftions, Ihall be°'^^-- 
 obliged to fix the fcaling ladders them- j|!^"jQ^^' 
 felves, and ufc their utmoft endeavours [jons for 
 to make themfelvcs maflers thereof, andthc-inr n.!- 
 to maintain themfelves there. In cafe<='^ aiiault. 
 the baflion of St. Stephen be taken, the 
 commanding officer fliall let the trumpe- 
 ter found the tune IVilliam of Najfau, as 
 a fignal that God has bieflcd us with 
 viftory on that fide. So foon as the 
 afiault begins from the redoubt, betwixt 
 St. Stephen and St. John's balfion, the 
 companies of John Hartman., George Gebel, 
 Henry Gerard, and James Baker, fhall be 
 in a readincfs to fecond them, as occa- 
 fion requires. 
 
 " During the aiTault, the Javanefes, Ban- 
 danefes., Lafcaryns., Topajfes, with fome 
 Europeans., fhall endeavour to pafs the 
 ditch, in order to force the enemy from 
 their works at the foot of the battion of 
 St. John, and Ihall be commanded by 
 captain A^. Scherf, Arent Johnfon, N. de 
 Wit, N. Chample, and James van Driel. 
 Whilft the alTault continues upon the ba- 
 ftion of St. Stephen, major Van der Laan 
 fhall with his forces attack the gate of 
 Rcjtiha •, and in cafe God blefs us with 
 fucccfs, no ofiicer, of what degree foever, 
 fliall prefume to grant leave or fuffer any 
 of his foldiers to leave their colours, or 
 enter the city, being forwarned that the 
 enemy have planted their cannon there, 
 charged witii fmall-fliot. 
 
 Manoel Fonjeqiie de Moniis. Bated y'vpr. 2 7. 
 
 lotiation. 
 
 Whereupon it was refolv'd to fecure the 
 faid Topas aboard a fliip till further order. 
 Gotskens Soon after I'sbrand Gotskcns was difpatch- 
 " em to the ed to his majefty, to reprcfent to himTome 
 I imperor. ,-,-,a|;ters of the greateft confequence, and to 
 know his fentiments. It was not long be- 
 fore he return'd in company of the dilFaves 
 of Saffragamme, and the Four Corks, and 
 the Curupfele Apohami, and gave an account 
 , (in account of his negotiation to the general Van der 
 ofhisne- Meyden ; and among other things. That 
 his majefly was well fatisfied with the refo- 
 lution taken April 21, but feem'd to be 
 inclined to have the afliiult delay'd till fun- 
 day the laft day of the month, when he in- 
 tended to be an eye-witnefs of it. 
 
 The 23d of April, it being refolv'd to 
 give the general aflitult the next following 
 night, efpecially upon the baftions of St. 
 Stephen and Clergos, and (in cafe they fuc- 
 ceeded) afterwards upon that of St. Philippe, 
 every thing was preparing for the execution 
 thereof, and every one order'd to his poft. 
 
 The following inftruftions in writing 
 were given to each commanding officer in 
 chief, which they were ftridly to obey. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Subfcribed, by command 
 from the general, 
 
 Adrian van der Meyden, 
 James van Rhee, Secretary. 
 
 Immediate notice of this refolution wasfsdel^/J 
 given to the emperor •, but there happening''" ^"."' 
 no fmall differences and heats in the council " "' 
 
 of war that was held that evening about the 
 execution of this defign, the fame was 
 thought fit to be deferr'd to another time. 
 Scarce was the council broken up, but a 
 Lafearyn deferter coming from St. John's 
 baftion, reported. That this evening they 
 had reinforc'd the ordinary guard of the 
 baftion of St. Stephen, with thirty of their 
 choiceft men, call'd Valiontons, or bravoes, 
 by them, befides ten other foldiers -, which 
 made us imagine that a Javanefe deferter, 
 who had got perhaps fome fcent of the mat- 
 ter, had difeover'ei our defign to them. 
 
 At the fame time news was brought ofT^^^^ 
 the arrival of the yachts the Red Lion, Aven- ^ j^^j ^^^_,,^ 
 horn, and Pelican, v/ho left Batavia in March. Batavia. 
 The 28th of April, the lieutenant Chrijh- 
 pher Egger, James Viry, Aiartin Sboltes, 
 and enfign Brewer, were fent in the night- 
 8 H 
 
 lime
 
 A Defiription 0/ C E T L O N. 
 
 Chap. 3 
 
 'Bl 
 
 The con- 
 dition of 
 St. Ste- 
 phen's ba- 
 ilion view- 
 ed. 
 
 Great 
 rcws from 
 the Dutch 
 fleet. 
 
 A fuccour 
 of two 
 hundred 
 twenty- 
 £vc men 
 from Ba- 
 tavia. 
 
 time to view the afccnt to the buftion of St. 
 Stephen ; they g.ive an account that tlicy 
 had found them well upon their guard there, 
 and the grouiul being findy would afiord 
 no firm tooting. The 29th o( JpriU let- 
 ter was brougiit into the camp from yUn:- 
 ham iwi cier Mart, ilnt by the Lyon yacht 
 from the ides of Tatleioryii, with the joyful 
 news. That the Portuguefe fquadron being 
 met by the Dutch the 19th off ol'Tritchie- 
 nadour and Caylpatnam, tiiey were forced to 
 retreat betwixt the ifles of Tutemyi, where 
 they were blocked up by our fliips, and Van 
 der Mart gave no fmall hopes of preventing 
 their coming out again, provided he were 
 reinforced in time with two or three nimble 
 yachts. Letters were at the fame time dc- 
 liver'd from the head-fadtor, Reynier Seroof- 
 kerke., concerning the preparations of the 
 Poriuguefes ; and that they intended to p fs 
 the Moujjon on the coalt of Malabar : That 
 the traffick of the company at Cakcoulang, 
 w;\s in a good condition ■, and that he in- 
 tended to buy up a good quantity of pepper 
 and other commodities againft the year 
 1657. News was alfo brought from Bata- 
 via. That a fuccour of two hundred and 
 twenty-five men was fent from thence to 
 Ce)'!on, who within a few days were to come 
 
 by land hither from Gale. At the flimc 
 time we received a letter written in Latin 
 by the ferjcant SL-verin Dolander, \vhich be- 
 ing thrown over the ditch, requir'da fpeedy 
 anfvvcr. 
 
 " C^EFERIN wiflies his enf;gn health : A letter c 
 
 " O The mcfllige brought me by the fa- a Dutch 
 
 " ther was very acceptable to n.ie. I and |^"'J«2i^ 
 
 " my comrades are above halt dead ; of fe- lunj^o. 
 
 " venty-four there being no more than ten 
 
 "• Icfr, and thefe in a moH mifcrable con- 
 
 " dition for want of bread, wine, and meat, 
 
 "• being not ufed to feed upon rice -, ihere- 
 
 " fore we defire to be fupplied with the 
 
 " tame (if poflible) for the prefervation of 
 
 " our lives, and therecovery of ourftrength; 
 
 " in return whereof I will acknowledge 
 
 " you the preferver of my life, as long as 
 
 " I live. Mr. Cornictilariiis is allb very 
 
 " near death's door; but perhaps a litde 
 
 " bread and wine might recover him. I 
 
 " beg you once more, for God's fike, not to 
 
 " forget us, and to deliver it to the before- 
 
 " mention'd father, who is our trufly friend. 
 
 " God proteft you." 
 
 Severin Dolander. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 Ships fent to Tutecoryn. Raja Singa dijfathfied. Prifoners exchanged. Lett en 
 from Raja Singa. The haflions. of St. John and St. Stephen taken by form, 
 not without a coftfderable lofs. 
 
 A rein- '~p^ HE council having taken into delibe- 
 forcement J_ ration the condition of the enemy's 
 ftnttothe j^ggj. j^eSiT Tuiecojyn, it was refolv'd to dil- 
 fleet*^near patch thither forthwith the yatchs the Mars, 
 Tuteco- Rabbit, the Roman and Lion, befidcs two 
 ryn. other veiTels, under commodore Roolhaus. 
 
 At the fame time an anfwer was order'd to 
 be fent to the Dutch prifoners in Columbo. 
 
 " Cowinko, that as foon as he will difcharge 
 " you, we will fend back ten Portuguefe 
 " pritbners from Cnlelure." 
 
 May I, 1656. Adrian van der Meyden. 
 
 ^ 
 
 (.1 
 
 (C 
 (C 
 
 YO U R S we have receiv'd by the fa- 
 ther, and underflood your miferable 
 condition : thefe are the chances ot war, 
 the beft comfort you can have in this ex- 
 tremity with your fellow-prilbners. At 
 your earneft requeft; we fend you a bottle 
 of SpaniJ}] wine, ten new- baked loaves, 
 and a piece of meat and bacon -, the ef- 
 fe6ls and money defign'd for captain 5/- 
 inon de Souza, who is kept among the 
 prifoners at Cakture, are put aboard the 
 (hip : and becaufe one of the Portuguefe 
 foldiers did this forenoon call from the 
 baflion of St. John to one of our fen- 
 tinels, that the governor was willing to 
 exchange ten of his men, that are our 
 prifoners, for your ten, we have fent 
 word to the governor AHthonio de Souza 
 
 Accordingly the 2d of May, in the fore- An offer 
 noon, :\ Portuguefe captain named Z)5;,w/g-o for the ex- 
 Coetbo, deliver'd a letter to enfign P^rfgr/;/ '^'^f ?8^ 
 in our iervice, offering, that in cafe we ^'^' °""^' 
 ■would exchange eight Portuguefe prifoners at 
 Cakture for the ferjeant and feven foldiers, 
 they would fend them to us •, which was de- 
 nied, and in lieu thereof offered {t\^t\-\ com- 
 mon foldiers and one officer in exchange for 
 them. About the tame time his majcfty 
 fent back a letter, which he fecm'd higlily 
 dilpleas'd at, with another as follows : 
 
 " "X/^OUR letter writ to fome of my An angry 
 " L courtiers laft monday was deliver- letter from 
 " ed to them' before funfet ; what you relate the empe- 
 " of major Van der Laan';. going to Mapane, ^°'^' 
 " to obferve what paft there, and that find- 
 " ing thofe that were come out of Columbo, 
 " to be fupplied underhand with provifions, 
 " he commanded to lire among them, and 
 
 " to
 
 -HAP 
 
 .38." 
 
 A 'Dejcriptior} of CEY LO N.. 
 
 ^IS 
 
 to fecure the Mof^ellar'Ja'zondcre^ who 
 had been acceffiry to the matter, has 
 been very acceptable to me, as ten 
 
 UII 
 
 to 
 
 " to my fcrvice. Th£ letter dchver'd 
 *"■ me by Curupule'Mtynde, written upon 
 " half a flieet, I did not think fit to read, 
 " much lefs to anfwer, being filled with 
 *' nothing but infipid ftuff : if perhaps a 
 " fndden mutiny, or accident, or any other 
 " misfortune had happen'd iv^ the camp, I 
 " could have excufed fuch a letter, in rc- 
 " Ipefl of the love and inclination I bear to 
 " the Hollanders, my moft trufl:^' fervants ; 
 " but every thing being in a very good 
 " condition, I cannot fufficicntly admire 
 " what could induce Georsie to write fuch a 
 " letter. Truly the general (who ha'S the 
 " fupreme command there) ought no.t to 
 " have been fo carelefs in this matter, fuch 
 " a negledl being not very fuitable to the 
 " conduct that may be expefted from a 
 " perfon entertain'd in the fervice of a great 
 " monarch •, wherefore I fend you this Ict- 
 *' ter, together with the Ola [letter] in or- 
 " .der to have it read in the prcfence of the 
 " general, and to let him know word by 
 " word the true contents thereof. 
 
 Tburfday, May 2, 1656. 
 
 Confidering the nicety of the Cingakfes 
 ahd Malabars in this point, it mufl be con- 
 tefied, that more caution ought to have been 
 ufed in this refpeft. 
 gilt Towards evening the Portugucfcs fent our 
 
 .Itch pn- eight- pi-ifoners out of the city, half dead 
 '"^ ^^' for want of food, three of them being fo 
 nbo. weak, that they could neither go nor ftand. 
 They unanimoufly depofed, That there had 
 been a great diforder among the officers, 
 which had prevented their marching to the 
 baftion of Clergos, after they had enter'd 
 the city, as they ought to have done, the 
 lame being guarded only by fifteen men. 
 But whilft they ftaid in expectation for or- 
 ders from the fea-captain Lippens, (oi whom 
 they fpoke very indifferently,) they were 
 attack'd both in front and rear by a great 
 number of Portugtiefes, and charged fo furi- 
 oufly, that fcarce twenty-fix of them efcap'd, 
 without being either kill'd or wounded, 
 after they had fpent all their powder and 
 ball. They added, That what had been 
 related of their having fell to plundering, was 
 not true •, that they were fecured in a ware- 
 houfe belonging to Lewis "Tavera, where 
 they had the fame daily allowance of rice 
 with the king's foldiers ; and that they had 
 fed, as well as the reft of the inhabitants, upon 
 the flelh of elephants, bufflers-hides, nay, 
 upon dogs, cats, and rats : that moft of 
 the feventy-four prifoners died for- want of 
 good food, and according to all appearance 
 ihefe eight would not live long. They 
 
 leir ac- 
 iHnt. 
 
 further fiid. That as they were going outBAi,- 
 of the city, they fuw a boJy of four or five ^^' V*^ 
 luintlred men, fome £«r<jp<'^aj, fomc negroes, 
 hear Sl Jo/jii's gate. ^ . 
 
 The 4th of Mav tiie emperor Raja Shiga - 
 fent the following letter. 
 
 " A Bout three years ago captain Jorw A letter 
 
 " l\ IJervcndonk, with ibmc other of- f^m '''« 
 
 " ficers and foldiers cntring into our fervice i '^"T'^fo'"- 
 
 " and their time being (.xpir'd fince, for 
 
 ," which they had agreeil witii the company, 
 
 " I refolv'd with myfelf. (fince I had no 
 
 " great occafion for them here) to fend them 
 
 " to the camp. An account of what fer- 
 
 " vices the laid captain had done me, may 
 
 " be feen in a letter written by him (ac- 
 
 " cording to my command) to the late 
 
 " diredor-gencral, immediately after his 
 
 " landing near C(j//W7Z'£?. He had neither be- 
 
 " fore nor fince the fame fenfe he had when 
 
 " he writ that letter ; which then induc'd 
 
 " me to a refolution to bellow certain fa- 
 
 '* vours upon him before his departure. 
 
 " .But his infolent behaviour having drawn 
 
 " upon him fcveral chaflifements, without 
 
 " any hopes of amendment, I thought fit 
 
 " to remove him from his ftation, and to 
 
 " pur. Francis Has (who hapj.x'ned then to 
 
 come as a meflfenger w^ith letters to our 
 court) in his place. This man having 
 liv'd for lome time among the Porliiguefcs 
 our enemies, feem'd to have laid afide 
 all the modefty of the Portnguefes, and 
 adJifted himfcif to all forts of villanies, 
 which made me dilcharge him from my 
 fervice, and to reftore the before-men- 
 tion'd Joris Hervcndonk to his former 
 place. I would not have my Hollanders 
 entertain fuch an opinion of me, that I 
 would let any one who has fcrv'd fo 
 long in our imperial court, be difmifled 
 without a reward ; for whoever gains our 
 imperial favour, fhall never depart unre- 
 warded : but fuch as are not willing, or 
 cannot apply themfelves to that ftudy, 
 may be fure that they will be fent away 
 like this perfon. The reafon why the 
 faid Francis Has ftaid in Candy, is not 
 unknown to your excellency ; but as he 
 is a Hollander, it is but juft fie lliould be 
 difmilTed at his due time. I will not fay 
 all concerning him what I could ; my 
 diffaves will give your excellency a more 
 ample account of him, or when your 
 ' excellency appears at this court, you will 
 
 • be further fatisfied in this matter. No 
 
 • more : God proteft your excellency. 
 
 At Reygamwatte, 
 May 4, 1656. 
 
 Raja Siiiga Rajou, moft po- 
 tent emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 It is beyond all queftion, that the dif- 
 ferences arifen betwixt thkjcris Hervendonk 
 
 and
 
 <57<5 
 
 A Defeription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 38. 
 
 Ba L- and Francis Has gave occafion to many di- 
 D/F us. ftiirbancesi Ila-vindonk being acculed of 
 ^•^"V^^ liaving, by his infinuacions, been tlieoccarion 
 of Francis liar's detention in Candy, even 
 to the year 1656, from whence, perhaps, 
 he may not be difcharg'd vhiifl: he hvcs. 
 Thefe and fome other accidents had put the 
 emperor's mind into fuch a ferment, that 
 for three days together he rticw'd all tl.e 
 marks of a fevere difpleafure, even to the 
 bcft of his Courtiers, fo as to turn even his 
 face from them. But his majcfty's letter de- 
 livered to the new general, AIii\ 6, feemeJ 
 to leave him in a much better humour. 
 
 Another 
 letter from 
 the empe- 
 ror. 
 
 Rcja Singa Rojoi'., Sec. 
 
 YOUR excellency's letter dated the 
 3d, was deliver'd to me on thurf- 
 day the 4th, wherein you exprefs your 
 forrow for the millake in the letter I 
 fent back with my laft letter : as among 
 all other foreign nations, our imperial 
 majefty has chofen the Hollanders, as the 
 fitted to be imploy'd for the increafe of 
 our glory, fame, and empire, by reafcH 
 of their fidelity, (which renders them ve- 
 ry dear to me, beyond my own fubjecls,) 
 fo when they commit any miftake, it 
 touches me fo fenfibly, in regard of 
 the other nations that frequent our court, 
 that I cannot forbear to make them fen- 
 fible of their error, even upon the leaft 
 occafion, in order to their amendment for 
 the future. If therefore your excellency 
 ■will apply yourfelf to fuch things as tend 
 to our imperial fervice, the fame will be 
 highly acceptable to us. Our beloved 
 direftor-general, of happy memory, did, 
 during that fmall time he continued in 
 our empire, follow this rule with the 
 greateft exaftnefs imaginable : but being 
 fnatch'd away on a fudden by death, we 
 were depriv'd of the opportunity of re- 
 his fervices accordins to our 
 
 warding 
 
 wifh. And as the faid diredor-general 
 
 has not been wanting, in 
 
 eaving certain 
 
 marks of the methods and culloms to 
 be made ufe of in our fervice, fo it will 
 be no difficult task for your excellency to 
 follow his footfteps. Your excellency 
 mentions the refolution you have taken 
 of attempting a fecond afTault upon 
 the city, by reafon of the approaching 
 feafon, which does not permit our ihips 
 to tarry longer with fafety in that road ; 
 and that the enemy is much leflened in 
 his flrength fince the laft aflliult: all 
 which, as it is altogether realbnable, fo I 
 approve of it with much fatisfaftion. On 
 the other hand, our prcfent illnefs is no 
 fmall afflidlion to us, which bereaves us 
 of the opportunity of appearing there in 
 perfon, and being an eye-witnefs of this 
 engagement, and to be nearer at hand to 
 
 fecond you with our toops, in cafe therxj 
 fhould be occafion ; but let come of it 
 what will, we are refoived to be in the 
 camp by next funday. If your excellency 
 thinks fit to ftay for our coming, it is 
 well ; but it not, and that an opportu- 
 nity prcfents of gaining the place with- 
 out impairing our honour and reputation, 
 I air. latisfied, living in hopes, that God 
 Almighty will crown our endeavours with 
 victory. Your excellency mentions, at 
 the end of your letter, that you have ex- 
 changed fight of your people that were 
 prilbners in the city (the remnants of fe- 
 venty-four} for as many Portugucfcs your 
 pnfoners. I am very glad you fent word 
 ol it, that it may not be alledg'd againft 
 th'e Holla7iders, that they treat with the 
 enemy without our knowlet'ge. In the 
 mean time I am defirous to know how the 
 reft died, whether for want of food, or be- 
 ing well look'd to in their ficknefs ; and 
 further, what inftru6tions you have lent 
 to the Portugiiefes by thofe that were fent 
 into the city ; if it be a fecret worth 
 knowing, your excellency will be pleas'd 
 to reveal it to us. Ever fince the death 
 of our direiSlor-general, no found of the 
 drum has been heard in our camp ; but 
 in our march nearer to the enemy and your 
 camp, it will be requifite to make ufe of 
 our drums and other warlike mufick j 
 whereof we thought fit to give notice to 
 your excellency. No more for the pre- 
 fent: God protect your excellency's 
 peribn," 
 
 Raja Singa Raj on, moft potent 
 emperor of Ceylon. 
 
 ia 
 
 This letter being read in council, it was 
 refolv'd to give the afTault the 7d-i of May 
 about feven or eight a-clock in the morning, 
 and to make the fierceft attack upon the 
 baftion of St. John ; which was put in ex- '^^^ 
 ecution accordingly, Martin Shcltes lieu- ^^^^^^ ^.° 
 tenant of the fufileers of Gale (now captain ty. 
 in Gale) being the firft who with undaunted 
 courage mounted the breach, and being 
 bravely feconded by his men, they enter'd | 
 
 even into the city ; but being furrounded 
 on all fides by a great number of Portu- ^^g (orcti. 
 giiefcs, were forc'd to retreat to the baftion to retreat 
 of St. John, where at laft they maintain'd to the ba- 
 their poft, af'ter having three feveral times ^'°°°'^^'* 
 repuls'd the enemy, who endeavour'd with ^° "' 
 all the force they could bring together to 
 difiodge them from thence, (our men being 
 conftantly reliev'd with frefli troops,) till 
 the evening, when the firing fomewhat ceaf- 
 ing, they took that opportunity of entrench- 
 ing themfelves with fafcines and earth to- 
 wards the fide of the city, being neverthe- 
 lefs ftill expos'd to the enemies fliot from 
 
 the
 
 Chap. jp. 
 
 A Lefcription o/^ C E Y L O R 
 
 ^77 
 
 the water- fort and the baftions of St. Stephen 
 and Comas, which coft us many a brave 
 foldier. 
 
 In the beginning of the afTault the dijfaves 
 o^ Saffragrnmme and of the Four Corks came 
 into the trenches with the Cingakfe forces j 
 and foon after his majefty fcnt likewife the 
 diffaves of Ouve and Matule, the Adigar 
 Amracon, and Ciiriipde Apohamy, at the 
 head of a great number of Lafcnryns: but 
 thefe brought along with them more con- 
 fufion than real afTiftance, the Ciugakfes be- 
 ing always better at making a noife and 
 plundering, than fighting. 
 
 We had no fooner fixed our guards ujTon 
 the baftion, but zNegroe (lave (called Cof- 
 fers) brought us advice, That in the lad 
 aflault the enemy had the captain-major, 
 the city-major, and a good number of their 
 heft men wounded, and betwixt forty and 
 fifty killed. We cmploy'd the greatefl: part 
 of the night in fortifying ourfelves with pal- 
 lifadoes and earth-works on the baflion, in 
 difcovering the mines, and planting fome 
 cannon: to facilitate which, it was order- 
 ed that a falfe attack be made at two a clock 
 in the morning, and with break of day we 
 faw the prince's ftandard difplay'd there in 
 token of our viftory ; which, however, we 
 
 had purchafed at a dear rate, being evenB.^L- 
 then much expofed to the enemy's fliot"^*-''- 
 from three baftions. Upon a general mufter ''^"^'^^ 
 we found two hundred and ninety wound- 
 ed, eighty fick, and eighty-fix killed; fo 
 that we had in all not above one thoufand 
 two hundred and eighty-feven Europeans left 
 fit for fervice. However, John Maatztiyker, 
 a lieutenant, brought a fupply of feventy-five 
 men into our camp, and thirty more from 
 Candy; befides thefe lieutenant Didelof was 
 ported with fixty-fix men at Alilagre, and 
 at Monlml fixty-eight. 
 
 Among the flain were the following of- Slam and 
 ficers, whofe names well deferve to be tranf- "oundtd 
 mitted to pofterity: ChriJIopher Egger, 7«- j." '/^^ *'^" 
 rian Gebel, James Viry, James Scherf, Ju- 
 rian Smith, Paul Meno, Warnaer van der 
 Heyde. Among the wounded, major Van 
 der Laan wounded by a fplinter on his 
 fhoulder, and near the ear; captain Henry 
 Gerard Glwjjingh mortally wounded in four 
 places; James de With wounded with a ten 
 pounder in the thigh, of which he died af- 
 terwards; Martin Sholtcs \x\ the arm; John 
 Coivper in both hands; James Alenbier in 
 the leg; Paul Katelaer in the hand; John 
 Bartels in the belly; Herman JVynantz^ 
 &c. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Our cannon upon the bajlion of St. John turned againji the city. 'The Portu- 
 guefes offer to capitulate. Articles jor the jurrender of the place. The rati- 
 fcation. The F^ortuguefes march out of the city. 
 
 THE loth of May, having planted our 
 cannon upon the baftion ot St. John, 
 againft the city, the general and major P'an 
 '' jaftTonof '^^r Laan, came in the afternoon to take a 
 it. John, view of them. Soon after we faw the ene- 
 my put out a white flag, and captain Ma- 
 nuel Cabreira de Pontes delivered the follow- 
 ing lines to major Van der Laan. 
 
 ::c 
 
 I A P T A I N Manuel Cabreira de 
 Pontes, the bearer hereof, comes 
 " to defire a pafTport for three perfons of 
 " note to come into your camp, to treat 
 " with you concerning fome matters of mo- 
 " meat. God procett your excellency. 
 
 Columbo, May 
 10. i6^6. 
 
 Anthonio de Souza 
 Coutinho. 
 
 Major Van der Laan having told him. 
 That he would deliver it to the general alli- 
 ed him, Whether he defired a formal pafT- 
 port in writing, or would be fatisfied with 
 his parole. The Pcrtuguefe officer replied. 
 That his parole was fufficient; fo they 
 parted, and all hoftiiities ceafed. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Within two hours after, our people were 
 ordered to call to thofe in the city, and to 
 afl< them why they did not fend their depu- 
 ties; but they anfwering, That they would 
 not come without a paflport, the fame was 
 fent with all pofTible fpeed ; but it being 
 then pretty late, they excufed themfelves, 
 that it was not cuftomary to ftay a night 
 out of a fortrefs at fuch a conjundure. 
 Whereupon we began to fire again, tiU next 
 morning about eight a-clock, being the 
 nth, when the deputies came into the 
 camp, viz. Laurenzo Fereira de Britto, late 
 captain-major of Puntegale, Hieronime de 
 Luzena Tavares, late Viador das Fazendas, 
 i. e. fur-intendant of' the merchants in Co- 
 lumbo, zndi Diego Lei taon de Souza, fecretary 
 of the city, who delivered to the council 
 the following articles : 
 
 I. npHAT a cefiation of arms fhall be Articles 
 JL agreed on till the 20th of May next, P''°F°'^.<^ 
 in order to fee the ifTue of the expeifted fuc- f AJy^ 
 cours, which if it arrives before that time, to. 
 and is ftrong enough to raife the fiege, this 
 treaty fliall be of no effedt. In the mean 
 time, no correfpondence or comm.erce is to 
 8 1 be
 
 678 
 
 J Defcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 39 
 
 Bal- be alloweil on either fide, except what is 
 D.tvs. aonc by melllngtrsv tor the performance 
 ^^'^ whereof, holbgcs are to be given on botli 
 fides. 
 
 II. In cafe of a furrender of the city, the 
 churches and images fliall not be deliled, 
 .ind the priclb and friars fhall have full 
 liberty to take along with them, without 
 any molcftation, all the images, rclicks, 
 lacred vclfels, filver lamps, and other church 
 ornaments, belonging to the performance 
 of divine il-rvice, not excepting the move- 
 ables belonging to each clergyman in par- 
 ticular. 
 
 III. The governor and deputy-governor, 
 Antl:o>uc de Souza Coutinho^ and Francifco^ 
 de Mclo de Cajlro, as likewife the Ion of 
 Jmhoiio de Souza Coutinko, fliall be treated 
 with all due refpect and civility, and have 
 full liberty to leave the city, with all their 
 moveables, gold, filver, rings, jewels, ler- 
 vants, Portugucfe pages, and flaves of both 
 fexes; and to remain in their houfes till 
 rhey imbark, under the fpccial proteftion 
 of the general, who fhall be obliged to 
 provide them (for their money) with pro- 
 vifions during their flay here, and with 
 necellaries for their voyage, as likewife with 
 convenient fliipping for themfelves and their 
 families, with able feamen, arm?, ammu- 
 nition, and what elfe may be requifite for 
 that purpofe, whenever the fame fliall be 
 required. 
 
 IV. The major of the city, captain-ma- 
 jor of the garrifon, and ferjeant-major, and 
 'the late deccafed captain's family, fhall re- 
 ceive the fame treatment. 
 
 V. The captains of foot, reformado's, 
 and other officers, of what degree foever, 
 fhall march out with all the marks of ho- 
 nour, enfigns difplayed, matches lighted, 
 balls in the mouth, and vv^ith their baggage, 
 and fliall be provided with fhipping to 
 tranfport them beyond fca, to the Indian 
 fhore: they are in the mean while to be 
 maintained by iht Dutch general, out of the 
 fliperplus of the money belonging to the 
 king of Portugal, or for want of fuch, at 
 his own charge, or of the company, till the 
 time of their tranfportation, and they fliall 
 not be molefted, either by fea or land. 
 
 VI. The OwW«ir, judge, and other officers 
 of the exchequer, the head-fa6tor, alcade- 
 major, or chief magiftrate, and the farmers 
 of the king's demelhs, fhall enjoy the fame 
 favour granted to the major of the city. 
 
 ^'II. All gentlemen, cavaliers, and the 
 chiefeft citizens and inhabitants, fhall have 
 liberty to challenge the fame conditions 
 granted to the city-major; and, if any of 
 them are inclined to remain under the jurif- 
 diftion of the Hollanders, they fhall be left 
 undifturbed in the full pofTefTion of their 
 houfes, eftates, villages, and every tiling 
 
 belonging to them, and be treated in all 
 other refpefts like the natives of Holland. 
 For the free exercife of their religion, they 
 fliall have a church, with a convenient num- 
 ber of clergymen allowed them •, and if 
 hereafter any of them fhall think fit to go 
 to fome other part of the Indies, they fhall 
 be at liberty to fell both their real and per- 
 fonal eftates, or otherwife difpofe of them 
 without moleflation. They fhall alfo be 
 provided with fhipping at the publick 
 charge, except fuch as have fhips of their 
 own, who fhall be free to traffick where 
 they plcafe, paying the ufual cuftoms. 
 
 VIII. All foreign merchants, both Eu- 
 ropeans and Negroes, that were come to Co- 
 lumbo to trafhck, fhall be free to depart 
 with their veffels, goods, gold, filver, and 
 other merchandizes, bought up here, efpe- 
 cially the cinnamon bought for the king or 
 the city's ufe, whether aboard a fliip, or not. 
 Provifions fliall be likewife provided them 
 for their money, and a fife retreat ; and in 
 cafe they fland in need of feamen, they fhall 
 be fupplied with them. 
 
 IX. The Negro inhabitants, both married 
 and unmarried, and even the foreigners, 
 of v/hat condition foever, fliall enjoy the 
 fime freedom granted to the Portuguefe ci- 
 tizens. 
 
 X. All the Modeliars, Aratches, and Laf- 
 caryns, that have hitherto been in the king 
 of Portugal's fervice, (notwithftanding they 
 have left the fervice of the company, or of 
 his majefly,) fhall be at liberty to depart 
 with their moveables whither they pleafe. 
 
 XI. XII. Simon Lopes de Bafto, a Portu- 
 guefe by birth, but fince in the fervice of the 
 Dutch, fhall be pardoned for his offence in 
 coming over to us, and be free to depart in 
 company of the governor. Likewife all 
 Dutch deferters that have taken fervice in 
 the city, fliall not be molefted, but have 
 liberty to march out along with our 
 forces. 
 
 XIII. A.11 fick and wounded foldiers, or 
 inhabitants, (hall be entertained there at 
 the charge of the company, (if the fuper- 
 plus of the king's money proves infufhcienr,) 
 till they recover their health, and afterwards 
 provided with conveniences for their tranf- 
 portation. 
 
 XIV. Upon the furrender of the city, 
 after ihe Dutch are put in pofTeflion thereof, 
 their general fhall take efFeftual care that 
 no affront or mifchief be done to the go- 
 vernors, other perfons of note, foldiers, and 
 inhabitants, and their families, but the fame 
 fhall be protected by the faid general, as 
 well within as without the city, againfl all 
 violences from the king of Candy's forces. 
 
 Sign'd, Anthonio de Souza Coutinho. 
 
 After
 
 Chap. J9. 
 
 A Defcription of C E 7 L O N. 
 
 679 
 
 Articles 
 granted to 
 the Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 After mature deliberation in the coun- 
 cil, the following articles were, in anfwcr 
 to the former, .delivered the 12 th 10 
 the three deputies, in the name of his 
 imperial majclly of Ceylon, their high and 
 mightinefles the States general of the 
 United Provinces, the governors of the 
 Eajl-hdia company, and of John Maal- 
 zuyker governor-general, and the council 
 ot the Indies. 
 
 TH E city fhall be furrendered this 
 day before noon, without any fur- 
 ther delay, upon the following condi- 
 tions. 
 
 What was defired in the fccond arti- 
 cle, in relation to the clergy, is granted, 
 and two places fhall be appointed for them 
 to be in till their departure. 
 
 To the third article it is anfwcred, 
 That it is not in the power of the ge- 
 neral to have the governors, (sfc. tranf- 
 ported at this time to 'Tutecoryn or Ma- 
 naar, but that it fliall be done with the 
 firft conveniency, or elfe to Cochin or IFin- 
 pirla. But in cafe they have a mind to 
 be tranfported to the other fliore, the lame 
 fhall be performed by fome of the com- 
 pany's fhips, within fifteen days after the 
 daire hereof. They are allowed to carry 
 along with them all their flaves of both 
 fexes, and thofe belonging to the gover- 
 nor's fon, Chrifiovaon de Souza, in hopes 
 that they will not take any but their own, 
 as likewife all their moveables, gold, fil- 
 ver, rings, and jewels ; and they fliall be 
 proteded in their houfes till the time of 
 their departure. 
 
 The officers mentioned in the fourth 
 article, fliall be treated according to their 
 refpeftive dignities, and be prote(5ted a- 
 gainfl all harm. They may take along 
 ■with them their gold, filver, clothing, 
 and what elfe they carry about them ; 
 but as to their flaves of both fexes, they 
 ftiall be confidered according to their 
 refpeftive qualities. In what they carry 
 about them, fliall be comprehended beds 
 and bed-cloths, hangings, tapefl:ry, bolfters, 
 quilts, ^c. The officers and reformadoes 
 fliall march out with the ufual marks of 
 honour, and be tranfported to the coafl; of 
 Coromandel, with as much of their move- 
 ables as their flaves or other fervants (allot- 
 ted them by the general's favour) fliall be 
 able to carry. 
 
 The foldiers fhall march out with their 
 baggage, colours difplayed, matches light- 
 ed, ball in their mouth, and drums beating 
 to the general's quarters, where they fhall 
 furrender their arms under the great ftan- 
 dard, and from thence, with the firfl 
 conveniency, be tranfported into Europe. 
 
 Such as are married or born in the Indies'^ K-i-- 
 flialJ be tranfported to the coaft of C;?-"-*"'- 
 roriiandel, and be maintained till the time "^^^^ 
 of their departure at the charge of the 
 company. 
 
 Tlie officers mentioned in the fixth article 
 fliall partake of the fame favour granted 
 to other perfons of note ; the city-m;ijor 
 and head faftor to be comprehended in the 
 fiime. 
 
 All fuch as intend to fubmic to thcju- 
 rifdidfion of the T>iitch fliall be civilly and 
 favourably treated, and remain in the quiet 
 pofleflion of their cflates ; but in cafe they 
 have a mind to depart, their goods are left 
 to the difcretion of the general. 
 
 The chiefefl of the citizens and married 
 Porluguefes, v/ith their children, who are 
 not inclinable to flay in this ifle, fliall, at 
 the time of their departure, receive the fame 
 treatment as the officers ; but the natives of 
 the ifle fliill be left to the difpofuion of 
 the general. 
 
 The Modelinrs, Araiches, and Lafcaryns, 
 fliall receive the lame treatment as the Butch 
 defer ters. 
 
 All fick and wounded perfons, whether 
 inhabitants or foldiers, now in the hofpital, 
 or any other place of the city, fliall flay 
 there till the recovery of their healths, and 
 be furniflied with what they defire. 
 
 All the officers, inhabitants, foldiers, and 
 unmarried women, fliall be protected by the 
 general againfb all violences and oppreflions. 
 
 The general does alfo agree. That if any 
 fliips approach the city for its relief betwixt 
 this and the 30th of May, notice fliall be 
 given them of its furrender, with orders to 
 depart, and fliall be proteded, at leaft, till 
 they are out of fight of Cohar.bo. The i ith 
 of May 16^6. 
 
 Signed, 
 
 Adrian van der Meyden^ 
 Peter de Bitter, 
 Tsbrand Gotskens, 
 John van der Laan, 
 Edward Ooms, 
 
 I Adrian van der Meyden, governor-ge- 
 neral for the Dutch Eaji-India company in 
 the ifle of Ceylon, with the reft of the mem- 
 bers of the council, promife and engage, by 
 thefe prefents. That, in cafe the deputies 
 bring back this capitulation, approved as 
 fuch by the governor Anthonio de Souza 
 Coutinho and his council, we will punftually 
 obferve all the articles contained therein, 
 ■without the lealt limitation or exception ; 
 and further grant fuch flivours as are in our 
 power to allow of. In confirmation whereof 
 we have, in conjunftion with the faid depu- 
 ties.
 
 A DefcripPion 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 (58o 
 
 B A L- ties, figned the fame in the Dutch camp bc- 
 ''^ " 5. fore Coluwbo, the 12th of May 1656. 
 
 Signed on our fide by 
 
 Adrian van der Meyden, 
 Peter de Bitter^ 
 Tsbrand Gotskens, 
 John van der Laan^ 
 Edii-ard Ooms, 
 John Hartman, 
 
 On the enemy's fide by 
 
 Anthonio de Souza Coutinho, 
 Francifco de Melo de Cafiro, 
 Anthonio de Sylva^ 
 Gafpar de Ron^n Pereira, 
 Laurenzo Fereira de Britto, 
 Hieronimo de Luzena Tavares, 
 Diego Leitaon de Souza. 
 
 Ratifica- In the morning about nine o'clock the 
 tion of thejieputies returned with the capitulation ap- 
 capitula- provj.^1 ^^nd figned as before, witii a letter 
 "°"' of intercefTion from the governor and deputy- 
 
 governor iox Simon Lopes, who had delerred 
 our fervice. The capitulation being figned 
 once more, and the council difmified Ts- 
 brand Gotskens and James van der Rhee our fe- 
 cretary of war, were immediately after dinner 
 fent into the city, to demand the keys from 
 the two Portuguefe governors, and to take 
 account of all the arms, ammunition, and 
 provifions, as alfo to fettle certain matters 
 concerning the marching out of the troops 
 purfuant to the capitulation. 
 The Por- Accordingly there marched out of the 
 tuguefes place Anthonio de Melo de Caftro captain- 
 march out rn-yor at the head of the king's troops, con- 
 "imbo. fifting of fourteen companies, and thirty-fix 
 
 Chap, ^c 
 
 captains, (called Reformadoes by the Portii- 
 gnefes,) with their enfigns difplayed, drums 
 beating, matches lighted, and ball in the 
 mouth, marching through our forces ranged 
 both fides, to the general's quarters. 
 
 on 
 
 where having furrendered their arms, they 
 were condudted to the place prepared for 
 their lodging that night. Thefe were fol- 
 lowed by the citizens, fick, wounded, and 
 cripples. In the mean while their chief en- 
 gineer difcovercd to two ot our deputies four 
 mines on the fide of the baftion of Rajuha^ 
 betwixt the baftions St. Stephen and Clergos, 
 each whereof being filled with four barrels 
 of gunpowder, the trains were removed, and 
 fentinels placed near them. 
 
 This done, our forces marched into the The 
 city, followed by the general major Fan der Dutch 
 Laan and the reft of the head officers. '"^'^'^^ '"'' 
 Near the fea-fhore, not far from the baflion *'^* '"^' 
 oiCoiiras, the governor and deputy-governor 
 (both venerable aged Porttiguefes) came with 
 their retinue to falute the general. After 
 fome compliments on both fides, orders 
 were given to our forces where to take their 
 polls, and to difarni all the Lafcaryns in 
 the city. Towards evening the prince's 
 fvandard was planted in the water-fort, and 
 the great cannon difcharged round the place 
 as a fignal of our viftory. Thus the city 
 o^Cohanbo, not inferior in ftrength to moft of 
 Europe, fell into the hands of our nation, 
 after fhe had been one hundred and fifty years 
 in the poflTeffion of the Por tuguefes. In ac- 
 knowledgment of which a thankfgiving-day 
 was appointed the Sunday following, being 
 the 14th of May, which was celebrated ac- 
 cordingly, and the thankfgiving fermon A thanW 
 was preached by the reverend Francis Wyn- giving 
 garten in the church of ^S'/. Fraw/V, fince'*'^'"'"'* 
 called the Town Church. 
 
 An account of the fiege of Cohimbo, taken from their own journals, and (for 
 the publick good) coinrnunicated to the author by Maitkcus vafi den Brocky 
 formerly a member of the council of the Indies, now governor of the Eafi- 
 India company. Faithfully tranflated from the Portuguefe. 
 
 A true account of the fiege of Columbo, carried cni by Raja Singa, king of Candy and the 
 Hollanders, //// the furrender of that fortrefs under Anthonio de Souza Coutinho, captain 
 general in the ijle of Ceylon. 
 
 IN the month of September 1655. ten 
 Dutch fhips came to an anchor near Ne- 
 gumho, two more being out at fome diftance 
 at fea, having landed eleven companies of 
 Europeans of eighty men each ; and being 
 joined by a good number of Negroes, they 
 nrarched to the pafs of Betal, but, by reafon 
 of the violent rains, were forced to return to 
 Negumbo. Mr. Gerard Hulfi, the Dutch ge- 
 neral, having reimbark'd his forces with fgme 
 
 others taken out of Negumbo, failed with the 
 before-mentioned twelve fhips to Columbo^ 
 where much about the fame time we had 
 received a fupply of provifions in three gal- 
 liots fent from Cochin by the brave and 
 faithful Simon Gomes de Sylva, governor of 
 that place. Our governor Coutinho took part 
 of the rice, in order to carry it to Caleture^ 
 where they flood in great need of it, but 
 was prevented in his defign by the fhallow- 
 
 nefs
 
 ^HAP. 39. 
 
 A Vcfcription of CEX LO N. 
 
 681 
 
 nefs of the river. The 2 2d o{ September \^c 
 received anorher fupply from 'Ttitecoryn, 
 confiding in twenty-eight fail, under the 
 command o^ Nicholas de Mourn, the fleet be- 
 ing cliicfly laden on the account of private 
 merchants. 
 
 The enemy having left fix of their bell; 
 fhips before Cclumbo, filled with the reft to 
 Calcture ; whereupon our governor gave or- 
 ders to captain Gafpar Figuelra de Serpe, 
 then incampcd upon the trontiers of the 
 king of Candy, 10 come to Columbo, which 
 he did accordingly OJZoM- 7. 
 
 Without tlie city were at that time in- 
 camp'd the famous diffavc Frojicifco Anili- 
 nes towai'ds Alature, anil Alvarez Rodrigo 
 Boralho, lent out with three companies to 
 get intelligence of the enemy, who, from 
 the 23d o\ September to the 15th of Otlober, 
 laid before Caletnre, and had railed three 
 batteries againll it. 
 
 Our governor being fenfible of the con- 
 dition of the place, lent thither a convoy of 
 provifions, commanded by Nicholas de Mou- 
 rn, under a good guard of Europeans and 
 Negroes, landed by Manoel de Gil, dilTave 
 of Negumbo, who has fo often fignalized 
 himfelf in our king's fervice in the ifle of 
 Ceylon. This brave man attempting to pafs 
 the river with twelve of his choicell men, 
 (the boat holding no more) was fo warmly 
 rcceiv'd by Ibme of the enemies forces, that 
 after they had kill'd feveral of his men with 
 their fire-arms, he was forced to retire ; the 
 commander in chief fbllow'd his footfteps, 
 contrary to the opinion of captain Domingo 
 Coelha de Alia, who would fain have per- 
 juaded him to advance as near as he could 
 to Caklure, to incommode the enemy in 
 the fiege. Upon this occafion Alvares Ro- 
 drigo Boralho did confiderable lervice, in 
 fending intelligence from time to time of 
 what pafled, till at laft this whole body 
 came back to the city. 
 
 It being then refolv'd to fuccour Cakture 
 to the utmoft of our power, and four gal- 
 liots being at the fame time arrived from the 
 viceroy of Goa, we made up a body of fix 
 hundred Portuguefes, the command whereof 
 was committed to GafparFigucira to attempt 
 the relief of the place in conjundlion with 
 fome Cingalefes, notwithftanding the enemy's 
 force confifted of three thoufand Europeans, 
 befides a good number of Bandanefes and 
 Cingalefes lent to their affiflance by the king 
 of Candy. 
 
 Accordingly Gafpar Figuicra incamp'd 
 with his troops the i6ch of October, two 
 leagues from Caleture, having receiv'd ad- 
 vice before, that the enemy were already 
 poflelfed of the pafs on this fide, and had 
 polled three companies there. Purfuant to 
 this intelligence, he order'd fix companies, 
 under the command of Domingo Sarmento 
 N". 127. Vol. III. 
 
 and Francifco Anttincs, to attack the enemy in Bal- 
 the night, which they did accordir.gly with d-''-"s 
 incredible bravery for a confiderable nuie, >-O^^J 
 but very indilferent fuccefs •, for inlUad of 
 being ingaged with tlii'ce companies of eigh- 
 ty men each (as they liippoleil) they found 
 the enemy much fupetior in number, to 
 charge them ^o furioufly both in front and 
 flank, that they were put into contufion, 
 with great flaughtcr, before they could re- 
 colledt tlumfelves. Figueira being by this 
 time come up with the reft of his forces, Flgucira 
 unadvifedly attack'd the enemy a fecond '""ted. 
 time ; but thefe opening their ranks on boih 
 fides, difcharged two cannon among our 
 forces, which occafion'd fuch a conlufion, 
 that the enemy, improving their advantage, 
 once more put us to Higiit. Figneira and 
 his lieutenant Manoel Cabreira were for try- 
 ing their fortune once more -, but finding 
 the (lower of their forces either ftain or dil- 
 perfed, anil no means left to make them re- 
 turn to the charge, they thought fit to re- 
 treat and bring off their wounded men ; 
 among whom were Sebaftian Pereira, and 
 Jnfeph Antunes, the only two that efcaped 
 alive of eleven captains. Of the reformadoes, 
 John Cordeiro, Manoel Fcnnnides de Miran- 
 da, Manoel de Santjago Garcia, with two 
 hundred common foidiers came oft' alive. 
 
 This ill fuccefs caulcd an unfpeakable,^ n 
 conftcrnation in the city of Columl^o, where tjon occa- 
 there was nothing to be heard but outcries fioned by 
 and lamentations in the ftreets; the fiiops '•''* '^'-^^^^ 
 were fliut up, and the gates kept clofe, with f ^'o'"""" 
 ftrid orders that no body Hiould appear 
 armed without doors. The next thing to 
 be done, was to give an account of their 
 prefent ill condition to the viceroy of Cca ; 
 and the fime being (at their carneft requeft) 
 committed to the care ot Daii/ian Fitira, a 
 jefuit, and Manoel Saraiva, an inhabitant 
 of Manaar, the laft of thefe two went no 
 further than from Cohimbo to Manaar, from 
 whence he difpatched the letters to Antonio 
 Amiral de Menefes at Jafnapatnam, a ncg- 
 left that deferved a very fevere punifti- 
 ment. 
 
 By this time the hofpital was filled with 
 the lick and wounded loldiers, where bro- 
 ther Golfal, an Aufiin friar, did both the 
 duty of a devout, religious and charitable 
 layman. The number of thofe that died 
 here for want of good looking after, beino- 
 fcarce inferior to what was loft in the in- 
 gagement. 
 
 On the other hand, the Dutch had pur- 
 chafed this vidtory with very little lofs on 
 their fide ; notwithftanding which, major 
 Van der Laan (a mortal enemy of the Por- 
 tuguefes, and a zealous heredck) faving re- 
 ceived a wound in the cheek, took a moft 
 barbarous revenge from all the Portuguefes 
 he met with, who were all maftlicred in the 
 b K. woods 
 
 bo. 
 
 %,
 
 6^2. 
 
 B A L- 
 UT U 5. 
 
 Thii mjft 
 be luok'U 
 upon a« a 
 Calumiiy. 
 
 A Dcfiription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 35 
 
 Surrender 
 ol' Cale- 
 cure. 
 
 The g:ir- 
 rifon was 
 kept in 
 pri:bn at 
 Gale. 
 
 The 
 Dutch 
 come be- 
 fore Co- 
 lumbo. 
 
 \voo-1s (fomctimes twenty and thirty toge- 
 tlicr) by his orders in cool blood, he ha- 
 ving bien often heard to (Iiy, Tbat if the 
 Portiii^ucrcs vcere at his difpojhl, he would 
 cut the^n al! cff at one Jlroke. Thdr general 
 Mr. Hu!jl, being of a more companionate 
 temper, onior'd quarter to be given to the 
 ncv.'-liUcd forces ; but this heretick told 
 him, that tiiey ought to be cut to pieces, in 
 retaliation of what they did to the Dutch, 
 towhom th-.-y never gave anyquarter: liovv- 
 t:vcr, through the general's mercy, about 
 fixty of the new-lifted men had tiicir lives 
 given them. In this ing.igcmcnt the brave 
 Francifco AiUunes, who iiad rendered his 
 name lb famous in Ceylon by his many vidlo- 
 ries, alio loft his life in a wood, wlio dc- 
 lerved to have had a MaufoLaim ereded to 
 his memory. 
 
 Thus the enemy by this vi£lory becoming 
 inafter of the field, afterwards foon made 
 himfelf maCer of the whole ifland of Ceylcn, 
 the city of Columlo (after the lofs of Calc- 
 iure) expctling no lefs than to be reduced 
 to the utmolt extremity : for after they 
 had indur'd for fome days' all the inconve- 
 nicncics of hunger in Calenlure, Anihonio 
 Mcndcs A\irmha reprefented to his foldiers, 
 that they had rather try the utmofl, than to 
 pcrifh (or want of food, exhorting them to 
 fight their way with fword in hand through 
 the enemy. He prevail'd at Lift fo fitr with 
 them, as to agree with him in his refclu- 
 tions ; but the appointed time approaching, 
 they found themielves fo infcebled for want 
 of good food, that not being able to put 
 their defign in execution, they were forced 
 to furrender, upon condition that they 
 (hould march out with their arms, i£c. 
 Thus the king of Portugal loft at once a 
 ftrong fortrefs, one of his moft experienced 
 officers in the whole ifle, and two hundred 
 and fifty choice men, through the mifma- 
 nagement of fome v\ho preferred their own 
 intereil before that of his majefty. 
 
 The 1 7th of Oftober the enemy marching 
 direflly to Colnmho, pofted themfelves in 
 fight of the city near St. Sibcijlian, wl^.cre 
 Anlhcnio dc Souza Ccutinho, the then gover- 
 nor, together with Irancifco de Melo de Ca- 
 Jlro, ordered immediately fome works to be 
 caft up, to hinder their approach : but the 
 18th they were fo vigoroufly attacked in 
 thefe intrenchments, that they had enough 
 to do to efcape to the city, and to cut dovni 
 the bridges behind them. 
 
 We then applied ourfelves to the ftreng- 
 thening of our batteries, whilft the enemy 
 killed all they met with without the city, 
 and immediately fell to the raifing of their 
 batteries -, which was no difficult tafk for 
 them to do, being back'd by an army of 
 twenty or thirty thoufand men under Rcja 
 Shiga, king of Crt«(fy, and furniflied by him 
 I 
 
 The fevC' 
 
 with pioneers and other necefTaries hi abun- 
 dance. 
 
 Our governor and Francifco de Melo de 
 Cajlro did leave no ftone unturned for the 
 defence of the city ; they vifited the maga- 
 zines and armouries, and furniih'd with arms 
 ail fuch as as were capable of bearing them, 
 not excepting even the old tnen and fchool- 
 boy.";. The polls on the ballions were af- 
 fign'd to the following commanders : on thCra)"" 'fjj 
 ball ion of St. John, Manoel Correa de Bar-z&gneA 
 ros ; on tluit of St. Sehafian, Francifco Go- "po" '•>« i 
 rian de Fialho; on that of Madre de Dm,''^"'°"'- 
 John de Pavici de Sluintal; on that of St. 
 Conception, Dowingos Peixsio ; on that of 6V. 
 Hierouyjno, Alphonfo Carvalho de Souza ; on 
 that of St. Anthonio, Manoel Carvalho de 
 M.iya ; on that of 5.'. Jacob, Manoel Nunes ; 
 on that of St. /hiftin, Luys de Paiva ^lintal ; 
 on that of 5/. Lcrji.Tence, Anthonio de Silva \ 
 on that of St.Cnn;, Cafpar d'Aranja Pereira; 
 on that of St. Francifco Xaverio, Manoel Cal- 
 dcira de Brito; and on that of Galvo^a, Do- 
 minges Pires -, who all gave fufficient proofs 
 of their bravery in their re.'peftivc polls du- 
 ring the fiege, as did likewife father Z)«»//<7« 
 Vicira, ajcfuit, efpecially in the attack upon 
 
 the garden ofy:/«/c;//(7^(?Mi9/^, and fome houfcs 
 
 '^^ . ... 
 
 ftanding upon an cminency at St. Thoinas, in 
 
 vv'fiich, though they were repulled the firfl 
 time, yet the next day our forces, commanded 
 by Aharo Rodrigo and A^mocI Caldeira, be- 
 ing feconded by foiiie companies pofted on 
 the other fide of the ditch, made themfelves 
 mafters of it, being of no fmall conveniency 
 to us, to hinder the approach of the enemy. 
 
 Notwithftanding this the enemy advanc'd 
 apace, under favour of their artillery, of 
 which they brought great ftore daily from 
 their fhips. And on our fide we found the 
 baft ion of St. John moft expofed, we ffrcng- 
 thened the fame with mafts, earth, and fal- 
 cines ; we made alio a covered wav frt)n> 
 the wall to the brink of the ditch •, the fi'.me 
 was done near the baftions oiSt. Scbaftian and 
 Rajiiha, both clergymen and laymen, with- 
 out diftinclion of perlbns, imploying them- 
 felves in this work, and iiirniiliing; marerials 
 for fo ufeiul a work, efpecially Cafpar Figiui^ 
 ra de Serpt, who having grcat.liore of baf- 
 kets, fpades, and other fuch like infi:ruments, 
 facrificed them all for the publick fervice. 
 
 The 20 ;h of OSloler the enemy began to The rne- 
 flikite us with twelve great pieces of cannon "^.v p'ay. 
 from three batteries, "oiz. three from that of*™™ '''^"' 
 Si. Thomas, five from that at Agua de Luphe, 
 and four from that of St. Sehafian, from 
 whence they fent eight hundred bullets, 
 eighteen, tv;enty, twenty-four and twenty- 
 eight pounders, in one day into the city. 
 But though the enemies bullets did confi- 
 derable execution, fome of the king'^ un- 
 faithful fervants did more mifchicf, by in- 
 troducing adulterated coin, a.nd ingrollii'g 
 
 the 
 
 batteries,
 
 Chap. 39. 
 
 A DejcrilHton oj C E Y L O R 
 
 6^ 
 
 Anthonio 
 d'Abrcu 
 fcnt to 
 Goa, to 
 give an 
 
 Columbo. 
 
 
 the provifions, under pretence of the king's 
 
 fervice, for their own lucre's fdke. 
 
 Number There were at that time not above one 
 
 of people thoiifand three hundred fouls, young and old 
 
 Miticviy- £J^fop^•(lll^ ^,-,^ Jjicijans, viz. five hundred 
 
 that received pay, and among them, fome 
 
 married, fome unmarried, Ibme children 
 
 and Topajjes ; three hundred married people 
 
 who IcTved without pay, four hundred Lrt/- 
 
 car\ns^ and about fixty labourers ; the whole 
 
 number of the Europeans not amounting to 
 
 above five hundred men. The governor, 
 
 with the confent of the whole city, pitch'd 
 
 upon jintbonio d'yibreu, an inhabitant oi Ne- 
 
 giip^/>!(if:i, to be fcnt to Goa, to give an 
 
 account ofaccount to the viceroy ot the city. He 
 
 thecondi- was favourably received by the viceroy, who 
 
 [ion of jqIj i-,i,^^^ jj^^t [^e l^.^^j already fent a fqua- 
 
 droii under Manoel de AL'galbais Cculinho, 
 to cany a fupply of provifions and men thi- 
 ther, brought together for that purpofe by 
 An'.bonio Amiral de Alenefes at Manaar. But 
 this convoy came no farther than the cape 
 Comoryn, and could not make the cape, 
 
 U though fome were of opinion it was rather 
 
 _ for want of will; fo he return'd to Columbo, 
 
 where the viceroy being dead in the mean 
 while, the whole face of affairs was changed, 
 and Columbo loft for want of timely fupply. 
 
 The before-mention'd three batteries be- 
 ing raifed about two hundred paces from 
 our walls, they erefted another againft the 
 baftion of Si. John, within four hundred 
 paces of it, trorn whence they battered us 
 mod furioufly with three demi-cannon. Im- 
 mediately after, one ol our engineers, a Hol- 
 lander by birth, narned Jobn de Rofa, de- 
 ferted to the enemy: 'tis true, he was no 
 great conjurer in his art, yet did us confide- 
 rable mifchief For the enemies batteries 
 play'd fo furioufly upon our out- works, that 
 intv.'o days time they were all laid level with 
 the ground, and our baftions and walls v/ere 
 fo iorely battered, that with much ado we 
 could ftop the breaches, which was done by 
 continual antl indefatigable labour, each fol- 
 dier and officer imploying the intervals they 
 had, when they were not upon duty, in 
 working like the meaneft labourer. 
 
 The governor Anlhonio Coutinho fpent day 
 and night in vifiting the works, animating 
 )f the go- his foldiers both in words and his example, 
 irernor. leaving his habitation, and contenting hini- 
 felf with a fmall tent near the baftion of 5/. 
 John, v.'here the enemies made their great- 
 eil effort. Aferwards he took up his quar- 
 ters in a warehoufe, fcarce undreding himfelt 
 all the time the fiege lafted, and imployed 
 much of his time in keeping an exact ac- 
 count of the ftores, and diftributing pro- 
 vifions with his own hands, without which 
 precaution the city could not have held out 
 half fo long. Francifco de Mela de Coflro 
 followed his footfteps, having not been feen 
 
 One of 
 our engi- 
 -neers tle- 
 ferts. 
 
 I Care and 
 :ondudl 
 
 without his clothes and arms for feven B a l- 
 months together. The city-major A/^flCf/ "■^"^• 
 Marques Gorjaon did afTift them in his (ta- -^"^''^* 
 tion,' as did likewife Gafpar Figueira de 
 Serpe, the difl*aves of the Corks oi Negum- 
 bo, and of Ma.'ure, "Jobn Coclho de Cajlro, 
 Manoel Gil, Manoel Seixas, and John Banha, 
 who were prefent in all places where there 
 was the molt danger to incounter. The 
 clergy, but cfpecially the capuchins, were 
 very adkluous in confefTing the foldiers, in 
 praying, and doing all manner of good of- 
 fices, without intermilTion ; and fome of 
 them would not be backward in being up- 
 on the guard with the foldiery, antl give the 
 enemies ample proofs of their valour. 
 
 The enemy tluinder'd lb furioufly againfl 
 the baflion of St. John, that it appeared 
 like a heap of rubbifli •, then they turned 
 their lury againft the hoin-wurk of St. Ste- 
 phen, and the adjacent point ; but Manoel 
 da Veiga, the commanding officer on the 
 baflion of St. Stephen, Frav.cifco Gorian Fi- 
 albo, John Ferraon d'Abreu, Gonzal Mar- 
 tinho Picmentel, Manod Carvalho, and o- Bravery of 
 thers imployed in the defence of the vvoiksthe bc- 
 towards St. Sebaftian, were indefatigable in fieged. 
 repairing the breaches, and rendering the 
 baltions tolerably defenfible. 
 
 Hicronymo hucena fhewed the fiime care 
 in the baflion oiA'Iadre de Deos, till he was 
 relieved by Le--wis Tavera Jx Cunha ; and 
 the wall which extended towards St. Seba- 
 ftian being found very weak, the general re- 
 commended the defence thereof to the four 
 captains of the galliots lately come from 
 Goa. Thefe ordei'd an intrenchment to be 
 made there of a hundred and fifty yards 
 long, one broad, and fix feet high. Fa- 
 ther Dayman Vieira, the jefuit, being im- 
 ployed in furthering this work, a bullet 
 taking away a great piece of the v/all, flruck 
 him on the head, fo that he fell dead upon 
 the ground •, but foon recovering himlelf, 
 he fell to his work again, his fervant con- 
 Itantlyattending himwith a (word and fufee, 
 wherewith he did confiderable execution-^ 
 being commonly one of the foremoft in 
 charging the enemy. I-lnding that the ba- 
 flion of Xaveriiis (otherwife call'd Couras) 
 began alfo to be forely battered by the ene- 
 my, the care thereof was committed to an 
 old famous foldier, Manoel Rodrigos Franco, 
 who foon put it out of all danger. 
 
 The 2 9rh of Ncvanber the Dutch gene- The city 
 ral, Gerard Hnlft, fent a drummer, with a fummoned 
 white flag, with a mefiengcr into the city,? •""«"" 
 to lummon our governor to a furrcnder, 
 who delaying his anfwer till next day, the 
 enemy fired moft furioufly with his cannon 
 all that night ; but the next morning we 
 fent Diego de Scuza de Cftro, and Thomas 
 FercireLeite with an anfwer, ilie laff pcrfo-- 
 nating a drummer, in order to get fome in- 
 telligence 
 
 aer.
 
 6^ 
 
 B A L- 
 
 U A u s . 
 
 A Dcfcription of C E Y L O H. 
 
 Chap. 59. ) 
 
 General 
 alTauIc 
 given up- 
 on Cotum 
 bo. 
 
 tclligcncc of the condition of the enemy, 
 bat they were upon their guard, and there- 
 fore fcnt a c.ipt.iin and a lieutenanr, attend- 
 ed by two (oKiiers, to receive our govcr- 
 noi's letter, wherein he told tiie general, 
 that he wanted neither will nor power to 
 ticfend the j^l.ice to the iitinolt for iiis king's 
 (crvicc, being Hill fufficiently provided with 
 powder and bail, and other necelTaric s ; and 
 to add the more weight to iiis words, we 
 fired moft furioiifly all that night. 
 
 The Di(!c/.> repaid us in the fame coin, 
 fending us commonly a prefent of eight 
 hundretl cannon-ball, and nine hundred 
 granadoes every day. The 12 th of Novtw.- 
 l(r they celebrated the feail of St. Martin 
 the pope, by a new invention ot fireballs, 
 whereof they fent a good number into the 
 city, and feconded the game by a general 
 iinhult. I'br early in the morning, three 
 of their flouted fhips appearing in fight of 
 the city, one of them, called the Mc.id of 
 Knchmjhi, enterctl the harbour, carrying 
 tiie red Hag in her ffcrn -, and coming to an 
 anchor widiin mufquet-fliot of the baftion 
 of St. Crm, gave us feveral warm lltlutes, 
 under the found of drums and trumpets ; 
 but Manoel d^Ahreu Godinho and Anthonio 
 dc Silva, the commanding cfHccrs on the 
 bjflion of St. Laivrence, did ply them thick 
 with their cannon, that having firft brought 
 by the board all her mafts, they made foon 
 alter fo many holes in her fides, that flie 
 was ready to fink, and a few ot her crew 
 made hard fliift to efcaps in the long boat. 
 The other two fhips feeing the other fo ill 
 treated, did not think fit to follow her foot- 
 ffeps, but made the beft of their way to the 
 road, alledging in their behalf, that they 
 were not able to come up witli the other. 
 
 At the lame time they attempred the af- 
 Hiult on the land fide. Mr. John van dcr 
 Laan afiTaultcd, with feven companies, the 
 gate of Acowas., advancing boldly with 
 fword in hand to the very faces of our peo- 
 ple, the foremofl of which began to give 
 way, and in all likelihood the reft would 
 have followed their eximple, had not lather 
 /hilov.io Kunes., a ji-fuit, with his drawn 
 fword, threatened fuch as were ready to fly 
 with prefent death, nay, his comrade, John 
 Cofdaro, wounded one ot his Ib'.diers, as 
 he was flying, with his long rapier. Soon 
 after Gafpar b'igudra de Sdrpe coming with 
 trefh fupplics, this fo animated our Ibldiers, 
 that they not only flopp'd the enemies fury, 
 but alio made them give way in a little 
 while after. In this aiition an enfign and 
 ferjeant acquired immortal honour, andM^- 
 7wel d'AIvieydn, though a very old foldier, 
 yet did not leave his poll: till he had receiv'd 
 eleven wounds. Fdicio de Seixas and Con- 
 trero de Seixas loll their lives with their 
 fwords in their hands ; Manoel Giierreiro., 
 1 
 
 i. e. the warrior, did great fervice with his 
 cannon from his redoubt, he being an ex- 
 pert cannoneer. 
 
 Major ran der Laan feeing there was no 
 likelihood of fuccecding, founded a retreat, The 
 leaving the ground covered with the dead Dutch 
 c.ircalles of the Hollanders. The enemy repulied. 
 received alio confiderable damage from the 
 tower where Diego de Soicza de Cajlro com- 
 manded, and no quertion much more might 
 have, been expelled, had we been provided 
 with good gunners -, for it muft be confel- 
 fed that we wanted not officers of courage 
 and experience, but only fuch as underllood 
 the mathematicks and the art of gunnery, 
 an inftance of which might be given in one 
 of our gunners, who having double charg'd 
 a cannon, did wound one ol our captains, 
 and two others, viz. Thomas Fereira Leite 
 and Pedro Gnnfalves Salgado ; though for the -^^^ 
 reft, their fidelity ought not to be pafted by Portu- 
 in filence, it having been obferved, that not guefe can- 
 one of our cannoneers deferted to tlie ene- "oneer de- 
 my, but moft of them loll their lives in ^"^ ' 
 the fervice. 
 
 The gate of Rajitha was attacked with 
 eight hundred choice men by general Hulji 
 in perfon, who endeavoured to mount the 
 walls with fcaling-ladders. As they paflTed 
 the bridge, they were foiely galled from the 
 ba.ftions of St. Stephen, St. Sebajlian, and 
 that of Madre de Deos, the defence whereof 
 being committed to Rcdrigo Bora/ho, Anto- 
 nio de Mota d'Oliveira, and Manoel Cabreira 
 de Ponte, they gave fuch a hot ialute with 
 their firelocks from behind their pallilado 
 works to the Hollanders., that many of them 
 were laid dead upon the ground. A certain 
 cannon of ftone did them confiderable da- 
 mage, and would have done more, had it 
 not burft in pieces. Three times they re- 
 newed the affault with incredible fury ; and 
 as often were they repulfed with an unfpeak- 
 able bravery. At laft, general Huljl, to 
 incourage his men, cried out aloud, Soldiers, 
 the prina's ftandard is Jet upon the baftion of 
 St. John (which in eftedl was not fo) and io 
 wiih a curie, Saute Diabo, (;. e. holy devil,) 
 he I'natched a ladder out of a fellow's hand, 
 but finding no body ready to follow him, ; 
 
 whilft he was incouraging his men, and fix- 
 ing his ladder to the very gate, he was 
 wounded in the thigh, and fo forced to re- 
 treat. On the lide of the lake, or fens, 
 (calletl Lagoa by the Portugv.cfes,) two hun- 
 dred and forty men were imbarked in 
 eight Ch'niefe boats brought from Batavia 
 for that purpofe. They v,ere met by Do- 
 wingos Coelho d\ilha in five Manchous, or 
 barges, who fought with them coiMagioully 
 for lome time, but was forced at laft to 
 fuller them to land, but retired into a pal- 
 lilado v/ork near Maria Telles, fi-om whence 
 he, with Sebafiian Caldeira, and five or fix 
 
 more
 
 .HAP. 
 
 39' 
 
 A Dejcription of CEY LON. 
 
 685 
 
 more (the reft being run away) fired brifk- 
 ly upon the Hollanders, who at laft finding 
 a hole or gate near the houfe of 'Sebaftian 
 Caldeira, they forced their way, notwith- 
 ftanding the brave refiftance made by Ma- 
 noel Rodrigues trejjco, Guardian de Vara, 
 and Franafco Rchello de Pa!fares, who fenc 
 a good quantity of hand-granadoes and fire- 
 bails among them, the laid Guardian iia- 
 ving received two wounds by mufquet-balls. 
 The Dutch forcing their way into a narrow 
 ftreet, were there met by Manocl Fernandes 
 de Miranda, who, though foreiy wounded, 
 yet continued fighting with his fword and 
 buckler, till exhaufled of his ftrength by 
 the lofs of blood, he was ready to drop, 
 and would infallibly have died upon the 
 fpot, had not Francifco de Lemos carried 
 him off. In his place fucceeded Diego Lei- 
 taon de Souza, who difcharging a mufque- 
 toon on the corner of a flreet among the 
 Dutch, made them halt ; the lame was done 
 by father Damian Vkira, the jefuit, who 
 with another mulquetoon made fuch a ha- 
 vock among the enemy, that thefe two 
 flopped their farther progrefs, till Antonio 
 de Leaon appeared at the head of a good 
 troop of foldiers; he being provided with 
 another mulquetoon, charged the enemy fo 
 brifkly, (as they were endeavouring to break 
 into the backfide of fome gardens,) that 
 they were forced to retreat back into the 
 narrow ftreet, where he maintained the 
 fight (though his mufquetoon, by reafon 
 of its being too frequently charged, ftruck 
 him down to the ground) till Anthonio de 
 Melo de Cajlro came with his whole compa- 
 ny to his relief, when after fome firing, 
 tjuarter being offered to the remnants of the 
 Dutch, they accepted of the Hime -, fo that 
 feventy-lour, though moft of them wounded, 
 were made prifoners of war, whereof eight 
 only returned into the Dutch camp aftcr- 
 v^ards, the reft dying in the city, many 
 whereof were converted to the Catholick 
 faith, by the indefatigable care of the jefuits, 
 and efpecially of Damian Vieira. 
 
 This was the lliccefs of the general afl^ault 
 begun early in the morning, and not ended 
 till two in the afternoon, during which 
 the governor Anthonio de Souza Cculinho 
 and Francifco de Melo de Cafiro kept in 
 perfon the guard, with fome other officers 
 of note, in the market-place, from whence 
 they difpatched their orders, as occafion re- 
 quired. The city-major, Manoel Marques 
 Gorian, did likewife appear in all places 
 where the danger w.is moft preffing-, and 
 Cafpar Figueira was very careful in fending 
 what fuccours he could fpare from the ba- 
 ftion of St. John. In fliort, the ftreets, 
 breaches, the lane, and ditch, were all taint- 
 ed with the blood of the Hollanders, and 
 the ground covered with colours, arms, 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 the Dutch 
 vcfiel. 
 
 drums, fcaling- ladders, and dead carcafes,BA l- 
 their lofs being computed at no Icfs than ^^^^.^^ 
 rhoufand men, and among them many biave " 
 officers. On our fide we had not above j^^^j^ ^^ 
 thirty men killed, though the enemy, to both lide»... 
 diU'emble their lofs, gave us a general liilvo 
 of at leaft a thoufar.d mulquets. The next 
 day father Damian Vieira going without the 
 walls, in order to bury the dead, was falu- 
 ted by three firelocks from the enemy, which 
 made him retire, and defer his charitable 
 relolution till the next following night. Wa 
 obferved a black flag in one of their works, 
 as a fignal, that they would give quarter to 
 no body without exception, the fiune order 
 having been given them likewife before the 
 aftiiuk begun. We got no iefs than thirty 
 pieces of cannon out of the Ihip that lay 
 under the water-fort, which were planted 
 on our works. Some refrefhments were alfo 
 diftributed among the Ibldiers, though, to 
 confefs the truth, the publick ftores being 
 very low, every one provided for himfelf 
 as well as he could, without any regard to 
 the poor foldiers. However, about eigh- 
 teen days after father Damian (by order 
 from the general) went with fome £)«/c/5' Some pro- 
 prilbners aboard the vefi^el, where they found ^'''°" '^^ 
 fome cafks of wine, and Ibme meat and J^^,^^"^^",'^^'^ 
 bacon. 
 
 In the mean time the enemies were not 
 idle, but daily increafed their works: they 
 made a covered way, within forty paces of 
 St. John*!, baftion from weft to the e.ift, in 
 form of a redoubt, upon which they plant- 
 ed fix great guns, viz. three againft the 
 baftion of St. John, and the other three 
 againft that of St. Stephen. From thence 
 they carried on their trenches to the fea-fidc, 
 from fouth to north, doled with another 
 redoubt, which being provided with two 
 pieces of cannon, much annoyed the v.-all 
 betwixt the baftion of Couras and St. John. 
 This made the governor Coutinho order fome 
 of the citizens to raife a kind of an intrench- 
 ment of about two foot thick and three high, 
 behind it. From the fecond redoubt the 
 enemy carried on their trenches into the open 
 field-, and at laft added a third redoubt, 
 from whence they could batter the wall be- 
 twixt the baftions of St. John and St. Ste- 
 phen; which being likewife forced to be 
 ftrengthened by fome works of earth and 
 fltfcines, no body, not even the governor 
 himfelf, were fparing in laying hand to fo 
 ufeful a work, which being four hundred 
 ells in length, each divifion had its fhare 
 allotted, in order to bring it the fooner to 
 perfedtion. 
 
 Domingo Coelho d' Alia, affifted by Cajfcr 
 d'Aranja Pereira, John d'Andrade Machado, 
 and Don Francifco Rolim, all inhabitants of 
 the city, did great fervice with their (laves 
 \R the Manchous, or boats, in protecting 
 S L oiiT
 
 (58(5 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 D a; u s . 
 
 A Defiription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 39. 
 
 rigueira 
 l.iys down 
 his com« 
 miflion. 
 
 Covetouf- 
 nefs of 
 feme of 
 the offi- 
 cers. 
 
 our workmen on that fide, as well as the 
 dilTavesi and, to be (horc, there was no 
 body (6 young, no body fo old, that 
 was exempted from continual labour or 
 watching. 
 
 The Duhfj on the other hand, carried 
 on the trenches from t!:c redoubt with fix 
 guns, to the hill of Jqua de Lupe^ and 
 made another trench from the redoubt in 
 the plain, which was to meet another re- 
 doubt thrown up on the front of the bafbion 
 of St. Stephen, beyond the lake or fens. 
 They alfo raifed another battery in the gar- 
 den of Antonio de Mota, againft the baftion 
 of St. Stephen, and another near the before- 
 mentioned redoub: of fix guns, in a parallel 
 with that in the plain, and another juft at 
 the foot of the baftion of St. G'us, which 
 being fo near the ditch, was likely to be a 
 diorn in our eye, there being nothing but 
 the ditch betwixt us and the enemy, lb that 
 we could throw ilones at them, and often 
 talked with one another. 
 
 About the ftme time Cafpar Figueira de 
 Serpe, defired leave to lay down his com- 
 mifTion, not to (hun the danger or trouble 
 of his ftation, but becaufe many of the 
 gentlemen and fubaltern officers, refufed to 
 obey his command; fo he was difcharged, 
 and Antonio de Mflo de Cajlro, nephew to 
 the late governor Francifco de Melo de Ca- 
 Jiro, who had behaved himfelf with more 
 than ordinary bravery in his poft during the 
 fiege, put in his place. 
 
 As we (hrewdly fufpefted the enemy to 
 have a defign of undermining the baftion 
 of St. Stephen, a cavalier was ordered to be 
 raifed near it, in cafe the fime fliould fuc- 
 ceed. This was done by the contrivance 
 of a certain Indian merchant of the coaft 
 of Coromandel, who alfo ordered the re- 
 doubt, demolifhed fince the laft general 
 aftault, to be repaired. By the diredion 
 alfo of another certain merchant, (who was 
 furveyor of our magazine,) a countermine 
 was contrived, which did us great fcrvice. 
 It was a moft deplorable thing to. have in 
 fuch a fortrefs as this, not fo much as one 
 Porliiguefe engineer, nay, not fo much as a 
 good carpenter of our nation, the defe6b 
 whereof can be attributed to nothing elfe 
 but to the covetOufnefs of fome of the king's 
 officers, who ptit the money defigned tor 
 that ufe into their pockets, and at the fame 
 time, put it to the king's account: nei- 
 ther were our fortifications in fuch a con- 
 dition as they ought to have been; for 
 whereas we had had fufficient time to in- 
 dole that part of the city near the fea-fide, 
 called Gahoca (comprehentiing a third part 
 of the whole) with ftrong walls, and to 
 render it impregnable, by reafon of the 
 natural fituation thereof being accefiible 
 
 only in certain places in fmall boats, they had 
 planted inly fome coco and palm-trees there, 
 which perifh, and are w.\fhed away by the 
 waves in a fhort time. Thus the baftions 
 which ought to have been fitccd with ftone, 
 were only made of earth, which are not du- 
 rable, and eafily fpoiled by the water-floods; 
 the effcds whereof were then obvious enough 
 from the hofpital to the gate of the jefuits 
 college, which comprehends a very large 
 traft of ground. Befides this, the carriages 
 of our great guns were fo rotten, that moft 
 of them after the firft difcharge broke to 
 pieces ; fo that we were forced to take the 
 wood from the houfes, nay, even out of the 
 churches (as we did in that of St. Domingo) 
 to make new ones. 
 
 My pen wants words to exprefs the af- 
 fronts put upon the holy images by the he- 
 rcticks, whereof I will give you only one 
 inftance. They took the image of the holy 
 apoftle St. Thomas, and after they had cut 
 otF the nofe, ears, and arms, ict it up for a 
 mark to fhoot at ; afterwards they knocked 
 it full of great nails, and fo fhot it out of a 
 mortar November i6. into ourditcli, whence 
 it was taken up and carried to the jefuits col- 
 lege, by father Damian Vieirci, and two re- 
 formed officers, Manoel de Seixas, and Ma- 
 noel de St. Jago Garcia. But the Francifcans 
 laying claim to it, they carried it in publick 
 proceffion to their church, and placed it up- 
 on the high altar. Father Francifco St. Mat- 
 theus folemnized the day with a learned 
 Ipeech. 
 
 The 20th of November the holyThotnas 
 bleflTed us with the arrival of a certain Por- 
 ttiguefe, a native of Aveiros, named Simon 
 Lopes de Bafto, who for cer>ain reafons being 
 retired from Goa to Wingurla, had ferved 
 among the Dutch in a very good ftation in 
 the camp; but finding his countrymen in 
 diftrels, left all and came over tons, and did 
 us moft fignal fervice in the fiege. 
 
 The enemy carried on their trenches from 
 the foot of the baftion of St. Cnis, to the edge 
 of the ditch, with an intention to fix their 
 miners under the baftion of St. John; but 
 we made a countermine, and defended the 
 ditch on the other fide with a good breaft- 
 work, to fecure our people againft the gre- 
 nadocs which the enemy threw in without 
 intermiffion. This poft being reconwiended, 
 to the care of Domingos Coelho, he ftrengthen- 
 ed the fame by pallifidoes, from whence 
 he commanded the paftage. over the ditch 
 with his fire-arms; and Mamel Rodrigos 
 Franco, and Manoel de St. Jago Garcirr^ 
 would often fkirmifh with the enemy on 
 their own bridges; two whole companies un- 
 der the laid Coelho and Diego de Souza de 
 Cafiro being appointed to fecond them as 
 neceffity required. 
 
 The
 
 Chap. 39. 
 
 J Defcriptidn of C E Y LO N. 
 
 687 
 
 The I oth and 1 1 th of January the enemy 
 advanced to the ditch in two places, viz. 
 througli tlie beforementioned breaft-work, 
 and fomewhat lower : From the firft place 
 they played with a g;reat cannon ; and on the 
 other iide, having made a great breach thro* 
 the wall, they threw tiifcincs, logs of wood, 
 bafkets with canh, and fuch like materials 
 into the ditch ; and the better to cover their 
 workmen, and afford an eafy pallhge to 
 their foldiers, they fixed their gallery : But 
 Emanuel Guerrciro, at the head of his com- 
 pany, Domingos Coelho d' Alia., Emanuel de 
 St. J ago Garcia., and Diego de Souza Caftro, 
 did receive them ib courageoufly, that from 
 ten at night till break of day, there was no- 
 thing to be heard or fcen but firing, both 
 at the entrance of the mine, and from the 
 ball ion of St. John, from whence Don Diego 
 Vajcohcelhos did confiderable mifchief to the 
 Dulch with his great cannon, who meeting 
 with fo unexpected a reception, thought fit 
 to retire with confiderable lol's, leaving moft 
 of their materials behind them, which were 
 brought into the city. We loft only two 
 men in this adlion •, and the Dulch for ever 
 after were not fo forward to come fo near us, 
 but plyed us chiefly with their cannon balls, 
 ftones and bombs ; whereas we had but one 
 mortar, which was ufelels to us (for want of 
 expert canoneers) till Simon hopes de Bajto 
 came over to us, who now and then f\luted 
 the enemy with ftones out of that mortar, 
 who aniwered us briflcly, though moft of 
 them broke in the air, and did no other 
 mifchief but to fome houfes that were mife- 
 ?ravery ofrably fhattered. One of the enemies bombs 
 vdatthiaa happening to fall entire upon the ground, 
 ■Vlbuquer- Mauhias d'Albuquerque, a native of Goa., 
 ftanding hard by, took it up, and threw it 
 into the next Dutch mine, with an Uripa- 
 ralled courage, with ilich fuccefs, that it 
 blew up into the air immediately. 
 -; The 28th of January four fliips arrived 
 from Gale., and foon after two more, which, 
 with the fourteen that were in the bay before, 
 made up twenty in all. The fame day the 
 Dutch planted a crofs upon the redoubt, cal- 
 led Conception, under the triple difcharge 
 of their cannon and fmall arms. This re- 
 doubt had been made by the dircftion and 
 afliftance of the .governor, the matter of the 
 ordnance, and feveral of our beft officers, 
 and the diffaves. That day two new lifted 
 men, belonging to Don Rodrigo de Cajlro's 
 company, deferted to the enemy -, and 
 Fernaan Martinho de S^uza- the governor's 
 fon, a gentleman who ' had^ giverl feveral 
 proofs of his courage, was unfortunately flioE 
 with a mufket-ball in the head on the ba- 
 ftion of St. John, of which 'wound he died 
 foon after. About the fame time died alio 
 Anthonio Barboza Pinheiro, one of our cap- 
 tains of thear tillery;,a perfbn of ifidefatiga.i 
 
 [ue, 
 
 hego- 
 rnor's 
 , I kill'd. 
 
 ble care, and who had fignalized himfelfupon B a l- 
 many occafions, both in the field and the °;^;."1, 
 city. v^rOP*** 
 
 The ift of February two other new lifted 
 foldiers of Monoel de Veigas'% company de- 
 ferted to the enemy, and the 6rh nine/hips 
 returned from the bay to Gale. By this time 
 we began to be reduced to great extremity 
 for wantof provifions, a little meafure of rice 
 being then fold at half a Seraphyn ; fo that 
 we faw the poor wretches (as well Europeans 
 as Negroes) drop down dead in the ftreets : 
 Thi: Berbery, bloody-flux, and fpotted fevers, 
 being grown fo common, that few were free 
 from them. To be fl:iorf, we were in a con- 
 ftant conflift with three inoft dreadful ene- 
 mies, the plague, hunger, and fword. To 
 add to our affliction, the heat was fo cx- 
 cefllve for want of rain, (which ufually falls 
 in Ceylon,) that many were ftifled for want of 
 air, which made us drive about three hundred 
 of thefe miferable creatures (unfit for fervice) 
 out of the city on the 8th, who were forced 
 to return by xh^ Dutch the 9th. The 12th, Negroes 
 five hundred Negroes were forced out of thefof«d out 
 city, but were fent back by tiie Holb.nders^''^'^^^' 
 the fame day. The 17th we faw divers 
 gibbets eredfed without our walls, on which 
 they did hang divers of the milerable crea- 
 tures that were forced out of the town. Wfe 
 had fo many dead in the city, that we want- 
 ed room to bury them. The 19th two of 
 our foldiers delerted ; one 
 taken, was han: 
 
 23d fifty Negroes (the remnants of the laft 
 five hundred) returned to the city. The 27th 
 the bridge made by the enemy on this fide 
 of their trenches, was fet on fire from the 
 baftion of St. John ; but the fire was footl 
 quenched. The 29th the bcficged made a 
 kind of a covered way, near the gate of 
 Rajuha, fiom the baftion of Madre de Decs, 
 to that of St. Sebojtian. 
 
 The 2d of March our city-major was 
 fent in a fmall vefTel to Manaar, to follicite 
 for fuccours there, in cafe any fhould have 
 been lately arrived from Portugal ; for at 
 Goa they thought of nothing lefs than Cey- 
 lon -, for they did not want either men or 
 fhips to fend to Macajjar or Mofambique, 
 but could find none tor Colunibo ; for tho' Cohimbo 
 the cinnamon was upon the king's account, negleflcd 
 the reft of their cargo belonged to private l^y 'hofe of 
 perfons, who would not venture their fhips ^°*' 
 for the publick without extraordinary re- 
 wards. 
 
 The fiimeday an advice-boat arrived from 
 Gale, and we made the beginning of a ca- 
 valier on the baftion of Madre de Deos ; 
 but finding that the enemy were raifing a 
 battery againft it, it was not brought to 
 perfeftion. Two Portugiiefes and nine Lafca- 
 ryns deferted. The 3d the enemy began 
 to opert their trenches on the fide of th^ 
 
 Mapanefc 
 
 whereof being 
 up immediately. The
 
 A Def:riptio?7 of C E Y L O N. 
 
 dS8 
 
 r A L- Mapcncfi fields. The 6th one I>,^ke deferred, 
 "«"*• and the 7th another did the i;iine, leaving 
 ^''^""•' the boar, where were Ibme Camryns, who 
 returned. The i ith another fold ier belong- 
 ing to Jlvaro RoJrigo Boralh's company, 
 went over to the enemy who received tliac 
 day a reinforcement of ten Ihips. 
 
 The 1 2th early in the morning we found 
 that the enemy had ported himklf upon an 
 cminency at the foot of the baftion of St. 
 Cr«j, juft over-againft our redoubt, and that 
 tliey had carried on their trenches a good 
 way into the field. A foldier of Manoel Cct- 
 Ireira deferred to tiie enemy. The 13th we 
 fenc away four Piuhas, or advice-boats. 
 The 14th we difcover'd three lails, with fome 
 floops, which occafioned great joy in the city, 
 thinking that it had been the fo long looked 
 for fuccours, but foon found our miilake. 
 'I'he lame day two Dw/c/.'defertcrs and a boy 
 came into the town. The enemy having 
 flrengthcned their battery againft the out- 
 works of the baftion of St. Stephen and St. 
 John, they laid, the 16th, ontMtoi St. Ste- 
 phen's ball ion Lvel with the ground. 
 Tamine l"he famine incrcafed every day, a fig- 
 
 iiicteaics. tree or a papey-tiee was now fold for fifty 
 Prirdmis : Herbage we had nonej fome roots 
 there were, but miferably dry, by reafon of 
 the heat of the feafon, which caufed a great 
 mortality. 
 
 The 17th an Aratche and two Lafcaryns 
 went over to the enemy -, and perceiving 
 that they had raifed an eminency, in order to 
 cred a redoubt and battery near the gate of 
 Rajuhii, we demolifli'd the fame by plant- 
 ing a twenty-eight pounder againft it. We 
 had an advice-boat fent us from the northern 
 quarter, and about mid-night the enemy 
 alarmed us by a falfe attack. The 20!h five 
 Tour de- foldiers being taken that were going over to 
 ferters j^e enemy, four of them were hanged im- 
 hanged. nit.(ji;ife]y^ t^g fifth, who had difcovered 
 the reft, efc.iping wiih his life. 
 
 The 21ft we made a countermine about 
 ten foot from the enemy's, which was ear- 
 ned to the palm-trees planted on the forti- 
 fications ; whilft Simon Lopes de Bajfo mafter 
 of our ordnance, Manoel Fernandes da Mi- 
 randa, Manoel de St. J^go Garcia, father 
 Damian Vieira, and fcvcra) other Pcrtuguefe 
 officers, were employed in encouraging the 
 workmen ; one of our cannon-balls fell among 
 fome grenadoes and other fire-works, which 
 cauied a great alarm in the whole city, and 
 the brave John Pereira Corie Real a native 
 of Negapatnain, who had fignalized himfelf 
 upon a thoufand occafions in the fcrvice of 
 our artillery, here loft his life, being general- 
 ly regretted by all who knew his merit. The 
 2 2d and 23d, the enemy continued toperfed: 
 their works near the gate of Rajuha, againft 
 which we played with a demi-cannon from 
 behind the wall of St. Stephen's baftion. 
 
 Chap. 35^. 
 
 The 24th two mefTengers from the king of Two mef- 
 Candy brought a letter to the governor, and '^"S^" 
 another to the inhabitants of Columbo, in ^^^^ (^^^ 
 anfwer to a letter fent to that king at the Raja singa 
 beginning of the fiege. They appeared in come to 
 mourning apparel, to intimate (according to ^°'"'"''*'' ' 
 thecuftomof that court) how much concern'd , 
 
 his majerty was at the many injuries and af- ' 
 
 fr' nts put upon him during the late war. 
 They contained in fubftance. That the king 
 fummoned them to a furrender, promifing 
 all the inhabitants the free pofTefTion of all 
 their eftares, villages, ^c. for their fufte- 
 nance, as the only means to deliver them 
 from the miferies and opprcfTions they now 
 groaned under, alledging. That the fame 
 were the effefts of God's juft vengeance for 
 their ingratitude, fhewn upon fo many oc- s 
 
 cafions to his imperial majefty, in return of 
 the many benefits they had received at his 
 hands, and not admitting his ambaftlidors 
 fent to them with propofals of an alliance. 
 Thefe letters were likevvife fubfcribed by the 
 Dutch general Buljf, which being read pub- 
 lickly, the mefTer.gcrs were dilmifted with 
 much refpcdl, but were fcarce got out of 
 the city, when rhey were overtaken with a 
 moft dreadful ftorni of rain, thunder, and 
 lightning. 
 
 The 25th Aharo Rodrigo 5(?;v?//.)0 killed 
 a foldier as he was going over to the e- 
 nemy. 
 
 The 26th an advice-boat was difpatched They fend 
 to get intelligence whether there were any an advke-J 
 hopes of fuccours for Columbo ; but all the ^°^' '°' 
 news we could learn, was. That the viceroy "*^"" 
 of Goa (ihe only perfon we put our confi- 
 fidence in next to God) was lately dead •, 
 which though it was doleful news for us, 
 yet was it refolved to hold out to the laft 
 extremity -, which was performed to the 
 greateft nicety, the Dutch never being able 
 to become maftcts of the place, till moft of 
 us were confumed eiihcr by the fword or fa- 
 mine. Advice was alfo brought us. That 
 bonfires had been made at Goa, upon cer- 
 tain advice brought by fome Negroes (under 
 pioteftion of the Dutch) taken at Putelaon 
 in Ceylon, that Columbo was not in lb de- 
 fpetate a condition as had been reprefented, 
 which they had reported upon the credit of 
 a certain Dutch mafter of a vefTel. 
 
 The 2 7di of March one of our ferjeants 
 was devoured by a crocodile in the fens, his 
 cloaths and arms being found afterwards. 
 At this time a Parra of rice was fold at 
 twenty- five Seraphins, or gilders; and all 
 our church-yards being filled with dead 
 corps, we were forced to have another con- 
 fecrated for that purpofe. 
 
 The 28th in the morning the enemy had 
 thrown up another redoubt near the v.'all 
 of the gate of Rajuha. One of the inhabi- 
 tants, a native of Cranganory went over to 
 
 the
 
 n Cha?.. j9. 
 
 ^ Defcription of CEYLON. 
 
 689 
 
 Tats and 
 logs fold 
 It a great 
 
 1 
 
 > Semper 
 
 nveniun- 
 
 nr merca 
 
 ores hu- 
 
 nanarum 
 
 alamita- 
 
 wm.BaJtl. 
 
 the enemy from the baftion oi St. John., be- 
 ing forc'd thereunto by hunger, which was 
 grown fo 'cxcefTive, that dogs, cats, and 
 rats, and other fuch hke things, were fold 
 at a very high rate. 
 
 The 3 1 ft, two foldiers and a Lafcaryn 
 went over to the enemy. The next morn- 
 ing we fxw Ibme fmall batteries raifcd 
 againfb the redoubt of St. Jobn's baftion, 
 wliere our people had made fome entrench- 
 ments, raifed like fteps of ten paces high, 
 cover'd with a breaft-work, like a cover'd 
 way c.xll'd yikapaon by the Portuguefes. At 
 the fame time we began to work on a coun- 
 termine, within twenty paces of the ene- 
 my's mine at St. Johis baftion. The fime 
 day above fihy of our fick died in the ho- 
 fpital, befides what were daily found dead in 
 the houfcsand ftreets, the ammunition-bread 
 being by this time become a moft precious 
 commodity. 
 
 The firft of April one of the enemy's ad- 
 vice-boats came into the road. The fecond 
 iz'vtw Lafcaryns deferted, and ever after 
 twenty or thirty a-day went over to the 
 enemy. The 3d two Dutch yachts came 
 into the road, aboard one of which was a 
 furgeon. At the fame time a Parra of rice 
 was fold for fifty-nine Seraphyns, or gilders ; 
 but the worft was, that there was not enough 
 of it, and could not be purchaled but with 
 ready-money. The governor's fteward 
 (though without his knowledge) * refufing 
 to part with any without ready gold, to the 
 great difreputation of his mafter, who, tho 
 a gentleman of great honour, yet was high- 
 ly blam'd for committing a thing of fuch 
 moment to the management of fo avaritious 
 a perfon. 
 
 The 4th of April the enemy had raifed a 
 new redoubt and battery, provided with 
 two pieces of cannon, near the gate of Ra- 
 jtiha ; wherewith they had fo battered our 
 paliiadoes, and other wooden fences, that 
 there was no fafe paffing betwixt the forti- 
 fications and the wall on the other fide of 
 the ditch. The enemy receiv'd a fuccour 
 of two fliips, and the next day four more. 
 The enemy made their approaches with fo 
 much circumfpedlion, that they advanc'd to 
 the ditch (where it was dry) with the lofs a 
 few of their men, who improvidently ex- 
 pofed themfelves to our fire-arms. 
 
 The 6th we began another countermine, 
 and the 7th the enemy threw abundance of 
 fafcines and faggots into the dry ditch, and 
 fet fire to our pahfadoes •, which was foon 
 quenched by the induftry of our men ; 
 whilft the Dutch were employ'd on the 
 other fide to cut a breach with pickaxes in 
 the wall ; but were foon chas'd from thence by 
 our firelocks, not without confiderable lofs. 
 
 The 8th of April we began another coun- 
 termine -, which being fenced with a kind 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 of palifado beams cover'd with earth, to re- Ba l- 
 fift the enemies fire-works, was carry 'd on "-'t^va. 
 under the condu6l of the mailer of the ord- ^"^"V*^ 
 nance Antonio de Melo de Cajtro, the ferjeant- 
 major Antonio dc Leaon., Diego de Souza^ 
 and Manocl de St. Jo.go Gania. The fome 
 day at leaft feventy fick pcrfons (moft Eu- 
 ropeans) died in the hofpital ; many of the 
 negroes lay dead in the ftrcet for want of 
 room to be buried in, which produced a 
 moft naufeous fcent. The hunger was in- Utmoft 
 creafed by this time to fuch a degree, that extremiiy 
 tiicy began to feed upon men's flefli •, feveral '^'' ^''^"' 
 mothers murder'd their own cliildren to feed \ol^° ' 
 upon, two whereof were executed. It was 
 a moft doleful fpeftacle to hear the poor 
 miferable wretches cry out in the ftreets for 
 bread ; fome imploring heaven for afliftance, 
 others curfing thofe who were the occafion 
 of their mifery, others expiring and breath- 
 ing their laft in the houfes and ftreets. 
 
 The 9th Domingo de Ramos forc'd a mul- 
 titude of poor wretches out of the toVv^n j 
 but thefe being driven back by the enemy, 
 and expofed to our fmall-lliot, perifhed ei- 
 ther by them, or by famine upon the 
 fliore. 
 
 The enemy advanc'd this day briskly with 
 their trenches, as we did on our fide in our 
 retrenchments. 
 
 The loth we fet fire to the enemy's gal- 
 lery ; which, however, did not fucceed ac- 
 cording to expeftation, for want of fufficient 
 fuel ; but father Damian Vieira, A^anoel 
 Guerreiro, and Simon Lopes de Bijjlo, did kill 
 many of the enemy upon this occafion. 
 
 The I ith we planted a cannon betwix:t 
 our palifadoes againft their gallery ; but 
 they had ftrengthen'd it fo well that we 
 could efFeiSt nothing of moment. One of our" 
 foldiers run over to them. 
 
 The 1 2th we began two other mines with 
 incredible labour, but indifferent fuccefs, for 
 want of skilful engineers. Four fele(!:l:ed 
 men were pofted in the redoubt of St. Johi's 
 baftion, who defended that poft, which was 
 within a few rods from the enemy's v/orks, 
 with a great deal of bravery, as they did in 
 moft other places, notwithftanding we were 
 reduc'd to a very inconfiderable number, 
 there being not above five or fix men left 
 in fome companies, as thofe of Diego de 
 Souza de Cajlro, Manoel de St. Jago Garcia., 
 and Don Diego de Vafconcelhos., wlio per- 
 form'd wonders in the defence of the baftion 
 of St. John. 
 
 The 13th the enemy having receiv'd a 
 reinforcement out of two yachts, they la- 
 bour'd very hard in their mine on the ba- 
 ftion of St. John, under favour of their 
 cannon, which play'd incefliuitly. At that 
 time father Damian Vieira kill'd a ftouc 
 Hollander, who had the diredion of the 
 work, which advanced apace, though we 
 8 M ply'd
 
 690 
 
 Bal- 
 d;eus. 
 
 A Defcriptm 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 39. 
 
 New; of 
 the defeat 
 of the fuc- 
 cours de- 
 fign'd for 
 Columbo. 
 
 A ftrange 
 efcape. 
 
 ply'd them very warmly with our fire- 
 works. Two of our foldiers deferted to the 
 
 enemy. 
 
 The I Sth we began to work on our coun- 
 termine from the toot of the baftion ot St. 
 John towards that of St. Stephen, under the 
 direction of father Damian Vieira, Simon 
 Lopes de Bap, and John Fereira d' Abreu, 
 whilft the ferjeant-major Antonio de Leaon, 
 Diego de Sotiza de CaJIro, and Ruy Lopes 
 Coutinho ply'd the enemy with their fire- 
 works and other combuftible matter. 
 
 The fame day we got intelligence by an 
 advice-boar, That the fo long expedted fuc- 
 cours, under the command of Frmcifco de 
 Seixas Cabreira was come upon our coaft ; 
 it confided of twenty-one fliips, and two 
 galliots with provifions, one whereof was 
 upon the king's account, the other of Simon 
 Souza, a gentleman of honour, who took 
 compadion of our prefent condition. They 
 fet fail from Goa the 29th of March ; but 
 as they were endeavouring to make the cape 
 Comoryn, one of the galliots, in which was 
 Sitnonde Souza, was attack'd fo furioufly by 
 A Dutch vcfiel coming from Cakcoulang with 
 pepper, that after having loft her maft flie 
 funk, Simon de Souza being narrowly fav'd 
 with a few foldiers, and carried to Columbo. 
 The Dutch fliip then falhng in among the 
 reft, fought lb manly, that fhe forced our 
 fliips to retreat into the harbour of Tuteco- 
 ryn ; from whence they could not come to 
 Columbo till Jugujl ; though if the {iiid 
 fleet had arriv'd fitely, they had brought 
 fcarce rice enough to ferve only for a little 
 time. 
 
 About the fame time father Damian Vi- 
 eira, John Fereira d' Abreu, and Simon Lo- 
 pes de Bajlo, went with fome other officers, 
 (call'd Reformadoes by the Portuguefes,) in- 
 to one of our mines. Father Damian, and 
 lieutenant Nitnes going about fix paces be- 
 fore the reft, to diicovcr whether any of 
 the enemies were at hand, and being mifta- 
 ken by their comrades for Hollanders, thele 
 difcharged their musketoons upon them ; 
 notwithftanding which the jefuit efcaped 
 miraculoufly the danger, without receiving 
 the leaft hurt. This happy efcape was at- 
 tributed to the prayers of father Frey Lays, 
 a Capuchin, to whom fuch as were going 
 upon Ionic defperate enterprize ufed to re- 
 commend themfclves. 
 
 The 1 5th Nicholas de Moura efcaped out 
 of prifon, (where he was detained ever fince 
 the bufinefe of the count d'Obidas,) and with 
 five Mifticci went over to the enemy, as did 
 much at the fame time a ferjeant and a fol- 
 dier. About eighty paces from the gate 
 of Rajuba, the enemy battered part of our 
 wall betwixt tlie baftions of Madre de Deos 
 and St. Sebaftian, from a battery of five 
 pieces of cannon, from whence they fliot 
 
 three hundred and fifty cannon balls againft 
 it in one day. 
 
 The 16th we made a falfe alarm to try 
 whether every one would repair readily to 
 his poft : two new-lifted foldiers took this 
 opportunity to defert, and being now dc- 
 ttitute of men to work in our mines, no bo- 
 dy was excufed from that fervice, from the 
 governor to the private centinel. 
 
 The 17th the enemy having fix'd another 
 cannon upon the battery, before the gate of 
 Rajuha, they laid the wall level with the 
 ground -, our people being fo weaken'd by 
 famine, that they were not in a condition 
 to carry thither any fafcines or earth to 
 repair it. At the lame time Manoel Fra- 
 gofa, a reform'd captain, who had done 
 fignal fervices in the Indies, and efpecially 
 in Ceylon, went over to the enemy, becaufe 
 his pay (which was given to others who 
 much lels deferv'd it) was refus'd him, nay, 
 he could not even get fuftenance for his 
 money, which put him upon this defperate 
 refolution ; two common foldiers, natives 
 of India, deferted at the fame time. There 
 died fuch a vaft number every day in the Great 
 hofpital for want of neceffaries, that many mortality 
 of the foldiery chofe rather to abide with f' ^°'"™' 
 their companies, where they expir'd in fight 
 of their comrades. 
 
 The enemy receiv'd a fuccour of two 
 fhips, a yacht, and a galliot, whereas the 
 poor befieg'd had not the leaft relief in {^s^xv 
 mo'nths. 
 
 The I Sth yit. Adrian van der Meyden, 
 governor of Gale, fent us a letter, (their 
 general being lately dead,) and to terrify us 
 the more, prefenced all his forces in order 
 of battle, betwixt his trenches ; but our 
 men, commanded by Alfonfo Correa, John 
 Ferraon d' Abreu, Manoel Fereira Matofo, 
 Ignatio Fernandes, Simon Lopes de Bajlo, and 
 father Damian Vieira, made a vigorous fal- 
 Icy the next following night out of the gate 
 Rajuha, when Irancifco Afca, a reformed 
 captain, took the opportunity to defert us. 
 
 The lyth Diego de Souza de Cojiro was 
 fent with an anfwer to the governor's letter ; 
 and the fon of Manoel de Souza went over 
 to the enemy. 
 
 The 20th a foldier deferted from the ba- 
 ftion of St. Crus, on which fide the enemy 
 had attacked us with the greateft fury ever 
 fince their lofs fuftain'd there, under the 
 command of Cafpar a'Aranja Pereira, who 
 fucceeded Alanoel d' Abreu Godiiiho, after his 
 poft was afTign'd him, behind the wall, be- 
 twixt St. John's and St. Stephen's baftion. 
 The city-major having four bufflers left, 
 which had drawn a waggon for a confider- The four 
 able time, had them kiil'd for the ufe of '^'t b"*" 
 the garrifon, who, after the meat was con- 
 fumed, feafted alfo upon the hides, which 
 they cut into fmall pieces. 
 
 The
 
 jdii^HAP. 59. 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 , bomb 
 ills five 
 srfons. 
 
 The 2 ifl: the enemy had drawn a line of 
 communication from the battery, near the 
 gate of Rajuha, to the lake. At the fiime 
 time five perlbns were wounded by one. of 
 their bombs, and captain Manoel Cticr- 
 reiro mortally, who had kill'd many a 
 brave Diilchinan with his fulce during this 
 ficge. 
 
 The 2 2d the enemy having fet fire to our 
 countermine, the brave Joan Ferraon d'A- 
 breu, and Simon Lopes de Bafto, were the 
 I chicfeft that gave their affiftance in quench- 
 
 ing of it amonoft a fliower of bullets and 
 I hand-grenadoes. At the fame time a.T'c^rtJ 
 
 went over to the enemy, the only one tiiat 
 deferted of that kind, though we had a 
 good number of them among us, who for 
 ' the moft part died with the Poriuguefa in 
 
 the defence of the city. 
 I The 23d, father Daniian Vieira, John 
 
 d'Jbreu, John Pcreira, (inhabitants of Si. 
 Thomas,) Simon Lopes de Bajlo, Manoel Pc- 
 reira Matofo, Sebajlian Rodrigues., Ignalio 
 Fcrnandes, Jofeph Coclho, and Manoel Fe- 
 reira Gomes, got early in the morning crofs 
 the fens, in order to furprife one of the 
 enemy's works, but were fo warmly re- 
 ceiv'd, that they were glad to retreat, and 
 fight their way through the Dutch, who 
 had inclofed them on all fides. 
 
 The 24th a Tony was fent to get intelli- 
 gence ; the enemy fir'd moft furioufly from 
 their battery againft Si. Stephen's bailion, 
 and the gate of Rajtiha, where the wall 
 being laid level with the ground, the houfes 
 fuffer'd much by their cannon. 
 
 The 25th the enemy planted two pieces 
 of cannon at the extremity of their trenches 
 againft St. Sephen's baftian ■, and Raphael 
 de Torres, a prifoner for debt, efcapcd out 
 of prifon. 
 
 The 26th the Dutch continu'd to pluy 
 without intermifiion upon the baftions of 
 St. John, St. Stephen, and Madre de Deos. 
 The fame day nine Porluguefes were buried 
 in one pit, or grave, there being no place 
 left to bury them in. A candil of rice was 
 fold at that time for two tlioufand five hun- 
 dred fe.aphins, or gilders, and a candil 
 of wheat for three thouiand four hundred 
 guilders, and happy was he who could 
 Great ex- purchafe it ; for you would fee women 
 tremity in throw their babes into the ftreets for want 
 of fuck and other fuftenance, and others 
 with their jewels for a flender 
 of rice, a commodity more pre- 
 that time than all the precious 
 During this general calamity, the 
 city-major Manoel Alarques Gorian fliewed 
 himfelf a true patriot in all his adtions, 
 but efpecially in diftributing what rice he 
 had left among the foldiers, which if he 
 had Ibid, mult have amounted to a confi- 
 derable fum of money at that junfture j 
 
 IColumbo. 
 
 to part 
 mealure 
 cious at 
 ftones. 
 
 but he was willing to part with all, in hopes i 
 to preferve the place for his king. At the ' 
 fame time a falfe attack was made near the 
 gate of Rajuha. 
 
 The 27th, one of our ferjeants belong- 
 ing to captain St. Jago's company, drferted 
 to the enemy. At the fame time we fliw 
 them carry on their trenches fiom the bat- 
 tery raifed againft the gite of Rajuha, to- 
 wards the baftion of St. Sebajlian : their 
 batteries continu'd to play without inter- 
 mifTion day and night. The fame night 
 father Damian Vicira, with (even more, 
 made a f;\llL'y upon the laid trenches, and 
 carried off" moft of the tools of their work- 
 men. Simon Lopes de Bajlo took this op- 
 portunity of fending two fpics into the ene- 
 my's camp, who being liifcover'd, had 
 much ado to fave themielves, being fbrc'd 
 to pafs through a fhower of the enemy's 
 bullets : they return'd the 29th, and brought 
 advice of the death of general Hulji, and 
 the commodore * of the Dutch fleet. At * He 
 the f^une time an advice-boat, -f carrying means 
 three guns, came into our harbour, aboard ^"^ ^' 
 whereof was the fifcal. An alai m was or- ^^'' ^^^ 
 dered to be given at four in the morning, modore. 
 with the found of drums, trumpets, and f Called 
 other warlike inftruments, and a general ^''^.^'°"' 
 difcharge of our cannon and fmall arms. ^ro'j'l. 
 The 30th, father Damian Vieira, Simon i^cl^w^ 
 Lopes de Balio, John Pcreira, Alphonfo Cor- of the de- 
 rea, Sebajlian Rodrigues, and Jcjeph Coelho, feat ^^ the 
 went out to take a view of the enemy's J^°'^'"§"^'*' 
 works, and advanc'd within ten paces of 
 them, which they found defended by a kind 
 of breaft-work made up with hurdles ; not- 
 withftanding which, they attack'd them 
 with fword in hand. 
 
 The ift of May the enemy dcfii'd to 
 have their prifoncrs exchang'd for Ibme of 
 ours, which being agreed to, the fecond we 
 deliver'd up eight of their prifoners, the 
 only remnants of thofe taken in the laft- ge- 
 neral alTault, in lieu of which we had as 
 many of ours reftor'd to us : they then be- 
 gan afrefh to play moft furioufly from their 
 mortars and cannon. 
 
 The 3d, at feven in the morning, father 
 Damian, John d'Abreu, and Simon Lopes de 
 Bajlo, went without the fortifications, to 
 gather up the bullets near the baftion of St. 
 Stephen, which ufed to be taken up by the 
 enemy in the night time. Father Damian 
 Vieira, Simon Lopes, and two more, made 
 another falley, to level fome of the enemy's 
 works, but without fuccefs. The fame day 
 two foldiers went over to the enemy. 
 
 The 4th, father Vieira, Simon Lopes, A fuccefs- 
 Francifco Valente dos Campos, Antonio Ma- f"' ^"e/- 
 deiro, John Pereira, Manoel Pereira Ma- 
 tofo, Alfonfo Corrca, Manoel Fereira Gomes., 
 Manoel Nuguera Freire, and Thomas FWcira 
 Lete, made a vigorous falley, and with fword 
 
 in
 
 A Defer ipt ion of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 39. 
 
 • Martin 
 Scholtes 
 firll enter'd 
 die breach. 
 
 in hand attack'd the enemy's batteries railed 
 againft the outworks of Si. Stephen, St. Se- 
 bajliaii, and the baltion of Madre de Deos, 
 with iuch fuccefs, that they rLiin'd them 
 intirely, and fet fire to the flifcines, hurdles, 
 and other wood-work that fiiftain'd them, 
 notwitliftanding tlie Dutch came with a 
 confiderable body to the relief of their 
 countrymen, but were repuls'd, not with- 
 out a confiderable lofs, and among the reft, 
 one of their bravell officers, who was bu- 
 ried under a tripple ialvo of their firelocks ; 
 fo that our people remain'd mafters ot the 
 pofts, and return'd viftorious into the city. 
 
 The 5th, Ignalio Fcrnaudes, Manoel de 
 St. Jago Garcia, Sebaftian RodHgues, John 
 Pereira de Lago, and father Damian Vieira, 
 Cwho never ftaid behind upon fuch like oc- 
 cafions,) made another Hilley, but not meet- 
 ing with any enemy where they expefted 
 him, returned without effecting any thing. 
 
 The 7th, about fix in the morning, (it 
 having been rainy before, which is a rarity 
 here at this feafon,) the enemy made an af- 
 fault upon the baft ion of St. John, defend- 
 ed by Don Diego Vafconcelbos, and two 
 youths, Don Confiantim de Menefes, and 
 Diego Jaquen, both under fourteen years of 
 age, all the foldiers being fwept away by 
 famine; for within thefe two months, above 
 four hundred men died in our hofpital, and 
 our fo long exped;ed fuccours being block'd 
 up at 'Tiitecoryn, we were paft all hopes of 
 fuccours •, whereas at Goa, there was nothing 
 to be heard of but divert ilements. To be 
 fhort, the enemy made themfelves mafters * 
 of the battion, after having kill'd the cap- 
 tain and the two youths, who defended 
 thcmTelves like lions, fet upon by a multi- 
 tude of Dutch dogs. This done, they 
 turn'd the cannon againft the city, whereby 
 many of the Portuguefes that were haftening 
 to ics relief, were flain in the ftreets. The 
 fccond baftion, aflaulted at the lame time 
 by the Dutch, was bravely defended by Ma- 
 7ioel Figeiros, who with two pieces of cannon 
 kill'd abundance of them ; but being con- 
 ftantly feconded by frefh troops, efpecially 
 of the Cingakfes, they fent llich fhowers of 
 arrows and bullets among our people, that 
 they were forc'd to quit that baftion alio. 
 
 From thence marching into the city, they 
 were met at the entrance of a ftreet by the 
 commander in chief, Anthonio de Mclo de 
 Cajlro, Diego de Souxa de Caftro, flit her An- 
 thony Nunes the jefuit, Sebajlian Rodrigues, 
 John Pereira, Vinccnte de Silva, Francifco 
 Kalente dos Campos, Alfonfo Ccrrea, Seba- 
 ftian Pereira, John Ferraon d'Abreii, An- 
 thonio de Mcigalhanes, and an enfign under 
 captain Alia : thefe, though few in number, 
 but many in valour, charg'd the Dutch with 
 incomparable bravery. The Portuguefe A- 
 !e:<ander Manoel Marques Corjaon, making 
 
 the beft of his way over the dead carcafes, 
 that covered the ground, fingled out a Dutch 
 captain of a gigantick bulk, who fhot him 
 with a piftol through the body ; notwith- 
 ftanding which, he run him through with a fliarp 
 his fword, and fent him immediately to engage- 
 the other world ; then pufhing on his for- "^s"'. '" 
 tune, made the Dutch give ground, andpy'^"*^ 
 having rallied his men, fecur'd the poft for 
 that time. The Dutch renew'd the charge 
 five times fucceffively, but were as often cou- 
 ragioufly repulfed by Anthonio de Melo de 
 Cajlro, and thofe few that follow'd him ; 
 and being refolv'd either to conquer or to die, 
 they broke in with fword in hand amongft 
 the enemy, and again pofTefTed themfelves 
 of the firft baftion, and foon after alfo of 
 the fecond. The firft who enter'd the laft, 
 was Anthonio de Magelhanes, who fought 
 with an uncommon zeal againft the enemy ; 
 for before they became mafters of our can- 
 non, he ply'd them very warmly from be- 
 hind the wall, (the only defence he had left,) 
 fo that it coft them many a brave fellow 
 before they could make themfelves mafters 
 of it ; and being now pofted again upon 
 the fame baftion, he was bravely feconded 
 by two demi-cannons from the new baftion, 
 and a fmart ftiower of fire-works, which 
 fet the circumambient air into fuch a flame 
 and fmoak, that at a diftance it appear'd 
 like the mouth of hell. 
 
 At the fame time the governor Anthonio 
 de Souza Coutinho, and Francifco de Melo de 
 Cajlro, did all that could be expefted from 
 brave men on the Coiiras, or the baftion of 
 Xaverius, both by way of command, and 
 by charging the cannon in perlon, and per- 
 forming the duty of common foldiers. The 
 fiuhers Pbilippo and Ped-ro de Cajlelbramo, 
 both Aujlin friars, were not behind-hand 
 with the reft, in giving their utmoft afTif- 
 tance for the defence of the place, being 
 appointed to keep a watchful eye upon the 
 enemy, whenever they were going to alarm 
 or amufe us with f.ilfe attacks. ' 
 
 It muft certainly be confelTed, that this i 
 
 engagement was one of the moft remark- 
 able that ever happen'd in the eaft, confi- 
 dering that a few, and thefe moft wounded, 
 fick, or weaken'd by famine, did engage a 
 much greater number, continually fuftain'd Incredible) 
 by frefh troops, from fix a-clock in the bra\_ery of 
 morning, till eight in the evening, durin 
 which time the enemy was repuls'- 
 only once, but five feveral times, by a much 
 inferior number, who having not the Icaft 
 relief or time to breathe, were forc'd all 
 that time to endure the danger and fatigues 
 of the a6lion, which coft the enemy above 
 four hundred men kill'd, befides thofe 
 wounded and burnt by our fire-works. On Their lofs 
 our fide we loft alfo the flower of our forces, 
 fome whereof were flain, others wounded, 
 
 and 
 
 the Porta- ^l 
 
 ° guefes. 
 not
 
 ;!hap. 39. 
 
 A Defmptm of CEY LO N. 
 
 ^93 
 
 and burnt to that degree, that they were 
 difabled from bearing of arms for a confi- 
 derable time after. Among the (lain, were . 
 Diego de Vafcov.cclhos^ who had given a 
 thoufand proofs of his bravery in this fiege ; 
 father Antonio Nuncs, the jefuit, a pattern 
 of virtue, who fignahzed himfelf not only 
 all along on the baftion of Si. John, but 
 alio in other parts of the city, by incou- 
 raging the foldiers, comforting the fick, and 
 burying the dead: he was fhot at the gate 
 of the ballion with a musket-ball, receiv'd 
 afterwards a deep cut, and at lad flain by a 
 hand-grenado, after he had kill'd feveral 
 of the enemy with his mufquetoon. At the 
 fame time died in the bed of honour (after 
 they had given a thoufand proofs of their 
 bravery) Alfonfo Con en, Vincenle da Si ha, 
 Francifco Valente de Campos, Sebaftian Pe- 
 reira, and that brave fea-commander Se- 
 bajiian d'Abreu Godinho, befides an enfign, 
 a native of Bazain, belonging to captain 
 AllcCi, company ; Manoel de Seixas, an in- 
 habitant ot Columbo, and Anthonio Caminha 
 d'Alzevedo, were forely burnt ; Diego de 
 Soiiza de Cnjlro was mortally wounded with 
 two bullets, notwithftanding which, he 
 would not retire from the engagement till 
 he receiv'd a deep cur. Alanod Cakieira de 
 Britto Viddve was wounded by a musket- 
 ball, as were likewife John Ferraon d'Abreu, 
 Andreas de Seixas, Manoel Nugueira Freire, 
 Manoel de Souza, and Manoel Segaldo. Lau- 
 rence Days, a native of Columbo, was wound- 
 ed with no lefs than three musket-balls ; 
 Ruy Lopes Coutinbo, Domingos Pircs, inha- 
 bitants' of Negapatan, lieutenant Arrais, 
 captain St. J ago, Manoel Correa, comman- 
 der in chief upon the baftion ot St. John, 
 Francifco Percira, Simon Lopes de Bafio, and 
 many more were miferably burnt. Moft of 
 thefe receiv'd their wounds by the acciden- 
 tal fetting on fire of a veflel fill'd with gun- 
 powder, through the careleflTnefs of our own 
 people. The reverend fixther Paulo was 
 wounded, as he was furnifhing the comba- 
 tants with fire-works, as was likewii'e father 
 Manoel Velles, who was touched by two bul- 
 lets, without receiving the leaft harm by 
 thern ; a grenado did alfo fall juft before his 
 feet, without doing him the leaft; harm, as 
 he was bufy in defending his poft with Aharo 
 Rodriges BoraWo, at die gate of Rajuha. 
 
 Father Damian Vieira, with his compa- 
 ny did confiderable mifchief to the Dutch 
 from the church of St. Domingo, being 
 bravely feconded by Caj'par Aranja Percira, 
 knight of the crofs, and an old fervant ot 
 the king, (who fucceeded the city-major in 
 his place,) with nine or ten of his followers, 
 this being the place moft expofed to the 
 enemy. Tiie commander in chief Anthonio 
 de Melo de Cajlro, no left annoy'd them 
 from the new baftion, and with their fliot 
 N° 12S. Vol. Ill, 
 
 D-KU S. 
 
 fo fcour'il the ftrects, that there was no fafe B a l- 
 pafTage for the Dutch and Cingakfes. 
 
 The Dutch v.'ithout the town, did on the 
 other hand exert their utmoft eftbrts againlt 
 the old baftion, which being almoft laid 
 level with the ground, the wall without 
 Icrved for a brealt-work ; and being coiui- 
 xmally fupply'd with frelTi troops of the Can- 
 diuefes and others, put our men, but few in 
 number, moft of them fick, wounded, or 
 half-ftarv'd, and, befides that, but ill pro- 
 vided with ammunition, very hard to it on 
 that fide. For by this time we had not on- 
 ly but few men, but alfo not above fifteen 
 daj's provifions left, and fcarcefo much gun- 
 powder as would iijtRce for two charges of 
 our artillery. 
 
 Things being come to this pafs, it was Confulta- 
 debated in the council, (confifting of thir- tion about 
 ty-four perfons,) whether it were not bcft to'',/^"^"- 
 think of a furrender ; thirteen were of opi- '''^' 
 nion rather to die upon the fpot, than to 
 treat with the enemy ; but the moft being 
 ot a contrary opinion, and nine of them 
 pofitively infifting upon it, that it would 
 be moft conducing for the king's intereft, 
 that leeing the place was no longer tenable, 
 to preferve the remnants of thefe brave fel- 
 lows, who had behav'd themfelves fo cou- 
 ragioufty, it was agreed to enter upon a 
 treaty. ij 
 
 Accordingly the loth, Manoel Cabreira 
 was fent with a letter to Mr. John i-an der 
 Laan, concerning the conditions of the in- 
 tended treaty ; an anfwer to which being 
 lent the 1 1 th, Laurence Fercira de Britto, 
 Diego Leitaon de Souza, and Hieronymo de 
 Lncena were difpatch'd as plenipotentiaries, 
 to demand a celllition of arms till the 25th 
 ot May, againll which time v/e expedled the 
 lb long defired fuccours. But the enemy, 
 who were not ignorant of our prefcnt cir- 
 cumftances, would hearken to no other con- 
 ditions, than to furrender the city the next 
 day by twelve a clock at noon, which if we 
 refufed, they threaten'd to give us no quar- 
 ter ; fo that we were forc'd to obtain the 
 beft terms we could, v/ithout any longer he- 
 fitation ; the articles whereof being drawn 
 up in hafte (for want of time) I had not the 
 opportunity to perufe them-, and therefore 
 can only tell you upon this head, that Co- 
 lumbo was forc'd to furrender, though 1 1- furren- 
 cannot precilcly tell upon what terms. dcred. 
 
 No Iboner was the news of the treaty di- 
 vulg'd among the people, but nothing was 
 heard but dreadful outcries and lamenta- 
 tions. The ecclefiafticks (or at leaft the 
 rnoft cautious among them) hid the images 
 and relicks, and unfurnilh'd the altars, for 
 fear they fliould be defiled by the hercticksj 
 as had frequently been done before upon 
 fuch like occafions. The Dutch having ta- 
 ken poncftion of the baftioils, our garnfbn, 
 S N cunlifting'
 
 A Dcfcription of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 39, 
 
 T)iegarri- 
 fon confill- 
 ing of one 
 hundred 
 and ninety 
 men march 
 out. 
 
 This is a 
 grofs falfe 
 hood, a 
 foldier ha- 
 ving been 
 whipped 
 at that 
 time for 
 dealing. 
 
 coiififting of ninety foldiers and one hun- 
 dred animl inliabitants, including officers, 
 nay, even the lame and maimed, marched 
 our, fome widi their fwords and mul"kets in 
 one hand, and a ftick or a crutch in the 
 
 otiicr. 
 
 The Holkmiers feeing thefe poor rem- 
 nants, moft of which appeared more hkc 
 ikeletons than hving men, were afloniihed 
 at their bravery, in the defence of a place 
 they had been forced to purchafe with lo 
 much blood. 'I'en Dutch companies march- 
 ed into the city, at the head of which ap- 
 peared the general Adrian van dcr Mey- 
 den, and Mr. John van der Laan onhorfe- 
 back, not to reckon the Cingalefes km to 
 guard the governor of Columbo's houfe; 
 which was no fooner done, but a meflenger 
 was fent to him to demand Simon Lopes de 
 Bap; being not in a condition to refufe 
 him, he ordered immediately the faid Simon 
 Lopes, with a certain Jratche of Negnml'o, 
 and fome Dulch deferters, to be delivered 
 to him, who were all hanged on a gibbet 
 foon after in the fight ohhe For luguefes, who 
 were forced to be eye-witneffes ot the mife- 
 rable exit of this Simon Lopes, who for the 
 fjgnal fervices he had done them in the fiege, 
 deferved to have had a monument of brafs 
 erefted to his memory. To the fliame ot 
 thofe be it fpoken, who ought to have en- 
 deavoured to afford him a much better re- 
 compenfe for his paft lervices, and rather 
 expofed him in a boat to the chance of the 
 feas, than to a certain iliameful death. 
 
 The Hollanders were fufficiently fenfible 
 of the bravery of the Porluguefes during this 
 fiege, which laftcd feven months, (without 
 receiving the lead fuccours or fupplies,) by 
 the lofs they fuftained of their braveft fol- 
 diers and beft officers, which amounted to 
 three thouland men, befides the wounded 
 and maimed-, befides that, the charges of 
 the fiege amounted to more than would 
 have built fuch another Columho. 
 
 The general and Mr. John van dcr Laan 
 were no fooner fettled in their habitations, 
 but they gave liberty to the foldiers to plun- 
 der the place (contrary to their parole) for 
 one day, which was extended to five by 
 Mr. Van der Laan, viz. from the time of 
 their coming into the city, till the time we 
 marched out, which was performed by the 
 hereticks with the utmoft rigour-, nay, 
 whilft our foldiers were embarking, and the 
 inhabitants within three days after, they con- 
 tinued their robberies even upon the fea- 
 fliore. Almoft all our people went aboard 
 along with them, except a few who ftaid 
 behind with the governor and deputy-go- 
 vernor ; and fome, that (by great promifes) 
 were engaged in the king of C^k^'s fervice, 
 which, perhaps, has happened by a fingular 
 providence of God, as a means to influence 
 
 that king's counfels, in order to expel the 
 Dutch, one time or other, out of tlie ifle of 
 Ceylon. 
 
 Our people were tranfported to Negapa- 
 tan, where they were moft kindly received 
 and provided with medicines, cloathing, 
 and other necefiaries by the inhabitants, till 
 they received their pay: after the arrival 
 of Antonio Amiral de Menefes, governor of 
 Jafnapainam, who at the fame time in- 
 treated Anthonio Mendes d' Aranka (who af- 
 ter having been detained a priloner at Gale, 
 was now come to Negapatan,) to go along 
 with him to Jafnapainam in the quality of 
 his deputy-governor, as not queftioning but 
 that he fliould be the next, againft whom 
 the enemy would exert their utmoft efforts ; 
 which he accepted of; though confidering 
 the fatigues and miferies he had endured of 
 late, he might very well have excufed the 
 fame, as well as the reft of the foldiers; 
 who, notwithftanding this, half-fick and 
 half-ftarved as they were, did embark for 
 one of the moft dangerous places in Ceylon.^ 
 to give frefti proofs of their bravery. 
 
 This was the end of this fiege, one of the 
 moft remarkable in all its circumftances that 
 ever was heard of, confidering that a place 
 of that bigneis was defended by fo flender 
 a number for the fpace of feven months 
 (without the leaft fupplies) againft a power- 
 ful force of the Dutch and Cingakfes, who 
 fuft defeated the Portnguefe forces (com- 
 pofed of the flower of their men) in two 
 fmart engagements; fo that the whole num- 
 ber of the Portugtiefes -wxs at laft reduced to 
 two hundred fouls. The account of this 
 fiege being fpread among the eaftern moors 
 and pagans by feveral perfons, who had 
 been eye-witneffes of the great aftions per- 
 formed there, did beget an incredible repu- 
 tation of the bravery of the Porluguefes 
 among thofe nations, though the fame 
 proved unfortunate in the end. 
 
 Thus his majefty of Portugal loft a place, 
 and with it a whole kingdom, three times 
 bigger than Portugal itfclf, and much richer 
 and more plentiful, the very center of the 
 world, the richeft traft of land under the 
 fun, and with it (probably) all that is in 
 the poffeffion of the Portuguefes to the fouth 
 of cape Comoryn. His majefty loft a con- 
 fidcrable fquadron of fhips lent to the relief 
 of Columbo. The firft fquadron intended 
 for this expedition did come no higher than 
 the cape Comoryn, the pretended fuccours 
 from Manaar cdLms. to nothing: and the fe- 
 cond fquadron promifed by the viceroy of 
 Goa in January, did not fet fail till the 
 29th of March, and was forced to retreat 
 without effeding any thing. 
 
 1'he want of money was alledged as the So""* W. 
 main reafon of this delay, when it is fuffi- 'f^'"^" 
 ciently known, That the king had both \\l^\-^^ \\ 
 
 fhips -Columb.
 
 I Chap. 40. A Defcriptjon 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 695 
 
 ihips and money enough at Goa, which 
 could not have been better employ'd than 
 for the rehef of a place of fuch vaft impor- 
 tance. We know what vaft funis Nmo 
 Alvares Botalho con fumed at Mofambiqite; 
 which was neverthelefs not difupprovcd by 
 the king of Caftik; and why might not 
 the fame be expedled from the king of 
 Portugal? To conclude, Columho, and with 
 it, the whole ifle of Ceylon^ being loft for 
 
 Addrefs to want of fuccours, all fuch as have deferved 
 jhisPortu- well in the defence of that place ought to 
 
 ■a^**"^" ^^ rewarded for their fervices, as thofe who 
 have been negledful in their duty for the 
 
 elly. 
 
 prefcrvatlon thereof defcrve condign pu-BAL- 
 niflimcnt at his majcfty's hands. And as'''*'^,^^ 
 nothing is more common, than that cour- '^^^^^ 
 tiers imploy their favourites in places of 
 truft, (without any regard to merit) and after- 
 wards endeavour to conceal their mifcarriages 
 from the king; it is for this reafon, that 
 we lay this account at your majcfty's feet, 
 taken from the journal kept at Coliimbo, and 
 other authentick records, confirmed by the 
 teftimony of many perfons of credit, both 
 ecclefiafticks and laymen, that were pre- 
 fent from the beginning to the end of this 
 fiege. 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 The origm of Columbo. Arrival of the Portuguefes: Their engagcvients 
 iDtth, and conqueji of the Moors. They fortify Columbo. Raja Singa 
 dijjhtisfed. 
 
 Driginof '-|->HE city of Columbo Is an antient 
 hecity of 1^ ^,jj,y^ feated at fix degrees one half 
 of north latitude, in a pleafant country, 
 near a delightful river; which, queftionlefs, 
 induced the Portuguefes to fix upon this 
 place for their chief refidence in this ifland. 
 For Emanuel king of Portugal^ having 
 been fully informed concerning the condi- 
 tion of Ceylon, ordered a fort to be erec- 
 ted there, for the better eftablifliment of 
 his affairs there, and to curb the emperor. 
 Lup. de Britto being fent thither with a 
 good number of foldiers and workmen, 
 John Silva delivered the faid fort up to 
 him. For Zoares who was lately failed 
 with twenty fhips and feven hundred land- 
 men to Ceylon (after iMurence d'Almeyda, who 
 fome years before entered into a confederacy 
 with the king of Ceylon) had juft before 
 made an agreement with the governor of Co- 
 lumbo about a fettlement in that place, 
 which he looked upon as the moft proper 
 for a fortification, both in refpeft of its 
 fituation, and the plentyof the beft cinnamon 
 that grows in the whole ifle, being feated in 
 the form of a crefcent, and affording fafc 
 anchorage for fliips, provided they are not 
 too bulky. 
 
 Accordingly it was agreed to ereft a for- 
 tification there, under pretence of fecuring 
 the commerce of the Portuguefes, but in effeft 
 to curb the king and the natives. He who 
 reigned at that time in the ifle being a^raZi- 
 man, was not a little jealous of the Euro- 
 peans; but being fenfible to what pitch of 
 reaty be- greatnefs the king of Cochin was lately ar- 
 /ixt the rived by the affiftance of the Portuguefes, he 
 ■""'"" gave his confent, though not without fome 
 g Q^." reluftancy, and confequendy was of no long 
 lefes. continuance: for tlie Saracens who were 
 
 chafed thither from the continent, and had 
 fettled their traffick in this ifle, found means, 
 by the promifes of great fums of money, 
 and of their affiftance, to entice the king 
 and court to oppofe the defigns of the Por- 
 tuguefes, who intended to enflave them, un- 
 der pretence of fettling their commerce; for 
 which purpofe they raifed fome works, and is foon 
 
 having mounted fome iron cannon upon 
 
 broken. 
 
 them, feized fome Portuguefes that came 
 afhore, without fufpefting any harm. 
 
 Zoares coming afliore with his workmen, 
 in order to raife the intended fortifications, 
 was furprized to find fome forts eredted by 
 the Cingalefes ; and having received certain 
 intelligence, that the fame had been done at 
 the inftigation of the Moors, he eafilygueffed 
 that nothing but force was likely to eftablifh 
 the Portuguefes in Ceylon. Accordingly ha- 
 ving landed his men, he attacked the enemy, The Por- 
 who at a diftance fomewhat galled his forces tuguefes 
 with their arrows ; but after they came to '■°;-'' ^^^ 
 a clofe engagement, the Cingalefes were ^'J^^^'^' 
 quickly put to the rout, and purfued by the ^^* 
 Portuguefes with confiderable lofs : the Por- 
 tuguefes had many wounded, but few killed, 
 among the laft was the brave Patieco, lately 
 come from Malacca. 
 
 Zoares having allowed one day only to 
 his people to refrefli themfelves, began the 
 next morning an entrenchment, reaching 
 from the harbour to the fea-fide, without the 
 leaft oppofition : within this he ordered a fort 
 to be eredled, whereupon having mounted 
 his cannon, and ftrengthened it by a wall 
 tliat furrounded it, he foon made the king 
 repent of his inconftancy, who lent his en- 
 voys to Zoares, nlking pardon for what was 
 paffed, and defiring that the former alliance 
 might be renewed: but Zoares rcfufed to 
 
 hearken
 
 <50(5 
 
 A Dcfcriprion 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 40. 
 
 Force the 
 king to 
 pay a 
 yearly 
 tribute. 
 
 Is ill di- 
 gelkd by 
 the Cinga- 
 lefes. 
 
 Britto fur- 
 prizes Co 
 lumbo. 
 
 hearken to thcls propofitions, demanding 
 liuisfadtion ior the afiVont, and a yearly tri- 
 bute to be paid to king EkuwucI; which the 
 king of Ceylon (who dreaded tlie Portuguejes) 
 not°daring to rcfufc, it was agreed tliat he 
 fhould pay to Portugal an .xnnual tribute or 
 one hundred tvvany-four thoufand pounds 
 weight of cinnamon, twelve rings let with 
 the'rnoft precious rubies and faphircs, and 
 fix eUphants, under condition that king 
 £niamtd ihoukl aHift the king of Ceylon and 
 his fuccelibrs, both by fca and land, againft 
 all his enemies. 
 
 The treaty being thus concluded, Zoarcs 
 continued his fortifications -, which being 
 brought to pcrfciftion with the affiftance ot 
 the Cbigchfcs, he left John de Sylva with a 
 '•'ood o;arrifon there, and Jnthonio Miranda 
 Jzeveclo with four fliips to guard the coall ; 
 ■which done, he returned in Deceiiikr to 
 Cochin, where he was received with all ima- 
 ginable demonftrations of joy. Lup. de 
 Britto (before-mentioned) fucceeding John de 
 Sylva, brought along with him abundance 
 ■of workmen and bricklayers, who made a 
 kind of mortar of the fea-cockles, and lined 
 the fortifications with a ftrong wall, deep- 
 ncd the ditches, and added what works they 
 thought neceflary for the accomplilhment 
 thereof. 
 
 This created no fmall jealoufy (not with- 
 out reafon) in the Cijigalefes, which was in- 
 creafed by the infinuations of the Mooriflj 
 merchants, who told the king. That their 
 prophecies were like to prove too true, fince 
 he was now made fenfible, that thefe to- 
 reigners had not only excluded all other 
 ftrangers from the traffick of this ille, but 
 alfo had made him a tributary of Portugal, 
 and fhortly would make him their valial, 
 if he did not in time hearken to thecounfel 
 of his friends. 
 
 Thefe infinuations had the defired effecl; 
 for the king not only cut off all fupplies ot 
 provifions and other neccffaries fiom the 
 fort, but the common people being alfo in- 
 cenfed by thefe difcourfes, murdered feveral 
 Portuguefes, who ventured a little too far 
 without the fort. De Britto at firft diflembled 
 the matter, but finding he could no longer 
 contain his foldiers (burning with revenge) he 
 chofe one hundred and fifty of his beft men 
 and with them aifaulted the city of Columlo 
 (which lay near the fort) juft about noon, 
 when moll of the inhabitants were afleep to 
 avoid the heat of the day, and at the firif 
 alarm betook themfelves to their heels, 
 , leaving the city to the enemies mercy. 
 
 De Britto feeing himfelf mafber of the place 
 without the leaft oppofition, forbid his fol- 
 diers to plunder, or commit any other 
 outrages ; but ordered the women and chil- 
 , dren to be tied to the polls of the doors, 
 with an intention to convince the Cinga- 
 4 
 
 lejes that he was not come like an enemy to 
 dcftroy, but like a friend to prefcrve them. 
 But as he had but litde reafon to rely Upon 
 their generofity, he diought fit to make a 
 trial of their inclinations-, fo he ordered , 
 Ibme houfes that lay next the Pci-tugue/e 
 fort to be fet on fire : This had the defired 
 iuccels ; for the Cingalcfes, out of the affec- 
 tion they bore to their wives and children, 
 had gathered all their force, in order to re- 
 lieve them at any rate-, but finding their 
 houfes on fire, ran firft ■with all fpeed to 
 qucncii tlie ilamc, whereby Britto got lei- 
 lure to retreat in good order into the fort, 
 and to provide himfelf againft the intended 
 alTault, which however could not be done 
 without fome lofs, above thirty of his men 
 having been wounded in the retreat. 
 
 However Britto reaped no other benefit 
 by this entcrprize, than that the Cingakfes 
 (exafperated to the higheft degree) befieged 
 the fcrt with twenty thoufand men -, and Portugue- 
 though they were often bravely repulfed, '^^^'^'^'^^''^ 
 yet did they perfift in their refolution, i,^ '"t^^'^^'t- 
 hopes of reducing the place by famine, be- 
 caufe the approaching month of May (the 
 firft of the winter-leafbn) did bereave them 
 of all hopes of fuccours. In the m^ean wi.ile 
 the Cingakfes did not ceafe to carry on their 
 works to the very ditch, from whence they 
 annoyed, the Portiiguefes with their arrows, 
 their number making up the defedt of 'their 
 force, which was not comparable to the 
 Pcrt'Jguefe artillery and fire-arms. I'hey 
 alfo gatliered up fix hundred bullets that 
 were fliot at them from the forr, of which 
 they made the beft ule they could. 
 
 But what rhpft .troubled the. Portuguefes 
 w;ts, that they were to fetch all their frefh 
 water without. the fort,, and that they were 
 extremely hafalTed with continual watching. 
 However, they hoped to defend the place 
 till the next I'ummer, in hopes of fuccours, 
 in which ihey at laft found themfelves fru- 
 ftrated -, Anthonio de Lemos coming only with 
 one galley and fifteen landmen to their relief, 
 Seguera with the reft of the forces having 
 ftaid behind. 
 
 ThtCingalefes in the mean time had found 
 means to ered: two wooden towers filled 
 with earth, which, being placed near the 
 ditch, they intended to make ule of to co- 
 ver their pioneers, whilft they were bufy in 
 filling it up. Britto was not a little fiart- 
 led at this device, and finding himfelf now 
 reduced to fuch ftraits, as to be obliged to 
 venture at all, he ordered Anthonio de Lerios 
 to draw as near to the fliore as pofTibly he 
 could, and to endeavour to ruin thefe, towers 
 with his great cannon, whilft he would 
 make a lalley with three hundred and fifty- .Make a 
 men, and attack the enemy with the utmotl ^'go™"* 
 vigour. This was put in execution accord- ^ '^^' 
 ingly with- fuch fuccefs, .. that the towers 
 
 were
 
 Chap. 4O. 
 
 A Defcription of C E Y L O N. 
 
 The fiege 
 raifed. 
 
 Differen 
 es betwixt 
 wo bro- 
 hers, fo- 
 nented by 
 he Por- 
 uguefes. 
 
 were intirely mined, and the Cingalefes 
 beaten out of their works. 
 
 Notwithftanding this defeat, tlie Ciiign- 
 lefes, encouraged by the Moors, who came 
 to their afTiftance with an hundred and fifty 
 horfe, and twenty-five elephants, refolvcd 
 to try their utmoft againft the Pcrtugucfes. 
 Thefe elephants having turrets filled with 
 men armed with cutlafheaon both fides, did 
 ftrike no fniall terror at firft into the Pcrlu- 
 guefes, but afterwards turned to the diiad- 
 vantage of the Chigakja ; for thefe beafts 
 not able to bear the wounds that were given 
 them by the Port iiguefe artillery, foon turn- 
 ed their backs, and put their own troops 
 into diforder, with a great (laughter among 
 the Cingalefes and Moors ; who now begin- 
 ning to defpair of fuccels, raifed the fiege 
 immediately, and the king fcnt his ambaf- 
 Hidors to Britio, to afk pardon for what was 
 pall, and to defire a reconciliation. 
 
 Thus wc fee how the Porttiguefes have 
 been forced to fettle, or at leaft to maintain 
 themlelves in Ceylon by the fword ; and the 
 better to attain their end, it was their con- 
 flant praftice in the Indies to fow the feeds 
 of divifion among thofe pi inces ; an inftance 
 whereof is given us by Maffleits himfelf, 
 in his hiftory of the Indies. 
 
 The king of Co/a had three filler's fons, 
 who (according to the cuftom of the coun- 
 try) being his legal heirs, began to be very 
 uneafy at the long life of their uncle, found 
 means to remove him our of the way, and 
 to divide the country betwixt them -, but 
 Parea Panda}', the eldell of the three, ha- 
 ving murdered the fecond, Maduyn the 
 youngeft began alfo foon after to conceive 
 ajealoufy at hisbrothei's proceeding, com- 
 plaining that he was not rewarded accord- 
 ing to his deferts, as having been the ad- 
 vifer and executer of the murder of their 
 Jn- uncle. Parea Pandar finding his brother 
 
 dilTatisfied, thought it his fecureft way to 
 fore-arm himfelf againft him, and therefore 
 entered into a treaty with the king of Por- 
 tugal, to fettle the fuccelfion of the crown 
 upon his daughter's fon, (with the exclufion 
 of Maduyn,) diredly contrary to the cu- 
 ftom of that country. Maduyn exafperated 
 to the higheft degree at this proceeding, 
 denounced open war againft his brother -, 
 and after having ravag'd the country thro' 
 which he pafs'd, laid fiege to Cota. 
 
 The elder brother difdaining to be at- 
 tack'd in his city, marched out againft Ma- 
 duyn, and pitched his tent in an advantage- 
 ous poft : He had a troop of Portuguefes in 
 his camp, one whereof (whether hired there- 
 unto by Maduyn, or by chance, is uncertain) 
 fhot him through the head. After his 
 death, the Portuguefes let his daughter's fon 
 upon the throne with the ufual folemnities ; 
 but in confideration of his youth, and the 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 weaknels of his title, introduced contrary 
 to the cuftom of the country, they much 
 feared the hatred of the people, backed by 
 the intereft of Maduyn ; they fent tliere- 
 fore for fuccours to Norouha, who foon af- 
 ter arrived with a good fquadron of Ihipa 
 and three thoufand men, under pretence of 
 alTifting the young king, (as Maff^ais ex- 
 prefly tells us,) but in efi(;dl to make himfelf 
 mailer of the treafure buried at Colunihy 
 one hundred thoufand crowns of which he 
 carried oft' along with him. 
 
 In the niean while IVladuyn fortified him- 
 felf with all poflible diligence in the city 
 of Ceta Faca, nine leagues from Cohanh, 
 (according to Maff,eus;) but Ncronba having 
 with little oppofition taken and burnt t^e 
 fiid place, returned vidlorious to Gca. What 
 fiirther became oi Maduyn, is not mention'd 
 by Mnffif'us, or any other hiftorian. 
 
 Thus we have feen the beginning of Co- 
 bmbo under the Portuguefes, and its furren- 
 dcr to the Dutch 1656. They found about 
 fix or feven loads of mufly rice in the place 
 fome packs of cinnamon, good ftore of 
 Areek, Ibme good, fome not; twenty-four 
 light frigats, nine whereof were funk -, one 
 thouH^nd five hundred guilders ready money 
 coined in the city -, thirty-three packs of 
 cloths ; twenty-five bells of metal ; fixty 
 brafs and fixty-eight iron pieces of cannon, 
 one mortar, and fix lelTer pieces ; ten thou- 
 fand cannon bullets of different fizes and 
 weight -, fix thoufand five hundred pounds 
 weight of good gun-powder, and one thou- 
 fand one hundred fifty bad ; a good quan- 
 tity of brimftone and lalt-petre. No loon- 
 er were we in pofTeffion of Columho, but 
 Raja Singa fliewed his diftatisfadtion by the 
 following letter. 
 
 What MM 
 found in 
 Co! umbo. 
 
 YEfterday and the day before yeftcr- 
 day, it was reported at our court, 
 that there was a treaty on foot with the 
 Portuguefes about the furrender of the 
 city, fince which I have received intelli- 
 gence, that the fame is brought to effect. 
 If it be true, you ought to have given 
 notice thereof to our imperial majefty, 
 which is the reafon, I cannot as yet give 
 entire credit to it : But in cafe it lliould 
 be fo, I defire to know with all pofiiblc 
 fpeed the articles of the faid treaty. 
 Whilft our beloved diredlor-general was 
 alive, I writ to him concerning certain 
 matters he promiled fliould be perform- 
 eil, wliich I defire you to remember." 
 
 Raja 
 
 Singa's 
 letter. 
 
 From our im- 
 peri.Tl court 
 at Rffgam- 
 ivatle, Mny 
 I I. 1656. 
 
 s o 
 
 Signed, 
 
 Rf^ja Singa Rajou, 
 Moft potent emperor 
 of Ceylon. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 698 
 
 B A L- 
 
 DXV S. 
 
 J Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap.. 411 
 
 CHAP. XLI. 
 
 Defcrters fcverely funiJlmL R;Ma Singa forbids all commerce loith the Hol- 
 landers. His letter of complaint. Divers Portuguefe f:ips taken. 
 Raja Shiga ravages ami plunders the lands and fubjeSls belojigivg to the 
 company. 
 
 Deferters 
 punifhed 
 with 
 death. 
 
 IT was now thought high time to pu- 
 niQi fiich .ns had deferted our lervice 
 during the ficge. Among thefe Simon 
 Lopes, a Portuguefe by birth, who had 
 fifty guilders per month pay in our fer- 
 vice, and after we were repulfed in the 
 gener.il all^iult was gone over to the ene- 
 my, did lead the van, and was, notwith- 
 ftanding all the interceflions of the Por- 
 tuguefes, hanged on a gibbet. Two o- 
 ther Europeans (whofe names we will 
 pafs by in filcnce) underwent the fame 
 iate •, and another was feverely whipped, 
 and forced to ftand with a rope about 
 his neck for twelve hours under the gal- 
 lows. 
 
 The next thing to be done was to take 
 care of the tranfportation of the Portu- 
 gUefes, among whom the ecclefiafticks and 
 inhabitants of Columbo were fent beyond 
 fea to Mr. Laurence Pit our governor, 
 who was to difpatch them further to the 
 ille of St. 'Thomas. About that time we 
 received a letter from Raja Singa, where- 
 in he fufficiently teftified his diflatisfa- 
 ftion. Walraven Thomas, our book- 
 keeper, fent word from Montual, th.it 
 he had fent tlie corporal Hans Jacob 
 Lambert, ten Mardykers, and a ferjeant 
 to the pafs of Nacckgamme, widi orders 
 ro oppofe the forces gathered thereabouts 
 by the dlHaves of Ouva, of the four and 
 of the feven Corks ; which not agreeing 
 with the fentiments of the general and 
 his council, they ordered the lixid cor- 
 poral to fend back the Mardykers to 
 Montual, and not to ftop the paflTage 
 of any of the royal forces, for fear of 
 giving any occafion of offence to the em- 
 peror. 
 RajaSinga Notwithftanding this, we foon found the 
 fhew3 his effedls of the diflatisfiiftion of Raja Singa, 
 t^iHike. who having cut off all means of receiving 
 fupplies by land from the Snhandar, Don 
 John de Cojla was difpatched to the diffaves 
 of Saffragamme, and thofe of the four and 
 feven Corles, who told him, that their peo- 
 ple were at their full liberty (though we 
 knew to the contrary) to bring their provi- 
 fions to our market, but that they durft not 
 give a vifit to the general, without exprefs 
 orders from court. 
 .The 2 2d of March, the yachts the Mars 
 
 and Lion came to an anchor in the road of Two 
 Columbo, aboard one whereof was the vice- y-iclits 
 commodore Roothaus, who fupon the re- f°T^n^ * 
 ceipt of a letter from our head factor, Mr. lumbo. 
 Rcynier Scrooskerke, intimating that a fmall 
 yacht laden with provifions, upon the king 
 of Cochin''^ account, was gone from thence 
 to Columbo) had left the yachts Flijffmgen, 
 Popkensburg, Sea-Coney, the Haddock, and 
 the Roman, with two other veffels on that 
 coaft, who were fupplied with frefh provi- 
 fions by the inhabitants of Caylpatnam. The 
 inhabitants thereof being very defirous to 
 renew their commerce with our company, y 
 
 they were then equipping two frigats there. ■ 
 
 About the fame time notice was given us, Cingalefai 
 that Canncnnre Aratchie, a faithful fer- go over to 
 vant of the company, had (to our great '^'^' 
 diffatisfadion) fubm.itted to the king of^^' 
 Candy, and that ninety of the Lafcaryn de- 
 ferteis had taken the ■ v;ay of Avgrctottc. 
 Thcfe proved the forerunners of many en- 
 fuing misfortunes. In the mean while Raja 
 Singa urged ftiffiy the furrender of Negumbo 
 and Columbo into his hands, under pretence 
 that thefe places belonged to him, by vir- 
 tue of an agreement made betwixt him 
 and the late diredlor-general Mr. Gercrd 
 Ilulji ; upon which account he writ the fol- 
 lowing letter : •: 
 
 OUR imperial majefty being very Letter of 
 defirous to introduce the Dutch na- complaint' 
 tion into our dominions, Adam Wejler- ^'■'"" ''^^ 
 i::old came on this coaft with a fquadron ^""f*'" " 
 of fliips juft as we -had made ourfelves 
 mafters of Batecalo, when we thought fie 
 to conclude a peace with him ; which be- 
 ing confirmed by oath, was but fiender- 
 ly obferved by Ibme officers afterwards; 
 as for inftance, by captain Bur chart Kocks, 
 alias Cojz<f, (who was afterwards killed by 
 a foldier at Ptaitegale,) and commifl^iry 
 Peter Kieft, who being fent as plenipo- 
 tentiaries to our court, did confirm the 
 before- mentioned peace by oath: Purfu- 
 ant to which, at their departure for Gale 
 they took along with them one of our 
 diffaves, in order to deliver into his 
 hand, the country of Mature. But at 
 his coming there, they found means to 
 render the fame ineffetlual, by finding 
 out certain difficulties, which made the 
 
 " liiid 
 
 
 
 m
 
 Chap. 41. 
 
 A Defcription of C\LX LO N. 
 
 699 
 
 II. 
 
 (C 
 C( 
 C( 
 (C 
 
 « 
 « 
 «c 
 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 (C 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 faid difllive return to our court, to our 
 great difilitisfaftion. It was about that 
 time that our beloved dircdtor-general 
 did come into our kingdom from Hol- 
 land, with full power to aft as he fliould 
 find ic moft liiitable to our fcrvice, 
 and to the eftablifhment of a firm peace 
 and friendfhip : Purfuant to which, he 
 defired us by word of mouth to bury all 
 pafs'd mifcarriages in oblivion, promi- 
 fing at the fiime time, in the name cf tlie 
 prince of Orange and the Eajl-hidin com- 
 pany, full fatisfaftion for the fame -, as 
 alio that the fortrelTes of Nrgiimbo and 
 Columho (when taken) Jhould be deli- 
 vered into the hands of our imperial 
 majefty, and certain Hollanders to be 
 allotted in the faid plates for our fer- 
 vice. It is upon this account that we 
 fent our auxiliaries to afTift our dearly-be- 
 loved Hollanders in the taking of Co- 
 lumho -, which being taken fince, they 
 are become forgetful of their promife, 
 and do continue to do fo to this day. 
 Your excellency is left at your own li- 
 berty to do what you think fit, till no- 
 tice of this proceeding can be given 
 to the prince of Orange, and the honour- 
 able company : But I would have you re- 
 member that fuch as do not know God, 
 and keep their word, will one time or 
 other be fenfible of the ill confequen- 
 ces thereof : I am- fenfible I have God 
 on my fide. 
 
 By way of Poftfcript was writ. 
 
 TWO letters have been difpatched 
 from our imperial court. Your ex- 
 cellency has writ in Dutch to George 
 Bloem, but without mentioning any thing 
 relating to our fervlce. Your excellency 
 may write fuch frivolous pretences to 
 whom you pleafe, but ought not to ini- 
 pofe them upon o^ir imperial majefty ; it 
 being in vain to alledge, that the dire- 
 ftor-general had received his inftruftions 
 froiji Batavia, whereas he brought his 
 full power along with him out of Hol- 
 land. Such finifter dealings as they 
 create no fmall jealoufy, fo I cannot 
 fee with what face you can expeft any 
 further credit from us. I have taken 
 care to have this tranflatcd into Dutch, 
 that you may have no reafon to plead 
 ignorance. George Bloem fliall ftay here, 
 till I receive your anfwer, when 1 intend 
 to fend him b.ick with a letter. No 
 more, i^c. 
 
 From our imperial court 
 at Reygamivalli, May 
 II. 1656. 
 
 Eal- 
 
 Unto which was annexed the following '''■'^*'^- 
 account, not thought fit to be infcrtcd in '-''»^^ 
 the imperial letter. 
 
 THIS day, being the 22d^o^ March, 
 his imj)erial majefty having fcnc 
 for me, ordered the letter writ in Por- 
 tuguefe to be tranflated into Dutch, to 
 be fent, among others, to your excellen- 
 cy. When I riiewed the trandation to 
 his majefty, he told me, That after the 
 arrival of the direftor-general in Cey- 
 lon, he had lent word to him. That 
 fcveral rebels Ihcltered thcmfelvcs in 
 and about Columho, efpecially one Caf- 
 par Figeiro, who had done confiderable 
 damage to his majefty's lands ; as alfo 
 concerning certain prcfcnts fent to his 
 court by the viceroy of Goa ; feme 
 whereof were fent only by the fnid 
 diredlor-generil. His majefty further 
 defired me to give you to undcrftand. 
 That it had been agreed not to recede 
 in the leaft from the literal fenfe of the 
 treaty, efpecially in what related to 
 that article concerning any city or place 
 taken with the affiftance of his maje- 
 fty's forces •, whereas your excellency 
 had not as much as taken the leaft care 
 (fince the taking of Columho) to fend 
 to his majefty his rebellious fubjeds, 
 nor any of the prefents, except two Per- 
 fian cats, a fhip, i^c. delivered by me 
 to his majefty. The not fending of 
 the rebels has been very ill rcliflied 
 here. 
 
 Our creneral tod<. care to fend a moft RajaSinga 
 obliging anfwer to the emperor's letter •, '\''"S'^" 
 which, however, was fo far from giving Djtch. 
 any real fatisfaftion to Raja Singa, that, 
 on the contraiy, he conceived fuch a hatred 
 againft the Dutch, as made him engage 
 with the Portuguefes againft them. For 
 notice having been fent to our council by 
 Anthonio de Motte and Manoel Fonfeque de 
 Montis, two Portuguefes, that they had 
 been follicited by Rcja Singa to enter into 
 his fervicc, with promifes of vaft rewards, 
 and the full enjoyment of the fame reve- 
 nues they had been poflTeflcd of before in 
 their moft flourifhing eftate, it was order- 
 ed that none of the imperial foldicrs Ihould 
 be for the future admitted into the city, 
 except fucli as fhoultl be fent in the quali- 
 ty of meffengers from the king, or any of 
 his diflTaves, to the general and his council : 
 Thirty-two men were alfo commanded to 
 guard t!ie paflTes near Caleture. Moft of 
 the Portuguefes at Columho, were fent under 
 a convoy of a whole company to Gale ; 
 and upon a fcrutiny of the niiiftcr-roll, ic 
 was found that there were three hundred 
 
 mL'n
 
 700 
 
 A Dcfcriptm 0/ C E r L O N. 
 
 Chap. 41, 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 men miffing fiom among the Lafcaryns of 
 d m.'.iiy more followed their 
 ^'"^^''^^^ footfteps loon niter. 
 Three The 3orh ol May, early in the morning, 
 
 Poriuguefc four frig-.us being ditcovered near the 
 frigau ta- ^^^^^ towards the fide of the Galkille, we 
 ''*"• took in our prince's flag, in order to entice 
 them into the road. The commodore, who 
 led the van, perhaps began to fufpeft the 
 matter i and therefore (leered his courfe to 
 the north; but the other three were no 
 Iboncr come within the reach of our can- 
 non, but wc fent out our Imall vellels to 
 fetch their officers aOiore. Thcfe told us, 
 That they left the bar of Goa the 2 2d 
 with fix frigatsi and that two of them be- 
 ing feparated from the reft by a moft vio- 
 lent tempcft near Cculang, were either loft, 
 or perhaps had faved themfelves in lome 
 port or other, one of them having been 
 leen without mafts. They added, that a 
 Portitgucfe caravan was come to an an- 
 chor in the river of Goa. Thefe fix fri- 
 gats had aboard fixty-eight foldiers, be- 
 sides crood ftore of provifions, ammunition, 
 and dl other neceflixries, intended for the 
 relief of Columbo, in cafe the fquadron un- 
 der Fra>2cifco (U Seixa (laould mifcarry. 
 Their cargo ftood us in great ftead, confi- 
 dering the fcarcity that was among us at 
 that time. 
 , The I ft of June we took another frigat 
 
 vachtandand a yacht •, the officers whereof being 
 frigat ta- likewife brought afliore, told us. That the 
 ken. city of Cochin had contributed a good fum 
 of money towards the relief of Coluvwo. 
 Their letters being opened, contained no- 
 thing material, except that they were em- 
 broiled with the king of Cockift 
 ,1 
 
 landers 
 
 ,1 
 
 Certain advice was brought 
 
 with 
 
 their 
 
 to the go- 
 as the beforc- 
 were paffing 
 
 provifions, or to obey 
 orLicis, but to retire into the king's domi- 
 nions-, where they fhould have full liberty 
 to make their excurfions into our domi- 
 nions, as they had done already at Billi- 
 garn, MalUmandc, and Baigam. 
 
 To prevent fuch like outrages for the fu- 
 ture, three companies of forty men each 
 were fent out or Gc.!c, two of which were 
 ordered towards Aauras, to proteft the 
 inhabitants againft the inroads made by 
 the king's foldiers, in the quiet poficffion 
 of fuch lands as were granted to the com- 
 pany by the emperor-, for by this time we 
 began fhrewdly to fufpedV, that moft of the 
 great ones were entered into a confederacy 
 with the king againft us; this appeared by 
 the tergiverfations of the Adigar, who 
 paffing by the way of Angretotte to Mature, 
 pretended he was come by orders from our 
 general, which was a manifeft falfliood: 
 Ibme of their proceedings may be feen out 
 of ' 
 
 the following letter. 
 
 "C 
 
 vernor, That the day before, 
 mentioned fhips of Cochin 
 along the fhore of Galki^e, the imperial 
 dilTaves of Matule and Ouva had been 
 feen to give them a fignal with a white 
 cloth, and had taken abundance of pains to 
 get aboard them, oftering four hundred 
 Larynes to the fifliermen, if they would 
 carry them aboard of one or the other; 
 and that they had got ready two boats, but 
 durft not venture through the waves. 
 Confidering the pains the emperor liad 
 lately taken to entice away fome of the 
 beft officers belonging to the company, 
 and divers outrages committed by the 
 king's Lafcaryns in the park of the com- 
 pany; thefe together, I fay, feemed to 
 us the infallible forerunners of the enfuing 
 broils. 
 
 For it was not long before Cornelius van 
 der Duyn, deputy-governor of Alalure, 
 fent word from thence, that the king's 
 officers and foldiers had forbid all the in- 
 habitants thereabeuts to furnifix the Hi!- 
 4 
 
 dttepitty Apuhamy is come to Malli- 
 _> manda, from whence he has fent 
 an Ob., or letter, intimating, that he 
 was come by the king's fpecial order, to 
 take pofteffion of the country of Mature 
 in his majefty's name, and to injoin all 
 the inhabitants, not to fupply the Dutch 
 with any provifions, or otherwife. He 
 further faid, that he had intended to 
 have been with them before this; but 
 being now come with full authority, he 
 exhorts them to obey the emperor's or- 
 tiers, for the honour of his courr, and 
 of the diflave of Mature, which if they 
 do, they may affure themfelves of all 
 imaginable favour from the court. The 
 (.\\{^<i.w&o^ Saffragamme has fent the difiave 
 of Mature, to affift you upon all occa- 
 fions." 
 
 things 
 
 In Pafdum-Corle and Caleture 
 went at the fame rate, where they had ta- 
 ken Cotteneynde, his mother, and brother, 
 (befides many others,) prifoners, and car- 
 ried them to the pafs of Caleture. -Their 
 intentions appear by the following Ola. 
 
 " '~\^Udoculle Mandomia Apohami makes 
 " X known to all the Aratches, Laf- 
 " caryns, and the chief Majorals and co- 
 " lonels of Caleture, Macoene, and Barba- 
 " ryn. That as foon as this Ola comes to 
 " their hands, they ftiall not keep the 
 " leaft correfpondence with the Dutch, nor 
 " pay any duties to them, from the villa- 
 " ges, (formerly granted to them,) or fur- 
 " nifli them with labourers to work on 
 " their fortifications. Thofe that fhall 
 " a>5l contrary to the tenour of thi», muft 
 
 " expect
 
 Chap. 41. 
 
 A Dejcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 701 
 
 A paper 
 ai£xed to 
 a tree. 
 
 " cxpe6l to be ievercly punifhedj where- 
 " tore come, and join with me." 
 
 Manoel Andrado (who fignaliz'd liim- 
 felf before Jafnapatnatn, of wliich anon) 
 was likewife advcrtifed by a letter from 
 his brother-in-law, that the king's forces 
 had wounded a woman and a flave near 
 the pafs of Calelure; and that therefore he 
 fhould keep a watchful eye over his Laf- 
 cciryns. About Negumbo they play'd the 
 lame game, and Raja Singa had made his 
 addrefTes to Patangatti, the colonel of 
 Coquie/le, in hopes by great promifes to 
 bring him over to his party. On a certain 
 tree near the church of Guia de Lobo, was 
 affixed the following paper: 
 
 " 'TpHE city of Columbo is now taken; 
 " JL and was according to agreement 
 " to be furrendered to his majefty, but 
 " has not been performed-, it any fatal 
 " confequences attend this breach of pro- 
 *' mife, we declare ourfelves innocent 
 " thereof: but as we are well aflured of 
 " his majefty's good inclinations towards 
 " the Dutch nation, fo if you intend to 
 " fend any deputies to treat with him, you 
 " fhall have liberty fo to do, and a pafT- 
 " port for them." 
 
 Contents Our general and council finding them- 
 )f the let- felves under an abfolute necefiity of repre- 
 fenting to Raja Singa the injuflice of his 
 proceedings in a letter, they told him. 
 That thefe proceedings being direfhly con- 
 trary to their mutual intentions of annoy- 
 ing the Portuguefes, and confequently tend- 
 ing both to his majefty and the company's 
 prejudice, they delired that all hoitilities 
 might be laid afiJiC, and inftead thereof 
 their former good correfpbndence be re- 
 new'd. They defired Raja Shiga to fend 
 his anfwer, and with it an envoy, or one 
 of his diffaves, unto whom they would de- 
 liver the tbrtrefs of Negumbo, after the 
 fortifications were demolifhed. And to 
 
 :er fent 
 oRaja 
 iinga. 
 
 leave no room for any further pretences, B a l- 
 the general acquainted the emperor, That"''^"^- 
 in cale his majefly would let him know '^^"^^'^^^ 
 what further fitisfatlion he required at 
 his hands, he would be ready to comply 
 with his majefty's demands, provided the 
 fimc could be done without great preju- 
 dice to the company's fervice. But that 
 in cafe his majefty thought fit to perfift 
 in his unjiift oppreftlons of the Dutcb^ 
 and others under our jurifdidion, he pro- 
 tefted and declared, in the piefenceof God, 
 and- to all the world. That he was inno- 
 cent of all the calamities and effufion 
 of blood that needs muft be the con- 
 fequences of fuch proceedings, which 
 muft oblige us (though much againft our 
 will) ^ to have recourfe to fuch means as 
 God had put into our hands for the defence 
 of our fubjefts. With this letter they 
 fent a faulcon and a fparrow-hawk, with a 
 Perfian taulconer, as a prefent to the em- 
 peror. 
 
 A.dvice was brought at the fime time Outrages 
 from Cakture, That the king's Lafcai-yns commMcA 
 were very troublefome to our fubjefts, who'^y'^^t^' 
 were forced to leave their habitations for "'*""• 
 fear of being carried away ; and that they 
 had wounded fome, and purfued them to 
 the river- fide; that the t^o Aratches Can^ 
 nangere and Pittikeri lay incamped near 
 Alican, and had fummoned the country 
 thereabouts to join with them within three 
 days; that ten of our Lafcaryns, and for- 
 ty-two labourers fent from Caklure to 
 Columbo, were carried away by a party of 
 vagabonds. To prevent the like for the 
 future, and efpecially to proted our work- 
 men imploy'd in the peeling of the cinna- 
 mon, (called Chalias,) two hundred fol- Two han- 
 dlers were ordered to Bentot, under the dred men 
 command of Martin Scholtes, Peter Cham- fentagaJ"ft 
 pie, ^ndjoris Hcrvendonck, who, for their '^*'"" 
 better fecurity, were to be joined by the 
 Lafcaryns under the captain of Gak- 
 Corle. 
 
 . CHAP. XLIL 
 
 A feaft appointed. 'Two Caffers come over to lis. George Bloem ejcdtes 
 
 from Candy. A Jhrjtiip betwixt the Dutch arid Cingalefcs. Robbers 
 
 puniflied. News of the Portuguefe fqicadroti. The arrival of fome Dutch 
 
 Jhips : Their mifiake. A flrange iiotion among the Indians concerning Co- 
 
 lunibo'i being impregnable. Negumbo taken, and retaken. 
 
 IT being now a month fince the fur- 
 render of Columbo, a thankfgiving day 
 was appointedj to give thanks to God 
 Almighty for this great fuccefs, and to im- 
 plore his mercy to blefs our arms for the 
 " Vol. III. 
 
 future. The faid day is kept ever fince 
 on the 1 2 th of May. 
 
 Raja Singa did fend an anfwer to the Raja Sin- 
 general's letter; but faid fcarce any thing ga'san- 
 in relation to the matter in hand, declaring '*'^^'°"'' 
 
 8 P 
 
 only 
 
 purpole.
 
 701 
 
 B A L- 
 t) A L' S . 
 
 A Description of C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 41. 
 
 only his Citisfaftion about the prcfcnt, 
 and dtfiring that the l:\rfian taulconer 
 might ftay with him, which the genera! 
 (to gratify the emperor) did confent to, at 
 kail till llich time that the (liips fliould 
 be ready to return to Camrcn. However, 
 tliefc civiiiiies did not aiilwcr the end for 
 which they were intended-, Raja Shiga or- 
 dering foon afier his Lcficryns to take ail 
 the Dutih they could light on prifoncrs, 
 and to cut off the nofes and ears of all the 
 Negroes, Cingakfes, Moors, and flaves that der our jurifdiftion, who gave conftant 
 
 mofl: of the foldicrs, havirig left only a 
 
 guard of ten Europeans and fifteen Lafca^ 
 
 ryns in the place-, they to the number of TheCin- 
 
 a hundred men, attacked them on a fudden, gajefes in 
 
 in hopes to carry the place by furprize, but *■'*'" ^'' 
 
 were notwithftanding lb hotly received, 
 
 that they were glad to retire. 
 
 Things began thus to grow worfe and 
 worfe, without hopes of amendment, be- 
 caufe we were frequently bit by our own 
 dogs, I mean tlie perfidious Cingakfes un- 
 
 Two Caf- 
 
 tf rs come 
 01 er to us, 
 
 Our inter- 
 pn ter 
 eicapes 
 from the 
 camp of 
 \..\K ctripe- 
 for.- 
 
 fcrved the HoUmden; but the two hun 
 dred before-mentioned foldiers ftruck fuch 
 a terror into the king's forces, that they 
 retreated back, and gave liberty at Icafl: to 
 a thouiand of the inhabitants to return to 
 theu- houfes. 
 
 Raja Singa in the mean time continued 
 now as before his hoftilities, one of his 
 parties having lately carried away a Duria 
 and two labourers within half a league 
 of Columho, which obliged us to be con- 
 tinually upon our guard. The Dutch 
 ftill refiding at Candy being afraid they 
 fhould be detained there againfl their will, 
 writ to the general to haften the depar- 
 ture of the Perfian faulconer with the 
 hawks, in hopes that thereby the king 
 might be brouglit into a good humour to 
 let them depart. 
 
 About the fame time a certain melTen- 
 gcr named Chittey Maley, came to Columbo 
 with fome hawks and other prefents for 
 the emperor; fix hawks more with their 
 faulconers were alfo brought from the coaft 
 of Coromandel for the fame purpofe. 
 
 The 20th of July two Caffers came 
 over to us, one whereof having been the 
 king's trumpeter, the other a drummer, 
 they reported that his majefty continued 
 ftill in his camp at Reygamwatte, but 
 intended fhortly to break up for RtiancUe, 
 the difiave of Mattde having been fent be- 
 fore already to take care of die highways, 
 Hirough which they were to prfs. They 
 further told us, That the emperor having 
 granted to divers Portuguefcs certain good- 
 ly villages, this had created ill blood 
 among the courtiers. 
 
 Our interpreter George Bloem was forced 
 to continue there till he found means to 
 .make his efcape in the night-time from 
 the camp of Reygamwntte, by means of a 
 tony, or boat, wherewith he got to Man- 
 tual, having deceived his guards, by gi- 
 ving them a good dofe of ftrong liquors. 
 Five other Dutchmen, who had deierted our 
 fcrvice, continued with the king at court. 
 
 News was brought at the fame time, 
 that Ibme of the king's forces, having got 
 intelligence that Mr. Rabel, a brave Cmga- 
 Icfe, a native of Mature in our fervice, was 
 ablcnt from Hakman^ with a ferjeanc and 
 I 
 
 intelligence of all our defigns, fo that we 
 coi.ld not fend abroad the fmalleft party 
 but the enemy had before-hand notice 
 thereof; whereas we could never difcover 
 the leaft of their intentions, of which we 
 were fufficiently convinced by divers inter- 
 cepted letters. 
 
 The king's forces having furprized a 
 ferjeanr, named Peter John/on, a native of 
 Dantzick, with fome inhabitants of the 
 country, and four foldiers wives, they car- 
 ried them before the difiiu'e of the feven 
 Corks, who told them. That they had been 
 long enough in the Dutch fervice, and muil 
 rcfolve now to be his majefly's flaves. 
 
 The 2d oi' Jtignji we received a letter Two rot^ 
 from Laurence Haurizyk, our under-faftor bers puni- 
 at Cnleiure, that fcveral robbers had been '^"^''• 
 feen about Boemboele, who had cut down 
 the fruits of the earth ; that Andrado being 
 fent after them with fome Lafcaryns, had 
 met only with two of them, who refufing 
 obftinately to confefs by whom they weie 
 fent cut to cut down the rice, they had 
 cut otF their heads, and fct them upon 
 poles near the place where they had fpoiled 
 the rice. 
 
 The 13th of Aiiguft being funday, the 
 yacht called the Columbo came into our road, 
 having left TW/t'fwj?/ the iith: fhe brought 
 letters from the commodore to the general, 
 intimating. That the enemy's fquadron, „, _ 
 compoied of fifteen frigats, had efcaped his turruefe""' 
 hands the 7th of July, taking the oppor- fquadron 1 ^| 
 tunity of the night, and the advantage of gets clear 1 4 
 the flats betwixt the ifles ; that they were ^ '''^ 
 purfued by our fhips as far as Pa7nbanaar, "''^ ' 
 which could not come up with them by 
 reafon of the fands. He further told him. 
 That fufpefting the Teuver or governor of 
 the country to have been corrupted with 
 money, and to have given them a free paf- 
 fage betwixt Manaar and Jafnapatnam, 
 (which he commands by either laying in, 
 or removing certain flones from the en- 
 trance thereof,) he had been obliged to re- 
 turn to Tutecoryn. 
 
 We had at the fame time advice of the 
 arrrival of our fliips, the Avijlerdcin, the 
 Avenhorn, Saphir, Haddock, IForkum, Pe- 
 lican, Patience, and Black Bull, upon the 
 coaft of Corotnandeh but it was no Imall 
 
 jTiOrci- 
 
 'hi
 
 Chap. 42. 
 
 J Defcription of C E Y L O N. 
 
 7OJ 
 
 Overfight mortification unto us, that the Saphir (con- 
 jf the fliip trary to the general of Ceylon's orders) 
 theSaplur. |^,^j left the prifoners and Porluguefe ibl- 
 dicrs (who, according to the articles of 
 fiiirender, were to liave been carried to 
 Batavid) afliore near Negapatnam ; and 
 that (he had not touch'd in the fouthcrn 
 harbours, where there was a confiderablc 
 cargo ot clothes and other commodities 
 ready, which could not be difpofed of 
 otherwife : and by the firfl: overfight, the 
 enemy had been reinforc'd with eighty 
 brave foldiers, contrary to the intention of 
 the agreement. 
 
 We had at the fame time letters from 
 the faflor Adrian van Newland, dated in 
 the Danijl.i fort call'd Trangiiebare^ whereby 
 we underllood that the before-mentioned 
 Porluguefe frigats were paflTed through the 
 ftraights (by the afiiftance of the governor) 
 to Jafnapatnam, from whence Anthony A- 
 miral de Menefes (afterwards kill'd by one of 
 our cannon balls near Mannar) had fent his 
 forces in boats to Negapatnam, in order to 
 gather a body (at the requeft of Raga Shiga) 
 in thofe parts, which, as the caie then flood, 
 might have proved very dangerous to us, had 
 not God through his mercy prevented thei/ 
 defigns. 
 
 During all thefe troubles, our general 
 kept a watchful eye upon the enemy's mo- 
 tions, and order'd Mr. John van der Laan 
 with three hundred men to fcour the coun- 
 try: thefe differences continu'd for a con- 
 fiderablc time, viz. to the year 1 665, and 
 though fome glimpfes of peace appear'd at 
 certain intervals, yet it is certain that Raja 
 Singa is not reconciled to us to this day, 
 and perhaps never will whild he lives. 
 
 We have hitherto treated of Columbo; 
 we now will pafs the river at Mont not., and 
 take our courfe higher up to Negumbo. 
 Bat before we come thither, I cannot for- 
 bear to lay a word or two concerning the 
 •opinion general opinion of the Indians., viz. That 
 )«(lio oncerning Columbo was impregnable. Hence it was 
 •he that the Portuguefes boafted in all places, 
 
 ';[^^,"SJ|^^°^ that the king of Portugal., and viceroy of 
 Goa, would never fufFer lb ftrong a fortrefs 
 to fall into the hands of the hereticks, 
 efpecially after we were repulfed in the firft 
 general afliiult. 1 happen'd to be then at 
 Alacajfar, where the Portuguefe father, 
 and Ibme miffionaries lately come from 
 China., ufed to make this fi.ge their fport ; 
 and one Francifco Vieiro, one of the richeft 
 merchants in the Indies., offered to lay vafl; 
 wagers that it was not taken by the Hol- 
 landers. 
 
 The king of Celebes and Macajfar (the 
 capital city of that ifie) had the fame opi- 
 nion concerning the ftrength of Columbo, 
 he and moft of his courtiers being much 
 inclin'd to the Portuguefes fide. But with- 
 
 'olumbo. 
 
 in three months, juft at my return to Bata-BA l- 
 
 via (after the conclufion of the peace be-"^'-"'- 
 twixt us and the king of Macajjar) we had '•^»^* 
 the news of the furrcnder of Columbo brou2;ht 
 to Batavia by Peter Bitter, to the general 
 fa tisfadion of the people. 
 
 But after this digrcffion it is time to come 
 to Negumbo ; which lies about two leagues 
 and a half, or five good hours walking, a- 
 long the banks of the river to the north. 
 I am not able to tell you the exaft time of 
 its beginning, the Portuguefe hiftorians be- 
 ing fiient as to this point, being no more 
 than a fort built lor the convcniency of pro- 
 tedling the country, which abounds in cin- 
 namon. 
 
 I told you before how Adam Weflerwold 
 made himfelf mafter of Batecalo; after 
 which Anthony Caan took, 1639, the fort of 
 'Trinquenemale, the moft fpacious harbour 
 on the eaft fide of Ceylon. Philip Lucas^ 
 the Dutch director general in the Indies^ 
 took Negumbo the firlt time, Feb. 9, 1640, 
 and foon after (as has been told before, viz, 
 March 13, following) our commodore tVil- 
 lidm Jacob Kofier took Gale by ftorm -, but 
 was afterwards treacheroufiy murdered by 
 fome of Raga's people, with four of his 
 guards. 
 
 For the fiid Mr. Kojler coming to Mr.KoUc* 
 Candy in perfon, was detained there with treache- 
 vain promifes, without the leafl orobabi- '"^^^ , 
 lity of lucceis, till growing impatient, 
 he began to utter threats and very harfla 
 words (a great piece of imprudence) a- 
 gainft fome of the great ones at court; 
 which coming to Raja's ears, he was dif- 
 miffed without the ufual marks of honour^ 
 and conducted towards Betecalo, but mur- 
 dered by the way by the Cingalefes, his 
 condufters. This was the reward beflowed 
 by Raja upon Kojler, who had reduced 
 Trinquenemale, Gale, and Mature, with all 
 tlie countries thereunto belonging, to his 
 jurifdiction. 
 
 Certain it is, had Raja been fincerc, we 
 might with his afTiftance eafily have made 
 ourfelves maflers at that j unsure of Columbo, 
 when all their regular forces being fent to 
 the relief of Gale, there was but a fevv old 
 foldiers, priefts, and citizens left for the de- 
 fence of the place. But Raja thought it 
 better to play the trimmer betwixt two Eu- 
 ropean nations, than to be in danger of be- 
 ing conquer'd by one, and fo thought it 
 his beft way to give opportunity to the Por- 
 tuguefes to recover a little breath. 
 
 For the Portuguefes having received a 
 ftrong reinforcement from Goa, found 
 means to regain the fort of Negumbo ; 
 which done, they fat down before Gale, but 
 were bravely entertained by John Ihyffen, 
 who gave tiiem many a brufii -, Raja Singa 
 fitting all this while by like a fped^ator, 
 
 tliough
 
 704 
 
 A Description o/" C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 4j 
 
 Nfgumbo 
 tiken a 
 Jecond 
 time by 
 the Dutch. 
 
 though the Porttiguefes remain'd mailers of 
 all the Low-Lands, though we delivered 
 Balecalo into his hands, and made much 
 greater offers by Peter Barrel our ambalTa- 
 dor. Things continued in the lame Itate 
 till the year •'144, at the beginning where- 
 of Irancis Caron took 'Ncgumbo fiom tlie 
 Porttiguefes a fecond time ■, and iiaving 
 (hengthened it with four new baftions ot 
 earth furrounded with ftrong palliladoes, 
 left a garrifon of five hundred men there for 
 its guard. After the departure of our licet, 
 and fome detachments lent to Gale, and 
 other places, Don Philippo Mafcarcnhas 
 
 made an attempt upon the place -, but being The Por- 
 bravely repulfed, was glad to retire in con- tuguefes 
 fulion to Columho. It was about this time ^"^""P' " 
 that Niv. John Maatzuyker (now governor- cover it. 
 general of the Dutch Enjl-Indies) coming to 
 (jua, entered into a treaty with the Portu- 
 gtiefe viceroy, John de Silva Telles de Mene- 
 fes, earl of ylveiras, concerning the limits 
 betwixt both nations in the ifle of Ceylon ; 
 which being brought to a conclufion 1645, 
 the fitid Mr. Maaizuyker remain'd in thole 
 parts in the quality of governor of Pmte- 
 gale. 
 
 & 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. 
 
 Raja Singa treuts t/ndc'rhnnd with the Porttiguefes : His tame elephants detained. 
 Raja declares agaivji the Portiiguefcs. The Dutch lo/'e Angretotte. Both the 
 Portuguefes and Dutch are reinforced. Engagement near Tiboene. Caleture 
 dejirted. Portuguefes worjled both by fea and land. Manaar taken. 
 
 Raja fides 
 with the 
 Portu- 
 guefes. 
 
 R 
 
 His ele- 
 phants, 
 feized. 
 
 ylJA Stpga, at the inlligation of the 
 Portuguefes, being grown very jealous 
 of the Dutch being in polTeinon of the feven 
 Corks ; connived at the robberies that were 
 committed in thofe parts by his people, 
 which at laft oblig'd Mr. John TLyfJen 
 to proclaim open war againft them ; and 
 accordingly Nicholas Jacobfon Overfchie, 
 governor of Negumbo, and overfeer of the 
 Dutch limits (who died afterwards at Voor- 
 burgh) cauled all the kings tame elephants 
 to be feiz'd •, which fo exafperated his ma- 
 jefty, that he drew all his forces together, 
 and entered the feven Corks, where our 
 people had the worft of it, becaufe they fur- 
 render'd without being reduc'd to the ut- 
 moft extremity. However, after the return 
 of Mr. Maatzuyker, Negumbo, Gale-Cork 
 and Mature, with the countries thereunto 
 belonging, were loon fecur'd againft all 
 fuither attempts ; the cinnamon was ga- 
 ther'd and peel'd as belore, the wild ele- 
 phants tam'd, and every thing elfe fettled 
 for the advantage of our company : nay 
 Raja Singa himfelf was appealed, who re- 
 treated with his forces, though without 
 .doing any harm to the Portuguefes ; an in- 
 f.illible fign that there was no ill underftand- 
 Ing betwixt them. 
 
 Matters thus continued till 1649, when 
 Mr. Maatzuyker redeemed all our prifo- 
 ners ; and by a meflenger, fent with fome 
 prefents, brought matters to an honoura- 
 ble compofition. In the beginning of the 
 year 1650, Mr. Rampot left Gale and 
 Mature, to the great dilTatisfadiion of Raja 
 Singa, who, however, was lb far from break- 
 ing with us upon that account, that when 
 we enter'd into a war with the Portuguefes, 
 1652, Raja declar'd againft them, laying 
 
 hold of the opportunity that prefented it- 
 felf, by a late mutiny among the Po7-tu- Mutiny i 
 guefe foldiers, and chief inhabitants of Co- Columbo 
 lumbo, raifed againft Manoel Mafcarenhas ^S,^'^'^^ 
 'Homem their governor, whom they had taken '^*"' ^°' 
 into cuftody.^ _ ^""°^- 
 
 Thefe mutineers having gather'd what 
 forces they were able near Columbo, march'd 
 on a fudden with eight hundred European 
 Ibldiers and as many negroes towards 
 our fort of Angretotte, which they obliged Angretotti 
 to a llirrender the 8th of January 1653, 'o^ by 
 after a fiege of eleven days, in which they '^^ ^'"^'' 
 loft a confiderable number of men ; ninety- 
 eight Germans, twenty-four Javanefes, and 
 a great number of Lafcaryns were made 
 prilbners of war, under condition that they 
 Ihould be difmils'd for a reaibnable ranfom. , 
 The lame afternoon a body of three hun- 
 dred men were fent to their relief, who hap- 
 pen'd to come too late; though as the cafe 
 itood, their endeavours would have prov'd 
 in vain, confidering the enemy was twice 
 as ftrong and ativantagcoufty pofted -, and 
 we had not come off at lb cheap a rate, 
 had not Raja Singa given the enemy a 
 ftrong diverfion near Coitegore, whereabouts M 
 
 they attack'd the pais near Columbo with Raja ■ 
 fuch vigour, that the governor and deputy- makes a 
 governor were glad to lend for their forces ^ ^'''p'^'^°^ 
 trom Reygajn and Pafdum-Corle to oppofe J," [^^^ 
 the imperialifts. Thefe were no fooner re- Dutch. 
 treated, but the Portuguefes attack'd our 
 ourguards near Negimibo, and polTelfed 
 themfelves of the four and feven Corks; 
 but Raja Singa rallying his forces, march'd 
 from Ouve to Saffragamme (the capital city 
 of the five Corks) ; the Portuguefe diflave 
 was glad to retreat with his forces to Gur- 
 bcvilk, and thereby gave us opportunity 
 
 to
 
 Chap. 45. 
 
 A jDefcriptton 0/ C E Y L O K. 
 
 70^ 
 
 The Por- 
 iiguefes 
 re rein- 
 orced. 
 
 to join our forces, and fecure the countries 
 of Gale and Mature. 
 
 In the mean while, viz. the iDth of 
 May., the Portuguefes in Columbo received a 
 reinforcement of twelve frigats, with a 
 good number of officers and foldiers from 
 Goa, under the command of Francifco de 
 Melo de Cafiro\ our cruizers being fcarce 
 two days before (to our great misfortune) 
 forced to retreat from their ftations by 
 ffrefs of weather into the harbour of Gale. 
 Notwithftanding which they made no con- 
 fiderable attempt againft us, being con- 
 tented to fecure only their workmen em- 
 ploy'd in peeling of the cinnamon, and other 
 inhabitants of the country, againll our par- 
 ties. 
 
 Raja Singa finding that in 1653, in Sep- 
 tember, the Portuguefes had receiv'd a frefh 
 fupply from I'utecoryn, whereas our four 
 fhips did not bring one fingle foldier to re- 
 lieve the reft ; that our governor Jacob van 
 Kitievftein had obtain'd leave to depart ; 
 and that when commiflary Ryklof van Goens 
 touch'd with his four fiiips towards the latter 
 end of 05fober in Ceylon., in his way to Perfia 
 and Suratte, without bringing us the leaft 
 fuccours, he retreated with his half-ftarv'd 
 tatter'd troops from Caravanella, through 
 the feven and four Corks to Candy to refrefli 
 themfelves. 
 
 The Portuguefes finding themfelves fecure 
 on that fide, did appear with all the forces 
 they could bring into the field before Co- 
 lumbo., in hopes of drawing our forces out 
 of the fort •, but finding themfelves fruftrated 
 in their hopes, they retreated in the begin- 
 ning of 1654, towards Reygam and Paf- 
 dum-Corle, whence they fent frequent par- 
 ties to take away our cattle, and to fpoil 
 the fruits of the earth. But m.xpr John van 
 der Laan was always at hand with a good 
 body to obferve them. 
 
 The 2odi of March our governor, Jldri- 
 an van der Meydcn, march'd from Gale to 
 Caleture -, and being join'd there the 2 3d by 
 all his forces, he follow'd the Portuguefes 
 through Berbenn, Dodangodde, and Tiboene, 
 where he attack'd them the 26th in the 
 morning, in their advantageous poft : The 
 engagement was very fierce for a whole hour ; 
 when our forces feign'd a retreat, in hopes 
 to draw the enemy from his poft : but 
 •fes'and "^'^^y were too wife to follow us ; they had 
 
 I en- 
 jement 
 wixc 
 Portu- 
 
 Licch. 
 
 It Por- 
 ruefe 
 ities en- 
 
 ;e three 
 tch vef- 
 
 more men ftain on their fide that we. After 
 our forces had refreih'd themfelves a little 
 while at Tiboen, we march'd to Caleture, 
 and the enemy retreated out of our domi- 
 nions crofs the river to Columbo. 
 
 Soon after five galleons, with one thoufand 
 Porluguefe landmen aboard them, arri- 
 ving upon our coaft, engaged three of 
 our yachts called the Greyhound, the 
 Rhinoceros, and Di'omedaty, and purfued 
 Vol. III. 
 
 them to the flats of Negumbo, but took B a t- 
 none of them, our vefTcls retiring under "-*"'• 
 the cannon there, and ihe Portuguefes ***'V*"**' 
 to Columho, having loft their caputin- 
 major and many others in this engage- 
 ment. 
 
 A council being called to confult what 
 to do in this emergency, it was rcfolv- 
 ed to leave Caleture, and to employ our 
 whole force in the defence of Negumbo, 
 without which we were not in a con- 
 dition to maintain that fortrefs, which 
 was of the greatcft confequcncc to us. 
 Accordingly Negumbo being well provi- 
 ded with what forces we were able to ga- 
 ther, the enemy (whofe forces were con- 
 fiderably increafed by the late reinforce- 
 ments) marched from Galkifje to Caleture, 
 and thence to Alicaon, where they pitch'd 
 their tents: to oppofe which we brought 
 into the field about two hundred Euro- 
 peans, eighty Javanefes, and a good num- 
 berof Lafaryns, wherewith we m.ide a 
 fhift to defend our country as well as we 
 could. 
 
 About this time commifTiry Van Goens, VanGoefls 
 in return from Per^a and Suratte to Cev- '^f^'' ^^^ 
 Ion, had the good fortune to beat theS^"'""'' 
 galleons near the cape du Ramos, and 
 thereby to releafe twenty of our people 
 made prifoners at Angregotte, who were 
 fet alhore at Pun'.egale. This was the 
 reafon that the Portuguefes coukl not fpare 
 many men for the ufe of their frigats, 
 having fuftain'd a confiderable lofs of them 
 in the late engagement with Mr. Van Goens 
 near Achi.ra ; neither were they fo aftive 
 in the field till the enfuing July, when we 
 having received fome reinforcements, ap- 
 pointed our rendezvous at Bentoite in fight 
 of the enemy, having only a river betwixt 
 us and them. We kili'd the Portuguefes 
 about thirty Europeans in divers skirm'iflies, 
 and took from them divers boats -, which 
 made them not fo eager afterwards to 
 attack our countries, in order to fpoil our 
 cinnamon and Areek harveft, and the taking 
 of elephants, wherein confifts the chief 
 revenue of this ifle, belonging to our com- 
 pany. 
 
 The \T,\\i oi September, the yachts fhesomefup- 
 Turtle-Bove, the Red Lion, and the Had- plies 
 dock, arriv'd with frefh fupplies and fifty brought to 
 foldiers. The 4th of December the yacht '*''''"'•^''• 
 the Kanien brought us a fupply of fifty-four 
 foldiers more; befides which, one hun- 
 dred fifty-nine feamen were taken out of 
 four fhips, (come with the diredor Henry 
 van Gent into Gale, to provide themfelves 
 wuh frelh water ;) all which being joined 
 with our forces, encump'd at Benlotie. We 
 embarked the i6ih of December all our 
 forces, fix hundred ninety ftrong, (inclu- 
 ding officers) compofed of feamen, land- 
 « Q ioldicrs.
 
 7C6 
 
 Ba L- 
 
 D .r. u s . 
 ^^^-^^^ 
 
 The 
 Dutch 
 p.ils the 
 river Ali- 
 caon. 
 
 J Dcfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 43. 
 
 Beat the 
 
 Portu 
 
 gueies. 
 
 Raja's 
 
 troops 
 
 routed. 
 
 The Por- 
 tuguefes 
 routed at 
 fea. 
 
 fokliers, J,:i\wefes and Cingakp, in twen- 
 ty Cahipaneels, or land-boats, and thus 
 paill-d i!ic river /UUaon. 
 
 But icarcc had \vc reached the oppofitc 
 bank of the river, but we met with lb 
 warm a reception from three hundred cho- 
 fen PcrUigueJis^ and fome Tcpnps and Cin- 
 giikfes, that mofl: of our hdian forces be- 
 took th-emfclvcs to their heels: but being 
 rallied again upon the bank of the river, 
 return'd to the charge -, and being bravely 
 kcondcd by the refi:, forced the enemy to 
 retreat, leaving one of their cannon of one 
 thoufand pounds weight behind them, fixry 
 flaiii, and many more v.'ounded. They 
 behaved themfclves bravely ; but were for- 
 ced after this defeat to retire by the way of 
 Malvane to Columbo. 
 
 The Pvrtuguefcs finding us not ready to 
 attack Caleture, (after they had given the 
 ufujl pay to the foldiers,) they broke up in 
 the beginning of 1655, and furpriled Ra- 
 ja's forces, under the command of the dif- 
 f ive of the four Ccrks ; and being rein- 
 forced by fome other forces from Jafna- 
 patnam and Manaar^ bcfides a good num- 
 ber of Lafcaryns, they purluexl the diflave 
 of the feven Corks as far as to the (traits 
 of Candy, plundring all the country through 
 which they palfed ; which lb cxafperatcd 
 the king, tliac he ordered all his forces to 
 appear in the field •, but his van being 
 routed in Jpril near Attapi.'in by Cafpar 
 Figciro, the king quitted the fiel.i full of 
 diifatisfaftion. 
 
 It happened, to our good fortune, that 
 the new governor and Portitgucfe admiral, 
 Anthonio de Scuza Coutinho, (under whole 
 government Cohimbo was loft) coming with 
 eight frigats and five hundred landmen into 
 thefe parrs, was the i8rh of M^?)' forced to- 
 wards the coaft of Gale : we fent out two 
 yachts, vi-z. the Lion and Kanien, who com- 
 ing up with them, took two, with all the 
 rrien and pt ovifions, and forced three or four 
 more afiiore -, fo that only two or three of 
 them got ftt'e to Columbo j and Ccutitibo himfelf 
 was forced to take his courfe round the point 
 das Pedras to J afnapatnam and Manaar ; 
 from whence he came vv'ith a good troop by 
 the way of Putelaon, Calpentyn, and the fe- 
 ven Corks, in Ai'guft to Coliimlo ; where he 
 was no iboner eftabliflied in his dignity, but 
 he vifited, with Anthonio Mcndes d'Arangie, 
 the fort of Caleture, where he left a garriibn 
 of three hundred Europeans, and a good 
 number of Negroes ; but refolved to keep 
 Cafpar Figeiro near his perfon. 
 
 By that time the direftor-general Gerard 
 Muljl came, in company of Mr. John van 
 der Laan (a perlbn well verfed in the af- 
 fiiirs of Ceylon) into thofe parts. About 
 the middle of September three yachts were 
 dilpatched from cape Comoryn, in order to 
 2 
 
 obferve the frigats fent from Columbo to 
 "Tutecoryn for provifions, and either to take 
 them, or to block them up betwixt the 
 iflands. It was alio refolved to force the 
 Portiiguefes to quit Caknirc, whilft the ene- 
 my were yet under apprehenfion of the 
 flrength of the forces come along with the 
 direiStor-general, and lately landed at Ne- 
 gumbo ; from whence he intended to give 
 the enemy a vifit on the other fide of the 
 river at Montual. 
 
 However, the Portugiiefe fquadron, con- 
 fifling of twenty frigats and fome barks, 
 loaden with all forts of necefiarics at Jaf- 
 napalnam, and fome other places on the 
 Indian coafV, made (hift to pafs by with 
 full fails within fight of Negumbo (v/here 
 our fliips lay at anchor) and to our fignal 
 regret got into Columbo. Mr. Hiilji lecei- 
 ved at the flime time advice, by a fmall ad- 
 vice-boat, that a new viceroy was arrived 
 at Goa, wii;!i three galleons, one yacht, and a netv 
 a good number of landmen. A council viceroy 
 being called, it was thought convenient"'"".'" 
 to try whether thefe galleons might not be(-^°g^^",_ 
 furprifed near Marmagon, or Agoada, ( two jgons. 
 calllcs in the bay of Goa.) At the iaine 
 time Mr. Hulft came with four fhips and a 
 good number of foldiers before Berberyn ; 
 where having landed and joined his forces 
 with the reft the 28th of September, he 
 foon after made himfelf mafter of Caleiurs ; 
 an account whereof has been given be- 
 fore. 
 
 But it is time to leave Negumbo, provi- 
 ded with a good garriibn, (firft by major 
 John van der Laan, and afterwards by the 
 head-faftor Edward Hauw,) and to go 
 tov;Ar A Manaar. In the year 1661, I un- 
 dertook a journey over land from Jafnapat- Diftance 
 nam to Columbo, forty-nine or fifty leagues ja'r^'^V 
 diftant from one another-, which I accom- nam and 
 pliflied in feven days. Columbo. 
 
 From Negumbo you travel by the way 
 of Cajuel to the river Chilautv, and fo 
 through the countries of Madampe and 
 Putelacn, leaving the ifle of Calpentyn • to 
 the left ; then through Arjpou (where the ! 
 
 Chriftians have a church) to Manaar; thence i 
 
 to IFannias, the church of Mantolte, and 
 fo to "j afnapatnam ; of which more here- ; 
 
 after. We made this obfervation in this 
 journey, that no cinnamon grows, except 
 on the other fide of the river Cbilauw, 
 and beyond fafnapatnam. For the reft, Goodnefs ♦' 
 all thefe before-mentioned countries have °^ ''^'"'.'^ 
 a very fruitful loll, (except Calpentyn, '"'''''"''^' 
 which is fomewhat barren,) efpecially about 
 Madampe, but are deftitute of inhabitants; 
 the bafflers feeding here in vaft herds i 
 which makes me believe, that it would af- 
 ford plenty of every thing, were it well cul- 
 tivated. 
 
 We will now proceed to give you fome 
 
 account 
 
 «l 
 
 
 II:
 
 Chap. 4j. 
 
 A Defcription ^/CEYLON. 
 
 707 
 
 wvut 
 
 m 
 Id, 
 
 account of the ifle of Manaar^ which for- 
 merly adhered to the continent, as liiffi- 
 ciently appears by the fand-bank, called 
 , Adani's Bridge. Next unto this lies the 
 ille of Rammanckoyel^ where is to be ken 
 a rich and famous Pagode, belonging to 
 the Tcuver, or governor, who has a tort 
 on the continent. At certain feafons there 
 is a paflTage with fmall boars through Ibnie 
 depths of this Adam's Bridge, one where- 
 of I had once ocaifion to pals niyfelf. 
 *rheifleof xhe faid ifle was reduced by the Hoi- 
 ^k"^^b ^^''-^^'•^j 1658. in the following manner, 
 the Dutch, by Mr. Rykhf van Goens. The Portu- 
 gutfis had made entrenchments all along 
 the fliore ; which were defended by one 
 thoLifand chofen men, and twelve frigats, 
 to liinder the approach of our boats. Our 
 great fliips were ordered to advance as near 
 as they could •, under favour of which, 
 our boats landed the men. Serjeant Hen- 
 ry van IVel (fince a lieutenant) was the 
 iirfl: who fet foot on fliore ; and being 
 bravely followed by the reft, were as cou- 
 ragioufly received by the Porttigucfes, who 
 did all that men could do to fecond their 
 comrades: But our cannon from the fhips, 
 together with our fmall arms, made fuch 
 a havock among them, that they were 
 forced to quit their entrenchments. Here 
 it wixs that Antonio Aniiral de Menefes, the 
 Portuguefe general, loft his life by a cannon 
 bullet, and Anthonio Mendes d'Arangie, a 
 faniDUs fuldier, was mortally wounded, 
 with many other brave officers. 
 
 On our fide we loft an enfign •, and be- 
 fore our landing, (when the long-boat of 
 the fliip Naa)-den was taken,) the brave 
 lieutenant Block, which we returned them 
 with lull mcafure -, all their frigats, as 
 they pafled by our fquadron, being either 
 funk or taken, widi a great Daughter of 
 their men. Major John van der Loan, 
 (though he had a heavy fliU before our 
 landing, being a very large and tat perfon) 
 did neverthelefs behave himfelt upon this 
 occafion with incredible bravery, breaking 
 through the thickeft ot the ranks of the 
 enemy, whereby he made good the title 
 beftowed upon him long before, ot being 
 the terror of the Fortuguefes. 
 'ortugue- After this defeat, the Portnguefes not 
 iis leave thinking themfelves fecure in the fort Ma- 
 naar, retired over the water to Jafna- 
 
 Gwiiti 
 
 ■'ctlliii 
 
 ti«ns 
 
 he fort 
 Janaar. 
 
 patnam, leaving only Andrew Villcfa with^^"-- 
 a very moderate torce in the caftle o^ "^^^^l. 
 St. George. They v^ould not have cfca- 
 ped our hands at fo cheap a rate, had wc 
 not been flopped by the great rains and 
 tempcfts. 
 
 The 22d Andrew Fi Ho/a, being defertcd St. Gcorgr 
 by moft of his men, was obliged to furren- '"f"^"- 
 der the caftle of St. George upon reafon- '"'^'^ " 
 able terms. We took about two hundred 
 prifoncrs, both Europeans and Negroes^ 
 and among them a Cnjfcr, (or African Ne- 
 gro,) who pretending to be a captain, was 
 lb ftubborn, that he would not take up his 
 arms, or arife from the ground, (as he 
 was commanded to do,) without a good 
 baftinado. 
 
 The 24th of February I prcachetl the 
 thankfgiving fermon in the great church, 
 upon the text of i Sam, vii. 7. for the 
 moft fortunate reduftion of this ide, where- 
 of our general might fay with C^rfar, Feni, 
 vidi, vici, being beyond all queftion one 
 of the greateft actions that ever happened 
 betv/ixc us and the Portuguefes in the In- 
 dies, confidering wc were forced to attack 
 the enemy's forces, compofed of veteran 
 European foldiers, and to chafe them frotn 
 their advantageous pofts ; and that only 
 with eight hundred men, and confequcnt- 
 ly with the utmoft hazard ; being rclblved 
 either to overcome or die in the atrempr, 
 becaufe we had quite drained the gnrrifoii 
 of Columbo, leaving only a few, and thole 
 infirm perfons, to gu.ird that place, becaufe 
 we expcfted hourly the arrival of the fhip 
 the Salamander, with fonie hundreds of fol- 
 diers, and good Ifore of ammunition and 
 provifion, having aboard the commodore 
 Peter de Bitter, the faftor Edward Oonis, 
 and captain Peter IVafcb. The fame ha- 
 ving been detained by calms and cempefts 
 for near fix months, and endtir.ed great 
 hardfliips about the Alaldiz-e iQands, arrived TheSala- 
 at lali fafely at Columbo ; but was foon after '"a"'^^'' 
 ordered by the governor, Adrian van dcr ™^^ \ 
 Meyden, to fail to Manaar ; where the men and 
 came to an anchor immediately after we provifions. 
 had made ourfelves mafters of that iile, and 
 v/ere juft then preparing to march towards 
 Jafnapatnam. But before wc leave Manaar, 
 we muft add fomething concerning the true 
 condition of this ifland. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 7o8 
 
 A Defcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap, 44. 
 
 Pal 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. 
 
 D /E V S . 
 
 ^'''Y^'' A Jc'fcription of Manaar. Hmv the Chriftiufi religion iv^s planted, and might 
 be flirt l)er promoted there. A defcription of the country of the Wannias. Our 
 march toiviirdi Jafnapatnam : Wc pof the river, rout the Portuguefes, and 
 take the 'water-fort. 
 
 Manaar, 
 whence it 
 got its 
 oame. 
 
 The Cin- 
 gnlefcs and 
 Malabar 
 tongues 
 both ufed 
 in Ceylon 
 
 Situation 
 ofManaar 
 
 fts 
 thurches. 
 
 Pearl- 
 
 liOiery at 
 Manaar. 
 
 MJNJJR derives its name from 
 the Malabar language, from tlie 
 word Man, i. e. Saml, and Aar, a ri- 
 ver, fignifying as much as a Sand-River, 
 it being obfcrvablc, that both the Cin- 
 gakj'es and Malabar languages are fpoken 
 in the ifle of Ceylon. The tirft is uled be- 
 yond Negwnbo, viz. at Cotumho, Caleture, 
 Berheryn, Alican, Gale, Belligamme, Ma- 
 ture, Dondere, &c. But in all the other 
 parts of this ide oppofite to the coaft of 
 Coramndd, and all along the bay, they 
 fpeak the Malabar tongue •, whence it feems 
 very probable, that that tradt of land (as 
 the inhabitants of Jafnapatnam themfelves 
 believe) was firft of all peopled by thofe 
 of Corcmandd, who brought their language 
 along with them -, it being certain, that in 
 the inland countries, about Candy, Vin- 
 tane, Ballaney, &c. they fpeak only Cin- 
 gakfe. 
 
 The ide of Manaar is fituate at nine 
 degrees of northern latitude, its length be- 
 ing about two and a half german leagues, 
 and one broad, including the fait water 
 river, (as you will lee in the map,) which 
 reaches as far as the great church called 
 Carcel. The caftle is fcated upon a ca- 
 nal able to bear fmall yachts, which draw 
 three, four, or five feet water, and can 
 go from thence to fafnapatnam. This 
 caftle was ftrengthened with ibme additio- 
 nal fortifications, and fi.rrounded with a 
 deep ditch, after we had taken it from 
 the Portuguefes. The whole ifle has no 
 more than feven churches, unto each 
 whereof belong divers confiderable vil- 
 lages : The firil is the City Church, next 
 that called Totlavaly, then Carcel, Erke- 
 lampalti, St. Peter''% church belonging to 
 the lifliermen, Pcixak, and the laft Tclle- 
 nianaar, lying at the furthermofl, and near 
 the fea-fide. 
 
 This ifland was formerly celebrated for 
 the pearl-fijl:eiy, as well as the city of 
 Tutecofyn ; but no pearls h.aving been 
 taken there for thefe ten years laft paft, 
 the inhabitants are reduced to great po- 
 verty -, whereas the fumptuous edifices, 
 churches, and monalteries, with their or- 
 naments, are fufficient tlemonftrations of 
 its former grandeur. 
 
 lii the year 1666. (after my departure,) 
 our company ordered the firft time the 
 
 pearl-fifhery to be renewed again, with no 
 ill fuccefs -, and according to feveral letters 
 I have received from thence, they took a 
 confiderable quantity of pearls the fecond 
 time, in the year 1669. 
 
 The inhabitants of Manaar fpeak, (be- The inha- 
 fides the Malabar) moft generally Porlu- bitanJs of 
 guefe, being long ago converted to the '^^"j^^^J^-^ 
 Chriftian faith -, tor which reafon rhey have portu- 
 fuffered moft cruel perfecutions from the guefe. 
 kings of Jafnapatnam, who bppcized ma- l^erfecu- 
 ny of the new converted Chriftians with p?"-n^ '*'* 
 blood, after they had received the baptifm ,„ Manaar. 
 with water. Many of them f^ed for this 
 reafon to Goa by land, being above a hun- 
 dred leagues, and among them a young 
 gentleman of royal exiraftion, who cm- 
 braced Chriftianity there. 
 
 It was Framifcus Xaverius who convert- 
 ed the inhabitants here, as well as thofe 
 on the cape Comoryn, and the Paruas, as 
 we have told you before in the defcription 
 of the Indian coaft, and in the account of 
 his life. The faid Xaverius eftablifhed 
 among them certain teachers, called Cana- 
 cappels, who were to inlfruft the inhabi- 
 tants in the firft rudiments of the Chriftian 
 religion, as the ten commandments, the 
 creed, our father, &c. which they did 
 with indefatigable care and induftry. 
 Thefe were fticceeded by the jefuits, (called 
 PauHtes here, becaufe they were lent into 
 the Indies by pope Paul III.) who in their 
 way of teaching both the old and young 
 ones, did far exceed the Francifcans, and 
 all other orders among the Romanijls. And 
 I am very free to confefs, that I have fre- 
 quently followed their tboifteps in reform- 
 ing the churches and fchbols in Manaar 
 and fafnafatnam, as fir as they were con- 
 fiftent with our religion, and conlbnant to "''■ 
 
 the genius of thefe nations ; it being ab- What me- 
 folutely neceffary that he who undertakes thod is ♦ 
 this tafk, fhould be well acquainted with n^o'* P"""- 
 the method to be ufed among thefe people conveHion 
 in the infancy of their converfion, intri- of thefe 
 cate queftions and myfteries being more nations, 
 apt to confound, than to inftruft them ; for 
 which reafon it is moft proper to teach, 
 them the naked truth of the gofpel in as !■ 
 
 fev/ points as pofTibly can be done, (the 
 youth being very apt to retain here what 
 they have been told,) to catechife frequent- 
 ly the young ones in the prefence of their 
 
 p.arenrs,
 
 'hap. 44. 
 
 A Defiription of C E 7 L O N. 
 
 709 
 
 parents, thereby to excite in them ;i lau- 
 dable emulation to follow their footftcps. 
 St. Paul liimfelf leads us the way, when 
 he fays, that you miifl: firft lay the founda- 
 tion of the dodtrine of ChrifV, before you 
 can raife the edifice of the church. 
 Ihe caic- It is alfo abfolutcly requifite that the 
 '"'^'" °"" fame catechifm that has been at full intro- 
 
 ntro uce ^^^(^^^}^ ^^iiions the native Chriftians, fhould be 
 
 .mong the . .<^ . ' 
 
 latives, retained without any alteration; which, 
 
 null not as it would over-charge their memory, fo 
 jc altered, it would breed nothing but confufion in- 
 ftead of profit. It was for this reafon, 
 that when, by order from the fupreme ma- 
 giftratcs, the reformation of thcfe chur- 
 ches was committed to my care, I reduced 
 the chief points of the Chriftian doflrine 
 into queftions and anfwers, which were af- 
 terwards introduced into the churches of 
 Jafnapatiiam, Manaar, Gale, Colutnbo, Ne- 
 gmnho, and Mature, and received by the 
 lucceeding minifters, by fpecial command 
 from the general and council of the Indies, 
 and the governor of thefe places ; and were 
 afterwards confirmed by the general aflem- 
 bly of the clergy of Ceylon, held at Cclum- 
 bo, 1659, from the 24th of February till 
 the 3d of March. 
 
 They had had enough of the mifchiefs 
 that enllied upon thefe alterations, intro- 
 duced by new minifters into the ifle of 
 Formofa, who inftead of following the foot- 
 iteps of Robert "Junius and George Candins, 
 (minifters of the gofpel there) would in- 
 troduce certain novelnes. I found it alfo 
 abfokitely nccefiary to have thefe queftions 
 and anfweis put not only in the Portu- 
 giiefe, but alfo in the Malabar tongue, fe- 
 veral copies whereof were fcnt to our bre- 
 thren at Columbo, Gale and Negapatnam. 
 
 It is beyond all difpute that the Loiv 
 Dutch tongue is not lb proper to pi-opa- 
 gate our religion here as the IVIalabar and 
 Portugucfe ; and confequently, that the 
 minifters of the gofpel fent into thofe parts 
 fhould rather apply themfelves to thefe lan- 
 guages, than to impofe their own upon the 
 new converts, which always meets with 
 great difficulty, and cannot be introduced 
 without vaft trouble and charges : befides 
 that, it is much more reafonable one man 
 ftiould accommodate himfelf to many, than 
 thefe to one man. It is further requifite, 
 that as the minifters ought to pay all due 
 refped; to the magiftrates, lb thefe fliould 
 treat them with all imaginable civility and 
 honour, to acquire them the more authority 
 among the natives. 
 I, Manaar The ific of Manaar abounds in fifli to 
 
 has plenty fuch a degree, that the inhabitants here (as 
 of fiCi. well as at Negumbo) dry and fend them into 
 other parts in vaft quantities. They have 
 here a peculiar fifli (properly a fea-calf) of 
 sin amphibious nature ; the females have 
 
 N" 129. Vol. III. 
 
 brcafts, and give fuck; and the flefti, n./VL- 
 
 when well boiled, taftcs not unlike our"''""^- 
 
 fturgeon, and might eafily be miftaken for Y'^^^ 
 •=> ^ o J j^ peculiar 
 
 Vt-;^I- . kind of 
 
 But it is time we pafs the river of Ma-&Sh. 
 mar towards Mantotte. This river is not 
 very deep, nay, on that fide where you 
 come to it over the canal near the caftle, 
 it is fo fliallow, that you may wade through 
 it with eafe, the water fcarcc coming up 
 to your knees, though it is fo broad, that 
 it will take up half an hour before you 
 can pafs it. The country on the other 
 fide is called the country of the ^^^?w«'^J', The conn- 
 under the jurifdidtion of our company ; try of the 
 their churches make up, together withWannias. 
 thofe of Manaar, no lefs than fourteen, 
 and are under the infpedtion of the mini- 
 fter who refides in the ifle of Manaar, and 
 duly vifits them once a month. This 
 country, though it acknowledges the ju- 
 rifdidtion of our company, pays the ufual 
 taxes, furnifhes them with ' elephants, i£c. 
 yet muft they be mildly treated, it being 
 their general maxims, to difoblige neither 
 Raja Singa, nor the company. 
 
 In the year 1658, in the beginning of 
 March, (after the taking of Manaar, and 
 providing it with a good garrifon,) we 
 marched into that country towards Jafna- 
 fatnam. Mantotte begins to the north of 
 the falt-river, near the village of Pcringaly, 
 extending to the fouth along the fea- 
 ihore, as far as the river Aripouture, where 
 Moufilipatie begins, near the village of 
 Aripou, extending ftirther fouthward to 
 the mountains of Condremale, which face 
 the bay, oppofite to the ifle of Calpcntyn, 
 and crofs the country Alantotlc, ftretching 
 to Settecoulang, fix villages whereof belong 
 to Manaar, fix to Jafnapatnam, and five to 
 A'lanlutle. 
 
 Tiie reft of Mantotte and Moufilipatte 
 extends to the eaft to the great foreft, (the 
 boundary of the country on that fide.) 
 Mantotte itfelf has fixty-four villages, Mou- 
 filipatte twenty-four, and that part of Sette- 
 coulang, fix ; amounting in all to eighty- 
 four. All the countries are very fertile, 
 efpecially in rice, which produces a hun- 
 dred-fold crop ; but the worft is, the ele- 
 phants do great mifchief in thofe parts 
 that are not very populous. 
 
 It is very remarkable what John deLucena 
 obferves in the life of Xaverius, viz. that Winter 
 on the cape Comoi-\'n, and all along that'''"'^ '"'"" 
 tradt of the Eaft-'lndics, whilft it is fum-^^"/;'^ j;_ 
 mer and dry feafon on the weft-fide of thcveis parts 
 cape, the winter and rainy feafon appears of Ccj'lon. 
 on the oppofite fide. The fame is to be 
 obfcrved in the ifle of Ceylon ; for whilft 
 the winter continues about Jafnapatnam, 
 the Waymias, and Manaar, during the 
 months of October, November, and Dccem- 
 8 R bcr, ■
 
 A Defcriptm 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 710 
 
 B .. u- her, ic is fummcr in all the other parts. 
 D.«us. On the contrary, in the months o^ April 
 '^^"^^'^ and May, vvhilft it is fummer about Jaf- 
 y.apatr.am, which continues iix or ieven 
 months, it is winter and rainy weather at 
 CoUmbo and Gak, and the countries there- 
 abouts. In the low lands, remote ti om 
 the mountainous parts of Ceylon, there 
 blow only two winds •, but about Cokmho, 
 Gale, and fome other places, you have du- 
 ly a day and night wind, as upon the coaft 
 of Corcimndd. From April till October 
 the wind blows conftantly a brifk gale 
 iVoni the fouth, with a clear air and bright 
 llin-fliinc; as docs the north wind irom 
 l^ovmber till April. In January, February, 
 and March, it is generally very calm, with 
 intolerable heat ; but a dew falls in the 
 night ; which being very unwholefome, the 
 inhabitants return with lun-fet into their 
 houlcs : and were it not for thefe dews, and 
 the flrong winds which cool the air, the 
 heat would be infupportablc here. 
 
 Oar As we marched through the country of 
 
 march Wamiias, we kept a moft exadl difcipline ; 
 
 from Ma- ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ j^g great plenty of provi- 
 
 Jafnapat- ^'°"^» ^^ allowed only a Imall meafure of 
 nam. rice every day to each foldier, rather than 
 incommode the inhabitants ; and finding 
 our forces to be extremely tired by long 
 marches, and confequently uncapable of 
 ingaging with the fame advantage with 
 the enemy, in cafe they (hould be attack'd, 
 it was refolved, inftead of mvching up to 
 the head of the river, through the iandy 
 ground, to pafs the river in boats, though 
 it would require near an hour and a half 
 for every boat to pafs it. 
 Paflage The worft was, that upon our arrival 
 over the on the Other fide of the river, we expefted 
 nvcr. fhe enemy ready to give us a warm recep- 
 tion, becaufe we could not tranfport above 
 two hundred, or at moft three hundred 
 men at once over the river, and that the 
 bank was very muddy ; for I remember 
 that fome years after two elephants palling 
 over to the Jafnapatnam fide, one of them 
 fluck in the mud, and was killed by the 
 inhabitants, nothing being more common 
 than for the elephants to come crofs the ri- 
 ver, to feed upon the fruits of the palm- 
 trees, to come at which they trample the 
 roots of the trees fo long with their feet, 
 till they loofen, and afterwards throw them 
 down with their bodies, and lb eat the fruit. 
 However, the firft troop of our forces got 
 over without any oppofition ; and no foon- 
 er had put themfelves in order of battle, 
 but received intelligence that the enemy 
 were retreated from thence the day before, 
 in order to expeft us at the head fpring of 
 the river. 
 
 After we had tranfported all our forces 
 over the river, the inhabitants treated us 
 
 Chap. 
 
 44^ 
 
 
 n 
 
 Portu- 
 gueles. 
 
 \ 
 
 very civilly, and furniflied us with plenty '^^^e mardi' 
 of provifions and fruits. The firft place '^^''^''''s 
 we came to was the chief church of the |^'^^P'^''i] 
 province of 'Taimarache, called Cbaijagal- 
 ■zcri ; where after we liad refrefhed ourfclves 
 with a good dinner, we marched forward 
 the lame day with two field-pieces to Na- 
 vacouH, (two hours from Jafnapatnam^ 
 where we incamped that night. 
 
 The next day (after morning-prayer) we 
 marched on to the river, where we ex- 
 pected to meet with a vigorous oppofition ; 
 but finding no rcfiftance, we advanced by 
 degrees towards the caftle near the church 
 of Sundecoidi, where in the evening we had 
 a fmart fkirmifli with the Portiiguefes, of 
 whom we killed many upon the fpot, and A (kirmii 
 polled ourfelves that night round about the p"[^ ^^^ 
 before-mentioned church. 
 
 The next following day we advanced to 
 the city ; which being without any forti- 
 fications, we broke through the wall and 
 houfes ; and purfuing the enemy from ftreet 
 to ftreet, under the fxvour of our cannon, 
 which opened us the way, we advanced to- 
 wards the caftle. The 9th of March we 
 made ourfelves mafters of the jefuits church 
 and college at the weft-end of the city, and The city 
 the 18 th following of the church and mo-of Jafna- 
 maftery of the Dominicans on the caft-fide : P^'"^"* 
 which made us give publick thanks to God ^ ' 
 almighty for his bleflings, the text being 
 tiie 7th verfe of the 20 Pfahn. 
 
 The enemy being thus forced to quit 
 their houfes, had no other way left than 
 to retreat to the caftle, which they did in 
 great diforder, many of the inhabitants of 
 the country thronging in among the Por- 
 tuguefes ; fo that the caftle was lb crowded 
 with people that they had not room enough 
 to difpofe them to any advantage. 
 
 But the better to ftraiten the caftle of 
 Jafnapatnam, and take away from the gar- 
 rifon all hopes of relief, it was thought ne- 
 cefllitry to attack a certain out-work, or re- 
 doubt, built upon a fmall ifte in the middle 
 of the river, not far from its entrance, which 
 it commands. This fort was built by An- 
 thonio Amiral de Menefes, and may juftly 
 be called the key of Jafnapatnam ; and if 
 fuch another were made on the point of 
 Calmom, no velTel could approach the caftle 
 without leave. 
 
 Accordingly we detached a good body 
 of men to the ifte of Ourature, in order to 
 attack the fiid fort, in which at that time 
 commanded one Hieronimo de Paiva, with 
 a good garrifon. The ifte of Ourature, 
 (where formerly the Porlugucfes had a caftle, 
 the ruins of which are yet to be feen) lying 
 at fome diftance from this water-fort, we 
 were forced to raife our batteries againft" it 
 upon the ifte of Caradiva : but finding that 
 by reafon of the diftance betwixt us and 
 
 them 
 
 ,/, 
 
 »(«
 
 Chap. 
 
 44. 
 
 A Dcfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 711 
 
 them, and the ftrcngth of the wall, we This letter bcins tnnnatcd into P.r/;/- B a l-^ 
 
 could make no breach in it, it was rclblv'd guefc, was lent into the lort v the com- ^^^ 
 
 to afllnilt the place by the help of certain mandcr whereof rcmcmbnng the old verle, 
 
 vefll'ls provided with breaft-works and can- j j ■ ■ 
 
 non. But before we thought fit to venture Fijlula duke canit, voluam dum deapit 
 
 at fo defperate an attempt, it was refolv'd to niiceps, 
 fend the following fummons to the com- 
 
 mander of the fort. 
 
 rhefort " JT having pleafed Almighty God to 
 Jays fum- " X blefs our arms with fuch fuccefs, that 
 iion'dtoa<« [^ere is no polTibility left for you to re- 
 .urender. ,, ^^^ ^^^ ^^ defend yourfelf againft our at- 
 " racks; it is therefore that we have thought 
 " fit to let you know (as is ufual upon fuch 
 " occafions) that we are come to fummon 
 " the fort of Cays, in the name of the 
 " States general of the United Provinces, of 
 " the governors of the Eqfl-Ifidia compa- 
 " ny, and his excellency John Maatzuyker 
 " governcr-general, and the council oj- the 
 " Indies; as by thefe prefents I fummon 
 " the liud fort, not queftioning but that 
 " after you have given fufficient proofs of 
 " your courage, you will now confider 
 " how unable you are to refift our force. 
 " Do not therefore obflinately refift God's 
 " will, and our ftrength, fince we offer 
 " you fuch conditions as are generally al- 
 " lowed to brave foldiers. But in cafe you 
 " will be obflinate in making trial of our 
 " ftrength, we proteft before God and the 
 " chriftian world, that we are innocent of 
 " all the fliral confcqnences and miferies 
 " that are likely to befall you •, being re- 
 " folved on our fide, (if God grants us vic- 
 " tory) to treat you after the fevcreft man- 
 " ner, according to the cuftom of war, 
 " and not to hearken to any conditions. 
 " You have given fufficient proofs of your 
 *' courage to admiration ; it is time there- 
 " fore you fhould now ad with prudence, 
 " and confult your fafety. "We expedl 
 *' your pofitive anfwer within three hours 
 *' by the bearer of this, or whom your ex- 
 *' cellency fhall think fit to fend to us, 
 " who fhall return fafely upon our word 
 " and honour: fubfcribing my felf (as 
 *' you think fit) either your friend or 
 " enemy," 
 
 fent the following anfwer. 
 
 From the camp, 
 10 Apr. 1658. 
 
 " '-p'lIAT the fort belonging to nobo- The an- 
 " X dy but to the king of Por/z/g-^/fwertlicrc- 
 " his mafter, he was obligeii to maintain "Po"- 
 " the fmic ibr his majcily till the laft drop 
 " of his blood. That he could do no more 
 " than what pleafed God to permit him ; 
 " but neither he nor his men were to be 
 " terrified by threats. 
 
 This bold anfwer made us diink of no- 
 thing clfe but force •, fo that wc were prepa- 
 ring every thing for an afiiiult; which would 
 have coll us many a brave fellow, had not the 
 want of frefh water in the fort oblig'd them 
 to come to a capitulation. For having no 
 other frefh water in the fort, but what was 
 preferved in a large wooden cittern, part 
 whereof was taken away by the fhips, that 
 tranfported fome women of quality with 
 their riches from Jafnapalnan to Negapat- 
 vam, and the reft being fpoiled by our 
 bombs, they were glad to accept of fuch ar- 
 ticles as we were willing to give them, TJie fort 
 which however were very honourable, the '^^^'^ *''' 
 foldiers being allowed to march out with 
 all the marks of honour, and to be tranf- 
 ported into Europe. The commander, who 
 had a wife and children, was permitted to 
 go to the Indian coaft, or that of Ccro- 
 mandcl. The 28th of ylpril I preach'd the 
 thankfglving fermon for this furrender, up- 
 on the text out of the 48 th Pfalm, wr.8. 
 Upon this occafion captain Cornelius Rob, 
 the younger, (who died two years after at 
 Amjlerdam,) captain Peter Wafch, (who was 
 kill'd afterwards before Cochin^ and Mr. 
 Van der Rheedc, gave moft fignal proofs of 
 their courage. Since that time divers 
 vaults for frefh water have been made in 
 this fort, and in Manaar. 
 
 The admiral and ge- 
 neral of the Butch 
 forces both by fea 
 and land. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 •II 
 
 A Defcriptm of CEYLON. 
 
 Chap. 45. 
 
 ( 
 
 Bal 
 
 D Jt \li 
 
 CHAP. XLV. 
 
 ^^^^^^^ Continuation of the ficge of Jafnapatnam. Sea- fight before Goa. Divers 
 engagements betwixt the Dutch a72d Portuguefes. Jafnapatnam furrendered. 
 Some Portuguefes living among the Hollanders there, plot againjl them : Are 
 betrayed by a Topas. TIjc provinces and churches of Jafnapatnam. 
 
 StrengthofT> UT it is time to return to the caftle 
 
 the cartlc JLJ of Jafnapatnam, which being built 
 
 of Jafna- ypop ^ rock, and furrounded with a ftrong 
 
 patnam. ^^.j^j^ ^,^j]^ fcemed to defy both our mines 
 
 and cannon, efpecially fince we were not 
 
 Jo well provided with gun-powder as we 
 
 ftiould have been; wherefore we thought 
 
 it our fafcft way to exped that from time, 
 
 which force was not likely to procure, re- 
 
 folving in tlie mean while to annoy the 
 
 enemy as much as pofTibly we could with 
 
 our bombs, v.'hich killed them abundance 
 
 of men. 
 
 ThePor- The enemy finding themfelves in a little 
 
 tuguefes tJnie reduced to great ftraits, fent cut di- 
 
 endeavour ^^^^ j^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^g ^^^^ pTOvifions 
 
 fetch'pro° ^'■0'" "^he iflands, but were always forced 
 vifions. to return without fuccefs. Upon this oc- 
 cafion 7'shrand Gotskms born at the Hague, 
 then diredlor of the company in Vefia, 
 and Barcnt Clcbcnt, then a lieutenant, 
 fince a captain at Jafnapatnam, behaved 
 themfelves bravely, being both wound- 
 ed, one near the mouth, the other in the 
 knee. 
 A Topas The Portuguefes in the mean while living 
 comes over jpj j-^opes of fuccours from Goa, fent a letter 
 a°letter' ^^ ^ certain Topas from 'trihquenemak, na- 
 med Ignatio Feras, to their admiral; but 
 this Negro coriiing over to us with the let- 
 ter, we fent a good body of our befl. forces 
 to prevent their landing, but we heard of 
 none. 
 The Ou the other hand, we received the joy- 
 
 Dutch ful news, that commodore Adrian Roo- 
 worftthe /^^^^j had, March 2','. in an engagement 
 ^''" , with the Portuguefes near Goa, burnt one of 
 fea. their biggefl galleons, called the St. Tho- 
 
 mas, and had fo diiabled the reft, that 
 they had but little hopes left of relieving 
 Jafnapatnam. For which viftory we gave 
 publick thanks to God the 2 6ch of A'lay 
 1658. The text was taken out of Exo- 
 dus XV. 9. 
 Several fea About the fame time I received a letter 
 engage- from the reverend Theodoro Sas, (fince mi- 
 mentsbe- ^^■^^^^. ^^ Malacca,) then in the Dutch fleet 
 them. before Goa, intimating. That the 20th of 
 January in the fame year 1658. the Por- 
 tuguefes attacked us with ten galleons and 
 fome frigats: the engagement lafl:ed till 
 night, without any confiderable damage on 
 our fide. That on the 27 th and 29 th of 
 the fame month, another combat en- 
 
 fued, without any great lofs on both 
 fides. The 3d of February the enemy at- 
 tacked us once more-, but were chafed un- 
 der their caftle. In all thefe three en- 
 gagements the Dutch had no more than 
 nine men killed, and a few wounded. The 
 letter was dated aboard the Phenix, crui- 
 fing before the bar of Goa, February 11. 
 1658. 
 
 In the mean while our forces having 
 fo clofely furrounded the caftle of Jafna- 
 patnam with their lines and works, that 
 they could not ftir even with the leafl: 
 boat, without being taken or funk; and 
 being now deftitute of all hopes of relief, 
 they hung oirt the white flag the 21ft ofjafnapat- 
 June on the fouth-eaft baftion. The ca- "^"' '"'■- 
 pitulation was agreed upon the next fol- '■^"°^''^"' 
 lowing day, upon thefe conditions : That The con- ' 
 the garrifon fhould march out with their ditions. 
 arms, colours flying, drums beating, ^c. 
 and take along with them one piece of 
 cannon, and to be tranfported to Europe: 
 the head-officers fhall be civilly treated, 
 and to be coixlufted to one or other of 
 their forts, and the ecclcfiafticks to the 
 coaft of Ccromandel. All gold, filver, 
 and other precious moveables, fhall be 
 left to the difpofal of the conquerors ; the 
 inhabitants fliall likewife be tranfported to 
 what part of the Indies they like beft, mofl 
 of whom went afterwards by the way of 
 Malacca to Batavia. 
 
 Accordingly John de Melo, Leonardo They 
 d'Oliveira, Viador de Fazendas, and y^«//&<7-marchoui 
 7710 Mendes d'Aranha, marched out of the 
 caftle with the reft of the head-officers, 
 Rodrigo Boralho delivering the keys at the 
 fmie time to major John 'van der Laan; but 
 they were fo weak, that they did not think 
 fit to carry along with them their piece of 
 cannon, though they fpent two whole days 
 in marching out. A confiderable num- 
 ber of foldiers laid down their arms and 
 colours before the ftandard of the compa- 
 ny, as did many of the inhabitant?, (among 
 whom was Cafpar Figeiro, the fcourge of 
 the Cingalefes,) with their wives and chil- 
 dren, Negroes, forty or fifty ecclcfiafticks, 
 Francifcans, Jefuits, and Dojninicans ; not- 
 withftanding that during the fiege (which 
 lafted three months and a half) they had 
 loft near one thoufand fix hundred men by 
 the fword and mortality. 
 
 Imme- 
 
 ISt 

 
 ;ihap. 48. 
 
 A Defcri^tm 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 72.5 
 
 ply themfelves to the law -, and in the 
 high court of jiiftice, compofcd of Hol- 
 landers and Indians, was fet always (be- 
 fides the Modeliars) a certain perfon well 
 verfed in the laws and conllitutions ot 
 his native country. They have alio their 
 advocates, who make very long fpeeches 
 in their pleadings. 
 Their Neither are they deftitute of phyficians, 
 
 hyficians. fuch as they are ; for, to fpeak truth, they 
 are no more than empyricks, who praiffife 
 according to certain books and traditions, 
 tranfmitted to them by their anceftors, 
 and confirmed to them by their own ex- 
 perience. They know not what anato- 
 my is, and very little of the nature of 
 purging medicines, which are not often 
 ufed in this hot climate : however, when 
 a purge is to be given, (whether a po- 
 tion or pills,) the compofition is always 
 made of frelh herbs ; and if it works 
 too ftrong, they mix fome powdered pep- 
 per with water, and apply it to the na- 
 vel in the nature of an ointment. I can 
 tell it, by my own experience. That it is a 
 good remedy againft the belly-ach and 
 loofenefs. 
 
 They have alfo good (lore of furgeons 
 and barbers ; the laft carry always a fmall 
 looking-glafs along with them, their rafors 
 
 Surgeons 
 and bar- 
 bers. 
 
 Shiga bent his thoughts upon Batecalo,^'^^- 
 or, as. fome will have it, upon Maiecalo. /^^JJj 
 'Trinquenemak has a moft excellent har- ^"^ 
 bour, (as you may fee by the drauglu,) 
 nay, to fpeak the trutli, the beft and lar- 
 gcft in the whole ifle of Ceylon, there be- 
 ing more iecure riding at anchor here, than 
 in the harbours of Belligamme, Gale, or 
 Columho. 
 
 This place was feveral times relinquilh- Trmque- 
 ed, and rebuilt by our company, efpecial- 
 ly during our war with the Englijh, it be- 
 ing not thought convenient to leave fo 
 good a harbour, and fo conveniently feat- 
 ed for the interrupting all correfpondence 
 betwixt foreigners and Raja Singe, to the 
 difcretion of an enemy ; though the re- 
 pairing of it, (during my Hay in Cey- 
 lon,) under captain Peter IVafch, coft us 
 abundance of people, that were fv/ept 
 away by a phrenfical diftemper, which 
 made them drown themfelves in the fea. 
 Some of their bodies being opened, cer- 
 tain worms were found in the fubftance 
 of the brains, occafioned, queftionlefs, by 
 the violence of the heat, the continual 
 labour, watching, and the feeding upon 
 falt-provifions, but more efpecially by 
 the cold night-fogs. After which time Strength- 
 it was itrengthened v/ith fome additional ^"^'^ ^^"'' 
 
 additional 
 
 are thicker on the back than ours -, they fortifications, as appears by captain Pe- r !-^' 
 
 Weavers. 
 
 Painters. 
 
 I Other 
 handi- 
 craftfnnen. 
 
 not only fhave your beard and head, but 
 alfo pare your hand and toe-nails, and 
 cleanfe your ears. 
 
 Weavers are here in abundance. Thefe 
 fit flat upon the ground, their feet being 
 placed in a hole dug for that purpofe, 
 whilfh they are at work. 
 
 Collico-printers, or painters, are num- 
 berlefs here, who have a way of preparing 
 their colours, that they never go out by 
 wafhing, though thofe printed at Jafna- 
 fafnayn are not near fo good as thofe of 
 the coaft of Coromandel, and efpecially 
 thofe done at Mafulipatan. 
 
 They are excellent workmen in ivory 
 and ebony- wood, as like wife in gold and 
 filver, and will come _ with their tools 
 (which are but few) to work in the houfes 
 of the Dutch. They are exaftly well ver- 
 fed in the elTaying of gold. 
 
 They are as well provided with fmiths, 
 carpenters, and bricklayers, as moft places 
 in Europe, though a carpenter or brick- 
 layer gets not above five or fix pence a- 
 day. 
 
 Having thus given you a full account 
 of the kingdom of Jafnafatnam, we will 
 now go from thence along the fea-fhore 
 to 'Trinquenemak, taken 1639. by Mr. 
 Anthony Caan ; which might have been 
 done before., whilft Mr. Adam IVeJier- 
 wold was in Ceylon, (there being no more 
 than fifty men in garrifon,) had not Raja 
 
 ter du Pon's letter, dated the 5th of Oc- tions. 
 tober 1667. from Macajfar in the ifle of 
 Celebes. 
 
 I 
 
 N' 
 
 132. 
 
 Vol. IU. 
 
 Was once more ordered to fail 
 with fome forces to Trinquenemak, 
 " to take once more poflTeJlion of that 
 " harbour and bay for our company, 
 " which I did accordingly with good 
 " fuccefs ; and having refortify'd the 
 " place with four baftions, and reduced 
 " the circumjacent inhabitants to our fub- 
 " jeftion, I left a fufficicnt garrifon there, 
 " and fo returned to Columbo." 
 
 From Trinqueneynale you travel by the 
 way of Capello to Batecalo, the firft place 
 conquered by the Dutch in this iiland, 
 whereot we have given you the beft ac- 
 count we were able, not queftioning but 
 that in cafe we fhould once live in peace 
 with the king of Candy, (who is very 
 old, almoft doating, and much addicted 
 to ftrong liquor,) our countrymen will be 
 much better acquainted with the inland 
 countries, than they have been hitherto. 
 
 According to the laft letter I received from 
 Tutecoryn, dated December 20. 1668. there 
 had been lately an infurrcftion in the ifle of 
 Ceylon, fo that they were forced to draw their 
 forces together out oiSaffragamme and Man- 
 nekezvarre; but was appeafed fincc, though 
 the forces were not as yet difmifled. 
 
 8 X CHAP.
 
 7i<^ 
 
 A Defcriptm 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 49. 
 
 Ba t- 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. 
 
 The city 
 of Candy 
 
 Natural bijlon .y Ceylon, rkir Pagod 
 
 and (economy oj 
 
 H-WING hitherto taken a view of 
 \hole places of Ceylon that are under 
 the iurifdiaion of the Dutch company, 
 we will now take a turn to Candy, the 
 imperial refidence, as the moil proper 
 place to be informed concerning the real 
 conftitution of this iOe and its inhabi- 
 tants. , . 
 
 The city of Candy is feated about thir- 
 ty leagues from the fea-fide, and nine 
 from Vintane up the river of Trinquene- 
 inale, about twenty-one leagues by land 
 from Matecalo, and nine from the fea- 
 niore, where the emperor has -his docks 
 for building and refitting his fliips and gal- 
 lies. The other cities of Ceylon being not 
 defcribed in any books, we muft alfo pafs 
 by in filence here. All over the iQe you 
 fee abundance of very fplendid Pagodes. 
 The foundation of that of Vir.tane has no 
 lefs than one hundred and thirty foot in 
 circumference •, it is of a great height, 
 and gilt on the top ■, it is oval on the bot- 
 tom, and arifes into a four corner'd point 
 like a pyramid. The Great Pagode be- 
 twixt Gale and Matecalo is alfo much cele- 
 brated, ferving for a light-houfe to fliips 
 as well as that of Trinquenemale. In the 
 laro-e high Pagcde before mentioned ftands 
 an idol reprefcnting a man with a naked 
 fword in his hand, lifting up his arm, as 
 if he were ready to ftrike. To this idol 
 the Cingalefes pay their reverence, and otter 
 their facri.'ices upon all emergencies, or 
 in time of ficknefs •, for which reafon 
 they keep a basket in every houfe, where- 
 in they gather fuch provifions as they 
 are to facrifice. They believe that the 
 world will not have an end fo long as 
 that Pagode ftands. Some worfhip an 
 Elephant's Head of wood or ftone, to ob- 
 And idols, tain v/ifdom. They adorn their idols 
 with flowers. Thefe elephants heads are 
 placed fometimes on trees in the high- 
 ways, fometimes in little brick houfes or 
 chapels. You fee alfo frequently in the 
 high road certnin heaps of ftones, earth, 
 or dung, upon which each paflenger 
 throws fomething as he pafles by. 
 
 Juft by Belligamme I faw the figure of 
 a man, at leaft fix yards high, cut in a 
 rock about half a yard deep, who ufed to 
 be worfliiped by the Cingalefes. 
 
 Near it is a high-peaked mountain, ac- 
 counted the higheft in the Indies., called 
 Pica de Adam., or Adam's Peak ; becaufe 
 they are of opinion, that here ftood for- 
 
 Their 
 temples. 
 
 Adam's 
 mountain 
 
 es, Convents, Monks, Manners, Uabity 
 the Cingalefes. 
 
 .merly the paradife, where Adam was cre- 
 ated. They alfo tell you, that the print 
 of the foot of Adam is to be feen to this 
 day in the rock, the draught whereof is 
 kept in the imperial court. Unto this 
 rock a vafl: number of people flock from 
 far diftant places, to fee this facred re- 
 lick, though the mountain is of very diffi- 
 cult accefs, nay, (if we may credit Maffaus 
 the jefuit) quite inaccefl"ible, unlcfs by means 
 of certain iron chains and iron fpikes 
 faflrened to the rocks. 
 
 Some are of opinion that they reve^ 
 rence the chamberlain of the queen Can- 
 dace in this place ; who, according to 
 fome hiflrorians, but efpecially Dorothaus, 
 bifhop of Tyrus, (a man equally famous 
 for his learning and fanftity under Con- 
 Jlantine the great, ) preached the gofpel 
 in the Happy Arabia, Erythr^a and 'Ta- 
 probana. 
 
 There are alfo divers convents in Cey- Convents 
 
 Ion, and a s;reat number oi Brahmans and^f^"°," * 
 ? n t ■ ■ '5' Ceylon, 
 
 prienis, who are in great veneration a- 
 
 mong the common people : they never 
 eat any thing that has been living, or is 
 capable of producing any living fubfl:ance, 
 as eggs, &c. Their friers wear yellow 
 habits, with their heads fliaven all over, 
 for which reafon they never appear in 
 the ftreets without umbrello's, and beads 
 in their hands, muttering out certain 
 prayers as they go along. Their con- 
 vents have divers galleries and chapels, 
 wherein are placed the fl:aaies of feve- 
 ral men and women, who, as they fay, 
 have led holy lives. Thefe are adorn- 
 ed with gold and filver apparel, and 
 attended with burning lamps and wax- 
 candles day and night, placed upon al- 
 tars, the clandefticks being fupported by 
 naked boys artificially carved. The fri- 
 ers have their certain hours for prayers, 
 which they perform in thefe chapels. 
 
 They have alfo their publick proccf- TheJrpro. 
 fions : the head or abbot of the convent "^^^o"'- 
 being mounted on a fine elephant, fump- 
 tuoufly harnelTed with an umbrello over 
 his head, marches along the ftreet in great 
 pomp, under the found of horns, trum- 
 pets, and other fuch fort of mufick, ma- 
 king an odd kind of harmony, accom- 
 pany'd by a great number of men, women, 
 and children •, the maidens of quality dance 
 all along before the elephant naked down 
 to the middle, their heads, arms, and ears 
 adorned with golden bracelets and jewels i 
 
 'the 
 
 I
 
 =^i 
 
 £-1 
 
 
 '^'^ii§i-;^'ft"'-iifj,!; 
 
 ■K 
 
 
 
 >? ■ ?-Si . 
 
 X
 
 Chap. 49. 
 
 A Dcfcrtptton 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 7^7 
 
 the garments which cover their under parts 
 are ot different colours. They pay their 
 daily devotions to a certain idol called 
 Sambaja^ by proftrating themfelves upon 
 the ground, and afterwards clalping their 
 hands together over their heads. But con- 
 cerning the religious worfliip ot the Cin- 
 galefes we fhall have occafion to lay more 
 in the following treatife, which in effecfl 
 differs very little from the Malabars and 
 thofe of Coromandel, ex'cept that they arc 
 not altogether fuch bigots, the emperor 
 of Ceylon allowing liberty of confcience to 
 all nations. The Cingalefes are not fo ftub- 
 born, but that many of them have been, 
 without much difficulty, converted to the 
 Roman faith, and fince that to the reform- 
 ed rehgion. 
 The ge- For the reff, the Cingalefes are naturally 
 nius of the aftive and ingenious , and good work- 
 .Cingale- ^^^^ j^ gold, filvcr, ivory, ebony, iron- 
 works, i^c. arms inlaid with filver ; elo- 
 quent, nimble, courageous, fit for warlike 
 exploits ; fober and watchful. They march 
 one fingle man after another, by reafon of 
 the many narrow lanes in this country ; 
 their arms are a half pike ; their drums are 
 fmall, but make a great noife, which may 
 be heard at three leagues diftance in the 
 mountains ; they are beft in the purfuit of 
 a routed enemy. Since they have convcr- 
 fed fo much with the Porltiguefes and other 
 European nations, they arc grown fo cun- 
 ning that they muft not be too much truft- 
 ed, nor defpifed. 
 
 Incefl is fo common a vice among them, 
 that when husbands have occafion to leave 
 their wives for fome time, they recom- 
 mend the conjugal duty to be performed 
 by their own brothers. I remember a cer- 
 tain woman at Gale^ who had confidence 
 enough to complain of the want of duty 
 in her husband's brother upon that account. 
 The like happened in my time at Jafna- 
 patnam ; which had been likely to be pu- 
 nifhed with death, had not, at my inter- 
 cedion, and in regard of tlie tender begin- 
 nings of chriftianity, the fame been paffed 
 by for that time. 
 
 The Cingalefes are in fliape and manners 
 not unlike the Malabars^ with long hang- 
 ing ears, but not fo black. The drefs of 
 the men is a veft, called Ropillo, of woollen 
 or linen cloth -, their under garment is a 
 piece of linen wrapped about the middle. 
 
 ["he ha- 
 ■its. 
 
 and drawn through both their legs, like a B * >•- 
 pair of breeches. On their heads they l~^r-^ 
 wear a kind of red caps, fuch as we call 
 rock-caps, which they look upon as a 
 fingular ornament ; and in their ears 
 rings and precious Hones. The hilts of 
 their fwords or fcymetars are commonly 
 of filver, ivory, or gold, with flaming 
 blades. 
 
 The common people appear for the 
 moll part naked, having only a piece of 
 cloth wrapped round the middle to cover 
 their privy parts. The women go witli 
 their brealls uncovered, being generally 
 well limbed. Inftead of a head-drefs, they 
 have a way of tying their hair together 
 like a cap : they wear golden or filver 
 necklaces about their necks, and rings on 
 their fingers and toes. 
 
 The Cingalefes, as well as the Malabars, 
 are much aildidted to idlenefs and plea- 
 furcs, and infift much upon their pedi- 
 gree : they marry as many wives as they 
 think fit, as well as the Mahometans, of 
 which there live a confidcrable number in 
 this ille : they marry their daughters at ten 
 or eleven years of age, a cufiiom not to be 
 rooted out among them, they being very 
 fond of the virginity of their wives. They 
 bury their dead after the manner of the 
 pagans. 
 
 In their houfes they are exceflive neat ; Their 
 and ufe inftead of trenchers and table- ceconomy. 
 cloths the leaves of fig-trees ; their fpoons 
 are made of coco-nutfliells, and their drink- 
 ing veffels of earth, with hollow pipes, 
 through which they pour (like the Moors) 
 the drink into the mouth, without touch- 
 ing their lips ; for as the Cingalefes and 
 Malabars infift much upon their noble de- 
 fcent, fo they will neither eat nor drink 
 with thofe of an inferior rank, nay, many 
 of them are fo proud, as not to eat with 
 their own wives. 
 
 The moft current coin here are the fil- Th<-!r 
 ver Laryns, each whereof is worth about coin. 
 ten pence •, a Fanam is only five pence, 
 though they have golden and filver Fa- 
 nams ; a Pagode was formerly no more than 
 eighty-four ftivers, but is fince raifed to an 
 hundred and twenty, or fix Butch guilders ; 
 as well in Ceylon as Malabar, two golden 
 Fanams, at five-pence a piece, make a 
 Laryn. 
 
 C H A P.
 
 7i8 
 
 A Dejiriptm of CEYLO N. 
 
 Chap. 5a' 1 
 
 Fertility of Ceylon. 
 
 C H A P. L. 
 
 A Dcfcription of the cinnamon and fnakeioood. A 
 Jlrange tree. 
 
 Fertility '-|-^ H E i.le of Ceylon is very fertile in 
 of Ce>lon. I ^j^,^^ jj^j 3I1 f-Q^s of fruits, as ananas, 
 cocos, the bcft oranges, lemons, and ci- 
 trons, exceeding by far thofe of Spain and 
 Portugal; fig-trees, cajouves, grapes, po- 
 tatoes, quiavos, papajes, and pomgranatcs. 
 You have here frefh grapes the whole year 
 round, except in the three winter or rainy 
 months. It abounds alfo in fugar-reeds, 
 and mulberry-trees, which produce a good 
 quantity of filk ; as in ginger, pepper, 
 cardamum, tobacco, wild palm-trees, af- 
 fording vail- quantities of a kind of fugar, 
 and the juice called %t/, their ordinary 
 drink : they are ftored alfo with calabafs- 
 trees, cotton-trees, areek-trees, Portuguefe 
 figs, mangos of divers forts, long pepper, 
 melons, water-melons, onions, and garlick. 
 Since the fettling of the Dutch here, they 
 have alfo propagated, with good fuccefs, 
 cabbages, afparagus, carrots, and radifhes: 
 but the Helen, or the bride, in conteft of 
 this ifle, is the fineft and pureft cinnamon, 
 which growing only in this ifland, no 
 wonder if we have difputed the intire pof- 
 fcuTion thereof for fo many years with the 
 Portuguefes. 
 A defciip- This precious fpice is called by the 
 uonoi^\^tQ-jj^^l^p^ Cuj-eneo Potto, and the tree 
 and"!jve°"' Curindo Gds, ibrne of which are of a great 
 tree. bulk, their leaves refembling thofe ot the 
 lemon-trees, but not quite fo broad •, the 
 blofTom is whit.', and of an agreeable fcent, 
 which produces a yellowifh fruit, not un- 
 like a fmall olive •, out of which the inha- 
 bitants prcfs an oil, not much differing 
 both in colour and virtue from that of 
 nutmegs, but in fmell like the cinnamon 
 irf^'lf. 
 
 The cinnamon-trcc has a double bark, 
 the outward bark being taken off with a 
 crooked knife ; the inward rind is cut with 
 a knife, firft round the tree, and then in 
 kngtii, which being expofed to the fun- 
 beams in the fields, fhrinks together into 
 luch fmall rolls as we fee them in Europe. 
 The trees that are thus peeled, perifh, 
 infbead whereof the fruits that fall upon 
 the ground produce other cinnamon-trees, 
 'i'he wood is very v/hite, and ufed by the 
 inhabit.mts for building. It is obfervable, 
 that thefe cinnamon-trees do not grow all 
 over Ceylon, but only in fome certain 
 places ; for in the whole kingdom of Jaf- 
 nafatnam, and the ifle of Manao.r, none 
 of thefe trees are to be feen, but only be- 
 yond the river Chilau, in the country about 
 2 
 
 Negumbo, and the inland countries, as like- 
 wile near Gale. Thefe trees feldom grow 
 together, but are generally feen in woods 
 mixed with other trees. Whilft I was mi- 
 nifter at Gale, fome of m.y flaves ufed now 
 and then to bring fome cinnamon-wood 
 among the reft into the kitchen, which 
 when put into the fire, emitted a very 
 odoriferous fcent. 
 
 It is further worth taking notice of, that 
 whereas according to the judgment of the 
 naturalifts and phyficians, the cinnamon is 
 very hot, yet does the root of the tree 
 produce not only a water fmelling exaftly 
 like camphire, but alfo the ftrongeft- 
 fcented camphire itfelf. I have feveral 
 pieces of it, which fmell fo ftrong, that I 
 am fcarce able to endure it. Out of the 
 cinnamon-wood, whilft yet green, they 
 diftil a water of an agreeable fmell, and 
 very wholefome to our bodies. The na- 
 tives make out of the outward bark of 
 thefe trees curious cabinets : I have fuch a 
 one by me of a confiderable bignefs, which 
 was prefented me by major Peter du Pofiy 
 1665. juft upon my departure from Ceylon. 
 
 The Eajl-Indies produce three different Three 
 forts of cinnamon ; i . Is the fineft cinna- forts of 
 mon, called Canel Fino by the Portuguefes, cinnamoD,' 
 being the fame that is taken from very 
 young, or at leaft not very old trees. 
 2. The coarfe cinnamon, called Canel Grojfo 
 by the Portuguefes, taken from very thick 
 and old trees. And, 3. The Canel de 
 Mato, or wild cinnamon, which grows 
 likewife on the coaft of Malabar, but is 
 in no efteem •, for whereas a Baar of Cey- 
 lonefe cinnamon is fold for fifty or fixty 
 rixdollars, the wild cinnamon yields not 
 above ten or twelve. Though I have 
 heard fome of the moft ingenious of the 
 natives affirm, I'hat the wild cinnamon 
 might be much meliorated, and made fit 
 for life. The Dutch company is now, 
 through God's bleffing, in the poffeffion 
 of the cinnamon of all kinds, as likewife 
 of all the fpices, ^7z. of the nutmegs, 
 mace, and cloves, except the pepper, 
 which grows in feveral places. 
 
 The Snakewood, or Lignum Colubrinum, ^^^ 
 grows moft frequently in the ifle ot Cey- ^^^^_ 
 Ion : it is white, inclining to yellow, very 
 hard, and of a bitter tafte ; it is in great 
 requeft among the Indians, and accounted 
 a good remedy againft feveral diftempers : 
 they powder it, and rub the whole bodjr 
 with it to cure the itch : they alfo take an 
 
 ounce 
 
 T
 
 iJlann 
 
 er- 
 
 ^^„ .jiimiAu«v<« 
 
 ^■7 2.S- 
 
 Cina/\ 
 
 mon,,^ 
 
 ._^:v 
 
 ^'3S 
 
 
 I '- 
 
 :^\ 

 
 
 h
 
 '.HAP. 5E, 
 
 A Delcri^tion 0/ C E Y L O N. 
 
 719 
 
 ufe a- 
 
 .r,g the 
 iuns. 
 
 jw firft 
 covered, 
 
 itipathy 
 ;wixt 
 :Quir- 
 ,e and 
 : fer- 
 
 ounce of powder'J Snakewood in water or 
 vvii-.e againft the cholick, burning fevers, 
 and other diftempers, but efpecially againft 
 the ftings of the fcrpents, of which there 
 are many in this ifland. 
 
 The Cingakfi naturaHfts fiy. That the 
 virtue of the Snakewood was firft difcovcr'd 
 by a certain fmali creature call'd ^//, or 
 ^iirpelt\ by the Portuguefis, being of tiie 
 bjgnefs ot our ferrets, wherewith we catch 
 the rabbits. Of this kind the Indiain 
 keep many in their houfes, partly for fport, 
 partly to catch rats and mice with. This 
 creature having a natural antipathy againft 
 the fnakes and ferpents, whenever it is 
 ftung by them runs to the Snakewood, and 
 after having eaten of it, is cured of its 
 wound. Mar eel! us de Bofchhozver, a pcrfon 
 in great efteem in Ceylon, relates. That he 
 has feveral times feen this ^drpele engaged 
 with fnakes, and amongft the reft, one that 
 vanquiftied a ferpent ; but being wounded, 
 run to the next wood, and having eaten 
 Ibme of this Snakewood, returned in half 
 an hour to the place, where its vanquifhed 
 enemy lay extended dead upon the ground. 
 
 The Cingahfes call the root of this tree B a i,- 
 Nay Lelli, unto which they attribute a'''*^'^- 
 Angular virtue for the cure of divers di- ""''V'^ 
 ftenipers. 
 
 There grows a ftrange tree in the ifle of 
 Ceylon, called tiie Root-Tree, becaufc lis 
 branches turn to tlie ground like ropes ; 
 where taking root again, they produce a 
 tree tliat fpreads in a fhort time over a 
 fpacious traft of ground. Ceylon produces 
 alfo tamerind-trees of a confiderable bulk, 
 the fruit whereof is accounted an excellent 
 remedy againft the fcurvy and droply. 
 There grows another tree in Ceylon like our 
 Noli me tangere ; for if you go to touch it, 
 it moves backwards, and gives way to your 
 hand. 
 
 For the reft, Ceylon is fufTicicntly pro- 
 vided with medicinal herbs, and they euro- 
 all their diftempers with green herbs, in the 
 ufe whereof their phyficians are better vers'd, 
 (by experience,) than many of our pretend- 
 ing furgeons, God Almighty having pro- 
 vided remedies fuitable to the diftempers 
 of each country. 
 
 CHAP. LI. 
 
 Great mimher of elephants in Ceylon: Are very pernicious: Divers injlances of 
 it. How they take the elephants. Their bafflers, tygers, bears, birds, Jijhes, 
 crocodiles, and porcupines ^ or fea-hogs. ' 
 
 THE ifle of Ceylon abounds in all forts 
 of four-legged creatures, birds, fifhes, 
 ftones, and certain produfls of the fea, of 
 each whereof we muft fay fomething. 
 ephants Among the four-legg'd beafts, the ele- 
 Ceylon. ph^nt challenges the lirft rank : of thefe 
 there are great numbers here ; and fo per- 
 nicious, that it is not fafe travelling with- 
 out fome foldiers with their drums and ket- 
 tles, the noife whereof frightens thefe crea- 
 tures : they are moft dangerous towards even- 
 ing when they are hungry •, for the Coelys, 
 or littermen often run away at the fight of 
 an elephant, leaving thofe they carry to fhift 
 for themfelves. 
 
 I remember that in my time, a Portu- 
 guefe reformed minifter, named John Fe- 
 reira d'Almeyda, travelling with his wife 
 from Gale to Columbo, the litter-carriers 
 (according to their cuftom) ran away at the 
 light of an elephant ; who did, however, 
 not the leaft harm, but laying his trunk 
 upon the woman's Palankin, or litter, went 
 away : but things of that nature happen not 
 always alike. 
 
 I obferved once as I was travelling from 
 
 Manaar to Jafnapatnam, that the elephants 
 
 had done confiderable mifchief hereabouts; 
 
 and during the rainy feafon had rendred 
 
 . Vol. III. 
 
 the ways almoft unpaflable. We had the 
 good fortune to efcape narrowly tiie danger 
 of an elephant who kill'd a certain negro, 
 one of the commanders of the elephant 
 hunters, in a place we had pafs'd not long 
 before. 
 
 At Mature are vaft ftables, where the How they 
 wild elephants are tamed, and afterwards take and 
 fold to the Moors of Bengale and Coroman- "'"^ '''^ 
 del. They take the elephants near A/«/«7-^ ^'^P''^""* 
 in the following manner: they fix abun- 
 dance of large ftakes or trunks of trees in 
 the ground, ib as to leave the entrance wide 
 enough, buc growing narrower within by 
 degrees; in thefe they have certain traps, 
 and the wild elephants being decoyed by 
 the tame ones into thefe enclofurcs, are 
 catched in the traps, or fnares, like as we 
 do in our decoying ponds. They are very 
 hard to be tamed, and require fometimes 
 four whole months before they can be 
 brought to lie down : all this while they 
 muft be carried twice a day to fome river 
 or other to fwim. This is done by putting 
 a wild elephant betwixt two tame ones, 
 who take fuch care of the other, that they 
 hie him from both fides with their trunks, 
 till they make him pliable, and at bft quite 
 tame. 
 
 8 Y V It
 
 7^^ 
 
 Bal- 
 
 D.t V S. 
 
 J Defcription of C E Y L O N. 
 
 Chap. 51 J 
 
 It often happens that the young elephants 
 arc taken in tollowing the olti ones. Thefe 
 are very unlucky: I remember, that one 
 time as icveral of us were talking together, 
 one. of thefe young elephants came flily and 
 pufli'd with his back-fide againft one of our 
 company, that he was ready to tall upon his 
 nofe. 
 
 They feed upon green herbs and leaves 
 of fig-trees, coco, and other trees ; neither 
 do they refufe areck and fugar. At a cer- 
 tain time of the year an oil ifTucs out of the 
 heads of the old elephants, when they run 
 mad, and oftentimes kill their Carnak, or 
 guides. The Qv/owy^ elephants are accounted 
 the largeft and befl: in the Indies; and, if 
 you will believe the natives, are adored by 
 the other elephants. 
 
 Horfes. Horfes (great enemies of the elephants) 
 
 were brought firft from abroad into this ifle. 
 The Pcrtugtiefes having fome years fince fcnt 
 horfes into the ille de Facas, they arc mul- 
 tiplied to fuch a degree, that you may fee 
 them feed in herds of fixty, feventy, eighty, 
 or one hundred. 
 
 Bufflers. Of bufflers they have a great (lore in Cey- 
 lon : I have feen whole herds of them of one 
 hundred, and more, feeding in the coun- 
 tries of Chilau and Madampe, which were 
 but indifferently peopled at that time. They 
 have alio hedge-hogs, oxen, cows, bulls, 
 fheep, goats, ftags, does, elks, tame and 
 wild boars, hares and partridges, peacocks 
 and apes in abundance. 
 
 Tygers The woods here produce alfo fome rave- 
 
 and bears, nous beafts, as tygers ; though I never faw 
 any, but had a grey-hound given me by a 
 Porluguefe who bore the marks of a tyger's 
 claws on his buttocks. Bears I have feen, 
 both in Jafnapatnam and Manaar : I faw 
 once five or fix young ones drowned in 
 Manaar by the inhabitants, who had found 
 them at Mantotte, and thought fit to take 
 this courfe with them, to prevent their in- 
 creafe. 
 
 Jackals. They abound alfo in jackals, a creature 
 very greedy after mens flelh ; tor which rea- 
 fon they cover their graves with great (tones -, 
 they fometimes take them with grey-hounds, 
 but when they are hard put to it, they pifs, 
 which emits lb nauieous a fcenr, that the 
 hounds cannot endure it. The flelh of the 
 jackals is given with good fucccfs by the 
 phyficians of the country to cure the con- 
 sumption. Towards the evening the jac- 
 kals meet, and make a mod dreadful noife, 
 and will fometimes fall upon pafTengers. 
 In my time a Caffer, who was in drink, had 
 his teeth eaten out by the jackals. The 
 jackal is not urilike a fox, and has exaftly 
 fuch a tail. The Malabars call the jackals 
 Adiviis. I faw but one leopard in the ifle 
 of Ceylon ; and not one unicorn or rhino- 
 ceros. 
 
 Ceylon aflbrds vaft quantities of birds, 
 called by the inhabitants by peculiar names. 
 Crows you lliall fee by thoufands about Crows 
 noon upon the houfes i but they are fo cun- 
 ning as not cafily to be fhot, except through 
 a hole or fmall window. Towards night 
 they leave the towns, and retire to the trees 
 in the country, and in the morning early 
 look about tor prey. It one of them hap- 
 pens to be kill'd, the reft make a moft ter- 
 rible out-cry. 
 
 There are certain birds in Ceylon cal I'd AJl forts o: 
 Minhotos by the Portuguejes^ who often fowls and 
 make bold with the young chickens : they ''''■''^- . 
 have alfo owls that make a dreadful noife 
 in the night-time. They abound in geefe, 
 herons, wild and tame ducks, peacocks, 
 pigeons, turtles, partridges, parrocets of 
 moft delicious colours, peewits, fvvallows, 
 bats, l£c. Among the reft, here is a cer- 
 tain bird which builds his neft hanging on 
 the branches of the trees. They have alio 
 abundance of fine finging-birds, nightin- 
 gales, and larlcs in abundance •, fea-gulls, 
 water-fnipes, bees, fire-flies, gnats, and lo- 
 cufts. 
 
 Ceylon produces great plenty of fifh, as pj(jjgj 
 cacap, plaice, crabs, pikes, king-fifhes, 
 fail-filhes, cray-fifhes, haddocks, galleon- 
 fiflies, fliarks, orados, fardins, large fmelts, 
 bat-fillies, feals, oyfters, mufcles, fhrimps, 
 pampus, barbels, bomtos, corquados, l£c. 
 
 Among the amphibious creatures, the 
 Kaiman, or crocodile, caL'd Lagarto by the Crocodile 
 Portuguefes, is very frequent here ; fome of 
 which are eighteen foot long. They have 
 four feet with crooked claws, their fl<in 
 covered with fcales, which are fo hard 
 upon the back, that they are mufket proof; 
 fo that they are not vulnerable except in 
 the belly and eyes : their under-jaws are 
 immoveable, but they have fliarp teeth : 
 their back-bones being without joints, they 
 cannot turn fliorr, whence the beft way to 
 efcape them, is to get away from them by 
 -many windings and turnings. 'Tis gene- 
 rally believ'J here that the crocodile has a 
 ftone, or rather bone in the head, which 
 given in powder is an excellent remedy a- 
 gainft the ftone. The bones of the (harks 
 arc accounted very good againft the lame 
 diftemper. 
 
 Mr. Rochefort fays. That in fome of the 
 rivers of the ifles of America are certain 
 crocodiles that Imell like muflc. I have with 
 amazement feen crocodiles lying upon the 
 water like logs of wood, with their eyes 
 fhut ; and if ihey happen to meet with a 
 prey, they leap at it on a fudden, like an 
 arrow from the bow. 
 
 Vincent le Blanc tells us a ftory of a bur- 
 ger-mafter's fervant of Alexandria, who paf^ 
 fing near the river-fide, was devoured by a 
 crocodile which he took for a log of wood 
 
 fwimming 
 
 ^■i)
 
 Chap. 51. 
 
 A Defcription ofCEYLOK 
 
 73 
 
 L 
 
 fwimming upon the water. They fay, that 
 they have a white iar, which is an excellent 
 remedy againft flurp humours that fettle in 
 any part of the body. In Jafnapatnam 
 there are many crocodiles in the fens, 
 ponds, and lakes; which if they happen to 
 dry up in the fummer, they dig holes to 
 live in; we were often vifitcd by them in 
 our camp before Jafnapatnam^ but they did 
 
 no mifchief The Chinefes make a dainty B a t- 
 dilh of the young crocodiles. " ^>!r>j 
 
 In the ifle of Manaar are great numbers p^rcu- 
 o( very large porcupines, orfca-hogs; they pi„c». 
 have very fliarp teeth, and their llefli is 
 fit for food ; the females have brealts and 
 milk; they come often afhorc and feed 
 upon herbs. 
 
 C II A P. LII. 
 
 Serpents of Ceylon : Remedies agalnjl their ftings. j^n odd Jlory of a fer- 
 pent-catchsr. Precious Jloties, products of the fa. Amber-greaf: its 
 goodnej's. 
 
 iSerpents. 
 
 SERPENTS are very common all 
 over the ifle of Ceylon: the Sea Ser- 
 pents are fometimes eight, nine, or ten 
 yards long. The Land Serpents, called 
 Ratcatchers, are alfo very large, live on 
 the tops of the houfes, but are lurmlefs 
 creatures. The mod dangerous are thofe 
 called Cohres Capcllos by the Portiiguefes, 
 which frequently ufed to kill people whilfi 
 I lived in Jafnapatnam. So foon as any 
 body is flung or wounded by thefe ferpents. 
 Remedy they apply the Adder-ftone to the wound, 
 
 'F'"r ^""^ S'^^ '■'^'^ patient fome milk. Our 
 ing- fyrgeon, Albert van Lambergen, writ to me 
 1 666. that being ftung by a ferpent, he be- 
 came blind, but after fome time recover- 
 ed his fight. A paridiioner belonging to 
 the church of Manipay, as he was mend- 
 ing the top of the church, happened to be 
 wounded by a ferpent that lay hid among 
 a heap of leaves, and died foon after. I 
 faw once two ferpents twifted round one 
 another fporting under 
 fame church, which I 
 ■ to pieces by a foldier. 
 bitants as retain ftill fome remnants of pa- 
 ganifm, will not allow the ferpents to be 
 killed. 
 
 The Malahars call the ferpents Pambo 
 and Naga, and give their cattle and chil- 
 dren their names, nay, they feed them 
 becaufe they Ihould do them no harm. 
 The ferpents come frequently into the hou- 
 fes, efpecially in the rainy fcafon. During 
 my abode at Jafnapatnam, two dogs were 
 fi:ung to death in the houfe; and I have 
 feen them fometimes pafs up flairs over the 
 beds. Another time a ferpent pafled fo 
 near my wife in the houfe, that he touched 
 lier leg with the tail, and was afterwards 
 killed by the fervants. 
 
 There is alfo here a kind of adders, cal- 
 led vipers by the Portuguefes; they are 
 fpeckled, and very venomous. Whilft I 
 lived at Jafnapatnam, a certain High-Ger- 
 man foldier belonging to the garrifon (com- 
 monly known by the name of the Serpent- 
 
 the wall of the 
 ordered to be cut 
 Such of the inha- 
 
 Catcher) being fent for i^y Mr. Anthony 
 Pavilion., governor of Coromandel, to take 
 a certain Cobre Capel that was in his lodg- ^^ ^jj 
 ing-room ; he came accordingly; andj^oryofa 
 with his hat only before his face, laid hold ferpent- 
 with his other hand of the ferpent, with-c^cJ'*'"' 
 out receiving the Icaft harm: he did 
 handle the creature afterwards in our pre- 
 fence, and not only carried it away in his 
 fnapfack, but alfo ufed to flcep near it. 
 I fufpefting fome witchcraft in the matter, 
 talked to him fcrioufly about it ; but he 
 afibred me. That nothing was done but 
 by natural means; and that he always car- 
 ried the head and heart of a ferpent about 
 him: wherewith I was forced to reft flitif- 
 fied, he being not willing to difcover the 
 whole myftery. 
 
 Among the inhabitants of the coaft of 
 Coromandel, and the Cingalefes and Mala- 
 hars, are certain fellows, who have an- art 
 of inaking the ferpents fland upright, and 
 dance before them, which they perform by 
 certain enchanting fongs. Thofe that are 
 to take an oath in thofe parts, put one of 
 their hands into an earthern vefTel, wherein 
 is a ferpent: if they efcape without being 
 wounded, they are flippofed to fwear true; 
 but if not, on the contrary. 
 
 Upon this occafion I cannot forget tOj^g^^jj^j 
 mention fome remedies ufed againfl the agiilnft the 
 flings of ferpents. Firfl of all, it is re- flings of 
 quifite to bind the affefted part, above and f^'pents. 
 below the wound, to prevent the poifon 
 from being communicated to the mafs of 
 blood; and afterwards hold it over, or as 
 near to the flame as it is poffible. I 
 would have every body that goes to the 
 Eaft-Indies, to provide himfclt with fome 
 Orvietan, Theriac, Mithridate, confedion 
 of Alkermes, balfam of Peru, Rue, Scor- 
 diu/n, Scorzonera, Angelic, and Contrabier- 
 va roots, thefe being great cordials and 
 antidotes. 
 
 They muft keep to a cooling diet, and 
 avoid purging and bleeding; but inftead 
 thereof make ufe of bathin<r, to open the 
 
 pores 
 
 i
 
 73 
 
 Ba l- 
 
 A Dcfcription 0/ C E Y L O N. Chap. 51. 
 
 pores ot the body. The pel of lemons forced thence to the (l.ore by tcmp.fts. 
 r'mons takon l.-clh from the tree, ,s ac- Q-rtam K .s, tha: it >s genndly tound 
 
 counted an excellent remedy, and faftir.g 
 fpittlc applied to the wound. It you cm 
 take the ferpcnt that has given the wound, 
 bruife the head, and apply it to tlie af- 
 feftcd • part. However, the Addcyltone 
 i'ur-xiires all the reft; but is often adulte- 
 rated. Tne right one raifes no bubbles 
 upon the water, and fticks clofe to the lips, 
 if put to the mouth. 
 
 The ferpents of C-?)'/oK are not altogether 
 fo large as thofe of Java and B.mia. At 
 Batavia there was once taken a fcrpenr, 
 which had fwallowed an entire ftag of a 
 larce fize, and one taken at Banda had 
 done the lame with a Negro woman. 
 
 B.-fides thefe ("crpcnts, Ceylon produces 
 feveral forts of other crawling creatures, as 
 nm/and Feet, called MiUepic by the P07 
 
 Precious 
 fljnes. 
 
 Commo- 
 dities fold 
 liere. 
 
 Amber- 
 s' rcefe. 
 
 after ftormy weadicr. Mr. John Huygan 
 1-an Linfehoten mentions a piece of Aniber- 
 greefe taken up near the cape Comoryn, 
 1555. which weighed thirty quintals. It 
 is laid, That the birds are very fond of 
 the fccnt of iti and the prints of the bills 
 of birds have fomctimes been perceived ini 
 the Amber^ and is accounted a certain fign 
 of its goodnels. 
 
 Mr. Rocheford, in his Natural Hijlory of 
 the American If.ands, fays. That the amber 
 there, when firft taken, has fo nauieous a 
 fcenr, that the birds are drawn towards it 
 as by the fmell of a carrion: he fiys it 
 fmells like rank bacon. 
 
 The Amber is of different kinds; the Difference'! 
 black (the worfl' oi" ail) is found near 
 the ifle of Mauritius; next is the white. 
 
 tmuefes, which are fometimes feven inches and the grey, the beft of all. In lome 
 , ^ •' .' ■ r- ]__- _i .. .•,...,,i:^;/-M,c n.irrc; of /Impn^'a there is a Rinrl nr am- 
 
 lo"ng; Icorpions, fpiders of a prodigious 
 bigncfs, frogs, tortoifcs, toads, i^c. Ctylon 
 alio affords divers precious ftones, as 5^- 
 f hires. Rubies, Topazes, Granats, &c. 
 Some fay it alfo produces gold, filver, 
 iron, and other metals; but that their 
 kings will not allow thefe mines to be dug. 
 This feems not improbable, it being cer- 
 tain that iron has been bought out ot the 
 country. It atfbrds alfo chryftal in abun- 
 dance. The commodities chiefly vended 
 
 Its origin 
 
 parts of America there is a kind of am- 
 ber, they call the foxed ami. r, becaufe it 
 is fwallowed and vomited up again by the 
 foxes without any alteration, except that 
 it lofcs fbmething of its fcent. The beft 
 ambergreefe is of an afli-colour, like 
 allies mixed with wax. It is adulterated Goodncft 
 wiih wax, rofin and pitch-, to know thehowtobe 
 real goodnefs of it, you muft thruft a "ied. 
 hot needle into it, and by the fmell of 
 the moifture that adheres to it, you may 
 
 here by the Portuguefes, were coloured judge of us goodnels: you may alio lay 
 
 ftufis of all forts, velvets, filks, red caps, 
 porcelain fpices, Amfira or Opium, China 
 root, camphire, mufk, fandal-wood, lead, 
 copper, tin, falt-petre, brimftone, gilt 
 looking-glafles, glafs bottles, painted cal- 
 licoes of Suratte and Coromandel; all which 
 are ftill in vogue here. 
 
 The ifle of Ceylon has befides fifh, feve- 
 ral produft of the tea. Of the pearls and 
 pearl-fifhery we have fpoken before, in 
 the defcription of Tutecoryn. Ambergreefe 
 is found here fometimes near the fea-fhore, 
 in good large pieces, and of the beft kind: 
 they call it Panahambar in the Maldive 
 iflands. This precious drug was altogether 
 unknown to Hippocrates, Diofcorides, and 
 Galen ; and to this day its true origin is a 
 riddle to us, though fome will have it to 
 , be the feed of the whale.s others a certain 
 fine earth, others a certain pitch or rofin, 
 growing at the bottom of the fea, and 
 
 a Imall quantity of amber upon a hot 
 knife; it it be good, it will melt im- 
 mediately like wax; and provided the 
 knife be very hot, it will quite evaporate 
 without leaving the leaft dregs behind. 
 Scaliger, Garcias, Monnrd, Femandes 
 Lopes, Clufiiis, and Rocheford, have writ- 
 ten of the ambergreefe; its medicinal 
 virtues we will leave to the judgment of 
 the phyucians. 
 
 The fea about Ceylon produces like- 
 wife whole coral-trees, fome branches 
 whereof curioufly grown I preferve in 
 my ftudy. It affords alfo certain horns 
 of fea-horfes, called Chankos, which are 
 freqaendy tranlported to Bengale, be- 
 fides divers other forts of horns and 
 (hells, (but not fo curioufly twifted as 
 thofe of Atnboyna,) fea-apples, iea-ftars, 
 and fuch like. 
 
 THE
 
 7JJ 
 
 THE 
 
 IDOLATRY 
 
 Bal- 
 
 V.^'Y^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Eaft-lndia PAGANS; 
 
 GIVING 
 
 A true and full account of the Religious Worfliip of the 
 Indofihans^ the inhabitants of Coromandcl^ the Mdahars^ 
 and Ceylonejes', with a defcription of their idols. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 The general conj'cnt of all nations concerning the exifience of God. Divers feSls 
 of the Brahmans. "Their opinion concerning the creation. The idols Ixora and 
 Quivclinga. 
 
 T 
 
 H E exiftence of a God, or fu- 
 preme being, is lb firmly rooted 
 in the heart of mankind, that 
 there is no nation in the world 
 but what has acknowledged the fime. 
 What is alledged to the contrary by 
 fome, of the Cbilefes, I'apujars, Brafilians^ 
 Madagafcarians ; as alfo of the inhabitants 
 of Florida, the Caribbee Jflands, and efpe- 
 cially of the Cape of Good Hope, mud ra- 
 ther be attributed to the want of know- 
 ledge of thofe authors, than real truth. 
 Of this I was fufficiently convinced 1666, 
 when I tarried three months at the Cape of 
 Good Hope, where I found thefe barbarians 
 to perform their rehgious fcrvice in the 
 night-time, which I had no opportunity 
 to obfcrve in 1665, when I came that way 
 before. What is faid of Diagoras, Theo- 
 donu, Cyrenaicus, Bion, Evemcrus, Lucia- 
 nus, Epicurus, and efpecially ot Protagoras, 
 Abdtrites, and Socrates, and their denial of 
 the exiftence of God, being to be under- 
 ftood only of the plurality of gods, which 
 
 N". 133. Vol.. in. 
 
 was always rejeftcd by the wifer fort among 
 the pagans : Wiience it is, that we meet 
 with the titles of Ens Entittm, the Being of 
 all Beings ; Ens Primum, the Firft Being ; 
 Primus Motor & Vis Matrix, the Firft 
 Moving Caufe and Subjlance, in their wri- 
 tings. 
 
 This being laid down as a fundamental 
 rule, we will proceed to give an account of 
 the idolatry of the pagans inhabiting the 
 coaft of Malabar, and the Indies, on both 
 fides of the cape Comoryn, viz, at Tutecoryn, 
 Trevanor, Coulang , Calecoulang, Cochin, 
 Cranganor, ddecut, Cananor ; as alfo on 
 the coaft of Coroniandel, and the ifle of 
 Ceylon. According to Rogerius, the Brah- 
 mans are diftinguifhed into fix fedts, r/'z. 
 Wdjhiowwas, Seiria, Smaerta, Schaerwaeka,^ 
 Pafenda, and lfche£}ea ; and the Benjans of 
 Gufuratte, into no lefs than fixty-three : 
 But in the fore-mentioned parts, the Brah- 
 matis are divided into four head-fedts. 
 
 The firft arc the Cenrawack, who ufe^'^^''^ 
 neither fire, nor candles, nor cold water, ''"^ ^^**'- 
 
 sz 
 
 for 
 
 mans.
 
 yj^ The IdoUtr) of the Eaft-India Pagans. Part ] 
 
 Ba l- for fear it (liould contain fome living crea- thereby broken into two pieces, the upper 
 
 da: us. tures; they do not pafs the ftrcets, unlets part produced the heavens, as the under 
 
 ^--^Y^ they be Iwept before with a broom, which part did the earth •, and becaufe the egg 
 they always carry with them, tor tcai ot 
 
 treading upon any thing that is Jiving. 
 They believe neither God, ncy provi- 
 dence, but that all things arc produced by 
 chance. 
 
 The fccond fed is called Samaraelh : 
 they aclually believe a God. 
 
 The third, Bifnou, who call their god, 
 R/im. They have a flift, which begins in 
 yluguj}, and holds forty days. 
 
 The fourth fed: is that of the Goegii, 
 who have no habitations of their own, 
 but fleep in the night-time in the chur- 
 ches: they walk generally naked, having 
 only a cloth to cover their privities, and 
 beiinear themfelves all over with afhes. 
 They believe a God, (whom they call 
 Bruyn,) the Creator of the univerfe, who is 
 in every thing, whether man or beaft, 
 (though he cannot be feen by the crea- 
 ture,) gives light to fun and moon, and an- 
 nihilates what and when he pleafes. They 
 
 had feven fhells, which by the divifion 
 thereof made fourteen half ones ; the fe- 
 ven uppermoft parts furniflied the nutter 
 for (even heavens, as the feven undermoft 
 did for as many worlds. An unpardon- 
 able contradiiStion, when they themfelves 
 acknowledge their Bramma, and implore 
 him, as the creator of heavens and earth ; 
 and how incongruous is it, to make the 
 Ixoretla , or Divinity , fubjedl to de- 
 creafe ? 
 
 They further add, that at the opening 
 of the beforefaid egg, there appeared a 
 thread drawn all along the middle, which 
 joined the fourteen upper and under 
 worlds: Ixoretta then taking his place in 
 the higheft fphere of the heavens, there 
 arofe at the fame time, a mountain on the 
 earth, named Calaja ; on the top of which, 
 ftood a triangular fubflance [Tricona Sacra) 
 which produced a round fubftance, called 
 ^ivelinga, i. e. the mcnikrs of generation what 
 
 See Ro- 
 gerius, 
 Texeira, 
 Carolino, 
 John van 
 
 lay, that fuch as die in their faith, go di- of both fexes ; which ^sveiinga, they fiy, Quivelin- 
 "' ' ■ ' " '^' ' IS Ixorett/i, or the divinity: for finding that S^ was. 
 
 all living creatures wqre procreated by the 
 carnal copulation of men and women, they 
 reverenced this ^.ivelinga, as the original 
 of all created things, and adorned him in 
 their temples with the beft fweet herbs 
 and flowers. They have a certain religi- 
 ous order called Jogiis, who wear the fi- 
 gure of this S^ivelinga, either of wood 
 or copper, about the neck, and offer him 
 daily the beft of their victuals. Rogerius 
 fpeaks to the fame purpofe of the L/«- 
 gam^ i. e. Memhnim virile in niuliebriy as 
 the Ixora^ or Efivara is reprefented in their 
 Pagodes. 
 
 St. Aufiin * tdh us fomething like this*^ _ f. 
 of the Priapus, which ufed to be car- 2 1 . de Ci- 
 ried in procelTion, in honour of Bac£his,viateDei. 
 through the cities of Italy ; and that the 
 matrons ufed to crown his membrum vi- 
 rile with garlands. I have read in fe- 
 veral authors of known integrity, and 
 fpeak it upon the credit of divers people 
 
 redily to their god Bruyn : They do not 
 burn, but bury their dead. Whoever 
 embraces their fe6t, is obliged to take 
 near a pound of cow-dung, every day 
 among his ordinary food, for fix months 
 fucceffively, the cow being accounted fa- 
 cred, and her dung the pureft thing among 
 them. They are very fuperftitious : a, 
 cart, buffler, or afs without a load, a dog 
 empty-ir.outhed, a he-goat, an ape, a gold- 
 fmith, carpenter, barber, taylor, fmith, 
 cotton-weaver, a widow, a burial, or fome 
 body going to a burial, are altogether ill 
 omens to them ; as an elephant, camel, an 
 horfe without a burden, a cow, an ox and 
 buffler laden with water, portends good 
 luck in their opinion. Some acknowledge 
 one Viflnau for their fupreme god -, but the 
 moft, one Ixora. We will firfl: treat of 
 Ixora, and afterwards of Vijlnou and Bram- 
 
 Twjft, &c. ma. 
 
 Ooinion '^^^ Brahmans have a very odd opi- 
 of the "'°" of i^he creation of the world (of which 
 Brahmans more hereafter.) They fay, that this world 
 concerning will diminifli by degrees, till it comes to 
 the crea- ^ ^^ f ^^^gj- which is the Ixoretta, or 
 
 tion of the T-,- ■■ -rtr r 1 • rt 1. • ^ 
 
 world. Divtmty itfelf : after that, it ihall increafe 
 again, when Ixoretta crying out aloud, 
 9^en, quen, will make it turn again into 
 a fingle drop of dew. This will make it 
 revive again, firfl: into a muftard-feed corn, 
 then turn to a pearl ; and laftly, into an 
 egg, containing the five elements. This 
 egg, they fay, is to have feven diftindl fliells 
 or partitions, like an onion ; whence will 
 break forth the fire and air upwards, and 
 the others downwards ; and the egg being 
 4 •- • 
 
 Canarins 
 
 yet living. That the Canarins, and inha- 
 bitants about Goa, do carry their brides ^erihdr 
 to fuch a Priapus, in order to deliver brides to 
 them of their virginity. I'he whole Priapus. 
 matter whereof, I will, for modefty's fake, 
 relate in Latin : Sponfa magna comita- 
 tu multcque cum pompa inter plaufus ac fo- 
 nos muficos ducitur ad idolum, quod anea 
 virga vel ferrea., vel eburnea prominente 
 prteditiim confpicitur, &" ad banc nudata 
 vefle fponfa a matre vel a proximis confan- 
 guineis vehementer impelUtur, quod cum abf- 
 que gravi dolore fieri neqticat, illi qui adfunt, 
 cantando &' faltnndo fpojif^ flebiles voces 
 -J '"^ '■("•._ cpprimant 
 
 ilic 

 
 'HAr. 2. 
 
 ne Idolatry of the Eaft-Injia Pagans. 
 
 opprimant, fi qua eft, qu^e dolorem immen- 
 fum verita, hoc modo Virginitale privari 
 recufat, blandis confanguineorum verbis ad 
 idolum paulatim adducilur, atque ad id a 
 matre tamdiu [invita quamvis) adigitur, 
 douce virginiiatcm ainiferil ; poftea fponfa 
 domum rediem fponfo iradilur, qui de hoc 
 pref. fe fufcepto Lahore fibi maximcpere gra- 
 ttilatur. 
 
 Baal Phegor feems to have been the Pri- 
 apus of the Jews. Jerome., in his com- 
 mentary upon the prophet Hofca fliys. That 
 the Je-wijh women worlhipped Baal Phegor, 
 cb objcxni magnitudinem membri, quern nos 
 Priapum pojjumus afpellare. 
 
 The Brahmans will indeed not allow of 
 this interpretation , alletlging, that they 
 adore under this, the circular figure, which 
 is infinite ; whereas the fignification of the 
 word fufficientiy contradifts them. S^ive- 
 linga being compofed out of the word Lin- 
 ga, or hingam, i. e. the manly yard, and 
 i^iiven the fame with Ixora; and the fi- 
 gure carried by the Jogii, exprefly reprefents 
 the conjunftion of the members of both 
 fexes. 
 
 7J? 
 
 ^ivelinga then (as we (Iiid before) is ofBA l- 
 a circular hgure, which being inclofed jn^-^^'^- 
 three diilincl rinds or fliells, which they ^-''"'^ 
 fay are tranfmuted into three gods, viz. 
 Brawma, Viftnum., and f^iven ; the firfh 
 and hardcll: produces Bramna, the fecond 
 Viftmwi, and the inncrmoft ir^dven. ^^<i- 
 vdinga being thus dcfpoilcd of his fliell?, 
 was burnt to afhes by fire, and fixed in 
 the triangle. (^avelinga being thereby 
 become a thing without fenfe or motion, 
 it was requifite it Hiouki be guarded by 
 fome body ; which Bramma and Viftnum 
 refufing to do, ^iven undertook the tafk, 
 and cwiftantly attending ^ivelinga with 
 prayers and lacrifices of iiowers, deferved 
 thereby to be ranked above his brothers, 
 and obtained the title of the great god, as 
 their poets call him. The Brahmans fay, 
 that Bramma, Viftnum, and ^iven, or Ix- 
 ora, are commilTioned by the firft being to 
 rule the world in the nature of his vice- 
 roys. They fay Ixora refidcs in Calaja^ 
 Viftnum in the Milk-Sea, and Bramma in 
 Sattialogam, or the higheit place in heaven j 
 of which more hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 A defo-iption of Ixora: Hrs wives, ylhfiiiiefice of the Brahmans. Divers 
 
 forts of eunuchs. 
 
 \De- 
 
 IXORA is as bright and white as milk, 
 wich three eyes ; two whereof are 
 )f Trara. p'-^ced as thofe of other men, and the third 
 in the front, being fo full of fire, that it 
 Tlis big- confumes every thing it looks upon. His 
 lers. flature is immenfe •, for Bramma being 
 defirous to fee his head, foared up high 
 into the earth, but could not reach it. 
 Viftnum, (whom they call the god of in- 
 ventions and changes) having the fmie cu- 
 riofity to fee his feet, which reached deep 
 into the ground, transformed himfelf in- 
 to a hog, the better to dig up the earth, 
 but could likev/ife not obtain his wifli ; 
 This Pan for? fiiy they, Ixora is of fo vafl an ex- 
 vas an- tent, that the ferpcnt Bategu (which is fo 
 lently re- \ox\^ as to compafs the feven worlds and 
 
 vkh h^ n ^^ ^'^^^^ ^^^^^ ^''^^ "°'' ^'S ^"^^gh to ferve 
 eachiriCT him for a bracelet. I heard a pagan once 
 p to the ridicule a Brahman, becaufe he put the fi- 
 louds, gure of Ixora in his chamber ; whereas, ac- 
 cording to their opinion, it was much larger 
 than the ferpent Bategu. 
 
 Ixora has no lefs than fixteen hands, 
 wherewith he holds the following things: 
 a heart, a chain, a fiddle *, a bell, porcel- 
 ^ . ■ lain hafon, capalla, i. e. Bramma's head, 
 Kute. a trident., a rope, an axe, fire, gold, a drum, 
 heads, a ftaff, an iron zvhcel, a ferpent, 
 with a crefcent or half moon on his fore- 
 head. His apparel is a tyger's fl<in, his 
 
 As Pan 
 
 cloak the hide of an elephant, furrounded 
 with ferpents f . He wears about his ncck^j-p^n 
 a collar of the fkin of a certain creature, wore tlie 
 called Maudeza, on which is fliflened a bell,"-'" of * 
 fuch as our oxen or flicep commonly have F'""'^'^' 
 
 , , . , ' ' the (poi;. 
 
 about their necks. whereof 
 
 He has alio about his neck three chains ; intimated 
 one whereof being intermixed with rofesthevariciy 
 and other flowers, affords an odoriferous ^^'^ "^'""^ 
 fcent. The fecond is made of the heads '^^^^^|^7 
 of Bramma ; for they fiiy, that Bramma i([es, &c 
 dies and revives every year ; and that 
 Ixora, gathering his heads as often as he 
 dies, had made this chain of them. The 
 third is made of the bones of Chaiti, one 
 of Ixora' 5 wives •, for it is to be known, 
 that he has two wives, one named Grienga, 
 or the Goddefs of the Seas, whom he al- 
 ways carries in his hairlocks -, the other 
 this Chatti, otherwife called Paramefceri, 
 who they fay dies and revives once a year; 
 and as often as fhe dies, he takes one of 
 her bones, which are put into this chain. 
 He carries alio the iame beads as the 
 Brahmans do, his whole body being be- 
 imeared with afhes, and thus rides in tri- 
 umph through Calaja upon an ox named 
 Irixapatan, unto whom they offer certain 
 lacrifices. 
 
 His attendants are called Pudas, Pix- 
 aros, and Pes. Pudas is reprefentcd like
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Tagans. 
 
 Part I 
 
 a fat and fhort perfon, with a large paunch, 
 without a beard, having ferpents hanging 
 down, with their tails trom his head. He 
 wears a bracelet on his left arm, and two 
 others about his thighs, made of ferpents, 
 and a ftaff in his right hand. The Pes 
 and Pixaros are reprdL-nted much taller, 
 with burning torches in their hands in the 
 night-time. 
 
 They fay tiiat Bravniia has created the 
 univerfe, Viftnum governs it, and Ixora 
 kills and puts a period to every thing. 
 They further add, that Ixora has com- 
 municated part of his fubftance to his 
 wife Parantefceri, alias Parvati, and fhe 
 again to him ; lb that they are both her- 
 maphrodites ; and Ixora is fometimes re- 
 prefented as fuch •, and Rogerius, Lib. II. 
 fays. That the Brahmans call their Ixora, 
 Jrdbanari, i. e. a Manwife. There are, 
 however a certain fort of Brahmans cal- 
 Brahmans. ]g^j <j'iri„ij;jipi, who are lb far different 
 I'rom the reft, that they won't as much 
 as caft an eye upon a woman •, for which 
 rcafon, as often as they pafs through the 
 
 A ftria 
 
 fort of 
 
 ftreets, they have certain perfons, who bid 
 tlie women go out of the way : Thus the 
 Hierophantes of Athens, and the priefts 
 of the goddcfs Cybde among the Romans, 
 ufed to deny themfelves the ufe of vene- 
 ry, the firft by caftrating themfelves, the 
 others by certain drugs. The Jews di- Divers 
 ftinguifli betwixt eunuchs made by God, forts of 
 and thofe made by men ; the laft are be- eunuchs, 
 lieved to owe their original to the Per- 
 fians -, and among the Jeus they had cer- 
 tain perfons, called Impingentes, becaufe 
 they ufed to run againft ports and doors, 
 rather than to look upon a woman. 
 
 Rogerius * mentions another fort of* L'b. IJ 
 Brahmans, called Saufiazii ; who renounce'* 4- 
 all worldly pleafures, abftain from women, 
 and even the Betel, (though generally ufed 
 all over the Indies,) eat but once a day, 
 have no fixed habitations, ufe nothing but 
 earthen veflels, and live upon alms. The 
 fundamental rules of their fe£l being to 
 withftand luft, anger, covctoufnefs, pride, 
 the pleasures of the world, and rcuenge. 
 
 s 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Coiiteft betivixt Brainmn, Viflnum, and Ixora, icho is obliged to be a Mendicant 
 fxche years. A child produced out of the blood of Viftnum , occafions 
 neii} differences. 
 
 THE refidcnce of Ixora is upon the 
 filver mount Cdaja, to the Ibuth of 
 the famous inountain Mnbameru, being a 
 moft delicious place, planted with all forts 
 of trees, that bear fruit all the year 
 round. The rofes and other flowers fend 
 forth a moft odoriferous fcent ; and the 
 pond at the foot of the mount is inclofed 
 v/ith pleafint walks of trees, that afford 
 an agreeable (hade, whilft the peacocks 
 and divers other birds entertain the ear 
 with their harmonious noife, as the beau- 
 tiful women do the eyes. The circum- 
 jacenc woods are inliabitcd by a certain 
 peoole called A'uniis, or Rixi^, who avoid- 
 ing the converiation of others, fpend 
 their time in offering daily facrifices to 
 their God. 
 
 It is obfervable, that though thefe pa- 
 gans are generally black themfelves, yet 
 ilo they reprefent thefe Rixis to be oi a 
 fair complexion, with long white beards, 
 and long garments hanging crofs-wife, 
 fi-om about the neck down over the breaft. 
 They are in fuch eftecm among them, that 
 ihey believe, that whom they blefs, are 
 blelled, and whom they curie are curfed. 
 
 Within the mountain lives another ge- 
 neration, called Jexaquinnera and Sluen- 
 dra, who are Irec: from all troubles, ipend 
 2 
 
 their days in continual contemplations, 
 praifes, and prayers to God. Round 
 about the mountain ftand feven ladders, 
 by which you afcend to a fpacious plain, 
 in the middle whereof is a bell of filver, 
 and a fquare table, furrounded with nine 
 precious ftones, of divers colours. Up- 
 on this table lies a filver rofe called Ta- 
 mara Pua, which contains two women as 
 bright and fair as a pearl-, one is called 
 Brigqfiri, i. e. the Lady of the Mouth ; 
 the other 'Tarq/iri, i. e. the lady of the 
 '^Tongue, becaufe they praife God with the 
 mouth and tongue. In the center of this 
 rofe is the triangle (mentioned in the frft 
 chapter) of ^livelinga, which they fay is 
 the permanent refidence of God. 
 
 Ixora being one time diverting himfelf 
 in this Cajala, or Paradife, with Pisdas, 
 Pes, and Pixnjos, let fall ibme words, in- 
 timating him to be the greateft in all the 
 world, which Bramma and Viflnum not 
 able to brook, a conteft arofe about the(-|^p(g(^ 
 precedency -, to decide which, Ixora told betwixt 
 them, that which of the two could take Ixora, 
 a full view of him from head to foot, ^""^"^f"^' 
 (hould be accounted the greateft. ^^^ 
 
 Bramma hereupon got upon his bird 
 Annum, (whereof more anon) and palTcd 
 up into the air, to get fight of Ixcra's 
 
 head,
 
 >HAP. 5. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 by 
 
 head, whilfl I'ljlnum transforming him- 
 felf into a hog, dug into the ground, to 
 come at his teet. Whilft he was thus im- 
 ployed, meeting with a mod poifonous 
 ferpenr, he was fo flartled at it, that he 
 defilled from his entcrprize. This ftory 
 is related more at large by fcvcral of the 
 Malabar poets. 
 
 Bramma on the other hand, rcfolute in 
 his defigns, foared very high into the air, 
 when being met by three flowers, they 
 aikcd him whiihcr he was going ; he re- 
 plied, to get fight of the head ot Ixora : 
 They told him, bis labour was in vain, 
 by reafon of the vaft diftance -, which made 
 Braimim change his refolution -, but at the 
 fime time defired the flowers to tell Ix- 
 era, that he was prevented from coming 
 fo high as his head by a fudden giddi- 
 nefs in his brains •, which they promifed, 
 and did accordingly ; but Ixora being fen- 
 fible of the deceit, did with his Cbacra, 
 ,e of or fcymctar, cut oS one of the four heads 
 uiima's of Bramma, and curf^d the flowers. Out 
 iJb cut Qf' the blood of Bramma'^ head, came forth 
 a man with five hundred heads, and a 
 thoufand hands, named Sagalracavaxcn. 
 The day on which Brawma's head was cut 
 off", was ever after Icokjd upon as omi- 
 nous, and named Povgaiacha, i. e. Dies 
 infeftus ; whence arofe the proverb of a 
 thing that is never to be done, II Jhall be 
 at Pongalacha. 
 
 The three flowers were curfed, viz. That 
 one of them fliould grow upon a dunghill, 
 and be cue down there -, the other to be 
 turned into a crow, and the third into a 
 cow. 
 
 The Brahmans further (Iiy, That Ixora 
 to e.xpiate the crime he had committed, 
 bv cutting oif the head of Bramma, turn- 
 ed ^Aenducmt as the Jogii do, with Bram- 
 tna'i fkull in his hand, till the fame fhould 
 be filled with alms •, whence aroie that 
 cuftorn praclifed to this day, that he who 
 kills a Brahman, mud beg alms for twelve 
 years in the fliull of the Brahman killed 
 by his hands. Ixora therefore begged 
 alms for twelve years -, for though he re- 
 ceived fufiicient alins, yet by the fiery 
 rays that darted from his eye in his fore- 
 head, it was all con umed and turned to 
 aflies in an inftant. 
 
 One day as he was gathering alms among 
 the beforefaid Mumis, their wives came run- 
 ning with whole ladles of blood to fill the 
 fkull ; but not being able to luft:ain the glance 
 of his eyes, they were fo furprized, that 
 they let flip not only their ladles, but alfo 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 737 
 
 their clothes. The A'lumis feciiicj their B a l- 
 wives naked, did tall pell-mell upon Ixora ■,°^y2^^^ 
 one attacked him with an ax, which fie j'^^^j.^ ^^^ 
 fcizcd and got up into the air j anodicr tacked by 
 would have killed him with a ferpcnt, theMumir. 
 which he took in his hands, without re- 
 ceiving any harm ; then tiicy brouglu a fu- 
 rious tyger to devour him -, this he killed 
 and flcad, and m.idc a garment of the fkin v 
 ihin they fet upon him a wild elephant, 
 who underwent the fame fate, his hide for- 
 ving him afierwartls for a cloak : This ^.v, 
 f^rpent, tyger, and eUphant, are the iluiie 
 trophies he holds in his hands. 
 
 Viftnum willing to deliver hcra, appear- 
 ed to the Aluniis in the fliape of a mod 
 beautiful virgin, which occaiioned fuch a 
 furprize to them, that the men (as their 
 wives had done before) fell into a trance^ 
 and Ixora fpilled his feed upon the ground, 
 which Vijinum with his hand formed into a 
 child. 
 
 Ixora being towards the end of the Relieved 
 twelfth year quite tired with his A/cW/- ^>' ^ ''^" 
 cant life, had recourle to (^rjhium, who"''"^' 
 commiferating his condition, put out the 
 fiery eye, that confumed all the alms in 
 the (kuil ; which done, Vijlnmn wounded 
 himfelt in one of his fingers, and filled the 
 fkull v.ith the blood, which put an end to 
 his pilgrimage, but gave birth to the order 
 of the Jogii, who in the memory of Ixora' s 
 pilgrim.ige, lead a Mendicant life to this 
 day. 
 
 Out of the blood of l'ijl}nvn a child was Another 
 procreated, called Farca, which occafioned conteft. 
 new contefl:s, Bramma challenging it as ifis 
 own, becatife it was begot in his fkull, Vift- 
 num becaule it came forth out of his blood, 
 and Ixora becaufe it came out of his hands. 
 To reconcile this difference, Devaindra, a 
 king of the aerial fpirits, perfuaded them 
 to relinquifli their pretenfions by joint con- 
 fent ; which they having confented to, De* 
 vaindra educated the child at Devaloga-m^ 
 where becoming a famous bowman, he 
 protedfed that place againft Sagalracavaxen, 
 who, as we told before, being the product 
 of Bramma's head, had five hundred heads 
 and a thoufand hands. Afterwards Ixora 
 returned to Calaja, his former rcfidence. 
 
 It is obfervable, that if one of their 
 kings dies, they tie his hands and fcer, 
 when certain foldiers come to threaten him 
 with their fl:icks 5 which affront, they be- 
 lieve, is a means to expiate the trefpatTes 
 comm.itted by him in his life-time againft 
 his fubjeds. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 7? 8 
 
 Ba i- 
 
 VJtVS. 
 
 The Jdolcttry of the Eaft-India Fagam, 
 
 Part 1 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Tbe children of Ixora. The nativity and conjiitution of Quenavady. The origin 
 of Sura. Quenavady caJirateJ. Conteft bct-icixt him and Siipeibennia. His 
 habitation and gluttony. Funeral fc efts of the Malabars. 
 
 Children 
 of Ixora. 
 
 Qtienava 
 
 IXORA had three fons and one daiigli- 
 ter, the eldefl: refembling an elt-phanr, 
 the fecond an ape, the third had fix faces, 
 and twelve hands. The daughter, who 
 was as black as a coal, had the face of a 
 hog. The eldeft fon named ^enavady, 
 was born in the wood by Piragu, with an 
 elephant's heaci and face, the reft of his 
 body being like other men ; for Ixora 
 walking one time with his lady Paramef-. 
 cm towards the wood Piragu, fhe faw 
 an elephant fporting with a female of the 
 fame kind, and lo raifed her appetite, 
 that flie defired Ixora to be both tranf- 
 formed into elephants ; which being done 
 accordingly, they eat of a certain fruit 
 dt's ori- in the wood, which made them quite fren- 
 ginal. zical, fo that they made the fame noife, 
 overturned the trees, threw up the land 
 with their trunks, and did all the other 
 a-^ions of elephants, not excepting even 
 their copulation. The female having con- 
 ceived immediately, brought forth this 
 child with the elephants head and fl\ce, 
 and foon after they refumed their own fhape. 
 Paramefceri tried to give fuck to this young 
 monfter, but being in danger of having her 
 breall torn in pieces by it, fhe deliver'd it 
 up to hora, who had it brought up in Ca- 
 laja. 
 
 This ^emvady had the hand, teeth, 
 and face of an elephant, with large hang- 
 ing ears, and ugly lips, with red pim- 
 ples all over the face : Mis hair is long, 
 (like his father's) tied about with a fer- 
 pent, or adder, with a crefcent or haU 
 moon on his forehead, and four hands, 
 befides the trunk ; the rcll of his body 
 like other men, but fliining like gold, 
 with a large paunch tied about with a red 
 piece of ftufF: He wears alfo the girdle of 
 the Brr.hnans, and on his feet divers gold 
 rings and bells. 
 
 They tell you another ftory of Ixora, i^iz. 
 That being one time inebriated with the 
 Smy, or juice of the coco-tree, and ha- 
 ving carnal copulation with Pirramefceri, 
 a fmall quantity of Ixoro?^ feed was fpilc 
 upon the ground, and afterwards covered 
 wuh earth by Paramefceri, this produced 
 a palm-tree. Ixora coming foon after into 
 the wood, and feeing the young tree, cut 
 off the top theteof v^ith his Chacra, or wea- 
 AfioryofP^"- '^^^ liquor which ilTued thence 
 \nw». fo well pleafed Ixora, that he took a 
 
 A defcrip 
 lion of 
 him. 
 
 good quantity of it in his cup he always 
 carried along with him -, and having 
 drank his full fhare, tied up the tree, and 
 lb returned to Calaja. He lepeated this 
 fo often, that Parafnefceri finding him 
 always return in drink from the wooti, 
 took the next opportunity to follow hitn 
 thither -, and finding the juice very ac- 
 ceptable, fhe tafled lb long of it, till llie 
 was aUb inebriated. Ixora, when he firll 
 efpied his wife behind him, cried out to 
 her, Ccilli, that is, you Jhe-thief; where- 
 upon fhe anfwering, Calla, i. e. thief: 
 the Malabars to this day call the faid juice 
 Codla. Ixora being well pleafed with the 
 young tree, he ftretched it with his hand 
 higher and higher, and fo turned it into 
 a palm-tree. 
 
 It feems fomewhat odd, that the Brah- 
 mans, who pretend fo much to fobriety, 
 fhould make thdr fuprcme god a drunkard, 
 when they are fo nice in this point, that 
 they will never make ufe of our ink, for 
 fear there fhould be fome wine in it. Thus 
 the Satnoryn of Calecut killed his own 
 brother-in-law, becaufe he was drunk ; and 
 the king of Cochin did the fame to a com- 
 pany of drunken Nairos. 
 
 They further tell us of this Ixora, that 
 he caufed his fon S^uenavady to be cafbrated, 
 becaufe he once, whilfl yet in his mother's 
 arms, touched her privy-parts with his 
 trunk : Others fay, he actually enjoyed her ; 
 which is the reafon the Malabars fay, that 
 the elephants have no teflicles. 
 
 It is to this ^cnavady, the pagan ar- 
 tidms, workmen, ^c. of^er the firft-fruits 
 of their labour. After they have reve- 
 renced, and offered facrifices to him for 
 twelve yeats, he moves one of his ears, as 
 a fign that they muft continue the fame ; 
 which being done twelve other years, he 
 fliakes the other ear, to give them to un- 
 derftand, that he requires ftill more at 
 their hands; if they hold on twelve years 
 longer, he opens his eyes, and grants their 
 requefls. 
 
 Ixora being at a certain time dcfirous to 
 try the agility of his two fons ^enava- 
 dy and Superbemiia, offered a very fine 
 fig as a reward to him who fliould carry 
 the day. ^lenavady having a very thick 
 fl<in, and riding only upon a moufe, 
 whereas Superbemiia had fix faces, and 
 twelve arms, and rid upon a peacock, 
 
 being 
 
 If 
 
 TheBrai 
 mans a-i 
 verfe to 
 drunlceR' 
 nefs. 
 
 Quenavf 
 dy caftrii 
 ted. 
 
 How w 
 ftiipped.l 
 
 \
 
 :hap. y. The Idolatry of the Eall-India Pagans. 
 
 Ii9 
 
 )ifrerence 
 etwixt 
 ^enava- 
 y and Su- 
 erbennia. 
 
 heSu- 
 irSea. 
 
 being fufficiently convinced, that his bro- 
 ther would carry the prize, took his op- 
 portunity, whilft the other w.is riding 
 round the Calajd^ to turn fliort, and fb 
 lay hold of the fig. Superbennia having ta- 
 ken his turn purfuant to the wager, and 
 not finding the fig, did fall upon i^tena- 
 vady fo furioully, that he beat out one of 
 his teeth: but Ixora giving Superbennia ano- 
 ther fig, the difference was foon ended. 
 But not knowing what to do with the 
 tooth, he gave it to Vijivou, defiring him 
 to reftore it to ^cnevady; which he did 
 accordingly, by putting it into a fig which 
 he gave to his nephew, who, as he was 
 going to eat the fig, found the tooth, 
 which he turned into a nice writing-pen, 
 and kept it to write his poetry with. 
 
 Fur the reft, ^^lenavady is reprefented 
 as very voracious •, for they fay, he could 
 devour the whole world-, nor is he to be 
 fatidted, but in the Sugar-Sea called Jexu- 
 cadbil: which is of a vaft extent, and al- 
 ways boiling-hot, having in the midft a 
 mount connpofed of nine very fine ftones, 
 with a plain on the top, delicioufly feat- 
 ed, in the center whereof, ftands the 
 tree Luola^ inclofed with a row of pre- 
 cious ftones curiouQy wrought. In this 
 enclofure, is a ftrufture of the fineft red 
 coral, covered with precious ftones: the 
 doors whereof, as well as the avenues to 
 the place, are guarded by a good force of 
 the Pudas, who fpend their time in holy 
 meditations and prayers in the company of 
 a good number of women, who fing to the 
 praife of God. Clofe about the tree Luola 
 are feats of gold, and a table made of the 
 moft precious ftone called Bairacalle, upon 
 which ftand a bright fhining moufe, and 
 a rofe, in the leaves whereof are written 
 fourteen letters or charafters. This is the 
 
 refulcnce of .^lemvady^ who rides upon Ba l- 
 the faid moufc. °^"'- 
 
 He has on each fide of him a moft beau- ^^^"^ 
 tiful woman, who are continually employed 
 to lade fugar mixed with honey into his 
 mouth} and for fear hefliould be tired with 
 the fame diet, good ftore of ^^ffes, (Indian 
 cakes,) fried in butter-milk, butter, and di- 
 vers other provifions, ftand always before 
 him. The hills near it, alTord alfo figs, 
 grapes, coco-nuts, and all other forts of the 
 beft fruits, as well as rofcs and other flow- 
 ers. The muficians that attend divert him 
 with fiddles, trumpets, flutes, hautboys, 
 and other mufical inftrumenrr,; as many wo- 
 men are employed lo make rich incenles, 
 and to anoint his body with fandal-wood, 
 civet, muik, and to olfcr all Ibrts of odori- 
 ferous flowers. 
 
 The Malabars celebrate yearly the me- Funeral 
 mory of their deccafcd friends with great '^*'*' °^ 
 pomp and vaft charge, according to their b'^fs'^^"'''' 
 abilities. I'he kings upon this occafion, 
 entertain the BraLwums, (who are in high 
 efteem there, as being the interpreters of 
 their Vedam, or law-book) magnificently, 
 and diftribute money after the feaft. And, 
 becaufe in the Indies, but efpecially on the 
 coaft of Malabar, there are many petty 
 kings, as thofe of Trevancor, Ccidang, 
 CaU(onlang, Porca, Cochin, Cranganor^ 
 Cananor, Sec. thefe fcafts are frequent in 
 thole parts, and the Bratimns will be fure 
 to partake of them, though they travel 
 fometimes ten, fifteen, nay, twenty leagues 
 for it, and take their full fliarej for though 
 they value themfelvcs much for abftaining 
 from flefli, fifli, eggs, wine, and other 
 flrong liquors, yet will they make them- 
 felves a tuU amends with fuch vicluals, .;s 
 are allowable by their conftitution. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the other children of Ixora, A coco-nut in the head of an afe. Siii Hi'.- 
 numan /?orn an ape. Revived from the dead. Combat betwixt Superbennia 
 and Qnenavady. His ciirfing of the moon. 
 
 '"Tp H E next to ^enavady, is ftyled 
 J Egafouruhan, or the true God, re- 
 prefented with an elephant's head, and 
 eleven hands. He is only to be worfliip- 
 ped by the Brahmans, though others alio 
 lacrifice to him, but muftat the fame time, 
 abftain from flefh, fifti, eggs, and wine. 
 Next to him, comes Ceuxci, whole origin 
 is related thus: Paramefcefi, Ixora's fpoufe, 
 having anointed her body with oil and 
 faff"ron, and wafhing herfelf in a pond, 
 did form from the impurities of her body, 
 
 a living man-, Ixora feeing him at a di- 
 ftance, and believing hiin to be her lover, 
 haftned thither, and ftruck with his wea- 
 pon his head oft' at the foot of the moun- 
 tain Calaja, v/hich was turned into a co- 
 co-tree-, whence it is, that tiie hidians 
 fay, that the print of a man's flice was "^^'^^ '''^ 
 
 £• J ■ L -n r ■ , ■ COCO nut 
 
 fixed in the coco-nut. Paramefceri being ^.is tht- 
 forely afilifted at her fon's death, Zvwv? printof a 
 pleaded his ignorance; and to comfort her m^n'^'-ice. 
 in her afflidion, cut olf the head of a uhite 
 elephant, vvhich he put upon the ftiOulders 
 
 of
 
 74^ 
 
 The Idolatry of the Fafl-India Fcigans. 
 
 Part 
 
 i. 
 
 B A L- 
 
 D/tU : 
 
 of her de-ad fon, and fo relVored him to 
 life again. He is rcprtfen^ed with an ele- 
 phant's head, and two hands. 
 
 Ixora had al!b another Ion, named Siri 
 Hamman, by Paramcfccri, which was born 
 an ape. Ixora^ it fecms, was a moft cele- 
 brated dancer, and iifed frequently to fliew 
 his adivity in the prelence of the celellial 
 fpirits, as well as iiis fpoufe Paranufceri^ 
 wlio was (o at'live in dancing, that one 
 time when (lie had lull an ear-jewel out of 
 one ear, flie took it up with two toes ot 
 her feer, and put it in her ear again, to the 
 The wives incredible furprize of the Ipedutors. Hence, 
 of the perhap.s, arofe the cultom uled among the 
 rffilTeif'^'-^'^'" °^' the A''rf/?w, who, whiUl they are 
 clotheTin tiancino; at a certain feaft celebrated in ho- 
 
 dancing. 
 
 nour of one of their idols, let on a fudden 
 flip all their clothes, and remain naked. 
 But to return to horn: Having invited ma- 
 ny of the ccleftial fpirits to fee him dance, 
 Parcimfceri happened to fee two apes fport 
 together in the adjacent wood, flie delired 
 Ixora to transform both her and him into 
 apes; which done, they leaped about in 
 the wood, till coming to a bambo-tree, 
 Pnrar.scfccri then conceived an ape. In the 
 mean time the celettid fpirus being come, 
 according to invitation, and among them 
 
 Jecxa^ 
 
 '■'h'lnnera^ 
 
 and ^'iendra, and find- 
 
 ing their hofb abroad, they fent the H- ind 
 (as the nimbleft of all) to find out Ixora, 
 who hiving told him his errand, they bo:h 
 relumed their Kjrmer fhapes. 
 
 Po.rcmefceri being now afliamed of her 
 bunlen, requefted the PFind to convey the 
 ape into tf.e womb of Anhin:n, one of the 
 ladies of the cekftial fpirits; and fo they 
 returned home, wher*- Ixoro. chanced to the 
 admiration of the wh.ole aiTembly. Anhe- 
 ma afterwards brought forih an ape as 
 white as Ixora himfclf, who being endow- 
 ed wiih peculiar virtues by his father, per- 
 formed many noted exploits; of which 
 more hereafter in the hiftory of Siri Rmyta. 
 Odd (lories Two odd (lories they tell of this ape: 
 of the ape pjrfl; That beinjy one time very hunsiv. 
 Sin Hanu- , i • , .- c j • i ■ , 
 
 jjjgp and taking the iun for a dainty bit, he 
 
 was endeavouring to leap up towards it, 
 but was beat back by the iron weapon of 
 Ixora, v/ho gave him a good knock on 
 the pate, but without any harm, whence 
 he got the name of Hanuman. The 
 other is. That meeting one time with 
 a white eleplnnt called Acrafcdia, on 
 which was mounted Devairdra, king of 
 the celeflial fpirits, a quarrel aroie be- 
 twixt them, in which Hanuman was flain: 
 h's father, the Wind, being afflifted at his 
 death, hid his face under ground, fo 
 that the inhabitants of the earth being 
 ready to perifli for want of air in the 
 extremity of heat, they addreifed them- 
 fclvcs to Ixora, who rellored Hanu- 
 
 man to life, and recalled the wind above 
 
 grouni 
 
 Thus the wind was adored as a god both 
 by the Greeks and Remans. The Athenians 
 erefted a temple to the wind, as AuguJiitS 
 did in France; the Phoenicians did the 
 fame. This ape has divers celebrated 
 pa^odes creded to him by the Indians, 
 We read in the Portugucfe hiftories. That 
 in 1554, when they plundered the famous 
 p::gode upon the Adam's Mount in Ceylon, 
 they found an ape's tooth (the moft facred 
 relick of the pagans of Pegu, Ceylon, Ma- 
 labar, Bevgale, Coromandel and Bifnagar) 
 enclcfe.l in a box fet with precious ftones, 
 which they cairied to Goa; fome of the 
 Indian princes offered feven hundred thou- 
 fand ducats to redeem ir, but it was not 
 accepted of, by realon the bifhop of Coa 
 oppoled it. 
 
 Another fon of Ixoja was called Super- 
 hennic, with fix faces, and twelve hands; 
 the occafion whereof happened thus : Pa- 
 ramefeeri being one day employed in 
 wafhing herfelf in a ciftern, fix weavers 
 happened to pais by, who inflamed with 
 luff, looked very wiflifully at her: this 
 having the fame cfleft upon her, fhe con- 
 ceived the fame inftant; but fearing Ixo- 
 ra's anger, fhc threv/ it out v.'ith her fpit- 
 tle upon the ground, which turning in an 
 inflant into a cliild with fix faces and^co^^gp. 
 twelve hands, much refembling in all other tion by 
 relptds the fix weavers, tlicy took it along f^ncy. 
 with ihem, and educated it in all manner 
 of accomplilhnients. One time being en- 
 gaged in a dilj^ute with Ixora, he was lb 
 taken with his wit, that he received him 
 for his fon, afligned him a place at Calaja, 
 and preflnted him with a peacock to ride 
 upon. 
 
 Before I conclude this chapter, I muft 
 tell you one thing more of ^tenrivady. Re- 
 turning one day pretty late at night from 
 a banqi;et, when the moon was not very 
 light, it being only the fourth day after 
 the new m.oon in Augiift, with his um- 
 brella in one hand, in the other a poem, 
 and fome cakes under his arm, he ran un- 
 warily againft a poft with fuch violence, 
 that he tell upon the ground, and drop- 
 ped no,t only his umbrella, but alfo his 
 poem and cakes. A.s he was moft con- 
 cerned for the laft, fo he took a good bite 
 or two of them before he rofe again, or 
 looked for his book and umbrella. The 
 moon feeing this pleafant Ipedacle, could 
 not forbear laughing; which ^.enavady 
 perceiving, broke out into this curfe, H^bo- 
 tver, O moon, fljall fee thee for the future Qh'^''^'^- 
 upon this day in Auguft, fhall be damni- ^^ ^^^ 
 fed in his privities. Hence it is that 
 the pagans will not ftir abroad the 4th 
 of Auguft after lun-fer, nay, tven not on 
 
 the 
 
 ;
 
 Hhap. <5. 
 
 The JdoLury of ih Eail-lndia. Pagans, 
 
 7+^ 
 
 the 5th, for fear of partakibgof this curfc; moon, though they fee the St. T'/xmds'BAi- 
 
 imd if any one is oblig'd to (lay without chriftians, the yrj:;s, and A'la/jomctans, look^'*'^"- 
 
 doors, he covers his face, and even will not upon it at the lame time without the leall ^-OT^ 
 
 look into the water tor fear of fcein<T the detriment. 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 
 I>fora'i Daughter; nnd the o?-ig/fi af ihe fnudl-pox : Fear of the MAAyw^ nf 
 that dijlemper. Their Pajjodc Amadyri p/ufiJereJ iy the king of Cochin. 
 
 .iiida. 
 
 Rttcsiulfi (of 
 
 having lived 
 
 he received, 
 
 a book froni 
 
 ,i., Certain giant named ■ 
 which more anon ) 
 twelve; years Vvith Bramma, 
 among many other prcfents, 
 him, a/^d fome. bracelets, as alfo ^he virtue; 
 G4^^).D(?ing invlilnerable. The hatiycs oi Co- 
 vi^tMnd^l hi\\e\e th(jfe giants to have been 
 chiyrcn of i\\t. Brohnian. CaJ/iopa,: by his, 
 wife Adili, juft as ihe Jews fay, thai! Lilith 
 brought forth devils begotten by Adam. 
 Darida finding himfelf thus placed above 
 die coiiimon. rank of men, by ;his (Irength; 
 bellow'd upon him hy Bramma, wquld 
 needs Gh.'\llenge hora, who knovvirig his 
 ifrength, fent againft him a certain female, 
 named Sorga, who cut off one of his heads ; 
 (for befides his true head, he had many 
 others, but only in appearance). But Az- 
 r/Vi3, returning the nej^t day, reiterated his 
 boafts, when Zvora engaged five holy wo- 
 men, called Cbamiindigal by the Malahars, 
 in his quarrel, who cut off his talfc heads ; 
 but all to no purpofe •, fo x\\i.x. Darida per-, 
 filling in his infol.ence, Ixcra confulted with 
 V'Jhiunf- wjut , tp; do in this exigency. 
 Whilft they weire debating the matter, Viji- 
 num fent forth from his body a certain mat- 
 ter, (called Bixa by the Malabars,) which 
 entering that of Ixora, pafTed again through 
 the eye on his front, and falling upon the 
 ground, produced in an inftant a female, 
 which Jxo7-a acknowledging for his. daugh- 
 ter, gave her the name of Palragali Pa- 
 gode. ■■\.-- 
 
 . defcrip- This daughter had eight faces, fixteen 
 Dn of Ix- hands as black as a coal, with large round 
 eyes, her teeth like the tufks ot a b6ar. 
 In lieu of pendants flie has two elephants 
 in her ears, and ferpents about her body,^ 
 inflead of a garment •, her hairlocks are. 
 peacocks tails •, in her hand fhe carries a 
 fword, a trident, a large porcellain bafon, 
 another vefiel called Capala by the Mala- 
 bars, a fcymetar called Mautegam, a hanger 
 called Carutela, and arrow, a weapon cal- 
 Ifed Cona, a rope, an ape with an iron 
 wheel. 
 
 This monfler wasi no fboner born, but 
 Ihe went to revenge her father's quarrel, and 
 fighting for feven days fucceffivcly, fhe cut 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 lughter. 
 
 •;oi •, ' 
 
 off feven of his imaginary heads-, but find- 
 ing all her endeavours in vain, and that 
 Darida . was not vulnerable as long as he 
 kept the book and bracelets given him 
 hy. Btatiima^ fhe applied herfelf to Scrrgay 
 iutreatirig her .to take, upon her the habit 
 of a beggUr, and by that, means endeavour 
 to get thebeforefaid things into her hands.^ 
 Accordingly Sorga took the opportunity to 
 afk alms of Darida, when he was at fome 
 diflance from his houfe, who told her. That: 
 it fhe would go to his houfe, his wife 
 would anfwer her defire -, 'which if fhe did V 
 
 not, he would do it himfelf Sorga then 
 went to his houfe, and afk'd his wife for \ 
 
 the bracelets and book in her hufband's 
 name, who freely delivering the fame, fhe 
 brought them inflandy to Petragali. Da- 
 rida having thus loft his bcft treafures, 
 v>/herein Bramma had inclofed all his hap- 
 pinefs, and thereby being bereaved of his 
 former ftrength, was foon after engaged a- 
 gain, and had his true head cut off by Pa- 
 tragflli. 
 
 Being, jnuch. exalted by. this victory, fhe 
 came ftrait to Jxor a, who being then juft 
 undrefled, leaped into a ciflern, for fear of 
 being feen by Patragali, from whence he 
 gave her fome flefli and blood -, but finding 
 her not fatisfied thus, he ordered her to hold 
 out her bafon, and cutting off one of his 
 fingers, he fill'd it widi his own blood ; but 
 Patragali continuing ftill unfttisfied, took 
 one of her golden chains, (compofed of 
 fmall pieces, like pepper corns,) and threw 
 it into his face, which raifing in his fice, 
 great numbers of pimples, or fmall ulcers, 
 he cried out with great liirprize, Bafiiri, i. e. 
 O you revengeful "xoman ! and defiring her to 
 defifl, created two young men, named Bi- 
 rapatrem and ^te/raqucle, whom he beftow- 
 ed upon her, and thus pacified her anger ; 
 but to rid his hand of her for the future, he 
 prefented her with a vefTcl of fimdal wood, 
 ordering her to go with it into the world, 
 and to refide (though unknown) among the 
 mortals, ahd to require vows and facrificcs 
 at thgir hands. 
 
 The pagans therefore imagining that it ^P'"'°" °' 
 
 is Patragali fends the fmallpox among the ^boiu^ute' 
 
 9 B people fmall pox.
 
 ne iMittry cf the £all:-India PugaitL^ 
 
 74^ 
 
 Bal- people, leave the patient as foon as he is 
 oKv%. ieizcd with it ; and hence perhaps it is, that 
 ^'^'V''^ they have a certain idol reprefenting a fe- 
 niiile, with a child laying his arms about 
 her neck, and imploring her afliltance. 
 They deliver up thefe patients to the cue 
 of the Comaras, a fraternity belonging to 
 the Pagodc of Patrigali : thefe offer the 
 blood of fome cocks and other facrifices to 
 tl|e goddels in behalf of the fick ; and for 
 the reft give them only fome Canftes^ or 
 rice boiled in water ; and leaving them for 
 the reft to their own dilpofol, more die for 
 want of good looking after, than by the 
 violence of the diftemper, nay, fometimes 
 arc killed by Comaras, who inherit all their 
 moveables, -i; . ■::•' "^'' ^" 
 
 We told you' before, that /xem't^led 
 his daughter Bafuriy which to this day 
 fignifies the fimll-p'ox among 'the Ma/a- 
 bars, which they fay is the fword of Prf-' 
 iragali, and for that reafon endeavour to 
 mitigate her wrath by facrifices, where- 
 in they follow-che footfteps of the arttient 
 Greeks. '•ml siil l» ou ..-U^o-'i' 'jh 
 
 They lay thait Pslragali has her chifef re- 
 fidence in the Great Pagode of Cra>tga>m\ 
 
 Pair.t I, 
 
 The Pa- 
 gode of 
 
 ?S*^a- ^^^^ *^ ^^^"'^^ of Pilgrim, from the vaft' 
 ^Q^_ ° number of zealots that flock thither ; and 
 as this brings in a revenue of many thou- 
 fand Fanams to the king of Cranganor, fo' 
 the king of Cochin, who fain Would have 
 had a fhare in the booty, did poft fome 
 forces on the paffes, who robb'd and plun-; 
 der'd the pilgrims, intending by this means 
 to oblige them to refort to the Pagode, 
 built in the kingdom of Palurli, under his 
 jurifdiftion. ' Thus the o\d king &i Cochin 
 did plunder and rob the {.xmoMs Pagode oi 
 
 Jmmadin of all its treafure, at the head The king 
 
 of a body of ten thoufond men, and af- °'">-^°<='''*' 
 
 terwards laughed at them into the bar- ^,^^,5 p^, 
 
 gain, faying, That he had taken it onlygode. 
 
 as his inheritance, as being the fon and 
 
 heir of the idol ; juft as Dionyfms, the 
 
 Siciliayi t)Tant, did with Jupiter and ^fcu- 
 
 lapius. 
 
 But to return to Patragali ; (he was no Adven- 
 
 fooner got out into the main with her vef- tures of 
 
 fel of fandal-wood, but being attack'd by Patragali 
 
 fome filhermen and ape-hunters, was forc'd ? J^", ^ . 
 n 1 ■ I. c J- T left Ixora. , 
 
 to return to Lalaja, where nnding Ixora 
 
 overwhelmed- with fleep, fhe overturn'd his 
 bedftead •, which awakening him, fhe told 
 him her difafler -, whereupon being endow'd 
 with new vigour by Ixora, flie return'd to 
 her veffel, • and having defeated the ape- 
 huriters, and landdd fafely ofi the fouth-fide 
 of Csukiig, (a city of >7mtlabtir,) the' queen 
 thereof fent for' her to court, and emft- 
 tained her there for twelve years as her Own 
 daughter. ' '•-- "-■-' :'■-• ■ 
 
 - The lord ,c£-Coukta ^'I'a'cisUhti'y-feven 
 leagues to the-nOtth of Cal-iciit) then de- 
 firing Patragali in marriage for his fon, 
 the l^me was concluded, and fhe takert 
 hdtttev Whfcrfe fhe ' li^ed fdr twelvd ' years, 
 without ever Cohabiting with her husband, 
 as boafling herfslf to be the ' daughter of 
 Ixora.' iA/i'WffSiflfpeiiks of a certain idol in 
 China, with a child hanging about her neck, 
 which the jefuits would fain perfuade the 
 world to have been intended for the virgin 
 Mary, though it feems much more proba- 
 ble, that it was- intended for this Patragali. 
 What Mr. Le Blanc tells us of the female 
 idol of Cakiut^ fcems very fofpicious to 
 me. 
 
 It -'J'; 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Patragali'i /^//jtfr and mother fuffer pip-wreck: She /ends her husb(ind to fell, her 
 jewels; (tnd goes in queji after him. Nine fevera] ^adrt^enturef which happen tO 
 her. yfhereftaflxoxo!s'dhildr^n:'^heirddve?ifm'es',^^ Wloat fiiriher becomes 
 of Paramefceri. . . 
 
 AFterwards Patrigali's father and mo- 
 ther-in-law being embark'd aboard a 
 fhip with all their riches, in order to traf- 
 fick with them in foreign countries, they 
 were attack'd at fea by the ape- hunters, 
 who finking their fhips, they lofl all their 
 riches. Patragali then gave her golden 
 foot-rings to her hufband to fell them ; 
 who departed accordingly ; ■ but meeting 
 upon the road a goldfmith, (a highwayman 
 of Pandy,) he under pretence of viewing 
 the rings, entertain'd the husband, rill by 
 feveral by-ways they brought him to Pan- 
 dy. Here the pretended goldfmith (who 
 .4 
 
 had not^long before ftolen jufl fuch 
 rings from the queen oi Pandy) accufed 
 Patra'gali' oi i)\t robbery, who was put in 
 prifon, arid afterwards impal'd alive on ' a 
 palm-tree. The goldfmith's wife having an 
 averfion to fo foul a fafc, upbraided her hus- 
 band with it, who kiU'd and buried her 
 near a well. . !-; ■■ . .'»;ii.. - .. ■■■•■ 
 
 Petragali havititg'' ftaJd fix days v^itfeiilt 
 hearing any n€\vs from her hufband, relblv'd 
 to go in fearch after him. .! js.iv. 
 
 The rtrit thing ihe met with, i^^ a 
 pigeon, which file afked. Whether fie 
 had feen Iter huibeiidf ■ Th& pigeon re- 
 
 : pliedj 
 
 Patragali's 
 
 husband 
 
 executed. 
 
 Patragali'j 
 adventuress 
 V hiltt (he 
 goes in 
 queft of 
 her hus- 
 band.
 
 iii^yi^'j. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 pliecf, (lie had feh" Miiri go that way, but 
 not return. In recompence whereof Pa- 
 tragali gave her this blefling. That fVic 
 ftotild never want water in February, (be- 
 ing the dridl feafon here,) and prcl'ented 
 Iier with a piece of her chain, which fhc 
 threw about her neck : (the turtles have 
 fuch a ring about the neck.) 
 
 Patragali following the way fliewn her 
 by the pigeon, met with another bird; of 
 whom having inquired as fhe did before 
 of the' pigeon, {he receis'cd the lame an- 
 fwcr-, which made her beftow a tuft upon 
 Fiis ?iead', being pei-Haps the lame we call 
 the Pic-zi'ei in our countt^y, <dllid Carpen- 
 tetro by ihe-Porhiguefes. 
 '■' Afterwards Patrpgcli coming to a mtin- 
 go-tree, flie afked the iamfe queftion ; but: 
 receiving no anfwer, fhe curfed it, That 
 for ■ the futurfe the dead cdrpfe flioUld bd 
 btirnt with no other wood", and that all 
 veflcls built of that wood fhould ror, and 
 be worm-eaten at fea, '•■ -"j'""' ■'"'^''" '.. 
 /Meeting nekc a tcrvv, ■ ftie ■'#hs Riclted 
 b^' her 'hindermrrfl legs'; which fhe re- 
 fehted fp ill, that fhe gave her this curie. 
 That of her four teats one fljould be for 
 the ufe of the Pagode, the other for the 
 prince of the countr)', the third for the 
 owner, and the fourth only for her calf; 
 that they fhould make drums of her Ikin, 
 and that confequently fhe fhould.be ftibjeft 
 to blows both dead and alive. 
 
 The fifth flie met with bei/ig a Nr.iro, 
 or foldier of Mab.bar : this fellow had 
 dug a hole, and having covered the feme 
 with fome twigs and fond, Patrigali fell 
 into it as -fhe pafled along: fhe gave him 
 this curfe. That he fiiould be called cow- 
 ard all his life-time. 
 
 The next w;is a Nairn, or a Nairo's 
 daugliter ; who being aiked by her, whe- 
 ther fhe had not feen her hulband ? flie 
 clapped her hands, faying in a fcornful 
 tone. What are you running after your 
 hufband .'' I have not feen him. She gave 
 her this curfe. That fhe fhould be mar- 
 ried to a Nairo, a coward, who as foon as 
 he turned foldier fliould leave her in forty 
 days after. 
 
 She then coming to a jaquo-tree, fhe 
 afked after her hufband again : the tree 
 bowing its twigs, furnifhed her with fome 
 of its milky liquor, (as this tree does, if 
 you cut any of its twigs,) fhe bellowed this 
 blefling upon it. That its fruit fliould be 
 highly efteemed by the kings and princes ; 
 and that though its ftem might corrupt, 
 it fhould continue to bear fruit, (as in ef- 
 feifl it. does,) and that they fhould imploy 
 its wood in making their cymbals, called 
 "Tabelyne, and the flatues of their idols. 
 
 The eighth fhe met with was a Polia, 
 a, man of mean extraftion, who not going 
 
 out her way, (as they ufually do,) flu-E-i- 
 told him, That he fliould not be admit-"' '^ 
 ted into the houfes of perfons of quality ^'^^'^ 
 from O£lobir till Februan\ 
 
 The lafl; fhe met with was a Parreuy 
 likewife a perfon of low birth ; but having 
 paid her the ufual reverence, fhe admired 
 at his civility, which made her afk him. 
 Whether he did know her .' He replied, 
 that he took notice of her fwines tufl<:s, 
 and the elephants in her ears ; which fo 
 pleafed her, that flie told him, He fhould 
 drink of the liquor of the palm-tree, (which 
 in efFeft they do when they gather it,) and 
 that he and his family fliould feed upon 
 cow's flefli ; then tracing the way fliewed 
 her by the Parrea, fhe found her huflaand 
 impaled upon the palm-tree ; which being 
 too high for her, fhe obtained by her pray- 
 ers, that the palm-tree broke, and fo deli- 
 vered her hufband, v/hom fhe brought to 
 iife again. 
 
 Pair^gali now burning of revenge to 
 punifh the murderers of her hufband, ad- 
 drefTed herfelf to Ixora, who having fur- 
 nifhed her with a ftrong body of Raxaxos, 
 or devils (having been wicked men in their 
 life-time) flie entered the territories of Pan- 
 ch, and at lafl killed the king and the gold- Patragali 
 fmith. His wife flie revived from t'l^ '^^^^j"^^^' 
 dead; who having brought forth a fon, fhcj^^nd's 
 granted him a privilege to work in the P«- death. 
 godes, and to receive to himfelf the tenth 
 part of all the gold he fhould make ufe of, 
 the fourth in ten of what he fhould v/ork 
 for the king, and as much as he could gee 
 from private pcrfbns. 
 
 We told you before of the Pagcde of 
 Patragali in Cravganor, where, befides her 
 flatue, flands that of a large man in mar- 
 ble, which the Brahmans knock every day 
 with hammers upon the head, to keep it 
 from going too big. 
 
 Thus much of Ixora's children, v;ho 
 were, properly fpeaking, only four in num- 
 ber, (Superbennia being only an adopted 
 fon :) we mull alfo go on in the llory of 
 Paramefceri his fpoufe, and her origin. Pedigree 
 Jecxa Prajava, king of the Pmw^vz/w, hadofi'^m- 
 four daughters, the eldeft whereof was Pa- '"«'^^"- 
 ramefceri, otherwife called Parvati ; Sarof- 
 fodi and Gojatris, the fecond and third, be- 
 ing married to Bramma, and Pagode Siri 
 to Vijhium. Their Either being defirous to 
 fee his daughters in their full glory, invi- 
 ted Bramma and Vijlnum to a mofl magni- 
 ficent feafl. Viftnum afliing him, whether 
 he had invited Ixora ? he anfwer'd. No, 
 (Ixora being then in his mendicant flatc ;) 
 but afterwards confiJering the matter, he 
 invited him at lafl; which Ixcra took fo 
 heinoufly, that he refolvcd to fpoil the 
 feafl. 
 
 The
 
 744 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India PctgcimP 
 
 Part I 
 
 Rogerius 
 gives a 
 
 rclaci( 
 
 The day appointed for the ft-aft being 
 come Siri-Pagodc came in great pomp in 
 a ftately chariot, made of nine moft pre- 
 cious ftones, moft artificially wrought, her- 
 fomewhat felf being adorned with numberlefs jewels 
 different 3,,^ pearls, and attended by a fplcndid re- 
 tinue ot fervants and muficians. Sarojjodi 
 and Gojatris, the other two fifters, appcar'd 
 with the fame fplendor. Pcrcmefceri in the 
 mean while having obtained leave to go to 
 the feaft from Ixora, he order'd her to put 
 on her beft apparel, and gave her his fer- 
 pents, his umbrella of peacocks tails, his 
 chain of bones, his tyger's fkin, and ele- 
 phant's hide: thus equipped, llie mounted 
 upon an ox, and with a large attendance of 
 drummers, and Pudas and Pixares, came 
 to her fiither's palace, where being met at 
 the gates by her fifters, and the other 
 guefts, thefe feeing her equipage much be- 
 low what they expcfted, inftead of wel- 
 coming her, as they ought to have done, 
 burft out into laughter; which fo vexed 
 Paratnefceri, that without more ado, Ihe 
 returned to Calaja, where flie gave an ac- 
 count of what treatment flie had met with, 
 becaufe her Jijlers appeared at the feajl in a 
 moft fumptuous equipage, their apparel being 
 covered all over with precious ftones and 
 pearlSy whereas Jhe^ who was the eldeft Jifter, 
 and married to Ixora, had been defpifed for 
 her tnean appearance. 
 
 Ixora moved at the juft complaints of 
 his fpoufe, fent his fon ^enavady to fpoil 
 the feaft. Viftnum being well acquainted 
 with ^enavady's temper, ordered good 
 ftore of cakes to be fet before him in the 
 hall; which pleafed him fo well, that he 
 foon forgot his father's orders. Ixora won- 
 
 dering at (^lenavady's long ftay, fent hig 
 brother Superbenuia upon the fame errand j 
 Viftnum knowing him not to be diverted 
 with trifles, fent out to him fome ingeni- 
 ous pcrfons, who entertained him fo well 
 with fubtle difcourfes and arguments, that 
 he likevvife negle£ted his father's cornmands. 
 
 At laft Ixora finding both hi? Ions to 
 flay behind, ordered his daughter Patragali 
 thither. Viftnum no fooner heard of her 
 coming, but he commanded a mofl delici- 
 ous banquet to be fet before her in the hall, 
 through which fhe was to pafs, which fo 
 diverted her fenfes, that Ihe foon forgot 
 what fhe came about.. 
 
 Ixora finding all thefe endeavours to 
 prove ineffeiEtual, refolved to go thither in 
 perfon. Which Viftnum no fooner got no- 
 tice of, but he told king Jecxa Prajava, 
 his father-in-law, that not being able to 
 cope with Ixora, he would retire with his 
 wife •, and Bramma doing the lame, the 
 ftin and the moon (two of the guefts) ftaid 
 only behind. Ixora coming to his father- 
 in-law's palace, .upbraided him with the 
 contempt he had put upon him , and his 
 wife Paramefeeri, and fo taking him by 
 the hair, full of anger, there came forth 
 at the fame inftanr, a ftout warriour armed 
 cap-a-pee, (like the Mars of the ancient 
 pagans,) called Virapatren by the Malabars, 
 who cut off Jecxa Prajava's head, the hands 
 of the god of fire, and beat out the teeth of 
 the fun. What Rogerius fays concerning 
 Jecxa Prajava's having got a goat's head 
 inftead of the other, and that the jnoon al- 
 fo got a good banging, I could never learn 
 either from thefe pagans themfelves, or 
 from the Portuguefe hiftories. 
 
 PART
 
 PART II. 
 
 745 
 
 CHA?. I. ,^^, 
 
 The idol Viftnum;! and'hts iramformatioii into a Jijh. Mut' s al far.' j4no-^^''^C^ 
 
 ther traiisforination of Viftnum. An account of the Milk-Sea. Cauram'j 
 altar. 
 
 \'iftnum's 
 deicent 
 and reli- 
 dence. 
 
 V 
 
 IJliium, the ftconcl in rank among 
 the gods next to Ixora, is alfb 
 defccnded from ^livelinga. He 
 is of a black colour, with one 
 head, and four hands-, he refides on the 
 Sugar-Sea, and governs the world deep- 
 ing. Inftead of a bed, he repofes upon 
 a noted ferpent called Annatan, with five 
 heads; two whereof ferve him for pil- 
 lows, one for a bolfter, and two under 
 his hands. This ferpent, as they fay, 
 being once in the humour to try the 
 power of Viflnum, got a fixth head, which 
 Fijlnum no fooner law, but he got another 
 hand to lay upon the head, and the fer- 
 pent having got a feventh head, he got 
 iikewife another hand-, fo that as the 
 ferpent's heads did grow to tlie number of 
 a thoufand, his hands increafed in propor- 
 tion; whence it is that they look upon 
 the ferpents as celeftial fpirits, keep them 
 in great veneration, and never kill them, 
 though they are often hurt by them. Thus 
 the ferpents were reckoned by the ancient 
 Lithuanians, Samogitians, Prujfians , and 
 Egyptians. 
 
 Tiiey tell us further, that Vijlnim wears 
 the print of a foot upon his breaft: for 
 iisbreaft. Q^g Ricxi SirweJJtena being defirous to 
 know which of the three was the moft 
 Potent God, came to Calaja, and gave 
 Ixora a good box on the ear, who tranf- 
 formed him into a ftone; but having after 
 twelve years recovered his life, he did 
 the fime to Bramma, who let him go 
 without doing him any harm. Then 
 coming to Vijttium, and finding him upon 
 his bed, he fet his foot upon his breaft, 
 which Vijlnutn fixed there, fo that he was 
 forced to continue there one hundred 
 years. 
 ''iilnum's Vijlnum had two wives, one called Lexi- 
 nvei. fni, alias Laetzemi, and Siri Pagode be- 
 forementioned. The firft, Vijtnum found 
 in the Milk-Sea, in a rofe of one hundred 
 and eight large, and one thoufand and 
 eight I'effer leaves-, her chief bufinefs is 
 N". 134. Vol. III. 
 
 , iVears a 
 , irint on 
 
 to fcratch his head. The other is called 
 Pumi Divi, i. e. the Goddtfs of Heaven, 
 in whofe lap he lays his feet, which fhe is 
 to rub with her hands. 
 
 They attribute no Icfs than ten feveral 
 transformations to Fiftnum, nine wiicreof, 
 they fay, are accompiifhed already, but 
 the tenth is to come. Father Kircher the 
 iefuit * mentions the fame to have been , ~ . 
 related to him by father Hen. Ki'.h, an jnuftr. 
 Aufiin frier; and Rogerius fays Iikewife p.-irt 3. 
 fomething of them: but as under thcfe ^^l- 6. 
 ten transformations are hid the chief my- 
 fleries of the pagan religion on both fides 
 of the Ganges, fo we will treat of them .,.« 
 at large with this precaution, I hat thcfe ten timei 
 pagans often give divers names to the transform 
 fame god, by reafon of the great difte- ""^d. 
 rence betwixt the languages of the Ben- 
 jans, Gentives and Malabars: fo, though 
 they acknowledge the fame Ixora, Brcm- 
 ma, and Vijlnum, fome of them called 
 Ixora Mahex , or Mahadeuiv, Bramma 
 Bruma, or Ram, and Vijlnum Bexno, &c. 
 which feems to intimate as if they had a 
 certain refpeft to the Trinity ; juft as the 
 Chinefes worfhip three divine attributes 
 under the name of Pujfa, and the Greeks 
 placed the three Charities near the throne 
 of Jupiter', and if the modern Jeivs were 
 not quite obflinate in the denial of the 
 Trinity, they might be convinced by their 
 own Rabbies, Rabin Ifaac, Rabbi Judas 
 Nagi, and Rabbi Simeon. 
 
 The firft transformation was into a 
 fifh, occafioned by Raxiaxa, alias Adirem, ^ f?'"'^ 
 who having carried away the law-book Jl^p^i^n'^' 
 of the inferior gods called T>cvcgal, or uas inta 
 De'iietas, hid himfclf at the bottom ofafirti. 
 the fea. I'he inferior gods making their 
 complaints to Vijlnum, he transformed 
 himfclf into that ravenous fifh the Shark; 
 and thus diving to the bottom of the k^, 
 laid hold of Raxiaxa, otherwife called 
 Seremiaxen and Sancajoor by the Ben-" 
 Jans, killed him, and feized the law- 
 book, divided into four parts; the firft 
 9 C whereof
 
 74<5 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Piigam. 
 
 Tart II 
 
 B A L- whereof treated of the fouls of the blef- 
 D^us. fed J the fecond of the vagabond fouls-, 
 '■''"^'^^ the third of good works ; the fourth ot 
 bad works. But what Roger ins (iiys, /. i. 
 c. 5. viz. That the fourth part is loil, I 
 could never be convinced of. The 'fifli 
 is called Mat, or Mathia, though the 
 Mabbars and Benjans call it Zecxis. The 
 Benjms tell us, that thefe books were fto- 
 Itn from Bramma, but the Makbars, from 
 the Dnvetas, or inferior gods. The Ben- 
 jans fiy, that Bramma was transformed in- 
 to a fifh, whereas the Malabars afcribe it to 
 '"'"« '■ Vijlnim. The Benjans call thcfe tranfmutiV- 
 tions, AlW-rs ; lb that according to their 
 fuppofition, Mai's altar being the fiift, has 
 now itood two thoufand five hundred 
 years. 
 
 Upon this occafion, I muft agree with 
 Rogerius, when he fays, /. 2. c. ^. That 
 he could not dive into the myftcries of 
 the transformations -, becaufe I am certain 
 that it coft me a great deal of trouble, 
 before I could attain to the knowledge 
 thereof; and that not without the affiftance 
 of a certain Brahman, who coming from 
 Bengale, fettled at Jafnapatnam: and as I 
 frequently converfed with him, fo I often 
 ufed to diicourfe with him conceding the 
 animadverfions made upon this head by 
 Rogerius. He being afterwards converted 
 to the Chriftian faith, and baptized in the 
 church of Vanarpone, and our difcourfe 
 running upon the transformations of Vift- 
 num, he told me, That this Vedam, or law 
 book, being inclofed in a Chanki, or fea- 
 horfe's horn, the fame was found out by 
 Vijlnum : whence it is that they fay, the 
 prints of the fingers are to be feen in thefe 
 horns to this day ; and that they have put 
 the Saccaram, or fword, and the Chanki, 
 or horn, into his hands, as you fee in the 
 preceding draught ; though fome afcribe 
 the fame to Bramma. 
 
 But before we enter further upon the 
 defcription of the tranfmutations, we muft 
 add certain preliminaries, as tending to 
 the explanation thereof. 
 Four re- -^^^ i^hefe transformations were per- 
 markable formed in four dilierent times or fpaces: 
 divifions The firft, called Kortefinge by the Benjans, 
 of time. j.j^gy f^y^ continued one million feven hun- 
 dred and twenty-eight thoufand years. 
 The fecond Tretafinge, one million two 
 hundred and ninety-fix thoufand years. 
 The third Duaperfinge, eight million and 
 fixty-four thouland years. The fourth, 
 Kallijinge , four million and thirty-two 
 thoufand years, being the fame term of 
 time we now live in ; fo that according to 
 their computation at Suratte, there v.'ere in 
 1657, at Icaft four thoufand feven hundred 
 and fifty-eight years clapfcd of this laft 
 term of time. For it is to be known, that 
 
 the Benjans, and moft other pagans, Egyp- 
 tians, Chinefes and Japonefes, differ feveral 
 thoufands of years in their computations 
 from ours. And to convince you, that 
 the Beiy'a/is have the iame years with ours, 
 it is to be obferved, that they, as well as 
 we, divide their years into twelve months, 
 amounting in the whole to three hundred 
 and fixcy days in the year -, and to make 
 amends for our odd days, they have thir- 
 teen months in every fourth year ; yet fo 
 riiat the thirteenth month hath no more 
 than fixteen days. And it is further their 
 opinion, that after the expiration of this 
 laft term of time of four million and thir- 
 ty-two thoufixnd years, the world Ihall be 
 renewed. In which point they follow, in 
 fome meafure, I he footfteps of Plata, who 
 allowed no lefs than thirty-fix thoufand 
 years before the fun could pafs through 
 the three hundred and fixty degrees of 
 the Zoiliack ; though they make their An- 
 nas magnus, as the ancient pagans called 
 it : 
 
 Inter ea magnum fol circimvolvititr annum *. ^y. .. , 
 
 1.3. M- 
 The pagans on the coaft of Coroman- neid. 
 
 del and Malabar, call thefe four terms of 
 time, Critagom, 'Treitagom, Dwaparugom., 
 and Kaligom ; where it is to be obferved, 
 that according to the computation of the 
 pagans and the Gcntives of Suratte, there 
 are in this year 1670, elapfed four thou- 
 Jlind feven hundred and feventy-one : 
 whereas thofe of Coromandel compute four 
 thoufand kwtn hundred and feventy, be- 
 ing only one year's difference : but finding 
 in 1665, that the inhabitants oi Jafnapat- 
 nam computed then the four tiioufand cighc 
 hundred and fixty-fourth year of the laft 
 term, I told them that they did not ftand 
 for one hundred years, lefs or more, where- 
 at they fmil'd. 
 
 But it is time we fhould now proceed -pjjg f^. 
 to the fecond transformation. The thirty- cond j 
 three gods and the Adires held an af-transfor- 
 fembly in the Milk-Sea, to confult how ^0?;^^'°"^^' 
 get into their pofl^cffion the Ambrojiay 
 called by fome Amurlam, and Atnortam, 
 by others Amratam. Some fay. That 
 Ixora and Vijlnum having called together 
 all the good and evil fpirits, entered upon 
 a debate, how to find out fomething en- 
 dued with fuch a virtue, as to make men 
 live without viduals or drink, and without 
 danger of death, or being tired. Where- 
 upon it being agreed, that they flwuld 
 turn the motint Mahameru, (called Ale- 
 rouwa by Rogerius,) like as the turners 
 do, and inftead of a rope, make ufe of the 
 fcrpent Harugu, cali'd Sefcha by the Brah- 
 mans, being of fo vaft a bulk, as to in- 
 clofe the feven worlds and leas: accord- 
 ingly 

 
 Jhap. r. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-Iiidia Piigans. 
 
 747 
 
 ingly they began their turner's work •, 
 but finding the mount immoveable, they 
 addrefled themfclves to a noted ape call'd 
 Baly, (of whom more anon in the hifbory 
 of Siri Ratm,) by whole afTiltancc the 
 mount began to ftir ; and meeting at the 
 fame time with a beautiful woman named 
 Dara, they bellowed her upon B^ly, as a 
 reward for his ferviccs. But continuing 
 their work, the mount by turning round, 
 tumbled into the fea ; fo that being defli- 
 tute of all means to recover it thence, they 
 were forced to have recourfe to Vijlnum^ 
 who taking the fliape of a Tortoife, dived 
 to the bottom, and brought the mount up 
 on his back. Here it was that Vijlnum met 
 with the beautiful Macha Lecxemi, whom 
 he married afterwards. But the mount be- 
 ing exceeding high, Vijinum took the ftiape 
 of a bird, and flew round about it, till it 
 was brought lower. This ftory feems to 
 have fome relation to the fable of mount 
 Atlas, and what is ftid Heb. i. T'bat God 
 bears up the zvorld. 
 
 The gods and the Adtres then continu- 
 ing their work, did light upon fome poi- 
 fon , which being too ftrong for them, 
 they fent to Ixora ; but were Hill in pur- 
 fuit after the Ambrojla, which they intend- 
 ed to prefent to their great king Dcva In- 
 dra, (who was then very fick,) furnamed 
 .^liera Navam, becaufe his whole body was 
 covered with manly yards, in revenge of the 
 adultery he committed with the wife of the 
 great Rixi ^endama : For Deva hidra 
 being extremely in love with the fiid lady, 
 transformed himfelf into a cock, and com- 
 ing to her houfe in the night-time, began 
 to crow moft brifkly. Rixi thinking it 
 had been near break of day, got out of his 
 bed i and whilll he was going to an adja- 
 cent pond, to perform his ufual Devotions, 
 Dcva Indra took the opponuniiy to enjoy 
 his wife. Rixi returning from his devo- 
 tion, and perceiving the cheat, tranfmuted 
 his wife into a Hone, and laid the other 
 punifhment upon her lover. 
 
 By this time the Adires having fcized 
 upon the Ambrofia, without giving a fhare 
 to the gods, thefe made their appHcations 
 to Vijinum ; who, thereupon taking the 
 Ihape of a moft beautiful nymph, fat down 
 at table with the Adires, when their atten- 
 dants were juft ready to diftribute the Ar,i- 
 brofia among them. Bving all extremely 
 inamoured with her beauty, every one 
 courted her for his fpoufe. To decide the 
 niatter, fhe told them. That they fliould 
 put the Ambrofia into her hand, and with 
 their eyes (hut, and hands tied behind 
 them, but their mouths open, receive every 
 one their fhare of the Ambrofia ; and that 
 he, upon whom fhe fhould pitch for her 
 
 hufband, (hould be the laft This being B a l- 
 done accordingly, fhe feized upon the ^w- "-^"s. 
 brojia, and carried it to the gods. But -""^^'^ 
 whilft they were all opening their mouths 
 to receive the faid Ambrofia, Ravaben (who 
 had aflTumed the fliape of one of the gods,) 
 fliewed his boar's tuf1<s's ; which Vijlmvi 
 feeing, gave him fuch a powerful blow, 
 tiiat his head flew from his fhouldtrs i 
 whence the Adrres, whatever fhape they al- 
 llime, always retain their tufks. However, 
 Vijlmwi throwing the body and head into 
 the air, the lame were transformed into 
 two planets, tailed Rahu and ^endaum. 
 Rogerius calls ihem Ragou and Kelou, 
 which, in the Malabar, fignifies as much 
 as Caput and Cauda, or the Dragon's head 
 and tail. But here, the Krahmans commie 
 an error in afl:ronomy •, for they have no 
 planets, but a fixed fidus, confifting of tliir- 
 ty-one ftars on the north-fidc without the 
 Zodiac ; where the moon pafTing from 
 fouth to north, and again from tlie north 
 to Ibuth, goes through this Ecliptick-line, 
 being the fame the fun paflTcs through eve- 
 ry year, and the moon every month in the 
 year ; for when fhe takes her courfe from 
 fouth to north, the place where fhe paiTes 
 through the ecliptick-line, is called the 
 Dragon's head, as the place of the faid line 
 through which fhe paifes in her return 
 from north to fouth, is called the Dragon'f- 
 tail. Hence it is, that (according to Roge- 
 rius) thefe pagans fay, that there is an anti- 
 pathy betwixt fun and moon, and Ragou 
 and Ketou ; and when they fee an ecliple of 
 the fun or moon, that they are fighting with 
 Ragou and Ketou, or that they are devoured 
 by them. 
 
 The inferior gods imploy part of the 
 Am.brofia they had got, in reftoring their 
 great god to health, and removing the man- 
 ly members from his body, inftead whereof 
 he got as many eyes. 
 
 The before- mentioned poifon taken out 
 of the mount Mahameru, being fo virulent, 
 that whatever it touched was confumcd to 
 allies, was given to Ixora, in the prefence 
 of Paramefceri his fpoufe, who dreading the 
 efteds thereof, clapped her hand to his 
 throat, to prevent him from fwallowing it j 
 and laying the other hand upon his mouth, 
 for fear he fliould fpue it out again, and 
 fet the world on fire, mingling at the fame 
 time her prayers {Nila candamtre acxeratn) 
 with her endeavours, the poifon forced i;3 
 way through Ixora'i ear, and was in an in- 
 ftant transformed into a devil, called Canda 
 Carna Pixaxo. The prints of Paramefeert'i 
 fingers left three black fpots on Jxora's 
 throat, whence he got the furname of Nili 
 Candaon, i. e. Black throat, or Black head. 
 
 The
 
 ^hc Idolatry of the Eail-India Pcigcms. 
 
 Tart IJ 
 
 The BcKjans and Gcr.tives give a different 
 relat'on of this fccond transformation. 
 
 riicy fay. That .the lea bsing Iwoln with 
 pfide, broke oi.it in tlieie words : Who is' it 
 thai can ccwpare. with the riches conlniiicd in 
 my azure viarble vnults ? Here it is the t:*oon 
 has fixed her habitation ; the water of Tam- 
 niarith, ithich renders thofe that drink it im- 
 
 re!a'.i<-n of 
 
 tlie Lc-;i- 
 
 JBiu nil J 
 
 Gentives, 
 
 of riitf ie- 
 
 conii iranf- 
 
 tormation. mortal., is inclofed in my bofom ! Ibe elephant 
 with his ftven trunks, and the feveu-hcaded 
 hcrfe d-ivell in the depths ; -uihich prodiiee 
 blaek, -xhite and red coral in vaft quantity ! 
 Tiie Great god of heaven being exaipcrated 
 at this vanity, commanded the giant and 
 the loiir-hcaded god Bramnm, to go to the 
 river Siam Boerxetty, near which lies the 
 golden mount Meeperiuat, feared in the cen- 
 tre of the earth, and forty thoufand leagues 
 high ; and to remove the faid mount into 
 the fea, by winding the ferpent Signage a- 
 bout it, and thereby force the fea to cafl 
 out her treafure, which had rendered her fo 
 This being put in execution 
 
 accordingly, the fea caft out the following 
 fourteen things, i. The money called Lcf- 
 femy. 2 . The moft precious jewel Confench- 
 many, or the carbuncle which carries a luftre 
 like ihe full moon. 3. The tree Pacrtfatig. 
 4. The veffel Silxeren, with the water of 
 Sora. 5. DcBor Deinneivanter. 6. Indemade^ 
 maen. 7. The white cow of plenty, called 
 Ceimdoga. 8. The immortal water, called 
 Amarilh. 9, The elephant with (even 
 trunks, Hiera IVannefly. 10. The beaute- 
 ous female dancer, Remba. \ i. Tlie feven- 
 headed horfe Exmognora. 12. The bow 
 Defifwk. 13. The \\ovr\ Chiank. And 14. 
 Tlie poifon Sahar. Tiiis done, the fea be- 
 gan to abate of its pride, the mount and 
 Jerpent had their peculiar places afllgned 
 them, and the treafures of the fea were di- 
 ffributed to different places and perfons. 
 Thus tar of the fecond transformalion, con- 
 taining two thoufand five hundred years of 
 the firft term of time. 
 
 vain-glorious 
 
 CHAP. JI. 
 
 \''iftnum trmisfonned hi'o a hog : Waras'.? altar. Some reflcclions upon the fa- 
 bles of the pagans. VillnuniV fourth transformation into half a man, and 
 half a lion. 
 
 The tliiid 
 transfor- 
 mation. 
 
 A Certain Adiren, named Renniacxem, 
 was of fuch vaft length, that taking 
 up the earth, he rolled it together like an 
 anchor-cable, and carried it upon his flioul- 
 ders to the infernal places called Padalas, 
 whilll Viflnum was aflcep in his bed. He 
 no fooner heard of the prefumption of this 
 Adiren, but he affumed the fliape of a hog, 
 and digging with his fnout through the 
 earth, till he came to the Pcdalas, killed 
 the robber, and taking the earth upon his 
 tufks, fixed it in its former place. Hence 
 it is, that in the Pagode called Adi Warra- 
 ha, in the city of 'Trimottaw, not far from 
 Sinzi, there is to be feen the head of a hog, 
 which the Brahmaiis fay was the procluft of 
 the earth, and is reverenced as the true 
 idol of Vifinum, in memory of this tranf- 
 formation. 
 
 • The Benjans and Gentives of Indoflhan 
 and Suratte, give us the following account 
 of it. During the firft term of time, fiy 
 they, the world was fo over-burthencd with 
 fin, that the ferpent of a thoufand heads, 
 unable to bear the weight thereof any lon- 
 ger, withdrew herfelf from underneath it, 
 whereby the world, together with men and 
 beaffs, were caft into, and perifhed in the 
 depth of the fea. Bramma addrefllng him- 
 klf to ihc great god, defired him to re- 
 trieve the world out of the abyfs of the fea. 
 
 - J 
 
 which he willingly granted ; whereupon 
 Vijbium aflumed the fhape of a boar's head, 
 with tufl-cs as big as an elephant's trunk, 
 white all over his body, with four arms 
 and hands, having in one hand a great 
 fword, called Godda, and in the other a 
 book, as likewife a horn and round Tfcken 
 thus transformed, he threw himfelf into the 
 fea, being at firft no bigger than a man's 
 frnger, but increafed before he reached the 
 bottom, to fuch a degree, that in cafe the 
 earth had been placed on the furface of the 
 water, and he ftood upon it, his head 
 would have touched the ftars. Coming to 
 the bottom of the fea, he killed the dread- 
 ful giant Phrnahs, whofe blood tinged the 
 whole lea with red. Vifinum having tram- 
 pled him under his feet, lifted with his 
 tuflvs the earth out of the fea, and pla- 
 cing the tortoife upon the water, and the 
 ferpent with a thouiand heads upon the 
 tortoife, he retired to his refidence, and 
 Bramma, with one word, created a new 
 generation of men. This transformation 
 comprehends two thoufand and feven 
 hundred years, in the firft period of 
 time. 
 
 This ftory feems to intimate, that thefe 
 pagans have heard fomething of the de- 
 luge, confidering efpecially, that the Ben- 
 jems do live nearer to tlie borders of Per- 
 
 fia
 
 HAP. 2. 
 
 ^e Idolatry of the EafWndia Pagans. 
 
 749 
 
 fin and Armenia, than the reft of the In- The fourth transformation, into half aBAt- 
 diiins ; there being aUb mention made of Hon and half a man, was occafioned thus : "^^^l. 
 the giants. Gen. vi. 4. And it is very pro- During the firft period of time, a certain Th^'''''*'^ 
 bable, that the antient pagans were not giant, Hirrenkeffep, Cas the Benjans call fourth 
 quite ignorant of the hiftory of the de- him, but the Mdabars Reriiacxen,) ha- transfor- 
 luge, which they afterwards ufliered into ving been forced to abfcond for twelve °*"'°"* 
 the world, under divers peculiar deluges, years, on the account of Bramma^ after- 
 as for inftance, the Diluvium Ogygicum, wards made tlie following rcqueft to 
 which happened in Attica ; and Deitca- him : Mojl potent Bramma, grant me the 
 lion's deluge in Thejfaly ; and the Prome- favour to make me a great monarch upon 
 theus of the antient pagans, is by moft earth ; and bejlow this farther blejfmg upon 
 criticks taken for the fame with Noah. me, that I may not be killed either by day 
 
 But we come to the fourth transforma- or by night, either within or without my 
 tion -, yet before we enter upon the parti- houfe, either by heaven, earth, fun, or 
 culars thereof, we muft add fomething moon, by thunder, lightning, fiars, or cO' 
 more relating to the third transformation, mets, neither by clouds, -winds, hail, fncw. 
 The earth being leftored to its former or rains, or birds, beafis, men, devils^ 
 ftation, Viflnum upon an exaft view found fifhes, or water, not by fcrpents, ad- 
 it fomething inclining to the fouth ; which ders, poifon, fword, arrows, or any other 
 Vijtiium not being able to remedy, he ad- weapons. Bramma having granted the 
 drefled himfclf to a certain faint of very giant's requeft, he foon made himfelf 
 low ftature, named Rixi Agaffia, (Roge- mafter of the whole earth ; and overcome 
 Lib. II. rius * calls him Agaflea,) who having laid with pride at his fuccefs, ilTued out a 
 «9- his holy book upon that part inclining to mandate. That no body fliould be adored 
 the fouth, put it into a juft equilibrium. but himfelf, under the forfeiture of the 
 
 Fifinum walking with this Agaffia near lives of fuch as Ihould contravene it. 
 the fea-fide, the fea asked Viflnum, Who Things continuing in this ftate for fome 
 // was that walked with him ? Viftnum years, the Brahmans began to murmur, 
 replied. He is a faint who is going to re- That they fhould be obliged to adore any 
 fiore the earth to its true ballance ; where- terreflrial power, though never fo great, to 
 upon the fea, fcorning his low ftature, the prejudice of the celeflial fpirits : they 
 (he being not above the height of a joint refolved therefore, to make their fuppli- 
 of a finger,) wetted him with its waves •, cations to Viftnum, imploring him, to de- 
 which affront being highly refented by liver them from the cppreffions of this tyrant ', 
 Agaffia, he took fome of the fea-water who gave them for anfv/er, "That the giant 
 in his hand, and beginning to drink, did pcnld have fJjcrtly a fon born, who fhould be 
 not defift till he had drunk up the whole their deliverer, and till then they muft have 
 fea. Dewetas and Rixiis feeing the fea patience. 
 
 thus exhaufted, interceded with Agaffia Within ten months after, Naeckfeu, the 
 not to rob the world of fo fingular a be- giant's wife brought forth a fon named 
 nefir, and prevailed upon him fo far, that Prellade, who, when he was five years 
 he pifled out again all the water he had old, was put to a fchool-mafter ; being 
 drunken before ■, and this is the reafon one time fent for by his father, his mafter 
 their philofophers alledge for the faltnefs inftru6led him how to pronounce his fa- 
 of the fea. ther's name in fhort writing, which was 
 
 Agaffia after having reftored the bal- Irenia ; but inftead thereof, the boy faid, 
 lance of the earth, took his leave of Vift- Ary, being the abbreviated name of Vift- 
 num, who to prevent the like for the fu- num. The mafter aftoniflied, put his hand 
 ture, ordered the great ferpent to wind upon his mouth, bidding him to forbear, 
 herfelf about the feven worlds and feven for fear of being the occafion of his own 
 feas : and for more fecurity's fake, ap- death ; but the more he forbid him, the 
 pointed eight guardians to watch over it, more the boy perfifted in faying, Ary^ 
 called in the Malabar by the following Ary, inftead of Arenia. 
 names, i . Indra, the king of the celeftial The fchool-mafter not knowing what 
 fpirits. 2. Vanni, the god of fire. 3. Pa- to do, brought him to his father, tilling 
 durpati, king of the evil fpirits. 4. iV/'- him. That his fon vjould not pronounce his 
 rurdi, king of the infernal fpirits. 5. Va- name, which be had taken fo much pains 
 runna, the god of the fea. 6. Maril, the to teach him. The father asking him the 
 god of the winds. 7. Cubera, the god reafon, the boy anfwered, I'our name is 
 of riches, called otherwife Baffironnem. not the true name, but the other is the 
 8. Ixananam, or Ixora himfclf. Hence it truth itfelf. His father asking further, 
 is, that you fee frequently eight ftones IVhat is truth ? the fon anfwered, Vift- 
 placed at the entrance of aiid about their num, who flls the fourteen worlds, is the 
 Pagodes. truth. What benefit, laid the father, do 
 
 Vol. III. 9 D ycu
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 750 
 
 B A L- you receive from Viftnum ? Jnd "u^bat be- 
 «»*"»• nefit, replied the Ton, JJjall I receive by 
 '•^''^^ yours ? Tlie giant told him, n'hoevcr re- 
 peats my name, JhaU be bleffed with riches, 
 honour, dignities, and Ufe. How, fays tlie 
 fon, can you give life and riches ? 2 es, 1 
 can, replied the giant, and will convince 
 you immediately, it being in my power to 
 take away your life. "That will fcarce hap- 
 pen, anfwered the fon, according to your 
 providence and difcretion. What is provi- 
 dence and difcretion? asked the giant. 
 7bat is the eternal divine name of V ilt- 
 num, replied the fon, the creator of the 
 fourteen worlds. The father asking him, 
 IVhere is this name to be found? The fon 
 anfwered. In every thing, both in heaven 
 and earth, every thing being filled with 
 Viftnum. JVJjat, replied the father, and 
 is Viftnum alfo in this pillar ? 2'es, re- 
 plied the fon, and likewife in you and me. 
 The giant not longer able to contain 
 iiimfclf, told him, Boy, becaufe thou infifiefi 
 thus upon the name of Viftnum, / will beat 
 your brains cut with this fiick : but if 
 thou wilt pronounce my name, thou floalt nei- 
 ther die, neither he beaten. That will not be, 
 fays the boy, for your name's fake ; becaufe 
 God has ordered it otherwife. But I will 
 fpoil that ordinance, replied the giant : 
 and with that, ftruck with his golden 
 ftaff at the boy, who hiding himfelf be- 
 hind the pillar, implored the name of 
 Viftnum. The giant turning again with 
 more fury than ever againft the fon, ftruck 
 with fuch violence, that the pillar burft, 
 and produced a monfter, half a man, half 
 a lion, an hermaphrodite, with breafts 
 
 Part II 
 
 both above and below, breathing fire 
 and flames out of its noftrils. 
 
 The Benjaiis fay. That the giant did 
 erecl a red-hot pillar to tie his fon to, 
 telling him at the fame time, Let us fee 
 who can deliver you out of my hands. The 
 fon then invoking the aftrftance of Vift- 
 nim, the pillar burft, and forth came the 
 monfter. All the rtanders by were ama- 
 zed at this fpedlacle, and the giant him- 
 felf trembled for fear. Viftnum refolving 
 to revenge his own quarrel, and at the 
 fame time not to break the promife 
 made by Bramma to the giant, laid hold 
 of the giant, and hurrying him under 
 ground direftly under the threfliold of his 
 own hoLife, and keeping him there till 
 fun-fet, tore his body in pieces, thereby 
 fulfilling Bramma'^ promife, That he 
 fliould not be killed within nor without 
 his houfe, neither in heaven nor upon earth, 
 neither by beafts, birds, fword, wind, rain, 
 hail. The giant's fon fucceeding his father 
 in the empire, ruled with great applaufe, 
 for many fucceeding years. 
 
 Thus ended the fourth transformation 
 of the firft period of time, called Korte- 
 Jtnge by the Benjans, comprehending in 
 all one million leven hundred and twen- 
 ty-eight thoufand years •, for though all 
 thefe transformations were tranfafted with- 
 in the time of feven thoufand feven hun- 
 dred years and three days, the reft, viz. 
 one million feven hundred and twenty 
 thoufand years, three hundred and fixty 
 days, muft be fuppofed to have been the 
 intervals of thefe tranfadtions. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 77j^ Jlfth transformation cf y\ik.x\\Mn into a Brahman. Great plenty under 
 Mavaly. "The reqiafl of the transfer wed Viftnuir,. Pi,'iriri;m'i- aitar and 
 birth: He kills 'R.cwlc:^ his mother. K:']i Inder'j ro'-u)' of pienty. Pr.;iIiiramV 
 great aSlions. 
 
 WHITST Mavaly (called Belragie 
 by the Benjans and Centives) ru- 
 led the world, the inhabitants thereof 
 were fo plentifully provided with every 
 thing by his bounty, that poverty was a 
 thing unknown among human race. Vift- 
 num perceiving that as the cafe then 
 ftood, there were no different degrees, 
 nor any dependance in the world, either 
 on God or man, refolved to deveft Ma- 
 valy (by fraud) of the government of the 
 world. 
 
 With this intention Viftnum aflumed the 
 ftiape of a Brahman, and appearing in a 
 mendicant pofture before Mavaly, he ask- 
 ed him, IVho he was, and upon what er- 
 
 rand ht came ? The pretended Brah' 
 man replied. Having heard of your chari- 
 ty, I am come to crave fame alms. Ma- 
 valy anfwered, / zvho have granted the re- 
 quefts of many kings and princes, will not 
 deny thee, let it he what it will, whether 
 kingdoms, money, honours, or whateva- elfe 
 you can ask. Tlie Brahman replyed. My 
 aim is not at fuch mighty things ; but after 
 all, for fear of denial, I beg of you to pro- 
 mife me, without exception to grant my re- 
 queft. Mavaly anfwering that he would, 
 the Brahman begged him to confirm it 
 with an oath. 
 
 Alavaly being juft upon the point of 
 confirming it by oath, the planet Venus 
 
 (who
 
 'hap. ^. 
 
 T^he Idolatry of the Eaft-India Tagans. 
 
 151 
 
 Cwho flood juft byj told him, Jnd is it 
 cuftomary to fivear to the giving of alms ? 
 Which Mavaly being not in the leaft mo- 
 ved at, fvvore to the Brahman^ who told 
 him, I am not covetous of kingdoms or pro- 
 vinces ; my deftre is confined to three foot of 
 ground, ivhere I may ere5l a hut, where to 
 lay up my books, umbrella, and drinking- 
 cup ; I beg you therefore to pour fome of 
 your "Water upon the ground. For it is a 
 cuftom among thefe pagans, that when- 
 ever they difpofe of, or fell any tiling, 
 they confirm their promife or bargain by 
 pouring fome water upon the ground, 
 part whereof the buyer catches with his 
 hands, and drinks, in confirmation of the 
 bargain -, juft as Jacob dcfired Jofiph to 
 lay his hand under his hips, when he 
 was going to make him his promife upon 
 oath. Gen. xlvii. 29. & xxiv. 2. where the 
 hips (according to fome interpreters) are 
 taken pro parti bus generationis, in quibus 
 circumcifionis fignum dabatur. 
 
 Mavaly told him. Ask a kingdom, and 
 I "will grant it. The Brahman replied, 
 Were I a king, I mujl punijh criininals, 
 which I could not do without trefpajfing the 
 rules of the order of the Brahmans -, where- 
 fore I deftre no more, than three foot of 
 ground. Mavaly replied. That will not 
 he enough to build you a houfe upon. I want 
 no houfe, faid the Brahman, having nei- 
 ther wife nor children, I deftre only three 
 foot of ground, which you cannot refufe 
 without being perjured. Mavaly telling 
 the Brahman that he never broke his pro- 
 mife, and ordering Venus to bring him 
 fome water, fhe defired him not to pour 
 the water upon the Brahman, whom fhe 
 looked upon as an impofler. Mavaly re- 
 plied. Of what confequencc can three foot 
 of ground be ? Take heed, anfwered Venus, 
 for this is Viftnum himfelf, who is come 
 in difguife to deceive you. Mavaly re- 
 turned, / have not finned againfl Viftnum, 
 and therefore have no reafon to fear him. 
 Notwithfianding which, Venus continued 
 to perfuade him by many arguments, not 
 to trufl him : but Ma.valy perfifting in his 
 refolution, told her. Let come on it what 
 will, if it fJjould cofi me my life, I will 
 not break my oath. Then taking the veffel 
 with the water, he bid the Brahman to 
 hold up his hands, which Venus percei- 
 ving, fhe held Mavalf^ arms, defiring 
 him not to pour out the water -, but Ma- 
 valy pufhing back her hand, bid the 
 Brahman a lecond time to hold up his 
 hands. Venus then changing her fhape, 
 flopped the pipe of the veflel, which 
 Mavaly endeavouring to loofen with a 
 twig, he hurt Venus''', one eye, whence 
 file got the name of Chueren -, then water 
 coming out of the fpout of the veffel, the 
 
 Brahman did drink. This done, Mavaly B a l- 
 ordered him to meaf'ure the three foot of °^-!^Z^^ 
 ground where he pleafed. Viflnum ha- 
 ving by this time reaffumcd his own 
 fhape, he covered the whole earth with 
 one of his feet, and with tlie other the 
 paradife called Sorgalogain. Whilll Vi^- 
 num was extending his foot, Bramma 
 poured water upon it, which produced 
 the river Ganges, fo highly celebrated 
 among the Indians and other pagans. 
 Viflnum having thus meafured two foot, 
 Mavaly told him he might alfo take the 
 third, which he did, by meafuring the Viftnum 
 inferior region, called Padalas, and thus ^^^" ^f 
 became mafler of the whole world. ^^^ """'''• 
 
 The Gentives add, that this Brahman, 
 (whom they call Vanam, i. e. a black 
 dwarf, antl Rogerius calls him Barmafari, 
 i. e. a young Brahman, by the name of 
 Wamara * ) fet his left foot upon Mava- * ^''''- ^^■ 
 ly's breafl or head, and thus kicked him ' '^' 
 through the ground into the infernal re- 
 gion, whereof he made him king. But 
 Mavalfs wife upbraiding Viflnum with 
 ingratitude, he carried her to her huf- 
 band : and as a reward of his piety, be- 
 flowed upon him the government of the , 
 place of darknefs, Viftnum himfelf re- 
 maining with him nine days to guard the 
 entrance thereof Rogerius calls this Ma- 
 valy a devil, named Belli, and fays. That 
 whilfl the waters of the Ganges were fiow- 
 ing from above over hero's head, and rifeni 
 out of the hip of a faint, fixty thoufand 
 men were brought to life. This fable 
 had queflionlefs its origin from the want 
 of knowledge of the true fource of the 
 river Ganges, for which reafon they ge- 
 nerally ftile it the Heavenly River. 
 
 Mavaly being not fatisfied with his 
 prefcnt Ibition, made his complaint to' 
 Viflnum, who told him, That in regard 
 he had been a charitable perfon, a man 
 of truth, and without fin, he would con- 
 ftitute him king of the paradife. Ma- 
 valy making a deep reverence, (called 
 by them Sambaja,) returned for anfwer, 
 It is not my ambition to reign, being on- 
 ly afl'edled with the hardfhips ef my for- 
 mer fubjecls, who have no body now to 
 provide them with neceffaries, as I ufed 
 to do. Viflnum replied. The poor fliall 
 ferve the rich and be maintained by 
 them •, fo that he that will work, fhall 
 want for nothing. I will alfo conflitute 
 you the door-keeper of the paradife, fo 
 that no body fhall enter there without thy 
 knowledge. But, replied Mavaly, how 
 fhall I then be able to judge at fucli a 
 diflance, how you deal with mankind, — - " 
 upon earth ? I will, anfwered Viflnumy 
 aftign you a certain place in heaven, from ' 
 whence you may overlook the eiirth i 
 
 aiid
 
 752. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Part II 
 
 and fo made him door-keeper of the pa- 
 radifc. 
 
 Accordingly Vijlnutn diftinguifhed man- 
 kind into three ibrts, rich, poor, and 
 middle-lizcd, whicli were to have a re- 
 ciprocal depcndance on one another ; that 
 fuch as had lived pioufly, and done afts 
 of charity, fliould be received after their 
 death, and live in plenty and fplendor; 
 but fuch as did otherwiie, fhould, after 
 their deceafe, be transformed again into 
 Oaves and drudges, to do penance for 
 their former fins, till by their good works 
 they fliould merit paradife, which they 
 were not to enter, however, without Ma- 
 val/s confent. He alfo conftituted a 
 feall, (called Ona by the Malabar s,) to 
 be celebrated yearly in Auguft^ when they 
 fpend feveral days together in feafting 
 and other forts of diverfions, and appear 
 in all their bell apparel, 
 "hcfixih The fixth transformation happened thus: 
 •.•HiMor- After the appearing of Hanumans^ men- 
 ...lion. tioned in Chaf. v. Part I. one Braman 
 and Bramaiii being joined in wedlock, 
 did for a confiderable time lead a pi- 
 ous and contented life near the river 
 Bewa ; but the woman being barren, (a 
 thing much defpifed among the Benjans^) 
 they refolved to retire into fome defart, 
 there to implore God's affiftance. Having 
 thus for fome time led a vagabond lite, 
 they came to a certain Pagode, built in 
 a foreft, near which ftood a very fine 
 tree, under the fliade whereof they re- 
 pofed themfelves for fome time, and 
 fent forth their prayers upon their bend- 
 ed knees. After fome time, finding their 
 prayers ineffedtual, the woman told her 
 husband. That they ought to leave this 
 fhady place, and in lieu thereof to ex- 
 pofe themfelves to the injuries ot the 
 fun, rains, and ftorms, to try whether, 
 perhaps, by this humiliation and pe- 
 nance, God might be prevailed upon to 
 blefs them with children. They perfe- 
 vered in this aufterity and continual pray- 
 ers for fome longer time, but in vain -, 
 the woman growing beyond all patience, 
 told her husband. That being quite wea- 
 ry of life, file defired him to faft with 
 her, till thereby they could put a pe- 
 riod to their miferable life. According- 
 ly having fpent nine days without eat- 
 ing or drinking, Frjlnum appeared to 
 them in the fliape of a child, asking 
 them. What was the occafion of their mor- 
 tification and fervent prayers. The wo- 
 man anfwered. All our prayers are di- 
 refted to Vijtnum, to blefs me with fuch 
 a handfome child as thee. Vijlnum re- 
 plied. And do you inftead of gold and 
 lilver defire children, who commonly 
 prove the toils of life ? Bramani an- 
 
 2 
 
 Reneca. 
 
 fvvered, All the riches and pleafures of 
 this world are not fo valuable to me, as 
 a fon of my own, fo well fiiaped as thy- 
 felf Viftnum replied, Your prayers are 
 heard -, and as you have three feveral 
 times mortified your bodies, fo three fons 
 fhall be born thee fucceflively ; and fo he 
 vanilhed. 
 
 Being both cxhaufted with fading, 
 they died foon after ; but the foul of 
 Bramani was infufed into the body of 
 the new born Reneca^ and that of Bra- 
 man into the body of the new born Bra- 
 man, furnamed Siatndichemiy who being 
 come to their riper years, were joined to- 
 gether in marriage -, Reneca's filler being 
 at the fame time married to the great 
 Raja Sejlraarfum, who had a thoufand 
 arms. 
 
 Siamdichemi retired with Reneca to a 
 folitude near the river Ganges, where 
 they built a hut of ftraw, with an inten- 
 tion to live upon the fruits of the earth, 
 and pafs their time in praying to Vijlnum. 
 
 It was not long before Reneca (pur- P affaiam 
 fuant to the promife made by Vijtnum) ' " °' 
 brought forth a beautiful fon, unto whom 
 llie gave the name of Prajfaram, who 
 being carefully educated under the tuition 
 of his father, did, in his twelfth year, 
 interpret the mod abfhrufe charafters 
 tliat could be laid before him. His mo- 
 ther having received a certain cloth from 
 Vijlnum, which, keeping water as well as 
 any earthen veflfel, Reneca going to fetch 
 water one time out of the river Gan- 
 ges, fhe happened to fee the great Ra- 
 ja Sejlraarfmn with his fpoufe (her fifter) 
 a hunting near the river fide. Reneca 
 asked one of his attendants, who it was? 
 and being anfwered, that it was Raja 
 Sejlraarjum with his queen, fhe advanced 
 towards them ; but finding that her fifter 
 took no notice of her, fhe fat down in 
 a vtry melancholy pofture upon the bank 
 of the Ganges, complaining of the vaft 
 difi^erence there was betwixt her fifter and 
 her. 
 
 Alas 1 faid (lie, Jhe is a queen, and I a 
 poor Brahman'j wifs •, JJoe is fojj'ejfed of ri- 
 ches, honour, and plenty, and I know no- 
 thing but ixmnt and mifery. 
 
 She was then going to fill her cloth 
 with water, but found it, to her great a- 
 ftonifhment, leaky ; and being afraid to 
 return home, ftaid abroad till after fun- 
 fet. Siamdichemi, furprized at her long 
 ftay, looked out at the doors, and finding 
 her fitting in a melancholy pofture, asked 
 her whether flie had brought any water ; 
 but flie anfwering, Ihe had not, and giving 
 him the reafon for it, he told her, that 
 he was certain fhe had uttered fome ex- 
 prefiions contrary to his zeal and piety -, 
 
 and 
 
 llfi! 
 
 1. 
 
 i
 
 !1hap. 4. 
 
 T^he Idolatry of the 
 
 where it happened ; which fhe did ac- 
 cordingly, and at the fame time gave 
 hi in an account of what had happened to 
 her uncle and the ten thoufand iiorfe- 
 
 men. 
 
 iwan 
 
 Ra-wan thus fore-warned, afTumcd the 
 nsform- fi^^p^ of ^ fl-^g y^[(^ two heads, and fo 
 
 '" ° did feed near Rum's hur, tlie better to 
 furprizc him with the firll: opportunity ; 
 but being efpied by Sytbti, Ram's wife, 
 fhe was fo much taken with his bright 
 ficin, tliat flie dcfired her hufband to flioot 
 hini, and to make her a veft of his fkin. 
 Ram told her, that the fame could not be 
 done without danger ; but Ihe perfifting 
 in her entreaties, lie confented, yet under 
 condition. That ihe and his brother Leke- 
 imit fliouki not pals three certain circles 
 he made with chalk crols the hut. He 
 no fooncr got into the field, but the two- 
 headed ftag fet up his heels, and being 
 lliot by purlued by Ram for three Cos, was Ihot 
 '"'■ with an arrow in the bread. 
 
 Ratvan's ghoft at the fame time entering 
 into tiie body of a I'hkier, he went ftrait- 
 ways to Rain's hur, and with a iloleful 
 voice cried out to Lekeman, to fuccour his 
 brother, who was in danger of perifliing 
 by his enemies hands. Sytba, thunder- 
 flruck at this voice, begged Lekeman to fuc- 
 cour her hufband, v/ho told her. That he 
 believed this voice to be fictitious, as not 
 quell ioning that his brother, who had fo 
 lately flain ten thoufmd men, could be in a 
 condition to cope with one. But Sytha im- 
 ploring liis afliliance with a flood ot tears, 
 he went accordingly. 
 
 In the mean time the Fakier, endowed 
 with Raivan's fpirit, having aifumed the 
 lliape of a beggar, came to beg fome 
 alms of Sytha, who excufed the matter ; 
 yet at lall was prevailed upon to give 
 him fome fruit that were left the day be- 
 fore ; but as fhe was extending her arm 
 towards the beggar, he catched hold of 
 her hand, and pulling her over the circle, 
 (under pretence ot bringing her to the 
 place where her hufband was engaged,) 
 'e carries he carried her to the country ot Lanka, in 
 vay the illc of Ceylon. 
 
 As he was carrying her along, he met 
 with the giant Siellank, of the tribe ot 
 the Rdcbes, who begged fome viduals of 
 him in a threatening tone. Rawan ha- 
 ving no provifions to give him, took up 
 a Itone, which he rubbing againft his 
 thigh, made a large hole, the blood 
 whereof turned the Itone into meat, which 
 he gave the giant, who had no fooncr 
 eat It, but it turned to a ftone again in 
 )iis ftomach, and opprefled him to fuch a 
 degree, that he was not able to fiir or 
 
 nhz. 
 
 move. 
 
 N". 
 
 135. Vol, III. 
 
 Eaft-India Piigans. 757 
 
 Then Razvaii, purfuing his journey, canneBAi- 
 to the mountain Rffmokprr^Jiat, where he "''''• "^^ 
 met with the apes with bears heads, call'd ""^ 
 Uarmman, Suckcri^^c, Angd, and Siamboemt ; 
 and Sytha dropping iier ring, the fame was 
 taken up by Hanuman. 
 
 Rawan coming into Ceylon, and not Pl.-iccs her 
 daring to bring Sytha into his houfe, >" a gar- 
 placed her in a garden under a certain trec^^" '" 
 called Syfem ; and having appointed her a ^ "^ " 
 guard of twelve giants, he daily made his 
 courtfliip to her ; but fhe refufetl all his 
 ofltrs. 
 
 In the mean time Ram returning home- 
 wards, and meeting with his brother LckC' 
 man by the way, th.ey both came to the 
 hut, but to their great iiirprize found Sy~ 
 tba gone. Rom in a mofl violent rap;e up- 
 braided his brother with leaving the hut ; 
 but having underdood the reafon, they re- 
 folved to go in qucft of Sytha. 
 
 As they were parPing through a very Ram sntl 
 long fubtcrrancous paffage, they met with Lekeman 
 a certain giatit at his devotion, who be- ^^ g" ^j^^'^ 
 ing furprized to fee them. Ram told him,'' 
 That the defiie of finding out his fpoufe 
 had brought him through this dangeious 
 place, afking him, Whether he had not 
 heard any thing of her. He anfwered, 
 that he had fcen a giant flying through 
 the air, holding a woman upon his hand. 
 Ram further enquiring what way they were 
 gone, he anfwered, Tov.'ards the country 
 of Dekcndcfa. 
 
 Ram verily believing this to be Sytha, 
 blclfed the giant, and purfuing his jour- 
 ney to the mount Refmokpcrwal, met with 
 the beforementioned apes wirh bears heads, 
 where liamiman proflrating himfelf at his 
 feet, afked him, "What brought him to 
 this remote part of the world ? Ram an- 
 fwered, To look after his fpoufe. Eanumait 
 replied, I fiw a giant pafs through the 
 air, with a woman fi;ting upon his hand, 
 who dropped this ear-ring. Ram infinitely 
 rejoiced at the fight thereof, (knowing it 
 to be liis wife's,) afked him. What way 
 they had taken ? Hanuman replied. To the Hanuman 
 country of Lanka, in the ifle of Ceylon ; gives an 
 and at the fame rime oBering his fervice^'^'^"""'.'^ 
 for the recovery of his fpoufe, he entreat- ?^f^a°' 
 ed the ape Suckerigc to afllll him in this ' 
 enterprize •, promifing him, that in cafe 
 they iucceeded. Ram fliould rdlore to 
 him his wife and his cftate in the val- 
 ley of Kieckenda, taken from him by his 
 brother Bael. But Sarkerlge remember'd 
 his brother's (trength, how he had worlt- 
 cd the giant Rawan, and held his head 
 tv;o months under his arms, (before the 
 government of the world was committed 
 to him by Vijlnum ;) befides feveral other 
 giants told him, that Ra7>t being only of 
 9 F a mid-
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Part I 
 
 a middle ftature, was not likely to conquer 
 
 him. 
 
 Hanuman, however, perfifting in his 
 peifualions, and extolling the power of 
 Ram, Suckenge afked a token, viz. that 
 he fhoiild fhoot his arrow through fome 
 of the branches of the trees, whilft 
 they were agitated by the wind. Leke- 
 mati having undcrftood his requeft, fpoke 
 to his brother Ram, who bidding therii 
 fhuc their eyes, he fhot at once with his 
 arrow through feven trees, and at the lame 
 time ordered Suckenge to challenge his 
 brother Bad in his name -, which beiiig 
 done accordingly, Bed appeared, and in 
 a fcornful tone told Ram, That he would 
 cut off his head at one ftroke ; whereat 
 Ram being exafperated to the higheft de- 
 gree, he drew his bow, fent his arrow 
 Ram kills through his body, and reflored the valley 
 Bael. of Kieckenda to Suckerige, and with it his 
 wife. 
 
 Ram having nov/ taken a refolution to 
 flay with his brother in the mountain, fcnt 
 Kimiman, Anget, Suckerige, and Sucking, 
 chieftains of the apes, into the valley of 
 ^icxinta, (as the Malabars call ir,) not 
 fixr from the valley of Kieckenda, in queft 
 of his fpoufe. Hanuman being ready to 
 depart with his company, gave him his 
 ring as a token to (hev/ to his fpoufe 
 Sytba. Accordingly they fet out on their 
 journey, taking two different roads, two 
 and two together; but not meeting with 
 Sytha, they met at a certain place near the 
 fea fide, full of defpair at their ill fuccefs. 
 However, Hanuman bid them have a good 
 heart, telling them, that Ceylon lying op- 
 pcfite to them crofs the feas, he would, ac- 
 cording to the power granted him by Viji- 
 mim, fly over the lea into Ceylon, where 
 Rawan kept his refidence. 
 Hanuman Haymman being at laft, in difguife, ar- 
 flies into rived in the ifle of Ceylon, met with ten 
 Ceylon. feij^.^Ie giants that were appointed her 
 guard by Rawan in the air : Thefe refu- 
 fing him paRage, he affumed the fliape 
 of a fly, and thus efcaping their hands, 
 advanced to the (liore of Ceylon ; but be- 
 ing there met by a huge giant, who flop- 
 ped his paffiige, was forced to reaffumc 
 his own body of an ape, and fo to en- 
 gage the giant, who feeing him to fight 
 fo courageoufly, commended his bravery, 
 telling him. That he fhould fucceed in 
 what he defired. Hanuman anfwering, 
 lliat he came only to look for his mafter 
 Hears of Ram's wife. The giant replied. She is 
 Sytha. kept by the mofl potent Rawan in a 
 garden under a fyfem-tree. 
 
 Hanuman then purfuing his journey, 
 and being extremely tired, did fall into 
 a fwoon upon the fea-fhore ; where ha- 
 
 2 
 
 ving flept eighteen hours, and forgotten 
 the name of the place affigned hmi by 
 the giant, he transformed himfelf into a 
 cat, and running through all the houfes 
 and corners of Ceylon, but without fuc- 
 cefs, at laft happened to light upon the 
 top of Raman's houfe, from whence efpy- 
 ing the tree where Sytha was kept, he at- 
 vanced towards it ; but whilft he was in 
 doubt whether it were Sytha or not, he 
 faw Rawan coming towards her, and re- 
 newing his courtftiip, offering all his ter- 
 ritories and treafures, in cafe fhe would 
 confent to be his wife -, but Sytha replied. 
 That being Ram's alone, fhe would never 
 encourage his addrefifes, threatening to con- 
 fume him by fire, if he perfifted in his de- 
 mands. 
 
 Rawan was no fooner gone, but Hanu- 
 man dropped the ring given him by Ram 
 into Sytha's lap; who buift out into tears, 
 imagining that Ram had been killed by 
 fome ot the giants : But Hanuman throw- 
 ing himfelf at her feet, told her, That 
 Ram was in good health, and had fent 
 him to look after her. Sytha ftill que- 
 ftioning the truth, Hanuman told her. 
 That the ring was given him as a token 
 to her, yet not with an intention to bring 
 her to him, but only to learn news of her. 
 Then hafte avi/ay, replied fhe, and defire 
 Ram to deliver me out of the hands of the 
 tyrant Rawan. 
 
 Hanuman went his way; but confider- Hanu- 
 ing with himfelf, he would not forfake '"^"'^ 
 Lanka, without leaving behind him fomel "!"' ' 
 remembrances of his having been there, 
 he returned to Sytha, aiking her leave to 
 gather fome fruits, which flie denied, 
 telling him. That he would be unfortu- 
 nate in his enterprize, if he fed upon 
 any other fruit but what he found upon 
 the ground. Well, faid Hanuman, and 
 fo laying hold of the next fruit-tree, and 
 tearing it up by the root, he eat the fruit -, 
 the fame he did to moft of the other trees 
 in the garden, except that where Sytha 
 was placed. The gardiner feeing the 
 next morning what havock "Hanuman had 
 made, told his maflcr what happened, 
 who being incenfed to the higheft degree, 
 ordered ten thouland giants to kill 
 this ape. Hanuman feeing them advan- 
 cing againft him, laid hold ot one of the 
 biggeft trees, and made fuch havock a- 
 mong thefe giants, that fcarce one of them 
 efcaped. 
 
 Rawan no fooner heard of this defeat, 
 but he fent twenty-five thoufand more to 
 revenge the quarrel of their comrades v 
 but thefe having undergone the fame fate, 
 he fent his youngeft Ion at the head of 
 twelve thouland of the choiceft giants, 
 
 who
 
 .HAP. 
 
 reat 
 tighter 
 the gi- 
 
 The Idolatry of the £aft-India Pagans. 
 
 iderfict 
 akes u fc 
 ' a be- 
 itched 
 row. 
 
 who put Hanmnaji fo hard ro ir, that they 
 made him reel feveral times; but his 
 ftrength being continually renewed by Ram's 
 ore, he at firit flew Razcan's youngcll Ion,, 
 and at latt the wliole army. 
 
 Mandory, Raivan's fpoufc, did all that 
 lay in her power to pcrfuade her hufband 
 to deliver up Sylba to Ram, for fear of 
 Jofing his whole cflate; but Razf^jn >vas» 
 io far from hearkening to her counfel, 
 that he iirued a proclamation, that he 
 who thought himfelf the ftrongert man 
 in the ille of Ceylon, fhould engage with 
 the ape; but there being no body who 
 durft compare for flrengrh with Raivaii'^ 
 eldeft fon, named Inderfut, (who formerly 
 had vanquifhed Raja Lider,) he ordered 
 him, That whenever he was a going to 
 Ihoot his arrow, he fhould utter certain 
 words taught him by Bramma, which had 
 that effeft, as to turn the arrow into a fcr- 
 pent, and to entangle his adverfary. 
 
 hiderfiet thus bold with hopes, advanced 
 at the head of his giants againil Hatju- 
 man, who laid \'o bravely about him, that 
 he made the giants fhrink, which Indcr- 
 Jiet perceiving, let fly his arrow againft 
 Hanunmn, which being in an inftant tranf- 
 form'd into a ferpent, was tore to pieces 
 by Hanuinan; which Inderfict feeing, he 
 flew like lightning thro' the air to the 
 holy Bramma, upbraided him with de- 
 ceitfulnefs, and threatning him with no 
 lefs than the lols of his life, unlefs he 
 fhew'd him the right way of vanquifliing 
 his enemy. 
 
 Bramma being put to fuch a nonplus, 
 haftned to Hanwvan, and carting himfelf 
 at his feet begged of him not to oppofe 
 Inderjiel'5 arrow, as wanting not means 
 to proteft himfelf againft his attempts, 
 by divers other ways. Hamiman taking 
 companion of Bramma, granted his re- 
 queft; who then told luderftet, that by 
 his charms he had fo ordered the matter, 
 as to render his arrow more etfeflual than 
 before. Inderfiet encouraged by his pro- 
 mife, fent forth his arrow againft Hantt- 
 man a fccond time; which turning into a 
 ferpent, ftuck clofe to his limbs, that the 
 giants had fufficient opportunity to exer- 
 cife their weapons upon him, though he 
 received no more harm by it than if he 
 had been touched with a feather. How- 
 ever, they carried him before the ten- 
 headed Rawan; who afked him by what 
 means he was become invulnerable. <Ha- 
 tiuman replied, by Ram's blefl"ing, whofe 
 wife thou haft carried away; which if 
 thou doft not reftore forthwith, thy whole 
 country fliall be laid delblate, 
 
 Rawan exafperated at this anfwer, 
 commanded ten thoufand. giants to kill 
 him; but findipg theic endeavours prove 
 
 759 
 
 unfucccfsful, he afl-ced Hanuniaii, by^Ai.- 
 what means he might be bereaved of his°'^"^^ 
 ftrength; he replied. If you iHp my tail -j^,;^*^ 
 in oil, wrap it in cotton, and tiien fet it fecms to 
 on fire, all my ftrength will vanifh in anharefome 
 inlfant. Rawan believing the matter, '«la''"" 'o 
 put it in execution, ""twithftanding'^^p^l^jj 
 wiiich, llamman pulleil the frrpent to 
 pieces like a piece of thread, killed, moft 
 of the giants, and fet fire to the houfes. 
 I'liis done, he took his leave of Sytha^ 
 who gave him one of her bracelets as a 
 token, to flicvv Ram that he had 'i^tzn 
 her, charging him at the fame time not 
 to look back till he had palsM the leas, elfe 
 he would be in great danger., Uantiman 
 llriftly obferved this rule till he came toj 
 the fea-lhore, when approaching on a 
 fudden to a great flame, he looked back, 
 and the flame reaching his tail, he was 
 glad to run into the fea, to extinguifli the 
 Hrc. 
 
 Then taking his courfe through the 
 air, he paffed the feas, and meeting witli 
 his comrades, told them what had hap- 
 pened; who thence made the beft of their 
 way to the mountain Refmokperviat ; and 
 having fliewed Sytha'i, bracelets to ' Ram, 
 who immediately ordered Suckcry, lord 
 ot the valley of Kicckenda, to fummon 
 all the apes under his jurifdiftion to arms 
 againft Raivari-, he accordingly appeared 
 under their eighteen kings, each whereof 
 appeared at the head of twenty thouland 
 apes, amounting in all to three hundred 
 and fixty thouland apes. 
 
 Ram and his brother Lekeman march- 
 ed at the head of this powcrjul anny to 
 the fea-fide, diredly oppofite to the iOe 
 of Ceylon; where Ram having I'pent three 
 days in farting and praying, to open a 
 palfage for his forces through the fea, 
 but in vain, he drew his bow, threat- 
 ning the fea to reduce it into fuch nar- 
 row bounds, that where then was no- 
 thing to be feen but water, the terreftial 
 creatures fhould fport upon the pleafanc 
 fuids witliout danger. The waves of 
 the fea thereupon humbling themfclves 
 before Rara, told him. That to open 
 him a paflage through the depth, could 
 not be done without a total deftruffion 
 of a vaft number of fillies; but that there 
 was in his army a certain ape called 
 Sicbcm, endowed with fuch a quality 
 by his maftcr the holy Narfy, that what- 
 ever ftone he fhould only touch, would 
 fwim on the furface of the water like 
 wood. Accordingly Ram ordered a ^ ^^^^ 
 vaft quantity of ftones to be brought bridge of 
 from the neighbouring mountains, which a hundred 
 being only touched, by Sichem, and then l«^g"" 
 thrown into the fea, .ditj fwim upon ^^°'^ ' * 
 the furface thereof, and making a bridge 
 
 of
 
 760 
 
 ne Jduliitry of the 
 
 Eaft-India Pitaans. 
 
 o 
 
 Part I 
 
 Bal- of one hundred leagues in length, af- 
 B.tvi. forded an caly pafiage for his whole 
 " army. 
 
 The inhabiranis of Lanka^ or Ceylon, 
 being foon alurni'd by die noife of their 
 drums, and other warlike inltrumcnts, 
 Raxvanh wife intreated her hufband to 
 take a view of that prodigious army 
 from the top of his houfe-, whom Ram 
 no fojncr Ipied at a diihince, but with 
 his arrow he ihot off his ten crowns from 
 his ten heads. His wife laying hold of 
 this opportunity, exhorted him once more 
 to deliver up Sytha to Ram, who, lays 
 fhe, can with the fame arrow, which took 
 olf your ten crowns, alfo take off your 
 ten heads. 
 
 But Rawan perfifting in his refoiution 
 not to part with Sytbn, Ram told his 
 brother Lekeman, that to 'leave nothing 
 unactempted to reduce Rawan to reafon, 
 they would difpaich the ape /Inget to 
 him to demand Sytha; and in cafe ot 
 refufal, to tell him now, that they 
 Were come to deftoy all with fire and 
 fword. 
 
 Rowan being advertufed of his arrival, 
 called together all his giants, (among 
 whom was his brother Belickhem;) and 
 having caufed ten ftatues to be made 
 with ten heads like himfelf, he took his 
 place in the midft of them: ylnget coming 
 boldly into the room, afked, What mon- 
 fters thefe were, and which of them was 
 Rawan himfeU? Whereat Rawan being 
 highly cxafpcrated, afl<ed. Who it was that 
 dares affront him thiis.-" threatning to make 
 him repent his boldnefs. Anget replied, 
 JVire I not here in ihe quality of an ar/ibrffa- 
 dor, I would try my ftrength with thee, being 
 fent by Ram to let thee know, that he did not 
 come with this army to dcjlroy thy fubjiSis, 
 but to recover his wife Sytha-, which if thou 
 refiifefl to do, he declares himfelf innocent of 
 all the effiifion cf blood that fjjall enfue. But 
 Rawan anfwcring, That he was refolved 
 not to deliver her; /f«^f/ brought this an- 
 fwer to Ram. 
 Rawan's At the fame time, Rawari'^ brother, 
 brother with five of his chief counlellors, find- 
 omesover j^g [-ji,,-, not in a capacity to cope with 
 fo powcrhil an army, aflumed the fliape 
 of apes, and tlirowing themlelves at the 
 feet' of Ram, craved his mercy and pro- 
 tettion. 
 
 The apes of Rnm^t, army taking them 
 for fpies, handled them very roughly at 
 firfl: coming into the camp; and Ha- 
 manan, or Hanneman, efpecially, would 
 have diflliaded him from having the 
 Jeaft concern vvidi them; but were ap- 
 • ^ ^eafed by Ram, when he told them. 
 That he knew them to be men of honour 
 ^«nd probity. . • 
 
 By this time Ra-wan had armed ten 
 thoufmd of his boldeft giants to attack 
 Ram's camp; but thefe being foon de- 
 feated, he lent eighteen thouland more^ 
 who having undergone the lame fate, he Rawan** 
 fent thirty thoufand more ; and thefe al- obllinaci 
 lb fucceeding no better, he fent fifty thou- 
 fand more, who were all routed like the 
 reft. 
 
 Then Rawan's eldeft fon entreating his 
 father to let him engage alone againft 
 the whole camp of Ram, he could not 
 confent to his rcquefl ; but having con- 
 vinced his fiuher of the advantages he 
 h.ad lately got by the infiruclions of 
 Bramma, he put him at the head of ten 
 thoufand of his choiceft giants. With 
 thefe troops being advanced to Rajrt's 
 camp, he encouraged them to fight biave- 
 ly, whilft he foaring up into the air, did 
 hide himfelf behind one of the wheels of 
 the chariot of the fun, till coming diredt- 
 ly over Ram's camp, he fent forth one of 
 his magical arrows, which turning imme- 
 diately into a ferpent, lent forth fuch a 
 vaft nurnber of ocher ferpents among the 
 apes, that their arms and legs being quite 
 entangled, they v^eie knocked down on all 
 fides by the giants. ! 
 
 Ram not a little furprized at this di- \ 
 
 fafter, afked Rawat's brother, what was 
 beft to be done; who told him. That if 
 he would fend for his winged Garronde, 
 the ferpents would vanifli in an inftant. 
 Ram following his advice, Garronde no 
 looner appeared, but the ferpents vanilli- 
 ed; and the apes fought it out bravely 
 v/ith the giants. 
 
 In the mean while. Ram having adviied 
 with his council, how to attack Inderftet, 
 Rawan's eldeft fon, in the air, and Le- 
 keman having offered his fervice, he got 
 upon Hanuman's back, who carrying him 
 up into the air, Inderftet fent a Ihower 
 ot arrows againft him ; but thefe being 
 repulfed by Lekemar's lliield, and Inder- 
 ftet feeing him advance towards him, 
 threw away his bow and arrows, and 
 laying hold likcwife of his fword and 
 buckler, a moft furious combat enfued, 
 which remained dubious for feme time; 
 till Lekeman giving him a blow on his r 
 neck, cut off his head at one ftroke, eldeft fi 
 which dropt down before his father's feet.''*'°- 
 Mandory, his mother, b,.rft out iiyo a 
 moll violent paffion for the Jols of her 
 beloved fon, tearing her hair and breafts 
 with her nailsj and upbraiding her huf- 
 band with cruelty, injultice, and lafcivi- 
 oufnefs; but to litde purpofe, Rawan 
 perfifting in his refoiution of not deliver^ 
 ing Sytha. _ 
 
 Being refolved to niake . his utmoft f^^ '™ 
 efforts, he cravM .tbe^afliftancc .of hiSjj"^^' 
 
 brother, hisbroi 
 
 <awan' 

 
 IIhap. 4. 
 
 Ihe Idolatry of the Eaft-India pagans. 
 
 761 
 
 brother, a mod famous giant, named 
 C. 3 Couken>:gi>i (or Kompacarnat as Rogtrius * 
 
 (calls him after the Malabars-,) this giant 
 iifed to fpend his whole life in deeping, 
 except one day, when he appeared in his 
 full adlivity ; and to fpend his time in 
 filling his belly with viftuals for the 
 k whole fuccecding year. It being then in 
 
 ■ third month of his fleep, Rawan called 
 
 to him aloud, Brother Ccukeringh, rouze, 
 rouzc, and come to my afliftance, or elle 
 we are loft ! Caukeriagh asking him, liaif 
 afleep, what was the matter ; Rawan told 
 him. That being attacked by a vaft body 
 of apes under the command of one Ram^ 
 who had killed two of his fons, and no lefs 
 than feven generals, with two hundred 
 thoufand giants, he had no other means 
 left to reprieve himfelf and his fubjefts 
 from deftruftion, but to implore his aid. 
 1'he giant reply'd. Thou bceft unfortu- 
 nate, Raivan, to have entangled thy felf 
 in an uiijuft war againft an army headed 
 by the divine Ram ; I hav^e forefeen it 
 in my fleep, that the fame will turn to 
 the deftruftion of thy felf and thy 
 country. 
 
 Rawan ftood amazed, but full of de- 
 fpair told his brother. That if it was his 
 fate (written in his forehead) to die by 
 the hands of Ram, it was in vain to 
 avoid it, defiring once more his aflif- 
 tance. The giant replied. My life is at 
 your fervice : and fo ordering his cha- 
 riot drawn by ten pair of affes, to be 
 got ready, put himfelf at the head of 
 Ratvan''^ army compofed of giants. Ram 
 in the mean while, underftanding that 
 the great giant was coming againft him, 
 he appointed fome thoufands ot apes to 
 throw upon him the tops of the rocks ; 
 which they did accordingly, though in 
 vain, the giant piercing the mount that 
 was thrown upon him with his arrow, 
 notwithftanding it had one hundred leagues 
 in compafs. 
 
 This made Ram ask Bebickhetn, Ra- 
 wan's brother, by what means the giant 
 Cottkcrhigh might be vanquifhed. Be- 
 bickhem replied. You muft retreat three 
 paces backwards. That cannot be, an- 
 ' • fwered Ram, becaufe I am defcended of 
 
 '.• the race of the Kelieriis, who dare not 
 
 retreat under pain of banifhment. But 
 there is no other remedy, returned Be- 
 bickhein ; but the beft advice I can give 
 you, is to defcend from your chariot, and 
 let the fame be carried three paces back- 
 wards. This being approved by Ram, 
 was done accordingly ; fo that whilft the 
 giant was making a moft horrid (laughter 
 I he giant among the apes, he fliot his head off, 
 ii °", ^" which falling upon the ground, ftiook 
 the earth, as if a whole mountain had 
 Vol. III. 
 
 tumbled down, a whole river of blood, B a l- 
 as back as pitch, gulhing out of his f^Al. 
 veins. ^^Or^** 
 
 Notwithftanding this, the trunk of his 
 body continued to make a great flaugh^ 
 ter among the apes : fo that Ram be-- 
 ing again obliged to have recourfe to 
 Rawan's brother, he told him, That if 
 he fent out a party of apes, to get a 
 blue cloth dyed with indigo, and there- 
 with covered the body, it would become 
 immoveable. In the mean while, the 
 trunk of the giant continued to make 
 great havock among the apes, but to lit- 
 tle purpole, they being revived (by the 
 afpeft of Ram,) as titt. as they were 
 killed. 
 
 By this time, tiie blue cloth being 
 brought, was thrown upon the trunk, 
 which in an inftant remained as unmo* 
 vable as a ftone in the field. Rawan Rawan's 
 feeing himfllf thus reduced to defpair, j?,^ '^"'* 
 had recourfe to the goddtfs Bozvanni, 
 unto v/liom he offered a facrificc of frefli 
 butter, fandal-wood, flowers, and fpices, 
 imploring her aid againft Ram with fuch 
 fervency, That it is believed he would 
 have obtained his requcif, had not the 
 ape Hajiuman defiled the facrifice by throw- 
 ing one of the dead carcafes of the (lain 
 giants upon the altar, creded in a deep 
 hole for this facriSce. 
 
 Rawan thus drove to the laft extre- 
 mity, put himfelf again at the head of 
 his forces, and like a defperate p;rfon 
 flew all the apes he met in his way, for- 
 cing all the hills before him the apes 
 threw in his way, till Ram drawing his 
 bow, fhot off" nine of his heads. And 
 then calling to him aloud, Rawan, faid 
 he, Defift from blood-fhed, return me my 
 Sytha, and I will heal thy wounds, and 
 reftore thee thy heads and kingdom, with- 
 out which thou wilt certainly lofe all. 
 But Rawan replying. That if fate had 
 fo ordained it, he would rather lofe his 
 ten heads alfo, than Sv/ha. Ram fliot Rawan 
 likewife his tenth head off: but percei- '^^'" ^5* 
 ving that the headlefs body laid ftill about ^^'^' 
 him with its twenty-four arms, he threw 
 fome water upon it, and muttering our 
 certain words, made it as immoveable as 
 a ftone. 
 
 Mandory was no fooner informed of 
 her husband's death, but flie threw her- 
 felf at Ram's feet, bewailing his obftina- 
 cy, notwithftanding the many forebodes 
 of his tall, an urifortunate raven and a 
 doleful owl having fettled upon his houfe, 
 with very dreaiiful lamentions and out- 
 cries, the fore-runners of his misfortune. 
 As I have, added fhe, been innocent of 
 what has happened, fo I hope you won't ^" ^"^"^ 
 deny me your protedion. Ram bid her [^"[st-s- 
 
 9 G be Cher.'
 
 ^he Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Part II 
 
 be fatisficd, ordering her at the fame 
 time, to pafs feven times through the 
 fiTiokc of the fire kept at Tchre, to pu- 
 rify lierftlf, and renew her virginity ; 
 which done, he would marry her to her 
 husband's brother Bebickhem, who accord- 
 ingly was put into Razvan's, place. Then 
 Ram being carried in his rofe-litter to the 
 tree Syfem, where Sytha was kept a pri- 
 Ram foner, 'flie embraced him, returning him 
 meets a- a million of thanks for her deliverance, 
 gain with -pj^p ^^jjj ji^i^g ]i^„t did, was to revive 
 
 ij}tha 
 
 Returr 
 home. 
 
 his apes flain in the late engagement ; and 
 fo marched back over the lame bridge 
 that had carried him into Ceylon. Being 
 come to the oppofite Ihore, he ordered 
 tlie (tones to be carried to the place 
 whence they had been taken, and march- 
 ing to the valley of Kieckenda, _ he would 
 there have taken his leave of Suckery ; 
 but he refufing to part with him thus, 
 would needs accompany him with all his 
 forces as far as the village of Baraipoeri, 
 where Ram was received by his father, 
 mother, and brother, with great demon- 
 ftrations of joy, the fweet-fcented^ rofe- 
 watcr, fafFron, betel, and other perfumes, 
 being lavillily beflowed upon him and all 
 thofe that had attended him home. 
 
 Ram having beftowed his bleffing upon 
 Suckery, he returned home -, but Hmimnn 
 ftaid with him. He reigned in peace ele- 
 ven years after his return, and begat two 
 
 fors, I. an and Cbus. Then taking his op- 
 portunity when he had fent Hanwnan out 
 of the way, he afcended into heaven with 
 the inhabitants of the earth, except his two 
 fons. 
 
 The Malabars fay. That Ram being jea- 
 lous of Sytha, would have murdered her^ 
 had flie not cleared herielf by the fire 
 and a folemn o-ith. Anothtr time being 
 again fcifed with a jealoufy, becaufe fhe 
 had Rawan\ picture drawn upon a piece 
 of board, Ihc purged herfelf, by putting 
 her hand into a veliel filled with ferpents. 
 
 They further add. That her husband 
 being become extreme jealous, caufed her 
 to be thrown before the elephants, and 
 afterwards before the tygers, but (he ef- 
 caped without the leaft harm. They fay, 
 Tfiat when Hanunian law Ram afcend into 
 heaven, he cryed aloud to him, O divine 
 Ram ! what have I done, that you will leave 
 me behind! Ram anfwered, Hanuman, be 
 not dijjatisfed, thou jhalt never die, and 
 many l^agoiies floall be ere£fed to thy memo- 
 ry. Farewell. 
 
 Thus ended the fecond period of time, 
 which, according to the computation of 
 the Benjans, contains one million two 
 hundred and ninety-fix thoufand ; where- 
 of Ram reigned two thoufand. This 
 fecond period is called Treitagcm by the 
 Malabars, and Tretanikc by the Benjans. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 The eighth altar. 'The Parents, birth, and education o/'Kifna: His fniracu- 
 Jous derfverance. Ragia Kans endeavours to inurder him. Kifna turns a 
 Jhephcrd, and jlies ivith his company to GvOggcl, 
 
 A S the eighth transformation of Vift- 
 
 The 
 
 Eighth ir\ num is accounted of the greateft 
 transfer- jnoment above the reft •, for, fiiy the pa- 
 iHoil°re- ^ g^"^' •'^ ^" ^^ others, Vifinum appeared 
 3i:a.kable. in the world with Ibme part of his di- 
 vinity ; but in this, he carried along with 
 him the whole fubftance of it, fo that he 
 left his place vacant in heaven. This 
 transformation happened with the begin- 
 ning of the third period of time -, and, 
 according to the relation of the Benjans, 
 was thus : 
 
 One Ragia Kans living in the city of 
 Moltera, twenty-five Cos from /Igra, upon 
 the river Siemmena, had a young filler na- 
 med Deuki. About three Cos higher up 
 the fame river, lived a certain Brahman 
 named IVajfendeuw, in the city of Goggel ; 
 The faid Deiiki being arrived to a marri- 
 ageable age, her brother Ragia Kans 
 looked out for a husband for her ; but 
 meeting with none for his purpofe in 
 I 
 
 that city, he fent to the city of Goggel; 
 where his mefienger hearing of the worth 
 and piety of IFajfendeirjj, the fame was, at 
 his recommendation, married to him when 
 he v/as only nineteen, aiw.1 iTie no more 
 than twelve years of age. 
 
 The (liid Ragia having underftood that 
 there was among his lubjefts a certain 
 Brahman named Nairet, well (killed in 
 chiromancy, (a thing in high efteem*SeeV( 
 among the pagans, * ) he fent for him, ^"^' '• • 
 defiring him to look into his filler's Viands, ^"p'^^;^' 
 and to foretel, without dilTembling thedeDiyj, 
 matter, what good or bad fortune was 
 like to befal her. The Brahnan having 
 viewed her hand, told the king. That ac- 
 cording to the lines of her hand, flie 
 was to bring forth fix fons, and one 
 daughter •, the youngell of whom will not 
 only take away thy kingdom, but alio thy 
 
 life. 
 
 The
 
 ;.HAP, 5. 
 
 ne Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 7^3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 The 
 ghtli day 
 fthe de- 
 ■eafing 
 lOon. 
 
 I 
 
 The king being not a little furprized 
 at this prophecy, ordered the laid Dcuki 
 and her husband to be imprifoned in a 
 ftrong caftle -, and that all the children 
 begotten upon her body, fliould be killed 
 immediately. Accordingly, the midv/ife 
 brought the new born babes to her bro- 
 ther, who beat out the brains of fix of 
 them, {viz. live fons and one daughter) 
 againll a ftone. Afterwards underllund- 
 ing that fhe was with child witli the 
 fevcnth, he inclofed her in a room with 
 iron doors, and appointed her a guard 
 of one hundred foldiers, with Itrid or- 
 ders. That the child, as foon as it was 
 born, fliould be brought to him. Upon 
 this occafion, I cannot but obferve, that 
 this, as well as the enfuing part of 
 the ftory of Kifn^i., feems to have a near 
 relation to the hi ftory of the birth of 
 our laviour, his flight into Egypt., the 
 murder of the innocent children by Herod, 
 Chrift's miracles, and afcenfion, ^c. 
 
 The • time of her reckoning being ex- 
 pired on the day * Aeiben, of the month 
 Sotiwunne, this unfortunate lady being o- 
 Verwhelmed with grief, fhe brought forth 
 a fon about midnight, without the leaft 
 pain, whole face Avas as bfight as the full 
 moon -, but as {he had occafion to rejoice 
 at the birth of fo fine a child, his 'fate 
 put her into incredible affliction : but 
 Vijtmim (whofe divine virtue was infufed 
 into this child) comforted his mother, 
 telling her, that he would find means to 
 efcape the hands of his uncle, and deliver 
 her out of her prifon. Then fpeaking to 
 his father, Pray, fays he, carry me to Go^- 
 gel., on the other fide of the river S^iem- 
 mena, to the Brahman Nen., whofe wife 
 being lately brought to bed of a daughter, 
 exchange me for her, and leave the reft to 
 my difpofal. 
 
 IVaJfendeuw anfwered. How is it pof- 
 fible to remove thee out of a chamber fo 
 clofely guarded and kept, that not the 
 leaft thing could pafs in or out ? Kifna 
 (this was the child's name,) replied, the 
 doors ftiall be opened to thee, and the 
 guards fo overcome with fleep, that no- 
 thing fhall ftop thy free paflage. He 
 had no fooner fpoke thefe words, but 
 the feven doors opened themfelves, fo that 
 WaJfendeWiV took the child, and carried 
 him off without the leaft hinderance. But 
 coming to the river Siemviena.^ direftly 
 bppofite to Goggel, Kifim's father percei- 
 vir,g the current to be very ftrong, (it be- 
 ing in the midft of' the rainy feafon,) and 
 not knowing which way to pafs it, Kifna 
 commanded the water to give way on 
 both fides to his father -, who according- 
 ly paflTed dry- footed crofs the river, be- 
 
 ing all the way guarded by a ferpeiit that B a i.- 
 held her head over the child, to ferve it "-«"'• 
 inftead of an umbrella. The Benjans call ^^^'v^ 
 this frrj)ent Sickenafy. Coming to the Brah- 
 man's lioufe, the door opened itfelf, and 
 finding tlie Brahman and his v;ife afleep, 
 he exchanged his ion for their daugh- 
 ter, which he carried along with him 
 to the cadlf. In fliort, the water afford- 
 ed him once more a free pafTage : and 
 finding the doors of the caftle open, 
 and tlie guards afleep, he locked them 
 after him, and delivered the girl to his 
 wife. 
 
 I'he guards hearing the child cry Joon 
 after, cntet-ed the chamber, fnatched it 
 from the unfortunate parents, and brought 
 it to Ragia Kans, who finding it a girl, 
 upbraided the Brahman with want of 
 flcill, yet for fear of the worft, was go- 
 ing to ftrike the head againft a ftone ; 
 but the child flipping out of his hands, 
 flew up into the air, and told him, // was 
 in vain to attempt to miird r her, finch 
 he that was to take away his head and 
 his kingdo-m, to revevge the death of his 
 five brothers, and a fijler, was fafe at 
 Goggel. This faid, it flew up high into 
 the air, where it was turned into light- 
 ning by Viftnum, a thing never fei n before 
 in the world. " ■' 
 
 Ragia Kans not a little furprized at 
 this accident, confulted all his friends, 
 what he had beft do in this emergency j 
 but none being able to advife him to any 
 purpofe ; whilft he was very melancholy, 
 and ruminating upon the oddnefs of the 
 thing, he underftood that the pious Brah- 
 man Nen, who lived at Goggel, had a 
 moft beautiful fon, v;hich put it into his 
 head, whether it might not perhaps be he 
 who was to take revenge of him for liiS 
 tyrannies. At laft, to make fure work, he 
 rcfolved to have the child killed -, but not 
 thinking it fafe to undertake fo heinous a 
 thing barefaced, (for fear of the common 
 people,) he made his applications to his 
 eldeft fifter Poetena, injoyning her, as fhe 
 tendered his life, to go with fome pre- 
 fents to this Brahman' % houfe, and to 
 endeavour to kill this child by anointing 
 her teats with poifon. 
 
 Accordingly coming with confiderable 
 prefents to the child's mother at Goggel, 
 fhe wiflied her much joy •, and taking the 
 child in her lap, fhe gave ample recom- 
 mendations of its beauty ; and then kif- 
 fing and playing with the child, laid ic ro 
 her breaft: but this child being proof a- 
 gainft all poifon, did fuck away, not on- 
 ly all her milk, but likewife the blood out 
 of her veins, till Ihe dropt down dead 
 upon the fpot. 
 "' •^' ■ Ragia
 
 7(54 
 
 Tlje Jdobtry of the Eaft-India Piigans. 
 
 Vml 
 
 Rcgia forely afflidlcd with this news, 
 relcalld his fiiler Deuki and her husband, 
 afking liis filler's pardon for his having 
 pretended to thwart the immutable de- 
 crees of dclliny, and defiring that all 
 things pad miglit be buried in oblivion. 
 However, as the child at Go^el lay con- 
 ftantly in his head, he advifed with his 
 Fizier, or chief minifl-cr, upon the mat- 
 ter : he told him. That there lived a cer- 
 tain giant, named SeSlafcr, at Mottera, 
 who had the gift of transforming him- 
 felf into a cart and oxen, by which 
 means he might carry the child into the 
 air and murder it. The king, purfuant 
 to his advice, fent for the laid Se£}afcr ; 
 who, at his requcft, crofling the river 
 K^iemmeim, when he came near the city of 
 Goggel, transformed himfelf into a little 
 neat cart, drawn by two white oxen with 
 gilt horns; and pafTing thus through the 
 ftrects ot the city, at lafl flopped near 
 the Br.ihman Nen's door. One of the 
 neighbouring women having juil at that 
 time Kifm in her arms at the door, fet 
 the child upon the faid cart, which was 
 no fooner done, but SeBafor flew with the 
 child up into the air. The mother ama- 
 zed at this fpcclacle, cryed out aloud, 
 O Viftnum, pro tell my child! her prayers 
 were heard ; for Kifia, when he faw him- 
 felf high in the air, alTumed the fhape and 
 ftrength of a giant, and gave fuch a blow 
 near the giant's heart, that he beat the 
 breath out of his body , then reafluming 
 his former fhape of a child, got upon his 
 dead carcafe, and fo fell down with it 
 upon the ground. His parents being eye- 
 witnefles of the deliverance of their fup- 
 pofed fon, were fb furprized thereat, that 
 looking upon him as Ibmething extraor- 
 dinary ftnt them from heaven, they facri- 
 hced to the gods, and gave abundance of 
 alms to the poor. 
 
 Ragia Kms finding himfelf difappoint- 
 ed in his hopes, had recourfe once more 
 to his mofl trully counfellors : one of 
 them told him, That there was a certain 
 Deyt^ or giant, named 'Turnawent, who 
 being endowed with the virtue ot tranf- 
 forming himfelf into a whirlwind, the king 
 ens;as;ed him on his fide, in order to car- 
 ry the child into the air. Kifna, who heard 
 the whirlwind rolling crofs the river Si- 
 emmena, towards the city of Goggcl., be- 
 ing then in his mother's lap at the door, 
 rolled down upon the ground ; whence 
 the whirlwind Inatching him up into the 
 air, his parents Hood amazed at fo llrange 
 a fpedlacle, imploring Vijlnum for his af- 
 filliince. 
 
 Kifna being carried to a vail height by 
 the wind, airumed the fhape of a man, 
 and taking the giant '■Turnawent by the 
 I 
 
 tliroat, turned his neck round ; and then 
 rcalfuming his former fliape, got upon the 
 dead carcais of the giant, and fell down 
 along with it upon the ground, jull before 
 his parents door, to the great amazement 
 of the inhabitants of Goggel, who could 
 not but look upon this accident as mira- 
 culous, or that had Ibmething of divine 
 in it. 
 
 Kiffia in the mean while remaining up- 
 on the giant's back, cried moll vehement- 
 ly ; his mother laid him to her breafl, 
 but he not ceafing to cry, fhe laid him 
 in a hanging cradle ; notwithflanding 
 which, he continued crying, till his mo- 
 ther having recounted to him the ftory 
 of Rt^m, ( as related before, ) he leaped 
 out of the cradle, and taking the fhape 
 of Ram, with his bow and arrow, he 
 cried out, Lekeman, let us go after R^- 
 •wan, and deliver Sytha. His mother be- 
 ing ready to proftrate herfelf at his feet, 
 he foon rcafiumed his former fhape, and 
 increafcd miraculoufly , both . ^a^ Itrength 
 and wifdom. ..-• • .„ 
 
 It happened one time, that his mother 
 did bring upon the table a golden difh 
 with rice-milk, and fome herbs,, d relied 
 after the way of the Benjam, which Kif- 
 na feeing, he told her. He could not eat 
 it, unlefs thefe things were all mixed to- 
 gether, which flie did accordhigly -, but 
 Kifim tafting it, defired her to feparate 
 them again ; his mother anfwering him. 
 That it was not in human power fo to do, 
 he laid his hand over the difh, and ftpa- 
 rated them immediately, to the aftonifh- 
 ment of his parents. 
 
 His father being a Brahman of the cow- 
 herds, maintained his family by breeding 
 of cattle ; which, fince the bringing of 
 Kifna into the houle, was increafed to nine 
 hundred thoufand. 
 
 His mother being one time bufy in 
 churning, he af]-:cd her for a little butter: 
 file gave him a little, but not thinking 
 that enough, he afked for more, which 
 flie refufing, he took the opportunity 
 whilft flie was gone out of the way, to 
 take away fome. His mother returning, 
 afked Kifna, What was become of the 
 butter.' He anfwered. That the cats and 
 rats had eat it. But the mother not thus 
 fatisfied, looked into Kifna's mouth, where 
 fhe had a view of the whole world with 
 its waters, forells, mountains, is'c. , in- 
 clofcd in a blue circle. The mother a- 
 Itonifhed at fo ftrange a fpe<5lacle, yet 
 foon recovered herfelf, when fhe fiw Kif- 
 na return to his childifh fhape and game 
 again •, fo taking up a twig, threatened 
 to flrike him ; but he running out of the 
 town, fhe purfued him ; but not being a- 
 ble to overtake him, he ftood llill at laft, 
 
 wh^n
 
 ZnAf. 6. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 when fhe gave him three or four blows, 
 urging him (till to tell her what w.is be- 
 come of the butter ; he perfifted in his 
 former ftory, that the cats and rats had 
 eaten it. She took all the ropes belonging 
 to the hundred and ninety-nine thoulaad 
 cows, endeavouring to tie them together 
 in knots-, but notwichflanding all her en- 
 deavours, the knots would not tie, till Kif- 
 na finding her much out of humour at this 
 difappointment, he permitted the ropes to 
 be knotted, and himfelf to be tied with 
 the ropes •, but his mother finding him 
 cry bitterly, fhe releafed him foon after. 
 
 Another time his mother being gone to 
 milk the cows, ordered him to hold a (lick 
 in his hand, to make the cows (land dill 
 vvhilft (lie was a milking •, but finding fhe 
 had left her brafs vefTel, wherein (he ufed 
 to gather her milk, behind, and not da- 
 ring to fend Kifaa, he told her, he would 
 foon find a way to fetch the vefTel, without 
 flirring from the place, and fo extending 
 one of his arms fo far as to reach the velTel, 
 he gave it to his mother, and fo reafTumed 
 the fliape of a child. 
 
 7'55 
 
 In the mean while Raojn Kcins being in- Ba l- 
 formed that the inhabitants of Gog^el \n-^^"^^' 
 creafed confidcrably in riches, (for Kifna'^ v-'V^^ 
 fikc,) he ordcr'd his governor to load them 
 with heavy taxes ; which being done ac- 
 cordingly, with the utmoft feverity, they 
 advifed with Kifna, whether they had not 
 bell remove with their cattle to the fertile . 
 valleys of the mountain of Perwet. Kifna 
 approving their propofition, pcrfuaded his 
 parents to do the fame ; fo that they tranf- 
 ported all their moveables and cattle to the 
 mod fertile valleys about the mount Per- 
 ivet, or Oodcn Perwet, near the river Siem- 
 mcna. Here they fixed their habitations in 
 a certain village, called Brimidwiiik, feat- 
 ed in the midd of mod pleafant paduragey, 
 planted with trees, and fo abounding in 
 grafs, that thofe vad herds of cattle were 
 not able to confume it. Kifna was fo well 
 pleafed with the place, that he clad him- 
 felf after their falhion, with a garland of 
 peacocks feathers upon his woollen cap, 
 and a flute to play away the red of the 
 cowherds. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Farther ikfigm i/'Ragia Kans againft Kifna by the meam of certain giants. Rajii. 
 Inder and Bramma. Kifna produces a pearl-tree^ and is made a king of the. 
 Cowherds. 
 
 RJGIA KtDis, highly exafperated at 
 this removal of his fubjefts, fum- 
 mon'd a certain giant named Bacajfar \ 
 who having the virtue of transforming 
 himfelf into a hern, he fent him to carry 
 away Kifna ; which he did accordingly ; 
 and having carried him up into the air, 
 endeavour'd to fwallow him ; but Kifna 
 transforming himfelf into a fiery flame, 
 burnt the hern to afhes, and he return'd 
 to his parents, without receiving the lead 
 harm. The news thereof having foon 
 reached the ears of Ragia Kans, he fent an- 
 other giant, named Wickeraak, who trans- 
 forming himfelf into the fhape of a boy, 
 came to Kifna as he was looking after the 
 cattle in the field, and engag'd in a wred- 
 ling match among the other boys, not que- 
 dioning by this means but to draw Kifna 
 into the game, and lb make an end of 
 him; hut Kifna (who was not ignorant of 
 his defign) challenged him •, and as they 
 were wredling, gave him fuch a kick upon 
 his bread, that he tumbled down dead upon 
 the fpor. 
 
 Ragia Kans finding himfelf once more 
 difappointed in his aim, fent the dreadful 
 giant Agafor, whofe entrails were all fire. 
 
 Vol. hi. 
 
 This giant having laid himfelf clofe to the 
 cowherds huts, open'd his dreadful jaws, (o 
 that the uppermod rcach'd up to the fkies, 
 his teeth, reprefenting like coco-trees, and 
 his throat like the entrance of the huts. 
 Kifna knowing the deceit, drove his cattle 
 to his own dables, but the red went dralt- 
 ways with their cattle into the gam's 
 throat ; which the giant no fooner perceiv- 
 ed, but he fliut his teeth, fo that the poor 
 wretches finding themfelves in the midll 
 of fire and flames, applied themfelves to 
 Kifna, who was got among them on pur- 
 pofe to make himfelf an indrument of their 
 deliverance. He bid them not to defpair; 
 and then extending himfelf with all his 
 might, made the giant to burd in pieces, 
 and thus opened a pafTage for the red to 
 efcape the flames. 
 
 Tiiis miraculous deliverance being foon 
 fpread all over the neighbouring country, 
 Ragia Kans intreated the giant Dazvanneel 
 (who had the power of tranfmuting him- 
 felf into a flame) to dedroy Kifna. Ac- 
 cordingly he came to the place where Kifna 
 and his companions were feeding the cat- 
 tle, and letting all (not excepting even the 
 trees and grali.) into a light flame, the 
 9 H cow-
 
 7<5(5 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pcigans. 
 
 Part II 
 
 B •, I.- cowherds fled to Kij'na (who was at fome 
 d;eus. (iiftance) for help, which he promifcd them 
 ^"^^V^^ in an inftant ; and fo advancing towards the 
 giant, took and held him round the mid- 
 dle, till he forc'd him to fwallow all the 
 fire again. 
 
 Ragia Kavs, almoft rtxluc'd to defpair, 
 had recourfe to the giant Kafep ; who ha- 
 ving afTunied the fliape of an afs of a pro- 
 digious bignefs, advanc'd towards the cow- 
 herds, with a dreadtul countenance ; who 
 being terrified at lo dreadful an afpeft, left 
 Kifna alone, who was lb far from being 
 furpriz'd at this monftrous fighr, that he 
 laid by his pipe, and advancing towards the 
 afs, who came open mouth'd upon him, 
 endeavour'd to take him by one of his hin- 
 dermoft heels ; but the afs gave him fo ter- 
 rible a kick with his foot, that he threw 
 him eight or ten yards high into the air. 
 Kifna finding himfeif thus roughly handled, 
 thought fit to alTume the Ihape of a giant, 
 and fo taking the afs by the hinder leg, 
 did fwing him three or four times about 
 his head, and then throwing him againfl 
 the ground, fqueez'd the breath out ot his 
 body. 
 
 The god Bratimia being not ignorant of 
 what had pafs'd, and curious to know whe- 
 ther Kifna was not endow'd with fome di- 
 vine virtue, took his opportunity, and 
 carried ofi^ all the cattle belonging to Kif- 
 na and the other cowherds •, who running 
 to Kifna, and imploring his aflilVance, he 
 bid them fhut their eyes, which they had 
 no fooner done, but he produced the fime 
 number of cattle they had loft. Bramma 
 came about a year after, and brought back 
 all the cattle, afl^ing his pardon for what was 
 paft. Kifna told Bramma, That he had 
 better keep within his own bounds-, and 
 caufing the cattle he had produc'd, to vanifli 
 immediately, he kept them brought back 
 by Bramma. 
 
 Another time, all the cattle juft after 
 they had been drinking about noon out of 
 the river Siemmena, fell dead on a fudden 
 upon the ground. Kifna furpriz'd at this 
 accident, and knowing that Garroiide ha- 
 ving lately diflodg'd the monftrous ferpent 
 Kallinaegh from her dam, called Rammane 
 Drefek^ he fhrewdly fufpeded that flie had 
 taken to this river, and infefted the fame 
 with her venom ; then getting upon a palm- 
 tree, he afTum'd his white and black fkin, 
 and two more arms and hands •, and fend- 
 .ing for Garrcude, order'd him to go to 
 Bramma, and to demand of him the things 
 taken out of the fea in the times of Cou- 
 ram, and left in his cuftody till his re- 
 turn. Garroude haftening to Bramma, 
 brought back to Kifna the Chianko, or 
 horn, the beauteous woman Lekfemy, and 
 4 
 
 the jew'cl Ccnfer.bnany. This done, he 
 took the horn in one hand, a piece of 
 iron in the fccond, another weapon in the 
 third, and a flower in the fourth hand. 
 Thus equipped, he leaped into the ri- 
 ver, in the prefence of his companions, 
 and diving to the bottom, met with the 
 wife of fome of the attendants belonging 
 to the ferpent Kallinaegh, who afked him 
 what had brought him thither, forwarn- 
 ing him to retreat in time, before he 
 fliould be leen by the ferpent, which que- 
 ftionlcfs would devour him in an inflant. 
 Kifna replied. That being come on purpofe 
 to find out the ferpent, he defired he might 
 be fliew'd him ; which they refufing to 
 do, he turned his eyes on all fides, and at 
 lafl efpying the ferpent, he awaken'd him 
 out of fleep, bidding him to leave this 
 river, unle/s he would pay for it with 
 death. The ferpent Kallinaegh fwelling 
 with rage, flew upon Kifna, and beat him 
 backwards ; but he recovering himfeif, 
 fqueez'd the ferpent's head to that degree, 
 that not knowing what to do, he twifl- 
 ed himfeif about his body ; but Kifna in- 
 creafed the bulk of his body in fuch a 
 manner, that the ferpent, ready to burft, 
 was forc'd to let go his hold, being ready 
 to drop down dead for want of flrength. 
 Kifna then got on the top of his neck, 
 and putting an awl through his nofl.rils, 
 rid upon him as if he had been on horfe- 
 back. The wife and attendants of the 
 ferpent finding him quite cut of breath, 
 intreated Kifna to fpare his life, promi- 
 fing to quit the river immediately. But 
 Kallinaegh, not willing to confent to what 
 they had offered, ftill endeavoured to gee 
 rid of Kifna ; but finding all his endea^ 
 vours in vain, and that Kifna's body in* 
 creafed every minute in weight, he was 
 glad to approve of what had been ofter'd 
 by his wife. Kifna having pardoned his 
 offence, told him. That he would double 
 his flrength, (becaufe he had been en- 
 gaged againfl a god,) and that Garrmde 
 fhould not any more difturb him in his 
 den, provided he would leave this river, 
 and for the future never hurt either men 
 or beafts. 
 
 The ferpent, with his wife and atten- 
 dants, having paid their reverence three 
 times to Kifna, left the river Siemmena-, 
 and Kifna arifing on a fudden above the 
 furface of the water, reaffumed his own 
 fhape, and coming afhore, blew his horn, 
 by the found whereof all the cattle were in 
 an inflant reftor'd to life. 
 
 All thefe miracles wrought by Kifna 
 had fuch an influence upon the cowherds, 
 that they confultcd all pofTible means to 
 pay him due reverence. One among the 
 
 refl:
 
 Chap. 6. 
 
 ne Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pitgims. 
 
 1^1 
 
 reft told him. You know that Raja Imlcr, 
 the king of heavens and of bkflcd fouls, 
 keeps an annual feaft in the mountain of 
 Ooden Penvet, with the believers-, and 
 fince we have no lefs obligations to Kif- 
 na, let us make alfo a feaft to his ho- 
 nour and invite him to the fiid moun- 
 tain. This being approv'd of by a ge- 
 neral confent, they prepared a moft fplen- 
 did feaft ; which they celebrated with fuch 
 demonftrations of joy, that the noife there- 
 of coming to Inder's, ears, and looking 
 upon it with a jealous eye, called toge- 
 ther the rains, (difpofed in twelve pe- 
 culiar places,) ordering them to -pour 
 down their waters upon the fields and cot- 
 tages of thefe cowherds. They were rea- 
 dy to obey, and poured forth fuch pro- 
 digious ftiowers of rain, that the fields 
 being all laid under water, men and beafts 
 were upon the point of being drowned. 
 The cowherds highly furprized at the odd- 
 nefs of the thing, ( it being in the dry 
 MoiiJJon^) had once more recourfe to Kif- 
 na, who ordered them to get up to the 
 top of the mount Ooden Perwet, till the 
 rains ceafed ; and they had no fooner o- 
 beyed his orders, but he took the whole 
 mountain, with cattle, men, and all up- 
 on his little finger, and lifted them up 
 feven times higher than the waters could 
 rife. 
 
 The rains finding their endeavours fru- 
 ftrated, returned to Inder, and told him, 
 That they had poured down their waters 
 feven days and nights without intermiftlon, 
 but in vain, there being a certain perfon in 
 thofe parts who could lift the whole moun- 
 tain with his little finger into the air. Ra- 
 ja Inder then perceiving his error, came to 
 Kifna to make his excufe, and difmounting 
 from his elephant, begged forgivenefs for 
 having attempted any thing againft him, 
 pleading his ignorance, and as a token of 
 his repentance, prefented him with the 
 Camdoga, or cow of plenty •, which Kifna 
 was pleafed to accept of, and pardoned his 
 fault. 
 
 Not long after, K/fm coming home one 
 day, found his mother bufy in putting 
 fome pearls on a ftring ; he afl<ed her 
 from what tree "ilie had gathered them : 
 but flie anfwering. That flie never knew 
 pearls to grow on trees, but only in oyfter- 
 ifna pro- fliells ; Kifna took one of the biggeft, 
 cea a which he had nO fooner put into the 
 irl-tree. grovmd^ but they faw a pearl-tree fprout 
 forth full of the moft exquifite pearls. The 
 mother ftanding amazed, and ready to wor- 
 fliip him, he caufed the tree to vanifh im- 
 mediately. 
 
 Soon after fome of the cowherds and 
 their wives, as they were walking in the 
 
 foreft, agreed to wafli thcmfclvcs in theBAL- 
 river; A'///;^ efpying them at a diftancc, k.ojF.v%. 
 cretly got all their clothes, and getting up- ^{I'^i^^^ 
 on an adjacent palm-tree, had his fport to , port with 
 fee them coming naked out of the water, the wo- 
 without being able to find their clothes. "'<="• 
 They were not a little furprized at firft-, 
 but looking up, and feeing Kifna in the 
 palm-tree, they defircd him to reftore their 
 clothes -, which, he told them, (to try the 
 modefty of the women,) he would, pro- 
 vided they would come underneath the tree ; 
 but they excufing the matter, he threw the 
 women their clothes. 
 
 At a certain time, A7/«rt taking a walk is chofcn 
 with the other cowherds, they chofe him king- 
 their king ; and every one had his place 
 aftigned him under the new king. There 
 lived among them a certain charitable 
 tirahman^ whofe wife (without the know- 
 ledge of her hufoand) paid her daily de- 
 votions to Kifna ; who fent two of his mef- 
 fengers to let her know, that being dif- 
 pofed to make merry at her houfe with 
 Ibme of his companions, ftie fhould pro- 
 vide fomething for their entertainment. 
 The meflengers meeting with the Brah- 
 man^ told him the mefliige ; who told 
 them. That he knew nothing of Kifia^ 
 neither would he make any entertainment 
 for him. With this anfwer they return'd 
 to Kifna ; who chiding them for their mi- 
 ftake, bid them fpeak to the woinan -, 
 which being done accordingly, flie no fooner 
 heard the name of Kifna, but making a low 
 reverence, to work flie went -, and having 
 drefTed five or fix good diflies with a hand- 
 fome defert, fhe carried them herfelf to 
 Kifna, begging him to accept of what flie 
 was unworthy to ofler; which he did, and 
 gave her his bleffing. That as long as 
 fhe liv'd fhe fhould want for nothing, and 
 that after her deceafe, her foul fhould not 
 tranfmigrate * into another body, but that « 7j,gCg 
 being purified by him, ftie flioukl go diredly pagans 
 to heaven, look upon 
 
 Kifna with his companions having '^ ^^ ^ ('".' 
 feafted plentifully upon what the Brah-f^^\^{f;^ 
 man's wife had brought them, as they their fouls 
 were returning home, met with fome are not to 
 milk-maids, unto whom Kifna told, That ^"'^^ '"'° 
 they muft not pafs by without paying ^^'^^'' ''°' 
 toll to him, who w.as king of the place. 
 The maids not thinking he had been in 
 earneft, went on their ways -, but Kifna 
 with his ftick breaking their milk-veflels, 
 one of them was fo exafperated thereat, 
 that fhe made complaint thereof to his mo- 
 ther ; who calling him to an account for 
 this outrage, he denied the matter ; but 
 his mother believing the contrary, told 
 him, That he had broken the peace, and 
 that: if it lliould corns to Ragia's ear, he 
 
 might
 
 7<58 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Tart II 
 
 Bal- might be punifhed for it. He replied, I 
 
 D ^ us. (ijj not kmyj 1 had done them any wrong ; 
 
 ^-'^^^'^^ but as for Ra^ia Kans's anger, I don't fear 
 
 it, though he l-;ne\v it to-morrow. 
 
 It happened not long after. That in a 
 certain moon-!hiny night, in the month 
 Alfoor, (in which begins the new year,) 
 Kifua with Ibme of iiis companions were 
 diverting themfelves with their pipes in 
 an adjacent wood -, and Kifjm, efpecially, 
 played fo charmingly upon his flute, that 
 tlie women in the village being awakened 
 by the found of this harmony, came run- 
 ning into the wood to partake of their di- 
 vertifements. Kifna alked them, whether 
 
 they were not afraid to come into the 
 wood at that time of night ? They an- 
 fwered. That their ears and hearts had been 
 lb touched with his melodious harmony, 
 that they were not able to flay at home : 
 fo Kifna gave them a tune or two, which 
 lb furprized them, that moft of them 
 flood amazed, gazing all the while at his 
 beauty, whilft others palTcd their time in 
 dancing. This they continued till midnight, 
 when having bcflowed his blefTing upon the 
 women, he lent them home, he and his 
 companions palling their time in the fame 
 jollities all night till break of day. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 A further account of the defigns of R;\gia Kans ; nsho is killed at laji by Kifna. 
 New decrees agaitifi Kifna, nvhich prove ineffeUliial. His other miracles. 
 
 RAG I A Kans, being more and more 
 alarmed at thefe miracles, lent for 
 his chief minifter, named Panjeivello, and 
 his two chief generals, named Sianoor and 
 Mojlik, to confult with them, how to rid 
 his hands of Kfna. Panjewello told him, 
 that all clandeftine means having proved 
 to no purpofe hitherto, he knew no other 
 way than to ingage the ftrongeft of all the 
 giants, (named Kehy) againft him. 
 
 Ragia approving his advice, fent ac- 
 cordingly the faid giant, who meeting with 
 Kifna, afked him, where he was going ? 
 Where I pleafe, replied Kifna. Ho, ho, 
 anfwered the giant Kehy, I will take care 
 of that -, and fo was going to lay his great 
 paws upon him. But Kifna taking him by 
 the throat, did not let go his hold till he 
 had fqueezed the breath out of his body •, 
 which done, Kifna put his hand into his 
 throat, and pulling his heart our, firlt laid 
 it upon his mouth, and afterwards threw it 
 to the ravens. 
 
 Ragia Kans being now put to the laft 
 Jhift, a certain Brahman, named Naret, 
 advifed the king to invite Kifna with his 
 followers to a feaft, and fo to have him 
 killed at table. Ragia approving his coun- 
 fel, fent meflengers to invite them accord- 
 ingly ; but they were fo iar from granting 
 their requeft, that they defired Kifna's pa- 
 rents not to let him go ; who with tears 
 in their eyes, begged him to flay at home. 
 But Kifna refufing to hearken to their ad- 
 vice, ordered his chariot to be got ready ; 
 and taking his father, his eldell brother, 
 and mother, along with him, went forward 
 to Goggel, upon the river Siemmetta, oppo- 
 fite to Mottera. 
 
 Here it was that Akeroer^ one of the 
 4 
 
 king's mefTengers, bathing himfelf in the 
 river, and diving three times fucceflively, 
 (after the manner of the Benjans) faw Kif- 
 na under water, feated upon his throne ; 
 which apparition being feen by him again 
 in the fime ftate above water, he could not 
 forbear to break out into thefe words: O 
 holy Kifna! thou beeft truly god in human 
 fljape, becatife thou appedrefi both under and 
 above water ; a fign thou beefi prefent in all 
 places, a equality belonging only to the gcds ! 
 Pardon me for having invited thee to this 
 feail. Kifna told him, he was fenfible it 
 was not his fault, and dined with him the 
 fame day in a garden Akeroer had juft near 
 the bank of the river. 
 
 After dinner they pafled the river, but 
 had not gone far before they met the king's 
 waflierman, with a pack of clothes on his 
 back : fome of the company of Kifna ha- 
 ving a mind to divert themfelves, pufhed 
 one another againft the waflierman, who 
 giving them foul language, Kifna bid his 
 companions to thrafli him handfomely, 
 which they did. 
 
 Ragia Kans exafperatcd to the highefl 
 degree at this ufxge of his fervant, refolved 
 to declare open enmity againft Kifna. Not 
 long after, Kifna meeting upon the road a 
 barber, he prefented him (according to the 
 cuftom of that country) a looking-glafs to 
 look in, and pared his nails ; the barbers 
 in the eaftern countries always piaring the 
 nails on the hands and toes, after they have 
 fhaved the beard. Kifna gave him his blef- 
 fing, telling him. That his foul fhould di- 
 reftly go to god, without being tranfplan- 
 ted into another body. 
 
 As they were entering the city, they 
 were met by a gardener's wife, who ufed 
 
 to
 
 Chap. 7. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 J69 
 
 to ferve Ragia Kans with flowers : this wo- 
 man proftrating herfclf at Kifna^ feet, laid, 
 O divine man ! having never feen any thing 
 fo beautiful as thyfelf^ I offer to thee thefe 
 floivcrs, defigned for Ragia Kans, thinking 
 myfcif much more obliged to your divinity than 
 his mnjefiy ; intreating thee not to dfpife my 
 cottage, but to take up thy lodging there for 
 this night. Then prefcnting Kifnu- with a 
 garland of flowers, he took up his lodg- 
 ings in the houfe, being welcomed by the 
 hufband in the mod devout manner in the 
 world, who declared himfelf unworthy of 
 receiving fo great a gueft, and ferved Kifna 
 and his company at table ; who at parting 
 beftowed his bicffing upon him, viz. That 
 they (liould never want, and their fouls go 
 diretftly to heaven. 
 
 Being advanced a little further, they met 
 a poor cripple, or lame woman, having a 
 velfel filled with fpices, fv.ect-lcentcd oils, 
 iandal-wood, faffron, civet, and other per- 
 fumes. Kifna making a halt, flie made a 
 certain fign with her finger on his fore- 
 head, cafliing the reft upon his head. Kif- 
 na alking her what it was ihe would afk 
 him ? The woman replied. Nothing but 
 the ufe of my limbs. Kifna then fetting 
 his foot upon hers, and taking her by the 
 hand, raifed her from the ground, and not 
 only reftored her limbs, but alfo renewed 
 her age •, fo that inftead of a wrinkly taw- 
 ny flcin, flie got a frefli and fiir one in an 
 inftant. At her requeft Kifna and his com- 
 pany lodged the following night in her 
 houfe. 
 
 The next following day, Kifna and his 
 
 company walking through the ftreets of 
 
 e ilrong ^gfji;,,^^ thgy ^gj-g fhewed the ftrong bow, 
 
 which none of the giants had been able 
 to manage ; but Kfna broke the Itring of 
 it at the firfl pull. Thence they walked 
 towards the court, where the courtiers 
 were expecting the coming of the king : 
 thefe feeing a whole troop of country fel- 
 lows, would not allow them entrance into 
 the court ; but pufliing Kifna back roughly, 
 he ftruck ten of them, (among whom were 
 two colonels) down to the ground, fo that 
 they expired at his feet, and their fouls 
 were conveyed immediately to heaven, a 
 favour he beftowed upon the Ibuls of all 
 fuch as were flain by his hands. 
 
 Ragia Kans being informed of all thefe 
 tranfailions, and almoft reduced to defpair, 
 ordered a turret to be erefted upon the 
 back of an elephant, furnifhed with two 
 warlike engines, to be managed by as ma- 
 ny men. He ordered the guide of the ele- 
 phant, that as foon as he faw Kifna com- 
 ing to the caftle, he fhould fend out the 
 elephant to trample him under feet, or 
 
 N" ne. Vol. III. 
 
 ; ifna 
 I eaks 
 e lire 
 'IW of 
 
 I ottera. 
 
 Us ten 
 
 'artiers. 
 
 Kills an 
 
 elfe endeavour to kill him by the means of B a l- 
 the engines. davs 
 
 The following day Kifna going towards 
 the court, the guides fet loofc the elephant 
 upon him ; but Kifna not only ftoppM him 
 in his full career, but alfo putting his foot 
 againft his trunk, pulled out both of his 
 teeth ; afterwards feizing him by the tail, ^J''^^ 
 fwung him throe or four times round his 
 hcatl, and then dafln-d his head againft 
 the ftones. Ragia now finding himfelf 
 reduced to the laft extremity, and inra- 
 ged with anger, addreflcd himfelf to his 
 two renowned geneials Kcjjsjamdcor and 
 Mojlik, telling them, That fince they had 
 eaten his bread fo many years, it was now 
 time to fliew their fideliiy and bravery, 
 and to deliver him liom his mortal ene- 
 my. 
 
 Accordingly, they having fcnt a chal- 
 lenge to Kifna, he appeared at the appoin- 
 ted time and place, where a moft fierce Kills two 
 combat enfued, which remained dubious S^"^"'^'*- 
 for three hours -, till at Lift Kifna threw 
 them (one after another) with llich a pro- 
 digious force to the ground, that the blooc', 
 and with it their fouls, guflied out of their 
 mouths. 
 
 During the combat Ragia Kans hap- 
 pening to look over tlie wail of the caftle, 
 no fooner faw Kifna, but he thought he 
 heard a voice telling him, that he was the 
 peribn who fliould at once take away his 
 life and his crown. He was fcarce retur- 
 ned into his apartment, when news being 
 brought him of the death of his two gene- 
 rals, he commanded every one to betake 
 themfelves to their arms, to fight againft 
 Kifna, oft'ering a great reward to any that 
 could deliver him up into his hands, either 
 dead or alive. Accordinrly, the whole ci- ^?"'* f 
 
 r • 1 • J T/-r ■ 1 \viiolebo- 
 
 ty rofe in arms, and ingiged K/fna without ^jyoj^^jn^ 
 the caftle gates ; but were not able to con- 
 quer this invincible hero. 
 
 For Ragia Kans, having in the mean 
 while ordered Kifnah parents to be whip- 
 ped v/ith Siambokken, or brafs fcourges, in 
 his prefence, Kifia (according to his om- 
 nifciency) being not ignorant of the mat- 
 ter, leaped over the wall into the palace ; 
 where finding Ragia Kans fitting upon his Kills Ri- 
 throne, he got hold of his head, and pref- gia Kans. 
 fed it to the ground, till he broke his neck, 
 and to confummate the matter, gave him 
 three or four terrible blows, which beat out 
 his brains. 
 
 The next thing he did, v/as to fend his. 
 eldeft brother to deliver their parents from 
 their captivity, who finding the guards 
 fled, brought them to Kifna, where they 
 received one another with mutual embraces, 
 Kifna declaring his forrow for their fufler- 
 9 I ings
 
 ne IdoLury of the Eaft-Iiidia Pagcins* 
 
 Part 1 
 
 Kifna un- 
 der the 
 tuiiioii of 
 a Brah- 
 man. 
 
 Jerasjanda 
 refolves to 
 xt venge 
 Ragia 
 Kani's 
 death. 
 
 ings on his account, and tliefc declaring 
 themfelves amply rewarded widi the fight 
 of his perfon. Kifna having put Ongejkn 
 Ragia Kans's flxthcr, in his Head, returned 
 with his parents, brothers and companions, 
 to their iifuai habitations •, where he put 
 himfeir under the tuition of a certain lear- 
 ned Brahman, having chofen a certain poor 
 fcholar named Sedamma for his attendant at 
 fchool, to carry his books and writings. 
 
 There lived at that time at Moitera a 
 certain merchant, a relation of KifnoS mo- 
 ther, whofe daughter, called Conla, being 
 married to Rag'ia Dandcu, king of EJicna- 
 poiir, had brought forth five fons ; the firft- 
 born whereof his father had obtained by 
 his prayers to Inder the king of the cele- 
 flial Ipirits, the fecond from Bramma, the 
 third from the wind, and the two laft trom 
 the famous hero Ejjoiiocomaer. 
 
 The five brothers did at a certain time 
 undertake a journey with their mother to 
 Mottera, \o vifit their grandfather, where 
 they coiitrafled fomething of acquaintance 
 with Kifna, and frequently reverenced him. 
 About the lame time, the women of Gog- 
 gel, and of the village inhabited by the 
 cowherds, were very earned in their folici- 
 tations for Kifna's return, without which 
 they iliid, they neither could nor would eat 
 or drink. 
 
 In the mean v/hile, the five brothers ha- 
 
 ving received the unwelcome news of their 
 
 K fixteen 
 i.'.its.wor- 
 lied by 
 \\ ifna. 
 
 father's illncfs, were forced to return to 
 EJlenapour; and the fotal exit ot Ragia 
 Kans, and fo many of his giants, being 
 come to the ears of Jerasjanda, his brother- 
 in-law, he refolved to revenge the fame to 
 the utmoft of his power. Accordingly, 
 having gathered a body of ninety-five 
 thouftnd chofen horfe, he laid fiege to 
 Mottcra ; but Kifna having by his frequent 
 fallies quite ruined his army, took him pri- 
 foner at laft ; but knowing that he had by 
 his conftant prayers obtained from Braimna, 
 that he fhould live one hundred years, and 
 at laft be killed by one Rhiim , he releafed 
 his prifoner, who having foon gathered an- 
 other army, befieged Alottira a fecond time, 
 a.nd was worfted again as before by Kifem. 
 The fame he continued to do fixteen times, 
 ■ till all his people being flain in the wars , 
 he pafled 
 world to 
 with the 
 him at the 
 Ibrced the 
 time. 
 
 The fituation of Kifna's houfe was fuch, 
 as to be plainly difcovcred in the camp j as 
 from thence he had a full prolpeff of their 
 army. Kifna having polled his brother at 
 
 through all the corners of the 
 raife new forces, and meeting 
 famous giant Sialinder, he put 
 head of his forces, and fo 
 fiege oi Motura a feventeenth 
 
 the entrance of his houfe, he happened to 
 be feen by the enemies general, who mif- 
 taking him for Kifna, advanced towards 
 the houlc : Kifna, who faw him coming 
 at a diftance, confidering with himfelf, 
 that in cafe he fliould fall by his hands, 
 his foul muft go rtraightways to heaven, 
 (a flxvour he thought him unworthy of) 
 run out of the back-door, making the 
 befl: of his way to a cave of a certain 
 Brahman, about four Cos from Mottera ; 
 this man had by his continued prayers 
 obtained from Bramma, that if any one 
 fhould difturb him in his devotions, the 
 fiime fliould be confumed to afhes. Kifna 
 being not ignorant of this, and feeing his 
 adverl'ary purfuing him, entered the faid 
 cave, and throwing a piece of cloth over the 
 Brahman's head, flackered himlelf behind 
 it. The giant, who followed his footftepF, 
 foon after entered the cave, and finding 
 the Brahman covered with a piece of cloth, 
 gave hirn two or three found boxes on 
 the ear, telling him. That he fhould take 
 that as a reward lor his care in hiding 
 Kifna in his cave. Retreat, retreat, faid 
 the Brahman, before I uncover my face, im- 
 lefs thou wilt be confumed by fire. Then 
 taking away the cloth, the giant was im- 
 mediately in a flame, and burnt to aflies. 
 Kifna returned to Mottera, and having 
 routed Ragia Kansh brother's forces, he 
 took hiir. pnfoner : but in refpeft of 
 Bramma'i promifc, difmlflTed him foon af- 
 ter. 
 
 Kifna in the mean while confidering 
 that Jerasjanda was to live one hundred 
 years, and that, confequently, he would 
 not lay afide his defigns againfl; Mottera, 
 it happened that Wifjuchre, the fon of 
 Bramma, being come from heaven to give 
 Kifna a vifit, and afking him. What it was 
 he would requeft of him ? He anfwered. 
 Build me a city in all refpefls hke that of 
 Mottera ; which he did accordingly the 
 fame night, in an adjacent ifluid, being 
 altogether like that of Mottera; except 
 that this was of gold inflead of fl:one. 
 VJfna being informed thereof by Wifjuchre 
 himfelf, overwhelmed the inhabitants of 
 Mottcra with fo heavy a fleep, that (un- 
 known to them) he carried them, with^iraj.]e 
 all their cattle, and Ragia Ongefecn their of Kifm 
 king, to this new city, unto which he 
 gave the name of Davarca, leaving Se- 
 damma, his old fchool-fellow and atten- 
 dant, behind him, in a certain village, 
 which fince has got the name Sedammapoer; 
 which done , he returned with his brother 
 to Mottera. 
 
 By this time the giant Sialinder having 
 gathered a vaft army, fat down before Mot- 
 tera \ 
 
 •■r 
 
 Another
 
 Chap. 8. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eall-Iiidia Pagcms. 
 
 n^ 
 
 I cer- 
 fecd. 
 
 tera \ but Kijha and his brother, after ha- 
 ving killed a great number of the enemy, 
 feigning a retreat, were purfued by Sialin- 
 (/«-'s foi-ces,- till coming to a high moun- 
 tain, they vanifhed, and retired to the city 
 'Davarca -, and Sialinder being thereby be- 
 come mafter of Moltera^ fettled his refi- 
 dence there. 
 
 In the mean while Kifiia\ fchool-fellow 
 being married, was grown fo poor, that 
 he was forced to fell his clothes to buy 
 viifluals. Being almoft reduced to defpair, 
 his wife advifed him to take a journey to 
 his old fchool-feliow Kifna, who, fhe did 
 not queftion, would commiferate his condi- 
 tion. How is this pofTible, replied the huf- 
 band, being quite naked, and not fit to 
 appear before any body ? Kifna, anfwered 
 the wife, does not defpife the poor -, go, 
 and take a handful of /Crrw * along with thee 
 for a prefent. 
 
 The hufband followed his wife's advice, 
 and went to Davarca •, who was no fooner 
 entered the ftreet where Kifna lived, but 
 being difcovered by him from a window, 
 he came out to meet and embrace him ; 
 and carrying him into his houfe, ordered 
 him to be wafhed, and provided with new 
 clothes. Kifna afked him. Whether he 
 had brought him any prefents.'' Being a 
 poor man, replied Sedamma, I had nothing 
 to give but this ; which my wife fent to thee, 
 in hopes that the gods would not refufe the 
 meaiieft prefent. Kifna received it kindly, 
 and put it in a corner of a cottage belong- 
 mg CO one of his neighbours; and at the 
 feme inftant Sedamma's cottage was turned 
 into a fpacious palace: his wife was much 
 
 furprized at this change; but imaeinincBAL- 
 
 ■ * - DO, - DJtVS 
 
 that it was done by Kifna, flie fearched all"*"^ 
 
 the corners of the houfe, and wherever flie 
 turned her face, found fucii a vaft quantity 
 of gold and filvcr, and of Ropias, that fhe 
 had fufScient, wherewithal to provide her- 
 felf with fcrvants, provifions, and every 
 tiling in proportion to the grandeur of her 
 palace. Scdawma being ignorant of what 
 had happened, returned full of melancholy 
 from Kifna, ruminating upon the road, 
 whether he had not bcft leave his wife 
 and children ; but foon recolleding him- 
 felf, that he ought not to lay the whole 
 burden U[x)n his wile's fliouldtrs, and de- 
 fpair of God's mercy, he iTiade the befl of 
 his way homeward ; but approaching the 
 village, he was amazed to fee the change 
 that had happened fince his departure, 
 which made him fufpeft he had milled 
 his way ; but finding by fome undeniabk 
 circumftances that he was in the right, he 
 went into the village, where finJing, in- 
 ftead of a cottage of flraw, a royal 
 palace, he flood aflonifhed, not know- 
 ing which way to turn, till being difcover- 
 ed by his wife out of a window, flie fent 
 one of the fervants to defire him to enter; 
 which he did ; and being kindly received 
 by his wife and children, he aflccd the ex- 
 adl time of this fudden change ; which, 
 happening (as flir as they could guefs) prc- 
 cilely at the fime- time he prcfented the 
 feed, they paid their devotions to Kifna^ 
 dillributcd aliris among the poor, and 
 lived in great plenty for a long time 
 after. 
 
 CHAP. VJII. 
 
 A kings daughter in love with Kifna : femh him i^ord of it. Kifna deliven 
 Jixteen thoufand royal virgitis,, and cures the Icprojy. 
 
 Sometime after, Ragia Bhiemeck, king 
 of Poercp, had a fon and daughter 
 born him, the firft named Rocheineya, the 
 other Rochemy, who being grown up, the 
 father was very defirous to have his 
 daughter well matched before his death. 
 Among others he confulted with upon 
 this matter, there was a certain Brahman 
 named Naret, much celebrated for his 
 wifdom and learning, who being defired 
 by the king to infpedt his daughter's 
 hands, and to foretel him, by the art of 
 chiromancy, who fhould be her hufband, 
 Naret having taken a full view of the li- 
 neaments of her right hand, told her, 
 Blejfed virgin ! who beeft ordained to be 
 
 the fpctife of the holy Kifna. The father 
 rejoiced thereat to the highefl degree, 
 told this good news to his fon ; who be- 
 ing of a contrary fentiment , replied, 
 That he would never fuffcr fo beautiful 
 a creature to be married to a country 
 clozvn. 
 
 It is to be obferved, that the foul ofHochemy 
 Sytha, Ram's fpoufe, being tranfplanteddcfigned 
 into the body of this virgin, in order to'"''^^"*' 
 be efpoufed to Kifna, this young lady 
 was not infenfible thereof; for which rea- 
 fon flie had refolved to think of no body 
 elfe but Kifna ; which her brother being 
 refolved to prevent, he fent to the giant, 
 the king of Mottcra, that in cafe he was 
 
 inclined
 
 771 
 
 ne Idolatry of the Eaft-India Ftigank 
 
 Part L 
 
 Bal- inclined to marry his fifter, he fhould 
 
 DJEUJ. (-on^e with ;^ii fpecd, his father intending 
 
 iTSpofedto ni'irry her to A'Z/Jw. The giant, ra- 
 
 by her vidicd at this joyful news, order'd a mofl: 
 
 .brother, magnificent equipage of elephants, camels, 
 
 horfes, oxen, and cliariots, to be got ready, 
 
 and attended with trumpets, hautboys, 
 
 kettledrums, and other mufical inflruments, 
 
 and a numerous retinue, fee out from 
 
 Mottera. 
 
 No fooncr were they come within two 
 days journey to Rochemy's father's refidence, 
 when flie, not knowing what to do in 
 this exigency, thought tit to give notice 
 thereof to Kifna by a letter, which fbe 
 ordered one of her fervants to deliver to the 
 firft Brahman fhe met, in order to carry 
 it to Kifna ; the contents whereof were as 
 follows : 
 
 Roche- " TJOLY Kifna! worthy to be be- 
 
 my's let- « J^ \ovqA of me and all the world i 
 
 ter to Kif- ,j jjgjng refolved to be no body's, but only 
 
 " yours as long as 1 have breath to draw, 
 
 " I thought fit to let you know, that my 
 
 " old father likewife wiflies nothing more 
 
 " than to fee that happy day ; but my 
 
 " brother, who has more ambition than 
 
 " piety, having fent for the giant of 
 
 *' Mottera to marry me, and being come 
 
 " within two days journey of our refidence, 
 
 " I defire you to provide againft their at- 
 
 " tempts, nothing being able to refift your 
 
 " divine power." 
 
 Tour highnefs akvays devoted, 
 
 R C H E Mr. 
 
 The fervant having brought a Brah- 
 man to the princefs, fhe, by a prefent of 
 a golden difh filled with Ropias, and a 
 promife of more if he performed his er- 
 rand, engaged him to undertake the tafl-c. 
 Accordingly he went full fpeed ' for five 
 Cos, when being fomevvhat tired he fat 
 down under a fhady tree, to refrefh him- 
 felf with a draught of cool water, and 
 filling afleep, was carried by Kifna to 
 Dayarca. The Brahman awaking out 
 of his fleep, and finding himielf at Da- 
 varca, foori gueffed the truth; and going 
 ftrait to /<y/;M's houfe, delivered the letter 
 at his feet. Kifna had no fooner read the 
 letter, but afTuming the fliape of a man 
 with four arms, and taking his bow and 
 arrov/, he got upon his cow with the 
 Brahman, and fo let out on their journey 
 froni Davarca. 
 
 In the mean time the giant approach- 
 ing to the refidence of his pretended 
 fpoufe, was met by her brother, and con- 
 dUded into the palace; and Kifria arri- 
 I 
 
 ving foon after near the city, refled him- 
 ielf under the fliade of a tree, near a pa- 
 gode, whence he lent the Brahman to Re- 
 chauy ; to give, notice of his arrival ; whp 
 rewarded him. \jvith vaft prefents for his 
 fidelity. 
 
 Rochemy knowing that her brother was 
 in the evening to make a cavalcade with 
 her pretended bridegroom through the 
 city, (acpprding. to the cu^lorn pf the Bm- 
 jans^ fhe refplved ||o lay hold of this op- 
 portunity to cfcape-' their hantis : For this 
 purpole, fhe entreated her father. That 
 being now arrived to the age of nine 
 years, fhe might offer her facrifice to the 
 goddefs Rohani. The father having grant- 
 ed her requeft, fhe took a dilh full of 
 pearls, and with two of her attendants went 
 towards the pagodc, v/hither her pretend- 
 ed bridegroom and her brother would 
 needs accompany her, but ftaid without 
 the temple whilil {lie performed her fa- 
 crifice ; which done, fl-^e came out of the 
 temple near the door, where flie knew 
 Kifna had placed himielf; who no fooner 
 law her appear, but he took her up and 
 carried her away. 
 
 At the outcry of the maids, the pre- Rochenj* 
 tended bridegroom came with his whole delivere 
 attendants to fnafch her, from him ; but'')' ^'^^ 
 Kifna recerved them fo .cpurageoufly with 
 his bow and arrows, that they were forced 
 to retreat with the lofs of feveral thoufands 
 of their bell men. Rochemy's brother fee- 
 ing the bridegroom defeated, would never- 
 thelefs try his ftrength with Kifna, and con 
 ming up. with him, was going to cleave hisi 
 head with his fcyrnetar ; but Kifna having 
 difirmed him, threw him upon the ground, 
 and after having given him fome blows, 
 tied him neck and heels together under 
 his cart, and ib made his entry into 
 Davarca, where ,he was received with 
 all imaginable demonllnitions of joy. 
 Rc'chtmy'^' brother was relcafed at her re- 
 queft ; and Kifna confummated his mar- 
 riage with great pomp in the city of 
 Davarca-. 
 
 Some tirne after it happened. That a^ 
 very fttopg, elcphanf t>eii)g feized by a> 
 crocodile, ii>. a certain tjiftern or pond, 
 where the elephants ufed to drink, a 
 furioi^s combat enfucd, which put all ,the 
 elephants that were fpeftators thereof into 
 no fmall confufion. At lafb, feeing they 
 were not able to affift their companiori, 
 and prefT^d wfith hunger, they wept; a- 
 way, and left the poor elephant in the: 
 lurch. He feeing himfelf thus deftitute^ 
 kept on ftruggling with the crocodile, 
 fending up at the fame time his prayers to 
 Vijinum, to dcUver him from the jaws of 
 the crocodile. 
 
 Buc
 
 .HAP. 
 
 jfna de- 
 vers an 
 epiiant 
 Dm a 
 
 ocodlle 
 
 8. 
 
 T/^ Idolatry of the Eaft-Iiidia Pagahs. 
 
 Ill 
 
 ir, 
 I.,,-, 
 In. 
 •h 
 
 But it being then the time of Kifna\ 
 appearing upon earth, he heard his pray- 
 ers after twenty days, and fending for Gar- 
 roudf to carry him immediately to the pond, 
 he threw his weapon at tlie crocodile, and 
 cutting off his neck, reieafcd the elephant j 
 who kneeling before Kifna, he told him, 
 he fhould afk what he pleafed, and it fliould 
 be gi'anted him. Nothing, rephed the 
 elephant, but that I may go immediately 
 to heaven, being quite weary of this 
 world. Kifna granting his requeft, took 
 him into his Palankin, or Htter, and car- 
 rying him to heaven, ordered Garrctide 
 to convey him immediately back to Da- 
 varca. 
 
 About the fame time one Ragia Boet- 
 taenpat having two wives, named Somuta 
 and Surifa, the firfl brought forth a fon 
 named Droe, and the other one named 
 Rafepoetcr : But Surifii being mofl be- 
 loved by her hufband, Somuta, when her 
 fiin Droe was about five years of age, ienc 
 him very neatly drefled to pay his re- 
 fpeft to his father ; who being extremely 
 delighted with .him, highly carelTed, and 
 fit him in his lap. Surifa having got 
 notice thereof, fent immediately her fbn 
 to the king, whilft flie remained at fbme 
 diftance to obferve what pafTeJ. But the 
 king being fo much taken with Droe, 
 that he fcarce looked at' 'the other, Su- 
 rifa entered the room, and upbraiding 
 him with ingratitude, made him lend 
 away Droe, and take her Ion in his 
 lap. 
 
 Droe exafperated to the highefl degree 
 at this affront, went away without making 
 his reverence ; and making his complaint 
 to his mother, told her, 7 hat he was re- 
 folved to retire into a defart, to fpend his 
 time in prayers. The mother did all flie 
 could to diffuade him from it, but in vain ; 
 for taking the next opportunity of his mo- 
 ther's abfence, he got privately out of the 
 houfe. He had fcarce travelled two Cos 
 from the city, when being met by the 
 learned Brahman Naret, he afl<ed him whi- 
 ther he was going ? He anfwered him, as 
 young as I am, I have taken a refolution 
 to retire from the world, where I find there 
 remains nothing but malice and envy: 
 Then relating all that happened to him, 
 he told Wm, That he Was refolved to pafs 
 his days in the defart. 
 
 Go on my fon, replied Naret, thou 
 wilt be heard by Kifm. Then going for- 
 ward, he came'tx) a fbreft, where feeing 
 a mango-tree, he^ repofed himfelf- under 
 its fliade, and fpent- three days and nights 
 in tears,' ijmyks, and fdfling. Kifna 
 moved with compafTion at his tender age, 
 appeared to him, afking what made hini 
 - Vol.. III. 
 
 pray with fo much fervency? Drcc pro-^^AL- 
 ffrating himl'clf at the feet of Kifna laid, "j^^^I^. 
 O divine Kiiha ! »/y reqncfi to thee is, 
 that the affront given m'e by Surifa may 
 turn upon their heads ; that flje may be a 
 Jlave to my mother ; that I may fucccrd my 
 father in the kingdom, a;id after my death, 
 be placed in fame pleafant place you fjail choofe 
 for me. 
 
 Kifna anfwered, Thy prayer is granted. 
 Go, return to thy parents, Surifa fhall live 
 a flave to thy mother ; thou liialt fucceed 
 thy father in the throne -, and after thy 
 death, I will place thee in tiie heavens in 
 the form of a ftar, that fliall remain for 
 ever in the firmament, and ferve the ma- 
 riners for a guide. Droe having paid his 
 reverence to Kifna, returned full of joy to 
 his father's palace. The old king, who 
 had been ajmoft diftravSted at his abfence, 
 received him with more than ordinary 
 fatisfiiftion ; and for ever after lliewed lb 
 much affeftion to his mother, that Surifa 
 was, in comparifon of her, no more than 
 a flave ; and after fome years furrendered 
 the kingdom to him. He ruled very 
 fortunately for many years •, and after his 
 death, was placed among the ftars, being 
 the fime the Benjans call to this day Droe ^^o^" or 
 Katara^.l e„ Stella Polaris, or the North-'^^^°'^^' 
 Star. . A .•;. , 
 
 It happened fome time after. That Ra^ 
 gia Nerkafeur, a moll potent monarch, 
 having conquered iixtccn thoufand kings, 
 kept them clofe prifoners with their wives 
 and daughters: Thcfe offered their conflant 
 jirayers to Kifna for their dcliveiy iVom 
 this opprefTion. Kifna confidering, that 
 they . haying fpcnt thcfc three years in 
 prayer, it would be high time to deliver 
 them, fent for Garrottde, whom he ordercti 
 to carry him to Nietskanda ; where he 
 was no fooner arrived, but he told the 
 king Nerkafeur, That unlefs he reieafcd 
 the royal captives, he mull pay for it 
 with his head. The king anfwering Kif- 
 na with threats, they . prepared both fides 
 for a combat; For Kifna having killed 
 thofe that were lent againft him, the king 
 himfelf, at the head of a llrong troop, at-, 
 tacked Kifna with great fury, who killed 
 every man of them except the Ragia, 
 who, perfifting in his obftinacy, had at 
 lall his head cut off by Kifna ; who re- 
 leafed all the prifoners in an inftant, and 
 among them fixteen thoudind royal vir- Kifna de- 
 gins, who proftrating themfclves at his livers fix- 
 feet, he gave them leave to return to '5*^" ■''""' 
 their parents, or where elfe they pleafed : ■'j"^^ 
 But they defired to fbay with him, im- 
 ploring his proteftion-, which being grant- 
 ed by Kifna, he carried them to Dcivarca, 
 where he built a fcraglio for their rccep- 
 9 K lion.
 
 774 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pag9ns7 
 
 JPart IjX 
 
 Bai- tion, wherein each lady had her own 
 
 D /T K s. apm-tinenr. 
 
 •^ ^''"^ III the country of Am>mrnmo, liveti a 
 certain zealous kfgia, named Anw.ricl; 
 who having publilhed a general fad by 
 beat of dium, (according to the cutlom 
 of that country,) the fame was obfcrvcd 
 with the utmoll ftriftnefs. It happened, 
 that the Brahman Doerzva(pi palling that 
 way the fame day, he was invited by the 
 faid king to ftay there till the next day 
 after the faft-day. 
 
 The Brahman complying with ^ the 
 king's rcqueft, he fent tor fome of .his 
 chief Brahmans, to know the exaft hour 
 when they might begin to eat. Thefe 
 having confulted their books, and told 
 the king, that the juft time would be 
 two hours after fun-rifing, he invited 
 the before-mentioned Brabman againft 
 that time to a collation. But the. Brah- 
 man mifling the appointed hour, the king 
 went to the river to wafli himlelt-, but 
 finding after his retuniv that the i?r,3/5- 
 ttian was not cdme yet, he advifed with 
 four of his Brahmans, what was bed to 
 be done; who told him. That if he let 
 flip this lucky hour, all his falling would 
 avail him nothing, advifing him at the 
 lame time to take only a little water, and a 
 leaf of the tully-tree, till the Brahman 
 fhould come. - 
 
 This Brahman Dserwaffa having a pro- 
 phetick fpirit, was not ignorant that trlie 
 king had eaten fomething in his abfence, 
 and therefore went to the king, aiking 
 
 • J Ci-i^i 
 
 nacBi 
 
 him, why he had put fuch an affront 
 upon him. The Rtigia. 'VKas;.for ex.cufing 
 the mutter, bur. to no purpofej lor the 
 Brahman going out of the doors, gave 
 him this curie. That he might from head 
 to foot be covered with boils and the 
 Jeil^rofy, which being fulfilled in an in? 
 fbant upon the untbrtunate king, he pray- 
 ed to Kifna to deliver him from this 
 evil; but iia vain, his evil incrcdfiug every 
 day; ft) that at laft being quite tired with 
 lik-, he refolved .to put a period, to. it by 
 fire. Every 'thir>g being 'got.in readtnefs 
 for this 'purpaie, Kifna appeared lohim, Kiha 
 afking, what was his requclL He re- the le- 
 plied, to be freed from my diftemper. P''°'y 
 Kifihi cured him not, only of his leprofy, 
 but . alfo ..wrnec) the fame -.inXQ. a fiery 
 whed;. Nwhich rfdilowing ,.the. BreJ^man 
 DoerwaJJa v/herever he' went, put him 
 iatb fuch a trighr, that he oilered his 
 prayers to liagia luder, to deliver him 
 of this fire; but Ragia InJer, telling 
 him, T'ha't he muft apply hlmfdi't^ hini 
 who vcas the author ther,eDf» ' Ive; iwde 
 his applications to Bramma; Trom whpm 
 iiaving received the i'aine anfwcr, he im- 
 plored the alTjftance of KJfna, begging 
 him to pardon his fudden paflion, and 
 to deliver him from the evil he had been 
 pleafedrtp lay uptrti feinv: Kifm chi-. 
 ding him for his unruly paffion, advifed 
 him to lay the iame afide for the future , 
 and then delivert-d him: fronii ths plague 
 ol the fiery wheel. 
 
 Cmi 
 
 ivuij 'Ti ;;ifi o.i 
 
 e H A P. IX; ;' 
 
 • l/iiiu.v ji ,.ij7j;iq --.q a./r Ju iuii ,T);i Oioi 
 
 "The origin and qualiJicdi\ofi^ ^f ^Droe^eti'T' ''&k^'' M^dsY<^^the ^j^kwi/" o/'^'Kltfnkl' 
 
 ^\.\Gu^ti- forced, out of his kingdom. Droepeti exit d Hi^itk }:cr brctkers, end 
 
 ted by the fun: -They come to court :, T^hetr fiirtbertrdiifaBidfis. 
 
 i 
 
 igenii 
 IP mill 
 itteof 
 ildet 
 i 
 
 t' i- ,-)vijq63 L<;yoi •. 
 
 IN the country of .Efienapour\ lii'ed a 
 certain Ragia, named i J^awdoHi^; 
 whofe wife was called Drdendy. : His 
 brother, named Deuteraes .being blind, 
 had a wife called Sendary, and by her 
 a hnndred fons;. the eldeft whereof^ was, 
 named Derfande^ In the country ot Ran- 
 fiaandoes lived at the lame time a cer- 
 tain king, named, Droepet^ whofe daugh- 
 ter was reputed the moft beautiful woman 
 that ever was feen. Ragia Pandoinv hap- 
 pening to die, left behind him five fons; 
 the eldell of which fucceeding him in 
 the throne, one of the other four was put 
 to fchool to a certain BrAhnmn, to be in- 
 ftrudted in all matters rclatine to . their di- 
 vinity. The daughter of Ragia Droe- 
 peti^ being now come to a 
 I 
 
 marriageable 
 
 \o v.:o '^havmq J03 sH ,yon*j!dx; >'yj.-'; 
 age, .her 'father : was notfa lit^f follici-; 
 tuiis howrto bfllow Iws .daughter to the.befl^ 
 advantagd. For this purpole, heV'fent his 
 m.eflengetis to invite tlie neighbouring king.s,, 
 and the chiefell Brahm^nJ to a great feafl; 
 and cauftd a.! long pole ,iio be; eredledj 
 with la llrong. bqw underneath, and, a, 
 fifli .on the top, in the liirae manner ;ap 
 we have , meutiofl^d jbeforei in ths ftory o^ 
 Ram. ■ \ ;,! 
 
 Kifna appearing' liere among the -reft, 
 yet would not attempt thf bow, having 
 promifed his alTiftance. (upon this a^covint) 
 to a certain Brahmin, named -^''^^g";; Aeiffin 
 he managed the bow v^ith that dexterity, gains Efc 
 that he (hot dOwn the .fifh, and received epetibL 
 a fine necklace of pearl from the hands of fli""""*: 
 
 his bride. 
 
 jiiii.>fk ,rjiiii 
 
 
 Qne
 
 Chap. 9. 
 
 ^he JdoLitry of the Eaft-India Pa^^dns. 
 
 w 
 
 lamdo- 
 ja's curfe. 
 
 ifna's 
 H ;iger tied 
 J with a 
 ■ece of 
 )lden 
 jff. 
 
 ! ufter 
 
 r Derfi- 
 
 <■ .- play 
 
 i the 
 
 c ,n. 
 
 One time DroepeH feeing a cow pafs 
 through the fields with five bulls follow - 
 iog heV, Ihe ftood amazed at the novel- 
 ty o\ the thing, as flic thougiit ; this 
 coming to the ears of Cawdogay the cow 
 of pknly, flie was fo offended thereat, 
 that flie told lier, She would make her 
 to be thus purfucd by five men. The 
 king entertained his guefts with a fplen- 
 did feaft; but the bridegroom having 
 made a vow, not to enjoy his bride 
 till after his return home, they came no 
 fooner to his own houfe-door, but being 
 met by his mother, he told her, lliat he 
 had brought fbmething along with him. 
 Then, replied the mother, Your two 
 brothers mufl have each his fliare. That 
 cannot .be,, returiacd Aerjfing, for it is 
 a woman. That fignifies nothing, an- 
 iNvered.ithe. mother; what I have once 
 iaid is impoflible to be recalled. Aerffing 
 full of grief, told his brothers what had 
 happened-, who abominating the mat- 
 ter, communicated the fame to Z)/W- 
 feti. 
 
 It happened afterward, that Kifna ha- 
 ving invited the Panfpendaons with their 
 mother, and Droepetiy to dine with him 
 at Davarc^, as they were walking af- 
 ter dinner in the fields, Kifaa had a mind 
 to cut fome fugar- reeds -, but cutting his 
 finger, all the llanders-by called for 
 fome linen-rags, to tie it up: but Droe- 
 pe/i, immediately tearing a piece of her 
 golden brocaded gown, fhe -tied it about 
 his finger. Kifna (according to his cm- 
 nifciency) . knowing how many threads 
 there were in the piece iTie had :tQirn ofiv 
 viz. nine hundred ninety-nine, he told her 
 that fhe fliould have as many garments 
 of cloth of gold as there were threads 
 in it. They then took their leave-, and 
 though Ki'ffia knew well, that Droepeti 
 Wfts llill a virgin, yet h.e took no notice 
 d'lt. 
 
 After their return home, one Seiihem, 
 brother-in-law to Droepeti^ began to be 
 much out of humour, ailedging, That 
 SiiJJuJler was not the rightful heir of the 
 throne-, for, laid he. Though Deuteraes, 
 by reafon of his blindnefs might be inca- 
 pable of the government, and therefore 
 Pandouw was put in his ftead, yet after 
 his deceafe Sujfujler, his fon could not fuc- 
 ceed him, the right of inheritance of the 
 crown belonging to the eldeft of the hun- 
 dred fons of Deuteraes, and conl'cquently 
 to Derfiende his eldeft fon. This gave 
 oecafion to pitch upon fome way to re- 
 ^ove Derfiende to his right-, and know- 
 ing that Suffufier was much addifted to 
 play at dice, they looked upon this as the 
 beft means to cncompafs their defign. 
 
 'V->J 
 
 Suffujler having been for fome time a fa-BAL- 
 vouritc of Kifna, grew fo ambitious as to"^''^- 
 defpiie him at l.dt. Ktftia remembring "^ 
 this affront, whilff he was playing with 
 Daficnde, fb ordered the matter, that S'f- 
 fufler loft all his ready money i whereby ' 
 
 being egged on more and more to recover 
 his lofs, he at la(t threw at all, and loft 
 his cftate and kingdom. 
 
 Ir had happened Ibme time before, that 
 Dcrjiauie biing in Sujjujicr's palace looked 
 into Droepeii's apartment, which being 
 paved with glafs, (a thing he never had 
 feen before,) he took it for water, and 
 would not venture to go in. Droepeti per- 
 ceiving his error, told him, Hozv, ^re the 
 fons like the f ether? Is the ivhole family 
 blind? whicfi put Dcrfende into fuch a 
 rage, that he fa ore he would revenge it 
 with the firll opportunity. 
 
 Derfiende remembring his oath, whilft 
 they were at play, propofcd to fct as 
 much money aguinft Drotpcti as he would 
 delire-, which being agreed to, Derficntk 
 won that ftake likcwile. ^ Things being 
 come to this p.ifs, he propofcd to Stifu' 
 Jier, that he woufd lay all he had got of 
 him at one ftake, provided he would en- 
 gage, that in cafe he did win it, he would 
 chufe a voluntary exile for twelve years.- 
 Sufufier in hopes of better fortune,, con-' 
 fenting to the pro{.x)fition, they threw the 
 dice; but fortune frowning ngain upon 
 Sujjtflcr, Derfiende i-emained in poffcffi' n 
 of all. 
 
 By this time Derfiende remembring the 
 aPirorjt Droepeti put upon him in her 
 apartment, ordered hertoi be ftripped ftai'k'o^g j 
 naked, and to expofe her to the view of ordered to 
 her fervanis. The diftrefied Droepeti re- be rtrip- 
 duced to this extremity, implored Kifna^^^^^- 
 affiftancc, to relieve her from the fl-^ame 
 flie was likely to undergo, putting him_ 
 in mind of his bounty, after fhe had 'toili' 
 her garments for his lake. In the mean 
 time the fervants being employed in un- 
 drefling Droepeti, they had no fooner 
 pulled off one of her garments, but ano- 
 ther fucceeded in an inftant; which con- 
 tinuing thus nine hundred ninety-nine 
 times, they were feized with fuch an afto- j^ cjeHver- 
 niflimenr, that they entreated Dcrftende ed by 
 to defift, left Kifna fliould give hilTi'Kifna. 
 Ibme fevere proofs of his anger; which' 
 had fuch an influetice upon Derfiende, 
 that he difmiffed her without any further 
 harm. 
 
 The tirrye of the appointed ^xile now 
 approaching, the five brothers, with their T''^'' ?,° 
 mother Scndary and Droepeti, left their 
 native country; but beginning lo want 
 provifion upon the road, Droe^^eti paid 
 her devotions to the fun, to fupply their 
 
 V wants. 
 
 into exile.
 
 77^ 
 
 Tlje Idolatry of the Eafl-Jndia Pagans. 
 
 Tart H 
 
 B AL- 
 
 wtints. The fun commiferating their con- 
 lillcd them every morning a vel- 
 ^'^'^^''^ fcl with virtu.iis fufficient to feed one thou- 
 (and men. At l.ilt coming to a certain 
 village called lyidoenougnn, they lodged in 
 the houfe of one JVidoowugarrc, where 
 fhe k-ft her mother, who was grown fo 
 decrepit, that flic was not able to follow 
 them. 
 
 Thence wandering through vaft defcrts, 
 without meeting either with man or 
 beaft, ihey at lafl: came to a pleafitnt 
 river, wliere whilft they were repofing 
 themfelvLS, they faw a certain lumous and 
 learned Brahman, named Dcrwafa, walk- 
 ing along the bank of it, at the head of 
 one thoufand Brahmans his followers-, 
 who being not ignorant (by his Ikill) 
 who they were, after the ufual falute, 
 immediately addrefled himfelf to Sujjii/ier, 
 telling him, That he and his company 
 had a mind to take a dinner with him, 
 which SuJJuJler approving, (trufting to 
 the bounty of the fun, and the Brak- 
 mau's piety,) he dcfned them to come, 
 which they promifed to do as foon as 
 they had walhed themfelves in the ri- 
 ver. 
 
 Droepeti underftanding what had hap- 
 pened, had recourfe to the veflel ; but 
 finding it empty, knew not what to do, 
 but advifed them to have recourfe to Kif- 
 nah bounty. Accordingly they fent forth 
 their joint and fervent prayers to Kifna; 
 but finding no relief, and the time of 
 the Brahman'?, coming being near at hand, 
 they relblved rather than to be expofed 
 to fuch fhame and confufion as this, to 
 make a large wood fire, and therein to put 
 a period to their m.iferable life. They went 
 to work immediately ; and having gathered 
 a fufficient quantity of wood, Droepeti was 
 fhewing the reft the way, and thefe fol- 
 lowing to tread in her tootlteps. 
 
 Kifna then feeing their conflancy, flop- 
 ped them; and afking what was their 
 grievance, Sujfujier replied, O Kifna! who 
 knoweft every thing, thou canlt not be 
 ignorant of what has happened to us this 
 day! Kifna anfwered, L,et me fee the vef- 
 fel that was prefented you by the fun-, 
 which being produced, Kif?:a viewed it 
 on all fides, and finding a grain of rice 
 on the brim, he eat it -, and by its inul- 
 tiplying power, gave it fuch a virtue, that 
 it not only fatisfied him, but alfo the Brah- 
 man and his thoufand followers; who than- 
 ked Naccod, the youngefl brother of Stf- 
 fufier, (who was fent to bring them to din- 
 ner,) that though they had not the leaft ap- 
 petite to eat fince they had been wafhing 
 in the river, yet they thanked his brother 
 for his good intentions. 
 
 . 
 
 This unfortunate company having thus They 
 wandered for nine years through the de- |f^^'^ ^^^ 
 farts, at lait refolved to try their fortune ^ ^"^ 
 at the court of king TVeraart, of the 
 tribe of the Keticriis, in the country of 
 Meffedees. Sufjtiflcr being the firft that 
 went to king IVeraart, being demanc'eJ 
 who he was, he aflced the king, whether 
 he had not heard of the five brothers Pan- 
 fpendaons : The king replying, he had; 
 he told the king, that he had Jcrred thein 
 as their hiftorian ; and that if the king 
 would receive him in the fame llation, 
 he would relate to him the adventures 
 of that king, how he had loft his king- 
 dom at dice, iSc. The king pleafed with 
 his propofition, ordered him to ftay at 
 court. The fecond brother encouraged 
 by his fuccefs, addrefled himfelf likewife 
 to the king, telling him, that he had 
 ferved Suffujier in the quality of a cook; 
 who ordering him to drefs a difh of 
 meat, he did it accordingly, and pleafed 
 the king fo well, that he made him his 
 head-cook. 
 
 The third, who was an excellent bow- 
 man, thought fit to lay his bow and ar- 
 rows afide; and appearing in the pre- 
 fence of the king without any weapon, 
 told him. That he had ferved Sufjufer in 
 his profperity, in the quality of a Brah- 
 man; but being now ibrced to bear his 
 fhare in the misfortunes of his mafter, he 
 came tofhelter himfelf under his royal pro- 
 teftion. The king being taken with his 
 difcourfe, received him into his fervice. 
 The fourth, after having paid his reverence 
 to the king, told him. That he had been 
 gentleman of the horfe to Siiffufter, in 
 which ftation he was received by the king. 
 The fifth brother not knowing what to 
 fay in his own behalf, told the king. 
 That he had been fhepherd to him: in 
 which ftation he was likev/ife received by 
 king IVeraart. 
 
 Droepeti being now alone, made like- 
 wife her applicadons to the king, alledg- 
 ing. That having ferved in the quality of 
 a maid of honour in the court of Sitfju- 
 fter, fhe hoped to be received among the 
 ladies of the court; which was willingly 
 granted her. Having thus continued two 
 years in their refpciflive ftations, they 
 began to revive their hopes of feeing 
 their native country again, there being 
 but one year more to the end of their 
 exile. 
 
 But Derfoftde finding the time of their 
 exile near expiring, fent out certain fa- 
 mous wreftlers to try their fkill with them. .M 
 Thefe paiTing through feveral countries, -fl 
 
 had vanquiflied many of the Ragias, and 
 in fcorn, carried their pictures tied to .j,, 
 
 tlieir
 
 ::iiAP. 9; 
 
 ^he Idolatry of the 
 
 tlit^ir knees. Coming at I.ifl: to king H'e- 
 raari^s couit, they challenged, and killed 
 the king's brothtr-in-law, and were for 
 doing the fame to the king; who rather 
 than hazard his perlbn, oli'ered them liis 
 picluiv, to be carried in triumph upon 
 their knees. But Sujfujhr being iniorm- 
 ei of the. matter, toki him, That fuch a 
 piece of cowardice being unworthy oi the 
 name of the Ksttcriis^ he advikd liim 
 ; tol match Jiim with his head-cook, whom, 
 as he fuid, he had often fcen wr^ftie 
 iloud.y at the court of Sujjujhr. The 
 king extl-cmely pleafetl at this propofi- 
 tion, afl<ed the cook, whether he dutft 
 engage with one ot thefc himous wrclllers-, 
 who having anfwcra!-, Yesj. and the ap- 
 pointed time being, come,; they went to it 
 bravely,; .and .lieki it' for a confidcrable 
 time With equal! advantage-, till at lad the 
 cook found means to twill his arms back, 
 and letting his foot againft his rump, 
 threw him backwards, and killed him up- 
 on the fpot. 
 
 Derftende h.ad no fooncr heard this un- 
 welcome news, but he fent his uncle with 
 two hundred thoufand horfe into king IVe- 
 rcarfs country, to drive away all the cat- 
 tle; which being done accordingly, and 
 notice thereof given to king IVerc.art; he 
 put himfelf at the head of fix hundred thou- 
 fand horfe, and overtaking the enemy in a 
 great plain, a bloody battle enfued; but 
 his forces being routed, he was taken pri- 
 foner by the enemy. 
 
 The prince overwhelmed with tears, 
 engaged the cook who had fo lately ob- 
 tained the viftory, to go in purliiit of 
 the enemy; who coming in fight ot them, 
 cryed ■ aloud. Halt you robbers, releafe 
 the king, or this day (kail be your laft. 
 They laughed at this madi^efs, till feeing 
 him lay abous him Vv-ith his ' weapons 
 amongit the hindermoft, they turned their 
 arms agarnlt him ; but the cook aliifted 
 by K:jm'& ftrength, flew the whole ar- 
 my, except one, whom he fent to Der- 
 fiende, to carry him the news of this 
 defeat. 
 
 He had no fooner received thefe dif- 
 mal tidings, but he told them, Certainly 
 thefe are the P anfpendams \ 'go and put 
 thyfelf at the head of fix thouiand cho- 
 fen horfe to revenge our quarrel. Accord- 
 ingly, he entered king tFeraan's, territo- 
 ries, making great havock among men and 
 bealb, without the leaft oppofition, PVe- 
 rtiarl not daring to oppofe his forces 
 (diat coafifted only of two hundred horfe) 
 to fo powerful an enemy. ■■ SiiJJufier vexed 
 at his cowardice, told him, That if he 
 did not think fit to haZard his perfon, he 
 Ihould give leave to the prince and his 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Ead-India Pa^ims. 777 
 
 governor the Brnhman, to go along with R a l- 
 what forces he had, in quelt of the cne- ^'lyZii 
 my: which the king not refufing, the 
 prince and the Brahmen went after the 
 enemy in their chariot; and finding them 
 in battle array ready to receive them, 
 the prince was fo fiightened thereat, that 
 the Bro.kman was forced to tie him in 
 the chariot, ant! cover him with a cloth, 
 'i'hen the Brahvmn attacked the enemy 
 with fuch lury, that notwithflanding ths 
 inequality ot their number, he flew them 
 all (after a bloody eng.igemeni) uporj 
 the fpot, except their general, who being 
 made a pri loner, the Brahman gave hinv 
 three or four found boxes on the car, 
 telling him, That he fhowld go to his king 
 to curry bim the. good news, but have a 
 care how he ever came there again. iThc 
 Brahman was I'o humble, :.as to bcftow 
 both all the honour of the victory, and 
 the booty upon the prince; who willing 
 enough to accept of the lame, made his 
 entry in a triumphant manner, into ithe 
 city. 
 
 Not long after king Jl''eranrt playing 
 at tables with one ot his nobles, made 
 his boaft of the Jate vidory obtained by 
 his fon, which S'ijjujier not able to 
 brook, told the king. That -what he boafl- 
 ed of did not belong to Lis fon but to the 
 Brahman. Tlie king hearing him fiy 
 thefe wortis, threw the dice with fuch vio- 
 lence in.o the tables, that one of them 
 flew into Sujjufcr's face, and drew Ibmc 
 blood from him: SuJJuJlcr highly txaf- 
 perated at this affront, confulted with his 
 brothers and filler to leave the court fccret- 
 ly, ar.d return into their native country, 
 the time of thtir baniihment being near ex- 
 pired; which they did accordingly. 
 
 I'he prince no fooner underltood their 
 departure, but he went immediately to 
 the king, telling him, he was lorry the 
 king had taken fb ill what Sufjujler had 
 told him, it being nothing but the bare 
 truth: for, faid he, it was not I, but the 
 Brahman that obtained the vitlory; and 
 it were they who have twice delivered 
 our country und yourfcif fro ni dell rud ion, 
 I advife you to take care whac you do; 
 for I afTure you, they are the Panfpendaons 
 themfelves. 
 
 The king flood amazed at thefe v/ords; 
 And, is it polnble, faid he, that I wl o 
 am but a petty king, fhould be fcrved by 
 them ? And lb ordering all his ele- 
 phants, horfes, and chariot.";, to be got rc:- 
 dy, he followed them with all polnble 
 fpeed ; and having overtaken them at lafl, 
 he proflrated himfelf before SuJJtifier, fay- 
 ing, Alojt potent kiiig! vshcm I am un- 
 "uoorthy to ferve, pardon me for having re- 
 9 L uivcd
 
 77B 
 
 Tlje Idolatry of the 
 
 Eaft-India Piifans. 
 
 o 
 
 Part 11. 
 
 B A L- reived fen'ices from you contrary to my 
 DjFvs. knowledge; pray return along isjitb me, 
 *'^^'''"^*^ that we may not take our leave without 
 a merry cup. I will afterwards provide 
 you with camsls, elephants, horfes, cha- 
 riots, and what elfc J]:all be reqniftte for 
 your journey. Siijjufier being prevailed 
 upon to return with the king to the ci- 
 ty, tlicy took their mutual leaves at a 
 moll folemn teaft, with mutual demonftra- 
 tions of friendlhip ; and being provided 
 with all neceflaries for their journey, re- 
 turned towards their native country. 
 
 But whilfl; they were upon the road, 
 Sufjujlcr repenting of his former pride, fre- 
 quently fent his prayers to Kifna, acknow- 
 ledging his crime, for which he owned he 
 had been defervedly punifhed by him : but 
 the time of his twelve years banilhment 
 being now expired, he promifed to ferve 
 him with all humility, if by his afTiftance 
 he and his brothers might be reftor'd to 
 their native country. Kifna well fatisfied 
 with this acknowledgment, appear'd to 
 
 SufTufter 
 prays to 
 
 Is heard 
 by him. 
 
 them, afl<ing what was their requeft. Suf- 
 fujler anfwer'd. That Derfiende may be put 
 out of the throne, and I be placed there 
 in his ftead. Kifna having promifed him 
 his alfiftance, fiid, I'hat they had beft fend 
 a certain poet {_who flood hard by) to de- 
 mand the kingdom of him. The poet 
 went accordingly, demanding the kingdom 
 to be reftor'd to the true owners, the term 
 of the twelve years b;inifhment being now 
 expir'd. But Derfiende anfwer'd, that he Derfiende 
 did not know the Panfpendaons, and was '^^"f^^ '° 
 reiblv'd to keep the crown in fpite of them -, [.* *"^^ ' ' 
 and lb bid the poet to go out of his pre- 
 fence. Kifna underflanding this anfwer, 
 told them, perhaps he has taken it amifs, 
 that we have not fent to him a perfon of <i 
 higher rank. The Panfpcndaons replied. 
 That they were ready to tiirow themfelves 
 at his feet, if lie thought he would grant 
 their requeft ; which being approved of, 
 Kifna promifed to go along with them ic 
 perfon. 
 
 ingdom. 
 
 ( 
 
 nil 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Kilna lodges with a Braliiiian : Goes to the court of Derfiende, who engages in 
 a bloody buttle with SufTufter, and is routed. Droepeti is enjoyed by jive bro- 
 thers. Kifna vifits divers wicked kings. TZ'f conclujion of his reign. 
 
 A 
 
 T EJlenapour liv'd a Brahman, named 
 
 IFidder, who fed upon alms, his wife 
 
 was call'd Prediwette, both perfons very 
 
 fccalous in their devotions to Kifna ; who 
 
 being not ignorant of their zeal, refblved 
 
 Kifna vi- to blefs them with a vifit. Accordingly he 
 
 fits a poor came to the cottage of the poor Brahman ; 
 
 go into the garden to gather fuch herbs as 
 there, and allow'd them to eat, (for 
 
 W 
 ijlii 
 
 lyi. 
 
 Brahman. 
 
 who, after having pioltrated themfelves at 
 his feet, brought fome rock-water (accord- 
 ing to the cuitom of the country) to wafli 
 his feet. Kifna told them, I intend to 
 dine with you ; and lb laying himfelf 
 down, pretended to flL'ep, with an inten- 
 tion to obferve all that palTed in the cot- 
 tage. 
 
 Ragia Derfiende hearing of the coming 
 of Kifna to this poor cottage before he 
 had vifitcd his court, forbid all the inha- 
 bitants, under pain of death, to furnilh 
 the poor Brahman that day either with mo- 
 ney or provifions. The Brahman being in 
 a great necelFity, would fain have pawn'd 
 his brafs kettle and frying-pan ; but no bo- 
 dy daring to lend him any money, or give 
 fhe Icaft provifions, he return'd in a very 
 melancholy pofture. His wife bid him 
 not defpair ; telling him, that Kifna know- 
 ing their poverty, would accept of the 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 
 will for the deed 
 I 
 
 and fo ortlering him 
 
 were 
 
 the Brabmans dare not eat all forts of 
 herbs or roots, as, for inftance, the beets, 
 becaule they are red, and refemble blood ;) 
 which being done, flie drelTed them, and 
 having awaken'd Kifna, offer'ii it to him 
 upon a Pyfang leaf: Kifia afl<'d them. 
 Have you nothing elfc ? I fuppofed you 
 would have made fome cakes. The wo- 
 man anfwer'd. That their poverty being 
 fuch as not to permit them to do it ; Kifna 
 bid her look backwards, where feeing 
 in a corner a fine bafket of fruits and 
 fweet-meats, fhe proflrated herfclf at his 
 feet. 
 
 Thus feafling together, Kifna afk'd them' 
 after dinner, what they rcquelted of him ? 
 The Brahman replied. Nothing, but that I 
 may ferve and love thee with afmcere heart ; 
 that I may never ceafc to pray to thee ; and 
 that zvben my foul and body mujl be parted., 
 my zeal for thee may neverthelefs continue zvith 
 me. Kifna replied. All this fliall be granted Blefles i «ki|! 
 thee -, and becaufe thou haft preferr^jd piety 'V'" **"'' 
 before riches, you fhall likewife have your '"='**-'• 
 full Ihare of them. He had no fooner fpo- 
 ken thefe words, but the Brahman's cot- 
 tage was in an inllant chang'd into a mag- 
 nificent 
 
 "giaw
 
 Chap. 10. The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Pagans, 
 
 779 
 
 nificent ftriifliire, and Kifna prefented them 
 with as much gold as was fufficient to main- 
 tain them in great plenty all their life- 
 time. 
 
 Kifna^ after having once more imparted 
 his blelTing to his hoft, departed, taking 
 his way toward the cartle of Dcrfunde, it 
 Kifna goes being then jiifl three hours beibre fun-let, 
 to the t;|^(j ufiiil time for the kings in the caftern 
 n"'^r ° A countries to give audience to tlieir fubie(ft;s. 
 Kijua was received with a great deal ot re- 
 verence by fome of the court •, but the 
 king looking upon him with an indifferent 
 eye, afked him, when he came into the 
 city, and why he would not pay him a 
 vifit before the poor Brahman? Kifna re- 
 plied. Riches are of no value to me -, the 
 meanefl cottage of a believer I prefer be- 
 fore the moft fumptuous palace of a king. 
 And why then, laid the king, would you 
 come to court.'' I did come, reply'd Kiffia, 
 in the name of the Panfpendaons, to de- 
 mand thy kingdom, the twelve years exile 
 being nov/ expir'd. The king anfwer'd, I 
 know them not, neither will I deliver the 
 kingdom. Kifna told him. That if he 
 wouki not, he fhould at lead allot a village 
 for their maintenance. I will not give 
 them the breadth of a foot, anfwer'd, Der- 
 fimde. Then prepare yourfelf, laid Kifna •, 
 you muft fight for it. 
 battle The Panfpendaons hearing this anfwer, 
 •ughtfor prepared for a vigorous war; and having 
 ghteen engaged king Weraart^ and the potent 
 Ragia Droepet {Droepeti's father) in their 
 quarrel, with four other kings, they at- 
 tacked Derjiende, who having drawn up 
 his horfe in a great plain, a fierce bat- 
 tle enfu'd, which lalied eighteen days, 
 Kifna fighting in a chariot drawn by 
 oxen. 
 
 In Derfiendth arniy was a famous war- 
 rior, named Caran, who having (by his 
 conftant prayers ) obtain'd a prodigious 
 ftrength from Kifna, did perform wonders 
 in his chariot : Kifna efpying him at fome 
 diflance, order'd Erfiende, ( who fat with 
 him in the fame chariot,) to break the 
 wheel of Caran's chariot, which being done 
 accordingly by a ftrong arrow, Caran came 
 down out of his chariot, but whilft he was 
 bufy in mending the wheel, was by the 
 fame Erfiende fliot with an arrow into the 
 breall : He drawing the arrow out of the 
 wound, cry'd out to Kifna, And is this 
 tlie reward thou giveft me for fo many of- 
 e giant ferings. Kifna anfwer'd. Have patience ; 
 an kil- j^y ^ju jg jq deliver thee out of this trou- 
 blefome world, and to allow thee a place 
 in heaven, whither I am going to meet 
 all the believers ; (my time upon earth 
 being almoft expired,) after I have purg- 
 ed the world of the wicked. Caran was 
 
 lys. 
 
 litlti 
 
 no Iboner fiain , but the victory de-FAt-- 
 clar'd againft Derftende whofe forces were""^"'* 
 all flain upon the fpot ; (as were king ^^'V^^ 
 fFeraarl and king Droepet on the other 
 fide,) and among tliem Dcrftcnde himfelf, 
 with his ninety-nine brothers. Thus the 
 Panfpendaons being reftorcd to the king- 
 dom, they payed their conftant devotions 
 to Kifna, who from thence returned to Da- 
 varca. 
 
 All this while Droepeti had lived with- 
 out the knowledge of any man ; but peace 
 and quietnefs being now reftored in the 
 kingdom, tlie five brothers were concert- 
 ing all poffible means how to enjoy DroC' 
 peti, without inceft. At laft a certain Brch- 
 man, named IVifjumna, propofed the fol- 
 lowing expedient. The year, laid he, has 
 three hundred fixty days, which divided 
 into five equal parts, each amounts to two 
 months and twelve days. And it being 
 your mother's will that the five brothers 
 fhould have an equal fhare in Droepeti, 
 Suffufier muft cohabit with her the firft 
 two months and twelve days, and the other 
 four brothers fuccefTively each his two 
 months and twelve days : But to wipe off 
 ♦he ftain of inceft, Droepeti muft after the 
 expiration of each refpedlive term of two 
 months and twelve days, purify herfelf 
 three times by the lire ; whence it i." evi- 
 dent, that the pagans afcribed to the fire 
 a purifying quality ; from whom the Jeivs 
 queftionlefs took that doftrine, and the 
 Roman catholicks their purgatory. Tliis 
 being approved ot by thejoint-confent of the 
 five brothers, it was further agreed. That 
 he wiio Ihould tranfgrefs his limited time, 
 fhould be banifhed tor twelve years. But 
 Suffujler willing to appeafe the gods by fa- 
 crifices, in confideiation of the great eftu- 
 fion ot blood, occafion'd by his reftora- 
 tion, confulted the Ceogys, (a certain or- 
 der of the Brahmans) who advifed him 
 to inftitute a folemn feaft, offer facri- 
 fices, be hberal to the poor, and to main- 
 tain a certain number of learned Brah- 
 mans, to read and explain their holy wri- 
 tings. Suffiifer obeyed, and performed Su/Turter's 
 every thing with all imaginable exa6tncfs, '^"'''•^s- 
 ordering a hole to be digged, which 
 he filled with fugar, butter, fandal- 
 wood, milk, rice, and betel, and ofteied 
 roles, flowers, fpices, and other rich in- 
 cenfe. 
 
 This done, he invited Ki/na to a fump- 
 tuous feaft ; and afliing him, what ac- 
 knowledgment he was able to pay him, 
 for the many favours he had rcceiv'd at 
 his hands, Kifna anfwcred, Take a white' 
 horfe with black ears and a yellow tail, 
 and faften a paper on his head wiili the 
 following lines written in gold cl:iarad:ers : 
 
 lykocvcr
 
 7?? 
 
 !®?.n/^^tol-^/x.:(^^^:> fiaft-In^i-A P(^iWO 
 
 PARa:],J. 
 
 Bal- 
 
 VKV'i. 
 
 JFboever mcts me, and kl^.me pafs um>fc^ ^ptli \\imith' s.nd ErJieKde into the ihape He Ifsps 
 
 kpd^'pal! <iv6rJ/^ip'^)i/e''ai!d^K\inn,['cci^o, 6f,.t\vQ old ;ai?d mil i>'rfl/w^w. In ili'S "'^'j!,,'^'* 
 
 t-vY^ reiiwd Ihar jlely,J>itt^zd^9Cver\^lofj pQ'f|ure„,they_ %/0(.l themfelves ,ncar tli? ^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 m,*/e1b:mj)rej>'are'Jo^Jigbt.'Hc{i.inhtr P^gode, where^ the giant iifed to wall) 
 
 told' him, Tlut 'he 'Ili'ould^jgivQ him his him|(;ltj.;Wfl^q.j:oni!n,g diilher,, alked thtm, 
 bfothcP ^'r/cV^^Mor' hisf" ^mpanion, his p7.'^f^is\it)'^y-^HvQ,Mvoi^^ Ask 
 
 Kifnavi- intention bcfng tp purge tlic world' W' 'and ,yci^'J/^iiIl.jM%\d^/il,\(^A i^, ^^^^ 
 fits the (he Wlied, durihg that fliort time he A'/^2« relpiied, That^ kings w£re apt to pro- 
 world, to p,_^y to llay "aS ■ yet upon earth. The mVie much more than they intended to per- 
 from* the f^ing obeyed, and having prelent^-d^ his fQrm,.,|,pie giant anfvvered, Thac.was ne- 
 wickid.* bi;other with a, chariot, and putj hjn) at ver hisr'curt'orn, ' d,enri,ng them to a(k what 
 the head' of" A goAli.'body of horfe, he 
 took hi§ leave o\ Kffna, who went his 
 W3y,-th(ilidrfe' leading the van witliout a 
 guide. ' ,, 
 
 This horfe palTed through many king- 
 doms, where tv^ry one that did read the 
 rnrcription, '^p'ay'M 'reverence to Kfiui. 
 But cohiing into the 'territories of Srfidcra, 
 Who hiving ■received feyeral fig'nal obliga- 
 tions from Kij'ha, feized, upon the horle, 
 by that means to ^engage Kifim to co:ne 
 H^ bleflis to his courr. Accordingly Kif>ia (w ho; Icntw 
 Sindera. jjj^ int.entioi;) j ^yifitcd 'hjni in 'his couit,^ 
 
 where feeirig re?'erehc(?d and prefented {jy the nie in wr'qlllirfg,_ I. arn ready to anfw.cr'.him. of Indiaa 
 
 king, he gave hiiii lus tielTing', and foTet ;' /\}/>/a ' anci ^vjipide diiappparec{ without ^"'^P""" 
 
 forward again to the king'of 'Sudannciijq.'.l,. ahlwering^ |One.,',w'ord, jin'd, Erfmidt's fkill 
 
 ''■■.This king ftdppingthq horle, worpiip^ lying 'cli|efiy'm ^Ws bow,, lie engaged fy.- 
 
 ped Kifna, alledging, That he did not do faidc'-i broiher, {a famous .wrcfller) in his 
 
 it to engage with Kifnii, but 'to try.'Ws flead. I'he coiijbat wasfo equal, .. that the 
 
 Comes to flrength a:g;iinfl; Erfiende. ^//»a accepting hight parting them, 'Hheyteftrr<?d. the,. whole 
 
 Sudan- his t;.'(;ufe, £';y?(;'>7//^ drew "his bow, and'fhot decifion of;, the quarrel.' tiU ritxt day ; bfing 
 
 f^J^.^j J an arrow iiito his breall. The king' l^jfting both equally tired with. wre.ftling, they 
 
 up his eyes unto heaven, and tearing,, the fought with thcGors the. next day ; they 
 
 they pleafeq, it <]iould, be granted.. The 
 d'ifguiit'd Kfna ttj^n.alj<cdj,dic king, to give 
 hi 111 his hand, a.s a token of; hig finccfity, 
 which the I king having don^ accordingly. 
 All that we ask of thee, faith he, is, that 
 ibl^enever then en^a^flft- .ogain cjgair?^ Kiiha, 
 thou f'^alt. ^ot put on thy fl~M-fr,ee armour. 
 The king, '.(though fpfpecting the matter) 
 ar.fvvered, WeUj'r lince I haye given my 
 word it- fhall be done, provided that he 
 vvho engages iii-.a fmgle combat with me, 
 fliall bring ho bow ^anc|. arrow ; but if he 
 
 « 
 
 fis;ht with 2. Gctrs 
 
 6r I try ,iiis fkill with * A kind 
 
 by Er . . . . , „ 
 
 fiende. aiTOw out of his wound, 'cryed,' O Kifna ! 
 
 dolf thou thus reward thy adorers. IVIy foul 
 mtifl now tranfmigrate into another body. 
 No, anfwered A'Z/'wa, thy foul fhall afcc^nd to 
 hea^'^n in an inftant, and enjoy eternal blifs. 
 Comesto, ' Herice he travelled to the impious king 
 and routs Jvfalninv, who {topping the horfe, and 
 bringing hisforces to fight againfl him, 
 were all flain upon the fpct. Next coming 
 to kiwySaUatru), he followed, the footfleps 
 6f yhjfdhanv, and had the fame fote. 
 Afterwards tlrcy came, to Mot/rra, the re- 
 
 feveral 
 kings 
 
 engaged moft fuiioufly all the day, giving 
 one another moil terrible blows, but with 
 equal advantage'; To that night appi'pac|i- 
 ir,g, they Were . forced to defer the ..final 
 dccifion till the |third day. T^hen it was 
 that the giant .exerting all hi.S; force, gave 
 inch frequent arid terrible blows to i^/j/m, 
 Erfiendt'i, brother, ihat being ready to fiiinr, 
 he was knocked down feyeral ;tim.e;s. But 
 imploring A//«a'j;' afUllahce,'. he was OTdpjy- 
 cd with hew vigtuir'-,' fo i:hat,*,^fecoyeri^Qg 
 his flrengrh, he.-att'ackfed the giant Itra- 
 
 i 
 
 fidenc'e of the famous giant /^f^^/«/'cT<7/57f^ii, fj.gh afrclh,' arid' -at- laft 'paying" hold, on '^"^ S'*'' 
 
 who had been formerly defeated, no lefs his legs, tore him afundcr, wi.th,liis ien-;.Jfj°^ 
 
 than eighteen times by Kifna. This giant trails hanging down upon 'the^ ground, 
 
 having fortified M<///?rrt with h'gli and ftrong A'^zcz's fOrcps .feeing this Ipeilacle, .lu'cick- 
 
 walls, drew out his forces into the field, him- ed' his' ^xmy,' iari^ flew .the.tnj a,Il upoa .t,l\e' 
 
 felf being covered with 'a cuirafs, or armour, 
 that was both i'word and fhot-proof. Both 
 armies engaged one another with fuch fury, 
 that the like had never beea fcen before, 
 with fuch various fuccefs, that it remained 
 dubious, who was likely to be the v'an- 
 quifher,' the -night putting an c'n^ to thei 
 battle for that time. ■ -fnjj--) r . 
 
 Kifna being fenfible that it wo'uld be !a.' 
 hard tafl< to kill this giant, as long as he 
 Riade nfeof this armour, got with Eijiende 
 ever the city walls, having transformed 
 
 "^ -.4 
 
 fpot. 
 
 Kifia. in his'return being hiet,by,^//^i/if';%' 
 was eriteitained' by hirin in a garden wiijhbuc; 
 the city, EyJiende'M the fame time prefenting 
 him with a garland of flo\yers. Kifna'hu- 
 ing highly fatisfied with him, (x\di, Defire 
 •what yvu think fit. But £?j/?£'wi(?-excufing 
 hlmlcif; Kifna told him, ^ai his time upon 
 editb being near expired, he intended to grant 
 him ivhatcver reqtteft he could make. Then, 
 replied Erfiende, beflow one of your wives 
 upon me. Kifna anfwered. Take , my cha- 
 
 i-iot.
 
 Chap. 10. 
 
 ^e Idolatry of the Eaft-India Piigans. 
 
 78 c 
 
 riot, and go to Davarca, vifit all the cham- 
 bers of my Seraglio, and which of the la- 
 dies thou findeft without me, take her for 
 thy own. Erftcnde went inftantly to the 
 Seraglio at Davarca, and entring the firfl 
 chamber found Kif>ta talking with the la- 
 dy ; then going to the fecond, he found 
 him there likewife ; and lb in the third, 
 fourth, and all the reft. Being ftruck 
 with amazement, he returned to the gar- 
 den, where he had left Kiffia, and pro- 
 ftrating himfelf, fiiid, O Kifna, ihou beeft 
 the true god, and prefent every inhere, pt^r- 
 don my errors I Kifua giving him his blef- 
 fing, told him. He fhould perfevere in 
 his prayers, and fo returned to Davarca. 
 
 Kifna afterwards feeing the cowherds 
 multiply to fifty-fix Karool, (each Karool 
 making one hundred Lak, each whereof 
 is one hundred thoufand,) or five hundred 
 and fixty millions living fouls, and that 
 they had increafed as well in iniquity as 
 in number, he was highly incenfed againll 
 them, declaring that he would root them 
 out, not by his or other mens hands, but 
 their own. 
 
 It happened that a great number of 
 them being invited to a feaft where Kif- 
 tia was alfo prefent, they were fo full of 
 wantonnefs, as to ftamp upon the preci- 
 ous flowers called MaJJiou and Caffomba 
 (aftbrding a moft delicious tindlure for 
 dying) with their feet. Not contented 
 thus, it being a moon-fhiny night, they 
 contrived to ridicule the famous prophet 
 Ruchi, whom they faw fitting very 
 thoughtfully under a tree. For this pur- 
 pofe they put a baflvet under a certain man's 
 clothes, dreflcd like a woman -, and car- 
 rying her to Ruchi, aflked him, Whether 
 this woman was to bring forth a male or 
 female child ? He not minding them the 
 firft time, they pulled him by the arm, 
 and afl<ed him the fime queftion in a ve- 
 ry rude manner a fecond time ; when be- 
 ing, as it were, awakened out of his pen- 
 fivenefs, he told them He fliould bring 
 forth an iron bar, which fliould break all 
 their fkulls. He had no fooner faid thefe 
 words, but the difguifed man was feizcd 
 with moft intolerable pains, which did 
 not ceafe, till he had brought forth an 
 iron bar. Being amazed at fo odd an 
 accident, they had recourfe to Kifna, 
 who ordered them to go to the village 
 of Perwatfpatang, feated upon the river. 
 
 where they fhould find a ftone, where- B a l- 
 with they muft rub the iron bar till it'*''^"^^ 
 was reduced to powder, and then throw ^^^'^^ 
 it into the river. They did as they 
 were ordered : But no fooner had they 
 thrown the powder of the iron into 
 the water, but the whole river was filled 
 with reeds, or fmall canes, as if it had 
 been a foreft. They gave an account 
 of it to Kifna ; who told them. It was 
 well. 
 
 It happened upon another feftival, 
 that the young tribe being merry toge- 
 ther, one of the company took up one 
 of thefe reeds from the ground, and ftri- 
 king another over the head in jeft, he 
 faw him drop down dead before his 
 feet. The friends of the deceafed taking 
 up another fuch reed, ftruck the other 
 young fellow over the head, who like- 
 wife falling down dead, his friends did 
 the fame to them, and fo one to ano- 
 ther, till they were all killed ; accord- 
 ing to the predidion of Ruchi the Brah- 
 man. 
 
 Kifna having now fulfilled his office in 
 rooting out wickednefs among men, lent 
 for the Panfpendaons and Droepeti, and 
 their mother to Davarca, where he tdd 
 them. That having felecfled them as well 
 as his wives from the reft, he would have 
 them go to the mount Hemaniftd Perzvety 
 whence they fhould be taken up into 
 heaven. Accordingly they went with Kif- 
 na's, fixteen thoufand wives to the laid 
 mount, the peak whereof no body could 
 reach but Sujjufter ; however, they were 
 all together drawn infenfibly through the 
 air into heaven. 
 
 Kifna knowing that his time was come 
 to leave the earth, he took a handful of 
 duft, and throwing it over the city, their 
 golden ftreets and houfcs were in an inftant 
 tranfinuted into ftraw, dirt, wood, and Kii'nn af- 
 ftones •, which done, he afcended ftrait to cends to 
 heaven. The pagans are unanimoully of^'^^'""" 
 opinion, that in cafe the whole fea was 
 filled with ink, and the earth made of 
 paper, and all the inhabitants of the ter- 
 reftrial globe were only imployed in v/ri- 
 ting, they would not be fufficient to give The fame 
 an exa6t account of all the miracles wrought is 'aid of 
 by Kifna in one hundred years time, in Chnft. 
 the third period of the world called Dua- ^"'^ ^^'* 
 perfinge, containing eight hundred fixty- 
 four thoufand years. 
 
 -Vol. III. 
 
 9 M 
 
 CHAP.
 
 '8i 
 
 The Idohtry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Part II. 
 
 Bal- 
 
 D ."E U 5 . 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 T/je ninth appearance of Viftnum in the JJ:ape of Boudha, or Bodhe. His 
 tenth transformation into a fiying horfe, called Kallenkyn. The origin and 
 aBions of Bramma. 
 
 The ninth 'T^ H E Be>ija7is tell us of Bodhe, that 
 appear- \_ he has neither father nor mother ; 
 ^""- that he is invifible % but whenever he ap- 
 pears, it is with four arms. He fpends 
 his whole time in praying with a dejedt- 
 cd countenance to the great god, (called 
 Mahadcuw by the Benjans ,) and that 
 after having continued twenty-fix thoufand 
 four hundred and thirty years, without 
 performing any miracles, his time is ex- 
 pired upon earth, being the time we now 
 five in, according to the computation of 
 the pagans. For purfuant to the com- 
 putation of the Benjans at Siiratte, there 
 were in the year of Chrift 1649, pafTed 
 four thoufand feven hundred and fifty 
 years, and confequently twenty-one thou- 
 fand fix hundred and eighty years to come. 
 "What is faid of this idol concerning 
 his being born without father and mother, 
 and his invifibility, fcems to have fome 
 relation to what they may perhaps have 
 Tieard of Chrift, as his four arms inti- 
 mate his power, a thing frequently attri- 
 buted to the pagan gods ; juft as the an- 
 tient poets made their giants with a hun- 
 dred hands. The jefuit Kircher attributes 
 likewife four heads (but erroneoufly) to 
 this Bodhe, (called Bhavatii by others,) and 
 (Iiys, that by his four arms they would 
 reprefent the four elements. What the faid 
 jefuit relates of Ramlzander, the fon of 
 Bill, who came from heaven to deliver his 
 people from the oppreflion of the giants 
 and tyrants, feems to be a confirmation of 
 what we faid before, concerning fome ob- 
 fcure remnants of knowledge among thefe 
 pagans of Chrift. 
 The tenth The Benjans tell us, That Kallenkyn is 
 transfor- ^ white winged horfe, ftanding upon 
 mation. three feet only in heaven, holding one 
 of the foremoft legs up without inter- 
 mifiion. They fay, That at the beginning 
 ot this transformation the Benjans ftiall 
 live pioufly and happily ; but by degrees 
 turn to all manner of impiety and wicked- 
 ncfs for forty thoufand five hundred and 
 feventy years. Then, fay they, this horfe 
 is to trample upon the earth with his right 
 fore-leg with fuch a force, that the ferpent 
 Signagie being no longer able to bear the 
 world, the Tortoife finding the whole bur- 
 den laid on her back, will run to the fea 
 
 and drown the world ; which is to be the 
 conclufion of the Lift period of the world : 
 After which, the firft is to begin again. 
 For it is obfervable, that all the eaftern pa- 
 gans believe the eternity of the world, al- 
 lowing only fome changes from one time to 
 another. 
 
 The whitenefs of this horfe intimates 
 the cleannefs, its wings the adlivity and 
 agility, and the horfe itfelf the ftrength 
 of the god Viftman. It being certain, ^ 
 
 that though moft of the hidian pagans, *» 
 
 and efpecially the Malabars, are black 
 thetnfelves, yet they have a peculiar efteem 
 for the white colour ; as may be feen in 
 the white cow of plenty, called Catndoga, 
 and the famous white elephant of the king 
 of Simn, mentioned in the firft book. 
 Thus Virgil defcribes Turnus's horfe to be 
 white *. And of the ftrength, aftivity, l. g. .(En.i 
 and excellency of a horfe, there are many ' 
 
 pafHiges to be found both in facred and pro- 
 phane hiftory. The wings attributed -to 
 this horfe, feem to be done in imitation 
 of the Pegafus of the ancient pagans, 
 which was placed by ihem likewife among 
 the ftars. What they fay of the world's 
 being caft into the fea by the tortoife, ap- 
 pears to have fome relation to Noah's flood. 
 And it is obfervable, that according to the 
 doftrine of the Malabars, before the laft 
 metamorphofis of things, there fhall be fuch 
 difordcrs in the world, that the whole race 
 of fomilies and tribes fliall be confounded. 
 They fay there fhall but two pious kings be 
 remaining upon earth at that time, viz. 
 The kings of Vappi and of yifari. 
 
 Thus much of the god Ixora and Vijl- 
 num: We muft alfo fay fomething of the 
 third, viz. Bramma, who owes his ori- 
 gin to S^uivelinga. Rogcrius deduces his Origin of 
 origin from a flower-pot ; but the com- Bramma. 
 mentator upon Rogerius had fufficiently 
 fhewn, that 'Tamara is quite another thing. 
 Though this opinion feems to agree in fome 
 refpeft with what father Kircher liiys in the 
 ninth transformation of Vijlnum, viz. That 
 he was transformed into Latum, being a cer- 
 tain produft of the fea, and the opinion of 
 the Egyptians, of Tbales and the Stoicks, 
 who acknowledged the water either the 
 principal or the nourifher of every 
 thing. 
 
 The 
 
 *
 
 iChap. ir. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eal1-Indi:i Pcigans. 
 
 7Sj 
 
 The crea- The chief things attributed to Bramma 
 l^nrid '^y ''^^'"^ P-'gsns, are, That he has not only 
 created the world, but alio determines the 
 duration and times of all created matters: 
 And as they alio acknowledge him the fon 
 of God, and the fupreme governor of an- 
 gels, nay, even afcribe to him a human na- 
 ture, lb it is evident that thefe attributes 
 muft have their origin from what they have 
 heard (though perhaps confufedly) of Jefus 
 Chrift the Son of God. 
 
 I'hey reprefent it with four heads, but Hiy 
 he loll one by Ixora's means, to punifli his 
 pride. Hence it is, that ihe Bralvimns now-a- 
 days have no more than three books of the 
 Vedam, the fourth, which treated of God, 
 being loft. 
 
 For the firft of thefe books treated of 
 God, and of the origin and beginning of 
 the univerfe. The fecond of thofe vvlio have 
 the government and management thereof. 
 The third, of morality and true virtue. The 
 The fourth of the ceremonials in their tem- 
 ples, and facrifices. Thefe four books of 
 the Vedam, are by them called Roggo Fedam, 
 Jadura Vedam, Sawa Vcdam, and '■Tarawana 
 Vedam ; and by the Malabar s, Icca, Icciyxa, 
 Saman, and Adaravan. The lofs of this firft 
 part is highly lamented by the Brahmans. 
 They alio attribute to him the prefervation 
 of all created things •, whence the modern 
 Brahmans afcribe all the good or bad for- 
 tune which befals mortals here upon earth, 
 to the direction of Bramma, who, they lay, 
 has alfo prefixed every living creature his 
 time of life and death. 
 
 They further fliy. That not only the fe- 
 veral worlds, but alio the different fimilies 
 and tribes have their origin from Bramma. 
 *>"- The Ji(per-aereal world, they lay, came out 
 I ° of his brains or face ; for thefe pagans ac- 
 y, ds. knowledge certain cekjiial orbs, with Ari- 
 Jtotle. The fecond world, they fay, did 
 come out of his eyes ; the third out of his 
 mouth, the fourth out of his left ear, the 
 fifth out of his tongue and gums, the fixth 
 out of his heart, the feventh out of his 
 belly, the eighth out of his privy-parts, the 
 ninth out of his left thigh, the tenth out of 
 his knees, the eleventh out of his heels, the 
 twelfth out of the toes of his right foot, the 
 thirteenth out of the ball of his left foot, 
 and the fourteenth out of the air that fur- 
 rounded him. 
 
 The Brahma7!S fiy they are the produft 
 of his brains, and the Nairos or foldiers, of 
 his feet ; as the Excjlri (a fort of kings) are 
 
 t 
 ie 
 hit 
 n- 
 of 
 
 the 
 
 ^ 
 
 Be 
 
 out of his arm ; which is the rcafon thatBAL- 
 they never make the fame low bows before """^ " ^■ 
 their kings, as their other fubjeds, but have ^-^^^^^ 
 the privilege of fitting down in their pre- 
 fence. Unto thcie fourteen worlds as many 
 divers forts of people attribute their origin. 
 
 1. Such as are endowed with wifdom. Fourteen 
 
 2. Thofe that are provident in their ac- ^orts of 
 tions. 3. Thofe that arc eloquent. 4. Such ^'^''P''-'* 
 as are cunning and defigning. 5. Drunkards 
 
 and gluttons. 6. The generous antl brave. 
 7. The idle and lazy. 8. Whore-maftcrs 
 and voluptuous pcrfons. 9. Labourers, ar- 
 tilans, and handicraftfmen. 10. Peafants 
 and gardiners. 1 1. The Parreas, and other 
 forts of nafty people, who they fay, came 
 out of the heels of Bramma. 12. Tiiievcs 
 murderers, and robbers. 13. Thofe that 
 opprcfs the poor. 14. Thofe endowed with 
 peculiar qualities, and an aftive fpirit. 
 They further lay, that they can judge by the 
 phyfiognomy of a perlbn, what part of 
 Bramma he was come from. Of the worlds 
 and the feven feas we fhall fiiy more prefently. 
 
 The Malabars lay, Bramma has two wives, 
 SaroJ]hdy and ^da!7j, who are both barren. 
 The firft being his own daughter, has given 
 occafion to a proverb among the Malabars^ 
 I'oH muji not do like Bramma. The equi- 
 page, or rather carriage of Bramma, is a 
 certain bird called Annam by the Malabars ; 
 for thefe pagans attribute to every one of 
 their gods a certain horfe, or carriage, called 
 JVabanam, which carries them fom place 
 to place. They further fay, That this bird 
 Amiam, if milk mixed with water be let 
 before him, he will drink the milk, with- 
 out touching the water -, an emblem of fuch 
 as know how to diftinguifli good from 
 evil. 
 
 They relate many other fabulous things; 
 as for inftance. That Bramma after a period 
 of many ages, is to die, and be revived ; 
 that he has certain deputies or afTiftants, the 
 chief of whom is Dewendra, the head of 
 all the governors of the feven worlds which 
 are beyond our world, met below the hea- 
 vens, or Brammd's refidence. In thefe 
 worlds (fay they) the believers live after 
 their death. They allow that fome things 
 of leflcr moment, fuch as herbs, cucuin- 
 bers, ijc. have been created by others ; 
 but that all things of moment owe their 
 origin to Bramma, who loft one of his 
 four heads, becaul» he had told a he 
 to Ixcra ; and feveral fuch abfurdities 
 more. 
 
 C II A P.
 
 7^4 
 
 Tlje Idolatry of the Eafl-India Ftigitm. 
 
 Tart II 
 
 B A L- 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 ,^<Y^ Of if^^ creation, quality, and divifion of the nuorld, according to tjje opinion of 
 
 the learned heathens. 
 
 T 
 
 The 
 3. The 
 5. The 
 7. The 
 
 ' H E Benjam and Malabars conftitute 
 ^ God the creator of the univcrfe •, for 
 they frequently give God the title of Crea- 
 tor of heaven and earth. We told you in 
 the preceding chapter, that they attribute 
 the creation of the world to Branwia; 
 ■whereunto we will now add, that they iay, 
 the power of creating the world was com- 
 municated to him by Vijlninn. They be- 
 lieve, with Epicurus and Metrodorus, more 
 than one world, of which before •, befides 
 which, they make feven great feas : 
 IVater-Sea. 2. The Milk -Sea. 
 Cream -Sec. 4. The Butter -Sea. 
 
 Salt -Sea. 6. The Sugar-Sea. ,. 
 
 Seven feas. ^y^^.5^^_ The paradife they place in the 
 Water-Sea ; the priefts and Jogyes belong 
 to the Milk-Sea ; the voluptuous in the 
 Cream-Sea ; the fortunate and bleffed in 
 the Butter-Sea ; the merciful in the Salt- 
 Sea ; thofe who are liberal in giving alms 
 in the Sugar-Sea ; and thofe that live in 
 great plenty in the Wine-Sea. 
 
 Notwithftanding this general opinion, 
 the Brahmans maintain that the world was 
 produced from an egg-, of which opinion, 
 it feems, were alfo the ancient Egyptia)is, 
 the Thebeans, Orpheus, Plato, and the Per- 
 fians. 
 
 The Malabars look for the origin of all 
 things in the privy-member of their god ; 
 which being too large, he could not enjoy 
 his wife Chatti •, wherefore he was forced 
 to cut it into eighteen pieces, which turned 
 into divers forts of arms-, but the blood 
 ■which iffued thence, produced the fun, 
 moon and ftars •, and fome few drops fall- 
 ing upon the ground, the rofes, and other 
 forts of flowers : but all living creatures, 
 both rational and irrational, were brought 
 forth by Lxora's cohabiting with Chatti. 
 The Brahmans further are infefted with 
 Ridiculous a ridiculous opinion. That the world is not 
 opinion of round, but flat -, and that, confequently, 
 the Brah- ^■^^ terreftrial globe is not inclofed in, or 
 cerning furrounded by the air, but limits its extent 
 the figure by the horizon that is obvious to our fight: 
 for they maintain, that the heavens are the 
 uppermofl half, and the earth the lower- 
 
 of the 
 woild. 
 
 moft of the egg-fhell ; whence it is, that 
 they confi.ier the heavens as immoveable, 
 and the motion of the fun, moon and ftars, 
 (unto whom they attribute peculiar fouls,) 
 to be like the fifties at fea in the day, from 
 cafi: to wcfl:, and in the night from the well 
 (not below, but along the edge of the ho- 
 rizon) to the north, and fo again to the 
 eafl. If you objedl, that, according to 
 their fuppofition, the fun mufl never ceafe 
 to fhine -, they anfwer, that to the north 
 there is a vail ridge of mountains called 
 Mahamcru, or Merounia, behind which the 
 fun, moon and flars, withdraw from our 
 fight. They add, that the world relfs up- 
 on an ox, who, when he has a mind to 
 eafe himfelf, he throws the world from one 
 of his horns to the other, which occafions 
 what we call earthquakes. 
 
 They are alio grofly miftaken in the com- As aJfo 
 putation of the extent of the earth, which, concemir 
 the Brahmfis fay, is from north to fouth "^/"^g"' 
 a hundred thoufand Joxena's ; whereas it 
 is beyond all doubt, that the whole circum- 
 ference of the globe amounts to no more 
 than five thoufand foor hundred German 
 miles, reckoning fifteen of thefe miles to 
 a degree, of which there are three hundred 
 and fixty. They alfo conftitute no lels 
 than five elements, adding the heavens to 
 the reft ; in which point they follow the 
 foot-fleps o^ Ariftotle, who calls the heavens 
 the firfl element. Thefe five elements, both 
 the Brahmans and Bcnjans reverence like 
 gods ; becaufe, fay they, they enter into 
 the compofition of every thing upon earth ; 
 whence they allot every one of them his 
 peculiar Wahanam, or horfe. I'hey have 
 alfo invented no lefs than feven Padallas, 
 as they call them, or fubterranean places, 
 (not unlike the purgatory and Limhus Pa- 
 trum of our modern Roman catholicks ;) 
 which inferior worlds are known among 
 them by thefe following names, Adda, Bi- 
 dela, Sudela, Taladelam, Sadelam, Mahade- 
 lam, and Padelam ; and are inhabited by 
 men, who receive no other light but what 
 certain ferpents, carrying very bright ftones 
 on their heads, afford them. 
 
 c 
 
 m 
 
 
 CHAP.
 
 Chap. rj. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-India Fiigans. 
 
 C II A 
 
 XIII. 
 
 The opiwnn of thcfe pagans concerning the foul, and its iranfiiiigration. 'Ibc 
 Form, JJrufiarc, fplaulor, and revenues of their Pagodes, or temples. Of tie 
 ceremony of ivajbing of thefe pagans. 
 
 7S5 
 
 Bal- 
 
 T 
 
 HE modern Brahmans, in Imita- 
 tion of the ancient Egyptians, Tbra- 
 Cians, Druids, and Grrmans, believe that 
 the fouls were not fuch from eternity, 
 but created by God, and kept as part of 
 his effence, till after the creation of the 
 earth they were infufed either into men 
 cr beafts. Concerning the Pyihagorcan 
 The Py- dodrine of the tranfmigration of fouls, 
 wgoieaii (•(q generally received among tiie modern 
 rantmi- p^joans) we have had occafion to fpeak 
 
 ration ot'.. -. - 
 
 jjyjj before in the defcripdon of Ceylon \ vjc 
 
 will only add in this place, what the Ma- 
 hibars fay on this head, they are of opi- 
 nion that this tranimigration of the fouls 
 from one body to another, is inftiruted 
 by God as a punifhment for our fins, 
 which continues till they are either con- 
 veyed into heaven or hell. They fay 
 there is a certain judge, named Cbitra 
 Ptitta, who judges of the actions of man- 
 kind when they lie upon their death-bed, 
 and determines according to their pafl ac- 
 tions, whether the foul of the deceafed (liall 
 rranfmigrate into a dog, cat, crow, cow, 
 king. Brahman., ferpent, &c. So that in 
 cale a peifon in his life-time has done a 
 notorious injuflice to another, his foul (hall 
 be tranfplanted into the body of a flave 
 of the offended party. The reafon why 
 they abftain v/itli fo much ftriftnefs from 
 all forts of meat, is no other than that 
 they are afraid, as T'ertulUan expreffes it, 
 tliat in feeding upon a piece of beef, 
 they may eat a piece of their father or 
 grandfather. 
 
 Thefe pagans have their Pagodes, or 
 . .. temples, eretted to the honour of their 
 ,„ of iJols. In the choice of the places, and 
 ;ir Pa- manner of the building, they follow rather 
 des. their inftind, or pretended infpiration, 
 than any general rule or method. Thefe 
 Pagodes are, on the coaft of Malabar, 
 niott commonly built of marble ; and on 
 the coaft of Coromandd, of very large 
 fquare ftone : fuch is the moft celebrated 
 Pagode at Rammanakojel, a vaft flrufture, 
 and endowed with vafl revenues, by the 
 great confiux of pilgrims that continually 
 relbrt thither -, of which I have been an 
 eye-witnels mylelf. 
 
 The Pagodes of the Malabars are gene- 
 rally covered with copper, and adorned 
 with balls gilt on the top; within and 
 Vi'ithout ftand their idols with many heaeis 
 *^ N". 137. Vol. III. 
 
 and arms, furrounded on all fides with fcr- 
 pents. The Pagcde is inclofed by a brick- 
 wall, for the reception of the people, who 
 do not enter the Pagode, but perform their 
 worfhip in the court, as the Jeivs did in 
 the hall of Solomon. Hence it is, that the 
 gates are well guarded, being commonly 
 either of marble, or covered with brafs, 
 with the figures of elepiiaius, tygers, bears, 
 and lions upon them ; anil on the frontil- 
 piece many dreadful heads of lions, with 
 hogs tufl<?, reprefenting the idol Palt-gali, 
 Ixora's daughter. 
 
 Thefe Pagodes are not only maintained Tacir ic» 
 by the-prefents that are conflantly made, ^^"""• 
 but have alfo a conftant revenue from the 
 cuffoms of all commodities bought or 
 fold, an cxaft account whereof may be 
 fcen in Roger ius, /. 2. c. io. Theie pa- 
 gans have alfo a great reverence for their Reverence 
 Pagodes; whence it is, that they willt^'' ''\'^''' 
 not enter a Pagode with their Seripous, ^° ^'" ' 
 or flippers : and they always have their 
 cifterns at the entrance of the Pagodes^ 
 to cleanfc themfelves before they enter ; 
 juft as the fame is pradifed among the mo- 
 dern Mahometans m their Mofques, and as 
 the Jezi's had the Brafs Sea belonging 
 to the temple, for the Levites to wafh them- 
 felves in. Linfeoten mentions, that the pa- 
 gan pricfis in Caleeut befprinkle thofe 
 that are entering the Pagode with holy 
 water, like our Roman catholicks. The 
 pagans in Ccrcman.iel have abundance 
 of fmall Pagodes on thofe places, where 
 they burn their dead, whereof I took 
 particular notice at Negapatan ; and in 
 Bantam, the richer fort maintain frequent- 
 ly fmall chapels for their private ufe, 
 or the Pagodes in Pegu, fee Cafp. Balhi j 
 of thofe of Japan, Car on and Alniey- 
 da ; and of thofe of China, Ferdinand 
 Pin'.ho. 
 
 Their cuftom of wafhing themfelves -^j^g;,. 
 daily, feems not only to be introduced for wafhing, 
 the cleanfing and cooling of their bodies 
 but chiefly for the purifying of them from 
 their fins ; for as thefe pagans make a di- 
 (tindion betwixt venial and mortal fins, 
 they regulate their wafliing accordingly. 
 The firft they are cleanfcd of by dip- 
 ping the head under water ; whereas to 
 purify themfelves of the others, viz. (fuch 
 as include the lofs of life or family, and 
 fall under the cognizance of the civil 
 
 9N 
 
 mag'.-
 
 y24 
 
 ^hc Jdobtry of the Eaft-India Pagans. 
 
 Part II. ! 
 
 Hal- magiftrates,) they dive the whole body 
 D ^ u s. Linder water. Their conftitutions (being to 
 ^•"'^''^^ thcmi the I'une as our ten commandments) 
 are, 
 
 I. That thofc of an inferior rank 
 miift not touch thofc of a fuperior qua- 
 lity, and the greater the dit+erence the 
 more is the dillance ; whence the inferior 
 people cry out in the ftreets, Tintelas, i. e. 
 do vol make yonrfelf unclean, and tiiofe 
 of fuperior rank, Popo, give way , foi- if 
 any of the common fort happen to touch 
 a perfon of a high rank, he becomes un- 
 clean, and mult walh himfelt with wa- 
 ter. 
 
 2. Thofe that touch a dead carcafs, 
 nay, even any of the deceafed's kindred, 
 within fifteen days after, become un- 
 clean. 
 
 3. Thofc that touch a woman in cliild- 
 bed, or the child. 
 
 4. Or a woman that has her monthly 
 times, till the fourth day. 
 
 5. All fuch as are become unclean, it 
 they touch another, he becomes fo like- 
 wife. 
 
 6. If one that is unclean eats rice be- 
 fore he has clcanfed himfelf, he lofes tlie 
 advantage of his fiimily, and commits a 
 mortal fin. 
 
 7. Perfons of quality commit a mortal 
 fin, if they eat rice boiled by one of an 
 inferior rank. 
 
 8. The fame it is, if he lies with a wo- 
 man of a low ex'.radion. 
 
 9. The Brd-maas, though all of the faine 
 tribe, yet are not permitted to eat with 
 one another : thus if any one touches 
 v,-ich his right hand (wherewith he eats) 
 his neighbour, it is a venial fin, becaufe 
 that hand is unclean by touching the rice -, 
 the fune it is, if the fig-leaf (which they 
 ufe infte.id of a twine thread) touches 
 his that fits next to him : but if but one 
 Jingle grain of rice fliould happen to fall 
 upon tiie fig-leaf of the others, he muft 
 not eat it, without committing a mortal 
 fin. 
 
 10. Immediaiely after dinner, or fup- 
 pcr, tliey take away the fig-leaves, and 
 the leaft grain of rice that perhaps may 
 be fallen upon the ground, which is laid 
 up together in a certain place, becaufe 
 all the remnants are unclean. The place 
 
 Cow dung where they have eaten, they purity widi 
 uicd ijr cow-dung; and if the leaft grain of rice 
 F""0"ng- o^ould be left behind, he that touches it, 
 bL'comes unclean immediately on that 
 part of his bo.ly which touched ir, which 
 mufl. be purified by water. Thus if any 
 body puts his finger into the mouth, 
 nay, if two perfons of a different rank 
 meet at a ciftern, if but one drop of wa- 
 ter that has touched the body of him 
 
 that is of an inferior degree, happens 
 to fall upon him of a fuperior rank, he 
 becomes unclean, and is guilty of a venial 
 fin. 
 
 Their ceremonies obferved in wafliing -j-heir cc- 
 are, firft of all, they fancy that the ftone remonies 
 on the edge of the ciflern is Branma, j" ^^^^- 
 the place where they wafli is Vijlmm!, '"S- 
 and the ciftern itfelt Ixora. They enter 
 the ciftern quite naked, (their privities 
 being covered only with a leaf,) and 
 write with their fingers the fyllable om in 
 the water, and then with three fingers 
 caft up a little water into the air, mti* 
 mating, that Ixora, Vijlmtm, Branima, 
 have bathed themfelves there ; at the 
 lame time pronouncing thefe words, Tol- 
 tiim qncficn bitten pava, i. e. By the tou- 
 ching of this water, I have caft away my 
 fin. 'J hen parting the water with both 
 their hands, they dip their hands in ir, 
 and thereby believe themfelves cleanfed 
 from all their fins committed by touching. 
 Afterwards they caft fome water with 
 both hands towards the eight parts of 
 the world, as a lacrifice to the eight 
 guardians thereof, lay the Siri Pagode, 
 wafli their faces three times fuccefiively, 
 frying. Purify nic. This done, they throw 
 likewife fome water towards heaven, as a 
 facrifice to the fun -, and having waflied 
 their hands and feet, take a fmall quan- 
 tity of the aflies of cow-dung in the left 
 hand, which being mixed with a little 
 water, they fay, Sudamaga, i. e. be clean. 
 Furthermore, as they fuppofe the left 
 hand to be the earth, and the right the 
 heavens, and the infide of the hand the 
 place of propagation, they lay the right 
 hand clofe upon the left, laying, Let this 
 be the end of the world; and as they be- 
 lieve that at the end of the v/orld, Ixc- 
 retta is to be transformed into an egg, • 
 they iinagine that the concavity betwixt 
 their two hands reprefents the faid egg ; 
 whence ( after having paufed a while ) 
 they take away the right hand, faying. 
 Heaven and earth are feparated -, and then 
 write with the fore-finger of the right 
 hand in the aflies contained in the left 
 the two fyllables ja ra, intimating the 
 conteft betwixt the fire and air in the 
 egg, in carrying the heavens to the top, 
 and the earth underneath. This done, 
 they lay their hands below the navel, on 
 the upper orifice of the ftomach, upon 
 the breaft, front, head, and crown of 
 the head, and afterwards upon the infe- 
 rior parts of the body ; they likewife 
 touch the eyes, ears, feet, and heels v/ith 
 their fingers, extending now and then 
 their hands, as if they were going to 
 give fomething : they likewife Ihew iheir 
 empty hands to the eight guardians of 
 
 tbt
 
 .HAP. 14. 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eall-InJia Pagans. 
 
 787 
 
 the world:, and afterwards bcfmearing thcm- 
 felves with aflies, with three fingers ot the 
 right hand (in honour of Bramnia., Vijlman 
 and Ixord) on the breafl-, frpnt, and flioul- 
 ders, they then reckon themfclvcs clear and 
 purified of all their fins. IF you afiv ihcm 
 what makes them ufe all thefe ceremonies, 
 they give for anfwer, that they have two 
 difierent laws, viz. the Can>m and Nhmui., 
 one whereof contains inftruftions for the 
 
 inward fervicc of go<l, the other for theCAi.- 
 cxterior or ceremonial part. They add, "'^^^^j 
 that Parexi Rama, when he made the foa •"'"^^ 
 recede fiom the coaft of Ma'abar, diti re- 
 commend, in a moft peculiar manner, the 
 ohfcrvancc of the Carma to the Malnhm'Si 
 whence Makbo.r to this day retains the 
 name of Carina puwi^ i. e. ibe comi'/y af 
 Carina. 
 
 CHAT. t\V. 
 Of the holy ap.^es nj'ed in anointing tkemj'elves^ and of their feftivals. 
 
 'TPHE aflies of cow -dung 
 
 in 
 
 1 
 
 p.igans. 
 
 thing 
 
 hy the 
 es of 
 IV dung 
 • i"acre<i 
 i;hthem. 
 
 ^ are a 
 fuch requefl: among the Indian 
 that they with it befmear every 
 their front, breafl:, and flioul- 
 ders ', every king maintains in his court 
 a certain perfon, who every day, early in 
 the morning, expofes a good quantity of 
 thefe aflies upon a fig-leaf in the market- 
 place, when every one that pleafes comes 
 and takes fome part thereof for his ufe : 
 of thefe .allies they alfo offer daily ficri- 
 iiccs to their gods. The Jogyes attend 
 conftantly near the Pagodes, with a whole 
 bag full of thefe afhes, which they dif- 
 tribute to the people ; who in return give 
 them fome alms. They always appear be- 
 fmear'd with thefe aflies, in which confifl:s 
 a great part of their holinefs, their god 
 Ixora being alfo bedaubed with thefe 
 aflies; the reafon whereof, as they relate 
 it, is this. 
 
 Wc told you before, that Ixora, or ^i- 
 ven, having undertaken to keep ^livelinga, 
 the afhts which fettled within the fliell 
 rendei'd Ixcra immortal. Vijlmtni being 
 defirous to enjoy the fimc prerogative, 
 feiz'd upon a cow, and carrying her to Ca- 
 laja, Ixora's refidence, he fnatch'd away 
 fome of thefe afnes •, which Ixora perceiv- 
 ing, he fl:ruck out feveral of her teeth by 
 a blow he gave her ; which falling upon 
 the earth, produced a kind of large water 
 melons, called Jbobacus by the Porluguefcs. 
 However, Viftnuin keeping clofe behind his 
 cow, he gathered tlie next dung, and 
 burnt it to aflies •, whence it is, that to 
 this day, thefe pagans have fo great a 
 veneration for the cow-dung, that they 
 believe it purifies every thing upon earih. 
 The faid co_w' brought forth a bull-calf j 
 unto which Ixora gave the name of Irixi- 
 faten, and ufcd him inft:cad of a horfe. 
 The Malabar women, though othcrwife 
 pretty cleanly, yet are fo intoxicated to 
 this fuperftition, that they cleanfe their 
 chambers and their cifterns with cow- 
 dung. 
 
 The Samoryn or king of Calecut, waflies How the 
 himfclf every day before dinner -, and when 'x'"2 "^ 
 he goes to the Pagode, the way from die^^.^^^^ 
 ciftern to the Pagode is covei'd with cow- ],i(nie!f, 
 dung, upon which they firow rvjfes and 
 other flowers ; befides that two women, 
 each with a pot of cow-dung mix'd v.iih 
 water, walk jufl: before him -, and the 
 place where he dines is afterwards con- 
 ftantly cleanfed v>'iLh cow-dung. They re- 
 late farther of the cow, that ^enavady 
 and Siiperbennia did fit betwixt her horns^ • 
 the iun and moon in her eyes, Bramma's 
 two wives in her ears, Ixora in her nofc, 
 Viftnum in her tongue, in her thighs the 
 Rixii, the four books of the Vcdaiu in her 
 four legs, that her milk is the true Am- 
 brof,a, or Amortaiu, and" her pifs the T/'r- 
 tani, or the water fit to purify themfclvcs 
 from their fins : whence it is, that when 
 they fee a cow ready to pifs, they catch 
 it with their hands, drink a little of it, 
 and with the refl: wafli their faces. As 
 thefe pagan kings claim the patronage of* 
 cows, fo the Samoryn of Calectit is at- 
 tended every morning early by fix boys, 
 all over befmear'd with frefli cow-dung, 
 with garlands of flowers on their heads : 
 as fcon as the Samoryn rifes, they pay him 
 reverence ; who orders them immediately 
 to give the flowers to the cows, which 
 they do. 
 
 They have not the fame regard for 
 the bulls and oxen, though they make a 
 bull the father or author of the royal h- 
 niily of the Exajlri, from whence the 
 kings of Cochin, Cranganor, Cananor, and 
 others are defcended : they relate that 
 all the males of this family being cxtincfl, 
 a woman of the fame tribe being begot 
 with child by a bull, revived the faid fa- 
 mily. 
 
 The Malabar s alledge the following Opinion of 
 reafon for the aflies of the cow-dung -, the Mala- 
 They fay that the Lingam (i. e. ?m«- '°"^ °f '''« 
 
 . •* •■; N c T ^c -^ cow-dung, 
 
 brum vinle) or Ixora, beiore it was cut * 
 
 in pieces, being fo long that it reach'd 
 
 up
 
 The Idolatry of the Eafl-India Tagcws. 
 
 Tart II. 
 
 up to liis forehead, let fly fome few drops 
 of feed, which happening to light into his 
 fiery eye in the front, was burnt to aflies 
 immediately. Hence it is that in Canara, 
 betwixt Camnior and Mangalor, there are 
 to be found a certain order of pretended 
 holy religious men, living condantly in the 
 Pcigodes. Thefe appear in the ftreets quite 
 naked, antl making a noife by the ring- 
 ing of a bell they carry along with them, 
 the women (without diftindtion of age 
 or quality, even to the queens) come 
 running out to touch their privy mem- 
 bers. 
 
 Tliat the Egypticvis, and after them the 
 Jews, had a peculiar veneration for cows 
 and calves, is fufHciently evident from many 
 palHigcs in the fcripture ; and the efies of 
 the red cow are mention'd, Hcl^. ix. 13. and 
 Numb. xix. 
 
 Befides this purification, thefe pagans 
 have alio their meritorious afts of piety ; 
 fome of the Jogys carry iron collars about 
 their neck's, walk conftantly with iron tet- 
 ters and chains, and have iron nails with the 
 points inwards in their wooden fiippcrs, or 
 landals. Some have been known to tie 
 themfclves with ropes to a tree, till they 
 expir'd in great torments. 
 
 I faw 1657, one ot thefe Jogys at Co- 
 Itimho, whofe arms were grown together 
 over his head, a pofture he had cholcn 
 out of devotion. Others of this order ne- 
 ver fleep, but pray incefllintly ; of this 
 kind are alio to be found in J(?/<?« and 
 China. 
 
 Another meritorious act of the pagans, 
 is the vifiring their celebrated Pagedes, and 
 other holy places, (like the pilgrmiages of 
 the romanifts,) as the famous Pagode Ram- 
 tnanakcjel, the Adani"?, mountain in Ceylon, 
 and divers other places at Suratle, Bavar- 
 ca, Mottcra, Caji, Bengde, and Ayotia, 
 twelve leagues from Caff, for which rea- 
 fbn it is, that the rich erecl: Pagodes, Jans, 
 (called Ammalams,) and ciRerns, for the 
 conveniency of the travelling men and 
 beafts. 
 
 The Malahars have a peculiar way to 
 merit the fofgiving of their fins -, There 
 grows a certaui ftone, called 'Talcgramwa, 
 on one fide of the mount Mahamcru, near 
 a river-fide, (which the Jogys always car- 
 ry about them,) fome whereof contain 
 gold, and are then called Jerenia Sluer- 
 ^ani ; one of thefe carried in a velfe', and 
 in another the five following things be- 
 longing to the cow, viz. the cream, milk, 
 butter, pifi, and dung, mixed together, cal- 
 led by rhem Panchaviam wine, and after- 
 wards put into the orher veflTel, wherein 
 lies the Talagyamma, and given to any per- 
 fon vvhilft he recites the Feda-mantiram, 
 
 (a prayer of five words,) purchafcs pardon 
 for all fins, deftroys his enemies, recon- 
 ciles him to his friends, and procures 
 riches. This prayer is in high venera- 
 tion among the Brahmans, which they ufe 
 conftantly when they are fitting down to 
 eat ; but no body dares to fay it in the 
 (Greets. The five words are Panefua, Apa- 
 nefua, Vincfua, Udatiefua, and Sumanefua ; 
 the fifft fignifies the foul or fpirit ; the fe- 
 cond the pofteriors, where the excrements 
 are difcharged ; the third the hearing ; 
 the fourth feeing ; the fifth the fmel- 
 ling. 
 
 They have alfo their feflivals: One of Tlieir fef- 
 the mofl remarkable fefiivals of thefe pa-tivals. 
 gans, is celebrated in honour of Vifnmu 
 or Ixora \ though the Malahars lolemnize 
 certain feftivals, as that in honour of Jxc- 
 rph fpoufes, which are not regarded by 
 otlier Brahmans, which beginning the %th 
 of Jan. continues for nine days, the cere- 
 monies may be feen in Rcgerius, I. 2. c. 12. 
 Tlie feaft celebrated in honour of I.xora 
 and Viflnum, are call'd 'trenaca and Pandu- 
 ga. The Gentives, Malahars, and inhabi- 
 tants of Coromandel, alfo folemnize a feafl; 
 to the memory of the nativity of Viflnum, 
 and his transformation into Kifna m Augufl, 
 when they adorn their houfes with all 
 forts of greens, which fecms to have 
 fome refemblance to our chriflmafs. They 
 alfo ufe another feaft to the honour of 
 Viflnum, in remembrance of the fixteen 
 thoufind virgins ; it begins the eighth, 
 day after the full moon in OHcber. They 
 have alio a feall in honour of Vilimnrf^ 
 fpoufe, call'd Lafceni, by thofe of Core- 
 mandel : this is celebrated by the Brah- 
 mans wives in September for nine days, when 
 they pray for the long life of their hufbands, 
 and to obtain riches. They have alfo 
 two other feafts in July and November. 
 They obferve befides this certain days, as 
 litcred and fortunate ; as the firft day 
 of every month, the day of the Sol/lice, 
 when the fun turns from the north to the 
 fouth. 
 
 They pay every morning their reve- 
 rence to the fun, and having wafl^ed 
 themfelves three times, they throw the 
 water with their hands upv/ro-ds, to pre- 
 vent (as they fiy) the evil fpifits from 
 keeping the fun betwixt the mountains. 
 The new year they begin with the new 
 moon in April, as the modern Jfjus in 
 the month Ahib. They 'call^ the new 
 year's feafl Samzvatfaradi Panduga, Pan- 
 duga fignifying as much as a feaft, and 
 Samwatfaram a year, as Adi is the firft 
 day of the month •, for they have twelve 
 months in the year, viz. April called 
 Thejlram, May I'Veizviacen, June Jefiavi, 
 
 July 
 
 ■A
 
 7he Idolatry of the Eaft-India l\igiWS. 
 
 July Jjadam, Aiigiift Spazvanaw^ Sep- 
 tember Bcdrapadam, Odober ylfivyam, 
 November Carticani, December AU.rgi- 
 fi'.raii.; January Ponjam., February Mtigav\ 
 March Paelgouwan. And becaufe thcle 
 twelve months are not equivalent to the 
 months of the fun, they have every third 
 year a leap-year, conlifting ot tliirteen 
 months, wliicii we have only once every 
 ibur years. 
 
 Befides the names of every month, and 
 of every day in the week, the Malabars 
 have a peculiar name for each day in eve- 
 ry month. They have alfo peculiar names 
 for each year, as far as fixty years, unto 
 which they add the word Samwatfarmn, 
 fignifyir.g a year, which however is often 
 
 ih 
 
 left out for brevity lake -, then they fay, K a j.- 
 Prabazca the firjf, P/wjwrt the fecovd, °Z^.l^ 
 &c. "Tftija the fixcieth, rheaning the Sam- 
 -jjatfarayn, or year. They compute by 
 fixty years, juil: as the Greeks do by the:r 
 Ohjmpiads -, they alfo name the days of 
 every week (like the anticnt pagans) af- 
 ter the planets : tluis Sitrui lignifies to 
 them the llin, and Jendra the moon, 
 whence they call Suria Wnram the fun- 
 day, and the monday Jendra Wciram. 
 
 They divide each day into thirty hour?, 
 juft as the Gentives divide thtir day and 
 night into fixty hours, fome v/hercot they 
 account fortunate, and fome unfortunate. 
 Of the pagan fcafts you may coniult Ca- 
 roli/ius, chap. 22. 
 
 C II A P. XV. 
 
 Of the fnf.-dciys of the Pagans ; a.'id their origin. Their marriages and folcmn 
 oaths ; ceremonies iij'ed with their Jick and dead. 
 
 A 
 
 S the pagans pray conflantly thrice 
 a day, viz. in the morning, about 
 noon, (when they repofe themfelves, ) 
 and in the evening, fo they have their 
 folemn fall-days : one of thefe is called 
 Egiidexi, which word (in their learned 
 language, called Sc.mofcrad, or Hanjcret., 
 as Kircher ftiles it, which is in the fame 
 efteem among the Malabars, as the latin 
 in Europe) fignifies as much as eleven, 
 or the eleventh, becaufe it is kept the 
 eleventh day after the full moon, and 
 again the eleventh day after the nev/ 
 moon •, fo that they have two of thefe 
 fafls every month, viz. one every fifteen 
 days, when they abftain from eating all 
 the day long, or at leaft till four or five 
 a-clock in the afternoon, when they muft 
 not feed upon f^efh, or fifh, or rice : 
 but only upon fruits, peafe, beans, milk, 
 and fuch like, and not drink the leaft 
 flrong liquor. 
 ligin of The origin of this faft-day is ridicu- 
 ^^ lous enough. They tell you. That a 
 fe pa-° yoi-ing fellow, much addicted to venery, 
 going one night very late to vifit his 
 miftrefs, could not light on a boat to 
 ferry him over the river ; however, being 
 refolved not to depart, he ftaid there 
 all night, and did fall afleep, without 
 having eaten any thing all that day. 
 Next morning early palTing the river, as 
 he was going to his miftrefs's houfe, he 
 met with a camel jufl at fun-rifing, at 
 which throwing a ftone, it hit acciden- 
 tally upon fome flowers, and caft them 
 from the ftalks upon tl;e ground, and fo 
 he came to his miftrefs. 
 Vol. hi. 
 
 ilS. 
 
 After fome years happening to die, 
 and being carried before Cioitrcputren, he 
 could not produce any good works he 
 had performed in his life-time to inti- 
 tle himfelf to the paradife, except this 
 his accidental fafting, and the throwing 
 down of the flowers at fun-rifing, which 
 he interpreted as a facrifice intended for 
 the fun. Chilraputren, after a long hear- 
 ing condemned him to the infernal re- 
 gions ; yet in confideration of his fafting 
 on the nth day after the full moon, ha- 
 ving the favour granted him of abiding 
 for ibme days in the paradife, he was 
 asked what paradife he would chufe j 
 he anfwcred, "The Womav^s Paradife. Be- 
 ing conveyed thither accordingly, as he 
 was. in bed the next night with one of 
 the ladies, he broke out into moft dread- 
 ful ejaculations ; and being asked by his 
 bed-fellow the reafon, he replied, Becaufe 
 I have fo fhort a time to flay in this para- 
 dife. The woman, who had taken a liking 
 to him, told liim. That he fliould rife ear- 
 ly in the morning, wafli himfelf all over, 
 and at the gate watch the coming of the 
 fervants of Ixora, who were then goir."' 
 into the ivocd of rofes, to gather flowers 
 for their mafter-, fhe bad him to crowd in 
 among them, and having gathered the 
 moft odoriferous flov/ers he could find, 
 offer them as a prefent to Ixora. He fol- 
 lowed the woman's advice ; and having 
 gathered the moft fweet-fcented flowers 
 he could, offered them to Jxora; who ex- 
 tremely pleafed with this prelent, asked 
 Chitraputrefi, who this young man was ; 
 h; told him, he was a perfon condemned 
 9 O to
 
 790 
 
 The Idolatry of the Eaft-Iiulia .PcigatJs. 
 
 Parr I 
 
 Ba 1.- 
 
 D /r u 5. 
 
 The fe- 
 
 lts origin, 
 
 to the inferna! puuiflinicnts. But Ixora or- 
 dtrcd him to remain in puraciile with the 
 fame woman, and to gather flowers for 
 him. Now, becaufc this young maJi got 
 into paratiiic by his falling, the pagans taft 
 upon the before-mentioned eleventh day. 
 
 They have another faft, called ^i- 
 cund laft. verafiri, which deduces its origin from 
 i^iven, (the fame as Ixora,) and Rq/iri, 
 i. e. the night, fignifying as much as 
 a }!igbi-faji, or !^ive)i's night. It falls 
 out in Febriutry ; and being one of their 
 eftablidied tafts, is kept with a great deal 
 of llriftnefs, tliey being forbid either to 
 eat or drink, or to tleep all that night, 
 which they fpend in reheaj-fing the fidions 
 of their gods, and walking round the 
 Pagodes till day-break, when they facri- 
 fice to the idol, and give alms to the 
 poor; which done the faft is ended. 
 
 The origin of this faft they afcribe to 
 one Beri, a fam.ons hunter ; who going 
 one evening abroad to flioot fomc birds, 
 got upon a certain tree near a ciftern, 
 called Cuola, the leaves whereof fmell as 
 fvveet as flowers. Being very eager at 
 the fport, he tarried upon the tree all 
 night ; and to pafs away his time wit!i- 
 out fleeping, he pulled off conftantly the 
 flowers of the tj-ee •, which he throwing 
 one after another upon the ground, one 
 of them did fiill upon ^ivelmga -, who 
 happened juft to lie under the tree with- 
 out ^tr/'s knowledge, who returned to his 
 own home the next morning. 
 
 Some years after the laid Beri hap- 
 pening to die, and being carried be- 
 fore Chiiraputren,' the judge of the dead, 
 he found, upon examination, that having 
 committed many crimes in his life-time, 
 by killing the wild beafts, he was con- 
 demned to the infernal regions. But as 
 Je-ioen, or Jamwa, the chieftain of the 
 devils, and his company, were hurrying 
 him along, they v/ere met by Ixora ; 
 who being informed of his fafting all 
 the night long upon the tree Cuola, and 
 his offering of the flowers to ^dvelin- 
 ga, he delivered him immediately out 
 of the devil's hands, and fent him into 
 paradife. 
 
 Some tell a different ftory upon this 
 head, ^72. That Beri perceiving a tyger 
 under the tree, was forced to remain up- 
 on the tree all night without eating any 
 victuals. I'hcy alfo tell you the dialogue 
 betwixt Beri and the tyger. Beri, it 
 feems, told the tyger, That whereas he 
 was not able to faft above three days, he 
 dcfired him to let him go unmolefted to 
 his houfe, where he would take leave of 
 his wife, and return again. The tyger 
 replied. No ; for, laid he, if I let thee 
 I 
 
 The tliii 
 faft. 
 
 come down fafely, thou v.ilt certainly 
 kill me with thy bow and arrow, whicli 
 thou didil leave uniler the tree whilft thou 
 waft climbing up to fetch a pigeon thou 
 hadft fliot betore. But Beri taking an oath 
 by Ixora, that he would return, the tyger 
 let him pafs. Beri being returned home, 
 tcJld his wife what had happened, and 
 that he muft return to tiie tree, where 
 the tyger ftaid for his coming. The wo- 
 man offered to go in his ftead ; and io 
 did his children, to be devoured by the 
 tyger, alledging. That without him, they 
 fliould be deprived of all fubfiftence. 
 But Beri not approving their choice, they 
 went all togetlier to the tyger ; unto 
 v/hom Beri faid, purfuant to his oath, 
 he was come to be devoured by him. 
 But the woman entreating the tyger to 
 devour her in his ftead, as not being able 
 to lubfift without him, and the cliildren 
 making the fame petition to him, the ty- 
 ger was put to fuch a nonplus, that he 
 did not know what to chufe ; but whilft 
 he was ruminating upon the matter, Ixora 
 tlirew a net over them, and fo drew them 
 all into paradife. 
 
 The third faft, called T'irifmdira, is 
 kept only by the women, having got 
 its name from the 27th day of the 9th 
 month ; on which day Canteven, the god 
 of Icxe, being killed by Ixora, the wo- 
 men were fo grieved thereat, that they It3 origii 
 would not touch the leaft eatables all 
 that day -, and ever fince kept a faft on 
 the 27th of Becember, in memory of this 
 difafter, being much about the fame time 
 we celebrate the feaft of our Saviour's 
 nativity. They fay, the reafon why Ixora 
 killed this Canteven, or Cupid, was be- 
 caufe the laft was fallen in love with Pa- 
 ra/riefceri, Ixorci?, fpoufe ; for which rea- 
 fon lie burnt him to allies with his fiery 
 eye on the forehead. But the Brahmaiis 
 fay that Ixora being fur a confiderable time 
 employed in holy niattcrs, and there- 
 by become forgetful of Paramefceri, flie 
 addrelled herfelf to Canteven, to infufe 
 into her husband frefli fentiments of love ; 
 but flie afterwards no fooner underftood 
 liis heath, than Ihe died for grief Be- 
 ing however brought to life at the foot 
 of the mount Tihiana, (where flie ftaid 
 for fome time after to do penance, and 
 thence got the name of tlie daughter of 
 the mount Timana, ) Ixora appeared to 
 her, promifing to continue his conjugal 
 love hereafter. Paramefceri took this op- 
 portunity to defire Ixora to revive Cu- 
 pid from the dead, with this addition. 
 That he fliould remain immortal for ever 
 after : whence they fay, that Cupid reigns 
 all over the world by the ftrength of 
 
 eod or 
 love was 
 killed by 
 Ixora. 
 
 ^1 
 
 ICt;
 
 Chap. 15. 
 
 ^he Idolatry of the Eaft-Iiidia Pagans. 
 
 79 1 
 
 
 imagination in both fexcs. By which 
 they-fecin to intimate, that as the in- 
 clination to love ccafes in old pcrfons, 
 it is conltantly revived in the young 
 [I ones; and fowill continue as long as the 
 
 world ftands. 
 The They have another famous fafl-. (called 
 
 fourth fall. Mafaupnfci, from the word Mafa^ (which 
 in the high Malahnr tongue fignifics a 
 mouth,) and Upadn, a fad, being the moft 
 " facred of all their falls, beginning with 
 the lad day of OHober. 
 
 Such as keep this fad, having firft 
 wafhcd and drefied themfelves very clean, 
 repair to the Pagode of Vijinum ; and the 
 next day being the 19th of Novetnier, 
 after having changed their clothes, go 
 round the faid temple early in the morn- 
 ing one hundred and one times, and the 
 moft devoted one thoufand and one tunes. 
 The fame they repeat every day during 
 the whole November and December^ mut- 
 tering all the while by themfelves the 
 words Naraina and Aquanama^ furnames 
 belonging to Viftmim. All this while they 
 muft eat nothing but milk and figs, 
 neither look upon a woman, and think 
 or fpeak of nothing but what relates 
 unto Viftnum. The next following year 
 they take the fame courfe, beginning with 
 the I ft day of December^ and continuing 
 till the loth of January^ in all, forty 
 days. The third year they begin with 
 the I ft of "January^ and continue the 
 fame devotions till the loth of February •, 
 and thus the fame fucceiTively for nine 
 years longer, till the number of twelve 
 years being compleated, they obt;;in a 
 general pardon for all their trefpalTes. 
 rheir Concerning their marriages, PoUgamy^ 
 
 narriagef. and fome other matters relating to this 
 purpofe, we have had occafion to fay 
 lomething already in the defcription of 
 Ce)-lcn : we will now give an account of 
 fuch things as were not mentioned, or at 
 leaft, not circumftantially in that place. 
 The firft is. That the Brahmans are not 
 only at liberty to marry as many wives 
 as they think fit, (a privilege they always 
 enjoyed, as may be feen out of their an- 
 cient records, called Pcranes,) but alfo 
 may chufe their wives out of four dif- 
 ferent tribes, iuft as the Levites enjoyed 
 the privilege of marrying in what tribe 
 tliey thought fit among the Jews. 
 
 As to their marriage ceremonies, fome 
 precede the marriage it felf, fome are 
 concomitant to it, and the reft follov/ 
 it. 
 
 The firft thing they obferve, is to 
 confult an aftrologer about the pofition 
 of the planets, and the time or hour 
 when it is fortunate for the bride to be 
 married ; for which reafon they alfo 
 
 1 
 
 arnage 
 
 fremo- 
 
 confult on what day of the month, andB As- 
 under what conjunction the bridegroom"'*''^ 
 is born. Next they apply themfelves to 
 a Brnhwati, or j^rieft, who for four days 
 fuccefTively before the wedding, burns a 
 little rice and butter mixed with egg';, 
 tor a facrifice. The time ot the foltmn 
 promife or engagement approaching, they 
 light a large wax-candle, and put forne 
 rice upon the table of ^leiuivndy,' the 
 huge devouring elephant before mention- 
 ed. This done, the bridegroom throws 
 a necklace, or Tuly., with ibmc gold 
 fattened to it, about the bride's neck, as 
 a token, that the engagement is now 
 made ; whence the Malnbars call marriage 
 ^itha^ i. e. an obligation. The wife, af- 
 ter the death of her husband, always breiiks 
 this necklace, as a token, that the vbli- 
 gaiioi! is diffolved ; after which the bride 
 fafts fifteen days. 
 
 After the copulation is performed, 
 they entertain their friends at a feaft ], 
 but the young couple are not bedded 
 till about eight or ten days after : for 
 before they can a<5lually cohabit, they 
 muft attend a fortunate conjunftion of the 
 planets ; and before they enter the bed- 
 chamber, perform their prayers at the 
 door, in the company of a prieft, who 
 gives them his blefling. The next fol- 
 lowing day the new-married couple take 
 a piece of cloth cut at one end, where- 
 with they go a filhing in a riv^r. The 
 firft fifli they take, they touch on the head 
 with a great deal of reverence, and ac- 
 cording as they take more or lefs fifties, 
 they Ihall have few or more children ; if 
 they catch nothing the woman is to prove 
 barren. 
 
 As the chief reafon why they marry ib 
 young among the Brabmans., is their fond- 
 nefs of a maidenhead, lb, on the other 
 hand, nothing is more defpicable among 
 them than a maiden come to a full age -, 
 which has introduced the cuftom of beg- 
 ging portions for maidens that they may 
 be married in time. 
 
 The Indian kings that are not Brah- 
 mans., never marry, but only keep certain 
 miftreftes, whofe children do not inherit, 
 nay, cannot as much as challenge the lealt 
 prerogative in refpeft of their nobility : 
 fo that here obtains the axiom, Fruifus 
 feqiiitur vent rem. The kings fifters are 
 generally married to fome other fove- 
 rcign princes ; who muft faft fifteen days 
 before marriage. The Nairos have like- 
 wiie no fettled marriages ; whence their 
 wives are ftiled Parafceri, i. e. women 
 for many. The Brahwr.ns take as much 
 care to couple a bull and a cov/ together, 
 as other people do in marrying their 
 children. 
 
 Thefe
 
 79i 
 
 ne hlulttrj of the Eall-India Pn^cms. 
 
 Part 11. 
 
 Bal- Tliefc pagans perform their foleinn 
 
 D.-uus. Q^J.J^5 ngaj. a PagcJe, and the Bralmans 
 
 Thdr^ of Coromai'JeU in the prcfcnce of a prieft, 
 
 manner of rii-'ir ^ holy fire, juft as the Romans ule 
 
 taking an to do in the prefence of their priclls, 
 
 *»''»• the Jthenians before the altar, and tlie 
 
 Arcadians during the facrifice. Thcie 
 
 pagans being ready to take an oatl\ near 
 
 the Pagode, they put three fingers of the 
 
 right hand, liz. tiie thumb, the next, and 
 
 the middk-finger, into an eartlien velfcl 
 
 filled with melted butter ; tlais done, 
 
 tliey put a leaf into the fame butter, 
 
 which they tie dole round their three 
 
 fingers : after three days the faid leaf is 
 
 taken off in the prefence of the king or 
 
 prince of the country ; if his fingei-s are 
 
 not burnt, his adverfary fuffers punifli- 
 
 mcnt ; but if he proves hurt, he is fure to 
 
 be puniflicd. 
 
 They have another way of taking an 
 oath, no lefs dangerous than the former : 
 he that takes the oath is obliged to fwim 
 crofs the river, betwixt Cochin and Cran- 
 gartcr, v.liirh is full of crocodiles ; and 
 if he that has taken the oath efcapes with- 
 out hurt, he is fuppofed to have taken a 
 juft oath. 
 
 In Canara, they have another way : for 
 they put fome adders and a lemon into 
 an earthen veflel ; and if he that takes 
 the oath, takes the citron out of the vef- 
 fel without receiving any harm, he has 
 truly fworn. The inhabitants of Fcr- 
 mofa, when they take an oath, break only 
 a ftraw to pieces. 
 What ce- Whenever any body falls fick, the pa- 
 remonies tient need not fear to be difturbed with 
 withtlfi "^"-"^h phyfick, bleeding, clyllers, and 
 dead and ^"-^<^h like, their chief remedy confifting 
 lick. in fafting, fometimes more than is con- 
 venient. They alfo fend forth continual 
 prayers, to obtain a happy tranfmigra- 
 tion of the foul, and exhort the patient 
 to rehearfe continually the name of god ; 
 and when his ftrcngth fails, his friends 
 repeat the fame in his prefence -, becaufe 
 the Brahmans are of opinion, that he 
 who dies with the name of god in his 
 mouth, goes direclly to the paradife : for 
 the fame reafon they alfo diftribute alms 
 to the poor. If they give the patient 
 any medicines, they are generally laxa- 
 tives of frefli herbs, a little milk, Canfic, 
 (or rice and water boiled together,) a lit- 
 tle faffron, ginger, or leeks. 
 
 When the patient is near expiring, 
 they reiterate their prayers, befprinkling 
 them with holy water of the river Gan- 
 ges \ for they fay, that the infernal judge 
 fends his fervants to torment them at 
 that time, and that they fend forth their 
 prayers to Vijlmm, to fend one of his 
 I 
 
 fervants to deliver the dying perfon out 
 of their clutches. 
 
 After their deceafe they wafli tlie corps, 
 afterwards fliave his beard, ftop his 
 mouth with betel and lime, wrap him in 
 a fliroud, and laft of all clofe his eyes. 
 Of the burning of their dead, v/e have 
 fpoken before, in the defcription of the 
 funeral ceremony of the prince of Ceylon ; 
 and Rogerius * has given a more ample * 
 account of the whole matter. Some ofc- 
 thefe pagans bury their dead near their 
 habitations, and without the cities, (like 
 the Athenians and Romans,) and cover 
 them with great ftones, for fear the 
 jackalls and other wild beafts, fhould dig 
 them up and devour them. 
 
 They faft and lliave their heads for 
 their deceafed friends ; and if they be of 
 royal extraftion, all the fubjedls are obli- 
 ged to have their heads fliaved. In Ma- 
 labar, the next relations do not ftir out of 
 doors for fifteen days, fleep only on mats 
 upon the ground, and do not aflift at the 
 ufual facrifices. When I mention fafting, 
 I mean, that they only eat a little rice at 
 noon. After feven days, they fend for 
 the barber ; v/ho having cleanfed the 
 houfe with milk and cow-pifs, and the 
 perfons belonging to it, they gather up 
 the afhes of the deceafed perfon, after the 
 expiration of the fifteen days ; and having 
 put the fame into an urn, they throw 
 it with great lamentations into the river, 
 the fea or any other water. This done, 
 they purity the place where the corps 
 was burnt, and plant there a fig-tree. 
 Afterwards changing their clothes, and 
 being cleanled by repeated wafhings, they 
 put an end to the mourning, except the 
 next heir, v/ho continues in mourning a 
 whole year, during which he abftains from 
 f^efli, fifii, eggs, wine, nay, even from 
 their beloved Betel. No perfon muft 
 touch his head, neither muft he cohabit 
 with his wife : befides which, he is obli- 
 ged to perform daily the following cere- 
 mony : he takes a fmall quantity of boiled 
 rice, made up in form of a little ball ; 
 this he lays upon a fig-leaf fpread upon 
 the ground without the houfe-door, and 
 taking part of another fig-leaf, he bends 
 it together, fancying all the while, that 
 the deceafed is there prefcnt to eat the 
 rice-ball ; then taking a little rice mixed 
 with butter in botli his hand.s, he turns 
 his face about, as if he were looking to 
 put it into the mouth of the deceafed 
 perfon. This done, the ftanders-by clap 
 their hands together, a fignal to the crows 
 (of which there are vaft numbers in 
 Malabar) to come to take the ball cf 
 rice prepared for the deceafed perfon ; 
 
 which 
 
 L. I. 
 
 10. 
 
 «
 
 lAP. 15. 
 
 'The Idolatry of the Eafl-India Pagans. 
 
 79i 
 
 which if the crows do, the heir is at liberty 
 to go to his dinner ; but if they do not, 
 ic is looked upon as an ill omen, and 
 the whole ceremony confidered as fruit- 
 Icfs. 
 
 At the conclufion of the mourning, the 
 relations of the deceafed are invited to a 
 fplendid feaft, where however they mufl: 
 not eat either flelh, fifli, or eggs •, and 
 none but the richer fort are invited to par- 
 take of it. This they repeat once a year, 
 on the fame day the deceafed died, to the 
 memory of their friend. I will not enlarge 
 myfelf in this place upon that moft bar- 
 barous cuftom of fome of thcfe pagahs, 
 for the wives to burn themfelves alive with 
 the dead carcafes of their hufbands, a thing 
 ftill pradlifed in the moft populous city of 
 t 
 
 Pandi; for when the funeral ceremony B a l- 
 of Viiicpi Nnigne, the prince of the coun- ''^^.^^!_, 
 try, was folcmnized with great pomp, -'^i^' 
 three hundred of his wives did precipi- 
 tate themfelves alive (under the found of 
 drums and trumpets,) into the fame hole 
 filled with burning oil, butter, and other 
 combuftible matter, which burned botfi 
 his and their bodies to aflics. Wc con- 
 clude with a hearty wi(h, that thefe 
 poor wretches, quite entangled in God's 
 darknefs of paganifni, rtiay through his 
 mercy, and with the afliftance of fuch 
 magillrates as ought to keep a watch- 
 ful eye over their adtions, be in time 
 brought to the true knowledge of the 
 gofpel. 
 
 Vol. hi. 
 
 9P 
 
 THE
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 Third VOLUME. 
 
 AN hijlorical relation of the kingdom of Chile. By Alonlb de Ovalle, of 
 the fociety of Jefus, a native of St. Jago in Chile, and procurator at 
 Rome yor that place. Tranjlated from the Spanifh. Page i 
 
 Sir William Monfon'j Naval Tracts : Treating of all the anions of the 
 Englifti by fea, under queen Elizabeth and king James I. The Office of the 
 high admiral, and his inferior officers ; Difcoveries and Enterprizes of the 
 Spaniards and Portuguefes ; ProjcBs and Stratagems j and of Fiji} and Fijh- 
 ery. From the original matiufcripts. 147 
 
 A true and exaSl defcription of the mojl celebrated Eaft-India coajl of Malabac 
 and Coromandel, and of the ifland o/' Ceylon, isoith all the adjacent countries. 
 By Philip Baldaius. Tranjlated from the High Dutch. 509 
 
 The E?id of the Third Volume. 
 
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