O UL- y ^>MU8KAHT6'/ MrttumvtKv, .^.OfCAll' trin lOTi M'MVERS/; .\\MUNIVlKi/A >- }.J0'^ ^^OJI1Y3JO>^ 3^l tvdAi s ^<»0inv3jo^ ^tfojnvjjo>^ ^.OFCAllFOftjk, ^ ^OFCAIIFOM^ ^1 .\WFWIV[RJ/ "^J^UDNVSOl^ -.>?.^ ^MF UNIVFRS/A ^VlOS.W!lfji> ^IIIBRARYQ ^ ^(!lOJnV3JO>^ J, ^OFCAIIFO% . .\moni»tno//y :lOSANCnfj> o ■^/^aaAiNfl-jwv' 5^tlJBRAfrY<7/ f^lUBRARYC/^ j^ 1 ir^ ^ ^<^OJI1V3JO'»^ ^OFCAllFOff^ ^OFCAlIFOff;^ -n O ?3 ^ ^ ■^^UDNYSOV^ ^v^tllBRARY(9/ ^^.OFCAIIFO/?^ ^^^Auvaaii^- ^wf■l)N(v^?y/^ ^iosANcnfj> %JI1V3J0>^ o "^UDNYSOl^ ^•lOSANCnfj)> "^/yajAiNn-jwv -^HIBRARYQ^ .^jOFCAllFOMfc. 5- « ^'— ^ T^^ >&AavH8n# .\\OSANCnfj> ^.^^^UBRARYC/, ^^^^•lIBRARYQr ^MEUNI\m//> MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. J!«^ Napoleon, 1810. Photo-Etching. — After Painting by Muneret. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE BY LOUIS ANTOINE FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE ?^is ^PribatE SEcrctarg TO WHICH ARE ADDED AN ACCOUNT OF THE IMPORTANT EVENTS OF THE HUNDRED DAYS, OF NAPOLEON'S SURRENDER TO THE ENGLISH, AND OF HIS RESIDENCE AND DEATH AT ST. HELENA, WITH ANECDOTES AND ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS FROM ALL THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES EDITED BY R. W. PHIPPS Colonel, late Royal Artillery NEW AND REVISED EDITION, WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS IN FOUR VOLUMES Vol. I. NEW YORK MERRILL AND BAKER PUBLISHERS ^nitorrsitD ^rtss : John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A. PREFACE BY THE EDITORS OF THE 1836 EDITION. In introducing the present edition of M. de Bourrienne's Memoirs to the public we are bound, as Editors, to say a few words on the subject. Agreeing, however, with Horace Wal- pole, that an editor should not dwell for any length of time on the merits of his author, we shall touch but lightly on this part of the matter. We are the more ready to abstain since the great success in England of the former editions of these Memoirs, and the high reputation they have acquired on the European Continent, and in every part of the civilised world where the fame of Bonaparte has ever reached, sufficiently establish the merits of M. de Bourrienne as a biographer. These merits seem to us to consist chiefly in an anxious desire to be impartial, to point out the defects as well as tlie merits of a most wonderful man ; and in a peculiarly graphic power of relating facts and anecdotes. With this happy faculty Bourrienne would have made the life of almost any active individual interesting ; but the subject of wliich the most fa- vourable circumstances permitted him to treat was full of events and of the most extraordinary facts. The hero of his history was such a being as tlie world has produced only on the rarest occasions, and the complete counterpart to whom has, probably, never existed ; for there are broad shades of diflVrence between Napoleon and Alexander, Caesar, and Charlemagne ; neither will modern liistory furnish more exact parallels, since Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick the Great, Crom- well, AVashington, or Bolivar bears but a small resemblance to Bonaparte either in character, fortune, or extent of enterprise. vi PREFACK HV TlIK EDITORS. For fourteen years, to say nothing of his j)rojects in the East, the liistory of Honaiuirto was the liistory of all Europe ! With tlie copious materials he i)ossessed, M. de Bourrienne has produced a work which, for deep interest, exeilenient, and uiuusenient, cau scarcely ho paralleled by any of the uuuitMous and excellent memoirs for which the literature of France is so justly celebrated. M, de liourrienne shows us the hero of Marengo and Aus- terlitz in liis night-gown and slippere, — whh a. trait de j/linne he, in a hundred instances, places the real man before us, with all hb personal habits and peculiarities of manner, temper, and conversation. The friendship between Bonaparte and Boumenne began in boyhood, at the school of Brienne, and their unreserved inti- macy continued during the most brilliant part of Napoleon's career. We have said enough, — the motives for his writing this work and his competency for the task will be best ex- plained in M. de Bourrienne's own words, which the reader will find in tlie Iiitrotluctory Chapter. M. de Bourrieiine says little of Napoleon after his first abdi- cation and retirement to Elba in 1814 : we have endeavoured to fill up the chasm thus left by following his hero through the remaining seven years of his life, to the " last scene of all " that ended his " strange, eventful history," — to his deathbed and alien grave at St. Helena. A completeness will thus be given to the work which it did not before possess, and which we hope will, with the other additions and improvements already alluded to, tend to give it a place in every well-selected library, as one of the most satisfactory of all the lives of Napoleon. London, 1836, PREFACE BY THE EDITOR OF THE 1885 EDITION. The Memoirs of the time of Napoleon may be divided into two classes, — those by marshals and officers, of which Sachet's is a good example, chiefly devoted to military movements, and those by persons employed in the administration and in the Court, giving us not only materials for history, but also valu- able details of the personal and inner life of the great Emperor and of his immediate surroundings. Of this latter class the Memoirs of Bourrienne are among the most important. Long the intimate and personal friend of Napoleon both at school and from the end of the Italian campaigns in 1797 till 1802, — working in tlie same room with him, using the same purse, the confidant of most of his schemes, and, as his secretary, having the largest part of all the official and private correspond- ence of the time passed through his hands, Bourrienne occupied an invaluable position for storing and recording materials for his- tory. The Memoirs of his successor, Meneval, are more those of an esteemed private secretary; yet, valuable and interesting as they are, they want the peculiarity of position which marks those of Bourrienne, who Avas a compound of secretary, minis- ter, and friend. The accounts of such men as Miot de Melito, Roederer, etc., are most valuable, but these writers were not in that close contact with Napoleon enjoyed by Bourrienne. Bour- rienne's position was simply unique, and we can only regret that he did not occupy it till the end of the Empire. Thus it is natural that his Memoirs should have been largely used by his- torians, and to properly understand the history of the time, thej'' must be read by all students. They are indeed full of interest VI il PREFACE. for every one. Rut tliey also rei]uir(' to be read with preat caw- tion. When we iiie«'t with ])raist^ of Xapoh'on, we may gtMicrally believe it, for, as Thiers (Consulnt, ii. 279) says, Bounienne neeil be little suspected on this side, for although he owed every- tliiiig to Napoleon, he has not seemed to remember it. But Vf'ry often in passages in wliidi blame is tlirown on Xapoleon, Bourricnno speaks, partly Avitli much of the natural bitterness of a former and discarded friend, and partly with the curious mixed feeling which even the brothers of Napoleon display in their Memoirs, jtrido in the wonderful abilities evinced by the man with whom he was allied, anpointed in 1792 as secretary of the Legation at Stuttgart, and had, pro})abl3' wisely, disobeyed the orders given him to re- turn, thus escaping the dangers of the Revolution. He only PREFACE. ix came back to Paris in 1795, having thus become an emigre. He joined Napoleon in 1797, after tlie Austrians had been beaten out of Italy, and at once assumed the office of secretary which he held for so long. He had sufficient tact to forbear treating the haughty young General witli any assumption of familiarity in public, and he was indefatigal)le enough to please even the never-resting Napoleon. Talent Bourrienne had in abundance ; indeed he is careful to hint tluit at school if any one had been asked to predict greatness for any pupil, it was Bourrienne, luit Napoleon, who would have been fixed on as the future star. He went with his General to Egypt, and returned with him to France. While Napoleon was making his formal entry into the Tuilerie.«, Bourrienne was preparing the cabinet he was still to share with the Consul. In this cabinet — our cabinet, as he is careful to call it — he worked with the First Consul till 1802. During all tliis time the pair had lived on terms of equality and friendship creditable to both. The secretary neither asked for nor received any salary : when he required money, he sim- ply dipped into the cash-box of the First Consul. As the whole power of the State gradually passed into the hands of the Consul, tlie labours of the secretary became heavier. His successor broke down under a lighter load, and had to receive assistance ; but, perhaps borne up by the absorbing interest of the work and the great influence given by his post, Bourrienne stuck to his place, and to all appearance might, except for him- self, have come down to us as the companion of Napoleon dur- ing his wdiole life. He had enemies, and one of them ^ has not shrunk from describing their gratification at the disgrace of the trusted secretary. Any one in favour, or indeed in office, under Napoleon was the sure mark of calumny for all aspirants to place ; yet Bourrienne might have weathered any temporary storm raised by unfounded reports as successfully as Meneval, who followed him. But Bourrienne's hands were not clean in money matters, and that was an unpardonable sin in any one who desired to be in real intimacy with Napoleon. He became involved in the affairs of the House of Coulon, which failed, as will be seen in ^ Boulav de la Meurthe. x PREFACE. the notes, iit the time of his ilisgrace ; ami in Oitober, 1802, he was oalloil on to hand over his office to Meneval, who retained it till invalideil after the IJussiau campaign. As has been said, llourrienno would naturally be the mark for many accusations, hut the conclusive proof of his misconduct — at least for any one acquainted with Napoleon's objection and dislike to chan;^'os in otfico, whetlifr from his strong belief in the ellects of training, or his ei[ually strong dislike of new faces round him — is that he was never again employed near his old comrade ; indeed he really never saw the Emperor again at any private interview, except when granted the usual official re- ception in 1805, l)efnre leaving to takf up his post at Haml)urg, which he htdd till 1810. We know that his re-employmeut was urged by Josephine and several of his former companions. Savary himself says he tried his advocacy ; but Napoleon was inexorable to those who, in his own phrase, had sacrificed to the golden calf. Sent, as we have said, to Hamburg in 1805, as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Duke of Brunswick, the Duke of Meck- lenburg-Schwerin, and to the Hanse towns, Bourrienne knew how to make his post an important one. He was at one of the great seats of the commerce which suffered so fearfidly from the Continental system of the Emperor, and he was charged to watch over the German press. How well he fulfilled this duty we learn from Metternich, who writes in 1805 : " I have sent an article to the newspaper editors in Berlin and to M. de Hofcr at Hamburg. I do not know whether it has been accepted, for M. Bourrienne still exercises an authority .so severe over these journals that they are always submitted to him before they appear, that he may erase or alter the articles which do not please him." His ])osition at Hamburg gave him great opportunities for 1)oth financial and political intrigues. In his Memoirs, as Mrneval remarks, he or his editor is not ashamed to ])oast of being thanked by Louis XVIII. at St. Ouen for services ren- dered while he was the minister of Napoleon at Hamburg. He was recalled in 1810, when the Hanse towns were united, or, to PREFACE. xi use the phrase of the day, re-united to the Empire. He then hung about Paris, keeping on good terms with some of the ministers, — Savary, not the most reputable of them, for ex- ample. In 18H he was to be found at the office of Lavallette, the head of the posts, disguising, his enemies said, his delight at the bad news which was pouring in, by exaggerated expres- sions of devotion. He is accused of a close and suspicious connection with Talleyrand, and it is odd that when Talleyrand became liead of the Provisional Government in 1814, Bourrienne of all persons should have been put at the liead of the posts. Received in the most flattering manner by Louis XVIII., he was as astonished as poor Beugnot was in 1815, to find himself on 13th May suddenly ejected from office, having, however, had time to furnish post-horses to Maubreiiil for the mysterious ex- pedition, said to have been at least known to Talleyrand, and intended certainly for the robbery of the Queeu of Westphalia, and probably for the murder of Napoleon. In the extraordinary scurry before the Bourbons scuttled out of Paris in 1814, Bourrienne was made Prefet of the Police for a few days, his tenure of that post being signalised by the abor- tive attempt to arrest Fouche, the only effect of which was to drive that wily minister into the arms of the Bonapartists. He fled with the King, and was exempted from the amnesty proclaimed by Napoleon. On the return from Ghent he was made a Minister of State without portfolio, and also became one of the Council. The ruin of his finances drove him out of France, but lie eventually died in a mad-house at Caen. When the Memoirs first appeared in 1829, they made a great sensation. Till then in most writings Napoleon had been treated as either a demon or a demi-god. The real facts of the case were not suited to the tastes of either his enemies or his admirers. Wliile the monarchs of Europe had been disputing among themselves about tlie division of the spoils to be obtained from France and from the unsettlement of the Continent, there had arisen an extraordinarily clever and unscrupulous man who, by alternately bribing and overtlirowing the great monarchies, had soon made himself master of the mainland. His admirers xii PREFACE. were ujiwillin:,' to admit tin; \y,\rt pla3'e(l in iiis success by the jraldiisy ot" his foes of oacli otlior's sluiro in tlio booty, aiul they doli^,'liteil to invest liim with every great quality wliich man couhl possess. His enemies were ready enough to allow his military talents, but they wished to attribute tlio tirst success of liis not very deep policy to a niarvellons duplicity, apparently considered by them the more wicked as possessed by a parvenu emperor, and far removed, in a moral ])oitit of view, from the statecraft so allowal)le in an ancient monarchy. But for Napo- leon himself and his family and Court there was literally no limit to the really marvellous inventions of his enemies. He might enter every capital on tlie Continent, but there was some consolation in bdii'ving that he himself was a monster of wicked- ness, and his Court but the scene of one long protracted orgie. There was enough against the Emperor in the Memoirs to make them comfortable reading for his opponents, though very many of the old calumnies were disposed of in them. They contained indeed the nearest approximation to the truth which held yet appeared. ^letternich, who must have been a good judge, as no man was better acquainted with what he himself calls the "age of Napoleon," says of the Memoirs: "If you want something to read, both interesting and amusing, get the Memoires de Bourrienne. These are the only authentic Me- moirs of Napoleon which have yet ap])eared. The style is not brilliant, but that only makes them the more trustworthy." In- deed, Metternich himself in his own Memoirs often follows a good deal in the line of Bourrienne : among many formal attacks, every now and then he lapses into half involuntary and inints. His account of the conversation t»f Josephine after the what lio coniimiiiicated must thcrefiire be belit-viMl ; but it cannot with equal conlidence be credited tliat what lie coninuuiRated was nothing but the truth. He seems often to have related as a. fact what was really only an idea, — ai\ idea, too, brought forth at St. Helena, the chiM of niisfiirtuno, and transported by his iniaj,'ination to Kurope in the time of his j)rospority. His favourite phrase, whicij was every moment on his lips, must not be forgotten, — "What will history say — what will posterity think?" This passion for leaving behind him ac elebrnted name is one which belongs to the constitution of the human mind ; and with Na- poleon its infliu^nco was excessive. In his first Italian cani])aign he wrote thus to General Clarke : " That ambition and the occu- pation of high offices were not sufficient for his satisfaction and happiness, which he had early placed in the opinion of Europe and the esteem of posterity." He often observed to me that with him the opinion of posterity was the real immortality of the soul. It may easily be conceived that Napoleon wished to give to the documents which he knew historians would consult a favourable colour, and to direct, according to his own views, the judgment of posterity on his actions. But it is only by the im])artial comparison of periods, positions, and age that a well-founded decision will be given. About his fortieth year the physical constitution of Napoleon sustained considerable change ; and it may be presumed that his moral qualities were affected by that change. It is particularly iniportaiit not to lose sight of the premature decay of his health, which, perhaps, did not permit him always to possess the vigour of memory otherwise consis- tent enough with his age. The state of our organisation often modifies our recollections, our feelings, our manner of viewing objects and the im]>ressions we receive. This will be taken into consideration by judicious and thinking men ; and for them T write. What M. de Las Casas states Napoleon to have said in May, 1816, on the manner of writing his history corroborates the AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION. xxiii opinion I have expressed. It proves that all the facts and ob- servations he communicated or dictated were meant to serve as materials. We learn from the "Memorial" tliat M. de Las Casas wrote daily, and that the manuscript was read over by Napoleon, who often made corrections witli his own hand. The idea of a journal pleased him greatly. He fancied it would be a work of which the world could afford no other example. But there are passages in which the order of events is deranged ; in others facts are misrepresented and erroneous assertions are made, I apprehend, not altogetlier involuntarily. I have ])aid particular attention to all that has been pub- lished by the noble participators of the imperial captivity. Nothing, however, could induce me to change a word in these Memoirs, because notliing could take from me my conviction of the truth of wliat I personally heard and saw. It will be found that Napoleon in his private conversations often confirms what I state ; but we sometimes differ, and the public must judge between us. However, I must here make one observation. When Napoleon dictated or related to his friends in St. Helena the facts which they have reported, he was out of the world, — he had played his part. Fortune, which, according to his notions, had conferred on him all his power and greatness, had recalled all her gifts before he sank into the tomb. His ruling passion would induce him to think that it was due to his glory to clear up certain facts which might prove an unfavourable escort if they accompanied him to posterity. This was his fixed idea. But is there not some ground for suspecting the fidelity of him who writes or dictates his own history *? Why might he not impose on a few persons in St. Helena, when he was able to impose on France and Europe, respecting many acts which ema- nated from him during the long diu'ation of his power 1 The life of Napoleon would be very unfaitlifully written were the author to adopt as true all his bulletins and proclamations, and all the declarations he made at St. Helena. Such a history would frequently be in contradiction to facts ; and such only is that which might be entitled " The History of Napoleon, written by Himself. " xxiv AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION. I have saitl thus imicli bc(;aus« it is my wisli that tlio princi- ples wliich have ^uitknl inc in the composition of these Memoira may bo inulerstooil, I am aware that they will not jilease every reader ; that is a success to wliich 1 cannot pretend. S.)mo merit, howevi^r, may be allowed me on account of the labour I have under;^'(»ne. It has neither been of a sli},dit nor an agreeable kitid. 1 made it a rule to read everything that has been writU'n res[»ecting Napoleon, and I have had to decipher many of his autograph documents, though no longer so familiar with his sii. His ill )>]iinii>ii <>f inaiikiml. His dislike of a tvtt-'alvlr. His liatrcil of the Kevoliitioiiists. Ladies in white. Aiieidotes. Hoiia|»arte'» tokens of kiiKJiicss, and his droll eoni])linients. His tits uf ill humour. Sound of hells. Gardens uf Malniaison. Ilia opinion of niedieino. His memory. His poetic insensihility. His want of gallantry. Cards and eon\ersation. The dress-coat and hlack cravat. Bonaparte's payments. His religious ideas. His obstinacy. CII.M'TEi; XXIX. 1800. (Pages 350-366.) Bonaparte's laws. Sujtpression of the festival of the 21 st of .Tanuarv. Orticial visits. The Temple. Louis XVI. and Sir Sidney Smith. I'ecula,- tion dnrinijf tiie Direitory. Loan raised. Modest hudj^ct. The Consul anil the Mcmiier of the Institute. The fitjure of the Ke])ul)lic. Duroc's missions. 'J'lie King of Prussia. The Emperor Alexander. General Latour-Foissac. Arhitrary decree. Company of players for Egypt. Sin- gular ideas res|>ccting literary property. Tiie preparatory Consulate. The jonrnals. Sahres and muskets of honour. The Eirst Consul ami his Comrade. The bust of Brutus. Statues in the gallery of the Tuileries. Sections of the Council of State. Costumes of public functionaries. Mascjuerades. The opera-balls. Recall of the exiles. CHAPTER XXX. 1800. (Pages .367-.3S3.) Bonaparte and Paul I. Lord Whitworth. Baron Sprengporten's arrival at Paris. Paul's admiration of Bonaparte. Tiieir close connec- tion and correspondence. The royal challenge. General i\Iack. The road to Malmaison. Attempts at ;i.ssassination. Death of Washington. National mourning. Ambitious calculation. M. de Eontanes, the skilful orator. Fete at the Temple of >Lirs. Murat's marriage with Caroline Bonaparte. Aladame Bonaparte's pearls. CHAPTER XXXr. 1800. (Pages 384-391.) Police on police. False information. Dexterity of Fouchc. Police agents deceived. Money ill ajtplied. Inutility of political police. Bona- CONTENTS, XXXVii parte's opinion. General considerations. My appointment to the Pre- fecture of police. CHAPTER XXXII. 1800. (Pages 302-402.) Successful management of parties. Precautions. Removal from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries. Hackney-coaches and tlie Consul's white horses. Roj-^al custom and an inscription. The review. Bonaparte's homage to the stancUirds. Talleyrand in Bonaparte's cabinet. Bonar parte's aversion to the cap of liberty even in painting. The state bed. Our cabinet. CHAPTER XXXIII. 1800. (Pages 403-419.) The Tuileries. Royalty in perspective. Remarkable observation. Presentations. Assumption of the prerogative of mercy. M. Defeu. M. de Frotte. Georges Cadoudal's audience of Bonaparte. Rapp's precau- tion and Bonaparte's confidence. The dignity of France. Napper Tandy and Blackwell delivered up l)y the Senate of Hamburg. Contribution in the Egyptian style. Valueless bill. Fifteen thousand francs in the drawer of a secretaire. Josephine's debts. Evening walks with Bonaparte. CHAPTER XXXIV. 1800. (Pages 420-437.) War and monuments. Influence of the recollections of Egypt. First improvements in Paris. Malmaison too little. St. Cloud taken. The Pont des Arts. Business ])rescribed for me l)v Bonaparte. Pecuniary remuneration. Tlie First Consul's visit to tlie Pritanc'e. His examina- tion of the pupils. Consular pensions. Tragical death of Miackzinski. Introduction of vaccination. Recall of the members of the Constituent Assembly. The " canary " volunteers. Tronchet and Target. Liberation of the Austrian prisoners. Longchamps and sacred music. Annex. xxxviii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXV. 1800. (Pages 4;{.s-449.) The "Memorial of St. Helena." Louis XVIII.'s first letter to Bona- parte. Josephine, Ilortense, and the Fauhonrp; St. Germain. Madame Bonaparte and the fortune-teller. Louis XVIII.'s secund letter. Buii.-i- jiarte's answer. Conversation respecting the recall of Louis XN'III. IVace and war. A battle fought with pins. Genoa .and .Melas. Be.alisa- tion of Bonaparte's military plans. Ironical letter to Berthicr. Departure from Paris. In.-itructions to Lucieu and Camliaceres. Josepli Bonajiarte appointed Councillor of St.ate. Travelling couversation. Alexander and Caesar judged by Bonaparte. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Vol. I. Page Napoleon Frontispiece Letitia Boxaparte 2 Josephine 52 Desaix 172 Eighteenth of Brumaiee 2!)4 Mubat 378 CHEONOLOGY OF BONAPAETE'S LIFE. Aas. Datb. Event, 1769. Aug. 1.5. — Napoleon Bonaparte born at Ajaccio, in Corsica. Fourth child of Charles Bonaparte and of Letitia, ute Kanioliuo. 1. 1771. July 21. — Napoleon Bonaparte baptised in the Cathedral of Ajaccio. 9. 1778. Dec. 15. — Napoleon embarks for France with his father, his brother Joseph, and his uncle Fesch. 9. 1779, Jan. 1. — Napoleon enters tlie College of Autuu with Joseph. 9. 1779. April 25. — Napoleon enters the Royal Military School of Brienne-le-Chateau. 15. 1784. Oct. 2.3. — Napoleon enters the Royal Military School of Paris. 15. 1785. Feb. 24. — Charles Bonaparte, father of Napoleon, dies from cancer in the stomach, aged thirty-eight years. 16. 1785. Sept. 1. — Napoleon appointed Lieutenant en seco«(/ in the Compagnie d'Autuine of Bombardiers of the 5th Bri- gade of the 1st Battalion of the (Artillery) Regiment de la Fere, then quartered at Valence. 16. 1785. Oct. 29. — Napoleon leaves the Military School of Paris. 16. 1785. Nov. 5 to Aug. 11, 1786.— Napoleon at Valence with his regiment. 17. 1786. Aug. 15 to Sept. 20, 1786. — Napoleon at Lyons with regiment. 17. 1786. Oct. 17 to Feb. 1,1787. — Napoleon at Douai with regi- ment. 17. 1787. Feb. 1 to Oct. 14, 1787. — Napoleon on leave to Corsica. 18. 1787. Oct. 15 to Dec. 24, 1787. — Napoleon quits Corsica, arrives in Paris, obtains fresh leave, and 18. 1787. Dec. 25 to May, 1788. — Napoleon proceeds to Corsica, and returns early in May. 18-19. 1788. May to April 4, 1789. — Napoleon at Auxonne with regi- ment. xlil ('IlKONOLOGY OF noNAI'AK'I'KS LIFE. AoK. Date. Kvkst. ly. IT.s'.i. Aj)ril :') to April .'10. — Niipoloon at St'iirrt' in roinniand of a (li'lac-liiiK-nt. I'.t-ao. 178'J. May 1 to Sept. 15, 1789. — Napoleon at Auxoiiue with n'lriincnt. 20-21. 1789. Sejit. 16 to Juno 1. 1791. — Napolt-oii iiroi-ocdH to Corsica; enf Austrians to roliovo Mantua; buttles of C'ulliaiio, 4tli Se|>t('inl)tr ; I'riniolano, 7th Septemher ; Ha.'«.>*aiio, 8tli Scjjti'iiilior ; St. (icorges, 15th Septeiiilior ; Wumisor drivoii into Mantua and in- vestetl tliorc. Mcanwliile Jf)urilaii ha.s l>ecn forced hack across thf Khino by tho Archdnko Cliarles on 21st Septcnil)er; Morcau, after two celebrated retreats, rccrosses the H hine, 25th dctober. 27. 1796. Nov. — Thinl attempt of Au.strians to relieve Mantua; battles of raldiero, 11th November, and Areola, 15tli, 16th, and 17th November; Alvin/.i driven off. 27. 1797. Jan. — Fourth attempt to relieve Mantua: battle.* of Rivoli, 14th January, and Favorita, 16tii .January; Alviuzi ajjain driven off. 27. 1797. Feb. 2. — Wurmser surrenders Mantua with 18,000 men. 27. 1797. March 10. — Napoleon commences his advance on the Arch- duke Charles I beats him at the Tagliamento, 16th March; 7th April, armistice of .Judenbourg ; 18th April, Provisional Treaty of Leoben with Austria, who cedes the Netherlands, and is to get the Venetian terri- tory on the mainland ; Hoche advances, cro.«ses the Rhine same day, and Moreau on 20th April, till stopped by news of peace. 28. 1797. Sept. 4. — Coup d'etat oi 18th Fructidor ; majority of Di- rectors supported by the Jncoliins and by Napoleon, put down Royalist movement antl banish many deputies to Cayenne. 28. 1797. Oct. 17. — Treaty of Campo-Forniio between France and Austria to replace that of Leoben ; Venice partitioned, and itself now falls to Austria. 28. 1798. Jan. \^. — Congress of Rastadt formally opens, continues till 28th April, 1799. 28. 1798. — Egyptian expedition. Napoleon sails from Toulon, 19th May; takes Malta, 12th .June; lands near Alexandria, l.st .Tulv ; Alexandria taken, 2d July ; battle of the Chebreisse, 1.3th July; battle of the Pj'ramids, 21st July ; Cairo entered, 2.3d July. 28. 1798. Aug. 1. — Battle of the Nile. 29. 1799. March .3. — Napoleon starts for Syria; 7th >LTrch, takes •Jaffa: 18th March, inve.sts St. Je.an d'Acre ; 16th April, battle of Mount Tabor; 22d May, siege of Acre raised; Napoleon reaches Cairo, 14th June. CHRONOLOGY OF BONAPARTE'S LIFE. xh" AoE. Date. Event. 29. 1799. July 25.— Battle of Aboukir; Turks defeated. Mean- while the Au-strians and Russians liave driven the French out of Italy, Macdonald being beaten by Su- warrow on the Trebhia, 18th to 20th June, and Hoche being defeated and killed at Novi, 1.5th August ; French in same position as when Napoleon took command in 179«. 30. 1799. August (22d August, Tliiers ; 24th August, Bourrienne ; 10th September, Marmout). — Napoleon sails from Egypt ; lands at Frejus, 6th October. Meanwhile Mas- sena beats the Russians and Austrians, 2.'3th and 26th September, at Zurich ; Suwarrow forces his way over the Alps, but witlidraws his army in disgust with the Austrians in October. 30. 1799. Oct. 9 and 10, 18th and 19th Brumaire. — Napoleon seizes power. Provisionary Consulate formed — Napoleon, Sieyes, and Roger Ducos. 30. 1799. Dec. 25. — Napoleon, First Con.sul; Cambaceres, Second Consul ; Lebrun, Third Consul. 30. 1800. April 2.5. — Moreau commences his advance into Germany, and forces Austrians back on Ulm. 30. 1 800. May and June. — Marengo campaign. 1 4th May, Napo- leon commences passage of St. Bernard ; 2d June, enters Milan ; 4th June, Massena surrenders Genoa to Austrians ; 9th June, Lannes gains battle of Monte- bello; 14th June, battle of Marengo; Desaix killed (Kluber assassinated in Egypt same day); armistice signed by Napoleon with M elas, 1 5th June ; Genoa and Italian fortresses surrendered to French; Moreau concludes armistice, 15th July, having reached middle of Bavaria. 31. 1800. Nov. 28. — Rupture of armistice with Austria; 3d Decem- ber, Moreau gains battle of Holieulinden. 31. 1800. Dec. 24 {3d NivGse). — Affair of the Hue St. Nicaise ; attempt to assassinate Napoleon by infernal machine. 31. 1801. Feb. 9. — Treaty of Luneville between France and Ger- many ; Venice partitioned ; left bank of Rhine and the Austrian Netherlands securetl to France. 31. 1801. July 15. — Co«co;"f?a< with Rome ; Roman Catholic religion restored in France. 32. 1801. Oct. 1. — Preliminaries of peace between France and Eng land signed at London. 32. 1802. Jan. 26. — Napoleon Vice-President of Italian Republic. 32. 1802. 33. 1803. 33. 1 803. 33. 1803. 34. 1804. 34. 1804, xlvi CHRONOLOGY OF BONAP.MrrF/S LIFE. AoB. Pat«. Kvkst. 32. 1802. March 27. — Treaty of Aniit'iis; Kiijrlantl restores all ron- <|iiests except Ceylon and Trinidad ; Freneli to evacuate Naples and lionie ; Malta to In- restored to Knights. 32. 1802. May 19. — Legion of Honour instituted ; carried out 14th July, 1814. Aug. 14. — Napoleon First Consul for life. Feb. 25. — Recess (or Reichs Deputation) of the German I^inpire ; niediatisation of tlie smaller and of the ecde- 8i;ustical States of (icrniany. May. — War hetween France ami England. March 5. — Civil Code (later, Code Napoleon) decreed. March 21. — Due d'F.njihien shot at Vincennes. ALiy 18. — Napoleon, Kmpereur des Frau^ais ; crowned 2d December. 36. 1805. — Ulin campaign; 25th September, N.apoleon crosses the Rhine; 14th October, b.ittle of Elchiugen; 20th Octo- ber, Mack surrenders dm. Oct. 21. — Battle of Trafalgar. Dec. 2. — Russians and Austrians defeated at Austerlifz. Dec. 26. — Treaty of Fresburg ; Austria cedes her .share of Venetian lands to Kingdom of Italy, and the Tyrol to Bavaria, wliich, with VViirteraberg, is recognised as a Kingdom. Feb. 15. — Joseph Bonaparte enters Naples as King. June 5. — Louis Bonaparte, King of Holland. July 1. — Confederation of the Rhine formed; Napoleon protector ; German Empire dissolved 6th August ; Francis I. takes title of Francis II. of Austria. 37. 1806. — Jena campaign with Prussia. Battle of Saalfeld, 10th October; battles of Jena and of Auerstadt, 14th Octo- ber; Berlin occupied, 25th October. 37. 1806. Nov. 2L — Berlin decrees issued. 37. 1807. Feb. 8. — Battle of Eylau with Russians, indecisive; 14th June, battle of Friedland, decisive. 37. 1807. Julv 7. — Treaty of Tilsit. Prussia partitioned; Polish ])rovinces forming Duchy of War.saw under Saxony; provinces on left of Elbe, with Hes.se Cassel, made into Kingdom of Westplialia for Jc'rome Bonaparte. 37. 1807. Aug. and Sept. — English expedition against Copenhagen. 38. 1807. Oct. 27. — Secret treaty of Fontainebleau between France and Spain for the partition of Portugal ; Junot enters Lisl)on, 30th November; Royal Family withdraw to Brazil. 36. 1805. 36. 1805, 36. 1805. 36. 1806. 36. 1806, 36. 1806, CHRONOLOGY OF BONAPARTE'S LIFE. xlvii AoE. Date. E'V'ent. .38. 1808. March. — French, under Murat, gradually occupj' Spain under pretence of march on Portugal ; 2d Mav, insur- rection at Madrid; 9th May, treaty of Bavoniie ; Charles IV. of Spain cedes throne; Joseph Bonaparte transferred from Naples to Spain ; replaced at Naples hy Murat. 38. 1808. July 22. — Dupont surrenders to Spaniards at Baylen; this leads to evacuation of Madrid by French. 39. 1808. Aug. 17. — Wellesley defeats Laborde at Rolica, and Junot on 21st at Vimiera; 30th August, Convention of Cintra for evacuation of Portugal by Junot. 39. 1808. Sept. 27 to Oct. 14. — Conferences at Erfurt between Napoleon, Alexander, and German Sovereigns. 39. 1808. Nov. and Dec. — Napoleon beats the Spanish armies; enters Madrid ; marches against Moore, but suddenly returns to France to prepare for Austrian campaign. 39. 1809. Jan. 16. Battle of Corunna. 39. 1809. — Campaign of Wagram. Austrians advance, 10th April; battle of Abensberg, 20th April; Eckmuhl, 2Jd April; Napoleon occupies Vienna, I3th May ; beaten back at Es.sling, 22d May ; finally cro.sses Danube, 4th July, and defeats Austrians at Wagram, 6th July ; armistice of Znaim, 12th July. 40. 1809. Oct. 14. — Treaty of Schonbrunn or of Vienna: Austria cedes Istria, Carinthia, etc., to France, and Salzburg to Bavaria. 40. 1809. Dec. 1.5-16. —Josephine divorced. 40. 1810. April I and 2. — Marriage of Napoleon, aged 40, with Marie Louise, aged 18y'j. 40. 1810. Julys. — Louis Bonaparte abdicates crown of Holland, which is annexed to French Empire on 9th Julv. 41. 1810. Dec. 13. — Ilanseatic towns and aU northern coa.st of Ger- many annexed to French Empire. 41. 1811. March 20. — The King of Rome, son of Napoleon, born. 2-43. 1812. June 23. — War with Ru.ssia ; Napoleon cros.ses the Nie- men ; 7th S(;pt(>mber, battle of Moskwa or Borodino ; Napoleon enters Moscow, 14t]i September; commences his retreat, 19th October. 43. 1812. Oct. 22-23 —Conspiration of General Malet at Paris. 43. 1813. Nov. 26-28. — I'assago of the Bercsina ; .5th December, Napoleon leaves Iiis army; arrives at Paris, 18th December. xlviii CIIUONOLOGY OF BONAPAIMT/S LIFE. AoE. Date. Kvent. 43—44. Itil3. — I.tipsic cuiniiaifiti. 2il Mav, N.i|i<>lcon defeats Russians and I'riissiaris at Lutzeii ; ami apaiii on 20-21st May at Hantzon ; (2l8t .lune, Wattle <>f N'ittoria, .Joseph de- cisively defeated by Wellinj^ton); 26tii .June, inter- view of Napoleon and Metternieh at Dresden; lOtli Aiipiist, mitlnijflit, Austria joins the Allies; 26-27tli August, Napoleon defi-ats Allies at Dresden, hut \nu- * innocent, but he was iu)t believed. If I recollect rightly, his motiier was at the time on a visit to M. de Marbeuf, or some otiier friend. The result of Najjoleon's obstinacy wa-s, that he was kept three whole days upon bread and cheese, and tliat cheese was not iirorcin. However, he would not cry; he was dull, but not sulky. At length, on tlie fourth day of his punisiiment, a little friend of Marianne H<)na]>arte returned from the cnuntry, and on hearing of NapolcDii's disgrace slie confessed that she and Marianne had eaten the fruit. It w.as now Marianne's turn to be punislied. When Napoleon was asked why he had not accused his sister, lie replie(>naparte and I were eight years of age when our friend.ship commenced. It speedily became very intimate, for there was a certain sympathy of heart between us. I enjoyed this friendship and intimacy until 1784, when he was transferred from the Military College of Brienne to tliat of Paris. I was one among those of his youthful comrades who could best accommodate themselves to his stern character. His natural reserve, his disposition to meditate on the conquest of Corsica, and the impressions he had received in childhood respecting the misfortunes of his country and his family, led him to seek retirement, and rendered his general demeanour, though in appear- ance only, somewhat unpleasing. Our equality of age brought us together in the classes of the mathematics and belles lettres. His ardent wish to acquire knowledge was remarkable from the very commencement of his studies. When he first came to the college he spoke only the Corsi- can dialect, and the Sieur Dupuis,^ who was vice-principal 1 Tliis woman, nameil Haute, wa,»» afterwards placed at Maliiiaison, with lier liusl)aiid. They both died as concierges of Malmaison. 'Jliis shows tliat Xa|ioleon had a memory. — lionrrienne. ^ He afterwards filled the post of liitrariau to Napoleon at JIalmaison. 1783. BOXAPARTE AT BRIENNE. 7 before Father Berton, gave him instructions in the French language. In this he made such rapid progress that in a short time he commenced the first rudiments of Latin. But to this study he evinced such a repugnance that at the age of fifteen he was not out of the fourth class. There I left him very speedily; but I could never get before him in the mathematical class, in which he was undoubtedly the cleverest lad at the college. I used sometimes to help him with his Latin themes and ver- sions in return for the aid he afforded me in the solution of problems, at which he evinced a degree of readiness and facility which perfectly astonished me. When at Brienne, Bonaparte was remarkable for the dark colour of his complexion (which, subsequently, the climate of France somewhat changed), for his piercing and scrutinising glance,^ and for the style of his conversa- tion both with his masters and comrades. His conversation almost always bore the appearance of ill-humour, and he was certainly not very amiable. This I attribute to the misfortunes his family had sustained and the impressions made on his mind by the conquest of his country. The pupils were invited by turns to dine with Father 1 The Dnchesse d'Abrantes, speaking of the personal characteristics of Bonaparte iu youth and manhood, says, " Saveria told me that Napoleon was never a pretty boy, as .Joseph was, for example : his head always appeared too large for his body, a defect common to tlie Bonaparte family. When Napoleon grew up, the ])eculiar charm of his countenance lay in his eye, especially in the mild expression it assumed in his moments of kindness. liis anger, to be sure, was frightful, and tliougii I am no coward, I never could look at him in his fits of rage without shuddering. ThouLiii his smile was captivatinsr, yet the expression of his mouth when disdainful or angry could scarcely 1)6 seen without terror. But that fore- head which seemeil formed to bear the crowns of a whole world; tiiose hands, of which the most coquettish women migiit have been vain, and wliose wliite skin covered muscles of iron ; in siiort, of all that jicrsonal beauty wliicli distinguisheervise. He pre- vailed on nie to accompany him to prison, where we remained three days. We sullered this s(nt of punish- ment several times, but with less severity. In 1783 the Duke of Orleans and Madame de Mun- tesson visited Brienne ; and, for upwards of a month, the ma^niticent chateau of the Comte de Brienne was a Versailles in miniature. The series of brilliant enter- tainments which were given to the august travellers made them almost forget the royal magnificence they had left behind them. The Prince and Madame de Montesson expressed a wish to preside at the distribution of the prizes of our college. Bonaparte and I won the prizes in the class of mathematics, which, as I have already observed, was the branch of study to which he confined his attention, and in which he excelled. When I was called up for the i^eventh time Madame de Montesson said to my mother who had come from Sens to be present at the distribu- tion, " Pray, madame, crown your son this time ; my hands are a-weary." There was an inspector of the military schools, whose business it was to make an annual report on each pupil, whether educated at the public expense or paid for by his family. I copied from the report of 1784 a note which was probably obtamed surreptitiously from the War Office. I wanted to purchase the manuscript, but Louis Bonaparte bought it. I did not make a copy of the note which related to myself, because I should naturally have felt diffident in making any use of it. It would, however, have served to show how time and circumstances fre(iuently reversed the distinctions which arise at school or college. Judging from the reports of the inspector of military schools, young Bonaparte was not, of all the pupils at Brienne in 1784, the one most 1783. BONAPARTE LEAVES BRIEXXE. 11 calculated to excite prognostics of future greatness and glory. The note to which I have just alluded, and wliich was written by M. de Keralio, then inspector of the military schools, describes Bonaparte in the following terms : — 3l1nsfpectiou of tpilitai^ ^cljools;, 1784. Report made for His Majesty by M. de Keralio. M. de Buonaparte (Xapoleon), born loth August, 1769, height 4 feet 10 inches 10 lines, is in the fourth class, has a good constitu- tion, excellent health, character obedient, upriglit, grateful, conduct very regular ; has been always distinguished by his application to mathematics. He knows histoiy and geography very passably. He is not well up in ornamental studies or in Latin, in which he is only in the fourth class. He will be an excellent sailor. He deserves to be passed on to the Military School of Paris. Father Berton, however, opposed Bonaparte's removal to Paris, because he had not passed through the fourth Latin class, and the regulations required that he should be in the third. I was informed by the vice-principal that a report relative to Napoleon was sent from the College of Brienne to that of Paris, in which he was described as being domineering, imperious, and obstinate} 1 Napoleon remained upwards of five years at Brienne, from Ai>ril, 1 779, till the latter end of 1784. In 1783 the Chevalier Ke'ralio, sul)-inspcctor of the military schools, selected him to pass the year followinfjj to tlie military .school at Paris, to which three of the best scholars were annually sent from each of tlie twelve ])rovincial military schools of France. It is curious as well as satisfactory to know tlie opiuion at this time enter- tained of him by those who were the best qualified to judge. His old master, Leguillo, professor of history at Paris, boasted that, in a list of the different .scholars, he had predicted his pupil's sul)se(|nent career. In fact, to tlie name of Bonaparte the following note is adiled : " A Corsican by birth and character — he will do something great, if circum.stances favour him." Monge was his instructor in geometry, who also enter- 12 MKMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BoNAPAKTE. 1709- I knew Bonaiiaitc wi'll ; ami I think M. de K(:lrialio's report of him was uxcet'din^fly just, exceiit, in'ihajis, that he mi^'ht have said he was very nrll as to liis jaogress in history and geography, and very hnckward in Latin; hut certainly nothing indicated the prohahility of his heing an excellent sea ma n. He himself had no thouglit of the navy.i In consequence of M. de Keralio's report, Ijonaparte was transferred to the jMilitary College of Paris, along with MM. Montarlty de Dampierre, de Castres, de Com- minges, and dc Laugier de Uellecourt, who were all, like him, educated at the public expense, and all, at least, as favoural )ly reported. AVhat could have induced Sir Walter Scott to say that Bonaparte was the pride of the college, that our mathe- matical master was exceedingly fond of him, and that the other professors in the different sciences had equal reason to be satisfied with liim ? "What I liave above stated, together with the report of M. de K(jralio, bear tained a high opinion of him. M. Bauer, his German master, was tlie onlv one who saw notliinc; in him, and wa.-< sur])riscd at being told he was undergoing his examination for tiie artillery. — Iluzlltt. 1 Bourrienne is certainly wrong as to Bonaparte having no thouglit of the navy. In a letter of 1784 to the Minister of War his father says of Napoleon that, " following the advice of the Comte de Marbeuf, he has turned his studies towards the navy ; and so well has he succeeded that he was intended by M. de Keralio for the school of Paris, and afterwards for the department of Toulon. The retirement of the former jjrofcssor (Keralio) ha,'* changed the fate of my son." It was only on the failure of his intention to get into the navy that his father, on l.')th July, 1784, applied for permission for him to enter the artillery; Napoleon having a horror of the infantry, where he said they diil nothing. It wa.* on the succe.ss of this application that he was allowed to enter the school of Paris (lunq, tome i. pp. 91-1 0.3). Oddly enough, in later years, on 30th August, 1792, having just succeeded in getting himself reinstated as captain after his a!)sence, overstaying leave, he applied to pa.ss into the Artillerie de la Marine. "The application was judged to he simply absurd, and was filed with this note, 'S. 11.' (sans reponse)" {lung, tome ii. p. 201.) 1783. ANECDOTE OF BONAPARTE. 13 evidence of his backwardness in almost every branch of education except mathematics. Neither was it, as Sir Walter affirms, his precocious progress in mathematics that occasioned him to be removed to Paris. He had attained the proper age, and the report of him was favourable, therefore he was very naturally included among the number of the five who were chosen in 1784. In a biographical account of Bonaparte I have read the following anecdote : — When he was fourteen years of age he happened to he at a party where some one pronounced a high eulogium on Turenne ; and a lady in the company observed that he certainly w^as a great man, but that she should like him better if he had not burned the Palatinate. " Wliat signifies that," replied Bona- parte, "if it was necessary to the object he had in view ? " This is either an anachronism or a mere fabrication. Bonaparte was fourteen in the year 1783. He was then at Brienne, where certainly he did not go into company, and least of all the company of ladies. CHAPTER 11. 1784-1794. Bonaparte was fifteen years and two months old when he went to the Military College of Paris.^ I accompanied ^ Mail.iinp Jiiiiot relates some interesting particulars connected with Napoleon's first residence in Paris. " My mother's first care," says she, " on arriving in I'aris wa.s to incjuire after Napoleon Bonaparte. lie wa.s at that time in the military school at Paris, having ([uitted IJrienne iu the Septemtier of the preceding year. My nnde Demetrius had met him just after he alighted from the coach which brought him to town ; ' And truly,' said my uncle, ' he had the appearance of a fresh importation. I met him in the Palais Royal, where he was gaping and staring with wonder at everytliing lie saw. lie would have been an excellent subject for sharpers, if, indeed, he had had anything worth taking ! ' My uncle invited him to dine at his house ; for though my uncle was a bachelor, he dill not choose to dine at a traiteur (the name restaitraieur was not then introduced). He tidd my mother that Napoleon was very moro.se. 'I fear,' added he, ' that that young man has more self-conceit than is suita- ble to his condition. When he dined with me he began to declaim vio- lently against the lu.xury of the young men of the military school. After a little lie turned the conversation on Mania, and the present education of the young Maniotes, drawing a comparison between it and the ancient Spartan system of education. His observations on this head he told me he intended to embody in a memorial to be presented to the Minister of War. All this, depeiul upon it, will bring him under the dis])leasure of his comrades, and it will lie lucky if he escape being run through.' A few dnys afterwards my mother saw Napoleon, and then his irritability was at its height. He would scarcely bear any observations, even if made in his favour, and I am convinced that it is to this uncontrollable irritability that lie owed the reputation of having been ill-tempered iu his boyhood, and splenetic in his youth. My father, who was acrjuainted with almost all the heads of the military school, obtained leave for him sometimes to come out for recreation. < )n account of an accident (a sprain, if I recollect rightly) Napoleon once spent a wliii " onlv from tiiose lihels aii* wliidi gratified his calumnimis sjiirit and national hatred. His work is written witli excessive negligence, which, added to its nnnierous errors, shows how ninch rc.«pect he must have entertained for his reailers. It would appear that his object was to make it the inverse of his novels, where everything is borrowed 1793. DECREE AS TO EMIGRANTS. 21 Having been appointed Secretary of Legation to Stutt- gart, I set off for that place on the 2cl of August, and I did not again see my ardent young friend until 1795. He told me that my departure accelerated his for Corsica. We separated, as may be supposed, with but faint hopes of ever meeting again. By a decree of the 28th of March of 1793, all Frencli agents abroad were ordered to return to France within three months, under pain of being regarded as emigrants. What I had witnessed before my departure for Stuttgart, the excitement in wliich I had left the public mind, and the well-known consequences of events of this kind, made me fear that I should be compelled to be either an ac- complice or a victim in the disastrous scenes which were passing at home. My disobedience of the law placed my name on the list of emigrants. It has been said of me, in a biographical publication, that " it was as remarkable as it was fortunate for Bour- rienne that, on his return, he got his name erased from the list of emigrants of the Dspartment of the Yonne, on which it had been inscribed during his first journey to Grermany. This circumstance has been interpreted in several different ways, which are not all equally favour- able to M. de Bourrienne." I do not understand what favourable interpretations can be put upon a statement entirely false. General Bonaparte repeatedly applied for the erasure of my name, from the month of April, 1797, wlien I rejoined him at Leoben, to the period of the signature of the treaty of Campo-Formio ; but without success. He desired his brother Louis, Berthier, Bernadotte, and others, when he from history. I have been assured that Marshal Macdonald having offered t<» introduce Scott to some generals who could have furnished him with the most accurate information respecting military events, the glory of which tliey had shared. Sir Walter replied, " I thank you, but I shall col- lect my information from unprofessional reports." — Bourrienne. 22 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1794. sent them to the Directory, to urge my erasure ; hut in vain, lie comphiiMeil iif this inatteiilinii to iiis wishes to liolttit, when he came to rasseriann, after the 18th Fruc- tidor. Bottot, who was secretary to JJarras, was astonished that I was not era.sed, and lie made fine promises of what he would do. On his return to France lie wrote to. Bona- parte : " Bourrienne is era.sed." But this was untrue. I was not erased until November, 1797, upon the reiterated solicitations of General Bonaparte. It was during my ahsence from France that Bonaparte, in tiie rank of chef dc hataillon, performed liis first cam- paign, and contributed so materially to the recapture of Toulttn. Of this period of his life I have no ])ersonal knowledge, and therefore I sliall not speak of it as an eye- witness. I shall merely relate some facts whicli fill up the interval betwe3n 1793 and 1795, and which I have collected from papers which he himself delivered to me. Among these jiapers is a little production, entitled "Le Souper de Beaucaire," the copies of which he bought up at considerable expense, and destroyed upon his attaining the Consulate. This little pam])hlet contains principles very opjiosite to those he wished to see established in 1800, — a period when extravagant ideas of liberty were no longer the fashion, and when Bonaparte entered u]»on a system totally the reverse of those r(q)ublican principles professed in " Le Souper de Beaucaire." ^ It may be re- 1 This i.s not, as Sir Walter say.s, a dialofjuc between Manit and a Feileralist, but a conversation between a military ofiiier, a native of Nisnie.s, a native of Marseilles, and a manufacturer from MontiK-llier. Tiie latter, thouprh he takes a share in the conversation, does not .say nmch. " Le Souper de Beaucaire " is given at full lenf,rth in the French edition of these " Memoirs," tome i. pp. .31!) -347 ; and by lunj;, tome ii. p. .354, with the followinfc remarks: "The first edition of ' Ixi Souper de Beaucaire ' was issued at the cost of the Public Trea,sury, in Auf^ust, 1793. Sabin Tourn.il, its editor, al.so then edited the ' ("ourricr d'Avi<;ntions, his gigantic projects, his great mili- tary genius, his extraordinary good fortune, his faults, reverses, and final misfortunes. It is worth while to remark that in the post-Thermi- dorian resolution just alluded to no mention is made of Bonaparte's association with Robespierre the younger. The severity with which he was treated is the more astonishing, since his mission to Genoa was the alleged cause of it. Was there any other charge against him, or had calumny triumphed over the services he had ren- dered to his country ? I have frequently conversed with him on the subject of this adventure, and he invariably assured me that he had nothing to rei»roach himself with, and that his defence, which I shall subjoin, con- tained the pure expression of his sentiments, and the exact truth. In the following note, which he addressed to Albitte and Salicetti, he makes no mention of Laporte. The copy which I possess is in the handwriting of Junot, with corrections in the General's hand. It exhibits all the characteristics of Napoleon's writing : his short sen- 1 Albitte .and Laporte were the representatives sent from the Conven- tion to the Army of the Alps, and Salicetti to the Army of Italy. 1794. BONAPARTE'S DEFENCE. 27 tences, his abrupt rather than concise style, sometimes his elevated ideas, and always his plain good sense. To THE RepresenTx^tives Albitte and Salicetti. You have suspended me from iny duties, put me under arrest, and declared me to be suspected. Tlius I am disgraced before being judged, or indeed judged before being heanL In a revolutionary state there are two classes, the suspected and the patriots. When the first are accused, general measures are adopted towards them fur the sake of securitj\ The oppression of the second class is a blow to public liberty. The magistrate cannot condemn until after the fullest evidence and a succession of facts. This leaves nothing to arbitrary decision. To declare a patriot suspected is to deprive him of all that he most highly values, — confidence and esteem. In what class am I placed] Since the commencement of the Revolution, have I not always been attached to its principles 1 Have I not always been contending either with domestic enemies or foreign foes ] I sacrificed my home, abandoned my property, and lost every- thing for the Republic. I have since served with some distinction at Toulon, and earned a part of the laurels of the Army of Italy at the taking of Saorgio, Oneille, and Tanaro. On the discovery of Robespierre's conspiracy, my conduct was that of a man accustomed to look only to principles. My claim to the title of patriot, therefore, cannot be disputed. Why, then, am I declared suspected without being heard, and arrested eight days after I lieard the news of the tyrant's death t I am declared suspected, and my papers are placed under seal. The reverse of this course ought to have been adopted. My papers should first have been sealed ; then I should have been 28 MKMoIUS OF NAToLKON BONAPARTE. 1794. mIUhI on for my cxiilanatioii ; ami, lastly, declareil suspected, if there was rea.'^dn for cnniinj,' tu such a decision. It is wished that I shnuld go to Paris with an order which declares me suspecteil. It will naturally be jircsumed that the representatives diil not draw up this decree without accurate information, and I shall be judged with the bias which a luan of that cla.ss merits. Tiiough a jiatriot and an innocent and calumniated man, yet whatever measures may be adopted by the Committee I cannot comidain. If three men declare that I have committed a crime, I cannot complain of the jury who condemns nie. Salieetti, you know me ; and I ask whether you have ob.servcd anything in my conduct for the last five years whicli can atl'ord ground of suspicion 1 Albitte, you do not know me ; but you liave received proof of no fact against me ; you have not heard me, and you know how artfully the tongue of calumny sometimes works. Must I then be confounded with the enemies of my country 1 and ought the patriots inconsiderately to sacrilice a general who has not been useless to the Ri'i)ublic 1 Ought the representa- tives to reduce the Government to the necessity of being unjust and impolitic'? Hear me ; destroy the oppression that overwhelms me, and restore me to the esteem of the patriots. All hour after, if my enemies wish for my life, let them take it. I have often given proofs how little I value it. Nothing but the thought that I may yet be useful to my country makes me bear the burden of existence with courage. It appears that tliis defence, which is reinarknlde for its energetic simphcity, produced an efiect on Albitte and Salicetti. Inquiries more accurate, and probably more favourable to the General, were instituted; and on the .3d Fructidor (20th August, 1794) the reiaesentatives of the people drew np a decree stating that, after a careful examination of General Bonaparte's papers, and of the 1794. BONAPARTE'S LIBERATION. 29 orders he had received relative to his mission to Genoa, they saw nothing to justify any suspicion of his conduct ; and that, moreover, taking into consideration the advan- tage that might accrue to the Kepublic from the military talents of the said General Bonaparte, it was resolved that he should be provisionally set at liberty.^ Salicetti afterwards became the friend and confidant of young Bonaparte ; but their intimacy did not continue after his elevation. What is to be thought of the motives for Bonaparte's arrest and provisional liberation, when his innocence and the error that had been committed w^ere acknowledged ? The importance of the General's military talents, though no mention is made about the impossil)ility of dispensin with them, is a pretence for restoring him to that liberty of which he had been unjustly deprived. It was not at Toulon, as has been stated, that Bonaparte took Duroc ^ into the artillery, and made liim his aide-de- 1 With reference to tlie arrest of Bonaparte (which lasted thirteen days) see " Bourrienne et ses Erreurs," tome i. pp. lB-28, and lung, tome ii. pp. 443-4.57. Both, in opposition to Bourrienne, attribute the arrest to his connection with the younger Robespierre. Apparently Albitte and Salicetti were not actpiainted with the secret plan of campaign j)repared by the younger Robespierre and by Bonaparte, or with the real instruc- tions given for the mission to Genoa. Jealousy between the representa- tives in the staff of the Army of the Alps and those with the Army of Italy, with which Napoleon was, also j)layed a part in the affair, lung looks on Salicetti as acting as the protector of the Bonapartes ; but Napoleon does not seem to have regarded iiim in that light ; see the letter given in Junot, vol. i. p. 106, where in 179.'3 he takes credit for not returning the ill done to liim ; see also the same volume, p. 89. Salicetti eventually became Minister of Police to .Joseph, when King of Naples, in 1806; but when he api)lied to return to France, Napnleou said to M.athieu I^umas, " Let him know that I am not jxjwerful enougli to pro- tect the wretdies who voted for the death of Louis XVI. from the con- tempt and indignation of the public" (Dumas, tome iii. p. 316). At the same time Napoleon described Salicetti as wor.se than the lazzaroni. 2 Michel Duroc (1773-1813), at first only aide-de-camp to Napoleon, was several times intrusted with special ili])loniatic missions (for example, to Berlin, etc.). Uu the formation of the Empire he became Grand 30 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTK. 1794. eainii. The ac([uaiiitance was formed at a subsequent period, in Italy. Duroc's cold character and unexcursive mind suited Napoleon, whose confidence he enjoyed until his death, anil who intrusted him with missions perha])s al)Ove his al)ilities. At St. Helena lionai)arte often declared that he was much attached to Duroc. I believe this to be true ; Init I know that the attachment was not returned. The inlain the whole matter. On the 27th of March, 17'J.'>, Bonaparte, alreaorts of him; one, Jean Dehry, even sayinj^ that he was too distinguished an ofiicer to he sent to a distance at such a time. Far from l>einn looked on .as the half-crazy fellow Bourrienne considered him at that time, Bonaparte was ai)pointed, on the 21st of Augu.st, 171).^), one of four i^enerals attached as military adviser.s to the Committee for the j)rrj)ara- tion of warlike operations, his own department hein^ a most imjiortaut (me. He him.self at the time tells Jose])!! that he is attached to the topo- graphical hureau of the Comite de Salut I'uhlic, for the direction of the armies in the iihur qfCurnof. It is ap|)arently this significant appointment to which Madauie Junot, wrongly dating it, alludes as " no great thing' (Jiiiint, vid. i. p. 14.3). Another officer was therefore sulistituted for him as commander of Hoche's artillery, a fact made use of in the " Frreurs" (p. 31) to deny his having lieen disunssed. But a general re-cla.ssification of the "-enerals was heing made. The artillery generals were iu excess of their estahlishment, and Bonaparte, as junior in age, was ordered on 1.3th June to join Hoche's army at Brest to command a brigade of infantry. All his efforts to get the order cancelled failed, and as he did not ohey it he was struck off the list of em/iloi/eil general officers ou the 1.5th of September, 1795, the order of the Comite de Salut Puldic being signeI];S of NAPoLKOX I'.oNAPAUTE. 1794- siege of Toulon, nml in the two crtnii)ai^'ns of Italy, offers his services to procoeil to Turkey, with a mission iVoni the (French) LJovernnient. lie jirnjniscs to take alon<^ with him six or seven officers, of (lillerent kimls, and who may he altt>j,'ether, j)eif"ect masters of the military art. He will have the satisfaction of Ijeing useful to his country in this new career, if he succeed in rendering the Turkish power more formif this project, at least I was not sorry. I should have regretted to see a young man of great promise, and one for whom I cherished a sincere friendship, devote himself to so uncertain a fate. Napoleon has less tlian any man jn-ovoked the events which have favoured him ; no one has more yielded to circumstances from which he was so skilful to derive advantages. If, however, a clerk of the "War Office had hut written on the note, " Granted" that little word would probably have changed the fate of Europe. Bonaparte remained in Paris, forming schemes for the gratification of his ambition, and his desire of making a figure in the world ; but ob.stacles oppo.sed all he attempted. "Women are better judges of character than men. ^ The Scottish biographer makes Bonaparte say tliat it would he strange if a little Corsicaii should hecoine King of .Jernsalem. I never heard anythinij drop from him which supports tlie prohahility of such a remark, ami certainly there is nothiiip; in his note to warrant the in- ference of his having made it. — Bounienne. 1795. MME. DE BOURRIENNE'S NOTES. 37 Madame de Bourrienne, knowing the intimacy which sub- sisted between us, preserved some notes which she made upon Bonaparte, and the circumstances which struck her as most remarkable, during her early connection with him. My wife did not entertain so favourable an opinion of liini as I did ; the warm friendship I cherished for him probably blinded me to Ins faults. I subjoin Madame de Bourrienue's notes, word for word. " On tlie (lay after oar second return from Germany, wliicli was in May, 1795, we met Bonaparte in the Palais Koyal, near a shop kept by a man named Girardin. Bonaparte embraced Bourrienne as a friend whom he loved and was f^lad to see. We went that evening to the Theatre Fran9ais. The performance consisted of a tragedy, and ' Le Sourd, ou I'Auberge pleine.' During' the latter piece the audience was convulsed with laugh- ter. The part of Dasnieres was represented by Batiste the younger, and it was never played better. The bursts of laugh- ter were so loud and frequent that the actor was several times obliged to stop in the midst of his part. Bonaparte alone (and it struck me as being very extraordinary) was silent, and coldly insensible to the humour which was so irresistibly diverting to every one else. I remarked at this period that his character was reserved, and frequently gloomy. His smile was hypocriti- cal, and often misplaced; and I recollect that a few days after our return he gave us one of those specimens of savage hilarity which I greatly disliked, and which prepossessed me against Ijim. He was telling us that, being before Toulon, where he commanded the artillery, one of his officers was visited by bis wife, to whom he had been but a short time married, and whom lie temlerly loved. A few days after, orders were given for another attack upon the town, ni which this officer was to be engaged. His wife came to General Bonaparte, and with tears entreated him to dispense with her husband's services tliat day. The General was inexorable, as he inniself told us, with a sort of savage exultation. The moment for the attack arrived, and the officer, though a very brave man, as Bonaparte 38 MEMOIRS OF NAI'OLKOX IJi )N Al'AUTE. 1794- liiinself assured us, felt a pieseiitimeiit of his approaching death. He turned jtale and trembled. Ho was stationed heside the General, and during an interval when the firing from the town was very lieavy, Bonaparte called out to him, ' Take care ; there is a shell coming ! ' The ofHcer, instead of moving to one side, stooped down, and was literally severed in two. llona- parte laughed loudly while he described the event with horrible minuteness. " At tliis time we saw him almost every day. He frequently came to dine with us. As there was a scarcity of bread, and sometimes only two ounces per head daily were distributed in the section, it was customary to request one's guests to bring their own bread, as it could not be procured for money. Bona- parte and his brother Louis (a mild, agreeable young man, who M-as the General's aide-de-camp) used to ])ring with them their ration bread, which was black, and mixed with bran. I was sorry to observe that all this bad bread fell to the share of the poor aide-de-camp, for we provided the General with a finer kind, which was made clandestinely by a pastry -f;ook, from flour which we contrived to smuggle from Sens, where my hus- bantl had some farms. Had we been denounced, the afiair might have cost us our lieads. " We spent six weeks in Paris, and wt; went frequently with Bonaparte to the theatres, and to the fine concerts given by Garat in the Kue St. Marc. These were the first brilliant enter- tainments that took jilace after the deatii of Kobespierre. There was always something original in Bonaparte's behaviour, for he often slipped away from us without saying a word ; and when we were supposing he had left the theatre, we would sureteijiled aversion for public employment, and finally exhibited his intimate relations with those who uere, without lu'sitatiou, characterised as emij^rants, to be afterwards made tiie victims of contiscation and death. The 13tii of Venddmiaire (5th October, 1795) was a})i»roa(hin«^. The National Convention had been j)ain- fully delivered of a new constitution, called, from the epoch of its birth, " the Constitution of Year III." It was adopted on the 22d of August, 1795. The jirovidcnt legislators did not forget themselves. They stiimlatcd that two-thirds of their body should form part of the new legislature. The party opposed to the Convention hoped, on the contrary, that, by a general election, a majority would be obtained for its opinion. That ojtinion was against the continuation of power in the hands of men who had already so greatly abused it. The same opinion was also entertained by a great part of the most influential Sections of Paris, both as to the possession of property and talent. These Sections declared that, in accepting the new constitution, they rejected the decree of the 30th of August, which required the re-election of two-thirds. The Convention, therefore, found itself menaced in what it held most dear, — its power, — and accordingly resorted to measures of defence. A declara- tion was put forth, stating tliat the Convention, if attacked, would remove to Chalons-sur-Marne ; and the commanders of the armed force were called upon to defend that body. The 5th of October, the day on which the Sections of Paris attacked the Convention, is certainly one which ought to be marked in the wonderful destiny of Bona- parte. With the events of that day were linked, as cause and efiect, many great political convulsions of Europe. The blood which flowed ripened the seeds of 1795 THE THIRTEENTH VEXDEMIAIRE. 43 the youthful General's ambition. It must be admitted that the history of past ages presents few periods full of such extraordinary events as the years included between 1795 and 1815. The man whose name serves, in some measure, as a recapitulation of all these great events was entitled to believe himself immortal. Living retired at Sens since the month of July, I only learned what had occasioned the insurrection of the Sec- tions from public report and the journals. I cannot, therefore, say what part Bonaparte may have taken in the intrigues which preceded that day. He was offi- cially characterised only as secondary actor in the scene. The account of the affair which was published announces that Barras was, on that very day, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Interior, and Bonaparte second in command. Bonaparte drew up that account. The whole of the manuscript was in his handwriting, and it exhibits all the peculiarity of his style and orthography. He sent me a copy. Those who read the bulletin of the 13th Venddmiaire, cannot fail to observe the care which Bonaparte took to cast the reproach of shedding the first blood on the men he calls rebels. He made a great point of representing his adversaries as the aggressors. It is certain he long regretted that day. He often told me that he would give years of his life to blot it out from the page of his history. He was convinced that the people of Paris were dread- fully irritated against him, and he would have been glad if Barras had never made that speech in the Convention, with the part of which, complimentary to himself, he was at the time so well pleaseil. Barras said, " It is to his able and prompt dispositions that we are indel)ted for the defence of this a.ssembly, around which he had posted the troops with so much skill." This is perfectly true, but it is not always agreeable that every truth should be told. 44 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON noNAPARTE. 1794- Beina out of Paris, and a total stranger to this affair, I know not how far he was indehted for liis success to chance, or to his own exertions, in tlie part assigned to him by the miserable Government which then oppressed France. He represented himself only as secondary actor in this san«j;iiinary scene in which Barras made him his associate. He sent to me, as already mentioned, an ac- count of the transaction, written entirely in his own hand, and ilistinguished by all the peculiarities of his style and orthography.^ "On the 13th," says Bonaparte, "at five o'clock in tlie morning, the representative of the people, Barras, was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the In- terior, and General Bonaparte was nominated second in command. " The artillery for service on the frontier was still at the camp of Sabh^ns, guarded solely by 150 men; the remainder was at Marly witli 200 men. The depot of ^leudon was left unprotected. There were at the Feuil- lans only a few four-pounders without artillerymen, and but 80,000 cartridges. The victualling depots were dis- persed throughout Paris. In many Sections the drums beat to arms ; the Section of the Theatre Fran^ais had advanced posts even as far as the Pont Neuf, which it had barricaded. "General Barras ordered the artillery to move immedi- ately from the camp of Saljlons to the Tuileries, and selected the artillerymen from the battalions of the 89th regiment, and from the (jeiuhi.rmrric, and placed them at the Palace ; sent to ]\Ieudon 200 men of the police legion whom he brought from Versailles, 50 cavalry, and J Joseph Bonaparte, in a note on tliis ija-'ssagp, insinuates tliat the account of the 1.3th Vendcniiaire was never sent to Sens, liut was altstracted hv Hourriennc, witii otlier documents, from Napoleon's cabinet {Errturs, tome i. p. 239). 1795. NARRATIVE OF THE DEFENCE. 45 two companies of veterans ; he ordered the property which was at Marly to be conveyed to Meiidon ; caused car- tridf^es to be brought there, and established a workshop at that place for the manufacture of more. He secured means for the subsistence of the army and of the Conven- tion for many days, independently of the depots which were in the Sections. "General Verdier, who commanded ao the Palais Na- tional, exhibited great coolness ; he was required not to sufler a shot to be fired till the last extremity. In the mean time reports reached him from all quarters acquaint- ing him that the Sections were assembled in arms, and had formed their columns. He accordingly arrayed his troops so as to defend the Convention, and his artillery was in readiness to repulse the rebels. His cannon was planted at the Feuillans to fire down the Eue Honord. Eight-pounders were pointed at every opening ; and in the event of any mishap, General Yerdier had cannon in reserve to fire in flank upon the column wliich should have forced a passage. He left in the Carrousel three howitzers (eight-pounders) to batter down the houses from which the Convention might be fired upon. At four o'clock the rebel columns marched out from every street to unite their forces. It was necessary to take advantage of this critical moment to attack the insurgents, even had they been regular troops. But the blood about to flow was French ; it was therefore for these misguided people, already guilty of rebellion, to imbrue their hands in the blood of their countrymen by striking the first blow. "At a quarter before five o'clock the insurgents had formed. The attack was commenced by them on all sides. They were everywhere routed. French blond was spilled : the crime, as well as the disgrace, fell this day upon the Sections. "Among the dead were everywhere to be recognised 46 MEMOIRS OF NAI'OLKON HONAPAIITE. 1794- einigrants, laudowner.s, and nobles ; the prisoners con- sisU'd for llu' most part of the chouans of Charette. " Nevertheless the Sections did not consiiler themselves beaten : they took refui^'e in the ehureh of St. Roch, in the theatre of the l{ei)ul)lic, and in the Palais i'^galitc ; and everywhere they were heard furiously exciting the inhabitants to arms. To sjjare the ])lood which would have been shed the next day, it was necessary that no lime should be given them to rally, but to follow them with vigour, though without incurring fresh hazards. The General ordered Montclioisy, who commanded a re.'^erve at the Place de la Revolution, to form a column with two twelve-pounders, to march by the Boulevard in order to turn the Place Vendome, to form a junction with the picket stationed at headquarters, and to return in the same order of column. " General Brune, with two howitzers, deployed in the streets of St. Xicaise and St. Honor6. General Cartaux sent two Innidred men and a four-pounder of his division by tlie Rue St. Thomas-du-Louvre to debouch in the square of the Palais figalitd. General Bonaparte, who had his horse killed under him, repaired to the Feuillans "The columns began to move. St. Roch and the theatre of the Republic were taken by assault, when the rebels abandoned them, and retreated to the upper part of the Rue de la Loi, and barricaded themselves on all sides. Patrols were sent thither, and several cannon- shots were fired during the night, in order to prevent them from throwing up defences, which oliject was effec- tually accomplished. "At daybreak, the General having learned that some students from the St. Genevieve side of the river were marching with two pieces of cannon to succour the rebels, sent a detachment of dragoons in pursuit of them, who seized the cannon and conducted them to the Tuileries. 1795. NARRATIVE OF THE DEFENCE. 47 The enfeebled Sections, however, still showed a front. They had barricaded the Section of Grenelle, and placed their cannon in the principal streets. At nine o'clock General Beruyer hastened to form his division in battle- array in the Place Vendome, marched with two eight- pounders to the Rue des Vieux-Augustins, and pointed them in the direction of the Section Le Pelletier. Gen- eral Vachet, with a corps of tirailleurs, marched on his right, ready to advance to the Place Victoire. General Brune marched to the Perron, and planted two howitzers at the upper end of the Ptue Vivienne. General Duvigier, with his column of six hundred men, and two twelve- pounders, advanced to the streets of St. Eoch and Mont- martre. The Sections lost courage with the apprehension of seeing their retreat cut off, and evacuated the post at the sight of our soldiers, forgetting the honour of the French name, which they had to support. The Section of Brutus still caused some uneasiness. The wife of a representative had been arrested there. General Duvigier was ordered to proceed along the Boulevard as far as the Eue Poissonnifere. General Beruyer took up a position at the Place Victoire, and General Bonaparte occupied the Pont-au-Chauge. "The Section of Brutus was surrounded, and the troops advanced upon the Place de Gr^ve, wliere the crowd poured in from the Isle St. Louis, from the Theatre Fran^ais, and from the Palace. Everywhere the pa- triots had regained their courage, while the poniards of the emigrants, armed against us, had disappeared. The people universally admitted their error. " The next day the two Sections of Le Pelletier and the Theatre Francais were disarmed." The result of this petty civil war brought Bonaparte forward ; but the party he defeated at that period never pardoned him for the past, and that which he supported 48 MKMOIIJS OK NAl'oLKOX !?( )NAPARTE. 1794- ilivadeil him in tlie Intuiv. Five years after he uill be ftmud reviving the prinei])les wliich he conihaled on the 5tli of Octolier, 1705. On being ajipointed, on the motion of Barras, Lictiti'iiant-Ocncral of the Army of the Interior, lie established his head-(iuar(crs in the Kue Xenve des Capncines. The statement in thi- " Maniistrit d(; Sainte Hel^ne," that after the 18th Ih-umaire he remained nneni- })loyed at Paris, is therefore obviously erroneous. 8o far from this, he was inces.santly occupied with the policy of the nation, and with his own fortunes. Bonaparte was in constant, almost daily, communication with every one then in power, and knew h(»w to profit by all he saw or heard. To avoid returning to this " Manuscrit de Sainte Hdl^ne," which at the period of its a]»pearance attracted more at- tention than it deserved, and which was very generally attributed to Bonaparte, I shall here say a few words respecting it. I sliall briefly repeat what T said in a note wlien my opinion was asked, under high autliority, by a minister of Louis XVIII. No reader intimately acquainted with public affairs can be deceived by the pretended authenticity of this pam- phlet. What does it contain ? Facts ])erverted and heaped together without method, and related in an ob- scure, affected, and ridiculously sententious style. Be- sides what appears in it, but which is l)adly placed there, it isimpossiltle not to remark the omission of what sliould necessarily be there, were Napoleon tlie autlior. It is full of absurd and of insignificant gossip, of thoughts Napo- leon never had, ex])ressions unknown to him, and affec- tations far removed from his character. Witli some elevated ideas, more than one style and an equivocal spirit can be seen in it. Professed coincidences are put close to unpardonal)le p.nachronisms, and to the most ab- surd revelations. It contains neither his thoughts, his 1795. "MANUSCRIT DE SAINTE HELfeXE." 49 Style, his actions, nor his life. Some truths are mixed up with an inconceivable mass of falsehoods. Some forms of expression used by Bonaparte are occasionally met with, but they are awkwardly introduced, and often with bad taste. ^ It has been reported that the pamphlet was written by M. Bertrand, formerly an officer of the army of the Vis- tula, and a relation of the Comte de Simeon, peer of France. 1 " Maiiuscrit venu de Sainte He'lene d'une maniere inconnue," London, Murray; Bruxelles, De Mat, 20 Avril, 1817. This work merits a note. Metteruich (vol. i. pp. .312-13) say.s, "At the time when it appeared the maiiu,scrii)t of St. Helena made a great impression upon Europe. This pamplilet was generally regarded as a precursor of the memoirs which Napoleon wa.s thought to be writing in his place of exile. The report soon spread that the work was conceived and executed by Madame de Staiil. Madame de Staiil, for lier part, attributed it to Benjamin Constant, from whom she was at tliis time separated by some disagreement. After- wards it came to be known that tlio author was the Marquis Lullin de Chtiteauvieux, a man in society, whom no one had suspected of being able to hold a pen." Jomini (tome i. p 6 note) says, " It will be remarked that in the course of this work [iiis ' Life of Napoleon '] the author has used some fifty pages of the pretended ' Mannscrit de Sainte Helene. Far from wish- ing to commit a plagiarism, he considers he ought to render this homage to a clever and original work, several false points of view in which, how- ever, lie has combated. It would have been easy for him to rewrite these pages in other terms, but they ajjijeared to him to be so well suited to the character of Napoleon that he has preferred to preserve them." In the will of Napoleon occurs (see end of this work) : " I disavow the ' Manuscrit de Sainte Helene,' and the other works under the title of ' Maxims,' ' Sen- tences,' etc., which they have been pleased to publish during the last six years. Such rules are not those which have gnideil my life." This manu- script must not be confused with the " Memorial " of Saint Helena. VOL.1. — 4 CHAPTER IV. 1795-1797. After tlie 13th Vendt^miaire I returned to Paris from Sens. During the short time I stopped there I saw Bona- parte less frequently than formerly. I liad, however, no reason to attribute tliis to anything but the pressure of })ublic business with whicli he was now occupied. "When 1 did meet him, it was most commonly at breakfitet or dinner. One day he called my attention to a young lady who sat opposite to him, and asked wliat I thouglit of lier. The way in which I answered his question appeared to give him much pleasure. He tlien talked a great deal to me about her, her family, and her amiable qualities; he told me that he should probal)ly marry lier, as he was convinced that the union would make him ha])py. I also gathered from his conversation that his marriage with the young widow would probably assist him in gain- ing the objects of his ambition. His constantly-increas- ing influence with her had already brought him into contact with the most influential persons of that epoch. He remained in Paris only ten days after his marriage, which took place on the 9th of jNIarch, 1796.^ It was a union in which great harmony prevailed, notwithstand- ing occasional slight disagreements. Bonaparte never, to my knowledge, caused annoyance to his wife. Madame 1 Bonaparte's first interview with Jo,sephine, and the circumstance wliich gave rise to it, are thus (lescril)e(l in tlie " Mdmoire.s de Constant ": — " Eugene wa.s not more than fourteen or fifteen years of age when he veutured to introduce Iiinisulf to (Jencral I{ouaj)arte, for tlie j)urpose of soliciting his fatiier's sword, of whidi he understood the (ieneral had be- come possessed. Tlie countenance, air, and frank manner of Eugene 1795-97. CHARACTER OF JOSEPHINE. 51 Bonaparte possessed personal graces and many good qualities. ^ I am convinced that all who were acquainted pleased Bonaparte, and lie immediately granted him the boon lie songlit. As soon as the sword was placed in the boy's hands, he burst into tears, and kissed it. This feeling of affection for liis fatlier's memory, and the natural manner in whicli it was evinced, increased tlie interest of Bona- parte in his young visitor. Madame de Beauharnais, on learning the kind reception which the General had given her sun, thought it her duty to call and thank him. Bonaparte was much jdeased with Josephine on this first interview, and he returned her visit. The acquaintance thus commenced speedily led to their marriage." This anecdote is related in nearly the same terms in " A Voice from St. Helena." The story seems unlikely, however, as there was no disarm:i- ment after tlie l-3tli Vendemiaire, and Josephine, as a friend of Barras, would have been safe from any domiciliary visit; moreover, Bonaparte himself, at St. Helena, says that he first met Josephine at Barras' (.see lung's "Bonaparte," tome iii. p. 116). 1 " Neither of his wives had ever anytliing to complain of from Napo- leon's personal manners "(il/^-'/er/i/c/i, vol. i. p. 279). Madame de Remusat, wlio, to paraphrase Thiers' saying on Bourrienne himself, is a trustworthy witness, for if she received benefits from Napo- leon they did not weigh on her, says, " However, Napoleon had some affec- tion for his first wife ; and, in fact, if he has at any time been touched, no doubt it has been oidy for her and by her " (tome i. p. 113). •' Bonaparte was young when he first knew Madame de Beauharnais. In the circle where he met her she had a great superiority by tiie name she bore and by the e.xtreme elegance of her manners. ... In marrying Madame de Beauharnais, Bonaparte believed he was allying himself to a very grand lady; thus this was one more conquest" (j). 114). But in speaking of Josephine's complaints to Napoleon of his lov(;-affairs, Madame de Remu- sat says, " Her husband sometimes answered l)y violences, the excess of which I do not dare to detail, UTitil the moment when, his new fancy hav- ing suddenly passed, he felt his tenderness for his wife again renewed. Then he was touched by her sufferings, replaced his insults by caresses wiiich were hardly more measured than his violences, and, as she was gentle and untemicious, she fell back into lier feeding of .';ecurity " (p. 2()()). Miot de Melito, who was a follower of Jose])h Bonaparte, says, " No woman has united so much kindness to so much natural grace, or lias (bii'e more good with more pleasure than siie did. She honoured me with her friendsiiip, and the remembrance of tlie beneviaine. She \va.«i pentle ami kiiiil, af- fable ami iiiiliilgeiit with every one, without difference of jiersons. She had neither a superior mind nor much learning, hut her e.\(inisite j)olite- nass, her full acciuaHitanCe with society, witli the court, and with their innocent artifices, made her always know at ueed the best tliiug to say or to do." When Talleyrand wa.*! asked about licr, " Avait-elle de I'esjirit?" he answered, "Kile s'en passait sujierieuremeut Lieu" (Dmry of Ileiiri/ Grevillf, p. 77). Perhaps Napoleon's feeling for .Josephine may be best judged by one little trait. After the divorce, Jo.sephine's affairs, as usual with her, be- came embarras.sed. The Comte Mollieu, choseu for his conciliatory man- ners, was sent by the Emperor to see Josephine, and regulate matters. On his return Napoleon learnt that Josephine had shegiIAI(TKRS, (lOKIZIA. 2(1 C;eiiniiiiil, year V. (22d iMarcli, 1797). Tlu' Ooiieral-in-Cliiff, my dear Hourriuimo, liiis ordered me to express to you liis wish for your prompt arrival liere. We liavo all along anxiously desirod to see you, and look forward with great pleasure to the moment when we shall meet. I join with the General, my dear liourrienne, in urging you to join the army without loss of time. You will increase a united fam- ily, happy to receive you into its bosom. I enclose an order written by the General, which will serve you as a passport. Take the post-route and arrive as soon as you can. We are on the point of penetrating into Germany. The language is chang- ing already, and in four days we shall hear no more Italian. Prince Charles has been well beaten, and we are pursuing him. If tliis campaign be fortunate, we may sign a peace, which is so necessary for Europe, in Vienna. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne ; reckon for something the zeal of one who is much attached to you. (Signed) ^Iarmont. BONAPARTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY OF ITALY. Headquarters, Gorizia, 2d Qerminal, year V. The citizen Bourrienne is to come to me on receipt of the present order. {Signed) BONA PARTE. The odious manner in which I was then harassed, I know not why, on the part of the Government respecting my certificate of residence, rendered my stay in France not very agreeable. I was even threatened with being put on my trial for having produced a certificate of residence which was alleged to be signed by nine false witnesses. This time, therefore, I resolved without hesi- tation to set out for the army. General Bonaparte's order, which I registered at the municipality of Sens, answered for a passport, which otherwise would probably have been refused me. I have always felt a strong 1797. BOURRIENNE AT VERONA. 59 sense of gratitude for liis conduct towards me ou this occasion. Notwithstanding the haste I made to leave Sens, the necessary formalities and precautions detained me some days, and at the moment I was about to depart I received the following letter : — Headquarters, Jiidenbourg, 19th Germinal, year V. (8th April, 1797). The General-in-Chief again orders me, my dear Bonrrienne, to urge you to come to him quickly. We are in tlie midst of success and triumphs. The Cermaii campaign begins even more brilliantly than dill the Italian. You may judge, therefore, what a promise it holds out to us. Come, ray dear Bourrienne, immediately — yield to our solicitations — share our pains and pleasures, and you will add to our enjoyments. I have directed the courier to pass through Sens, that he may deliver this letter to you, and bring me back your answer. (Signed) Marmont. To the above letter this order was subjoined : — The citizen Fauvelet de Bourrienne is ordered to leave Sens, and repair immediately by post to the headquarters of the Army of Italy. (Signed) Bonaparte. I arrived at the Venetian territory at the moment when the insurrection against the French was on the ]ioint of breaking out. Thousands of peasants were instigated to rise under the pretext of appeasing the troubles of Ber- gamo and Brescia. I passed through Verona on the 16th of April, the eve of the signature of the preliminaries of Leoben and of the revolt of Veronn. Easter Sunday was the day which the ministers of Jesus Christ selected for preaching " that it was lawful, and even meritorious, to 60 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON RONAPAKTE. 1795- kill Jaouldiis." Death to Frenchmen ! — Dmth to Jacobins ! as they called all the French, were their rallyiiij; cries. At the time I iiad not the slightest idea of this state of thmgs, for I liad left Sens only on the 11th of April. After stop])ing two honrs at Verona, 1 jiroceeded on my journey without heing aware of the massacre which threatened that city. When al»out a league from tlie town I was, however, stopped by a party of insurgents on their way thither, consisting, as I estimated, of about two thousand men. They only desired me to cry El viva Santo Marco, an order with which I speedily complied, and passed on. "What would have become of me had I been in Verona on the Monday ? On that day the bells were rung, while the French were butchered in the hos- pitals. Every one met in the streets was put to death. The priests headed the assassins, and more than four hun- dred Frenchmen were thus sacrificed. The forts held out against the Venetians, though they attacked them with fury; but repossession of the town was not obtained until after ten days. On the very day of the insurrection of Verona some Frenchmen were assassinated letween that city and Vicenza, through which I passed on the day be- fore without danger ; and scarcely had I passed through Padua, when I learned that others had been massacred there. Tlius the assassinations travelled as rapidly as the post. I shall say a few words respecting the revolt of the Venetian States, which, in consequence of the difference of political opinions, has been viewed in very contradictory lights. The last days of Venice were approaching, and a storm had been brewing for more than a year. About the be- ginning of April, 1797, the threatening symptoms of a general insurrection appeared. The quarrel commenced when the Austrians entered Peschiera, and some pretext 1797. RISING IN THE VENETIAN STATES. 61 was also afforded by the reception given to Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII. It was certain that Venice had made military preparation during the siege of Mantua in 1796. The interests of the aristocracy outweighed the political considerations in our favour. On the 7th of June, 1796, General Bonaparte wrote thus to the Execu- tive Directory : — " The Senate of Venice lately sent two judges of their Council here to ascertain definitively how things stand. I repeated my complaints. I spoke to them about tlie reception given to Mon- sieur. Should it bo your plan to extract five or six millions from Venice, I have expressly prepared this sort of rupture for you. If your intentions be more decided, I think this ground of quar- rel ought to be kept up. Let me know what you mean to do, and wait till the favourable moment, which I shall seize accord- ing to circumstances ; for we must not have to do with all the world at once." The Directory answered that the moment was not favourable ; that it was first necessary to take Mantua, and give Wurmser a sound beating. However, towards the end of the year 1796 the Directory began to give more credit to the sincerity of the professions of neutral- ity made on the part of A^enice. It was resolved, there- fore, to be content with obtaining money and supplies for the army, and to refrain from violating the neutrality. The Directory had not then in reserve, like Bonaparte, the idea of making the dismemberment of Venice serve as a compensation for such of the Austrian possessions as the French Republic might retain. In 1797 the expected favourable moment had arrived. The knell of Venice was rung; and Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory on the 30th of April : " I am con- vinced that the only course to be now taken is to destroy this ferocious and sanguinary Government." On the 3d G2 MEMOIUS OF X.Vr. )Li:ON nnXArARTE. 1795- of May, writinj^ from Paluia Xiiova, lie saj's, "I see nothing' that ran be dune but lo i)l)litt'rate tlie Venetian name tmni the faee of tlie ^lobe." Towards the end of March, 1797, the Government of Venice was in a desperate state. Ottolini, the Podesta of lierjjjanio, an instrument of tyranny in the hands of the State in(|uisitul»lic lias had its day, and is done." This republic wa.s, however, still existing, wealthy, and power- ful. These words brought to my recollection what I had read in a work by one Gabriel Naudd, who wrote during the reign of Louis XIII. for Cardinal de 15agin : "Do you see Constantinople, which flatters itself with being the seat of a double empire ; and Venice, which glories in her stability of a thousand years ? Their day will come." In the first conversation which Bonaparte had with me, I thought I could perceive that he was not very well satisfied with the preliminaries. He would have liked to advance with his army to Vienna. He did not conceal this from me. Before he oftered peace to Prince Charles, he wrote to the Directory that he intended to pursue his success, but that for this purpose he reckoned on the co-operation of the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Ehine. The Directory replied that he must not reckon on a diversion in Germany, and that the armies of the Saml)re-et-Meuse and the Bhine were not to pass that river. A resolution so unexpected, a declaration so con- trary to what he had constantly solicited, compelled him to terminate his triumphs, and renounce his favourite project of planting the standard of the Bepublic on the ramparts of Vienna, or at least of levying contributions on the suburbs of that capital. A law of the 23d of August, 1794, forbade the use of any other names than those in the register of births. I wished to conform to this law, which very foolishly interfered with old habits. My eldest brother was living, 1 He used to tutoi/er me in this familiar mauner until his return to Milan. 1797. BONAPARTE'S CHAGRIN. 67 and I therefore designated myself Fauvelet the younger. This annoyed General Bonaparte. " Such change of name is absolute nonsense," said he. " I have known you for twenty years by the name of Bourrienne. Sign as you still are named, and see what the advocates with their laws will do." On the 20th of April, as Bonaparte was returning to Italy, he was obliged to stop on an island of the Taglia- mento, while a torrent passed by, which had been occa- sioned by a violent storm. A courier appeared on the right bank of the river. He reached the island. Bona- parte read in the despatches of the Directory that the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Bhine were in motion ; that they were preparing to cross the Ehine, and had commenced hostilities on the very day of the signing of the preliminaries. This information arrived seven days after the Directory had written that " he must not reckon on the co-operation of the armies of Germany." It is impossible to describe the General's vexation on reading these despatches. He had signed the prelimi- naries only because the Government had represented the co-operation of the armies of the Bhine as impracticable at that moment, and shortly afterwards he was informed that the co-operation was about to take place ! The agi- tation of his mind was so great that he for a moment conceived the idea of crossing to the left bank of tlie Tagliamento, and breaking off the negotiations under some pretext or other. He persisted for some time in this resolution, which, however, Berthier and some other gen- erals successfully opposed. He exclaimed, " What a dif- ference would there have been in the preliminaries, if, indeed, there had been any ! " His chagrin, I might almost say his despair, increased when, some days after his entry into the Venetian States, he received a letter from Moreau, dated the 23d of April, 68 MKMOIKS OF NAl'oLKOX noXArAUTK. 1797. in which that ^eii(.'r:il inftinned liim lliat, ha\ iiig passed the Khine on the 20th witli brilliant success, and taken four thousand ]iris<)nors, it would not be lont,' before he joined him. Who, in fact, can say what would have hap- pened but for the vacillating and distrustful policy of the Directory, which always encouraged low intrigues, and participated in the jealousy excited l)y the renown of the young con([ueror ? Because the Directory dreaded his ambition they sacrificed the glory of our arms and the honour of the nation ; for it cannot be doubted that, had the passage of the Ilhine, so urgently demanded by Bonajiarte, taken place some days sooner, he would have been able, without incurring any risk, to dictate imperi- ously the conditions of peace on the spot; or, if Austria were obstinate, to have gone on to Vienna and signed it there. Still occupied with this idea, he wTote to the Directory on the 8th of May : " Since I have received intelligence of the passage of the Rhine by Hoche and IMoreau, I much regret that it did not take place fifteen days sooner; or, at least, that Moreau did not say that he w%as in a situation to effect it." (He had been in- formed to the contrary.) What, after this, becomes of the unjust reproach against Bonaparte of having, through jealousy of Moreau, deprived France of the advantages which a prolonged campaign would have procured her ? Bonaparte was too devoted to the glory of France to sacri- fice it to jealousy of the glory of any individual. In traversing the Venetian States to return to Milan, he often spoke to me of Venice. He always assured me that he was originally entirely unconnected with the insurrections which had agitated that country ; that com- mon-sen.se would show, as his project was to advance into tlie basin of the Danube, he had no interest in hav- inated, persecuted, and disparaged, by every sliameful means which their policy brings to the aid of persecution. I would have been indifferent to all except that species of oppro- brium witli which the first magistrates of the Republic endeavour to overwlielm me. After having deserved well of my country by my last act, I atn not y)ound to hear niyself accused in a manner as absurd as atrocious. I have not expected that a manifesto, signed by emigrants, paid by England, sliould obtain more credit with the Council of Five Hundred than the evidence ' Tlie extraonlinary folly of the opposition to tlic Directory in throwing Bonaparte on to the .side of tlie Directory, will l)e .seen by reading the gpeecli of Duniolaril, so often referred to by Bourrienne [Tfiiers, vol. v. pp. 110-111), and by the attempts of Mathieu Dumas to remove tlie impres- sion that the opposition slighted the fortunate (Jeneral (see Dumas, tome iii. p. 90 ; see also Lanfiey, tome i. pp. 287-299). 1797. PROTEST TO THE DIRECTORY. 75 of eighty thousand men, — than mine ! What ! we were assassi- nated by traitors — upwards of four hundred men perislied ; and the first magistrates of tlie Republic make it a crime to have be- lieved the statement for a moment. Upwards of four hundred Frenchmen were dragged through the streets. They were as- sassinated before the eyes of the governor of the fort. They were pierced with a thousand blows of stilettos, such as I sent you ; and the representatives of the French people cause it to be printed, that if they believed this fact for an instant, they were excusable. I know well there are societies where it is said, " Is this blood, then, so pure ] " If only base men, who are dead to the feeling of patriotism and national glory, had spoken of nje thus, I would not have complained. I would have disregai'ded it ; but I have a right to complain of the degraf Napo- leon, lie was sent to Italy to organise the j)artof the Egyptian expedition 92 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON HONArAUTi:. 1797. inander of thf force called the Army of England, during the absence of Cieneral Bonaparte, the latter wrote to the Directory that they could not have chosen a more dis- tinguishi'd oliicer tlian Desaix ; these sentiments he never belied. The early death of Desaix alone could break their union, \vhich, I doul>t not, would eventually have had great influence on the political and military career of General Bona])arte. All the world knows th\ part which the General-in- Chief of the Army of Italy took at the famous crisis of the 18th Fructidor ; his proclamation, his addresses to the army, and his celebrated order of the day. Bonaparte went much into detail on this subject at St. Helena ; and I shall now proceed to state what I knew at the time respecting that memorable event, which was in prepara- tion in the month of June. starting from Civita Vcccliia. He took with him his two aidps-de-camp, Kapp and Savary (later Due de Kovigo), botli of whom, on his death, were giveu the same post with Bouaparte. CHAPTER VIII. BoXAPARTE had long observed the struggle which was going on between the partisans of royalty and the liepub- Lic. He was told that royalism was everywhere on the increase. All the generals who returned from Paris to the army complained of the spirit of reaction they had noticed. Bonaparte was constantly urged by his private correspondents to take one side or the other, or to act for himself. He was irritated by the audacity of the enemies of the Eepublic, and he saw plainly that the majority of the councils had an evident ill-will towards him. The orators of the Club of Clichy missed no opportunity of wounding his self-love in speeches and pamphlets. They spared no insults, disparaged his success, and l)itterly cen- sured his conduct in Italy, particularly with respect to Venice. Thus his services were recompensed by hatred or ingratitude. About this time he received a pamphlet, which referred to the judgments pronounced upon him by the German journals, and more particularly by the " .Specta- tor of the Xorth," which he always made me translate. Bonaparte was touched to the ([uick by the comparison made between liim and Moreau, and by the wish to rep- resent him as foolliardy (" savante sous Moreau, fougueuse sous Buonaparte "). In the term of " brigands," applied to the generals who fought in La Vendue, he thought he 94 MEMOIUS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. recognised tlic hand of the party ho was about to at- tack and overthrow. He was tired of the way in which Moreau's system of war was called " savante." But what grieved him still more was to see sitting in the councils ol the nation Frenchmen who were detractors and ene- mies of the national glory. He urgeil the Directory to arrest the emigrants, to destroy the influence of foreigners, to recall the armies, to suppress the journals sold to England, such as the " C^luotidienne," the " Mt^morial," and the " Thd,"' which he accused of being more sanguinary than Marat ever was. In case of there being no means of putting a stop to assas- sinations and the intiuence of Louis XVIII., he offered to resign. His resolution of passing the Alps with 25,000 men and marching by Lyons and Paris was know^n in the capital, and discussions arose respecting the consequences of this passage of another Kubicon. On the 17th of August, 1797, Carnot wrote to him : " People attribute to you a thousand absurd projects. They cannot believe that a man who has performed so many great exploits can be content to live as a private citizen. " This observation applied to Bona- parte's reiterated request to be permitted to retire from the service on account of tlie state of his health, which, he said, disabled him from mounting his horse, and to the need which he constantly urged of having two years' rest. The General-in-Chief was justly of opinion that the tardiness of the negotiations and the difticulties which incessantly arose were founded on the expectation of an event which would change the government of France, and render the chances of peace more favourable to Austria. He still urgently recommended the arrest of tlie emigrants, the stopping of the presses of the Ptoyalist journals, which he said were sold to England and Austria, and the sup- pression of the Clichy Club. This club was held at the 1797. BONAPARTE AND THE DIRECTORY. 95 residence of Gerard Desoddiferes, in the Eue de Clichy. Aubry was one of its warmest partisans, and he was the avowed enemy of the revolutionary cause which Bonaparte advocated at this period. Aubry's conduct at this time, together with the part he had taken in provoking Bona- parte's dismissal in 1795, inspired the General with an implacable hatred of him. Bonaparte despised the Directory, which he accused of weakness, indecision, pusillanimity, wasteful expenditure, of many errors, and perseverance in a system degrading to the national glory.^ He knew that the Clichy party 1 The Directory merited these accusations. The following sketches of two of their official sittings present a singular contrast : — " At the time that the Directory were first installed in the Luxembourg (27th October, 1795)," says M. Bailleul, " there was hardly a single article of furniture in it. In a small room, round a little In-oken talile, one of the legs of which had given way from age, on which table they had deposited a, quire of letter-paper, and a writing desk a calnmet, which luckily they had had the precaution to bring with them from the Committee of Public Safetv, seated on four rush-bottomed chairs, in f rout of some logs of wood ill-lighted, the whole borrowed from tlie porter Dupont, — who woxild believe that it was in this deploralde condition that the members of the new Government, after having examined all the difficulties, nay, let me add, all the horrors of their situation, resolved to confront all olistacles, and that they would either deliver France from the abyss in which she was plunged, or perish in the attempt ? They drew up on a sheet of letter- paper the act by which they declared themselves constituteil, and imme- diatclv forwarded it to the Legislative Bodies." And the Comte de La Vallette, writing to M. Cuvillier Pleury, says: " I saw our five kings, dressed in the rol)es of Francis I., his liat. bis pan- taloons, and bis lace ; the face of La Reveillere looked like a cork uj)on two pins, with the black and greasy hair of Clodion. M. de Talleyrand, in pantaloons of the colour of wine dregs, sat in a folding-chair at the feet of the Director Barras, in the Court of the Petit Luxembourg, and gravely presented to his sovereir/ns an ambassador from the Grand-Duke of Tus- cany, while the French were eating his master's dinner, from the soup to the cheese. At the right hand there wore fifty musicians and singers of the opera, lainc'. Lays, Regnault, and the actresses, now all dead of old age, roaring a patriotic cantata to the music of .Me'hul. Facing them, on another elevation, there were two hundred young and beautiful women, with their arms and bosoms bare, all in ecsta.sy at the majesty of our Pen- 06 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON RONATAirrr.. 1797. demanded his dismissal and arrest. He was f^iven to understand that Dumohird was one of the most decided at^ainst him, and tliat, finally, the I'oyalist I'arty was on the point of triumi)hiny public opinion. I know he was determined to march upon I'aris with 25,000 men, had affairs taken a turn unfavourable to the Eepublic, which he preferred to royalty. He cautiously formed his plan. To defend the Directory was, he con- ceived, to defend his own future fortune; that is to say, it was protecting a power which appeared to have no other object than to keep a place for him until his return. The parties which rose up in Paris produced a reaction in the army. The employment of the word Monsieur had occasioned quarrels, and even bloodshed. General Au- sereau, in whose division these contests had taken idace, pulilished an order of the day, setting forth that every individual in his division who should use the word Mon- sieur, either verbally or in writing, under any pretence whatever, should be deprived of his rank, and declared incapaldeof serving in the Eepublican armies. This order was read at the head of each comi)any. Bonaparte viewed the establishment of peace as the tarcliv and the happiness of the Republic. They also wore tijjht flesh- colmircil pantaloons, with rings on their tnes. That \va.< a siglit that never will lie seen again. A fortnight after this magnififcnt /'ele, thonsands of families wept over their hanisiieil fathers, forty-eight departments were deprived of their representatives, and forty editors of newspapers were forced to go and drink the waters of the Elbe, the Synamary. or the Ohio ! It would be a curious disquisition to seek to discover what really were at that time the Republic and Liberty." 1797. ASPIRES TO THE DIRECTORY. 97 close of his military career. Repose and inactivity were to him unbearable. He sought to take part in the civil affairs of the Eepublic, and was desirous of becoming one of the five Directors, convinced that, if he obtained that object, he would speedily stand single and alone. The fulfilment of this wish would have prevented the Egyp- tian expedition, and placed the imperial crown much sooner upon his head Intrigues were carried on in Paris in his name, with the view of securing to him a legal dispen- sation on the score of age. He hoped, though he was but eight-and-twenty, to supersede one of the two Directors who were to go out of office.^ His brothers and their friends made great exertions for the success of the project, which, however, was not officially proposed, because it was too adverse to the prevailing notions of the day, and seemed too early a violation of the constitution of the year III., which, nevertheless, was violated in another way a few months after. The members of the Directory were by no means anx- ious to have Bonaparte for their colleague. They dissem- bled, and so did he. Both parties were lavish of their mutual assurances of friendship, while they cordially hated ach other. The Directory, however, appealed for the support of Bonaparte, which he granted ; but his sub- sequent conduct clearly proves that the maintenance of the constitution of the year III. was a mere pretext. He indeed defended it meanwhile, because, by aiding the triumph of the opposite party, he could not hope to pre- serve the influence which he exercised over the Directory. I know well that, in case of the Clichy party gaining the ascendency, he was determined to cross the Alps with his army, and to assemlJe all the friends of the Republic at Lyons, thence to march upon Paris. 1 The Directors had to be forty years of age before they could be appointed. 9.S MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. lu tlio " Memorial of St. Helena " it is stated, in reference to the 18th Fructidor, "that the triumph of the majority of the councils was his desire and hope, we are inclined to believe from the following fact, viz., tliat at the crisis of the contest between the two factions a secret resolution was drawn up by three of the members of the Directory, asking him for three millions to support the attack on the councils, and that Napoleon, under various pretences, did not send the money, thougli he might easily have done so." This is not very comprehensilile. There was no secret resolution of the members who applied for the three mil- lions. It was Bonaparte who oHered the money, w'hich, however, he did not send ; it was he who despatched Augereau ; and he who wished for the triumph of the Directorial majority. His memory served him badly at St. Helena, as will be seen from some correspondence which I shall presently submit to the reader. It is very certain tliat he did offer the money to the Directory ; that Ls to say, to three of its members.^ Bonaparte had so de- cidedly formed his resolution that on the 17th of July, wishing to make Augereau his confidant, he sent to Vi- cenza for him by an extraordinary courier. Bonaparte adds that w^hen Bottot, the confidential agent of Barras, came to Passeriano, after the 18th Fructidor, he declared to him that as soon as La Vallette should make him acquainted with the real state of things, the money should be transmitted. The inaccuracy of these statements will be seen in the correspondence relative to the event. In thus distorting the truth. Napoleon's only object could have been to proclaim his inclination for the principles he adopted and energetically supported from 1 Barras, La Re'veillere-Lepaiix, and Rewhell, the three Directors who carried out the coup d'€(at of the 18tli Fructidor against tiieir colleagries Carnot and Barthelemy (see Thiers' French Revolution, vol. v. pp. 1 14, 139, and 163). 1797. CHOICE OF AUGEREAU. 99 the year 1800, but which, previously to that period, he had with no less energy opposed. He decidedly resolved to support the majority of the Directory, and to oppose the Royalist faction ; the latter, which was beginning to be important, would have been listened to had it offered power to him. About the end of July he sent his aide-de-camp La Vallette to Paris. La Vallette was a man of good sense and education, pleas- ing manners, pliant temper, and moderate opinions. He was decidedly devoted to Bonaparte. With his instruc- tions he received a private cipher to enable him to corre- spond with the General-in-Chief. Augereau went, after La Vallette, on the 27th of July. Bonaparte officially wrote to the Directory that Augereau "had solicited leave to go to Paris on his own private business." But the truth is, Augereau was sent expressly to second the revolution which was preparing against the Clichy party and the minority of the Directory. Bonaparte made choice of Augereau because he knew his staunch republican principles, his boldness, and his deficiency in political talent. He thought him well cal- culated to aid a commotion, which his own presence with the Army of Italy prevented him from directing in per- son ; and besides, Augereau was not an ambitious rival who might turn events to his own advantage. Napoleon said, at St. Helena, that he sent the addresses of the Army of Italy by Augereau because he was a decided supporter of the opinions of the day. That was the true reason for choosing him. Bernadotte was subsequently despatched on the same errand. Bonaparte's pretence for pending him was, that he wished to transmit to the Directory four flags, which, out of the twenty-one taken at the battle of Rivoli, had been left, hy mistake, at Peschiera. Bernadotte, however, did 100 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. not take any groat part in tlie alVair. He was always prudent. The crisis of the ISth Fructidor, wliicli retarded for three years the extinction of the pentarchy, jtresents one of the most remarkable events of its short existence. It will lie seen how the Directors extricated themselves from this ditticulty. I subjoin the correspondence relat- ing to tliis remarkable episode of our llevolution, cancel- ling only such portions of it as are irrelevant to the suliject. It exhibits several variations from the accounts given by Napoleon at St. Helena to his noble companions in misfortune. Augereau thus expressed himself on the 18tli Fructi- dor (-Irth September, 1797) : — " At length, General, ray mission is accomplished, and the promises of the Army of Italy are fulfilled. Tlie fear of being anticipated has caused measures to be hurried. '* At midnight I despatched orders to all the troops to march towards the points specified. Before day all the bridges and principal places were planted with cannon. At daybreak the halls of tlie councils were surrounded, the guards of the councils were amicably mingled with our troops, and the members, of whom I send you a list, were arrested and conveyed to the Temple. The greater number have escaped, and are being pursued. Car- not has disappeared.^ " Paris is tranquil, and every one is astounded at an event which promised to be awful, but which has passed over like a fete. " The stout patriots of the faubourgs proclaim the safety of the Republic, and the black collars are put down. It now remains for the wise energy of the Directory and the patriots of the two councils to do the rest. The place of sitting is changed, and the first operations promise well. This event is a groat step towards peace ; which it is your task finally to secure to us." ' Til 1S24, Louis XVIIL sent letters of nobility to those members of the two cuuiicils who were, as it was termed, yructiJor /sec/. — Buutrienne. 1797. CORRESPONDENCE WITH BERNADOTTE. 101 On the 24th Fructidor (10th September, 1797), Auge- reau writes : — " My aide-de-camp, De Verine, will acquaint you with the events of the 18th. He is also to deliver to you some des- patches from the Directory, where much uneasiness is felt at not hearing from you. No less uneasiness is experienced on seeing in Paris one of your aides-de-camp,^ whose conduct excites the dissatisfaction and distrust of the patriots, towards whom he has behaved very ilh " The news of General Clarke's recall will have reached you by this time, and I suspect has surprised you. Amongst the thou- sand and one motives which have determined the Government to take this step may be reckoned his correspondence with Car- not, which has been communicated to me, and in which he treated the generals of the Army of Italy as brigands. " Moreau has sent the Directory a letter which tlirows a new light on Pichegru's treason. Such baseness is hardly to be conceived. " The Government perseveres in maintaining the salutary measures which it has adopted. I hope it will be in vain for the remnant of tlie factions to renew their plots. The patriots will continue united. " Fresh troops having been summoned to Paris, and my pres- ence at their head being considered indispensable by the Government, I shall not have tlie satisfaction of seeing you so soon as I hoped. This has determined me to send for my horses and carriages, which I left at Milan." Bernadotte wrote to Bonaparte on the 24th Fructidor as follows : — " The arrested deputies are removed to Rocliefort, where they will be embarked for the island of ^hidagascar. Paris is tran- quil. The people at first heard of the arrest of the deputies with indifference. A feeling of curiosity soon drew them into the 1 La Vallette. 102 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. 1797. streets; entljusiasni followed, aiul rrics of Vive la Rcpuhlique, which had iKjt bfcn lu'unl for a long time, now resounded in every street. The neighbouring departments liave expressed t])eir discontent. That of Allier has, it is said, protested ; but it will cut a fine figure. Eight thousand men are marching to the environs of Paris. Part is already within the precincts, under the orders of General Lemoine. The Government has it at present in its power to elevate public spirit ; but everybody feels that it is necessary the Directory should be surrounded by tried and energetic Republicans. Unfortunately a host of men, without talent and resources, already suppose that what has taken place has been done only in order to advance their inter- ests. Time is necessary to set all to rights. The armies liave regained consistency. The soldiers of the interior are esteemed, or at least feared. The emigrants fly, and the non-juring priests conceal themselves. Nothing could have happened more fortu- nately to consolidate the Kepublic." Bonaparte wrote as follows, to the Directory on the 26th Fructidor : — " Herewith you will receive a proclamation to the army, rela- tive to the events of the 18th. I have despatched the 45th demi-brigade, commanded by General Bon, to Lyons, together with fifty cavalry ; also General Lannes, with the 20th light infantry and the 9tli regiment of the line, to Marseilles. I have issued the enclosed proclamation in the southern depart- ments. I am about to prepare a proclamation for the inhabi- tants of Lyons, as soon as I obtain some information of what may have passed there. " If I find there is the least disturbance, I will march there with the utmost rapidity. Believe that there are here a hun- dred thousand men, who are alone sufficient to make the meas- ures you have taken to place liberty on a solid basis be respected. What avails it that we gain victories if we are not respected in our country 1 In speaking of Paris, one may parody wliat Cassius said of Rome : ' Of what use to call her queen on the banks of the Seine, when she is the slave of Pitt's gold 1 ' " 1797. AUGEREAU'S REWARD. 103 After the 18th Fructidor, Augereau wished to have his reward for his share in the victory, and for the service which he had rendered. He wished to be a Director. He got, however, only the length of being a candidate, — honour enough for one who had merely been an instru- ment on that day. CHAPTER IX. 1797. Bonaparte was delighted wlieii he heard of the happy issue i)f the 18th Fructidor. Its result was the dissolu- tion of the Legislative Body and the fall of the Clichyan party, which for some months had disturbed his tranquil- lity. The Clichyans had objected to Josej)!! Bonajiarte's rijrht to sit as deputy for Liamone in the Council of Five Hundred. ^ His brother's victory removed the difficulty ; but the General-in-Chief soon perceived that the ascend- ant party abused its power, and again compromised the safety of the Kepublic, by recommencing the lievolution- ary Government. The Directors were alarmed at his dis- content and offended by his censure. They conceived the singular idea of opposing to Bonaparte, Augereau, of whose blind zeal they had received many proofs. The Director}'' appointed Augereau commander of the Army of Germany. Augereau, wliose extreme vanity was notorious, believed himself in a situation to compete with Bonaparte. What he built his arrogance on was, that, with a numerous troop, he had arrested some unarmed representatives, and torn the epaulettes from the shoul- ders of the commandant of the guard of the councils. ^ He wa.s ambassador to l^oine, aiul not a lieputy at this time. T\Tien he Ijecanie a mcnilKT of the council, after liis return from Rf)me, he ex- perienced uo opposition (Bourrienne et ses Errenrii, tome i. p. 240). 1797. CORRESrONDENCE WITH THE DIRECTORY. 105 The Directory and he filled the headquarters at Pas- seriano with spies and intriguers. Bonaparte, who was informed of everything that was going on, laughed at the Directory, and tendered his resig- nation, in order that he might be supplicated to continue in command. The following post-Thermidorian letters will prove that the General's judgment on this point was correct. On the 2d Venddmiaire, year VI. (23d September, 1797), he wrote to Auoereau, after having announced the arrival of his aide-de-camp as follows : — " The whole army applauds the wisdom and vigour which you have displayed upon this important occasion, and participates in the success of the country with the enthusiasm and energy which characterise our soldiers. It is only to be hoped, how- ever, that the Government will not be playing at see-saw, and thus throw itself into the opposite party. Wisdom anil mod- erate views alone can establish the happiness of the country on a sure foundation. As for myself, this is the most ardent wish of my heart. I beg that you will sometimes let me know what you are doing in Paris." On the 4th Vend^miaire, Bonaparte wrote a letter to the Directory in the following terms : — " The day before yesterday an otficer arrived at the army from Paris. He reported that he left Paris on the 25th, when anxiety prevailed there as to the feelings with which I viewed the events of the 18th. He was the bearer of a sort of circular from General Augereau to all the generals of division ; and he brought a letter of credit from the Minister of War to the com- missary-general, authorising him to draw as much niunoy as he might require for his journey. " It is evident from these circumstances that the Government is acting towards nie in somewhat the same way in which Piclio- gru was dealt with after Veudemiaire (year IV.). 106 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. " I beg of you to receive my resignation, and appoint another to my place. No power on eartli shall make me continue in the service after this shocking mark of ingratitude on the part of the Government, which I was very far from expecting. My health, which is considerably impaired, imperiously demands repo.se and tranquillity. " The state of my miml, likewise, requires me to mingle again in the ma.ss of citizens. Great power has for a long time been confided to my hands. I have employed it on all occasions for the advantage of my country ; so much the uorse for those who put no faith in virtue, and may have suspected mine. My rec- ompense is in my own conscience, and in the opinion of posterity. " Now that the country is tranquil, and free from the dangers which have menaced it, I can, without inconvenience, quit the post in which I have been placed. " Be sure that if there were a moment of danger, I would be found in the foremost rank of the defenders of liberty and of the constitution of the year III." The Directory, judging from the account which Bottot^ gave of his mission that he had not succeeded in entirely removing the suspicions of Bonaparte, wrote the following letter on the 30th Venddmiaire : — " The Directory has itself been troubled about the impression made on you by the letter to the paymaster-general, of which an aide-de-camp was the bearer. Tlie composition of this letter has very much astonished the Government, which never ap- pointed nor recognised such an agent : it is at least an error of office. But it .should not alter the opinion you ought otherwise to entertain of the manner in which the Directory thinks of and esteems you. It appears tliat the 18th Fructidor was mis- represented in the letters which were sent to tlie Army of Italy. You did well to intercept them, and it may be right to transmit the mo.st remarkable to the Minister of Police.^ 1 See p. 79. 2 What an ignoble task to propose to the conqueror of Italy I 1797. GENERAL CLARKE. 107 " In your observations on the too strong tendency of opinion towards military government, the Directory recognises an equally enlightened and ardent friend of the Republic. *' Nothing is wiser than the maxim, cedant anna (ogee, for the maintenance of republics. To show so much anxiety on so im- portant a point is not one of the least glorious features in the life of a general placed at the head of a triumphant army." The Directory had sent General Clarke ^ to treat for peace, as second plenipotentiary. Bonaparte has often told me he had no doubt from the time of his arrival that General Clarke was charged with a secret mission to act as a spy upon him, and even to arrest him if an oppor- tunity offered for so doing without danger. Tliat he had a suspicion of this kind is certain ; but I must own that I was never by any means able to discover its grounds ; for in all my intercourse since with Clarke he never put a single question to me, nor did I ever hear a word drop from his mouth, which savoured of sucli a character. If the fact be that he was a spy, he certainly played his part well. In all the parts of his correspondence which were intercepted there never was found the least confirmation of this suspicion. Be this as it may, Bonaparte could not endure him ; he did not make him acquainted with what was going on, and his influence rendered this mission a mere nullity. The General-in-Chief concentrated all the business of the negotiation in his own closet ; and, as to what was going on, Clarke continued a mere cipher until the 18 th Fructidor, when he was recalled. Bonaparte made but little count of Clarke's talents. It is but jus- tice, however, to say that he bore him no grudge for the conduct of whicli he suspected he was guilty in Italy. ^ H. J. G. Clarke, afterwards ^Minister of War under Napoleon, 1807- 1814, and under tlie Bourbons in 1816, wlieii lie was inade a Marshal of France. He was created Due de Feltre in 1809. 108 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. "I ])ar(Ioii him because I alonu have the ri<,Mit to be offeiuled." He evoii had the ^tMicrosity to make interest for an official situation for him. These amiable traits were not uncommon with lionaparte, l'>onai)arte had to encounter so many disagreeable con- trarieties, both in the nej^otiators for peace and the events at Paris, tliat he often displayed a good deal of irritation and disgust. This state of mind was increased l>y the recollection of the vexation his sister's marriage had caused him, and which was unfortunately revived by a letter he received from her at this juncture. His excite- ment was such that he threw it down with an expression of anger. It has been erroneously reported in several publications that " Bacciocchi espoused Marie-Anne-Eliza Bonai)arte on the 5th of May, 1797. The brother of the bride was at the time negotiating the preliminaries of peace with Austria." In fact, the preliminaries were signed in the month of April, and it was for tlie definitive peace we were negotiat- ing in May. But the reader will find by the subjoined letter that Christine applied to her brother to stand god- father to her third child. Three children in three months would be rather quick work. Ajaccio, 14th Thermidor, year V. (1st August, 1797). General, — Suffer me to write to you and call you by the name of brother. My first child was born at a time when you were much incensed against us. I trust she may soon caress you, and so make you forget tlic pain my marriage lias occa- sioned you. ^ly second child was still-boru. Obliged to quit Paris by your order,^ I miscarried in Germany. In a month's time I hope to present you with a nephew. A favourable time, 1 Napoleon had written in Aup;ust, 1796. to Carnot, to request that Lucieu might be ordered to quit Paris ; see luug, tome iii. p. 222. 1797. THE AUSTRIxVN PROPOSALS. 109 and otlier circumstances, incline me to hope my next will be a boy, and I promise you I will make a soldier of him ; but I wish hira to bear your name, and that you should be his god- father. I trust you will not refuse your sister's request. Will you send, for this purpose, your power of attorney to Bacciocchi, or to whomsoever you think fit ? I shall expect with impatience your assent. Because we are poor let not that cause you to despise us ; for, after all, you are our brother, mine are the only children that call you uncle, and we all love you more than we do the favours of fortune. Perhaps I may one day succeed in convincing you of the love I bear you. — Your affectionate sister, Christine BoNArARXE.'^ P. S. — Do not fail to remember me to your Avife, whom I strongly desire to be acquainted witli. They told me at Paris I was very like her. If you recollect my features, you can judge. C. B. This letter is in the handwriting of Lucien Bonaparte.^ General Bonaparte had been near a month at Passeri- ano when he received the following autograph letter from the Emperor of Austria : — To Monsieur le G^n^ral Bonaparte, General-in-Chief OF THE Army of Italy. Monsieur le General Bonaparte, — When I tliought I had given ray plenipotentiaries full powers to terminate the important negotiation with which they were charged, I learn, 1 Madame Bacciocchi went by the name of Marianne at St. Cyr, of Christine while on her travels, and of Eliza under the Cousuhite. — Bourr\enne. 2 Joseph Bonaparte in liis " Notes "says, " It is false that Maihinie Bona- parte ever called lierself Christine ; it is false tliat she ever wrote tiie letter of which M. de Bourrienne here gives a copy." It will lie observed that Bourrienne says it was written liy lier brother Lucien. Tiiis is an error. The letter is obviously from Christine Boyer, the wife of Lucien Bonaparte, whose marriage had given such dis])leasure to Napoleon (see Erreurs. tome i. p. 240, and lung's Lucien, tome i. p. 151). 110 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON IJoNAl'ARTE. 1797 with as imuli pniii as surprise, tliat in consequence of swerving continually from the stipulations of the preliminaries, the res- toration of tranquillity, willi the tidin^'s of which I desire to gladden the hearts of my subjects, and wliich the half of Europe devoutly prays for, becomes day after day more uncertain. Faithful to the performance of my engagements, I am ready to execute what was agreed to at Leoben, and require from you but the recipmcal performance of so sacred a duty. This is what has already been declared in my name, and what I do not now hesitate myself to declare. If, perhaps, the execution of some of the preliminary articles be now impossible, in conse- quence of the events which have since occurred, and in which I had no part, it may be necessary to substitute others in their stead equally adapted to the interests and equally conformable to the dignity of the two nations. To such alone will I put my hand. A frank and sincere explanation, dictated by the same feelings which govern me, is the only way to lead to so salutary a result. In order to accelerate this result as far as in me lies, and to put an end at once to the state of uncertainty we remain in, and which has already lasted too long, I have determined to despatch to the place of the present negotiations Comte de Cobentzel. a man who possesses my most unlimited con- fidence, and who is instructed as to my intentions and furnished with my most ample powers. I have autliori.sed him to receive and accept every proposition tending to the reconciliation of the two parties, which may be in conformity with the principles of equity and reciprocal fitness, and to conclude accordingly. After this fresh assurance of the spirit of conciliation which animates me, I doubt not you will perceive that peace lies in your own hands, and that on your determination will depend the happiness or misery of many thousand men. If I mistake as to the means I think best adapted to terminate the calami- ties which for a long time have desolated Europe, I shall at least have the consolation of reflecting that I have done all that depended on me. With the consequences which may re- sult I can never be reproached. I have been particularly determined to the course I now 1797. BONAPARTE'S PLANS. Ill take by the opinion I entertain of your upright character, and by the personal esteem I have conceived towards you, of whicli I am very happy, M. le General Bonaparte, to give you here an assurance. (Signed) Francis. ViEXXA, 20th September, 1797. In fact, it was only on the arrival of the Comte de Cobentzel that the negotiations were seriously set on foot. Bonaparte had all along clearly perceived that Gallo and Meerweldt were not furnished with adequate powers. He saw also clearly enough that if the month of Septem- ber were to be trifled away in unsatisfactory negotiations, as the month which preceded it had been, it would be difficult in October to strike a blow at the House of Aus- tria on the side of Carinthia. The Austrian Ca1)inet per- ceived with satisfaction the approach of the bad weather, and insisted more strongly on its ultimatum, which was the Adige, with Venice. Before the 18th Fructidor the Emperor of Austria hoped that the movement which was preparing in Paris would operate badly for France and favourably to the European cause. The Austrian plenipotentiaries, in con- sequence, raised their pretensions, and sent notes and an ultimatum which gave the proceedings more an air of trifling than of serious negotiation. Bonaparte's original ideas, which I have under his hand, were as follows : 1. The Emperor to have Italy as far as tlie Adda. 2. The King of Sardinia as far as the Adda. 3. The Genoese Republic to have the boundary of Tor- tona as far as the Po (Tortona to be demolished), as also the imperial fiefs. (Coni to be ceded to France, or to be demolished.) 4. The Grand Duke of Tuscany to be restored. 5. The Duke of Parma to be restored. CHAPTER X. 1797 After the 18th Fructidor Bonaparte was more power- ful, Austria less haughty and confident. Venice was the only point of real difficulty. Austria wanted the line of theAdige, with Venice, in exchange for Mayence, and the boundary of the Rhine until that river enters Holland. The Directory wished to have the latter boundary, and to add Mantua to the Italian Republic, without giving up all the line of the Adige and Venice. The difficulties were felt to be so irreconcilable that within a])0ut a month of the conclusion of peace the Directory wrote to Cieneral Bonaparte that a resumption of hostilities was preferable to the state of uncertainty which was agitating and ruin- ing France. The Directory, therefore, decdared that both the armies of the Rhine should take the field. It appears from the Fructidorian correspondence, which has been already given, tliat the majority of the Directory then looked upon a peace such as Bonaparte afterwards made as infamous. But Bonaparte, from the moment the Venetian insur- rection broke out, perceived that Venice might be used for the pacification. Bonaparte, wlio was convinced that, in order to bring matters to an issue, Venice and the ter- ritory beyond the Adige must fall beneath the Hapsburg sceptre, wrote to the Directory that he could not com- mence operations, advantageously, before the end of 1797. BOTTOT UNDER SUSPICION. 113 March, 1798 ; but that if the objections to giving Venice to the Emperor of Austria were persisted in, hostilities would certainly be resumed in the month of October, for the Emperor would not renounce Venice. In that case it would be necessary to be ready on the Ehine for an ad- vance in Germany, as the Army of Italy, if it could make head against the Archduke Charles, was not sufficiently strong for any operations on a grand scale. At this period the conclusion of peace was certainly very doubtful ; it was even seriously considered in what form the rupture should be notified. Towards the end of September, Bottot, Barras' secre- tary, arrived at Passeriano. He was despatched by the Directory. Bonaparte immediately suspected he was a new spy, come on a secret mission, to watch him. He was therefore received and treated with coolness ; but Bonaparte never had, as Sir Walter Scott asseits, the idea of ordering him to be shot. That writer is also in error when he says that Bottot was sent to Passeriano to re- proach Bonaparte for failing to fulfil his promise of send- ing money to the Directory. Bonaparte soon gave Bottot an opportunity of judging of the kind of spirit which prevailed at headquarters. He suddenly tendered his resignation, which he had al- ready several times called upon the Directory to accept. He accused the Government, at table, in Bottot's presence, of horrible ingratitude. He recounted all his subjects of complaint, in loud and impassioned language, without any restraint, and before twenty or thirty pers(^ns. Indignant at finding that his reiterated demands for the erasure of my name from the list of emigrants had been slighted, and that, in spite of his representations, conveyed to Paris by General Bernadotte, Louis Bona- parte, and others, I was still included in that fatal list, he apostrophised M. Bottot at dinner one day, before forty VOL. I. — 8 114 MKMOIHS OF NAPOLEON RONAPAUTK. 1797. imlividuals, among wliom were the diiiloinatists Gallo, Cobent/el, and Meerweldt. The conversation turned upon the Directory. " Yes, truly," cried I'oiiiiparte, in a loud voice, " I have good reason to coiaphiiu ; and, to pass from great to little things, look, I pray you, at Bourrienne's case. He possesses my most unhounded confidence. He alone is intrusted, under my orders, with all the details of the negotiation. This you well know , and yet your Directory will not strike him off the list. In a word, it is not only an inconceivable, but an extremely stujtid piece of business ; for he has all my secrets ; he knows my ultimatum, and could by a single word realise a hand- some fortune, and laugh at your obstinacy. Ask M. de Gallo if this be not true." Bottot wished to offer some excuse ; but the general murmur which followed this singular outburst reduced him to silence. The Marquis de Gallo had conversed with me but three days before, in the park of Passeriano, on the sub- ject of my position with regard to France, of the de- termination expressed by the Directory not to erase my name, and of the risk I therel)y ran. " We have no desire," continued he, "to renew the war ; we wish sin- cerely for peace ; but it must be an honourable one. The Kepublic of Venice presents a large territory for partition, which would be sufficient for both parties. The cessions at present proposed are not, however, satisfactory. We want to know Bonaparte's ultimatum ; and I am author- ised to offer an estate in Bohemia, with a title and residence, and an annual revenue of 90,000 florins." I quickly interrupted M. de Gallo, and assured him that both my conscience and my duty obliged me to reject his proposal ; and so put at once an end to the conversation. I took care to let the General-in-Chief know this story, 1797. BONAPARTE'S RESIGNATION. 115 and he was not surprised at my reply. His conviction, however, was strong, from all that M. de Gallo had said, and more particularly from tlie offer he had made, that Austria was resolved to avoid war, and was anxious for peace. After I had retired to rest, M. Bottot came to my bed- room and asked me, with a feigned surprise, if it was true that my name was still on the list of emigrants. On my replying in the affirmative, he requested me to draw up a note on the subject. Tbis I declined doing, telling him that twenty notes of the kind he required already ex- isted ; that I would take no further steps : and that I would henceforth await the decision in a state of perfect inaction. General Bonaparte thought it quite inexplicable that the Directory should express dissatisfaction at the view he took of the events of the 18th Fructidor, as, with- out his aid, they would doubtless have been overcome. He wrote a despatch, in which he repeated that his health and his spirits were affected — that he had need of some years' repose — that he could no longer endure the fatigue of riding ; but that the prosperity and liberty of his coiintry would always command his warmest interests. In all this there was not a single word of truth. The Direc- tory thought as much, and declined to accept his resig- nation in the most flattering terms. Bottot proposed to him, on the part of the Directory, to revolutionise Italy. The General inquired whether the vjhole of Italy would be included in the plan. The revolu- tionary commission had, however, been intrusted to Bottot in so indefinite a way that he could only hesitate, and give a vague reply. I)onaparte wished for more pre- cise orders. In the interval peace was concluded, and the idea of that perilous and extravagant undertaking was no longer agitated. Bottot, soon after his return tu Paris, 116 MKMoIUS OF NATOLEOX BONAPAKTi:. 1797. wrote a letter to General Bonaparte, in Avhicli he coni- l»lained that tiie last moments he had passed at Passeriano had dee])ly atllicted his lieart. He said that cruel sus- picions had followed him even to the gates of the Directory. These cruel suspicions had, however, been dissipated by the sentiments of admiration and affection which he had found the Directory entertained for the person of Bonaparte. These assurances, which were precisely what Bonaparte had expected, did not avail to lessen the contempt he entertained for the heads of the Government, nor to change his conviction of their envy and mistrust of him- self. To their alleged affection he made no return. Bottot assured the hero of Italy of " the Republican docility" of the Directory, and touched upon the re- proaches Bonaparte had thrown out against them, and upon his demands, which had not been granted. He said t " The three armies, of the North, of the Khine, and of the Sambre-et-Meuse, are to form only one, the Army of Germany Augereau ? — but you yourself sent him. The fault committed by the Directory is owing to yourself ! Bernadotte ? — he is gone to join you. Cacault ? — he is recalled. Twelve thousand men for your army ? — they are on their march. The treaty with Sardinia ? — it is ratified. Bourrienne ? — he is erased. The revolution of Italy ? — it is adjourned. Advise the Directory, then : I repeat it, they have need of information, and it is to you they look for it." The assertion regarding me was false. For six months Bonaparte demanded my erasure without being able to o1)tain it. I was not struck off the list until the lltli of November, 1797. Just before the close of the negotiation, Bonaparte, dis- gusted at the opposition and difficulties with which he was surrounded, reiterated again and again the offer of his resignation, and his wish to have a successor appointed. 1797. BONAPARTE WATCHED. 117 What augmented his uneasiness was an idea he enter- tained that the Directory had penetrated his secret, and attributed his powerful concurrence on the 18th Fructi- dor to the true cause, — his personal views of ambition. In spite of the hypocritical assurances of gratitude made to him in writing, and though the Directory knew that his services were indispensable, spies were employed to watch his movements, and to endeavour by means of the persons about him to discover his views. Some of the General's friends wrote to him from Paris, and for my part I never ceased repeating to him that the peace, the power of mak- ing which he had in his own hands, would render him far more popular than the renewal of hostilities undertaken with all the chances of success and reverse. The signing of the peace, according to his own ideas, and in opposi- tion to those of the Directory, the way in which he just halted at Rastadt, and avoided returning to the Congress, and, finally, his resolution to expatriate himself with an army in order to attempt new enterprises, sprung more than is generally believed from the ruling idea that he was dis- trusted, and that his ruin was meditated. He often re- called to mind what La Vallette had written to him about his conversation with Lacude ; and all he saw and heard confirmed the impression he had received on this subject. The early appearance of bad weather precipitated his determination. On the 13th of October, at daybreak, on opening my window, I perceived the mountains covered with snow. The previous night had been superb, and the autumn till then promised to be fine and late. I pro- ceeded, as I always did, at seven o'clock in the morning, to the General's chamber. I woke him, and told him what I had seen. He feigned at first to disbelieve me, then leaped from his bed, ran to the window, and, con- vinced of the sudden change, he calmly said, " What ! be- fore the middle of October ! What a country is this .' 118 MEMOIRS OF NArOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. Well, we must make peace!" While he hastily put on his clothes, I read the journals to hiui, as was my daily custom. He ]>aid hut little attention to them. Shutting' himself up with me in his closet, he reviewed with the "^Teatest care all the returns from the different corps of his army. " Here are," said he, " nearly 80,000 effective men. 1 feed, I pay them ; hut I can bring but 60,000 into the Held on the day of battle. I shall gain it, but afterwards my force will be reduced 20,000 men, — by killed, wounded, and prisoners. Then how opi^ose all the Austrian forces that will march to the protection of Vienna ? It would be a month before the armies of the Khine could support me, if they should be able; and in a fdrtniglit all the roads and passages will be covered deep with snow. It is settled, — I will make peace. Venice shall pay for the expense of the war and the boundary of the Piliine; let the Directory and the lawyers say what they like." He wrote to the Directory in the following words : " The summits of the hills are covered with snow ; I cannot, on account of the stipulations agreed to for the recommence- ment of hostilities, begin before five-and-twenty days, and by that time we shall be overwhelmed with snow." Fourteen years after, another early winter, in a more severe climate, was destined to have a fatal influence on his fortunes. Had he but then exercised equal foresight ! It is well known that, by the treaty of Campo-Formio, the two belligerent powers made peace at the expense of the Republic of Venice, which had nothing to do with the quarrel in the first instance, and which only interfered at a late period, probably against her own inclination, and impelled by the force of inevitable circumstances. But what has l>een the result of this great political spoliation ? A portion of the Venetian territory was adjudged to the Cisalpine Republic ; it is now in the possession of Austria, 1797. THE DIRECTORY DISSATISFIED. 119 Another considerable portion, and the capital itself, fell to the lot of Austria in compensation for the Belgic prov- inces and Lombardy, which she ceded to France. Austria has now retaken Lombardy, and the additions then made to it, and Belgium is in the possession of the House of Orange. France obtained Corfu and some of the Ionian isles ; these now belong to England.^ Eomulus never thought he was founding Eome for Goths and priests. Alexander did not foresee that his Egyptian city would belong to the Turks ; nor did Constantine strip Eome for the benefit of Mahomet II. Why, then, fight for a few paltry villages ? Thus have we been gloriously conquering for Austria and England. An ancient State is overturned without noise ; and its provinces, after being divided among dif- ferent bordering States, are now all under the dominion of Austria. "VVe do not possess a foot of ground in all the fine countries we conquered, and which served as compen- sations for the immense acquisitions of the House of Hapsburgh in Italy. Thus that house was aggrandised by a war which was to itself most disastrous. But Austria has often found other means of extending her dominion than military triumphs, as is recorded in the celebrated distich of Mathias Corvinus : — *' Bella gerunt alii, tu, felix Austria, nube ; Nam quae Mars aliis, dat tibi regna Venus." ' The Directory was far from being satisfied with the treaty of Campo-Formio, and with difficulty resisted the temptation of not ratifying it. A fortnight before 1 Afterwards to be ceded by her to Greece. Belgium is free. 2 " Glad Austria wins by Ilymeii's silken chain "What otlier States by doubtful battle gain, And wliile fierce Mars enriches meaner lands, Receives possession from fair Venus' hands." 120 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. the signature the Directors wrote to General Bonaparte that thoy would not consent to give to the Emperor Venice, Fricoben was only one made with Austria- 1797. ARRIVAL AT RASTADT 127 his presence was necessary for tlie execution of different orders, and the general despatch of business, he required that authority shouhl be given to a part of his household, which he had left at Rastadt, to return. How could it ever be said that the Directory " kept General Bonaparte away from the great interests which were under discussion at Rastadt " ? Quite the contrary ! The Directory would have been deliglited to see him re- turn there, as they would then have been relieved from his presence in Paris ; but nothing was so disagreeable to Bonaparte as long and seemingly interminable nego- tiations. Such tedious work did not suit his character, and he had been sufficiently disgusted with similar pro- ceedings at Campo-Formio. On our arrival at Rastadt I soon found that General Bonaparte was determined to stay there only a short time. I therefore expi%ssed to him my decided desire to remain in Germany. I was then ignorant that my era- sure from the emigrant list had been ordered on the 11th of November, as the decree did not reach the commissary of the Executive Du-ectory at Auxerre until the 17th of November, the day of our departure from ]\Iilan. The silly pretext of difficulties by which my erasure, notwithstanding the reiterated solicitations of the victo- rious General, was so long delayed, made me apprehen- sive of a renewal, under a weak and jealous pentarchy, of the horrible scenes of 1796. Bonaparte said to me, in a tone of indignation, "Come, pass the Rhine; they will not dare to seize you while near me. I answer for your safety." On reaching Paris, I found that my erasure had taken place. It was at this period only that General Bonaparte's applications in my favour were tardily crowned with success. Sotin, the Minister of General Police, notified the fact to Bonaparte ; but his letter gave a reason for my erasure very diflerent from that stated 128 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON IJONArARTE. 1797. in tlie decree. The Minister said that tlie Government did not wish to leave anionfr tlie names of traitors to their country the name of a citizen wlio was attached to the person of the conqueror of Italy ; while the decree itself stated as the motive for removing my name from the list that I never had emigrated. At St. Helena it seems Bonaparte said tliat he did not return from Italy with more than 300,000 francs ; but I assert that he had at that time in his possession some- thing more than 3,000, 000.^ How could lie with 300,000 francs have been able to provide for the extensive repairs, the embellishment, and the furnLshing of his house in the Rue Cliantereine ? How could he have supported the establishment he did with only 15,000 francs of income and the emoluments of his rank ? The excursion which he made along the coast of wliicli I have yet to speak, of itself cost near 12,000 francs in'gold, which he trans- ferred to me to defray the expense of the journey ; and I do not think that this sum was ever repaid him. Besides, what did it signify, for any object he miglit have in dis- guising liis fortune, whether he brought 3,000,000 or 300,000 francs with him from Italy ? No one will accuse him of peculation. He was an inflexible administrator. He was always irritated at the discovery of fraud, and pursued those guilty of it with all the vigour of his char- acter. He wished to be independent, which he well knew that no one could be without fortune. He has often said to me, "I am no Capuchin, not I." But after having been allf)wed only 300,000 francs on his arrival from the rich Italy, where fortune never abandoned him, it has been printed that he had 20,000,000 (some have even doubled the amount) on his return from Egypt, which is a very 1 Joseph says that Napoleon, when he sailed for Ejjypt, left with him all his fortune, and that it was nmcli nearer 300,000 francs than 3,000,000 (see Erreurs, tome i- pp. 243, 259). 1797. INTRIGUES AGAINST JOSEPHINE. 129 poor country, where money is scarce, and where reverses followed close upon his victories. All these reports are false. What he brought from Italy has just been stated, and it will be seen when we come to Egypt what treasure he carried away from the country of the Pharaohs. Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete dominion over his mind, strenuously endeavoured to les- sen the influence which Josephine possessed from the love of her husband. They tried to excite his jealousy, and took advantage of her stay at INIilan after our departure, which had been authorised by Bonaparte himself. My intimacy with both the husband and the wife fortunately afforded me an opportunity of averting or lessening a good deal of mischief. If Josephine still lived, she would allow me this merit. I never took part against her but once, and that unwillingly. It was on the subject of the marriage of her daughter Hortense. Josephine had never as yet spoken to me on the subject. Bonaparte wished to give his step-daughter to Duroc, and his brothers were eager to promote the marriage, because they wished to separate Josephine from Hortense, for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderest affection. Josephine, on the other hand, wished Hortense to marry Louis Bonaparte. Her motives, as may easily be divined, were to gain support in a family where she experienced nothing but enmity, and she car- ried her point.^ 1 Previous to her marriage with Loais, Hortense cherished an attach- ment for Duroc, who was at that time a handsome man aliout thirty, and a great favourite of Bonaparte. However, the indifference witli which Duroc regarded the marriage of Louis Bonajjarte sufficiently ])roves that the regard with which he had inspired Hortense was not very ardently returned. It is certain that Duroc might have become tlie husband of Mademoiselle de Beauharnais had he liecn willing to accede to the con- ditions on which the First Consul offered Iiini liis .step-dauglitor's hand. But Duroc looked forward to sometliing better, and his ordinary prudence forsook him at a moment when he might easily have beheld a i)crsi)ective calculated to gratify even a more towering ambition than his. lie declined VOL. I. — 9 130 MK.MOIUS (^F NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. On liis arrival from IJastadt the most ma^milicont prep- arations were made at the Luxembourg for tlie reception of Btinaparte. Tlie grand court of tlie Palace was ele- gantly ornamented ; and at its farther end, close to tlie I'alace, a large amphitheatre was erected for the accom- modation of official jjcrsons. Curiosity, as on all like occasions, attracted multitudes, and the court w\as iilled. Opposite to the ]irincipal vestibule stood the altar of tlie country, surrounded by the statues of Liberty, E([uality, and Peace. When Bonajjarte entered, every liead was uncovered. The windows were full of young and beauti- ful females. But notwithstanding this great preparation, an icy coldness characterised the ceremony. Every one seemed to be present only for the purpose of beliolding a sight, and curiosity was the prevailing expression rather than joy or gratitude. It is but right to say, however, that an unfortunate event contributed to the general in- difference. The right wing of the Palace was not occu- pied, but great preparations had been making there, and an officer had been directed to prevent any one from ascending. One of the clerks of the Directory, however, contrived to get upon the scaffolding, but had scarcely placed his foot on the first plank wlien it tilted up, and the imprudent man fell the whole height into the court. This accident created a general stupor. Ladies fainted, and the windows were nearly deserted. the proposed marriage; and the union of Ilortense ami Lonis, which Madame Bonaparte, to coiiciliate the favour of her brothers-in-law, had endeavoured to bring about, was immediately determined on (Memoires de Constant). In allusion to the alleged unfriendly feeling of Napoleon's brothers towarils .Josopbine, the following observation occurs in Joseph Bonaparte's " Notes on Bourrienne " : — "None of Najxdeon's brothers," he says, "were near him from the time of his departure for Italy except Louis, who cannot be suspected of having intrigued against .rhine, whose dangliter he married. These calumnies are without foundation" {Erreurs, tome i. p. 244). 1797. GRAND RECEPTION IN PARIS. 131 However, the Directory displayed all tlie Pitj]iulj]ican splendour of which they were so prodigal on similar occasions. Speeches were far from being scarce. Tal- leyrand, who was tlien Minister for Foreign Afifairs, on introducing Bonaparte to the Directory, made a lon^ oration, in the course of which he hinted that the per- sonal greatness of the General ought not to excite uneasiness, even in a rising republic. "Far from ap- prehending anything from his ambition, I believe that we shall one day be obliged to solicit him to tear him- self from the pleasures of studious retirement. All France will be free, but perhaps he never will ; such is his destiny." Talleyrand was listened to with impatience, so anxious was every one to hear Bonaparte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with a modest air, but in a firm voice, a short address of congratulation on the improved position of the nation. Barras, at that time President of the Directory, replied to Bonaparte with so much prolixity as to weary every one ; and as soon as he had finished speaking he threw himself into the arms of the General, who was not much pleased with such affected displays, and gave him what was then called the fraternal embrace. The other members of the Directory, following the example of the President, sur- rounded Bonaparte and pressed him in their arms ; each acted, to the best of his ability, his part in the sentinu-ntal comedy. Ch^nier composed for this occasion a hymn, which Mdhul set to music. A few days after an opera was pro- duced, bearing the title of the " Fall of Carthage, " wliich was meant as an allusion to the anticipated exploits of the conqueror of Italy, recently appointed to the command of the " Army of England." The poets were all em])loyed in praising him ; and Lebrun, with but little of the Pin- 1:52 MKMOIHS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. 1797. daric Hre in his soul, composed the following distich, which certainly is not worth much : — " Heros, cher h. la paix, aux arts, h la victoirc — II con(|uit en deux aiis niille siecles de ^'loire." The two councils were not disposed to he hehind the Directory in the manifestation of joy. A few days after, they gave a banquet to the General in the gallery of the Louvre, which had recently been enriched by the master- pieces of painting conquered in Italy. At this time Bonaparte displayed great modesty in all his transactions in Paris. The administrators of the De- partment of the Seine having sent a deputation to him to inquire what hour and day he would allow them to wait on him, he carried himself his answer to the department, accompanied by General Berthier. It was also remarked that the judge of the peace of the arrondissement where the General lived having called on him on the 6th of December, the evening of his arrival, he returned the visit next morning. These attentions, trifling as they may appear, were not without their effect on the minds of the Parisians. In consequence of General Bonaparte's victories, the peace he had effected, and the brilliant reception of which he had been the object, the business of Vend^miaire was in some measure forgotten. Every one was eager to get a sight of the young hero whose career had commenced with so much eclat. He lived very retiredly, yet went often to the theatre. He desirel me, one day, to go and request the representation of two of the best pieces of the time, in which Elleviou, Mesdames St. Aubin, Phillis, and otlier distinguished performers played. His message was, that he only wished these two pieces on the same night, if that were possilde. The manager told me that nothing that the conqueror of Italy wished for was impossible, for 1797. BONAPARTE AT THE THEATRES. 133 he had long ago erased that word from the dictionary. Bonaparte laughed heartily at the manager's answer. When we went to the theatre he seated himself, as usual, in the back of the box, behind Madame Bonaparte, mak- ing me sit by her side. The pit and boxes, however, soon found out that he was in the house, and loudly called for him. Several times an earnest desire to see him was mani- fested, but all in vain, for he never showed himself. Some days after, being at the Theatre des Arts, at the second representation of "Horatius Coclfes," although he was sitting at the back of a box in the second tier, the audi- ence discovered that he was in the house. Immediately acclamations arose from all quarters; but he kept himself concealed as much as possible, and said to a person in the next box, " Had I known that the boxes were so exposed, I should not have come." During Bonaparte's stay at Paris a woman sent a mes- senger to warn him that his life would be attempted, and that poison was to be employed for that purpose. Bona- parte had the bearer of this information arrested, who went, accompanied by the judge of the peace, to the wo- man's house, where she was found extended on the floor, and bathed in her blood. The men whose plot she had overheard, having discovered that she had revealed their secret, murdered her. The poor woman was dreadfully mangled: her tliroat was cut; and, not satisfied with that, the assassins had also hacked her body with sharp instruments. On the night of the 10th of Xivose, the Rue Chantereine, in which Bonaparte had a small house (No. 6), received, in pursuance of a decree of the department, the name of Eue de la Victoire. The cries of " Vive Bonaparte ! " and the incense prodigally offered up to him, did not, however, seduce him from his retired habits. Lately the con- queror and ruler of Italy, and now under men for whom 134 MEMOIIJS or NAToLKON nONAPARTE. 1797. he liail 11(1 respect, and who saw in him a formidable rival, he said to me one day, "The peoi)le of Paris do not re- member anything. Were I to remain here long, doing nothing, I should be lost. In this great Babylon one re])ntation dis]»laees anotlier. Let me bo seen but tliree times at tlie theatre, and I shall no hmger excite attention ; so 1 shall go there but seldom." When he went he occu- pied a box shaded with curtains. The manager of the opera wished to get up a s])ecial ])erformauce in his honour ; but he declined tlie oiler When I observed that it must be agreeable to him to see iiis fellow-citizens so eagerly running after him, he replied, " Bah ! the people would crowd as fast to see me if I were going to the scatlbld." 1 On the 28th of December Bonaparte was named a member of the Institute, in the class of the Sciences and Arts.^ He showed a deep sense of this honour, and wrote the following letter to Camus, the president of the class : — Citizen President, — The s\ifrraj:fe of the distinguished men who conipo.se the Institute confers a high honour on lue. I feel well assured that, before I can be their equal, I must long be their scholar. If there were any way more expressive than another of making known my esteem for you, I sliould be glad to employ it. True conquests — the only ones which leave no regret behind them — are those which are made over ignorance. The most honourable, as well as the most useful, occupation for nations is the contributing to the extension of human knowledge. The true power of the French Republic should lienceforth be 1 A similar remark made to William III. on his lamiiug at Ihixliam elicited the comment, "Like the Jews, who cried oue day, 'llosauua!' and the next, 'Cnuify Him! crucify Him!'" ■^ Napoleon seems to have really considered this nomination as a great honour. He wa.s fond of using the title in hi.s proclamati(jn.s ; and to the last the allowance attached to tlie apiiointment figured in the Imperial accounts. He replaced Carnot, the exiled Director. 1797. BONAPARTE'S CHARACTER. 135 made to consist in not allowing a single new idea to exist without making it part of its property. Bonaparte. The General now renewed, though unsuccessfully, the attempt he had made before the 18th Fructidor to obtain a dispensation of the age necessary for becoming a Di- rector. Perceiving that the time was not yet favourable for such a purpose, he said to me, on the 29th of January, 1798, " Bourrienne, I do not wish to remain here ; there is nothing to do. They are unwilling to listen to any- thing. I see that if I linger here, I shall soon lose myself. Everything wears out here; my glory has already disap- peared. This little Europe does not supply enough of it for me. I must seek it in the East, the fountain of glory. However, I wish first to make a tour along the coast, to ascertain by my own observation what may be attempted. I will take you, Lannes, and Sulkowsky, with me. If the success of a descent on England appear doubtful, as I suspect it will, the Army of England shall become the Army of the East, and I will go to Egypt." This and other conversations give a correct insight into his character. He always considered war and conquest as the most noble and inexhaustible source of that glory which was the constant object of his desire. He revolted at the idea of languishing in idleness at Paris, while fresh laurels were growing for him in distant climes. His im- agination inscribed, in anticipation, his name on those gigantic monuments which alone, perhaps, of all the crea- tions of man, have the character of eternity. Already proclaimed the most illustrious of living generals, he sought to efface the rival names of antiquity by his own. If Caesar fought fifty battles, he longed to fight a hun- dred: if Alexander left Macedon to penetrate to the Temple of Ammon, he wished to leave Paris to travel to 136 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1797. the Cataracts of the Nile. While he was thus to run a race with fame, events would, in his opinion, so proceed in France a.s tn render his return necessary and opportune. His place would be ready for him, and he shuuld not come to claim it a forjiotten or unknown man. CHAPTER XII. 1798. Bonaparte left Paris for the north on the 10th of Febru- ary, 1798, — but he received no order, though I have seen it everywhere so stated, to go there, — " for the purpose of preparing the operations connected with the intended in- vasion of England." He occupied himself with no such business, for which a few days certainly would not have been sufficient. His journey to the coast was nothing but a rapid excursion, and its sole object was to enable him to form an opinion on the main point of the question. Neither did he remain absent several weeks, for the jour- ney occupied only one. There were four of us in his carriage, — himself, Lannes, Sulkowsky, and I. Moustache was our courier. Bonaparte was not a little surprised on reading, in the "Moniteur" of the 10th February, an article giving greater importance to his little excursion than it deserved. *' General Bonaparte," said the " Moniteur," " has departed for Dunkirk witli some naval and engineer officers. Tliey have gone to visit the coasts and prepare the prehmiuary operations for the descent [upon England]. It may be stated that he will not return to Rastadt, and that the close of the session of tlie Congress there is approaching." Now for the facts. Bonaparte visited Etaples, Amble- teuse, Boulogne, Calais, Dunkirk, Furnes, Niewport, Ostend, and the Isle of Walchereu. He collected at the 138 MEMOIRS OK XATOLEOX BONArARTE. 1798. different ports all the necessary information with that in- telligence and tact fur which he was so eminently dis- tinguished. He questioned the sailors, smugglers, and fishermen, and listened attentively to the answers he received. We returned to I'aris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lille, and St. Quentin. The object of our journey was accomplished when we reached the first of these towns. " Well, Gen- eral," said I, " what think you of our journey ? Are you satisfied ? For my part, I confess I entertain no great hopes from anything I have seen and heard." Bonaparte immediately answered, " It is too great a chance. I will not hazard it. I would not thus sport with the fate of my beloved France." On hearing this, I already fancied myself in Cairo ! On his return to Paris, Bonaparte lost no time in set- ting on foot the military and scientihc preparations for the projected expedition to the banks of the Nile, re- specting which such incorrect statements have appeared. It had long occupied his thoughts, as the following facts will prove. In the month of August, 1797, he wrote " that the time was not far distant when we should see that, to destroy the power of England effectually, it woukl be necessary to attack Egypt." In the same month he wrote to Talley- rand, who had just succeeded Charles de Lacroix as j\Iin- ister of Foreign Affairs, " that it would l)e necessary to attack Egypt, which did not belong to the Grand Seignior." Talleyrand replied " that his ideas respecting Egypt were certainly grand, and that their utility could not fail to be fully appreciated." He concluded l)y saying he would write to him at length on the subject. History will speak as favourably of ]\I. de Talleyrand as his contemporaries have spoken ill of liim. When a statesman, throughout a great, long, and difficult career, 1798. EXPEDITION AGAINST MALTA. 139 makes and preserves a number of faithfnl friends, and provokes but few enemies, it must be acknowledged that his character is honourable and his talent profound, and that his political conduct has been wise and moderate. It is impossible to know M, de Talleyrand without admir- ing him. All who have that advantage, no doubt judge him as I do. In the month of November of the same year, Bonaparte sent Poussielgue, under the pretence of inspecting the ports of the Levant, to give the finishing stroke to the meditated expedition against Malta. General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confi- dant of all his plans at their interview in Italy after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to him from Affenbourg, on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet of Corfu with great interest. " If ever," said he, " it should be engaged in the grand enterprises of which I have heard you speak, do not, I beseech you, forget me." Bonaparte was far from forgetting him. The Directory at first disapproved of the expedition against Malta, which Bonaparte had proposed long before the treaty of Campo-Formio was signed. The expedi- tion was decided to be impossible, for Malta had ob- served strict neutrality, and had on several occasions even assisted our ships and seamen. Thus we had no pretext for going to war with her. It was said, too, that the legislative body would certainly not look with a favourable eye on such a measure. This opinion, wliich, however, did not last long, vexed Bonaparte. It was one of the disappointments wliich made him give a rough welcome to Bottot, Barras' agent, at the commencement of October, 1797. In the course of an animated conversation, lie said to Bottot, shrugging liis shoulders, " Mon Dieu ! ]\Ialta is for sale ! " Some time after he himself was told that 140 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BoNArAUTE. 1798. "great importance was attached to the acquisilinn of Malta, and that he must not sull'cr it to escape." At the latter end of Sejitember, 1797, Talleyrand, then Minister of Foreign Allairs, wrote to him that the Directory authorised him to give the necessary orders to Admiral Brueys for taking Malta. He sent Bonaparte some let- ters for the island, because Bonajjarte had said it was necessary to prepare the i)ublic mind for the event. Bonaparte exerted himself night and day in the execu- tion of his projects. I never saw him so active. He made himself acquainted with the abilities of the respec- tive generals, and the force of all the army corps. Orders and instructions succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity. If he wanted an order of the Directory, he ran to the Luxembourg to get it signed by one of the Direc- tors. Merlin de Douai was generally the person who did him this ser\'ice, for he was the most constant at his post. Lagarde, the Secretary-General, did not countersign any document relative to this expedition, Bonaparte not wish- ing him to be informed of the business. He transmitted to Toulon the money taken at Berne, whicli the Directory had placed at his disposal. It amounted to something above 3,000,000 francs. In those times of disorder and negligence, the finances were very badly managed. The revenues were anticipated and squandered away, so that the treasury never possessed so large a sum as that just mentioned. It was determined that Bonaparte should undertake an expedition of an unusual character to the East. I must confess that two things cheered me in tliis very painful interval : my friendship and admiration for the talents of the conqueror of Italy, and the pleasing ho})e of traversing those ancient regions, the historical and relig- ious accounts of which had engaged the attention of my youth. 1798. THE ARMY OF THE EAST. 141 It was at Passeriano that, seeing the approaching ter- mination of his labours in Europe, he first began to turn serious attention to the East. During his long strolls in the evening in the magnificent park there, he delighted to converse about the celebrated events of that part of the world, and the many famous empires it once possessed. He used to say, " Europe is a mole-hill. There have never been great empires and revolutions except in the East, where there are 600,000,000 men." He considered that part of the world as the cradle of all religions, of all metaphysical extravagances. This subject was no less interesting than inexhaustible, and he daily introduced it when conversing with the generals with whom he was intimate, with jMonge, and with me. Monge entirely concurred in the General-in-Chief's opinions on this point ; and his scientific ardour was in- creased by Bonaparte's enthusiasm. In short, all were unanimously of one opinion. The Directory had no share in renewing the project of this memorable expedition, the result of which did not correspond w^ith the grand views in which it had been conceived. Neither had the Directory any positive control over Bonaparte's departure or return. It was merely the passive instrument of the General's wishes, which it converted into decrees, as the law required. He was no more ordered to undertake the conquest of Egypt than he was instructed as to the plan of its execution. Bonaparte organised the army of the East, raised money, and collected ships ; and it was he who conceived the happy idea of joining to the expedi- tion men distinguished in science and art, and whose labours have made known, in its present and past state, a country, the very name of which is never pronounced without exciting grand recollections. Bonaparte's orders flew like lightning from Toulon to Civita Vecchia. With admirable precision he appointed 142 MEMOIRS OK NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798 some forces to asseml)le before Malta, and others before Alexandria. He dictated all the.se orders to nie in his Cabinet. In the yiosition in which France stood with respect to Europe, after the treaty of Cain]io-Furniio, the Directory, far from pressing or even facilitating this expedition, ought to have opposed it. A victory on the Adige would have been far better for France than one on the Nile. From all I saw, I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an ambitious and rising man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evident danger of removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and the possible loss of the French fleet. As to Bonaparte, he was well assured that nothing remained for him but to choose between that hazardous enterprise and his certain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right place to maintain his rei»utation, and to add fresh glory to his name. On the 12th of April, 1798, he was appointed General- in-Chief of the Army of the East. It was about this time that ]\Iarmont was married to Mademoiselle Perregaux ; and Bonaparte's aide-de-camp, La Vallette, to ^lademoi-selle Beauharnais.^ Shortly before our departure I asked Bonaparte how long he intended to remain in Egypt. He replied, "A few months, or six years : all depends on circumstances. I will colonise the country. I will bring them artists and artisans of every description ; women, actors, etc. We are but nine-ftnd-twenty now, and we shall then be five- and-thirty. That is not an old nge. Those six years will enable me, if all goes well, to get to India. Give out that you are going to Brest. Say so even to your family." I obeyed, to prove my discretion and real attachment to him. ^ Sir Walter Scott informs us that Josephine, when she became Em- press, hroui^ht aliuut tlie marriage between iier niece and La Vallette. This is auuther fictitious incident of his historical romance. — Bouinenne. 1798. PROVISIOX OF BOOKS. 143 Bonaparte wished to form a camp library of cabinet editions, and lie gave me a list of the books which I was to purchase. This list is in his own writing, and is as follows : — CAMP LIBRARY. 1. Arts AND Sciexce. — Fontenelle's "Worlds, 1 vol. Letters to a German Princess, 2 vols. Courses of the Normal School, 6 vols. The Artillery Assistant, 1 vol. Treatise on Fortifications, 3 vols. Treatise on Fireworks, 1 vol. 2. Geography and Travels. — Barclay's Geography, 12 vols. Cook's Voyages, 3 vols. La Harpe's Travels, 24 vols. 3. History. — Plutarch, 12 vols. Turenne, 2 vols. Conde, 4 vols. Villars, 4 vols. Luxembourg, 2 vols. Duguesclin, 2 vols. Saxe, 3 vols. Memoirs of the iMarshals of France, 20 vols. President Hainault, 4 vols. Chronology, 2 vols. Marlborough, 4 vols. Prince Eugene, 6 vols. Philosophical History of India, 12 vols. Germany, 2 vols. Charles XII., 1 vol. Essay on the Manners oi Nations, 6 vols. Peter the Great, 1 vol. Poly- bius, 6 vols. Justin, 2 vols. Arrian, 3 vols. Tacitus, 2 vols. Titus Livy. Thucydides, 2 vols. Vertot, 4 vols. Denina, 8 vols. Frederick II., 8 vols. 4. Poetry. — Ossian, 1 vol . Tasso, 6 vols. Ariosto, 6 vols. Homer, 6 vols. Virgil, 4 vols. The Henriade, 1 vol. Tele- machus, 2 vols. Les Jardins, 1 vol. The Chefs-d'Q^uvre of the French Theatre, 20 vols. Select Light Poetry, 10 vols. La Fontaine. 5. Romance. — Voltaire, 4 vols. Heloise, 4 vols. Werther, 1 vol. Marraontel, 4 vols. English Novels, 40 vols. Le Sage, 10 vols. Prevost, 10 vols. 6. Politics and Morals. — The Old Testament. The New Testament. The Koran. The Vedan. Mythology. Montes- quieu. The Esprit des Lois. It will be observed that he classed the books of the religious creeds of nations under the head of " politics." The autograph copy of the above list contains some of those orthographical blunders which Bonaparte so fre- 144 MEMOIRS OF NAl-oLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. quently committed. Whether these blunders are attrih- utalik' to the limited course of instruction he received at liricnne, to his hasty writing, tlie rapid How of his ideas, or the little importance he attached to that indispensable condition of polite education, I know not. Knowiuf^ so well as he did the authors and generals whose names appear in the above list, it is curious that he should have written Ducccling for Duguesclin, and Ocean for Ossian. The latter mistake would have puzzled me not a little had I not known his predilection for the Caledo- nian bard. Before his departure Bonaparte laid in a considerable stock of Burgundy. It was supplied by a man named James, of Dijon. I may observe that on this occasion we had an opportunity of ascertaining that good Burgundy, well racked off, and in casks hermetically sealed, does not lose its quality on a sea voyage. Several cases of this Burgundy twice crossed the desert of the Isthmus of Suez on camels' backs. We brought some of it back with us to Frejus; and it was as good as when we departed. James went with ns to Egypt. During the remainder of our stay in Paris nothing oc- curred worthy of mention, with the exception of a conver- sation between Bonaparte and me some days before our departure for Toulon. He went with me to the Luxem- bourg to get signatures to the official papers connected with his expedition. He was very silent. As we passed though the Kue Sainte Anne I asked him, with no other ol)ject than merely to break a long pause, whether he was still determined to quit France. He replied, " Yes ; I have tried everything. They do not want me " (probably alluding to the office of Director). " I ought to overthrow them, and make myself King ; but it will not do yet. The nobles will never consent to it. I have tried my ground. The time is not yet come. I should be alone. 1798. DEPARTURE FOR TOULON. 145 But I will dazzle them again." I replied, " Well, we will go to Egypt ; " and changed the conversation.^ The squabble with Bernadotte at Vienna delayed our departure for a fortnight, and might have had the most disastrous influence on the fate of the squadron, as Nel- son would most assuredly have waited between Malta and Sicily if he had arrived there before us. ^ It is untrue that he ever entertained the idea of aban- doning the expedition in consequence of Bernadotte's affair. The following letter to Brueys, dated the 28th of April, 1798, proves the contrary: — " Some disturbances which have arisen at Vienna render my presence in Paris necessary for a few days. This will not change any of the arrangements for the expedition. I have sent orders by this courier for the troops at Marseilles to embark and proceed to Toulon. On the evening of the 30th, I will send you a courier with orders for you to embark and proceed with the squadron and convoy to Genoa, where I will join you. 1 Lucieu and the Bonapartists of course deny that Napoleon wished to become Director, or to seize on power at this time ; see " Lucien," tome i. p. 154. Thiers (vol. v. p. 257) takes the same view. Lanfrey (tome i. p. 363) believes Napoleon was at last compelled by the Directory to start, and he credits the story told by Desaix to Mathieu Dumas, or rather to the wife of that officer, that there was a ]>lot to upset the Directory, but tliat when all was ready. Napoleon judged that the time was not ripe. Lanfrey, how- ever, rather enlarges what Dumas says; see Dumas, tome iii. p. 157. See also the very remarkable conversation of Napoleon with Miot de Melito just before leaving Italy for Rastadt : " I cannot obey any longer. I have tasted the plea.sures of command, and I cannot renounce it. My decision is taken. If I cannot be master, I shall quit France " ( Miot, tome i. p. 1 84). 2 Sir Walter Scott, without any authority, states that, at the moment of his departure, Bonaparte seemed disposed to abandon the comniand of an expedition so doubtful and hazardous, and that for tliis purpose he endeavoured to take advantage of what had occurred at Vienna. This must be ranked in the class of inventions, togetlier with Barras' mysteri- ous visit to cominunicate the change of destination, and also the ostracism and honourable exile which the Directory wished to impose on Bonaparte. — Bourrienne. VOL. I. 10 146 MEMOIUS OF NAI'OLEON BONA T ARTE. 1798. "Tlie 'U'liiy which this frosli event has occasioned will, ] imagine, have enabled you to complete every prt'paration." Wo loft Taris on tlie od of May, 1798. Ten days hefore Bonaparte's departure for Kgypt a prisoner (Sir Sidney Smith) escaped from the Temple, who was ilestined to contriliute materially to his reverses. An escape so un- imititrtaut in itself afterwards caused the failure of the most ^'igantic projects and daring conceptions. This escape was pregnant with future events ; a false order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolution of the East ! We were at Toulon on the Sth. Bonaparte knew by the movements of the p]nglish that not a moment was to be lost ; but adverse winds detained us ten days, which he occupied in attending to the most minute details con- nected with the fleet. Bonaparte, whose attention was constantly occupied with his army, made a si)eech to the soldiers, which I wrote to his dictation, and which appeared in the public papers at the time. This address was followed by cries of " The Immortal Republic for ever ! " and the singing of national hymns. Those who knew Madame Bonaparte are aware that few women were more amiable and fascinating. Bona- parte was passionately fond of her, and to enjoy the pleas- ure of her society as long as possible he brought her with him to Toulon. Nothing could l)e more ah'ecting than their parting. On leaving Toulon, Josephine went to the waters of Plonibiferes. I recollect that during her stay at Plombit^res she incurred great danger from a serious acci- dent. Whilst she was one day sitting at the balcony of the hotel, with her suite, the balcony suddenly gave way, and all the persons in it fell into the street. Madame Bona- parte was much hurt, but no serious consequences ensued.^ ^ " Madame Bonaparte had been but a short time at I'lombiferes, when one morning, as she was sitting in her drawing-room engaged at needle- 1798. HUMANITY OF BONAPARTE. 147 Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Toulon when he heard that the law for the death of emigrants was en- forced with frightful rigour ; and that but recently an old man, upwards of eighty, had been shot. Indignant at this barbarity, he dictated to me, in a tone of anger, the following letter : — IlEAnQUARTERS, TOULOX, 27th Floreal, year IV. (16th May, 1798). Bonaparte, Member of the National Institute, to the Military Commissioners of the Ninth Division, estab- lished BY the Law of the 19th Fructidor. I have learneJ, citizens, with deep regret, that an old man, between seventy and eighty years of age, and some unfortunate women, in a state of pregnancy, or surrounded with children of tender age, liave been shot on the charge of emigration. Have the soldiers of liberty become executioners 1 Can the mercy which they liave exercised even in the fury of battle be extinct in their hearts 1 The law of the 19th Fructidor was a measure of public safety. Its object was to reach conspirators, not women and aged men. I therefore exhort you, citizens, whenever the law briuo's to your tribunals women or old men, to declare that in the field of battle you have respected the women and old men of your enemies. work and conversing with some ladies, Madame de Camhis, who was in the balcony, called her to look at a beautiful little dog that was passing through the street. All the ladies who were in the room immediately rose, and, following Madame Bonaparte, rushed to the balcony, which in- stantly gave way, and fell with a tremendous crash. It fortunately hap- pened that nobody was killed ; liut Madame doCambis had her lej^ broken and Madame Bonaparte was dreadfully hurt, thontrh she escaped without broken bones. M. Charvet, who was in an adjoinino; room, ])eing alarmed by the noise, ran out, and, on learniiif^ what had liappened, he ordered a sheep to be immediately killed ; and the skin of the animal being taken off, Madame Bona])arte was wrapped in it. She suffered from the effects of this accident for a considerable time. Her hands and arms were so severely bruised that she was long unable to use them" (Mifmoires de Constant). 1-^9, MEM(^IRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. Tho ofRcer who signs a .sentence against a person incapable of bearing arms is a coward. (Signed) Bonapaute. This letter saved the life of an unfortunate man who came under the description of persons to whom Bona- parte referred. The tone of this note shows wliat an idea he ah-eady entertained of his power. He took upon him, doubtless from the noblest motives, to step out of his way to interpret and interdict the execution of a law, atro- cious, it is true, but which even in those times of weak- ness, disorder, and anarchy was still a law. In this instance, at least, the power of his name was nobly em- ployed. The letter gave great satisfaction to the army destined for the expedition. A man named Simon, wlio had followed his master in emigration, and dreaded the application of the law, heard that I wanted a servant. He came to me, and acknowl- edged liis situation. He suited me, and I hired liim. He then told me he feared he should be arrested whilst going to the port to embark. Bonaparte, to whom I mentioned the circumstance, and who had just given a striking proof of his aversion to these acts of barbarity, said to me in a tone of kindness, " Give him my portfolio to carry, and let him remain with you." The words " Bonaparte, General-in-Chief of the Army of the East," were inscribed in large gold letters on the green morocco. Whether it was the portfolio or his connection with us tliat prevented Simon from being arrested, I know not ; but he passed on without interruption. T reprimanded him for having smiled derisively at the ill-humour of the persons appointed to arrest him. He served me faith- fully, and was even sometimes useful to Bonaparte. CHAPTEK XIII. 1798. The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. The Orient, whicli, owing to her heavy lading, drew too much water, touched the ground ; but she was got off without much difficulty. We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. We had lost two days in waiting for some convoys which joined us at Malta. The mtrigues throughout Europe had not succeeded in causing the ports of that island to be opened to us imme- diately on our arrival. Bonaparte expressed much dis- pleasure against the persons sent from Europe to arrange measures for that purpose. One of them, however, M. Dolomieu, had cause to repent his mission, which occa- sioned him to be badly treated by the Sicilians. M. Poussielgue had done all he could in the way of seduc- tion, but he had not completely succeeded. There was some misunderstanding, and, in consequence, some shots were intei'changed. Bonaparte was very much pleased with General Baraguay d'Hilliers' services m Italy. He could not but praise his military and political conduct at Venice when, scarcely a year before, he had taken posses- sion of that city by his orders. General Baraguay d'Hil- liers joined us with his division, which had embarked in the convoy that sailed from Genoa. The General-in-Chief ordered him to land and attack the western part of the island. He executed this order with equal prudence and 150 MEMOIRS OF NArOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. ability, ami hi^^'lily to the satisfaction of the General-in- Chii'f. A.s every person in the secret knew that all this was a mere form, these hostile demonstrations pnKluced no nnpleasaut consequences. We wished to save the honour of the knights, — that was all ; for no one who has seen Malta can imagine that an island surrounded with such formidable and perfect fortifications would have sur- rendered in two days to a Heet which was pursued by an enemy. The impregnable fortress of Malta is so secure against a coup de main that General Cal!'arelli, after examining its fortifications, said to the General-in-Chief, in my presence, " Upon my word. General, it is lucky there is some one in the town to open the gates for us." By comparing the observation of General Caffarelli with what has been previously stated respecting the pro- ject of the expedition to Egypt and Malta, an idea may be formed of the value of IJonaparte's assertion at St. Helena : " The capture of Malta was not owing to private intrigues, Init to the sagacity of the Commander-in-Chief. I took Malta when I was in ^lantua ! " It is not the less true, however, that I wrote, by his dictation, a mass of instructions for private intrigues. Napoleon also said to another noble companion of his exile at St. Helena, " Malta Certainly possessed vast physical means of resistance, l)ut no moral means. The knights did nothing dishonourable : nobody is obliged to do impossibilities. No ; but they were sold : the capture of Malta was assured before we left Toulon." The General-in-Chief proceeded to that part of the port where the Turks made prisoners by the knights were kept. The disgusting galleys were emptied of their occupants. The same principles which, a few days after, formed the basis of Bonaparte's proclamation to the Egyptians, guided him in this act of reason and humanity. He walked several times in the gardens of the grand- 1798. NELSON'S PURSUIT OF THE FREXCH. 151 master. They were in beautiful order, and filled with magnificent orange-trees. We regaled ourselves with their fruit, which the great heat rendered most delicious. On the 19th of June, after having settled the govern- ment and defence of the island, the General left Malta, which he little dreamed he had taken for the English, who have very badly requited the obligation. ]\Iany of the knights followed Bonaparte, and took civil and mili- tary appointments. During the night of the 22d of June, the English squad- ron was almost close upon us. It passed at about six leagues from the French fleet. Nelson, who learned the capture of Malta at Messina on the day we left the island, sailed direct for Alexandria, without proceeding into the north. He considered that city to be the place of our destination. By taking the shortest course, with every sail set, and unembarrassed by any convoy, he arrived before Alexandria on the 28th of June, three days before the French fleet, which, nevertheless, had sailed before him from the shores of Malta. The French squadron took the direction of Candia, which we perceived on the 25th of June, and afterwards stood to the south, favoured by the Etesian winds, which regularly prevail at that season. The French fleet did not reach Alexandria till the 30th of June. When on board the Orient he took pleasure in convers- ing frequently with Monge and Berthollet. The subjects on which they usually talked were chemistry, mathemat- ics, and religion. General Caffarelli, whose conversation, supplied by knowledge, was at once energetic, witty, and lively, was one of those with whom he most willingly dis- coursed. Whatever friendship he might entertain for Berthollet, it was easy to perceive that he preferred Monge, and that he was led to that preference because Monge, endowed with an ardent imagination, without ex- 152 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. actly possessing religious principles, had a kind of pre- dis]>osition for religious ideas which liarnionised with the notions of Bonaparte. On this subject BerthoUet some- times rallied his inseparable friend Monge. Besides, BerthoUet was, with his cold imagination, constantly de- voted to analysis and abstractions, inclined towards ma- terialism, — an opinion with which the General was always much dissatisfied. l)onaparte sometimes conversed with Admiral Brueys. His object was always to gain information resjjecting the different manoeuvres, and nothing astonished the Admiral more than the sagacity of his questions. I recollect that one day, Bonaparte having asked Brueys in what manner the hammocks were disposed of wlien clearing for action, he declared, after he had received an answer, that if the case should occur, he would order every one to throw his bagjrarre overboard. He passed a great part of his time in his cabin, lying on a bed, which, swinging on a kind of castors, alleviated the severity of the sea-sickness from which he frequently suffered much when the ship rolled. I was almost always with him in his cabin, where I read to him some of the favourite works which he had selected for his camp library. He also frequently con- versed, for hours together, with the captains of the vessels which he hailed. He never failed to ask whence they came ? what was their destination ? what ships they had met? what course they had sailed? His curiosity being thus satisfied, he allowed them to continue their voyage, after making them promise to say nothing of having seen the French squadron. "Whilst we were at sea, he seldom rose before ten o'clock in the morning. The Orient had the appearance of a populous town from which women had been excluded ; and this floating city was inhabited by 2,000 individuals, 1798. LIFE ON BOARD THE ORIENT. 153 amongst whom were a great number of distinguished men. Bonaparte every day invited several persons to dine with him, besides Brueys, Berthier, the colonels, and his ordi- nary household, who were always present at the table of the General-in-Chief. When the weather was fine, he went up to the quarter-deck, which, from its extent, formed a grand promenade. I recollect once that when walkmg the quarter-deck with him whilst we were in Sicilian waters I thought I could see the summits of the Alps, beautifully lighted by the rays of the setting sun. Bonaparte laughed much, and joked me about it. He called Admiral Brueys, who took his telescope and soon confirmed my conjecture. The Alps ! At the mention of that word by the Admiral I tliink I can see Bonaparte still. He stood for a long time motionless ; then, suddenly bursting from his trance, exclaimed, " No ! I cannot behold the land of Italy with- out emotion ! There is the East : and there I go ; a peril- ous enterprise invites me. Those mountains command the plains where I so often had the good fortune to lead the French to victory. With them we will conquer again." One of Bonaparte's greatest pleasures during the voyage was, after dinner, to fix upon three or four persons to support a proposition and as many to oppose it. He had an object in view by this. These discussions afforded him an opportunity of studying the minds of those whom he had an interest in knowing well, in order that he might afterwards confide to each the functions for which he possessed the greatest aptitude. It will not appear singu- lar to those who have been intimate with Bonaparte, that in these intellectual contests he gave the preference to those who had supported an absurd proposition with ability over those who had maintained the cause of reason; and it was not superiority of mind which determined his 154 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. juiluMiR'ut, for lu' really iin'ferred the iiiau nvIio arj^ued well in favour of an absurdity to the man who argued e(|ually well in support of a reasonable proposition. He always gave out the subjects which were to be discussed; and they most frequently turned upon questions of religion, the dilVerent kinds of government, and the art of war. One day he asked whether the planets were inhaliited ; on another, what was the age of the world ; then he pro- posed to consider the probability of the destruction of our globe, either by water or tire ; at another time, the truth or fallacy of presentiments and the interjtretation of dreams. I remember the circumstance which gave rise to the last })roposition was an allusion to Joseph, of whom he happened to speak, as he did of almost everything con- nected with the country to which we were bound, and which that able administrator had governed. No country came under Bonaparte's observation without recalling his- torical recollections to his mind. On passing the island of Candia, his imagination was excited, and he spoke with enthusiasm of ancient Crete and the Colossus, whose fabulous renown has surpassed all human glories. He spoke much of the fall of the empire of the East, which bore so little resemblance to what history has preserved of those fine countries, so often moistened with the blood of man. The ingenious fables of mythology likewise occurred to his mind, and imparted to his language something of a poetical, and, T may say, of an inspired character. The sight of the kingdom of Minos led him to reason on the laws best calculated for the government of nations ; and the birthplace of .Jupiter suggested to him the necessity of a relierion for the mass of mankind. This animated conversation lasted \nitil the favourable north winds, which drove the clouds into the valley of the Nile, caused us to lose sight of the island of Candia. The musicians on board the Orient sometimes played 1798. BONAPARTE'S RESPECT FOR LIFE. 155 serenades ; but only between decks, for Bonaparte was not yet sufficiently fond of music to wish to hear it in liis cabin. It may be said that his taste for this art increased in the direct ratio of his power; and so it, was with his taste for hunting, of which he gave no indication until after his elevation to the empire; as though he had wished to prove that he possessed within himself not only the genius of sovereignty for commanding men, but also the instinct for those aristocratical pleasures the enjoyment of which is considered by mankind to be amongst the attributes of kings. It is scarcely possible that some accidents should not occur during a long voyage in a crowded vessel, — that some persons should not fall overboard. Accidents of this kind frequently liappened on board the Orient. On those occasions nothing was more remarkalile than the great humanity of the man who has since been so prodi- gal of the blood of his fellow-creatures on the field of battle, and who was about to shed rivers of it even in Egypt, whither we w^ere bound. AVhen a man fell into the sea, the General-in-Chief was in a state of agitation till he was saved. He instantly had the ship hove-to, and exhibited the greatest uneasiness until the unfor- tunate individual was recovered. He ordered me to re- ward those who ventured their lives in this service. Amongst these was a sailor who had incurred punish- ment for some fault. He not only exempted him from the punishment, Ijut also gave him some money. I rec- ollect that one dark night we heard a noise like that occasioned by a man falling into the sea. Bonaparte instantly caused the ship to be hove-to until the sup- posed victim was rescued from certain death. The men hastened from all sides, and at length they picked up — what ? — the quarter of a bullock, wliich had fallen from the hook to which it was hung. What was Bonaparte's 156 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. cimdiict ? He ordered me to reward the sailors who had exerted theinsidves on this occasion even more ^'enerously than usual, saying, "It might have heen a sailor; and these brave fellows have shown as much activity and courajie as if it had." After the lapse of thirty years all these things are as fresh in my recollection as if they were i)assing at the present moment. In this manner Bonaparte employed his time on board the Orient during the voyage, and it was also at this time that he dictated to me the following proclamation : — HEADyiAKTKRS ON ISOAHD THE OllIENT, the 4th Messidor, year VI. Bonaparte, Member of the National Institute, General-in-Cuief. Soldiers, — Yuu are about to undertake a conquest the effects of which on civilisation and commerce are incalculable. The blow you are about to give to Eugland will be the best aimed, and the most sensibly felt, she can receive until the time arrive when you can give her her death-blow. "We must make some fatiguing marches ; we must fight sev- eral battles ; we shall succeed in all we undertake. The des- tinies are with us. The Mameluke Beys, who favour exclusively English conmierce, whose extortions oppress our mercliants, and who tyrannise over the unfortunate iidiabitants of tlie Nile, a few days after our arrival will no longer exist. The people amongst whom we are going to live are Mahome- tans. The first article of their faith is this : "There is no God but God, and Mahomet is His propliet." Do not con- tradict them. Behave to tliem as you have behaved to the Jews — to the Itahans. Pay respect to their muftis, and their Imaums, as you did to the rabbis and tlie bisliops. Extend to the ceremonies prescribed by the Koran and to the mosques the same toleration which you showed to the synagogues, to the relif'ion of Moses and of Jesus Christ. 1798. FOREBODINGS OF ADMIRAL BRUEYS. 157 The Eoman legions protected all religions. You will find here customs different from those of Europe. You must accom- modate yourselves to them. The people amongst whom we are to mix differ from ua in the treatment of women ; but in all countries he who violates is a monster. Pillage enriches only a small number of men ; it dishonours us ; it destroys our re- sources ; it converts into enemies the people whom it is our interest to have for friends. The first town we shall come to was built by Alexander. At every step we shall meet with grand recollections, worthy of exciting the emulation of Frenchmen. Bonaparte. During the voyage, and particularly between Malta and Alexandria, I often conversed with the brave and unfortu- nate A(Jmiral Brueys. The intelligence we heard from time to time augmented his uneasiness. I had the good foruune to obtain the confidence of this worthy man. He complained bitterly of the imperfect manner in which the fleet had been prepared for sea ; of the encumbered state of the ships of the line and frigates, and especially of the Orient ; of the great number of transports ; of the bad outfit of all the ships and the weakness of their crews. He assured me that it required no little courage to under- take the command of a fleet so badly equipped ; and he often declared that, in the event of our falling in with the enemy, he could not answer for the consequences. The encumbered state of the vessels, the immense quantity of civil and military baggage which each person had brought, and would wish to save, would render proper manoeuvres impracticable. In case of an attack, added Brueys, even by an inferior squadron, the confusion and disorder amongst so great a number of persons would produce an inevitable catastrophe. Finally, if the English had ap- peared with ten vessels only, the Admiral could not have guaranteed a fortunate result. He considered victory to be a thing that was impossible, and even with a victory, 158 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. ^vll;lt would liave become of the expedition ? " God send," lie said, with a si^di, " that we may pass tlu* En,u;lish with- out meeting them!" He appeared to foresee what did afterwards happen to liini, not in the open sea, hut in a situation which he considered much more favouralde to his defence. On the morning of the 1st of July the expedition ar- rived ofl' the coast of Africa, and the column of Septimus Severus pointed out to us the city of Alexandria. Our situation and frame of mind hardly permitted us to reflect that in the distant point we beheld the city of the Ptole- mies and Csesars, with its double port, its pharos, and the gigantic monuments of its ancient grandeur. Our imagina- tions did not rise to this pitch. Admiral Brueys had sent on before the frigate Juno to fetch M. Magallon, the French Consul. It was near four o'clock when he arrived, and the sea was very rough. He informed the General-in-Chief that Xelson had been off Alexandria on the 28th, — that he immediately des- patched a brig to obtain intelligence from the English agent. On the return of the brig Xelson instantly stood away with his squadron towards the north-east. But for a delay which our convoy from Civita Vecchia occasioned, we should have been on this coast at the same time as Xelson. It appeared that Xelson supposed us to be already at Alexandria when he arrived thore. He had reason to suppose so, seeing that we left ]\lalta on the 19th of June, whilst he did not sail from Messina till the 21st. Xot finding us where he expected, and being persuaded we ought to have arrived there had Alexandria been the place of our destination, he sailed for Alexandretta in Syria, whither he imagined we had gone to effect a land- ing. This error saved the expedition a second time. Bonaparte, on hearing the details which the French 1798. CAPTURE OF ALEXAXDRIA. 159 Consul communicp.ted, resolved to disembark immedi- ately. Admiral Brueys represented the difficulties and dangers of a disembarkation : the violence of the surge, the distance from the coast, — a coast, too, lined with reefs of rocks, — the approaching night, and our perfect ignor- ance of the points suitable for landing. The Admiral, therefore, urged the necessity of waiting till next morning j that is to say, to delay the landing twelve hours. He observed that Nelson could not return from Syria for sev- eral days. Bonaparte listened to these representations with impatience and ill-humour. He replied perempto- rily, " Admiral, we have no time to lose. Fortune gives me but three days ; if I do not profit by them we are lost." He relied much on fortune; this chimerical idea con- stantly influenced his resolutions. Bonaparte having the command of the naval as well as the military force, the Admiral was obliged to yield to his wishes. I attest these facts, which passed in my presence, and no part of which could escape my observation. It is quite false that it was owing to the appearance of a sail which, it is pretended, was descried, but of which, for my part, I saw nothing, that Bonaparte exclaimed, " Fortune, have you abandoned me ? I ask only five days ! " No such thing occurred. It was one o'clock in the morning of the 2d of July when we landed on the soil of Egypt, at ]\Iarabou, three leagues to the west of Alexandria. AYe had to regret the loss of some lives ; but we had every reason to expect that our losses would have been greater. At three o'clock the same morning, the General-in- Chief marched on Alexandria with the divisions of Kldber, Bon, and Menou. The Bedouin Arabs, who kept hover- ing about our right flank and our rear, picked up the stragglers. inO MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. Havinjj; nnived within gunshot of Alexandria, we scaled tlie ranijiaits, and French valour soon triumphed over all oltslacles. The first blood I saw shed in war was General Kldber's. He was struck in the head by a ball, not in storming the walls, but whilst heading the attack. He came to Pompey's Pillar, where many members of the stafi" were assembled, and where the General-in-Cliief was watching the attack. I then spoke to Kl^ber for the first time, and from that day our friendship commenced. I had the fi[ood fortune to contribute somewhat towards the assistance of which he stood in need, and which, as we were situated, could not be procured very easily. It has been endeavoured to represent the capture of Alexandria, which surrendered after a few hours, as a brilliant exploit. The General-in-Chief himself wrote that the city had been taken after a few discharges of cannon ; the walls, badly fortified, were soon scaled. Alexandria was not delivered up to pillage, as has been asserted, and often repeated. Tliis would have been a most impolitic mode of commencing tlie conquest of Egypt, which had no strong places requiring to be intimi- dated by a great example. Bonaparte, with some others, entered the city by a narrow street which scarcely allowed two persons to walk abreast; I was with him. We were stopped by some musket-shots fired from a low window by a man and a woman. They repeated their fire several times. Tlie guides who preceded their General kept up a heavy fire on the window. The man and woman fell dead, and we passed on in safety, for the place had surrendered. Bonaparte employed the six days during which he remained in Alexandria in establishing order in the city and province, with that activity and superior talent which I could never sufficiently admire, and in directing 1798. COMPLAINTS OF THE FRENCH TROOPS. 161 the march of the army across the province of Bohahire'h. He sent Desaix with 4,500 infantry and 60 cavalry to Beda, on the road to Damanhour. This general was the first to experience the privations and sufferings wliich the whole army had soon to endure. His great mmd, his attachment to Bonaparte, seemed for a moment about to yield to the obstacles wliich presented themselves. On the 15th of July he wrote from Bohahire'h as follows : " I beseech you, do not let us stop longer in this position. My men are discouraged and murmur. Make us advance or fall back without delay. The villages consist merely of huts, absolutely without resources." In these immense plains, scorched by the vertical rays of a burning .sun, water, everywhere else so common, becomes an object of contest. The wells and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefully concealed from the travellers ; and frequently, after our most oppressive marches, nothing could be found to allay the urgent cravings of thirst but a little brackish water of tlie most disgusting description.^ 1 Some idea of the misery endured by the French troops on tliis occa- sion may ))e gathered from the following description in Napoleon's " Me- moirs," dictated at St. Helena : — " As the Hebrews, wandering in the wilderness, complained, and angrily asked Closes for the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt, the French soldiers constantly regretted the luxuries of Italy. In vain were they assured that the country wa.s the most fertile in tlie world, that it was even supe- rior to Lombardy ; how were tliey to be persuaded of this when they could get neither bread nor wine ? We encamped on immense quantities of wheat, but there was neither mill nor oven in the country. The bis- cuit br drafifoons tliri-w thoinselves, ci)m])li't('ly clcithed, into tlie Nile, where they were drowned. It is nevertliele.s.s true that, though there wivs neither l)read nor wine, the resource!* whieh were j)roiuro.l with wiieat, lentils, meat, and sometimes pigeons, furnished the army with food of some kind. Hut the evil was in the ferment of the mind. The oflieei-s eomjdaiiied more loudly than the soldiers, heeause the comparison was proj)ortionately more disadvanta- geous to them. In Egypt they found neither the quarters, the good table, nor the lu.vury of Italy. The Geueral-iu-Chief, wisliing to set an exanij)le, used to bivouac in the midst of the army, and in the least commodious spots. No one had either tent or provisions; the din- ner of Napoleon and liis staff consisted of a dish of lentils. The stddiers passed the evenings in political conversations, arguments, and comjdaints. 'For what pnrjK)seare we come here ?' said some of them; 'the Directory has transported us.' ' Caffarelli,' said others, 'is the agent that has been made use of to deceive the General-iu-Cliief.' Many of them, liaving 'i«/i«/7e, tome iii. p. 152). 1 Napoleon related at St. Helena tliat in a fit of irritation he rushed among a group of dissatisfied generals, and said to one of them, who was remarkal)lc for his stature, " You have held seilitious language ; Imt take care I do not perform my duty. Though you are five feet ten inches high, that shall not save you from being shot.' — Bourrienne. 1798. EGYPTIAN PLANS. 176 befall him ? At tlie very moment when he was about to apply for the aid of the mother-country. From what General Bonaparte communicated to me previously to the 1st of August, his object was, having once secured the possession of Egypt, to return to Toulon with the fleet ; then to send troops and provisions of every kind to Egypt ; and next to combine with the fleet all the forces that could be supplied, not only by France, but by her allies, for the purpose of attackmg England. It is certain that previously to his departure for Egypt he had laid before the Dii'ectory a note relative to his plans. He always regarded a descent upon England as possible, though in its result fatal, so long as we should be in- ferior in naval strength ; but he hoped by various ma- noeuvres to secure a superiority on one point. His intention was to return to France. Availing him- self of the departure of the English fleet for the Mediter- ranean, the alarm excited by his Egyptian expedition, the panic that would be inspired by his sudden appearance at Boulogne, and his preparations against England, he hoped to oblige that power to withdraw her naval force from the Mediterranean, and to prevent her sending out troops to Egypt. This project was often in his head. He would have thought it sublime to date an order of the day from the ruins of Memphis, and three months later, one from London. The loss of the fleet converted all these bold conceptions into mere romantic visions. When alone with me he gave free vent to his emotion. I observed to him that the disaster was doubtless great, but that it would have been infinitely more irreparable had Nelson fallen in with us at IMalta, or had he waited for us four-and-twenty hours before Alexandria, or in the open sea. "Any one of these events," said I, " wliich were not only possible, but probable, would have deprived us of every resource. We are blockaded here, but we 176 MK.MoIliS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAIM'i:. 1798. have provisions aiul im>iioy. Let us then wail patiently to see what the Directory will do for us." — " The Direc- tory !" exclaimed he, angrily, "the Directory is composed of a set of scoundrels ! they envy and hate me, and would gladly let me perish here. Besides, you see how dissatis- tied the whole army is : not a man is willing to stay." The pleasing illusions which were cherished at the out- set of the exi)edition vanislied long l)efore our arrival in Cairo. Egypt was no longer the empire of the Ptolemies, covered with populous and wealthy cities ; it now pre- sented one unvaried scene of devastation and misery. Instead of being aided by the inhabitants, whom we had ruined, for the sake of delivering them from the yoke of the beys, we found all against us : Mamelukes, Arabs, and fellahs. No Frenchman was secure of his life who hap- pened to stray half a mile from any inhabited place, or the corps to which he belonged. The hostility which prevailed against us and the discontent of the army were clearly developed in the numerous letters which w^ere written to France at the time, and- intercepted. The gloomy reflections which at first assailed Bona- parte were s])eedily banished ; and he soon recovered the fortitude and presence of mind which had been for a moment shaken by the overwhelming news from Aboukir. He, however, sometimes repeated, in a tone which it would be difficult to describe, " Unfortunate Brueys, what have you done ! " I have remarked that in some chance observations which escaped Napoleon at St. Helena he endeavoured to throw all the blame of the affair on Admiral Brueys. Persons wlio are determined to make Bonaparte an ex- ception to human nature have unjustly reproached the Admiral for the loss of the fleet. CHAPTER XVI. 1798. The loss of the fleet convinced General Bonaparte of the necessity of speedily and effectively organising Egypt, where everything denoted that we should stay for a con- siderable time, except in the event of a forced evacuation, which the General was far from foreseeing or fearing. The distance of Ibrahim Bey and Mourad Bey now left him a little at rest. War, fortifications, taxation, govern- ment, the organisation of the divans, trade, art, and science, all occupied his attention. Orders and instruc- tions were immediately despatched, if not to repair the defeat, at least to avert the first danger that might ensue from it. On the 21st of August, Bonaparte established at Cairo an institute of the arts and sciences, of which he subsequently appointed me a member in the room of M. de Sucy, who was obliged to return to France, in conse- quence of the wound he received on board the flotilla in the Nile.i 1 The Institute of Egypt was composed of members of the French Institute, and of the men of science and artists of the commission who did not helong to that body. Tliey assembled and acUled to their number several officers of the artillery and staff, and others wlio had cultivated the sciences and literature. The Institute was (•stal)lished in one of tlie palaces of the beys. A great number of machines, and physical, chemical, and astronomical in- struments had been lirought from t'rance. They were distrilnited in the different rooms, wliich were also successively filled with all tlie curiosities of tiie country, whether of the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom. The garden of the palace became a botanical garden. A chemical VOL. I. — 12 178 MKMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONArARTE. 1798 111 fouiuling this Institute, Bonajiarte wished to aii'ord an example of his itleas of civilisation. The minutes of the sittinj^'s <»f that learned body, which have heen printed, bear evidence of its utility, and of Napoleon's extended views. The objects of the Institute were the advance- ment and propagation of information in Egypt, and the study and publication of all facts relating to the natural history, trade, and anti([uities of that ancient country. On the 18th, Bonaparte was present at the ceremony of opening the dike of the canal of Cairo, which receives the water of the Nile when it reaches the height fixed by the Mequyas. Two days after came the anniversary festival of the birth of Malic imet. At this Napoleon was also pres- ent, in comi)aiiy with the sheik El Bekri,^ who at his laboratory was formed at headcjuarters ; Berthollet performed oxperi- meuts there several times every week, at which Napoleon and a great number of officers attended {Memoirs of' Napoleon). ^ Tlie (Jeneral-iii-Chief went to celebrate the feast of the Prophet at the house of the sheik El Bekri. The ceremony was begun by the recital of a kind of litany, containing the life of Mahomet from his birth to his death. About a hundreil sheiks, sitting in a circle, on carpets, with their legs crossed, recited all the verses, swinging their bodies violently backwards and forwards, and all together. A grand dinner was afterwards served up, at which the guests .sat on carpets, witii their legs across. There were twenty tables, and five or six people at each table. That of the General-in-Chief and the sheik El Bekri was in tlie middle; a little .slab of a precious kind of wood ornamented with mo.saic-work was placed eighteen inches above the floor and covered with a great number of dishes in succession. 'I'hey were pillaws of rice, a particular kind of roa.st, cntnes, and pastry, all very highly sj)iced. The sheiks picked everything with their fingers. Accordingly, water was brought to wash the hamls three times during dinner, (iooseberry -water, lemonade, and otlier sorts of sherbets were served to drink, and abun- dance of ])re.serves and confectionery with the dessert. On the whole, the dinner was not disagreeable ; it was only the manner of eating it that seemed strange to us. In the evening the whole city was illnmiiiated. After dinner the party went into the .sfjuare of El Bekri, the illumination of which, in coloured lamjjs, was very beautiful. An immense concourse of people attended 1798. INDIFFERENCE TO MAHOMETANISM. 179 request gave him two young Mamelukes, Ibrahim and Roustan.^ It has been alleged that Bonaparte, when in Egypt, took part in the religious ceremonies and worship of the Mussulmans ; but it cannot be said that he celebrated the festivals of the overflowing of the Nile and the anniver- sary of the Prophet. The Turks invited him to these merely as a spectator ; and the presence of their new master was gratifying to the people. But he never com- mitted the folly of ordering any solemnity. He neither learned nor repeated any prayer of the Koran, as many persons have asserted ; neither did he advocate fatalism, polygamy, or any other doctrine of the Koran. Bona- parte employed himself better than in discussing with the Imaums the theology of the children of Ismael. The ceremonies, at which policy induced him to be present, were to him, and to all who accompanied him, mere mat- ters of curiosity. He never set foot in a mosque ; and only on one occasion, which I shall hereafter mention, dressed himself in the Mahometan costume. He attended the festivals to which the green turbans invited him.^ They were all placed in order, in ranks of from twenty to a hundred per- sons, who, standing close together, recited tlie prayers and litanies of the Prophet with movements which kept increasing, until at length they seemed to be convulsive, and some of the most zealous fainted away {Memoirs of Napoleon). 1 Roustan or Rustan, a Mameluke, was always with Napoleon from the time of the return from Egypt till 1814, when he abandoned his master. He slept at or near the door of Napoleon. See Re'musat, tome i. p. 209, for an amusing description of the alarm of Josephine, and the precipitate flight of Madame de Remusat, at the idea of being met and killed by this man in one of Josephine's nocturnal attacks on the privacy of her husband when closeted with his mistress. 2 From this Sir Walter Scott infers that he did not scru])le to join the Mussulmans in the external ceremonies of their religion. He emliellishes his romance with the ridiculous farce of the sepulchral chamber of the grand pyramid, and the speeches which were adf laughter. He sat down very coolly ; but he found himself so encum- bered and ill at ease in his turban and Oriental robe that he spi'edily threw them off, and was never tempted to a second performance of the masquerade. About the end of August Bonai)arte wished to open negotiations with the Pasha of Acre, nicknamed the Butcher. He ollered ])jez/.ar his friendship, sought his in return, and gave him the most consolatory assurances of the safety of his dominions. He promised to support him against the Grand Seignior, at the very moment when he was assuring the Egy})tians that he would support the Grand Seignior against the beys. But Djezzar, confiding in his own strength and in the protection of the English, who had anticipated Bonaparte, was deaf to every over- ture, and would not even receive Beauvoisin, who was sent to him on the 22d of August. A second envoy was beheaded at Acre. The occupations of Bonaparte and the necessity of obtaining a more solid footing in Egyi)t re- tarded for the moment the invasion of that pashalic, which provoked vengeance by its barbarities, besides beinj:' a dangerous neighbour. From the time he received the accounts of the disaster of Aboukir until the revolt of Cairo on the 22d of Octo- ber, Bona'parte sometimes found the time hang heavily on his hands. Though he devoted attention to everything, yet there was not sufficient occupation for his singularly active mind. When the heat was not too great, he rode on horseback ; and on his return, if he found no despatches to read (which often happened), no orders to send off, or no letters to answer, he was immediately absorbed in reverie, and would sometimes converse very strangely. One day, after a long pause, he said to me — "Do you know wiiat I am thinking of?" — "Upon my word, that would be very difficult ; you think of such ex- 1798. PLAN OF CAMPAIGN IN GERMANY. 183 traordinary things." — "I don't know," continued he, " that I shall ever see France again ; but if I do, my only ambi- tion is to make a glorious campaign in Germany — in the plains of Bavaria; there to gain a great battle, and to avenge France for the defeat of Hochstadt. After that I would retire into the country, and live quietly." He then entered upon a long dissertation on the prefer- ence he would give to Germany as the theatre of war ; ^ the fine character of the people, and the prosperity and wealth of the country, and its power of supporting an army. His conversations were sometimes very long, but always replete with interest. In these intervals of leisure Bonaparte was accustomed to retire to bed early. I used to read to him every even- ing. When I read poetry, he would fall asleep ; but when he asked for the " Life of Cromwell," I counted on sitting up pretty late. In the course of the day he used to read and make notes. He often expressed regret at not receiv- ing news from France ; for correspondence was rendered impracticable by the numerous English and Turkish cruisers. Many letters were intercepted and scandalously published. Not even family secrets and communications of the most confidential nature were respected. About the middle of September in this year (1798), Bonaparte ordered to be brought to the house of- Elfy Bey half a dozen Asiatic women whose beauty he had heard highly extolled. But their ungraceful obesity displeased him, and they were immediately dismissed. A few days 1 So early as 1794 Napoleon had suggested that Austria should always be attacked in Germany, not in Italy. " It is Germany that sliould ite overwhelmed ; that done, Italy and Spain fall of themselves. . . . Ger- many should he attackeil, not Spain or Italy. If we obtain great success, advantage should never be taken of it to jjonetrate into Italy while Ger- many, unweakcned, offers a formidalde front" (lung's />'o»«/*(j/7e, tome ii. p. 4.'J6). Hewa.s always opposed to the wild plans which had ruined so many French armies in Italy, and which tlie Directory tried to force on him, of marcliiug on Rome and Naples after every success in the north. 184 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. after he fell violently in love with Madame Fourds, the wife of a lieutenant of infantry.' She was very pretty, and her eharms were enhanced hy the rarity of seeing a woman iu Egypt who was calculated to please the eye of a European. Bonaparte engaged for her a house adjoin- ing the palace of J^lfy Bey, which we occui)ied. He fre- quently ordered dinner to he prepared there, and I used to go there with him at seven o'clock, and leave him at nine. This connection soon became the general sul)ject of gos- sip at headquarters. Through a feeling of delicacy to M. Four^s, the General-in-Chief gave him a mission to the Directory. He embarked at Alexandria, and the ship was captured by the English, who, being informed of the cause of his mission, were malicious enough to send him back to Egypt, instead of keeping him prisoner. Bonaparte wished to have a child by Madame Eourds, but this wish was not realised. A celebrated soothsayer was recommended to Bonaparte by the inhabitants of Cairo, who confidentially vouched for the accuracy with which he could foretell future events. He was sent for, and when he arrived, I, ^^entu^e, and a sheik were with the General. The prophet wished first to exercise his skill upon Bonaparte, who, however, proposed that I should have my fortune told first, to which I acceded without hesitation. To afford an idea of his prophetic skill I must mention that since my arrival in Cairo I had been in a very weak state. The passage of the Nile and the bad food we had had for twelve days had greatly reduced me, so that I was miseraldy pale and thin. After examining my hands, feeling my pulse, my fore- head, and the nape of my neck, the fortune-teller shrugged his shoulders, and, in a melancholy tone, told Venture 1 See " Memoirs of the Ducliesse d'Abrantes " (Madame Junot), English edition of 188.3, vol. i. p. 458. 1798. AN EGYPTIAN SOOTHSAYER. 185 that he did not think it right to inform me of my fate. I gave him to understand that he might say what he pleased, as it was a matter of indifference to me. After considerable hesitation on his part and pressing on mine, he announced to me that the earth of Egypt ivould receive me in two months. I thanked him, and he was dismissed. When we were alone, the General said to me, " Well, what do you think of that?" I observed that the fortune-teller did not run any great risk in foretelling my death, which was a very probable circumstance in the state in which I was ; " but," added I, " if I procure the wines which I have ordered from France, you will soon see me get round again." The art of imposing on mankind has at all times been an important part of the art of governing ; and it was not that portion of the science of government which Bona- parte was the least acquainted with. He neglected no opportunity of showing off to the Egyptians the superi- ority of France in arts and sciences ; but it happened, oftener than once, that the simple instinct of the Egyp- tians thwarted his endeavours in this way. Some days after the visit of the pretended fortune-teller he wished, if I may so express myself, to oppose conjuror to conjuror. For this purpose he invited the principal sheiks to be pre- sent at some chemical experiments performed by M. Ber- thollet. The General expected to be much amused at their astonishment ; but the miracles of the transformation of liquids, electrical commotions, and galvanism, did not elicit from them any symptom of surprise. They wit- nessed the operations of our able chemist with the most imperturbable indifference. When they were ended, the sheik El Bekri desired the interpreter to tell M. Berthollet that it was all very fine; "but," said he, "ask him whether he can make me be in Morocco and here at one and the same moment." M. Berthollet replied in the 186 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. negative, with a shrug of liis shoulders. " Oh, then," said the slieik, " he is not half a sorcerer." Our music jtroduced no {^a'eater effect upon them. They listened with insensibility to all the airs that were played to tlu'ui, with the exce])tion of " Marllirook." When that was played, they 1 lecame animated, and were all in motion, as if ready to dance. An order which had been issued on our arrival in Cairo for watching the criers of the mosques had for some weeks been neglected. At certain hours of the night these criers address prayers to the Prophet. As it was merely a repe- tition of the same ceremony over and over again, in a short time no notice was taken of it. The Turks, perceiv- ing this negligence, substituted for their prayers and hymns cries of revolt ; and by this sort of verbal telegraph, insurrectionary excitement was transmitted to the north- ern and southern extremities of Egypt. J)y this means, and by the aid of secret emissaries, who eluded our feeble police, and circulated real or forged firmans of the Sultan disavowing the concord between France and the Porte, and provoking war, the plan of a revolution was organised throughout the country. The signal for the execution of this plan was given from the minarets on the night of the 20th of October, and on the morning of the 21st it was announced at headquarters that the city of Cairo was in open insurrection. The General-in-Cliief was not, as has been stated, in the isle of Raouddah : he did not hear the firing of the alarm-guns. He rose when the news arrived ; it was then five o'clock. He was informed that all the shops were closed, and that the French were attacked. A moment after he heard of the death of General Dupuis, commandant of the garri- son, who was killed by a lance in the street. Bonaparte immediately mounted his horse, and, accompanied by only tliirty guides, visited all the threatened points, restored 1798. INSUERECTION IN CAIRO. 187 confidence, and, with great presence of mind, adopted measures of defence. He left me at headquarters with only one sentinel ; but he had been accurately informed of the situation of the insurgents ; and such was my confidence in his activity and foresight that I had no apprehension, and awaited his return with perfect composure. This composure was not disturbed even when I saw a party of insurgents attack the house of M. Est^ve, our paymaster-general, which was situated on the opposite side of Ezbekye'h Place. M. Est^ve was, fortunately, able to resist the attack until troops from Boulac came up to his assistance. After visiting all the posts, and adopting every precau- tionary measure, Bonaparte returned to headquarters. Einding me still alone with the sentinel, he asked me, smiling, " whether I had not been frightened ? " — " Not at all, General, I assure you," replied I. It was about half-past eight in the morning when Bona- parte returned to headquarters, and while at breakfast he was informed that some Bedouin Arabs, on horseback, were trying to force their entrance into Cairo. He ordered his aide-de-camp, Sulkowsky, to mount his liorse, to take with him fifteen guides, and proceed to the point where the assailants were most numerous. This was the Bab-el-Nasser, or the gate of victory. Croisier observed to the General-in-Chief that Sulkowsky had scarcely re- covered from the wounds at Salehye'h, and he offered to take his place. He had his motives for this. Bonaparte consented ; but Sulkowsky had already set out. Within an hour after, one of the fifteen guides returned, covered with blood, to announce that Sulkowsky and the remain- der of his party had been cut to pieces. This was speedy work, for we were still at table when the sad news arrived. Mortars were planted on Mount Mokatam, which com- 188 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1798. Diamls Cairo. Tlie populace, expelled from all tlie princi- pal streets by the troops, assembled in the square of the Great Mo.sque, and in tlie little streets running into it, which they barricaded. The tiring of the arlillery on the heights was kept up with vigour for two days. About twelve of the principal chiefs of Cairo were arrested and confined in an apartment at headquarters. They awaited with the calmest resignation the death they knew they merited; but Bonaiiarte merely detained them as hostages. The aga in the service of Bonaparte was astonished that sentence of deatli w^as not prontninced upon them ; and he said, shrugL^ing his shoulders, and with a gesture apparently intended to provoke severity, " You see they expect it." On the third the insurrection was at an end, and tran- quillity restored. Numerous prisoners were conducted to the citadel. In obedience to an order which I wrote every evening, twelve were put to death nightly. The bodies were then put into sacks and thrown into the Xile. There were many women included in these nocturnal executions. I am not aware that the number of victims amounted to thirty per day, as Bonaparte assured General Eeynier in a letter which he wrote to him six days after the restoration of tranquillity. " Every night," said he, " we cut oft' thirty heads. This, I hope, will be an effect- ual example." I am of opinion that in this instance he exaggerated the extent of his just revenge. Some time after the revolt of Cairo the necessity of insuring our own safety forced the commission of a terrible act of cruelty. A tribe of Arabs in the neighbour- hood of Cairo had surprised and massacred a party of French. The General-in-Chief ordered his aide-de-camp Croisier to proceed to the spot, surround the tribe, destroy the huts, kill all the men, and conduct the rest of the population to Cairo. The order was to decapitate the 1798. MASSACRE OF ARABS. 189 victims, and bring their heads in sacks to Cairo to be exhibited to the people. Eugene Beauharnais accompanied Croisier, who joyfully set out on this horrible expedition, in hope of obliterating all recollection of the aftair of Damanhour. On the following day the party returned. Many of the poor Arab women had been delivered on the road, and the children had perished of hunger, heat, and fatigue. About four o'clock a troop of asses arrived in Ezbekye'h Place, laden with sacks. The sacks were opened, and the heads rolled out before the assembled populace. I cannot de- scribe the horror I experienced ; but I must nevertheless acknowledge that this butchery insured for a considerable time the tranquillity and even the existence of the little caravans wliich were obliged to travel in all directions for the service of the army. Shortly before the loss of the fleet the General-in-Chief had formed the design of visiting Suez, to examine the traces of the ancient canal which united the Nile to the Gulf of Arabia, and also to cross the latter. The revolt at Cairo caused this project to be adjourned until the month of December. Before his departure for Suez Bonaparte granted the commissary Sucy leave to return to France.^ He had received a wound in the right hand when on board the xeliec Cerf. I was conversing with him on deck when he received this wound. At first it had no appearance of being serious ; but some time after he could not use his hand. General Bonaparte despatched a vessel with sick and wounded, who were supposed to be incurable, to the number of about eighty. All envied their fate, and were anxious to depart with them ; but the privilege was con- 1 " Erreurs " (tome i. p. 67) says that the expedition to Suez started in Nivose (December aud January), and that Sucy had gone home three months before. 190 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAIME. 1798. ceded to very few. However, tlu)se wlio were disappointed had no cause for regret. We never know what we wish for. Captain Marengo, who landed at Augusta in Sicily, supposing it to be a friendly land, was required to observe quarantiiR' for twenty-two days, and inforniati(tn was given of the arrival of the vessel to the court, which was at Palermo. On the 25th of January, 1799, all on board the Frencli vessel were massacred, with the excej^tion of twenty-one, who were saved by a Neapolitan frigate, and conducted to Messina, where they were detained. Before he conceived the resolution of attacking the Turkish advanced guard in the valleys of Syria, lion aparte liad formed a plan of invading British India from Persia. He had ascertained, through the medium of agents, that the Shah of Persia would, for a sura of money paid in advance, consent to the establishment of military maga- zines on certain points of his territory. Bonaparte fre- quently told me that if, after the subjugation of Egypt, he could have left 15,000 men in that country, and have had 30,000 disposable troops, he would have marched on the Euphrates. He was frequently speaking about the deserts which were to be crossed to reach Persia. How many times have I seen him extended on the ground, examining the beautiful maps which he had brought with him, and he would sometimes make me lie down in the same position to trace to me his projected march. This reminded him of the triumphs of his favour- ite hero, Alexander, with whom he so much desired to associate his name ; but, at the same time, he felt that these projects were incompatible witli our resources, the weakness of the Government, and the dissatisfaction which the array already evinced. Privation and misery are inseparable from all these remote operations. This favourite idea still occupied his mind a fortnight before his departure for Syria was determined on, and on 1798. LETTER TO TIPPOO SAIB. 191 the 25tli of January, 1799, he wrote to Tippoo Saib as follows : — " You are of course already informed of my arrival on the hanks of the Red Sea, with a numerous and invincible army. Eager to deliver you from the iron yoke of England, I hasten to request that you will send me, by the way of jMascate or Mocha, an ac- count of the political situation in which you are. I also wish that you could send to Suez, or Grand Cairo, some able man, in your confidence, with whom I may confer." ^ 1 It is not true, as has often been stated, that Tippoo Saib wrote to Gen- eral Bonaparte. He could not reply to a letter written on the 25th of January, owing to the great difficulty of communication, the considerable distance, and the short interval which elapsed between the 25th of Janu- ary and the fall of the empire of Mysore, which happened on the 20th of April following. The letter addressed to Tippoo Saib commenced, " Citizeu- Sultan ! " — Bourrienne. CHAPTER XVIL 1798-1799. On the 24tli of December we set out for Suez, where we arrived on the 26th. On the 25th we encamped in the desert some leagues before Ad-Geroth. The heat had been very great during the day ; but about eleven at night the cold became .«^o severe as to be precisely in an inverse ratio to the temperature of the day. This desert, which is the route of the caravans from Suez, from Tor, and the countries situated on the north of Arabia, is strewed with the bones of the men and animals who, for ages past, have perished in crossing it. As there was no wood to be got, we col- lected a quantity of these bones for fuel. Monge himself was induced to sacrifice some of the curious skulls of animals which he had picked up on the way and deposited in the berlin of the General-in-Chief. But no sooner had we kindled our fires than an intolerable effluvium obliged us to raise our camp and advance farther on, for we could procure no water to extinguish tlie fires. On the 27th Bonaparte employed himself in inspecting the town and port of Suez, and in giving orders for some naval and military works. He feared — what indt^ed really occurred after his departure from Egypt — the arrival of some English troops from the East Indies, which lie had intended to invade. These regiments contributed to the loss of his conquest.^ 1 Sir D.ivid IJaird, with a force of about 7,000 men sent from India, landed at Cosseir in July, 1801. 1798-99. BONAPARTE CROSSES THE RED SEA. 193 On the morning of the 28th we crossed the Red Sea dry-shod,^ to go to the Wells of Moses, which are nearly a myriametre from the eastern coast, and a little south- east of Suez. The Gulf of Arabia terminates at about 5,000 metres north of that city. Near the port the Red Sea is not above 1,500 metres wide, and is always ford- able at low water. The caravans from Tor and Mount Sinai ^ always pass at that part, either in going to or re- turning from Egypt. This shortens their journey nearly a myriametre. At high tide the water rises five or six feet at Suez, and when the wind blows fresh it often rises to nine or ten feet. We spent a few hours seated by the largest of the springs called the Wells of Moses, situated on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Arabia. We made coffee with the water from these springs, which, however, gave it such a brackish taste that it was scarcely drinkable. Though the water of the eight little springs which form the Wells of Moses is not so salt as that of many wells dug in other parts of the deserts, it is, nevertheless, ex- ceedingly brackish, and does not allay thirst so well as fresh water. ^ From time immemorial this ford has been called by the people of the country El-Mahadjieh, the passage. — Bourrienne. - I shall say nothing of the Cenohites of Mount Sinai, as I had not the honour of seeing them. Neither did I see the register containing the names of Ali, Salah-Eddin, Ihraiiim or Abraham, on which Rouaparte is said to liave inscribed his name. I perceived at a distance some liigh liills which were said to be Mount Sinai. I conversed, through the medium of an interpreter, wdth some Arabian chiefs of Tor and its neighliourhood. They Iiad been informed of our excursion to the Wells, and tliat they might there tiiank tlie French General for the protection granted to their caravans and their trade with Egypt. On the 19th of December, before his departure from Suez, Bonaparte signed a sort of safeguard, or exemp- tion from duties, for the convent of Mount Sinai. This had been granted out of respect to Moses ami tlie Jewish nation, and also because the con- vent of Mount Sinai is a seat of learning and civilisation amidst the bar- barism of tiie deserts. — Bourrienne. VOL. I. — 13 194 MEMOIRS OV NATOLKON RoNArAUTE. 1798- Bonaparte retnnu'd to Suez that same ni^lit. It was very dark when we readied the sea-shore. The tide was coming' u]t, ami tlie water was ])retty hij,'h. "We deviated a little from the way we had taken in the morning; we crossed a little too low down. We were thrown into dis- order, hut we did not lose ourselves in the marshes as has been stated. There were none. I have read somewhere, though I diil not see the fact, nor did I hear it mentioned at the time, that the tide, which was coming up, would have been the grave of the General-in-Chief had not one of the guides saved him by carrying him on his shoulders. If any such danger had existed, all who had not a similar means of escape must have perished. This is a fabrication. General Caffiirelli was the only person who was really in danger, for his wooden leg pre- vented his sitting firmly on his horse in the water ; but some persons came to his assistance and supported him.^ On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief wished to discover the site of the canal which in ancient times formed a junction between the Red Sea and the Nile by lielbeis. ^I. Lep^re, who was a member of the Egyptian Institute, and is now inspector-general of bridges and highways, executed on the spot a beautiful plan, which may confidently be consulted by those who wish to form an accurate idea of that ancient communication, and tlie level of the two seas.^ On his arrival at the capital, Bonaparte again devoted 1 Bonaparte extricaterl himself as the others did from the real danger he antl his escort liad run. At St. Helena he said, " Profiting by the low tide, I crossed tlie Red Sea dry-shod. On my return I was overtaken hy the night, and went astray in tlio middle of the rising tide. I ran tlie greatest danger. I nearly perished in tlie same manner as Pharaoh did. This would certainly iiave furnished all the Christiaii preachers with a magnificent te.xt against me." — liourrienne. '■' Since accurately ascertained during the progress of the works for the Suez Canal. 1799. "PARTANT POUR LA SYRIE." 195 all his thoughts to the affairs of the army, which he had not attended to during his short absence. The revenues of Egypt were far from being sufficient to meet the mili- tary expenditure. To defray his own expenses, Bonaparte rai.sed several considerable loans in Genoa through the medium of M. James, The connection of James with the Bonaparte family takes its date from this period.^ Since the month of August the attention of General Bonaparte had been constantly fixed on Syria. The period of the possible landing of an enemy in Egypt had now passed away, and could not return until the month of July in the following year. Bonaparte was fully con- vinced that that landing would take place, and he was not deceived. The Ottoman Porte had, indeed, been per- suaded that the conquest of Egypt was not in her interest. She preferred enduring a rebel whom she hoped one day to subdue, to supporting a power which, under the spe- cious pretext of reducing her insurgent beys to obedience, deprived her of one of her finest provinces, and threatened the rest of the empire. On his return to Cairo, the General-in-Chief had no longer any doubt as to the course wliich the Porte in- tended to adopt. The numerous class of persons who believed that the Ottoman Porte had consented to our occupation of Egypt were suddenly undeceived. It was then asked how we could, without that consent, have at- tempted such an enterprise ? Nothing, it was said, could justify the temerity of such an expedition, if it should produce a rupture between France, the Ottoman empire, and its allies. However, for the remainder of the year Bonaparte dreaded nothing except an expedition from Gaza and El-Arish, of which the troops of Djezzar had ^ Joseph Bonaparte says tliat the fathers of Xapoleon and of M. James had long kncnvn one another, and that Napoleon liad met James at Autun {Eneurs, tome i p. 24.5). 196 MKMOIIJS OK NAI'OLKON li< iNAl'AUTE. 1798- already taken ]i<»ssessioii. This occupation was justly rt'jfartled as a (U-cided act of hostility ; war was thus prac- tically declared. " We must adoi)t anticii)atory meas- ures," thought Napoleon ; " we must destroy this advanced guard of the Ottoman empire, overthrow the ramparts of Jaffa and Acre, ravage the country, destroy all her re- sources, so as to render the passage of an army across the desert impracticable." Thus was planned the expe- dition against Syria. General Berthier, after repeated entreaties, had ob- tained permission to return to France. The Courageuse frigate, which was to convey him home, was fitting out at Alexandria ; he had received his instructions, and was to leave Cairo on the 29th of January, ten days before Bona- parte's departure for Syria. Bonaparte was sorry to part with him ; but he could not endure to see an old friend, and one who had served him well in all his campaigns, dying before his eyes, the victim of nostalgia and roman- tic love. Besides, Berthier had been for some time past anything but active in the discharge of his duties. His passion, which amounted almost to madness, impaired the feeble faculties with which nature had endowed him. Some writers have ranked him in the class of sentimental lovers : be tliis as it may, the homage which Berthier ren- dered to the portrait of the o1)ject of his adoration more frequently excited our merriment than our sensibility. One day I went with an order from Ijonaparte to the chief of his staff, whom I found on his knees before the portrait of Madame Visconti, which was hanging opposite the door. I touched him, to let him know I was there. He grumbled a little, but did not got angry. The moment was approaching when the two friends were to part, perhaps for ever. Bonaparte was sincerely distressed at this separation, and the chief of his staff was informed of the fact. At a moment when it was supposed 1799. FIRST CASHMERE SHAWL IN FRANCE. 197 Bertliier was on his way to Alexandria, he presented liiin- self to the General-in-Chief. " You are, then, decidedly going to Asia ? " said he. — " You know," replied the Gen- eral, " that all is ready, and I shall set out in a few days." — " Well, I will not leave you. I voluntarily renounce all idea of returning to France. I could not endure to forsake you at a moment when you are going to encounter new dangers. Here are my instructions and my pass- port." Bonaparte, highly pleased with this resolution, embraced Berthier; and the coolness which had been excited by his request to return home was succeeded by a sincere reconciliation. Louis Bonaparte, who was suffering from the effects of the voyage, was still at Alexandria. The General-in- Chief, yielding to the pacific views of his younger brother, who was also beginning to evince some symptoms of nos- talgia, consented to his return home. He could not, how- ever, depart until the 11th of March, 1799. I felt the absence of Louis very much. On his return to France, Louis passed through Sens, where he dined with Madame de Bourrienne, to whom he presented a beautiful shawl, which General Berthier had given me. This, I believe, was the first Cashmere that had ever been seen in France. Louis was much surprised when Madame de Bourrienne showed him the Egyptian correspondence, which had been seized by the English and printed in London. He found in the collection some letters addressed to himself, and there were others, he said, which were likely to disturb the peace of more than one family on the return of the army. On the 11th of February, 1799, we began our march for Syria, with about 12,000 men.^ It has been erroneously ' " Erreurs " (tome i. p. 69) pnints ont tli.it all good liistori.ins have put tlie strength of the armv of Syria at from 10,000 to 12,000 meu. Thiers (tome v. p. 446) says about 13,000. 198 MEMOIUS OF NAl'Ol.r.MN HoXAl'AUTE. 1798- stateil that lilt' anny iiinmuilL'd to nnly Ci.OdO : nearly that iiuiiilier was lost in llie coiiise of tlic camjiai^u. ]Io\v- evcr, at the very moment we were on our way to ^yria, with 12,000 men, scareely as many bein^if left in Egypt, the Directory iniMished that, " according to the informa- tion which had been received," we had GO,N Al'AKTi:. 1798- self-possession ; aiul as soon as some doLfrec of calinness succeeded to tliis first burst, I replied tliat I knew noth- ing of the rei)orts which Junot might have communicated to him ; that even if such re})orts, often the f)f1's]tring of cahimny, had reached my ear, and if I had considered it my duty to inform him of them, I certainly would not liave selected for that purpose the moment when he was 000 leagues from France. I also did not conceal how blamable Junot's conduct appeared to me, and how un- generous I considered it thus rashly to accuse a woman who was not present to justify or defend herself, — that it was no great proof of attachment to add domestic uneasi- ness to the anxiety, already sufficiently great, which the situation of his brothers in arms, at the commencement of a hazardous enterprise, occasioned him. Notwithstanding these observations, which, however, he listened to with some calmness, the word '■ divorce " still escaped his lips ; and it is necessary to be aware of the degree of irritation to which he was liable when any- thing seriously vexed him, to be able to form an idea of what Bonaparte was during this painful scene. However, 1 kept my ground. I repeated what I had said. I befz"ed of him to consider with what facility tales were fab- ricated and circulated, and that gossip such as that which had been repeated to him was only the amusement of idle persons, and deserved the contempt of strong minds. I .spoke of his glory. " My glory ! " cried he. " I know not what I would not give if that which Junot has told me should be untrue ; so much do I love Josephine ! If she be really guilty, a divorce must separate us for ever. I will not submit to be a laughing-stock for all the imbe- ciles in Paris. I will write to Joseph ; he will get the divorce declared." Although his agitation continued long, intervals oc- curred in which he was less excited. I seized one of these 1799. BONAPARTE AND JUNOT. 201 moments of comparative calm to combat this idea of divorce which seemed to possess his mind. I represented to him especially that it would he imprudent to write to his brother with reference to a communication which was probably false. " The letter might be intercepted ; it would betray the feelings of irritation which dictated it. As to a divorce, it would be time to think of that here- after, but advisedly." These last words produced an effect on him which I could not have ventured to hope for so speedily. He be- came tranquil, listened to me as if he had suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped the subject, and never returned to it ; except that about a fortniglit after, when we were before St. Jean d'Acre, he expressed him- self greatly dissatisfied with Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him by his indiscreet disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions of malignity. I perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for this indiscretion ; and I can state, almost with certainty, that this was one of the reasons why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like many of his comrades whom Bonaparte had loved less. It may be supposed that Josephine, who was afterwards informed by Bona- parte of Junot's conversation, did not feel particularly interested in his favour.^ He died insane on the 27th of July, 1813. 1 However indiscreet Junot might on this occasion have shown himself in interfering iu so delicate a matter, it is ])retty certain that his snspicions were breathed to no otlier ear than that of Honaj)arte himself. Madame Junot, in speaicing of tiie ill suppressed enmity l)etween her hushand and Madame Bonaparte, s.ays that he never uttered a word even to her of the sub- ject of his conversation with the General-in-Chief in Et/i/jit. That Junot's testimony, however, notwitlistanding tlie countenance it obtained from Bonaparte's relations, ought to be cautiously received, tlie following pas- sage from the " Memoirs of the Duchesse fl'Abrantcs," vol. i. p. 250, demon- strative of the feelings of irritation lietween the ))arties, will sliow : — "Junot escorted Madame Bonai)arte when she went to join the General- 202 MKMOIKS OF NAlN)Li:OX IJONArAUTE. 17S8- Our little iiniiy cniitiimeil its march (ni KI-Ari.sh, where we arrived on the 17tli of February. The fatigues expe- rienced in the desert and the scarcity of water excited vio- lent murmurs amongst the soldiers during their march across the isthmus. AVhen any person on horseliack l)assed them, they studiously expressed their discontent. The advantage possessed by the horsemen provoked their sarcasms. I never heard the verses which they are said to have repeated, but they indulged in the most vitjlent language against the Republic, the men of science, and those whom they regarded as the authors of the expedition. Nevertheless these brave fellows, from whom it was not in-(Miief in Italy. I nm snrpriseil that M. de Huurricnno ha.s omitted nien- tinuiiif^ this cinuinstaiue in his ' Memuirs.' lie must liave known it, since he was well a(((uainted with eventhiiijif relating to .Josephine, and knew nniny facts of high interest in her life at this ))irio(l and suhsecjuently. How iia])peus it too tliat lie makes no mention of Mademoiselle Louise, who might he called lier demoiselle de com/iai/nle ratiier tiian iier feiinne de (■Ituiidne ? At the outset of the journey to Italy she was such a favourite with .Josephine that she dressed like her mistress, sat at tahle with iier, and was in all resjjeets iier friend aiid confidante. " The journey was long, mucii too long for Junot, though he vvas very much in love witli Mademoiselle Louise. Uut he was anxious to joiu tiie army, f(jr to him his General w.is always the dearest of mistresses. Junot has often .spoken to me, and lome alone, of the vexations he experi- enced on tiiis journey. Jle mir/ht have added to his circa instanlial details relatire to Josejiliiiie the conversation he is reported to have had with B&na/nirte in Eijijiit; hut he never breathed a word on the subject, for his character was alwai/s noble and f/enerous. The journey to Italy did not produce the effect which usually ari.ses from such incidents in common life ; namely, a closer friendship an*ted great honour in semling inunediately tn Klc'l)er the refu.sal of I^ord Keith to ratify the treaty, wliich .saved the I' reach army ; if he had kept it a secret seven or eight days longer, Cairo would have been given up to the Turks, and the Frencli army necessarily oliliged to surrender to the English. He also showed great humanity ami honour in all his proceed- ings towards tiie French who fell into his hands. He landed at Havre, for some sultisc of a bet he had made, according to some, to go to the theatre; others said it was for es])ionage ; however that may be, he was arrested and confined in the Tem))le as a spy ; and at one time it was intended to try au»otwith- standing this, I like the character of the man" {Voice from St. Helena, vol. i. p. 208). 1799. DEATH OF GENERAL CAFFARELLI. 215 my knees." Besieging artillery was, of necessity, required : we commenced with field artillery. This encouraged the besieged, who perceived the weakness of our resources. The besieging artillery, consisting only of three twenty- four-pounders and six eighteen-pounders, was not brought up until the end of April, and before that period three assaults had taken place with very serious loss. On the 4th of May our powder began to fail us. This cruel event obliged us to slacken our fire. We also wanted shot ; and an order of tlie day fixed a price to be given for all balls, according to their calibre, which might be picked up after being fired from the fortress or the two ships of the line, the Tiger and Theseus, which were stationed on each side of the harbour. These two vessels embarrassed the com- munication between the camp and the trenches ; but though they made much noise, they did little harm. A ball from one of them killed an officer on the ev^eninff the siege was raised. The enemy had within the walls some excellent rifle- men, chiefly Albanians. They placed stones, one over the other, on the walls, put their firearms through the inter- stices, and thus, completely sheltered, fired with destruc- tive precision. On the 9th of April General Caffarelli, so well known for his courage and talents, was passing through the trench, his hand resting, as he stooped, on his hip, to preserve the equilibrium which his wooden leg impaired ; his elbow only was raised above the trench. He was warned that the enemy's shot, fired close upon us, did not miss the smallest object. He paid no attention to any observation of this kmd, and in a few instants his elbow- joint was fractured. Amputation of the arm was judged indispensable. The General survived the operation eighteen days. Bonaparte went regularly twice a day to his tent. By his order, added to my friendship for 216 MEMOIHS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. Calfarelli, I senrcely ever quitted him. Shortly before he exjiirei,! he said to me, " ^ly dear lUmrrieiiiie, be so good as to read to me Voltaire's prefaee to the ' Ksprit des Lois.' " Wheu I returned to the tent of the General-in-Chief, he asked, " How is Caflarelli ? " I re}»lied, " He is near his end ; but he asked me to read him Voltaire's ]>reface to the ' Esprit des Lois.' He has just fallen asleep." Bonaparte saiil, " Bah ! to wish to liear that preface ! how singular ! " He went to see Callarelli, but he was still asleej). I re- turned to him that evening, and received his last l)reath. He died with the utmost composure. His death was equally regretted by the soldiers and the men of science who accom])anied us. It was a just regret, fully due to that distinguished man, in whom very extensive information was united with great courage and an amiable disposition. On the 10th of May, when an assault took ]>lace, Bona- parte proceeded at an early hour to the trenches.^ Croi- sier, who was mentioned on our arrival at Damanhour, and on the capture of Jaffa, had in vain courted death since the commencement of the siege. Life had become insupportable to him since the unfortunate attair at Jaffa. He as usual accompanied his general to the trenches. Be- lieving that the termination of the siege, which was sup- posed to be near, would postpone indefinitely the death which he sought, he mounted a battery. In tliis situa- tion his tall figure uselessly provoked all the enemy's shots. "Croisier, come down, I command you ; you have no business there," cried Bonaparte, in a loud and im- perative tone. Croisier remained without making any re- ply. A moment after a ball passed through his right leg. Amputation was not considered indisjjensalile. On the day of our departure he was placed on a litter, which was borne by sixteen men alternately, eight at a time. I 1 Sir Sidney Smith, in his official report of the a.ssault of the 8th of May, says that Napoleon was distinctly seen directing the operation. 1799. SIEGE OF ST. JEAN D'ACRE. 217 received his last farewell between Gaza and El-Arish, where he died of tetanus. His modest tomb will not be often visited. The siege of St. Jean d'Acre lasted sixty days. Dur- ing that time eight assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault of the 8th of May more than 200 men pen- etrated into the town. Victory was already shouted ; but the breach having been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was not approached without some degree of hesitation, and the 200 men who had entered were not supported. The streets were barricaded. The cries, the bowlings of the women, who ran through the streets, throwing, according to the custom of the country, dust in tlie air, excited the male inhal)itants to a desperate resistance, which rendered unavailing this short occupation of the town by a handful of men, who, finding themselves left without assistance, retreated towards the breach. Many who could not reach it perished in the town. During this assault, Duroc, who was in the trench, was wounded in the right thigh 1)y the splinter from a shell fired against the fortifications. Fortunately this accident only carried away the flesh from the bone, which remained untouched. He had a tent in common with sev- eral other aides-de-camp ; but for his better accommo- dation I gave him mine, and I scarcely ever quitted him. Entering his tent one day about noon, I found him in a profound sleep. The excessive heat had compelled him to throw off all covering, and part of his wound was ex- posed. T perceived a scorpion which had crawled up the leg of the camp-bed and approached very near to the wound. I was just in time to hurl it to the ground. The sudden motion of my hand awoke Duroc. We often bathed in the sea. Sometimes the English, perhaps after taking a double allowance of grog, would fire at our heads, which appeared above water. I am not 218 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. aware Lliat. any accident was occasioned hy their cannon- ade ; but as we were beyond reach of their guns, we paid scarcely any attention to the hring. It wa.s even a subject of nniusenient to us. Had our attack on St. Jean d'Acre been less precijjitate, and had the siege been undertaken according to tlie rules of war, the place would not have held out three days; one assault like that of the 8th of May would have l)een suHicient. If, in the situation in which we were on the day when we first came in sight of the ramparts of Acre, we had made a less inconsiderate estimate of the strength of the i)lace ; if we had likewise taken into consideration the active co-operation of the English and the Ottoman Porte, our absolute want of artillery of sufficient calibre, our scarcity of gunpowder and the difficulty of procuring food, — we certainly should not have undertaken the siege ; and that would have lieen by far the wisest course. Towards the end of the siege the General-in-Chief received intelligence of some trifling insurrections in northern Egypt. An angel had excited them, and the heavenly messenger, who had condescended to assume a name, was called the Mahdi, or El Alohdy. Tiiis religious extravagance, however, did not last long, and tranquillity was soon restored. All that the fanatic Mahdi, who shrouded himself in mystery, succeeded in doing was to attack our rear by some vagabonds, whose illusions were dissipated by a few musket-shots. CHAPTEE XIX. 1799. The siege of St Jean d'Acre was raised on the 20th of May. It cost us a loss of nearly 3,000 men, in killed, deaths by the plague, or wounds. A great number were wounded mortally. In those veracious documents, the bulletins, the French loss was made 500 killed, and 1,000 wounded, and the enemy's more than 15,000.^ Our bulletins may form curious materials for history; but their value certainly will not depend on the credit due to their details. Bonaparte attached the greatest importance to those documents, generally drawing them up himself, or correcting them, when written by another hand, if the composition did not please him. It must be confessed that at that time nothing so much flattered self-love as being mentioned in a bulletin. Bona- parte was well aware of this ; he knew that to insert a name in a bulletin was conferring a great honour, and that its exclusion was a severe disappointment. General Berthier, to whom I had expressed a strong desire to ex- amine the works of the siege, took me over tliem ; but, notwithstanding his promise of secrecy, he mentioned the circumstance to the General-in-Chief, who had desired me not to approach the works. "What did you go there for?" said Bonaparte to me, with some severity ; " that is not 1 M. Aure, the ordonnateur-enchef of the army, compiitos tlie wliole number of deaths duriug the Syriau campaign at 2,000 (Eneurs, tome i. p. 75). 2'JO MKMOrRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. your place." I replied that Berthier told me tliat no a.s- sault would take place tliat day ; and he l)elieved tliere would be no sortie, as the garrison had made one the pre- ceding evening. "What matters that? Tliere might have been another. Those who have nnthing to do in such places are always the first victims.^ Let every man mind his own busine-ss. Woumloil or killed, I wttuld not even have notict'd you in the bulletin. You would have lieen laughed at, and that justly." Bonaparte, not having at this time experienced reverses, having continually proceeded from triumph to triumph, conHtk'utly anticipated the taking of St. Jean d'Acre. In his letters to the generals in Egypt he fixed the 25th of April for the accomplishment of that event. He reckoned that the grand assault against tlie tower could not be made before that day; it took place, however, twenty-four hours sooner. He wrote to Desaix on the 19th of April, "I count on being master of Acre in six days." On the 2d of ^lay he told Junot, "Our IS and 24 pounders liave arrived. We hope to enter Acre in a few days. The fire of their artillery is completely extinguished." Letters have been printed, dated 30th FlordaP (]9th May), in wliich he announces to Dugua and to Poussielgue that they can rely on his being in Acre on 6th Flor^al (25th April). Some mistake has evidently been made. " The slightest circumstances produce the greatest events," said Napoleon, according to the " ^Memorial of St. Helena ;" " had St. Jean d'Acre fallen, I should have changed the face of the world." And again, " The fate of the East lay in that 1 It may be iiotod that this has always been a common belief amonjij Boldiers, — an idea siipjiorted l)y the frecjuent woumls and death of ])er.sons vohuitarily encja^ed in operations. - If in tiie.se latter letters for ."JOtii FlorenJ we read .30th Germinal (19th April), the letters to Caffarelli, Dugua, aud to Poussielgue will agree in their dates with those to Desaix. 1799. GRAND PROJECTS. 221 small town." This idea is not one which he first began to entertain at St. Helena ; he often repeated the very same words at St. Jean d'Acre. On the shore of Ptolemais gigantic projects agitated him, as, doubtless, regret for not having carried them into execution tormented him at St. Helena.. Almost every evening Bonaparte and myself used to w-alk together, at a little distance from the seashore. The day after the unfortunate assault of the 8th of May Bona- parte, afflicted at seeing the blood of so many brave men uselessly shed, said to me, " Bourrienne, I see that this wretched place has cost me a number of men, and wasted much time. But things are too far advanced not to at- tempt a last effort. If I succeed, as I expect, I shall find in the town the pasha's treasures, and arms for 300,000 men. I will stir up and arm the people of Syria, who are disgusted at the ferocity of Djezzar, and who, as you know, pray for his destruction at every assault. I shall then march upon Damascus and Aleppo. On advancing into the country, the discontented will flock round my stand- ard, and swell my army. I will announce to the people the abolition of servitude and of the tyrannical govern- ments of the pashas. I shall arrive at Constantinople with large masses of soldiery. I shall overturn the Turkish empire, and found in the East a new and grand empire, which will fix my place in the records of posterity. Perhaps I shall return to Paris by Adrianople, or by Vienna, after having annihilated the house of Austria." After I had made some ol)servations which these grand projects naturally suggested, he replied, " What ! do you not see that the Druses only wait for the fall of Acre to rise in rebellion ? Have not the keys of Damascus already been offered me ? I only stay till these walls fall because until then I can derive no advantage from this large town. By the operation which I meditate I cut off all kind of sue- 222 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. cour fnmi the l>eys, and secure the conquest of Egypt. I will have Desaix nominated commander-in-chief ; but if I do not succeed in the hi.st as.sault I am about to attempt, 1 set oil' directly. Time presses. I shall not be at Cairo before the middle of June. The winds will then be favour- al)le for shii).*; bound to Kgypt from the north. Constan- tinople will send troops to Alexandria and Rosetta. I must be there. As for the army which will arrive after- wards by land, I do not fear it this year. I will cause everything to be destroyed, all the way to the entnmce of the desert. I will render the passage of an army imj)0s- sible for two years. Troops cannot exist amidst ruius." As soon as I returned to my tent I committed to paper this conversation, which was then quite fresh in my mem- ory ; and I may venture to say that every word I put down is correct. I may add, that during the siege our camp was constantly filled with the inhabitants, who in- voked Heaven to favour our arms, and prayed fervently at every assault for our success, many of them on their knees, with their faces to the city. The people of Damas- cus, too, had offered the keys to Bonaparte. Thus every- thing contributed to make liim confident in his favourite plan. The troops left St. Jean d'Acre on the 20th of ]\Iay, takiniiadvantajre of the night to avoid a sortie from the be- sieged, and to conceal the retreat of the army, which had to march three leagues along the shore, exposed to the fire of the P^nglish vessels lying in the roads of Mount Car- mel. The removal of the wounded and sick commenced on the ISth and 19th of May. Bonaparte then made a proclamation, wliich from one end to the other offends against truth. It has been pub- lished in many works. The season of the year for hostile landing is there very dexterously placed in the foreground ; all tlie rest is a deceitful exaggeration. It must be ob- 1799. TERMINATION OF THE EXPEDITION. 223 served that the proclamations which Bonaparte regarded as calculated to dazzle an ever too credulous public were amplifications often ridiculous and incomprehensible upon the spot, and which only excited the laughter of men of common sense. In all Bonaparte's correspondence there is an endeavour to disguise his reverses, and impose on the public, and even on his own generals. For example, he wrote to General Dugua, commandant of Cairo, on the 15th of February, " I will bring you plenty of prisoners and flags ! " One would almost be inclined to say that he had resolved, during his stay in the East, thus to pay a trib- ute to the country of fables.^ Thus terminated this disastrous expedition. I have read somewhere that during this immortal campaign the two heroes Murat and Mourad had often been in face of one another. There is only a little difficulty : Mourad Bey never put his foot in Syria. We proceeded along the coast, and passed Mount Car- mel. Some of the wounded were carried on litters, the remainder on horses, mules, and camels. At a short dis- tance from ]\Iount Carmel we were informed that three soldiers, ill of the plague, who were left in a convent (which served for a hospital), and abandoned too confi- dently to the generosity of the Turks, had been barbar- ously put to death. A most intolerable thirst, the total want of water, an excessive heat, and a fatiguing march over biu'ning sand- hills, quite disheartened the men, and made every generous sentiment give way to feelings of the grossest selfishness 1 Tlie prisoners and flags were sent. The Turkish flags were intrnsted by Berthicr to the AiljutantCommandant Royer, who conducted a convoy of sick and wounded to Egypt. Sidney Smith acknowledges the loss of some flags by the Turks. The Turkish prisoners were used as carriers of the litters for the wounded, and were, for the most part, brought into Egypt (Erreiirs, tome i. pp. 47 and 160). See also Lanfrey (tome i. p. 403) as to prisoners and flags. 224 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLKON RoXAl'ARTE. 1799. ami most shocking; imlifierence. T saw ollicers, with their limits amputatod, thrown oil" tlio Utters, whose removal in tluitway had been ordered, and who had themselves given money to recompense the bearers. I saw the amputated, the wounded, the infected, or those only suspected of infec- tion, deserted and left to themselves. The march was illu- mined by tovcluis lighted for the ])urpose of settin<,' fire to the little towns, villages, and hamlets which lay in the route, and the rich crops with which the land was then covered. The whole country w.as in a blaze. Those who were or- dered to ])reside at this work of destruction seemed eaf^er to spread desolation on every side, as if they could thereby avenge themselves for their reverses, and find in such dreadful havoc an alleviation of their suflerings. We were constantly surrounded by i>lunderers, incendiaries, and the dying, who, stretched on the sides of the road, implored assistance in a feeble voice, .saying, " I am not infected — I am only wounded ; " and to convince those whom they addressed, they reopened their old wounds, or infiicted on themselves fresh ones. Still nobody attended to them. "It is all over w^ith him," was the observation ajiplied to the unfortunate beings in succession, while every one pressed onward. The sun, which shone in an unclouded sky in all its brightness, was often darkened by our conflagrations. On our right lay the sea; on our left, and behind us, the desert made by ourselves; lief ore were the Jiprivations and sufferings which awaited us. Such was our true situation. We reached Tentoura on the 20th of iMay, when a most oppressive heat prevailed, and produced general dejection. We had nothing to sleep on but the parched and burning sand ; on our right lay a hostile sea ; our losses in wounded and sick were already considerable since leaving Acre ; and there was nothing consolatory in the future. The trulv afflicting condition in w^iich the remains of an 1799. THE WOUNDED AND INFECTED. 225 army called triicmjyhant were plunged, produced, as might well be expected, a corresjjonding impression on the mind of the General-in-Chief. Scarcely had he arrived at Ten- toura when he ordered his tent to be pitched. He then called me, and with a mind occupied by the calamities of our situation, dictated an order that every one should march on foot ; and that all the horses, mules, and camels should be given up to the wounded, the sick, and infected who had been removed, and who still showed signs of life. " Carry that to Berthier," said he ; and the order was in- stantly despatched. Scarcely had I returned to the tent when the elder Vigogne, the General-in-Chief's groom, entered, and raising his hand to his cap, said, " General, what horse do you reserve for yourself ? " In the state of excitement in which Bonaparte was, this question irri- tated him so violently that, raising his whip, he gave the man a severe blow on the head, saying in a terrible voice, " Every one must go on foot, you rascal — I the first ! Do you not know the order ? Be off ! " Every one in parting with his horse was now anxious to avoid giving it to any unfortunate individual supposed to be suffering from plague. Much pains were taken to ascertain the nature of the diseases of the sick ; and no difficulty was made in accommodating the wounded or amputated. For my part I had an excellent horse, a mule, and two camels, all which I gave up with the greatest pleasure ; but I confess that I directed my servant to do all he could to prevent an infected person from getting my horse. It was returned to me in a very short time. The same thing happened to many others. The cause may be easily conjectured. The remains of our heavy artillery were lost in the mov- ing sands of Tentoura, from the want of horses, the small number that remained being employed in more indispen- sable services. The soldiers seemed to forget their own VOL. I. — 15 226 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAHTE. 1799. suHerinjTs, jUiiiv^ed in ,i,'rief at tlie loss of their bronze guns, (ifti'U the iiistruniciits of their triuuiplis, :uul which had made lMini])e trendde. We halted at Ciesarea on the 22d of May, and we niarehed all the following night. Towards daybreak a mail, concealed in a bush upon the left of the road (the sea was two paces from us on the riglit), fired a musket almost close to the head of the General-in-Chief, who was sleeping on his horse. I was beside him. The wood be- ing searclied.the Xablousian was taken without ditticulty, and ordered to be shot on the spot. Four guides pushed him towards the sea by thrusting their carbines against his back ; when close to the water's edge they drew the triggers, but all the four muskets hung fire : a circum- stance which was accounted for by the great humidity of the night. The Nablousian threw himself into the water, and, swimming with great agility and rapidity, gained a ridge of rocks so far off that not a shot from the whole troop, which fired as it passed, reached him. Bonaparte, who continued his march, desired me to wait for Klt^ber, whose division formed the rear-guard, and to tell him not to forget the Nablousian. He was, I believe, shot at last. We returned to Jaffa on the 24th of May, and stopped there during the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. This town had lately been the scene of a horrible transaction, dic- tated by necessity, and it was again destined to witness the exercise of the same dire law. Here I have a painful duty to perform ; I will perform it. I will state what I know, what I saw, I have seen the following passage in a certain work : " Bonaparte, having arrived at Jaffa, ordered three re- movals of the infected : one by sea to Damietta, and also by land ; the second to Gaza ; and the third to El-Arishl" So many words, so many errors ! 1799. VISIT OF BONAPARTE TO THE HOSPITAL. 227 Some tents were pitched on an eminence near the gardens east of Jaffa. Orders were given directly to undermine the fortifications and blow them up; and on the 27th of May, upon a signal being given, the town was in a moment laid bare. An hour afterwards the General- in-Chief left his tent and repaired to the town, accompa- nied by Berthier, some physicians and surgeons, and his usual staff'. I was also one of the party. A long and sad deliberation took place on tlie question which now arose relative to the men who were incurably ill of the plague, or who were at the point of death. After a discussion of the most serious and conscientious kind, it was decided to accelerate a few moments, by a potion, a death which was inevitable, and which would otherwise be painful and cruel. Bonaparte took a rapid view of the destroyed ramparts of the town, and returned to the hospital, where there were men whose limbs had been amputated, many Avounded, many afflicted with ophthalmia, whose lamentations were distressing, and some infected with the plague. The beds of the last description of patients were to the right on entering the first ward. I walked by the General's side, and I assert that 1 never saw him touch any one of the infected. And why should he have done so ! They were in the last stage of the disease. Not one of them spoke a word to him, and Bonaparte well knew that he possessed no protection against the jdague. Is Fortune to be again brought forward here ? She had, in trutli, little favoured him during the last few months, when he had trusted to her favours. I ask, why should he have exposed himself to certain death, and have left his army in the midst of a desert created by our ravages, in a desolate town, without succour, and without the hope of ever receiving any ? Would he have acted rightly in doing .so — he who was evidently so necessary, so indispensable to his army ; he 228 MEMOIKS OF XAPOLKOX BOXArARTE. 1709. on wlioiii deiiendi'd at that moment the lives of all who had survived the last disaster, and who had i)roved their attaehnient to him l)y their siitlerin^'s, their jjrivations, and their unshaken eourai,fe, and who had done all that he could have ve([uired of men, and whose only trust was in him '. IJonaparte walked quickly throufrh the rooms, tapiiinir the yellow to]) of his boot with a whip he held in his haml. As he passed along with hasty steps he repeated these words : " The fortifications are destroyed. Fortune was against me at St. Jean d'Acre. I must return to Egypt to preserve it from the enemy, who will soon be tliere. In a few hours the Turks will be here. Let all those who have strength enougli rise and come along with us. They shall be carried on litters and horses." There were scarcely sixty cases of plague in the hospital ; and all accounts stating a greater numlier are exaggerated. The perfect silence, complete dejection, and general stupor of the patients announced their approaching end. To carry them away in the state in which they were would evidently have been doing nothing else than inoculating the rest of the army with the plague. I have, it is true, learned, since my return to Europe, that some persons touched the infected with impunity : nay, that others went so far as to inoculate themselves with the jdague in order to learn how to cure those whom it might attack. It certainly was a special protection from Heaven to be pre- served from it ; but, to cover in some degree the absurdity of such a story, it is added that they knew how to dude the danger, and that any one else who braved it without using precautions met with death for their temerity. This is, in fact, the whole point of the question, Eitlier those privileged persons took indispensable precautions, — and in that case their boasted heroism is a mere juggler's trick, — or they touched the infected without using precau- 1799. PATE OF THE INFECTED. 229 tious, and inoculated themselves with the plague, thus voluntarily encountering death, and then the story is really a good one. The infected were confided, it has been stated, to the head apothecary of the army, Koyer, who, dying in Egypt three years after, carried the secret with him to the grave. But on a moment's reflection it will be evident that the leaving of Eoyer alone in Jaffa would have been to devote to certain death, and that a prompt and cruel one, a man who was extremely useful to the army, and who was at the time in perfect health. It must be remembered that no guard could be left with him, and that the Turks were close at our heels. Bonaparte truly said, while walking through the rooms of the hospital, that the Turks would be at Jaffa in a few hours. With this con- viction, would he have left the head apothecary in that town ? Eecourse has been had to suppositions to support the contrary belief to what I state. For example, it is said that the infected patients were embarked in ships of war. There were no such ships. Where had they disem- barked, who had received them, what had been done with them ? No one speaks of them.^ Others, not doubt- ing that the infected men died at Jaffa, say that the rear- guard under Kleber, by order of Bonaparte, delayed its departure for three days, and only began its march when death had put an end to the sufferings of these unfortu- nate beings, unshortened by any sacrifice. All this is incorrect. No rear-guard was left — it could not be done. 1 " Erreurs " (tome i. pp. 36, 37, 87, and 163, etc.) fully proves that many sick were sent by sea as well as by land, and gives the names of the vessels employed, the officers in charge, the ports of landing, etc. Sir Sidney Smith reports tliat lie captured, but released and sent to Damietta, some if not all those sent by sea. Kourrienne himself seems to have after- wards practically admitted he was wrong about the difficulty of removing the sick [Erreurs, tome i. p. 41). 230 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLKON BONArAliTK. 1799. Pretence is maile of forgetting that the ramparts were destroyed, that tlio town was as open and as defenceless as any villaj^^e, so this small rear-guard would have been left for certain destruction. Tlie dates themselves tell against these suppositions. It is certain, as can be seen by the otticial account, that we arrived at Jafia on 24th May, and stayed there the 25th, 26th, and 27th. We left it on the 28th. Thus the rear-guard, which, according to these writers, left on the 29th, did not remain, even according to their own hypothesis, three days after the army to see the sick die. In reality it left on the 29th of ^lay, the day after we did. Here are the very words of the Major-General (r>erthier) in his official account, written under the eye and under the dictation of the Commander-in-Chief : — '• Tlie army arrived at Jaffa 5th Prairial (24th May), and re- mained there the Gtli, 7tli, and 8th (25th-27th May). Tliis time was employed in punishing the viUage, which liad beliaved badly. The fortifications of Jaffa were blown up. All tlie iron guns of the place were thrown into the sea. The wounded were removed by sea and by land. There were only a few ships, and to give time to complete the evacuation by land, the departure of the army had to be deferred until the 9th (28th May). Kleber's division formed the rear-guard, and only left Jaffa on the 10th (29th May)." The official report of what passed at Jaffa was drawn up by Berthier, under the eye of Bonaparte. It has l)een published ; but it may be remarked that not a word about the infected, not a word of the visit to the hospital, or the touching of the plague-patients with impunity, is there mentioned. In no official report is anything said about the matter. "Why this silence ? Bonaparte was not the man to conceal a fact which would have afforded him so excellent and so allowable a text for talking about his 1799. FATE OF THE INFECTED. 231 fortune. If the infected were removed, why not mention it ? Why be silent on so important an event ? But it would have been necessary to confess that being obliged to have recourse to so painful a measure was the unavoid- able consequence of this unfortunate expedition. Very disagreeable details must have been entered into ; and it was thought more advisable to be silent on the subject. But what did Napoleon himself say on the subject at St. Helena? His statement there was to the followin£{ effect : " I ordered a consultation as to what was best to be done. The report which was made stated that there were seven or eight men (the question is not about the number) so dangerously ill that they could not live beyond twenty-four hours, and would besides infect the rest of the army w^ith the plague. It was thought it would be an act of charity to anticipate their death a few hours." [Then comes the fable of the 500 men of the rear-guard, who, it is pretended, saw them die.] " I make no doubt that the story of the poisoning was the invention of Den — . He was a babbler, who understood a story badly, and repeated it worse. I do not think it would have been a crime to have given opium to the infected. On the contrary, it would have been obedience to the dictates of reason. Where is the man who would not, in such a situation, have preferred a prompt death, to being exposed to the lingering tortures inflicted by barbarians ? If my child, and I believe I love him as much as any father does his, had been in such a state, my advice would have been the same ; if I had been among the infected myself, I should have demanded to be so treated." Such was the reasoning at St. Helena, and such was the view which he and every one else took of the case twenty years ago at Jaffa.^ 1 M. do Bourrieiine's description of the extraordinary scene in the hospital of Jaffa does not precisely correspond with tliat given by some 232 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. Our link' anny arrived at Cairo on the 14tli of June, after a jiaiiiful ami harassing niarch of twenty-live days. other writers. 'riu> rcailcr may fi'cl iiitcrcstcosed on fools. " I will bring with me," said he, " many prisoners and Hags. I have razed the palace of the Djczzar and the ramparts uf Acre — not a stone remains upon another. All the inhabitants have left the city by sea. Djezzar is severely wounded." I confess that I experienced a i>ainful sensation in writ- ing, by his dictation, these official words, every one of which was an imposition. Excited by all I had just wit- nessed, it was difficult for me to refrain from making some observation ; but his constant reply was, " My dear fellow, you are a simpleton : you do not understand this busines.s." And he observed, when signing the bulletin, that he would yet fill the world with admiration, and in- spire historians and poets. Our return to Cairo has been attributed to the insur- rections which broke out during the unfortunate expedi- tion into Syria. Nothing is more incorrect. The term insurrection cannot be properly applied to the foolish en- terprises of the angel P21-Mahdi in the Bohahire'h, or to the less important disturbances in the C'harkyeh. The reverses experienced before St. Jean d'Acre, the fear, or rather the prudent anticipation of a hostile landing, were sufficient motives, and the only ones, for our return to Egypt. What more could we do in Syria but lose men and time, neither of which the General had to spare ? CHAPTEE XX. 1799. BoxAPARTE had hardly set foot in Cairo when he was informed that the brave and indefatigable Mourad Bey was descending by the Fayoum, in order to form a junc- tion with reinforcements which had been for some time past collected in the Bohahire'h. In all probabihty this movement of Mourad Bey was the result of news he had received respecting plans formed at Constantinople, and the landing which took place a short time after in the roads of Aboukir. Mourad had selected the Xatron Lakes for his place of rendezvous. To these lakes Murat was despatched. The Bey no sooner got notice of Murat's presence than he determined to retreat and to proceed by the desert to Gizeh and the great Pyramids. I cer- tainly never heard, until I returned to France, that Mou- rad had ascended to the summit of the great Pvramid for the purpose of passing his time in contemplating Cairo ! Xapoleon said at St. Helena that Murat might have taken Mourad Bey had the latter remained four-and- twenty hours longer in the Xatron Lakes. Xow the fact is, that as soon as the Bey heard of :\rurat's arrival he was off". The Araljian spies were far more serviceable to our enemies than to us ; we had not, indeed, a single friend in Egypt. Mourad Bey, on being informed by the Arabs, who acted as couriers for him, that Ceneral Desaix was despatching a column from the south of Egypt against 23o MKMOIIJS OF NAPOLEON BONArAUTE. 1799. hi 111, that the General-in-Chief was also about to follow his f()(ttsti']is alnng the frontier of (Jizeli, and that the Natron Lakes and the Bohahire'li were occupied by forces sujicrior to his nwn, retired into Fayouni. I'xinaparte attached j^reat importance to the destruction of Moiirad, whom he looked upon as the bravest, the most active, and most dan^'erous of his enemies in Kj^^ypt. As all accounts concurred in stating tliat Mourad, supported by the Arabs, was hovering about the skirts of the desert of tlie province of Gizeli, Bonaparte proceeded to the Pyramids, there to direct different corps against that able and dangerous partisan. He, indeed, reckoned him so redoubtable tliat he wrote to Murat, saying he wished fortune might reserve for him the honour of putting the seal on the conquest of Egypt by the destruction of this opponent. On the 14th of July Bonaparte left Cairo for the Pyra- mids. He intended spending three or four days in ex- amining the ruins of the ancient necropolis of Memphis ; but he was suddenly obliged to alter his plan. This jour- ney to the Pyramids, occasioned by the course of war, has given an opportunity for the invention of a little piece of romance. Some ingenious people have related that Bona- parte gave audiences to the mufti and ulemas, and that on entering one of the great Pyramids he cried out, " Glory to Allah ! God only is God, and Mahomet is his i)rophet ! " Now tlie fact is that Bonaparte never even entered the great Pyramid. He never had any thought of entering it. I certainly should have accompanied him liad he done so, for I never quitted his side a single moment in the desert. He caused some persons to enter into one of the great Pyramids, while he remained outside, and received from them, on tlieir return, an account of what they had seen. In other words, they informed liim there was nothinjT to be seen ! 1799. BONAPARTE AT THE PYRAMIDS. 237 On the evening of the 15th of July, while we were tak- ing a walk, we perceived, on the road leading from Alexandria, an Arab riding up to us in all haste. He brought to the General-in-Chief a despatch from General Marmont, who was intrusted with the command of Alex- andria, and who had conducted himself so well, especially during the dreadful ravages of the plague, that he had gained the unqualified approbation of Bonaparte. The Turks had landed on the 11th of July at Aboukir under th^ escort and protection of English ships of war. The news of the landing of from fifteen to sixteen thousand men did not surprise Bonaparte, who had for some time expected it. It was not so, however, with the generals most in his favour, whose apprehensions, for reasons which may be conjectured, he had endeavoured to calm. He had even written to Marmont, who, being in the most ex- posed situation, had the more reason to be vigilant, in these terms : — " The array which was to have appeared before Alexandria, and which left Constantinople on the 1st of the Eaniadhan, has been destroyed under the walls of Acre. If, however, that mad English- man (Smith) has embarked the remains of that army in order to convey them to Aboukir, I do not believe there can be more than 2,000 men." He wrote in the following strain to General Dugua, who had the command of Cairo : — " The English Commander, who has summoned Damietta, is a madman. The combined army they speak of has been destroyed before Acre, where it arrived a fortnight before we left that place." As soon as he arrived at Cairo, in a letter he despatched to Desaix, he said : — 238 MKMOIUS i)V NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. "The time lias imw arrived when disembarkations have become practicable. I .shall l<»se no time in ^'ettinj,' ready. The probabili- ties, however, are, that none will take place this year." What otluT laii^fuage could he hold, when he had pro- claimed, iuiniodiately after the raising of the siege of Acre, that he had destroyed those 15,000 men who two months after landed at Aboukir ? No sooner had Bonaparte perused tlie contents of ^far- niont's letter than he retired into his tent and dictated to me, until three in tlie morning, his orders for tlie depart- ure of the troops, and for the routes he wished to be pur- sued iluring his absence by the troops who sliould remain in the interior. At this moment I observed in him the development of that vigorous character of mind which was excited by obstacles until it overcame them, that celerity of thought which foresaw everything. He was all action, and never for a moment hesitated. On the 16th of July, at four in the morning, he was on horseback, and the army in full march. I cannot help doing justice to the presence of mind, promptitude C)f decision, and rajiid- ity of execution which at this period of his life never de- serted him on great occasions. "We reached Ouardan, to the north of Gizeh, on the evening of the 16th; on the 19th we arrived at liahma- hanie'h, and on the 23d at xYlexandria, where every prep- aration was made for that memorable battle which, though it did not repair the immense losses and fatal consequences of the naval conHict of the same name, will always recall to the memory of Frenchmen one of the most brilliant achievements of their arms. ^ ^ As M. (le Boiirriennc gives no details of tlie battle, the following ex- tract from the Due dc Uovign's " Memoirs," tome i. p. 167, will sujiplv the deficiency : — " General Bonaparte left Cairo in the utmost haste to place himself at 1799. THE FRENCH GAZETTE. 239 After the battle, which took place on the 25 th of July, Bonaparte sent a flag of truce on board the English Ad- miral's ship. Our intercourse was full of politeness such as might be expected in the communications of the people of two civilised nations. The English Admiral gave the flag of truce some presents in exchange for some we sent, and likewise a copy of the " Erench Gazette " of Frankfort, dated 10th of June, 1799. For ten months we had re- ceived no news from Franca. Bonaparte glanced over this journal with an eagerness which may easily be con- ceived.^ the head of the troops wliifh he had ordered to quit their cantonments and march down to the coast. " Whilst the General was making these arrangements and coming in per- son from Cairo, the troops on board the Turkish fleet had effected a land- ing and taken possession of the fort of Aboukir, and of a redoubt placed behind the village of that name which ought to have been put into a state of defence six months before, but had been completely neglected. " The Turks had nearly destroyed the weak garrisons that occupied those two military points when General Marmont (who commanded at Alexandria) came to their relief. This general, seeing the two posts in the power of the Turks, returned to shut himself up in Alexandria, where he would probably have been blockaded by the Turkish Army had it not been for the arrival of General Bonaparte with his forces, who was very angry when he saw that the fort and redoubt had been taken ; but he did not blame Marmont for retreating to Alexandria with the forces at his disposal. " General Bonaparte arrived at midnight with his guides and the re- maining part of his army, and ordered tlie Turks to be attacked the next morning. In this battle, as in the preceding ones, the attack, the en- counter, and the rout were occurrences of a moment, and the result of a single movement on the part of our troops. The whole Turkish Army plunged into the sea to regain its ships, leaving behind them everything they had brought on shore. " Whilst this event was occurring on the seashore a pasha had left the fielil of battle with a corps of about 3,000 men in order to throw himself into the fort of Aboukir. They soon felt the extremities of tliirst, whicli compelled tliem, after the lapse of a few days, to surrender unconditionally to General Menou, who was left to close the operations connected with the recently defeated Turkish Army." 1 The French, on tlieir return from St. Jean d'Acre, were totally igno- rant o£ all that had taken place in Europe for several months. Napoleon, 240 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON RONAPAUTE. 1799. "Heavens!" saitl he to me, "my pri'sentiinent is veri- fied: the fiiuls liave lost Italy. All the fruits of our victo- ries are gone ! I must leave Egyj)t." He sent fnr lierthier, to whom he coninmnicated the news, adding that things were going on very badly in France — that he wished to return home — that he (Ber- thier) should go along with him, and that, for the pres- ent, only he, Gantheaume, and I were in tlie secret. He recommended Berthier to be prudent, not to betray any syin]>toms of joy, nor to purchase or sell anything, and concluded by assuring him that he depended on him. " I can answer," said he, " for myself and for Bourrienne." Berthier promised to be secret, and he kept his word. He had had enough of Egypt, and he so ardently longed to return to France that there was little reason to fear he would disapjtoint himself by any indiscretion. Gantheaume arrived, and Bonaparte gave him orders to fit out the two frigates, the Muiron and the Carrfere, and the two small vessels, the Bevanche and the Fortune, with a two months' supply of provisions for from four to five hundred men. He enjoined his secrecy as to the ob- ject of these preparations, and desired him to act with such circumspection that the English cruisers might have no knowledge of what was going on. He afterwards eaper t(i obtain intelligence, sent a flag of truce on board the Turkish Ad- miral's ship, under tlie pretence of treating for the ransom of the prisoners taken at Abt)ukir, not doubting l)Ut the envoy would be sto])ped by Sir Sidney Smith, who carefully prevented all direct communication between the French and the Turks. Accordingly the French flag of truce received directions from Sir Sidney to go on board his ship. He experienced the handsomest treatment; and the English rommander having, among other things, ascertained that the disasters of Italy were fpiite unknown to Na- poleon, indulged in the malicious |)leasure of sending him a file of news- pa])ers. Napoleon spent the whole night in his tent jjcrusing the pajicrs ; and he came to the determination of immediately proceeding to Europe to repair the disasters of France, and, if possible, to save her from de- struction {Memorial de Sainte Ililine). ' 1799. HOMEWARD BOUND. 241 arranged with Gantheaume the course he wished to take. No details escaped his attention. Bonaparte concealed his preparations with much care, but still some vague rumours crept abroad. General Du- gua,. the commandant of Cairo, whom he had just left for the purpose of embarking, wrote to him on the 18th of August to the following effect : — " I have this moment heard that it is reported at the Institute yon are about to return to France, taking with you Monge, Berthollet, Bertliier, Lannes, and Murat. Tliis news has spread like Hghtning through the city, and I should not be at all sur- prised if it produce an unfavourable effect, wliich, however, I hope you will obviate." Bonaparte embarked five days after the receipt of Du- gua's letter, and, as may be supposed, without replying to it. On the 18th of August he wrote to the divan of Cairo as follows : — " I set out to-morrow for Menouf, whence I intend to make various excursions in the Delta, in order that I may myself witness tlie acts of oppression which are committed there, and acquire some knowledge of the people." He told the army but half the truth. " The news from Europe [said he] has determined me to pro- ceed to France. I leave tlie command of tlie army to General Kleber. The army sliall hear from me forthwith. At present I can say no more. It costs me much pain to quit troops to whom I am so strongly attached. But my absence will be but temporary, and the general I leave in command has the confi- dence of the Government as well as mine." VOL. I. — 16 242 MK.MOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTK. 1799. 1 have now shown tlu' trne cause of Geneial lionajiarte's fleparture for Europe. This circumstance, in itself per- fectly natural, has been the subject of the most ridiculous conjectures to those who always wish to assign extra- ordinary causes for simple events. There is no truth whatever in the assertion of his havinfr jdanned his de- parture before the battle of Al)0ukir. Such an idea never crossed his mind. He had no thought whatever of his departure for France when lie made the journey to the Pyramids, nor even when he received the news of the landing of the Anglo-Turkish force. At the end of December, 1798, Bonaparte thus wrote to the Directory : " We are without any news from France. No courier has arrived since the month of June." Some writers have stated that we received news by the way of Tunis, Algiers, or Morocco ; but there is no contradicting a positive fact. At that period I had been with Bonaparte more than two years, and during that time not a single despatch on any occasion arrived of the contents of which I was ignorant. How then should the news alluded to have escaped me ? ^ 1 Details on the question of the corrc'!J])ondcnce of Napoleon with France wliile he was in Egypt will be found in Colonel lung's work, " Lu- cien Honaparte" (Paris, Charpentier, 1882), tome i. pj). 251-74. It seems most i)rol)alile that Napoleon was in occasional communication with his family and witli some of the Directors hy way of Tunis ami Tripoli. It would not lie his interest to let his army or jierhaps even Hourrienne know of the disasters in Italy till he found that tJiey were sure to hear of them thnmgh the English. This would exjilain his affected ignorance till such a late date. On the 11th of A])ril IJarras received a despatch hy which Na])oleon stated his intention of returning to France if the news hrought by llanielin was confirmed. On the 2f)th of May, 1799, three of the Di- rectors, Karras, Hewbcll, and La Hcveillcre-Lepaux, wrote to Napoleon that Admiral Hrnix had been ordered to attempt ever}- means of bringing back his army. < )ii the l.")th of July Napoleon seems to have received this and other letters. On the 20th of July he warns Admiral Gantheaume to be really to start. On the 11th of Septemlier the Directors formally approved the recall of the army from Egypt. Thus at the time Xa])o- leon landed in France (on the 8th October), his intended return had been 1799. CHARGE OF DESERTION. 243 Almost all those who endeavour to avert from Bonaparte the reproach of desertion c|uote a letter from the Direct- ory, dated the 26th of May, 1799. This letter may cer- tainly have been written, but it never reached its destina- tion. Why then should it be put upon record ? The circumstance I have stated above determined the resolution of Bonaparte, and made him look upon Egypt as an exhausted field of glory, which it was high time he had quitted, to play another part in France. On his de- parture from Europe Bonaparte felt that his reputation was tottering. He wished to do something to raise up his glory, and to fix upon him the attention of the world. This object he had in great part accomplished; for, in spite of serious disasters, the French flag waved over the cataracts of the Nile and the ruins of Memphis, and the battles of the Pyramids and Aboukir were calculated in no small degree to dazzle the imagination. Cairo and Alexandria too were ours. Finding that the glory of his arms no longer supported the feeble power of the Direct- ory, he was anxious to see whether he could not share it, or appropriate it to himself. A great deal has been said about letters and secret com- munications from the Directory, but Bonaparte needed no such thing. He could do what he pleased : there was no power to check him ; such had been the nature of his arrangements on leaving France. He followed only the long known to and approved liy the majority of the Directors, and had at last been formally ordered l)y the Directory. At the most he anticipated the order. He cannot be said to have deserted his post. Lanfrey ftome i. p. 411) remarks that the existence and receipt of the letter from Joseph de- nied by Hourrienne is proved by Miot (the commissary, the brother of Miot dc Melito) and by ,Josei)h himself. Talleyrand thanks the French Consul at Tripiili for sendinfj news from Egypt, and for letting Bona- parte know what passed in Europe. Sec also " Haguse " (Marniont). tome i. p. 441, writing on 24tli Decemlier, 1798: "I have found an Arab of whom I am sure, and who shall start to-morrow for Derne. . . . This means can be used to send a letter to Tripoli, for boats often go there." 244 MEMOIRS OF NAD^LF.OX RONAPARTE. 1709. dictates of liis own will, ami incbalily, had nut the lleet been destroyed, he would have departed from Egypt much sooner. To will ami to do were with him one and the same thing. The latitude he enjoyed was the result of his verbal agreement with the Directory, whose in- structions and plans he did not wisli should impede his operations. r)ona])arte left Alexandria on the oth of August, and on the 10th arrived at Cairo. He at first circulated the re- port of a journey to Upper Egypt. This seemed so much the more reasonable, as he had really entertained that design before he went to the Pyramids, and the fact was known to the army and the inhabitants of Cairo. Up to this time our secret had been studiously kept. However, General Lanusse, the commandant at Menouf, where we arrived on the 20th of August, suspected it. " You are going to France," said he to me. My negative reply con- firmed his suspicion. This almost induced me to believe the Greneral-in-Chief had been the first to make the dis- closure. General Lanusse, though he envied our good fortune, made no complaints. He expressed his sincere wishes for our prosperous voyage, but never opened his mouth on the subject to any one. On the 21st of August w'e reached the wells of Birkett. The Araljs had rendered the water unfit for use, but the General-in-Chief was resolved to quench his thirst, and for this purpose squeezed the juice of several lemons into a glass of the water; but he could not swallow it WMth- out holding his nose and exhibiting strong feelings of disgust. The next day we reached Alexandria, where the General informed all those who had accompanied him from Cairo that France was their destination. At this announcement joy was pictured in every countenance. General Kleber, to whose command Bonaparte had 1799. LETTER TO KL^BER. 245 resigned the army, was invited to come from Damietta to Eosetta to confer with the General-in-Chief on affairs of extreme importance. Bonaparte, in making an appoint- ment which he never intended to keep, hoped to escape the unwelcome freedom of Kldber's reproaches. He after- wards wrote to him all he had to say ; and the cause he assigned for not keeping his appointment was, tliat his fear of being observed by the English cruisers had forced him to depart three days earlier than he intended. But when he wrote, Bonaparte well knew that he would be at sea before Klt^ber could receive his letter. Kldber, in his letter to the Directory, complained bitterly of this decep- tion. The singular fate that befell this letter will be seen by and by. CHAPTER XXI. 1799. We were now to return to <»ur country; again to cross the sea, to us so pregnant with danger, — Ciesar and his fortune were once more to embark. But Caesar was not now advancing to the East to add Egypt to the conquests of the Iiepublic. He was revolving in his mind vast schemes, unawed by the idea of venturing everything to change in his own favour the Government for which he iiad fought. The hope of conquering the most celebrated country of the East no longer excited the imagination, as on our departure from France. Our last visionary dream had vanished before the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, and we were leaving on the burning sands of Egypt most of our companions-in-arms. An inconceivable destiny seemed to urge us on, and we were obliged to obey its decrees. On the 23d of August ^ we embarked on board two frigates, the Muiron^ and Carrfere. Our number was between four and five hundred. Such was our squadron, and such the formidal)le army with which Bonaparte had resolved, as he wrote to the divan of Cairo, " to annihilate all his enemies." This boasting might impose on those who did not see the real state of things ; but what were we to think of it ? What Bonaparte himself thought the day after. 1 It was neither in June nor July, a.s stated by the Dnc de Rovigo. — Bourrienne. - Named after Bonaparte's aide-de-camp killed in the Italian campaign. 1799. NOCTURNAL EMBARKATION. 247 The night was dark v/hen we embarked in the frigates, which lay at a considerable distance from the port of Alexandria ; but by the faint light of the stars we per- ceived a corvette, which appeared to be observing our silent nocturnal embarkation. ^ Next morning, just as we were on the point of setting sail, we saw coming from the port of Alexandria a boat, on board of which was j\I. Parseval Grandmaison. This excellent man, who was beloved by all of us, was not in- cluded among the persons whose return to France had been determined by the General-in-Chief. In his anxiety to get off, Bonaparte would not hear of taking him on board. It will readily be conceived how urgent were the entreaties of Parseval ; but he would have sued in vain had not Gantheaume, Monge, Berthollet, and I interceded for him. With some difficulty we overcame Bonaparte's resistance, and our colleague of the Egyptian Institute got on board after the wind had filled our sails. It has been erroneously said that Admiral Gantheaume had full control of the frigates, as if any one could com- mand when Bonaparte was present. On the contrary, Bonaparte declared to the Admiral, in my hearing, that he would not take the ordinary course and get into the open 1 The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed ])y the wild gallopini^ of horses, which, from a natural instinct, were returning to ^Vlexandria tlirough the desert, 'i'he picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and liridled, which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of Guides. They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to some detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. Witli these horses came also those of the generals who had em- barked with General Bonaparte ; so that Alexandria was for a time in considerable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed in all haste in the direction whence the horses came, and every one was giving him- self up to tlie most gloomy conjectures, when the cavalry returned to tlie city with the Turkish groom, who was bringing back General Bona- parte's horse to Alexandria {Memoirs of the Due de Rovigo, tome i. p. 182). 248 MKMOIIJS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTi:. 1799. sea. " Keep close along the coast of the Mediterranean," said he, " on the African side, until you ffet south of Sar- dinia. I have here a handful of brave fellows and a few pieces of artillery ; if the English sliould appear, I will run ashore, and with my party make my way by land to Oran, Tunis, or some other port, whence we may find an opportunity of getting home." This was his irrevocable determination. For twenty-one days adverse winds, blowing from west or nortli-west, drove us continually on the coast of Syria, or in the direction of Alexandria. At one time it was even proposed that we should again put into the port ; but Bonaparte declared he would rather brave every dan- ger than do so. During the day we tacked to a certain distance northward, and in the evening we stood towards Africa until we came within sight of the coast. Finally, after no less than twenty-one days of impatience and dis- appointment, a favourable east wind carried us past that point of Africa on which Carthage formerly stood, and we soon doubled Sardinia. We kept very near the west- ern coast of that island, where Bonai)arte had determined to land in case of our falling in with the English squad- ron. From thence his plan was to reach Corsica, and there to await a favourable opportunity of returning to France. Everything had contributed to render our voyage dull and monotonous ; and, besides, we were not entirely with- out uneasiness as to the steps which might be taken by the Directory, for it was certain that the publication of the intercepted correspondence must have occasioned many unpleasant disclosures. Bonaparte used often to walk on deck to superintend the execution of his orders. The smallest sail that ap})eared in view excited his alarm. The fear of falling into the hands of the English never for- sook him. That was what he dreaded most of all, and 1799. VINGT-ET-UN. 249 yet, at a subsequent period, he trusted to the generosity of his enemies. However, in spite of our well-founded alarm, there were some moments in which we sought to amuse ourselves, or, to use a common expression, to kill time. Cards afforded us a source of recreation, and even this frivolous amuse- ment served to develop the character of Bonaparte. In general he was not fond of cards ; but if he did play, vingt-et-un was his favourite game, because it is more rapid than many others, and because, in short, it afforded him an opportunity of cheating. For example, he would ask for a card ; if it proved a bad one, he would say noth- ing, but lay it down on the table and wait till the dealer had drawn his. If the dealer produced a good card, then Bonaparte would throw aside his hand, without showing it, and give up liis stake. If, on the contrary, the dealer's card made him exceed twenty-one, Bonaparte also threw his cards aside without showing them, and asked for the payment of his stake. He was much diverted by these little tricks, especially when they were played off unde- tected ; and I confe.ss that even then we were courtiers enough to humour him, and wink at his cheating. I must, however, mention that he never appropriated to himself the fruit of these little dishonesties, for at the end of the game he gave up all his winnings, and they were equally divided. Gain, as may readily be supposed, was not his object ; but he always expected that fortune would grant him an ace or a ten at the right moment, with the same confidence with which he looked for fine weatber on the day of battle. If he were disappointed, he wished nobody to know it. Bonaparte also played at chess, but very seldom, because he was only a third-rate player, and he did not like to be beaten at that game, which, I know not why, is said to bear a resemblance to the grand game of war. At this 250 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON UOXAPAUTE. 1799. latter <,'aine Bonaparte certainly feared no adversary. This reminds nie that when we were leaving Tasseriano he announced iiis intention of passing thnjiigh Mantua. He was told that the commandant of that town, I believe General Beauvoir, was a great chess-player, and he ex- pressed a wish to play a game with him. General Beau- voir asked him to point out any particular pawn with which he would be checkmated ; adding that if the pawn were taken, he, Bonaparte, should be declared the winner. Bonaparte pointed out the last pawn on the left of his adversary. A mark was put upon it, and it turned out that he actually was checkmated with that very pawn. Bonajiarte was not very well pleased at this. He liked to play with me becanse, though rather a better player than himself, I was not always able to beat him. As soon as a game was decided in his favour, he declined playing any longer, preferring to rest on his laurels. The favourable wmd which had constantly prevailed after the first twenty days of our voyage still continued while we kept along the coast of Sardinia ; but after we had passed that island, tlie wind again blew violently from the west, and on the 1st of October we were forced to enter the Gulf of Ajaccio. We sailed again next day; but we found it impossible to work our way ont of the gulf. We were therefore obliged to put into the port and land at Ajaccio. Adverse winds obliged us to remain there until the 7th of October. It may readily be imagined how much this delay annoyed Bonaparte. He sometimes expressed his impatience, as if he could en- force the obedience of the elements as well as of men. He was losing time, and time was everything to him. There was one circumstance which seemed to annoy him as much as any of his more serious vexations. " What will become of me," said he, " if the English, who are cruising hereabout, should learn that I have landed in 1799. BONAPARTE AT AJACCIO. 251 Corsica ? I shall be forced to stay here. That I could never endure. I have a torrent of relations pouring upon me." His great reputation had certainly prodigiously augumented the number of his family. He was over- whelmed with visits, congratulations, and requests. The whole town was in a commotion. Every one of its in- habitants wished to claim him as their cousin ; and from the prodigious number of his pretended godsons and god- daughters, it might have been supposed that he had held one-fourth of the children of Ajaccio at the baptismal font. Bonaparte frequently walked with us in the neighbour- hood of Ajaccio ; and when in all the plenitude of his power he did not count his crowns with greater pleasure than he evmced in pointing out to us the little domains of his ancestors. While we were at Ajaccio, M. Feschi gave Bonaparte French money in exchange for a number of Turkish sequins, amounting in value to 17,000 francs. This sum was all that the General brought with him from Egypt. I mention this fact because he was unjustly calumniated in letters written after his departure, and which were intercepted and published by the English, I ought also to add, that as he would never for his own private use resort to the money-chest of the army, the contents of which were, indeed, never half sufficient to defray the necessary expenses, he several times drew on Genoa, through M. James, and on the funds he possessed in the house of Clary, 15,000, 25,000, and up to 33,000 francs.^ 1 Joseph Fesch (1763-1839), son of Napoleon's maternal grandmother by her second marriage with Captain Francis Fescli, Archdeacon, 1792' Commissary in War Department, 1793 ; re-entered clerical orders, 1799 • Hisliop, 1802 ; Archlnsliopof Lyons, 1802 ; Cardinal, 1803 ; Grand Almoner under the Empire; nominated Arciihishop of Paris, but never held that see ; Coadjut(jr to Archbishop of Ratisbon (Prince Primate), 1806 ; retired to Rome, 181.'}. 2 Joseph Bonaparte says that his brother had no fimds with the house of 252 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTi:. 1799. I can bear witness that in Kgypt I never saw liini touch any money beyond his pay ; and that lie left the country poorer than he had entered it, is a fact that can- not be denied. In his notes on Egypt, it appears that in one year 12, 000,000 francs were received. In this sum were included at least 2,000,000 of contributions, which were levied at the expense of many decapitations. Buna- parte was fourteen months in Kgypt, and he is said to have brought away with him 20,000,000. Calumny may be very gratifying to certain persons, but they should at least give it a colouring of probability. The fact is, that Bonaparte had scarcely enough to maintain himself at Ajaccio and to defray our posting expenses to Paris. On our arrival at Ajaccio we learnt the death of Jou- Ipert, and the loss of the battle of Novi, which was fought on the 15th of August. Bonaparte was tormented by anxiety ; he was in a state of utter uncertainty as to the future. From the time we left Alexandria till our arrival in Corsica he had frequently talked of what he should do during the quarantine, which he supposed he would be required to observe on reaching Toulon, the port at which he had determined to land. Even then he cherished some illusions respecting the state of affairs ; and he often said to me, " But for that confounded quarantine, I would hasten ashore, and place myself at the head of the Army of Italy. All is not over ; and I am sure that there is not a general who would re- fuse me the command. The news of a victory gained by me would reach Paris as soon as the battle of Aboukir ; that, indeed, would be excellent." In Corsica his language was very diff'erent. When he was informed of our reverses, and saw the full extent of the evil, he was for a moment overwhelmed. His grand Clarv {Erreurs, tome i. p. 248). It will be remembered that Joseph had married a daughter of M. Clary. 1799. DEPARTURE FROM AJACCIO. 253 projects then gave way to the consideration of matters of minor import, and he thought about his detention in the lazaretto of Toulon. He spoke of the Directory, of in- trigues, and of what would be said of him. He accounted his enemies those who envied him, and those who could not be reconciled to his glory and the influence of his name. , Amidst all these anxieties Bonaparte was out- wardly calm, though he was moody and reflective. Providing against every chance of danger, he had pur- chased at Ajaccio a large launch which was intended to be towed by the Muiron, and it was manned by twelve of the best sailors the island could furnish. His resolution was, in case of inevitable danger, to jump into this boat and get ashore. This precaution had well-nigh proved useful.^ After leaving the Gulf of Ajaccio, the voyage was pros- perous and undisturbed for one day ; but on the second day, just at sunset, an English squadron of fourteen sail hove in sight. The English, having advantage of the light, which we had in our faces, saw us better than we could see them. They recognised our two frigates as Venetian built ; but, luckily for us, night came on, for we were not far apart. We saw the signals of the English for a long time, and heard the report of the guns more and more to our left, and we thought it was the intention of the cruisers to intercept us on the south-east. Under these circumstances Bonaparte had reason to thank for- tune ; for it is very evident that had the English suspected our two frigates of coming from the East and going to France, they would have shut us out from land by running between us and it, which to them was very easy. Prob- 1 Sir Walter Scott, at the commencement of his " Life of Napoleon," says that Bonaparte did not see liis native city after 179-3. Prohal)ly to avoid contradicting himself, the Scottish historian observes that Bonaparte was near Ajaccio on his return from Egypt. He spent eight days there. — Bourrienne. 254 MKMOIKS OK NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17'J9. altly thev todk us for a convoy of provisions going from Toulon to Genoa ; and it was to this error and the dark- ness that we were indebted for escaping with no worse consei[uence than a fright. ^ During the remainder of the niglit the utmost agitation prevailetl on board the Muiron. Gantheaume especially was in a state of anxiety which it is impossible to describe, and which it was painful to witness: he was quite V)eside himself, for a disaster appeared inevitable. He proposed to return to Corsica. " No, no ! " replied Bonaparte, impe- riously. " No ! Spread all sail. Every man at his post ! To the north-west! To the north-west!" This order saved us ; and I am enabled to affirm that in the midst of almost general alarm Bonaparte was solely occupied in giving orders. The rapidity of his judgment seemed to grow in the face of danger. The remembrance of that night will never be effaced from my mind. Tiie hours lingered (jn ; and none of us could guess upon what new dangers the morrow's sun would shine. However, Txinaparte's resolution was taken : his orders were given, his arrangements made. During the evening he had resolved upon throwing himself into the long-boat ; he liad already fixed on the persons who were to share his fate, and had already named to me the papers which he thought it most important to save. Happily our terrors were vain, and our arrangements useless. By the first rays of the sun we discovered the English fleet sailing to 1 Here Boiirrieinie says in a note, " Where did Sir Walter Scott learn that we were neither seen nor recognised ' We were not recognised, hut cer- tainly seen." Tiiis is corrohorated hy the testimony of tiie Due de Hovigo, who, in his " Memoirs," says, " I liave met officers of the English navy wlio assured me tliat the two frigates had heen seen, Itut were considered hy the Admiral to Ijclong to liis s(iuadron, as tliey stcereil their course towards liim ; and as he knew wo liad only one frigate in tlie Mediterranean, and one in Toulon harbour, he was far from supposing tiiat tiie frigates which he had descried could liave General Bonaparte on board " (Savari/, tome i. p. 226). 1799. LANDING IN FRANCE. 255 the north-east, and we stood for the wished-for coast of France. The 8th of October, at eight in the morning, we entered the roads of Frejus. The sailors not having recognised the coast during the night, we did not know where we were. There was, at first, some hesitation whether we should advance. We were by no means expected, and did not know how to answer the signals, which had been changed during our absence. Some guns were even fired upon us by the batteries on the coast ; but our bold entry into the roads, the crowd upon the decks of the two frig- ates, and our signs of joy, speedily banished all doubt of our being friends. We were in the port, and approaching the landing-place, when the rumour spread that Bonaparte was on board one of the frigates. In an instant the sea was covered with boats. In vain we begged them to keep at a distance ; we were carried ashore, and when we told the crowd, both of men and women, who were j^ess- ing about us, the risk they ran, they all exclaimed, " We prefer the plague to the Austrians ! " Wliat were our feelings when we again set foot on the soil of France I will not attempt to describe. Our escape from the dangers that threatened us seemed almost miraculous. We had lost twenty days at the beginning of our voyage, and at its close we had been almost taken by an English squadron. Under these circumstances, how rapturously we inhaled the balmy air of Provence ! Such was our joy that we were scarcely sensible of the disheartening news which arrived from all quarters. At the first moment of our arrival, by a spontaneous impulse, we all repeated, with tears in our eyes, the beautiful lines which Voltaire has put into the mouth of the exile of Sicily. Bonaparte has been reproached with having violated the sanitary laws ; but, after what I have already stated respecting his intentions, I presume there can remain no 256 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEOX BONAPARTE. 1709. doubt of tlie falseliood of this accusation. All the hlame must rest with the inhabitants of Frejus, who on this oc- casion found the law of necessity more imperious than the sanitary laws. Yet when it is considered that four or five hundred persons, and a quantity of effects, were landed from Alexandria, where the plague had been rag- ing during tlic summer, it is almost a miracle that France, and indeed Europe, escaped the scourge. CHAPTER XXII. 1799. The effect produced in France and throngliont Europe by the mere intelligence of Bonaparte's return is well known. I shall not yet speak of the vast train of conse- quences wdiich that event entailed. I must, however, notice some accusations which were brought against him from the time of our landing to the 9th of November. He was reproached for having left Egypt, and it was alleged that his departure was the result of long pre- meditation. But I, who was constantly with him, am enabled positively to affirm that his return to France was merely the effect of a sudden resolution. Of this the following fact is in itself sufficient evidence. Wliile w^e were at Cairo, a few days before we heard of the landing of the Anglo-Turkish fleet, and at the moment when we were on the point of setting off to encamp at the Pyramids, Bonaparte despatched a courier to France. I took advantage of this opportunity to write to my wife. I almost bade her an eternal adieu. My letter breathed expressions of grief such as I had not before evinced. I said, among other things, that we knew not when or how it would be possible for us to return to France. If Bonaparte had then entertained any thought of a speedy return I must have known it, and in that case I should not certainly have distressed my family by a desponding letter, when I had not had an opportunity of writing for seven months before. VOL. I. — 17 258 MK.MDIIJS (»F NAI'OLKON HoNAl'AirrK. 17'.)9. Two (liiys after the receipt of my Idtrr, my wifi' was awoke very early in the mornin<,' to be informed of our arrival in France. The courier wlio brou^rht this intelli- gence was the bearer of a second letter from me, which 1 liad written on board ship, and dated from Frdjus. In this letter I mentioned that Bonaparte would pass through Sens and dine with my mother. In fultilment of my directions, Madame de Bourrienne set oil' for Paris at five in tiie morning. Having i>assed the first post-house, she met a berlin containing four trav- ellers, among whom she recognised Louis Bonaparte, going to meet the General on the Lyons road. On seeing Madame de Bourrienne, Louis desired the postilion to stop, and asked her whether .she had heard from me. She informed him that we should pass througli Sens, where the General wished to dine with my mother, who had made every preparation for receiving him. Louis then continued his journey. About nine o'clock my wife met another l)erlin,in which were Madame Bonaparte and her daughter. As they were asleep, and both carriages were driving at a very rapid rate, IMadame de Bourrienne did not stop them. Josephine followed the route taken by Louis. Both missed the General, who changed his mind at Lyons, and proceeded by way of Bourbonnais. He arrived fifteen hours after my wife ; and those who had taken the Burgundy road proceeded to Lyons uselessly. Determined to repair in all haste to Paris, Bonaparte had left Frdjus on the afternoon of the day of our landing. He himself had despatclied tlie courier to Sens to inform my mother of his intended visit to her ; and it was not until he got to Lyons that he determined to take the Bourbonnais road. His reason for doing so will presently be seen. All along the road, at Aix, at Lyons, in every town and village, he was received, as 1799. CONDITION OF THE PROVINCES. 259 at Frdjus, with the most rapturous demonstrations of joy.^ Only those who witnessed his triumphal journey can form any notion of it ; and it required no great dis- cernment to foresee something like the 18th Brumaire. The provinces, a prey to anarchy and civil war, were continually tlireatened with foreign invasion. Almost all the south presented the melancholy spectacle of one vast arena of conflicting factions. The nation groaned beneath the yoke of tyrannical laws ; despotism was sys- tematically established ; the law of hostages struck a blow at personal liberty, and forced loans menaced every man's property. The generality of the citizens had de- clared themselves against a pentarchy devoid of power, justice, and morality, and which had become the sport of faction and intrigue. Disorder was general ; but in the provinces abuses were felt more sensibly than else- where. In great cities it was found more easy to elude the hand of despotism and oppression. A change so earnestly wished for could not fail to be realised, and to be received with transport. The majority of the French people longed to be relieved from the situa- tion in which they then stood. There were two dangers to cope with, — anarchy and the Bourbons. Every one felt the urgent and indispensable necessity of concentra- ting the power of the Government in a single hand, at the same time maintaining those institutions which the spirit of the age demanded, and which France, after ha\ang so dearly purchased, Avas now about to lose. The country looked for a man who was capable of restoring her to tranquillity ; but as yet no such man had appeared. A 1 From Fr.'jus to Ai.x a crowd of men kindly escorted us, carryiuf^ torches alongside the carriage of the General, not so much to show their enthusiasm as to insure our safety {Bourrifivie). 'i'hese hrigands hecame so had in France that at one time soldiers wore jilaccd in the imperials of all the diligences, receiving from the wits the curiously auticipative name of " imperial armies •" •2C)0 MKMOIRS OF NATOLEON BONAI'AUri:. 1799. soldier of fortune presented himself, covered ^vith glory; he had ]ilanted the standard of France on the Cajiitol and on the Pyramids. The whole world acknowk'dged his su- perior talt'ut; his character, his courage, and his victories had raised him to the very highest rank. His great works, his gallant actions, his speeches, and his proclamations ever since he had risen to eminence left no doubt of his wish to secure happiness and freedom to France, his adopted country. At that critical moment the necessity of a temporary dictatorship, which sometimes secures the safety of a state, banished all reflections on the conse- quences of such a power, and nobody .seemed to think glory incompatible with personal liberty. All eyes were therefore directed on the General, whose past conduct guaranteed his capability of defending the Republic abroad, and liberty at home, — on the General, whom his flatterers, and indeed some of his sincere friends, styled, " the hero of liberal ideas," the title to which he aspired. Under every point of view, therefore, he was naturally chosen as the chief of a generous nation, confiding to him her destiny, in preference to a troop of mean and fanati- cal hypocrites, who, under the names of republicanism and liberty, had reduced France to the most abject slavery. Among the schemes which Bonajiarte was incessantly revolving in his mind may undoubtedly be ranked the project of attaining the head of the French Government ; but it would be a mistake to suppose that on his return from Egypt he had formed any fixed plan. There was something vague in his ambitious aspirations ; and he was, if I may so express myself, fond of Iniilding those imaginary edifices called castles in the air. The current of events was in accordance with his wishes ; and it may truly be said that the whole Frencli nation smoothed for Bonaparte the road which led to power. Certainly the 1799. ARRIVAL IN PARIS. 261 unanimous plaudits and universal joy which accompanied him along a journey of more than 200 leagues must have induced liim to regard as a national mission that step which was at first prompted merely by his wish of med- dling with the affairs of the Eepublic. This spontaneous burst of popular feeling, unordered and unpaid for, loudly proclaimed the grievances of the people, and their hope that the man of victory would be- come their deliverer. The general enthusiasm excited by the return of the conqueror of Egypt delighted him to a degree which I cannot express, and was, as he has often assured me, a powerful stimulus in urging him to the object to which the wishes of France seemed to direct him. Among people of all classes and opinions an 18th Brumaire was desired and expected. Many Eoyalists even believed that a change would prove favourable to the King, So ready are we to persuade ourselves of the reality of what we wish. As soon as it was suspected that Bonaparte would accept the power offered him, an outcry was raised about a conspiracy against the Eepublic, and measures were sought for preserving it. But necessity, and indeed, it must be confessed, the general feeling of the people, con- signed the execution of those measures to him who was to subvert tlie Eepublic. On his return to Paris, Bona- parte spoke and acted like a man who felt his own power ; he cared neither for flattery, dinners, nor balls, — his mind took a higher flight. We arrived in Paris on the 24th Vend^miaire (the 16th of October). As yet he knew nothing of what was going on ; for he had seen neither his wife nor his brothers, who were looking for him on the Burgundy road. The news of our landing at Frejus had reached Paris by a telegraphic despatch. Madame Bonaparte, 262 MEMOIKS OF NArol.F.ON HONAFAKTE. 1799. who was dining with M. (Jnhier wlien that despatch was coinnmnicatv'd to him, as President of the Directory, ininieiliately set ort' to nieL't her hushand, well knowing how important it was that her first interview with him should not he anticipated hy his hrothers. The imprudent communications of Junot at the foun- tains of Messoudiah will he rememhered ; hut, after the first ebullition of jealous rage, all traces of that feeling had apparently disappeared. Bonaparte, however, was still harassed by secret sus])icion, and the jtainful im]ires- sions produced by Junot were either not entirely ellaced or were revived after our arrival in Paris. We reached the capital before Jasephine returned. The recollection of the past, the ill-natured reports of his brothers,^ and the exaggeration of facts had irritated Napoleon to the very highest pitch, and he received Josephine with studied coldness, and with an air of the most cruel iiidin'erence. He had no communication with her for three days, during which time he frequently spoke to me of suspi- cions which his imagination converted into certainty ; and threats of divorce escaped his lips with no less vehemence than when we were on the confines of Syria. I took upon me the office of conciliator, which I had before discharged with success. I represented to him the dangers to be apprehended from the publicity and scandal of such an afifair ; and that the moment when liis grand views might possibly be realised was not the fit time to entertain France and Europe with the details of a charge of adul- tery. I spoke to him of Hortense and P^ugi^ne, to whom he was much attached, licflection, seconded by his ar- dent affection for Josephine, brought about a complete reconciliation. After these three days of conjugal mis- ^ Joscpli B()iia])arte remarks on tliis that Napoleon met Josephine at Paris liefore liis l)rotlierH arrived there. (Coni|)are D'Abrautes, vol. i. pp. 260-262, and U.-nmsat, tome i. i)p. 147, 148.) 1799. A COLD RECEPTION. 263 understanding their happiness was never afterwards dis- turbed by a similar cause.^ 1 In speakiug of tlie unexpected arrival of Bonaparte from Egypt, and of the meeting between him and Josephine, Madame Jnnot says : — " On the 10th < )ctober, Josephine set off to meet her husband, but without knowing exactly wiiat road he woukl take. She thought it likely he would come by way of Burgundy, and therefore Louis and she set off for Lyons. " Madame Bonaparte was a prey to great and well-founded uneasiness. Whether she was guilty or only imprudent, she was strongly accused by the Bonaparte family, who were desirous that Xapoleou should obtain a divorce. The elder M. de Caulaincourt stated to us his apprehensions on tliis point ; but whenever the subject was introduced, my mother changed the conversation, because, knowing as she did the sentiments of the Bona- parte family, she could not reply without either committing them or hav- ing recourse to falsehood. She knew, moreover, the truth of many circum- stances which M. de Caulaincourt seemed to doubt, and which her situation with respect to Bonaparte prevented her from comnmnicating to him. " Madame Bonaparte committed a great fault in neglecting at this juncture to conciliate her mother-in-law, who might have protected lier against those who sought her ruin, and effected it nine years later ; for the divorce in 1809 was brought about by the joint efforts of all the mem- bers of the Bonaparte family, aided by some of Napoleon's most con- fidential servants, whom Josephine, either as Madame Bonaparte or as Empress, had done nothing to make her friends. " Bonaparte, on his arrival in Paris, found his house deserted ; but his mother, sisters, and sisters-in-law, and, in short, every member of his family, except Louis, who had attended Madame Bonaparte to Lyons, came to him immediately. The impression made upon him by the solitude of his home and its desertion by its mistress was profound and terrible, and nine years afterwards, when the ties between him and Josephine were severed forever, he .showed that it was not effaced. From not finding her with his family, he inferred that she felt herself unworthy of their ])res- ence, and feared to meet the man she had wronged. He considered iier journey to Lyons as a mere pretence. " M. de B(jurrienne says that for some days after Josephine's return Bonaparte treated her with e.rtreinc coldness. As he was an eye-witness, why does he not state the whole truth, and say that on her return Bona- parte refused to see her and did not see. her ? It was to the earne.st entreaties of her children that she owed the recovery, not of her husband's love, for that had long ceasetl, liut of that tenderness acquireil l)y habit, and that intimate intercourse which made her still retain the rank of consort to the greatest man of his age. Bona])arte was at this ])eriod much attached to Kugi'ne Beauharnais, who, to do him justice, was a charming youth. lie knew less of Ilortense ; but her youth and sweetness of temper, and the 264 mi:m("Ii;s ok napoleon Bonaparte. 1799. On tilt' (lay after his arrival Bonaparte visited the Directors.^ The interview was cold. On the 24th of Oct- ober he said to me, " I dined yesterday at (Jollier's; .Siey^s was present, and I pretended not to see him. I observed how much he was enraged at this mark of disrespect." " Ikit are you sure he is against you ?" inquired I. ''I know nothing yet; but he is a scheming man, and I don't like him." I^'en at that time ]>onaparte had thoughts of getting himself elected a member of the Directory in the room of Sieyfes. protection of wliith, as his adopted daughter, slie hesonplit him not to deprive her, jtroved powerful advocates, and overcame liis resistance. " In this delicate negotiation it was good policy not to l)ring any other person into play, whatever might he their influence with Honaparte, and Madame Ponaparte did not, therefore, have recourse either to Parras, Pourrioniie, or Pertiiier. It was expedient that they who interceded for her should he aide to say something without the possihility of a replv. Now Ponaparte could not with any degree of propriety explain to such children as Eugene or Ilortense the particulars of their mother's conduct. He was therefore constrained to silence, and had no argument to combat the tears of two innocent creatures at his feet, exclaiming, ' Do not abandon onr mother; slie will lireak her heart! And ought injustice to take from us, poor orjdians, whose natural protector the scaffold has alreadv deprived us of. the support of one whom Provi, and Gohier alone believed, or affected to believe, in the pos- sibility of preserving the existing form of government. From what I heard at the time I have good reasons for believing that Joseph and Lucien made all sorts of endeav- ours to inveigle Bernadntte into their brother's party, and in the hope of accomplishing that object they had as- sisted in getting him appointed "War Minister. However, I cannot vouch for the trutli of this. I was told that Bernadotte liad at first sul)mitted to the influence of Bona- parte's two brotliers; but that their urgent interference in their client's behalf induced him to shake them off, to proceed freely in the exercise of his duties, and to open the eyes of the Directory on what the Republic might have to apprehend from the enterprising character of Bona- parte. It is certain that what I have to relate respecting the conduct of B.-rnadotte to Bonaparte is calculated to give credit to these assertions. All the generals who were in Paris, witli the exception of Bernadotte, had visited Bonaparte during the first three 1799. DISPUTES ^YITH BERNADOTTE. 269 days which succeeded his arrival. Bernadotte's absence was the more remarkable because he had served under Bonaparte in Italy. It was not until a fortnight had elapsed, and then only on the reiterated entreaties of Joseph and Madame Joseph Bonaparte (his sister-in-law), that he determined to go and see his old General-in-Chief. I was not present at their interview, being at that mo- ment occupied in the little cabinet of the Eue Chantereiue. But I soon discovered that their conversation had been long and warm ; for as soon as it was ended, Bonaparte entered the cabinet exceedingly agitated, and said to me, " Bourrienne, how do you think Bernadotte has behaved ? You have traversed France with me — you witnessed the enthusiasm which my return excited — you yourself told me that you saw in that enthusiasm the desire of the French people to be relieved from the disastrous position in which our reverses have placed them. Well ! would you believe it ? Bernadotte boasts, with ridiculous exag- geration, of the brilliant and victorious situation of France ! He talks about the defeat of the Russians, the occupation of Genoa, the innumerable armies that are rising up every- where. In short, I know not what nonsense he has got in his head." — " What can all this mean ? " said I. " Did he speak about Egypt ? " — " Oh, yes ! Now you re- mind me. He actually reproached me for not having brought the army back with me ! ' But,' observed I, * have you not just told me that you are absolutely over- run with troops ; that all your frontiers are secure, that immense levies are going on, and that you will have 200,- 000 infantry ? — If this be true, what do you want with a few thousand men who may insure the preservation of Egypt ? ' He could make no answer to this. But he is quite elated by the honour of having been War Minister ; and he told me boldly that he looked upon the Army of Egypt as lost. Nay, more. He made insinuations. He 270 MKMUIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAl'AinE. 1799. spukt' uf (.'iiemies abroad and tucinies at home ; and as lie uttered tlie.se last words, he looked signiticantly at ine. I too gave him a glance ! lint stay a little. The pear will soon be ripe ! You know .losephine's grace and address. She was i)resent. The scrutinising glance of I>ernadotle did not escajie her, and she adroitly turned j:he conver- sation. Bernadotte saw from my countenance that I had had enough of it, and he took his leave. But don't let me interrupt you further. I am g<»ing back to speak to Josephine." I must confess that this strange story made me very im- patient to find myself alone with Madame Bonaparte, for I wished to hear her account of the scene. An opportun- ity occurred that very evening. I repeated to her what I had heard from the General, and all that she told me tended to confirm its accuracy. She added that Berna- dotte seemed to take the utmost pains to exhibit to the General a flattering picture of the prosperity of France ; and she rejiorted to me, as follows, that part of the con- versation which was peculiarly calculated to irritate Bon- aparte : " ' I do not despair of the safety of the Kepublic, which I am certain can restrain her enemies both abroad and — at home.' As Bernadotte uttered these last words," continued Josephine, " his glance made me shudder. One word more, and Bonaparte could have commanded himself no longer ! It is true," added she, " that it was in some degree his own fault, for it was lie who turned the conversation on politics ; and r)ernadotte, in describ- ing the tiourishing condition of France, was only replying to the General, who had drawn a very opposite picture of the state of things. You know, my dear Bourrienne, that Bonaparte is not always very prudent. I fear he has said too much to Bernadotte about the necessity of changes in the Government." Josephine had not yet re- covered from the agitation into which this violent scene 1799. A DIPLOMATIC VISIT. 271 had thrown her. After I took leave of her, T made notes of what she had told me. A few days after, when Bonaparte, Josephine, Hortense, Eugene, and I were together in the drawing-room, Berna- dotte unexpectedly entered. His appearance, after what had passed, was calculated to surprise us. He was accompanied by a person whom he requested permission to introduce to Bonaparte. I have forgotten his name, but he was, I think, secretary-general while Bernadotte was in office. Bonaparte betrayed no appearance of astonish- ment. He received Bernadotte with perfect ease, and they soon entered into conversation. Bonaparte, who seemed to acquire confidence from the presence of those who were about him, said a great deal about the agitation which prevailed among the Eepublicans, and expressed himself in very decided terms against the Mandge Club.^ I sec- onded him by observing that M. Moreau de Worms, of my department, who was a member of that club, had himself complained to me of the violence that prevailed in it. " But, General," said Bernadotte, " your brothers were its most active originators. Yet," added he in a tone of firmness, " you accuse me of having favoured that club, and I repel the charge. It cannot be otherwise than false. When I came into office, I found everything in the greatest disorder. I had no leisure to think about any club to which my duties did not call me. You know well that your friend Salicetti, and that your brother, who is in your confidence, are both leading men in the Manage Club. To the instructions of / knoiv not v:Jiom is to be attributed the violence of which you complain." At these ^ The Manege Club, tlie last resort of the Jacohins, fonneil in 1799, and closed seven or eight months afterwards. Joseph Bonaparte [Erreurs, tome i. p. 251) denies that he or T.ncien — for whom the allusion is meant — were members of this club, and he disputes this conversation ever having taken place. Lucien (tome i. p. 219) treats this club as opposed to his party. 272 MKMOinS OF NAPOLEON RoXArAim:. 1799. words, ami especially tlie tone in \\lii(]i I'ernadotte uttered / kinno not ir/tom, liuiiaparte coiild no longer restrain himself. " Well, General," exclaimed he furi- ously, " I tell you plainly, I would rather live wild in the woods than in a state of society which affoids no se- curity." I'.ernadotte then said, with great dignity of man- ner, "Good God! (reneral, what security would you have?" From the warmth evinced by Bonaparte I saw plainly that the conversation would soon be converted into a dispute, and in a whisper I requested jMadame Bonaparte to change the conversation, which slie imme- diately did by addressing a question to some one present. Bernadotte, observing Madame Bonaparte's design, checked his warmth. The subject of conversation was chaniied, and it became general. Bernadotte soon took up his hat and departed. One morning, when I entered Bonaparte's chamber, — it was, I believe, three or four days after the second visit of Bernadotte, — he said, — " Well, Bourrienne, I wager you will not guess with whom I am going to breakfast this morning ? " — " Pteally, General, I " — " With Bernadotte ; and the best of the joke is, that I have invited myself. You would have seen how it was all brought about if you had been with us at the Th(^atre Francais, yesterday evening. You know we are going to visit Joseph to-day at Mortfontaine. Well, as we were coming out of the theatre last night, finding my.self side by side with Bernadotte, and not knowing what to talk about, I asked him whether he was to be of our party to-day ? He replied in the affirmative ; and as we were passing his house in the Eue Cisalpine, ^ I told liim, without any ceremony, that I should be hapjiy 1 Joseph Bonaparte lays great stress on tlie fact that Napoleon would not have passed this house, which was far from the theatre {Erreurs, tome i. p. 251). 1799. A DIPLOMATIC VISIT. 273 to come and take a cup of coffee with him in the morn- ing. He seemed pleased. What do you think of that, Bourrienne ? " — " Why, General, I hope you may have reason on your part to be pleased with him." — " Never fear, never fear. I know what I am about. This will com- promise him with Gohier. Eemember, you must always meet your enemies with a bold face, otherwise they think they are feared, and that gives them confidence." Bonaparte stepped into the carriage with Josephine, who was always ready when she had to go out with him, for he did not like to wait. They proceeded first to Ber- nadotte's to breakfast, and from thence to Mortfontaine. On his return Bonaparte told me very little about what had passed during the day, and I could see that he was not in the best of humours. I afterwards learned that Bonaparte had conversed a good deal with Bernadotte, and that he had made every effort to render himself agreeable, which he very well knew how to do when he chose ! but that, in spite of all his conversational talent, and sup- ported as he was by the presence of his three brothers, and Regnault de St. Jean d'Ang(51y, ^ he could not with- stand the republican firmness of Bernadotte, However, the number of his partisans daily augmented, for all had not the uncompromising spirit of Bernadotte ; and it will soon be seen that Moreau himself undertook charge of the Directors who were made prisoners on the 18th Brum aire. Bernadotte's shrewd penetration made him one of the first to see clearly into Bonaparte's de:litieal crisis was luarUed l>y nolliing more grand, diunilifd, (tr noble than the ])revious revolutionary commotions. All those plots were so contem]»til»le, «ind were accompanied by so much trickery, falsehood, and treachery, that, for tlie honour of human miture, it is de- sirable to cover them with a veil. General Bonaparte's thoughts were first occu]>ied with the idea he had conceived even when in Italy ; namely, to be chosen a Director. Nobody dared yet to accuse him of being a deserter from the Army of the East. The only difficulty was to obtain a dispensation on the score of age. And was thi.s not to be olitained ? No sooner was he installed in his humble abode in the Rue de la Victoire than he was assured that, on the retirement of Rewbell, the majority of sulfrages would have devolved on him had he been in France, and had not the fundamental law required the age of forty; but that not even his warmest partisans were dis])0sed to violate the yet infant Constitu- tion of the year III. Bonaparte soon perceived that no efl'orts would succeed in overcoming this difficulty, and he easily resolved to possess himself wholly of an office of which he would nominally have had only a fifth part had he been a mem- ber of the Directory. As soon as his intentions became manifest, he found him- self surrounded by all those who recognised in him the man they had long looked for. These persons, who were able and influential in their own circles, endeavoured to convert into friendship the animosity which existed be- tween Siey^s and lionaparte. This angry feeling had been increased by a remark made by Sieyes, and reported to Bonaparte. He had said, after the dinner at which Bona- parte treated him so disrespectfully, " Do you see how that 1799. FALSELY ACCUSED BY BAERAS. 277 little insolent fellow behaves to a member of a government which would do well to order him to be SHOT?" But all was changed when able mediators pointed out to Bonaparte the advantage of uniting with Sieves for the purpose of overthrowing a constitution which he did not like. He was assured liow vain it would be to thmk of superseding him, and that it would be better to flatter him with the hope of helping to subvert the Constitution and raising up a new one. One day some one said to Bona- parte in my hearing, " Seek for support among the party who call the friends of the Kepuljlic Jacobins, and be assured that Siey^s is at the head of that party." On the 25th Vend(^miaire (17tli of October) the Direc- tory summoned General Bonaparte to a private sitting. " They offered me the choice of any army I would com- mand," said he to me the next morning. " I would not refuse, but I asked to be allowed a little time for the recovery of my health ; and, to avoid any other embarras- sing offers, I withdrew. I shall go to no more of their sittings." [He attended only one after this.] " I am determined to join Sieyfes' party. It includes a greater diversity of opinions than that of the profligate Barras. He proclaims everywhere that he is the author of my for- tune. He will never be content to play an inferior part, and I will never bend to such a man. He cherishes the mad ambition of being the support of the Republic. Wliat would he do with me ? Sieyfes, on the contrary, has no political ambition." No sooner did Sieyfes begin to grow friendly with Bona- parte than the latter learned from him that Barras had said, " The ' little corporal ' has made his fortune in Italy, and does not w\ant to go back again." Bonaparte repaired to the Directory for the sole purpose of contradicting tliis allegation. He complained to the Directors of its false- hood, boldly affirmed that the fortune he was supposed to 278 MEMOIRS OF NAl'OLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. possess had no existence ; autl that even if he liad made his fiiitnne, it was not, at all events, at the e.xpense of the Ke- puhlic. "You know," said he to me, " that the mines of Hydria have furnished the greater part of what I pos- sess." — " Is it possible," said I, " that liarras could have said so, when you know so well of all the peculations of which he has been guilty since your return ? " Bonaparte had confided the secret of liis ])lans to very few persons, — to those only whose assistance he wanted. The rest mechanically followed their leaders and the im- pulse which was given to them ; they passively awaited the realisation of the promises they had received, and on the faith of which they had pledged themselves. CHAPTER XXIV. 1799. The parts of the great drama which was shortly to be enacted were well distributed. During the three days pre- ceding the 18th Brumaire every one was at his post. Lu- cien, with equal activity and intelligence, forwarded the conspiracy in the two Councils ; Sieyes had the manage- ment of the Directoiy ; R(^al, ^ under the instructions of Fouchd, ^ negotiated with the departments, and dexter- ously managed, witliout compromising Fouchd, to ruin those from whom that Minister had received his power. There was no time to lose ; and Fouch^ said to me on the 14th Brumaire, "Tell your General to be speedy; if he delays, he is lost." On the 17th, Eegnault de St. Jean d'Ang^ly told Bona- parte that the overtures made to Cambac^rfes and Lebrun had not been received in a very decided way. " I will have no tergiversation," replied Bonaparte, with warmth. " Let them not Hatter themselves that I stand in need of 1 Pierre Franoois Ri'-al (1757-1834), public accuser before the revolu- tionary criminal tribunal, became, under Napoleon, Conseiller d'Etat and Comte, and was charged with the affairs of the " haute police." ■■'Joseph Fouche (1754-1820), Conventionalist; member of extreme Jacobin party; Minister of Police uniler the Directory, August, 1799; retained l)y Napoleon in that ministry till 1802, and again from 1804 to 1810; became Due d'Otrante in 1809 ; disgraced in 1810, and sent in 181.3 as governor of tlie lilyrian provinces ; Minister of Police during tlie Vent Jours ; President of the Provisional Government, 1815 ; and for a short time Minister of Police under second restoration. 280 MKMolKS OF NAPOLEON HoNArARTK. 1799. them. They must deculo to-dav ; to-iunrntw will be too late. I feel myself strong enough now to stand alone." Cambacdr^s * and Lebrun ^ were almost utter stran- gers to the intrigues which preceded the ISth Brumaire. liona])arte had cast his eyes on the Minister of Justice to be one of his colleagues when lie should be at lil)erty to name them, because his pre\dous conduct had pledged him as a partisan of the Revolution. To him Bonajiarte added Lebrun, to counterl)alance the first choice. Lebrun was distinguished for honourable conduct and moderate prin- ciples. By selecting these two men, Bonaparte hoped to please every one; besides, neither of them were al)le to contend against his fixed determination and ambitious views. What petty intrigues marked the 17th Brumaire ! On that day I dined with Bona])arte; and after dinner he said, " I have promised to dine to-morrow with Gohier; but, as you may readily suppose, I do not intend going. However, I am very sorry for his obstinacy. By way of restoring his confidence, Josephine is going to invite him to breakfast with us to-morrow. It will be impossible for him to suspect anything. I saw Barras this morning, and left him much disturbed. He asked me to return and visit him to-night. I promised to do so, but I shall not go. To-morrow all will be over. There is but little time ; he expects me at eleven o'clock to-night. You shall therefore take my carriage, go there, send in my name, 1 Cambacerbs (J. J. Kepis de) (17.')3-1824), ronventioiialist ; Minister of Justice under Directory, 1799; Second Consul, 2.5th Decenilier, 1799 ; Arch-CIiancellor of the Knipire, 1S04; Due do Parma, 1806; Minister of Justice during the Cent Jours : took groat part in all the legal and admin- istrative projects of the Consulate and Enij)ire. 2 Charles Fram/ois Lelmin (1737-1824), Deputy to the National As- pemhly, aner of the Council of the Five Hundred ; Third Consul, 25th December, 1799 ; Arch Treasurer of the Empire, 1804; Due de Plai- saiice, 180<); (iovernor-General of Midland, 1805; Lieutenant-Governor of Holland, 1810 to 1813; chiefly engaged in financial measures. 1799. THE EIGHTEENTH BRUMAIRE. 281 and then enter yourself. Tell him that a severe head- ache confines me to my bed, but that I will be with him without fail to-morrow. Bid him not be alarmed, for all will soon be right again. Elude his questions as much as possible ; do not stay long, and come to me on your return." At precisely eleven o'clock I reached the residence of Barras, in General Bonaparte's carriage. Solitude and silence prevailed in all the apartments through which I passed to Barras' cabinet. Bonaparte was announced, and wlien Barras saw me enter instead of him, he manifested the greatest astonishment and appeared much cast down. It was easy to perceive that he looked on himself as a lost man. I executed my commission, and stayed only a short time. I rose to take my leave, and he said, while show- ing me out, " I see that Bonaparte is deceiving me : he will not come again. He has settled everything ; yet to me he owes all." I repeated that he would certainly come to- morrow, but he shook his head in a way which plainly denoted that he did not believe me. When I gave Bona- parte an account of my visit, he appeared much pleased. He told me that Joseph was going to call that evening on Bernadotte, and to ask him to come to-morrow. I replied that, from all I knew, he would be of no use to him. " I believe so too," said he ; " but he can no longer injure me, and that is enough. Well, good-night ; be here at seven in the morning." It was then one o'clock. I was with him a little before seven o'clock on the morning of the 18th Brumaire, and on my arrival I found a great number of generals and officers assembled. I en- tered Bonaparte's chamber, and found him already up, — a thing rather unusual with him. At this moment he was as calm as on the approach of a battle. In a few moments Joseph and Bernadotte arrived. Joseph had not found him at home on the preceding evening, and had called for 282 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONArAllTE. 1799. liiiii that inorniiiL;. I was surprised to see Bernadotte in plain clothes, and I stepped up to him and said in a low voice, " General, every one here, except you and me, is in uniform." — " Why should I be in uniftjrm ? " said he. As he uttered these words, lionaparte, struck with the same surprise as myself, stopi)ed short while speaking to several ])ersiins around him, and turning quickly towards Berna- dotte said, " How is this ? you are not in uniform ! " — "I never am on a morning when I am not on duty," replied Bernadotte. — " You will be on duty presently." — "I have not heard a word of it : I should have received my orders sooner." * Bonaparte then led Bernadotte into an adjoining room. Their conversation was not long, for there was no time to spare. On the other hand, by the influence of the principal conspirators, the removal of the legislative body to St. Cloud was determined on the morning of the 18th Brumaire, and the command of the army was given to Bonaparte. All this time Barras was no doubt waiting for Bona- parte, and Madame Bonaparte was expecting Gohier to breakfast. At Bonaparte's were assembled all the gen- erals who were devoted to him. I never saw so great a number before in the Rue de la Victoire. They were all, except Bernadotte, in full uniform ; and there were, be- sides, half a dozen persons there initiated in the secrets of the day. The little hotel of the conqueror of Italy was 1 All this account is denioil hy Joseph Bonaparte, who says (Krreurs, tome i. p. '2'yl) that Hornadotte did not .see Napruix and M. de Talleyrand had informed him of the reality of what he already suspected, and insisted on his retirement. On the 18th Brumaire a great number of military, amounting to about 10,000 men, w^ere assembled in the gardens of the Tuileries, and were reviewed by Bonaparte, accompanied by Generals Beurnonville, Moreau, and Mac- donald. Bonaparte read to them the decree just issued by the commission of inspectors of the Council of the Ancients, by which the legislative body was removed to St. Cloud, and by wliich he himself was intrusted with the execution of that decree, and appointed to the command of all the military force in Paris, and afterwards delivered an address to the troops. Wliilst Bonaparte was haranguing the soldiers, the Council of the Ancients published an address to the 1799. MOREAU'S APPOINTMENT. 285 rrench people, in which it was declared that the seat of the legishitive body was changed, in order to put down the factions, whose object was to control the national representation. While all this was passing abroad, I was at the General's house in the Rue de la Yictoire ; which I never left dur- ing the whole day. Madame Bonaparte and 1 were not without anxiety in Bonaparte's absence. I learned from Josephine that Joseph's wife had received a visit from Adjutant-General Rapatel, who had been sent by Bona- parte and Mureau to bring her husband to the Tuileries. Joseph was from home at the time, and so the message was useless. This circumstance, however, awakened hopes which we had scarcely dared to entertain. Moreau was then in accordance with Bonaparte, for Rapatel was sent in the name of both generals. This alliance, so long despaired of, appeared to augur favourably. It was one of Bonaparte's happy strokes. Moreau, who was a slave to military discipline, regarded his successful rival only as a cliief nominated by the Council of the Ancients. He received his orders, and obeyed them. Bonaparte appointed him commander of the guard of the Luxembourg, where the Directors were under confinement. He accepted the command, and no circumstance could have contributed more etfectually to the accomplishment of Bonaparte's views and to the triumph of his ambition. At length Bonaparte, whom we had impatiently ex- pected, returned. Almost everything had gone well with him, for he had had only to do with soldiers. In the evening he said to me, " I am sure that the committee of inspectors of the hall are at this very moment engaged in settling what is to be done at St. Cloud to-morrow. It is better to let them decide the matter, for by that means their vanity is flattered. I will obey orders which I have myself concerted." What Bonaparte was speaking of had 286 Mr.MolPvS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1799. been ananged nearly two or three days previously. The coniniittee of inspectors was under the influence of the priii('i]>al consjtirators. In the evening of this anxious day, which was destined to be succeeded by a stormy morrow, Bonaparte, pleased with having gained over Morean, spoke to me of Berna- dotte's visit in the morning. " I saw," said he, " that you were as mueh astonished as I at l^ernadotte's behaviour. A general out of uniform ! He might as well have come in .slippers. Do you know what passed when I took him aside? I told him all; I thunglit that the best way. I assured him that his Directory was hated, and his Consti- tution worn out ; that it was necessary to turn them all off", and give another impulse to the Government. 'Go and put on your uniform,' said I ; ' I cannot w\iit for you long. You will find me at the Tuileries, with the rest of our comrades. Do not depend on Moreau, Beurnonville, or the generals of your party. "When you know them better, you will find that they promise much, but perform little. Do not trust them.' I'ernadotte then said that he would not take part in what he called a rebellion. A rebellion ! Bourrienne, only think of that ! A set of im- beciles, who from morning to night do nothing but debate in their kennels ! But all was in vain. I could not move Bernadotte. He is a bar of iron. I asked him to give me his word that he would do nothing against me ; what do you think was his answer?" — "Something unpleasant, no doubt." — " Unpleasant ! that is too mild a word. He said, * I will remain quiet as a citizen ; but if tlie Direc- tory order me to act, I will march against all disturbers.' But I can laugh at all that now. My measures are taken, and he will have no command. However, I set him at ease as to what would take place. I flattered him with a picture of private life, the jileasures of the country, and the charms of Malmaison ; and I left him with his head 1799. THE NINETEENTH BRUMAIRE. 287 full of pastoral dreams. In a word, I am very well satis- fied with my day's work. Good-niglit, Bourrienne; we shall see what will turn up to-morrow." On the 19th I went to St. Cloud with my friend La Vallette.^ As we passed the Place Louis XV., now Louis XVI., he asked me what was doing, and what my opinion was as to the coming events ? Without entering into any detail, I replied, " My friend, either we shall sleep to-mor- row at the Luxembourg, or there will be an end of us." Who could tell which of the two things would happen ? Success legalised a bold enterprise, wliich the slightest accident might have changed into a crime. The sitting of the Ancients, under the presidency of Lemercier, commenced at one o'clock. A warm discussion took place upon the situation of affairs, the resignation of the members of the Directory, and the immediate elec- tion of others. Great heat and agitation prevailed dur- ing the debate. Intelligence was every minute carried to Bonaparte of what was going forward, and he determined to enter the hall and take part in the discussion. He entered in a hasty and angry way, which did not give me a favourable foreboding of what he was about to say. We passed through a narrow passage to the centre of the hall ; our backs were turned to the door. Bonaparte had the President to his right. He could not see him full in the face. I was close to the General on his right. Berthier was at his left. All the speeches which have been subsequently passed off as having been delivered by Bonaparte on this occa- sion differ from each other ; as well they may, for he delivered none to the Ancients, unless his confused con- ^ Marie Chamans, Comte de La Vallette ( 1 769-1 S.10), aidc-ilp-camp to Napoleon from 1796; married, 1798, Louise Eniile de Beanharnais, niece of .losepliine ; Minister of I'osts from 1800 to 1814, and durini^ the Cent Jours; condemned to death l>y tlie Bourbons in 1815, but esca])ed. 288 Mr.MOlUS OF napoleon B0\APARTE. 1799. versation with the President, which was ahke devoid of dignity and sense, is to be called a speech. He talked of his " brothers in arms " and the " frankness of a soldier." The questions of the President followed each other rapidly : tlu-y were clear; but it is impossible to conceive anything' more confused or worse delivered than the am- bij,nious and perplexed replies of Bonaparte. He talked without end of " volcanoes, secret agitations, victories, a violated constitution ! " He blamed the proceedings of the 18th Fructidor, of which he was the first promoter and the most powerful sup])orter. He pretended to b3 ign(n-ant of everything until the Council of Ancients had called him to the aid of his country. Then came "Csesar — Cromwell — tyrant!" and he several times repeated, " I have nothing more to say to you !" tliough, in fact, he had said nothing. He alleged that he had been called to assume the supreme authority, on his return from Italy, by the desire of the nation, and afterwards by his com- rades in arms. Next followed the words " lil)erty — equal- ity ! " though it was evident he had not come to St. Cloud for the sake of either. No sooner did he utter these words than a meml)er of the Ancients, named, I think, Linglet, interrupting him, exclaimed, " You forget the Constitution ! " His countenance immediately lighted up ; yet nothing could bo distinguished but " The 18th Fructi- dor — the 30th Prairial — hypocrites — intriguers — I will disclose all ! — I will resign my power, when the danger which threatens the Republic shall have passed away ! " Bonaparte, believing all his assertions to l)e admitted as proved, assumed a little confidence, and accused the two directors, Barras and Moulins, " of having proposed to put him at the head of a party whose object was to oppose all men professing liberal ideas." At these words, the falsehood of which was odious, a 1799. INCOHERENT ACCUSATIONS. 289 great tumult arose in the hall. A general committee was loudly called for to hear the disclosures. " No, no ! " ex- claimed others, " no general committee ! Conspirators have been denounced : it is right that France should know all!" Bonaparte was then re(|uired to enter into the particu- lars of his accusation against Barras and Moulins, and of the proposals which had been made to him : " You must no longer conceal anything." Embarrassed by these interruptions and interrogatories, Bonaparte believed that he was completely lost. Instead of giving an explanation of what he had said, he began to make fresh accusations ; and against whom ? The Coun- cil of the Five Hundred, who, he said, wished for " scaf- folds, revolutionary committees, and a complete overthrow of everytliing." Violent murmurs arose, and his language became more and more incoherent and inconsequent. He addressed himself at one moment to tlie representatives of the peo- ple, who were quite overcome by astonishment ; at an- other to the military in the courtyard, who could not hear him. Then, by an unaccountable transition, he spoke of " the thunderbolts of war ! " and added that he was "attended by the God of war and the God of fortune." The President, with great calmness, told him that he saw nothing, absolutely nothing, upon which the Council could deliberate ; that there was vagueness in all he had said. " Explain yourself ; reveal the plot which you say you were urged to join." Bonaparte repeated again the same things. But only those who were present can form any idea of his manner. There was not the slightest connection in what he stam- mered out. Bonaparte was then no orator. It may well be supposed that he was more accustomed to the din of war than to the discussions of the tribunes. He was VOL.1. —19 2'.)0 MEMOIUS OF NAPOLKON BONAI>AIiTE. 1799. more at hoine before a battery than before a President's chair. Perceiving tlie bad effeet wliich this unconnected bab- blint: priiduccd on the asseiul)lv,as well as the eniltarrass- ment of Bonaparte, I said, in a low voice, pulling him gently by the skirt of his coat, " Withdraw, General ; you know not what you are saying." I made signs to lierthier, who was on his left, to second me in persuading him to leave the hall ; and all at once, after having stam- mered out a few more words, he turned round, exclaiming, " Let those who love me follow me!" The sentinels at the door otlered no opposition to his passing. The person who went before him quietly drew aside the tapestry which concealed the door, and General Bonaparte leaped upon his horse, which stood in the courtyard. It is hard to say what would have happened if, on seeing the General retire, the President had said, " Grenadiers, let no one pass ! " Instead of sleeping next day at the Luxem- bourg, he would, I am convinced, have ended his career ou the Place de la Kt^volutiou. CHAPTER XXV. 1799. The scene which occurred at the sitting of the Council of the Ancients was very different from that which passed outside. Bonaparte had scarcely reached the courtyard and mounted his horse when cries of " Vive Bonaparte ! " resounded on all sides. But this was only a sunbeam between two storms. He had yet to brave the Council of the Five Hundred, which was far more excited than the Council of the Ancients. Everything tended to create a dreadful uncertainty ; but it was too late to draw back. We had alread}^ staked too heavily. The game was desperate, and everything was to be ventured. In a few hours all would be determined. Our apprehensions were not without foundation. In the Council of the Five Hundred agitation was at its height. The most serious alarm marked its deliberations. It had been determined to announce to the Directory the installation of the Councils, and to inquire of the Coun- cil of the Ancients their reasons for resolving upon an extraordinary convocation. But the Directory no longer existed. Sieyfes and Roger Ducos had joined Bonaparte's party. Gohier and Moulins were prisoners in the Luxem- bourg, and in the custody of General JMoreau ; and at the very moment when the Council of the Five Hundred had drawn up a message to the Directory, the Council of the Ancients transmitted to them the following letter, received from Barras. This letter, which was addressed to the 292 MK.MoIUS OF NAroLHOX H( IXATA IMI]. 1799. Council of llie Ancients, was innncdialcly reail by Lucicu Bonaparte, who was President of the Council of the Five Ilundrcd. CiTiZKN President, — Having entered into piiMic affairs solely from niy love of liberty, I consented to share the lirst magistracy of tlio State only tliat 1 might l)e able t<> defend it in danger; to protect against their enemies the j)atri(its ct)mj)romised in its cause; and to insure to tlie defenders of their country that attention to their interests which no one was more calculated to feel than a citizen, long the witness of their heroic virtues, and always sensible to their wants. The glory wliich accompanies the return of the ilhustrious warrit)r to wlioni I had the honour of opening the ])ath of glory, the striking marks of confidence given him by the legislative body, and the decree of the National Convention, convince me that, to whatever post he may henceforth be called, the dangers to liberty will be averted, and tlie interests of the army insured. I cheerfully return to the rank of a private citizen : happy, after so mauy storms, to resign, unimpaired, and even more glorious than ever, the destiny of the Republic, which has been, in part, committed to my care. (Signed) Barras. This letter occasioned a great sensation in the Council of the Five Hundred. A second reading was called for, and a question was started, whether the retirement was leiial, or was the result of collusion, and of the intiuence of Bonaparte's agents ; whether to believe Barras, who declared the dangers of liberty averted, or the decree for the removal of the legislative corps, which was passed and executed under the pretext of the existence of im- minent peril ? At that moment Bonaparte appeared, followed by a party of grenadiers, who remained at the entrance of the hall. I did not accompany him to the Council of the Five Hundred. He had directed me to send off an express to 1799. . BONAPARTE AND THE EIVE HUNDRED. 293 ease the apprehensions of Josephine, and to assure her that everything would go well. It was some time before 1 joined him again. However, without speaking as positively as if I had myself been an eye-witness of the scene, I do not hesitate to declare that all that has been said about assaults and poniards is pure invention. 1 rely on what was told me, on tlie very night, by persons well worthy of credit, and who were witnesses of all that passed. As to what passed at the sitting, the accounts, given both at the time and since, have varied according to opinions. Some have alleged that unanimous cries of indignation were excited by the appearance of the mili- tary. From all parts of the hall resounded, " The sanctu- ary of the laws is violated. Down with the tyrant ! — down with Cromwell ! — down with the Dictator ■ " Bona- parte stammered out a few words, as he had done before the Council of the Ancients, but his voice was immediately drowned by cries of " Vive la Edpublique ! " " Vive la Constitution!" "Outlaw the Dictator!" The grenadiers are then said to have rushed forward, exclaiming, " Let us save our General!" at which indignation reached its height, and cries, even more violent than ever, were raised ; — that Bonaparte, falling insensible into the arms of the grenadiers, said, " They mean to assassinate me I " All that regards the exclamations and threats I believe to be correct ; but I rank witli the story of the poniards the assertion of the members of the Five Hundred being provided with firearms, and the grenadiers rushing into the hall ; because Bonaparte never mentioned a word of anything of tlie sort to me, either on the way home, or when I was with him in liis chamber. Neither did he say anything on the subject to his wife, who had been extremely agitated by the different reports which reached her. 294 MF.MOIRS OF NArOLEON HOXAPARTE. 1799. After I'-oniqiarle left tlie Ci)uncil of the Five Hundred, the delihenitiuiis were edutinued with great violence. The excitement caused by the appearance of Bonaparte was nothinL,' like subsided when ]tro])()sitions of the most furious nature were made. The President, Lucien, did all in his power to restore tranquillity. As soon as he could make iiimself heard, he said, " The scene which has just taken place in the Council proves what are the sentiments of all, — sentiments which 1 declare are also mine. It was, however, natural to believe that the General had no other object than to render an account of the situation of affairs, and of something interesting to the pul)lic. ]^>ut I think none of you can suppose him cajiable of projects hostile to liberty." Each sentence of Lucien's address was interrupted by cries of " Bonaparte has tarnished his glory ! He is a dis- grace to the Republic ! " Lucien^ made fresh efforts to be heard, and wished to be allowed to address the assembly as a member of the Council, and for that purpose resigned the Presidentship to Chasal. He begged that the General might be intro- duced again and heard with calmness. But this proposi- tion was furiously oppo.sed. Exclamations of " Outlaw Bonaparte ! outlaw him ! " rang through the assembly, and were the only reply given to the President. Lucien, who had reassumed the President's chair, left it a second time, that he might not be constrained to put the question of 1 Tlie next younger brother of Napoleon, President of tlio Coiincil of the Five Hundred in 1799; Minister of tlie Interior, 1st Deceinhcr, 1799, to 1801 ; Ambassador in Spain, 1801, to December, 1801 ; h^ft France in dis grace in 1804; retireil to Papal States; pri.soner in Malta ami England, 1810 to 1814; created by Pope in 1814 Prince de Canino and Due dc Mu- signano; married firstly, 1794, Ciiristine Boyer, who died 1800 ; married secondly, 1S()2 or 1803, a Madame Joulierthon. Of ids part in the 18th lirumaire, Na]>oleon said to him in 1807, "1 well know that you were use/id to me on tiie 18th Hruniaire, but it is not so clear to me that you saved nie then " (lung's Lucien, tome iii. p. 89). The Eighteenth Bnirnaire. Photo-Etching. — From Painting by Bouchot. 1799. LUCIEN APPEALS TO THE TROOPS. 295 outlawry demanded against his brother. Braving tiie dis- pleasure of the assembly, he mounted the tribune, resigned the Presidentship, renounced liis seat as a deputy, and threw aside his robes. Just as Lucien left the Council, I entered. Bonaparte, who was well informed of all that was passing,^ had sent in soldiers to the assistance of his brother ; they carried him off from the midst of the Council, and Bonaparte thought it a matter of no little importance to have with him the President of an assembly which he treated as re- bellious. Lucien was reinstalled in office ; but he was now to discharge his duties, not in the President's chair, but on horseback, and at the head of a party of troops ready to undertake anything. Roused by the danger to which both his brother and himself were exposed, he delivered on horseback the following words, which can never be too often remembered, as showing what a man then dared to say, who never was anything except from the reflection of his brother's glory: — Citizen's ! Soldiers ! — The President of the Council of the Five Htuuh-ed dechires to you that the majority of tliat Council is at this moment hehl in terror by a few representatives of the people, who are armed with stilettoes, and who surround the tribune, threateniuLj their colleagues with death, and maintain- ing most atrocious discussions. I declare to you tliat these hrigands, who are doubtless in the pay of England, have risen in rebellion against the Council of the Ancients, and have dared to talk of outlawing the General, who is charged with the execution of its decree, as if the word " outlaw " was still to be regarded as the death-warrant of persons most beloved by their country. ^ Lucien distinctlv states that he himself, actinc; witliin liis rifijht as President, iiad demanded an escort of the fjrenadicrs of the Councils as soon as he saw liis withdrawal mi<:jht he o])posed. Thus the first entry of the soMiers with Napoleon would he illegal. The second, to withdraw Lucien, was nominally legal (see lung's Lucien, tome i. pp. 318-322). 200 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONATARTE. 1799. I declare to yon tliat tliese niadmon have outlawed themselves l)y their attempts upuii the liberty of the Council. In tlie name of that people, whicli for so many years have been the sport of terrorism, 1 consign to you tlic charge of rescuing the majority of their representatives ; so that, delivered from stilettnes by bay- onets, tliey may deliberate on the fate of the Republic. General, and you, soMiers, and you, citizens, yon will not ac- knowledge, as legislators of France, any but those who rally rovnid me. As for those who remain in the orangery, let force expel them. They are not the representatives of the jjcople, but the representatives of the poniard. Let that be their title, and let it follow them everywhere; and whenever they dare show themselves to the people, let every finger point at them, and every tongue designate them by the -well-merited title of representatives of the poniard ! Vive la Ilcpubliqno ! Xotwithstamlingtlie cries of "Vive Bonaparte!" which followed this harangue, the troops still hesitated. It was evident that they were not fully prepared to turn their swords against the national representatives. Lucien then drew his sword, exclaiming, " I swear that I will stab my own brother to the heart if he ever attempt anything against the liberty of Frenchmen." This dramatic action was perfectly successful ; hesitation vanished ; and at a signal given by Bonaparte, ]\Iurat, at the head of his grenadiers, rushed into the hall, and drove out the repre- sentatives. Every one yielded to the reasoning of bayonets, and thus terminated the employment of the armed force on that memorable day. At ten o'clock at night the palace of St. Cloud, where so many tumultuous scenes had occurred, was perfectly tranquil. All the deputies were still there, pacing the hall, the corridors, and the courts. Most of them had an air of consternation ; others affected to have foreseen the event, and to appear satisfied with it ; but all wished to 1799. BOXAPARTE'S ADDRESS TO THE TEOPLE. 297 return to Paris, which they could not do until a new order revoked the order for the removal of the Councils to St. Cloud. At eleven o'clock Bonaparte, who had eaten nothing all day, but who was almost insensible to physical wants in moments of great agitation, said to me, " We must go and write, Bourrienne; I intend this very night to address a proclamation to the inhabitants of Paris. To-morrow morning I shall be all the conversation of the capital." He then dictated to me the following proclamation, which proves, no less than some of his reports from Egypt, how much Bonaparte excelled in the art of twisting the truth to his own advantage : — • To THE People, 19th Brumaire, 11 o'clock, p. m. Frenchmen! — On my return to Fiance I found division reigning amongst all the authorities. Tliey agreed only on this single point, that tlie Constitution was half destroyed, and was unable to protect liberty ! Each party in turn came to me, confided to me their designs, imparted their secrets, and requested my support. I refused to be the man of a party. The Council of the Ancients appealed to me. I answered their appeal. A plan of general restoration had been concerted by men wliom the nation has been accustomed to regard as the defenders of liberty, equality, and property. This plan required calm and free deliberation, exempt from all influence and all fear. The Ancients, therefore, resolved upon the removal of the legis- lative bodies to St. Cloud. They placed at my disposal the force necessary to secure their independence. I was bound, in duty to my fellow-citizens, to the soldiers perishing in our armies, and to the national glory, acquired at the cost of so mucli blood, to accept the command. The Councils assembled at St. Cloud. Republican troops 298 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON IJoNAI'ARTE. 1799 guaranteetl tlioir safety fmin witliout, but assassins created termr witliiii. Many meiubers of tlie Council of the Five Ihnulred, arnied witli stilettos and pistols, spread menaces of death arounil them. The plans which ought to have been developed were with- held. The majority of the Council was rendered ineflicient ; tlie boldest orators were disconcerted, and the inutility of sub- mitting any salutary proposition was quite evident. I proceeded, Idled with indignation and grief, to the Council of the Ancients. I besought them to carry their no})le dfsigns into execution. I directed their attention to the evils of the nation, which were their motives for conceiving those designs. They concurred in giving me new proofs of their uniform good- will. I presented myself before the Council of the Five Hundred, alone, unarmed, my head iincovereil, just as the Ancients had received and applauded me. M}' object was to restore to the majority the expression of its will, and to secure to it its jiower. The stilettos which had menaced the deputies were instantly raised against their deliverer. Twenty assassins rushed upon me and aimed at my breast. The grenadiers of the legislative body, whom I had left at the door of the hall, ran forward, and placed themselves between me and the assassins. One of these brave grenadiers (Thome) ^ had his clothes pierced by a stiletto. They bore me off. At the same moment cries of " Outlaw him ! " were raised against the defender of the law. It was the horrid cr}^ of assassins against the power destined to repress tliern. They crowded round the President, uttering threats. With arms in their hands they commanded him to declare " the out- lawrj'." I was informed of this. I ordered him to be rescued from their fury, and six grenadiers of the legislative body brought him out. Immediately afterwards .some grenadiers of the legislative body cliarged into the hall and cleared it. ^ Thome morcly harth, I will call the First Consul, after having remained with him con- stantly during nearly twenty-four hours, with the excep- tion of the time when he was at the Council of the Five Hundred. I retired to my lodging, in the Bue Martel, at five o'clock in the morning. It is certain that if Gohier had come to breakfast on the morning of the 18th Brumaire, according to Madame Bonaparte's invitation, he would have been one of the members of the Government. But Gohier acted the part of the stern republican. He placed himself, according to the common phrase of the time, astride of the Constitu- tion of the year III. ; and as his steed made a sad stumble, he fell with it. 1799. CASTILIAN ETIQUETTE. 303 It was a singular circumstance which prevented the two Directors, Goliier and Moulins, from defending their beloved Constitution. It was from their respect for the Constitution that they allowed it to perish, because they would have been obliged to violate the article which did not allow less than three Directors to deliberate together. Thus a king of Castile was burned to death, because there did not happen to be in his apartment men of such rank as etiquette would permit to touch the person of the monarch. CHAPTER XXVI. 1799. It cannot he denied that France hailed, almost with unanimous voice, Bonaparte's accession to the Consulship as a hlessing of Providence. I do not speak now of tlie ulterior consequences of that event; I speak only of the fact itself, and its first results, such as the repeal of the law of hostages, and the compulsory loan of a hun- dred millions. Doubtless the legality of the acts of the 18th Brumaire may he disputed ; but who will venture to say that the immediate result of that day ought not to be regarded as a great blessing to France ? Whoever denies this can have no idea of the wretched state of every branch of the administration at that de])lorahle epoch. A few persons blamed the 18th Brumaire ; but no one regretted the Directory, with the exception, per- haps, of the five Directors themselves. But we will say no more of the Directorial Government. What an admin- istration ! In what a state were the finances of France ! Would it be believed ? on tlie second day of the Con- sulate, when Bonaparte wished to send a courier to Gen- eral Championet, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Italy, the treasury had not 1,200 francs disposable to give to the courier ! It may be supposed that in the first moments of a new government money would be wanted. M. Collot, who had served under Bonaparte in Italy, and whose conduct 1799 IN THE LUXEMBOURG. 305 and administration deserved nothing but praise, was one of the first who came to the Consul's assistance. In this instance M. Collot was as zealous as disinterested. He gave the Consul 500,000 francs in gold, for which service lie was badly rewarded. Bonaparte afterwards behaved to M. Collut as though he was anxious to punish him fur being rich. This sura, which at the time made so fine an appearance in the Consular treasury, was not repaid for a long time after, and then without interest.^ This was not, indeed, the only instance in which M. Collot had cause to complain of Bonaparte, who was never inclined to acknowledge his important services, nor even to render justice to his conduct. On the morning of the 20th Brumaire, Bonaparte sent his brother Louis to inform the Director Gohier that he was free. This haste in relieving Gohier was not witliout a reason, for Bonaparte was anxious to install himself in the Luxembourg, and we went there that same evening. Everything was to be created. Bonaparte had with him almost the whole of the army, and on the soldiers he could rely. But the military force was no longer suffi- cient for him. Wishing to possess a great civil power established by legal forms, he immediately set about the composition of a Senate and Tribunate; a Council of State and a new legislative body, and, finally, a new Con- stitution.2 1 Joseph Bonaparte states, however, that this sum was lent hy M. Collot with an exjjress declaration that he did not wish to receive interest {Erreuis, tome i. p. 254). 2 The Constitution of the year VIII. was presented on the 13th of December, 179'J (22d Friniaire, year VIII.), and accepted liv the peojile on the 7th of February, 1800 (18th i^hiviose,year VIII.). Tt established a Con- sular Government, composed of Bonaparte, First Consul, appointed tor ten years ; Cambace'rcs, Second Consul, also for ten years ; and Lebrun, Third Consul, appointed for five years. It established a conservative Senate, a legi.slative l)ody of 300 members, and a Triiiunate composed of 100 members. The establishment of tiie Council of State took place ou the 24th of Decem- VOL. I. — 20 306 MKMOIKS OF NAPOLEON I5< >XArAK IK. 1799. As rxmapaite liad not time to make himself ac([uainteil with the persons by whom he was about to be surrounded, he re(iuested from the most dislinj^Miished men of the period, well acciuainted with France and the lievolution, notes respecting the individuals worthy and capable of enterinji the Senate, the Tribunate, and the Council of State. From the manner in which all these notes were drawn nj), it was evident that the writers of them studied to make their recommendation correspond with what they conceived to Ite Bonaparte's views, and that they imag- ined he participated in the opinions which were at that time popular. Accordingly they stated, as grtninds for preferring particular candidates, their patriotism, their republicanism, and their having had seats in preceding assemblies. Of all qualities, that which most influenced the choice of the First Consul was inflexible integrity ; and it is but just to say that in this particular he was rarely deceived. He sought earnestly for talent ; and although he did not like the men of the Revoluti(jn, he was convinced that he could not do without them. He had conceived an ex- treme aversion for mediocrity, and generally rejected a man of that character when recommended to him ; but if he had known such a man long, he yielded to the influ- ence of habit, dreading nothing so much as change, or, as he was accustomed to say himself, new faces. ^ Bonaparte then proceeded to organise a complaisant Senate, a mute legislative body, and a Tribunate which was to have the semldance of Ijeing independent, by the bcr, 1799. Tlie installation of the new legislative body ami the Tribunate was fixed for the 1st of .Fanuary, 1800. — Buiirrlennc Lanfroy (tinne i. p. 329) sees tliis Constitution foreshadowed in that proposed by Napoleon in 1797 for tlie Cisalpine Hepublic. ' Napoleon loved only men with .strong passions and great weaknesses; he judged the most opposite qualities in men by these defects {Metiernich, tome iii. p. 589). 1799. FIRST CONSULAR MINISTRY. 307 aid of some fine speeches and high-sounding phrases. He easily appointed the Senators, hut it was different with the Tribunate. He hesitated long before he fixed upon the candidates for that body, which inspired him with an anticipatory fear. However, on arriving at power he dared not oppose himself to the exigencies of the moment, and he consented for a time to delude the am- bitious dupes who kept up a buzz of fine sentiments of liberty around him. He saw that circumstances were not yet favourable for refusing a share in the Constitution to this third portion of power, destined apparently to advocate the interests of the people before the legislative body. But in yielding to necessity, the mere idea of the Tribunate filled him with the utmost uneasiness; and, in a word, Bonaparte could not endure the public discussions on law projects. ^ Bonaparte composed the first Consular Ministry as follows : Berthier was Minister of War ; Gaudin, formerly employed in the administration of the Post Office, was appointed Minister of Finance ; Cambacdrfes remained Minister of Justice ; Forfait was Minister of Marine ; La Place of the Interior ; Fouchd of Police ; and Reinhard of Foreign Affairs. - 1 Tlie Trilmnate under this Constitution of the year VIII. Avas the only body allowed to debate in puldic on proposed laws, the legislative body sim- ply iiearing in silence tiie oi-jitors sent by tlie Council of State and bv the Tribunate to state reasons for or against propositions, and then voting in silence. Its orators were constantly giving uml)rage to Napoleon. It ■was at first j)urified, early in 1802, by the Senate naming the members to go out in rotation, then reduced to from 100 to oO members later in 1802, and suppressed in 1807 ; its disappearance being regarded by Napoleon as his last lireak with tlie Revolution. 2 Berthier remained Minister of War till 1807; Gaudin, later Due de Gaeta, held the same office till the end of Napoleon's reign ; Camhace'res was soon replaced by Alnial ; Korfait was replaced l)y i;)ecres ; Fouche held the Police till 1802, when the Ministry was su|)pressed ; and afain from its re-establishment in 1804 till 1810. He liecame Due d'Otrante. In giving to Abrial the portfolio of the Ministry of Justice, Bonaparte 308 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAl'APvTE. 1799. Reinliard and La Place were snon replaced, the former by the aide M. Talleyrand, the latlcr by Lucieu l^oiia- parte.^ It may be said that Lucien merely passed through the Ministry on his way to a lucrative embassy in S]iain. As to La Place, l>onaparte always entertained a hi^di opinion of his talents. His ajipointment to the ^linistry of the Interior was a comi)liment paid to science; but it was not long before the First Consul repented of his choice. La Place, so happily calculated for science, dis- played the most inconceivable n'cdiocrity in administra- tion. He was incompetent to the most trilling matters ; as if his mind, formed to endirace the system of the world, and to interpret the laws of Newton and Kepler, could not descend to the level of subjects of detail, or apply itself to the duties of the department with which he was intrusted for a short, but yet, with regard to him, too long a time. On the 26th Brumairc (17th November, 1799) the Con- suls issued a decree, in which they stated that, conform- ably with Article III. of the law of the 19th of the same month, which especially charged them with the re-estab- lishment of public tranquillity, they decreed that thirty- eight individuals, who were named, should quit the continental territory of the Eepublic, and for that pur- pose should proceed to llochefort, to be afterwards con- ducted to, and detained in, the department of French Guiana. They likewise decreed that twenty-three other saiil to him, " Citizen ALrial, I nt, on the contrary, he always endeavoured to make him sensible of ids true interests. — Bourrienne. 1799. BONAPARTE BECOMES FIRST CONSUL. 309 individuals, who were named, should proceed to the com- mune of Rochelle, in the department of the lower Cha- rente, in order to be afterwards fixed and detained in such part of that department as should be pointed out by the Minister of General Police. I was fortunate enough to keep my friend M. Moreau de Worms, deputy from the Yonne, out of the list of exiles. This proscription pro- duced a mischievous effect. It bore a character of wanton severity quite inconsistent with the assurances of mildness and moderation given at St. Cloud on the 19tli Brumaire. Cambac^rfes afterwards made a report, in which he represented that it was unnecessary for the maintenance of tranquillity to subject the proscribed to banishment, considering it sufficient to place them under the supervision of the superior police. Upon receiving the report, the Consuls issued a decree, in which they directed all the individuals included in the proscription to retire respectively into the different communes which should be fixed upon by the Minister of Justice, and to remain there until further orders. At the period of the issuing of these decrees, Sieyes was still one of the Consuls, conjointly with Bonaparte and Eoger Ducos ; and although Bonaparte had, from the first moment, possessed the whole power of the government, a sort of apparent equality was, nevertheless, observed amongst them. It was not until the 25th of Decemljer that Bonaparte assumed the title of First Consul, Cani- bacdr^s and Lebrun being then joined in the office with him. He had fixed his eyes on them previously to the 18th Brumaire, and he had no cause to reproach them with giving him much embarrassment in his rapid pro- gress towards the imperial throne. I have stated that I was so fortunate as to rescue M. INIoreau de Worms from the list of proscription. Some days after, Sieyfes entered Bonaparte's cabinet and said to 310 MKMOinS OF XAI'OLEON BONAl'ARTK. 1799. him, " Wt'll, this M. Mureaii de Worms, wliom M. Bour- rienne induced you to save from baiiisliment, is acting very finely ! I told you how it would he ! I have received from Sens, his native place, a letter which informs me that Moreau is in that town, where he has assembled the peo- ])le in the market-place, and indulged in the most violent declamations against the 18tli Drumaire." — "Can you rely upon your agent ? " asked Bonaparte. " Perfectly. I can answer for the truth of his communication." Bona- parte showed me the bulletin of Sieyfes' agent, and re- proached me bitterly. " What would you say, General," I observed, " if I should present this same M. Moreau de Worms, who is declaiming at Sens against the 18th Bru- maire, to you within an hour ?" — "I defy you to doit." — '' I have made myself responsilde for him, and I know what I am about. He is violent in his politics; but he is a man of honour, incapalde of failing in his word." — " Well, we shall see. Go and find him." I was very sure of doing what I had promised, for within an hour before I had seen M. Moreau de Worms lie had been con- cealed since the 19th lirumaire, and had not ([uitted Paris. Nothing was easier than to find him, and in three-quarters of an hour he was at the Lu.xembourg. I presented him to Bonaparte, who conversed with him a long time concerning the 18th Brumaire, When M. Moreau departed, Bonaparte said to me, " You are right. That fool Siey^s is as inventive as a Cassandra. This proves that one should not l)e too ready to believe the reports of the wretches whom we are obliged to employ in the police." Afterwards he added, " Bourrienne, Moreau is a nice fellow: I am satisfied with him; I will do something for him." It was not long before M. Moreau experienced the efiect of the Consul's good opin- ion. Some days after, whilst framing the council of prizes, he, at my mere suggestion, appointed M. Moreau one of 1799. LITE AT THE LUXEMBOURG. 311 the members, with a salary of 10,000 francs. On what extraordinary circumstances the fortunes of men fre- quently depend ! As to Sieves, in the intercourse, not very frequent certainly, which I had with him, he ap- peared to be far beneath the reputation which he then enjoyed. ^ He reposed a blind confidence in a multitude of agents, whom he sent into all parts of France. When it happened, on other occasions, that I proved to him, by evidence as sufficient as that in the case of M. Moreau, the falseness of the reports he had received, he replied, with a confidence truly ridiculous, " I can rely on my men." Sieves had written in his countenance, " Give me money ! " I recollect that I one day alluded to this ex- pression in the anxious face of Siey^s to the First Consul. " You are right," observed he to me, smiling ; " when money is in question, Sieyfes is quite a matter-of-fact man. He sends his ideology to the right about, and thus becomes easily manageable. He readily abandons his constitutional dreams for a good round sum, and that is very convenient." ^ Bonaparte occupied, at the Little Luxembourg, the apartments on the ground-floor which lie to the right on entering from the Rue de Vaugirard. His cabinet was close to a private staircase, which conducted me to the 1 M. de Talleyrand, who is so capable of estimatinjr men, and whose ad- mirable sayinj^s well deserve to occupy a place in history, iiad long enter- tained a similar opinion of Sieves. One day, wiien he was conversing with the Second Consul concernini; Sieyi-s, Cambacercs said to him, " Sieycs, however, is a very profound man." — '' Profound ? " said Talley- rand. "Yes, he is a cavity, a perfect cavity, as you would say.'^ — JBourrienne. 2 Everybody knows, in fact, that Sieycs refused to resicjn his consular dignities unless he received in exchange a lieautifnl farm situated in the park of Versailles, and worth about 15,()()0 livres a year. The good abbe consoled himself for no longer forming a third of the republican sovereignty by making himself at home in the ancient domain of the Kings of France. — Bourrienne. 312 -Mi:.M(»II{S OF NAPOLEON BOXArAUTK. 1799 first floor, whcri' Joscpliine tlwolt. My aiiartiiieiit was above. After Itreakfast, which was served at ten o'clock, I>ona- parte would converse for a few moments with his usual guests ; that is to say, his aides-de-camp, the persons he invited, and myself, who never left him. He was also visited very often by Defermont, liegnault (of the town of St. Jean d'Ang(?ly), Boulay (de la Meurthe), Monge, and Berlicr, who were, with his brothers, Joseph and Lucieii, those whom he most dcliffhted to see; lie con- versed familiarly with them. Cambacdr5s generally came at midday, and stayed some time with him, often a whole hour. Lebrun visited but seldom. Notwithstandin;^' Ids elevation, his character remained unaltered ; and Bona- parte considered him too moderate, because he always opposed his ambitious views and his plans to usurp power. When Bonaparte left the lirenkfast-taldc it was seldom that he did not add, after bidding Josephine and her daughter Hortense good-day, " Come, Bourrienne, come, let us to work." After the morning audiences I stayed with Bonaparte all the day, either reading to him, or writing to his dicta- tion. Three or four times in the week he would go to the Council. On his way to the hall of delil)eration he was obliged to cross the courtyard of the Little Luxem- bourg, and ascend the grand staircase. This always vexed him, and the more so as the weather was very bad at the time. This annoyance continued until the 25th of De- cember, and it was with much satisfaction that he saw himself quit of it. After leaving the Council he used to enter his cabinet singing, and God knows how wretchedly he sung! He examined whatever work he had ordered to be done, signed documents, stretched himself in his armchair, and read the letters of the preceding day and the publications of the morning. "When there was no 2799. LIFE AT THE LUXEMBOURG. 313 Council he remained in liis cabinet, conversed with me, always sang, and cut, according to custom, the arm of his chair, giving himself sometimes quite the air of a great boy. Then, all at once starting up, he would describe a plan for the erection of a monument, or dictate some of those extraordinary productions wliich astonished and dismayed the world. He often became again the same man who, under the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, had dreamed of an empire worthy his ambition. At five o'clock dinner was served up. When that was over, the First Consul went upstairs to Josephine's apart- ments, where he commonly received the visits of the Ministers, He was always pleased to see among the number the Minister of Foreign Affairs, especially since the portfolio of that department had been intrusted to the hands of M. de Talleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal for retiring by saying in a hasty manner, " Allons nous coucher." It was at the Luxembourg, in the salons of which the adorable Josephine so well performed the honours, tliat the word Madame came again into use. This first return towards the old French politeness was startling to some susceptible Eepublicans ; but things were soon carried farther at the Tuileries by the introduction of Voire Altesse on occasions of state ceremony, and Monseigneur in the family circle. If, on the one hand, Bonaparte did not like the men of the Revolution, on the other, he dreaded still more the partisans of the Bourbons. On the mere mention of the name of tliose princes he experienced a kind of inward alarm; and he often spoke of the necessity of raising a wall of brass between France and them. To this feeling, no doubt, must be attributed certain nominations, and the spirit of some recommendations contained in the notes with which he was supplied on the characters of 314 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON noXAPAUTE. 1799. canilitlates, and wliidi for ivady ivfiTciice were arranged alphabetically. Soim' of the notes just mentioned were in the handwriting of Krgnault de St. Jean d'Ang(?ly, and some in Lucien Pxinaparte'.s.^ At the commencement of the First Consul's adminis- tration, though he always consulted the notes he liad collected, he yet received with attention the recommenda- tions of persons with whom he was well aecjuainted ; hut it was not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool. The men whom he most disliked were those whom he called babblers, who are continually prating of everything and on everything. He often said, " I want more head and less tongue." What he thought of the regicides will be >^QQ\\ farther on, but at first the more a man had given a gage to the Ilevolution, the more he considered him as ottering a guarantee against the return of the former order of things. Besides, Bonaparte was not the man to attend to any consideration when once his policy was concerned. * Aniong them was the following, under the title of " General Observa- tions": "In choosing among tlie men who were members of the Con- stituent Assembly it is necessary to be on guard against the Orleans party, which is not altogether a ciiimera, and may one day or other jjrove dangerous. " There is no doul)t that the partisans of that family are intriguing secretly; and among many other proofs of this fact the following is a striking one: tlie journal called the ' Aristaniue,' which undi.sguiscdly supports royalism, is conducted byu man of the name of \'oidel, one of the hottest patriots of tlie Revolution. He was for several months president of the committee of iucpiiry which caused tlie Marquis de Favras to l)e arrested and hanged, and gave so much uneasiness to the Court. 'I'here was no one in the ('onstituent Asseml)ly more hateful to the Court tiian ^'oidel, as much on account of his violence as for his connection with the Duke of Orleans, whose advocate and counsel he wa.s. When the Duke of r)rleaMs was arrested, Voidel, liraving the fury of the revolutionary triliunals, had the courage to defend him, and placarded all the walls of Paris with an apology for the Duke and his two sons. This man, writing now in favour (jf royalism, can have no other ohject than to advance a member of the Orleans family to the throne." — Bourrienne. 1799. PLACES UNDER THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 315 As I have said a few pages back, on taking the govern- ment into his own hands Bonaparte knew so little of the Kevolution and of the men engaged in civil employments that it was indispensably necessary for him to collect in- formation from every quarter respecting men and things. But when the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm and the spirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severe investigations, intro- duced where hitherto unbridled confusion had reigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whether arising from newly-created ofhces, or from those changes which the different departments often experi- enced. He then said to me, " Bourrienne, I give up your department to you. Name whom you please for the appointments ; but remember you must be responsible to me." What a list would that be which should contain the names of all the prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers to whom I gave places ! I have kept no memoranda of their names ; and indeed, what advantage would there have been in doing so ? It was impossible for me to have a personal knowledge of all the fortunate candidates ; but I relied on recommendations in which I had confidence. I have little to complain of in those I obliged ; though it is true that, since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of tliem take the opposite side of the street in which I was walking, and by that delicate attention save me the trouble of raising my hat. CHAPTET^ XXVIT. 1799-1800. WiiKN a new government rises on llie ruins of one that has been overthrown, its best chance of conciliating the favour of the nation, if that nation be at war, is to liokl out the prospect of peace ; for peace is always dear to a people, lionaparte was well aware of this ; and if in his heart he wished otherwise, he knew how important it was to seem to desire peace. Accordingly, immediately after his installation at the Luxembourg he notified to all the foreign [lOwers his accession to the Consulate, and, for the same purpose, addressed letters to all the diplomatic agents of the French Government abroad. The day after he got rid of his first two colleagues. Sieves and Eoger Ducos, he prepared to open negotiations with the Cabinet of London. At that time we were at war with almost the whole of Europe. We had also lost Italy. The Emperor of Germany was ruled by his Ministers, who in their turn were governed by England. It was no easy matter to manage equally the organisation of the Consular Government and the no less imjiortant afi'airs aliroad ; and it was very important to the interests of the First Consul to intimate to foreign powers, while at the same time he assured himself against the return of the Bourljons, that the system whicli he proposed to adopt was a system of order and regeneration, unlike either the demafTomc violence of the Convention or the imbecile arti- fice of the Directory. In fulfilment of this object, Bona- 1799-1800. FIRST CONSUL TO GEORGE THE THIRD. 317 parte directed M. de Talleyrand, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, to make the first friendly overtures to the English Cabinet. A correspondence ensued, which was puljlished at the time, and which showed at once the conciliatory policy of Bonaparte and the aiTogant policy of England.^ ^ We give here the opening letters of this remarkable correspondence : Paris, le 5 Nivose, an VIII. (26th December, 1799). French Republic. SOVEREIGXTY OF THE PeOPLE LiBERTT EQUALITY. Bonaparte, First Consul of the Republic, to His Majestjj, the King of Great Britain and Ireland. Called by the wishes of the French nation to occupy the First Magistracy of the Repul>lic, I have thought proper, in commencing the discharge of the duties of this office, to communicate the event directly to your Majesty. Must the war which for eight years has ravaged the four quarters of the world be eternal ? Is there no room for accommodation ? How can the two most enlightened nations in Europe, stronger and more powerful than is necessary for their safety and independence, sacrifice commercial advantages, internal prosperity, and domestic happiness to vain ideas of grandeur ? Whence is it that tliey do not feel peace to be the first of wants as well as the first of glories ? These sentiments cannot be new to the'heart of your ^lajesty, who rules over a free nation with no other view than to render it happy. Your Majesty will see in this overture only my sincere desire to contri- bute effectually, for the second time, to a general pacification by a prompt step taken in confidence, and freed from those forms which, however neces.sary to disguise tlie apprehensions of feelde States, only serve to discover in those that are powerful a mutual wish to deceive. France and England may, by the abuse of their .strength, long defer the period of its utter exhaustion, unhappily for all nations. But I will ven- ture to say that the fate of all civilised nations is concerned in the termi- nation of a war the flames of which are raging throughout the whole world. I have the honour to be, etc., (Signed) Bonaparte. Lord Grenville in reply to the Minister of Foreign Relations at Paris. Downing Street, 4th January, 1800. Sir, — I have received and laid before the King the two letters which you have transmitted to me ; and his Majesty, seeing no reason to depart 318 .MK.MKlUS OF NAPOLICON J'.oN Al'AK TK. 17'JO- Tlic excliaiiLie of notes wiiich took place was attondiid by lit) imiiR'diale result. However, tlie First Consul had ]>arlly attained liis object: if the British Government would not enter into ne<^fotiations for peace, there was at least reason to presume that subsequent overtures of the Consular Goveriiincnt nii;j;ht be listened to. The corre- spondence had at all events afl'orded Uonaparte the oppor- tunity of declaring his principles, and, above all, it had enalded him to ascertain that the return of the Bour- bons to France [mentioned in the official reply of Lord Grenville] would not be a si7ie qua non condition for the restoration of peace between the two powers. Since M. de Talleyrand had been Minister for Foreign Affairs the business of that dei)artment had jiroceeded with great activity. It was an important advantage to Bona})arteto find a nobleman of the old regime among the Republicans. The choice of ]\I. de Talleyrand was in some sort an act of courtesy to the foreign courts. It was a delicate attention to the diplomacy of Europe to introduce to its members, for the purpose of treating with them, a man whose rank was at least equal to their own, and wlio was universally distinguished for a polished elegance of manner combined with solid good qualities and real talents. It was not only with England that Bonaparte and his Minister endeavoured to ojien negotiations; tlie Consular Cabinet also offered peace to the House of Austria ; but from those forms whicli have long been estalilished in Europe for transact- inrr |)usiiiess witli foreijijn states, has coiiiiuanded me to return, in liis iiamo, the official answer wliich I semi you herewith enclosed. I have the honour to be, with high consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) Grenville. The official letter of Lord Grenville to the Minister of Foreign .Affairs, ami Talleyrand's rf'idy to it, will be found in the edition of 1836, but are too lengthy to reproduce here. 1800. BONArAirrE'S yiE\YS ON THE EAST. 319 not at tlie same time. Tlie object of this offer was to sow discord between the two powers. Speaking to me one day of his earnest wish to obtain peace, Bonaparte said, " You see, Bourrienne, I have two great enemies to cope with. I will conclude peace with the one I find most easy to deal with. Tliat will enable me immediately to assail the other. I frankly confess that I should like best to be at peace with England. Nothing would then be more easy than to crush Austria. She has no money except what she gets through England." For a long time all negotiations proved abortive. None of the European powers would acknowledge the new Government, of which Bonaparte was the head ; and the battle of Marengo was required before the peace of Amiens could be obtained. Though the affairs of the new Government afforded abundant occupation to Bonaparte, he yet found leisure to direct attention to the East, — to that land of despotism whence, judging from his subsequent conduct, it might be presumed he derived his first principles of government. On becoming the head of the State he wished to turn Egypt, which he had conquered as a general, to the ad- vantage of his policy as Consul. If Bonaparte triumphed over a feeling of dislike in consigning the command of the army to Kldber, it was because he knew Kldber to be more capable than any other of executing the plans he had formed ; and Bonaparte was not the man to sacrifice the interests of policy to personal resentment. Tt is cer- tainly true that he then put into practice that charming phrase of Molifere's, — "I pardon you, but you shall pay me for this ! " With respect to all whom he had left in Egypt, Bona- parte stood in a very singular situation. On becomhig Chief of the Government, he was not only the depositary of all communications made to the Directory ; but letters 320 MEMOinS OF NAPOLKOX HOXAl'ARTE. 1799- sent to one address were delivered to another, and the First Consul received the e(inii)laints made against the General who had so altrni>tly ([uitted Kgvpt. In almost all the letters that were delivered to us he was the object of serious accusation. According to some he had not avowed his dei)arture until the very day of his embarka- tion ; and he had deceived everybody by means of false and dissembling proclamations. Others canvassed his conduct while in Egypt: the army which had triumphed under his command he had abandoned when reduced to two-thirds of its original force and a prey to all the hor- rors of sickness and want. It must be confessed that these complaints and accusations were but too well founded, and one can never cease wondering at the chain of for- tunate circumstances which so rapidly raised l>onaparte to the Consular seat. In the natural order of things, and in fulfilment of the design which he himself had formed, he should have disem])arked at Toulon, where the quar- antine laws would no doubt have been observed ; instead of which, the fear of the English and the uncertainty of the pilots caused him to go to Frdjus, where the quaran- tine laws were violated by the very persons most inter- ested in respecting them. Let us suppose that Bonaparte had been forced to perform quarantine at Toulon. What would have ensued ? The charges against him would have fallen into the hands of the Directory, and he would probaldy have been suspended, and put upon his trial. Among the letters which fell into Bonaparte's hands, by reason of the abrupt change of government, was an official despatcli (of the 4th Venddmiaire, yearVIII.) from General Kleber at Cairo to the Executive Directory, in which that general spoke in very stringent terms of the sudden departure of lionaparte and of the state in which the army in Kgy]>t liad been left. General Klelier further accused him of having evaded, by his flight, the difficulties 1800. LETTERS FROM THE EAST. 321 which he thus transferred to his successor's shoulders, aud also of leaving the army " without a sou in the chest," with pay in arrear, and very little supply of munitions or clothing. The other letters from Egypt were not less accusatory than Kldber's ; and it cannot be doubted that cliarges of so precise a nature, brought by the general who had now become commander-in-chief against his predecessor, would have had great weight, especially backed as they were by similar complaints from other quarters. A trial would have been inevitable ; and then, no 18th Brumaire, no Consulate, no Empire, no conquest of Europe — but also, it may be added, no St. Helena. None of these events would have ensued had not the English squadron, when it appeared off Corsica, obliged the Muiron to scud about at hazard, and to touch at the tirst land she could reach. The Egyptian expedition filled too important a place in the life of Bonaparte for him to neglect frequently re- viving in the public mind the recollection of his conquests in the East. It was not to be forgotten that the head of the llepublic was the first of her generals. While Moreau received the command of the armies of the Ehine ; while Massena, as a reward for the victory of Zurich, was made Cuniniander-in-Chief in Italy ; and while Brune was at the head of the Army of Batavia, Bonaparte, whose soul was in the camps, consoled him- self for his temporary inactivity l)y a retrospective glance on his past triumphs. He was unwilling that Fame should for a moment cease to blazon his name. Accord- ingly, as soon as he was established at the head of the Government, he caused accounts of his Egyptian expedi- tion to be from time to time published in the " Mouiteur." He frequently expressed his satisfaction that the accusa- tory correspondence, and, above all, Kldber's letter, had VOL. I. — 21 322 MKMDIKS OF NAPOLEON 15UN ArAUTK. 1800. fallen into liis own hands. ^ Such was I>unaj)aite's perfect Sc'lf-cummand that ininiediately after perusing that letter he dictated to ine the following proclamation, addresi?cd to the Army of the East : — "SoLDiEiw ! — Tlie Consuls of the Frencli licpublic frequoiitly direct their attention to the Army of the East. " France acknowledges all the iuHuence of your conquests on the restoration of her trade and the civilisation of the world. "The eyes of uU Europe are upon you, and in thought I am often with you. " In whatever situation the chances of war may place you, prove yourselves still the soldiers of Eivoli and Aboukir — yon will be invincible. " Place in Kleber the boundless confidence w hich you rej^osed in nie. He de.serves it. " Soldiers, think of the day when you will return victorious to the sacred territory of France. That will be a glorious day for the whole nation." Nothing can more forcibly show the character of Bona- parte than the above allusion to Klein,NA1'AK IK 1800. Among the private instructions which r)t)na])arte gave me, one was very curious. " During the night," said he, "enter my chamber as scUhun as possible. Do not awake me when you have any good news to communicate : with that there is no luirry. But when you bring bad news, rouse me instantly ; for then there is not a moment to be lost." This was a wise regulation, and Bonaparte found his advantage in it. As soon as he rose, his valet de chamhre shaved him and dressed his hair. AVhile he was being shaved, I read to him the newspapers, beginning always with the"Moni- teur." ^ He paid little attention to any but the German enjoved liv him of sleepinpj at will, and that it was impossible for me to pleop fiurinj? the day. After any work whirli had occujtiod part of the uiuht he rorommended me to take a bath, and often lie hinisfdf jrave orders for pn-jiarinsione for me. Sumetinies he pa.su nionde entre mes mains j'ai vu les deslinees." " Rt j'ai toujoiirs connu qu'en chaqiie ('-vcnement." " I,e destin des Etats d('-pendaitd'un moment.". . . When he was tired of reading poetry he would sing witli a strong but false voice (Minevitl, tome iii. pp 124-1 2fi). ' Often enough I took the morning papers to the Emperor, and while he finislierl dressing I read to liim the articles he pointed out to me, or tho.se I beliived likelv to attra't his attention. They almost always caused him to make some oliservations. His chief physician, Corvis.art, or liis snrgeon- in-ordiuary, Ivan, sometimes were present at his toilet. The Emperor 1800. BONAPARTE'S TASTES AND HABITS. 329 and English papers. " Pass over all that," he would say, while I was perusing the French papers; "I know it already. They say only what they think will please me." I was often surprised that his valet did not cut him while I was reading ; for whenever he heard anything interesting, he turned quickly round towards me.' When Bonaparte had finished his toilet, which he did with gr''at attention, for he was scrupulously neat in his person, we went down to his cabinet. There he signed the orders on important petitions which had been analysed by me on the preceding evening. On reception and pa- rade days he was particularly exact in signing these orders, because I used to remind him that he w^ould be likely to see most of the petitioners, and that they would ask him for answers. To spare him this annoyance, I used often to acquaint tliem beforehand of what had been granted or refused, and what had been the decision of the First Con- sul. He next perused the letters which I had opened and laid on his taV»le, ranging them according to their liked challcniijinf!^ Corvisart about medical matters, and he always did so hy .^allies and hitter remarks ap;ainst doctors. Corvisart, while acknowl- edging the uncertainty of medicine, defended its utility with arguments strong enougli to often stop tlie sarcasms of his antagonist on his very lips (Me'nr-ral, tome i. pp. 143, 144). ^ It was Constant's task to shave Bonaparte, and lie thus speaks of the difficulties he experienced in the discharge of this duty, — " While I was shaving him, he would often converse, read the journals, move restlessly in his chair, or turn round suddenly, so that I was obliged to ol)serve the utmost caution in order to avoid cutting him. Luckily that misfortune never occurred to me. When i)y chance he was not engaged in conversation or reading, he would sit as motionless as :i statue, and I could not get him to raise, lower, or incline his liead to facilitate my o|)er- ation. He had a singular whim of having only one side of his face soaped and shaved at once ; ami he would not allow me to proceed to the other side until the first was finisiied" {Memoires de Constant). Constant adds that Honaparte could not shave himself until he in- structed him in the mode of holding and aj)])lying the razor; but that, owing to his natural impatience and hastiness of manner, he never attempted the operation without severely cutting himself. 330 MKMollJS (»F NATnLKOX I}( t.N Al'AKTK. 1800. iuiportaiice. Jle diivcted me to answer iheiii in his name ; he occasionally wrote the answers himself, but not often. At ten o'clock the maitre d'hdtel eulinvd,a\n\ nuuonnced breakfast, saying, " The General is served." * We went to bieakfast, and the repast was exceedin<;ly simple. He ate almost every m<»rninjf snme chicken, dressed with oil and onions. This dish "was then, I believe, called poulet a la Provcn^-ale ; but our restaurateurs have since con- ferred upon it the more ambitious name of poulet a la Mareiifju.'^ ^ This, of course, refers to the time when we were at the Luxembourg. — lioiirneniie. - Napoleon was irregular in his meals, and ale fast ami ill ; but there again was to he traceii tliat al)sulute will which he carried into everything which he did. Tlie moment appetite w:is felt it was necessary that it should he satistieij, and his estaiilisliment wa.s so arrangeil that in all places, and at all hours, chicken, cutlets, and coffee might be forthcoming at a word {lirillut Sararin, tome i. p. 2.52). The hai>it of eating f;ist and carrlessly is supposed to have paralysed Napoleon on two uf tlie mo.>t critical occ;vsions of his life, — tlie liattics of Borodino and Leipzig. On each of these occasions he is known to have been suffering from indigestion. On the third day of Dresden, too (as the German novelist Ilisential use at critical emergencies when an hour of prolongeil flurry or irritation might have cost a province or a throne. < )n one occasion, when matters had gone wrong in some (juarter. Napoleon returned from the Vonseil d'Etat in one of his worst temjiers and most discontented moods. A dejeuner A la fourrhetle comprising his favourite dishes was served up. and Napoleon, who had fasted since day- break, took his seat. Hut he had hardly swallowed a mouthful when apparently some inopportune thought or recollection stung his brain to maiter. When tlie work was ended, and sometimes in the middle of it, he had ices or sherbet brought. He asked me which I preferred, and his care went so far as to advise me which he thought best for my health. After this he returned to bed, if it were only for an hour, and fell asleep again as if he had not l)een interrupted. . . . When the Emperor rose in tlie night without any object except to occupy his sleep- less hours, lie forbade my being awakened before seven o'clock in the morning. Then I founil my desk covered with reports and papers anno- tated by him " {Mcneval, tome i. pp. l.'34-135). 3;V2 MKMOIKS OK NAPOLKON n( tNAl'AKTE. 1800. j.L'riiMl .)t' his lit\' he Letran to take sniilV, hut it was very spaviiijily, and always out of a box; and it' he bore any resemblance to Frederick the Great, it Mas n(»t by filling his \vaistetiat-i>oekets with snufV, for I must again observe he carried his notions of i)ersonal neatness to a fastidious degree.^ Bonaparte had two rulint: passions, glory and war. He was never more gay than in the cam]), and never more morose than in the inactivity of jxace. IMans for the con- struction of public monuments also ]liased his imagina- tion, a!id tilled up the void caused by the want of active occupation. He was aware that monuments f(»rm i)art of the history of nations, of whose civilisation they bear evidence for ages after those who created them have dis- appeared from the earth, and that they likewise often bear false witness to remote posterity of the reality of merely fabulous conquests. Bonaparte was, however, mistaken as to the mode of accomplishing the object he had in view. His cijjhers, his trophies, and subsequently his eagles, splendidly adorned the monuments of his reign. ^ It has l)pen allec^ecl that his Majesty took an innrtlinate deal of srinff, and tliat in order to take it with tlie greater facility he earried it in his ■waistcoat-poekets, which for that purpose were lined with leather. This is altogether untrue. The fact is, the Kniperor never took snuff except from a snuff-liox, and tliough lie used a great deal, he actually took hut verv little. He would frecjuently h
i)orL it by new ^'loiy and new victories. Con(|uest has niaile me what I am, and conquest alone can main- tain me." This was then, and probably always conthiued to be, his predominant idea, and that wiucli prompted him continually to scatter the seeds of war through Europe. He thought that if he remained stationary he would fall, and he was tormented with the desire of continually advancing. Not to do something great and decided was, in his opinion, to do nothing. "A newly- born government," said he to me, " must dazzle and astonish. When it ceases to do that, it falls." It was vain to look for rest from a man who was restlessness itself. His sentiuicnts towards France now differed widely from what I had known them to be in his youth. He long indignantly cherished the recollection of the con- quest of Corsica, which he was once content to regard as his country. But that recollection was effaced, and it might be said that he now ardently loved France. His imagination was tired by the very thought of seeing her great, happy, and powerful, and, as the first nation in the world, dictating laws to the rest. He fancied his name inseparably connected with France, and resounding in the ears of posterity. In all his actions he lost sight of the present moment, and thought only of futurity ; so, in all places where he led the way to glory, the opinion of France was ever present in his thoughts. As Alexander at Arbela prided himself less in having conquered Darius than in having gained the suffrage of the Athenians, so Bonaparte at ^larengo was haunted by the idea of what would be said in France. Before he fought a battle, Bonaparte thought little about what he should do in case of success, but a great deal about what he should do in case of a reverse of fortune. I mention this as a fact of which I have often 1800. BONAPARTE'S ILL OPINION OF MANKIND. 3.35 been a witness, and I leave to his brothers in arms to decide whether his calculations were always correct. He bad it in bis power to do much, for he risked everything and spared nothing. His inordinate ambition goaded him on to the attainment of power; and power when possessed served only to augment his ambition. Bonaparte was thoroughly convinced of the truth that trifles often decide the greatest events; therefore he watched rather than pro- voked opportunity, and when the right moment approached, he suddenly took advantage of it. It is curious that, amidst all the anxieties of war and government, the fear of the Bourbons incessantly pursued him, and the Fau- bourg St. Germain was to him always a threatening phantom. ^ He did not esteem mankind, whom, indeed, he despised more and more in proporticni as he became acquainted with them. In him this unfavourable opinion of human nature was justified by many glaring examples of baseness, and he used frequently to repeat, " There are two levers for moving men, — interest and fear." What respect, indeed, could Bonaparte entertain for the applicants to the treasury of the opera? Into this treasury the gaming- houses paid a considerable sum, part of which went to cover the expenses of that magnificent theatre. The rest was distributed in secret gratuities, which were paid on orders signed by Duroc. Individuals of very different characters were often seen entering the little door in the Eue Eameau. The lady who was for a while the favourite of the General-in-Chief in Egypt, and whose husband was maliciously sent back by the English, was a frequent visi- 1 I have ])ecii iiifornioil on f^ood autlioritv that after I f|uitted France orders were f^'ivcn for iiiterceptiiii); even iiote.s of invitation to dinners, etc. The ohject of tliis measure was, eitlier to prevent assemhlies of anv kind, or to render them less numerous, and to ascertain the names of the guests. — Bourrienne. 336 MK.MitlKS OF NAI'OLEOX BONArAlMK. 1800. t(»r to the trensurv. On one occasi>//ma.s, tome iii. p. .'UC). See also his expression of distrust in Ha-derer becau.se he believed him guilty of treachery to Louis XVL {Miot, tome i. p. 174). 1800, CONVERSATIONAL POWERS. 339 detested coloured dresses, and especially dark ones. To fat women he had an invincible antipathy, and he could not endure the sight of a pregnant woman ; it therefore rarely happened that a female in that situation was invited to his parties. He possessed every requisite for being what is called in society an agreeable man, except the will to be so. His manner was imposing rather than pleasing, and those who did not know him well, expe- rienced in his presence an involuntary feeling of awe. In the drawing-room, where Josephine did the honours with so much grace and affability, all was gaiety and ease, and no one felt the presence of a superior ; but on Bonaparte's entrance all was changed, and every eye was directed towards him, to read his humour in his countenance, whether he intended to bs silent or talkative, dull or cheerful. He often talked a great deal, and sometimes a little too much ; but no one could tell a story in a more agreeable and interesting way. His conversation rarely turned on gay or humorous subjects, and never on trivial matters. He was so fond of argument that in the warmth of discus- sion it was easy to draw from him secrets which he was most anxious to conceal. Sometimes, in a small circle, he would amuse himself by relating stories of presentiments and apparitions. For this he always chose the twilight of evening, and he would prepare his hearers for what was coming by some solemn remark. On one occasion of this kind he said, in a very grave tone of voice, "When death strikes a person whom we love, and who is distant from us, a foreboding almost always denotes the event, and the dying person appears to us at the moment of his dissolution." He then immediately related the following anecdote : " A gentleman of the Court of Louis XIV. was in the gallery of Versailles at the time that the King was readinj; to his courtiers the bulletin of the battle of Fried- 340 MEMOIHS OF NAI'OLEOX BONAPARTE. 1800. lini^'cn <,'aiiK'(l by \'illars. SiuUleiily tlie fjentleman saw, at the farther eml of the {gallery, the {,'host of liis son, wlio served under Villars. He exclaiineil, ' ]\Iy son is no more!' and next moment the King named him among the dead." When travelling, Bonaparte was particularly talkative. In the warmtli of his conversation, whicli was always characterised by original and interesting ideas, he some- times dropped hints of his future views, or, at least, he said things which were calculated to disclose what he wished to conceal. I took the liberty of mentioning to him this indiscretion, and, far from being offended, he acknowledged his mistake, adding that he was not aware he had gone so far. He frankly avowed this want of caution when at St. Helena. "When in good-humour his usual tokens of kindness consisted in a little rap on the head or a slight pinch of the ear. In his most friendly conversations with those whom he admitted into his intimacy he would say, "You are a fool" — "a simpleton" — "a ninny" — "a block- head." These, and a few other words of like import, en- abled him to vary his catalogue of compliments ; but he never employed them angrily, and the tone in wliich they were uttered sufficiently indicated that they were meant in kindness. Bonaparte had many singular haliits and tastes. When- ever he experienced any vexation, or when any unpleasant thought occupied his mind, he would hum something which was far from resembling a tune, for his voice was very unmusical.^ He would, at the same time, seat him- 1 Eonaparte coiiM not sinj;, l^cauise nature had p;iven him the most nntunahle voice imaginalile. Ele was, liowcver, very fond of hnmminff any airs or frapjments of musical o()mj)ositions wliich pleased him, and which he hap7)Cncd to recollect. Those little reminiscences usually came across his mind in the morning while I was dressing? him. The air which he most frequently hummed, though in a very imperfect way, was the 1800. BONAPARTE'S CHARACTERISTICS. 341 self before the writing-table, and swing back in his chair so far that I have often been fearfnl of his falling. He would then vent his ill-hnmour on the right arm of his chair, mutilating it with his penknife, which he seemed to keep for no other purpose. I always took care to keep good pens ready for him ; for, as it was my Imsi- ness to decipher his writing, I had a strong interest in doing what I could to make it legible. The sound of bells always produced in Bonaparte pleasurable sensations, which I could never account for. When we were at Malmaison, and walking in the alley leading to the plain of lluel, how many times has the bell of the village church interrupted our most serious conversations ! He would stop, lest the noise of our foot- steps should drown any portion of the delightful sound. He was almost angry with me because I did not experi- ence the impressions he did. So powerful was tlie effect produced upon him by the sound of these bells that his voice would falter as he said, " Ah ! that reminds me of the first years I spent at Brienne ! I was then happy ! " When the bells ceased, he would resume the course of his speculations, carry himself into futurity, place a crown on his head, and dethrone kings. Nowhere, except on the field of battle, did I ever see Bonaparte more happy than in the gardens of Malmaison.^ " Marseillaise Hymn." The Eni])oror used also to whistle tunes occasion- ally; and whenever he whistled the air of " Marlbrook," I knew it to be a sure prognostic of his aj)i)roaciiin<; dejjarture for the army. I recollect that he never whistled .so much, nor :i]ii)eared so cheerful, as when on the eve of departing for tlie Russian campaign {.)fe>noires de ConsUtnl). 1 As Bonaparte was one day walking in tiiese gardens with Madame de Clermont-Tonnerre, now Madame dc 'I'alaru, in wIkjsc agreeable conversa- tion he took much deliglit, he suddenly addressed her thus: "Madame de Clermont-Tonnerre, wliat do you think of mc ? " This abrupt and unexpected ipicstion rendered the answer delicate and difficult. " Why, General," said the lady, after a moment's hesiuuiou, " I think you are like a skilful architect who never allows his structure to be seen until it is ;U2 MK.MnlUS (»F NAl'dLKoX I5t iNATAU IK. 1800. At the coiiiiiieiic'iueiit of the Coii.sulate we used to go there every Satiuthiy eveniii;j[, and .stay the whole of Sun- day, and sometimes Monday, liimajjarte used to spimd a considerahle part of lii.s time in walking and superin- tending the improvements whieh he had ordered. At first he used to make excursions about the neighbour- hood, but the reports of the police disturbed his natural contidence, and gave him reason to fear the attempts of concealed Koyalist partisans. During the lirst four or five days lliat Bonajiarte sj^ent at Malmaison, he amused himself after breakfast witli calculating the revenue of that domain. According to his estimates it amounted to 8,000 francs. "That is not bad!" said he; "but to live here would retpiire an in- come of 30,000 livres." I could not help smiling to seo him seriously engaged in such a calculation. Bonaparte had no faith in medicine. He spoke of it as an art entirely conjectural, and his opinion on this sub- ject was fixed and incontrovertible.^ His vigorous mind rejected all but demouslrative proofs. quite fiiiislied. You are building liehind a scaffolding which you will throw down wheu your W(jrk is conipleted." — " .Just so, madanie ; you are right, (juite right," said Bonaparte, hastily. " 1 uever look forward less tliau two years." — Uoiiiricniic. ^ Had a long conversation with the Enij)eror on medical sul)jects lie a])])eared to entertain an idea tiiat in cases purely tlie province of the physician the patient has an equal cliance of being (k'spatched to the other world, either by tlie doctor mistaking tiie complaint, or by the remedies administered operating in a different manner from what was expected. He acknowledged the great utility, however, of surgery. I eiuleavoured to convince him tiiat in some complaints nature was a liad ])Iiysician, and mentioned in proof of my argument the e.\ani])les that hail taken place Hiuler his own eyes in the cases of Counte.^s Montholon, General Gour- gaud, and others, who, if they had l)een left to nature, woulil liave gone to the otiier worhl. Najjoleon, however, was sceptical, and inclined to think that if they had taken no medicine, and abstained from everything excej)! plenty of diluents, they would liave (K)no ec|ual]y well. ... I instanced :i case of inHammatiou of the lujigs. He ajipeared a littlo staggered at this 1800. OPINION OF LITEKARY MEN. 343 He had little memory for proper names, words, or dates, but he had a wonderful recollection of facts and places. I recollect that, on going from Paris to Toulon, he pointed out to me ten places calculated for great battles, and he never forgot them. They were memoranda of his first youthful journeys. Bonaparte was insensible to the charms of poetic har- mony. He had not even sufficient ear to feel the rhythm of poetry, and he never could recite a verse without violating the metre ; yet the grand ideas of poetry charmed him. He absolutely worshipped Corneille ; and, one day, after having witnessed a performance of "Cinna," he saiil to me, " If a man like Corneille were living in my time, I would make him my Prime Minister. It is not his poetry that I most admire ; it is his powerful understanding, his vast knowledge of the human heart, and his profound policy ! " At St. Helena he said that he would have made Corneille a prince ; but at the time he spoke to me of Corneille he had no thought of making either princes or kings.-^ at first, hut after asking me what were the remedies, to wliich I replieil that venesection was the sheet anchor, he said, " That complaint appertains, then, to tlie surgeon, because he cures it with the lancet, and not to the physician. . . . Snp])ose now," he continued, " that tlie best-informed physician visits forty patients each daif, among them he will kill say one or two a month by mistaking the disease, and in the country towns tlie charlatans will kill about half of those who die under their hands" (O'Meara's Najwifon in Exile, vol. ii. p. 3). Breakfasted with NapcjJcon in the garden. Had a long medical argu- ment with liim, in which he maintained that la's practice in case of malady — viz. to eat notiiing, drink plenty of barley water, and no wine, and ride for seven or eiglit leagues to promote perspiration — was nuuh better than wine {Ibid., vol. i. p. 60). ^ Sainte-Beuve savs, " The persons who best knew Na])oleon have remarked that in the rapid literary education he had to ini])rovise for himself when he had obtained possession of jiower, he bcjan by nuu'h pre- ferring Corneille; it was only later tliat he got .-so far as to enjoy Hacine, but he did reacli tliat point. He began as every one begins; he ended as cultivated and well informed intellects like to end" {Causeries, tome i. 344 MEMOIRS OF NATOLKON HONArAKTE. 1800. (rallanti'V to woukmi was liy no means a trait in Bona- parte's character. He seldom said anything agreeable to females, and he fre(|uently addressed to them the rndest and most extraordinary remarks. To one he would say, '■ Heavi'iis, how red your elbows are!" To another, '•What an U'j}y head-dress you have got!" At another time he would say, " Your dress is none of the cleanest. . . . Do you ever change your gown ? I have seen you in that twenty times ! " ' He showed no mercy to any who displeased him on the.se points. He often gave Jo.sephine directions about her toilet, and the exquisite taste for which she was distinguished might have helped to make him fastidious about the costume of other ladies. At first he looked to elegance above all things : at a later period he admired luxury and splendour, but he always required modesty. He frequently expressed his disa]i- proval of the low-necked dresses which were so much in fasiiion at the beginning of the Consulate. Bonaparte did not love cards, and this was very fortu- nate for those who were invited to his parties ; for when he was seated at a card-table, as he sometimes thought himself oldiged to be, nothing could exce-'d the dulness of the drawing-room either at the Luxembourg or the p. 287). In another place Sainte-Beuve say.s " Napoleon WTote to his l)r<)tlier Joseph, then King of Xajde.s, who was fond of literary men, ' You live too much with literary and with scientific men. Tliey are like co- quettes, with whom one .«hould maintain an intercourse of pallaiitry, hut of whom one shouM never make a wife or a minister.' This," said Sainte- Beuve, " is true of many literary men, and even of some of them who in our time we have seen as ministers, l)Ut it is not true of M. Guizot, nor of M. Thiers " {Causcries, tome i. p. 31.3) . 1 Bonaparte, after he became Emperor, said one day to the lieautiful Diiche.sse de Chevreuse, in the presence of all the circle at tiie Tuileries : " Ah ! that *s droll enougli ; your hair is red ? " — " Perhaps it is, Sire," rejdied the lady ; " hut this is the first time a man ever told me so." Madame de Chevreuse, whose hair was, on the contrary, a beautiful Idond, was siiortly after exiled to Tours for having declined the office of maid of honour to the Queen of Spain. — Bonrrienne. 1800. BONAPAETE'S DRESS. 345 Tuileries. When, on the contrary, lie walked a'oout among the company, all were pleased, for he usually spoke to everybody, though he preferred the conversation of men of science, especially those who had been with him in Egypt ; as, fur example, Monge and Berthollet. He also liked to talk with Chaptal and Lacdpkle, and with Lemercier, the author of "Agamemnon." Bonaparte was seen to less advantage in a drawing- room than at the head of his troops. His military uni- form became him much better than the handsomest dress of any other kind. His first trials of dress-coats were unfortunate. I have been informed that the tirst time he wore one he kept on his black cravat. This incon- gruity was remarked to him, and he replied, " So much the better; it leaves me something of a military air, and there is no harm in that." Fur my own part, I neither saw the black cravat nor heard this reply.^ The First Consul paid his own private bills very punc- 1 On the subject uf Bonaparte's dress Constant gives tlie following details : — " His Majesty's waistcoats and small-clothes were always of white cassiniir. He changed them every morning, and never wore them after they liad l)eeu waslieil three or four times. The Emperor never wore any but white silk stockings. His shoes, which were very light and lined with silk, were ornamented with gold buckles of an oval form, either plain or wrought. He also occasionally wore gold knee-buckles. During the Empire I never saw him wear pantaloons. The Emperor never wore jewels. In his pockets he carried neither purse nor money, but merely his handkerchief, snuff-box, and hoiihonnikre (or sweetmeat-bo.x). He usu- ally wore only two decorations, viz., the cross of the Legion of Honour, and tliat of the Iron Crown. Across his waistcoat, and under his uniform coat, lie wore a ronlon rouge, the two ends of which were scarcely percep- tible. When he received company at the Tuileries, or attended a review, he wore the grand cordon on the outside of his coat. His hat, wiiich it is almost supcrtiuous to describe, as long as portraits of his Majesty are extant, was of an extremely fine and light kind of beaver. The inside was wadded and lined vvitli silk. It was unadorned with eitlier cord, tassel, or featiier, its only ornament being a silk loop, fastening a small triddoured cockade." 346 MKMoIKS OF NAl'OLKDN 1!()N Al'Ali li:. 1800. tually ; bul lie wa^ always tardy in settliuL; the accounts of the contractors who bargained with Ministers for sup- plies for the ])ublio service. He })ut oil" tliese payments by all sorts (»f excuses and shulllings. Hence arose im- mense arrears in the expenditure, and the necessity of appointing a couiuiittee of li(|uidation. In his opinion the terms contractur and rogue were synonymous.^ All ' Fnr a rcinarkal)le instance of the strong feeling of Napoleon against pofuliition. see Mt'noval, tonic iii. p. 223. When Emjieror, he one day entciTil his oahinct full of joy at liaving caught " a man who liad roljhed the .\rniy of Italy disgracefully. Under the Directory lie found protectors wlio assured liini of impunity. Thank God, I have found hiui, and I sliall make him a severe example." Again, a few years later, in a letter to his hrotlier, lie says, " I send you a copy of th3 decree reipiiring the sums of which the Treiusury has heen rohhed to he repaid. M.usseua and S * have stolen 6,400,000 francs. They shall repay to the hist farthing ! . . . Let Masseua be advi.sed to return the 6,000,000. To do so ([uicklv is his only salvation ! If he does not, I shall send a military com- mission of in(iuiry to I'adua, for such robbery is intolerable. To suffer soldiers to starve and be unpaid, and to pretend that the sums destined for their use were a ])resent to himself from the province, is too impudent! iSuch conduct wouM make it impossible to carry on a war. Let S be watched. The details of their plunderings are incredible. I learnt them from the Austrians, who themselves are ashamed of them. They allowed corn to go to N'enice. The evil is intolerable. I will soon find a remedy. I order Ardent to be arrested. He is an agent of S . If he should be at Naples, have him arrested and sent under a good esdort to Paris. You have seen that Flachat has been condemned to a year's imprisonment iu irons, and that his transactions have been declared void ? " {Nitiiolam loJose/i/t, March 12, 180G. — Dit Casse, 'tome ii. p. 101.) The evil handed down from the Hevolutionary times wa.s too widespread to he stoi)ped by all the efforts of Napole(jn, directed though they were against the highest as well as the lowest otlicials. When Davoust took the command at Ilaml)urg, he reported to tlie HmiK-ror that a large part of the contributions rai.sed in the times of his predecessor liad not reached the jmlilic exche(|uer, and Mcneval (tome iii. j). 263) attributes nmch of the discontent felt towards the Fmperor in the last years of his reign to the energy with wliich he pressed the pursuit of these and simi- lar misdeeds. Bourrienne himself was believed to have received large sums from Hamburg (.see Mcneval iu the passage just referred to, and Puymaigre, p. 133), as well as Hrune. J)aru told Mc'ueval that a marshal had appropriated 200,000 out of * The S — ^ was probably Salicetti. 1800. BONAPARTE ON RELIGION. 347 that lie avoided paying tlieni he regarded as a just resti- tution to lumself; and all the sums which were struck oft' from their accounts he regarded as so much deducted from a theft. The less a Minister paid out of his budget, the more Bonaparte was pleased with him ; and this ruin- ous system of economy can alone explain the credit which Decr^s so long enjoyed at the expense of the French navy. On the subject of religion Bonaparte's ideas were very vague. " My reason," said he, " makes me incredulous respecting many tilings ; but the impressions of my child- hood and early youth throw me into uncertainty." He was very fond of talking of religion. In Italy, in Egypt, 300,000 francs raised from Krfiirth, letting his ordonnateur take tlie rest. The unfortunate ordonmitenr iiad to pay up the whole sum, as notliing was recovered from the marshal. Beruadotte appears to have been tlie culprit ("The marshal . . . since raised to a rank placing him above all jurisdiction "). One of the worst instances in Spain was tliat of ^Marshal L , concerning whiidi reference may be made to the " Memoirs of Madame d'Aijrantes," Englisli edition of 1882, vol. iii. p. 214. To quote again from the Emperor's letters to his Ijrotlier : " I am well pleased with my affairs here ; it gave me great troulde to bring them into order, and to force a dozen rogues, at whose head is Ouvrard, to refund. Barbe-Marbois lias been duped just as the Cardinal de Rohan was duped iu the affair of the necklace with the difference that in this case more than 90,000.000 were in question. I had made up my mind to have them shot witliout trial ! Thank God, I have been repaid ! This has put me somewliat out of humour, and I tell you about it that you may see how dislionest men are. You are now at the head of a great army, and will soon be at that of a great administration, and ought to be aware of this. Koguery has been the cause of all the n)isfortuiies of France " (Xapoleon to Josfjih, February 7, 1806. — Dit Cusse, tome ii. p. 5.5). Nothing could exceed the severity with wliich Napoleon pursued sucli acts when known to him. He made it almost a ])ersonal affair, as will be seen from the foregoing instances, and the difficulty with wliicb Hourrieune persuaded liim not to try, years after the act, a man who had committed peculation in Italy. Wiiile on tliis topic a pleasing contra.st will be found in tlie instances of Marshal Morticr, who left Hanover a poorer man tlian wlien he entered upon its administration, and Marshal Suchet, who received from the Spanish under his rule a jmlilic recognition of the honesty and justice of his administration iu \'alencia and Arragou. 348 Mr.MoIKS OF XAl'OLEON HONAI'AUTE. ISOO. and on board llii' Orient and tlio Muiron, I have known hiui to take part in very animated conversatious on tliis sulijeet. He readily yielded uj> all that was ])r()veil against religion as the work of men and time; but he would not hear of materialism. I recolleet that one tine night, when lie was on deck with some persons who were arguing in favour of materialism, Bonaparte raised his hand to heaven, and, [»( liming to the stars, said, " You may talk as long as you please, gentlemen, but who made all that?" The perpetuity of a name in the memory of man was to him the immtirtality of the soul. He was perfectly tolerant towards every variety of religious faith.^ Among Bonaparte's singular habits was that of seating himself on any table wliidi happened to be of a suitable height for him. He would often sit on mine, resting his left arm on my right shoulder, and swinging his left leg, which did not reach the ground ; and while he dictated to me, he would jolt tlie table so that I could scarcely write. Bonaparte had a great dislike to reconsider any deci- sion, even when it was acknowledged to be unjust. In little as well as in great things he evinced his repugnance to retrograde. An instance of this occurred in the affair of General Latour-Foissac. The First Consul felt liow much he had wronged that general ; but he wished some time to elapse before he repaired his error. His heart and his conduct were at variance ; but his feelings were overcome by what he conceived to be political necessity. Bonaparte was never known to say, " I have done wrong ; " his usual observation was, " I begin to think there is some- thincr wrong." 1 Policy induced Bonaparte to re-cstahlish relincious worship in France, which lie thonajlit would he a powerful aid to tlie consolidation of his power; hut lie would never con.soiit to tlie persecution of other religions. He wi.slied to influence mankind in temporal things, hut not iu points of belief. — Bourrienne. 1800. BONAPARTE'S KINDNESS OF HEART. 349 In spite of this sort of feeling, which was more worthy of an ill-humoured philosopher than the head of a govern- ment, Bonaparte was neither malignant nor vindictive. I cannot certainly defend him against all the reproaches which he incurred through the imperious law of war and cruel necessity; but I may say that he has often been unjustly accused. None but tliose who are ])liuded by fury will call him a Xero or a Caligula. I think I have avowed his faults with sufficient candour to entitle me to credit when I speak in his commendation ; and I declare that, out of the field of battle, Bonaparte had a kind and feeling heart. He was very fond of children, — a trait which seldom distinguishes a bad man. In the relations of private life, to call him amiable would not be using too strong a word, and he was very indulgent to the weakness of hviman nature. The contrary opinion is too firmly fixed in some minds for me to hope to root it out. I shall, I fear, have contradictors, but I address myself to those who look for truth. To judge impartially, we must take into account the influence which time and circumstances exercise on men ; and distinguish between the different characters of the Collegian, the General, the Consul, and the Emperor. CHAPTER XXIX. 1800, Tt is not my purpose to say much about the laws, de- crees, and Scnatt'.s-Cotisiiltes, which the First Consul eitlier passed, or caused to be passed, after his accession to jiower. "What were they all, with the exception of the Civil Code ? The legislative reveries of the different men who have from time to time ruled France form an im- mense labyrinth, in which chicanery bewilders reason and common-sense ; and they would long since have been buried in oblivion had they not occasionally served to authori -e injustice. I cannot, however, pass over unnoticed the happy effect produced in Paris, and throughout the whole of France, by some of the first decisions of the Consuls. Perhaps none but those who witnessed the state of society during the Reign of Terror can fully appreciate the satis- faction which the first steps towards the restoration of social order produced in the breasts of all honest men. The Directory, more base and not less perverse than the Convention, had retained the horrible 21st of January among the festivals of the Republic. One of Bonaparte's first ideas on attaining the possession of power was to abolish this ; but such was the ascendency of the abettors of the fearful event that he could not venture on a straight- forward course. He and his two colleagues, who were Sieyfes and Roger Ducos, signed, on the 5th Nivose, a decree, setting forth that in future the only festivals to be 1800. THE FIRST CONSUL AT THE TEilPLE. 351 celebrated by the Eepublic were the 1st Venddmiaire and the 14th of July, mtending by this means to consecrate provisionally the recollection of the foundation of the Eepublic and of liberty. All was calculation with Bonaparte. To produce effect was his highest gratification. Thus he let slip no oppor- tunity of saying or doing things which were calculated to dazzle the multitude. Wliile at the Luxembourg, he went, sometimes accompanied by his aides-de-camp and some- times bv a Minister, to pay certain official visits. I did not accompany him on these occasions ; but almost always either on his return, after dinner, or in the evening, he re- lated to me what he had done and said. He congratulated himself on having paid a visit to Daubenton,at the Jardin des Plantes, and talked with great self-complacency of the distinguished way in which he had treated the contem- porary of Buflbn. On tlie 24th Brumaire he visited the prisons. He liked to make these visits unexpectedly, and to take the govern- ors of the different public establisliments by surprise ; so that, having no time to make their preparations, he might see things as they really were. I was in his cabinet when he returned, for I had a great deal of business to go through in his absence. As he entered, he exclaimed, " What brutes these Directors are ! To what a state they have brought our public establishments ! But, stay a little ! I will put all in order. The prisons are in a shockingly unwholesome state, and the prisoners miser- ably fed. I questioned them, and I questioned the jailers, for nothing is to be learned from the superiors. They, of course, always speak well of their own work ! When I was in the Temple I could not help thinking of the unfortunate Louis XVL He was an excellent man, but too amiable, too gentle for the times. He knew not how to deal with mankind ! And Sir Sidnev Smith ! I made 352 MKMOIKS or NAroLKOX noNAl'AUTK. 1800. them show iw liis niiartment. If the fools liail not let him escape, 1 slioiiM have taken St. Jean d'Aere' There are too many ])ainful rccollet'tions connected ■with tlint prison ! I will certainly have it pnlli'd down some day or otiier ! "What do you think I did at the Temple? I ordered the jailers' books to he brought to me, and, finding that some hostages were still in confinement, I liberated them. 'An unjust law,' said I, 'has deprived you of liberty; n)y first duty is to restore it to you.' Was not this well done, Bourrienne ? " As I was, no less than Bona- parte himself, an enemy to the revolutionary laws, I con- gratulated him sincerely ; and he was very sensible to my approbation, for I was not accustomed to greet him with " Good ; very good," on all occasion.?. It is true, knowing his character as I did, I avoided saying anything that was calculated to oflend him ; but when I said nothing, he knew very well how to construe iny silence. Had I flat- tered him, I should have continued longer in favour. Bonaparte always spoke angrily of the Directors he had turned off. Their incapacity disgusted and astonished him. "What simpletons! What a government!" he would frequently exclaim when he looked into the meas- ures of the Directory. " r>ourrienne," said he, " can you imagine anything more pitiable than their system of finance ? Can it for a moment be doubted that the princi- pal agents of authority daily committed the most fraudu- lent peculations ? What venality ! what disorder ! what wastefulness ! everything put up for sale : places, provi- sions, clothing, and n)ilitary, all were disposed of. Have they not actually consumed 75,000,000 in advance ? And then, think of all the scandalous fortunes accumulated, all the malversations ! But are there no means of making them refund ? We shall see." In these first moments of poverty it was found neces- sary to raise a loan, for the funds of M. Collot did not 1800. NOMINATION TO THE INSTITUTE. 353 last long, and 12,000,000 were advanced by the different bankers of Paris, who, I believe, were paid by bills of the receivers-general, the discount of which then amounted to about 33 per cent. The salaries of the first offices were not very considerable, and did not amount to anything like the exorbitant stipends of the Empire. The follow- ing table shows the modest budget of the Consular Governments for the year VIII. : — Francs. The Legislative Body 2,400,000 The Tribunate 1,312,000 The Archives 75,000 The three Consuls, inchiding 750,000 fraucs for secret-service money 1,800,000 The Council of State 675,000 Secretaries to the Councils and to the Councillors of State 112,500 The Six Ministers 360,000 The Minister for Foreign Affairs .... 90,000 Total . 6,824,500 Bonaparte's salary was fixed at 500,000 francs. "What a contrast to the 300,000,000 in gold which were re- ported to have been concealed in 1811 in the cellars of the Tuileries ! In mentioning Bonaparte's nomination to tlie Institute, and his affectation in putting at the head of his proclama- tion his title of member of that learned body before that of General-in-Chief, I omitted to state what value he really attached to that title. The truth is that, when young and aml)itious, he was pleased with the proffered title, which he thought would raise him in public estima- tion. How often have we laughed together when he weighed the value of his scientific titles ! Bonaparte, to be sure, knew something of mathematics, a good deal of VOL I. — 23 354 MK.MoIKS OF NAPOLEON RoNArAKTIv 1800. history, and, 1 ihimI not add, ])0.ssessed t'xtnKtrdiuarv military talent ; Imi he was ncverlhcless a useless mem- ber of the Institute. On his return from Egypt he lei^Mu to i^row weary of a title which gave him so many colleagues. " Du you not think," said he ime day to me, "that there is scmiething mean and humiliating in the words, ' / have the honour to he, mil dear Cvllea(/iie' ? I am tired of it'" (Jenerally speakhig, all phrases which indicated ecpiality dis})leased him. It will be recollected how gratified he was that I did not address him in the second person singular on our meeting at Leoben, and also what befell M. de Cominges at l^)ale because he did not observe the same precaution. The figure of the liepublic seated and holding a s})car in her hand, which at the commencement of the Consulate was stamped on official letters, was speedily abolished. Happy would it have been if Liberty herself had not suffered tlie same treatment as her emblem! The title of First Consul made him despise that of Member of the Institute. He no longer entertained the least predi- lection for that learned body, and subsequently he re- garded it with much suspicion.^ It was a bodi/, an authorised assemhly ; these were reasons sufficient for him to take umbrage at it, and he never concealed his dislike of all bodies possessing the privilege of meeting and deliberating. While we were at the Luxembourg, Bonaparte des- patched Duroc on a special mission to the King of Prussia. This happened, I think, at the very beginning of the year 1800. He selected Duroc because he was a man of good education and agreeable manners, and one who could express himself with elegance and reserve, — qualities not often met with at that period. Duroc had been with us in Italy, in Egypt, and on board the Muiron, ' See, however, foot-nute on p. 125 1800. DUROC AND THE KIXG OF PRUSSIA. 355 and the Consul easily guessed that the King of Prussia would be delighted to hear from an eye-witness the events of Bonaparte's campaigns, especially the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, and the scenes which took place during the months of March and May at Jaffa. Besides, the First Consul considered it indispensable that such circumstantial de- tails should be given in a way to leave no doubt of their correctness. His intentions were fully realised ; for Duroc told me, on his return, that nearly the whole of the con- versation he had with the King turned upon St. Jean d'Acre and Jaffa. He stayed nearly two whole hours with his Majesty, who, the day after, gave him an invi- tation to dinner. When this intelligence arrived at the Luxembourg, 1 could perceive that the Chief of the IJepub- lic was flattered that one of his aides-de-camp should have sat at the table with a King who some years after was doomed to wait for him in his antechamber at Tilsit. Duroc never spoke on politics to the King of Prussia, which was very fortunate, for, considering his age and the exclusively military life he had led, he could scarcely have been expected to avoid blunders. Some time later, after the death of Paul I., he was sent to congratulate Alex- ander on his accession to the throne. Bonaparte's design in thus making choice of Duroc was to introduce to the courts of Europe, by confidential missions, a young man to whom he was much attached, and also to bring him forward in Prance. Duroc went on his third mission to Berlin after the war broke out with Austria. He often wrote to me, and his letters convinced me how much he had improved himself within a short time. Another circumstance which happened at the com- mencement of the Consulate affords an example of Bonaparte's inflexibility when he had once formed a determination. In the spring of 1799, when we were in Egypt, the Directory gave to General Latour-Foissac, a 356 MKMOIKS OF NArOLKOX ROXAPARTE. 1800. hij^hly distinj^uislied ofticer. the cnnunaiKl of ^lantua, the taking of whicli had so ]>oweifiilly contributed to the glory of the conqueror of Italy. Shortly after Latour's apjioint- nient to this ini]iortaiit post, the Austrians hesiei^'od ^lan- tua. It was well known that the garrison was sup})lied with provisions and ammunition for a long resistance; yet in the month of July it surrendered to the Austrians. The act of capitulation contained a curious article; viz., " General Latuur-Foissac and his staft" shall be conducted as prisoners to Austria ; the garrison shall be allowed to return to France." This distinction between the general and the troops intrusted to his command, and at the same time the prompt surrender of Mantua, were circum- stances which, it must be confessed, were calculated to excite suspicions of Latour-Foissac. The conse([uence was, when Bernadotte was made War ^linister, he or- dered an inquiry into the general's conduct by a court- martial. Latour-Foissac had no sooner returned to France than he published a justificatory memorial, in which he showed the impossibility of his having made a longer defence when he was in want of many objects of the first necessity. Such was the state of the affair on Bonaparte's elevation to the Consular pov^er. The loss of Mantua, tJie posses- sion of which had cost him so many sacrifices, roused his indignation to so high a pitch that whenever the subject was mentioned he could find no words to express his rage. He stopped the investigation of the court-martial, and issued a violent decree against Latour-Foissac even before his culpal)ility had been proved. Tiiis proceeding occa- sioned much discussion, and was very dissatisfactory to many general officers, who, by this arbitrary decision, found themselves in danger of forfeiting the privilege of btiing tried Ijy their natural judges wlienever they hap- pened to displease the First Consul. For my own part, 1800. DECREE AGAINST LATOUR-FOISSAC. 357 I must say that this decree against Latour-Foissac was one which I saw issued with cunsiderable regret, I was alarmed for the consequences. After the lapse of a few days I ventured to point out to him the undue severity of the step he had taken ; I reminded him of all that had been said in Latour-Foissac's favour, and tried to convince him how much more just it would be to allow the tiial to come to a conclusion. " In a country," said I, " like France, where the point of honour stands above every- thing, it is impossible Foissac can escape condemnation if he be culpable." — " Perhaps you are right, Bourrienne," rejoined he ; " but the blow is struck ; the decree is issued. I have given the same explanation to every one ; but I cannot so suddenly retrace my steps. To retrograde is to be lost. I cannot acknowledge myself in the wrong. By and by we shall see what can be done. Tinie will bring lenity and pardon. At present it would be pre- mature." Such, word for word, was Bonaparte's reply. If with this be compared what he said on the subject at St. Helena, it will be found that his ideas continued nearly unchanged ; the only difference is that, instead of tlie impetuosity of 1800, he expressed himself with the calm- ness which time and adversity naturally produced. ^ Bonaparte, as I have before observed, loved contrasts ; and I remember at the very time he was acting so violently against Latour-Foissac he condescended to bu.sy himself about a company of players which he wished to send to Egypt, or rather that he pretended to wish to send there, because the announcement of such a project conveyed an ^ " It wa.s," .says the " Memorial of St. Helena," " an illegal atid t}Tani:i- cal act, but still it was a necessary evil. It was the fault of the law. lie was a hnuilreil, nay, a thousaml fold guilty, and yet it was douhtful wliether he wouhl he condeinjied. We tlierefore a,ssailed hiin witli tiie shafts of honour ami public opinion. Yet I repeat it was a tyrannical act, and one of those violent measures which are at times necessary in great nations and in e.xtraordinarv circumstances." 358 MKMOIIiS OF NAl'DLKON IJONAl'ARTE. ISOO. iiiipressioii of tlie prosperous condition of our Oriental colony. The Consuls gravely appointed the Minister of the Interior to execute this business, and the Minister in his turn delej,Mled his jMiwers to Florence, the actor. In their instructions to tjlie Minister, the Consuls observed that it wouhl be advisable to include some female dancers in the company, — a su«;gestion which corresponds with lionaparte's note, in wliieh were specified all that he con- sidered necessary for the Egyi)tian expedition. The First Consul entertained singular notions respect- ing literary property. On his hearing that a piece, en- titled " Misanthropic et Ilepentir," had been brouglit out at the Odt^on, he said to me, " Bourrienne, you have been robbed." — " I, General? how ?" — " You have been robbed, I tell you, and they are now acting your piece." I have already mentioned that during my stay at Warsaw I amused myself with translating a celebrated X'^^'^y o^ Kotzebue. While we were in Italy, I lent Bonaparte my translation to read, and he expressed himself much pleased with it. He greatly admired the piece, and often went to see it acted at the Odeon. On his return he invariably gave me fresh reasons for my claiming what he was pleased to call my property. I represented to him that the translation of a foreign work belonged to any one who chose to execute it. He would not, how- ever, give up his point, and I was obliged to assure him that my occupations in his service left me no time to engage in a literary lawsuit. He then exacted a promise from me to translate Goethe's " Werther." I told him it was already done, though indifferently, and that I could not possibly devote to the subject the time it merited. I read over to him one of the letters I had translated into French, and which he seemed to approve. That interval of the Consular Government during which Bonaparte remained at the Luxembourg may be called the 1800. DECREE REGARDING THE JOURNALS. 359 preparatory Consulate. Then were sown the seeds of the o-reat events which lie meditated, and of those institutions with which he wished to mark his possession of power. He was then, if I may use the expression, two individuals in one : the llepublican general, who was obliged to appear the advocate of liberty and the principles of the Revolu- tion ; and the votary of ambition, secretly plotting the downfall of that liberty and those principles. I often wondered at the consummate address with which he contrived to deceive those who were likely to see through his designs. This hypocrisy, which some, perhaps, may call profound policy, was indispensable to the accomplishment of his projects ; and sometimes, as if to keep liimself in practice, he would do it in matters of secondary imi)ortance. For example, his opinion of the insatiable avarice of Sieyfes is well known ; yet when he proposed, in his message to the Council of Ancients, to give his colleague, under the title of national recompense, the price of his obedient secession, it was, in the words of the message, a recompense worthily bestowed on his disin- terested virtues} While at the Luxembourg, Bonaparte showed, by a Consular act, his hatred of the liberty of the press above all liljerties, for he loved none. On the 27th NivOse, the Consuls, or rather the First Consul, published a decree, the real ol)ject of which was evidently contrary to its implied object. This decree stated that " The Consuls of tlie Republic, cousidering that some of tlie journals printed at Paris are instruments in the. hands of the enemies of the Fepnbiic, over the safety of wliicli the Government is specially intrusted by the people of France to watch, decree — "That the Minister of Police shall, durin;^' the continuation J M. de Bourrienne misses the humour of this. 3G0 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BoNATAIiTE. 1800. of tlio war, allow only tlu' following jomiials to be inirik'il ami pultlislunl, viz. : ' Le Moniteur-Universel,' ' Le Journal des Debats et Di'crits," 'Le Journal do Paris,' ' Le Uien-lnfonnd,' ' Le Pul> licistt',' ' L'Auii d.'S Lois,' * La Clo des Cabinets,' • Le Cit(jyeii Francois,' ' La (lazi'tte di> Franco,' ' Le Journal des llotnnies Libres,' ' Le Journal du Soir,' by tlie brotliers Cliaigneau, ' Le JourJial des Defenseurs de la Patrie,' 'La Decade Pliilosopliique,' and tbose papers which are exclusively devoted to science, art, literature, coiunierce, and advertisements." Surely this decree may well be considered as prepara- tory; and the fragment I have quoted may serve as a standard for measurintj; the greater part of tho.se acts by which Bonaparte sought to gain, for the consolidation of his power, what he seemed to be seeking solely for the interest of tlie friends of the Iiepublic. Tlie limitation to the period of the continuance of the war had also a certain provisional air which afforded hope for the future. Ijut everything ]ir()visional is, in its nature, very elastic; and Bonaparte knew how to draw it out ad infinitum.. The decree, moreover, enacted that if any of the uncondemned journals should insert articles against the sovereignty of the people they would be immeihately suppressed. In truth, great indulgence was shown on this point, even after the Emperor's coronation. The presentation of swords and muskets of honour also originated at the Luxembourg; and this practice was, without doubt, a ]ireparatory step to the f(nindation of the Legion of Honour.^ A grenadier sergeant, named lAon Anne, who had been included in the first distrilni- tion, easily obtained permission to write to the First Con- sul to thank him. Bonaparte, wishing to an.swer him 1 " Arrnes d'honneur," decreed 2.')th Decern her, 1799. muskets for in fantrv, rarhines for cavalry, jjrenades fi>r artillerv, swords for the officers. Gouvion St. Cyr received the first sword {Thiers, tome i. p. 126). 1800. THE BUST OF BRUTUS. 361 in his own name, dictated to me the following letter for Aune : — " I have received your letter, my brave comrade. You needed not to have told me of your exploits, fur you are the bravest grenadier in the whole army since the death of Benezete. You received one of the hundred sabres I distributed to the arm}', and all agreed you most deserved it. " I wish very much again to see you. The War Minister sends you an order to come to Paris." This wheedling wonderfully favoured Bonaparte's de- signs. His letter to Aune could not fail to be circulated through the army. A sergeant called my brave comrade by the First Consul, — the First General of France ! Who but a thorough Kepublican, the stanch friend of equality, would have done this ? This was enough to wind up the enthusiasm of the army. At the same time it must be confessed that Bonaparte began to find the Luxembourg too little for him, and preparations were set on foot at the Tuileries. Still this great step towards the re-establishment of the monarchy was to be cautiously prepared. It was import- ant to do away with the idea that none but a king could occupy the palace of our ancient kings. What was to be done ? A very fine bust of Brutus had been brought from Italy. Brutus was the destroyer of tyrants ! This was the very thing ; and David was commissioned to place it in a gallery of the Tuileries. Could there be a greater proof of the Consul's horror of tyranny ? To sleep at the Tuileries, in the bedchamber of the kings of France, was all that Bonaparte wanted ; the rest would follow in due course. He was willing to be satis- fied with establishing a principle the consequences of which were to be afterwards deduced. Hence the affecta- 362 MEMniKS OF NAroLEON lioNAl'ARTi:. 1800. lion oi never iiiserliii^f in ollicial acts the name of the Tuileries, but designating that pLace as the Palace of the Government. The lirst jtreiiaratinns were modest, for it (Hil not become a gouil l{epul)lican to be fond of poni]). Accordingly, Lecomte, who was at that time architect of the Tuileries, merely received orders to clean the Palace, — an expression which might bear more than one mean- ing, after the meetings which had been there. For this purpose the sum of 500,000 francs was sufficient. Bona- l)arte's drift was to conceal, as far as possible, the im- jiortance he attached to the change of his Consular domicile. But little expense was requisite for fitting up apartments for the First Consul. Simple ornaments, such as marl)les and statues, were to decorate the Palace of the Government. Notliing escaped Bonaparte's consideration. Thus it was not merely at hazard that he selected the statues of great men to adorn the gallery of the Tuileries. Among the Greeks he made choice of Demosthenes and Alexander, thus rendering homage at once to the genius of elo- quence and the genius of victory. The statue of Hanni- bal was intended to recall the memory of Pome's most formidable enemy; and Pome herself was represented in the Consular Palace by the statues of Scipio, Cicero, Cato, Brutus, and Ciesar, — the victor and the immolator being placed side by side. Among the great men of modern times he gave the first place to Gustavus Adolphus, and the next to Turenne and the great Condd, — to Turenne in honour of his military talent, and to Condd to prove that there was nothinfj fearful in the recollection of a Bourbon. The remembrance of the glorious days of the French navy was revived by the statue of Duguai Trouin. Marlliorough and Prince Eugc^ue had also their ]ilaces in the gallery, as if to attest tlie disasters which marked the close of the great reign ; and Marshal Saxe, to show that 1800. SECTIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE. 363 Louis XV.'s reign was not without its glory. The statues of Frederick and Washington were emblematic of false philosojihy on a throne and true wisdom founding a free state. Finally, the names of Dugommier, Dampierre, and Joubert were intended to bear evidence of the high esteem which Bonaparte cherished for his old comrades, — those illustrious victims to a cause which had now ceased to be his. The reader has already been informed of the attempts made by Bonaparte to induce England and Austria to negotiate with the Consular Government, which the King of Prussia was the first of the sovereigns of Europe to recognise. These attempts having proved unavailing, it became necessary to carry on the war with renewed vigour, and also to explain why the peace, which had been promised at the beginning of the Consulate, was still nothing but a promise. In fulfilment of these two objects, Bonaparte addressed an energetic proclamation to the armies, which was remarkable for not being followed by the usual sacred words, " Vive la Eepublique ! " At the same time Bonaparte completed the formation of the Council of State, and divided it into five sections : — (1) The Interior; (2) Finance; (3) Marine; (4) The "War Department; (5) Legislation. He fixed the salaries of the Councillors of the State at 25,000 francs, and that of the Presidents of Sections at 30,000. He settled the costume of the Consuls, the Ministers, and the different bodies of the State. This led to the re-introduction of velvet, which had been banished with the old regime, and the encouragement of the manufactures of Lyons was the reason alleged for employing this unrepublican article in the different dresses, such as those of the Consuls and Ministers. It was Bonaparte's constant aim to efface the Kepublic, even in the utmost trifles, and to prepare mat- ters so well that, the customs and habits of monarchy 3G-4 MHMoIKS OF NAI'OLKON noNArAUri:. 1800. beinjT lestoivtl, tliiTo slumlcl only then rcniain a word to be changed. T lu'ver ivmember to liave set'ii Pxtnnjiartc in the Con- siihir diess, whicli he detested, and wliich he wore only because duty requiivd liini to do so at jiublic ceremonies. The only dress he was fond of, and in which he felt at ease, was that in which he subjugated the ancient Kri- danus and the Nile; namely, the uniform of the Guides, to which corps Bonaparte was always sincerely attached. The mas(|uerade of official dresses was not the only one which Bonaparte summoned to the aid of his pctlicy. At that period of the year VIII. which corresponded with the carnival of 1800, masques began to be resumed at Paris. Disguises were all the fashion, and Bonaparte favoured the revival of old amusements: first, because they were old, and next, l^ecause they were the means of diverting the attention of the people: for, as he had estab- lished the principle that on the iield of battle it is neces- sary to divide the enemy in order to beat him, he conceived it no less advisable to divert the people in order to enslave them. Bonaparte did not say 2-)ancm et circenses, for I believe his knowledge of Latin did not extend even to that well-known phrase of Juvenal, but he put the maxim in practice. He accordingly author- ised the revival of balls at the opera, which they who lived during that period of the Consulate know was an important event in Paris. Some gladly viewed it as a little conquest in favour of the old regime ; and others, who for that very reason disap])roved it, were too shallow to understand the influence of little over great things. The women and the young men did not bestow a thought on the suliject, but yielded willingly to the attractions of pleasure. Bonaparte, who was delighted at having pro- vided a diversion for the gossiping of the Parisian salons, said to me one day, " While they are chatting about all 1800. RECALL OF THE EXILES. 365 this, tliey do not babble upon politics, and tliat is what I want. Let them dance and amuse themselves as long as they do not thrust their noses into the Councils of the Government ; besides, Bourrienne," added he, " I have other reasons for encouraging this, I see other advantages in it. Trade is languisliing ; Fouchd tells me tliat there are great complaints. This will set a little money in cir- culation ; besides, I am on my guard about the Jacobins. Everything is not bad, because it is not new. I prefer the opera-balls to the saturnalia of the Goddess of Eeason. I was never so enthusiastically applauded as at the last parade." A Consular decision of a different and more important nature had, shortly before, — namely, at the commencement of Nivose, — brought happiness to many families. Ijona- parte, as every one knows, had prepared the events of the 18th Fructidor that he might have some plausible reasons for overthrowing the Directory. The Directory being overthrown, he was now anxious, at least in part, to undo what he liad done on the IStli Fructidor. He therefore ordered a report on the persons exiled to be presented to him by the Minister of Police. In consequence of this report, he authorised forty of them to return to France, placing them vinder the observation of the Police Min- ister, and assigning them their place of residence. How- ever, they did not long remain under these restrictions, and many of them were soon called to fill high places in the Government. It was indeed natural that Bonaparte, still wishing, at least in appearance, to found his govern- ment on those principles of moderate republicanism which had caused their exile, should invite them to second his views. Barrfere wrote a justificatory letter to the First Consul, who, however, took no notice of it, for he could not get so far as to favour Barrfere. Thus did Bonaparte receive 366 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON IJoNArAUTE. 1800. iiittt the Councils of the Consulate the men who had been exiled by the Directory, just as he afterwards appointed the emigrants and those exiles of the lievolution to hi<,di oilices under the Empire. The time and the men alone ditlered ; the intention in both cases was the same. CHAPTER XXX. 1800. The first communications between Bonaparte and Paul I. commenced a short time after his accession to the Con- sulate. Affairs then began to look a little less unfavour- able for France ; already vague reports from Switzerland and the banks of the Pihine indicated a coldness existing between the Eussians and the Austrians ; and at the same time, symptoms of a misunderstanding between the Courts of London and St. Petersburg began to be perceptible. The First Consul, having in the mean time discovered the chivalrous and somewhat eccentric character of Paul I., thought the moment a propitious one to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russia and England. He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass, and he took advantage of it with his usual sagacity. The Eng- lish had some time before refused to include in a cartel for the exchange of prisoners 7,000 Russians taken in Hol- land. Bonaparte ordered them all to be armed, and clothed in new uniforms appropriate to the corps to which they had belonged, and sent them back to Russia, without ransom, without excliange, or any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was not tin-own away. Paul showed liimself deeply sensible of it, and closely allied as he had lately been with England, he now, all at once, declared himself her enemy. This triumph of policy de- lighted the First Consul. * 368 MK.MtilUS OK NAPcn.EON BnNArAUTK. 1800. Thenceforth the Consul and llie C'/nr iKMaine the hest friends ])ossilil('. They strove to ontdo eacli otlier in ])ro- fussions (if frirndsliiji ; and it may be believed that liona- parte did not fail to turn this contest of politeness to his own advantage. He so ^vell worked uimui the mind of Paul that he succeeded in obtaining a direct inihience over the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. Lord Whitworth, at that time the Englisli ambassador in Russia, was ordered to quit the cajiital without di'lay, and to retire to Riga, %vhich then became the focus of the intrigues of the north which ended in the death of Paul. The English ships were seized in all tlie ports, and, at the ]»ressing instance of the Czar, a Prussian army menaced Hanover. Bonaparte lost no time, jind, profiting by the friendship manifested towards him by the inheritor of Catherine's power, determined to make that friendship subservient to the execution of the vast plan whicli lie had long conceived : he meant to undertake an expedition by land against the English colonies in the East Indies. The arrival of IJaron Sja-engporten at Paris caused great satisfaction among the partisans of the Consular Govern- ment ; that is to say, almost every one in Paris. M. Spreng- porten was a native of Swedish Finland. He had been ap])ointed by Catherine chamberlain and lieutenant-gen- eral of her forces, and he was not less in favour with Paul, who treated him in the most distinguished manner. He came on an extraordinary mission, being ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, and at the .same time ap- pointed confidential Minister to the Consul. Bonaparte was extremely satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul had selected, and with the manner in which he described the P'.mperor's gratitude for the generous conduct of the First Consul. M. Sprengporten did not conceal the extent of Paul's dis.satisfaction with his allies. The had issue, he said, of the war witli France had already dis- 1800. FRIENDSHIP OF THE CZAR PAUL. 369 posed the Czar to connect himself with that power, wlien the return of his troops at once determined him. We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confi- dence in M. Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily dis- charged the mission with which he had been intrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his conduct in several friendly and flattering letters, which Sprengporten always allowed us to read. No one could be fonder of France than he was, and he ardently desired that his first negotiations might lead to a long alliance between the Eussian and French Governments. The autograph an very fiequent correspondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. I read all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness with which his affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admiration of the First Consul was so great that no courtier could have written in a more flattering manner. This admiration was not feigned on the part of the Em- peror of Ptussia: it was no less sincere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. The violent hatred he had conceived towards the English Government induced him to defy to single combat every monarch who would not declare war against England and shut his ports against English ships. He inserted a challenge to the King of Denmark in the " St. Petersburg Court Gazette ; " but not choosing to apply officially to the Senate of Hamburg to order its insertion in the " Correspondant," conducted by M. Stover, he sent the article, through Count Pahlen, to M. Schramm, a Hamburg merchant. The Count told M. Schramm that the Emperor would be much pleased to see the article of the " St. Petersburg Court (Tazette " copied into the " Correspondant ; " and tliat if it should l)e in- serted, he wished to have a dozen copies of the paper printed on vellum, and sent to him by an extraordinary courier. It was Paul's intention to send a copy to every VOL I. — 24 370 MF.MOins OF NAPOLEOX BOXAPAIMI-: 1800. soveroiifii in Kunipo; liut tliis \nece of folly, after the manner of Charles XII , led to no further results. Bonaparte never felt greater satisfactiiil, 1800. He afterwards contrived to excuse tlie faults which had lieen imputed to him, and in- sinuated himself into the good pjraces of the lunperor of Austria. My means of hoasting, intriguing, and plotting, he at last succeeded in ohtain- ing employment. He constantly railed against France, and sjioke of nothing l)ut his desire to revenge his captivity at Paris. His deeds, how- ever, did not correspond with his tlireats. Every one knows how he revenged himself at I'lm in the commencement of the campaign of 180.5. He would infallibly have paid the forfeit of his licad for surrendering that town had iini Bonaparte, then the Kinjicror Napoleon, sti[)ulated for his life in one of the articles of the treaty of Prcshurg. — Baurrirnne. Jomini is not so hard upon Mack's failure as some of the non-military writers. At tome il. p. 1.30, he says, " Posterity, with more information than we have on the comhinations of Mack and of the Cahinet of X'ieima, will allot to each of them their share of the blame. It has been said that 1800. GENERAL MACK. 373 Bonaparte, speaking to me of him one day, said, " ]\Iack is a man of the lowest mediocrity I ever saw in my life ; he is full of self-sufficiency and conceit, and believes him- self equal to anything. He has no talent. I should like to see him opposed some day to one of our good generals ; we should then see tine work. He is a boaster, and that is all. He is really one of the most silly men existing ; and, besides all that, he is unlucky." Was not this opinion uf Bonaparte, formed on the past, fully verified by the future ? It was at Malmaison that Bonaparte tlius spoke of General Mack. That place was then far from resembling what it afterwards became, and the road to it was neither pleasant nor sure. There was not a house on the road ; and in the evening, during the season when we were there, it was not frequented all the way from St. Germain. Those numerous vehicles, which the demands of luxury and an increasing population have created, did not then, as now, pass along the roads in the environs of Paris. Everywhere the road was solitary and dangerous ; and I learned with certainty that many schemes were laid for carrying off the First Consul during one of his evening journeys.-^ They were unsuccessful, and orders were Mack had in Iii.s army a powerful party dislikins; hiin, tliat he was thwarted and badly obeyed, and that his army was scatiered against his own wishes. This is (|uite possible, but a coniniauder-in-chief ouglit not to consent to be tlie instrument of the ruin of his army. When placed betwixt dishonour and glory, i)etween tlie .safety of the State and the loss of his army, he should know iiow to act a worthy part." There is no mention of Mack in the treaty of Presburg (unless in a secret article). He was condemned to deatli, i)Ut only imprisoned for two years. ' Among tlie various attempts on the lif(! of Bouai)arte wliicii are said to liave been made at this i)eriodtlie following is mentioned by Constant : "Some rejjairsand enil)ellishinents \vere rc(iuired in the fireplaces of the First Consul's apartments at Malmaison. Among the workmen who were .sent to execute these repairs tiiere were some felh)ws of suspicious appearance and manner, wiio, it was conjectured, were bribed by conspir- ators. Tiiis supposition proved but too well founded. Wlieu the ajiart- 374 MEMtilKS or NAPOLKON !$( •NAI'Aini: 1800. given to enclose the (|uairies, which were too near to the road. On Saturday evening Bona])arte left the Luxem- hnurg, and afterward.s the Tuileries, to go to Malniaison, and 1 cannot better express the joy he then a])])eared to experience than l)y comparing it to the delight of a school- boy on getting a holiday. Before removing from the Luxembourg to the Tuileries, Bonaparte determined to dazzle the eyes of the Parisians by a splendid ceremony, lie had appointed it to take place on the drcudi, Pluviose 20 (9th Feliruary, 1800) ; that is to say, ten days before his final departure from the laced under the tro])hy com]K)sed of the thigs of Aboukir, In a word, recourse was had to every sort of charlatanism usual on such occasions. In the eveninfj there was a numerous assembly at the Luxem- l)ourg, and Bonaparte took much credit to himself for the eflect produced on this remarkable day. He had only to wait ten days for his removal to the Tuileries, and precisely on that day the national mourninfi; for Washington was to cease, for which a general mourning for freedom might well have been substituted. I have said very little about Murat in the cour.se of the.ee Memoirs except mentioning tlie lirilliant ]iart he performed in several battles. Having now airived at the period of his marriage with one of Napoleon's sisters, I take the opportunity of returning to the interesting events which preceded tliat alliance. His fine and well-proportioned form, his great jihysical strength, and somewhat refined elegance of manner, the fire of his eye, and his fierce courage in battle, gave to Murat rather the character of one of those prai.c cheva- liers so well described l)y Ariosto and Tasso, than that of a Republican soldier. The nobleness of his look soon made the lowness of his birth be forgotten. He was affable, ]»olis)ied, gallant; and in the field of battle twenty men headed by Murat were worth a whole regiment. Once only he showed himself under tlie influence of fear,^ and ^ Marsliiil T-aiinepi, so brave aiul lirilliant in war and so well aMe to a|)jircfiate cuuragc.onc day .«liarjdy rei)ukf(l a culonel for having puni.'shed a yonng officer just arrived from si-liool at Fontainelileau hecau.xe he gave cvideuce of fear in his first eugagemeut. " Kuow, Colouel," said he 1800. CAREER OF MURAT. 377 the reader shall see in what circumstance it was tliat he ceased to be himself. When Bonaparte, in his first Italian campaign, had forced Wiirmser to retreat into Mantua with 28,000 men, he directed Miollis, with only 4,000 men, to oppose any sortie that might be attempted by the Austrian general. In one of these sorties, Murat, who was at the head of a very weak detachment, was ordered to charge Wiirmser. He was afraid, neglected to execute the order, and in a moment of confusion said that he was wounded. Murat immediately fell into disgrace with the General-in-Chief, whose aide-de-camp he was. Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the Directory the first colours taken by the French army of Italy in the actions of Dego and Mondovi, and it was on this occasion that he got acquainted with Madame Tallien and the wife of his General. But he already knew the beautiful Caroline Bonaparte, whom he had seen at Bonie in the residence of her brother Joseph, who was then discharging the functions of ambassador of the Eepublic. It appears that Caroline was not even indif- ferent to him, and that he was the successful rival of the Princess Santa Croce's son, who eagerly sought the honour of her hand. Madame Tallien and Madame Bona- parte received with great kindness the first aide-de camp, and as they possessed much influence with the Directory, they solicited, and easily obtained fur him, the rank of brigadier-general. It was somewhat remarkable at that time for Murat, notwithstanding his newly-acquired rank, to remain Bonaparte's aide-de-camp, the regulations not allowing a general-in-chief an aide-de-camp of higher rank than chief of brigade, which was equal to tliat of colonel. This insignificant act was, therefore, rather a " none hut a poltroon [the term was even more strong] will boast that he never was afraid." — Bourrienne. 378 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAI'AIMK. 1800. luisty anticipation of the prerogatives everywhere reserved to princes and kings. It was aftiT having discliarged tliis commission that Murat, on his return to Italy, fell into disfavour with the General-in-Chief. He indeed looked upon him with a sort of hostile feeling, and ] "laced him in Reille's division, and afterwards Barnguay il'IIilliers' ; consetjuently, when we went to Paris, after the treaty of C'ampo-Formio, Murat was not of the party. But as the ladies, with whom he was a great favourite, were not devoid of influence with the Minister of War, Murat was, by their interest, attached to the engineer corps in the expedition to Egypt. On board the Orient, he remained in the most complete dis- grace. Bonaparte did not address a word to him during the passage; and in Egypt the (leueral-in-Chief always treated him with coldness, and often sent him from the headquarters on disagreeable services. However, the General-in-Chief having opposed him to Mourad Bey, Murat performed such prodigies of valour in every peril- ous encounter that he effaced the transitory stain which a momentary hesitation under the walls of Mantua had left on his character. Finally, Murat so powerfully contri- buted to the success of the day at Aboukir that Bonaparte, glad to be able to carry another laurel plucked in Egypt to France, forgot the fault which had made so unfavour- able an impression, and was inclined to efface from his memory other things that he had heard to the disadvan- tage of ]\Iurat; for I have good reasons for believing, though Bonaparte never told me so, that Murat's name, as well as that of Charles, escaped from the lips of Junot when he made his indiscreet communication to Bonaparte at the walls of Messoudiah. The charge of grenadiers, com- manded by ]\Iurat on the 19th Brumaire in the hall of the Five Iluudied, dissipated all the remaining traces of dis- like ; and in those moments when Bonaparte's political Miirat. Photo-Etcliintr. — After Painting bv Gerard. 1800. CAREER OF MURAT. 379 views subdued every other sentiment of his mind, the rival of the Prince Santa Croce received the command of the Consular Guard.^ It may reasonably be supposed that ^Madame Bonaparte, in endeavouring to win the friendsliip of Murat by aiding his promotion, had in view to gain one partisan more to oppose to the family and brothers of Bonaparte; and of this kind of support she had much need. Their jealous hatred was displayed on every occasion ; and the amiable Josephine, whose only fault was being too much of the woman, was continually tormented by sad presentiments. Carried away by the easiness of her character, she did not perceive that the coquetry which enlisted for her so many defenders also supplied her implacable enemies with weapons to use against her. In this state of things, Josephine, who was well con- vinced that she had attached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and gratitude, and ardently desired to see him united to Bonaparte by a family connection, favoured with all her influence his marriage with Caroline. ^ Joachim Murat (1771-1815), the son of an inn-keeper, aide-de-camp to Napoleon in Italy, etc. ; Marsiial, 1804; Prince in 1805 ; Grand Admiral; Grand Due de Berg et de Cleves, 1806; King of Naples, 1808. Shot by Bourbons, l.'Bth October, 1815. Married Caroline Bonaparte (third sister of Napoleon) 20th January, 1800. Joseph was not ambassador till long after the battle of Mondovi, so Murat could n(jt have met Caroline at his house in Rome. There are several mistakes in this paragraph (see " Erreurs," tome i. pp. 6, 259, 312). Reille, at tlie time Bourrienne speaks of, was a caj)tain on the staff of Massena, and only became general of division in 1807. As Murat em- barked from Genoa for Egypt lie was not on board the Orient, but on the Artemise. This asserted cowardice of Murat is denied by " Erreurs" (tome i. p. 6). See al.so "Erreurs" (tome ii. p. 61) giving details of the series of posts given by Napoleon to liim to prove tliat he was not under any disgrace. Joseph Bouaparte (" Erreurs," tome i. p. 259) denies that Murat's name was mentioned in connection with Josephine's. It has been already seen that the conversation at Me.ssoudiah could not have taken place; see p. 168, as well as " Erreur.s," tome i. pp. 4, 51, and D'Abrautes, vol. ii. p. 32, eiglilii line from bottom. 380 MKMollJS OF NAl'OLKnX HoNAl'AUTE. 1800. SIk' was not iLriiorant tliat a close iii(iiii:i< y lu.el already sprunif up at Milan between Caroline and Murat, and she was the lir.st to propose a marriaf!;e. Murat hesitated, and went to consult M. Collot, who was a good adviser in all things, and whose intimacy with Bonaparte had initiated him into all the secrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to lose no time, but to go to the First Consul and formally demand the hand of his sister. Murat followed his advice. Did he do well? It was to this step that he owed the tlirone of Naples. If he had abstained, he would not have been shot at I'izzo. Scd i]},n Dei fata rumpere non 2^otisi(nt! However that might be, Bonaparte received, more in the manner of a sovereign than of a brother in arms, the projiosal of Murat. He heard him with unmoved gravity, said tliat lie would consider the matter, but gave no posi- tive answer. This affair was, as may Ije supposed, the subject of conversation in the evening in the salon of the Luxem- bourg. ]\ladame Bonaj^arte employed all her j)owers of persuasion to obtain the First Consul's consent, and her efforts were seconded by Horten.se, Eugene, and myself. "Murat," said he, among other things, "Murat is an inn- keeper's son. In the elevated rank where glory and for- tune have placed me, I never can mix his blood with mine ! Besides, there is no hurry: I shall see by and by." We forcibly described to him the reciprocal affection of the two young people, and did not fail to bring to his obser- vation Murat's devoted attachment to his person, his splendid courage and noble conduct in Egyjit. "Yes," said he, with warmth, " I agree with you ; Murat was superb at Al)oukir." We tlid not allow so favourable a moment to pass by. We redoubled our entreaties, and at last he consented. Wlien we were together in his cabinet, in the evening, " Well, Bourrienne," said he to me, 1800. MARRIAGE OF MURAT AND CAROLINE. 381 "you ought to be satisfied; and so am T, too, everything considered. Murat is suited to my sister, and then no one can say that I am proud, or seek grand alliances. If I had given my sister to a noble, all your Jacobins would have raised a cry of counter-revolution. Besides, I am very glad that my wife is interested in this marriage, and you may easily suppose the cause. Since it is deter- mined on, I will hasten it forward; we have no time to lose. If I go to Italy, I will take Murat with me. I must strike a decisive blow there. Adieu." When I entered the First Consul's chamber at seven o'clock the next day, he appeared even more satisfied than on the preceding evening with the resolution he had taken. I easily perceived that, in spite of all his cunning, he had failed to discover the real motive which had in- duced Josephine to take so lively an interest respecting Murat's marriage with Caroline. Still Bonaparte's satis- faction plainly showed that his wife's eagerness for the marriage had removed all doubt in his mind of the fal- sity of the calumnious reports which had prevailed re- specting her intimacy with Murat. The marriage of Murat and Caroline was celebrated at the Luxembourg, but with great modesty .^ The First Consul did not yet think tliat his family affairs were affairs of state. But previously to the celebration a little comedy was enacted in which I was obliged to take a part, and I will relate how. At the time of the marriage of Murat, Bonaparte had not much money, and therefore only gave his sister a dowry of 30,000 francs. Still, thinking it necessary to make her a marriage present, and not possessing the means to purchase a suitable one, he took a diamond 1 The inarriac;e of Murat was celel)ratc(l in the Coinimiiic of Plailly, near Mortefontaiue, iu the departmeut of the Oise (Joseph iu Erreurs, tome i. p. 259). 382 MKMolKS OF NAl'OLKON liuNArAKTK. 1800. necklace vvhich licUmgcd to his wife and gave it to the bride. Josephine was not at all jjleased with this rob- bery, and taxed her wits to discover some means of rej)lacing her necklace. Josephine was aware that the celebrated jeweller Foncier possessed a magnificent collection of tine jiearls which liad belonged, as he said, to the late Qneen, Marie An- toinette. Having ordered them to l)e brought to her to examine them, she thought there were suflicient to make a very fine necklace. But to make the purchase 250,000 francs were required, and how to get them was the diili- cuUy. Madame IJonaparte had recourse to Berthier, who was then Minister of War. Berthier, after biting his nails, according to his usual habit, set about the li(juirudence of the ]>arties implicated, or the treachery of some of them, that something was discovered after a week or fortnight's exertion." Napoleon, in directing this orticer to transmit letters to him uiidfr the cover of a commercial corresjwndence, to quiet his apprehensions that the correspondence might be discovered, said, " Do you think, then, that all letters are opened at the post- otlice ? They would never l;e able to do so. I have often endeavoured to discover what the correspondence was that passed nnder mercantile forms, but I never suc- ceeded. The post-office, like the police, catches only fools." Since I am on the subject of political police, that lep- rosy of modern .society, perhaps I may be allowed to over- step the order of time, and advert to its state even in the present day. The Minister of Police, to give his prince a favourable idea of his activity, contrives great consjiiracies, which he is pretty sure to discover in time, because he is their ori- ginator. The inferior agents, to find favour in the eyes of the Minister, contrive small plots. It w^ould be diffi- cult to mention a conspiracy which has been discovered, except when the police agents took part in it, or were its promoters. It is difficult to conceive how those agents can feed a little intrigue, the result at first, perhaps, of some petty ill-humour and discontent which, thanks to their skill, soon becomes a great affair. How many con- spiracies have escaped the boasted activity and vigilance of the polic3 when none of its agents were parties ! I may instance Babeiif's conspiracy, the attempt at the camp at Grenelle, the 18th Brumaire, the infernal machine, 1800. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS. 389 Mallet, the 20tli of March, the affair of Grenoble, and many others. The political police, the result of the troubles of the Revolution, has survived them. The civil police for the security of property, health, and order, is only made a secondary object, and has been, therefore, neglected. There are times in which it is thought of more conse- quence to discover whether a citizen goes to mass or con- fession than to defeat the designs of a baud of robbers. Such a state of things is unfortunate for a country ; and the money expended on a system of superintendence over persons alleged to be suspected, in domestic inquisitions, in the corruption of the friends, relations, and servants of the man marked out for destruction, might be much better employed. The espionage of opinion, created, as I have said, by the revolutionary troubles, is suspicious, restless, officious, inquisitorial, vexatious, and tyrannicah Indiffer- ent to crimes and real offences, it is totally absorbed in the inquisition of thoughts. Who has not heard it said in company, to some one speaking warmly, " Be moder- ate, M is supposed to belong to the police." This police enthralled Bonaparte himself in its snares, and held him a long time under the influence of its power. I have taken the liberty thus to speak of a scourge of society of which I have been a victim. What I here state may be relied on. I shall not speak of the week during which I had to discharge the functions of Prefect of Police, namely, from the 13th to the 20tli of March, 1815. It may well be supposed that though I had not held in abhorrence the infamous system which I have descril)ed, the important nature of the circumstances and the short i)eriod of my administration must have pre- vented me from making complete use of the means placed at my disposal. The dictates of discretion, which I con- sider myself bound to obey, forbid me giving proofs of :390 MKMOIUS OK NAl'OLKo.N H< »NA1'ARTK. 1800. what I advauct'. \\'liat it was necessary to du 1 accum- plished without employing violent or vexatious means; and I can take on myself to assert that no one lias cause to comjilain of me. Were I to publish the list of the per- sons I hail orders to arrest, those of tiiem who are yet living would he astonished that the only knowledge they liad of my being the Prefect of Police was frcjm tiie "Moniteur." I obtained by mild measures, by persua- sion, and reasoning, what I could never have got by violence. I am not divulging any secrets of office, but I believe I am rendering a service to the public in jioint- inc; out what I have often observed wliile an unwilling confidant in the shameful mana3uvres of that political institution. The word icfevloijue was often in Donaparte's mouth; and in usinu it he endeavoured to throw ridicule on those men whom he fancied to have a tendency towards the doctrine of indefinite perfectibility. He esteemed them for their morality, yet he looked on them as dreamers seeking for the type of a universal constitution, and con- sidering the character of man in the abstract only. The idt'ologuea, according to him, looked for power in institu- tions ; and that he called metaphysics. He had no idea of power except in direct force. All benevolent men who speculate on the amelioration of human society were regarded by Bonaparte as dangerous, l)ecause their maxims and principles were diametrically opposed to the harsh and arbitrary system he had adopted. He said that their hearts were better tlian their heads, and, far from wan- dering with them in abstractions, he ahvays said that men were only to be governed by fear and interest. The free expression of o[)inion through the press has been always regarded bv those who are not led awav bv interest or power as useful to society. But Bonaparte held the liberty of the press in the greatest horror ; and so violent 1800. BONAPARTE'S FEAR OF THE PRESS. 391 was his passion when anything was urged in its favour that he seemed to labour under a nervous attack. Great man as he was, he was sorely afraid of little paragrayjhs.^ 1 Joseph Bonaparte fairly enough remarks ou this, that such writings had done great harm in those extraordinary times {Erreurs, tome i. p. 259). Metternich, writing in 1827 with distrust of the proceedings of Louis XVIII., quotes, with approval, Napoleon's sentiments on this point. " Napoleon, who could not have been wanting in the feeling of jjower, said to me, ' You see me master of France ; well, I would not undertake to govern her for three months witli liberty of the press.' Louis XVIII., apparently tiiinking himself stronger tlian Napoleon, is not content with allowing the press its freedom, but has embodied its liberty in the charter " (Metternich, tome iv. p. 391). CHAPTER XXXII. 1800. Of the three brothers to whom iIr- iStli r.ruinaire gave birth, Bonaparte speedily declared hiinsi'lf the eldest, and hastened to assume all the rights of primogeniture. He soon arrogated to himself the whole power. The pro- ject he had formed, when he favoured the revolution of the 18th P'ructidor, was now about to be realised. It was then an indispensable part of his plan that the Directory should violate the Constitution in order to justify a sub- sequent subversion of the Directory. The expressions which escaped him from time to time plainly showed that his ambition was not yet satisfied, and that the Consul- ship was only a state of probation preliminary to the com- plete establishment of monarchy. The Luxembourg was then discovered to be too small for the Chief of the Gov- ernment, and it was resolved that Bonaparte should in- habit the Tuileries. Still great y)rudence was necessary to avoid the quicksands which surrounded him ! He there- fore employed great precaution in dealing with the sus- ce])tiliilities of the Repul)licans, taking care to inure them gradually to the temjierature of absolute power. But this mode of treatment was not sufficient; for such was Bona- parte's situation letween the Jacobins and the Royal- ists that he could not strike a blow at one party without strengthening the other. He, however, contrived to solve this difficult problem, and weakened both parties by alternately frightening each. " You see, Royalists," he 1800. BONAPARTE'S PRECAUTIONS. 393 seemed to say, " if you do not attach yourselves to my government, the Jiiculjins will a^ain rise and hriuLj back the reign of terror and its sea fluid." To the men of the Eevolution he, on the other hand, said, " See, the counter- Revolution appears, threatening reprisals and vengeance. It is ready to overwhelm you ; my buckler can alone protect you from its attacks." Thus both parties were induced, from their mutual fear of each other, to attach themselves to Bonaparte ; and while they fancied they w^ere only placing themselves under the protection of the Chief of the Government, they were making themselves dependent on an ambitious man, who, gradually bending them to his will, guided them as he chose in his political career. He advanced with a firm step ; but he never neglected any artifice to conceal, as long as possible, his designs. I saw Bonaparte put in motion all his concealed springs ; and I could not help admiring his wonderful address. But what most astonished me was the control he pos- sessed over himself, in repressing any premature man- ifestation of his intentions which might prejudice his projects. Thus, for instance, he never spoke of the Tui- leries but under the name of " the Palace of the Govern- ment," and he determined not to inhabit, at first, the ancient palace of the kings of France alone. He contented himself with selecting the royal apartments, and proposed that the Third Consul should also reside in the Tuileries, and in consequence he occupied the Pavilion of Flora. This skilful arrangement was perfectly in accordance with the designation of "Palace of the Government" given to the Tuileries, and was calculated to deceive, for a time, the most clear-sighted. The moment for leaving the Luxembourg having ar- rived, Bonaparte still used many deceptive precautions. The day fixed for the translation of the seat of govern- ment was the 30th Pluviose, the previous day having been 394 MEMC^IHS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1800. selected for pulilisliiiig llio account of tlie votes taken for the acceptance of the new Constitution. He had, besides, caused the insertion in the " Monitcur " of the eulogy on Washington, j»ronounced by M. de Fontanes, the drcddi preceding, to be delayed for ten days. He thought that tlie day when he was about to take so large a step towards monarchy would be well chosen for entertaining the ])eo- pie of Paris with grand ideas of liberty, anil for couj.ling his own name with that of the founder of the free irovern- ment of the United States. At seven o'clock on tlie morning of the 80th Pluviose I entered, as usual, the chamlier of the First Consul. He was in a profound sleep, and this was one of the days on which I liad been desired to allow. him to sleep a little longer than usual. I have often observed that General Bonaparte appeared much less moved when on the point of executing any great design than during the time of projecting it, so accustomed was he to think that what he iiad resolved on in his mind was already done. When I returned to Bonaparte, he said to me, witli a marked air of satisfaction, " Well, Bourrienne, to-night, at last, we shall sleep in the Tuileries. You are better off than I : you are not obliged to make a spectacle of your- self, but may go your own road there. I must, however, go in procession : that disgusts me ; but it is necessary to speak to the eyes. That has a good effect on the people. The Directory was too simple, and therefore never enjoyed any consideration. In the army simplicity is in its proper place ; but in a great city, in a palace, the Chief of the Government must attract attention in every possible way, yet still with prudence. Josephine is going to look out from Lebrun's apartments ; go with her, if you like; but go to the cabinet as soon as you see me alight from my horse." I did not go to the review, but proceeded to the Tui- leries, to arrange in our new cabinet the papers which 1800. DEPARTURE FOR THE TUILERIES. 395 it was my duty to take care of, and to prepare everything for the First Consul's arrivfil. It was not until the even- ing that I learned, from the conversation in the salon, where there was a numerous party, what had taken place in the course of the day. At one o'clock precisely Bonaparte left the Luxembourg. The procession was, doubtless, far from approaching the magnificent parade of the Empire ; but as much pomp was introduced as the state of things in France permitted. The only real splendour of that period consisted in fine troops. Three thousand picked men, among whom was the superb regiment of the Guides, had been ordered out for the occasion : all marched in the greatest order, with music at the head of each corps. The generals and their stafis were on horseback, the ministers in carriages, which were somewhat remarkable, as they were almost the only private carriages then in Paris, for hackney-coaches had been hired to convey the Council of State, and no trouble had been taken to alter them, except by pasting over the number a piece of paper of the same colour as the body of the vehicle. The Consul's carriage was drawn by six white horses. With the sight of those horses was asso- ciated the recollection of days of glory and of peace, for they had been presented to the General-in-Chief of the Army of Italy by the Emperor of Germany after the treaty of Campo-Formio. Bonaparte also wore the mngnificent sabre given him by the Emperor Francis. "With Camba- cdrfes on his left, and Lebrun in the front of the carriage, the First Consul traversed a part of Paris, taking the Rue de Thionville, and the Quai Voltaire to the Pont Eoyal. Everywhere he was greeted by acclamations of joy, which at that time were voluntary, and needed not to be com- manded by the police. From the wicket of the Carrousel to the gate of the Tuileries the troops of the Consular Guard were formed in 396 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON noNATAKTE. 1800. two liiu's, tliniu;_'li wliicli the procession passed, — a royal custom, which made a sinj,'ulHr contrast with an inscrip- tion in front of which I'onajiartc ])ass(.'d on unterinf; the courtyard. Two guard-hou.<5es hatl hcen built, one on the ri<,dit and another on the left of the centre gate. On the one to the right were written these words : — "Tni: 'J'knth ok Alulst 17'.>2. — Royalty in France 18 ABOLIsnKn; and shall NKVKU HK UK-KSTABLISni:i) I " It was already re-estabU.shed ! In the mean time the troops had been drawn np in line in the conrtyard. As soon as the Consul's Ciiniiige stopped, Bonaparte immediately alighted, and mounted, or, to speak more properly, leaped on his horse, and re- viewed his troops, while the other two Consuls proceeded to the state apartments of the Tuileries, where the Council of Stnte nnd the Mini.'^ters awaited them. A great many ladies, elegantly dressed in Greek costume, which was then the fashion, were seated with Madame Bonaparte at the windows of the Third Consul's apartments in the Pavilion of Flora. It is impossible to give an idea of the immense crowds which flowed in from all quarters. The windows looking to the Carrousel were let for very large sums; and everywhere arose, as if from one voice, shouts of " Long live the First Consul ! " Who could help being intoxicated by so much enthusiasm ? Bonaparte prolonged the review for some time, passed down all the ranks, and addressed the commanders of corps in terms of approbation and praise. He then took his station at the gate of the Tuileries, with Murat on his right, and Lannes on his left, and behind him a numer- ous statl" of young warriors, whose com]ilexions had been browned by the sun of Egypt and Italy, and who had 1800. TALLEYRAND'S ACCEPTABLE ADVICE. 397 been engaged in more battles than they numbered years. When the colours of the 96th, 43d, and 30th demi- brigades, or rather tlieir flagstaffs, surmounted by some shreds, riddled l)y balls and blackened by powder, passed before him, he raised his hat and inclined his head in token of respect. Every homage thus paid by a great captain to standards which had been mutilated on the field of battla was saluted by a thousand acclamations. When the troops had finished defiling before him, the First Consul, with a firm step, ascended the stairs of the Tuileries. The General's part being finished^for the day, that of the Chief of the State began ; and indeed it might already be said that the First Consul was the whole Consulate. At the risk of interrupting my narrative of what occurred on our arrival at the Tuileries, by a digression which may be thought out of place, I will relate a fact which had no little weight in hastening Bonaparte's determination to assume a superiority over his colleagues. It may be re- membered that when Eoger Ducos and Sieyes bore the title of Consuls, the three members of the Consular com- mission were equal, if not in fact, at least in right. But when Cambac^r^s and Lebrun took their places, Talley- rand, who had at the same time been appointed to succeed M. Reinliart as Minister of Foreign Affairs, obtained a private audience of the First Consul in his cabinet, to which I was admitted. The observations of Talleyrand on this occasion were highly agreeable to Bonaparte, and they made too deep an impression on my mind to allow me to forget them. " Citizen Consul," said he to him, "you have confided to me the office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, and I will justify your confidence ; but I must declare to you that from this moment I will not transact business with any but yourself. Tins determination does not proceed from 308 MK.MOIKS OF NAI'r)I.K(lN BoNArAirn:. 1800. any vain juidc <>ii iny part, but is imlucwl by a dosire to serve Fraiici'. In order that France may be well {governed, in order that there may be a unity of action in the {j;overn- ment, you must be First Consul, and the First Consul must have the control over all that relates directly to politics ; that is to say, over the Ministry of the Interior, and the Ministry of Police, for Internal Affairs, and over my department, for Foreign Affairs ; and, lastly, over the two great means of execution, the military and naval forces. It will therefore be most convenient that the Ministers of those five de])artments should transact busi- ness with you. The Administration of Justice and the ordering of the Finances are objects certainly connected with State i»olitics by numerous links, which, however, are not of so intimate a nature as those of the other departments. If you will allow me, General, I should advise that the control over the Administration of Justice be given to the Second Consul, who is well versed in jurisprudence ; and to the Third Consul, who is ecjually well acquainted with Finance, the control over that department. ^ Tliat will occupy and amuse them, and you. General, having at your disposal all the vital parts of the government, will be able to reach the end you aim at, — the regeneration of France." Bonaparte did not hear these renuirkable words with indifl'erence. They were too much in accordance with his own secret wishes to be listened to without pleasure ; and he said to me as soon as Talleyrand had taken leave, "Do you know, Bourrienne, I think Talleyrand gives good advice. He is a man of great understanding." — " Such is the opinion," I replied, " of all wlio know him." — " He is perfectly right." Afterwards he added, smiling, "Talleyrand is evidently a shrewd man. He has pene- ^ Here may lie recognised the first germ of the Arch-Chancellorship and Arch-Treasurersliip of the Empire. — Bourrienne. 1800. GETTING RID OF THE CAPS OF LIBERTY. 309 trated my designs. Wliat he advises you know I am anxious to do. But again I say, he is right ; one gets on quicker by oneself. Lebrun is a worthy man, but he has no policy in his head; he is a book-maker. Cam- bac^rfes carries with him too many traditions of the Revolution. My government must be an entirely new one." Talleyrand's advice had been so punctually followed that even on the occasion of the installation of the Con- sular Government, while Bonaparte was receiving all the great civil and military officers of the State in the hall of presentation, Cambacdr^s and Lebrun stood by more like spectators of the scene than two colleagues of the First Consul. The Minister of the Interior presented the civil authorities of Paris ; the Minister of War, the staff of the 17th military division; the Minister of Marine, several naval ofticers; and the staff of the Consular Guard was presented by Murat. As our Consular republicans were not exactly Spartans, the ceremony of the presenta- tions was followed by grand dinner-parties. The First Consul entertained at his table the two other Consuls, the Ministers, and the Presidents of the great bodies of the State. Murat treated the heads of the army; and the members of the Council of State, being again seated in their hackney-coaches with covered numbers, drove off to dine with Lucien. Before taking possession of the Tuileries, we had fre- quently gone tliere to see that the repairs, or rather the whitewashing, which Bonaparte had directed to be done, was executed. On our first visit, seeing a number of red caps of liberty painted on the walls, he said to M. Lecomte, at that time the architect in charge, " Get rid of all these things ; I do not like to see such rubbish." The First Consul gave du'ections himself for what little 400 .MKMOIKS OF NAPOLEON B( )NArAlMI-:. 1800. aheratiitiis lie waiileil in liis own apartments. A state bed — not that of Lonis XVI. — was placed in tlie chanilier uo\t liis cabinet, on the south side, towards the «^rand staircase of the ravilion of Flora. I may as well nuMition here that he very seldom occupied that bed, for Bonaparte was very simple in his manner of living in ])rivate, and was not fond of state, except as a means of imjxjsinjr on mankind. At the Luxembourg, at ]\Ialmaison, and during the first period that he occupied the Tuileries, J>f)naparte, if I may speak in the language of common life, always slei)t with his wife. ^ He went every evening down to Josephine by a small staircase leading from a wardrobe attached to his cabinet, and which had formerly been the chapel of oMaria de Medici. I never went to Bonaparte's bed-chamber but by this staircase ; and when he came to our cabinet, it was always by the wardrobe which I have mentioned. The door opened opposite the only window of our room, and it commanded a view of the garden. As for our cabinet, where so many great and also small events were prepared, and where I passed so many hours of my life, I can, even now, give the most minute description of it to those who like such details.^ 1 See the conversation with Madame de Rc'mnsat on tliis piUjjoct (Remuxnt, tome i. p. 213). 2 AVith tills description may be compared tliat given l>y I'omriciine's successor, Mc'iieval, of tlie caMiiet in 1S()2 : — " The room of whidi he had made his c;\l)inet wa.s not very large. It was liglited by a single window cut in a corner, and which looked out on tlie garden. The chief piece of furniture was a magnificent bureau, jilacod ill the middle of the rowm, ornamenteil with gilt bronze and .supported bv griffins. Its top formed a sort of s<|uare box with a cover sliding into a recess, so that it could be shut without disturbing the papers The chair was of antique shape, and its back was covered with green kerseymere, tlie folds being tied with silk cords. Its arms ended in grit'ins' heads. TIk' First Tonsul generally only sat at his desk to sign papers. More often he placed himself on a sofa covered with green taffeta. Near this was a small tray which received the day's correspondence. It was only taken away to make room for that of the next day, and to be placed ou his 1800. THE CONSULAR CABINET. 401 There were two tables. The best, which was the First Consul's, stood in the middle of the room, and his arm- chair was turned with its back to the fireplace, having the window on the right. To the right of this again was a little closet where Duroc sat, through which we could communicate with the clerk of the office and the grand apartments of the Court. When the First Consul was seated at his table in his chair (the arms of which he so frequently mutilated with his penknife), he had a large bookcase opposite to him. A little to the right, on one side of the bookcase, was another door, opening into tlie cabinet which led directly to the state bedchamber which I have mentioned. Thence we passed into the grand Presentation Saloon, on the ceiling of whieli Lebrun had painted a likeness of Louis XIV. A tricoloured cockade placed on the forehead of the great King still bore wit- ness of the imbecile turpitude of the Convention. Lastly came the hall of the Guards, in front of the grand stair- case of the Pavilion of Flora. My writing-table, which was extremely plain, stood near the window, and in summer I had a view of the thick foliage of the chestnut-trees ; but in order to see the promenaders in the garden I was obliged to raise myself from my seat. My back was turned to the General's side, so that it required only a sKght movement of the head to bureau. A screen with several leaves guarded him from the heat of the fire. At the hack of the cabinet were two large bookcases, placed in tlie coruer.s at right angles to one another, aud between these was a large clock of the sort called regulators. A long cupboard with glass windows, breast higii, and with a marble base, held some papers. There was a bronze equestrian statue of the King of Prussia, Frederick II. Some chairs furnished the room. Such, with the exception of the l)urcau bought at the Exhibition of the I'roducts of Industry, as the masterpiece of the skilful workman Biennais, was the modest furniture of the Consular cabinet. In it, as in everything that had to do with the person of Napoleon, was shown the simplicity of his tastes " {Meneval, tome i. pp. 79, 80). VOL.1. — 26 402 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1800. speak to each other. Duroc was seldom in his HUle cab- inet, and that was the i)lace where I gave some audiences. The Ct)nsular cabinet, which afterwards becanifc the Im- perial, has left many impressions on my mind ; and 1 hope the reader, in going through these volumes, will not think that they have been of too slight a description. CHAPTER XXXII I. 1800. The morning after that ardently wished-for day on which we took possession of the Palace of the Kings of France I observed to Bonaparte, on entering his chamber, " Well, General, you have got here without much diffi- culty, and with the applause of the people ! Do you remember what you said to me in the Rue St. Anne nearly two years ago ? " — " Ay, true enough, I recollect. You see what it is to have the mind set on a thing. Only two years have gone by ! Don't you think we have not worked badly since that time ? Upon the whole I am very well content. Yesterday passed off well. Do you imagine that all those who came to Hatter me were sin- cere ? No, certainly not ; but the joy of the people was real. They know what is right. Besides, consult the grand thermometer of opinion, tlie price of the funds, — on the 17th Brumaire at 11 francs, on the 20th at 16, and to-day at 21. In such a state of things I may let the Jaco])ins prate as they like. But let them not talk too loudly, either ! " As soon as he was dressed we went to look through the Gallery of Diana and examine the statues which had been placed there by his orders. We ended our morning's work by taking complete possession of our new residence. I recollect Bonaparte saying to me, among other things, " To be at the Tuileries, Bourrieune, is not all. We must 404 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON ROXAPARTE. 1800. stay here. \\\in, in Heaven's name, has imt already inhabited this pahice ? Kutlians, conventionalists ! But, hold ! there is your ])rother's house ! Was it not from those windows I saw the Tuileries besic'gcd, and the good Louis XVI. carried oil' ? JUit be assured they will not come here again ! " The ambassadors and other foreign Ministers then in Paris were presented to the First Consul at a solemn audience. On this occasion all the ancient ceremonials belonging to the French Court were raked up, and in place of chamberlains and a grand master of ceremonies a Councillor of State, M. Benezech, who w^as once Minister for Foreign Affairs, officiated. When the Ambassadors had all arrived, M. Benezech conducted them into the cabinet, in which were the three Consuls, the Ministers, and the Council of State. The Ambassadors presented their credentials to the First Consul, who handed them to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. These ])r('sentations were f/omnti(pie, one after another, not introducing them liy name, but designating them by the Courts thev rep- resented, lie then conducted lier round the two drawing rooms. They had not gone above half round the second room when the First (^onsul en- tered witliout being aimounced. He was dressed in a very plain uniform coat, white cassimir pantaloons, and topdjoots. Round Ids waist he wore atricoloured silk scarf, with a fringe to correspond; and he carried his hat in his hand. Amidst tlie emliroidered coats, conlons, and jewels <>{ tlie Am- bassadors and foreign dignitaries, Bonaparte's costume appeared no less singular than tlie contrast presented by tlie sim))le elegance of Josephine's dress compared witli the splendour of the ladies around lier" (Memoires de Constant). 1 For a previous instance of Napoleon, while simply general, taking on himself the right of pardon, see p. 147. I.,anfrey says on this, " How happy and blessed would have been his memory if he Iiad never l)roken the laws of his country except by similar acts " (Lunfrey, tome i. p. 365) 406 MEMOIKS OF NArOLF.OX BOXArAKTE 1800. interested me much, affords an incontestable proof of ] \vhaL I state: — 1 Whilst we were still at tlie Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French emi«frant, was taken in the Tyrol with arms in his hand l»y the troops of the Itepublic. He was carried to Grenoble, and thrown into the military prison of tliat town. In the course of January, General Ft^rino, tlien commanding at Grenoble, received orders to put the young emigrant on his trial. The laws against emigrants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges dared not be indulgent. To be tried in the morning, condemned in the course of the day, and shot in the evening, was the usual course of those implacable proceedings. One of ray cousins, the daughter of M. Poitrincourt, came from Sens to Paris to inform me of tlie dreadful situation of M. Defeu. She told me that he was related to the most respectable families of the town of Sens, and that every- body felt the greatest interest in his fate. I had escaped for a few moments to keep the appoint- ment made with Mademoiselle Poitrincourt. On my return I perceived the First Consul surprised at finding himself alone in the cabinet, which I was not in the habit of quitting without his knowledge. " Where have you been ? " said he. " I have been to see one of my relations, who solicits a favour of you." — " WJiat is it ? " I then informed him of the unfortunate situation of M. Defeu. His first answer was dreadful. " No pity ! no pity for emigrants ! Whoever fights against his country is a child who tries to kill his mother ! " This first burst of anger being over, I returned to the charge. I urged the vouth of M. Defeu, and the good eflfect which clemency wtnild produce. " Well," said he, " write — " ' The First Consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to be svisjiended.' " He signed this laconic order, which I instantly de- 1800. A VENDEAN CHIEF. 407 spatched to General Fdrino. I acquainted my cousin with what had passed, and remained at ease as to the result of the affair. Scarcely had I entered the chamber of the First Consul the next morning when he said to me, " Well, Bourrienne, you say nothing about your M. Defeu. Are you satis- fied ? " — "General, I cannot find terms to express my gratitude." — " Ah, bah ! But I do not like to do things by halves. Write to Fdrino that I wish M. Defeu to be instantly set at liberty. Perhaps I am serving one who will prove ungrateful. Well, so much the worse for him. As to these matters, Bourrienne, always ask them from me. When I refuse, it is because I cannot help it." I despatched at my own expense an extraordinary courier, who arrived in time to save M. Defeu's life. His mother, whose only son he was, and M. Blanchet, his uncle, came purposely from Sens to Paris to express their gratitude to me. I saw tears of joy fall from the eyes of a mother who had appeared to be destined to shed bitter drops, and I said to her as I felt, " that I was amply recompensed by the success which had attended my efforts." ^ Emboldened by this success, and by the benevolent language of the First Consul, I ventured to request the pardon of M. de Frott6, who was strongly recommended to me by most honourable persons. Comte Louis de Frott^ had at first opposed all negotiation for the pacifica- tion of La Vendue. At length, by a series of unfortunate combats, he was, towards the end of January, reduced to the necessity of making himself the advances which he had rejected when made by others. At this period he addressed a letter to General Guidal, in which he offered pacificatory proposals. A protection to enal)le him to ^ M. Defen, thus snatclied from death, was afterwards the father of three children, and lived for many years in tranquillity at Sens. — Bourrienne. 408 MKMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONArAKTE. 1800 repair t(i Alcnc^on was transmitted to liini. Unfortunately fur M. df Frottt^, he did not confine liiniself to writing to General Guidal, for whilst the safe-conduct which lie had asked was on the way to hiin, he wrote to his lieutenants, advising them not to submit or consent to be disarmed. This letter was intercepted. It fjave all the appearance of a fraudulent stralafjem to his proposal to treat for peace. Besides, this opinion appeared to be confirmed by a manifesto of M. de Frottd, anterior, it is true, to the offers of paciiication, but in which he an- nounced to all his partisans the approaching end of Bonaparte's "criminal enterprise." I had more trouble than in M. Defeu's case to induce the First Consul to exercise his clemency. However, I pressed him so much, I laboured so hard to convince him of the happy effect of such indulgence, that at length I obtained an order to suspend the judgment. What a les- son I then experienced of the evil which may result from the loss of time ! Not supposing that matters were so far advanced as they were, I did not immediately send off the courier with the order for the sus])ensi(in of the judg- ment. Besides, the Minister of Police had marked his victim, and he never lost time when evil was to be done. Haviny reservati(»ns you will renew them incessantly." .Jose- phine said, " 1 can never tell all ; it is impossible. Do me the service to keep secret what I say to you. I owe, I believe, about 1,200,000 francs, but 1 wish to confess only 600,000 : 1 will contract no more debts, and will jtay the rest little by little out of my savings." — " Here, Madame, my first observations recur. As I do not believe he estimates your debts at so high a sura as 600,000 francs, I can warrant that you will not experience more displeas- ure for acknowledging to 1,200,000 than to 600,000 ; and by going so far you will get rid of them forever." — "I can never do it, Bourrienne ; I know him; I can never support his violence." After a quarter of an hour's fur- ther discussion on the subject, I was obliged to yield to her earnest solicitation, and promi.se to mention only the 600,000 francs to the First Consul. The anger and ill-humour of Bonaparte may be imagined. He strongly suspected that his wife was dissembling in some respect ; but he said, " Well, take 600,000 francs, but liquidate the debts for that sum, and let me hear nothing more on the subject. I authorise you to threaten these tradesmen with paying nothing if they do not re- duce their enormous charges. They ought to be taught not to l)e so ready in giving credit." Madame Bonaparte gave me all her bills. The extent to which the articles had been overcharged, owing to the fear of not l)eing ])aid for a long period, and of deductions being made from the amount, was inconceivable. It appeared to me, also, that there must be some exaggeration in the number of articles supplied. I observed in the milliner's bill thirty-eight new hats, of great price, in one month. There was like- wise a charge of 1,800 francs for heron plumes, and 800 francs for perfumes. I asked Josephine whether she 1800. EXTRAVAGANCE OF JOSEPHINE. 417 wore out two hats in one day ? She objected to this charge for the hats, which she merely called a mistake. The impositions which the saddler attempted, both in the extravagance of his prices and in charging for articles which he had not furnished, were astonishing. 1 need say nothing of the other tradesmen, — it was the same system of plunder throughout, I availed myself fully of the First Consul's permission, and spared neither reproaches nor menaces. I am ashamed to say that the greater part of the tradesmen were contented with the half of what tliev demanded. One of them received 35,000 francs for a bill of 80,000 ; and he had the impudence to tell me that he nuide a good profit nevertheless. Finally, I was fortunate enough, after the most vehement disputes, to settle everything for 600,000 francs. Madame Bonaparte, however, soon fell again into the same excesses, but fortunately money be- came more plentiful. This inconceivable mania of spend- ing money was almost the sole cause of her unhappiness. Her thoughtless profusion occasioned permanent disorder in her household until the period of Bonaparte's second marriage, when, I am informed, she became regular in her expenditure. I could not say so of her when she was Empress in 1804.^ ^ Notwithstanding!; her husband's wish, she could never brine; her estab- lishment into any order or rule. He wished tliat no tradesmen should ever reach her, but lie was forced to yield on this point. Tlie small inner rooms were filled with them, as with artists of all sorts. She had a mania for having herself painted, and j^ave her portraits to whoever wished for one, — relations, Jemiups de chambre, even to tradesmen, 'i'hey never ceased brinffiiij;; her diamonds, jewels, shawls, materials for dres.ses. and trinkets of all kinds ; she bought everything without ever asking the ])rice ; and generally forgot what she had purchased. . . . All the morning slie had on a shawl which she draped on her shoulders with a grace 1 have seen in no one else. Bonajiarte, who thought her shawls covered her too much, tore them off, and sometimes threw them into the fire ; then she sent for another (/^/m «sa?, tome ii. pp. 343-345). After the divorce her income, VOL. I. — 27 418 MEMOIUS OF NATOLKON lK)NArAUTi:. 1800. The amiable Joseiiliine liad not less ambition in little thin^L,'S than her husband had in great. She felt i)leasure in acquiring and not in possessing. AVho would sujipose it? She grew tired of the beauty of the park of Mal- maison, and was always asking me to take her out on the high-road, e-ither in the direction of Nanterre, or on that of Marly, in the midst of the dust occasioned by the passing of carriages. The noi.se of the high-road appeared to her preferable to the calm silence of the beautiful avenues of the park ; and in this respect Hortense had the same ta.ste as her mother. Tiiis whim.sical fancy aston- ished Bonaparte, and he was sometimes vexed at it. My intercourse with Josephine was delightful, for I never saw a woman who so constantly entered society with such an equable disposition, or with so much of the spirit of kind- ness, which is the first principle of amiability. She was so obligingly attentive as to cause a pretty suite of ajiart- ments to be pre[)ared atMalmaison for me and my family. She pressed me earnestly, and with all her known grace, to accept it; but almost as much a ca})tive at Paris as a prisoner of state, I wished to have to myself in the coun- try the moments of liberty I was permitted to enjoy. Yet what was this liberty? I had bought a little house at Euel, which I kept during two years and a half. When T saw my friends there, it had to be at midnight, or at five o'clock in the morning; and the First Consul would often send for me in the night when couriers arrived. It was for this sort of liberty I refused Jo.=ie])hine's kind ofter. Bonaparte came once to see me in my retreat at Euel, but Josephine and Hortense came often. It was a favourite walk with these ladies. At Paris I was less frequently absent from Bonaparte large a.s it was, was insufficient; but the Emperor was more compassionate tlien, and when sending the Comte Mollicn to settle lior affairs, gave him strict orders " not to make lier weep " {M^neval, tome iii. p. 237). 1800. EVENING WALKS WITH BONAPARTE. 419 than at Malmaison. We sometimes in the evening walked together in the garden of the Tuileries after the gates were closed. In these evening walks he always wore a gray greatcoat and a round hat. I was directed to answer, " The First Consul," to the sentinel's challenge of, " Who goes there ? " These promenades, which were of much benefit to Bonaparte, and me also, as a relaxation from our labours, resembled those which we had at Malmaison. As to our promenades in the city, they were often very amusing. At the period of our first inhabiting the Tuileries, when I saw Bonajjarte enter the cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening in his gray coat, I knew he would say, " Bour- rienne, come and take a turn." Sometimes, then, instead of going out by the garden arcade, we would take the little gate which leads from the court to the apartments of the Due d'Angouleme. He would take my arm, and we would go to buy articles of trifling value in the shops of the Rue St. Honord ; l)ut we did not extend our ex- cursions fartlier than Rue de I'Arbre Sec. Whilst I made the shop-keeper exhibit before us the articles which I appeared anxious to buy, he played his part in asking questions. Nothing was more amusing than to see him endeavouring to imitate the careless and jocular tone of the young men of fashion. How awkward was he in the attempt to put on dandy airs when, pulling up the corners of his cravat, he would say, " Well, Madame, is there any- thing new to-day ? Citizen, what say they of Bonaparte ? Your shop appears to be well supplied. You surely have a great deal of custom. What do people say of that buffoon, Bonaparte ? " He was made quite happy one day when we were obliged to retire hastily from a shop to avoid the attacks drawn upon us by the irreverent tone in which Bonaparte spoke of the First Consul. CHAPTER XXXIV. 1800. The destruction of men and the construction of monu- ments were two things perfectly in unison in the mind of l>ona])arte. It may he said that liis ]»assiou for monu- ments ahnost equalled his passion for war ; ^ hut as in all things he disliked what was little and mean, so he liked vast constructions and great hattles. The sight of the colossal ruins of the monuments of Kgypt had not a little contributed to augment his natural taste for great struc- tures. It was not so much the monuments themselves that he admired, hut the historical recollections they perpetuate, tlie great names they consecrate, tlie important events they attest. What should he have cared for the column which we beheld on our arrival in Alexandria had it not been Pompey's pillar? It is for artists to admire or cen- sure its proportions and ornaments, for men of learning to explain its inscriptions ; but the name of Pompey ren- ders it an object of interest to all. When endeavouring to sketch the character of Bona- parte, I ought to have noticed his taste for monuments, ^ Tako pleasure, if you can, in roailiiip your roturns. The pood condition of mv armies is owing to my devoting to tlieni one or two liours in every day. When tlie monthly returns of my armies ami of my fleets, rrhirh form tirftili/ thirk rolninix, are sent to me, I give np every other occupation in order to read them in detail and to observe the difference between one monthly return and another. No young girl enjoys her novel so much a.s I do these returns ! Napoleon to Josejih, 20th August, 180G. — Du C'asse, tome iii p. 14.'). 1800. BONAPARTE'S PASSION FOR MONUMENTS. 421 for without this characteristic trait something essential is wanting to the completion (jf the portrait. This taste, or, as it may more properly be called, this passion for monu- ments, exercised no small influence on his thoughts and projects of glory ; yet it did not deter him from directing attention to public improvements of a less ostentatious kind. He wished for great monuments to perpetuate the recollection of his glory ; but at the same time he knew how to appreciate all that was truly useful. He could very rarely, be reproached for rejecting any plan without examination ; and this examination was a speedy affair, for his natural tact enabled him immediately to see things in their proper light. Though most of the monuments and embellishments of Paris are executed from the plans of men of talent, yet some owe their origin to circumstances merely accidental. Of this I can mention an example. I was standing at the window of Bonaparte's cabinet, which looked into the garden of the Tuileries. He had gone out, and I took advantage of his absence to rise from my chair, for I was tired of sitting. He had scarcely been gone a minute when he unexpectedly returned to ask me for a paper. " What are you doing there, Bourrienne ? I '11 wager anything you are admiring the ladies walking on the terrace." — " Why, I must confess I do sometimes amuse myself in that way," replied I ; " but I assure you. General, I was now thinking of sometliing else. I was looking at that villainous left bank of the Seine, which always annoys me with the gaps in its dirty quay, and the floodings which almost every winter prevent communica- tion with the Faubourg St. Germain, and I was thinking I would speak to you on the subject." He approached the window, and, looking out, said, " You are right, it is very ugly; and very ol'i'ensive to see dirty linen waslied before our windows. Here, write immediately : ' The quay 4-22 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. 1800. of the Kcole de Natation is to be Hiiislieil during next caiui)aign.' Send that order to the Minister of the Inte- rior." The ([uay was finished the year following. As an instance of the enormous diH'erence wliich fre- quently ajjpears between the original estimates of archi- tects and their subsequent accounts, I may mention what occurred in relation to the Palace of St. Cloud. But I must first say a word about the manner in whicli Bona- parte originally refused and afterwards took possession of the Queen's pleasure-house. Malmaison was- a suital)le country residence for Bonaparte as long as he remained content with his town apartments in the little Luxem- bourg ; but that Consular bagatelle was too conKned in comparison with the spacious apartments in the Tuileries. The inhabitants of St. Cloud, well advised, addressed a petition to the Legislative Body, praying that their de- serted chateau might be made the summer residence of the First Consul. The petition was referred to the Govern- ment ; but Bona[)arte, who was not yet Consul for life, proudly declared that so long as he was at the head of affairs, and indeed for a year afterwards, he would accept no national recompense. Some time after he went to visit tlie [)alace of the 18th Brumaire. Bonaparte liked it ex- ceedingly, but all was in a state of complete dilajiidation. It bore evident marks of the Revolution. The First Con- sul did not wish, as yet, to burden the Inidget of the State with his personal expenses, and lie was alarmed at tlie enormous sum required to render St. Cloud habitable. Hattery had not yet arrived at the degree of proficiency which it subsequently attained ; but even then liis flatter- ers boldly assured him he might take possession of St. Cloud for 25,000 francs. I told the First Consul that, considering the ruinous state of the place, I could venture to say that the expense would amount to more tlian 1,200,000 francs. Bonaparte determined to have a regular 1800. THE PONT DES ARTS. 423 estimate of the expense, and it amounted to nearly 3,000,000. He thought it a great sum ; but as he liad re- solved to make St, Cloud his residence, he gave orders for commencing the repairs, the expense of which, indepen- dently of the furniture, amounted to 6,000,000. So much for the 3,000,000 of the architect and the 25,000 francs of the flatterers ! When the First Consul contemplated the building of the Pont des Arts, we had a long conversation on the sub- ject. I observed that it would be much better to build the bridge of stone. " The first object of monuments of this kind," said I, " is public utility. They require solid- ity of apppearance, and their principal merit is duration. I cannot conceive. General, why, in a covuitry where there is abundance of fine stone of every quality, the use of iron should be preferred." — " Write," said Bonaparte, " to Fontaine and Percier, the architects, and ask what they think of it." I wrote, and they stated in their answer that "bridges were intended for public utility and the em- bellishment of cities. The projected bridge between the Louvre and the Quatre-Xations would unquestionably ful- fil the first of these objects, as was proved by the great number of persons who daily crossed the Seine at that point in boats ; tliat the site fixed upon between the Pont Neuf and the Tuileries appeared to be the best that could be chosen for the purpose ; and that on the score of orna- ment Paris would gain little by the construction of an iron bridge, wliich would be very narrow, and whicli, from its light form, would not correspond with the grandeur of the two bridges between which it would be placed." When we had received the answer of ^IIM. Percier and Fontaine, we again had a conversation on the subject of the bridge. I told tlie First Consul that I perfectly con- curred in the opinion of MM. Fontaine and Percier ; how- ever, he would have his own way, and thus was authorised 424 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON RcnwrARTE, 1800. the construction of tlie toy ^vhich formed a ci>nininnication between the Louvre and the Institute, liut no sooner was the Pontdes Arts finished than lionaparte pronounced it to be mean and out of kee]iing witli the other bridges above and below it. One day when visiting the Louvre he stopped at one of tlie windows looking towards the Pont des Arts, and said, " There is no solidity, no grandeur about that bridge. In England, where stone is scarce, it is very natural that iron should be used for arches of large dimensions. But the case is dilTerent in Fiance, where the requisite material is abundant." The infernal machine of the 3d Nivose, of which I shall presently speak more at length, was the signal for vast changes in the quarter of the Tuileries. That horrible attempt was at least so far attended by happy results that it contril)uted to the embellishment of Paris. It was thouffht more advisable for the Government to buy and pull down the houses which had been injured by the machine than to let them be put under repair. As an example of Bonaparte's grand schemes in building, I may- mention that, being one day at the Louvre, he pointed towards St. Germain I'Auxerrois and said to me, "That is where I will build an im]ierial street. It shall run from here to the Barrifere du Trone. It shall be a hundred feet broad, and have arcades and plantations. This street shall be the finest in the world." The palace of the King of Rome, which was to face the Pont de J^na and the Champ de Mars, would have been in some measure isolated from Paris, with which, how- ever, it was to be connected by a line of palaces. These were to extend along the quay, and were destined as splendid residences for the Ambassadors of foreign sover- eigns, at least as long as there should be any sovereigns in Europe exce])t Napoleon. The Tem])le of Glory, too, which was to occupy the site of the Church of La Made- 1800. EMBELLISHMENT OF PARIS. 425 leiue, was never finished. If the pLin of this monument proved the necessity which Bonaparte felt of constantly holding out stimulants to his soldiers, its relinquishment was at least a proof of his wisdom. He who had re- established religious worship in France, and had restored to its destination the Church of the Invalides, %vliich was for a time metamorphosed into the Temple of Liars, fore- saw that a Temple of Glory would give birth to a sort of paganism incompatible with the ideas of the age. The recollection of the magnificent Necropolis of Cairo frequently recurred to Bonaparte's mind. He had ad- mired that city of the dead, which he had partly con- tributed to people ; and his design was to make, at the four cardinal points of Paris, four vast cemeteries on the plan of that at Cairo. Bonaparte determined that all the new streets of Paris should be 40 feet wide, and be provided with foot-pave- ments ; in short, he thought nothing too grand for the embellishment of the capital of a country which he wished to make the first in the world. Next to war, he regarded the emliellishment of Paris as the source of his glory ; and he never considered a victory fully achieved until he had raised a monument to transmit its memory to posterity. He wanted glory, uninterrupted glory, for France as well as for hini'^elf. How often, when talking over his schemes, has he not said, " Bourrienne, it is for France I am doing all this ! All I wish, all I desire, the end of all my labours is, that my name should be indissolubly connected with that of France ! " Paris is not the only city, nor is France the only king- dom, which bears traces of Napoleon's passion for great and useful monuments. In Belgium, in Holland, in Pied- mont, in all Italy, he executed great improvements. At Turin a splendid bridge was built over the Po, in lieu of an old bridfje which was falling in ruins. 426 MKMUIHS OF NATOLEON IJONArAU IE. 1800. How many tliinj^s were undertaken and executed in Napoleon's short and eventful reign ! To obviate the dif- ficulty of coninmnication between Metz and Mayence, a magnificent road was made, as if by magic, across imprac- ticable marshes and vast forests: mountains were cut through and ravines tillcil u}*. He would not allow nature more than man to resist him. One day when he was pro- ceeding to Belgium l»y the way of Givet, he was detained for a sliort time at Little Givet, on the right bank of the Meuse, in consequence of an accident which hajtpened to the ferry-boat. He was within a gunshot of the fortress of Charleniont, on the left bank, and in the vexation which the delay occasioned he dictated the following decree : " A bridge shall be built over the j\Ieuse to join Little Givet to Great Givet. It shall be terminated during the ensuing campaign." It was completed within the prescrilied time. In the great work of bridges and highways Bona])arte's chief object was to remove the obstacles and barriers which nature liad raised up as the limits of old France so as to form a junction with the provinces which he successively annexed to the Empire. Thus in Savoy a road, smooth as a garden-walk, superseded the dangerous ascents and descents of the wood of Bramant; thus was the passage of Mont Ct^nis a pleasant promenade at almost every season of the year; thus did the Simplon bow his head, and Bonaparte might have said, " There are now no Alps," with more reason than Louis XIV. said, " There are now no Pyrenees." ^ Such was the implicit confidence which Bonaparte re- 1 Mc'tternich (tome iv. p. 187) says on tliis subject: " If you look closely at the course of luiinau affairs, you will make strange discoveries, — for instance, tiiat tiie Simplon I'ass has contributed a.s surely to Napoleon's immortality as the numerous works done in the reign of the Emperor Francis will fail to add to his." 1800. CONFIDENCE IN BOURRIENNE. 427 posed in me that I was often alarmed at the responsibility it obliged me to incur.^ Official business was not the only labour that devolved upon me. I had to write to the dic- tation of the First Consul during a great part of the day, or to decipher his writing, which was always the most laborious part of my duty.^ I was so closely employed that I scarcely ever went out ; and when by chance I dined in town, I could not arrive until the very moment ^ Of tliisconfiiience the f(jllowiiig instructions for me, which he dictated to Duroc, afford sufficient proof : — " 1st. Citizen Bourrieune shall open all the letters addressed to the First Consul, and present them to him three times a day, or oftener in case of ur<;ent Inisiuess. The letters shall be deposited in the cabinet when they are opened. Bourrieune is to analyse all those wiiich are of secondary interest, and write the First Consul's decision on each letter. The hours for presenting the letters shall be, first, when the Consul rises ; second, a quarter of an hour l)efore dinner ; and third, at eleven at night. " 2d. He is to have the superintendence of the Topograpiiical office and of an office of Translation, in which there shall be a German and an English clerk. Every day he shall present to the First Consul, at the hours above mentioned, tlie (jerman and English journals, togetlier with a translation. With respect to tlie Italian journals, it will only be nece.ssary to mark what the First Consul is to read. " 3d. He shall keep a register of appointments to offices under Govern- ment ; a second, for appointments to judicial po-sts ; a third, for a])))oint- ments to places abroad ; and a fourth, for the situations of receivers and great financial posts, where he is to inscribe the names of all tlie individu- als whom tlie First Consul may refer to him. These registers nmst be written by his own hand, and must lie kept entirely private. "4th. Secret correspondence, and the different reports of surveillance, are to be addressed directly to Bourrieune, and transmitted by him to the hand of the First Consul, by whom they will be returned without the intervention of any third party. " 5tli. There shall lie a register for all that relates to secret extraordi- nary expenditure. Bourrieune shall write the whole with his own hand, iu order that the business may be kept from the knowledge of any one. "6th. He shall despatch all tlie business which may be referred to him, either from Citizen Duroc, or from the caliinet of the First Consul, taking care to arrange everything so as to secure secrecy. " (Signed) Boxatakte, First Consul. "Paris, 13th Germinal, year VIII. " (3d April. 1800.) " 2 See Annex to this Chapter. 428 .MF.MdlUS OF NAroLKON I{( jN.U'AU TE. ISOO. of dinner, and I was oldi^'cd to run away iniincdiak'ly after it. Once a niontli, at most, I went without l)(»na- parte to tlie Coni(?die Frangaise, but I was obli^^ed to return at nine o'clock, that lieing the liour at whicli we resumed business. Corvisart, with wh(jm I was intimately acquainted, constantly e.xpressed his apprehensions about my health ; but my zeal carried me tlirough every dif- ficulty, and during our stay at the Tuileries I cannot express how haiipy I was in enjoying the unreserved con- fidence of the man on whom the eyes of all Europe were fixed. So perfect was this confidence that Bonaparte, neither as General, Consul, nor Emperor, ever gave me any fixed salary. In money matters we were still com- rades: I took from his funds what was necessary to defray my expenses, and of this Bonaparte never once asked me for any account. He often mentioned his wish to regenerate public edu- cation, which he thought was ill managed. The central .schools did not please him ; but he could not withhold his adniiralion from the rolytechnic School, the finest establishment of education that was ever founded, but which he afterwards spoiled by giving it a military organ- isation. In only one college of Paris the old system of study was preserved : this was the Louis-le-Grand, which had received the name of Pritande. The First Consul directed the Minister of the Interior to draw up a report on that establishment; and he himself went to pay an unex})ect('d visit to the Pritanee, accompanied by M. Lebrun and Duroc. He remained there upwards of an hour, and in the evening he spoke to me with much interest on the su1)ject of his visit. " Do you know, Bourrienne," said he, " that I have been performing the duties of professor ?" — " You, General ! " — " Yes ! arid I did not acquit myself badly. I examined the pupils in the mathematical class ; and I recollected enough of my 1800. CONSULAR PENSIONS, 429 Bezout to make some demonstrations before them. I went everywhere, into the bed-rooms and the dining- room. I tasted the soup, which is better than we used to have at Brienne. I must devote serious attention to public education and the management of the colleges. The pupils must have a uniform. I observed some well and others ill dressed. That will not do. At college, above all places, there should be equality. But I was much pleased with the pupils of the Pritande. I wish to know the names of those I examined, and I have desired Duroc to report them to me. I will give them rewards ; that stimulates young people. I will provide for some of them." On this subject Bonaparte did not confine himself to an empty scheme. After consulting with the headmaster of the Pritan^e, he granted pensions of 200 francs to seven or eight of the most distinguished pupils of the establishment, and he placed three of them in the de- partment of Foreign Afl'airs, under the title of diplomatic pupils.^ What I have just said respecting the First Consul's visit to the Pritande reminds me of a very extraordinary circumstance which arose out of it. Among tlie .pupils at the Pritan^e there was a son of General Miackzinski, who died figliting under the banners of the Republic. Young Miackzinski was then sixteen or seventeen years of age. He soon quitted the college, entered the army as a volunteer, and was one of a corps reviewed by Bona- parte in the plain of Sablons. He was pointed out to the First Consul, who said to him, " I knew your father. Follow his example, and in six months you shall be an officer." Six months elapsed, and Miackzinski wrote tcf the First Consul, reminding him of his promise. No 1 This institution of diplomatic pupils was originally suggested by M. de 'I'allfvraud. 4/.0 MKMOIRS OF NAI'OLKON H( •NArAK'li:. IPOO. answer was returneil, and the younj,' man tlieu wrule a second letter as foUuws : — " Yen »l«^•M;<)N 15(».\A1'AK IK. 1800 tlie specialist iiiitl i-xporl, wliidi in tlicinselves ain often anm.sinj,'. The Abbe maintains that it was tlie ])assionate vuheiuence of liis naturt' and his inipenctmblc dissiniiilation that broke out in tlie furiiMu; illcj^ibility of his writinj,' and con(|n»'n'd the earlier habits of liis pen, whicli still sonielinies reappcanvl in the Kn;,'- lish exercises which he wrote at St. Helena with Las Casas. One of the most remarkable facts is that the chanjic for the bad took j)lace i-ipidly when the Corsican Captain Bonaparte of 1792, " who distinguished himself so much at the siege of Toulon," became the Krench General Bonaparte. Carlyle brought his " French Kevolution " to a close with the " wliilf of grapeshot " on the stei)s of St. Roch on the 13th Vend^miaire (5th October, 17'Jo) ; and it is, curiously enough, from General lionaparte's skilfidly garbled draft report (jf that day, when he really entered on the scene, that M. !Michon first has occasion to demonstrate the complete graphic change. Thenceforward his writing al- tered but little. Comparing the manuscript of the " Memorial de Sainte H61ene" with this draft report, it is evident at a glance that tho General antl the fallen Emperor are one. But the j)rimitive man, Bonaparte, has disappeared in both. Frankness has vanished; letters become confused, lopped, strangely scamped, often replaced by formless scratches which are utterly illegilile. The pen, says the Abbe, seems to swallow the words, which have to be divined. It is a hidden liaiid. This was a natural result, says this biographer, in an arch-conspirator against every- thing, who had above all to rely upon profound dissimulation and absolute impenetrability. Men who can hidd their tongues show this peculiarity in their writing; for the writer is the slave of the thinker. M. Michon has seen many mysterious hands ; but the true Sphinx appears in Xapoleon's alone, from the day when his comprehensive glance showed him the mastery of Europe and he began to combine those plans which aston- ished the world. Fine *' gladiolate " strokes, which sometimes terminate almost every word, indicate that marked finesse which, allied to his powers of concealment, made the complete diplo- matist who sJjows himself in the tortuous, horribly serpentine, almost spiral lines of his writing, which Talleyrand, the king of 1800. CHARACTER IX IIANDWRITIXG. 435 negotiators, never surpassed. These accusing undulations betray his Italian nature, and recall the sinuous gliding of a snake through the grass, or trace darkly the underground, luoleish, diph)iuatic ways. Sometimes they are so sudden as to resemble the doublings of a hare. Napoleon's passicniate nature, to which his microscopic his- torian attributes many of his gigantic mistakes, always acted on first impressions when it broke through the habitual firm calm to which he ever tried to school himself. It is true it gave him tenfold force ; but had his marvellous head always governed, he would have taken the logical course of the situation and become the Washington of France. This might}' struggle of the head with the heart shaped the whole of his fateful history, and is shown to this student of his writing by the constant mixture of upright with sloping letters. In intimate connection with this sign is the extreme variability of the height of the letters, which indicates great mobility of impressions. "This soul of lire was volatile as a flame." The faculty of thought was in continual fermentation. The imagination soars with the long stroke of a d. But the volcanic portion of his character would have been controlled had it not been for a partial organic lesion of the brain, which is the true key to the great dissonance of his acts. He him.self said (l)ut it was at St. Helena), "he goes mad who sleeps in a bed of kings;" and it was this cerebral aberration which, combining with his headstrong passion, led him constantly to declare war within twenty-four hours against the first comer; to divorce a wife he loved ; to propose a kingdom of Hayti to Louis XVIII.; or to take a million of men into the steppes of Russia. Cliateaubiiand said of the Napoleonic ideas, " systenie d'un fou ou d'un enfant ; " but the mental derangement was made plainer to the Abbe by the apparently unconscious leaps and bounds of the imperial ]ien, and especially by the strange abnor- mal form and excessive development nf the letter/) in Napoleon's writing. The historian maintains that the writing of all the partiall}' deranged which he has examined exhibits some similar terrible sign, which he calls "la petite bete." This " sign " gen- 436 MK.MolKS OF NAI'OI.KON 15()NA1'AKTK. 1800. ftnilly consifeits of a iitTvoiis, disordcrrd, unusual stinko, which falls fiitiill}' and spoiitant'onsly rmm the ]>cii. I'ascal, wliose iiun<;i)uitiiin was so out of >^onr tliat he always saw an ahyss yawnini,' at his sidf, antl whose writinj^ in his later years Napo- leon's most rt'senihh's, used an extravagant ami acriising g. The clearheadedness and precision of the (Ii-neral, whose wliole art of war culminated in heing the 8tron<,'ost at a particu- lar ]>oint,* is shown by his often usinji a fresh ]iaraf,'raph for a fresh idea, and in the profusion of space and li.^lit between the lines, the words, and often between the letters of his earlier hamlwritinp:. Hut the intuition, the eagle eye which enabled him always to seize this point of concentration, is manifested by the frequent sej)aration of the letters in his words. Like Maza- rin, too, he runs several words together : a mark of the deduc- tive logician, of the positive, ]»ractical man who tends rapidly and directly towarlan of placing himself at the head of the army of Italy, which he then for the first time called the grand army. I observed that by his choice of Berthier nobody could be deceived, because it must be evident that he would have made another selection had he not in- tended to command in person. He laughed at my observation. Our departure from Paris was fixed for the 6th of ]\Iav, or, according to the repulilican calendar, the 16th Flordal. Bonaparte had made all his arrangements and issued all his orders ; but still he did not wish it to be known that he was going to take the command of the army. On the eve of our departure, being in conference with the two other Consuls and the Ministers, he said to Lucien, "Pre- pare, to-morrow morning, a circular to the prefects, and you, Fouch^, will publish it in the journals. Say I am gone to Dijon to inspect the army of reserve. You may add that I shall perhaps go as far as Geneva ; but you must affirm positively that T shall not be absent longer than a fortnight. You, Cambacer^s, will preside to-mor- row at the Council of State. In my absence you are the 448 MKM ^1 lH5*l ih University of California Library Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ?-'- =^ o ^fjfi?% 4ji 8 ^ii^ \WEUNIVER% A>:lOSANCfUr>. 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