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 HISTOBY OF THE FBENCH EEVOLUTION.
 
 

 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION, 
 
 FROM 1T89 TO 1811. 
 
 BY F. A> MIGNET, 
 
 MEMBEB OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRA.NCE, ETC. 
 
 LONDON: 
 HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 
 
 MDCCCLTI.
 
 LONDON: 
 
 SATILL AND BDWABDS, PBINTBBS, 
 CHAXDOS STREET.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. . 
 
 Character of tbe French revolution Its results, its progress Successive 
 forms of the monarchy Louis XIV. and Louis XV. State of men 8 
 minds, of the finances, of the public power and the public wants, at the 
 accession of Louis XVI. His character Maurepas, prime minister- 
 His policy Chooses popular and reforming ministers His object 
 Turgot, Malesherbes, Necker Their plans Opposed by the court and 
 the privileged classes Their failure Death of Maurepas Influence of 
 the Queen, Marie-Antoinette Popular ministers are succeeded by court 
 ministers Calonne and his system Brienne, his character and at- 
 tempts Distressed state of the finances Opposition of the assembly of 
 the notables, of the parliament, and provinces Dismissal of Brienne- - 
 Second administration of Necker Convocation of the states-general 
 Immediate causes of the revolution . . p. 1 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 From the 5th of May, 1798, to the night of the kth of August. 
 
 Opening of the states-general Opinion of the court, of the ministry, and 
 of the various bodies of the kingdom respecting the states Verification 
 of powers Question of vote by order or by poll The order of the 
 commons forms itself into a national assembly The court causes the 
 Hall of the states to be closed Oath of the Tennis-court The majority 
 of the order of the clergy unites itself with the commons Royal sittings 
 of the 23rd of June Its inutility Project of the court Events of the 
 12th, 13th, and 14th of July Dismissal of Necker Insurrection of 
 Paris Formation of the national guard Siege and taking of the Bastille 
 Consequences of the 14th of July Decrees of the night of the 4th 
 of August Character of the revolution which had just been brought 
 about p. 21
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 From tlie night of the 4</i of August to the 5th and 6th of October, 1789. 
 
 State of the constituent assembly Party of the high clergy and nobility 
 Maury and Cazales Party of the ministry and of the two chambers : 
 Mounier, Lally-Tollendal Popular party: triumvirate of Barnave, 
 Duport, and Lameth Its position Influence of Sieves Mirabeau. 
 chief of the assembly at that period Opinion to be formed of the Or- 
 leans party Constitutional labours Declaration of rights Perma- 
 nency and unity of the legislative bod}- Royal sanction External agi- 
 tation caused by it Project of the court Banquet of the gardes-du- 
 corps Insurrection of the 5th and 6th October The king comes to 
 reside at Paris p. 55 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 From the 6th of October, 1789, to the death of Mirabeau, April, 1791. 
 
 Results of the events of October Alteration of the provinces into depart- 
 ments Organization of the administrative and municipal authorities 
 according to the system of popular sovereignty and election Finances ; 
 all the means employed are insufficient Property of the clergy declared 
 national The sale of the property of the clergy leads to assignats 
 Civil constitution of the clergy Religious opposition of the bishops 
 Anniversary of the 14th of July Abolition of titles Confederation of 
 the Champ de Mars New organization of the army Opposition of the 
 officers Schism respecting the civil constitution of the clergy Clubs 
 Death of Mirabeau During the whole of this period the separation of 
 parties becomes more decided p. 73 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 From April, 1791, to the 30th September, the term of the Constituent 
 Assembly. 
 
 Political state of Europe before the French revolution System of alliance 
 observed by different states General coalition against the revolution 
 Motives of each power Conference of Mantua, and circular of Pavia 
 Flight to Varennes Arrest of the king His suspension The repub- 
 lican party separate, for the first time, from the party of the constitu- 
 tional monarchy The latter re-establishes the king Declaration of 
 Pilnitz The king accepts the constitution End of the constituent 
 assembly Opinion of Jt p. 98
 
 CONTENTS. vii 
 
 THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 From the 1st of October, 1791, to the 21st of September, 1792. 
 
 Early relations between the legislative assembly and the king State of 
 parties : the Feuillants rely on the middle classes, the Girondins on the 
 people Emigration and the dissentient clergy; decree against them; 
 the king's veto Declarations of war Girondin ministry ; Dumouriez, 
 Eoland Declaration of war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia 
 Disasters of our armies ; decree for a camp of reserve for twenty 
 thousand men at Paris ; decree of banishment against the nonjuring 
 priests ; veto of the king ; fall of the Girondin ministry Petition of 
 insurgents of the 20th of June to secure the passing of the decrees and 
 the recal of the ministers Last efforts of the constitutional party 
 Manifesto of the duke of Brunswick Events of the 10th of August 
 Military insurrection of Lafayette against the authors of the events of 
 the 10th of August ; it fails Division of the assembly and the new 
 commune; Dauton Invasion of the Prussians Massacres of the 
 2nd of September Campaign of the Argone Causes of the events 
 under the legislative assembly- p. 113 
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 From the 20th of September, 1792, to the 21s* of January, 1793. 
 
 First measures of the Convention Its composition Rivalry of the Gironde 
 and of the Mountain Strength and views of the two parties Robe- 
 spierre : the Girondists accuse him of aspiring to the dictatorship 
 Marat Fresh accusation of Robespierre by Louvet ; Robespierre's de- 
 fence ; the Convention passes to the order of the day The Mountain, 
 victorious iu this struggle, demand the trial of Louis XVI. Opinions 
 of parties on this subject The Convention decides that Louis XVI. 
 shall be tried, and by itself Louis XVI. at the Temple ; his replies be- 
 fore the Convention ; his defence ; his condemnation ; courage and 
 serenity of his last moments What he was, and what he was net. as a 
 king p. 167 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 From the 21st of January., 1793, to the 2nd of June. 
 
 Political and military situation of France England, Holland, Spain, Naples, 
 and all the circles of the Empire fall in with the coalition Dumonriez, 
 after having conquered Belgium, attempts an expedition into Holland
 
 V11J CONTENTS. 
 
 He wishes to re-establish constitutional monarchy Reverses of om 
 armies Struggle between the Gironde and the Mountain Conspiracy 
 of the 10th of March Insurrection of La Vendee ; its progress De- 
 fection of Dumouriez The Gironde accused of being his accomplices 
 New conspiracies against them Establishment of the Commission of 
 twelve to frustrate the conspirators Insurrections of the 27th and 31st 
 of May against the Commission of twelve ; its suppression Insurrec- 
 tion of the 2nd of June against the two-and-twenty leading Girondists ; 
 their arrest Total defeat of that party p. 191 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 From the 2nd of June, 1793, to April, 1794. 
 
 Insurrection of the departments against the 31st of May Protracted re- 
 verses on the frontiers Progress of the Vendeans The Mountaineers 
 decree the constitution of 1793, and immediately suspend it to maintain 
 and strengthen the revolutionary government Levy en masse; law 
 against suspected persons Victories of the Mountaineers in the in- 
 terior, and on the frontiers Death of the queen, of the twenty-two 
 Girondists, &c. Committee of public safety ; its power ; its members 
 Republican calendar The conquerors of the 31st of May separate 
 The ultra-revolutionary faction of the commune, or the Hebertists, 
 abolish the Catholic religion, and establish the worship of Reason ; its 
 struggle with the committee of public safety ; its defeat The moderate 
 faction of the Mountaineers, or the Dantonists, wish to destroy the 
 revolutionary dictatorship, and to establish the legal government ; their 
 fall The committee of the public welfare remains alone, and tri- 
 umphant ... p. 217 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 From the death of Danton, April, 1794, to the 9th Thermidor, 
 (Kith July, 1794.) 
 
 Increase of terror; its cause System of the democrats ; Saint- Just Robes- 
 pierre's power Festival of the Supreme Being Couthon presents the 
 law of the 22nd Prairial, which reorganizes the revolutionary tribunal ; 
 disturbances; debates; final obedience of the convention The active 
 members of the committee have a division Robespierre, Saint-Just, and 
 Couthon on one side ; Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, and 
 the members of the committee of general safety on the other Conduct 
 of Robespierre He absents himself from the committee, and rests on 
 the Jacobins and the commune On the 8th of Thermidor he demands 
 the renewal of the committees ; the motion is rejected Sitting of the 
 9th Thermidor ; Saint Just denounces the committees ; is interrupted by 
 Tallien; Billaud-Varennes violently attacks Robespierre; general in- 
 dignation of the convention against the triumvirate ; they are arrested 
 The commune rises and liberates the prisoners Peril and courage of 
 the convention; it outlaws the insurgents The sections declare for 
 the convention Defeat and execution of Robespierre ... p. 247
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEK X. 
 
 from the \)th Thermidor to the 4</t Brumaire, year IV, (26th October, 
 1795), the close of the Convention. 
 
 The convention, after the fall of Robespierre ; party of the committees , 
 Thermidoriau party ; their constitution and object Decay of the demo- 
 cratic party of the committees Impeachment of Lebon and Carrier 
 otate of Paris The Jacobins and the Faubourgs declare for the old 
 committees ; the jeunesse doree, and the sections for the Thennidonianf 
 Impeachment of Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, an<f 
 Vadier Movement of Germinal Transportation of the accused, and 
 of a few of the Mountain, their partisans Insurrection of the 1st Prairial 
 Defeat of the democratic party ; disarming of the Faubourgs The 
 lower class is excluded from the government, deprived of the constitution 
 of '93, and loses its material power p. 273 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 From the 20th of May, 1795, to the 26th of October, the close of the 
 Convention. 
 
 Campaign of 1793 and 1794 Disposition of the armies on hearing the 
 news of the 9th Thermidor Conquest of Holland; position on the 
 Rhine Peace of Bale with Prussia Peace with Spain Descent upon 
 Quiberon The reaction ceases to be conventional, and becomes royalist 
 Massacre of the revolutionists in the south Directorial constitution 
 of the year III. Decrees of Fructidor, which require the re-election of 
 two-thirds of the convention Irritation of the sectionary royalist party 
 It becomes insurgent The 13th of Vendemiaire Appointment of the 
 councils and of the directory Close of the convention ; its duration 
 and character p. 294 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 From the installation of the Directory, on the 27th October, 1795, to the 
 Coup <TEtat of the l&th Fructidor, year V. (3rd August, 1797.) 
 
 Review of the revolution Its second character of reorganization ; transition 
 from public to private life The five directors ; their labours for the in 
 terior Pacification of La Vendee Conspiracy of Baboeuf ; final defea 
 of the democratic party Plan of campaign against Austria ; conquest o " 
 Ituly by general Bonaparte ; treaty of Campo-Formio ; the French re 
 Dublic is acknowledged, with its acquisitions, and its connexion with th
 
 X CONTENTS. 
 
 Batavian, Lombard, and Ligurian republics, which prolonged its system 
 in Europe Royalist elections in the year V. ; they alter the position of 
 the republic New contest between the counter-revolutionary party in 
 the councils, in the club of Clichy, in the salons, and the conventional 
 party, in the directory, the club of Salm, and the army Coup d'etat of 
 the 18th Fructidor; the Vendemiaire party again defeated . p. 313 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 From the 5th September, 1797, to the 9th of November, 1799. 
 
 By the 18th Fructidor the directory returns, with slight mitigation, to the 
 revolutionary government General peace, except with England Re- 
 turn of Bonaparte to Paris Expedition into Egypt Democratic elec- 
 tions for the year VI. The directory annuls them on the 22nd 
 Floreal Second coalition ; Russia, Austria, and England attack the re- 
 public through Italy, Switzerland, and Holland ; general defeats De- 
 mocratic elections for the year VII. ; on the 30th Prairial the councils 
 get the upper hand, and disorganize the old directory Two parties in 
 the new directory, and in the councils ; the moderate republican party 
 under Sieves, Roger-Ducos, and the ancients ; the extreme republican 
 party under Moulins, Golier, the Five Hundred, and the Society of the 
 Manege Various projects Victories of Massena, in Switzerland ; of 
 Bruuue, in Holland Bonaparte returns from Egypt ; comes to an un- 
 derstanding with Sieyes and his party The 18th and 19th Brumaire 
 End of the directorial system , p. 340 
 
 THE CONSULATE. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 From the 10th of November, 1799, to the 2nd of December, 1804. 
 
 Slopes entertained by the various parties, after the 18th Brumaire Pro- 
 visional government Constitution of Sieyes; distorted into the con- 
 sular constitution of the year VIII. Formation of the government; 
 pacific designs of Bonaparte Campaign of Italy ; victory of Marengo 
 General peace : on the continent, by the treaty of Luueville with Eng- 
 land ; by the treaty of Amiens Fusion of parties ; internal prosperity 
 of France Ambitious system of the First Consul; re-establishes the 
 clergy in the state, by the Concordat of 1802 ; he creates a military 
 order of knighthood, by means of the Legion of Honour ; he completes 
 this order of things by the consulate for life Resumption of hostilities 
 with England Conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru The war and 
 royalist attempts form a pretext for the erection of the empire Napo- 
 leon Bonaparte appointed hereditary emperor ; is crowned l>y the pope 
 on the 2nd of December, 1804, in the church of Notre Dame Succes- 
 sive abandonment of the revolution Progress of absolute power during 
 the four years of the consulate ........ p. 360
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 From the establishment of the Empire, 1804 18J4. 
 
 Character of the empire Change of the republics created by the directory 
 into kingdoms Third coalition ; taking of Vienna ; victories of Ulm 
 and Austerlitz ; peace of Presburg; erection of the two kingdoms of 
 Bavaria and Wurtemberg against Austria Confederation of the Rhine 
 Joseph Napoleon appointed king of Na'ples ; Louis Napoleon, king of 
 Holland Fourth coalition ; battle of Jena ; taking of Berlin ; victories 
 of Eylau and Friedland ; peace of Tilsit ; the Prussian monarchy is re- 
 duced by one half; the kingdoms of Saxony and Westphalia are insti- 
 tuted against it ; that of Westphalia given to Jerome Napoleon The 
 grand empire rises with its secondary kingdoms, its confederation of 
 the Rhine, its Swiss mediation, its great fiefs ; it is modelled on that 
 of Charlemagne Blockade of the continent Napoleon employs the 
 cessation of commerce to reduce England, as he had employed arms to 
 subdue the continent Invasion of Spain and Portugal ; Joseph Na- 
 poleon appointed to the throne of Spain; Murat replaces him on the 
 throne of Naples New order of events : national insurrection of the 
 peninsula ; religious contest with the pope Commercial opposition of 
 Holland Fifth coalition Victory of Wagram ; peace of Vienna ; 
 marriage of Napoleon with the archduchess Marie Louise Failure of 
 the attempt at resistance ; the pope is dethroned ; Holland is again united 
 to the empire, and the war in Spain prosecuted with rigour Russia re- 
 nounces the continental system ; campaign of 1812 ; taking of Moscow ; 
 disastrous retreat Reaction against the power of Napoleon ; campaign 
 of 1813; general defection Coalition of all Europe; exhaustion of 
 France ; marvellous campaign of 1814 The allied powers at Paris ; 
 abdication at Fontainbleau ; character of Napoleon; his part in the 
 French revolution Conclusion p. 384
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 
 
 FROM 1789 TO 1814. 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Character of the French revolution Its results, its progress Successive 
 forms of the monarchy -Louis XIV. and Louis XV. State of men's 
 minds, of the finances, of the public power and the public wants, at the 
 accession of Louis XVI. His character Maurepas, prime minister 
 His policy Chooses popular and reforming ministers His object 
 Turgot, Malesherbes, Necker Their plans Opposed by the court and 
 the privileged classes Their failure Death of Maurepas Influence of 
 the Queen, Marie-Antoinette Popular ministers are succeeded by court 
 ministers Calonne and his system Brienne, his character and at- 
 tempts Distressed state of the finances Opposition of the assembly of 
 the notables, of the parliament, and provinces Dismissal of Brienne 
 Second administration of Necker Convocation of the states -general 
 Immediate causes of the revolution. 
 
 I AM about to take a rapid review of che history of the 
 French revolution, which began the era of new societies in 
 Europe, as the English revolution had begun the era of new 
 governments. This revolution not only modified the poli- 
 tical power, but it entirely changed the internal existence of 
 the nation. The forms of the society of the middle ages 
 still remained. The land was divided into hostile provinces, 
 the population into rival classes. The nobility had lost all 
 their powers, but still retained all their distinctions : ttfe
 
 2 BISTORT OP 
 
 people had no rignts, royalty no limits; France was in an 
 utter confusion of arbitrary administration, of class legisla- 
 tion and special privileges to special bodies. For these abuses 
 the revolution substituted a system more conformable with 
 justice, and better suited to our times. It substituted law in 
 the place of arbitrary will, equality in that of privilege; de- 
 livered men from the distinctions of classes, the land from the 
 barriers of provinces, trade from the shackles of corpora- 
 tions and fellowships, agriculture from feudal subjection and 
 the oppression of tithes, property from the impediment of 
 entails, and brought everything to the condition of one state, 
 one system of law, one people. 
 
 In order to effect such mighty reformation as this, the 
 revolution had many obstacles to overcome, involving tran- 
 sient excesses with durable benefits. The privileged sought 
 to prevent it; Europe to subject it; and thus forced into a 
 struggle, it could not set bounds to its efforts, or moderate its 
 victory. Resistance from within brought about the sove- 
 reignty of the multitude, and aggression from without, mi- 
 litary domination. Yet the end was attained, in spite of 
 anarchy and in spite of despotism: the old society was de- 
 stroyed during the revolution, and the new one became esta- 
 blished under the empire. 
 
 When a reform has become necessary, and the moment for 
 accomplishing it has arrived, nothing can prevent it, every- 
 thing furthers it. Happy were it for men, could they then 
 come to an understanding; would the rich resign their 
 superfluity, and the poor content themselves with achiev- 
 ing what, they really needed, revolutions would then be 
 quietly effected, and the historian would have no excesses, 
 no calamities to record; he would merely have to display 
 the transition of humanity to a wiser, freer, and happier 
 condition. But the annals of nations have not as yet pre- 
 sented any instance of such prudent sacrifices; these who 
 should have made them have refused to do so; those who 
 required them have forcibly compelled them; and good has 
 been brought about, like evil, by the medium and with all the 
 violence of usurpation. As yet there has been no sovereign 
 but force. 
 
 In reviewing the history of the important period extend- 
 ing from the opening of the states-general to 1814, I propose
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 3 
 
 to explain the various crises of the revolution, while I describe 
 their progress. It will thus be seen through whose funk, 
 after commencing under such happy auspices, it so fearfully- 
 degenerated; in what way it changed France into a republic, 
 and how upon the ruins of the republic it raised the empire 
 These various phases were almost inevitable, so irresistible 
 was the power of the events which produced them. It would 
 perhaps be rash to affirm that by no possibility could the face 
 of things have been otherwise; but it is certain that the revo- 
 lution, taking its rise from such causes, and employing and 
 arousing such passions, naturally took that course, and ended 
 in that result. Before we enter upon its history, let us see 
 what led to the convocation of the states-general, which them- 
 selves brought on all that followed. In retracing the preli- 
 minary causes of the revolution, I hope to show that it was as 
 impossible to avoid as to guide it. 
 
 From its establishment the French monarchy had had no 
 settled form, no fixed and recognised public right. Under 
 the first races the crown was elective, the nation sovereign, 
 and the king a mere military chief, depending on the common 
 voice for all decisions to be made, and all the enterprises to 
 be undertaken. The nation elected its chief, exercised the 
 legislative power in the Champs de Mars under the presi- 
 dentship of the king, and the judicial power in the courts 
 under the direction of one of his officers. Under the feudal 
 regime, this royal democracy gave way to a royal aris- 
 tocracy. Absolute power ascended higher, the nobles stripped 
 the people of it, as the prince afterwards despoiled the nobles. 
 At- this period the monarch had become hereditary; not as 
 king, but as individually possessor of a fief; the legislative 
 authority over their vast territories belonged to the seigneurs, 
 or in the barons' parliaments; and the judicial authority to the 
 vassals in the manorial courts. In a word, power had become 
 more and more concentrated, and as it had passed from the 
 many to the few, it came at last from the few to be invested in 
 one alone. During centuries of continuous efforts, the kings 
 of 'France were battering down the feudal edifice, and at length 
 they established themselves on its ruins, having step by step 
 usurped the fiefs, subdued the vassals, suppressed the parlia- 
 ments of barons, annulled or subjected the manorial courts, 
 assumed the legislative power, and effected that judicial 
 
 B 2
 
 4 HISTORY OF 
 
 authority should be exercised in their name and on their 
 behalf, in parliaments of legists. 
 
 The states-general, which they convoked on pressing oc- 
 casions, for the purpose of obtaining subsidies, and which 
 were composed of the three orders of the nation, the clergy, 
 the nobility, and the third estate or commons, had no regular 
 existence. Originated while the royal prerogative was in 
 progress, they were at first controlled, and finally suppressed 
 by it. The strongest and most determined opposition the 
 kings had to encounter in their projects of aggrandizement, 
 proceeded much less from these assemblies, which they 
 authorized or annulled at pleasure, than from the nobles vin- 
 dicating against them, first their sovereignty, and then their 
 political importance. From Philip Augustus to Louis XI. 
 the object of all their efforts was to preserve their own 
 power; from Louis XI. to Louis XIV. to become the minis- 
 ters of that of royalty. The Fronde was the last campaign 
 of the aristocracy. Under Louis XIV. absolute monarchy 
 definitively established itself, and dominated without dispute. 
 
 The government of France, from Louis XIV. to the re- 
 volution, was still more arbitrary than despotic; for the mo- 
 narchs had much more power than they exercised. The 
 barriers that opposed the encroachments of this immense 
 authority were exceedingly feeble. The crown disputed of 
 persons by lettres de cachet, of property by confiscation, of 
 the public revenue by imposts. Certain bodies, it is true, 
 possessed means of defence, which were termed privileges, 
 but these privileges were rarely respected. The parliament 
 had that of ratifying or of refusing an impost, but the 
 king could compel its assent, by a lit de justice, and punish 
 its members by exile. The nobility were exempt from tax- 
 ation; the clergy were, entitled to the privilege of taxing them- 
 selves, in the form of free gifts; some provinces enjoyed the 
 right of compounding the taxes, and others made the assessment 
 themselves. Such were the trifling liberties of France, and 
 even these all turned to the benefit of the privileged classes, 
 and to the detriment of the people. 
 
 And this France, so enslaved, was moreover miserably 
 organized; the excesses of power were still less endurable 
 than their unjust distribution. The nation, divided into 
 thvee orders, which subdivided themselves into several classes,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 5 
 
 was a prey to all the attacks of despotism, and all the evils 
 of inequality. The nobility were subdivided: into courtiers, 
 living on the favours of the prince, that is to say, on the labour 
 of the people, and whose aim was governorships of provinces, 
 or elevated ranks in the ai-my; ennobled parvenus, who con- 
 ducted the interior administration, and whose object was 
 to obtain comptrollerships, and to make the most of their 
 place while they held- it, by jobbing of every description; 
 legists who administered justice, and were alone competent 
 to perform its functions; and landed proprietors who op- 
 pressed the country by the exercise of those feudal rights 
 which still survived. The clergy were divided into two 
 classes: the one destined for the bishoprics and abbeys, and 
 their rich revenues; the other for the apostolic function and 
 its poverty. The third estate, ground down by the court, 
 humiliated by the nobility, was itself divided into corpora- 
 tions, which, in their turn, exercised upon each other the 
 evil and the contempt they received from the higher classes. 
 It possessed scarcely a third part of the land, and this was 
 burthcned with the feudal rents due to the lords of the 
 manor, tithes to the clergy, and taxes to the king. In com- 
 pensation for all these sacrifices it enjoyed no political right, 
 Lad no share in the administration, and was admitted to no 
 public employment. 
 
 Louis XIV. wore out the main-spring of absolute mo- 
 narchy by too protracted tension and too violent use. Fond 
 of sway, rendered irritable by the vexations of his youth, he 
 quelled all resistance, forbad every kind of opposition, that 
 of the aristocracy which manifested itself in revolt, that of 
 the parliaments displayed by remonstrance, that of the' 
 protestants, whose form was a liberty of conscience which the 
 church deemed heretical, and royalty factious. Louis XIV. 
 subdued the nobles by summoning them to his court, where 
 favours and pleasures were the compensation for their de- 
 pendence. Parliament, till then the instrument of the crown, 
 attempted to become its counterbalance, and the prince 
 haughtily imposed upon it a silence and submission of sixty 
 years' duration. At length, the revocation of the edict of 
 Nantes completed this work of despotism. An arbitrary- 
 government not only will not endure resistance, but it de- 
 mands that its subjects shall approve and imitate it. After
 
 6 HISTORY OF 
 
 having subjected the actions of men, it persecutes con- 
 science; needing to be ever in motion, it seeks victims- 
 when they do not fall in its way. The immense power oi 
 Louis XIY. was exercised, internally, against the heretics;, 
 externally, against all Europe. Oppression found ambitious- 
 men to counsel it, dragoons to serve, and success to encourage 
 it; the wounds of France were hidden by laurels, her groans 
 were drowned in songs of victory. But at last the men ot 
 genius died, the victories ceased, industry emigrated, money 
 disappeared; and the fact became evident, that the veiy suc- 
 cesses of despotism exhaust its resources, and consume its 
 future ere that future has arrived. 
 
 The death of Louis XIV. was the signal for a reac- 
 tion; there was a sudden transition from intolerance to 
 incredulity, from the spirit of obedience to that of discussion. 
 Under the regency, the third estate acquired in importance, 
 by their increasing wealth and intelligence, all that the nobi- 
 lity lost in consideration, and the clergy in influence. Under 
 Louis XV., the court prosecuted ruinous wars attended with 
 little glory, and engaged in a silent struggle with opinion, in 
 an open one with the parliament. Anarchy crept into its 
 bosom, the government fell into the hands of royal mistresses, 
 power was completely on the decline, and the opposition 
 daily made fresh progress. 
 
 The parliaments had undergone a change of position and 
 of system. Royalty had invested them with a power which 
 they now turned against it. No sooner had the ruin of the 
 aristocracy been accomplished by the combined efforts of the 
 parliament and of royalty, than the conquerors quarrelled, 
 according to the common practice of allies after a victory. 
 Royalty sought to destroy an instrument that became dan- 
 gerous when it ceased to be useful, and the parliament sought 
 to govern royalty. This struggle, favourable to the monarch 
 under Louis XIV., of mixed reverses and success under 
 Louis XV., only ceased with the revolution. The parlia- 
 ment, from its very nature, was only called upon to serve as 
 an instrument. The exercise of its prerogative, and its 
 ambition as a body, leading it to oppose itself to the strong 
 and support the weak, it served by turns the crown against 
 the aristocracy and the nation against the crown. It was 
 this that made it so popular under Louis XV. and Louis.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 7 
 
 XVI., although it only attacked the court from a spirit of 
 rivalry. Opinion, without inquiring into its motives, applauded 
 not its ambition but its resistance, and supported it because 
 defended by it. Rendered daring by such encouragement, 
 it became formidable to authority. After annulling the will 
 of the most imperious and best-obeyed of monarchs; after 
 protesting against theseven years' war; after obtaining the con- 
 trol of financial operations and the destruction of the Jesuits, 
 its resistance became so constant and energetic, that the 
 court, meeting with it in every direction, saw the necessity 
 of either submitting to or subjecting it. It accordingly car- 
 ried into execution the plan of disorganization proposed by 
 the chancellor Maupeou. This daring man, who, to employ 
 his own expression, had offered retirer la couronne du greffe, 
 replaced this hostile parliament by one devoted to power, and 
 subjected to a similar operation the entire magistracy of France, 
 who were following the example of that of Paris. 
 
 But the time had passed for coups <?etat. The current 
 had set in against arbitrary rule so decidedly that the king 
 resorted to it with doubt and hesitation, and even encoun- 
 tered the disapprobation of his court. A new power had 
 arisen that of opinion; which, though not recognised, was 
 not the less influential, and whose decrees were beginning to 
 assume sovereign authority. The nation, hitherto a non- 
 entity, gradually asserted its rights, and without sharing 
 power influenced it. Such is the course of all rising powers; 
 they watch over it from without, before they are admitted 
 into the government; then, from the right of control they pass 
 to that of co-operation. The epoch at which the third estate 
 was to share the sway had at last arrived. It had at former 
 periods attempted to effect this, but in vain, because its 
 efforts were premature. It was then but just emancipated, 
 and possessed not that which establishes superiority, and 
 leads to the acquisition of power; for right is only ob- 
 tained by might. Accordingly, in insurrections as in the 
 states-general, it had held but the third rank; everything 
 was done with its aid, but nothing for it. In times of feudal 
 tyranny, it had served the kings against the nobles; when 
 ministerial and fiscal despotism prevailed, it assisted the 
 nobles against the kings; but, in the first instance, it was 
 nothing more than the servant of the crown; in the second,
 
 8 HISTORY OF 
 
 than that of the aristocracy. The struggle took place in a 
 ephere, and on the part of interests, with which it was 
 reputed to have no connexion. When the nobles were defi- 
 nitively beaten in the time of the Fronde, it laid down its 
 arms; a clear proof how secondary was the part it had played. 
 
 At length, after a century of absolute submission, it re- 
 appeared in the arena, but on its own account. The past 
 cannot be recalled; and it was not more possible for the 
 nobles to rise from their defeat than it would now be for 
 absolute monarchy to regain its position. The court was to 
 have another antagonist, for it must always have one, power 
 never being without a candidate. The third estate, which 
 increased daily in strength, wealth, intelligence, and union, 
 was destined to combat and to displace it. The parliament 
 did not constitute a class, but a body; and in this new con- 
 test, while able to aid in the displacement of authority, it 
 could not secure it for itself. 
 
 The court had favoured the progress of the third estate, 
 and had contributed to the development of one of its 
 chief means of advancement, its intelligence. The most 
 absolute of monarchs aided the movement of mind, and, 
 without intending it, created public opinion. By encourag- 
 ing praise, he prepared the way for blame; for we cannot 
 invite an examination in our favour, without undergoing 
 one afterwards to our prejudice. When the songs of tri- 
 umph, and gratulation, and adulation were exhausted, 
 accusation began, and the philosophers of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury succeeded to the litterateurs of the seventeenth. Every- 
 thing became the object of their researches and reflections; 
 governments, religion, abuses, laws. They proclaimed rights, 
 laid bare men's wants, denounced injustice. A strong and 
 enlightened public opinion was formed, whose attacks the 
 government underwent without venturing to attempt its sup- 
 pression. It even converted those whom it attacked; cour- 
 tiers submitted to its decisions from fashion's sake, powei 
 from necessity, and the age of reform was ushered in by the 
 age of philosophy, as the latter had been by the age of the 
 fine arts. 
 
 Such was the condition of France, when Louis XVI. 
 ascended the throne on the llth of May, 1774. Finances, 
 whose deficiencies neither the restorative ministry of cardinal
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 9 
 
 dc Fleuri, nor the bankrupt ministry of the abbe" Terray had 
 been able to make good, authority disregarded, intractable 
 parliaments, an imperious public opinion; such were the diffi- 
 culties which the new reign inherited from its predecessors. 
 Of all princes, Louis XVI., by his tendencies and his virtues, 
 was best suited to his epoch. The people were weary of 
 arbitrary rule, and he was disposed to renounce its exercise; 
 they were exasperated with the burthensome dissoluteness of 
 the court of Louis XV. ; the morals of the new king were 
 pure and his wants few; they demanded reforms that had 
 become indispensable, and he appreciated the public want, 
 and made it his glory to satisfy it. But it was as difficult 
 to effect good as to continue evil; for it was necessary to have 
 sufficient strength either to make the privileged classes submit 
 to reform, or the nation to abuses; and Louis XVI. was nei- 
 ther a regenerator nor a despot. He was deficient in that 
 sovereign will which alone accomplishes great changes in 
 states, and which is as essential to monarchs who wish to limit 
 their power as to those who seek to aggrandize it. Louis XVI. 
 possessed a sound mind, a good and upright heart, but he was 
 without energy of character and perseverance in action. His 
 projects of amelioration met with obstacles which he had not 
 foreseen, and which he knew not how to overcome. He 
 accordingly fell beneath his efforts to favour reform, as an- 
 other would have fallen in his attempt to prevent it. Up to 
 the meeting of the states-general, his reign was one long and 
 fruitless endeavour at amelioration. 
 
 In choosing, on his accession to the throne, Maurepas as 
 prime minister, Louis XVI. eminently contributed to the 
 irresolute character of his reign. Young, deeply sensible of 
 his duties and of his own insufficiency, he had recourse to the 
 experience of an old man of seventy-three, who had lost the 
 favour of Louis XV. by his opposition to the mistresses of 
 that monarch. In him the king found not a statesman, but 
 a mere courtier, whose fatal influence extended over the whole 
 course of his reign. Maurepas had little heed to the welfare 
 of France, or the glory of his master; his sole care was to 
 remain in favour. Residing in the palace at Versailles, in an 
 apartment communicating with that of the king, and pre- 
 siding over the council, he rendered the mind of Louis XVI. 
 uncertain, his character irresolute; he accustomed him to half-
 
 10 HISTORY OF 
 
 measures, to changes of system, to all the inconsistencies of 
 power, and especially to the necessity of doing everything by 
 others, and nothing of himself. Maurepas had the choice of 
 the ministers, and these cultivated his good graces as assidu- 
 ously as he the king's. Fearful of endangering his position, he 
 kept out of the ministry men of powerful connexions, and 
 appointed rising men, who required his support for their own 
 protection, and to effect their reforms. He successively called 
 Turgot, Malesherbes, and Necker, to the direction of affairs, 
 who undertook to effect ameliorations each in that department 
 of the government which had been the immediate object of his 
 studies. 
 
 Malesherbes, descended from a family in the law, inherited 
 parliamentary virtues, and not parliamentary prejudices. To 
 an independent mind, he united a noble heart. He wished 
 to give to every man his rights; to the accused, the po\ver of 
 being defended; to protestants, liberty of conscience; to 
 authors, the liberty of the press; to every Frenchman, per- 
 sonal freedom; and he proposed the abolition of the torture, the 
 re-establishment of the edict of Nantes, and the suppression 
 of lettres de cachet and of the censure. Turgot, of a vigorous 
 and comprehensive mind, and an extraordinary firmness and 
 strength of character, attempted to realize still more exten- 
 sive projects. He joined Malesherbes, in order, with his 
 assistance, to complete the establishment of a system which 
 was to bring back unity to the government and equality to the 
 country. This virtuous citizen constantly occupied himself 
 with the amelioration of the condition of the people; he 
 undertook, alone, what the revolution accomplished at a later 
 period, the suppression of servitude and privilege. He pro 
 posed to enfranchise the rural districts from statute labour, 
 provinces from their barriers, commerce from internal duties, 
 trade from its shackles, and lastly, to make the nobility and 
 clergy contribute to the taxes in the same proportion as the 
 third estate. This great minister, of whom Malesherbes said, 
 " he has the head of Bacon and the heart of 1'Hopital/' wished 
 by means of provincial assemblies to accustom the nation to 
 public life, and prepare it for the restoration of the states- 
 general. He would have effected the revolution by ordinances, 
 had he been able to stand. But under the system of special 
 privileges and general servitude, all projects for the public
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 11 
 
 good were impracticable. Turgot dissatisfied the courtiers 
 by his ameliorations, displeased the parliament by the aboli- 
 tion of statute labour, wardenships, and internal duties, and 
 alarmed the old minister by the ascendancy which his virtue 
 gave him over Louis XVI. The prince forsook him, though 
 at the same time observing that Turgot and himself were 
 the only persons who desired the welfare of the people: so 
 lamentable is the condition of kings! 
 
 Turgot was succeeded in 1776 in the general control of the 
 finances by Clugny, formerly comptroller of Saint Domingo, 
 who, six months after, was himself succeeded by Necker. 
 Necker was a foreigner, a protestant, a banker, and greater 
 as an administrator than as a statesman; he accordingly con- 
 ceived a plan for reforming France, less extensive than that 
 of Tnrgot, but which he executed with more moderation, 
 and aided by the times. Appointed minister in order to 
 find money for the court, he made use of the wants of the 
 court to procure liberties for the people. He re-established the 
 finances by means of order, and made the provinces contri- 
 bute moderately to their administration. His vieAvs were 
 wise and just; they consisted in bringing the revenue to 
 a level with the expenditure, by reducing the latter; by 
 employing taxation in ordinary times, and loans when impe- 
 rious circumstances rendered it necessary to tax the future as 
 well as the present; by causing the taxes to be assessed by the 
 provincial assemblies, and by instituting the publication of ac- 
 counts, in order to facilitate loans. This system was founded 
 on the nature of loans, which, needing credit, require publicity 
 of administration; and on that of taxation, which needing 
 assent, requires also a share in the administration. Whenever 
 there is a deficit and the government makes applications to 
 meet it, if it address itself to lenders, it must produce its ba- 
 lance-sheet; if it address itself to the tax-payers, it must give 
 them a share of the power. Thus loans led to the production 
 of accounts, and taxes to the states-general ; the first placing 
 authority under the jurisdiction of opinion, and the second 
 placing it under that of the people. But Necker, though less 
 impatient for reform than Turgot, although he desired to 
 redeem abuses which his predecessor wished to destroy, was 
 not more fortunate than he. His economy displeased the cour- 
 tiers; the measures of the provincial assemblies incurred the
 
 12 HISTORY OP 
 
 disapprobation of the parliaments, which wished to monopolize 
 opposition; and the prime minister could not forgive him an 
 appearance of credit. He was obliged to quit power in 1781, 
 a few months after the publication of the famous comptes 
 rendus of the finances, which suddenly initiated France in a 
 knowledge of state matters, and rendered the return of an 
 absolute government impossible. 
 
 The death of Maurepas followed close upon the retirement 
 of Necker. The queen took his place with Louis XVI., 
 and inherited all his influence over him. This good but 
 weak prince required to be directed. His wife, young, 
 beautiful, active, and ambitious, gained great ascendancy 
 over him. Yet, it may be said, that the daughter of Marie 
 Therese resembled her mother too much or too little. She 
 combined frivolity with domination, and disposed of power 
 only to invest with it men who caused her own ruin and that 
 of the state. Maurepas, mistrusting court ministers, had always 
 chosen popular ministers; it is true he did not support them; 
 but if good was not brought about, at least evil did not in- 
 crease. After his death, court ministers succeeded the popu- 
 lar ministers, and by their faults rendered the crisis inevitable, 
 which others had endeavoured to prevent by their reforms. 
 This difference of choice is very remarkable; this it was which, 
 by the change of men, brought on the change in the system of 
 administration. The revolution dates from this epoch; the 
 abandonment of reforms and the return of disorders hastened 
 its approach and augmented its fury. 
 
 Calonne was called from an intendancyto the general con- 
 trol of the finances. Two successors had already been given 
 to Necker, when application was made to Calonne in 1783. 
 Calonne was daring, brilliant and eloquent; he had much 
 readiness and a fertile mind. Either from error or de- 
 sign he adopted a system of administration directly opposed 
 to that of his predecessor. Necker recommended economy, 
 Calonne boasted of his lavish expenditure. Necker fell 
 through courtiers, Calonne sought to be upheld by them. His 
 sophisms were backed by his liberality; he convinced the 
 queen by fetes, the nobles by pensions ; he gave a great circu- 
 lation to the finances, in order that the extent and facility of 
 his operations might excite confidence in the justness of his 
 views; he even deceived the capitalists, by first showing
 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 13 
 
 himself punctual in his payments. He continued to raise 
 loans after the peace, and he exhausted the credit which 
 Necker's wise conduct had procured to the government. 
 Having come to this point, having deprived himself of a re- 
 source, the very employment of which he was unable to ma- 
 nage, in order to prolong his continuance in power he was 
 obliged to have recourse to taxation. But to whom could he 
 apply? The people could pay no longer, and the privileged 
 classes would not offer anything. Yet it was necessary to 
 decide, and Calonne, hoping more from something new, 
 convoked an assembly of notables, which began its sittings at 
 Versailles on the 22nd of February, 1787. But a recourse 
 to others must prove the end of a system founded on prodi- 
 gality. A minister who had risen by giving, could not main- 
 tain himself by asking. 
 
 The notables, chosen by the government from the higher 
 classes, formed a ministerial assembly, which had neither a 
 proper existence nor a commission. It was, indeed, to avoid 
 parliaments and states-general, that Calonne addressed him- 
 self to a more subordinate assembly, hoping to find it more 
 docile. But, composed of privileged persons, it was little 
 disposed to make sacrifices. It became still less so, when 
 it saw the abyss which a devouring administration had ex- 
 cavated. It learned with terror, that the loans of a few 
 years amounted to one thousand six hundred and forty-six 
 millions, and that there was an annual deficit in the revenue 
 of a hundred and forty millions. This disclosure was the 
 signal for Calonne's fall. He fell, and was succeeded by 
 Brienne, archbishop of Sens, his opponent in the assembly. 
 Brienne thought the majority of the notables was devoted to 
 him, because it had united with him against Calonne. But 
 tho privileged classes were not more disposed to make sacri- 
 fices to Brienne than to his predecessor; they had seconded 
 his attacks, which were to their interest, and not his ambition, 
 to which they were indifferent. 
 
 The ai-chbishop of Sens, who is censured for a want of 
 plan, was in no position to form one. He was not allowed to 
 continue the prodigality of Calonne; and it was too late to 
 return to the retrenchments of Necker. Economy, which had 
 been a means of safety at a former period, was no longer so 
 in this. Either taxation must be had recourse to and that
 
 14 HISTORY OF 
 
 parliament opposed; or loans, and credit was exhausted; or 
 sacrifices on the part of the privileged classes, who were un- 
 willing to make them. Brienne, to whom office had been the 
 chief object of life, who with the difficulties of his position 
 combined slenderness of means, attempted everything, and 
 succeeded in nothing. His mind was active, but it wanted 
 strength; and his character rash without firmness. Daring, 
 previous to action, but weak afterwards, he ruined himself by 
 his irresolution, want of foresight, and constant variation o. 
 means. There remained only bad measures to adopt, but he 
 could not decide upon one, and follow that one; this was his 
 real error. 
 
 The assembly of notables was but little submissive and very 
 parsimonious. After having sanctioned the establishment of 
 provincial assemblies, a regulation of the corn trade, the 
 abolition of corvee?, and a new stamp tax, it broke up on 
 the 25th of May, 1787. It spread throughout France what 
 it had discovered respecting the necessities of the throne, the 
 errors of the ministers, the dilapidation of the court, and 
 the irremediable miseries of the people. Brienne, deprived 
 of this assistance, had recourse to taxation, as a resource, the 
 use of which had for some time been abandoned. He de- 
 manded the enrolment of two edicts that of the stamps and 
 that of the territorial subsidies. But parliament, which was 
 then in the full vigour of its existence and in all the ardour of 
 its ambition, and to which the financial embarrassment of the 
 ministry offered a means of augmenting its power, refused the 
 enrolment. Banished to Troyes, it grew weary of exile, and 
 the minister recalled it on condition that the two edicts should 
 be passed. But this was only a suspension of hostilities; the 
 necessities of the crown soon rendered the struggle more ob- 
 stinate and violent. The minister had to make fresh appli- 
 cations for money; his existence depended on the issue of 
 several successive loans to the amount of four hundred and 
 forty millions. It was necessary to obtain the enrolment of 
 them. 
 
 Brienne, expecting opposition from the parliament, pro- 
 cured the enrolment of this edict, by a " bed of j ustice," and 
 to conciliate the magistracy and public opinion, the pro- 
 testants were restored to their rights in the same sitting, and 
 Louis XVI. promised an annual publication of the state ot
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 15 
 
 finances, and the convocation of the states-general before the 
 end of five years. But these concessions were no longer suf- 
 ficient: parliament refused the enrolment, and rose against the 
 ministerial tyranny. Some of its members, among others the 
 duke of Orleans, were banished. Parliament protested, by a 
 decree, against lettres de cachet, and required the recal of its 
 members. This decree was annulled by the king, and con- 
 firmed by parliament. The warfare increased. The magis- 
 tracy of Paris was supported by all the magistracy of France, 
 and encouraged by public opinion. It proclaimed the rights 
 of the nation, and its own incompetence in matters of taxa- 
 tion ; and, become liberal from interest, and rendered generous 
 by oppression, it exclaimed against arbitrary imprisonment, 
 and demanded regularly convoked states-general. After this 
 act of courage, it decreed the irremovability of its members, 
 and the incompetence of any who might usurp their functions. 
 This bold manifesto was followed by the arrest of two members, 
 d'Epremenil and Goislard, by the reform of the body, and the 
 establishment of a plenary court. 
 
 Brienne understood that the opposition of the parliament 
 was systematic, that it would be renewed on every fresh de- 
 mand for subsidies, or on the authorization of every loan. 
 Exile was but a momentary remedy, which suspended oppo- 
 sition, without destroying it. He then projected the reduction 
 of this body to judicial functions, and associated with himself 
 Lamoignon, keeper of the seals, for the execution of this pro- 
 ject. Lamoignon was skilled in coups d'etat. He had auda- 
 city, and combined with Maupeou's energetic determination a 
 greater degree of consideration and probity. But he made a 
 mistake as to the force of power, and what it was possible to 
 effect in his times. Maupeou had re-established parliament, 
 changing its members; Lamoignon wished to disorganize 
 it. The first of these means, if it had succeeded, would only 
 have produced temporary repose; the second must have pro- 
 duced a definitive one. since it aimed at destroying the power, 
 which the other only tried to displace; but Maupeou's reform 
 did not last, and that of Lamoiguon could not be effected. 
 The execution of the last was, however, tolerably well framed. 
 All the magistracy of France was exiled on the same day, in 
 order that the new judicial organization might take place 
 The keeper of the seals deprived the parliament of Paris of
 
 16 HISTORY OP 
 
 its political attributes, to invest with them a plenary court, 
 ministerially composed, and reduced its judicial competence 
 in favour of bailiwicks, the jurisdiction of which he extended. 
 Public opinion was indignant; the Chatelet protested, the pro- 
 vinces rose, and the plenary court could neither be formed 
 nor act. Disturbances broke out in Dauphine, Brittany, 
 Provence, Flanders, Languedoc, and Beam; the ministry, 
 instead of the regular opposition of parliament, had to en- 
 counter one much more animated and factious. The nobility, 
 the third estate, the provincial states, and even the clergy, 
 took part in it. Brienne, pressed for money, had called to- 
 gether an extraordinary assembly of the clergy, who imme- 
 diately made an address to the king, demanding the abolition 
 of his plenary court, and the recal of the states-general: 
 they alone could thenceforth repair the disordered state of 
 the finances, secure the national debt, and terminate these dis- 
 putes for power. 
 
 The archbishop of Sens, by his contest with the parliament, 
 had postponed the financial, by creating a political difficulty. 
 The moment the latter ceased, the former re-appeared, and 
 made his retreat inevitable. Obtaining neither taxes nor 
 loans, unable to make use of the plenary court, and not wish- 
 ing to recal the parliaments, Brienne, as a last resource, 
 promised the convocation of the states- general. By this 
 means he hastened his ruin. He had been called to the 
 financial department in order to remedy embarrassments which 
 he had augmented, and to procure money which he had been 
 unable to obtain. So far from it, he had exasperated the 
 nation, raised a rebellion in the various bodies of the state, 
 compromised the authority of the government, and rendered 
 inevitable the states-general, which, in the opinion of the 
 court, was the worst means of raising money. He succumbed 
 on the 25th August, 1 788. The cause of his fall was a sus- 
 pension of the payment of the interest on the debt, which was 
 the commencement of bankruptcy. This minister has been 
 the most blamed because he came last. Inheriting the faults, 
 the embarrassments of past times, he had to struggle with the 
 difficulties of his position with inefficient means. He tried 
 intrigue and oppression; he banished, suspended, disorganized 
 parliament; everything was an obstacle to him, nothing aided 
 him. After a long struggle, he sank under lassitude and
 
 THE -FRENCH REVOLUTION. 17 
 
 weakness; I dare not say from incapacity, for had he been 
 far stronger and more skilful, had he been a Richelieu 
 or a Sully, he would still have fallen. It no longer apper- 
 tained to any one arbitrarily to raise money or to oppress the 
 people. It must be said in his excuse, that he had not created 
 that position from which he was not able to extricate himself; 
 his only mistake was his presumption in accepting it. He 
 fell through the fault of Calonne, as Calonne had availed him- 
 self of the confidence inspired by Necker for the purposes of 
 his lavish expenditure. The one had destroyed credit, and 
 the other, thinking to re-establish it by force, had destroyed 
 authority. 
 
 The states-general had become the only means of govern- 
 ment, and the last resource of the throne. They had been 
 eagerly demanded by parliament and the peers of the king- 
 dom, on the 13th of July, 1787; by the states of Dauphine, 
 in the assembly of Vizille; by the clergy in its assembly at 
 Paris. The provincial states had prepared the public mind 
 for them; and the notables were their precursors. The king 
 after having, on the 18th of December, 1787, promised their 
 convocation in five years, on the 8th of August, 1788, fixed 
 the opening for the 1st of May, 1789. Necker was recalled, 
 parliament re-established, the plenary court abolished, the 
 bailiwicks destroyed, and the provinces satisfied; and the 
 new minister prepared everything for the election of de- 
 puties and the holding of the states. 
 
 At this epoch a great change took place in the opposition, 
 which till then had been unanimous. Under Brienne, the 
 ministry had encountered opposition from all the various 
 bodies of the state, because it had sought to oppress them. 
 Under Xecker, it met with resistance from the same bodies, 
 which desired power for themselves and oppression for the 
 people. From being despotic, it had become national, and 
 it still had them all equally against it. Parliament had 
 maintained a struggle for authority, and not for the public 
 welfare; and the nobility had united with the third estate, 
 rather against the government than in favour of the people. 
 Each of these bodies had demanded the states-general: the 
 parliament, in the hope of ruling them as it had done in 1614; 
 and the nobility, in the hope of regaining its lost influence. 
 Accordingly, the magistracy proposed as a model for the 
 
 c
 
 18 HISTORY OF 
 
 states-general of 1789, the form of that of 1614, and public 
 opinion abandoned it; the nobility refused its consent to 
 the double representation of the third estate, and a division 
 broke out between these two orders. 
 
 This double representation was required by the intellect oi 
 the age, the necessity of reform, and by the importance which 
 the third estate had acquired. It had already been admitted 
 into the provincial assemblies. Brienne, before leaving the 
 ministry, had made an appeal to the writers of the day, in 
 order to know what would be the most suitable method of 
 composing and holding the states-general. Among the works 
 favourable to the people, there appeared the celebrated pam- 
 phlet of Sieyes on the Third Estate, and that of d'Entraigues 
 on the States-general. Opinion became daily more decided, 
 and decker wishing, yet fearing, to satisfy it, and desirous 
 of conciliating all orders, of obtaining general approbation, 
 convoked a second assembly of notables on the 6th of No- 
 vember, 1788, to deh'berate on the composition of the 
 states-general, and the election of its members. He thought 
 to induce it to accept the addition of the third estate, but 
 it refused, and he was obliged to decide, in spite of the 
 notables, that which he ought to have decided without them. 
 Necker was not the man to avoid disputes by removing all 
 difficulties beforehand. He did not take the initiative as to 
 the representation of the third estate, any more than at a 
 later period he took it with regard to the question of voting 
 by orders or by poll. When the states-general were as- 
 sembled, the solution of this second question, on which 
 depended the state of power and that of the people, was 
 abandoned to force. 
 
 Be this as it may, Necker, having been unable to make 
 the notables adopt the representation of the third estate, 
 caused it to be adopted by the council. The royal declara- 
 tion of the 27th of November decreed, that the deputies in 
 the states-general should amount to at least a thousand, and 
 that the deputies of the third estate should be equal in number 
 to the deputies of the nobility and clergy together. Necker 
 moreover obtained the admission of the cures into the order 
 of the clergy, and of protestants into that of the third estate. 
 The district assemblies were convoked for the elections; every 
 one exerted himself to secure the nomination of members of
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 19 
 
 his own party, and to draw up manifestoes setting forth his 
 views. Parliament had but little influence in the elections, 
 and the court none at all. The nobility selected a few popu- 
 lar deputies, but for the most part devoted to the interests of 
 their order, and as much opposed to the third estate as to the 
 oligarchy of the great families of the court. The clergy 
 nominated bishops and abbes attached to privilege, and cures 
 favourable to the popular cause, which was their own; lastly, 
 the third estate selected men enlightened, firm, and unani- 
 mous in their wishes. The deputation of the nobility was 
 comprised of two hundred and forty-two gentlemen, and 
 twenty-eight members of the parliament; that of the clergy, of 
 forty-eight archbishops or bishops, thirty-five abbes or deans, 
 and two hundred and eight cures; and that of the communes, 
 of two ecclesiastics, twelve noblemen, eighteen magistrates of 
 towns, two hundred county members, two hundred and twelve 
 barristers, sixteen physicians, and two hundred and sixteen 
 merchants and agriculturists. The opening of the states- 
 general was fixed for the 5th of May, 1789. 
 
 Thus was the revolution brought about. The court in vain 
 tried to prevent, as it afterwards endeavoured to annul it. 
 Under the direction of Maurepas, the king nominated 
 popular ministers, and made attempts at reform; under 
 the influence of the queen, he nominated court minis- 
 ters, and made attempts at authority. Oppression met with 
 as little success as reform. After applying in vain to cour- 
 tiers for retrenchments, to parliament for levies, to capital- 
 ists for loans, he sought for new tax-payers, and made an 
 appeal to the privileged orders. He demanded of the notables, 
 consisting of the nobles and the clergy, a participation in the 
 charges of the state, which they refused. He then for the first 
 time applied to all France, and convoked the states-general. 
 He treated with the various bodies of the nation before 
 treating with the nation itself; and it was only on the refusal 
 of the first, that he appealed from it to a power whose inter- 
 vention and support he dreaded. He preferred private 
 assemblies, which, being isolated, necessarily remained 
 secondary, to a general assembly, which representing all 
 interests, must combine all powers. Up to this great 
 epoch every year saw the wants of the government increas- 
 ing, and resistance becoming more extensive. Opposition 
 
 c2
 
 20 HISTORY OF 
 
 passed from parliaments to the nobility, from the nobility 
 to the clergy, and from them all to the people. In propor- 
 tion as each participated in power it began its opposition, 
 until all these private oppositions were fused in or gave 
 way before the national opposition. The tates-general only 
 decreed a revolution already formed.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 21 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM THE 5TH OF MAY, 1789, TO THE NIGHT OF THE 
 4TH OF AUGUST. 
 
 Opening of the states-general Opinion of the court, of the ministry, and 
 of the various hodies of the kingdom respecting the states Verification 
 of powers Question of vote by order or by poll The order of the 
 commons forms itself into a national assembly The court causes the 
 Hall of the states to be closed Oath of the Tennis-court The majority 
 of the order of the clergy unites itself with the commons Royal sittings 
 of the 23rd of June Its inutility Project of the court Events of the 
 12th, 13th, and 14th of July Dismissal of Necker Insurrection of 
 Paris Formation of the national guard Siege and taking of the Bastille 
 Consequences of the 14th of July Decrees of the night of the 4th 
 of August Character of the revolution which had just been brought 
 about. 
 
 THE 5th of May, 1789, was fixed for the opening of the 
 states-general. A religious ceremony preceded their installa- 
 tion. The king, his family, his ministers, the deputies of the 
 three orders, went in procession from the church of Notre- 
 Dame to that of Saint Louis, to hear the opening mass. Men 
 did not without enthusiasm see the return of a national 
 ceremony of which France had for so long a period been 
 deprived. It had all the appearance of a festival. An 
 enormous multitude flocked from all parts to Versailles; the 
 weather was splendid; they had been lavish of the pomp of 
 decoration. The excitement of the music, the kind and 
 satisfied expression of the king, the beauty and demeanour 
 of the queen, and, as much as anything, the general hope, 
 exalted every one. But the etiquette, costumes, and order 
 of the ranks of the states in 1614, were seen with regret.
 
 22 HISTORY OF 
 
 The clergy, in cassocks, large cloaks, and square caps, or in 
 violet robes and lawn sleeves, occupied the first place. Then 
 came the nobles, attired in black coats with waistcoats and 
 facings of cloth of gold, lace cravats, and hats with white 
 plumes, turned up in the fashion of Henry IV. The modest 
 third estate came last, clothed in black, with short cloaks, 
 muslin cravats, and hats without feathers or loops. In the 
 church, the same distinction as to places existed between the 
 three orders. 
 
 The royal sittings took place the following day in the Salle 
 des Menus. Galleries, arranged in the form of an amphitheatre, 
 were filled with spectators. The deputies were summoned 
 and introduced according to the order established in 1614. 
 The clergy were conducted to the right, the nobility to the 
 left, and the commons in front of the throne at the end of the 
 hall. The deputation from Dauphine, from Crepi, in Valois, 
 to which the duke of Orleans belonged, and from Provence, 
 were received with loud applause. Necker was also received on 
 his entrance with general enthusiasm. Public favour was 
 testified towards all who had contributed to the convocation of 
 the states- general. When the deputies and ministers had 
 taken their places, the king appeared, followed by the queen, 
 the princes, and a brilliant suite. The salle resounded 
 with applause on his arrival. When he came in, Louis XVI. 
 took his seat on the throne, and when he had put on his hat, 
 the three orders covered themselves at the same time. The 
 commons, contrary to the custom of the ancient states, 
 imitated the nobility and clergy, without hesitation: the 
 time when the third order should remain covered and speak 
 kneeling was gone by. The king's speech was then ex- 
 pected in profound silence. Men were eager to know the 
 true feeling of the government with regard to the states. 
 Did it purpose assimilating the new assembly to the ancient, 
 or to grant it the part which the necessities of the state 
 and the importance of the occasion assigned to it? 
 
 " Gentlemen," said the king, with emotion, " the clay I 
 have so anxiously expected has at length arrived, and I see 
 around me the representatives of the nation which I glory in 
 governing. A long interval had elapsed since the last session 
 of the states-general, and although the convocation of these 
 assemblies seemed to have fallen into disuse, I did not hesi- 
 tate to restore a custom from which the kingdom might
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 2S 
 
 derive new force, and which might open to the nation a new 
 source of happiness." 
 
 These words which promised much, were only followed by 
 explanations as to the debt and announcements of retrenchment 
 in the expenditure. The king, instead of wisely tracing out 
 to the states the course they ought to follow, urged the orders 
 to union, expressed his want of money, his dread of innova- 
 tions, and complained of the uneasiness of the public mind, 
 without suggesting any means of satisfying it. He was 
 nevertheless very much applauded when he delivered at the 
 close of his discourse the following words, which fully 
 described his intentions: " All that can be expected from the 
 dearest interest in the public welfare, all that can be required 
 of a sovereign, the first friend of his people, you may and 
 ought to hope from my sentiments. That a happy spirit of 
 union may pervade this assembly, gentlemen, and that this may 
 be an ever memorable epoch for the happiness and prosperity 
 of the kingdom, is the wish of my heart, the most ardent of 
 my desires; it is, in a word, the reward which I expect for 
 the uprightness of my intentions, and my iove of my subjects." 
 
 Barentin, keeper of the seals, spoke next. His speech 
 was an amplification respecting the states-general, and the 
 favours of the king. After a long preamble, he at last 
 touched upon the topics of the occasion. " His majesty," he 
 said, " has not changed the form of the ancient assemblies, by 
 granting a double representation in favour of the most 
 numerous of the three orders, that on which the burden 
 of taxation chiefly falls, has not changed the form of the 
 ancient deliberations; although that by poll, producing but 
 one result, seems to have the advantage of best representing 
 the general desire, the king wishes this new form should be 
 adopted only with the free consent of the states, and the 
 approval of his majesty. But whatever may be the opinion 
 on this question, whatever distinctions may be drawn be- 
 tween the different matters that will become the subjects of 
 deliberation, there can be no doubt but that the most entire 
 harmony will unite the three orders on the subject of tax- 
 ation." The government was not opposed to the vote by poll 
 in pecuniary matters, it being more expeditious; but in poli- 
 tical questions it declared itself in favour of voting by order, 
 as a more effectual check on innovations. In this way it 
 sought to arrive at its own end, namely, subsidies, and not
 
 24 HISTORY OP 
 
 to allow the nation to obtain its object, which was reform. 
 The manner in which the keeper of the seals determined the 
 province of the states-general, discovered more plainly the 
 intentions of the court. He reduced them, in a measure, to 
 the inquiry into taxation, in order to vote it, and to the dis- 
 cussion of a law respecting the press, for the purpose of fixing 
 its. limits, and to the reform of civil and criminal legislation, 
 He proscribed all other changes, and concluded by saying: 
 "All just demands have been granted; the king has not 
 noticed indiscreet murmurs; he has condescended to overlook 
 them with indulgence; he has even forgiven the expression 
 of those false and extravagant maxims, under favour of which 
 attempts have been made to substitute pernicious chimeras for 
 the unalterable principles of monarchy. You will with in- 
 dignation, gentlemen, repel the dangerous innovations which 
 the enemies of public good seek to confound with the neces- 
 sary and happy changes which this regeneration ought to 
 produce, and which form the first wish of his majesty." 
 
 This speech displayed little knowledge of the wishes of 
 the nation, or it sought openly to combat them. The dissa- 
 tisfied assembly looked to M. Necker, from whom it expected 
 different language. He was the popular minister, had ob- 
 tained the double representation, and it was hoped he would 
 approve of the vote by poll, the only way of enabling the 
 third estate to turn its numbers to account. But he spoke as 
 comptroller-general and as a man of caution. . His speech, 
 which lasted three hours, was a lengthened budget; and 
 when, after tiring the assembly, he touched on the topic of 
 interest, he spoke undecidedly, in order to avoid committing 
 himself either with the court or the people. 
 
 The government ought to have better understood the im- 
 portance of the states-general. The restoration of this as 
 sembly alone announced a great revolution. Looked for with 
 hope by the nation, it reappeared at an epoch when the an- 
 cient monarchy was sinking, and when it alone was capable 
 of reforming the state and providing for the necessities of 
 royalty. The difficulties of the time, the nature of their 
 mission, the choice of their members, everything announced 
 that the states were not assembled as tax-payers, but as 
 legislators. The right of regenerating France had been 
 granted them by opinion, was devolved on them by public 
 resolutions, and they found in tlie enormity of the abuses and
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 25 
 
 the public encouragement, strength to undertake and accom- 
 plish this great task. 
 
 It behoved the king to associate himself with their labours. 
 In this way he would have been able to restore his power, 
 and ensure himself from the excesses of a revolution, by him- 
 self assisting in bringing it about. If, taking the lead in 
 these changes, he had fixed the new order of things with 
 firmness, but with justice; if, realizing the wishes of France, 
 lie had determined the rights of her citizens, the province of 
 the states-general, and the limits of royalty; if, on his own 
 part, he had renounced arbitrary power, inequality on the 
 part of the nobility, and privileges on the part of the dif- 
 ferent bodies; in a word, if he had accomplished all the re- 
 forms which were demanded by public opinion, and executed 
 by the constituent assembly, he would have prevented the 
 fatal dissensions which subsequently arose. It is rare to find 
 a prince willing to share his power, or sufficiently enlightened 
 to yield what he will be reduced to lose. Yet Louis XVI. 
 would have done this, if he had been less influenced by those 
 around him, and had he followed the dictates of his own 
 mind. But the greatest anarchy pervaded the councils of 
 the king. When the states-general assembled, no measures 
 had been taken, nothing had been decided on, which might 
 prevent dispute. Louis XVI. wavered between his ministry, 
 directed by Necker, and his court, directed by the queen and 
 a few princes of his family. 
 
 Necker, satisfied with obtaining the representation of the 
 third estate, dreaded the indecision of the king and the 
 discontent of the court. Not appreciating sufficiently the 
 importance of a crisis which he considered more as a financia 
 than a social one, he waited for the course of events in order 
 to act, and flattered himself with the hope of being able to 
 guide these events, without attempting to prepare the way 
 for them. He felt that the ancient organization of the states 
 could no longer be maintained; that the existence of three 
 orders, each possessing the right of refusal, was opposed to 
 the execution of reform and the progress of administra- 
 tion. He hoped, after a trial of this triple opposition, to 
 reduce the number of the orders, and bring about the adop- 
 tion of the English form of government, by uniting the 
 clergy and nobility in one chamber, and the third estate in 
 another. He did not foresee that the struggle once begun, his
 
 26 HISTORY OP 
 
 interposition would be in vain: that half measures would suit 
 neither party; that the weak through obstinacy, and the strong 
 through passion, would oppose this system of moderation 
 Concessions satisfy only before a victory. 
 
 The court, so far from wishing to organize the states-general, 
 sought to annul them. It preferred the casual resistance 
 of the great bodies of the nation, to the sharing authority 
 with a permanent assembly. The separation of the orders 
 favoured its views; it reckoned on fomenting their differences, 
 and thus preventing them from acting. The states-general 
 had never achieved any result, owing to the defect of their 
 organization; the court hoped that it would still be the same, 
 since the two first orders were less disposed to yield to the 
 reforms solicited by the last. The clergy wished to preserve its 
 privileges and its opulence, and clearly foresaw that the sacri- 
 fices to be made by it were more numerous than the advantages 
 to be acquired. The nobility, on its side, while it resumed a 
 political independence long since lost, was aware that it would 
 have to yield more to the people than it could obtain from 
 royalty. It was almost entirely in favour of the third estate, 
 that the new revolution was about to operate, and the first 
 two orders were induced to unite with the court against the 
 third estate, as- but lately they had coalesced with the third 
 estate against the court. Interest alone led to this change ot 
 party, and they united with the monarch without affec- 
 tion, as they had defended the people without regard to pub- 
 lic good. 
 
 No efforts were spared to keep the nobility and clergy in this 
 disposition. The deputies of these two orders were the objects 
 of 'favours and allurements. A committee, to which the most 
 illustrious persons belonged, was held at the countess de Polig- 
 nac's; the principal deputies were admitted to it. It was here 
 that were gained de Epremenil and d'Entraigues, two or 
 the warmest advocates of liberty in parliament, or before 
 the states-general, and who afterwards became its most 
 decided opponents. Here also the costume of the deputies 
 of the different orders was determined on, and attempts 
 made to separate them, first by etiquette, then by in- 
 trigue, and lastly, by force. The recollection of the ancient 
 states-general prevailed in the court; it thought it could 
 regulate the present by the past, restrain Paris by the army,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. . 27 
 
 the Deputies of the third estate by those of the nobility, 
 rule the states by separating the orders, and separate the 
 orders by reviving ancient customs which exalted the nobles 
 and lowered the commons. Thus, after the first sitting, 
 it was supposed that all had been prevented by granting 
 nothing. 
 
 On the 6th of May, the day after the opening of the states, 
 the nobility and clei'gy repaired to their respective chambers, 
 and constituted themselves. The third estate being, on ac- 
 count of its double representation, the most numerous order, 
 had the Salle des Etats allotted to it, and there awaited the 
 two other orders; it considered its situation as provisional, its 
 members as presumptive deputies, and adopted a system of 
 inactivity till the other orders should unite with it. Then 
 a memorable struggle commenced, the issue of which was to 
 decide whether the revolution should be effected or stopped. 
 The future fate of France depended on the separation or re- 
 union of the orders. This important question arose on the 
 subject of the verification of powers. The popular deputies 
 asserted very justly, that it ought to be made in common, 
 since, even refusing the reunion of the orders, they could 
 not deny the interest which each of them had in the exami- 
 nation of the powers of the others; the privileged deputies 
 argued, on the contrary, that since the orders had a distinct 
 existence, the verification ought to be made respectively. 
 They felt that one single co-operation would, for the future, 
 render all separation impossible. 
 
 The commons acted with much circumspection, delibera- 
 tion, and steadiness. It was by a succession of efforts, not 
 unattended with peril, by slow and undecided success, and "by 
 struggles constantly renewing, that they attained their object. 
 The systematic inactivity they adopted from the commence- 
 ment was the surest and wisest course; there are occasions 
 when the way to victory is to know how to wait for it. The 
 commons were unanimous, and alone formed the numerical 
 half of the states-general; the nobility had in its bosom some 
 popular dissentients; the majority of the clergy, composed of 
 several bishops, friends of peace, and of the numerous class 
 of the cures, the third estate of the church, entertained 
 sentiments favourable to the commons. Weariness was 
 therefore to bring about a union; this was what the third
 
 ZO HISTORY OF 
 
 estate hoped, what the bishops feared, and what induced 
 them on the 13th of May to offer themselves as mediators. 
 But this mediation was of necessity without any result, 
 as the nobility would not admit voting by poll, nor the 
 commons voting by order. Accordingly, the conciliatory 
 conferences, after being prolonged in vain till the 27th of 
 May, were broken up by the nobility, who declared in favour 
 of separate verification. 
 
 The day after this hostile decision, the commons deter- 
 mined to declare themselves the assembly of the nation, and 
 invited the clergy to join them in the name of the God of- 
 peace and the common weal. The court taking alarm at this 
 measure, interfered for the purpose of having the conferences 
 resumed. The first commissioners appointed for purposes 
 of reconciliation were charged with regulating the differ- 
 ences of the orders; the ministry undertook to regulate the 
 differences of the commissioners. In this way, the states 
 depended on a commission, and the commission had the 
 council of the prince for arbiter. But these new conferences 
 had not a more fortunate issue than the first. They lingered 
 on without either of the orders being willing to yield anything 
 to the others, and the nobility finally broke them up by con- 
 firming all its resolutions. 
 
 Five weeks had already elapsed in useless parleys. The 
 third estate, perceiving the moment had arrived for it to con- 
 stitute itself, and that longer delay would indispose the nation 
 towards it, and destroy the confidence it had acquired by the 
 refusal of the privileged classes to co-operate with it, decided 
 on acting, and displayed herein the same moderation and firm- 
 ness it had shown during its inactivity. Mirabeau announced 
 that a deputy of Paris had a motion to propose; and Sieyes, 
 physically of timid character, but of an enterprising mind, who 
 had great authority by his ideas, and was better suited than 
 any one to propose a measure, proved the impossibility of 
 union, the urgency of verification, the justice of demand- 
 ing it in common, and caused it to be decreed by the assembly 
 that the nobility and clergy should be invited to the Hall of 
 the states in order to take part in the verification, which 
 would take place, whether the// were absent or present. 
 
 The measure for general verification was followed by 
 another still more energetic. The commons, after having
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 29 
 
 terminated the verification on the 17th of June, on the motion 
 of Sieves, constituted themselves the National Assembly. 
 This bold step, by which the most numerous order and the 
 only one whose powers were legalized, declared itself the 
 representation of France, and refused to recognise the 
 other two till they submitted to the verification, determined 
 questions hitherto undecided, and changed the assembly of 
 the states into an assembly of the people. The system of 
 orders was lost in political powers, and this was the first step 
 towards the abolition of classes in the private system. This 
 memorable decree of the 17th of June contained the germ of 
 the night of the 4th of August; but it was necessary to defend 
 what they had dared to decide, and there was reason to fear 
 such a determination could not be maintained. 
 
 The first decree of the National Assembly was an act of 
 sovereignty. It placed the privileged classes under its de- 
 pendence, by proclaiming the indivisibility of the legislative 
 power. The court remained to be restrained by means of 
 taxation. The assembly declared the illegality of previous im- 
 posts, voted them provisionally, as long as it continued to sit, 
 and their cessation on its dissolution; it restored the confi- 
 dence of capitalists by consolidating the public debt, and pro- 
 vided for the necessities of the people, by appointing a com- 
 mittee of subsistence. 
 
 Such firmness and foresight excited the enthusiasm of the 
 nation. But those who directed the court saw that the divi- 
 sions thus excited between the orders had failed in their 
 object; and that it was necessary to resort to other means to 
 obtain it. They considered the royal authority alone ade- 
 quate to prescribe the continuance of the orders, which the 
 opposition of the nobles could no longer preserve. They 
 took advantage of a journey to Marly to remove Louis XVI. 
 from the influence of the prudent and pacific counsels of 
 Necker, and to induce him to adopt hostile measures. This 
 prince, alike accessible to good and bad counsels, surrounded 
 by a court given up to party spirit, and entreated for the in- 
 terests of his crown and in the name of religion to stop the 
 pernicious progress of the commons, yielded at last, and pro- 
 mised everything. It was decided that he should go in state 
 to the assembly, annul its decrees, command the separation 
 of the orders as constitutive of the monarchy, and himself fix
 
 30 HISTORY OF 
 
 the reforms to be effected by the states-general. From that 
 moment the privy council held the government, acting no 
 longer secretly, but in the most open manner. Barentin, the 
 keeper of the seals, the count d'Artois, the prince cle Conde, 
 and the prince de Conti conducted alone the projects they 
 had concerted. Necker lost all his influence; he had pro- 
 posed to the king a conciliatory plan, which might have suc- 
 ceeded before the struggle attained this degree of animosity, 
 but could do so no longer. He had advised another royal 
 sittings, in which the vote by poll in matters of taxation 
 was to be granted, and the vote by order to remain in 
 matters of private interest and privilege. This measure, 
 which was unfavourable to the commons, since it tended to 
 maintain abuses by investing the nobility and clergy witli the 
 right of opposing their abolition, would have been followed 
 by the establishment of two chambers for the next states- 
 general. Necker was fond of half measures, and wished to 
 effect, by successive concessions, a political change which 
 should have been accomplished at once. The moment was 
 arrived to grant the nation all its rights, or to leave it to 
 take them. His project of a royal sittings, already insuf- 
 ficient, was changed into a stroke of state policy by the new 
 council. The latter thought that the injunctions of the 
 throne would intimidate the assembly, and that France would 
 be satisfied with promises of reform. It seemed to be igno- 
 rant that the worst risk royalty can be exposed to is that of 
 disobedience. 
 
 Strokes of state policy generally come unexpectedly, and 
 surprise those they are intended to influence. It was not so 
 with this; its preparations tended to prevent success. It 
 was feared that the majority of the clergy would recognise 
 the assembly by uniting with it; and to prevent so decided 
 a step, instead of hastening the royal sittings, they closed the 
 Hall of the states, in order to suspend the assembly till the 
 day of the sittings. The preparations rendered necessary 
 by the presence of the king was the pretext for this unskilful 
 and improper measure. At that time Bailly presided over 
 the assembly. This virtuous citizen had obtained, without 
 seeking them, all the honours of dawning liberty. He 
 was the first president of the assembly, as he had been the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 31 
 
 first deputy of Paris, and was to become its first mayor. 
 Beloved by his own party, respected by his adversaries, he 
 combined with the mildest and most enlightened virtues, the 
 most courageous sense of duty. Apprised on the night of 
 the 20th of June, by the keeper of the seals, of the suspension 
 of the sittings, he remained faithful to the wishes of the assem- 
 bly, and did not fear disobeying the court. At an appointed 
 hour on the following day, he repaired to the Hall of the states, 
 and finding an armed force in possession, he protested against 
 this act of despotism. In the meantime the deputies arrived, 
 dissatisfaction increased, all seemed disposed to brave the perils 
 of a sitting. The most indignant proposed going to Marly, 
 and holding the assembly under the windows of the king; one 
 named the Tennis-court; this proposition was well received, 
 and the deputies repaired thither in procession. Bailly was 
 at their head; the people followed them with enthusiasm; 
 even soldiers volunteered to escort them, and there, in a bare 
 hall, the deputies of the commons standing with upraised 
 hands, and hearts full of their sacred mission, swore, with 
 only one exception, not to separate till they had given France 
 a constitution. 
 
 This solemn oath, taken on the 20th of June, in the pre- 
 sence of the nation, was followed on the 22nd by an important 
 triumph. The assembly, still deprived of their usual place of 
 meeting, unable to make use of the Tennis-court, the princes 
 having hired it purposely that it might be refused them, 
 met in the church of Saint Louis. In this sitting, the majority 
 of the clergy joined them in the midst of patriotic transports. 
 Thus, the measures taken to intimidate the assembly, increased 
 its courage, and accelerated the union they were intended to 
 prevent. By these two failures the court prefaced the famous 
 sitting of the 23rd of June. 
 
 At length it took place. A numerous guard surrounded 
 the hall of the states-general, the door of which was opened 
 to the deputies, but closed to the public. The king came 
 surrounded with the pomp of power; he was received, contrary 
 to the usual custom, in profound silence. His speech com- 
 pleted the measure of discontent by the tone of authority with 
 which he dictated measures rejected by public opinion and by 
 the assembly. The king complained of a want of union, ex-
 
 32 HISTORY OF 
 
 cited by the court itself; he censured the conduct of the 
 assembly, regarding it only as the order of the third estate; 
 he annulled its decrees, enjoined the continuance of the orders, 
 imposed reforms, and determined their limits; enjoined the 
 states-general to adopt them, and threatened to dissolve them 
 and to provide alone for the welfare of the kingdom, if he 
 met with more opposition on their part. After this scene of 
 authority, so ill-suited to the occasion, and at variance with 
 his heart, Louis XVI. withdrew, having commanded the 
 deputies to disperse. The clergy and nobility obeyed. The 
 deputies of the people, motionless, silent, and indignant, re- 
 mained seated. They continued in that attitude some time, 
 when Mirabeau suddenly breaking silence, said: " Gentlemen, 
 I admit, that what you have just heard might be for the 
 welfare of the country, were it not that the presents of des- 
 potism are always dangerous. "What is this insulting dic- 
 tatorship? The pomp of arms, the violation of the national 
 temple, are resorted to to command you to be happy! 
 Who gives this command? Your mandatary. Who makes 
 these imperious laws for you? Your mandatary; he who 
 should rather receive them from you, gentlemen from us, 
 who are invested with a political and inviolable priesthood; 
 from us, in a word, to whom alone twenty-five millions of 
 men are looking for certain happiness, because it is to be con- 
 sented to, and given and received by all. But the liberty of 
 your discussions is enchained; a military force surrounds the 
 assembly! Where are the enemies of the nation? Is Catiline 
 at our gates? I demand, investing yourselves with your 
 dignity, with your legislative power, you inclose yourselves 
 within the religion of your oath. It does not permit you to 
 separate till you have formed a constitution." 
 
 The grand master of the ceremonies, finding the assembly 
 did not break up, came and reminded them of the king's 
 order. 
 
 " Go and tell your master," cried Mirabeau, '' that we are 
 here at the command of the people, and nothing but the 
 bayonet shall drive us hence." 
 
 " You are to-day," added Sieyes, calmly, " what you were 
 yesterday. Let us deliberate." 
 
 The assembly, full of resolution and dignity, began the 
 debate accordingly On the motion of Camus, it was de-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 33 
 
 termined to persist in the decrees already made; and upon 
 that of Mirabeau the inviolability of the members of the 
 assembly was decreed. 
 
 On that day the royal authority was lost. The initiative 
 in law, and moral power passed from the monarch to 
 the assembly. Those who, by their counsels, had provoked 
 this resistance, did not dare to punish it. Necker, whose 
 dismissal had been decided on that morning, was, in the 
 evening, entreated by the queen and Louis XVI. to remain 
 in office. This minister had disapproved of the royal sitting, 
 and, by refusing to be present at it, he again won the confidence 
 of the assembly, which he had lost through his hesitation. 
 The season of disgrace was for him the season of popularity. 
 By this refusal he became the ally of the assembly, which 
 determined to support him. Every crisis requires a leader, 
 whose name becomes the standard of his party; while the 
 assembly contended with the court, that leader was Necker. 
 
 At the first sitting, that part of the clergy which had 
 united with the assembly in the church of Saint Louis, again 
 sat with it; a few days after, forty-seven members of the 
 nobility, among whom was the duke of Orleans, joined them; 
 and the court was itself compelled to invite the nobility, 
 and a minority of the clergy, to discontinue a dissent that 
 would henceforth be useless. On the 27th of June the deli- 
 beration became general. The orders ceased to exist legally, 
 and soon disappeared. The distinct seats they had hitherto 
 occupied in the common hall soon became confounded; the 
 futile pre-eminences of rank vanished before national autho- 
 rity. 
 
 The court, after having vainly endeavoured to prevent the 
 formation of the assembly, could now only unite with it, to 
 direct its- operations. With prudence and candour it might 
 still have repaired its errors and caused its attacks to be for- 
 gotten. At certain moments, the initiative may be taken in 
 making sacrifices; at others, all that can be done is to make 
 a merit of accepting them. At the opening of the states- 
 general, the king might himself have made the constitution, 
 now he was obliged to receive it from the assembly; had he 
 submitted to that position, he would infallibly have improved 
 it. But the advisers of Louis XVI., when they recovered 
 from the first surprise of defeat, resolved to have recourse to 
 
 D
 
 34 HISTORY OF 
 
 the use of the bayonet, after they had failed in that of autho- 
 rity. They led the king to suppose that the contempt of his 
 orders, the safety of his throne, the maintenance of the laws of 
 the kingdom, and even the well-being of his people depended 
 on his reducing the assembly to submission; that the latter, 
 sitting at Versailles, close to Paris, two cities decidedly in its 
 favour, ought to be subdued by force, and removed to some 
 other place, or dissolved; that it was urgent that this resolution 
 should be adopted in order to stop the progress of the assembly, 
 and that in order to execute it, it was necessary speedily to 
 call together troops who might intimidate the assembly and 
 maintain order at Paris and Versailles. 
 
 While these plots were hatching, the deputies of the nation 
 began their legislative labours, and prepared the anxiously 
 expected constitution, which they considered they ought no 
 longer to delay. Addresses poured in from Paris and the 
 principal towns of the kingdom, congratulating them on their 
 wisdom, and encouraging them to continue their task of re- 
 generating France. The troops, meantime, arrived in great 
 numbers: Versailles assumed the aspect of a camp; the Hall 
 of the states was surrounded by guards, and the citizens re- 
 fused admission. Paris was also encompassed by various 
 bodies of the army, ready to besiege or blockade it, as the 
 occasion might require. These vast military preparations, 
 trains of artillery arriving from the frontiers, and the presence of 
 foreign regiments, whose obedience was unlimited, announced 
 sinister projects. The populace were restless and agitated; 
 and fhe assembly desired to enlighten the throne with respect 
 to its projects, and solicit the dismission of the troops. At 
 Mirabeau's suggestion, it presented on the 9th of July a firm 
 but respectful address to the king, which proved useless. 
 Louis XVI. declared that he alone had to judge the necessity 
 of assembling or dismissing troops, and assured them, that 
 those assembled formed only a precautionary army to prevent 
 disturbances and protect the assembly. He moreover offered 
 the assembly to remove it to Noyon or Soissons, that is to say, 
 to pliace it between two armies and deprive it of the support 
 of the people. 
 
 Paris was in the greatest excitement; this vast city was 
 unanimous in its devotion to the assembly. The perils that 
 threatened the representatives of the nation, and itself, and
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 35 
 
 the scarcity of food disposed it to insurrection. Capitalists, 
 from interest and the fear of bankruptcy; men of enlighten- 
 ment and all the middle classes, from patriotism; the people, 
 impelled by want, ascribing their sufferings to the privileged 
 classes and the court, desirous of agitation and change, all 
 had warmly espoused the cause of the revolution. It is diffi- 
 cult to conceive the movement which disturbed the capital of 
 France. It was arising from the repose and silence of servi- 
 tude; it was, as it were, astonished at the novelty of its situa- 
 tion, and intoxicated with liberty and enthusiasm. The press 
 excited the public mind, the newspapers published the debates 
 of the assembly, and enabled the public to be present, as it 
 were, at its deliberations, and the questions mooted in its 
 bosom were discussed in the open air, in the public squares. 
 It was at the Palais Royal, more especially, that the assembly 
 of the capital was held. The garden was always filled by a 
 crowd that seemed permanent, though continually renewed. 
 A table answered the purpose of the tribune, the first citizen at 
 hand became the orator; there men expatiated on the dangers 
 that threatened the country, and excited each other to resist- 
 ance. Already, on a motion made at the Palais Royal, the 
 prisons of the Abbaye had been broken open, and some gre- 
 nadiers of the French guards, who had been imprisoned for 
 refusing to fire on the people, released in triumph. This out- 
 break was attended by no consequences; a deputation had 
 already solicited, in behalf of the delivered prisoners, the in- 
 terest of the assembly, who had recommended them to the 
 clemency of the king. They had returned to prison, and had 
 received pardon. But this regiment, one of the most com- 
 plete and bravest, had become favourable to the popular cause. 
 Such was the disposition of Paris when the court, having 
 established troops at Versailles, Sevres, the Champ de Mars, 
 and Saint Denis, thought itself able to execute its project. 
 It commenced, on the llth of July, by the banishment of 
 Necker, and the complete reconstruction of the ministry. The 
 marshal de Broglie, la Galissonniere, the duke de la Vau- 
 guyon, the Baron de Breteuil, and the intendant Foulon, 
 were appointed to replace Puysegur, Montmorin, la Luzerne, 
 Saint Priest, and Necker. The latter received, while at dinner 
 on the llth of July, a note from the king enjoining him to 
 leave the country immediately. He finished dining very
 
 36 HISTORY OF 
 
 calmly, without communicating the purport of the order he 
 had received, and then got into his carriage with Madame 
 Necker, as if intending to drive to Saint Omer, and took the 
 road to Brussels. 
 
 On the following day, Sunday, the 12th of July, about four 
 in the afternoon, Necker's disgrace and departure became 
 known at Paris. This measure was regarded as the execu- 
 tion of the plot, the preparations for which had so long been 
 observed. In a short time the city was in the greatest con- 
 fusion; crowds gathered together on every side; more than ten 
 thousand persons flocked to the Palais Royal, all affected 
 by this news, ready for anything, but not knowing what mea- 
 sure to adopt. Canaille Desmoulins, a young man, more daring 
 than the rest, one of the usual orators of the crowd, mounted 
 on a table, pistol in hand, exclaiming: " Citizens, there is no 
 time to lose; the dismissal of Necker is the knell of a Saint 
 Bartholomew for patriots ! This very night all the Swiss and 
 German battalions will leave the Champ de Mars to massacre 
 us all; one resource is left; to take arms!" These words 
 were received with violent acclamations. He proposed that 
 cockades should be worn for mutual recognition and protection. 
 " Shall they be green," he cried, " the colour of hope; or red, 
 the colour of the free order of Cincinnatus?" "Green! 
 green!" shouted the multitude. The speaker descended from 
 the table, and fastened the sprig of a tree in his hat. Every 
 one imitated him. The chestnut-trees of the palace were 
 almost stripped of their leaves, and the crowd went in tumult 
 to the house of the sculptor Curtius. 
 
 They take busts of Necker and the duke of Orleans, a report 
 having also gone abroad that the latter would be exiled, and 
 covering them with crape, carry them in triumph. This pro- 
 cession passes through the streets Saint Martin, Saint Denis, 
 and Saint Honore, augmenting at every step. The crowd 
 obliges all they meet to take off their hats. Meeting the horse- 
 patrol, they take them as their escort. The procession 
 advances in this way to the Place Vendome, and there they 
 carry the two busts twice round the statue of Louis XIV. 
 A detachment of the Eoyal-allemand comes up and at- 
 tempts to disperse the mob, but are put to flight by a shower 
 of stones; and the multitude, continuing its course, reaches 
 the Place Louis XV. Here they are assailed by the dragoons
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 37 
 
 of the prince de Lambesc; after resisting a few moments they 
 are thrown into confusion; the bearer of one of the busts and 
 a soldier of one of the French guards are killed. The mob dis- 
 perses, part towards the quays, part fall back on the Boule- 
 vards, the rest hurry to the Tuileries by the Pont Tournant. 
 The prince de Lambesc, at the head of his horsemen, with 
 drawn sabre pursues them into the gardens, and charges an 
 unarmed multitude who were peaceably promenading, and had 
 nothing to do with the procession. In this attack an old man 
 is wounded by a sabre cut; the mob defend themselves with the 
 seats, and rush to the terraces ; indignation becomes general; 
 the cry To arms! soon resounds on every side, at the Palais 
 Royal and the Tuileries, in the city and in the faubourgs. 
 
 We have already said that the regiment of the French guard 
 was favourably disposed towards the people: it had accord- 
 ingly been ordered to keep in barracks. The prince de 
 Lambesc, fearing that it might nevertheless take an active 
 part, ordered sixty dragoons to station themselves before its 
 depot, situated in the Chaussee-d'Antin. The soldiers of the 
 guards, already dissatisfied at being kept as prisoners, were 
 greatly provoked at the sight of these strangers, with whom 
 they had had a skirmish a few days before. They wished to 
 fly to arms, and their officers using alternately threats and 
 entreaties, had much difficulty in restraining them. But 
 they would hear no more, when some of their men brought 
 them intelligence of the attack at the Tuileries, and the death 
 of one of their comrades: they seized their arms, broke open 
 the gates, and drew up in battle array at the entrance of the 
 barracks, and cried out, " Qui vive ?" " Royal-allemand." 
 " Are you for the third estate?" " T\Te are for those who 
 command us." Then the French guards fired on them, killed 
 two of their men, wounded three, and put the rest to flight. 
 They then advanced at quick time and with fixed bayonets to 
 the Place Louis XV., and took their stand between the Tuile- 
 ries and the Champs Elysees, the people and the troops, and 
 kept that post during the night. The soldiers of the Champ 
 de Mars were immediately ordered to advance. When they 
 reached the Champs Elysees, the French guards received 
 them with discharges of musketry. They wished to make 
 them fight, but they refused: the Petits-Suisses were the 
 first to give this example, which the other regiments followed.
 
 38 HISTORY OB 
 
 The officers, in despair, ordered a retreat; the troops retired 
 as far as the Grille de Chaillot, whence they soon with- 
 drew into the Champ de Mars. The defection of the French 
 guard, and the manifest refusal even of the foreign troops to 
 march on the capital, caused the failure of the projects of the 
 court. 
 
 During the evening the people had repaired to the Hotel 
 de Ville, and requested that the tocsin might be sounded, the 
 districts assembled, and the citizens armed. Some electors 
 assembled at the Hotel de Ville, and took the authority into 
 their own hands. They rendered great service to their 
 fellow-citizens and the cause of liberty by their courage, 
 prudence, and activity, during these days of insurrection; but 
 in the first confusion of the rising it was with difficulty they 
 succeeded in making themselves heard. The tumult was at 
 its height; each only answered the dictates of his own passions. 
 Side by side with well-disposed citizens, were men of suspi- 
 cious character, who only sought in insurrection opportunities 
 for pillage and disorder. Bands of labourers employed by 
 government in the public works, for the most part without 
 home or substance, burnt the barriers, infested the streets, 
 plundered houses, and obtained the name of brigands. The 
 night of the 12th and 13th was spent in tumult and alarm. 
 
 The departure of Necker, which threw the capital into this 
 state of excitement, had no less effect at Versailles and in the 
 assembly. It caused the same astonishment and discontent. 
 The deputies repaired early in the morning to the Hall of the 
 states; they were gloomy, but their silence arose from indigna- 
 tion rather than dejection. " At the opening of the session," 
 said a deputy, " several addresses of adherence to the decrees 
 were listened to in mournful silence by the assembly, more 
 attentive to their own thoughts than to the addresses read." 
 Mourner began; he exclaimed against the dismission of 
 ministers beloved by the nation, and the choice of their suc- 
 cessors. He proposed an address to the king demanding their 
 recal, showing him the dangers attendant on violent measures, 
 the misfortunes that would follow the employment of troops, 
 and telling him that the assembly solemnly opposed itself to 
 an infamous national bankruptcy. At these words, the 
 feelings of the assembly, hitherto restrained, broke out in 
 clapping of hands, and cries of approbation. Lally-Tollendal,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 39 
 
 ft friend of Necker, then came forward with a sorrowful air, 
 and delivered a long and eloquent eulogium on the banished 
 minister. He was listened to with the greatest interest; his 
 grief responded to that of the public; the cause of Neeker 
 was now that of the country. The nobility itself sided with 
 the members of the third estate, either considering the danger 
 common, or dreading to incur the same blame as the court if 
 it did not disapprove its conduct, or perhaps it obeyed the 
 general impulse. 
 
 A noble deputy, the count de Virieu, set the example, and 
 said: " Assembled for the constitution, let us make the constitu- 
 tion ; let us tighten our mutual bonds; let us renew, confirm, and 
 consecrate the glorious decrees of the 17th of June; let us join 
 in the celebrated resolution made on the 20th of the same month. 
 Let us all, yes, all, all the united orders, swear to be faithful to 
 those illustrious decrees whieh now can alone save the kingdom." 
 " The constitution shall be made, or we -witt cease to be," added 
 the due de la Rochefoucauld. But this unanimity became 
 still more confirmed when the rising of Paris, the excesses 
 which ensued, the burning of the barriers, the assembling of 
 the electors at the Hotel de Ville, the confusion of the capital, 
 and the fact that citizens were ready to be attacked by the 
 soldiers or to slaughter each other, became known to the 
 assembly. Then one cry resounded through the hall: " Let 
 the recollection of our momentary divisions be effaced! Let 
 us unite our efforts for the salvation of the country!" A 
 deputation was immediately sent to the king r composed of 
 eighty members, among whom were all the deputies of Paris. 
 The archbishop of Vienne, president of the assembly, was at 
 its head. It was to represent to the king the dangers that 
 threatened the capital, the necessity of sending away the 
 troops, and entrusting the care of the city to a militia of citi- 
 zens; and it' it obtained these demands from the king, a 
 deputation was to be sent to Paris with the consolatory intelli- 
 gence. But the members soon returned with an unsatisfac- 
 tory answer. 
 
 The assembly now saw that it must depend on itself, and 
 that the projects of the court were irrevocably fixed. Far 
 from being discouraged, it only became more firm, and imme- 
 diately voted unanimously a decree proclaiming the responsi- 
 Irility of the present ministers of the king, and of all his
 
 40 HISTORY OF 
 
 counsellors, of whatever rank they might be; it further 
 a vote of regret for Necker and the other disgraced ministers; 
 it resolved that it would not cease to insist upon the dismissal 
 of the troops and the establishment of a militia of citizens; 
 it placed the public debt under the safeguard of French honour, 
 and adhered to all its previous decrees. After these measures, 
 it adopted a last one, not less necessary; apprehending that 
 the Hall of the states might, during the night, be occupied by 
 a military force for the purpose of dispersing the assembly, it 
 resolved to sit permanently till further orders. It decided 
 that a portion of the members should sit during the night, and 
 another relieve them early in the morning. To spare the 
 venerable archbishop of Vienne the fatigue of a permanent 
 presidency, a vice-president was appointed to supply his 
 place on these extraordinary occasions. Lafayette was elected 
 to preside over the night sittings. It passed off without a 
 debate; the deputies remaining in their seats, observing 
 silence, but apparently calm and serene. It was by these 
 measures, this expression of public regret, by these decrees, 
 this unanimous enthusiasm, this sustained good sense, this 
 inflexible conduct, that the assembly rose gradually to a level 
 with its dangers and its mission. 
 
 On the 13th the insurrection took at Paris a more regular 
 character. Early in the morning the populace flocked to the 
 Hotel de Ville; the tocsin was sounded there and in all the 
 churches; and drums were beat in the streets to call the 
 citizens together. The public places soon became thronged. 
 Troops were formed under the titles of volunteers of the 
 Palais Royal, volunteers of the Tuileries, of the Basoche, and 
 of the Arquebuse. The districts assembled, and each of them 
 voted two hundred men for its defence. Arms alone were 
 wanting; and these were eagerly sought wherever there was 
 any hope of finding them. All that could be found at the 
 gun-smiths and sword-cutlers were taken, receipts being sent 
 to the owners. They applied for arms at the Hotel de Ville. 
 The electors who were still assembled, replied in vain that 
 they had none; they insisted on having them. The electors 
 then sent the head of the city, M. de Flesselles, the Prevot 
 des marchands, who alone knew the military state of the 
 capital, and whose popular authority promised to be of 
 great assistance in this difficult conjuncture. He was received
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 41 
 
 with ioud applause by the multitude: " My friends?' said he, 
 " / am your father ; you shall be satisfied" A permanent 
 committee was formed at the Hotel de Ville, to take measures 
 for the general safety. 
 
 About the same time it was announced that the Maison 
 des Lazaristes, which contained a large quantity of grain, had 
 been despoiled; that the Garde-Meuble had been forced open 
 to obtain old arms, and that the gun-smiths' shops had been 
 plundered. The greatest excesses were apprehended from 
 the crowd; it was let loose, and it seemed difficult to master 
 its fury. But this was a moment of enthusiasm and disin- 
 terestedness. The mob itself disarmed suspected characters; 
 the corn found at the Lazaristes was taken to the Halle; 
 not a single house was plundered, and carriages and vehicles 
 filled with provisions, furniture and utensils, stopped at the 
 gates of the city, were taken to the Place de Greve, which 
 became a vast depot. Here the crowd increased every moment, 
 shouting Arms ! It was now about one o'clock. The pro- 
 vost of the merchants then announced the immediate arrival 
 of twelve thousand guns from the manufactory of Charleville, 
 which would soon be followed by thirty thousand more. 
 
 This appeased the people for some time, and the committee 
 was enabled to pursue quietly its task of organizing a militia 
 of citizens. In less than four hours the plan was drawn up, 
 discussed, adopted, printed, and proclaimed. It was resolved 
 that the Parisian guard should, till further orders, be increased 
 to forty-eight thousand men. All citizens were invited to 
 enrol their names; every district had its battalion; every 
 battalion its leaders; the command of this army of citizens 
 was offered to the due d'Aumont, who required twenty-four 
 hours to decide. In the meantime the marquis de la Salle 
 was appointed second in command. The green cockade was 
 then exchanged for a blue and red one, which were the 
 colours of the city. All this was the work of a few hours. 
 The districts gave their assent to the measures adopted by 
 the permanent committee. The clerks of the Chatelet, those 
 of the Palais, medical students, soldiers of the watch, and 
 what was of still greater value, the French guards, offered 
 their services to the assembly. Patrols began to be formed, 
 and to perambulate the streets. 
 
 The people waited with impatience the realization of tho
 
 42 HISTORY OP 
 
 promise of the provost of the merchants, but no guns arrived; 
 evening approached, and they feared during the night another 
 attack from the troops. They thought they were betrayed 
 when they heard of an attempt to convey secretly from 
 Paris five thousand weight of powder, which had been inter- 
 cepted by the people at the barriers. But soon after some 
 cases arrived, labelled Artillery. At this sight, the commotion 
 subsided; the cases were escorted to the Hotel de Ville, it being 
 supposed that they contained the guns expected from Charle- 
 ville. On opening them, they were found to contain old linen 
 and pieces of wood. A cry of treachery arose on every side, 
 mingled with murmurs and threats against the committee and 
 the provost of the merchants. The latter apologized, de- 
 claring he had been deceived; and to gain time, or to get rid 
 of the crowd, sent them to the Chartreux, to seek for arms. 
 Finding none there, the mob returned, enraged and mistrustful. 
 The committee then felt satisfied there was no other way of 
 arming Paris, and curing the suspicions of the people, than by 
 forging pikes; and accordingly gave orders that fifty thousand 
 should be made immediately. To avoid the excesses of the 
 preceding night, the town was illuminated, and patrols marched 
 through it in every direction. 
 
 The next day, the people, that had been unable to obtain 
 arms on the preceding day, came early in the morning to solicit 
 some from the committee, blaming its refusal and failures of 
 the day before. The committee had sent for some in vain; 
 none had arrived from Charleville, none were to be found at 
 the Chartreux, and the arsenal itself was empty. 
 
 The mob, no longer satisfied with excuses, and more con- 
 vinced than ever that they were betrayed, hurried in a mass 
 to the Hotel des Invalides, which contained a considerable 
 depot of arms. It displayed no fear of the troops established 
 m the Champ de Mars, broke into the Hotel, in spite of the 
 entreaties of the governor, M. de Sombreuil, found twenty- 
 eight thousand guns concealed in the cellars, seized them, 
 took all the sabres, swords, and cannon, and carried them off 
 in triumph. The cannon were placed at the entrance of the 
 Faubourgs, at the palace of the Tuileries, on the quays and on 
 the bridges, for the defence of the capital against the invasion 
 of troops, which was expected every moment. 
 
 Even during the same morning- an alarm was given that the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 43 
 
 regiments stationed at Saint Denis were on the march, and that 
 the cannon of the Bastille were pointed on the Rue Saint 
 Antoine. The committee immediately sent to ascertain the 
 truth; appointed bands of citizens to defend that side of the 
 town, and sent a deputation to the governor of the Bastille, 
 soliciting him to withdraw his cannon and engage in no act 
 of hostility. This alarm, together with the dread which 
 that fortress inspired, the hatred felt for the abuses it shielded, 
 the importance of possessing so prominent a point, and of 
 not leaving it in the power of the enemy in a moment of 
 insurrection, drew the attention of the populace in that direc- 
 tion. From nine in the morning till two, the only rallying 
 word throughout Paris was " a la Bastille! a la Bastille." The 
 citizens hastened thither in bands from all quarters, armed 
 with guns, pikes, and sabres. The crowd which already sur- 
 rounded it was considerable; the sentinels of the fortress were 
 at their posts, and the drawbridges raised as in war. 
 
 A deputy of the district of Saint Louis de la Culture, named 
 Thuriot de la Rosiere, then requested a parley with Delaunay, 
 the governor. When admitted to his presence he summoned 
 him to change the direction of the cannon. The governor 
 replied, that the cannon had always been placed on the towel's, 
 and it was not in his power to remove them; yet, at the same 
 time, having heaixl of the alarm prevalent among the Parisians, 
 he had had them withdrawn a few paces, and taken out of the 
 port-holes. With some difficulty Thuriot obtained permis- 
 sion to enter the fortress further, and examine if its condition 
 was really as satisfactory for the town as the governor repre- 
 sented it to be. As he advanced, he observed three pieces of 
 cannon pointed on the avenues leading to the open space be- 
 fore the fortress, and ready to sweep those who might attempt 
 to attack it. About forty Swiss, and eighty Invalides, were 
 under arms. Thuriot urged them, as well as the staff of 
 the place, in the name of honour and of their country, not 
 to act as the enemies of the people. Both officers and soldiers 
 swore they would not make use of their arms unless attacked. 
 Thuriot then ascended the towers, and perceived a crowd 
 gathering in all directions, and the inhabitants of the fuu- 
 bourg Saint Antoine, who were rising in a mass. The mul- 
 titude without, not seeing him return, were already demand- 
 ing him with great clamour. To satisfy the people, he appeared
 
 44 HISTORY OF 
 
 on the parapet of the fortress, and was received with loud 
 applause from the gardens of the arsenal. He then rejoined 
 his party, and having informed them of the result of his mis- 
 sion, proceeded to the committee. 
 
 But the impatient crowd now clamoured for the surrender 
 of the Bastille. From time to time the cry arose, " The Bas- 
 tille! we will have, the Bastille!" At length, two men, more 
 determined than the rest, darting from the crowd, sprang on 
 a guard-house, and struck at the chains of the drawbridge 
 with heavy hatchets. The soldiers shouted to them to retire, 
 and threatened to fire; but they continued to strike, succeeded 
 in breaking the chains and lowering the bridge, and then 
 rushed over it, followed by the crowd. In this way they ad- 
 vanced to cut the chains of the second bridge. The garrison 
 now dispersed them with a discharge of musketry. They 
 returned, however, to the attack, and for several hours their 
 efforts were confined to the second bridge, the approach to 
 which was defended by a ceaseless fire from the fortress. 
 The mob infuriated by this obstinate resistance, tried to 
 break in the gates with hatchets, and to set fire to the guard- 
 house. A murderous discharge of grape-shot proceeded from 
 the garrison, and many of the besiegers were killed and 
 wounded. They only became the more determined, and 
 seconded by the daring and determination of the two brave 
 men, Elie and Hulin, who were at their head, they continued 
 the attack with fury. 
 
 The committee of the Hotel de Ville were in a state of 
 great anxiety. The siege of the Bastille seemed to them a very 
 rash enterprise. They ever and anon received intelligence 
 of the disasters that had taken place before the fortress. They 
 wavered between fear of the troops should they prove vic- 
 torious, and that of the multitude who clamoured for ammu- 
 nition to continue the siege. As they could not give what 
 they did not possess, the mob cried treachery. Two deputa- 
 tions had been sent by the committee for the purpose of dis- 
 continuing hostilities, and inviting the governor to confide 
 the keeping of the place to the citizens; but in the midst 01 
 the tumult, the cries, and the firing, they could not make 
 themselves heard. A third was sent, carrying a drum and 
 banner, that it might be more easily distinguished, but it ex- 
 perienced no better fortune : neither side would listen to any-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 45 
 
 thing. The assembly at the Hotel de Ville, notwithstanding 
 its efforts and activity, still incurred the suspicions of the 
 populace. The provost of the merchants, especially, excited 
 the greatest mistrust. " He has already deceived us several 
 times during the day," said one. " He talks," said another, 
 " of opening a trench ; he only wants to gain time, to make 
 us lose ours." Then an old man cried: " Comrades, why do 
 you listen to traitors? Forward, follow me! In less than 
 two hours the Bastille will be taken!" 
 
 The siege had lasted more than four hours when the French 
 guards arrived with cannon. Their arrival changed the 
 appearance of the combat. The garrison itself begged the 
 governor to yield. The unfortunate Delaunay, dreading the 
 fate that awaited him, wished to blow up the fortress, and 
 bury himself under its ruins and those of the faubourg. He 
 went in despair towards the powder magazine, with a lighted 
 match in his hand. The garrison stopped him, raised a white 
 standard on the platform, and reversed the guns, in token of 
 peace. But the assailants still continued to fight and advance, 
 shouting, " Lower the bridges!" Through the battlements a 
 Swiss officer proposed to capitulate, with permission to re- 
 tire from the building with the honours of war. " No ! no !" 
 clamoured the crowd. The same officer proposed to lay 
 down arms, on the promise that their lives should be spared. 
 " Lower the bridge," rejoined the foremost of the assailants, 
 " you shall not be injured." The gates were opened and 
 the bridge lowered, on this assurance, and the crowd rushed 
 into the Bastille. Those who led the multitude wished to 
 save from its vengeance the governor, Swiss soldiers, and 
 Invalides; but cries of " Give them up! give them up! they 
 fired on their fellow-citizens, they deserve to be hanged!" 
 rose on every side. The governor, a few Swiss soldiers and 
 Invalides were torn from the protection of those who sought 
 to defend them, and put to death by the implacable crowd. 
 
 The permanent committee knew nothing of the issue of the 
 combat. The hall of the sittings was invaded by a furious 
 multitude, who threatened the provost of the merchants and 
 electors. Flesselles began to be alarmed at his position; he 
 was pale and agitated. The object of the most violent re- 
 proaches and threats, they obliged him to go from the hall of 
 the committee to the hall of the general assembly, where a
 
 46 HISTORY OF 
 
 great crowd of citizens was assembled. " Let him come; let 
 him follow us." resounded from all sides. " This is too 
 much!" rejoined Flesselles. " Let us go, since they request 
 it; let us go where I am expected." They had scarcely 
 reached the great hall, when the attention of the multitude 
 was drawn off by shouts on the Place de Greve. They 
 heard the cries of " Victory! victory! liberty!" It was the 
 arrival of the conquerors of the Bastille which this announced. 
 They themselves soon entered the hall with the most noisy 
 and the most fearful pomp. The persons who had most distin- 
 guished themselves were carried in triumph, crowned with 
 laurels. They were escorted by more than fifteen hundred 
 men, with glaring eyes and dishevelled hair, with all kinds of 
 arms, pressing one upon another, and making the flooring yield 
 beneath their feet. One carried the keys and standard of the 
 Bastille; another, its regulations suspended to his bayonet; a 
 third, with horrible barbarity, raised in his bleeding hand the 
 buckle of the governor's stock. "With this parade, the pro- 
 cession of the conquerors of the Bastille, followed by an im- 
 mense crowd that thronged the quays, entered the hall of the 
 Hotel de Ville to inform the committee of their triumph, and 
 decide the fate of the prisoners who survived. A few wished 
 to leave it to the committee, but others shouted: " Xo 
 quarter for the prisoners! No quarter for the men who fired 
 on their fellow citizens!" La Salle, the commandant, the 
 elector Moreau de Saint-Mery, and the brave Elie, succeeded 
 in appeasing the multitude, and obtained a general amnesty. 
 It was now the turn of the unfortunate Flesselles. It is 
 said that a letter found on Delaunay proved the treachery of 
 which he was suspected. " I am amusing the Parisians," he 
 wrote, " with cockades and promises. Hold out till the 
 evening, and you shall be reinforced." The mob hurried to 
 his office. The more moderate demanded that he should be 
 arrested and confined in the Chatelet; but others opposed 
 this, saying that he should be conveyed to the Palais-Royal, 
 and there tried. This decision gave general satisfaction. 
 " To the Palais-Royal! To the Palais-Royal!" resounded 
 from every side. " Well be it so, gentlemen," replied 
 Flesselles, with composure, " let us go to the Palais-Royal." 
 So saying, he descended the steps, passed through the crowd, 
 which opened to make way for him, and which followed with-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 47 
 
 out offering him any violence. But at the corner of the Quay 
 Peiletier a stranger rushed forward, and killed him with a 
 pistol-shot. 
 
 After these scenes of war, tumult, dispute and vengeance, 
 the Parisians, fearing, from some intercepted letters, that an 
 attack would be made during the night, prepared to receive 
 the enemy. The whole population joined in the labour of 
 fortifying the town; they formed barricades, opened intrench- 
 ments, unpaved streets, forged pikes, and cast bullets. 
 Women carried stones to the tops of the houses to crush the 
 soldiers as they passed. The national guard were distributed 
 in posts; Paris seemed changed into an immense foundry and 
 a vast camp, and the whole night was spent under arms, ex- 
 pecting the conflict. 
 
 While the insurrection assumed this violent, permanent, 
 and serious character at Paris, what was doing at Versailles? 
 The court was preparing to realize its designs against the 
 capital and assembly. The night of the 14th was fixed 
 upon for their execution. The baron de Breteuil, who was 
 at the head of the ministry, had promised to restore the 
 royal authority in three days. Marshal de Broglie, com- 
 mander of the army collected around Paris, had received 
 unlimited powers of all kinds. On the 15th the declaration 
 of the 23rd of June was to be renewed, and the king, after 
 forcing the assembly to adopt it, was to dissolve it. Forty 
 thousand copies of this declaration were in readiness to be 
 circulated throughout the kingdom; and to meet the press- 
 ing necessities of the treasury more than a hundred millions 
 of paper money was created. The movement in Paris, so 
 far from thwarting the court, favoured its views. To the 
 last moment it looked upon it as a passing tumult that might 
 easily be suppressed ; it believed neither in its perseverance 
 nor in its success, and it did not seem possible to it that a 
 town of citizens could resist an army. 
 
 The assembly was apprised of these projects. For two 
 days it had sat without interruption, in a state of great 
 anxiety and alarm. It was ignorant of the greater por- 
 tion of what was passing in Paris. At one time it was an- 
 nounced that the insurrection was general, and that all Paris 
 was marching on Versailles; then that the troops were 
 advancing on the capital. They fancied they heard cannon,
 
 48 HISTORY OF 
 
 and they placed their ears to the ground to assure themselves. 
 On the evening of the 14th, it was announced that the king 
 intended to depart during the night, and that the assembly 
 would be left to the mercy of the foreign regiments. This 
 last alarm was not without foundation. A carriage and 
 horses were kept in readiness, and the body-guard remained 
 booted for several days. Besides, at the Orangery, incidents 
 truly alarming took place; the troops were prepared and 
 stimulated for their expedition by distributions of wine and 
 by encouragements. Everything announced that a decisive 
 moment had arrived. 
 
 Despite the approaching and increasing danger, the as- 
 sembly was unshaken, and persisted in its first resolutions. 
 Mirabeau, who had first required the dismissal of the 
 troops, now arranged another deputation. It was on the point 
 of setting out, when the viscount de Noailles, a deputy, just 
 arrived from Paris, informed the assembly of the progress of 
 the insurrection, the pillage of the Invalides, the arming of 
 the people, and the siege of the Bastille. Wimpfen, another 
 deputy, to this account added that of the personal dangers he 
 had incurred, and assured them that the fury of the populace 
 was increasing with its' peril. The assembly proposed the 
 establishment of couriers to bring them intelligence every 
 half hour. 
 
 M.M. Ganilh and Bancal-des-Issarts, despatched by the 
 committee at the Hotel de Ville, as a deputation to the assem- 
 bly, confirmed all they had just heard. They informed 
 them of the measures taken by the electors to secure order 
 and the defence of the capital; the disasters that had hap- 
 pened before the Bastille; the inutility of the deputations 
 sent to the governor, and told them that the fire of the gar- 
 rison had surrounded the fortress with the slain. A cry 
 of indignation arose in the assembly at this intelligence, and 
 a second deputation was instantly despatched to communi- 
 cate these distressing tidings to the king. The first returned 
 with an unsatisfactory answer; it was now ten at night. The 
 king, on learning these disastrous events, which seemed to 
 presage others still greater, appeared affected. Struggling 
 against the part he had been induced to adopt, he said to the 
 deputies, " You rend my heart more and more by the 
 dreadful news you bring of the misfortunes of Paris. It is
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 49 
 
 impossible to suppose that the orders given to the troops are 
 the cause of these disasters. You are acquainted with the 
 answer I returned to the first deputation; I have nothing to 
 add to it." This answer consisted of a promise that the troops 
 of the Champ de Mars should be sent away from Paris, and 
 of an order given to general officers to assume the command 
 of the guard of citizens. Such measures were not sufficient 
 to remedy the dangerous situation in which men were placed; 
 and it neither satisfied nor gave confidence to the assembly. 
 
 Shortly after this, the deputies d'Ormesson and Duport 
 announced to the assembly the taking of the Bastille, and the 
 deaths of Delaunay and Flesselles. It was proposed to send a 
 third deputation to the king, imploring the removal of the 
 troops. " No," said Clermont Tonnerre, " leave them the 
 night to consult in; kings must buy experience as well as other 
 men." In this way the assembly spent the night. On the fol- 
 lowing morning, another deputation was appointed to repre- 
 sent to the king the misfortunes that would follow a longer 
 refusal. "When on the point of starting, Mirabeau stopped 
 it: " Tell him," he exclaimed, " that the hordes of strangers 
 who invest us, received yesterday visits, caresses, exhorta- 
 tions, and presents from the princes, princesses, and favourites; 
 tell him that, during the night, these foreign satellites, gorged 
 with gold and wine, predicted in their impious songs the 
 subjection of France, and invoked the destruction of the na- 
 tional assembly; tell him, that in his own palace, courtiers 
 danced to the sound of that barbarous music, and that such 
 vvus the prelude to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew ! Tell 
 him that the Henry whose memory is universe-known, him, 
 whom of his ancestors he said he would make his model, sent 
 provisions into Paris revolted, when besieging it in person 
 while the savage advisers of Louis send away the corn which 
 trade brings into Paris loyal and starving." 
 
 But at that moment the king entered the assembly. The 
 duke de Liancourt, taking advantage of the access his qua- 
 lity of master of the robes gave him, had informed the king, 
 during the night, of the desertion of the French guard, and 
 of the attack and taking of the Bastille. At this news, of 
 which his councillors had kept him in ignorance, the monarch 
 exclaimed, with surprise, "this is a revolt!" ".No, sire! it 
 is a revolution." This excellent citizen had represented to 
 
 E
 
 50 HISTORY OF 
 
 him the danger to which the projects of the court exposed 
 him; the fears and exasperation of the people, the disaffec- 
 tion of the troops, and he determined upon presenting him- 
 self before the assembly, to satisfy them, as to his intentions. 
 The news at first excited transports of joy. Mirabeau re- 
 presented to his colleagues, that it was not fit to indulge ini 
 premature applause. " Let us wait," said he, ' ; till his 
 majesty makes known the good intentions we are led to 
 expect from him. The blood of our brethren flows in Paris. 
 Let a sad respect be the first reception given to the king 
 by the representatives of an unfortunate people: the silence 
 of the people is the lesson of kings." 
 
 The assembly resumed the sombre demeanour which had 
 never left it during the three preceding days. The king entered 
 without guards, and only attended by his brothers. He was 
 received, at first, in profound silence; but when he told them 
 he was one with the nation, and that, relying on the love 
 and fidelity of his subjects, he had ordered the troops to 
 leave Paris and Versailles; when he uttered the affecting 
 words Eh bieti, c'est moi qui me fie a vous, general applause 
 ensued. The assembly arose spontaneously, and conducted 
 him back to the chateau. 
 
 This intelligence diffused gladness in Versailles and Paris, 
 where the reassured people passed, by sudden transition, from 
 animosity to gratitude. Louis XVI. thus restored to himself, 
 felt the importance of appeasing the capital in person, of re- 
 gaining the affection of the people, and of thus conciliating the 
 popular power. He announced to the assembly that he would 
 recal Necker, and repair to Paris the following day. The 
 assembly had already nominated a deputation of a hundred 
 members, which preceded the king to the capital. It was 
 received with enthusiasm. Bailly and Lafayette, who formed 
 part of it, were appointed, the former mayor of Paris, the 
 latter commander-in-chief of the citizen guard. Bailly owed 
 this recompence to his long and difficult presidency of the 
 assembly, and Lafayette to his glorious and patriotic conduct. 
 A friend of Washington,, and one of the principal authors 
 of American independence, he had, on his return to his 
 country, first pronounced the name of the states-general, had 
 joined the assembly with the minority of the nobility, and had 
 since proved himself one of the most zealous partisans of the 
 revolution.
 
 THE FRENCH EE VOLUTION. 51 
 
 On the 27th, the new magistrates went to receive the 
 king at the head of the municipality and the Parisian guard. 
 " Sire," said Bailly, "I bring your majesty the keys of your 
 good town of Paris; they are the same which were presented 
 to Henry IV.; he had regained his people; now the -people 
 have regained their king." From the Place Louis XV. to 
 the Hotel de Ville, the king passed through a double line of 
 the national guard, placed in ranks three or four deep, and 
 armed with guns, pikes, lances, scythes, and staves. Their 
 countenances were still gloomy; and no cry was heard but 
 the oft-repeated shout of " Vive la Nation !" But when 
 Louis XVI. had left his carriage and received from Bailly's 
 hands the tri-coloured cockade, and, surrounded by the crowd 
 without guards, had confidently entered the Hotel de Ville, 
 cries of " Vive le Hoi !" burst forth on every side. The recon- 
 ciliation was complete; Louis XVI. received the strongest 
 marks of affection. After approving the choice of the people 
 with respect to the new magistrates, he returned to Versailles, 
 where some anxiety was entertained as to the success of his 
 journey, on account of the preceding troubles. The national 
 assembly met him in the Avenue de Paris; it accompanied 
 him as far as the chateau, where the queen and her children 
 ran to his arms. 
 
 The ministers opposed to the revolution, and all the 
 authors of the unsuccessful projects, retired from court. The 
 count d'Artois and his two sons, the prince de Conde, the 
 prince de Conti, and the Polignac family, accompanied by a 
 numerous train, left France. They settled at Turin, where 
 the count d'Artois and the prince de Conde were soon joined 
 by Calonne, who became their agent. Thus began the first 
 emigration. The emigrant princes were not long in exciting 
 civil war in the kingdom, and forming an European coalition 
 against France. 
 
 Necker returned in triumph. This was the finest mo- 
 ment of his life; few men have had such. The minister of the 
 nation, disgraced for it, and recalled for it, he was welcomed 
 along the road from Bale to Paris, with every expression of 
 public gratitude and joy. His entry into Paris was a day of 
 festivity. But the day that raised his popularity to its height 
 put a term to it. The multitude, still enraged against all 
 who had participated in the project of the 14th of July, had 
 
 E2
 
 52 HISTORY OF 
 
 put to death, with relentless cruelty, Foulon, the intended 
 minister, and his nephew, Berthier. Indignant at these exe- 
 cutions, fearing that others might fall victims, and especially 
 desirous of saving the baron de Besenval, commander of the 
 army of Paris, under marshal de Broglie, and detained 
 prisoner, Necker demanded a general amnesty and obtained it 
 from the assembly of electors. This step was very imprudent, 
 in a moment of enthusiasm and mistrust. Necker did not 
 know the people; he was not aware how easily they suspect 
 their chiefs and destroy their idols. They thought he wished 
 to protect their enemies from the punishment they had in- 
 curred; the districts assembled, the legality of an amnesty 
 pronounced by an unauthorized assembly was violently 
 attacked, and the electors themselves revoked it. No doubt 
 it was advisable to calm the rage of the people, and recom- 
 mend them to be merciful; but instead of demanding the 
 liberation of the accused, the application should have been 
 for a tribunal which would have removed them from the 
 murderous jurisdiction of the multitude. In certain cases 
 that which appears most humane is not really so. Necker, 
 without gaining anything, excited the people against himself, 
 and the districts against the electors; from that time he began 
 to contend against the revolution, of which, because he had 
 been for a moment its hero, he hoped to become the master. 
 But an individual is of slight importance during a revo- 
 lution which raises the masses; that vast movement either 
 drags him on with it, or tramples him under foot; he must 
 either precede or succumb. At no time is the subordination 
 of men to circumstances more clearly manifested: revolutions 
 employ many leaders, and when they submit, it is to one 
 alone. 
 
 The consequences of the 14th of July were immense. The 
 movement of Paris communicated itself to the provinces; the 
 country population, imitating that of the capital, organized 
 itself in all directions into municipalities for purposes of self- 
 government; and into bodies of national guards for self- 
 defence. Authority and force became wholly displaced; 
 royalty had lost them by its defeat, the nation had acquired 
 them. The new magistrates were alone powerful, alone 
 obeyed; their predecessors were altogether mistrusted. In 
 towns, the people rose against them and against the privileged
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 53 
 
 classes, whom they naturally supposed enemies to the change 
 that had been effected. In the country, the chateaux were 
 fired, and the peasantry burned the title-deeds of their lords. 
 In a moment of victory it is difficult not to make an abuse 
 of power. But to appease the people it was necessary to 
 destroy abuses, in order that they might not, while seeking 
 to get rid of them, confound privilege with property. Classes 
 had disappeared, arbitrary power was destroyed; with these, 
 their old accessory, inequality, too, must be suppressed. Thus 
 must proceed the establishment of the new order of things, 
 and these preliminaries were the work of a single night. 
 
 The assembly had addressed to the people proclamations 
 calculated to restore tranquillity. The constituting the Cha- 
 telet a court for trying the conspirators of the 14th of July, 
 had also contributed to the restoration of order by satisfying 
 the multitude. An important measure remained to be exe- 
 cuted, the abolition of privileges. On the night of the 4th 
 of August, the viscount de Noailles gave the signal for this. 
 He proposed the redemption of feudal rights, and the sup- 
 pression of personal servitude. With this motion began the 
 sacrifice of all the privileged classes; a rivalry of patriotism 
 and public offerings arose among them. The enthusiasm be- 
 came general; in a few hours the cessation of all abuses was 
 decreed. The duke du Chatelet proposed the redemption of 
 tithes and their conversion into a pecuniary tax; the bishop 
 of Chartres, the abolition of the game-laws; the count de 
 Virieu, that of the law protecting doves and pigeons. The 
 abolition of seigneurial courts, of the purchase and sale of posts 
 in the magistracy, of pecuniary immunities, of favouritism in 
 taxation, of surplice money, first-fruits, pluralities, and un- 
 merited pensions, were successively proposed and carried. 
 After sacrifices made by individuals, came those of bodies, 
 of towns and provinces. Companies and civic freedoms were 
 abolished. The marquis des Blacons, a deputy of Dauphine, 
 in the name of his province, pronounced a solemn renuncia- 
 tion of its privileges. The other provinces followed the 
 example of Dauphine, and the towns that of the provinces. 
 A medal was struck to commemorate the day; and the as- 
 sembly decreed to Louis XVI. the title of Restorer of French 
 Liberty. 
 
 That night, which an enemy of the revolution designated
 
 04 HISTORY OF 
 
 at the time, the Saint Bartholomew of property, was only 
 the Saint Bartholomew of abuses. It swept away the rubbish 
 of feudalism; it delivered persons from the remains of servi- 
 tude, properties from seigneurial liabilities; from the ravages 
 of game, and the exaction of tithes. By destroying the 
 seigneurial courts, that remnant of private power, it led to 
 the principle of public power; in putting an end to the pur- 
 chasing posts in the magistracy, it threw open the prospect of 
 unbought justice. It was the transition from an order of 
 things in which everything belonged to individuals, to another 
 in which everything was to belong to the nation. That night 
 changed the face of the kingdom; it made all Frenchmen 
 equal; all might now obtain public employments; aspire to 
 the idea of property of their own, of exercising industry for 
 their own benefit. That night was a revolution as important 
 as the insurrection of the 14th of July, of which it was the 
 consequence. It made the people masters of society, as the 
 other had made them masters of the government, and it 
 enabled them to prepare the new, while destroying the old 
 constitution. 
 
 The revolution had progressed rapidly, had obtained great 
 results in a very short time; it would have been less prompt, 
 less complete, had it not been attacked. Every refusal be- 
 came for it the cause of a new success; it foiled intrigue, 
 resisted authority, triumphed over force; and at the point of 
 time we have reached, the whole edifice of absolute monarchy 
 had fallen to the ground, through the errors of its chiefs. 
 The 17th of June had witnessed the disappearance of the 
 three orders, and the states-general changed into the national 
 assembly; with the 23rd of June terminated the moral 
 influence of royalty; with the 14th of July its physical power; 
 the assembly inherited the one, the people the other; finally, 
 the 4th of August completed this first revolution. The 
 period we have just gone over stands prominently out from 
 the rest; in its brief course force was displaced, and all the 
 preliminary changes were accomplished. The following 
 period is that in which the new system is discussed, becomes 
 established, and in which the assembly, after having been 
 destructive, becomes constructive.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 55 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 FROM THE NIGHT OF THE 4TH OF AUGUST TO THE 5TH 
 AND 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789. 
 
 State of the constituent assembly Party of the high clergy and nobility 
 Maury and Cazales Party of the ministry and of the two chambers : 
 Mounier, Lally-Tollendal Popular party: triumvirate of Barnave, 
 Duport, and Lameth Its position Influence of Sieyes Mirabeau, 
 chief of the assembly at that period Opinion to be formed of the Or- 
 leans party Constitutional labours Declaration of rights Perma- 
 nency and unity of the legislative body Royal sanction External 
 agitation caused by it Project of the court Banquet of the gardes- 
 du-corps Insurrection of the 5th and Gth October The king comes 
 to reside at Paris. 
 
 THE national assembly, composed of the elite of the nation, 
 was full of intelligence, pure intentions, and projects for the 
 public good. It was not, indeed, free from parties, or wholly 
 unanimous; but the mass was, under the empire, neither of 
 an idea nor of a man; and it was the mass which, upon a 
 conviction ever untrammelled and often entirely spontaneous, 
 decided the deliberations and decreed popularity. The follow- 
 ing were the divisions of views and interests it contained 
 within itself: 
 
 The court had a party in the assembly, the privileged 
 classes, who remained for a long time silent, and took but a 
 tardy share in the debates. This party consisted of those 
 who during the dispute as to the orders had declared against 
 union. The aristocratic classes, notwithstanding their mo- 
 mentary agreement with the commons, had interests altogether 
 contrary to those of the aational party; and, accordingly, the 
 nobility and higher clergy, who formed the Eight of the as-
 
 56 HISTORY OF 
 
 sembly, were in constant opposition to it, except on days ot 
 peculiar excitement. These foes of the revolution, unable to 
 prevent it by their sacrifices, or to stop it by their adhe- 
 sion, systematically contended against all its reforms. Their 
 leaders were two men who were not the first among them in 
 birth or rank, but who were superior to the rest in talents. 
 Maury and Cazales represented, as it were, the one the 
 clergy, and the other the nobility. 
 
 These two orators of the privileged classes, according to 
 the intentions of their party, who put little faith in the dura- 
 tion of these changes, rather protested than stood on the 
 defensive; and in all their discussions their aim was not to 
 instruct the assembly, but to bring it into disrepute. Each 
 introduced into his part the particular turn of his mind and 
 character: Maury made long speeches, Cazales lively sallies. 
 The first preserved at the tribune his habits as a preacher 
 and academician; he spoke on legislative subjects without 
 understanding them, never seizing the right view of the sub- 
 ject, nor even that most advantageous to his party; he gave 
 proofs of audacity, erudition, skill, a brilliant and well-sus- 
 tained facility, but never displayed solidity of judgment, firm 
 conviction, or real eloquence. The abbe Maury spoke as 
 soldiers fight. No one could contradict oftener or more perti- 
 naciously than he, or more flippantly substitute quotations and 
 sophisms for reasoning, or rhetorical phrases for real bursts of 
 feeling. He possessed much talent, but wanted the faculty 
 which gives it life and truth. Cazales was the opposite of 
 Maury: he had a just and ready mind; his eloquence was 
 equally facile, but more animated; there was candour in his 
 outbursts, and he always gave the best reasons. No rhetorician, 
 he always took the true side of a question that concerned his 
 party, and left declamation to Maury. With the clearness 
 of his views, his ardent character, and the good use he made 
 of his talents, his only fault was that of his position; Maury, 
 on the other hand, added the errors of his mind to those which 
 were inseparable from the cause he espoused. 
 
 Necker and the ministry had also a party; but it was less 
 numerous than the other, on account of its moderation. 
 France was then divided into the privileged classes opposed 
 to the revolution, and the people who strenuously desired it. 
 A> yet there was no place for a mediating party between
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 57 
 
 them. Necker had declared himself in favour of the English 
 constitution, and those who from ambition or conviction were 
 of his views, rallied round him. Among these was Mounier, 
 a man of strong mind and inflexible spirit, who considered 
 that system as the type of representative governments; 
 Lally-Tollendal, as decided in his views as the former, and 
 more persuasive; Clermont-Tonnerre, the friend and ally of 
 Mounier and Lally; in a word, the minority of the nobility, 
 and some of the bishops, who hoped to become members of 
 the upper chamber, should Necker's views be adopted. 
 
 The leaders of this party, afterwards called the monarchi- 
 cal party, wished to effect a revolution by compromise, and to 
 introduce into France a representative government, ready 
 formed, namely, that of England. At every point, they 
 besought the powerful to make a compromise with the weak. 
 Before the 14th of July, they asked the court and privileged 
 classes to satisfy the commons; afterwards, they asked the 
 commons to agree to an arrangement with the court and the 
 privileged classes. They thought that each ought to preserve 
 his influence in the state; that deposed parties are discontented 
 parties, and that a legal existence must be made for them, or 
 interminable struggles be expected on their part. But they 
 did not see how little their ideas were appropriate to a mo- 
 ment of exclusive passions. The struggle was begun, the 
 struggle destined to result in the triumph of a system, and not 
 in a compromise. It was a victory which had made the 
 three orders give place to a single assembly, and it was diffi- 
 cult to break the unity of this assembly in order to arrive at 
 a government of two chambers. The moderate party had 
 not been able to obtain this government from the court, nor 
 were they to obtain it from the nation: to the one it had 
 appeared too popular; for the other, it was too aristocratic. 
 
 The rest of the assembly consisted of the national party. 
 As yet there were not observed in it men who, like .Robes- 
 pierre, Petion, Buzot, &c., wished to begin a second revolu- 
 tion when the first was accomplished. At this period the 
 most extreme of this party were Duport, Barnave, and 
 Lameth, who formed a triumvirate, whose opinions were pre- 
 pared by Duport, sustained by Barnave, and managed by 
 Alexander Lameth. There was something remarkable and 
 announcing the spirit of equality of the times, in this intimate
 
 JS HISTORY OF 
 
 union of an advocate belonging to the middle classes,, of a 
 counsellor belonging to the parliamentary class, and a cokrael 
 belonging to the court, renouncing the interests of their order 
 to unite in views of the public good and popular happiness. 
 This party at first took a more advanced position than that 
 which the revolution had attained. The 14th of July had been 
 the triumph of the middle class; the constituent assembly was 
 its legislature, the national guard its armed force, the mayor- 
 alty its popular power. Mirabeau, Lafayette, Bailly, relied on 
 this class; one was its tribune, the other its general, and the 
 third its magistrate. Duport, Bcrnave, and Lameth's party 
 were of the principles, and sustained the interests of that 
 period of the revolution ; but this party, composed of young 
 men of ardent patriotism, who entered on public affairs with 
 superior qualities, fine talents, and elevated positions, and 
 who joined to the love of liberty the ambition of playing a 
 leading part, placed itself from the first racher in advance 
 of the revolution of July the 14th. Its fulcrum within the 
 assembly was, the members of the extreme left, without, in 
 the clubs; in the nation, in the party of the people, who had 
 co-operated on the 14th of July, and who were unwilling 
 that the bourgeoisie alone should derive advantage from the 
 victory. By putting itself at the head of those who had no 
 leaders, and who being a little out of the government aspired 
 to enter it, it did not cease to belong to this first period of 
 the revolution ; only it formed a kind of democratic opposi- 
 tion, even in the middle class itself, only differing from its 
 leaders en u few unimportant points, and voting with them 
 oa most questions. It was, among these popular men. rather 
 a patriotic emulation than a party dissension. 
 
 Duport, who was strong-minded, and who had acquired 
 premature experience of the management of political passions, 
 in the struggles which parliament had sustained against the 
 ministry, and which he had chiefly directed, knew well that 
 a people reposes the moment it has gained its rights, and 
 that it begins to grow weak as soon as it reposes. To 
 keep in vigour those who governed in the assembly, in the 
 mayoralty, in the militia; to prevent the public activity from 
 slackening, and not to disband the people, whose aid he might 
 one day require, he conceived and executed the famous con- 
 federation of the clubs. Tl^s institution, like everything
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 5") 
 
 that gives a great impulse to a nation, caused a great deal of 
 good, and a great deal of harm. It impeded legal authority, 
 when this of itself was sufficient; but it also gave an immense 
 energy to the revolution, when, attacked on all sides, it 
 could only save itself by the most violent efforts. For the 
 rest, the founders of this association had not calculated all its 
 consequences. They regarded it simply as a wheel destined 
 to keep or put in movement the public machine, without 
 danger, when it tended to abate or to cease its activity; they 
 did not think they were working for the advantage of the 
 multitude. After the flight of Varennes, this party had be- 
 come too exacting and too formidable; they forsook it, and 
 supported themselves against it with the mass of the assem- 
 bly and the middle class, whose direction was left vacant by 
 the death of Mirabeau. At this period, it Avas important to 
 them speedily to fix the constitutional revolution; for to pro- 
 tract it would have been to bring on the republican revo- 
 lution. 
 
 The mass of the assembly, we have just mentioned, 
 abounded in just, experienced, and even superior minds. Its 
 leaders were two men, strangers to the third estate, and 
 adopted by it. Without the abbe Sie*yes, the constituent 
 assembly would probably have had less unity in its opera- 
 tion and without Mirabeau, less energy in its conduct. 
 
 Sieyes was one of those men who create sects in an age of 
 enthusiasm, and who exercise the ascendancy of a powerful 
 reason in an enlightened age. Solitude and philosophical 
 studies had matured him at an early age. His views were new, 
 strong, and extensive, but somewhat too systematic. Society 
 had especially been the subject of his examination; he had 
 watched its progress, investigated its springs. The nature of 
 government appeared to him less a question of right than 
 a question of epoch. His vast intellect ranged the society 
 of our days in its divisions, relations, powers, and movement. 
 Sieyes, though of cold temperament, had the ardour which 
 the pursuit of truth inspires, and the passion which its 
 discovery gives; he was accordingly absolute in his views, 
 disdaining those of others, because he considered them in- 
 complete, and that, in his opinion, half truth was error. 
 Contradiction irritated him; he \vas not communicative. De- 
 sirous of making himself thoroughly known, he coidd not do
 
 60 HISTORY OF 
 
 BO with every one. His adepts imparted his systems to others, 
 which surrounded him with a sort of mystery, and ren- 
 dered him the object of a species of reverence. He had the 
 authority which complete political science procures, and 
 the constitution might have emerged from his head com- 
 pletely armed, like the Minerva of Jupiter, or the legislation 
 of the ancients, were it not that in our days every one sought 
 to be engaged in the task, or to criticise it. Yet, with the 
 exception of some modifications, his plans were generally 
 adopted, and he had in the committees more disciples than 
 colleagues. 
 
 Mirabeau obtained in the tribune the same ascendancy as 
 Sieyes in the committees. He was a man who only waited 
 the occasion to become great. At Rome, in the best days 
 of the republic, he would have been a Gracchus; in its 
 decline, a Catiline; under the Fronde, a cardinal de Retz; 
 and in the decrepitude of a monarchy, when such a being 
 could only find scope for his immense faculties in agitation, 
 he became remarkable for the vehemence of his passions, and 
 for their punishment, a life passed in committing disorders, 
 and suffering for them. This prodigious activity required 
 employment; the revolution provided it. Accustomed to the 
 struggle against despotism, irritated by the contempt of a 
 nobility who were inferior to him, and who excluded him 
 from their body; clever, daring, eloquent, Mirabean felt that 
 the revolution would be his work, and his life. He exactly 
 corresponded to the chief wants of his time. His thought, 
 his voice, his action, were those of a tribune. In perilous 
 circumstances, his was the earnestness which carries away 
 an assembly; in difficult discussions, the unanswerable sally 
 which at once puts an end to them; with a word he prostrated 
 ambition, silenced enmities, disconcerted rivalries. This 
 powerful being, perfectly at his ease in the midst of agitation, 
 now giving himself up to the impetuosity, now to the fami- 
 liarities of conscious strength, exercised a sort of sovereignty 
 in the assembly. He soon obtained immense popularity, 
 which he retained to the last; and he whom, at his first 
 entrance into the legislature, every eye shunned, was, at his 
 death, received into the Pantheon, amidst the tears of the 
 assembly and of all France. Had it not been for the revo- 
 lution, Mirabeau would have failed in realizing his destiny,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 61 
 
 for it is not enough to be great: one must live at the fitting 
 period. 
 
 The duke of Orleans, to whom a party has been given, had 
 but little influence in the assembly; he voted with the ma- 
 jority, not the majority with him. The personal attachment 
 of some of its members, his name, the fears of the court, the 
 popularity his opinions enjoyed, hopes rather than conspiracies 
 had increased his reputation as a factious character. He had 
 neither the qualities nor the defects of a conspirator; he may 
 have aided with his money and his name popular movements, 
 that would have taken place just the same without him, and 
 which had another object than his elevation. It is still a 
 common error to attribute the greatest of revolutions to some 
 petty private manoeuvring, as if at such an epoch a whole 
 people could be used as the instrument of one man. 
 
 The assembly had acquired the entire power; the corpora- 
 tions depended on it; the national guards obeyed it. It was 
 divided into committees to facilitate its operations, and execute 
 them. The royal power, though existing of right, was in a 
 measure suspended, since it was not obeyed, and the as- 
 sembly had to supply its action by its own. Thus, inde- 
 pendently of committees entrusted with the preparation of 
 its measures, it had appointed others to exercise a useful 
 superintendence without. A committee of supply occupied 
 itself with provisions, an important object in a year of 
 scarcity; a committee of inquiry corresponded with the cor- 
 porations and provinces; a committee of researches received 
 informations against the conspirators of the 14th of July. But 
 finance and the constitution, which the past crises had ad- 
 journed, were the special subjects of attention. 
 
 After having momentarily provided for the necessities of 
 the treasury, the assembly, although now become sovereign, 
 consulted, by examining the petitions, the wishes of its con- 
 stituents. It then proceeded to form its institutions with a 
 method, a liberal and extensive spirit of discussion, which 
 was to procure for France a constitution conformable with 
 justice and suited to its necessities. The United States of 
 America, at the time of their independence, had set forth 
 in a declaration, the rights of man, and those of the citizen. 
 This will ever be the first step. A people rising from 
 slavery feels the necessity of proclaiming its right?, even be-
 
 62 HISTORY OF 
 
 fore it forms its government. Those Frenchmen who had 
 assisted at the American revolution, and who co-operated 
 in ours, proposed a similar declaration as a preamble to our 
 laws. This was agreeable to an assembly of legislators and 
 philosophers, restricted by no limits, since no institutions ex- 
 isted, and who were directed by primitive and fundamental 
 ideas of society, for it was the pupil of the eighteenth century. 
 Though this declaration only contained general principles, and 
 confined itself to setting forth in maxims what the constitution 
 was to put into laws, it was calculated to elevate the mind, 
 and impart to the citizens a consciousness of their dignity and 
 importance. At Lafayette's suggestion, the assembly had before 
 commenced this discussion; but the events at Paris, and the 
 decrees of the 4th of August, had interrupted its labours; they 
 were now resumed, and concluded, by determining the princi- 
 ples which were to form the table of the new law, and which 
 were the assumption of right in the name of humanity. 
 
 These generalities being adopted, the assembly turned its 
 attention to the organization of the legislative power. This 
 was one of its most important objects; it was to fix the nature 
 of its functions, and establish its relations with the king. In 
 this discussion the assembly had only to decide the future 
 condition of the legislative power. Invested as it was with 
 constituent authority, it was raised above its own deci- 
 sions, and no intermediate power could suspend or prevent its 
 mission. But what should be the form of the deliberative 
 body in future sessions? Should it remain indivisible, or be 
 divided into two chambers? If the latter form should be 
 adopted, what should be the nature of the second chamber? 
 Should it be made an aristocratic assembly, or a moderative 
 senate? And, whatever the deliberative body might be, was it 
 to be permanent or periodical, and should the king share the 
 legislative power with it? Such were the difficulties that 
 agitated the assembly and Paris during the month of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 If we consider the position of the assembly and its ideas of 
 sovereignty, we shall easily understand the manner in which 
 these questions were decided. It regarded the king merely 
 as the hereditary agent of the nation, having neither the right 
 to assemble its representatives nor that of directing or sus- 
 pending them. Accordingly, it refused to grant him the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 63 
 
 initiative in making laws and dissolving the assembly. It 
 considered that the legislative body ought not to be dependant 
 on the king. It moreover feared that by granting the go- 
 vernment too strong an influence over the assembly, or by 
 not keeping the latter always together, the prince might profit 
 by the intervals in Avhich he would be left alone, to encroach 
 on the other powers, and perhaps even to destroy the new 
 system. Therefore to an authority in constant activity, they 
 wished to oppose an always existing assembly, and the per- 
 manence of the assembly was accordingly declared. The 
 debate respecting its indivisibility, or its division, was very 
 animated. JSecker, Mounier, and Lally-Tollendal desired, in 
 addition to a representative chamber, a senate, to be composed 
 of members to be appointed by the king on the nomination of 
 the people. They considered this as the only means of mode- 
 rating the power, and even of preventing the tyranny of a 
 single assembly. They had as partisans such members as 
 participated in their ideas, or who hoped to form part of the 
 upper chamber. The majority of the nobility did not wish 
 for a house of peers, but for an aristocratic assembly, whose 
 members it should elect. They could not agree; Mounter's 
 party refusing to fall in with a project calculated to revive 
 the orders, and the aristocracy refusing to accept a senate, 
 which would confirm the ruin of the nobility. The greater 
 portion of the deputies of the clergy and of the commons were 
 in favour of the unity of the assembly. The popular party 
 considered it illegal to appoint legislators for life; it thought 
 that the upper chamber would become the instrument of 
 the court and aristocracy, and would then be dangerous, or 
 become useless by uniting with the commons. Thus the 
 nobility, from dissatisfaction, and the national party, from a 
 spirit of absolute justice, alike rejected the upper chamber. 
 
 This determination of the assembly has been the object of 
 many reproaches. The partisans of the peerage have attri- 
 buted all the evils of the revolution to the absence of that 
 order; as if it had been possible for anybody whatsoever to 
 arrest its progress. It was not the constitution which gave it 
 the character it has had, but events arising from party 
 struggles. What would the upper chamber have done be- 
 tween the court and the nation? If in favour of the first, it 
 would have been, unable to guide or save it; if in favour of
 
 64 HISTORY OF 
 
 the second, it would not have strengthened it; in either case, 
 its suppression would have infallibly ensued. In such times, 
 progress is rapid, and all that seeks to check it is superfluous. 
 In England, the house of lords, although docile, was sus- 
 pended during the crisis. These various systems have each 
 their epoch; revolutions are achieved by one chamber, and 
 end with two. 
 
 The -royal sanction gave rise to great debates in the assem- 
 bly, and violent clamours without. The question was as to 
 the part of the king in the making of laws; the deputies were 
 nearly all agreed on one point. They were determined, in 
 admitting his right to sanction or refuse laws; but some desired 
 that this right- should be unlimited, others that it should be 
 temporary. This, in reality, amounted to the same thing; 
 for it was not possible for the king to prolong his refusal in- 
 definitely, and the veto, though absolute, would only have 
 been suspensive. But this faculty, bestowed on a single man, 
 of checking the will of the people, appeared exorbitant, 
 especially out of the assembly, where it was less understood. 
 
 Paris had not yet recovered from the agitation of the 14th 
 of July; the popular government was but beginning, and the 
 city experienced all its liberty and disorder. . The assembly 
 of electors, who in difficult circumstances had taken the place 
 of a provisional corporation, had just been replaced. A 
 hundred and eighty members nominated by the districts, 
 constituted themselves legislators and representatives of 
 the city. While they were engaged on a plan of municipal 
 organization, each desired to command; for in France the 
 love of liberty is almost the love of power. The committees 
 acted apart from the mayor; the assembly of representatives 
 arose against the committees, and the districts against the 
 assembly of representatives. Each of the sixty districts 
 attributed to itself the legislative power, and gave the execu- 
 tive power to its committees; they all considered the members 
 of the general assembly as their subordinates, and themselves 
 as invested with the right of annulling their decrees. This 
 idea of the sovereignty of the principal over the delegate 
 made rapid progress. Those who had no share in authority, 
 formed assemblies, and then gave themselves up to discussion; 
 soldiers debated at the Oratoire, journeymen tailors at the 
 Colonnade, hair-dressers in the Champs Elysees, servants at
 
 THE FRENCH R2VOLUTTON. 6>-> 
 
 the Louvre; but the most animated debates cook place in 
 the Palais Royal. There were inquired into the questions 
 that occupied the national assembly, and its discussions criti- 
 cised. The dearth of provisions also brought crowds together, 
 and these mobs were not the least dangerous. 
 
 Such was the state of Paris when the debate concerning 
 the veto was begun. The alarm which this right conferred 
 on the king excited, was extreme. It seemed as though the 
 fate of liberty depended on the decision of this question, and 
 that the veto alone would bring back the ancient system. 
 The multitude, ignorant of the nature and limits of power, 
 wished the assembly, on which it relied, to do all, and the 
 king, whom it mistrusted, to do nothing. Every instrument 
 left at the disposal of the court, appeared the means of a 
 counter revolution. The crowds at the Palais Royal grew 
 turbulent; threatening letters were sent to those members of 
 the assembly, who, like Mounier, had declared in favour of 
 the absolute veto. They spoke of dismissing them as faith- 
 less representatives, and of marching upon Versailles. The 
 Palai-s Royal sent a deputation to the assembly, and required 
 the commune to declare that the deputies were revocable, 
 and to make them at all times dependent on the electors. The 
 commune remained firm, rejected the demands of the Palais 
 Royal, and took measures to prevent the riotous assemblies. 
 The national guard supported it; this body was well disposed; 
 Lafayette had acquired its confidence; it was becoming orga- 
 nized, it wore a uniform, submitted to discipline after the 
 example of the French guard, and learned from its chief the 
 love of order and respect for the law. But the middle class 
 that composed it had not yet taken exclusive possession of the 
 popular government. The multitude which was enrolled on 
 the 14th of July, was not as yet entirely disbanded. This 
 agitation from without rendered the debates upon the veto 
 stormy; in this way a very simple question acquired great 
 importance, and the ministry, perceiving how fatal the influ- 
 ence of an absolute decision might prove, and seeing, also, 
 that the unlimited veto and the suspensive veto were one and 
 the same thing, induced the king to be satisfied with the latter, 
 and give up the former. The assembly declared that the 
 refusal of his sanction could not be prolonged by the prince 
 beyond two sessions; and this decision satisfied every one. 
 
 F
 
 66 HISTORY OP 
 
 The court took advantage of the agitation in Paris to 
 realize other projects. For some time it had influenced the 
 king's mind. At first, he had refused to sanction the decrees 
 of the 4th of August, although they were constitutive, and 
 consequently he could not avoid promulgating them. After 
 accepting them, on the remonstrances of the assembly, he re- 
 newed the same difficulties relative to the declaration of 
 rights. The object of the court was to represent Louis XVL 
 as oppressed by the assembly, and constrained to submit to 
 measures which he was unwilling to accept; it endured its 
 situation with impatience, and strove to regain its former au- 
 thority. Flight was the only means, and it was requisite 
 to legitimate it; nothing could be done in the presence of 
 the assembly, and in the neighbourhood of Paris. Royal au- 
 thority had fallen on the 23rd of June, military power on the 
 14th of July; there was no alternative but civil war. As it 
 was difficult to persuade the king to this course, they waited 
 till the last moment to induce him to flee; his hesitation 
 caused the failure of the plan. It was proposed to retire to 
 Metz, to Bouille, in the midst of his army; to call around 
 the monarch the nobility, the troops who continued faithful, 
 the parliaments; to declare the assembly and Paris in a state of 
 rebellion; to invite them to obedience or to force them to it; 
 and if the ancient system could not be entirely re-established, 
 at least to confine themselves to the declaration of the 20th 
 of June. On the other hand, if the court had an interest in 
 removing the king from Versailles, that it might effect some- 
 thing, it was the interest of the partisans of the revolution to 
 bring him to Paris; the Orleans faction, if one existed, had 
 an interest in driving the king to flight, by intimidating him, 
 in the hope that the assembly would appoint its leader licu- 
 tenant-general of the kingdom ; and, lastly, the people, who 
 were in want of bread, wished for the king to reside at 
 Paris, in the hope that his presence would diminish, or put a 
 stop to the dearth of provisions. All these causes existing, 
 an occasion was only wanting to bring about an insurrection ; 
 the court furnished this occasion. On the pretext of pro- 
 tecting itself against the movements in Paris, it summoned 
 troops to Versailles, doubled the household guards, and sent 
 for the dragoons and the Flanders regiment. All this pre- 
 paration of troops gave rise to the liveliest fears; a report
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 67 
 
 spread of an anti-revolutionary measure, and the flight of the 
 king, and the dissolution of the assembly, were announced as 
 at hand. Strange uniforms, and yellow and black cockades, 
 were to be seen at the Luxembourg, the Palais Royal, and 
 at the Champs Elysees; the foes of the revolution displayed a 
 degree of joy they had not manifested for some time. The 
 behaviour of the court confirmed these suspicions, and dis- 
 closed the object of all these preparations. 
 
 The officers of the Flanders regiment, received with anxiety 
 in the town of Versailles, were feted at the chateau, and 
 even admitted to the queen's card tables. Endeavours were 
 made to secure their devotion, and a banquet was given to 
 them by the king's guards. The officers of the dragoons 
 and the chasseurs, who were at. Versailles, those of the 
 Swiss guards, of the hundred Swiss, of the prevote', and the 
 staff of the national guard were invited. The theatre in the 
 chateau, which was reserved for the most solemn fetes of the 
 court, and which, since the marriage of the second brother of 
 the king, had only been used for the emperor Joseph II., was 
 selected for the scene of the festival. The king's musicians 
 were ordered to attend this, the first fete which the guards 
 had given. During the banquet, toasts to the king and royal 
 family were drunk with enthusiasm, while the nation was 
 omitted or rejected. At the second course, the grenadiers of 
 Flanders, the two bodies of Swiss, and the dragoons, were 
 admitted to witness the spectacle, and share the sentiments 
 which animated the guests. The enthusiasm increased every 
 moment. Suddenly the king was announced; he entered 
 attired in a hunting dress, the queen leaning on his arm, and 
 carrying the dauphin. Shouts of affection and devotion arose 
 on every side. The health of the royal family was drunk, with 
 swords drawn; and when Louis XVI. withdrew, the music 
 played, " O Richard ! mon roi ! Funivers t'abandonne." 
 The scene now assumed a very significant character; the 
 march of the Hullans, and the profusion of wine, deprived 
 the guests of all reserve. The charge was sounded; tottering 
 guests climbed the boxes, as if mounting to an assault; white 
 cockades were distributed ; the tri-coloured cockade, it is said, 
 was trampled on, and the guests then spread through the 
 galleries of the chateau, where the ladies of the court loaded 
 
 F2
 
 68 HISTORY OF 
 
 them with congratulations, and decorated them with ribbons 
 and cockades. 
 
 Such was this famous banquet of the 1st of October, which 
 the court was imprudent enough to repeat on the 3rd. One 
 cannot help lamenting its fatal want of foresight; it could 
 neither submit to nor change its destiny. This assembling 
 of the troops, so far from preventing aggression in Paris, 
 provoked it; the banquet did not make the devotion of the 
 soldiers any more sure, while it augmented the ill disposi- 
 tion of the people. To protect itself there was no necessity 
 for so much ardour, nor for flight was there needful so much 
 preparation; but the court never took the measure calculated 
 to make its designs succeed, or else it only half took it, and, 
 in order to decide, it always waited until there was no longer 
 any time. 
 
 The news of this banquet produced the greatest sensation 
 in Paris. On the 4th, suppressed rumours, counter-revo- 
 lutionary provocations, the dread of conspiracies, indignation 
 against the court, and increasing alarm at the dearth of pro- 
 visions, all announced an insurrection; the multitude already 
 looked towards Versailles. On the 5th, the insurrection 
 broke out in a violent and invincible manner; the entire want 
 of flour was the signal. A young girl, entering a guard- 
 house, seized a drum and rushed through the streets beating 
 it, and crying, " Bread! Bread!" She was soon surrounded 
 by a crowd of women. This mob advanced towards the 
 Hotel de Ville, increasing as it went. It forced the guard that 
 stood at the door, and penetrated into the interior, clamouring 
 for bread and arms; it broke open doors, seized weapons, 
 and marched towards Versailles. The people soon rose en 
 masse, uttering the same demand, till the cry, " To Versailles!" 
 rose on every side. The women started first, headed by 
 Maillard, one of the volunteers of the Bastille. The popu- 
 lace, the national guard, and the French guards requested to 
 follow them. The commander, Lafayette, opposed their 
 departure a long time, but in vain; neither his efforts nor 
 his popularity could overcome the obstinacy of the people. 
 For seven hours he harangued and retained them. At length, 
 impatient at this delay, rejecting his advice, they prepared to 
 set forward without him; when, feeling that it was now 
 his duty to conduct as it had previously been to restrain
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 69 
 
 them, he obtained his authorisation from the corporation, and 
 gave the word for departure about seven in the evening. 
 
 The excitement at Versailles was less impetuous, but quite 
 as real; the national guard and the assembly were anxious and 
 irritated. The double banquet of the household troops, the 
 approbation the queen had expressed, J'ai etc enchantee de la 
 jottrnee de Jeudi, the king's refusal to accept simply the 
 Kights of Man, his concerted temporizings, and the want of 
 provisions, excited the alarm of the representatives of the 
 people and filled them with suspicion. Petion having denounced 
 the banquets of the guards, was summoned by a royalist deputy 
 to explain his denunciation, and make known the guilty parties. 
 " Let it be expressly declared," exclaimed Mirabeau, " that 
 whosoever is not king is a subject and responsible, and I will 
 speedily furnish proofs." These words, which pointed to the 
 queen, compelled the right side to be silent. This hostile 
 discussion was preceded and succeeded by debates equally 
 animated, concerning the refusal of the sanction, and the 
 scarcity of provisions in Paris. At length, just as a deputa- 
 tion was despatched to the king, to require his pure and 
 simple acceptance of the Rights of Man, and to solicit him to 
 facilitate with all his power the supplying Paris with provi- 
 sions, the arrival of the women, headed by Maillard, was 
 announced. 
 
 Their unexpected appearance, for they had intercepted all 
 the couriers who might have announced it, excited the terrors 
 of the court. The troops of Versailles flew to arms and sur- 
 rounded the chateau, but the intentions of the women were 
 not hostile. Maillard, their leader, had recommended them 
 to appear as suppliants, and in that attitude they presented 
 their complaints successively to the assembly and to the king. 
 Accordingly, the first hours of this turbulent evening were 
 sufficiently calm. Yet it was impossible but that causes of 
 hostility should arise between an excited mob and the house- 
 hold troops, the objects of so much irritation. The latter 
 were stationed in the court of the chateau opposite the 
 national guard and the Flanders regiment. The space be- 
 tween was filled by women and volunteers of the Bastille. 
 In the midst of the confusion, necessarily arising from such 
 a juxta-position, a scuffle arose; this was the signal for dis- 
 order and conflict. An officer of the guards struck a Parsiaa
 
 70 HISTORY OF 
 
 soldier with his sabre, and was in turn shot in the arm. The 
 national guards sided against the household troops; the con- 
 flict became warm, and would have been sanguinary, but for the 
 darkness, the bad weather, and the orders given to the house- 
 hold troops first to cease firing and then to retire. But as these 
 were accused of being the aggressors, the fury of the multi- 
 tude continued for some time; their quarters were broken 
 into, two of them were wounded, and another saved with diffi- 
 culty. 
 
 During this tumult, the court was in consternation; the 
 flight of the king was suggested, and carriages prepared; a 
 piquet of the national guard saw them at the gate of the 
 Orangery, and having made them go back, closed the gate; 
 moreover, the king, either ignorant of the designs of the 
 court, or conceiving them impracticable, refused to escape. 
 Fears were mingled with his pacific intentions, when he hesi- 
 tated to repel the aggression or to take flight. Conquered, 
 he apprehended the fate of Charles I. of England; absent, 
 he feared that the duke of Orleans would obtain the lieute- 
 nancy of the kingdom. But, in the meantime, the rain, 
 fatigue, and the inaction of the household troops, lessened the 
 fury of the multitude, and Lafayette arrived at the head of 
 the Parisian army. 
 
 His presence restored security to the court, and the re- 
 plies of the king to the deputation from Paris, satisfied the 
 multitude and the army. In a short time, Lafayette's activity, 
 the good sense and discipline of the Parisian guard, restored 
 order everywhere. Tranquillity returned. The crowd of 
 women and volunteers, overcome by fatigue, gradually dis- 
 persed, and some of the national guard were entrusted with 
 the defence of the chateau, while others were lodged with 
 their companions in arms at Versailles. The royal family, 
 re-assured after the anxiety and fear of this painful night, 
 retired to rest about two o'clock in the morning. Towards 
 five, Lafayette, having visited the outposts which had been^ 
 confided to his care, and finding the watch well kept, tt 
 town calm, and the crowds dispersed or sleeping, also took/a 
 few moments repose. 
 
 About six, however, some men of the lower class, more 
 enthusiastic than the rest, and awake sooner than they, 
 prowled round the chateau. Finding a gate open, they
 
 THE FRENCH EE VOLUTION. 71 
 
 informed their companions, and entered 1 . Unfortunately, the 
 interior posts had been entrusted to the household guards, and 
 refused to the Parisian army. This fatal refusal caused all 
 the misfortunes of the night. The interior guard had not 
 even been increased; the gates scarcely visited, and the watch 
 kept as negligently as on ordinary occasions. These men, 
 excited by all the passions that had brought them to Ver- 
 sailles, perceiving one of the household troops at a window, 
 began to insult him. He fired, and wounded one of them. 
 They then rushed on the household troops, who defended the 
 chateau breast to breast, and sacrificed themselves heroically. 
 One of them had time to warn the queen, whom the assailants 
 particularly threatened; and half dressed, she ran for refuge 
 to the king. The tumult and danger were extreme in the 
 chateau. 
 
 Lafayette, apprised of the invasion of the royal residence, 
 mounted his horse, and rode hastily to the scene of danger. 
 On the square he met some of the household troops surrounded 
 by an infuriated mob, who were on the point of killing them. 
 He threw himself among them, called some French guards 
 who were near, and having rescued the household troops, and 
 dispersed their assailants, he hurried to the chateau. He 
 found it already secured by the grenadiers of the French 
 guard, who, at the first noise of the tumult, had hastened and 
 protected the household troops from the fury of the Parisians. 
 But the scene was not oveT; the crowd assembled again in 
 the marble court under the king's balcony, loudly called for 
 him, and he appeared. They required his departure for 
 Paris; he promised to repair thither with his family, and 
 this promise was received with general applause. The 
 queen was resolved to accompany him; but the prejudice 
 against her was so strong that the journey was not without 
 danger; it was necessary to reconcile her with the multitude. 
 Lafayette proposed to her to accompany him to the balcony; 
 after some hesitation, she consented. They appeared on it 
 together, and to communicate by a sign with the tumultuous 
 crowd, to conquer its animosity, and awaken its enthusiasm, 
 Lafayette respectfully kissed the queen's hand; the crowd 
 responded with acclamations. It now remained to make peace 
 between them and the household troops. Lafayette advanced 
 with one of these, placed his own tricoloured cockade on his
 
 72 HISTORY OF 
 
 hat, and embraced him before the people, who shouted " Vivent 
 les gardes-du-corps !" Thus terminated this scene; the royal 
 family set out for Paris, escorted by the army, and its guards 
 mixed with it. 
 
 The insurrection of the 5th and 6th of October was an 
 entirely popular movement. We must not try to explain it 
 by secret motives, nor attribute it to concealed ambition; it 
 was provoked by the imprudence of the court. The banquets 
 of the household troops, the reports of flight, the dread of 
 civil war, and the scarcity of provisions alone brought Paris 
 upon Versailles. If special instigators, which the most 
 careful inquiries have still left doubtful, contributed to pro- 
 duce this movement, they did not change either its direction 
 or its object. The result of this event was the destruction 
 of the ancient regime of the court; it deprived it of its 
 guard, it removed it from the royal residence at Versailles to 
 the capital of the revolution, and placed it under the surveil- 
 lance of the people.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. J3 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 FROM THE 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789, TO THE DEATH OP 
 MIRABEAU, APRIL, 1791. 
 
 Results of the events of October Alteration of the provinces into depart- 
 ments Organization of the administrative and municipal authorities 
 according to the system of popular sovereignty and election Finances : 
 all the means employed are insufficient Property of the clergy declared 
 national The sale of the property of the clergy leads to assignats 
 Civil constitution of the clergy Eeligious opposition of the bishops 
 Anniversary of the 14th of July Abolition of titles Confederation of 
 the Champ de Mars New organization of the army Opposition of the 
 officers Schism respecting the civil constitution of the clergy Clubs 
 Death of Mirabeau During the whole of this period the separation of 
 parties becomes more decided. 
 
 THE period which forms the subject of this chapter was less 
 remarkable for events than for the gradually decided separa- 
 tion of parties. In proportion as changes were introduced 
 into the state and the laws, those whose interests or opinions 
 they injured declared themselves against them. The revo- 
 lution had had as enemies, from the beginning of the states- 
 general, the court; from the union of orders and the abolition 
 of privileges, the nobility; from the establishment of a single 
 assembly and the rejection of the two chambers, the ministry 
 and the partizans of the English form of government. It had, 
 moreover, against it since the departmental organization, the 
 provinces; since the decree respecting the property and civil 
 constitution of the clergy, the whole ecclesiastical body; since 
 the introduction of the new military laws, all the officers of the 
 army. It might seem that the assembly ought not to have 
 effected so many changes at once, so as to have avoided making
 
 *4 HISTORY OF 
 
 so many enemies; but its general plans, its necessities, and the 
 very plots of its adversaries, required all these innovations. 
 
 After the 5th and 6th of October, the assembly emigrated 
 as the court had done after the 14th of July. Mounier 
 and Lally-Tollendal deserted it, despairing of liberty from 
 the moment their views ceased to be followed. Too absolute 
 in their plans, they wanted the people, after having delivered 
 the assembly on the 14th of July, suddenly to cease acting, 
 which was displaying an entire ignorance of the impetus of 
 revolutions. When the people have once been made use of, 
 it is difficult to disband them, and the most prudent course is 
 not to contest, but to regulate its intervention. Lally-Tol- 
 lendal renounced his title of Frenchman, and returned to 
 England, the land of his ancestors. Mounier repaired to 
 Dauphine, his native province, which he endeavoured to 
 excite to a revolt against the assembly. It was inconsistent 
 to complain of an insurrection, and yet to provoke one, espe- 
 cially when it was to the profit of another party, for his 
 was too weak to maintain itself against the ancient regime 
 and the revolution. Notwithstanding his influence in Dau- 
 phine, whose former movements he had directed, Mounier 
 was unable to establish there a centre of permanent resistance, 
 but the assembly was thereby warned, to destroy the ancient 
 provincial organization, which might become the frame-work 
 of a civil war. 
 
 After the 5th and 6th of October, the national representa- 
 tives followed the king to the capital, which their common 
 presence had contributed greatly to tranquillize. The people 
 were satisfied with possessing the king; the causes which had 
 excited their ebullition had ceased. The duke of Orleans, 
 who, right or wrong, was considered the contriver of the in- 
 surrection, had just been sent away; he had accepted a mis- 
 sion to England; Lafayette was resolved to maintain order; 
 the national guard, animated by a better spirit, acquired every 
 day habits of discipline and obedience; the corporation, getting 
 over the confusion of its first establishment, began to have 
 authority. There remained but one cause of disturbance 
 the scarcity of provisions. Notwithstanding the zeal 
 and foresight of the committee entrusted with the task of 
 providing supplies, daily assemblages of the people threat- 
 ened the public tranquillity. The people, so easily deceived
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 75 
 
 when suffering, killed a baker called Francois, who was un- 
 justly accused as a monopolist. On the 21st of October a 
 martial law was proclaimed, authorising the corporation to 
 employ force to disperse the mob, after having summoned the 
 citizens to retire. Power was vested in a class interested 
 in maintaining order; the districts and the national guard 
 were obedient to the assembly. Submission to the law was 
 the prevailing passion of that epoch. The deputies on their 
 side only aspired at completing the constitution and effecting 
 the re-organization of the state. They had the more reason 
 for hastening their task, as the enemies of the assembly made 
 use of what remained of the ancient regime, to occasion it 
 embarrassment. Accordingly, it replied to each of their en- 
 deavours by a decree, which, changing the ancient order of 
 things, deprived them of one of their means of attack. 
 
 It began by dividing the kingdom more equally and regu- 
 larly. The provinces, which had witnessed with regret the 
 loss of their privileges, formed small states, the extent of 
 which was too vast, and the administration too independent. 
 It was essential to reduce their size, change their names, and 
 subject them to the same government. On the 22nd of De- 
 cember, the assembly adopted in this respect the project con- 
 ceived by Sieyes, and presented by Thouret in the name of a 
 committee, which occupied itself constantly on tlu's subject for 
 two months. 
 
 France was divided into eighty-three departments, nearly 
 equal in extent and population; the departments were subdi- 
 vided into districts and cantons. Their administration received 
 a uniform and hierarchical form. The department had an ad- 
 ministrative council composed of thirty-six members, and an 
 executive directory composed of five members: as the names 
 indicate, the functions of the one were to decide, and of the 
 other to act. The district was organized in the same way: 
 although on a smaller scale, it had a council and a directory, 
 fewer in number, and subordinate to the superior directory and 
 council. The canton, composed of five or six parishes, was an 
 electoral not an administrative division; the active citizens, and 
 to be considered such it was necessary to pay taxes amount- 
 ing to three days earnings, united in the canton to nomi- 
 nate their deputies and magistrates. Everything in the new 
 plan was subject to election, but this had several degrees. It
 
 76 HISTORY OF 
 
 appeared imprudent to confide to the multitude the choice of 
 its delegates, and illegal to exclude them from it; this difficult 
 question was avoided by the double election. The active 
 citizens of the canton named electors intrusted with nomina- 
 ting the members of the national assembly, the administrators 
 of the department, those of the district, and the judges of 
 tribunals; a criminal court was established in each depart- 
 ment, a civil court in each district, and a police-court in each 
 canton. 
 
 Such was the institution of the department. It remained 
 to regulate that of the corporation: the administration of this 
 was confided to a general council and a municipality, com- 
 posed of members whose numbers were proportioned to 
 the population of the towns. The municipal officers were 
 named immediately by the people, and could alone authorize 
 the employment of the armed force. The corporation formed 
 the first step of the association, the kingdom formed the last; 
 the department was intermediate between the corporation 
 and the state, between universal interests, and purely local 
 interests. 
 
 The execution of this plan, which organized the sovereignty 
 of the people, which enabled all citizens to concur in the 
 election of their magistrates, and entrusted them with their 
 own administration, and distributed them into a machinery 
 which, by permitting the whole state to move, preserved a 
 correspondence between its parts, and prevented their isola- 
 tion, excited the discontent of some provinces. The states 
 of Languedoc and Brittany protested against the new divi- 
 sion of the kingdom, and on their side the parliaments of 
 Hetz, Rouen, Bordeaux, and Toulouse rose against the 
 operations of the assembly which suppressed the Chambres 
 de Vacations, abolished the orders, and declared the commis- 
 sions of the states incompetent. The partizans of the ancient 
 regime employed every means to disturb its progress: the no- 
 bility excited the provinces, the parliaments took resolutions, 
 the clergy issued mandates, and writers took advantage of the 
 liberty of the press to attack the revolution. Its two principal 
 enemies were the nobles and the bishops. Parliament, having 
 no root in the nation, only formed a magistracy, whose attacks 
 were prevented by destroying the magistracy itself, whereas 
 the nobility and the clergy had means of action which sur-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 77 
 
 vived the influence of the body. The misfortunes of these 
 two classes were caused by themselves. After harassing 
 the revolution in the assembly, they afterwards attacked it 
 with open force the clergy, by internal insurrections the 
 nobility, by arming Europe against it. They had great ex- 
 pectations from anarchy, which, it is true, caused France many 
 evils, but which was far from rendering their own position 
 better. Let us now see how the hostilities of the clergy were 
 brought on ; for this purpose we must go back a little. 
 
 The revolution had commenced with the finances, and had 
 not yet been able to put an end to the embarrassments by which 
 it was caused. More important objects had occupied the 
 attention of the assembly. Summoned, no longer to defray the 
 expenses of administration, but to constitute the state, it had 
 suspended its legislative discussions, from time to time, in order 
 to satisfy the more pressing necessities of the treasury. Necker 
 had proposed provisional means, which had been adopted in 
 confidence, and almost without discussion. Despite this zeal, 
 he did not without displeasure see the finances considered as 
 subordinate to the constitution, and the ministry to the 
 assembly. A first loan of thirty millions, (1,200,000/.,) 
 voted the 9th of August, had not succeeded; a subsequent 
 loan of eighty millions, (3,200,OOOZ.,) voted the 27th of the 
 same month, had been insufficient. Duties were reduced or 
 abolished, and they yielded scarcely anything, owing to the 
 difficulty of collecting them. It became useless to have re- 
 course to public confidence, which refused its aid; and in 
 September, Necker had proposed, as the only means, an 
 extraordinary contribution of a fourth of the revenue, to be 
 paid at once. Each citizen was to fix his proportion himself, 
 making use of that simple form of oath, which well expressed 
 these first days of honour and patriotism: " / declare with 
 trvth." 
 
 Mirabeau now caused Necker to be invested with a com- 
 plete financial dictatorship. He spoke of the urgent wants 
 of the state, of the labours of the assembly, which did not 
 permit it to discuss the plan of the minister, and which at the 
 same time prevented its examining any other; of Necker's 
 skill, which ensured the success of his own measure; and 
 urged the assembly to leave with him the responsibility of 
 its success, by confidently adopting it. As some did not
 
 75 HISTORY OP 
 
 approve of the views of the minister, and others suspected the 
 intentions of Mirabeau with respect to him, he closed his speech, 
 one of the most eloquent he ever delivered, by displaying 
 bankruptcy impending, and exclaiming, " Vote this extraor- 
 dinary subsidy, and may it prove sufficient! Vote it; for if you 
 have doubts respecting the means, you have none respecting 
 the want, and our inability to supply it. Vote it, for the public 
 circumstances will not bear delay, and we shall be accountable 
 for all postponement. Beware of asking for time; misfortune 
 never grants it. Gentlemen, on the occasion of a ridi- 
 culous motion at the Palais Royal, an absurd incursion, 
 which had never had any importance, save in feeble ima- 
 ginations, or the minds of men of ill designs and bad 
 faith, you once heard these words, ' Catiline is at the gates 
 of Rome, and yet they deliberate T And yet there were 
 around us neither Catiline, nor perils, nor factions, nor 
 Rome. But now bankruptcy, hideous bankruptcy, is there; 
 it threatens to consume you, your properties, your honour, 
 and yet you deliberate!" Mirabeau had carried away the 
 assembly by his oratory; and the patriotic contribution was 
 voted with unanimous applause. 
 
 But this resource had only afforded momentary relief. The 
 finances of the revolution depended on a more daring and 
 more vast measure. It was necessary not only to support the 
 revolution, but to repair the immense deficit which stopped 
 its progress, and threatened its future destiny. One way 
 alone remained to declare ecclesiastical property national, 
 and to sell it for the rescue of the state. Public interest pre- 
 scribed this course; and it could be done with justice, the clergy 
 not being the proprietors, but the simple administrators of 
 this property, devoted to religion, and not to the priests. The 
 nation, therefore, by taking on itself the expenses of the 
 altar, and the support of its ministers, might procure and 
 appropriate an important financial resource, and obtain a 
 great political result. 
 
 It was important not to leave an independent body, and 
 especially an ancient body, any longer in the state ; for in a 
 time of revolution everything ancient is hostile. The clergy, 
 by its formidable hierarchy and its opulence, a stranger to 
 the new changes, would have remained as a republic in the 
 kingdom. Its form belonged to another system: when
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 79 
 
 there was no state, but only bodies, each order had provided 
 for its own regulation and existence. The clergy had its 
 decretals, the nobility its law of fiefs, the people its corpora- 
 tions; everything was independent, because everything was 
 private. But now that functions were becoming public, it 
 was necessary to make a magistracy of the priesthood as they 
 had made one of royalty; and, in order to make them dependant 
 on the state, it was essential they should be paid by it, and 
 to resume from the monarch his domains, from the clergy its 
 property, by bestowing on each of them suitable endowments. 
 This great operation, which destroyed the ancient ecclesias- 
 tical regime, was effected in the following manner: 
 
 One of the most pressing necessities was the abolition of 
 tithes. As these were a tax paid by the rural population 
 to the clergy, the sacrifice would be for the advantage of 
 those who were oppressed by them. Accordingly, after 
 declaring they were redeemable, on the night of the 4th of 
 August, they were suppressed on the llth, without providing 
 any equivalent. The clergy opposed the measure at first, but 
 afterwards had the good ense to consent. The archbishop of 
 Paris gave up tithes in the name of all his brethren, and by 
 this act of prudence he showed himself faithful to the line of 
 conduct adopted by the privileged classes on the night of the 
 4th of August; but this was the extent of his sacrifices. 
 
 A short time after, the debate respecting the possession 
 of ecclesiastical property began. Talleyrand, bishop of 
 Autun, proposed to the clergy that they should renounce it 
 in favour of the nation, which would employ it in defraying 
 the expenses of worship, and liquidating its debt. He proved 
 the justice and propriety of this measure; and he showed 
 the great advantages which would accrue to the state. The 
 property of the clergy amounted to several thousand millions of 
 francs. After paying its debts, providing for the ecclesias- 
 tical services and that of hospitals, and the endowment of its 
 ministers, sufficient would still remain to extinguish the public 
 debt, whether permanent or annuities, and to reimburse the 
 money paid for judicial offices. The clergy rose against this 
 proposition. The discussion became very animated; and it 
 was decided, in spite of their resistance, that they were not 
 proprietors, but simple depositaries of the wealth that the 
 piety of kings and of the faithful had devoted to religion, and
 
 80 HISTORY OF 
 
 that the nation, on providing for the service of public wor- 
 ship, had a right to recal such property. The decree which 
 placed it at its disposal was passed on the 2nd of December, 
 1789. 
 
 From that moment the hatred of the clergy to the revolu- 
 tion broke out. At the commencement of the states-general 
 it had been less intractable than the nobility, in order to pre- 
 serve its riches; it now showed itself as opposed as they to 
 the new regime, of which it became the most tenacious and 
 furious foe. Yet, as the decree placed ecclesiastical property 
 at the disposal of the nation, without, as yet, displacing it, 
 it did not break out into opposition at once. The administra- 
 tion was still confided to it, and it hoped that the posses- 
 sions of the church might serve as a mortgage for the debt, 
 but would not be sold. 
 
 It was, indeed, difficult to effect the sale, which, however, 
 could not be delayed, the treasury only subsisting on antici- 
 pations, and the exchequer, which supplied it with bills, begin- 
 ning to lose all credit on account of the number it had issued. 
 
 They obtained their end, and proceeded with the new 
 financial organization in the following manner: The necessi- 
 ties of this and the following year required a sale of this 
 property to the amount of four hundred millions of francs; 
 to facilitate it, the corporation of Paris made considerable 
 subscriptions, and the municipalities of the kingdom followed 
 the example of Paris. They were to return to the treasury 
 the equivalent of the property they received from the state 
 to sell to private individuals; but they wanted money, and 
 they could not deliver the amount since they had not yet met 
 with purchasers. What was to be done? they supplied muni- 
 cipal notes intended to reimburse the public creditors, until 
 they should acquire the funds necessary for withdrawing 
 the notes. Once arrived thus far, they saw that, instead 
 of municipal notes, it would be better to create exchequer 
 bills, which would have a compulsory circulation, and answer 
 the purpose of specie: this was simplifying the operation by 
 generalizing it. In this way the assignats had their origin. 
 
 This invention was of great utility to the revolution, and 
 alone secured the sale of ecclesiastical property. The 
 assignats, which were a means of payment for the state, be- 
 came a pledge to the creditors. The latter by receiving them
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 81 
 
 were not obliged to accept payment in land for what they 
 had furnished in money. But sooner or later the assignats 
 would fall into the hands of men disposed to realize them, 
 and then they were to be destroyed at the same time that 
 they ceased to be a pledge. In order that they might fulfil 
 their design, their forced circulation was required; to render 
 them safe, the quantity was limited to the value of the pro- 
 perty proposed for sale; and that they might not fall by too 
 sudden a change, they were made to bear interest. The 
 assembly, from the moment of their issue, wished to give 
 them all the consistency of money. It was hoped that specie 
 concealed by distrust would immediately re-appear, and that 
 the assignats would enter into competition with it. Mort- 
 gage made them quite as sure, and interest made them more 
 profitable; but this interest, which was attended with much 
 inconvenience, disappeared after the first issue. Such was 
 the origin of the paper money issued under so much necessity, 
 and with so much prudence, which enabled the revolution 
 to accomplish such great things, and which was brought into 
 discredit by causes that belonged less to its nature than to 
 the subsequent use made of it. 
 
 When the clergy saw by a decree of the 29th of December 
 the administration of church property transferred to the 
 municipalities, the sale they were about to make of it to the 
 value of four hundred millions of francs, and the creation of 
 a paper money calculated to facilitate this spoliation, and 
 render it definitive, it left nothing undone to secure the 
 intervention of God in the cause of its wealth. It made a 
 last attempt: it offered to realize in its own name the loan 
 of four hundred millions of francs, which was rejected, be- 
 cause otherwise, after having decided that it was not the 
 proprietor of church property, it would thus have again been 
 admitted to be so. It then sought every means of impeding 
 the operations of the municipalities. In the south, it raised 
 catholics against protestants; in the pulpit, it alarmed con- 
 sciences; in the confessional, it treated sales as sacrilegious, 
 and in the tribune it strove to render the sentiments of the 
 assembly suspected. It excited as much as possible religious 
 questions for the purpose of compromising the assembly, and 
 confounding the cause of its own interest Avith that of re- 
 ligion. The abuses and inutility of monastic vows were at 
 
 G
 
 82 HISTORY OF 
 
 this period admitted by every one, even by the clergy. At 
 their abolition on the 13th of February, 1790, the bishop of 
 Nancy proposed incidentally and perfidiously that the catholic 
 religion alone should have a public worship. The assembly 
 were indignant at the motives that suggested such a proposi- 
 tion, and it was abandoned. But the same motion was again 
 brought forward in another sitting, and after stormy debates 
 the assembly declared that from respect to the Supreme 
 Being and the catholic religion, the only one supported at 
 the expense of the state, it conceived it ought not to decide 
 upon the question submitted to it. 
 
 Such was the disposition of the clergy, when, in the months 
 of June and July, 1790, the assembly turned its attention to 
 its internal organization. The clergy waited with impatience 
 for this opportunity of exciting a schism. This project, the 
 adoption of which caused so much evil, went to re-establish 
 the church on its ancient basis, and to restore the purity of 
 its doctrine; it was not the work of philosophers, but of 
 austere Christians, who wished to support religion by the 
 state, and to make them concur mutually in promoting its 
 happiness. The reduction of bishoprics to the same number 
 as the departments, the conformity of the ecclesiastical cir- 
 cumscription with the civil circumscription, the nomination 
 of bishops by electors, who also chose deputies and adminis- 
 trators, the suppression of chapters, and the substitution 
 of vicars for canons, were the chief features of this plan; 
 there was nothing in it that attacked the dogmas or worship 
 of the church. For a long time the bishops and other ecclesi- 
 astics had been nominated by the people; as for diocesan 
 limits, the operation was purely material, and in no respect 
 religious. It moreover generously provided for the support 
 of the members of the church, and if the high dignitaries saw 
 their revenues reduced, the cures, who formed the most nume- 
 rous portion, had theirs augmented. 
 
 But a pretext was wanting, and the civil constitution of the 
 clergy was eagerly seized upon. From the outset of the dis- 
 cussion, the archbishop of Aix protested against the prin- 
 ciples of the ecclesiastical committee. In his opinion, the 
 appointment or suspension of bishops by civil authority was 
 opposed to discipline; and when the decree was put to the 
 vote, the bishop of Clermont recapitulated the principles
 
 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION. 83 
 
 advanced by the archbishop of Aix, and left the Hall at the 
 head of all the dissentient members. The decree passed, but 
 the clergy declared war against the revolution. From that 
 moment it leagued more closely with the dissentient nobility. 
 Equally reduced to the common condition, the two privileged 
 classes employed all their means to stop the progress of 
 reform. 
 
 The departments were scarcely formed when agents were 
 sent by them to assemble the electors, and try new nominations. 
 They did not hope to obtain a favourable choice, but aimed at 
 fomenting divisions between the assembly and the departments. 
 This project was denounced from the tribune, and failed as soon 
 as it was made known. Its authors then went to work in an- 
 other way. The period allotted to the deputies of the states- 
 general had expired, their power having been limited to one 
 year, according to the desire of the districts. The aristo- 
 crats availed themselves of this circumstance to require a 
 fresh election of the assembly. Had they gained this point, 
 they would have acquired a great advantage, and with this 
 view they themselves appealed to the sovereignty of the 
 people. " Without doubt," replied Chapelier, " all sove- 
 reignty rests with the people; but this principle has no 
 application to the present case; it would be destroying the 
 constitution and liberty to renew the assembly before the 
 constitution is completed. This is, indeed, the hope of those 
 who wish to see liberty and the constitution perish, and to 
 witness the return of the distinction of orders, of prodigality 
 in the public expenditure, and of the abuses that spring from 
 despotism." At this moment all eyes were turned to the 
 Right, and rested on the abbe Maury. " Send those people 
 to the Chatelet" cried the latter, sharply; " or if you do not 
 know them, do not speak of them" " The constitution," con- 
 tinued Chapelier, " can only be made by one assembly. 
 Besides, the former electors no longer exist; the bailiwicks 
 are used in the departments, the orders are no longer sepa- 
 rate. The clause respecting the limitation of power is con- 
 sequently without value; it will therefore be contraiy to 
 the constitution, if the deputies do not retain their seats in 
 this assembly; their oath commands them to continue there, 
 and public interest requires it." 
 
 " You entangle us in sophisms," replied the abbe Maury; 
 
 G2
 
 84 HISTOEY OP 
 
 " how long have we been a national convention? You talk of 
 the oath we took on the 20th of June, without considering 
 that it cannot weaken that which we made to our consti- 
 tuents. Besides, gentlemen, the constitution is completed; 
 you have only now to declare that the king enjoys the pleni- 
 tude of the executive power. We are here for the sole pur- 
 pose of securing to the French nation the right of influencing 
 its legislation, of establishing the principle that taxation shall 
 be consented to by the people, and of securing our liberty. 
 Yes, the constitution is made; and I will oppose every decree 
 calculated to limit the rights of the people over their repre- 
 sentatives. The founders of liberty ought to respect the 
 liberty of the nation; the nation is above us all, and we 
 destroy our authority by limiting the national authority." 
 
 The abbe Maury's speech was received with loud applause 
 from the Right. Mirabeau immediately ascended the tribune. 
 " It is asked," said he, " how long the deputies of the 
 people have been a national convention? I answer, from 
 the day when, finding the door of their session-house sur- 
 rounded by soldiers, they went and assembled where they 
 could, and swore to perish rather than betray or abandon the 
 rights of the nation. Whatever our powers were, that day 
 their nature was changed; and whatever powers we may 
 have exercised, our efforts and labours have rendered them 
 legitimate, and the adhesion of the nation has sanctified 
 them. You all remember the saying of the great man of 
 antiquity, who had neglected legal forms to save his country. 
 Summoned by a factious tribune to confess that he had 
 violated the laws, he replied, ' I swear I have saved my 
 country!' Gentlemen," he exclaimed, turning to the depu- 
 ties of the commons, " I swear that you have saved France!" 
 
 The assembly then rose by a spontaneous movement, and 
 declared that the session should not close till their task was 
 accomplished. 
 
 Anti-revolutionary efforts were increasing, at the same 
 time, without the assembly. Attempts were made to seduce 
 or disorganize the army, but the assembly took prudent 
 measures in this respect. It gained the affections of the 
 troops by rendering promotion independent of the court, and 
 of titles of nobility. The count d' Artois and the prince de 
 Conde, who had retired to Turin after the 14th of July,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 85 
 
 
 
 corresponded with Lyons and the south; but the emigrants 
 not having yet the external influence they afterwards acquired 
 at Coblentz, and failing to meet with internal support, all 
 their efforts were vain. The attempts at insurrection, origi- 
 nating with the clergy in Languedoc, had as little effect. 
 They brought on some transient disturbances, but did not 
 effect a religious war. Time is necessary to form a party; 
 still more is required to induce it to decide on serious hostili- 
 ties. A more practicable design was that of carrying off the 
 king and conveying him to Peronne. The marquis de Favras, 
 with the secret support of Monsieur, the king's brother, was 
 preparing to execute it, when it was discovered. The Chatelet 
 condemned to death this intrepid adventurer, who had failed 
 in his enterprise, through undertaking it with too much dis- 
 play. The king's flight, after the events of October, could 
 only be effected furtively, as it subsequently happened at 
 Varennes. 
 
 The position of the court was equivocal and embarrassing. 
 It encouraged every anti-revolutionary enterprise and avowed 
 none; it felt more than ever its weakness and dependance on 
 the assembly; and while desirous of throwing off the yoke, 
 feared to make the attempt because success appeared difficult. 
 Accordingly, it excited opposition without openly co-operating 
 in it; with some it dreamed of the restoration of the ancient re- 
 gime, with others it only aimed at modifying the revolution. 
 Mirabeau had been recently in treaty with it. After having 
 been one of the chief authors of reform, he sought to give it 
 stability by enchaining faction. His object was to convert the 
 court to the revolution, not to give up the revolution to the 
 court. The support he offered was constitutional; he could 
 not offer any other; for his power depended on his popularity, 
 and his popularity on his principles. But he was wrong in 
 suffering it to be bought. Had not his immense necessities 
 obliged him to accept money and sell his counsels, he would 
 not have been more blameable than the unalterable Lafayette, 
 the Lameths and the Girondins, who successively negotiated 
 with it. But none of them gained the confidence of the 
 court; it only had recourse to them in extremity. By their 
 means it endeavoured to suspend the revolution, while by the 
 means of the aristocracy it tried to destroy it. Of all the 
 popular leaders, Mirabeau had perhaps the greatest ascend-
 
 86 HISTORY OF 
 
 ancy over the court, because he was the most winning, and 
 had the strongest mind. 
 
 The assembly worked unceasingly at the constitution, iii 
 the midst of these intrigues and plots. It decreed the new 
 judicial organization of France. All the new magistracies 
 were temporary. Under the absolute monarchy, all powers 
 emanated from the throne, and all functionaries were ap- 
 pointed by the king; under the constitutional monarchy, all 
 powers emanating from the people, the functionaries were to 
 be appointed by it. The throne alone was transmissible; 
 the other powers being the property neither of a man nor of 
 a family, were neither of life-tenure, nor hereditary. The 
 legislation of that period depended on one sole principle, the 
 sovereignty of the nation. The judicial functions had them- 
 selves that changeable character. Trial by jury, a democratic 
 institution formerly common to nearly all the continent, but 
 which in England alone had survived the encroachments of 
 feudalism and the throne, was introduced into criminal causes. 
 For civil causes special judges were nominated. Fixed courts 
 were established, two courts of appeal to prevent error, and 
 a cour de cassation intended to secure the preservation of the 
 protecting forms of the law. This formidable power, when 
 it proceeds from the throne, can only be independent by 
 being fixed; but it must be temporary when it proceeds from 
 the people; because, while depending on all, it depends upon 
 no one. 
 
 In another matter, quite as important, the right of making 
 peace or war, the assembly decided a new and delicate ques- 
 tion, and this in a sure, just, and prompt manner, after one 
 of the most luminous and eloquent discussions that ever dis- 
 tinguished its sittings. As peace and war belonged more to 
 action than to will, it confided, contrary to the usual rule, the 
 initiative to the king. He who was best able to judge of its 
 fitness was to propose the question, but it was left to the legis- 
 lative body to decide it. 
 
 The popular torrent, after having burst forth against the 
 ancient regime, gradually subsided into its bed ; new 
 dykes restrained it on all sides. The government of the 
 revolution was rapidly becoming established. The assembly 
 had given to the new regime its monarch, its national repre- 
 sentation, its territorial division, its armed force, its muni-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 87 
 
 cipal and administrative power, its popular tribunals, its cur- 
 rency, its clergy; it had made an arrangement with respect to 
 its debt, and it had found means to reconstruct property 
 without injustice. 
 
 The 14th of July approached: that day was regarded by 
 the nation as the anniversaiy of its deliverance, and prepara- 
 tions were made to celebrate it with a solemnity calculated to 
 elevate the souls of the citizens, and to strengthen the com- 
 mon bonds of union. A confederation of the whole kingdom 
 was appointed to take place in the Champ de Mars; and 
 there, in the open air, the deputies sent by the eighty-three 
 departments, the national representatives, the Parisian guard, 
 and the monarch, were to take the oath to the constitution. 
 By way of prelude to this patriotic fete, the popular members 
 of the nobility proposed the abolition of titles; and the assem- 
 bly witnessed another sitting similar to that of the 4th of 
 August. Titles, armorial bearings, liveries, and orders of 
 knighthood, were abolished on the 20th of June, and vanity, 
 as power had previously done, lost its privileges. 
 
 This sitting established equality everywhere, and made 
 things agree with words, by destroying all the pompous para- 
 phernalia of other times. Formerly titles had designated func- 
 tions; armorial bearings had distinguished powerful families; 
 liveries had been worn by whole armies of vassals; orders of 
 knighthood had defended the state against foreign foes, 
 Europe against Islamism; but now, nothing of "this remained. 
 Titles had lost their truth and their fitness; nobility, after 
 ceasing to be a magistracy, had even ceased to be an orna- 
 ment; and power, like glory, was henceforth to spring from 
 plebeian ranks. But whether the aristocracy set more value 
 on their titles than on their privileges, or whether they only 
 awaited a pretext for openly declaring themselves, this last 
 measure, more than any other, decided the emigration 
 and its attacks. It was for the nobility, what the civil 
 constitution had been for the clergy, an occasion, rather than 
 a cause of hostility. 
 
 The 14th of July arrived, and the revolution witnessed 
 few such glorious days the weather only did not correspond 
 with this magnificent fete. The deputies of all the depart- 
 ments were presented to the king, who received them with 
 much affability; and he, on his part, met also with the most
 
 88 HISTORY OF 
 
 touching testimonies of love, but as a constitutional king. 
 " Sire," said the leader of the Breton deputation, kneeling on 
 one knee, and presenting his sword, " I place in your hands 
 the faithful sword of the brave Bretons: it shah 1 only be 
 reddened by the blood of your foes." Louis XVI. raised 
 and embraced him, and returned the sword. " It cannot be 
 in better hands than in those of my brave Bretons," he replied; 
 "I have never doubted their loyalty and affection; assure 
 them that I am the father and brother, the friend of all 
 Frenchmen." " Sire," returned the deputy, " every French- 
 man loves, and will continue to love you, because you are a 
 citizen-king." 
 
 The confederation was to take place in the Champ de 
 Mars. The immense preparations were scarcely completed 
 in time; all Paris had been engaged for several weeks to get 
 the arrangements ready by the 14th. At seven in the morn- 
 ing, the procession of electors, of the representatives of the 
 corporation, of the presidents of districts, of the national 
 assembly, of the Parisian guard, of the deputies of the army, 
 and of the federates of the departments, set out in complete 
 order from the site of the Bastille. The presence of all these 
 national corps, the floating banners, the patriotic inscriptions, 
 the varied costumes, the sounds of music, the joy of the 
 crowd, rendered the procession a most imposing one. It tra- 
 versed the city, and crossed the Seine, amidst a volley of 
 artillery, over a bridge of boats, which had been thrown 
 across it the preceding day. It entered the Champ de Mars 
 under a triumphal arch, adorned with patriotic inscriptions. 
 Each body took the station assigned it in excellent order, 
 and amidst shouts of applause. 
 
 The vast space of the Champ de Mars was inclosed by 
 raised seats of turf, occupied by four hundred thousand spec- 
 tators. An antique altar was erected in the middle; and 
 around it, on a vast amphitheatre, were the king, his family, 
 the assembly, and the corporation. The federates of the depart- 
 ments were ranged in order under their banners; the depu- 
 ties of the army and the national guards were in their ranks, 
 and under their ensigns. The bishop d'Autun ascended the 
 altar in pontifical robes; four hundred priests in white copes, 
 and decorated with flowing tricoloured sashes, were posted at 
 the four corners of the altar. Mass was celebrated amid the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 89 
 
 sounds of military music; and then the bishop d'Autun 
 blessed the oriflamme, and the eighty-three banners. 
 
 A profound silence now reigned in the vast inclosure, and 
 Lafayette, appointed that day to the command in chief of all 
 the national guards of the kingdom, advanced first to take the 
 civic oath. Borne on the arms of grenadiers to the altar of 
 the country, amidst the acclamations of the people, he ex- 
 claimed with a loud voice, in his own name, and that of the 
 federates and troops: " We swear eternal fidelity to the nation, 
 the law, and the king; to maintain to the utmost of our 
 power the constitution decreed by the national assembly, and 
 accepted by the king; and to remain united with every 
 Frenchman by the indissoluble ties of fraternity." Forth- 
 with the firing of cannon, prolonged cries of " Vive la na- 
 tion!" " Vive le roi!" and sounds of music, mingled in the 
 air. The president of the national assembly took the same 
 oath, and all the deputies repeated it with one voice. Then 
 Louis XVI. rose and said: " I, king of the French, swear to 
 employ all the power delegated to me by the constitutional 
 act of the state, in maintaining the constitution decreed by 
 the national assembly and accepted by me." The queen, 
 carried away by the enthusiasm of the moment, rose, lifted up 
 the dauphin in her arms, and showing him to the people, 
 exclaimed: " Behold my son, he unites with me in the same 
 sentiments." At that moment the banners were lowered, the 
 acclamations of the people were heard, and the subjects 
 believed in the sincerity of the monarch, the monarch in the 
 affection of the subjects, and this happy day closed with, a 
 hymn of thanksgiving. 
 
 The fetes of the confederation were protracted for some 
 days. Illuminations, balls, and sports were given by the city 
 of Paris to the deputies of the departments. A ball took 
 place on the spot where stood, a year before, the Bastille; 
 gratings, fetters, ruins, were observed here and there, and on 
 the door was the inscription, " Id on danse" a striking con- 
 trast with the ancient destination of the spot. A contempo- 
 rary observes: " They danced indeed with joy and security on 
 the ground where so many tears had been shed; where 
 courage, genius, and innocence had so often groaned; where 
 so often the cries of despair had been uttered in death." A 
 medal was struck to commemorate the confederation; and at
 
 90 HISTOKY OP 
 
 the termination of the fetes the deputies returned to their 
 departments. 
 
 The confederation only suspended the hostility of parties. 
 Petty intrigues were resumed in the assembly as Avell as out 
 of doors. The duke of Orleans had returned from his mis- 
 sion, or, more strictly speaking, from his exile. The in- 
 quiry respecting the events of the 5th and 6th of October, of 
 which he and Mirabeau were accused as the authors, had 
 been conducted by the Chatelet. This inquiry, which had 
 been suspended, was now resumed. By this attack the court 
 again displayed its want of foresight; for it ought to have 
 proved the accusation or not to have made it. The assembly 
 having decided on giving up the guilty parties, had it 
 found any such, declared there was no ground for proceed- 
 ing; and Mirabeau, after an overwhelming outburst against 
 the whole affair, obliged the Right to be silent, and thus arose 
 triumphantly from an accusation which had been made ex- 
 pressly to intimidate him. 
 
 They attacked not only a few deputies but the assembly 
 itself. The court intrigued against it, but the Right drove 
 this to exaggeration. " We Hke its decrees," said the abbe 
 Maury; " we want three or four more of them." Hired 
 libelists sold, at its very doors, papers calculated to deprive it of 
 the respect of the people; the ministers blamed and obstructed 
 its progress. Necker, still haunted by the recollection of his 
 former ascendancy, addressed to it memorials, in which he 
 opposed its decrees and gave it advice. This minister could 
 not accustom himself to a secondary part; he would not fall 
 in with the abrupt plans of the assembly, so entirely opposed 
 to his ideas of gradual reform. At length, convinced or 
 weary of the inutility of his efforts, he left Paris, after re- 
 signing, on the 4th of September, 17 90, and obscurely traversed 
 those provinces which a year before he had gone through in 
 triumph. In revolutions, men are easily forgotten, for the 
 nation sees many in its varied course'. If we would not find 
 them ungrateful, we must not cease for an instant to serve 
 according to their own desire. 
 
 On the other hand, the nobility, which had found a new 
 subject of discontent in the abolition of titles, continued its 
 anti-revolutionary efforts. As it did not succeed in excit- 
 ing the people, who, from their position, found the recent
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 91 
 
 changes very beneficial, it had recourse to means which it 
 considered more certain ; it quitted the kingdom, with the in- 
 tention of returning thither with all Europe as its armed 
 ally; but while waiting till a system of emigration could be 
 organized, while waiting for the appearance of foreign foes 
 to the revolution, it continued to arouse enemies to it in thf 
 interior of the kingdom. The troops, as we have beipre 
 observed, had already for some time been tampered with in 
 various ways. The new military code was favourable to the 
 soldiers; promotion formerly granted to the nobility was now 
 granted to seniority. Most of the officers were attached to 
 the ancient regime, nor did they conceal the fact. Com- 
 pelled to take the oath of fidelity to the nation, the law, and 
 the king, which was become the common oath, some left the 
 army, and increased the number of emigrants, while others 
 endeavoured to win the soldiers over to their party. 
 
 General Bouille was of this number. After having long 
 refused to take the civic oath, he did so at last with this 
 intention. He had a numerous body of troops under his 
 command near the northern frontier; he was clever, reso- 
 lute, attached to the king, opposed to the revolution, such as 
 it was now become, though the friend of reform; a circum- 
 stance that afterwards brought him into suspicion at Coblentz. 
 He kept his army isolated from the citizens, that it might 
 remain faithful, and that it might not be infected with the 
 spirit of insubordination which they communicated to the 
 troops. By skilful management, and the ascendancy of a 
 great mind, he also succeeded in retaining the confidence and 
 attachment of his soldiers. It was not thus elsewhere. The 
 officers were the objects of a general dislike; they were accused 
 of diminishing the pay, and having no concern for the great 
 body of the troops. The prevailing opinions had also some- 
 thing to do with this dissatisfaction. These combined causes 
 led to revolts among the men; that of Nancy, in August, 
 1790, produced great alarm, and became almost the signal of 
 a civil war. Three regiments, those of Chateauvieux, Maitre- 
 de-camp, and the King's own, rebelled against their chiefs. 
 Bouille was ordered to march against them; he did so at the 
 head of the garrison and national guard of Metz. After an 
 animated skirmish, he subdued them. The assembly congratu- 
 lated him; but Paris, which saw in Bouille a conspirator, was
 
 92 HISTORY OF 
 
 thrown into fresh agitation at this intelligence. Crowds 
 collected, and the impeachment of the ministers who had 
 given orders to Bouille to march upon Nancy was clamorously 
 demanded. Lafayette, however, succeeded in allaying this 
 ebullition, supported by the assembly, which, finding itself 
 placed between a counter-revolution and anarchy, opposed 
 both with equal wisdom and courage. 
 
 The aristocracy triumphed at the sight of the difficulties 
 which perplexed the assembly. They imagined that it would be 
 compelled to be dependent on the multitude, or deprive itself 
 entirely of its support; and in either case the return to the 
 ancient regime appeared to them short and easy. The clergy 
 had its share in this work. The sale of church property, 
 which it took every means to impede, was effected at a 
 higher price than that fixed. The people, delivered from 
 tithes and reassured as to the national debt, were far from 
 listening to the angry suggestions of the priests; they accord- 
 ingly made use of the civil constitution of the clergy to excite 
 a schism. "We have seen that this decree of the assembly 
 did not affect either the discipline or the creed of the church. 
 The king sanctioned it on the 26th of December; but the 
 bishops, who sought to cover their interests with the mantle of 
 religion, declared that it encroached on the spiritual authority. 
 The pope, consulted as to this purely political measure, 
 refused his assent to it, which the king earnestly sought, and 
 encouraged the opposition of the priests. The latter decided 
 that they would not concur in the establishment of the civil 
 constitution; that those of them who might be suppressed 
 would protest against this uncanonical act, that every 
 bishopric created without the concurrence of the pope should 
 be null, and that the metropolitans should refuse institution 
 to bishops appointed according to civil forms. 
 
 The assembly strengthened this league by attempting to 
 frustrate it. If, contrary to their real desire, it had left the 
 dissentient priests to themselves, they would not have found 
 the elements of a religious war. But the assembly decreed 
 that the ecclesiastics should swear fidelity to the nation, the 
 law. and the king, and to maintain the civil constitution of 
 the clergy. Refusal to take this oath was to be attended by 
 the substitution of others in their bishoprics and cures. The
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 93 
 
 assembly hoped that the higher clergy from interest, and the 
 lower clergy from ambition, would adopt this measure. 
 
 The bishops, on the contrary, thought that all the eccle- 
 siastics would follow their example, and that by refusing to 
 swear, they would leave the state without public worship, and 
 the people without priests. The result satisfied the expecta- 
 tions of neither party; the majority of the bishops and 
 cures of the assembly refused to take the oath, but a few 
 bishops and many cures took it. The dissentient incumbents 
 were deprived, and the electors nominated successors to 
 them, who received canonical institution from the bishops 
 of Autun and Lida, But the deprived ecclesiastics refused 
 to abandon their functions, and declared their successors in- 
 truders, the sacraments administered by them null, and all 
 Christians who should venture to recognise them excommu- 
 nicated. They did not leave their dioceses; they issued 
 charges, and excited the people to disobey the laws; and thus 
 an affair of private interest became first a matter of religion 
 and then a matter of party. There were two bodies of 
 clergy, one constitutional, the other refractory; they had each 
 its partisans, and treated each other as rebels and heretics. 
 According to passion or interest, religion became an instru- 
 ment or an obstacle; and while the priests made fanatics the 
 revolution made infidels. The people, not yet infected with 
 this malady of the upper classes, lost, especially in towns, the 
 faith of their fathers, from the imprudence of those who 
 placed them between the revolution and their religion. " The 
 bishops," said the marquis de Ferrieres, who will not be 
 suspected, " refused to fall in with any arrangements, and by 
 their guilty intrigues closed every approach to reconciliation; 
 sacrificing the catholic religion to an insane obstinacy, and 
 a discreditable attachment to their wealth." 
 
 Every party sought to gain the people; it was courted as 
 sovereign. After attempting to influence it by religion, 
 another means was employed, that of the clubs. At that 
 period, clubs were private assemblies, in which the measures 
 of government, the business of the state, and the decrees of 
 the assembly were discussed; their deliberations had no 
 authority, but they exercised a certain influence. The first 
 club owed its origin to the Breton deputies, who already met 
 together at Versailles to consider the course of proceeding
 
 94 HISTORY OP 
 
 fhey should take. When the national representatives were 
 transferred from Versailles to Paris, the Breton deputies and 
 those of the assembly who were of their views held their 
 sittings in the old convent of the Jacobins, which subse- 
 quently gave its name to their meetings. It did not at first 
 cease to be a preparatory assembly, but as all things increase 
 in time, the Jacobin club did not confine itself to influen- 
 cing the assembly; it sought also to influence the municipality 
 and the people, and received as associates members of the 
 municipality and common citizens. Its organization became 
 more regular, its action more powerful; its sittings were 
 regularly reported in the papers; it created branch clubs in 
 the provinces, and raised by the side of legal power another 
 power which first counselled and then conducted it. 
 
 The Jacobin club, as it lost its primitive character and 
 became a popular assembly, had been forsaken by part of its 
 founders. The latter established another society on the plan 
 of the old one, under the name of the club of '89. Sieyes, 
 Chapelier, Lafayette, La Rochefoucauld, directed it, as Lameth 
 and Barnave directed that of the Jacobins. Mirabeau be- 
 longed to both, and by both was equally courted. These clubs, 
 of which the one prevailed in the assembly, and the other 
 amongst the people, were attached to the new order of things, 
 though in different degrees. The aristocracy sought to attack 
 the revolution with its own arms; it opened royalist clubs to 
 oppose the popular clubs. That first established under the 
 name of the Club des Impartiavx could not last because it 
 addressed itself to no class opinion. Reappearing under the 
 name of the Club Monarchique, it included among its members 
 all those whose views it represented. It sought to render 
 itself popular with the lower classes, and distributed bread; 
 but far from accepting its overtures, the people considered such 
 establishments as a counter-revolutionary movement. It 
 disturbed their sittings, and obliged them several times to 
 change their place of meeting. At length, the municipal 
 authority found itself obliged, in January, 1791, to close this 
 club, which had been the cause of several riots. 
 
 The distrust of the multitude was extreme; the departure 
 of the king's aunts, to which it attached an exaggerated 
 importance, increased its uneasiness, and led it to suppose 
 another departure was preparing. These suspicions were not
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 95 
 
 unfounded, and they occasioned a kind of rising which 
 the an ti -revolutionists sought to turn to account by carrying 
 off the king. This project failed, owing to the resolution 
 and skill of Lafayette. While the crowd went to Vincennes 
 to demolish the dungeon which they said communicated with 
 the Tuileries, and would favour the flight of the king, more 
 than six hundred persons armed with swords and daggers 
 entered the Tuileries to compel the king to flee. Lafayette, 
 who had repaired to Vincennes to disperse the multitude, 
 returned to quell the anti-revolutionists of the chateau, after 
 dissipating the mob of the popular party, and by this second 
 expedition he regained the confidence which lu's first had 
 lost him. 
 
 The attempt rendered the escape of Louis XVI. more 
 feared than ever. Accordingly, a short time after, when he 
 wished to go to Saint Cloud, he was prevented by the crowd 
 and even by his own guard, despite the efforts of Lafayette, 
 who endeavoured to make them respect the law, and the 
 liberty of the monarch. The assembly on its side, after 
 having decreed the inviolability of the prince, after having 
 regulated his constitutional guard, and assigned the regency 
 to the nearest male lieir .to the crown, declared that his 
 flight from the kingdom would lead to his dethronement. 
 The increasing emigration, the open avowal of its objects, 
 and the threatening attitude of the European cabinets, all 
 cherished the fear that the king might adopt such a deter- 
 mination. 
 
 Then, for the first time, the assembly sought to stop the 
 progress of emigration by a decree; but this decree was a 
 difficult question. If they punished those who left the 
 kingdom, they violated the maxims of liberty, rendered sacred 
 by the declaration of rights; if they did not raise obstacles 
 to emigration, they endangered the safety of France, as the 
 nobles merely quitted it in order to invade it. In the as- 
 sembly, setting aside those who favoured emigration, some 
 looked only at the right, others only at the danger, and 
 every one sided with or opposed the restrictive law, accord- 
 ing to his mode of viewing the subject. Those who desired 
 the law, wished it to be mild; but only one law could be 
 practicable at such a moment, and the assembly shrunk from 
 enacting it. This law, by the arbitrary order of a com-
 
 96 HISTORY OF 
 
 mittee of three members, was to pronounce a sentence of 
 civil death on the fugitive, and the confiscation of his pro- 
 perty. "The horror expressed on the reading of this 
 project," cried Mirabeau, " proves that this is a law worthy 
 of being placed in the code of Draco, and cannot find place 
 among the decrees of the national assembly of France. I 
 proclaim that I shall consider myself released from every 
 oath of fidelity I have made towards those who may be in- 
 famous enough to nominate a dictatorial commission. The 
 popularity I covet, and which I have the honour to enjoy, is 
 not a feeble reed; I wish it to take root in the soil, based on 
 justice and liberty." The exterior position was not yet 
 sufficiently alarming for the adoption of such a measure of 
 safety and revolutionary defence. 
 
 Mirabeau did not long enjoy the popularity which he 
 imagined he was so sure of. That was the last sitting he 
 attended. A few days afterwards he terminated a life worn 
 out by passions and by toil. His death, which happened on the 
 2nd of March, 1791, was considered a public calamity; all 
 Paris attended his funeral; there was a general mourning 
 throughout France, and his remains were deposited in the 
 receptacle which had just been consecrated aux grands 
 hommes, in the name of la patrie reconnaissante. No one 
 succeeded him in power and popularity; and for a long time, 
 in difficult discussions, the eyes of the assembly would turn 
 towards the seat from whence they had been accustomed to 
 hear the commanding eloquence which terminated their debates. 
 Mirabeau, after having assisted the revolution with his daring 
 in seasons of trial, and with his powerful reasoning since its 
 victory, died seasonably. He was revolving vast designs; 
 he wished to strengthen the throne, and consolidate the 
 revolution; two attempts extremely difficult at such a time. 
 It is to be feared that royalty, if he had made it independent, 
 would have put down the revolution; or, if he had failed, 
 that the revolution would have put down royalty. It is, 
 perhaps, impossible to convert an ancient power into a new 
 order; perhaps a revolution must be prolonged in order to 
 become legitimate, and the throne, as it recovers, acquire 
 the novelty of the other institutions. 
 
 From the 5th and 6th of October, 1 789, to the month of 
 April, 1791 the national assembly completed the- reorganiza-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 97 
 
 tion of France; the court gave itself up to petty intrigues and 
 projects of flight; the privileged classes sought for new means 
 of power, those which they formerly possessed having been 
 successively taken from them. They took advantage of all 
 the opportunities of disorder which circumstances furnished 
 them with, to attack the new regime and restore the old, 
 by means of anarchy. At the opening of the parliaments, 
 the nobility caused the Chambres de vacations to protest; 
 when the provinces were abolished, it made the orders protest. 
 A.S soon as the departments were formed, it tried new elec- 
 tions; when the old writs had expired, it sought the dissolu- 
 tion of the assembly; when the new military code passed, it 
 endeavoured to excite the defection of the officers; lastly, all 
 these means of opposition failing to effect the success of its 
 designs, it emigrated, to excite Europe against the revolu- 
 tion. The clergy, on its side, discontented with the loss 
 of its possessions still more than with the ecclesiastical con- 
 stitution, sought to destroy the new order by insurrections, 
 and to bring on insurrections by a schism. Thus it was 
 during this epoch that parties became gradually disunited, 
 and that the two classes hostile to the revolution prepared 
 the elements of civil and foreign war. 
 
 IT
 
 HISTOilY OP 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM APRIL, 1791, TO THE 30TH SEPTEMBER, THE TERM O 
 THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. 
 
 Political state of Europe before the French revolution System of alliance 
 observed by different states General coalition against the revolution 
 Motives of each power Conference of Mantua, and circular of Pn.via 
 Flight to Varennes Arrest of the king His suspension The repub- 
 lican party separate, for the first time, from the party of the constitu- 
 tional monarchy The latter re-establishes the king Declaration of 
 Pilnitz The king accepts the constitution End of the constituent 
 assembly Opinion of it. 
 
 THE French revolution was to change the political state of 
 Europe, to terminate the strife of kings among themselves, and 
 to commence that between kings and people. This would 
 have taken place much later had not the kings themselves 
 provoked it. They sought to suppress the revolution, and they 
 extended it; for by attacking it they were to render it vic- 
 torious. Europe had then arrived at the term of the political 
 system which swayed it. The existence of the several states 
 after being internal under the feudal government, had be- 
 come external under the monarchical government. The first 
 period terminated almost at the same time among all the 
 great nations of Europe. Then kings who had so long been 
 at war with their vassals, because they were in contact with 
 them, encountered each other on the boundaries of their 
 kingdoms, and fought. As no domination could become uni- 
 versal, neither that of Charles V. nor that of Louis XIV., 
 the weak always uniting against the strong, after several 
 vicissitudes of superiority and alliance, a sort of European
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 9& 
 
 equilibrium was established. To appreciate ulterior events, it 
 will not be unuseful to consider this equilibrium before the 
 revolution. 
 
 Austria, England, and France, had been, from the peace of 
 Westphalia to the middle of the eighteenth century, the three 
 great powers of Europe. Interest had leagued the two first 
 against the third. Austria had reason to dread the influence 
 of France in the Netherlands; England feared it on the sea. 
 Rivalry of power and commerce often set them at variance, 
 and they sought to weaken or plunder each other. Spain, 
 since a prince of the house of Bourbon had been on the throne, 
 was the ally of France against England. This, however, 
 was a fallen power: confined to a corner of the continent, 
 oppressed by the system of Philip II., deprived by family 
 compact of the only enemy that could keep it in action, 
 by sea only had it retained any of its ancient superiority. 
 But France had other allies on all sides of Austria; Sweden 
 on the north; Poland and the Porte on the east; in the south 
 of Germany, Bavaria; Prussia on the west; and in Italy, 
 the kingdom of Naples. These powers, having reason to 
 dread the encroachments of Austria, were naturally the allies 
 of her enemy. Piedmont, placed between the two systems 
 of alliance, sided, according to circumstances and its interests, 
 with either. Holland was united with England or with 
 France, as the party of the stadtholder or that of the people 
 prevailed in the republic. Switzerland was neutral. 
 
 In the last half of the eighteenth century, two powers had 
 risen in the north, Russia and Prussia. The latter had been 
 changed from a simple electorate into an important kingdom, 
 by Frederick-William, who had given it a treasure and an 
 army; and by his son Frederick the Great, who had made use 
 of these to extend his territory. Russia, long unconnected with 
 the other states, had been more especially introduced into the 
 politics of Europe by Peter I. and Catharine II. The 
 accession of these two powers considerably modified the 
 ancient alliances. lu concert with the cabinet of Vienna, 
 Russia and Prussia had executed the first partition of Poland 
 in 1772; and after the death of Frederick the Great, the 
 empress Catharine and the emperor Joseph united in 1785 
 to effect that of European Turkey. 
 
 The cabinet of Versailles, weakened since the imprudeat 
 
 H?
 
 100 HISTORY OV 
 
 and unfortunate seven years' war, had assisted at the par- 
 tition of Poland without opposing it, had raised no obstacle 
 to the fall of the Ottoman empire, and even allowed its 
 ally, the republican party in Holland, to sink under the blows 
 of Prussia and England, without assisting it. The latter 
 powers had in 1787 re-established by force the hereditary 
 stadtholderate of the United Provinces. The only act which 
 did honour to French policy, was the support it had happily 
 given to the emancipation of North America. The revolution 
 of 1789, while extending the moral influence of France, 
 diminished still more its diplomatic influence. 
 
 England, under the government of young Pitt, was alarmed 
 in 1788 at the ambitious projects of Russia, and united with 
 Holland and Prussia to put an end to them. Hostilities were 
 on the point of commencing when the emperor Joseph died, 
 in February 1790, and was succeeded by Leopold, who in 
 July accepted the convention of Reichenbach. This conven- 
 tion, by the mediation of England, Russia, and Holland, settled 
 the terms of the peace between Austria and Turkey, which was 
 signed definitively, on the 4th of August, 1791, at Sistove; 
 it at the same time provided for the pacification of the Nether- 
 lands. Urged by England and Prussia, Catharine II. also 
 made peace with the Porte at Jassy, on the 29th of December, 
 1791. These negotiations, and the treaties they gave rise to, 
 terminated the political struggles of the eighteenth century, 
 and left the powers free to turn their attention to the French 
 revolution. 
 
 The princes of Europe, who had hitherto had no enemies 
 but themselves, viewed it in the light of a common foe. The 
 ancient relations of war and of alliance, already overlooked 
 during the seven years' war, now ceased entirely: Sweden 
 united with Russia, and Prussia with Austria. There was no- 
 thing now but the kings on one side, and people on the other, 
 waiting for the auxiliaries which its example, or the faults of 
 princes might give it. A general coalition was soon formed 
 against the French revolution. Austria engaged in it with the 
 hope of aggrandisement, England to avenge the American war, 
 and to preserve itself from the spirit of the revolution; Prussia 
 to strengthen the threatened absolute power, and profitably to 
 engage its unemployed army; the German states to restore 
 feudal rights to some of their membeis who had been deprived of
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 101 
 
 them, by the abolition of the old regime in Alsace: the king of 
 Sweden, who had constituted himself the champion of arbitrary 
 power, to re-establish it in France, as he had just done in his 
 own country; Russia, that it might execute without trouble 
 the partition of Poland, while the attention of Europe was 
 directed elsewhere; finally, all the sovereigns of the house of 
 Bourbon, from the interest of power and family attachments. 
 The emigrants encouraged them in these projects, and excited 
 them to invasion. According to them, France was without 
 an army, or at least without leaders, destitute of money, given 
 up to disorder, weary of the assembly, disposed to the ancient 
 regime, and without either the means or the inclination to 
 defend itself. They nocked in crowds to take a share in the 
 promised short campaign, and formed into organized bodies 
 under the prince de Conde, at Worms, and the count d'Artois, 
 at Coblentz. 
 
 The count d'Artois especially hastened the determination 
 of the cabinets. The emperor Leopold was in Italy, and the 
 count repaired to him, with Calonne as minister, and the count 
 Alphonse de Durfort, who had been his mediator with the 
 court of the Tuileries, and who had brought him the king's 
 authority to treat with Leopold. The conference took place 
 at Mantua, and the count de Durfort returned, and delivered 
 to Louis XVI. in the name of the emperor, a secret declara- 
 tion, in which was announced to him the speedy assistance of 
 the coalition. Austria was to advance thirty-five thousand 
 men on the frontier of Flanders; the German states, fifteen 
 thousand on Alsace; the Swiss, fifteen thousand on the Lyon- 
 nese frontier; the king of Sardinia, fifteen thousand on that of 
 Dauphine; Spain was to augment its army in Catalonia to 
 twenty thousand; Prussia was well disposed in favour of the 
 coalition, and the king of England was to take part in it as 
 elector of Hanover. All these troops were to move at the 
 same time, at the end of July; the house of Bourbon was then 
 to make a protest, and the powers were to publish a manifesto; 
 until then, however, it was essential to keep the design secret, 
 to avoid all partial insurrection, and to make no attempt at 
 flight. Such was the result of the conferences at Mantua on 
 the 20th May, 1791. 
 
 Louis XVI., either from a desire not to place himself en- 
 tirely at the mercy of foreign powers, or dreading the ascend-
 
 102 HISTORY OF 
 
 ancy which the count d'Artois, should he return at the 
 head of the victorious emigrants, would assume over the 
 government he had established, preferred restoring the govern- 
 ment alone. In general Bouill he had a devoted and skilful 
 partisan, who at the same time condemned both emigration 
 and the assembly, and promised him refuge and support in 
 his army. For some time past, a secret correspondence had 
 taken place between him and the king. Bouille prepared 
 everything to receive him. He established a camp at Mont- 
 medy, under the pretext of a movement of hostile troops on 
 the frontier; he placed detachments on the route the king was 
 to take, to serve him for escort, and as a motive was neces- 
 sary for these arrangements, he alleged that of protecting the 
 money despatched for the payment of the troops. 
 
 The royal family on its side made every preparation for 
 departure; very few persons were informed of it, and no mea- 
 sures betrayed it. Louis XVI. and the queen, on the con- 
 trary, pursued a line of conduct calculated to silence suspi- 
 cion ; and on the night of the 20th of June, they issued at the 
 appointed hour from the chateau, one by one, in disguise. In 
 this way they eluded the vigilance of the guard, reached the 
 Boulevard, where a carriage awaited them, and took the road 
 to Chalons and Montmedy. 
 
 On the following day the news ot this escape threw Paris 
 into consternation; indignation soon became the prevailing 
 sentiment; crowds assembled, and the tumult increased. Those 
 who had not prevented the flight were accused of favouring 
 it. Neither Bailly nor Lafayette escaped the general mis- 
 trust. This event Avas considered the precursor of the in- 
 vasion of France, the triumph of the emigrants, the return of 
 the ancient regime, and a long civil war. But the conduct of 
 the assembly soon restored the public mind to calmness and 
 security. It took every measure which so difficult a conjunc- 
 ture required. It summoned the ministers and authorities to 
 its bar; calmed the people by a proclamation; used proper 
 precautions to secure public tranquillity; seized on the exe- 
 cutive power, commissioned Montmorin, the minister of foreign 
 affairs, to inform the European powers of its pacific intentions; 
 sent commissioners to secure the favour of the troops, and 
 receive their oath, no longer made in the name of the king, 
 but in that of the assembly, and lastly, issued an order
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 103 
 
 through the departments, for the arrest of any one attempting 
 to leave the kingdom. " Thus, in less than four hours," says 
 the marquis de Ferrieres, " the assembly was invested with 
 every kind of power. The government went on; public 
 tranquillity did not experience the slightest shock; and Paris 
 and France learned from this experience, so fatal to royalty, 
 that the monarch is almost always a stranger to the govern- 
 ment that exists in his name." 
 
 Meantime Louis XVI. and his family were drawing near 
 the termination of their journey. The success of the first days' 
 journies, the increasing distance from Paris, rendered the king 
 less reserved and more confident; he had the imprudence to 
 show himself, was recognised, and arrested at Varennes on the 
 21st. The national guard were under arms instantly; the ofii- 
 cers of the detachments posted by Bouille sought in vain to 
 rescue the king; the dragoons and hussars feared or refused to 
 support them. Bouille, apprised of this fatal event, hastened 
 himself at the head of a regiment of cavalry. But it was too 
 late; on reaching Varennes, he found that the king had left it 
 several hours before; his squadrons were tired, and refused to 
 advance. The national guard were on all sides under arms, 
 and after the failure of his enterprise, he had no alternative 
 hut to leave the army and quit France. 
 
 The assembly, on hearing of the king's arrest, sent to him, 
 as commissioners, three of its members, Petion, Latour-Mau- 
 bourg, and Barnave. They met the royal family at Epernay, 
 and returned with them. It was during this journey, that 
 Barnave, touched by the good sense of Louis XVI., the fasci- 
 nations of Marie Antoinette, and the fate of this fallen family, 
 conceived for it an earnest interest. From that day he 
 gave it his assiduous counsel and support. On reaching Paris 
 the royal party passed through an immense crowd, which ex- 
 pressed neither applause nor murmurs, but observed a re- 
 proachful silence. 
 
 The king was provisionally suspended: he had had a guard 
 set over him, as had the queen; and commissioners were ap- 
 pointed to question him. Agitation pervaded all parties. 
 Some desired to retain the king on the throne, notwithstand- 
 ing his flight; others maintained, that he had abdicated, by 
 condemning, in a manifesto addressed to the French on his 
 departure, both the revolution, and the acts which had ema-
 
 104 HISTORY OP 
 
 nated from him during that period, which he termed a time of 
 captivity. 
 
 The republican party now began to appear. Hitherto it 
 had remained either dependent or hidden, because it had been 
 without any existence of its own, or because it wanted a pre- 
 text for displaying itself. The struggle, which lay at first be- 
 tween the assembly and the court, then between the constitu- 
 tionalists and the aristocrats, and latterly among the consti- 
 tutionalists themselves, was now about to commence between 
 the constitutionalists and the republicans. In times of revo- 
 lution such is the inevitable course of events. The partizans 
 of the order newly established, then met and renounced dif- 
 ferences of opinion which were detrimental to their cause, even 
 while the assembly was all powerful, but which had become 
 highly perilous, now that the emigration party threatened it 
 on the one hand, and the multitude on the other. Mirabeau 
 was no more. The Centre, on which this powerful man 
 had relied, and which constituted the least ambitious portion 
 of the assembly, the most attached to principles, might by join- 
 ing the Lameths, re-establish Louis XVI. and constitutional 
 monarchy, and present a formidable opposition to the popular 
 ebullition. 
 
 This alliance took place; the Lameth party came to an un- 
 derstanding with Andre and the principal members of the 
 Centre, made overtures to the court, and opened the club of 
 the Feuillants in opposition to that of the Jacobins. But the 
 latter could not want leaders; under Mirabeau, they had 
 contended against the Lameths; under the Lameths against 
 Mirabeau; under Petion and Robespierre, they contended 
 against the Lameths. The party which desired a second re- 
 volution had constantly supported the most extreme actors in 
 the revolution already accomplished, because this was bring- 
 ing within its reach the struggle and the victory. At this 
 period, from subordinate it had become independent; it no 
 longer fought for others and for opinions not its own, but for 
 itself, and under its own banner. The court, by its multiplied 
 faults, its imprudent machinations, and, lastly, by the flight 
 of the monarch, had given it a sort of authority to avow its 
 object; and the Lameths, by forsaking it, had left it to its true 
 leaders. 
 
 The Lameths, in their turn, underwent the reproaches of 
 the multitude, which saw only their alliance with the court,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. ]05 
 
 without examining its conditions. But supported by all the 
 constitutionalists, they were strongest in the assembly; and 
 they found it essential to establish the king as soon as possible, 
 in order to put a stop to a controversy which threatened the 
 new order, by authorizing the public party to demand the 
 abolition of the royal power while its suspension lasted. 
 The commissioners appointed to interrogate Louis XVI., 
 dictated to him a declaration, which they presented in his 
 name to the assembly, and which modified the injurious effect 
 of his flight. The reporter declared, in the name of the seven 
 committees entrusted with the examination of this great 
 question, that there were no grounds for bringing Louis XVI. 
 to trial, or for pronouncing his dethronement. The discussion 
 which followed this report was long and animated ; the efforts 
 of the republican party, notwithstanding their pertinacity, were 
 unsuccessful. Most of their orators spoke; they demanded depo- 
 sition or a regency; that is to say, popular government, or an 
 approach towards it. Barnave, after meeting all their argu- 
 ments, finished his speech with these remarkable words: 
 " Regenerators of the empire, follow your course without 
 deviation. You have proved that you had courage to destroy 
 the abuses of power; you have proved that you possessed aU 
 that was requisite to substitute wise and good institutions in 
 their place; prove now that you have the wisdom to protect 
 and maintain these. The nation has just given a great evi- 
 dence of its strength and courage; it has displayed, solemnly 
 and by a spontaneous movement, all that it could oppose to 
 the attacks which threatened it. Continue the same precau- 
 tions; let our boundaries, let our frontiers be powerfully de- 
 fended. But while we manifest our power, let us also prove 
 our moderation; let us present peace to the world, alarmed 
 by the events which take place amongst us; let us present an 
 occasion for triumph to all those who in foreign lands have 
 taken an interest in our revolution. They cry to us from 
 all parts: you are powerful; be wise, be moderate, let that be 
 the height of your glory. Thus will you prove that in various 
 circumstances you can employ various means, talents, and 
 virtues." 
 
 The assembly sided with Barnave. But to pacify the 
 people, and to provide for the futm-e safety of France, it de- 
 creed that the king should be considered as abdicating, de 
 facto, if he retracted the oath he had taken to the constitution;
 
 ]06 HISTORY OF 
 
 if he headed an army for the purpose of making war upon the 
 nation, or permitted any one to do so in his name; and that, 
 in such case, become a simple citizen, he would cease to be 
 inviolable, and might be responsible for acts committed sub- 
 sequent to his abdication. 
 
 On the day that this decree was adopted by the assembly, 
 the leaders of the republican party excited the multitude 
 against it. But the Hall in which it sat was surrounded by 
 the national guard, and it could not be assailed or intimidated. 
 The agitators, unable to prevent the passing of the decree, 
 aroused the people against it. They drew up a petition, in which 
 they denied the competency of the assembly; appealed from 
 it to the sovereignty of the nation, treated Louis XVI. as de- 
 posed since his flight, and demanded a substitute for him. 
 This petition, drawn up by Brissot, author of the Patriots 
 Frangais, and president of the Comite des Rechsrches of Paris, 
 was carried, on the 17th of July, to the altar of the country 
 in the Champ de Mars: an immense crowd flocked to sign it. 
 The assembly, apprized of what was taking place, summoned 
 the municipal authorities to its bar, and directed them to pre- 
 serve the public tranquillity. Lafayette marched against the 
 crowd, and in the first instance succeeded in dispersing it 
 without bloodshed. The municipal officers took up their 
 quarters in the Invalides; but the same day the crowd re- 
 turned in greater numbers, and with more determination. 
 Danton and Camille Desmoulins harangued them from the 
 altar of the country. Two Invalides, supposed to be spies, 
 were massacred and their heads stuck on pikes. The insur- 
 rection became alarming. Lafayette again repaired to the 
 Champ de Mars, at the head of twelve hundred of the national 
 guard. Bailly accompanied him, and had the red banner un- 
 furled. The crowd was then summoned to disperse in the 
 name of the law; it refused to retire, and, contemning au- 
 thority, shouted, " Down with the red flag !" and assailed the 
 national guard with stones. Lafayette ordered his men to 
 fire ; but ia the air. The crowd was not intimidated with th:s, 
 and resumed the attack; compelled by the obstinacy of the 
 insurgents, Lafayette then ordered another discharge, a real 
 and effective one. The terrified multitude fled, leaving many 
 dead on the field. The disturbances now ceased, order was 
 restored- but blood had flown, and the people never forgave
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 107 
 
 Bailly or Lafayette the cruel necessity to which itself had 
 driven them. This was a regular combat, in which the re- 
 publican party, not as yet sufficiently strong or established, 
 was defeated by the constitutional monarchy party. The 
 attempt of the Champ de Mars was the prelude of the popular 
 movements which led to the 10th of August. 
 
 While this was passing in the assembly and at Paris, the 
 emigrants, whom the flight of Louis XVI. had elated with 
 hope, were thrown into consternation at his arrest. Monsieur, 
 who had fled at the same time as his brother, and with better 
 fortune, arrived alone at Brussels with the powers and title of 
 regent. The emigrants thenceforth relied only on the assist- 
 ance of Europe; the officers quitted their colours; two hundred 
 and ninety members of the assembly protested against its de- 
 crees; in order to legitimatize invasion, Bouille wrote a 
 threatening letter, in the inconceivable hope of intimidating 
 the assembly, and at the same time to take upon himself the 
 sole responsibility of the flight of Louis XVI. ; finally, the 
 emperor, the king of Prussia, and the count d'Artois met at 
 Pilnitz, where they made the famous declaration of the 27th 
 of August, preparatory to the invasion of France, and which, 
 far from improving the condition of the king, would have im- 
 perilled him, had not the assembly, in its wisdom, continued 
 to follow out its new designs, regardless at once of the 
 clamours of the multitude at home, and the foreign powers. 
 
 In the declaration of Pilnitz, the sovereigns considered the 
 cause of Louis XVI. as their own. They required that he 
 should be free to go where he pleased, that is to say, to repair 
 to them; that he should be restored to his throne; that the 
 assembly should be dissolved, and that the princes of the em- 
 pire having possessions in Alsace, should be reinstated in 
 their feudal rights. In case of refusal, they threatened 
 France with a war in which all the powers who were guarantees 
 for the French monarchy would concur. This declaration, 
 so far from discouraging, only served to irritate the assembly 
 and the people. Men asked one another, what right the princes 
 of Europe had to interfere in the government of France; by 
 what right they gave orders to a great people, and imposed 
 conditions upon it; and since the sovereigns appealed to force, 
 the people of France prepared to resist them. The frontiers 
 were put in a state of defence; a hundred thousand men of
 
 108 HISTORV OF 
 
 the national guard were enrolled, and they awaited in calm 
 serenity the attack of the enemy, well convinced that the 
 French people, on their own soil and in a state of revolution, 
 would be invincible. 
 
 Meantime, the assembly approached the close of its labours; 
 civil relations, public taxation, the nature of crimes, their 
 prosecution, and their punishment, had been by it as wisely 
 regulated as were the public and constitutional relations of 
 the country. Equality had been introduced into the law of 
 inheritance, into taxation, and into punishments; nothing re- 
 mained but to unite all the constitutional decrees into a body 
 . and submit them to the king for his approval. The assembly 
 \ was growing weary of its labours and of its dissensions; the 
 \people itself, who in France ever become tired of that which 
 continues beyond a certain time, desired a new national repre- 
 sentation; the convocation of the electoral colleges was there- 
 fore fixed for the 5th of August. Unfortunately, the mem- 
 bers of the present assembly could not form part of the suc- 
 ceeding one; this had been decided before the flight to Va- 
 rennes. In this important question, the assembly had been 
 drawn away by the rivalry of some, the disinterestedness of 
 others, the desire for anarchy on the part of the aristocrats, 
 and of domination on that of the republicans. Vainly did 
 Duport exclaim: "While every one is pestering us with new 
 principles of all sorts, how is it overlooked that stability is 
 also a principle of government? Is France, whose children 
 are so ardent and changeable, to be exposed every two years 
 to a revolution in her laws and opinions?" This was the 
 desire of the privileged classes and the Jacobins, though with 
 different views. In all such matters the constituent assem- 
 bly was deceived or overruled; when- the ministry was in 
 question, it decided, in opposition to Mirabeau, that no deputy 
 could hold office; on the subject of re-election, it decided, in 
 opposition to its own members, that it could not take place; 
 in the same spirit, it prohibited their accepting, for four 
 years, any post offered them by the prince. This mania of 
 disinterestedness soon induced Lafayette to divest himself of 
 the command of the national guard, and Bailly to resign the 
 mayoralty. Thus this remarkable epoch entirely annihilated 
 the constituent body. 
 
 The collection of the constitutional decrees into one body led
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 109 
 
 to the idea of revising them. But this idea of revision gave 
 great dissatisfaction, and was almost of no effect; it was not 
 desirable to render the constitution more aristocratic by after 
 measures, lest the multitude should require it to be made 
 more popular. To limit the sovereignty of the nation, and, 
 at the same time, not to overlook it, the assembly declared 
 that France had a right to revise its constitution, but that it 
 was prudent not to exercise this right for thirty years. 
 
 The act of the constitution was presented to the king by 
 sixty deputies; the suspension being taken off, Louis XVI. 
 resumed the exercise of his power; and the guard the law had 
 given him was placed under his own command. Thus 
 restored to freedom, the constitution was submitted to him. 
 After examining it for several days, " I accept the constitu- 
 tion," he wrote to the assembly; " I engage to maintain it at 
 home, to defend it from all attacks from abroad; and to cause 
 its execution by all the means it places at my disposal. I 
 declare, that being informed of the attachment of the great 
 majority of the people to the constitution, I renounce my 
 claim to assist in the work, and that being responsible to the 
 nation alone, no other person, now that I have made this re- 
 nunciation, has a right to complain." 
 
 This letter excited general approbation. Lafayette de- 
 manded and procured an amnesty in favour of those who 
 were under prosecution for favouring the king's flight, or for 
 proceedings against the revolution. Next day the king came 
 in person to accept the constitution in the assembly. The 
 populace attended him thither with acclamations; he was the 
 object of the enthusiasm of the deputies and spectators, and 
 he regained that day the confidence and affection of his sub- 
 '<eets. The 29th of September was fixed for the closing of 
 the assembly; the king was present; his speech was often 
 interrupted by applause, and when he said, " For you, 
 gentlemen, who during a long and arduous career have 
 displayed such indefatigable zeal, there remains one duty to 
 fulfil when you have returned to your homes over the 
 country: to explain to your fellow-citizens the true meaning 
 of the laws you have made for them; to urge those who slight 
 them; to improve and unite all opinions by the example you 
 shall afford of your love of order, and of submission to the 
 laws." Cries of " Yes! yes!" were uttered by all the deputies
 
 110 HISTORY OP 
 
 with one common voice. " I rely on your being the inter- 
 preters of my sentiments to your fellow-citizens." <; Yes! 
 yes !" " Tell them all that the king will always be their first 
 and most faithful friend; that he needs their love; that he 
 can only be happy with them and by their means; the hope 
 of contributing to their happiness will sustain my courage, as 
 the satisfaction of having succeeded will be my sweetest 
 recompence." 
 
 " It is a speech worthy of Henry IV.," said a voice, and 
 the king left the Hall amidst the loudest testimonials of love. 
 Then Thouret, in a loud voice, and addressing the people, 
 exclaimed: " The constituent assembly pronounces its mission 
 accomplished, and that its sittings now terminate." Thus 
 closed this first and glorious assembly of the nation. It was 
 courageous, intelligent, just, and had but one passion a pas- 
 sion for law. It accomplished, in two years, by its efforts, and 
 with indefatigable perseverance, the greatest revolution ever 
 witnessed by one generation of men. Amidst its labours, it 
 repressed despotism and anarchy, by frustrating the conspi- 
 racies of the aristocracy and maintaining the multitude in 
 subordination. Its only fault was the not confiding the 
 guidance of the revolution to those who were its authors; it 
 divested itself of power, like those legislators of antiquity 
 who exiled themselves from their country after giving it a 
 constitution. A new assembly did not apply itself to con- 
 solidating its work, and the revolution, which ought to have 
 been finished, was recommenced. 
 
 The constitution of 1791 was based on principles adapted 
 to the ideas and situation of France. This constitution was 
 the work of the middle class, then the strongest; for, as is 
 well known, the predominant force ever takes possession of in- 
 stitutions. When it belongs to one man alone, it is despotism; 
 when to several, it is privilege; when to all, it is right; this 
 last state is the limit, as it is the origin, of society. France 
 had at length attained it, after passing through feudalism, 
 which was the aristocratic institution, and absolute power, 
 which was the monarchical institution. Equality was con- 
 secrated among the citizens, and delegation recognised among 
 the powers; such were to be, under the new system, the con- 
 dition of men and the form of government. 
 
 In this constitution the people was the source of all powers,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 1 1 1 
 
 but it exercised none; it was entrusted only with election 
 in the first instance, and its magistrates were selected by 
 men chosen from among the enlightened portions of the com- 
 munity. The latter constituted the assembly, the law courts, 
 the public offices, the corporations, the militia, and thus 
 possessed all the force and all the power of the state. It 
 alone was fit to exercise them, because it alone had the intelli- 
 gence necessary for the conduct of government. The people 
 were not yet sufficiently advanced to participate in power, 
 consequently, it was only by accident, and in the most casual 
 and evanescent manner, that power fell into its hands; 
 but it received civic education, and was disciplined to govern- 
 ment in the primary assemblies, according to the true aim of 
 society, which is not to confer its advantages as a patrimony 
 on one particular class, but to make all share in them, when 
 all are capable of acquiring them. This was the leading 
 characteristic of the constitution of 1791; as each, by degrees, 
 became competent to enjoy the right, he was admitted to it; 
 it extended its limits with the extension of civilization, which 
 every day calls a greater number of men to the administration 
 of the state. In this way it had established true equality, 
 whose real character is admissibility, as that of inequality is 
 exclusion. In rendering power transferable by election, it 
 'made it a public magistracy; whilst privilege, in rendering it 
 hereditary by transmission, makes it private property. 
 
 The constitution of 1791 established homogeneous powers 
 which corresponded among themselves, and reciprocally 
 restrained each other; still, it must be confessed, the royal 
 authority was too subordinate to popular power. It is never 
 otherwise: sovereignty, from whatever source derived, gives 
 itself a feeble counterpoise when it limits itself. A con- 
 stituent assembly enfeebles royalty; a king who is a legisla- 
 tor limits the prerogatives of an assembly. 
 
 This constitution was, however, less democratic than that 
 of the United States, which had been practicable, despite 
 the extent of the territory, proving that it is not the form 
 of institutions, but the assent which they obtain, or the dis- 
 sent which they excite, which permits or hinders their esta- 
 blishment. In a new country, after a revolution of inde- 
 pendence, as in America, any constitution is possible; there 
 is but one hostile party, that of ihe metropolis, and when that
 
 112 HISTORY OF 
 
 is overcome, the struggle ceases, because defeat leads to its 
 expulsion. It is not so with social revolutions among nations 
 who have long been in existence. Changes attack interests, 
 interests form parties, parties enter into contest, and the more 
 victory spreads the greater grows opposition. This is what 
 happened in France. The work of the constituent assembly 
 perished less from its defects than from the attacks of faction. 
 Placed between the aristocracy and the multitude, it was 
 attacked by the one and invaded by the other. The latter 
 would not have become sovereign, had not civil war and the 
 foreign coalition called for its intervention and aid. To de- 
 fend the country, it became necessary that it should govern 
 it; then it effected its revolution, as the middle class had 
 effected its own. It had its 14th of July in the 10th of Au- 
 gust; its constituent assembly, the convention; its govern- 
 ment, which was the committee of public safety; yet, as we 
 shall see, without emigration there would have been no re- 
 public
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 113 
 
 THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM THE 1ST OF OCTOBER, 1791, TO THE 21ST OF 
 SEPTEMBER, 1792. 
 
 Early relations between the legislative assembly and the king State of 
 parties : the Feuillants rely on the middle classes, the Girondins on the 
 people Emigration arid the dissentient clergy; decree against them: 
 the king's veto Declarations of war Girondin ministry; Dumouriez, 
 Roland Declaration of war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia 
 Disasters of our armies ; decree for a camp of reserve for twenty 
 thousand men at Paris ; decree of banishment against the nonjuring 
 priests ; veto of the king ; fall of the Girondin ministry Petition of 
 insurgents of the 20th of June to secure the passing of the decrees and 
 the recal of the ministers Last efforts of the constitutional party 
 Manifesto of the duke of Brunswick Events of the 10th of August 
 Military insurrection of Lafayette against the authors of the events of 
 the 10th of August ; it fails Division of the assembly and the new 
 commune; Dantou Invasion of the Prussians Massacres of the 
 2nd of September Campaign of the Argone Causes of the events 
 under the legislative assembly. 
 
 THE new assembly opened its session on the 1st October, 1791. 
 It declared itself immediately the national legislative assembly. 
 From its first appearance, it had occasion to display its at- 
 tachment to the actual state of things, and the respect it feit 
 for the authors of French liberty. The book of the consti- 
 tution was solemnly presented to it by the archivist Camus, 
 accompanied by twelve of the oldest members of the national 
 representation. The assembly received the constitution* 
 
 I
 
 ] I-] HISTORY OP 
 
 act standing and uncovered, and on it took the oath, amidst 
 the acclamations of the people who occupied the tribunes, 
 " to live free or perish !" A vote of thanks was given by it to 
 the members of the constituent assembly, and it then prepared 
 to commence its labours. 
 
 But its first relations with the king had not the same 
 character of union and confidence. The court, doubtless 
 hoping to regain under the legislative, the superior position 
 which it had lost under the constituent assembly, did not 
 employ sufficient management towards a susceptible and 
 anxious popular authority, which was then considered the 
 first of the state. The assembly sent a deputation of sixty 
 of its members to the king to announce its opening. The 
 king did not receive them in person, and sent word by the 
 minister of justice that he could not give them audience till 
 noon on the following day. This unceremonious dismissal, 
 and the indirect communication between the national repre- 
 sentatives and the prince ; by means of a minister, hurt the 
 deputation excessively. Accordingly, when the audience 
 took place, Duchastel said to him laconically: "Sire, the 
 national legislative assembly is sitting; we are deputed to in- 
 form you of this." Louis XVI. replied still more drily: " I 
 cannot visit you before Friday." This conduct of the court 
 towards the assembly was impolitic, and little calculated to 
 conciliate the affection of the people. 
 
 The assembly approved of the cold manner assumed by the 
 deputation, and soon indulged in an act of reprisal. The 
 ceremony with which the king was to be received among 
 them was arranged according to preceding laws. A fauteuii 
 in the form of a throne was reserved for him ; they used to- 
 wards him the titles of sire and majesty, and the deputies; 
 standing and uncovered on his entrance, were to sit down, 
 put on their hats, and rise again, following with deference all 
 the movements of the prince. Some restless and exaggerated 
 minds considered this condescension unworthy of a sovereign 
 assembly. The deputy Grangeneuve required that the words 
 sire and majesty should be replaced by the " more constitu- 
 tional and finer" title of king of the French. Couthon strongly 
 enforced this motion, and proposed that a simple fauteuii should 
 be assigned to the king, exactly like the president's. These* 
 motions excited some slight disapprobation on the part of a
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 115 
 
 few members, but the greater number received them eagerly. 
 " It gives me pleasure to suppose," said Guadet, " that the 
 French people will always venerate the simple fauteuil upon 
 which sits the president of the national representatives, 
 much more than the gilded fauteuil where sits the head 
 of the executive power. I will say nothing, gentlemen, of 
 the titles of sire and majesty. It astonishes me to find the 
 national assembly deliberating whether they shall be retained. 
 The word sire signifies seigneur; it belonged to the feudal 
 system, which lias ceased to exist. As for the term majesty, 
 it should only be employed in speaking of God and of the 
 people." 
 
 The previous question was demanded, but feebly; these 
 motions were put to the vote, and carried by a considerable 
 majority. Yet, as this decree appeared hostile, the constitu- 
 tional opinion pronounced itself against it, and censured this 
 too excessive rigour in the application of principles. On 
 the following day, those who had demanded the previous 
 question moved that the decisions of the day before should 
 be abandoned. A report was circulated, at the same time, 
 that the king would not enter the assembly if the decree 
 were maintained; and the decree was revoked. These petty 
 skirmishes between two powers who had to fear usurpations, 
 assumptions, and more especially ill will between them, ter- 
 minated here on this occasion, and all recollection of them 
 was effaced by the presence of Louis XVI. in the legislative 
 body, where he was received with great respect and the most 
 lively enthusiasm. 
 
 General pacification formed the chief topic of his speech. 
 He pointed out to the assembly the subjects that ought to 
 attract its attention. finance, civil law, commerce, trade, and 
 the consolidation of the new government; he promised to 
 employ his influence to restore order and discipline in the 
 army, to put the kingdom in a state of defence, and to diffuse 
 ideas respecting the French revolution, calculated to re- 
 establish a good understanding in Europe. He added the 
 following words, which were received with much applause: 
 " Gentlemen, in order that your important labours, as well 
 as your zeal, may produce all the good which may be ex- 
 pected from them, a constant harmony and unchanging con- 
 fidence should reign between the legislative body and the 
 
 i2
 
 116 HISTORY OP 
 
 king. The enemies of our peace seek but too eagerly to 
 disunite us, but let love of country cement our union, and let 
 public interest make us inseparable! Thus public power 
 may develop itself without obstacle; government will not be 
 harassed by vain fears; the possessions and faith of each 
 will be equally protected, and no pretext will remain for any 
 one to live apart from a country where the laws are in vigour, 
 and where the rights of all are respected." Unfortunately 
 there were two classes, without the revolution, that would 
 not enter into composition with it, and whose efforts in 
 Europe and the interior of France were to prevent the reali- 
 zation of these wise and pacific words. As soon as there are 
 displaced parties in a state, a struggle will result, and 
 measures of hostility must be taken against them. Accord- 
 ingly, the internal troubles, fomented by nonjuring priests, 
 the military assemblings of emigrants, and the prepara- 
 tions for the coalition, soon drove the legislative assembly 
 further than the constitution allowed, and than itself had 
 proposed. 
 
 The composition of this assembly was completely popular. 
 The prevailing ideas being in favour of the revolution, the 
 eourt. nobility, and clergy had exercised no influence over 
 the elections. There were not in this assembly, as in the pre- 
 ceding, partisans of absolute power and of privilege. The two 
 fractions of the Left side who had separated towards the close 
 of the constituent assembly, were again brought face to face; 
 but no longer in the same proportion of number and strength. 
 The popular minority of the previous assembly became the 
 majority in this. The prohibition against electing repre- 
 sentatives already tried, the necessity of choosing deputies 
 from those most distinguished by their conduct and opinions, 
 and especially the active influence of the clubs, led to this 
 result. Opinions and parties soon became known. As in 
 the constituent assembly there was a Right, a Centre, a Left, 
 but of a perfectly different character. 
 
 The Right, composed of firm and absolute constitutionalists, 
 composed the Feuillant party. Its principal speakers were 
 Dumas, Ramond, Vaublanc, Beugnot, &c. It had some re- 
 lations with the court, through Barnave, Duport, and Alex- 
 ander Lameth, who were its former leaders; but whose coun- 
 sels were rarely followed by Louis XVL, who gave himself
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 117 
 
 up with more confidence to the advice of those immediately 
 around him. Out of doors, it supported itself on the club 
 of the Feuillants and upon the bourgeoisie. The national 
 guard, the army, the directory of the department, and in 
 general all the constituted authorities, were favourable to 
 it. But this party, which no longer prevailed in the assembly, 
 soon lost a post quite as essential, that of the municipality, 
 which was occupied by its adversaries of the Left. 
 
 These formed the party called Girondist, and which in the 
 revolution only formed an intermediate party between the 
 middle class and the multitude. It had then no subver- 
 sive project; but it was disposed to defend the revolution in 
 every way, and in this differed from the constitutionalists 
 who would only defend it with the law. At its head were 
 the brilliant orators of the Gironde,* who gave their name to 
 the party, Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensonne, and the Provenal 
 Isnard, who had a style of still more impassioned eloquence 
 than theirs. Its chief leader was Brissot, who, a member of the 
 corporation of Paris during the last session, had subsequently 
 become a member of the assembly. The opinions of Brissot, 
 who advocated a complete reform; his great activity of mind, 
 which he developed at once in the journal the Patriote, 
 in the tribune of the assembly, and at the club of the Ja- 
 cobins; his exact and extensive knowledge of the posi- 
 tion of foreign powers, gave him great ascendancy at the 
 moment of a struggle between parties, and of a war with 
 Europe. Condorcet possessed influence of another descrip- 
 tion; he owed this to his profound ideas, to his superior 
 reason, which almost procured him the place of Sieyes in this 
 second revolutionary generation. Petion, of a calm and de- 
 termined character, was the active man of this party. His 
 tranquil brow, his fluent elocution, his acquaintance with the 
 people, soon procured for him the municipal magistracy, 
 which Bailly had discharged for the middle class. 
 
 The Left side had in the assembly the nucleus of a party 
 more extreme than itself, and the members of which, such as 
 Chabot, Bazire, Merlin, were to the Girondists what Petion, 
 Buzot, Robespierre, had been to the Left side of the consti- 
 
 * The name of the river Garonne, after its confluence with the Dor- 
 dogiie.
 
 118 HISTORY OF 
 
 tuent. This was the commencement of the democratic faction 
 which, without, served as auxiliary to the Gironde, ami 
 which managed the clubs and the multitude. Robespierre 
 in the society of the Jacobins, where he established his sway 
 after leaving the assembly; Danton, Camille Desmoulins, 
 and Fabre-d'Eglantine at the Cordeliers, where they had 
 founded a club of innovators more extreme than the Jacobins, 
 composed of men of the bourgeoisie; the brewer Santerre in 
 the faubourgs, where the popular power lay; were the true 
 chiefs of this faction, which depended on one whole class, and 
 aspired at founding its own regime. 
 
 The Centre of the legislative assembly was sincerely at- 
 tached to the new order of things. It had almost the same 
 opinions, the same inclination for moderation as the Centre 
 of the constituent assembly; but its power was very different: 
 it was no longer at the head of an established class, and by 
 the aid of which it could master all the extreme parties. 
 Public dangers, making the want of exalted opinions and 
 parties from without again felt, completely annulled the 
 Centre. It was soon won over to the strongest side, the fate 
 of all moderate parties, and the Left swayed it. 
 
 The situation of the assembly was very difficult. Its pre- 
 decessor had left it parties which it evidently could not 
 pacify. From the beginning of the session it was obliged to 
 turn its attention to these, and that in opposing them. Emi- 
 gration was making an alarming progress: the king's two 
 brothers, the prince de Conde and the duke de Bourbon, had 
 protested against the accepting of the constitutional act by 
 Louis XVI., that is, against the only means of accommoda- 
 tion; they had said that the king could not alienate the rights 
 of the ancient monarchy; and their protest, circulating through- 
 out France, had produced a great effect on their partisans. 
 Officers quitted the armies, the nobility their chateaux, whole 
 companies deserted to enlist on the frontiers. Distaffs were 
 sent to rhose who wavered; and those who did not emigrate 
 were threatened with the loss of their position when the nobi- 
 lity should return victorious. In the Austrian Low Countries 
 and the bordering electorates, there was formed what was called 
 La France exterieure. The counter-revolution was openly 
 preparing at Brussels, Worms, and Coblentz, under the protec- 
 tion and even with the assistance of foreisrn courts. The am-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 119 
 
 bassadors of the emigrants were received, while those of the 
 French government were dismissed, ill received, or even 
 thrown into prison, as in the case of M. Duveryer. French 
 merchants and travellers suspected of patriotism and attach- 
 ment to the revolution were scouted throughout Europe. 
 Several powers had declared themselves without disguise : of 
 this number were Sweden, Russia, and Spain; the latter at 
 that time being governed by the marquis de Blanca-Florida, 
 a man entirely devoted to the emigrant party. At the same 
 time, Prussia kept its army prepared for war: the lines of the 
 Spanish and Sardinian troops increased on our Alpine and 
 Pyrenean frontiers, and Gustavus was assembling a Swedish 
 army. 
 
 The dissentient ecclesiastics left nothing undone which 
 might produce a diversion in favour of the emigrants at home. 
 " Priests, and especially bishops," says the marquis de Fer- 
 rieres, " employed all the resources of fanaticism to excite 
 the people, in town and country, against the civil constitution 
 of the clergy." Bishops ordered the priests no longer to per- 
 form divine service in the same church with the constitu- 
 tional priests, for fear the people might confound the two. 
 " Independently," he adds, " of circular letters written to the 
 cures, instructions intended for the people were circulated 
 through the country. They said that the sacraments oould 
 not be effectually administered by the constitutional priests, 
 whom they called Intruders, and that every one attending 
 their ministrations became by their presence guilty of a mortal 
 sin; that those who were married by Intruders, were not mar- 
 ried; that they brought a curse upon themselves and upon their 
 children; that no one should have communication with them, 
 or with those separated from the church; that the municipal 
 officers who installed them, like them became apostates; that 
 the moment of their installation all bell-ringers and sextons 
 
 ought to resign their situations These fanatical 
 
 addresses produced the effect which the bishops expected. 
 Religious disturbances broke out on all sides." 
 
 Insurrection more especially broke out in Calvados, Gevau- 
 dan, and La Vendee. These districts were ill-disposed towards 
 the revolution, because they contained few of the middle and 
 intelligent classes, and because the populace, up to that time, 
 had been kept in a state of dependence on the nobility and
 
 120 HISTORY OP 
 
 clergy. The Girondists, taking alarm, wished to adopt 
 rigorous measures against emigration and the dissentient 
 priests who attacked the new order of things. Brissot pro- 
 posed putting a stop to emigration, by giving up the mild 
 system hitherto observed towards it. He divided the emi- 
 grants into three classes: 1st. The principal leaders, and at 
 their head the brothers of the king. 2ndly. Public functionaries 
 who forsook their posts and country, and sought to entice their 
 colleagues. 3rdly. Private individuals, who, to preserve life, 
 or from an aversion to the revolution, or from other motives, 
 left their native land, without taking arms against it. He 
 required that severe laws should be put in force against the 
 first two classes; but thought it would be good policy to be 
 indulgent towards the last. With respect to nonjuring eccle- 
 siastics and agitators, some of the Girondists proposed to 
 confine themselves to a stricter surveillance; others thought 
 there was only one safe line of conduct to be pursued towards 
 them: that the spirit of sedition could only be quelled by 
 banishing them from the country. " All attempts at con- 
 ciliation," said the impetuous Isnard, "will henceforth be 
 in vain. What, I ask, has been the consequence of these 
 reiterated pardons? The daring of your foes has increased 
 with your indulgence; they will only cease to injure you 
 when deprived of the means of doing so. They must be 
 conquerors or conquered. On this point all must agree; the 
 man who will not see this great truth is, in my opinion, poli- 
 tically blind." 
 
 The constitutionalists were opposed to all these measures; 
 they did not deny the danger, but they considered such laws 
 arbitrary. They said, before everything it was necessary to 
 respect the constitution, and from that time to confine them- 
 selves to precautionary measures; that it was suificient to 
 keep on the defensive against the emigrants; and to wait, in 
 order to punish the dissentient priests, till they discovered 
 actual conspiracies on their part. They recommended that the 
 law should not be violated even towards enemies, for fear that 
 once engaging in such a course, it should be impossible to 
 arrest that course, and so the revolution be lost, like the ancient 
 regime, through its inj ustice. But the assembly, which deemed 
 the safety of the state more important than the strict observ- 
 ance of the law, which saw danger in hesitation, and which,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 121 
 
 moreover, was influenced by passions which lead to expedi- 
 tious measures, was not stopped by these considerations. 
 With common consent it again, on the 30th of October, passed 
 a decree relative to the eldest brother of the king, Louis- 
 Stanislaus-Xavier. This prince was required, in the terms 
 of the constitution, to return to France in two months, or at 
 the expiration of that period he would be considered to have 
 forfeited his rights as regent. But agreement ceased as to 
 the decrees against emigrants and priests. On the 9th of 
 November the assembly resolved, that the French gathered 
 together beyond the frontiers were suspected of conspiracy 
 against their country; that if they remained assembled on 
 the 1st of January, 1792, they would be treated as conspi- 
 rators, be punishable by death, and that after condemnation 
 to death for contumacy, the proceeds of their estates were 
 to be confiscated to the nation, always without prejudice 
 to the rights of their wives, children, and lawful creditors. 
 On the 29th of the same month it passed a similar decree 
 respecting the dissentient priests. They were obliged to take 
 the civic oath, under pain of being deprived of their pen- 
 sions and suspected of revolt against the law. If they still 
 refused they were to be closely watched; and if any reli- 
 gious disturbances took place in their parishes, they were to 
 be taken to the chief town of the department, and if found to 
 have taken any part in exciting disobedience, they were liable 
 to imprisonment. 
 
 The king sanctioned the first decree respecting his brother; 
 he put his veto on the other two. A short time before he 
 had disavowed emigration by public measures, and he had 
 written to the emigrant princes recalling them to the kingdom. 
 He invited them to return in the name of the tranquillity of 
 France, and of the attachment and obedience they owed to 
 him as their brother and their king. " I shall," said he, in 
 concluding the letter, " always be grateful to you for sav- 
 ing me the necessity of acting in opposition to you, through 
 the invariable resolution I have made to maintain what I have 
 announced." These wise invitations had led to no result: but 
 Louis XVI., while he condemned the conduct of the emigrants, 
 would not give his consent to the measures taken against 
 them. In refusing his sanction he was supported by the friends 
 of the constitution and the directory of the department.
 
 122 HISTORY OP 
 
 This support was not without use to him, at a time when, in 
 the eyes of the people, he appeared to be an accomplice of 
 emigration, when he provoked the dissatisfaction of the 
 Girondists, and separated himself from the assembly. He 
 should have united closely with it, since he invoked the con- 
 stitution against the emigrants in his letters, and against the 
 revolutionist, by the exerciss of his prerogative. His posi- 
 tion could only become strong by sincerely falling in with the 
 first revolution, and making his own cause one with that of 
 the bourgeoisie. 
 
 But the court was not so resigned; it still expected better 
 times, and was thus prevented from pursuing an invariable 
 line of conduct, and induced to seek grounds for hope in 
 every quarter. Now and then disposed to favour the inter- 
 vention of foreign powers, it continued to correspond with 
 Europe; it intrigued with its ministers against the popular 
 party, and made use of the Feuillants against the Girondists, 
 though with much distrust. At this period its chief resource 
 was in the petty schemes of Bertrand de Molleville, who 
 directed the council; who had established a French club, the 
 members of which he paid; who purchased the applause of 
 the tribunes of the assembly, hoping by this imitation of the 
 revolution to conquer the true revolution, his object being to 
 deceive parties, and annul the effects of the constitution by 
 observing it literally. 
 
 By this line of conduct the court had even the imprudence 
 to weaken the constitutionalists, whom it ought to have re- 
 inforced; at their expense it favoured the election of Petion 
 to the mayoralty. Through the disinterestedness with which 
 the preceding assembly had been seized, all who had held 
 popular posts under it successively gave them up. On the 
 18th of October, Lafayette resigned the command of the 
 national guard, and Bailly had just retired from the mayor- 
 alty. The constitutional party proposed that Lafayette should 
 replace him in this first post of the state, which, by per- 
 mitting or restraining insurrections, delivered Paris into the 
 power of him who occupied it. Till then it had been in 
 the hands of the constitutionalists, who, by this means, had 
 repressed the rising of the Champ de Mars. They had lost 
 the direction of the assembly, the command of the national 
 guard; they now lost the corporation. The court gave to
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 123 
 
 Petion, the Girondist candidate, all the votes at its disposal. 
 " M. de Lafayette," observed the queen to Bertrand de Mol- 
 leville, " only wishes to be mayor of Paris in order to become 
 mayor of the palace. Petion is a jacobin, a republican, 
 but he is a fool, incapable of ever leading a party." On the 
 4th of November, Petion was elected mayor by a majority of 
 6708 votes in a total of 10,632. 
 
 The Girondists, in whose favour this nomination became 
 decisive, did not content themselves with the acquisition of 
 the mayoralty. France could not remain long in this dangerous 
 and provisional state. The decrees which, justly or other- 
 wise, were to provide for the defence of the revolution, and 
 which had been rejected by the king, were not replaced by 
 any government measure; the ministry manifested either 
 unwillingness or sheer indifference. The Girondists, accord- 
 ingly, accused Delessart, the minister for foreign affairs, of 
 compromising the honour and safety of the nation by the 
 tone of his negotiations with foreign powers, by his procrasti- 
 nation, and want of skill. They also warmly attacked Du 
 Portail, minister at war, and Bertrand de Molleville, minister 
 of the marine, for neglecting to put the coasts and frontiers 
 in a state of defence. The conduct of the Electors of Treves, 
 Mayence, and of the bishop of Spire, who favoured the 
 military preparations of the emigrants, more especially ex- 
 cited the national indignation. The diplomatic committee 
 proposed a declaration to the king, that the nation would 
 view with satisfaction a requisition by him to the neighbour- 
 ing princes to disperse the military gatherings within three 
 weeks, and his assembling the forces necessary to make them 
 respect the right of nations. By this important measure, 
 they also wished to make Louis XVI. enter into a solemn 
 engagement, and signify to the diet of Ratisbon, as well as to 
 the other courts of Europe, the firm intentions of France. 
 
 Isnard ascended the tribune to support this proposition. 
 " Let us," said he, " in this crisis, rise to the full elevation 
 of our mission; let us speak to the ministers, to the king, to 
 all Europe, with the firmness that becomes us. Let us tell 
 our ministers, that hitherto the nation is not well satisfied 
 with the conduct of any of them; that henceforth, they will 
 have no choice but between public gratitude and the vengeance 
 of the laws; and that by the word responsibility we under-
 
 124 HISTORY OF 
 
 stand death. Let us tell the king that it is his interest to 
 defend the constitution; that he only reigns by the people, 
 and for the people; that the nation is his sovereign, and that 
 he is subject to the law. Let us tell Europe, that if the 
 French people once draw the sword, they will throw away 
 the scabbard, and will not raise it again till it may be crowned 
 with the laurels of victory; that if cabinets engage kings in a 
 war against the people, WQ will engage the people in a mortal 
 warfare against kings. Let us tell them, that all the fights 
 the people shall fight at the order of despots" here he 
 was interrupted by loud applause " Do not applaud," he 
 cried "do not applaud; respect my enthusiasm; it is that of 
 liberty! Let us say to Europe, that all the fights which 
 the people shall fight at the command of despots, resemble 
 the blows that two friends, excited by a perfidious instigator, 
 inflict on each other in darkness. When light arrives, they 
 throw down their arms, embrace, and chastise their deceiver. 
 So will it be if, when foreign armies are contending with 
 ours, the light of philosophy shine upon them. The nations 
 will embrace in the presence of dethroned tyrants of the 
 earth consoled, of Heaven satisfied." 
 
 The assembly unanimously, and with transport, passed the 
 proposed measure, and, on the 29th of November, sent a mes- 
 sage to the king. Vaublanc was the leader of the deputation. 
 " Sire," said he to Louis XVI., "the national assembly had 
 scarcely glanced at the state of the nation ere it saw that the 
 troubles which still agitate it arise from the criminal prepara- 
 tions of French emigrants. Their audacity is encouraged by 
 German princes, who trample under foot the treaties between 
 them and France, and affect to forget that they are indebted 
 to this empire for the treaty of Westphalia, which secured 
 their rights and their safety. These hostile preparations, 
 these threats of invasion, will require armaments absorbing 
 immense sums, which the nation would joyfully pay over 
 to its creditors. It is for you, sire, to make them desist; 
 it is for you to address to foreign powers the language be- 
 fitting the king of the French. Tell them, that wherever 
 preparations are permitted to be made against France, there 
 France recognises only foes; that we will religiously observe 
 our oath to make no conquests; that we offer them the good 
 neighbourship, the inviolable friendship of a free and po ;ver-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. ] 25 
 
 ful people; that we will respect their laws, their customs, and 
 their constitutions; but that we will have our own respected! 
 Tell them, that if princes of Germany continue to favour 
 preparations directed against the French, the French will 
 carry into their territories, not indeed fire and sword, but 
 liberty. It is for them to calculate the consequences of this 
 rousing up of nations." 
 
 Louis XVI. replied, that he would give the fullest con- 
 sideration to the message of the assembly; and in a few days 
 he came in person to announce his resolutions on the subject. 
 They were conformable with the general wish. The king 
 said, amidst vehement applause, that he would cause it to 
 be declared to the elector of Treves and the other electors, 
 that, unless all gatherings and hostile preparations on the 
 part of the French emigrants in their states ceased before 
 the 15th of January, he should consider them as enemies. 
 He added, that he would write to the emperor to engage 
 him, as chief of the empire, to interpose his authority for 
 the purpose of averting the calamities which the lengthened 
 resistance of a few members of the Germanic body would 
 occasion. "If these declarations are not heeded, then, gentle- 
 men," said he, " it will only remain for me to propose war 
 war, which a people who have solemnly renounced conquest, 
 never declares without necessity, but which a free and 
 generous nation will undertake and carry on when its honour 
 and safety require it." 
 
 The steps taken by the king with the princes of the empire 
 were supported by military preparations. On the 6th of 
 December a new minister of war replaced Du Portail; Nar- 
 bonne, taken from the Feuillans, young, active, ambitious of 
 distinguishing himself by the triumph of his party and the 
 defence of the revolution, repaired immediately to the fron- 
 tiers. A hundred and fifty thousand men were placed in 
 requisition; for this object the assembly voted an extraordi- 
 nary supply of twenty millions of francs; three armies were 
 formed under the command of Rochambeau, Luckner, and 
 Lafayette; finally, a decree was passed impeaching Monsieur, 
 the count d'Artois, and the prince de Conde as conspirators 
 against the general safety of the state and of the constitution. 
 Their property was sequestrated, and the period previously 
 fixed on for Monsictir's return to the kingdom having expired, 
 he was deprived of his claim to the regency.
 
 126 HISTOKY OF 
 
 The elector of Treves engaged to disperse the gatherings, 
 and not to allow them in future. It was, however, but the 
 shadow of a dispersion. Austria ordered marshal de Bender 
 to defend the elector if he were attacked, and ratified the con- 
 clusions of the diet of Ratisbon, which required the restoration 
 of the princes' possessions; refused to sanction any pecuniary 
 indemnity for the loss of their rights, and only left France 
 the alternative of restoring feudalism in Alsace, or war. 
 These two measures of the cabinet of Vienna were by no 
 means pacific. Its troops advanced towards the frontiers of 
 France, and gave further proof that it would not be safe to 
 trust to its neutrality. It had fifty thousand men in the Nether- 
 lands; six thousand posted in Brisgaw; and thirty thousand 
 men on their way from Bohemia. This powerful army of 
 observation might at any moment be converted into an army 
 of attack. 
 
 The assembly felt that it was urgently necessary to bring 
 the emperor to a decision. It looked on the electors as 
 merely his agents, and on the emigrants as his instruments ; for 
 the prince von Kaunitz recognised as legitimate " the league 
 of sovereigns united for the safety and honour of crowns." 
 The Girondists, therefore, wished to anticipate this dangerous 
 adversary, in order not to give him time for more mature 
 preparations. They required from him, before the 10th of 
 February, a definite and precise explanation of his real 
 intentions with regard to France. They at the same time 
 proceeded against those ministers on whom they could not 
 rely in the event of war. The incapacity of Delessart, 
 and the intrigues of Molleville especially, gave room for* 
 attack; Narbonne was alone spared. They were aided by 
 the divisions of the council, which was partly aristocratic 
 in Bertrand de Molleville, Delessart, &c., and partly con- 
 stitutional, in Narbonne, and Cahier de Gervillc, minister 
 of the interior. Men so opposed in character and inten- 
 tions could scarcely be expected to agree; Bertrand de Molle- 
 ville had warm contests with Narbonne, who wished his 
 colleagues to adopt a frank, decided line of conduct, and to- 
 make the assembly the fulcrum of the throne. Narbonne 
 succumbed in this struggle, and his dismissal involved the 
 disorganization of the ministry. The Girondists threw the 
 blame upon Bertrand de Molleville and Delessart; the former
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 127 
 
 hac! the address to exonerate himself: but the latter was 
 brought before the high court of Orleans. 
 
 The king, intimidated by the assaults of the assembly 
 upon the members of his council, and more especially 
 by the impeachment of Delessart, had no resource but to 
 select his new ministers from amongst the victorious party. 
 An alliance with the actual rulers of the revolution could 
 alone save liberty and the throne, by restoring concord 
 between the assembly, the supreme authority, and the muni- 
 cipality; and if this union had been maintained, the Girondists 
 would have effected with the court that which, after the 
 rupture itself, they considered they could only effect without it. 
 The members of the new ministry were, minister of the 
 marine, Lacoste; of finance, Claviere; of justice, Duranthon; 
 of war, dc Grave, soon afterwards replaced by Servan; of 
 foreign affairs, Dumouriez; of the interior, Roland. The 
 two latter were the most important and most remarkable 
 men in the cabinet. 
 
 Dumouriez was forty-seven years of age when the revolu- 
 tion began; he had lived till then immersed in intrigue, and 
 he retained his old habits too closely at an epoch when he 
 should have employed small means only to aid great ones, 
 instead of supplying their place. The first part of his poli- 
 tical life was spent in seekig those by whom he might rise: 
 the second, those by whom he might maintain his position. 
 A courtier up to 1789, a constitutionalist under the first 
 assembly, a Girondist under the second, a Jacobin under the 
 republic, he was eminently a man of circumstances. But he 
 had all the resources of great men; an enterprising character, 
 indefatigable activity, a ready, sure, and extensive perception, 
 impetuosity of action, and an extraordinary confidence of 
 success; he was, moreover, open, easy, witty, daring; adapted 
 alike for arms and for factions, full of expedients, wonder- 
 fully ready, and, in difficult positions, versed in the art of 
 stooping to conquer. It is true that his great qualities were 
 weakened by defects: he was rash, flighty, full of inconsistency 
 of thought and action, owing to his continual thirst for move- 
 ment and machination. But his great defect was the total 
 absence of a political conviction. In times of revolution, nothing 
 can be done for liberty or power by him who is not decidedly 
 of one party or another, and when he is ambitious, unless he
 
 128 HISTORY OF 
 
 see further than the immediate objects of that party, and have 
 a stronger will than his colleagues. This it was made Crom- 
 well; this it was made Buonaparte; while Dumouriez, the 
 employed of all parties, thought he could get the better of 
 them all by intriguing. He wanted the passion of his time : 
 that which completes a man, and alone enables him to 
 sway. 
 
 Roland was the opposite of Dumouriez; his was a character 
 "which Liberty found ready formed, as if moulded by herself. 
 Roland had simple manners, austere morals, tried opinions; 
 enthusiastically attached to liberty, he was capable of disin- 
 terestedly devoting to her cause his whole life, or of perishing 
 for her, without ostentation and without regret. A man 
 worthy of being born in a republic, but oilt of place in a 
 revolution, and ill adapted for the agitation and struggle oi 
 parties; his talents were not superior, his temper somewhat 
 uncompliant; he was unskilled in the knowledge and manage- 
 ment of men; and though laborious, Avell informed, and 
 active, he would have produced little eifect but for his wife. 
 All he wanted she had for him; force, ability, elevation, fore- 
 sight. Madame Roland was the soul of the Gironde; it was 
 at her house that those brilliant and courageous men assembled 
 to discuss the necessities and dangers of their country; it was 
 she who stimulated to action those whom she saw were quali- 
 fied for action, and who encouraged to the tribune those 
 whom she knew to be eloquent. 
 
 The court named this ministry, which was appointed 
 during the month of March, le Ministers Sans-Culotte. The 
 first time Roland appeared at the chateau with strings in his 
 shoes and a round hat, contrary to etiquette, the master of 
 the ceremonies refused to admit him. Obliged, however, to 
 give way, he said, despairingly, to Dumouriez, pointing to 
 Roland: " Ah, sir no buckles in his shoes" " Ah, sir, all is 
 lost," replied Dumouriez, with an air of the most sympathizing 
 gravity. Such were the trifles which still occupied the 
 attention of the court. The first step of the new ministry 
 was war. The position of France was becoming more and 
 more dangerous; everything was to Le feared from the enmity 
 of Europe. Leopold was dead, and this event was calculated 
 to accelerate the decision of the cabinet of Vienna. His 
 young successor, Francis II.. was likely to be less pacific, or
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLL'TION. 1S 
 
 less prudent than he. Moreover, Austria was assembling its 
 troops, forming camps, and appointing generals; it had violated 
 the territory of Bale, and placed a garrison in Porentruy, to 
 secure for itself the entry of the department of Doubs. There 
 could be no doubt as to its projects. The gatherings at 
 Coblentz had recommenced to a greater extent than before; the 
 cabinet of Vienna had only temporarily dispersed the emigrants 
 assembled in the Belgian provinces, in order to prevent the 
 invasion of that country, at a time when it was not yet ready 
 to repel invasion ; it had, however, merely sought to save ap- 
 pearances, and had allowed a staif of general officers, in full 
 uniform, and with the white cockade, to remain at Brussels. 
 Finally, the reply of the prince Von Kaunitz to the required 
 explanations was by no means satisfactory. He even re- 
 fused to negotiate directly, and the baron Von Cobentzel was 
 commissioned to reply, that Austria would not depart from the 
 required conditions already set forth. The re-establishment 
 of the monarchy on the basis of the royal sittings of the 23rd 
 of June; the restitution of its property to the clergy; of the 
 territory of Alsace, with all their rights, to the German 
 princes ; of Avignon and the Venaissin to the pope ; such was 
 the ultimatum of Austria. All accord was now impossible; 
 peace could no longer be maintained. France was threatened 
 with the fate which Holland had just experienced, and perhaps 
 with that of Poland. The sole question now was whether to 
 wait for or to initiate war, whether to profit by the enthusiasm 
 of the people or to allow that enthusiasm to cool. The true 
 author of war is not he who declares it, but he who renders 
 it necessary. 
 
 On the 20th of April, Louis XVI. went to the assembly, 
 attended by all his ministers. " I come, gentlemen," said he, 
 " to the national assembly for one of the most important objects 
 that can occupy the representatives of the nation. My minister 
 for foreign affairs will read to you the report drawn up in 
 our council, as to our political situation." Dumouriez then 
 rose. He set forth the grounds of complaint that France 
 had against the house of Austria; the object of the confer- 
 ences of Mantua, Reichenbach and Pilnitz; the coalition it 
 had formed against the French revolution; its armaments 
 becoming more and more considerable; the open protection 
 it afforded to bodies of emigrants; the imperious tone and
 
 130 HISTORY OF 
 
 the undisguised procrastination of its negotiations, lastly, the 
 intolerable conditions of its ultimatum; -and, after a long 
 series of considerations, founded on the hostile conduct of the 
 king of Hungary and Bohemia (Francis II. was not yet 
 elected emperor); on the urgent circumstances of the nation; 
 on its formally declared resolution to endure no insult, no 
 encroachment on its rights; on the honour and good faith 
 of Louis XVI., the depositary of the dignity and safety 
 of France; he demanded war against Austria. Louis 
 XVI. then said, in a voice slightly tremulous: " You have 
 heard, gentlemen, the result of my negotiations with the 
 court of Vienna. The conclusions of the report are based 
 upon the unanimous opinion of my council; I have myself 
 adopted them. They are conformable with the wishes often 
 expressed to me by the national assembly, and with the sen- 
 timents frequently testified by bodies of citizens in different 
 parts of the kingdom; all prefer war, to witnessing the con- 
 tinuance of insult to the French people, and danger threaten- 
 ing the national existence. It was my duty first to try 
 every means of maintaining peace. Having failed in these 
 efforts, I now come, according to the terms of the consti- 
 tution, to propose to the national assembly war against the 
 king of Hungary and Bohemia." The king's address was 
 received with some applause, but the solemnity of the cir- 
 cumstances, and the grandeur of the decision, filled every 
 bosom with silent and concentrated emotion. As soon as the 
 king had withdrawn, the assembly voted an extraordinary 
 sitting for the evening. In that sitting war was almost 
 unanimously decided upon. Thus was undertaken, against 
 the chief of the confederate powers, that war which was pro- 
 tracted throughout a quarter of a century, which victoriously 
 established the revolution, and which changed the whole face 
 of Europe. 
 
 All France received the announcement with joy. War 
 gave a new movement to the people already so excited. Dis- 
 tricts, municipalities, popular societies, wrote addresses; men 
 were enrolled, voluntary gifts offered, pikes forged, and the 
 nation seemed to rise up to await Europe, or to attack it. 
 But enthusiasm, which ensures victory in the end, does not 
 at first supply the place of organization. Accordingly, at 
 the opening of the campaign, the regular troops were all tha*
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 131 
 
 could be relied upon until the new levies were trained. This 
 was the state of the forces. The vast frontier from Dunkirk 
 to Huninguen, was divided into three great military districts. 
 On the left, from Dunkirk to Philippeville, the army of the 
 north, of about forty thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, 
 was under the orders of marshal de Rochambeau. Lafayette 
 commanded the army of the centre, composed of forty-five 
 thousand foot, and seven thousand horse, and occupying the 
 district between Philippeville and the lines of Weissemberg. 
 Lastly, the army of the Rhine, consisting of thirty-five thou- 
 sand foot, and eight thousand horse, extending from the lines 
 of "Weissemberg to Bale, was under the command of marshal 
 Luckner. The frontier of the Alps and Pyrenees was con- 
 fided to general Montesquiou, whose army was inconsider- 
 able; but this part of France was not as yet in danger. 
 
 The marshal de Rochambeau was of opinion that it would 
 be prudent to remain on the defensive, and simply to guard 
 the frontiers. Dumouriez, on the contrary, wished to take the 
 initiative in action, as they had done in declaring war, so as to 
 profit by the advantage of being first prepared. He was very 
 enterprising, and as, although minister of foreign affairs, he 
 directed the military operations, his plan was adopted. It 
 consisted of a rapid invasion of Belgium. This province had, 
 in 1790, essayed to throw off the Austrian yoke, but, after a 
 brief victory, was subdued by superior force. Dumouriez 
 imagined that the Brabant patriots would favour the attack 
 of the French, as a means of freedom for themselves. With 
 this view, he combined a triple invasion. The two generals, 
 Theobald Dillon, and Biron, who commanded in Flanders 
 under Rochambeau, received orders to advance, the one with 
 four thousand men from Lille upon Tournai the other, with 
 ten thousand, from Valenciennes upon Mons. At the same 
 time, Lafayette, with a part of his army, quitted Metz, and 
 advanced by forced marches upon Namur, by Stenai, Sedan, 
 Mezieres, and Givet. But this plan implied in the soldiers 
 a discipline which they had not of course as yet acquired, 
 and on the part of the chiefs a concert very difficult to 
 obtain ; besides, the invading columns were not strong enough 
 for such an enterprise. Theobald Dillon had scarcely passed 
 the frontier, when, on meeting the first enemy on the 28th of 
 April, a panic terror seized upon the troops The cry of 
 
 ~
 
 132 HISTORY OF 
 
 sattve cvz pent ran through the ranks, and the general was 
 carried off and massacred by his troops. Much the same 
 thing tcok place, under the same circumstances, in the corps of 
 Biron, -who was obliged to retreat in disorder to his previous 
 position The sudden and concurrent flight of these two 
 columns must be attributed either to fear of the enemy, on 
 the part of troops who had never before stood fire, or to a 
 distrust of their leaders, or to traitors who sounded the 
 alarm of treachery. 
 
 Lafayette, on arriving at Bouvines, after travelling fifty 
 leagues of bad roads in two or three days, learnt the disasters 
 of Valenciennes and Lille; he at once saw that the object of 
 the invasion had failed; and he justly thought that the best 
 course would be to effect a retreat. Rochambeau complained 
 of the precipitate and incongruous nature of the measures 
 which had been in the most absolute manner prescribed to 
 him. As he did not choose to remain a passive machine, 
 obliged to fill, at the will of the ministers, a post which he 
 himself ought to have the full direction of, he resigned. From 
 that moment the French army resumed the defensive. The 
 frontier was divided into two general commands only, the one 
 intrusted to Lafayette, extending from the sea to Longwy, 
 and the other, from the Moselle to the Jura, being confided to 
 Luckner. Lafayette placed his left under the command of 
 Arthur Dillon, and with his right reached to Luckner, who 
 had Dillon as his lieutenant on the Rhine. In this position 
 they awaited the allies. 
 
 Meantime, the first checks increased the disunion of the 
 Feuillans and the Girondists. The generals ascribed them 
 to the plans of Dumouriez, the ministry attributed them to 
 the manner in Avhich its plans had been executed, or rather, 
 not executed, by the generals, who, having been appointed by 
 [Narbonne. were of the constitutional party. The Jacobins, 
 on the other hand, accused the anti-revolutionists of having 
 occasioned the flight by the cry of sauve qui pent! Their 
 joy, which they did not conceal, the declared hope of soon 
 seeing the confederates in Paris, the emigrants returned, and 
 the ancient regime restored, confirmed these suspicions. It 
 was thought that the court, which had increased the house- 
 hold troops from eighteen hundred to six thousand men, and 
 these carefully selected anti-revolutionists, acted in concert
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 133 
 
 with the coalition. The public denounced, under the name 
 of comite Autrichien, a secret committee, the very existence 
 of which could not be proved, and mistrust was at its 
 height. 
 
 The assembly at once took decided measures. It had 
 entered upon the career of war, and it was thenceforth con- 
 demned to regulate its conduct far more with reference to 
 the public safety than with regard to the mere justice of the 
 case. It resolved upon sitting permanently; it discharged 
 the household troops; on account of the increase of religious 
 disturbances, it passed a decree exiling refractory priests, so 
 that it might not have at the same time to combat a coalition 
 and to appease revolts. To repair the late defeats, and to 
 have an army of reserve near the capital, it voted on the 
 8th of June, and on the motion of the minister at war, Servan, 
 the formation of a camp outside Paris of twenty thousand 
 men drawn from the provinces. It also sought to excite the 
 public mind by revolutionary fetes, and began to enrol the 
 multitude and arm them with pikes, conceiving that no 
 assistance could be superfluous in such a moment of peril. 
 
 All these measures were not carried without opposition 
 from the constitutionalists. They opposed the establishment 
 of the camp of twenty thousand men, which they regarded as 
 the army of a party directed against the national guard and 
 the throne. The staff of the latter protested, and the recom- 
 position of this body was immediately effected in accordance 
 with the views of the dominant party. Companies armed 
 with pikes were introduced into the new national guard. 
 The constitutionalists were still more dissatisfied with this 
 measure, which introduced a lower class into their ranks, and 
 which seemed to them to aim at superseding the bourgeoisie 
 by the populace. Finally, they openly condemned the banish- 
 ment of the priests, which in their opinion was nothing less 
 than proscription. 
 
 Louis XVI. had for some time past manifested a coolness 
 towards his ministers, who on their part had been more 
 exacting with him. They urged him to admit about him priests 
 who had taken the oath, in order to set an example in favour 
 of the constitutional religion, and to remove pretexts for reli- 
 gious agitation; he steadily refused this, determined as he 
 was to make no further religious concession. These last
 
 134 HISTORY OF 
 
 decrees had put an end to his concord with the Gironde; for 
 several days he did not mention the subject, much less make 
 known his intentions respecting it. It was on this occasion 
 that Roland addressed to him his celebrated letter on his con- 
 stitutional duties, and entreated him to calm the public mind, 
 and to establish his authority, by becoming frankly the king 
 of the revolution. This letter still more highly irritated 
 Louis XVI., already disposed to break with the Girondists. 
 He was supported in this by Dumouriez, who, forsaking his 
 party, had formed, with Duranthon and Lacoste, a divi- 
 sion in the ministry against Roland, Servan, and Claviere. 
 But, able as well as ambitious, Dumouriez advised Louis, 
 while dismissing the ministers of whom he had to complain, 
 to sanction their decrees, in order to make himself popular. 
 He described that, against the priests, as a precaution in 
 their favour, exile probably removing them from a pro- 
 scription still more fatal; he undertook to prevent any revo- 
 lutionary consequences from the camp of twenty thousand 
 men, by marching off each battalion to the army immediately 
 upon its arrival at the camp. On these conditions, Dumou- 
 riez took upon himself the post of minister at war, and sus- 
 tained the attacks of his own party. The king dismissed his 
 ministers on the 13th of June, rejected the decrees on the 
 29th, and Dumouriez set out for the army, after having ren- 
 dered himself an object of suspicion. The assembly declared 
 that Roland, Servan, and Claviere carried with them the 
 regrets of the nation. 
 
 The king selected his new ministers from among the Feuil- 
 lans. Scipio Chambonnas was appointed minister of foreign 
 affairs; Terrier Monteil, of the interior; Beaulieu, of finance; 
 Lajarre, of war; Lacoste and Duranthon remained provi- 
 sionally ministers of justice and of the marine. All these 
 men were without reputation or credit, and their party itself 
 was approaching the term of its existence. The constitu- 
 tional situation, during which it was to sway, was changing 
 more and more decidedly into a revolutionary situation. How 
 could a legal and moderate party maintain itself between two 
 extreme and belligerent parties, one of which was advancing 
 from without to destroy the revolution, while the other was 
 resolved to defend it at any cost? The Feuillans became 
 superfluous in such a conjuncture. The king, perceiving
 
 THE. FRENCH REVOLUTION. 135 
 
 their weakness, now seemed to place his reliance upon Europe 
 alone, and sent Mallet-Dupan on a secret mission to the 
 coalition. 
 
 Meantime, all those who had been outstripped by the 
 popular tide, and who belonged to the first period of the revo- 
 lution, united to second this slight retrograde movement. The 
 monarchists, at whose head were Lally-Tollendal and Malouet, 
 two of the principal members of the Mounier and Necker 
 party; the Feuillans, directed by the old triumvirate, Duport, 
 I^ameth, and Barnave; lastly, Lafayette, who had immense 
 reputation as a constitutionalist, tried to put down the clubs, 
 and to re-establish legal order and the power of the king. The 
 Jacobins made great exertions at this period; their influence 
 was becoming enormous; they were at the head of the party 
 of the populace. To oppose them, to check them, the old 
 party of the bourgeoisie was required; but this was disor- 
 ganised, and its influence grew daily weaker and weaker. In 
 order to revive its courage and strength, Lafayette, on the 
 16th of June, addressed from the camp at Maubeuge a letter 
 to the assembly, in which he denounced the Jacobin faction, 
 required the cessation of the clubs, the independence and con- 
 firmation of the constitutional throne, and urged the assembly 
 in his own name, in that of his army, in that of all the friends 
 of liberty, only to adopt such measures for the public welfare 
 as were sanctioned by law. This letter gave rise to warm 
 debates between the Right and Left in the assembly. Though 
 dictated only by pure and disinterested motives, it appeared, 
 coming as it did from a young general at the head of his army, 
 a proceeding a la Cromwell, and from that rccment Lafayette's 
 reputation, hitherto respected by his opponents, became the 
 object of attack. In fact, considering it merely in a political 
 point of view, this step was imprudent. The Gironde, driven 
 from the ministry, stopped in its measures for the public good, 
 needed no further goading; and, on the other hand, it was' 
 quite undesirable that Lafayette, even for the benefit of his 
 party, should use his influence. 
 
 The Gironde wished, for its own safety and that of the 
 nation, to recover power, without, however, departing from 
 constitutional means. Its object was not, as at a later period, 
 to dethrone the king, but to bring him back amongst them 
 For this purpose it had recourse to the imperious petitions of
 
 136 HISTORY OF 
 
 the multitude. Since the declaration of war, petitioners had 
 appeared in arms at the bar of the national assembly, had 
 offered their services in defence of the country, and had ob- 
 tained permission to march armed through the house. This 
 concession was blameable, neutralizing all the laws against 
 military gatherings; but both parties found themselves in an 
 extraordinary position, and each employed an illegal means; 
 the court having recourse to Europe, and the Gironde to the 
 people. The latter was in a state of great agitation. The 
 leaders of the Faubourgs, among whom were the deputy 
 Chabot, Sauterre, Legendre, a butcher, Gonchon, the marquis 
 de Saint Hurugues, prepared them, during several days, for a 
 revolutionary outbreak, similar to the one which failed at the 
 Champ de Mars. The 20th of June was approaching, the 
 anniversary of the oath of the Tennis-court. Under the pre- 
 text of celebrating this memorable day by a civic fete, and of 
 planting a May-poll in honour of liberty, an assemblage of 
 about eight thousand men left the Faubourgs Saint Antoine 
 and Saint Marceau, on the 20th of June, and took their way 
 to the assembly. 
 
 Rrederer, the recorder, brought the tidings to the assembly, 
 but in the meantime the mob had reached the doors of the 
 Hall. Their leaders asked permission to present a petition, and 
 to defile before the assembly. A violent debate arose between 
 the Right, who were unwilling to admit the armed petitioners, 
 and the Left, who, on the ground of custom, wished to re- 
 ceive them. Vergniaud declared that the assembly would 
 violate every principle by admitting armed bands among 
 Ihem: but, considering actual circumstances, he also declared 
 that it was impossible to deny a request in the present case, 
 that had been granted in so many others. It was difficult not 
 to yield to the desires of an enthusiastic and vast multitude, 
 when seconded by a majority of the representatives. The 
 crowd already thronged the passages, when the assembly de- 
 cided that the petitioners should be admitted to the bar. The 
 deputation was introduced. The spokesman expressed him- 
 self in threatening language. He said that the people were 
 astir; that they were ready to make use of great means the 
 nie'ans comprised in the declaration of rights, resistance of op- 
 pression; that the dissentient members of the assembly, if 
 there were any, would purge the ivorld of liberty, and would
 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 137 
 
 repair to Coblentz; then returning to the true design of this 
 insurrectional petition, he added: "The executive power is 
 not in union with you; Ave require no other proof of it than 
 the dismissal of the patriot ministers. It is thus, then, that 
 the happiness of a free nation shall depend on the caprice of 
 a king! But should this king have any other will than that 
 of the law? The people will have it so, and the life of the 
 people is as valuable as that of crowned despots. That life is 
 the genealogical tree of the nation, and the feeble reed must 
 bend before this sturdy oak! "We complain, gentlemen, of the 
 inactivity of our armies; we require of you to penetrate into 
 the cause of this; if it spring from the executive power, let 
 that power be destroyed!" 
 
 The assembly answered the petitioners that it would take 
 their request into consideration; it then urged them to respect 
 the law and legal authorities, and allowed them to defile be- 
 fore it. This procession, amounting to thirty thousand persons, 
 comprising women, children, national guards, and men armed 
 with pikes, among whom waved revolutionary banners and 
 symbols, sang, as they traversed the hall, the famous chorus, 
 Ca ira, and cried: "Vive la nation!" " Vivent les sans- 
 culottes!" " A bas le veto!" It was led by Santerre and the 
 marquis de Saint Hurugues. On leaving the assembly, it 
 proceeded to the chateau, headed by the petitioners. 
 
 The outer doors were opened at the king's command; the 
 multitude rushed into the interior. They ascended to the 
 apartments, and while forcing the doors with hatchets, the 
 king ordered them to be opened, and appeared before them, 
 accompanied by a few persons. The mob stopped a moment 
 before him; but those who were outside, not being awed by 
 the presence of the king, continued to advance. Louis XVI. 
 was prudently placed in the recess of a window. He never 
 displayed more courage than on this deplorable day. Sur- 
 rounded by national guards, who formed a barrier against 
 the mob, seated on a chair placed on a table, that he might 
 breathe more freely and be seen by the people, he preserved 
 a calm and firm demeanour. In reply to the cries that arose 
 on all sides for the sanction of the decrees, he said: " This is 
 neither the mode nor the moment to obtain it of me." Having 
 the courage to refuse the essential object of the meeting, he 
 thought he ought not to reject a symbol, meaningless for him,
 
 138 HISTORY OF 
 
 but in the eyes of the people, that of liberty: he placed on his 
 head a red cap presented to him on the top of a pike. The 
 multitude were quite satisfied with this condescension. A 
 moment or two afterwards, they loaded him with applause, 
 as, almost suffocated with hunger and thirst, he drank off, 
 without hesitation, a glass of wine presented to him by a half- 
 drunken workman. In the meantime, Vergniaud, Isnard, 
 and a few deputies of the Gironde, had hastened thither to 
 protect the king, to address the people, and put an end to 
 these indecent scenes. The assembly, which had just risen 
 from a sitting, met again in haste, terrified at this outbreak, 
 and despatched several successive deputations to Louis XVI. 
 by way of protection. At length, Petion, the mayor, himseli 
 arrived; he mounted a chair, harangued the people, urged 
 them to retire without tumult, and the people obeyed. These 
 singular insurgents, whose only aim was to obtain decrees 
 and ministers, retired without having exceeded their mission, 
 but without discharging it. 
 
 The events of the 20th of June excited the friends of the 
 constitution against its authors. The violation of the royal 
 residence, the insults offered to Louis XVI., the illegality of 
 a petition presented amidst the violence of the multitude, and 
 the display of arms, were subjects of serious censure against 
 the popular party. The latter saw itself reduced for a moment 
 to the defensive; besides being guilty of a riot, it had under- 
 gone a complete check. The constitutionalists assumed the 
 tone and superiority of an offended and predominant party; 
 but this lasted only a short time, for they were not seconded 
 by the court. The national guard offered to Louis XVI. to 
 remain assembled round his person; the due de la Rochefou- 
 cauld-Liancourt, who commanded at Rouen, wished to convey 
 him to his troops, who were devoted to his cause. Lafayette 
 proposed to take him to Compiegne, and place him at the 
 head of his army; but Louis XVI. declined all these offers. 
 He conceived that the agitators would be disgusted at the 
 failure of their last attempt; and, as he hoped for deliverance 
 from the coalition of European powers, rendered more active 
 by the events of the 20th of June, he was unwilling to make 
 use of the constitutionalists, because he would have been 
 obliged to treat with them. 
 
 Lafayette, however, attempted to make a last effort in
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 139 
 
 favour of legal monarchy. After having provided for the 
 command of his army, and collected addresses protesting 
 against the late events, he started for Paris, and on the 
 28th of June he unexpectedly presented himself at the bar of 
 the assembly. He required in his name, as well as in that 
 of his army, the punishment of the insurrectionists of the 
 20th of June, and the destruction of the Jacobin party. His 
 proceeding excited various sentiments in the assembly. The 
 Right \varmly applauded it, but the Left protested against 
 his conduct. Guadet proposed that an inquiry should be 
 made as to his culpability in leaving his army and coming to 
 dictate laws to the assembly. Some remains of respect pre- 
 vented the latter from following Guadet's advice; and after 
 tumultuous debates, Lafayette was admitted to the honours 
 of the sitting, but this was all on the part of the assembly. 
 Lafayette then turned to the national guard, that had so long 
 been devoted to him, and hoped with its aid to close the 
 clubs, disperse the Jacobins, restore to Louis XVI. the 
 authority which the law gave him, and again establish the 
 constitution. The revolutionists were astounded, and dreaded 
 everything from the daring and activity of this adversary of 
 the Champ de Mars. But the court, which feared the 
 triumph of the constitutionalists, caused Lafayette's projects to 
 fail ; he had appointed a review, which it contrived to prevent 
 by its influence over the officers of the royalist battalions. 
 The grenadiers and chasseurs, picked companies, and still 
 better disposed than the rest, were to assemble at his resi- 
 dence and proceed against the clubs; scarcely thirty men 
 came. Having thus vainly attempted to rally in the cause of 
 the constitution, and the common defence, the court and the 
 national guard, and finding himself deserted by those he 
 came to assist, Lafayette returned to his army, after having 
 lost what little influence and popularity remained to him. 
 This attempt was the last symptom of life in the constitu- 
 tional party. 
 
 The assembly naturally returned to the situation of France, 
 which had not changed. The extraordinary commission of 
 twelve presented, through Pastoret, an unsatisfactory picture 
 of the state and divisions of party. Jean Debry, in the 
 name of the same commission, proposed that the assembly 
 should secure the tranquillity of the people, now greatly dis-
 
 140, HISTOR-X OF 
 
 turbed, by declaring that when the crisis became imminent, 
 the assembly would declare the country is in danger; and that 
 it would then take measures for the public safety. The 
 debate opened upon this important subject. Vergniaud, in a 
 speech which deeply moved the assembly, drew a vivid 
 picture of all the perils to wliich the country was at that 
 moment exposed. He said that it was in the name of the 
 king that the emigrants were assembled, that the sovereigns 
 of Europe had formed a coalition, that foreign armies were 
 marching on our frontiers, and that internal disturbances were 
 taking place. He accused him of checking the national zeal by 
 his refusals, and of giving France up to the coalition. He 
 quoted the article of the constitution by which it was de- 
 clared that " if the king placed himself at the head of an 
 army and directed its force against the nation, or if he did 
 not formally oppose such an enterprise, undertaken in his 
 name, he should be considered as having abdicated the 
 throne." Supposing, then, that Louis XVI. voluntarily 
 opposed the means of defending the country, in that case, 
 said he: " have we not a right to say to him: ' O king, who 
 thought, no doubt, with the tyrant Lysander, that truth was 
 of no more worth than falsehood, and that men were to be 
 amused by oaths, as children are diverted by toys; who only 
 feigned obedience to the laws that you might better preserve 
 the power that enables you to defy them; and who only 
 feigned love for the constitution that it might not precipitate 
 you from the throne on which you wished to remain, only to 
 destroy the constitution, do you expect to deceive us by 
 hypocritical protestations? Do you think to deceive us as to 
 our misfortunes by the art of your excuses? was it defending 
 us to oppose to foreign soldiers forces whose known infe- 
 riority admitted of no doubt as to their defeat? to set aside 
 projects for strengthening the interior? Was it defending us 
 not to check a general who was violating the constitution, 
 while you repressed the courage of those who sought to serve 
 it? Did the constitution leave you the choice of ministers for 
 our happiness or our ruin? did it place you at the head of 
 our army for our glory or our shame? did it give you the 
 right of sanction, a civil list and so many prerogatives, con- 
 stitutionally to lose the empire and the constitution? No! no! 
 man! whom the generosity of the French could not affect,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 14.1 
 
 whom the love of despotism alone actuates, you are now 
 nothing to the constitution you have so unworthily violated, 
 and to the people you have so basely betrayed!' " 
 
 The only resource of the Gironde, in its present situation, 
 was the abdication of the king; Vergniaud, it is true, as yet 
 only expressed himself ambiguously, but all the popular 
 party attributed to Louis XVI. projects which Vergniaud 
 had only expressed in the form of suppositions. In a few 
 days, Brissot expressed himself more openly. " Our peril," 
 said he, " exceeds all that past ages have witnessed. The 
 country is in danger, not because we are in want of troops, 
 not because those troops want courage, or that our fron- 
 tiers are badly fortified, and our resources scanty. No, 
 it is in danger, because its force is paralysed. And who 
 has paralysed it? A man, one man, the man whom the 
 constitution has made its chief, and whom perfidious ad- 
 visers have made its foe. You are told to fear the kings 
 of Hungary and Prussia; I say, the chief force of these kings 
 is at the court, and it is there that we must first conquer 
 them. They tell you to strike the dissentient priests through- 
 out the kingdom. I tell you to strike at the Tuileries, that is, 
 to fell all the priests with a single blow; you are told to 
 prosecute all factious and intriguing conspirators ; they 
 will all disappear if you once knock loud enough at the door 
 of the cabinet of the Tuileries, for that cabinet is the point to 
 which all these threads tend, where every scheme is plotted, 
 and whence every impulse proceeds. The nation is the 
 plaything of this cabinet. This is the secret of our position, 
 tliis is the source of the evil, and here the remedy must be 
 applied." 
 
 In this way the Gironde prepared the assembly for the 
 question of deposition. But the great question concern- 
 ing the danger of the country was first terminated. The 
 three united committees declared that it was necessary to 
 take measures for the public safety, and on the oth of July 
 the assembly pronounced the solemn declaration: Citizens, the 
 country is in danger! All the civil authorities immediately 
 established themselves en surveillance permanente. All 
 citizens able to bear arms, and having already served in the 
 national guard, were placed in active service; every one was 
 obliged to make known what arms and ammunition he pos- 
 sessed; pikes were given to those who were unable to procure
 
 142 HISTORY OP 
 
 guns; battalions of volunteers were enrolled on the public 
 squares, in the midst of which banners were placed, bearing 
 the words " Citizens, the country is in danger !" and a 
 camp was formed at Soissons. These measures of defence, 
 now become indispensable, raised the revolutionary enthusiasm 
 to the highest pitch. It was especially observable on the 
 anniversary of the 14th of July, when the sentiments of the 
 multitude and the federates from the departments were mani- 
 fested without reserve. Petion was the object of the people's 
 idolatry, and had all the honours of the federation. A few 
 days before, he had been dismissed, on account of his conduct 
 on the 20th of June, by the directory of the department and 
 the council; but the assembly had restored him to his func- 
 tions, and the only cry on the day of the federation was: 
 " Petion or death ! n A few battalions of the national guard, 
 such as that of the Filles-Saint- Thomas, still betrayed attach- 
 ment to the court; they became the object of popular resent- 
 ment and mistrust. A disturbance was excited in the Champs 
 Elysees between the grenadiers of the Filles-Saint- Thomas 
 and the federates of Marseilles, in which some grenadiers 
 were wounded. Every day the crisis became more imminent; 
 the party in favour of war could no longer endure that of the 
 constitution. Attacks against Lafayette multiplied; he was 
 censured in the journals, denounced in the assembly. At 
 length, hostilities began. The club of the Feuillants was 
 closed; the grenadier and chasseur companies of the national 
 guard which formed the force of the bourgeoisie were dis- 
 banded ; the soldiers of the line, and a portion of the Swiss, 
 were sent away from Paris, and open preparations were made 
 for the catastrophe of the 10th of August. 
 
 The progress of the Prussians and the famous manifesto 01 
 Brunswick contributed to hasten this movement. Prussia 
 had joined Austria and the German princes against France. 
 This coalition, to which the court of Turin joined itself, was 
 formidable, though it did not comprise all the princes that 
 were to have joined it at first. The death of Gustavus, ap- 
 pointed at first commander of the invading army, detached 
 Sweden; the substitution of the count d'Aranda, a prudent 
 and moderate man, for the minister Blanca-Florida, prevented 
 Spain from entering it; Russia and England secretly approved 
 the attacks of the European league, without as yet co-operat-
 
 THE PRENCH REVOLUTION. H3 
 
 ing with it. After the military operations already mentioned, 
 they watched each other rather than fought. During the 
 interval, Lafayette had inspired his army with good habits of 
 discipline and devotedness; and Dumouriez, stationed under 
 Luckner at the camp of Maulde, had inured the troops confided 
 to him by petty engagements and daily successes. In this 
 way they had formed the nucleus of a good army; a desirable 
 thing, as they required organization and confidence to repel 
 the approaching invasion of the coalesced powers. 
 
 The duke of Brunswick directed it. He had the chief 
 command of the enemy's army, composed of seventy thousand 
 Prussians, and sixty-eight thousand Austrians, Hessians, or 
 emigrants. The plan of invasion was as follows. The duke 
 of Brunswick with the Prussians, was to pass the Khine at 
 Coblentz, ascend the left bank of the Moselle, attack the 
 French frontier by its central and most accessible point, and 
 advance on the capital by way of Longwy, Verdun, and 
 Chalons. The prince de Hohenlohe on his left, was to ad- 
 vance in the direction of Metz and Thionville, with the 
 Hessians and a body of emigrants; while general Clairfdt, 
 with the Austrians and another body of emigrants, was to 
 overthrow Lafayette, stationed before Sedan and Mezieres, 
 cross the Meuse, and march upon Paris by Reims and Soissons. 
 Thus the centre and two wings were to make a concentrated 
 advance on the capital from the Moselle, the Rhine, and the 
 Netherlands. Other detachments stationed on the frontier of 
 the Rhine and the extreme northern frontier, were to attack 
 our troops on these sides and facilitate the central invasion. 
 
 On the 28th of July, when the army began to move 
 from Coblentz, the duke of Brunswick published a mani- 
 festo in the name of the emperor and the king of Prussia. 
 He reproached those who had usurped the reins of administra- 
 tion in France, with having disturbed order and overturned 
 the legitimate government; with having used daily-renewed 
 violence against the king and his family; with having arbi- 
 trarily suppressed the rights and possessions of the German 
 princes in Alsace and Lorraine; and, finally, with having 
 crowned the measure by declaring an unjust war against 
 his majesty the emperor, and attacking his provinces in the 
 Netherlands. He declared that the allied sovereigns were 
 advancing to put an end to anarchv in France, to arrest the
 
 144 HISTORY OF 
 
 attacks made on the altar and the throne; to restore to the 
 king the security and liberty he was deprived of, and to place 
 him in a condition to exercise his legitimate authority. He 
 consequently rendered the national guard and the authori- 
 ties responsible for all the disorders that should arise 
 until the arrival of the troops of the coalition. He sum- 
 moned them to return to their ancient fidelity. He said, that 
 the inhabitants of towns, who dared to stand on the defensive, 
 should instantly be punished as rebels, with the rigour of war, 
 and their houses demolished or burned; that if the city of 
 Paris did not restore the king to full liberty, and render him 
 due respect, the coalesced princes would make it, all the 
 members of the national assembly, of the department, of the 
 district, the corporation, and the national guard, personally 
 responsible with their heads, to be tried by martial-law, 
 and without hope of pardon; and that if the chateau were 
 attacked or insulted, the princes would inflict an exemplary 
 and never-to-be-forgotten vengeance, by delivering Paris 
 over to military execution, and total subversion. He pro- 
 mised, on the other hand, if the inhabitants of Paris would 
 promptly obey the orders of the coalition, to secure for them 
 the mediation of the coalesced princes with Louis XVI. for 
 the pardon of their offences and errors. 
 
 This fiery and impolitic manifesto, which disguised neither 
 the designs of the emigrants nor those of Europe, which 
 treated a great nation with a truly extraordinary tone of com- 
 mand and contempt, which openly announced to it all the 
 miseries of an invasion, and, moreover, vengeance and des- 
 potism, excited a national insurrection. It more than any- 
 thing else hastened the fall of the throne, and prevented the 
 success of the coalition. There was but one wish, one 
 cry of resistance, from one end of France to the other; 
 and whoever had not joined in it, would have been looked on 
 as guilty of impiety towards his country and the sacred cause 
 of its independence. The popular party, placed in the neces- 
 sity of conquering, saw no other way than that of annihilating 
 the power of the king, and in order to annihilate it, than 
 that of dethroning him. But in this party, every one wished 
 to attain the end in his own way: the Giroude by a decree of 
 the assembly; the leaders of the multitude by an insurrection. 
 Danton, Robespierre, Camille Desmoulins. Fabre-d'Eglantine,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 145 
 
 Marat, &c., were a displaced faction requiring a revolution 
 tbat would raise it from the midst of the people to the 
 assembly and the corporation. They were the true leaders 
 of the new movement about to take place by the means of 
 the lower class of society against the middle class, to which 
 the Girondists belonged by their habits and position. A di- 
 vision arose from that day, between those who only wished to 
 suppress the court in the existing order of things, and those 
 who wished to introduce the multitude. The latter could 
 not fall in with the tardiness of discussion. Agitated by every 
 revolutionary passion, they disposed themselves for an attack 
 by force of arms, the preparations for which were made 
 openly, and a long time beforehand. 
 
 Their enterprise had been projected and suspended several 
 times. On the 26th of July, an insurrection was to break 
 out; but it was badly contrived, and Petion prevented it. 
 "When the federates from Marseilles arrived, on their way to 
 the camp at Soissons, the faubourgs were to meet them, and 
 then repair, unexpectedly, to the chateau. This insurrection 
 also failed. Yet the arrival of the Marseillese encouraged 
 the agitators of the capital, and conferences were held at 
 Charenton between them and the federal leaders for the over- 
 throw of the throne. The sections were much agitated; that 
 of Mauconseil was the first to declare itself in a state of in- 
 surrection, and notified this to the assembly. The dethrone- 
 ment was discussed in the clubs, and on the 3rd of August, 
 the mayor Petion came to solicit it of the legislative body, 
 in the name of the commune and of the sections. The peti- 
 tion was referred to the extraordinary commission of twelve. 
 On the 8th, the accusation of Lafayette was discussed. Some 
 remains of courage induced the majority to support him, and 
 not without danger. He was acquitted; but all' who had 
 voted for him were hissed, pursued, and ill treated by the 
 people at the breaking up of the sitting. 
 
 The following day the excitement was extreme. The 
 assembly learned by the letters of a large number of deputies, 
 that the day before on leaving the house they had been ill 
 used, and threatened with death, for voting the acquittal of 
 Lafayette. Vaublanc announced that a crowd had invested 
 and searched his house in pursuit of him. Girardin ex- 
 claimed: "Discussion is impossible, without perfect liberty of
 
 146 HISTORY OF 
 
 opinion; I declare to my constituents that I cannot deliberate 
 if the legislative body does not secure me liberty and safety.** 
 Vaublanc earnestly urged that the assembly should take the 
 strongest measures to secure respect to the law. He also re- 
 quired that the federates, who were defended by the Girondists, 
 should be sent without delay to Soissons. During these de- 
 bates, the president received a message from de Joly, minister - ' 
 of justice. He announced that the mischief was at its height, j 
 and the people urged to every kind of excess. He gave an ac- 
 count of those committed the evening before, not only against f 
 the deputies, but against many other persons. " I have," 
 said the minister, " denounced these attacks in the criminal 
 court; but law is powerless; and I am impelled by honour and 
 probity to inform you, that without the promptest assistance 
 of the legislative body, the government can no longer be 
 responsible." In the meantime, it was announced that the 
 section of the Quinze-vingts had declared that, if the de- 
 thronement were not pronounced that very day, at midnight 
 they would sound the tocsin, would beat the generale and 
 attack the chateau. This decision had been transmitted 
 to the forty-eight sections, and all had approved it, except 
 one. The assembly summoned the recorder of the depart- 
 ment, who assured them of his good-will, but his inability; 
 and the mayor, who replied that, at a time when the 
 sections had resumed their sovereignty, he could only exercise 
 over the people the influence of persuasion. The assembly 
 broke up without adopting any measures. 
 
 The insurgents fixed the attack on the chateau for the 
 morning of the 10th of August. On the 8th, the Marseillese 
 had been transferred from their barracks in the Rue Blanche 
 to the Cordeliers, with their arms, cannon, and standard. 
 They had received five thousand ball cartridges, which had 
 been distributed to them by command of the commissioner 
 of police. The principal scene of the insurrection was the 
 Faubourg Saint Antoine. In the evening, after a very 
 stormy sitting, the Jacobins repaired thither in procession; 
 the insurrection was then organized. It was decided to dis- 
 solve the department; to dismiss Petion, in order to with- 
 draw him from the duties of his place, and all responsibility; 
 and, finally, to replace the general council of the present 
 commune by an insurrectional municipality. Agitators re-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 147 
 
 paired at the same time to the sections of the faubourgs and 
 to the barracks of the federate Marseillese and Bretons. 
 
 The court had been apprised of the danger for some time, 
 and had placed itself in a state of defence. At this junc- 
 ture, it probably thought it was not only able to resist, but 
 also to entirely re-establish itself. The interior of the 
 chateau was occupied by Swiss, to the number of eight 
 or nine hundred, by officers of the disbanded guard, 
 and by a troop of gentlemen and royalists, who had offered 
 their services, armed with sabres, swords, and pistols. 
 Mandat, the general-in-chief of the national guard, had 
 repaired to the chateau, with his staff, to defend it; he had 
 given orders to the battalions most attached to the constitu- 
 tion to take arms. The ministers were also with the king; 
 the recorder of the department had gone thither in the even- 
 ing at the command of the king, who had also sent for Petion, 
 to ascertain from him the state of Paris, and obtain an au- 
 thorization to repel force by force. 
 
 At midnight, the tocsin sounded ; the generate was beaten. 
 The insurgents assembled, and fell into their ranks; the 
 members of the sections broke up the municipality, and 
 named a provisional council of the commune, which pro- 
 ceeded to the Hotel de Ville to direct the insurrection. The 
 battalions of the national guard, on their side, took the route 
 to the chateau, and were stationed in the court, or at the 
 principal posts, with the mounted gendarmerie; artillerymen 
 occupied the avenues of the Tuileries, with their pieces; 
 while the Swiss and volunteers guarded the apartments. The 
 defence was in the best condition. 
 
 Some deputies, meanwhile, aroused by the tocsin, had hurried 
 to the Hall of the legislative body, and had opened the sitting 
 under the presidentship of Vergniaud. Hearing that Petion 
 was at the Tuileries, and presuming he was detained there, 
 and wanted to be released, they sent for him to the bar of 
 the assembly, to give an account of the state of Paris. On 
 receiving this order, he left the chateau; he appeared before 
 the assembly, where a deputation again inquired for him, 
 also supposing him to be a prisoner at the Tuileries. With 
 this deputation he returned to the Hotel de Ville, where he 
 was placed under a guard of three hundred men by the new 
 commune. The latter, unwilling to allow any other authority 
 on this day of disorder, than the insurrectional authorities, 
 
 L2
 
 148 HISTORY OF 
 
 early in the morning sent for the commandant Mandat, to 
 know what arrangements were made at the chateau. Mandat 
 hesitated to obey; yet, as he did not know that the munici- 
 pality had been changed, and as his duty required him to 
 obey its orders, on a second call which he received from the 
 commune, he proceeded to the Hotel de Ville. On per- 
 ceiving new faces as he entered, he turned pale. lie was 
 accused of authorizing the troops to fire on the people. He 
 became agitated, and was ordered to the Abbaye, and the 
 mob murdered him as he was leaving, on the steps of the 
 Hotel de Ville. The commune immediately conferred the 
 command of the national guard on Santerre. 
 
 The court was thus deprived of its most determined and 
 influential defender. The presence of Mandat, and the order 
 he had received to employ force in case of need, were neces- 
 sary to induce the national guard to fight. The sight of the 
 nobles and royalists had lessened its zeal. Mandat himself, 
 previous to his departure, had urged the queen in vain to 
 dismiss this troop, which the constitutionalists considered as 
 a troop of aristocrats. 
 
 About four in the morning the queen summoned Rcederer, 
 the recorder of the department, who had passed the night at 
 the Tuileries, and inquired what was to be done under these 
 circumstances? Roederer replied, that he thought it neces- 
 sary that the king and the royal family should proceed to the 
 national assembly. " You propose," said Dubouchage, "to take 
 the king to his foes." Rcederer replied, that, two days before, 
 four hundred members of that assembly out of six hundred, 
 had pronounced in favour of Lafayette; and that he had only 
 proposed this plan as the least dangerous. The queen then 
 said, in a very positive tone: " Sir, we have forces here: it is 
 at length time to know who is to prevail, the king and the 
 constitution, or faction?" " In that case, madame," rejoined 
 Rcederer, " let us see what arrangements have been made for 
 resistance." Laschenaye, who commanded in the absence of 
 Mandat, was sent for. He was asked if he had taken mea- 
 sures to prevent the crowd from arriving at the chateau? if 
 he had guarded the Carousel? He replied in the affirmative; 
 and, addressing the queen, he said, in a tone of anger : " I 
 must not allow you to remain in ignorance, madam, that 
 the apartments are filled with people of all kinds, who very
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 149 
 
 much impede the service, and prevent free access to the king, 
 a circumstance which creates dissatisfaction among the na- 
 tional guard." "This is out of season," replied the queen; 
 " I will answer for those who are here; they will advance 
 first or last, in the ranks, as you please; they are ready for 
 all that is necessary; they are sure men." They contented 
 themselves with sending the two ministers, Joly and Cham- 
 pion to the assembly to apprise it of the danger, and ask for 
 its assistance and for commissioners.* 
 
 Division already existed between the defenders of the 
 chateau, when Louis XVI. passed them in review at 
 five o'clock in the morning. He first visited the interior 
 posts, and found them animated by the best intentions. He 
 was accompanied by some members of 'his family, and appeared 
 extremely sad. " I will not," he said, " separate my cause 
 from that of good citizens; we will save ourselves or perish 
 together." He then descended into the yard, accompanied by 
 some general officers. As soon as he arrived, they beat to arms. 
 The cry of " Vive le roi !" was heard, and was repeated by 
 the national guard; but the artillerymen, and the battalion of 
 the Croix Rouge replied by the cry of " Vive la nation !" 
 At the same instant, new battalions, armed with guns and 
 pikes, defiled before the king, and took their places upon 
 the terrace of the Seine, crying: "Vive la nation!" " Vive 
 Petion!" The king continued the review, not, however, 
 without feeling saddened by this omen. He was received 
 with the strongest evidences of devotion by the battalions of 
 the Filles- Saint-Thomas, and Petits-Peres, who occupied the 
 terrace, extending the length of the chateau. As he crossed 
 the garden to visit the ports of the Pont Tournant, the pibe 
 battalions pursued him with the cry of: "Down with the 
 veto!" "Down with the traitor!" and as he returned, they 
 quitted their position, placed themselves near the Pont 
 Koyal, and turned their cannon against the chateau. Two other 
 battalions stationed in the courts imitated them, and esta- 
 blished themselves on the Place du Carousel in an attitude of 
 attack. On re-entering the castle, the king was pale and 
 dejected; and the queen said, "All is lost! This kind of 
 review has done more harm than good." 
 
 * " Clironique des Cinquante Jours, par P. L. Rcederer," a writer of the 
 most scrupulous accuracy.
 
 150 HISTORY OP 
 
 While all this was passing at the Tuileries, the insurgents 
 were advancing in several columns; they had passed the 
 night in assembling, and becoming organized. In the morn- 
 ing, they had forced the arsenal, and distributed the arms. 
 The column of the Faubourg Saint- Antoine, about fifteen 
 thousand strong, and that of the column Saint Marceau, 
 amounting to five thousand, began to march about six. The 
 crowd increased as they advanced. Artillerymen had been 
 placed on the Pont Neuf by the directory of the department, 
 in order to prevent the union of the insurgents from the two 
 sides of the river. But Manuel, the town clerk, had ordered 
 them to be withdrawn, and the passage was accordingly free. 
 The vanguard of the Faubourgs, composed of Marseillese 
 and Breton Federates, had already arrived by the Rue Saint 
 Honore, stationed themselves in battle array on the Carousel, 
 and turned their cannon against the chateau. De Joly and 
 Champion returned from the assembly, stating that the attend- 
 ance was not sufficient in number to debate; that it scarcely 
 amounted to sixty or eighty members, and that their proposi- 
 tion had not been heard. Then Roederer, the recorder of 
 the department, with the members of the department, pre- 
 sented himself to the crowd, observing, that so great a multi- 
 tude could not have access to the king, or to the national 
 assembly, and recommending them to nominate twenty de- 
 puties, and entrust them with their requests. But they did 
 not listen to him. He turned to the national guard, reminded 
 them of the article of the law, which enjoined them when 
 attacked, to repel force by force. A very small part of the 
 national guard seemed disposed to do so; and a discharge of 
 cannon was the only reply of the artillerymen. Roederer, 
 seeing that the insurgents were everywhere triumphant, that 
 they were masters of the field, and that they disposed of the 
 multitude, and even of the troops, returned hastily to the 
 chateau, at the head of the executive directory. 
 
 The king held a council with the queen and ministers. A 
 municipal officer had just given the alarm by announcing that 
 the columns of the insurgents were advancing upon the 
 Tuileries. " Well, and what do they want?" asked Joly, 
 keeper of the seals. " Abdication," replied the officer. "And 
 what will follow abdication?" inquired the queen. The 
 municipal officer bowed in silence. At this moment Roederer
 
 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION. 151 
 
 arrived, and increased the alarm of the court by announcing 
 that the danger was extreme; that the insurgents would 
 not be treated with, and that the national guard could not be 
 depended upon. " Sire," said he, urgently, " your majesty 
 has not five minutes to lode: your only safety is in the 
 national assembly; it is the opinion of the department that 
 you ought to repair thither without delay. There are- not 
 sufficient men in the court to defend the chateau; nor are we " 
 sure of them. At the mention of defence, the artillerymen 
 discharged their cannon." The king replied, at first, that he 
 had not observed many people on the Carousel; and the queen 
 rejoined with vivacity, that the king had forces to defend the 
 chateau. But, at the renewed urgency of Roederer, the king, 
 after looking at him attentively for a few minutes, turned to 
 the queen, and said, as he rose: " Let us go." " Monsieur 
 Roederer," said Madame Elizabeth, addressing the recorder, 
 "you answer for the life of the king?" " Yes, madame, with 
 my own," he replied. " I will walk immediately before him." 
 Louis XVI. left his chamber with his family, ministers, and 
 the members of the department, arid announced to the persons 
 assembled for the defence of the chateau, that he was going 
 to the national assembly. He placed himself between two 
 ranks of national guards, summoned to escort him, and crossed 
 the apartments and garden of the Tuileries. A deputation 
 of the assembly, apprised of his approach, came to meet him: 
 " Sire," said the president of this deputation, " the assembly, 
 eager to provide for your safety, offers you and your family 
 an asylum in its bosom." The procession resumed its march, 
 and had some difficulty in crossing the terrace of the Tuileries, 
 which was crowded with an animated mob, breathing forth 
 threats and insults. The king and his family had great 
 difficulty in reaching the Hall of the assembly, where they 
 took the seats reserved for the ministers. " Gentlemen," said 
 the king, " I come here to avoid a great crime; I think I can- 
 not be safer than with you." " Sire," replied Vergniaud, who 
 filled the chair, " you may rely on the firmness of the national 
 assembly. Its members have sworn to die in maintaining the 
 rights of the people, and the constituted authorities." The king 
 then took his seat next the president. But Chavot reminded 
 him that the assembly could not deliberate in the presence of 
 the king, and Louis XVI. retired with his family and ministers
 
 152 HISTORY OF 
 
 into the reporter's box behind the president, whence all that 
 took place could be seen and heard. 
 
 All motives for resistance ceased with the king's departure. 
 The means of defence had also been diminished by the de- 
 parture of the national guards who escorted the king. The gen- 
 darmerie left their posts, crying " Vive la nation !" The national 
 guard began to move in favour of the insurgents. But the foes 
 were confronted, and, although the cause was removed, the com- 
 bat nevertheless commenced. The columns of the insurgents 
 surrounded the chateau. The Marseillese and Bretons who 
 occupied the first rank had just forced the Porte Royale on 
 the Carousel, and entered the court of the chateau. They 
 were led by an old subaltern, called Westermann, a friend 
 of Danton, and a very daring man. He ranged his force in 
 battle array, and approaching the artillerymen, induced them 
 to join the Marseillese with their pieces. The Swiss filled 
 the windows of the chateau, and stood motionless. The two 
 bodies confronted each other for some time without making 
 an attack. A few of the assailants advanced amicably, and 
 the Swiss threw some cartridges from the windows in token 
 of peace. They penetrated as far as the vestibule, where 
 they were met by other defenders of the chateau. A barrier 
 separated them. Here the combat began, but it is unknown 
 on which side it commenced. The Swiss discharged a mur- 
 derous fire on the assailants, who were dispersed. The Place 
 du Carousel was cleared. But the Marseillese and Bretons 
 soon returned with renewed force; the Swiss were fired on 
 by the cannon, and surrounded. They kept their posts un- 
 til they received orders from the king to cease firing. The 
 exasperated mob did not cease, however, to pursue them, and 
 gave itself up to the most sanguinary reprisals. It now be- 
 came a massacre rather than a combat; and the crowd perpe- 
 trated in the chateau all the excesses of victory. 
 
 All this time the assembly was in the greatest alarm. The 
 first cannonade filled them with consternation. As the firing 
 became more frequent, the agitation increased. At one 
 moment, the members considered themselves lost. An officer 
 entering the hall, hastily exclaimed: " To your places, legisla- 
 tors; we are forced!" A few rose to go out. "No, no," 
 cried others, " this is our post." The spectators in the gal- 
 lery exclaimed instantly, "Vive 1'assemblee nationale!" and
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 153 
 
 the assembly replied, ""Vive la nation!" Shouts of victory 
 were then heard without, and the fate of monarchy was de- 
 cided. 
 
 The assembly instantly made a proclamation to restore 
 tranquillity, and implore the people to respect justice, their 
 magistrates, the rights of man, liberty, and equality. But 
 the multitude and their chiefs had all the power in their 
 hands, and were determined to use it. The new municipality 
 came to assert its authority. It was preceded by three banners, 
 inscribed with the words, " Patrie, liberte, egalite." Its ad- 
 dress was imperious, and concluded by demanding the depo- 
 sition of the king, and a national convention. Deputations 
 followed, and all expressed the same desire, or rather issued 
 the same command. 
 
 The assembly felt itself compelled to yield; it would not, 
 however, take upon itself the deposition of the king. Ver- 
 gniaud ascended the tribune, in the name of the commission of 
 twelve, and said: " I am about to propose to you a very 
 rigorous measure; I appeal to the affliction of our hearts to 
 judge how necessary it is to adopt it immediately." This 
 measure consisted of the convocation of a national assembly, 
 the dismissal of the ministers, and the suspension of the king. 
 The assembly adopted it unanimously. The Girondist minis- 
 ters were recalled; the celebrated decrees were carried into 
 execution, about four thousand nonjuring priests were 
 exiled, and commissioners were despatched to the armies to 
 make sure of them. Louis XVI., to whom the assembly had at 
 first assigned the Luxembourg as a residence, was transferred 
 as a prisoner to the Temple, by the all-powerful commune, 
 under the pretext, that it could not otherwise be answerable 
 for the safety of his person. Finally, the 23rd of September was 
 appointed for opening the extraordinary assembly, destined to 
 decide the fate of royalty. But royalty had already fallen 
 on the 10th of August, that day marked by the insurrection 
 of the multitude against the middle classes and the constitu- 
 tional throne, as the 14th of July had seen the insurrection 
 of the middle class against the privileged class and the abso- 
 lute power of the crown. On the 10th of August began the 
 dictatorial and arbitrary epoch of the revolution. Circum- 
 stances becoming more and more difficult to encounter, a vast 
 warfare arose, requiring still higher energy than ever, and
 
 154 HISTORY OF 
 
 that energy irregular, because popular, rendered the domi- 
 nation of the lower class restless, cruel, and oppressive. The 
 nature of the question was then entirely changed; it was no 
 longer a matter of liberty, but of public safety; and the con- 
 ventional period, from the end of the constitution of 1791, to 
 the time when the constitution of the year HI. established 
 the directory, was only a long campaign of the revolution 
 against parties and against Europe. It was scarcely possible 
 it should be otherwise. " The revolutionary movement once 
 established," says M. de Maistre, in his Considerations sur la 
 France.* " France and the monarchy could only be saved by 
 Jacobinism. Our grandchildren, who will care little for our 
 sufferings, and will dance on our graves, will laugh at our 
 present ignorance; they will easily console themselves for the 
 excesses we have witnessed, and which will have preserved 
 the integrity of the finest of kingdoms." 
 
 The departments adhered to the events of the 10th of 
 August. The army, which shortly afterwards came undei 
 the influence of the revolution, was as yet of constitutional 
 royalist principles; but as the troops were subordinate to 
 parties, they would easily submit to the dominant opinion. 
 The generals, second in rank, such as Dumouriez, Custines, 
 Biron, Kellermann, and Labourdonnaie, were disposed to 
 adopt the last changes. They had not yet declared for any 
 particular party, looking to the revolution as a means of ad- 
 vancement. It was not the same with the generals in chief. 
 Luckner floated undecided between the insurrection of the 
 10th of August, which he termed, " a little accident that had 
 happened to Paris and his friend, Lafayette." The latter, 
 head of the constitutional party, firmly adhering to his oaths, 
 wished still to defend the" overturned throne, and a constitu- 
 tion which no longer existed. He commanded about thirty 
 thousand men, who were devoted to his person and his cause. 
 His head-quarters were near Sedan. In his project of re- 
 sistance in favour of the constitution, he concerted with the 
 municipality of that town, and the directory of the depart- 
 ment of Ardennes, to establish a civil centre round which all 
 the departments might rally. The three commissioners, Ker- 
 saint, Antonelle, and Peraldy, sent by the legislature to his 
 
 * Lausanne, 1796.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 155 
 
 army, were arrested and imprisoned in the tower of Sedan. 
 The reason assigned for this measure was, that the assembly 
 having been intimidated, the members who had accepted such 
 a mission were necessarily but the leaders or instruments of 
 the faction which had subjugated the national assembly and 
 the king. The troops and the civil authorities then renewed 
 their oath to the constitution, and Lafayette endeavoured to 
 enlarge the circle of the insurrection of the army against the 
 popular insurrection. 
 
 General Lafayette at that moment thought, possibly, too 
 much on the past, on the law, and the common oath, and not 
 enough on the really extraordinary position in which France 
 then was. He only saw the dearest hopes of the friends of 
 liberty destroyed, the usurpation of the state by the multitude, 
 and the anarchical reign of the Jacobins; he did not perceive 
 the fatality of a situation which rendered the triumph of the 
 latest comer in the revolution indispensable. It was scarcely 
 possible that the bourgeoisie, which had been strong enough 
 to overthrow the old system and the privileged classes, but 
 which had reposed after that victory, could resist the emigrants 
 and all Europe. For this there was needed a new shock, a 
 new faith; there was needed a numerous, ardent, inexhaustible 
 class, as enthusiastic for the 10th of August, as the bourgeoisie 
 had been for the 14th of July. Lafayette could not associate 
 with this party; he had combated it, under the constituent 
 assembly, at the Champ de Mars, before and after the 20th of 
 June. He could not continue to play his former part, nor 
 defend a cause j ust in itself, but condemned by events, with- 
 out compromising his country, and the results of a revolution 
 to which he was sincerely attached. His resistance, if conti- 
 nued, would have given rise to a civil war between the people 
 and the army, at a time when it was not certain that the com- 
 bination of all parties would suffice against a foreign war. 
 
 It was the 19th of August, and the army of invasion 
 having left Coblentz on the 30th of July, was ascending the 
 Moselle, and advancing on that frontier. In consideration of 
 the common danger, the troops were disposed to resume their 
 obedience to the assembly; Luckner, who at first approved of 
 Lafayette's views, retracted, weeping and swearing, before the 
 municipality of Metz; and Lafayette himself saw the neces- 
 sity of yielding to a more powerful destiny. He left his army,
 
 156 HISTORY OF 
 
 taking upon himself all the responsibility of the whole in- 
 surrection. He was accompanied by Bureau-de-Pusy, Latour- 
 Maubourg, Alexander Lameth, and some officers of his staff. 
 He proceeded through the enemy's posts towards Holland, 
 intending to go to the United States, his adopted country. 
 But he was discovered and arrested with his companions. 
 In violation of the rights of nations, he was treated as a 
 prisoner of war, and confined first in the dungeons of Mag- 
 deburg, and then by the Austrians at Olmutz. The English 
 parliament itself took steps in his favour; but it was not until 
 the treaty of Campo-Formio that Bonaparte released him from 
 prison. During four years of the hardest captivity, subject 
 to every description of privation, kept in ignorance of the 
 state of his country and of liberty, with no prospect before 
 him but that of perpetual and harsh imprisonment, he dis- 
 played the most heroic courage. He might have obtained 
 his liberty by making certain retractations, but he preferred 
 remaining buried in his dungeon to the abandoning in the 
 least degree the sacred cause he had embraced. 
 
 There have been in our day few lives more pure than 
 Lafayette's; few characters more beautiful; few men whose 
 popularity has been more justly won and longer maintained. 
 After defending liberty in America at the side of Washing- 
 ton, he desired to establish it in the same manner in France; 
 but this noble part was impossible in our revolution. When 
 a people in the pursuit of liberty has no internal dissension, 
 and no foes but foreigners, it may find a deliverer; may pro- 
 duce, in Switzerland a William Tell, in the Netherlands a 
 prince of Orange, in America a Washington; but when it 
 pursues it against its own countrymen and foreigners, at once 
 amidst factions and battles, it can only produce a Cromwell 
 or a Bonaparte, who become the dictators of revolutions when 
 the struggle subsides and parties are exhausted. Lafayette, an 
 actor in the first epoch of the crisis, enthusiastically declared 
 for its results. He became the general of the middle class, 
 at the head of the national guard under the constituent 
 assembly, in the army under the legislative assembly. He 
 had risen by it, and he would end with it. It may be said of 
 him, that if he committed some faults of position, he had ever 
 tut one object, liberty, and that he employed but one means, 
 the law- The manner in which, when yet quite young, he
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 157 
 
 devoted himself to the deliverance of the two worlds, his 
 glorious conduct and his invariable firmness, will transmit his 
 name with honour to posterity, with whom a man cannot 
 have two reputations, as in the time of party, but his own 
 alone. 
 
 The authors of the events of the 1 Oth of August became 
 more and more divided, having no common views as to the 
 results which should arise from that revolution. The more 
 daring party, which had got hold of the commune or munici- 
 pality, wished by means of that commune to rule Paris; 
 by means of Paris, the national assembly; and by means of 
 the assembly, France. After having effected the transference 
 of Louis XVI. to the Temple, it threw down all the statues of 
 the kings, and destroyed all the emblems of the monarchy. 
 The department exercised a right of superintendence over 
 the municipality; to be completely independent, it abrogated 
 this right. The law required certain conditions to constitute 
 a citizen; it decreed the cessation of these, in order that the 
 multitude might be introduced into the government of the 
 state. At the same time, it demanded the establishment of 
 an extraordinary tribunal to try the conspirators of the 10th 
 of August. As the assembly did not prove sufficiently docile, 
 and endeavoured by proclamations to recal the people to more 
 just and moderate sentiments, it received threatening messages 
 from the H6tel de Ville. " As a citizen," said a member of 
 the commune, "as a magistrate of the people, I come to 
 announce to you that this evening, at midnight, the tocsin 
 will sound, the drum beat to arms. The people are weary 
 of not being avenged; tremble lest they administer justice 
 themselves." " If, before two or three hours pass, the fore- 
 man of the jury be not named," said another, "and if the 
 jury be not itself in a condition to act, great calamities will 
 befal Paris." To avert the threatened outbreaks, the assembly 
 was obliged to appoint an extraordinary criminal tribunal. 
 This tribunal condemned a few persons, but the commune 
 having conceived the most terrible projects, did not consider 
 it sufficiently expeditious. 
 
 At the head of the commune were Marat, Panis, Sergent, 
 Duplain, Lenfent, Jourdeuil, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud- 
 Varennes, Tallien, &c.; but the chief leader of the party at 
 that time was Danton. He, more than any other person, had
 
 158 HISTORY OF 
 
 distinguished himself on the 10th of August. During the 
 whole of that night he had rushed about from the sections to 
 the barracks of the Marseillese and Bretons, and from these to 
 the Faubourgs. A member of the revolutionary commune, 
 he had directed its operations, and had afterwards been ap- 
 pointed minister of justice. 
 
 Dan ton was a gigantic revolutionist; he deemed no means 
 censurable so they were useful, and, according to him, men 
 could do whatever they dared attempt. Danton, who has been 
 termed the Mirabeau of the populace, bore a physical resem- 
 blance to that tribune of the higher classes; he had irregular 
 features, a powerful voice, impetuous gesticulation, a daring 
 eloquence, a lordly brow. Their vices, too, were the same; 
 only Mirabeau's were those of a patrician, Danton's those of a 
 democrat; that which there was of daring in the conceptions of 
 Mirabeau, was to be found in Danton, but in another way, 
 because, in the revolution, he belonged to another class and 
 another epoch. Ardent, overwhelmed with debts and wants, 
 of dissolute habits, given up now to bis passions, now to his 
 party, he was formidable while in the pursuit of an object, 
 but became indifferent as soon as he had obtained it. This 
 powerful demagogue presented a mixture of the most opposite 
 vices and qualities. Though he had sold himself to the court, 
 he did not seem sordid; he was one of those who, so to speak, 
 give an air of freedom even to baseness. He was an absolute 
 exterminator, without being personally ferocious; inexorable 
 towards masses, humane, generous even towards individuals.* 
 Revolution, in his opinion, was a game at which the conqueror, 
 if he required it, won the life of the conquered. The welfare 
 of his party was, in his eyes, superior to law and even to 
 humanity; this will explain his endeavours after the 10th of 
 August, and his return to moderation when he considered the 
 republic established. 
 
 At this period the Prussians, advancing on the plan of in- 
 vasion described above, passed the frontier, after a march of 
 twenty days. The army of Sedan was without a leader, and 
 incapable of resisting a force so superior in numbers and so 
 
 * At the time the commune was arranging the massacre of the 2nd Sep- 
 tember, he saved all who applied to him ; he, of his own accord, released 
 from prison Duport, Barnave, and Ch. Lameth, his personal antagonists.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 159 
 
 much better organized. On the 20th of August, Longwy 
 was invested by the Prussians; on the 21st it was bom- 
 barded, and on the 24th it capitulated. On the 30th the 
 hostile army arrived before Verdun, invested it, and began 
 to bombard it. Verdun taken, the road to the capital was 
 open. The taking of Longwy, and the approach of so great a 
 danger, threw Paris into the utmost agitation and alarm. The 
 executive council, composed of the ministers, was summoned 
 by the committee of general defence, to deliberate on the 
 best measures to be adopted in this perilous conjuncture. 
 Some proposed to wait for the enemy under the walls of the 
 capital, others to retire to Saumur. " You are not ignorant," 
 said Danton, when his turn to speak arrived, " that France 
 is Paris; if you abandon the capital to the foreigner, you 
 surrender yourselves, and you surrender France. It is in 
 Paris that we must defend ourselves by every possible means. 
 I cannot sanction any plan tending to remove you from it. 
 The second project does not appear to me any better. It is 
 impossible to think of fighting under the walls of the capital. 
 The 10th of August has divided France into two parties, the 
 one attached to royalty, the other desiring a republic. The 
 latter, the decided minority of which in the state cannot be 
 concealed, is the only one on which you can rely to fight; 
 the other will refuse to march; it will excite Paris in favour 
 of the foreigner, while your defenders, placed between two 
 fires, will perish in repelling him. Should they fall, which 
 seems to me beyond a doubt, your ruin and that of France are 
 certain ; if, contrary to all expectation, they return victorious 
 over the coalition, this victory will still be a defeat for you; 
 for it will have cost you thousands of brave men, while the 
 royalists, more numerous than you, will have lost nothing of 
 their strength and influence. It is my opinion, that to dis- 
 concert their measures and stop the enemy, we must make 
 the royalists fear." The committee, at once understanding 
 the meaning of these words, were thrown into a state of con- 
 sternation. " Yes, I tell you," resumed Danton, "we must 
 make them fear." As the committee rejected this propo- 
 sition by a silence full of alarm, Danton concerted with the 
 commune. His aim was to put down its enemies by terror, 
 to involve the multitude more and more by making them his 
 accomplices, and to leave the revolution no other refuge than 
 victory.
 
 160 HISTORY OF 
 
 Domiciliary visits were made with great and gloomy cere- 
 mony; a large number of persons whose condition, opinions, 
 or conduct rendered them objects of suspicion, were thrown 
 into prison. These unfortunate persons were taken especially 
 from the two dissentient classes, the nobles and the clergy, 
 who were charged with conspiracy under the legislative 
 assembly. All citizens capable of bearing arms were enrolled 
 in the Champ de Mars, and departed on the first of Sep- 
 tember for the frontier. The generale was beat, the tocsin 
 sounded, cannon were fired, and Danton, presenting himself 
 to the assembly to report the measures taken to save the 
 country, exclaimed: " The cannon you hear are no alarm 
 cannon, but the signal for attacking the enemy! To conquer 
 them, to prostrate them, what is necessary? Daring, again 
 daring, and still again and ever daring!" Intelligence of the 
 taking of Verdun arrived during the night of the 1st of Sep- 
 tember. The commune availed themselves of this moment, 
 when Paris, filled with terror, thought it saw the enemy at 
 its gates, to execute their fearful projects. The cannon were 
 again fired, the tocsin sounded, the barriers were closed, and 
 the massacre began. 
 
 During three days, the prisoners confined in the Carmes, 
 the Abbaye, the Conciergerie, the Force, &c., were slaugh- 
 tered by a band of about three hundred assassins, directed 
 and paid by the commune. This body, with a calm fana- 
 ticism, prostituting to murder the sacred forms of justice, now 
 judges, now executioners, seemed rather to be practising a 
 calling than to be exercising vengeance; they massacred with- 
 out question, without remorse, with the conviction of fanatics 
 and the obedience of executioners. If some peculiar cir- 
 cumstances seemed to move them, and to recal them to 
 sentiments of humanity, to justice, and to mercy, they 
 yielded to the impression for a moment, and then began anew. 
 In this way a few persons were saved; but they were 
 very few. The assembly desired to prevent the massacres, 
 but were unable to do so. The ministry were as incapable 
 as the assembly; the terrible commune alone could order 
 and do everything; Petion, the mayor, had been cashiered; 
 the soldiers placed in charge of the prisoners feared to resist 
 toe murderers, and allowed them to take their own course; 
 the crowd seemed indifferent, or accomplices; the rest of the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 161 
 
 citizens dared not even betray their consternation. We might 
 be astonished that so great a crime should, with such deli- 
 beration have been conceived, executed, and endured, did 
 we not know what the fanaticism of party will do, and what 
 fear will suffer. But the chastisement of this enormous 
 crime fell at last upon the heads of its authors. The majo- 
 rity of them perished in the storm they had themselves 
 raised, and by the same violent means that they had them- 
 selves employed. Men of party seldom escape' the fate they 
 have made others undergo. 
 
 The executive council, directed, as to military operations, 
 by general Servan, advanced the newly levied battalions to- 
 wards the frontier. As a man of judgment, he was desirous 
 of placing a general at the threatened point; but the choice 
 was difficult. Among the generals who had declared in 
 favour of the late political events, Kellermann seemed only 
 adapted for a subordinate command, and the authorities had 
 therefore merely placed him in the room of the vacillative 
 and incompetent Luckner. Custine was but little skilled in 
 his art; he was fit for any dashing coup de main, but not 
 for the conduct of a great army intrusted with the destiny of 
 France. The same military inferiority was chargeable upon 
 Biron, Labourdonnaie, and the rest, who were therefore left 
 at their old stations, with the corps under their command. 
 Dumouriez alone remained, against whom the Girondists still 
 retained some rancour, and in whom they, moreover, sus- 
 pected the ambitious views, the tastes, and character of an 
 adventurer, while they rendered justice to his superior 
 talents. However, as he was the only general equal to so 
 important a position, the executive council gave him the com- 
 mand of the army of the Moselle. 
 
 Dumouriez repaired in all haste from the camp at Maulde 
 to that of Sedan. He assembled a council of war, in which 
 the general opinion was in favour of retiring towards 
 Chalons or Reims, and cove7-ing themselves with the Marne. 
 Far from adopting this dangerous plan, which would have 
 discouraged the troops, given up Lorraine, Trois Eveche's, 
 and a part of Champaigne, and thrown open the road to 
 Paris, Dumouriez conceived a project full of genius. He saw 
 that it was necessary, by a daring march, to advance on the 
 
 M
 
 162 HISTORY OF 
 
 forest of Argone, where he might infallibly stop the enemy. 
 This forest had four issues; that of the Chene-Populeux on 
 the left; those of the Croix-au-Bois and of Grandpre in the 
 centre, and that of Les Islettes on the right, which opened 
 or closed the passage into France. The Prussians were only 
 six leagues from the forest, and Dumouriez had twelve to 
 pass over, and his design of occupying it to conceal, if he 
 hoped for success. He executed his project skilfully and 
 boldly. General Dillon, advancing on the Islettes, took pos- 
 session of them with seven thousand men ; he himself reached 
 Grandpre, and there established a camp of thirteen thousand 
 men. The Croix-au-Bois and the Chene-Populeux were in 
 like manner occupied and defended by some troops. It was 
 here that he wrote to the minister of war, Servan: " Ver- 
 dun is taken; I await the Prussians. The camps of Grand- 
 pre and Les Islettes, are the Thermopylae of France; but I 
 shall be more fortunate than Leonidas." 
 
 In this position, Dumouriez might have stopped the 
 enemy, and himself have securely awaited the succours 
 which were on their road to him from every part of France. 
 The various battalions of volunteers repaired to the camps 
 in the interior, whence they were despatched to his army, as 
 soon as they were at all in a state of discipline. Beurnon- 
 ville, who was on the Flemish frontier, had received orders 
 to advance with nine thousand men, and to be at Rhetel, on 
 Dumouriez's left, by the 13th of September. Duval was 
 also on the 7th to march with seven thousand men to the 
 Chene-Populeux; and Kellermann was advancing from Metz, 
 on his right, with a reinforcement of twenty -two thousand 
 men. Time, therefore, was all that was necessary. 
 
 The duke of Brunswick, after taking Verdun, passed the 
 Meuse in three columns. General Clairfait was operating 
 on his right, and prince Hohenlohe on his left. E enounc- 
 ing all hope of driving Dumouriez from his position by 
 attacking him in front, he tried to turn him. Dumouriez 
 had been so imprudent as to place nearly his whole force at 
 Grandpre and the Islettes, and to put only a small corps 
 at Chene-Populeux and Croix-au-Bois- posts, it is true, of 
 minor importance. The Prussians, accordingly, seized upon 
 these, and were on the point of turning him in his camp at 
 Grandpre, and of thus compelling him to lay down his arms.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 163 
 
 After this grand blunder, which neutralized his first manoeu- 
 vres, he did not despair of his situation. He broke up his 
 camp secretly during the night of the 14th September, 
 passed the Asine, the approach to which might have been, 
 closed to him, made a retreat as able as his advance on 
 the Argone had been, and concentrated his forces in the 
 camp at Sainte-Menehould. He had already delayed the 
 advance of the Prussians at Argoae. The season, as it 
 advanced, became bad. He had now only to maintain his 
 post till the arrival of Kellermann and BeurnonviUe, and 
 the success of the campaign would be certain. The troops 
 had become disciplined and inured, and the army amounted 
 to about seventy thousand men, after the arrival of Beurnon- 
 viUe and Kellermann, which took place on the 17th. 
 
 The Prussian army had followed the movements of Du- 
 mouriez. On the 20th, it attacked Kellermann at Valmy, in 
 order to cut off from the French army the retreat on Chalons. 
 There was a brisk cannonade on both sides. The Prussians 
 advanced in columns towards the heights of Valmy, to carry 
 them. Kellermann also formed his infantry in columns, en- 
 joined them not to fire, but to await the approach of the 
 enemy, and charge them with the bayonet. He gave this 
 command, with the cry of Vive la nation ! and this cry, 
 repeated from one end of the line to the other, startled the 
 Prussians still more than the firm attitude of our troops. 
 The duke of Brunswick made his battalions, already a little 
 shaken, retrograde; the firing continued till the evening; the 
 enemy attempted a fresh attack, but were repulsed. The 
 day was ours; and the, in itself, almost insignificant success 
 of Valmy produced on our troops, and upon opinion in France, 
 the effect of the most complete victory. 
 
 From the same epoch may be dated the discouragement 
 and retreat of the enemy. The Prussians had entered upon 
 this campaign on the assurance of the emigrants that it would 
 be a mere military promenade. They were without maga- 
 zines or provisions ; in the midst of a perfectly open country, 
 they encountered a resistance each day more energetic; the 
 incessant rains had broken up the roads; the soldiers marched 
 knee-deep in mud, and, for four days past, boiled corn had 
 been their only food. Diseases, produced by the chalky
 
 164 HISTORY OF 
 
 water, want of clothing, and damp, had made great ravages 
 in the army. The duke of Brunswick advised a retreat, 
 contrary to the opinion of the king of Prussia and the 
 emigrants, who wished to risk a battle, and get possession of 
 Chalons. But as the fate of the Prussian monarchy depended 
 on its army, and the ruin of that army would be the inevi- 
 table consequence of a defeat, the duke of Brunswick's opi- 
 nion prevailed. Negotiations were opened, and the Prussians, 
 abating their first demands, now only required the restora- 
 tion of the king upon the constitutional throne. But the 
 convention had just assembled; the republic had been pro- 
 claimed, and the executive council replied, " that the French 
 republic could listen to no proposition until the Prussian 
 troops had entirely evacuated the French territory." The 
 Prussians, upon this, commenced their retreat on the even- 
 ing of the 30th of September. It was slightly disturbed by 
 Kellermann, whom Dumouriez sent in pursuit, while he him- 
 self proceeded to Paris to enjoy his triumph, and concert 
 measures for the invasion of Belgium. The French troops 
 re-entered Verdun and Longwy; and the enemy, after hav- 
 ing crossed the Ardennes and Luxembourg, repassed the 
 Rhine at Coblentz, towards the end of October. This cam- 
 paign had been marked by general success. In Flanders, 
 the duke of Saxe Teschen had been compelled to raise the 
 siege of Lille, after seven days of a bombardment, contrary, 
 both in its duration and in its useless barbarity , to all the 
 usages of war. On the Rhine, Custine had taken Treves, 
 Spires, and Mayence. In the Alps, general Montesquiou 
 had invaded Savoy, and general Anselme the territory of 
 Nice. Our armies, victorious in all directions, had every- 
 where assumed the offensive, and the revolution was saved. 
 
 If we were to present the picture of a state emerging from 
 a great crisis, and were to say: there were in this state an 
 absolute government whose authority has been restricted; 
 two privileged classes which have lost their supremacy; a 
 Vast population, already freed by the effect of civilization and 
 intelligence, but without political rights, and which have been 
 obliged, by reason of repeated refusals, to gain these for 
 themselves; if we were to add: the government, after opposing 
 this revolution, submitted to it, but the privileged classes con-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 165 
 
 Btantly opposed it, it might probably be concluded from these 
 data: 
 
 The government will be full of regret, the people will ex- 
 hibit distrust, and the privileged classes will attack the new 
 order of things, each in its own way. The nobility, unable 
 to do so at home, from its weakness there, will emigrate, in 
 order to excite foreign powers, who will make preparations 
 for attack; theclergy, who would lose its means of action abroad, 
 will remain at home, where it will seek out foes to the revolu- 
 tion. The people, threatened from without, in danger at 
 home, irritated against the emigrants who seek to arm foreign 
 powers, against foreign powers about to attack its indepen- 
 dence, against the clergy who excite the country to insurrec- 
 tion, will treat as enemies clergy, emigrants, and foreign 
 powers. It will require first surveillance over, then the banish- 
 ment of the refractory priests; confiscation of the property of 
 the emigrants; war against coalesced Europe, in order tofore- 
 stal it. The first authors of the revolution will condemn 
 such of these measures as shall violate the law; the continua- 
 tors of the revolution will, on the contrary, regaH them as 
 the salvation of the country; and discord will arise between 
 those who prefer the constitution to the state, and those who 
 prefer the state to the constitution. The monarch, induced 
 by his interests as king, his affections and his conscience, to 
 reject such a course of policy, will pass for an accomplice 
 of the counter-revolution, because he will appear to protect 
 it. The revolutionists will then seek to gain over the king 
 by intimidation, and failing in this, will overthrow his 
 authority. 
 
 Such was the history of the legislative assembly. Internal 
 disturbances led to the decree against the priests; external 
 menaces to that against the emigrants; the coalition of 
 foreign powers to war against Europe; the first defeat of our 
 armies, to the formation of the camp of twenty thousand. 
 The refusal of Louis XVI. to adopt most of these decrees, 
 rendered him an object of suspicion to the Girondists; the 
 dissensions between the latter and the constitutionalists, who 
 desired some of them to be legislators, as in time of peace, 
 others, enemies, as in time of war, disunited the partizans of 
 the revolution. With the Girondists the question of liberty 
 was involved in victory, and victory in the decrees. The
 
 166 HISTORY OP 
 
 20th of June was an attempt to force their acceptance; but 
 having failed in its effect, they deemed that either the crown 
 or the revolution must be renounced, and they brought on 
 the 10th of August. Thus, but for emigration which 
 induced the war, but for the schism which induced the 
 disturbances, the king would probably have agreed to the 
 constitution, and the revolutionists would not have dreamed 
 of the republic.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 167 
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 FROM THE 20TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1792, TO THE 21ST OF 
 JANUARY, 1793. 
 
 First measures of the Convention Its composition Rivalry of the Gironde 
 and of the Mountain Strength and views of the two parties Kobe- 
 spierre: the Girondists accuse him of aspiring to the dictatorship 
 Marat Fresh accusation of Eobespierre by Louvet ; Eobespierre's de- 
 fence ; the Convention passes to the order of the day The Mountain, 
 victorious in this struggle, demand the trial of Louis XVI. Opinions 
 of parties on this subject The Convention decides that Louis XVT. 
 shall be tried, and by itself Louis XVI. at the Temple ; his replies be- 
 fore the Convention; his defence; his condemnation; courage and 
 serenity of his last moments What he was, and what he was not, as a 
 king. 
 
 THE convention constituted itself on the 20th of September, 
 1792, and commenced its deliberations on the 21st. In its 
 first sitting, it abolished royalty, and proclaimed the republic. 
 On the 22nd, it appropriated the revolution to itself, by de- 
 claring it would not date from year IV. of Liberty ; but 
 from year I. of the French Republic. After these first 
 measures, voted by acclamation, with a sort of rivalry in de- 
 mocracy and enthusiasm in the two parties, Avhich had become 
 divided at the close of the legislative assembly, the convention, 
 nstead of commencing its labours, gave itself up to intestine 
 quarrels. The Girondists and the Mountain, before they 
 established the new revolution, desired to know to which of 
 them it was to belong, and the enormous dangers of their
 
 168 HISTORY OF 
 
 position did not divert them from this contest. They had 
 more than ever to fear the efforts of Europe. Austria, 
 Prussia, and some of the German princes having attacked 
 France before the 10th of August, there was every reason to 
 believe that the other sovereigns of Europe would declare 
 against it after the fall of the monarchy, the imprisonment of 
 the king, and the massacres of September. Within, the enemies 
 of the revolution had increased. To the partizans of the 
 ancient regime, of the aristocracy and clergy, were now to be 
 added the friends of constitutional monarchy, with whom the 
 fate of Louis XVI. was an object of earnest solicitude, and 
 those who imagined liberty impossible without order, or under 
 the empire of the multitude. Amidst so many obstacles and 
 adversaries, at a moment when their strictest union was requi- 
 site, the Gironde and the Mountain attacked each other with 
 the fiercest animosity. It is true, that these two parties were 
 wholly incompatible, and that their respective leaders could 
 not combine, so strong and varied were the grounds of sepa- 
 ration in their rivalry for power, and in their designs. 
 
 Events had compelled the Girondists to become republicans. 
 It would have suited them far better to have remained con- 
 stitutionalists. The integrity of their purposes, their distaste 
 for the multitude, their aversion for violent measures, and 
 especially the prudence which counselled them only to attempt 
 that which seemed possible every circumstance made this 
 imperative upon them; but they had not been left free to 
 remain what they at first were. They had followed the 
 bias which led them onward to the republic, and they had 
 gradually habituated themselves to this form of government. 
 They now desired it ardently and sincerely, but they felt how 
 difficult it would be to establish and consolidate it. They 
 deemed it a great and noble thing; but they felt that the men : 
 for it were wanting. The multitude had neither the intelli-. 
 gence nor the virtue proper for this kind of government. 
 The revolution effected by the constituent assembly was legi- 
 timate, still more because it was possible than because it was 
 iust; it had its constitution and its citizens. But a new 
 revolution, which should call the lower classes to the conduct 
 of the state, could not be durable. It would injuriously 
 affect too many interests, and have but momentary defenders, 
 the lower class being capable of sound action and conduct in
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 169 
 
 a crisis, but not for a permanency. Yet, in consenting to 
 this second revolution, it was this inferior class which must 
 be looked to for support. The Girondists did not adopt 
 this course, and they found themselves placed in a position 
 altogether false; they lost the assistance of the constitu- 
 tionalists without procuring that of the democrats; they had 
 a hold upon neither extreme of society. Accordingly, they 
 only formed a half party, which was soon overthrown, because 
 it had no root. The Girondists, after the 10th of August, 
 were, between the middle class and the multitude, what the 
 monarchists, or the Mounier and Necker party, had been 
 after the 24th of July, between the privileged classes and the 
 bourgeoisie. 
 
 The Mountain, on the contrary, desired a republic of the 
 people. The leaders of this party, annoyed at the credit of 
 the Girondists, sought to overthrow and to supersede them. 
 They were less intelligent, and less eloquent, but abler, more 
 decided, and in no degree scrupulous as to means. The ex- 
 tremest democracy seemed to them the best of governments, 
 and what they termed the people, that is, the lowest populace, 
 was the object of their constant adulation, and most ardent 
 solicitude. No party was more dangerous; most consistently, 
 it laboured for those with whom it fought. 
 
 Ever since the opening of the convention, the Girondists 
 had occupied the right benches, and the Mountain party the 
 summit of the left, whence the name by which they are de- 
 signated. The Girondists were the strongest in the assembly; 
 the elections in the departments had generally been in their 
 favour. A great number of the deputies of the legislative 
 assembly had been re-elected, and as connexion effects much, 
 as in these days habit and association go a great way, the 
 members who had been united with the deputation of the 
 Gironde and the commune of Paris before the 10th of August, 
 returned with the same opinions. Others came without any 
 particular system or party, without enmities or attachments: 
 these formed what was then called the Plains or the Marais. 
 This party, taking no interest in the struggles between the 
 Gironde and the Mountain, voted with the side they con- 
 sidered the most just, so long as they were allowed to be 
 moderate; that is to say, so long as they had no fears for 
 themselves.
 
 170 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Mountain was composed of deputies of Paris, elected 
 under the influence of the commune of the 10th of August, 
 and of some very decided republicans from the provinces; it, 
 from time to time, increased its ranks with those who were 
 rendered enthusiastic by circumstances, or who were im- 
 pelled by fear. But though inferior in the convention in 
 point of numbers, it was none the less veiy powerful, even at 
 this period. It swayed Paris; the commune was devoted to 
 it, and the commune had managed to constitute itself the 
 supreme authority in the state. The Mountain had sought 
 to master the departments, by endeavouring to establish an 
 identity of views and conduct between the municipality of 
 Paris and the provincial municipalities; they had not, how- 
 ever, completely succeeded in this, and the departments were 
 for the most part favourable to their adversaries, who culti- 
 vated their good will by means of pamphlets and journals 
 sent by the minister Roland, whose house the Mountaineers 
 called a bureau d? esprit public, and whose friends they called 
 intrigants. But besides this junction of the communes, 
 which sooner or later would take place, they were adopted 
 by the Jacobins. This club, the most influential as well as 
 the most ancient and extensive, changed its views at every 
 crisis without changing its name; it was a frame-work ready 
 for every dominating power, excluding all dissentients. 
 That at Paris was the metropolis of Jacobinism, and governed 
 the others almost imperiously. The Mountaineers had made 
 themselves masters of it ; they had already driven the Girondists 
 from it, by denunciation and disgust, and replaced the mem- 
 bers taken from the bourgeoisie by sans-culottes. Nothing 
 remained to the Girondists but the ministry, who, thwarted 
 by the commune, were powerless in Paris. The Mountaineers, 
 on the contrary, disposed of all the effective force of the 
 capital, of the public mind by the Jacobins, of the sections 
 and faubourgs by the sans-culottes, of the insurrectionists 
 by the municipality. 
 
 The first measure of parties after having decreed the 
 republic, was to contend with each other. The Girondists 
 were indignant at the massacres of September, and they 
 beheld with horror on the benches of the convention the men 
 who had advised or ordered them. Above all others, two 
 inspired them with antipathy and disgust: Eobespierre, whom 
 they suspected of aspiring to tyranny; and Marat, who from
 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 171 
 
 the commencement of the revolution had in his writings 
 constituted himself the apostle of murder. They denounced 
 Robespierre with more animosity than prudence; he was not 
 yet sufficiently formidable to incur the accusation of aspiring 
 to the dictatorship. His enemies by reproaching him with 
 intentions then improbable, and at all events incapable of 
 proof, themselves augmented his popularity and importance. 
 
 Robespierre, who played so terrible a part in our 
 revolution, was beginning to take a prominent position. 
 Hitherto, despite his efforts, he had had superiors in his own 
 party: under the constituent assembly, its famous leaders; 
 under the legislative, Brissot and Petion; on the 10th of 
 August, Danton. At these different periods he had declared 
 himself against those whose renown or popularity offended 
 him. Only able to distinguish himself among the celebrated 
 personages of the first assembly, by the singularity of his 
 opinions, he had shown himself an exaggerated reformer; 
 during the second, he became a constitutionalist, because 
 his rivals were innovators, and he had talked in favour 
 of peace to the Jacobins, because his rivals advocated 
 war. From the 10th of August he essayed in that club to ruin 
 the Girondists, and to supplant Danton, always associating 
 the cause of his vanity with that of the multitude. This 
 man, of ordinary talents and vain character, owed it to his 
 inferiority to rank with the last, a great advantage in times 
 of revolution; and his conceit drove him to aspire to the first 
 rank, to do all to reach it, to dare all to maintain himself 
 there. 
 
 Robespierre had the qualifications for tyranny; a soul not 
 great, it is true, but not common; the advantage of one sole pas- 
 sion, the appearance of patriotism, a deserved reputation for 
 incorruptibility, an austere life, and no aversion to the effusion 
 of blood. He was a proof that amidst civil troubles it is not 
 mind but conduct that leads to political fortune, and that per- 
 severing mediocrity is more powerful than wavering genius. 
 It must also be observed that Robespierre had the support of 
 an immense and fanatical sect, whose government he had 
 solicited, and whose principles he had defended since the 
 close of the constituent assembly. This sect derived its 
 origin from the eighteenth century, certain opinions of which 
 it represented. In politics, its symbol was the absolute 
 sovereignty of the Contrat social of J. J. Rousseau, and for
 
 172 HISTORY OF 
 
 creed, it held the deism of la Profession de foi dn Vicaire 
 Savoyard ; at a later period it succeeded in realizing these for 
 a moment in the constitution of '93, and the worship of the 
 Supreme Being. More fanaticism and system existed in the 
 different epochs of the revolution than is generally supposed. 
 
 Whether the Girondists distinctly foresaw the dominion of 
 Robespierre, or whether they suffered themselves to be car- 
 ried away by their indignation, they accused him, with repub- 
 licans, of the most serious of crimes. Paris was agitated by the 
 spirit of faction; the Girondists wished to pass a law against 
 those who excited disorders and violence, and at the same 
 time to give the convention an independent force derived 
 from the eighty-three departments. They appointed a com- 
 mission to present a report on this subject. The Mountain 
 attacked this measure as injurious to Paris; the Gironde 
 defended it, by pointing out the project of a triumvirate formed 
 by the deputation of Paris. " I was born in Paris," said 
 Osselin; " I am deputy for that town. It is announced that 
 a party is formed in the very heart of it, desiring a dictator- 
 ship, triumvirs, tribunes, &c. I declare that extreme ignorance 
 or profound wickedness alone could have conceived such 3, 
 project. Let the member of the deputation of Paris who has 
 conceived such an idea be anathematized!" " Yes," exclaimed 
 Rebecqui of Marseilles, " yes, there exists in this assem- 
 bly a party which aspires at the dictatorship, and I will 
 name the leader of this party: Robespierre. That is the 
 man whom I denounce." Barbaroux supported this denun- 
 ciation by his evidence; he was one of the chief authors of 
 the 10th of August; he was the leader of the Marseillese, 
 and he possessed immense influence in the south. He stated 
 that about the 10th of August, the Marseillese were much 
 courted by the two parties who divided the capital; he 
 was brought to Robespierre's, and there he was told to ally 
 himself to those citizens who had acquired most popularity, 
 and that Panis expressly named to him, Robespierre, as the 
 -virtuous man who was to be t dictator of France. Barbaroux 
 was a man of action. There were some members of the Right 
 who thought with him, that they ought to conquer their 
 adversaries, in order to avoid being conquered by them. 
 They wished, making use of the convention against the 
 commune, to oppose the departments to Paris, and while they
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 173 
 
 remained weak, by no means to spare enemies, to whom 
 they would otherwise be granting time to become stronger. 
 But the greater number dreaded a rupture, and trembled at 
 the idea of energetic measures. 
 
 This accusation against Robespierre had no immediate 
 consequences; but it fell back on Marat, who had recom- 
 mended a dictatorship in his journal "I/ Ami du Peuple," 
 and had extolled the massacres. When he ascended the 
 tribune to justify himself, a shudder of horror seized the 
 assembly. " Down ! down !" resounded from all sides. 
 Marat remained imperturbable. In a momentary pause, he 
 said: " I have a great number of personal enemies in this 
 assembly. (All ! all /) 1 beg of them to remember decorum ; 
 I exhort them to abstain from all furious clamours and 
 indecent threats against a man who has served liberty and 
 themselves more than they think for. For once let them 
 learn to listen." And this man delivered in the midst of 
 the convention, astounded at his audacity and sang-froid, 
 his views of the proscriptions and of the dictatorship. For 
 some time he had fled from cellar to cellar to avoid public 
 anger, and the warrants issued against him. His sangui- 
 nary journal alone appeared; in it he demanded heads, and 
 prepared the multitude for the massacres of September. 
 There is no folly which may not enter a man's head, and 
 what is worse, which may not be realized for a moment. 
 Marat was possessed by certain fixed ideas. The revolution 
 had enemies, and, in his opinion, it could not last unless freed 
 from them; from that moment he deemed nothing could 
 be more simple than to exterminate them, and appoint 
 a dictator, whose functions should be limited to pro- 
 scribing; these two measures he proclaimed aloud, not cruel 
 but indifferent; with no more regard for propriety than 
 of the lives of men, and despising as weak minds all 
 those who called his projects atrocious, instead of consider- 
 ing them profound. The revolution had actors really more 
 sanguinary than he, but none exercised a more fatal influence 
 over his times. He depraved the morality of parties already 
 sufficiently corrupt; and he had the two leading ideas which 
 the committee of public safety subsequently realized by its 
 commissioners or its government extermination in mass, 
 and the dictatorship.
 
 174 HISTORY OF 
 
 Marat's accusation was not attended with any results; he 
 inspired more disgust, but less hatred than Robespierre; 
 some regarded him as a madman; others considered these 
 debates as the quarrels of parties, and not as an object of 
 interest for the republic. Moreover, it seemed dangerous to 
 attempt to purify the convention, or to dismiss one of its 
 members, and it was a difficult step to get over, even for 
 parties. Danton did not exonerate Marat. " I do not like 
 him," said he; " I have had experience of his temperament; 
 it is volcanic, crabbed and unsociable. But why seek for the 
 language of a faction in what he writes? Has the general 
 agitation any other cause than that of the revolutionary move- 
 ment itself?" Robespierre, on his part, protested that he 
 knew very little of Marat; that, previous to the 10th of 
 August, he had only had one conversation with him, after 
 which Marat, whose violent opinions he did not approve, had 
 considered his political views so narrow, that he had stated 
 in his journal, that he had neither the Jtigher views nor the 
 daring of a statesman. 
 
 But he was the object of much greater indignation because 
 he was more dreaded. The first accusation of Rebecqui and 
 Barbaroux had not succeeded. A short time afterwards, the 
 minister Roland made a report on the state of France and 
 Paris; in it he denounced the massacres of September, the 
 encroachments of the commune, and the proceedings of the 
 agitators. "When," said he, "they render the wisest and 
 most intrepid defenders of liberty odious or suspected, when 
 principles of revolt and slaughter are boldly professed and 
 applauded in the assemblies, and clamours arise against the 
 convention itself, I can no longer doubt that partisans of the 
 ancient regime, or false friends of the people, concealing 
 theii extravagance or wickedness under a mask of patriotism, 
 have conceived the plan of an overthrow, in which they hope 
 to raise themselves on ruins and corpses, and gratify their 
 thirst for blood, gold, and atrocity." 
 
 He cited, in proof of his report, a letter in which the 
 vice-president of the second section of the criminal tribunal 
 informed him, that he and the most distinguished Girondists 
 were threatened; that, in the Avords of their enemies, another 
 bleeding tvas wanted; and that these men would hear of no 
 one but Robespierre.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 175 
 
 At these words the latter hastened to the tribune to 
 justify himself. " No one," he cried, " dare accuse me to my 
 face!" " I dare!" exclaimed Louvet, one of the most deter- 
 mined men of the Gironde. " Yes, Robespierre," he con- 
 tinued, fixing his eye upon him; " I accuse you!'' Ro- 
 bespierre, hitherto full of assurance, became moved. lie had 
 once before, at the Jacobins, measured his strength with this 
 formidable adversary, whom he knew to be witty, impetuous, 
 and uncompromising. Louvet now spoke, and in a most elo- 
 quent address spared neither acts nor names. He traced the 
 course of Robespierre to the Jacobins, to the commune, to 
 the electoral assembly: " calumniating th?^ best patriots; 
 lavishing the basest flatteries on a few hundred citizens, at 
 first designated as the people of Paris, afterwards as the 
 people absolutely, and then as the sovereign; repeating the 
 eternal enumeration of his own merits, perfections, and vir- 
 tues; and never failing, after he had dwelt on the strength, 
 grandeur, and sovereignty of the people, to protest that he 
 was the people too." He then described him concealing him- 
 self on the 10th of August, and afterwards swaying the con- 
 spirators of the commune. Then he came to the mas- 
 sacres of September, and exclaimed: " The revolution of the 
 10th of August belongs to all!" he added, pointing out a 
 few Mountaineers of the commune, " but that of the 2nd of 
 September, that belongs to them and to none but them! 
 Have they not glorified themselves by it? They themselves, 
 with brutal contempt, only designated us as the patriots of the 
 10th of August. With ferocious pride they called themselves 
 the patriots of the 2nd of September! Ah, let them retain 
 this distinction worthy of the courage peculiar to them; 
 let them retain it as our justification, and for their lasting 
 shame! These pretended friends of the people wish to cast 
 on the people of Paris the horrors that stained the first week 
 of September. They have basely slandered them. The 
 people of Paris can fight; they cannot murder! It is true, 
 they were assembled all the day long before the chateau of 
 the Tuileries on the glorious 10th of August; it is false that 
 they were seen before the prisons on the horrible 2nd of Sep- 
 tember. How many executioners were there within ? Two 
 hundred; probably not two hundred. And without, how 
 many spectators could be reckoned drawn thither by truly
 
 176 HISTORY OF 
 
 incomprehensible curiosity? At most, twice the number 
 But, it is asked, why, if the people did not assist in these 
 murders, did they not hinder them? Why? Because Pe- 
 tion's tutelary authority was fettered; because Roland spoke 
 in vain; because Danton, the minister of justice, did not 
 speak at all, .... because the presidents of the forty-eight 
 sections waited for orders the general in command did not 
 give; because municipal officers, wearing their scarfs, pre- 
 sided at these atrocious executions. But the legislative 
 assembly? the legislative assembly! representatives of the 
 people, you will avenge it ! The powerless state into which 
 your predecessors were reduced, is, in the midst of such 
 crimes, the greatest for which these ruffians, whom I de- 
 nounce, must be punished." Returning to Robespierre, Louvet 
 pointed out his ambition, his efforts, his extreme ascendancy 
 over the people, and terminated his fiery philippic by a 
 series of facts, each one of which was preceded by this ter- 
 rible form: " Robespierre, I accuse thee!" 
 
 Louvet descended from the tribune amidst applause. Ro- 
 bespierre mounted it to justify himself; he was pale, and was 
 received with murmurs. Either from agitation or fear of 
 prejudice, he asked for a week's delay. The time arrived; he 
 appeared less like one accused than as a triumpher; he re- 
 pelled with irony Louvet's reproaches, and entered into a 
 long apology for himself. It must be admitted that the facts 
 were vague, and it required little trouble to weaken or over- 
 turn them. Persons were placed in the gallery to applaud 
 him; even the convention itself, who regarded this quarrel as 
 the result of a private pique, and, as Barrere said, did not 
 fear a man of a day, a petty leader of riots, was disposed to 
 close these debates. Accordingly, when Robespierre observed, 
 as he finished: " For my part, I will draw no personal con- 
 clusions; I have given up the easy advantage of replying to 
 the calumnies of my adversaries by more formidable denun- 
 ciations; I wished to suppress the offensive part of my justi- 
 fication. I renounce the just vengeance I have a right to 
 pursue against my calumniators; I ask for no other than 
 the return of peace and triumph of liberty!" he was ap- 
 plauded, and the convention passed to the order of the day. 
 Louvet in vain sought to reply; he was not allowed. Bar- 
 baroux as vainly presented himself as accuser, and Lan-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION., 177 
 
 juinais opposed the motion for the order without obtaining the 
 renewal of the discussion. The Girondists themselves supported 
 it: they committed one fault in commencing the accusation, 
 and another in not continuing it. The Mountain carried 
 the day, since they were not conquered, and Robespierre 
 was brought nearer the assumption of the part he had been 
 so far removed from. In times of revolution, men very soon \ 
 become what they are supposed to be, and the Mountain ] 
 adopted him for their leader because the Girondists pur- / 
 sued him as such. 
 
 But what was much more important than personal attacks, 
 were the discussions respecting the means of government, 
 and the management of authorities and parties. The Giron- 
 dists struck, not only against individuals but against the com- 
 mune. Not one of their measures succeeded; they were 
 badly proposed or badly sustained. They should have sup- 
 ported the government, replaced the municipality, main- 
 tained their post among the Jacobins and swayed them, 
 gained over the multitude, or prevented its acting; and they 
 did nothing of all this. One among them, Buzot, proposed 
 giving the convention a guard of three thousand men, taken 
 from the departments. This measure, which would at least 
 have made the assembly independent, was not supported with 
 sufficient vigour to be adopted. Thus the Girondists attacked 
 the Mountaineers without weakening them, the commune 
 without subduing it, the Faubourgs without suppressing 
 them. They irritated Paris by invoking the aid of the 
 departments, without procuring it; thus acting in opposi- 
 tion to the most common rules of prudence, for it is always 
 safer to do a thing than to threaten to do it. 
 
 Their adversaries skilfully turned this circumstance to 
 advantage. They secretly circulated a report which could not 
 but compromise the Girondists; it was, that they wished to 
 remove the republic to the south, and give up the rest of the 
 empire. Then commenced that reproach of federalism, which 
 afterwards became so fatal. The Girondists disdained it 
 because they did not see the consequences; but it necessarily 
 gained credit in proportion as they became weak and their 
 enemies became daring. What had given rise to the report was 
 the project of defending themselves behind the Loire, and re- 
 moving the government to the south, if the north should be 
 
 N
 
 178 HISTORY OF 
 
 invaded and Paris taken, and the predilection they mani- 
 fested for the provinces, and their indignation against the 
 agitators of the capital. Nothing is more easy than to 
 change the appearance of a measure by changing the period 
 in which the measure was adopted, and discover in the 
 disapprobation expressed at the irregular acts of a city, an 
 intention to form the other cities of the state into a league 
 against it. Accordingly, the Girondists were pointed out to 
 the multitude as federalists. While they denounced the com- 
 mune, and accused Eobespierre and Marat, the Mountaineers 
 decreed the unity and indivisibility of the republic. This was 
 a way of attacking them and bringing them into suspicion, 
 although they themselves adhered so eagerly to these pro- 
 positions that they seemed to regret not having made them. 
 
 But a circumstance, apparently unconnected with the 
 disputes of these two parties, served still better the cause of the 
 Mountaineers. Already emboldened by the unsuccessful at- 
 tempts which had been directed against them, they only waited 
 for an opportunity to become assailants in their turn. The 
 convention was fatigued by these long discussions. Those 
 members who were not interested in them, and even those of 
 the two parties who were not in the first rank, felt the need 
 of concord, and wished to see men occupy themselves with 
 the republic. There was an apparent truce, and the atten- 
 tion of the assembly was directed for a moment to the new 
 constitution, which the Mountain caused it to abandon, in 
 order to decide on the fate of the fallen prince. The leaders 
 of the extreme Left were driven to this course by several 
 motives: they did not want the Girondists, and the moderate 
 members of the Plain, who directed the committee of the 
 constitution, the former by Petion, Condorcet, Brissot, 
 Vergniaud, Gensonne, the others, by Barrere, Sieyes, and 
 Thomas Paine, to organize the republic. They would 
 have established the system of the bourgeoisie, rendering it 
 a little more democratic than that of 1791, while they them- 
 selves aspired at constituting the people. But they could 
 only accomplish their end by power, and they could only 
 obtain power by protracting the revolutionary state in France. 
 Besides the necessity of preventing the establishment of legal 
 order by a terrible coup d'etat, such as the condemnation of 
 Louis XVI., which would arouse all passions, rally round
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 179 
 
 them the violent parties, by proving them to be the inflexible 
 guardians of the republic, they hoped to expose the senti- 
 ments of the Girondists, who did not conceal their desire to 
 save Louis XVI., and thus ruin them in the estimation of the 
 multitude. There were, without a doubt, in this conjuncture, 
 a great number of Mountaineers who, on this occasion, acted 
 with the greatest sincerity, and only as republicans, in whose 
 eyes Louis XVI. appeared guilty with respect to the revolu- 
 tion ; and a dethroned king was dangerous to a young democracy. 
 But this party would have been more clement, had it not had 
 to ruin the Gironde at the same time with Louis XVI. 
 
 For some time past, the public mind had been prepared for 
 his trial. The Jacobin club resounded with invectives against 
 him; the most injurious reports were circulated against his 
 character; his condemnation was required for the firm esta- 
 blishment of liberty. The popular societies,in the departments 
 addressed petitions to the convention with the same object. 
 The sections presented themselves at the bar of the assembly, 
 and they carried through it, on litters, the men wounded on 
 the 10th of August, who came to cry for vengeance on Louis 
 Capet. They now only designated Louis XVI. by this name 
 of the ancient chief of his race, thinking to substitute bis 
 title of king by his family name. 
 
 Party motives and popular animosities combined against 
 this unfortunate prince. Those who, two months before, 
 would have repelled the idea of exposing him to any other 
 punishment than that of dethronement, were stupified; so 
 quickly does man lose in moments of crisis the right to defend 
 his opinions! The discovery of the iron chest especially 
 increased the fanaticism of the multitude, and the weakness 
 of the king's defenders. After the 10th of August, there were 
 found in the offices of the civil list documents which proved the 
 secret correspondence of Louis XVI. with the discontented 
 princes, with the emigration, and with Europe. In a report, 
 drawn up at the command of the legislative assembly, he 
 was accused of intending to betray the state and overthrow 
 the revolution. lie was accused of having written, on the 
 16th April, 1791, to the bishop of Clermont, that if he re- 
 gained his power he would restore the former government, 
 and the clergy to the state in which they previously were; 
 of having afterwards proposed war, merely to hasten the
 
 180 HISTORY OF 
 
 approach of his deliverers; of having been in correspondence 
 with men who wrote to him " War will compel all the 
 powers to combine against the seditious and abandoned men 
 who tyrannize over France, in order that their punishment may 
 speedily serve as an example to all who shall be induced to 
 trouble the peace of empires. You may rely on a hundred and 
 fifty thousand men, Prussians, Austrians, and Imperialists, 
 and on an army of twenty thousand emigrants;" of having been 
 on terms with his brothers, whom his public measures had 
 discountenanced; and, lastly, of having constantly opposed 
 the revolution. 
 
 Fresh documents were soon brought forward in support 
 of this accusation. In the Tuileries, behind a panel in the 
 wainscot, there was a hole wrought in the wall, and closed 
 by an iron door. . This secret closet was pointed out by the 
 minister, Roland, and there were discovered proofs of all the 
 conspiracies and intrigues of the court against the revo- 
 lution; projects with the popular leaders to strengthen 
 the constitutional power of the king, to restore the ancient 
 regime and the aristocrats; the manoeuvres of Talon, the 
 arrangements with Mirabeau, the propositions accepted by 
 Bouille, under the constituent assembly, and some new plots 
 under the legislative assembly. This discovery increased the 
 exasperation against Louis XVI. Mirabeau's bust was broken 
 by the Jacobins, and the convention covered the one which 
 stood in the hall where it held its sittings. 
 
 For some time there had been a question in the assembly 
 as to the trial of this prince, who, having been dethroned, could 
 no longer be proceeded against. There was no tribunal 
 empowered to pronounce his sentence, no punishment which 
 could be inflicted on him: accordingly, they plunged into 
 false interpretations of the inviolability granted to Louis XVI., 
 in order to condemn him legally. The greatest error of parties, 
 next to being unjust, is the desire not to appear so. The com- 
 mittee of legislation, commissioned to draw up a report en the 
 question as to whether Louis XVI. could be tried, and whether 
 he could be tried by the convention, decided in the affirmative. 
 The deputy Mailhe, opposed, in its name, the dogma of in- 
 violability; but as this dogma had influenced the preceding 
 epoch of the revolution, he contended that Louis XVI. was 
 inviolable as king, but not as an individual. He maintained
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 181 
 
 that the nation, unable to give up its guarantee respecting 
 acts of power, had supplied the inviolability of the monarch 
 by the responsibility of his ministers; and that, when Louis 
 XVI. had acted as a simple individual, his responsibility 
 devolving on no one, he ceased to be inviolable. Thus Mailhe 
 limited the constitutional safeguard given to Louis XVI. 
 to the acts of the king. He concluded that Louis XVI. 
 could be tried, the dethronement not being a punishment, 
 but a change of government; that he might be brought to 
 trial, by virtue of the penal code relative to traitors and con- 
 spirators; that he could be tried by the convention, without 
 observing the process of other tribunals, because, the conven- 
 tion representing the people the people including all interests, 
 and all interests constituting justice it was impossible that 
 the national tribunal could violate justice, and that, conse- 
 quently, it was useless to subject it to forms. Such was 
 the chain of sophistry, by means of which the committee 
 transformed the convention into a tribunal. Robespierre's 
 party showed itself much more consistent, dwelling only on 
 state reasons, and rejecting forms as deceptive. 
 
 The discussion commenced on the 13th of November, six 
 days after the report of the committee. The partisans of 
 inviolability, while they considered Louis XVI. guilty, main- 
 tained that he could not be tried. The principal of these was 
 Morrison. He said, that inviolability was general; that the 
 constitution had anticipated more than secret hostility on 
 the part of Louis XVI., an open attack, and even in that 
 case had only pronounced his deposition; that in this respect 
 the nation had pledged its sovereignty; that the mission of 
 the convention was to change the government, not to judge 
 Louis XVI.; that, restrained by the rules of justice, it 
 was so also by the usages of war, which only permitted an 
 enemy to be destroyed during the combat after a victory, 
 the law vindicates him; that, moreover, the republic had no 
 interest i-n condemning Louis; that it ought to confine itself 
 with respect to him, to measures of general safety, detain him 
 prisoner, or banish him from France. This was the opinion 
 of the Right of the convention. The Plain shared the 
 opinion of the committee; but the Mountain repelled, at the 
 same time, the inviolability and the trial of Louis XVI. 
 " Citizens," said Saint Just, " I engage to prove that the
 
 182 HISTORT OP 
 
 opinion of Morrison, who maintains the king's inviolability, 
 and that of the committee which requires his trial as a citizen, 
 are equally false; I contend that we should judge the king as an 
 enemy; that we have less to do with trying than with opposing 
 him: that having no place in the contract which unites French- 
 men, the forms of the proceeding are not in civil law, but in 
 the law of the right of nations; thus, all delay or reserve in 
 this case are sheer acts of imprudence, and next to the im- 
 prudence which postpones the moment that should give us 
 laws, the most fatal will be that which makes us temporize 
 with the king." Reducing everything to considerations of 
 enmity and policy, Saint Just added, " The very men who 
 are about to try Louis have a republic to establish: those 
 who attach any importance to the just chastisement of a 
 king, will never found a republic. Citizens, if the Roman 
 people, after six hundred years of virtue and of hatred to- 
 wards kings; if Great Britain after the death of Cromwell, 
 saw kings restored in spite of its energy, what ought not good 
 citizens, friends of liberty, to fear among us, when they see the 
 axe tremble in your hands, and a people, from the first day of 
 their freedom, respect the memory of their chains?" 
 
 This violent party, who wished to substitute a coup d'etat 
 for a sentence, to follow no law, no form, but to strike Louis 
 XVI. like a conquered prisoner, by making hostilities even 
 survive victory, had but a very feeble majority in the con- 
 vention; but without, it was strongly supported by the Ja- 
 cobins and the commune. Notwithstanding the terror which 
 it already inspired, its murderous suggestions were repelled 
 by the convention; and the partisans of inviolability, in their 
 turn, courageously asserted reasons of public interest at the 
 same time as rules of justice and humanity. They main- 
 tained that the same men could not be judges and legislators, 
 the jury and the accusers. They desired also to impart to 
 the rising republic the lustre of great virtues, those of gene- 
 rosity and forgiveness; they wished to follow the example of 
 the people of Rome, who acquired their freedom and retained 
 it five hundred years, because they proved themselves magna- 
 nimous; because they banished the Tarquins instead of putting 
 them to death. In a political view, they showed the conse- 
 quences of the king's condemnation, as it would affect the 
 anarchical party of the kingdom, rendering it still more inso-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 183 
 
 lent; and with regard to Europe, whose still neutral powers 
 it would induce to join the coalition against the republic. 
 
 But Robespierre, who during this long debate displayed a 
 daring and perseverance that presaged his power, appeared 
 at the tribune to support Saint Just, to reproach the con- 
 vention with involving in doubt what the insurrection had 
 decided, and with restoring, by sympathy and the publicity 
 of a defence, the fallen royalist party. " The assembly," said 
 Robespierre, " has involuntarily been led far away from the 
 real question. Here we have nothing to do with trial: Louis 
 is not an accused man; you are not judges, you are, and can 
 only be statesmen. You have no sentence to pronounce for 
 or against a man, but you are called on to adopt a measure of 
 public safety; to perform an act of national precaution. A 
 dethroned king is only fit for . two purposes, to disturb the 
 tranquillity of the state, and shake its freedom, or to strengthen 
 one or the other of them. 
 
 "Louis was king; the republic is founded; the famous 
 question you are discussing is decided in these few words. 
 Louis cannot be tried; he is already tried, he is condemned, 
 or the republic is not absolved." He required that the con- 
 vention should declare Louis XVI. a traitor towards the 
 French, criminal towards humanity, and sentence him at 
 once to death, by virtue of the insurrection. 
 
 The Mountaineers, by these extreme propositions, by the 
 popularity they attained without, rendered condemnation in 
 a measure inevitable. By gaining an extraordinary advance 
 on the other parties, it obliged them to follow it, though at 
 a distance. The majority of the convention, composed in 
 a large part of Girondists, who dared not pronounce Louis 
 XVI. inviolable, and of the Plain, decided, on Petion's pro- 
 position, against the opinion of the fanatical Mountaineers and 
 against that of the partisans of inviolability, that Louis XVI. 
 should be tried by the convention. Robert Lindet then made, 
 in the name of the commission of the twenty-one, his re- 
 port respecting Louis XVI. The arraignment, setting forth 
 the offences imputed to him, was drawn up, and the conven- 
 tion summoned the prisoner to its bar. 
 
 Louis had been confined in the Temple for four months. He 
 was not at liberty, as the assembly at first wished him to be 
 in assigning him the Luxembourg for a residence. The
 
 184 HISTORY OF 
 
 suspicious commune guarded him closely; but, submissive to 
 his destiny, prepared for everything, he manifested neither 
 impatience, regret, nor indignation. He had only one servant 
 about his person, Clery, who at the same time waited on his 
 family. During the first months of his imprisonment, he was 
 not separated from his family; and he still found solace in 
 meeting it. He comforted and supported his two com- 
 panions in misfortune, his wife and sister; he acted as 
 preceptor to the young dauphin, and gave him the lessons 
 of an unfortunate man, of a captive king. He read a great 
 deal, and often turned to the History of England, by Hume; 
 there he read of many dethroned kings, and one of them con- 
 demned by the people. Man always seeks destinies similar 
 to his own. But the consolation he found in the sight 
 of his family did not last long: as soon as his trial was de- 
 cided, he was separated from them. The commune wished 
 to prevent the prisoners from concerting their justification; 
 the surveillance it exercised over Louis XVI. became daily 
 more minute and severe. 
 
 In this state of things, Santerre received the order to con- 
 duct Louis XVI. to the bar of the convention. He repaired 
 to the Temple, accompanied by the mayor, who communicated 
 his mission to the king, and inquired if he was willing to de- 
 scend. Louis hesitated a moment, then said: " This is 
 another violence. I must yield!" and he decided on appear- 
 ing before the convention; not objecting to it, as Charles I. 
 had done with regard to his judges. "Representatives," 
 said Barrere, when his approach was announced, " you are 
 about to exercise the right of national justice. Let your atti- 
 tude be suited to your new functions;" and turning to the gal- 
 lery, he added, " Citizens, remember the terrible silence which 
 accompanied Louis on his return from Varennes; a silence 
 which was the precursor of the trial of kings by nations." 
 Louis XVI. appeared firm as he entered the Hall, and he took 
 a steady glance round the assembly. He was placed at the 
 bar, and the president said to him in a voice of emotion: 
 " Louis, the French nation accuses you. You are about to 
 hear the charges of the indictment. Louis, be seated." A 
 seat had been prepared for him; he sat in it. During a long 
 examination, he displayed much calmness and presence of 
 mind; he replied to each question appropriately, often in ail
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 185 
 
 affecting and triumphant manner. He repelled the reproaches 
 addressed to him respecting his conduct before the 14th of 
 July, reminding them that his authority was not then limited; 
 before the journey to Varennes, by the decree of the consti- 
 tuent assembly, which had been satisfied with his replies; and 
 after the 10th of August, by throwing all public acts on minis- 
 terial responsibility, and by denying all the secret measures 
 which were personally attributed to him. This denial did 
 not, however, in the eyes of the convention, overthrow facts, 
 proved for the most part by documents written or signed 
 by the hand of Louis XVI. himself; he made use of the 
 natural right of every accused person. Thus he did not 
 admit the existence of the iron chest, and the papers that were 
 brought forward. Louis XVI. invoked a law of safety, which 
 the convention did not admit, and the convention sought to 
 protect itself from anti-revolutionary attempts, which Louis 
 XVI. would not admit. 
 
 When Louis had returned to the Temple, the convention 
 considered the request he had made for a defender. A few 
 Mountaineers opposed the request in vain. The convention 
 determined to allow him the services of a counsel. It was 
 then that the venerable Malesherbes offered himself to the 
 convention to defend Louis XVI. " Twice," he wrote, " have 
 I been summoned to the council of him who was my master, 
 at a time when that function was the object of ambition 
 to every man; I owe him the same service now, wheamany 
 consider it dangerous." His request was granted. Louis 
 XVI. in his abandonment, was touched by this proof of devo- 
 tion. When Malesherbes entered his room, he went towards 
 him, pressed him in his arms, and said with tears: " Your 
 sacrifice is tne more generous, since you endanger your own 
 life without saving mine." Malesherbes and Tronchet toiled 
 uninterruptedly at his defence, and associated M. Deseze with 
 them; they sought to reanimate the courage of the king, but 
 they found the king little inclined to hope. " I am sure they 
 will take my life; but no matter, let us attend to my trial the 
 same as if I were about to gain it. In truth, I shall gain 
 it, for I shall leave no stain on my memory." 
 
 At length the day for the defence arrived; it was delivered 
 by M. Deseze; Louis was present. The profoundest silence 
 pervaded the assembly and the galleries. M. Deseze availed
 
 186 HISTORY OF 
 
 himself of every consideration of justice and innocence in 
 favour of the royal prisoner. He appealed to the inviolabi- 
 lity which had been granted him; he asserted that as king 
 he could not be tried; that as accusers, the representatives of 
 the people could not be his judges. In this he advanced 
 nothing which had not already been maintained by one party 
 of the assembly. But he chiefly strove to justify the conduct 
 of Louis XVI. by ascribing to him intentions always pure 
 and irreproachable. He concluded with these last and solemn 
 words: " Listen, in anticipation, to what History will say to 
 Fame; Louis ascending the throne at twenty, presented an 
 example of morals, justice, and economy; he had no weak- 
 ness, no corrupting passion: he was the constant friend of 
 the people. Did the people desire the abolition of an op- 
 pressive tax? Louis abolished it : did the people desire the 
 suppression of slavery? Louis suppressed it: did the people 
 solicit reforms? he made them: did the people wish to change 
 its laws? he consented to change them: did the people desire 
 that millions of Frenchmen should be restored to their rights? 
 he restored them: did the people wish for liberty? he gave it 
 them. Men cannot deny to Louis the glory of having anti- 
 cipated the people by his sacrifices; and it is he whom it is 
 proposed to slay. Citizens, I will not continue, I leave it to 
 History; remember, she will judge your sentence, and her 
 judgment will be that of ages." But passion proved deaf and 
 incapable of foresight. 
 
 The Girondists wished to save Louis XVI., but they feared 
 the imputation of royalism, which was already cast upon 
 them by the Mountaineers. During the whole transaction, 
 their conduct was rather equivocal; they dared not pronounce 
 themselves in favour of or against the accused; and their 
 moderation ruined them without serving him. At that mo- 
 ment his cause, not only that of his throne, but of his life, 
 was their own. They were about to determine, by an act of 
 justice or by a coup d'etat, whether they should return to 
 the legal regime, or prolong the revolutionary regime. The 
 triumph of the Girondists or of the Mountaineers was in- 
 volved in one or the other of these solutions. The latter 
 became exceedingly active. They pretended that, while fol- 
 lowing forms, men were forgetful of republican energy, and 
 that the defence of Louis XVI. was a lecture on monarchy
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 187 
 
 addressed to the nation. The Jacobins powerfully seconded 
 them, and deputations came to the bar demanding the death 
 of the king. 
 
 Yet the Girondists, who had not dared to maintain the 
 question of inviolability, proposed a skilful way of saving 
 Louis XVI. from death, by appealing from the sentence of 
 the convention to the people. The extreme Right still pro- 
 tested against the erection of the assembly into a tribunal; 
 but the competence of the assembly having been previously 
 decided, all their efforts were turned in another direction. 
 Salles proposed that the king should be pronounced guilty, 
 but that the application of the punishment should be left to 
 the primary assembly. Buzot, fearing that the convention 
 would incur the reproach of weakness, thought that "it ought 
 to pronounce the sentence, and submit the judgment it pro- 
 nounced to the decision of the people. This advice was 
 vigorously opposed by the Mountaineers, and even by a great 
 number of the more moderate members of the convention, 
 who saw, in the convocation of the primary assemblies, the 
 germ of civil war. 
 
 The assembly had unanimously decided that Louis was 
 guilty, when the appeal to the people was put to the ques- 
 tion. Two hundred and eighty-four voices voted for, four 
 hundred and twenty-four against it; ten declined voting. 
 Then came the terrible question as to the nature of the 
 punishment. Paris was in a state of the greatest excitement: 
 deputies were threatened at the very door of the assembly; 
 fresh excesses on the part of the populace were dreaded; the 
 Jacobin clubs resounded with extravagant invectives against 
 Louis XVI., and the Right. The Mountain, till then the 
 weakest party in the convention, sought to obtain the majority 
 by terror, determined, if it did not succeed, none the less to 
 sacrifice Louis XVI. Finally, after four hours of nominal 
 appeal, the president, Vergniaud, said: "Citizens, I am 
 about to proclaim the result of the scrutiny. When justice 
 has spoken, humanity should have its turn." There were 
 seven hundred and twenty-one voters. The actual majority 
 was three hundred and sixty-one. The death of the king 
 was decided by a majority of twenty-six votes. Opinions 
 were very various: Girondists voted for his death, with a 
 reservation, it is true; most of the members of the Right
 
 183 HISTOKY OP 
 
 voted f&r imprisonment or exile; a few Mountaineers voted 
 with the Girondists. As soon as the result was known, the 
 president said, in a tone of grief: " In the name of the con- 
 vention, I declare the punishment, to which it condemns 
 Louis Capet, to be death." Those who had undertaken the 
 defence appeared at the bar; they were deeply affected. They 
 endeavoured to bring back the assembly to sentiments of com- 
 passion, in consideration of the small majority in favour ot 
 the sentence. But this subject had already been discussed 
 and decided. " Laws are only made by a simple majority," 
 said a Mountaineer. " Yes," replied a voice, " but laws may 
 be revoked: you cannot restore the life of a man." Male- 
 sherbes wished to speak, but could not. Sobs prevented his 
 utterance; he could only articulate a few indistinct words of 
 intreaty. His grief moved the assembly. The request for 
 a reprieve was received by the Girondists as a last resource; 
 but this also failed them, and the fatal sentence was pro- 
 nounced. 
 
 Louis expected it. When Malesherbes came in tears to 
 announce the sentence, he found him sitting in the dark, his 
 elbows resting on a table, his face hid in his hands, and in 
 profound meditation. At the noise of his entrance, Louis 
 rose and said: "For two hours I have been trying to discover 
 if, during my reign, I have deserved the slightest reproach 
 from my subjects. Well, M. de Malesherbes, I swear to you, in 
 the truth of my heart, as a man about to appear before God, 
 that I have constantly sought the happiness of my people, 
 and never indulged a wish opposed to it." Malesherbes 
 urged that reprieve would not be rejected, but this Louis 
 did not expect. As he saw Malesherbes go out, Louis 
 begged him not to forsake him in his last moments; Male- 
 sherbes promised to return; but he came several times, and 
 was never able to gain access to him. Louis asked for him 
 frequently, and appeared distressed at not seeing him. He 
 received without emotion the formal announcement of his 
 sentence from the minister of justice. He asked three days 
 to prepare to appear before God; and also to be allowed the 
 services of a priest, and permission to communicate freely 
 w-ith his wife and children. Only the last two requests wera 
 granted.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 189 
 
 The interview was a distressing scene to this desolate 
 family; but the moment of separation was far more so. Louis, 
 on parting with his family, promised to see them again the 
 next day; but, on reaching his room, he felt that the trial 
 would be too much, and, pacing up and down violently, he 
 exclaimed, " I will not go!" This was his last struggle; the 
 rest of his time was spent in preparing for death. The night 
 before the execution he slept calmly. Clery awoke him, as 
 he had been ordered, at five, and received his last instruc- 
 tions. He then communicated, commissioned Clery with his 
 dying words, and all he was allowed to bequeath, a ring, a 
 seal, and some hair. The drums were already beating, and 
 the dull sound of travelling cannon, and of confused voices, 
 might be heard. At length Santerre arrived. " You are 
 come for me," said Louis; "I ask one moment." He de- 
 posited his will in the hands of the municipal officer, asked 
 for his hat, and said, in a firm tone: " Let us go." 
 
 The carriage was an hour on its way from the Temple to 
 the Place de la Revolution. A double row of soldiers lined 
 the road; more than forty thousand men were under arms. 
 Paris presented a gloomy aspect. The citizens present at the 
 execution manifested neither applause nor regret; all were 
 silent. On reaching the place of execution, Louis alighted 
 from the carriage. He ascended the scaffold with a firm step, 
 knelt to receive the benediction of the priest, who is recorded 
 to have said, " Son of Saint Louis, ascend to heaven!" With 
 some repugnance he submitted to the binding of his hands, 
 and walked hastily to the left of the scaffold: " I die inno- 
 cent," said he; "I forgive my enemies; and you, unfortunate 
 
 people " Here, at a signal, the drums and trumpets 
 
 drowned his voice, and the three executioners seized him. 
 At ten minutes after ten he had ceased to live. 
 
 Thus perished, at the age of thirty- nine, after a reign of 
 sixteen years and a half, spent in endeavouring to do good, 
 the best but weakest of monarchs. His ancestors bequeathed 
 to him a revolution. He was better calculated than any of 
 them to prevent and terminate it; for he was capable of 
 becoming a reformer-king before it broke out, or of becoming 
 a constitutional king afterwards. He is, perhaps, the only 
 prince who, having no other passion, had not that of power, and
 
 190 HISTORY OP 
 
 who united the two qualities which make good kings, fear 
 of God and love of the people. He perished, the victim of 
 passions which he did not share; of those of the persons 
 about him, to which he was a stranger, and to those of the 
 multitude, which he had not excited. Few memories of 
 kings are so commendable. History will say of him, that, 
 with a little more strength of mind, he would have been an 
 exemplary king.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 191 
 
 CHAPTEE VH. 
 
 *ROM THE 21ST OP JANUARY, 1793, TO THE 2ND OF JUNK. 
 
 Political and military situation of France England, Holland, Spain, Naples, 
 and all the circles of the Empire fall in with the coalition Dumouriez, 
 after having conquered Belgium, attempts an expedition into Holland- 
 He wishes to re-establish constitutional monarchy Reverses of our 
 armies Struggle hetween the Gironde and the Mountain Conspiracy 
 of the 10th of March Insurrection of La Vendee ; its progress De- 
 fection of Dumouriez The Gironde accused of being his accomplices 
 New conspiracies against them Establishment of the Commission of 
 twelve to frustrate the conspirators Insurrections of the 27th and 31st 
 of May against the Commission of twelve ; its suppression Insurrec- 
 tion of the 2nd of June against the two-and-twenty leading Girondists; 
 their arrest Total defeat of that party. 
 
 THE death of Louis XVI. rendered the different parties 
 irreconcilable, and increased the external enemies of the 
 revolution. The republicans had to contend with all Europe, 
 with several classes of malcontents, and with themselves. 
 But the Mountaineers, who then directed the popular move- 
 ment, imagined that they were too far involved not to push 
 matters to extremity. To terrify the enemies of the revo- 
 lution, to excite the fanaticism of the people by harangues, 
 by the presence of danger, and by insurrections; to refer 
 everything to it, both the government and the safety of the 
 republic ; to infuse into it the most ardent enthusiasm, 
 in the name oftliberty, equality, and fraternity; to keep it in 
 this violent state of crisis for the purpose of making use of 
 its passions and its power; such was the plan of Danton and 
 the Mountain, who had chosen him for their leader. It was
 
 192 HISTORY OF 
 
 he who augmented the popular effervescence by the growing 
 dangers of the republic, and who, under the name of revolu- 
 tionary government, established the despotism of the multi- 
 tude, instead of legal liberty. Robespierre and Marat went 
 even much further than he. They sought to erect into 
 a permanent government what Danton considered as merely 
 transitory. The latter was only a political chief, while the 
 others were true sectarians; the first, more ambitious, the 
 second, more fanatical. 
 
 The Mountaineers had, by the catastrophe of the 21st of 
 January, gained a great victory over the Girondists, whose 
 politics were much more moral than theirs, and who hoped to 
 save the revolution, without staining it with blood. But 
 their humanity, their spirit of justice, proved of no service, 
 and even turned against them. They were accused of being 
 the enemies of the people, because they opposed their excesses; 
 of being the accomplices of the tyrant, because they had sought 
 to save Louis XVI. ; and of betraying the republic, because 
 they recommended moderation. It was with these reproaches 
 that the Mountaineers persecuted them with constant ani- 
 mosity in the bosom of the convention, from the 21st of 
 January till the 31st of May and the 2nd of June. The 
 Girondists were for a long time supported by the Centre, 
 which sided with the Right against murder and anarchy, and 
 with the Left for measures of public safety. This mass, 
 which, properly speaking, formed the spirit of the conven- 
 tion, displayed some courage, and balanced the power of the 
 Mountain and the Commune as long as it possessed those 
 intrepid and eloquent Girondists, who carried with them to 
 prison and to the scaffold all the generous resolutions of the 
 assembly. 
 
 For a moment, union existed among the various parties of 
 the assembly. Lepelletier Saint Fargeau was stabbed by a 
 retired member of the household guard, named Paris, for 
 having voted the death of Louis XVI. The members of the 
 convention, united by common danger, swore on his tomb to 
 forget their enmities; but they soon revived them. Some of 
 the murderers of September, whose punishment was desired 
 by the more honourable republicans, were proceeded against 
 at Meaux. The Mountaineers, apprehensive that their past 
 conduct would be inquired into, and that their adversaries 
 
 91
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 193 
 
 would take advantage of a condemnation to attack them more 
 openly themselves, put a stop to these proceedings. This 
 impunity further emboldened the leaders of the multitude; 
 and Marat, who at that period had an incredible influence 
 over the multitude, excited them to pillage the dealers, whom 
 he accused of monopolizing provisions. He wrote and 
 spoke violently, in his pamphlets and at the Jacobins, against 
 the aristocracy of the burghers, merchants, and statesmen, 
 (as he designated the Girondists,) that is to say, against those 
 who, in the assembly or the nation at large, still opposed the 
 reign of the Sans-culottes and the Mountaineers. There was 
 something frightful in the fanaticism and invincible obstinacy 
 of these sectaries. The name given by them to the Girondists 
 from the beginning of the convention, was that of Intrigants, 
 on account of the ministerial and rather stealthy means with, 
 which they opposed in the departments the insolent and public 
 conduct of the Jacobins. 
 
 Accordingly, they denounced them regularly in the club. 
 "At Rome, an orator cried daily: ' Carthage must be destroyed!' 
 well, let a Jacobin mount this tribune every day, and say 
 these single words, ' The Intrigants must be destroyed! ' Who 
 could withstand us? We oppose crime, and the ephemeral 
 power of riches; but we have truth, justice, poverty, and 
 virtue in our cause. With such arms, the Jacobins will soon 
 have to say: ' We had only to pass on, they were already 
 extinct.'" Marat, who was much more daring than Robes- 
 pierre, whose hatred and projects still concealed themselves 
 under certain forms, was the patron of all denouncers and 
 lovers of anarchy. Several Mountaineers reproached him 
 with compromising their cause by his extreme counsels, 
 and by unseasonable excesses; but the entire Jacobin people 
 supported him even against Robespierre, who rarely obtained 
 the advantage in his disputes with him. The pillage recom- 
 mended in February, in UAmi du Peuple, with respect to 
 some dealers; 'by way of example,' took place, and Marat was 
 denounced to the convention, who decreed his accusation after 
 a stormy sitting. But this decree had no result, because the 
 ordinary tribunals had no authority. This double effort of 
 force on one side, and weakness on the other, took place in 
 the month of February. More decisive events soon brought 
 the Girondists to ruin.
 
 ]94 HISTORY OF 
 
 Hitherto, the military position of France had been satis- 
 factory. Dumouriez had just crowned the brilliant campaign 
 of Argone by the conquest of Belgium. After the retreat of 
 the Prussians, he had repaired to Paris to concert measures 
 for the invasion of the Austrian Netherlands. Returning to 
 the army on the 20th of October, 1792, he began the attack 
 on the 28th. The plan attempted so inappropriately, with so 
 little strength and success, at the commencement of the war, 
 was resumed and executed with superior means. Dumouriez, 
 at the head of the army of Belgium, forty thousand strong, 
 advanced from Valenciennes upon Mons, supported on the 
 right by the army of the Ardennes, amounting to about sixteen 
 thousand men, under general Valence, who marched from 
 Givet upon Namur; and on his left, by the army of the 
 north, eighteen thousand strong, under general Labour- 
 donnaie, who advanced from Lille upon Tournai. The 
 Austrian araiy, posted before Mons, awaited battle in its 
 intrenchments. Dumouriez completely defeated it; and the 
 victory of Jemmapes opened Belgium to the French, and 
 again gave our arms the ascendancy in Europe. A victor on 
 the 6th of November, Dumouriez entered Mons on the 7th, 
 Brussels on the 14th, and Liege on the 28th. Valence took 
 Namur, Labourdonnaie Antwerp; and by the middle of 
 December, the invasion of the Netherlands was completely 
 achieved. The French army, master of the Mense and 
 the Scheldt, took up its winter quarters, after driving beyond 
 the Roer the Austrians, whom they might have driven be- 
 yond the Lower Rhine. 
 
 From this moment hostilities began between Durnouriea 
 and the Jacobins. A decree of the convention, dated the 
 15th of September, abrogated the Belgian customs, and demo- 
 cratically organized that country. The Jacobins sent agents to 
 Belgium to propagate revolutionary principles, and establish 
 clubs on the model of the parent society; but the Flemings, 
 who had received us with enthusiasm, became cool at the heavy 
 demands made upon them, and at the general pillage and in- 
 supportable anarchy which the Jacobins brought with them. 
 All the party that had opposed the Austrian army, and hoped 
 to be free under the protection of France, found our rule too 
 severe, and regretted having sought our aid, or supported us. 
 Dumouriez, who had projects of independence for the Flemings,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 195 
 
 and of ambition for himself, came to Paris to complain of this 
 impolitic conduct with regard to the conquered countries. He 
 changed his hitherto equivocal course; he had employed every 
 means to keep on terms with the two factions; he had ranged 
 himself under the banner of neither, hoping to make use 
 of the Right, through his friend Gensonne, of the Moun- 
 tain, by Danton and Lacroix, and of awing both by his 
 victories. But in this second journey he tried to stop the 
 Jacobins and to save Louis XVI.; not having been able 
 to attain his end, he returned to the army to begin the second 
 campaign, very dissatisfied, and determined to make his new 
 victories the means of stopping the revolution and changing 
 its government. 
 
 This time all the frontiers of France were to be attacked by 
 the European powers. The military successes of the revolu- 
 tion, and the catastrophe of the 21st of January, had made 
 most of the undecided or neutral governments join the coalition. 
 
 The cabinet of Saint James, on learning the death of 
 Louis XVI., dismissed the ambassador Chauvelin, whom it 
 had refused to acknowledge since the 10th of August and 
 the dethronement of the king. The convention, finding 
 England already leagued with the coalition, and consequently 
 all its promises of neutrality vain and illusive, on the 1st of 
 February, 1793, declared war against the king of Great 
 Britain and the stadtholder of Holland, who had been entirely 
 guided by the cabinet of Saint James' since 1788. England 
 had hitherto preserved the appearances of neutrality, but it 
 took advantage of this opportunity to appear on the scene of 
 hostilities. For some time disposed for a rupture, Pitt em- 
 ployed all his resources, and in the space of six months con- 
 cluded seven treaties of alliance, and six treaties of subsidies.* 
 
 * These treaties were as follows : the 4th March, articles between Great 
 Britain and Hanover ; 2oth March, treaty of alliance at London between 
 Euibia and Great Britain; 10th April, treaty of subsidies with the land- 
 grave of Hesse Cassel ; '25th April, treaty of subsidies with Sardinia ; 25th 
 May, treaty of alliance at Madrid with Spain ; 12th July, treaty of alliance 
 with Naples, the kingdom of the Two Sicilies ; 14th July, treaty of alliance 
 at the camp before Mayence with Prussia ; 30th August, treaty of alliance 
 at London with the emperor; 21st September, treaty of subsidies with the 
 margrave of Baden; 26th September, treaty of alliance at London with 
 Portugal. By these treaties England gave considerable subsidies, more 
 especially to Austria and Prussia. 
 
 < 2
 
 196 HISTORY OF 
 
 England thus became the soul of the coalition against France; 
 her fleets were ready to sail; the minister had obtained 
 3,200,000/. extraordinary, and Pitt designed to profit by our 
 revolution by securing the preponderance of Great Britain, 
 as Richelieu and Mazarin had taken advantage of the crisis 
 in England in 1640, to establish the French domination in 
 Europe. The cabinet of Saint James was only influenced by 
 motives of English interests; it desired at any cost to effect 
 the consolidation of the aristocratical power at home, and the 
 exclusive empire in the two Indies, and on the seas. 
 
 The cabinet of Saint James then made the second levee ol 
 the coalition. Spain had just undergone a ministerial change; 
 the famous Gocloi, duke of Alcudia, and since Prince of the 
 Peace, had been placed at the head of the government by 
 means of an intrigue of England and of the emigration. 
 This power came to a rupture with the republic, after having 
 interceded in vain for Louis XVI., and made its neutrality 
 the price of the life of the king. The German empire en- 
 tirely adopted the war; Bavaria, Suabia, and the elector 
 palatine joined the hostile circles of the empire. Naples 
 followed the example of the Holy See; and the only neutral 
 powers were Venice, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, and 
 Turkey. Russia was still engaged with the second partition 
 of Poland. 
 
 The republic was threatened on all sides by the most war- 
 like troops of Europe. It would soon have to face forty-five 
 thousand A.nstro- Sardinians in the Alps; fifty thousand 
 
 Spaniards on the Pyrenees; seventy thousand Austrians or Im- 
 perialists, reinforced by thirty-eight thousand Anglo-Batavians, 
 on the Lower Rhine and in Belgium; thirty-three thousand 
 four hundred Austrians between the Meuse and the Moselle; 
 a hundred and twelve thousand six hundred Prussians, Aus- 
 trians and Imperialists on the Middle and Upper Rhine. In 
 order to confront so many enemies, the convention decreed a 
 levy of three hundred thousand men. This measure of 
 external defence was accompanied by a party measure for 
 the interior. At the moment the new battalions, about to 
 quit Paris, presented themselves to the assembly, the 
 Mountain demanded the establishment of an extraordinary 
 
 ^ibunal to maintain the revolution at home, which the bat-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 197 
 
 talions were going to defend on the frontiers. This tribunal, 
 composed of nine members, was to try without jury or ap- 
 peal. The Girondists arose with all their power against so 
 arbitrary and formidable an institution, but it was in vain; for 
 they seemed to be favouring the enemies of the republic by 
 rejecting a tribunal intended to punish them. All they ob- 
 tained was the introduction of juries into it, the removal of 
 some violent men, and the power of annulling its acts, as long 
 as they maintained any influence. 
 
 The principal efforts of the coalition were directed against 
 the vast frontier extending from the north sea to Huninguen. 
 The prince of Coburg, at the head of the Austrians, was to 
 attack the French army on the Roe'r and the Meuse, to enter 
 Belgium; while the Prussians, on the other point, should 
 march against Custine, give him battle, surround Mayence, and 
 after taking it, renew the preceding invasion. These two 
 armies of operation were sustained in the intermediate posi- 
 tions by considerable forces. Dumouriez, engrossed by am- 
 bitious and reactionary designs, at a moment when he ought 
 only to have thought of the perils of France, proposed to 
 himself to establish the royalty of 1791, in spite of the con- 
 vention and Europe. What Bouille could not effect for an 
 absolute nor Lafayette for a constitutional throne, Dumouriez, 
 at a time much less propitious, hoped alone to achieve for an 
 abolished constitution and for a royalty without a party. 
 Instead of remaining neutral among factions, as circumstances 
 dictated to a general, and even to an ambitious man, 
 Dumouriez preferred a rupture with them, in order to sway 
 them. He conceived a design of forming a party out of 
 France; of entering Holland by means of the Batavian 
 republicans opposed to the stadtholdership, and to English 
 influence; to deliver Belgium from the Jacobins; to unite 
 these countries in a single independent state, and secure for 
 himself their political protectorate after having acquired 
 all the glory of a conqueror. To intimidate parties, he was 
 to gain over his troops, march on the capital, dissolve the 
 convention, put down popular meetings, re-establish the 
 constitution of 1791, and give a king to France. 
 
 This project, impracticable amidst the great shock between 
 the revolution and Europe, appeared easy to the fiery and 
 adventurous Dumouriez. Instead of defending the line,
 
 198 HISTORY OF 
 
 threatened from Mayence to the Roer, he threw himself on 
 the left of the operations, and entered Holland at the head of 
 twenty thousand men. By a rapid march he was to reach 
 the centre of the United Provinces, attack the fortresses 
 from behind, and be joined at Nimeguen by twenty-five 
 thousand men under general Miranda, who would probably 
 have made himself master of Maestricht. An army of forty 
 thousand men was to observe the Austrians and protect his 
 right. 
 
 Dumouriez vigorously prosecuted his expedition into Hol- 
 land; he took Breda and Gertruydenberg, and prepared to 
 pass the Biesbos, and capture Dort. But the army of the 
 right experienced in the meantime the most alarming reverses 
 on the Lower Meuse. The Austrians assumed the offen- 
 sive, passed the Roer, beat Miazinski at Aix-la-Chapelle; 
 made Miranda raise the blockade of Maestricht, which he 
 had uselessly bombarded; crossed the Meuse, and at Liege 
 put our army, which had fallen back between Tirlemont and 
 Louvain, wholly to the rout. Dumouriez received from the 
 executive council orders to leave Holland immediately, and 
 to take the command of the troops in Belgium; he was com- 
 pelled to obey, and to renounce in part his wildest but 
 dearest hopes. 
 
 The Jacobins, at the news of these reverses, became much 
 more intractable; unable to conceive a defeat without 
 treachery, especially after the brilliant and unexpected 
 victories of the last campaign, they attributed these military 
 disasters to party combinations. They denounced the 
 Girondists, the ministers, and generals who, they supposed, 
 had combined to abandon the republic, and clamoured for 
 their destruction. Rivalry mingled with suspicion, and they 
 desired as much to acquire an exclusive domination, as to 
 defend the threatened territory; they began with the Giron- 
 dists. As they had not yet accustomed the multitude to the 
 idea of the proscription of representatives, they at first had 
 recourse to a plot to get rid of them; they resolved to strike 
 them in the convention, where they would all be assembled, 
 and the night of the 10th of March was fixed on for the 
 execution of the plot. The assembly sat permanently on 
 account of the public danger. It was decided on the pre- 
 ceding day at the Jacobins and Cordeliers to shut the
 
 FRENCH RE VOLUTION. 199 
 
 barriers, sound the tocsin, and march in two bands on the 
 convention and the ministers. They started at the appointed 
 hour, but several circumstances prevented the conspirators 
 from succeeding. The Girondists, apprised, did not attend 
 the evening sitting; the sections declared themselves opposed 
 to the plot, and Beurnonville, minister of war, advanced 
 against them at the head of a battalion of Brest federalists; 
 these unexpected obstacles, together with the ceaseless rain, 
 obliged the conspirators to disperse. The next day Vergniaud 
 denounced the insurrectional committee who had projected 
 these murders, demanded that the executive council should be 
 commissioned to make inquiries respecting the conspiracy of 
 the 10th of March, to examine the registers of the clubs, and 
 to arrest the members of the insurrectional committee. " We 
 go," said he, " from crimes to amnesties, from amnesties to 
 crimes. Numbers of citizens have begun to confound 
 seditious insurrections with the great insurrection of liberty; 
 to look on the excitement of robbers as the outbursts of 
 energetic minds, and robbery itself as a measure of general 
 security. We have witnessed the development of that strange 
 system of liberty, in which we are told: ' you are free; but 
 think with us, or we will denounce you to the vengeance of 
 the people; you are free, but bow down your head to the idol 
 we worship, or we will denounce you to the vengeance of the 
 people; you are free, but join us in persecuting the men 
 whose probity and intelligence we dread, or we will denounce 
 you to the vengeance of the people.' Citizens, we bare 
 reason to fear that the revolution, like Saturn, will devour 
 successively all its children, and only engender despotism and 
 the calamities which accompany it." These prophetic words 
 produced some effect in the assembly; but the measures pro- 
 posed by Vergniaud led to nothing. 
 
 The Jacobins were stopped for a moment by the failure of 
 their first enterprise against their adversaries; but the 
 insurrection of La Vendee gave them new courage. The 
 Vendean war was an inevitable event in the revolution. 
 This country, bounded by the Loire and the sea, crossed by 
 few roads, sprinkled with villages, hamlets, and manorial 
 residences, had retained its ancient feudal state. In La 
 Vendee there was no civilization or intelligence, because there 
 was no middle class; and there was no middle class, because
 
 200 HISTORY OS 
 
 there were no towns, or very few. At that time the peasants 
 had acquired no other ideas than those few communicated to 
 them by the priests, and had not separated their interests from 
 those of the nobility. These simple and sturdy men, 
 devotedly attached to the old state of things, did not under- 
 stand a revolution, which was the result of a faith and 
 necessities entirely foreign to their situation. The nobles 
 and priests, being strong in these districts, had not emigrated; 
 and the ancient regime really existed there, because there 
 were its doctrines and its society. Sooner or later, a war 
 between France and La Vendee, countries so different, and 
 which had nothing in common but language, was inevitable. 
 It was inevitable that the two fanaticisms of monarchy and of 
 popular sovereignty, of the priesthood and human reason, 
 should raise their banners against each other, and bring 
 about the triumph of the old or of the new civilization. 
 
 Partial disturbances had taken place several times in La 
 Vendee. In 1792 the count de la Rouairie had prepared a 
 general rising, which failed on account of his arrest; but all 
 yet remained ready for an insurrection, when the decree for 
 raising three hundred thousand men was put into execution. 
 This levy became the signal of revolt. The Vendeans beat 
 the gendarmerie at Saint Florens, and took for leaders, in 
 different directions, Cathelineau, a waggoner, Charette, a 
 naval officer, and Stofflet, a gamekeeper. Aided by arms 
 and money from England, the insurrection soon overspread 
 the country; nine hundred communes flew to arms at the 
 sound of the tocsin; and then the noble leaders Bonchamps, 
 Lescure, La Rochejacquelin, d'Elbee, and Talmont, joined the 
 others. The troops of the line and the battalions of the 
 national guard who advanced against the insurgents were 
 defeated. General Marce was beaten at Saint Vincent by 
 Stofflet; general Gauvilliers at Beaupreau, by d'Elbee and 
 Bonchamps; general Quetineau at Aubiers, by La Roche- 
 jacquelin; and general Ligonnier at Cholet. The Vendeans 
 masters of Chatillon, Bressuire, and Vihiers, considered it 
 advisable to form some plan of organization before they 
 pushed their advantages further. They formed three corps, 
 each from ten to twelve thousand strong, according to the 
 division of La Vendee, under three commanders; the first, 
 under Bonchamps, guarded the banks of the Loire, and was
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 201 
 
 called L'Armee d'Anjou; the second, stationed in the centre, 
 formed the Grande armee under d'Elbe; the third, in Lower 
 Vendee, was styled L'Arme'e du Marais, under Charette. 
 The insurgents established a council to determine their 
 operations, and elected Cathelineau generalissimo. These 
 arrangements, with this division of the country, enabled them 
 to enrol the insurgents, and to dismiss them to their fields, or 
 call them to arms. 
 
 The intelligence of this formidable insurrection drove the 
 convention to adopt still more rigorous measures against 
 priests and emigrants. It outlawed all priests and nobles 
 who took part in any gathering, and disarmed all who had 
 belonged to the privileged classes. The former emigrants 
 were banished for ever; they could not return, under penalty 
 of death; their property was confiscated. On the door of 
 every house, the names of all its inmates were to be inscribed; 
 and the revolutionary tribunal, which had been adjourned, 
 began its terrible functions. 
 
 At the same time, tidings of new military disasters arrived, 
 one after the other. Dumouriez, returned to the army of 
 Belgium, concentrated all his forces to resist the Austrian 
 general, prince de Coburg. His troops were greatly dis- 
 couraged, and in want of everything; he wrote to the 
 convention a threatening letter against the Jacobins, who 
 denounced him. After having again restored to his army a 
 part of its former confidence by some minor advantages, he 
 ventured a general action at Neerwinde, and lost it. Belgium 
 was evacuated, and Dumouriez, placed between the Austrians 
 and Jacobins, beaten by the one and assailed by the other, 
 had recourse to the guilty project of defection, in order to 
 realize his former designs. He had conferences with colonel 
 Mack, and agreed with the Austrians to march upon Paris 
 for the purpose of re-establishing the monarchy, leaving them 
 on the frontiers, and having first given up to them several 
 fortresses as a guarantee. It is probable that Dumouriez 
 wished to place on the constitutional throne the young duke 
 de Chartres, who had distinguished himself throughout this 
 campaign; while the prince de Coburg hoped that if the 
 counter-revolution reached that point, it would be carried 
 further and restore the son of Louis XVI. and the ancient 
 monarchy. A counter-revolution will not halt any more
 
 202 HISTORY OF 
 
 than a revolution; when once begun, it must exhaust itself. 
 The Jacobins were soon informed of Dumouriez's arrange- 
 ments; he took little precaution to conceal them; whether he 
 wished to try his troops, or to alarm his enemies, or whether 
 he merely followed his natural levity. To be more sure of 
 his designs, the Jacobin club sent to him a deputation, con- 
 sisting of Proly, Pereira, and Dubuisson, three of its mem- 
 bers. Taken to Dumouriez's presence, they received from 
 him more admissions than they expected: " The convention," 
 said he, "is an assembly of seven hundred and thirty -five 
 tyrants. While I have four inches of iron I will not suffer 
 it to reign and shed blood with the revolutionary tribunal it 
 has just created; as for the republic," he added, " it is aix 
 idle word. I had faith in it for three days. Since Jemmapes, 
 I have deplored all the successes I obtained in so bad a cause. 
 There is only one way to save the country that is, to re- 
 establish the constitution of 1791, and a king." " Can you 
 think of it, general?" said Dubuisson; "the French view 
 
 royalty with horror- the very name of Louis " " What 
 
 does it signify whether the king be called Louis, Jacques, or 
 Philippe?" "And what are your means?" "My army 
 yes, my army will do it, and from my camp, or the stronghold 
 of some fortress, it will express its desire for a king." " But 
 your project endangers the safety of the prisoners in the 
 Temple." " Should the last of the Bourbons be killed, even 
 those of Coblentz, France shall still have a king, and if Paris 
 were to add this murder to those which have already dis- 
 honoured it, I would instantly march upon it." After 
 thus unguardedly disclosing his intentions, Dumouriez pro- 
 ceeded to the execution of his impracticable design. He was 
 really in a very difficult position; the soldiers were very much 
 attached to him, but they were also devoted to their country. 
 He was to surrender some fortresses which he was not master 
 of, and it was to be supposed that the generals under his 
 orders, either from fidelity to the republic, or from ambition, 
 would treat him as he had treated Lafayette. His first 
 attempt was not encouraging; after having established himself 
 at Saint Amand, he essayed to possess himself of Lille, Condc, 
 and Valenciennes; but failed in this enterprise. The 
 failure made him hesitate, and prevented his taking the 
 initiative in the attack.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 203 
 
 
 
 It was not so with the convention; it acted with a prompti- 
 tude, a boldness, a firmness, and, above all, with a precision in 
 attaining its object, which rendered success certain. When 
 we know what we want, and desire it determinately and 
 promptly, we nearly always attain our object. This quality 
 was wanting in Dumouriez, and the want impeded his au- 
 dacity and deterred his partisans. As soon as the conven- 
 tion was informed of his projects, it summoned him to its 
 bar. He refused to obey; without, however, immediately 
 raising the standard of revolt. The convention instantly 
 despatched four representatives, Camus, Quinette, Lamarque 
 Bancal, and Beurnonville, minister at war, to bring him 
 before it, or to arrest him in the midst of his army. Dumouriez 
 received the commissioners at the head of his staff. They pre- 
 sented to him the decree of the convention; he read it and 
 returned it to them, saying that the state of his army would not 
 admit of his leaving it. He offered to resign, and promised 
 in a calmer season to demand judges himself, and to give an 
 account of his designs and of his conduct. The commissioners 
 tried to induce him to submit, quoting the example of the 
 ancient Roman generals. " We are always mistaken in our 
 quotations," he replied; " and we disfigure Roman history by 
 taking as an excuse for our crimes the example of their vir- 
 tues. The Romans did not kill Tarquin; the Romans had a 
 well ordered republic and good laws; they had neither a 
 Jacobin club nor a revolutionary tribunal. We live in a 
 time of anarchy. Tigers wish for my head; I will not give 
 it them." " Citizen general," said Camus then, " will you 
 obey the decree of the national convention, and repair to 
 Paris?" " Not at present." " Well, then, I declare that 
 I suspend you; you are no longer a general; I order your 
 arrest." " This is too much," said Dumouriez; and he had 
 the commissioners arrested by German hussars, and deli- 
 vered them as hostages to the Austrians. After this act of 
 revolt he could no longer hesitate. Dumouriez made another 
 attempt on Conde, but it succeeded no better than the first. He 
 tried to induce the army to join him, but was forsaken by it. 
 The soldiers were likely for a long time to prefer the republic 
 to their general; the attachment to the revolution was in all 
 its fervour, and the civil power in all its force. Dumouriez 
 experienced, in declaring himself against the convention, the
 
 204 HISTORY OF 
 
 
 
 fate which Lafayette experienced when he declared himself 
 against the legislative assembly, and Bouille when he declared 
 against the constituent assembly. At this period, a general, 
 combining the firmness of Bouille with the patriotism and 
 popularity of Lafayette, with the victories and resources 
 of Dumouriez, would have failed as they did. The revolution, 
 with the movement imparted to it, was necessarily stronger 
 than parties, than generals, and than Europe. Dumouriez 
 went over to the Austrian camp with the duke de Chartres, 
 colonel Thouvenot, and two squadrons of Berchiny. The 
 rest of his army went to the camp at Famars, and joined the 
 troops commanded by Dampierre. 
 
 The convention, on learning the arrest of the commissioners, 
 established itself as a permanent assembly, declared Dumou- 
 riez a traitor to his country, authorized any citizen to attack 
 him, set a price on his head, decreed the famous committee of 
 public safety, and banished the duke of Orleans and all the 
 Bourbons from the republic. Although the Girondists had 
 assailed Dumouriez as warmly as the Mountaineers, they were 
 accused of being his accomplices, and this was a new cause of 
 complaint added to the rest. Their enemies became every day 
 more powerful; and it was in moments of public danger that 
 they were especially dangerous. Hitherto, in the struggle 
 between the two parties, they had carried the day on every 
 point. They had stopped all inquiries into the massacres of 
 September; they had maintained the usurpation of the com- 
 mune; they had obtained, first the trial, then the death of 
 Louis XVI.; through their means the plunderings of Feb- 
 ruary and the conspiracy of the 10th of March, had remained 
 unpunished; they had procured the erection of the revolu- 
 tionary tribunal despite the Girondists; they had driven Ro- 
 land from the ministry, in disgust; and they had just defeated 
 Dumouriez. It only remained now to deprive the Girondists 
 of their last asylum the assembly; this they set about on 
 the 10th of April, and accomplished on the 2nd of June. 
 
 Robespierre attacked by name Brissot, Guadet, Vergniaud, 
 Petion, and Gensonne, in the convention; Marat denounced 
 them in the popular societies. As president of the Jacobins, 
 he wrote an address to the departments, in which he invoked 
 the thunder of petitions and accusations against the traitors 
 and faithless delegates who had sought to save the tyrant by
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 205 
 
 an appeal to the public or his imprisonment. The Right and 
 the Plain of the convention felt that it was necessary to unite. 
 Marat was sent before the revolutionary tribunal. This 
 news set the clubs in motion, the people, and the commune. 
 By way of reprisal, Pache, the mayor, came in the name of 
 the thirty-five sections and of the general council, to demand 
 the expulsion of the principal Girondists. Young Boyer 
 Fonfmle required to be included in the proscription of his 
 colleagues, and the members of the Right and the Plain rose, 
 exclaiming, " All! all!" This petition, though declared 
 calumnious, was the first attack upon the convention from 
 without, and it prepared the public mind for the destruction 
 of the Gironde. 
 
 The accusation of Marat was far from intimidating the 
 Jacobins who accompanied him to the revolutionary tribunal. 
 Marat was acquitted, and borne in triumph to the assembly. 
 From that moment the approaches to the Hall were thronged 
 with daring sans-culottes, and the partisans of the Jacobins 
 filled the galleries of the convention. The clubists and 
 Robespierre's tricoteuses (knitters) constantly interrupted the 
 speakers of the Right, and disturbed the debate; while with- 
 out, every opportunity was sought to get rid of the Girondists. 
 Henriot, commandant of the section of sans-culottes, excited 
 against them the battalions about to march for La Vendee. 
 Guadet then saw that it was time for something more than 
 complaints and speeches; he ascended the tribune. " Citi- 
 zens," said he, " while virtuous men content themselves 
 with bewailing the misfortunes of the country, conspirators 
 are active for its ruin. With Caesar they say: ' Let them 
 talk, we will act.' Well, then, do you act also. The evil 
 consists in the impunity of the conspirators of the 10th of 
 March; the evil is in anarchy; the evil is in the existence of 
 the authorities of Paris authorities striving at once for gain 
 and dominion. Citizens, there is yet time; you may save 
 the republic and your compromised glory. I propose to 
 abolish the Paris authorities, to replace within twenty-four 
 hours the municipality by the presidents of the sections, to 
 assemble the convention at Bourges with the least possible 
 delay, and to transmit this decree to the departments by ex- 
 traordinary couriers." The Mountain was surprised for a 
 moment by Guadefs motion. Had his measures been at
 
 206 HISTORY OF 
 
 once adopted, there would have been an end to the domina- 
 tion of the commune, and to the projects of the conspirators; 
 but it is also probable that the agitation of parties would 
 have brought on a civil war, that the convention would have 
 been dissolved by the assembly at Bourges, that all centre of 
 action would have been destroyed, and that the revolution 
 would not have been sufficiently strong to contend against 
 internal struggles and the attacks of Europe. This was what 
 the moderate party in the assembly feared. Dreading anarchy 
 if the career of the commune was not stopped, and counter- 
 revolution if the multitude were too closely kept down, its 
 aim was to maintain the balance between the two extremes of 
 the convention. This party comprised the committees of 
 general safety and of public safety. It was directed by Bar- 
 rere, who, like all men of upright intentions but weak 
 characters, advocated moderation so long as fear did not make 
 him an instrument of cruelty and tyranny. Instead of Gua- 
 det's decisive measures, he proposed to nominate an extraor- 
 dinary commission of twelve members, deputed to inquire 
 into the conduct of the municipality; to seek out the authors 
 of the plots against the national representatives, and to secure 
 their persons. This middle course was adopted; but it left 
 the commune in existence, and the commune was destined to 
 triumph over the convention. 
 
 The Commission of Twelve threw the members of the com- 
 mune into great alarm by its inquiries. It discovered a new 
 conspiracy, which was to be put into execution on the 22nd 
 of May, and arrested some of the conspirators, and among 
 others, Hebert, the deputy recorder, author of Pere Duchesne, 
 who was taken in the very bosom of the municipality. The 
 commune, at first astounded, began to take measures of de- 
 fence. From that moment, not conspiracy, but insurrection 
 was the order of the day. The general council, encouraged 
 by the Mountain, surrounded itself with the agitators of the 
 capital; it circulated a report that the Twelve wished to 
 purge the convention, and to substitute a counter-revolutionary 
 tribunal for that which had acquitted Marat. The Jacobins, 
 the Cordeliers, the sections, sat permanently. On the 26th 
 of May, the agitation became perceptible; on the 27th, it was 
 sufficiently decided to induce the commune to open the attack. 
 It accordingly appeared before the convention and demanded 
 the liberation of Hebert, and the suppression of the Twelve;
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 207 
 
 it was accompanied by the deputies of the sections, who ex- 
 pressed the same desire, and the hall was surrounded by a 
 large mob. The section of the City even presumed to re- 
 quire that the Twelve should be brought before the revolu- 
 tionary tribunal. Isnard, president of the assembly, replied, 
 in a solemn tone: " Listen to what I am about to say. If ever 
 by one of those insurrections, of such frequent recurrence since 
 the 10th of March, and of which the magistrates have never 
 apprised the assembly, a hostile hand be raised against the 
 national representatives, I declare to you in the name of all 
 France, Paris will be destroyed. Yes, universal France 
 would rise to avenge such a crime, and soon it would be 
 matter of doubt on which side of the Seine Paris had stood." 
 This reply became the signal for great tumult. " And I de- 
 clare to you," exclaimed Danton, " that so much impudence 
 begins to be intolerable; we will resist you." Then turning 
 to the Right, he added: " No truce between the Mountain and 
 the cowards who wished to save the tyrant." 
 
 The utmost confusion now reigned in the hall. The 
 strangers' galleries vociferated denunciations of the Right; 
 the Mountain broke forth into menaces; every moment depu- 
 tations arrived without, and the convention was surrounded 
 by an immense multitude. A few sectionaries of the Mail 
 and of the Butte-des-Moulins, commanded by Raffet, drew 
 up in the passages and avenues to defend it. The Girondists 
 withstood, as long as they could, the deputations and the 
 Mountain. Threatened within, besieged without, they would 
 have availed themselves of this violence to arouse the indig- 
 nation of the assembly. But the minister of the interior, 
 Garat, deprived them of this resource. Called upon to give an 
 account of the state of Paris, he declared that the convention 
 had nothing to fear; and the opinion of Garat, who was con- 
 sidered impartial, and whose conciliatory turn of mind in- 
 volved him in equivocal proceedings, emboldened the mem- 
 bers of the Mountain. Isnard was obliged to resign the chair, 
 which was taken by Herault de Sechelles, a sign of victory 
 for the Mountain. The new president replied to the peti- 
 tioners, whom Isnard had hitherto kept in the back ground. 
 " The power of reason and the power of the people are the 
 same thing. You demand from us a magistrate and justice. 
 The representatives of the people will give you both." It 
 was now very late; the Right was discouraged, some of its
 
 208 HISTORY OP 
 
 members had left. The petitioners had moved from the bar 
 to the seats of the representatives, and there, mixed up with 
 the Mountain, with outcry and disorder, they voted, all to- 
 gether, for the dismissal of the Twelve, and the liberation of 
 the prisoners. It was at half-past twelve, amidst the applause 
 of the galleries and the people outside, that this decree was 
 passed. 
 
 It would, perhaps, have been wise on the part of the Gi- 
 rondists, since they were really not the strongest party, to have 
 made no recurrence to this matter. The movement of the 
 preceding day would have had no other result than the sup- 
 pression of the Twelve, if other causes had not prolonged it. 
 But animosity had attained such a height, that it had become 
 necessary to bring the quarrel to an issue; since the two parties 
 could not endure each other, the only alternative was for them 
 to fight; they must needs go on from victory to defeat, and 
 from defeat to victory, growing more and more excited 
 every day, until the strongest finally triumphed over the 
 weaker party. Next day, the Right regained its position in 
 the convention; they, declared the decree of the preceding 
 day illegally passed, in tumult and under compulsion, and the 
 commission was re-established. " You yesterday," said 
 Danton, " did a great act of justice; but I declare to you, if 
 the commission retains the tyrannical power it has hitherto 
 exercised; if the magistrates of the people are not restored to 
 their functions; if good citizens are again exposed to arbitrary 
 arrest; then, after having proved to you that we surpass our 
 enemies in prudence, in wisdom, we shall surpass them 
 in audacity and revolutionary vigour." Danton feared to 
 commence the attack; he dreaded the triumph of the Moun- 
 tain as much as he did that of the Girondists: he accordingly 
 sought, by turns, to anticipate the 3 1st of May, and to mode- 
 rate its results. But he was reduced to join his own party 
 during the conflict, and to remain silent after the victory. 
 
 The agitation, which had been a little allayed by the sup- 
 pression of the Twelve, became threatening at the news of 
 their restoration. The benches of the sections and popular 
 societies resounded with invectives, with cries of danger, with 
 calls to insurrection. Hcbert, having quitted his prison, re- 
 appeared at the commune. A crown was placed on his brow, 
 which he transferred to the bust of Brutus, and then rushed
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 209 
 
 to the Jacobins to demand vengeance on the Twelve. Robes- 
 pierre, Marat, Danton, Chaumette, and Pache then com- 
 bined in organizing a new movement. The insurrection was 
 modelled on that of the 10th of August. The 29th of May 
 was occupied in preparing the public mind. On the 30th. 
 members of the electoral college, commissioners of the clubs, 
 and deputies of sections assembled at the Eveche*, declared 
 themselves in a state of insurrection, dissolved the general 
 council of the commune, and immediately reconstituted it, 
 making it take a new oath; Henriot received the title of 
 commandant -general of the armed force, and the sans-culottes 
 were assigned forty sous a day while under arms. These 
 preparations made, early on the morning of the 3 1st the tocsin 
 rang, the drums beat to arms, the troops were assembled, and 
 all marched towards the convention, which for some time past 
 had held its sittings at the Tuileries. 
 
 The assembly had met at the sound of the tocsin. The 
 minister of the interior, the administrators of the depart- 
 ment, and the mayor of Paris had been summoned, in succes- 
 sion, to the bar. Garat had given an account of the agitated 
 state of Paris, but appeared to apprehend no dangerous result. 
 Lhuillier, in the name of the department, declared it was only 
 a moral insurrection. Pache, the mayor, appeared last, and 
 informed them, with an hypocritical air, of the operations of 
 the insurgents; he pretended that he had employed every 
 means to maintain order; assured them that the guard of the 
 convention had been doubled, and that he had prohibited the 
 firing of the alarm cannon; yet, at the same moment, the 
 cannon was heard in the distance. The surprise and excite- 
 ment of the assembly were extreme. Cambon exhorted the 
 members to union, and called upon the people in the strangers' 
 gallery to be silent. " Under these extraordinary circum- 
 stances," said he, " the only way of frustrating the designs of 
 the malcontents is to make the national convention respected." 
 " I demand," said Thuriot. " the immediate abolition of the 
 Commission of Twelve." " And I," cried Tallien, " that the 
 sword of the law may strike the conspirators who profane the 
 very bosom of the convention." The Girondists, on their 
 part, required that the audacious Henriot should be called to the 
 bar, lor having fired the alarm cannon without the permission 
 of the convention. " If a struggle take place, 5 ' said Ver- 
 
 p
 
 210 HISTORY OF 
 
 gniaud, " be the success what it may, it will be the ruin of the 
 republic. Let every member swear to die at his post." The 
 entire assembly rose, applauding the proposition. Danton 
 rushed to the tribune: " Break up the Commission of Twelve! 
 you have heard the thunder of the cannon. If you are 
 politic legislators, far from blaming the outbreak of Paris, 
 you will turn it to the profit of the republic, by reforming 
 your own errors, by dismissing your commission. I address 
 those," he continued, on hearing murmurs around him, " who 
 possess some political talent, not dullards, who can only act 
 and speak in obedience to their passions. Consider the 
 grandeur of your aim; it is to save the people from their 
 foes, from the aristocrats, to save them from their own blind 
 fury. If a few men, really dangerous, no matter to what 
 party they belong, should then seek to prolong a movement, 
 because useless, by your act of justice, Paris itself will hurl 
 them back into their original insignificance. I calmly, simply, 
 and deliberately demand the suppression of the commission, 
 on political grounds." The commission was violently attacked 
 on one side, feebly defended on the other; Barrere and the 
 committee of public safety, who were its creators, proposed 
 its suppression, in order to restore peace, and to save the 
 assembly from being left to the mercy of the multitude. The 
 moderate portion of the Mountain were about to adopt this 
 concession, when the deputations arrived. The members of 
 the department, those of the municipality, and the commissaries 
 of sections, being admitted to the bar, demanded not merely 
 the suppression of the Twelve, but also the punishment of 
 the moderate members, and of all the Girondist chiefs. 
 
 The Tuileries was completely blockaded by the insurgents; 
 and the presence of their commissaries in the convention 
 emboldened the extreme Mountain, who were desirous of 
 destroying the Girondist party. Robespierre, their leader 
 and orator, spoke: " Citizens, let us not lose this day in vain 
 clamours and unnecessary measures; this is, perhaps, the last 
 day in which patriotism will combat with tyranny. Let the 
 faithful representatives of the people combine to secure their 
 happiness." He urged the convention to follow the course 
 pointed out by the petitioners, rather than that proposed by 
 the committee of public safety. He was thundering forth a 
 lengthened declamation against his adversaries, when Ver-
 
 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION. 211 
 
 gniaud interfered: "Conclude this!" "I am about to 
 conclude, and against you! Against you, who, after the 
 revolution of the 10th of August, sought to bring to the 
 scaffold those who had effected it. Against you, who have 
 never ceased in a course which involved the destruction of 
 Paris. Against you, who desired to save the tyrant. 
 Against you, who conspired with Dumouriez. Against 
 you, who fiercely persecuted the same patriots whose heads 
 Dumouriez demanded. Against you, whose criminal venge- 
 ance provoked those cries of vengeance which you seek 
 to make a crime in your victims. I conclude: my con- 
 clusion is I propose a decree of accusation against all the 
 accomplices of Dumouriez, and against those who are indi- 
 cated by the petitioners." Notwithstanding the violence of 
 this outbreak, Robespierre's party were not victorious. The 
 insurrection had only been directed against the Twelve, and 
 the committee of public safety, who proposed their sup- 
 pression, prevailed over the commune. The assembly adopted 
 the decree of Barrere, which dissolved the Twelve, placed the 
 public force in permanent requisition, and, to satisfy the peti- 
 tioners, directed the committee of public safety to inquire 
 into the conspiracies which they denounced. As soon as the 
 multitude surrounding the assembly was informed of these 
 measures, it received them with applause, and dispersed. 
 
 But the conspirators were not disposed to rest content with 
 this half triumph: they had gone further on the 30th of May 
 than on the 29th; and on the 2nd of June they went further 
 than on the 31st of May. The insurrection, from being 
 moral, as they termed it, became personal; that is to say, it 
 was no longer directed against a power, but against the deputies; 
 it passed from Danton and the Mountain, to Robespierre, 
 Marat, and the commune. On the evening of the 3 1 st, a Jaco- 
 bin deputy said: " We have had but half the game yet; we 
 must complete it, and not allow the people to cool." Henriot 
 offered to place the armed force at the disposition of the club. 
 The insurrectional committee openly took up its quarters near 
 the convention. The whole of the 1st of June was devoted to 
 the preparation of a great movement. The commune wrote 
 to the sections: " Citizens, remain under arms: the danger of 
 the country renders this a supreme law." In the evening, 
 Marat, who was the chief author of the 2nd of June, repaired to
 
 212 HISTORY OF 
 
 the Hotel de Ville, ascended the clock -tower himself, and rang 
 the tocsin; he called upon the members of the council not to 
 separate till they had obtained a decree of accusation against 
 the traitors and the " statesmen." A few deputies assembled 
 at the convention, and the conspirators came to demand the 
 decree against the proscribed parties; but they were not yet 
 sufficiently strong to enforce it from the convention. 
 
 The whole night was spent in making preparations; the 
 tocsin rang, drums beat to arms, the people gathered together. 
 On Sunday morning, about eight o'clock, Henriot presented 
 himself to the general council, and declared to his accom- 
 plices, in the name of the insurrectionary people, that they 
 would not lay down their arms until they had obtained the 
 arrest of the conspirator deputies. He then placed himself 
 at the head of the vast crowd assembled in the Place de 1'Hotel 
 de Ville, harangued them, and gave the signal for their 
 departure. It was nearly ten o'clock when the insurgents 
 reached the Place du Carousel. Henriot posted round the 
 chateau, bands of the most devoted men, and the convention 
 was soon surrounded by eighty thousand men. the greater 
 part ignorant of what was required of them, and more 
 disposed to defend than to attack the deputation. 
 
 The majority of the proscribed members had not pro- 
 ceeded to the assembly. A few, courageous to the last, had 
 come to brave the storm for the last time. As soon as the 
 sitting commenced, the intrepid Lanjuinais ascended the 
 tribune. " I demand," said he, " to speak respecting the 
 general call to arms now beating throughout Paris." He 
 was immediately interrupted by cries of " Down ! down ! 
 He wants civil war! He wants a counter-revolution! He 
 calumniates Paris! He insults the people." Despite the 
 threats, the insults, the clamours of the Mountain and the 
 galleries, Lanjuinais denounced the projects of the commune 
 and of the malcontents; his courage rose with the danger 
 *' You accuse us," he said, " of calumniating Paris ! Paris is 
 pure; Paris is good; Paris is oppressed by tyrants who thirst 
 for blood and dominion." These words were the signal for 
 the most violent tumult; several Mountain deputies rushed to 
 the tribune to tear Lanjuinais from it; but he, clinging 
 firmly to it, exclaimed, in accents of the most lofty courage: 
 " I demand the dissolution of all the revolutionist authorities 
 in Paris. I demand that all they have done during the last
 
 THE FRENCH RETOLUTION. 213 
 
 three days may be declared null. I demand that all who 
 would arrogate to themselves a new authority contrary to 
 law, be placed without the law, and that every citizen be 
 at liberty to punish them." He had scarcely concluded, when 
 the insurgent petitioners came to demand his arrest, and 
 that of his colleagues. " Citizens," said they, " the people 
 are weary of seeing their happiness still postponed; they 
 leave it once more in your hands; save them, or we declare 
 that they will save themselves." 
 
 The Right moved the order of the day on the petition of 
 the insurgents, and the convention accordingly proceeded to 
 the previous question. The petitioners immediately with- 
 drew in a menacing attitude; the strangers quitted the 
 galleries; cries to arms were shouted, and a great tumult 
 was heard without: " Save the people!" cried one of the 
 Mountain. " Save your colleagues, by decreeing their pro- 
 visional arrest." " No, no!" replied the Right, and even a 
 portion of the Left. " We will all share their fate!" exclaimed 
 Lareveillere - Lepaux. The committee of public safety, 
 called upon to make a report, terrified at the magnitude of the 
 danger, proposed, as on the 31st of May, a measure appa- 
 rently conciliatory, to satisfy the insurgents, without entirely 
 sacrificing the proscribed members. " The committee," 
 said Barrere, " appeal to the generosity and patriotism of the 
 accused members. It asks of them the suspension of their 
 poAver, representing to them that this alone can put an end 
 to the divisions which afflict the republic, which can alone 
 restore to it peace." A few among them adopted the proposi- 
 tion. Isnard at once gave in his resignation; Lanthenas, 
 Dessaulx, and Fauchet followed his example; Lanjuinais 
 vould not. He said: " I have hitherto, I believe ; shown 
 some courage; expect not from me either suspension or 
 resignation. When the ancients," he continued, amidst 
 violent interruption, " prepared a sacrifice, they crowned the 
 victim with flowers and chaplets, as they conducted it to the 
 altar; but they did not insult it." Barbaroux was as firm as 
 Lanjuinais. " I have sworn," he said, "to die at my post; 
 I will keep my oath." The conspirators of the Mountain 
 themselves protested against the proposition of the committee. 
 Marat urged that those who make sacrifices should be pure; 
 and Billaud-Varennes demanded the trial of the Girondists, 
 not their suspension.
 
 214 HISTORY OF 
 
 While this was going on, Lacroix, a deputy of the Moun- 
 tain, rushed into the house, and to the tribune, and declared 
 that he had been insulted at the door, that he had been refused 
 egress, and that the convention was no longer free. Many of 
 the Mountain expressed their indignation at Henriot and 
 his troops. Danton said it was necessary vigorously to 
 avenge this insult to the national majesty. Barrere proposed 
 to the convention to present themselves to the people. " Re- 
 presentatives," said he: " vindicate your liberty; suspend your 
 sitting; cause the bayonets that surround you to be lowered." 
 The whole convention arose, and set forth in procession, pre- 
 ceded by its sergeants, and headed by the president, who was 
 covered, in token of his affliction. On arriving at a door on 
 the Place du Carousel, they found there Henriot on horseback, 
 sabre in hand. " What do the people require?" said the pre- 
 sident, Herault de Sechelles; "the convention is wholly en- 
 gaged in promoting their happiness." " Herault," replied Hen- 
 riot, " the people have not risen to hear phrases; they require 
 twenty-four traitors to be given up to them." " Give us 
 all up !" cried those who surrounded the president. Henriot then 
 turned to his people, and exclaimed: " Cannoneers, to your 
 guns." Two pieces were directed upon the convention, who, 
 retiring to the gardens, sought an outlet at various points, but 
 found all the issues guarded. The soldiers were everywhere 
 under arms. Marat ran through the ranks, encouraging and 
 exciting them. " No weakness," said he; "do not quit your 
 posts till they have given them up." The convention then 
 returned within the house, overwhelmed with a sense of 
 their powerlessness, convinced of the inutility of their efforts, 
 and entirely subdued. The arrest of the proscribed members 
 was no longer opposed. Marat, the true dictator of the as- 
 sembly, imperiously decided the fate of its members. " Du- 
 saulx," said he, " is an old twaddler, incapable of leading a 
 party; Lanthenasis a poor creature, unworthy of a thought; 
 Ducos is merely chargeable with a few absurd notions, and is 
 not at all a man to become a counter-revolutionary leader. I 
 require that these be struck out of the list, and their names 
 replaced by that of Valaze." These names were accordingly 
 struck out, and that of Valaze substituted, and the list thus 
 altered was agreed to, scarcely one half of the assembly taking 
 part in the vote.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 215 
 
 These are the names of the illustrious men proscribed: the 
 Girondists Gensonne, Guadet, Brissot, Gorsas, Petion, Yerg- 
 niaud, Salles, Barbaroux, Cambon, Buzot, Birotteau, Lidon, 
 Eabaud, Lasource, Lanjuinais, Grangeneuve, Lehardy, 
 Lesage, Louvet, Valaze, Lebrun, minister of foreign affairs, 
 Clavieres, minister of taxes, and the members of the Council 
 of Twelve. Kervelegan, Gardien, Rabaud Saint Etienne, 
 Boileau, Bertrand, Vigee, Molleveau, Henri La Riviere, Go- 
 maire, and Bergoing. The convention placed them under 
 arrest at their own houses, and under the protection of the 
 people. The order for keeping the assembly itself prisoners 
 was at once withdrawn, and the multitude dispersed, but from 
 that moment the convention ceased to be free. 
 
 Thus fell the Gironde party, a party rendered illustrious 
 by great talents and great courage, a party which did honour 
 to the young republic by its horror of bloodshed, its hatred 
 of crime and anarchy, its love of order, justice, and liberty; 
 a party unfitly placed between the middle class, whose revo- 
 lution it had combated, and the multitude, whose government 
 it rejected. Condemned to inaction, it could only render 
 illustrious certain defeat, by a courageous struggle and a 
 glorious death. At this period, its fate might readily be fore- 
 seen; it had been driven from post to post; from the Jacobins 
 by the invasion of the Mountain; from the commune by 
 the outbreak of Petion; from the ministry by the retirement 
 of Roland and his colleagues; from the army by the defection 
 of Dumouriez. The convention alone remained to it, there it 
 threw up its intrenchments, there it fought, and there it fell. 
 Its enemies employed against it, in turn, insurrection and 
 conspiracy. The conspiracies led to the creation of the Com- 
 mission of Twelve, which seemed to give a momentary advan- 
 tage to the Gironde, but which only excited its adversaries the 
 more violently against it. These aroused the people, and 
 took from the Girondists, first, their authority, by destroying 
 the Twelve; then, their political existence, by proscribing their 
 leaders. 
 
 The consequences of this disastrous event did not answer the 
 expectations of any one. The Dantonists thought that the 
 dissensions of parties were at an end: civil war broke out. 
 The moderate members of the committee of public safety 
 thought that the convention would resume all its power: it
 
 216 HISTORY OF 
 
 was utterly subdued. The commune thought that the 31st of 
 May would secure to it domination ; domination fell to Robes- 
 pierre, and to a few men devoted to his fortune, or to the prin- 
 ciple of extreme democracy. Lastly, there was another party 
 to be added to the parties defeated, and thenceforth hostile; and 
 as after the 10th of August the republic had been opposed to 
 the constitutionalists^ after the 31st of May the Reign of 
 Terror was opposed to the moderate party of the republic.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 217 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FROM THE 2ND OB JUNE, 1793, TO APRIL, 1794. 
 
 Insurrection of the departments against the 31st of May Protracted re- 
 verses on the frontiers Progress of the Veudeans The Mountaineers 
 decree the constitution of 1793, and immediately suspend it to main- 
 tain and strengthen the revolutionary government Levy en masse; 
 law against suspected persons Victories of the Mountaineers in the 
 interior, and on the frontiers Death of the queen, of the twenty-two 
 Girondists, c. Committee of public safety ; its power ; its mem- 
 bers Bepublicau calendar The conquerors of the 31st of May sepa- 
 rate The ultra-revolutionary faction of the commune, or the Hebert- 
 ists, abolish the Catholic religion, and establish the worship of Keason ; 
 its struggle with the committee of public safety; its defeat The mo- 
 derate faction of the Mountaineers, or the Dantonists, wish to destroy 
 the revolutionary dictatorship, and to establish the legal government ; 
 their fall The committee of the public welfare remains alone, and tri- 
 umph iint. 
 
 IT was to be presumed that the Girondists would not bow to 
 their defeat, and that the 31st of May would be the signal 
 for the insurrection of the departments against the Moun- 
 tain and the commune of Paris. This was the last trial 
 left them to make, and they attempted it. But, in this deci- 
 sive measure, there was seen the same want of union which 
 had caused their defeat in the assembly. It is doubtful whe- 
 ther the Girondists would have triumphed, had they been 
 united, and especially whether their triumph would have 
 saved the revolution. How could they have done with just 
 laws what the Mountaineers effected by violent measures? How 
 could they have conquered foreign foes without fanaticism, 
 restrained parties without the aid of terror, fed the multitude
 
 218 HISTORY OP 
 
 without a maximum, and supplied the armies without requi- 
 sition? If the 31st of May had had a different result, what 
 happened at a much later period would probably have taken 
 place immediately, namely, a gradual abatement of the revo- 
 lutionary movement, increased attacks on the part of Europe, 
 a general resumption of hostilities by all parties, the days of 
 Prairial, without power to drive back the multitude; the days 
 of Vendemiaire, without power to repel the royalists; the 
 invasion of the coalesced powers, and, according to the policy 
 of the times, the partition of France. The republic was 
 not sufficiently powerful to meet so many attacks as it did 
 after the reaction of Thermidor. 
 
 However this may be, the Girondists, who ought to have 
 remained quiet or fought all together, did not do so, and, after 
 the 2nd of June, all the moderate men of the party remained 
 under the decree of arrest; the others escaped. Vergniaud, 
 Gensonne, Ducos, Tonfrede, &c., were among the first; Petion, 
 Barbaroux, Guadet, Louvet, Buzot, and Lanjuinais, among 
 the latter. They repaired to Evreux, in the department 
 de 1'Eure, where Buzot had much influence, and thence to 
 Caen, in Calvados. These made this town the centre of the 
 insurrection. Brittany soon joined them. The insurgents, 
 under the name of the assembly of the departments assem- 
 bled at Caen, formed an army, appointed general "Wimp- 
 fen commander, arrested the Mountaineers, Romrae, and 
 Prieur de la Marne, commissaries of the convention, and 
 prepared to march on Paris. From this place, a young, 
 beautiful, and courageous woman, Charlotte Corday, went 
 to punish Marat, the principal author of the 31st of May, 
 and the 2nd of June. She hoped to save the republic by 
 sacrificing herself to its cause. But tyranny did not rest 
 with one man; it belonged to a party, and to the violent 
 situation of the republic. Charlotte Corday, after execut- 
 ing her generous but vain design, died with unchanging 
 calmness, modest courage, and the satisfaction of having done 
 well.* But Marat, after his assassination, became a greater 
 
 * The following are a few of the replies of this heroic girl before the 
 revolutionary tribunal: What were your intentions in killing Marat? 
 To put an end to the troubles of France. Is it long since you conceived 
 this project ? Since the proscription of the deputies of the people on the 
 31st of May. You learned then by the papers that Marat was a friend of
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 219 
 
 object of enthusiasm with the people than he had been 
 while living. He was invoked on all the public squares; his 
 bust was placed in all the popular societies, and the conven- 
 tion was obliged to grant him the honours of the Pantheon. 
 
 At the same time Lyons arose, Marseilles and Bordeaux 
 took arms, and more than sixty departments joined the insur- 
 rection. This attack soon led to a general rising among all 
 parties, and the royalists for the most part took advantage of 
 the movement which the Girondists had commenced. They 
 sought, especially, to direct the insurrection of Lyons, in 
 order to make it the centre of the movement in the south. 
 This city was strongly attached to the ancient order of things. 
 Its manufactures of silver and gold and silken embroidery, 
 and its trade in articles of luxury, made it dependent on the 
 upper classes. It therefore declared at an early period 
 against a social change, which destroyed its former con- 
 nexions, and ruined its manufactures, by destroying the nobi- 
 lity and clergy. Lyons, accordingly, in 1790, even under 
 the constituent assembly, when the emigrant princes were 
 in that neighbourhood, at the court of Turin, had made 
 attempts at a rising. These attempts, directed by priests 
 and nobles, had been repressed, but the spirit remained the 
 same. There, as elsewhere, after the 10th of August, men 
 had wished to bring about the revolution of the multitude, 
 and to establish its government. Chalier, the fanatical imi- 
 tator of Marat, was at the head of the Jacobins, the sans- 
 culottes, and the municipality of Lyons. His audacity in- 
 creased after the massacres of September and the 21st of 
 January. Yet nothing had as yet been decided between 
 the lower republican class, and the middle royalist class, the 
 one having its seat of power in the municipality, and the 
 other in the sections. But the disputes became greater to- 
 wards the end of May; they fought, and the sections carried 
 the day. The municipality was besieged, and taken by 
 assault. Chalier, who had fled, was apprehended, and exe- 
 cuted. The sectionaries, not as yet daring to throw off the 
 
 anarchy ? " Yes, I knew that he was perverting France. I have killed," she 
 added, raising her voice, " a man to save a hundred thousand ; a villain, 
 to save the innocent ; a wild beast, to give tranquillity to my country. ] 
 was a republican before the revolution, and I have never been without 
 energy. "
 
 220 HISTORY OF 
 
 yoke of the convention, endeavoured to excuse themselves on 
 the score of the necessity to which the Jacobins and the 
 members of the corporation had reduced them of taking arms. 
 The convention, which could only save itself by means of 
 daring, losing everything if it yielded, would listen to nothing. 
 Meanwhile the insurrection of Calvados became known, and 
 the people of Lyons, thus encouraged, no longer feared to 
 raise the standard of revolt. They put their town in a state 
 of defence; they raised fortifications, formed an army of 
 twenty thousand men, received emigrants among them, en- 
 trusted the command of their forces to the royalist Precy 
 and the marquis de Virieux, and concerted their operations 
 with the king of Sardinia. 
 
 The revolt of Lyons was so much the more to be feared by 
 the convention, that by its central position it was sup- 
 ported by the south, which took arms, while there was also 
 a rising in the west. At Marseilles, the news of the 
 31st of May had aroused the partisans of the Girondists: 
 Rebecqui repaired thither in haste. The sections were assem- 
 bled; the members of the revolutionary tribunal were outlawed; 
 the two representatives, Baux and Antiboul, were arrested, 
 and an army of ten thousand men raised to advance on Paris. 
 These measures were the work of the royalists, who, there 
 as elsewhere, only waiting for an opportunity to revive their 
 party, had at first assumed a republican appearance, but now 
 acted in their own name. They had secured the sections; 
 and the movement was no longer effected in favour of the 
 Girondists, but for the counter-revolutionists. Once in a state 
 of revolt, the party whose opinions are the most violent, and 
 whose aim is the clearest, supplants its allies. Rebecqui, per- 
 ceiving this new turn of the insurrection, threw himself in 
 despair into the port of Marseilles. The insurgents took the 
 road to Lyons; their example was rapidly imitated at Toulon, 
 Nimes, Montauban, and the principal towns in the south. In 
 Calvados, the insurrection had had the same royalist character, 
 since the marquis de Puisaye, at the head of some troops, 
 had introduced himself into the ranks of the Girondists. The 
 towns of Bordeaux, Nantes, Brest, and L'Orient, were 
 favourable to the persons proscribed on the 2nd of June, and 
 a few openly joined, them; but they were of no great service,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 221 
 
 because they were restrained by the Jacobin party, or by the 
 necessity of fighting the royalists of the west. 
 
 The latter, during this almost general rising of the depart- 
 ments, continued to extend their enterprises. After their 
 first victories, the Vendeans seized on Bressuire, Argenton, 
 and Thouars. Entirely masters of their own country, they 
 proposed getting possession of the frontiers, and opening 
 the way to revolutionary France, as well as communications 
 with England. On the 6th of June, the Vendean army, com- 
 posed of forty thousand men, under Cathelineau, Lescure, 
 Stofflet, and La Rochejacquelin, marched on Saumur, which 
 it took by storm. It then prepared to attack and capture 
 Nantes, to secure the possession of its own country, and become 
 master of the course of the Loire. Cathelineau, at the head 
 of the Vendean troops, left a garrison in Saumur, took Angers, 
 crossed the Loire, pretended to advance upon Tours and Le 
 Mans, and then rapidly threw himself upon Nantes, which 
 he attacked on the right bank, while Charette was to attack 
 it on the left. 
 
 Everything seemed combined for the overthrow of the 
 convention. Its armies were beaten on the north and on the 
 Pyrenees, while it was threatened by the people of Lyons 
 in the centre, those of Marseilles in the south, the Girondists 
 in one part of the west, the Vendeans in the other, and while 
 twenty thousand Piedmontese were invading France. The 
 military reaction which, after the brilliant campaigns of 
 Argone and Belgium, had taken place, chiefly owing to the 
 disagreement between Dumouriez and the Jacobins, between 
 the army and the government, had manifested itself in a 
 most disastrous manner since the defection of the commander- 
 in-chief. There was no longer unity of operation, enthu- 
 siasm in the troops, or agreement between the convention, 
 occupied with its quarrels, and the discouraged generals. The 
 remains of Duniouriez's army had assembled at the camp at 
 Famars, under the command of Dampierre; but they had 
 been obliged to retire, after a defeat, under the cannon of 
 Bouchain. Dampierre was killed. The frontier from Dun- 
 kirk to Givet was threatened by superior forces. Custine 
 was promptly called from the Moselle to the army of the 
 north, but his presence did not restore affairs. Valenciennes,
 
 222 HISTORY OF 
 
 the key to France, was taken; Conde shared the same fate; 
 the army, driven from position to position, retired beyond the 
 Scarpe, before Arras, the last post between the Scarpe 
 and Paris. Mayence, on the other side, sorely pressed 
 by the enemy and by famine, gave up all hope of being 
 assisted by the army of the Moselle, reduced to inaction; 
 and despairing of being able to hold out long, capitulated. 
 Lastly, the English government, seeing that Paris and 
 the departments were distressed by famine, after the 31st of 
 May and the 2nd of June, pronounced all the ports of France 
 in a state of blockade, and that all neutral ships attempting 
 to bring a supply of provisions would be confiscated. This 
 measure, new to the annals of history, and destined to starve 
 an entire people, three months afterwards originated the law 
 of the maximum. The situation of the republic could not be 
 worse. 
 
 The. convention was, as it were, taken by surprise. It was 
 disorganized, because emerging from a struggle, and that the 
 conquerors had not had time to establish themselves. After 
 the 2nd of June, before the danger became so pressing 
 both on the frontiers and in the departments, the Moun- 
 tain had sent commissioners in every direction, and im- 
 mediately turned its attention to the constitution, which had 
 so long been expected, and from which it entertained great 
 hopes. The Girondists had wished to decree it before the 
 21st of January, in order to save Louis XVI., by substituting 
 legal order for the revolutionary state of things; they re- 
 turned to the subject previous to the 31st of May, in order 
 to prevent their own ruin. But the Mountaineers, on two 
 occasions, had diverted the assembly from this discussion by 
 two coups d'etat, the trial of Louis XVI., and the elimination 
 of the Gironde. Masters of the field, they now endeavoured 
 to secure the republicans by decreeing the constitution. 
 Herault de Sechelles was the legislator of the Mountain, 
 as Condorcet had been of the Gironde. In a few days, 
 this new constitution was adopted in the convention, and 
 submitted to the approval of the primary assemblies. It is 
 easy to conceive its nature, with the ideas that then pre- 
 vailed respecting democratic government. The constituent 
 assembly was considered as aristocratical: the law it had estab- 
 lished was regarded as a violation of the rights of the people,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 223 
 
 "because it imposed conditions for the exercise of political 
 rights; because it did not recognise the most absolute equality; 
 because it had deputies and magistrates appointed by electors, 
 and these electors by the people; because, in some cases, it 
 put limits to the national sovereignty, by excluding a portion 
 of active citizens from high public functions, and the prole- 
 taries from the functions of acting citizens; finally, because, 
 instead of fixing on the population as the only basis of poli- 
 tical rights, it combined it, in all its operations, with property. 
 The constitutional law of 1793 established the pure regime 
 of the multitude: it not only recognised the people as the 
 source of all power, but also delegated the exercise of it to 
 the people; an unlimited sovereignty; extreme mobility in 
 the magistracy; direct elections, in which every one could 
 vote; primary assemblies, that could meet without convoca- 
 tion, at given times, to elect representatives and control 
 their acts; a national assembly, to be annually renewed, 
 and which, properly speaking, was only a committee of 
 the primary assemblies; such was this constitution. As 
 it made the multitude govern, and as it entirely disor- 
 ganized authority, it was impracticable at all times; but 
 especially in a moment of general war. The Mountain, 
 instead of extreme democracy, needed a stern dictatorship. 
 The constitution was suspended as soon as made, and the 
 revolutionary government strengthened and maintained till 
 the peace. 
 
 Both during the discussion of the constitution and its pre- 
 sentation to the primary assemblies, the Mountaineers learned 
 the danger which threatened them. These daring men, 
 having three or four parties to put down in the interior, 
 several kinds of civil war to terminate, the disasters of the 
 armies to repair, and all Europe to repel, were not alarmed at 
 their position. The representatives of the forty-four thousand 
 municipalities came to accept the constitution. Admitted to 
 the bar of the assembly, after making known the assent of 
 the people, they required the arrest of all suspected persons, 
 and a levy en masse of the people. " Well," exclaimed 
 Danton, " let us respond to their wishes. The deputies of 
 the primary assemblies have just taken the initiative among 
 us, in the way of inspiring terror! I demand that the con- 
 vention, which ought now to be penetrated with a sense of
 
 224 HISTORY OP 
 
 its dignity, for it has just been invested with the entire national 
 power, I demand that it do now, by a decree, invest the 
 primary assemblies with the right of supplying the state 
 with arms, provisions, and ammunition; of making an appeal 
 to the people, of exciting the energy of citizens, and of raising 
 four hundred thousand men. It is with cannon-balls that we 
 must declare the constitution to our foes! Now is the time 
 to take the last great oath, that we will destroy tyranny, or 
 perish!" This oath was immediately taken by all the de- 
 puties and citizens present. A few days after, Barrcre, in 
 the name of the committee of public safety, which was com- 
 posed of revolutionary members, and which became the centre 
 of operations and the government of the assembly, proposed 
 measures still more general: "Liberty," said he, "has be- 
 come the creditor of every citizen; some owe her their in- 
 dustry; others their fortune; these their counsel; those their 
 arms; all owe her their blood. Accordingly, all the French, of 
 every age and of either sex, are summoned by their country 
 to defend liberty; all faculties, physical or moral; all means, 
 political or commercisl; all metal, all the elements are her 
 tributaries. Let each maintain his post in the national and 
 military movement about to take place. The young men 
 will fight; the married men will forge arms, transport the 
 baggage and artillery, and prepare provisions; the women 
 will make tents, and clothes for the soldiers, and exercise their 
 hospitable care in the asylums of the wounded; children will 
 make lint from old linen; and the aged, resuming the mission 
 they discharged among the ancients, shall cause themselves 
 to be carried to the public places, where they shall excite the 
 courage of the young warriors, and propagate the doctrine 
 of hatred to kings, and the unity of the republic. National 
 buildings shall be converted into barracks, public squares into 
 workshops; the ground of the cellars will serve for the pre- 
 paration of saltpetre; all saddle horses shall be placed in re- 
 quisition for the cavalry; all draught horses for the artillery; 
 fowling-pieces, pistols, swords and pikes, belonging to indi- 
 viduals, shall be employed in the service of the interior. The 
 republic being but a large city, in a state of necessity, France 
 must be converted into a vast camp." 
 
 The measures proposed by Barrere were at once decreed 
 All Frenchmen, from eighteen to five-and-twenty, took arms;
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 225 
 
 the armies were recruited by levies of men, and supported 
 by levies of provisions. The republic had very soon four- 
 teen armies, and twelve hundred thousand soldiers. France, 
 while it became a camp and a workshop for the republicans, 
 became at the same time a prison for those who did not 
 accept the republic. While marching against avowed enemies, 
 it was thought necessary to make sure of secret foes, and the 
 famous law, des suspects, was passed. All foreigners were 
 arrested, on the ground of their hostile machinations, and 
 the partisans of constitutional monarchy and a limited re- 
 public were imprisoned, to be kept close, until the peace. 
 At the time, this was so far only a reasonable measure of 
 precaution. The bourgeoisie, the mercantile people, and the 
 middle classes, furnished prisoners after the 31st of May, as 
 the nobility and clergy had done after the 10th of August 
 A revolutionary army of six thousand soldiers and a thousand 
 artillerymen was formed for the interior. Every indigent citi- 
 zen was allowed forty sous a day, to enable him to be present 
 at the sectionary meetings. Certificates of citizenship were 
 delivered, in order to make sure of the opinions of all who co- 
 operated in the revolutionary movement. The functionaries 
 were placed under the surveillance of the clubs, a revolu- 
 tionary committee was formed in each section, and thus they 
 prepared to face the enemy on all sides, both abroad and 
 at home. 
 
 The insurgents in Calvados were easily suppressed; at the 
 very first skirmish at Vernon, the insurgent troops fled. 
 Wimpfen endeavoured to rally them in vain. The moderate 
 class, those who had taken up the defence of the Girondists, 
 displayed little ardour or activity. When the constitution 
 was accepted by the other departments, it saw the opportunity 
 for admitting that it had been in error, when it thought it 
 was taking arms against a mere factious minority. This 
 retractation was made at Caen, which had been the head 
 quarters of the revolt. The Mountain commissioners did 
 not sully this first victory with executions. General Carteaux 
 on the other hand, marched at the head of some troops 
 against the sectionary army of the south; he defeated its 
 force, pursued it to Marseilles, entered the town after it, and 
 Provence would have been brought into 'subjection like 
 Calvados, if the royalists, who had taken refuge at Toulon,
 
 226 HISTORY OF 
 
 after their defeat, had not called in the English to their aid, 
 and placed in their hands this key to France. Admiral Hood 
 entered the town in the name of Louis XVII., whom he 
 proclaimed king, disarmed the fleet, sent for eight thousand 
 Spaniards by sea, occupied the surrounding forts, and forced 
 Carteaux, who was advancing against Toulon, to fall back on 
 Marseilles. 
 
 Notwithstanding this check, the conventionalists succeeded 
 in isolating the insurrection, and this was a great point. The 
 Mountain commissioners had made their entry into the rebel 
 capitals; Robert Lindet into Caen; Tallien into Bordeaux; 
 Barras and Freron into Marseilles. Only two towns remained 
 to be taken Toulon and Lyons. 
 
 A simultaneous attack from the south, west, and centre 
 was no longer apprehended, and in the interior the enemy 
 was only on the defensive. Lyons was besieged by Keller- 
 mann, general of the army of the Alps ; three corps pressed 
 the town on all sides. The veteran soldiers of the Alps, the 
 revolutionary battalions and the newly levied troops, reinforced 
 the besiegers every day. The people of Lyons defended 
 themselves with all the courage of despair. At first, they 
 relied on the assistance of the insurgents of the south; but 
 these having been repulsed by Carteaux, the Lyonnese placed 
 their last hope in the army of Piedmont, which attempted 
 a diversion in their favour, but was beaten by Kellermann. 
 Pressed still more energetically, they saw their first positions 
 carried. Famine began to be felt, and courage forsook them. 
 The royalist leaders, convinced of the inutility of longer 
 resistance, left the town, and the republican army entered the 
 walls, where they awaited the orders of the convention. A 
 few months after, Toulon itself, defended by veteran troops 
 and formidable fortifications, fell into the power of the repub- 
 licans. The battalions of the army of Italy, reinforced by 
 those which the taking of Lyons left disposable, pressed the 
 place closely. After repeated attacks and prodigies of skill 
 and valour, they made themselves masters of it, and the 
 capture of Toulon finished what that of Lyons had begun. 
 
 Everywhere the convention was victorious. The Veudeans 
 had failed in their attempt upon Nantes, after having lost 
 many men, and their general-in-chief, Cathelineau. This 
 attack put an end to the aggressive and previously promising
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 227 
 
 movement of the Vendean insurrection. The royalists re- 
 passed the Loire, abandoned Saumur, and resumed their 
 former cantonments. They were, however, still formidable; 
 and the republicans, who pursued them, were again beaten in 
 La Vendee. General Biron, who had succeeded general 
 Berruyer, unsuccessfully continued the war with small bodies 
 of troops; his moderation and defective system of attack 
 caused him to be replaced by Canclaux and Rossignol, who 
 were not more fortunate than he. There were two leaders, 
 two armies, and two centres of operation the one at Nantes, 
 and the other at Saumur, placed under contrary influences. 
 General Canclaux could not agree with general Rossignol, 
 nor the moderate Mountain commissioner Philipeaux with 
 Bourbotte, the commissioner of the committee of public safety; 
 and this attempt at invasion failed like the preceding attempts, 
 for want of concert in plan and action. The committee of 
 public safety soon remedied this, by appointing one sole 
 general-in-chief, Lechelle, and by introducing war on a 
 large scale into La Vendee. This new method, aided by the 
 garrison of Mayence, consisting of seventeen thousand ve- 
 terans, who, relieved from operations against the coalesced 
 powers after the capitulation, were employed in the interior, 
 entirely changed the face of the war. The royalists under- 
 went four consecutive defeats, two at Chatillon, two at Cholet. 
 Lescure, Bonchamps, and d'Elbee were mortally wounded: 
 and the insurgents, completely beaten in Upper Vendee, and 
 fearing that they should be exterminated if they took refuge 
 in Lower Vendee, determined to leave their country, to the 
 number of eighty thousand persons. This emigration through 
 Brittany, which they hoped to arouse to insurrection, became 
 fatal to them. Repulsed before Granville, utterly routed 
 at Mons, they were destroyed at Savenay, and barely a few 
 thousand men, the wreck of this vast emigration, returned to 
 Vendee. These disasters, irreparable for the royalist cause, 
 the taking of their land of Noirmoutiers from Charette, the 
 dispersion of the troops of that leader, the death of Laroche- 
 jacquelin, rendered the republicans masters of the country. 
 The committee of public safety, thinking, not without reason, 
 that its enemies were beaten but not subjugated, adopted a 
 terrible system of extermination to prevent them from rising 
 again. General Thurreau surrounded Vendee with sixteen 
 
 0.2
 
 228 HISTORY OF 
 
 entrenched camps; twelve moveable columns, called the in- 
 ternal columns, overran the country in every direction, sword 
 and fire in hand, scoured the woods, dispersed the assemblies, 
 and diffused terror throughout this unhappy country. 
 
 The foreign armies had also been driven back from the 
 frontiers they had invaded. After having taken Valenciennes 
 and Conde, blockaded Maubeuge and Le Quesnoy, the enemy 
 advanced on Cassel, Hondescoote, and Fumes, under the 
 command of the duke of York. The committee of public 
 safety, dissatisfied with Custine, whose measures they looked 
 on with suspicion as a Girondist, superseded him by general 
 Houchard. The enemy, hitherto successful, was defeated at 
 Hondescoote, and compelled to retreat. The military re-action 
 $egan with the daring measures of the committee of public 
 safety. Houchard himself was dismissed. Jourdan took the 
 command of the army of the north, gained the important 
 victory of Watignies over the prince of Coburg, raided the 
 siege of Maubeuge, and resumed the offensive on that frontier. 
 Similar successes took place on all the others. The immortal 
 campaign of 1793-1794 opened. What Jourdan had done 
 with the army of the north, Hoche and Pichegru did with the 
 army of the Moselle, and Kellermann with that of the Alps. 
 The enemy was repulsed, and kept in check on all sides. Then 
 took place, after the 31st of May, that which had followed the 
 10th of August. The want of union between the generals 
 and the leaders of the assembly was removed; the revolu- 
 tionary movement, which had slackened, increased; and vic- 
 tories recommenced. Armies have had their crises, as well 
 as parties, and these crises have brought about successes or 
 defeat, always by the same law. 
 
 In 1792, at the beginning of the war, the generals were 
 constitutionalists, and the ministers Girondists. Rochambeau, 
 Lafayette, and Luckner, did not at all agree with Dumouriez, 
 Servan, Claviere, and Roland. There was, besides, little 
 enthusiasm in the army; it was beaten. After the 10th of 
 August, the Girondist generals, Dumouriez, Custine, Keller- 
 mann, and Dillon, replaced the constitutionalist generals. 
 There was unity of views, confidence, and co-operation, be- 
 tween the army and the government. The catastrophe of the 
 10th of August augmented this energy, by increasing the 
 necessity for victory; and the results Avere the plan of the
 
 TIIE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 229 
 
 campaign of Argone, the victories of Valmy and Jemappes, 
 and the invasion of Belgium. The struggle between the Moun- 
 tain and the Gironde, between Dumouriez and the Jaco- 
 bins, again created discord between the army and government, 
 and destroyed the confidence of the troops, who experienced 
 immediate and numerous reverses. There was defection on 
 the part of Dumouriez, as there had been withdrawal on the 
 part of Lafayette. After the 31st of May, which overthrew 
 the Gironde party, after the committee of public safety had 
 become established, and had replaced the Girondist generals, 
 Dumouriez, Custine, Houchard, and Dillon, by the Mountain 
 generals, Jourdan, Hoche, Pichegru, and Moreau; after it 
 had restored the revolutionary movement by the daring 
 measures we have described, the campaign of Argone and of 
 Belgium was renewed in that of 1794, and the genius of Car- 
 not equalled that of Dumouriez, if it did not surpass it. 
 
 During this war, the committee of public safety gave way 
 to the most terrible executions. Armies confine themselves 
 to slaughter on the field of battle; it is not so with parties, 
 who, under violent circumstances, fearing to see the combat 
 renewed after the victory, secure themselves from new attacks 
 by inexorable rigour. The usage of all governments being 
 to make their own preservation a matter of right, they regard 
 those who attack them as enemies so long as they fight; as 
 conspirators when they are defeated; and thus destroy them 
 alike by means of war and of law. 
 
 All these views at once guided the policy of the committee 
 of public safety, a policy of vengeance, of terror, and of self- 
 preservation. This was the maxim upon which it proceeded 
 in reference to insurgent towns: " The name of Lyons," 
 said Barrere, " must no longer exist. You will call it Ville 
 Affranchie, and upon the ruins of that famous city there shall 
 be raised a monument to attest the crime and the punishment 
 of the enemies of liberty. Its history shall be told in these 
 words: ' Lyons warred against liberty ; Lyons exists no more.'" 
 To realise this terrible anathema, the committee sent to 
 this unfortunate city Collot-d'Herbois, Fouche, and Couthon, 
 who slaughtered the inhabitants with grape shot and demo- 
 lished its buildings. The insurgents of Toulon underwent 
 at the hands of the representatives, Barras and Freron, a 
 nearly similar fate. At Caen, Marseilles, and Bordeaux,
 
 230 HISTORY OF 
 
 the executions were less general and less violent, because 
 they were proportioned to the gravity of the insurrection, 
 which had not been undertaken in concert with foreign foes. 
 In the interior, the dictatorial government struck at all the 
 parties with which it was at war, in the persons of their greatest 
 members. The condemnation of queen Marie- Antoinette 
 was directed against Europe; that of the twenty-two against 
 the Girondists; of the wise Bailly against the old constitu- 
 tionalists; lastly, that of the duke of Orleans against certain 
 members of the Mountain who were supposed to have plotted 
 his elevation. The unfortunate widow of Louis XVI. was 
 first sentenced to death by this sanguinary revolutionary tri- 
 bunal. The proscribed of the 2nd of June soon followed her. 
 She perished on the 16th of October, and the Girondist depu- 
 ties on the 31st. They wei'e twenty-one in number: Brissot, 
 Vergniaud, Gensonna, Fonfrede, Ducos, Valaze, Lasource, 
 Sillery, Gardien, Carra, Duprat, Beauvais, Duchatel, Main- 
 vieile, Lacaze, Boileau, Lehardy, Antiboul, and Vigee. 
 Seventy -three of their colleagues, who had protested against 
 their arrest, were also imprisoned, but the committee did not 
 venture to inflict death upon them. 
 
 During the debates, these illustrious prisoners displayed 
 uniform and serene courage. Vergniaud raised his eloquent 
 voice for a moment, but in vain. Valaze stabbed himself 
 with a poignard on hearing the sentence, and Laseurce said 
 to the judges: "I die at a time when the people have lost 
 their senses; you will die when they recover them." They 
 went to execution displaying all the stoicism of the times, 
 singing the Marseillaise, and applying it to their own case: 
 
 " Allons, enfants de la patrie, 
 Lejour de gloire est arrive : 
 Centre nous de la tyrannie 
 Le couteau sanglant est levc," &c. 
 
 Nearly all the other leaders of this party had a violent end. 
 Salles, Guadet, and Barbaroux, were discovered in the 
 grottos of Saint Emilion, near Bordeaux, and died on the 
 scaffold. Petion and Buzot, after wandering about some 
 time, committed suicide; they were found dead in a field, half 
 devoured by wolves. Rabaud-Saint-Etienne was betrayed
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 231 
 
 by an old friend; Madame Roland was also condemned to 
 death, and displayed the courage of a Roman matron. Her 
 husband, on hearing of her death, left his place of conceal- , 
 ment, and killed himself on the high road. Condorcet, out- 1 
 lawed soon after the 2nd of June, was taken while endeavour- 
 ing to escape, and saved himself from the executioner's knife 
 only by poiscn. Louvet, Kervelegan, Lanjuinais, Henri la 
 Riviere, Lesage, Larevellere-Lepeaux, were the only lead- 
 ing Girondists who, in secure retreat, awaited the end of the 
 furious storm. 
 
 The revolutionary government was formed; it was pro- 
 claimed by the convention on the 10th of October. Before the 
 31st of May, power had been nowhere, neither'in the ministry, 
 nor in the commune, nor in the convention. It was natural 
 that power should become concentrated in this extreme situa- 
 tion of affairs, and at a moment when the necessity of unity 
 and promptitude of action was deeply felt. The assembly 
 being the most central and extensive power, the dictatorship 
 would as naturally become placed in its bosom, be exer- 
 cised there by the dominant faction, and in that faction by a 
 few men. The committee of public safety of the convention 
 created on the 6th of April, in order, as the name indi- 
 cates, to provide for the defence of the revolution by extra- 
 ordinary measures, was in itself a complete framework or 
 government. Formed during the divisions of the Mountain 
 and the Gironde, it was composed of neutral members of the 
 convention till the 31st of May; and at its first renewal, of 
 members of the extreme Mountain. Barrere remained in it; 
 but Robespierre acceded, and his party dominated in it by 
 Saint- Just, Couthon, Collot-d'Herbois, and Billaud-Varennes. 
 He set aside some Dantonists who still remained in it, such 
 as Herault de Se"chelles and Robert-Lindet, gained over 
 Barrere, and usurped the lead by assuming the direction of the 
 public mind and of police. His associates divided the various 
 departments among themselves. Saint-Just undertook the 
 surveillance and denouncing of parties; Couthon, the violent 
 propositions which required to be softened in form; Bil- 
 laud-Varennes and Collot-d'Herbois directed the missions 
 into the departments; Carnot took the war department; 
 Cambon, the exchequer; Prieur de la Cote d'or, Prieur de la 
 Marne. and several others, the various branches of internal
 
 232 HISTORY OF 
 
 administration ; and Barrere was the daily orator, the pane- 
 gyrist ever prepared, of the dictatorial committee. Below these, 
 assisting in the detail of the revolutionary administration, 
 and of minor measures, was placed the committee of general 
 safety, composed in the same spirit as the great committee, 
 having, like it, twelve members, who were re-eligible every 
 three months, and always renewed in their office. 
 
 The whole revolutionary power was lodged in the hands 
 of these men. Saint-Just, in proposing the establishment of 
 the decemviral power until the restoration of peace, did 
 not conceal the motives nor the object of this dictatorship. 
 " You must no longer show any lenity to the enemies of 
 the new order of things," said he. " Liberty must triumph 
 at any cost. In the present circumstances of the republic, 
 the constitution cannot be established; it would guarantee 
 impunity to attacks on our liberty, because it would bl defi- 
 cient in the violence necessary to restrain them. The present 
 government is not sufficiently free to act. You are not near 
 enough to strike in every direction at the authors of these 
 attacks; the sword of the law must extend everywhere; your 
 arm must be felt everywhere." Thus was created that ter- 
 rible power, which first destroyed the enemies of the Moun- 
 tain, then the Mountain and the commune, and, lastly, itself. 
 The committee did everything in the name of the convention, 
 which it used as an instrument. It nominated and dismissed 
 generals, ministers, representatives, commissioners, judges 
 and juries. It assailed factions; it took the initiative in all 
 measures. Through its commissioners, armies and generals 
 were dependent upon it, and it ruled the departments with 
 sovereign sway. By means of the law touching suspected 
 persons, it disposed of men's liberties; by the revolutionary tri- 
 bunal, of men's lives; by levies and the maximum, of property; 
 by decrees of accusation in the terrified convention, of its own 
 members. Lastly, its dictatorship was supported by the mul- 
 titude, who debated in the clubs, ruled in the revolutionary 
 committees; whose services it paid by a daily stipend, and 
 whom it fed with the maximum. The multitude adhered to a 
 system which inflamed its passions, exaggerated its importance, 
 assigned it the first place, and appeared to do everything for it. 
 
 The innovators, separated by war and by their laws from 
 all states and from all forms of government, determined to
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 233 
 
 widen the separation. By an unprecedented revolution they 
 established an entirely new era; they changed the divisions ot 
 the year, the names of the months and days; they substituted a 
 republican for the Christian calendar, the decade for the week, 
 and fixed the day of rest not on the sabbath, but on the tenth 
 day. The new era dated from the 22nd of September, 1792, 
 the epoch of the foundation of the republic. There were 
 twelve equal months of thirty days, which began on the llth 
 of September, in the following order: Vendemiaire, Bru- 
 maire, Frimaire, for the autumn; Nivose, Pluviose, Ventose, 
 for the winter; Germinal, Floreal, Prairial, for the spring; 
 Messidor, Thermidor, Fructidor, for the summer. Each 
 month had three decades, each decade ten days, and each day 
 was named from its order in the decade: Primidi, Duodi, 
 Tridi, Quartidi, Quintidi, Sextidi, Septidi, Octidi, Nonidi, 
 DecadL The surplus five days were placed at the end of the 
 year; they received the name of Sans-culotides, and were 
 consecrated, the first, to the festival of genius; the second, to 
 that of labour; the third, to that of actions; the fourth, to that 
 of rewards; the fifth, to that of opinion. The constitution of 
 1 793 led to the establishment of the republican calendar, and 
 the republican calendar to the abolition of the Christian wor- 
 ship. We shall soon see the commune and the committee of 
 public safety each proposing a religion of its own; the com- 
 mune, the worship of reason; the committee of public safety, 
 the worship of the Supreme Being. But we must first men- 
 tion a new struggle between the authors of the catastrophe of 
 the 31st of May themselves. 
 
 The Commune and the Mountain had eifected this revolu- 
 tion against the Gironde, and the committee alone had bene- 
 fited by it. During the five months we have just gone over, 
 from June to November, the committee, having taken all the 
 measures of defence, had naturally become the first power of 
 the republic. The actual struggle being, as it were, over, 
 the commune sought to sway the committee, and the Mountain 
 to throw off the yoke of the latter. The municipal faction 
 was the term of the revolution. Having an object opposed 
 to that of the committee of public safety, instead of the con- 
 ventional dictatorship, it desired the most extreme local demo- 
 cracy; and instead of religion, the consecration of materialism. 
 Political anarchy and religious atheism were the symbols of
 
 234 HISTORY OF 
 
 this party, and the means by which it aimed at establishing 
 its own rule. A revolution is the effect of the different sys- 
 tems which have agitated the age which has originated it. 
 Thus, during the continuance of the crisis in France, ultra- 
 montane Catholicism was represented by the nonjuring 
 clergy; Jansenism by the constitutionist clergy; philosophical 
 deism by the worship of the Supreme Being, instituted by 
 the committee of public safety; and the materialism of Hoi- 
 bach's school by the worship of Reason and of Nature, 
 decreed by the commune. It was the same with political 
 opinions, from the royalty of the Ancien Regime to the unli- 
 mited democracy of the municipal faction. The latter had 
 lost, in Marat, its principal support, its true leader, while the 
 committee of public safety still retained Robespierre. It had 
 at its head men who enjoyed great popularity with the lower 
 classes; Chaumette, and his substitute Hebert, were its poli- 
 tical leaders; Ronsin, commandant of the revolutionary army, 
 its general; the atheist, Anacharsis Clootz, its apostle. In 
 the sections it relied on the revolutionary committees, in 
 which there were many obscure foreigners, supposed, and not 
 without probability, to be agents of England, sent to destroy 
 the republic by driving it into anarchy and excess. The 
 club of the Cordeliers was composed entirely of its par- 
 tisans. The Vieux Cordeliers of Danton, who had contri- 
 buted so powerfully to the 10th of August, and who 
 constituted the commune of that period, had entered the 
 government and the convention, and had been replaced in the 
 club by members whom they contemptuously designated the 
 patriotes de la troisieme requisition, 
 
 Hebert's faction, which, in a work entitled, " Pere Duchene" 
 popularised obscene language and low and cruel sntiments, 
 and which added derision of the victims to the executions of 
 party, in a short time made terrible progress. It com- 
 pelled the bishop of Paris and his vicars to abjure Chris- 
 tianity at the bar of the convention, and forced the convention 
 to decree, that the worship of Reason should be substituted for 
 the catholic religion. The churches were shut up or converted 
 into temples of reason, and fetes were established in every 
 town, which became scandalous scenes of atheism. The com- 
 mittee of public safety grew alarmed at the power of this 
 ultra-revolutionary faction, and hastened to stop and to de-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 235 
 
 Stroy it. Robespierre soon attacked it in the assembly, (loth 
 Frimaire, year 2, 5th Dec., 1793). " Citizens, representatives 
 of the people," said he, "the kings coalesced against the 
 republic are making war against us with armies and intrigues; 
 we will oppose their armies by braver ones; their intrigues, 
 by vigilance and the terror of national justice. Ever intent 
 on renewing their secret plots, in proportion as they are de- 
 stroyed by the hand of patriotism, ever skilful in directing 
 the arms of liberty against liberty itself, the emissaries of the 
 enemies of France are now labouring to overthrow the re- 
 public by republicanism, and to rekindle civil war by philo- 
 sophy." He classed the ultra-revolutionists of the commune 
 with the external enemies of the republic. " It is your part," 
 said he to the convention, " to prevent the follies and extra- 
 vagancies which coincide with the projects of foreign con- 
 spiracy. I require you to prohibit particular authorities (the 
 commune) from serving our enemies by rash measures, and 
 that no armed force be allowed to interfere in questions of 
 religious opinions." And the convention, which had ap- 
 plauded the abjurations at the demand of the commune, 
 decreed, on Robespierre's motion, that all violence and all 
 measures opposed to the liberty of religion are prohibited. 
 
 The committee of public safety was too strong not to 
 triumph over the commune; but, at the same time, it had 
 to resist the moderate party of the Mountain, which de- 
 manded the cessation of the revolutionary government and 
 the dictatorship of the committees. The revolutionary go- 
 vernment had only been created to restrain, the dictatorship 
 to conquer; and as Danton and his party no longer considered 
 restraint and victory essential, they sought to establish legal 
 order, and the independence of the convention; they wished 
 to throw down the faction of the commune, to stop the 
 operation cf the revolutionary tribunal, to empty the prisons 
 now filled with suspected persons, to reduce or destroy the 
 powers of the committees. This project in favour of cle- 
 mency, humanity, and legal government, was conceived by 
 Danton, Philipeaux, Camille Desmoulins, Fabre-d'Eglantine, 
 Lacroix, general Westermann, and all the friends of Danton. 
 Before all things they wanted that the republic should secure 
 the field of battle ; but after conquest, they wished to conci 
 Hate.
 
 236 HISTORY OF 
 
 This party, become moderate, had renounced power; it had 
 withdrawn from the government, or suffered itself to be 
 excluded by Robespierre's party. Moreover, since the 31st 
 of May, zealous patriots had considered Dantoa's conduct 
 equivocal. He had acted mildly on that day, and had subse- 
 quently disapproved the condemnation of the twenty-two. 
 They began to reproach him with his disorderly life, his 
 venal passions, his change of party, and untimely modera- 
 tion. To avoid the storm, he had retired to his native place, 
 Arcis-sur-Aube, and there he seemed to have forgotten all in 
 retirement. During his absence, the Hebert faction made 
 immense progress; and the friends of Danton hastily sum- 
 moned him to their aid. He returned at the beginning of 
 Frimaire, (December). Philipeaux immediately denounced 
 the manner in which the Vendean war had been carried on; 
 general Westermann, who had greatly distinguished himself 
 in that war, and who had just been dismissed by the committee 
 of public safety, supported Philipeaux, and Camille Des- 
 moulins published the first numbers of his Vieux Cordelier. 
 This brilliant and fiery young man had followed all the 
 movements of the revolution, from the 14th of July to the 
 31st of May, approving all its exaggerations and all its mea- 
 sures. His heart, however, was gentle and tender, though 
 his opinions were violent, and his humour often bitter. He 
 had praised the revolutionary regime because he believed it 
 indispensable for the establishment of the republic; he had 
 co-operated in the ruin of the Gironde, because he feared the 
 dissensions of the republic. For the republic he had sacrificed 
 even his scruples and the desires of his heart, even justice 
 and humanity; he had given all to his party, thinking that 
 he gave it to the republic; but now he was able neither to 
 praise nor to keep silent; his energetic activity, which he had 
 employed for the republic, he now directed against those who 
 were ruining it by bloodshed. In his Vieux Cordelier he 
 spoke of liberty with the depth of Machiavel, and of men 
 with the wit of Voltaire. But he soon raised the fanatics and 
 dictators against him, by calling the government to senti- 
 ments of moderation, compassion, and justice. 
 
 He drew a striking picture of present tyranny, under the 
 name of a past tyranny. 'He selected his examples from 
 Tacitus. " At this period," said he, " words became state
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 237 
 
 crimes : there wanted but one step more to render mere 
 glances, sadness, pity, sighs even silence itself criminal. It 
 soon became high-treason, or an anti-revolutionary crime, 
 for Cremutius Cordus to call Brutus and Cassius the last 
 of the Romans; a counter-revolutionary crime in a de- 
 scendant of Cassius to possess a portrait of his ancestor; 
 a counter-revolutionary crime in Mamercus Scaurus to 
 write a tragedy in which there were lines capable of a 
 double meaning; a counter-revolutionary crime in Torquatus 
 Silanus to be extravagant; a counter-revolutionary crime in 
 Pomponius, because a friend of Sejanus had sought an asylum 
 in one of his country houses; a counter-revolutionary crime 
 to bewail the misfortunes of the time, for this was accusing 
 the government; a counter-revolutionary crime for the consul 
 Fusius Geminus to bewail the sad death of his son. 
 
 " If a man would escape death himself, it became necessary 
 to rejoice at the death of his friend or relative. Under Nero, 
 many went to return thanks to the gods for their relatives 
 whom he had put to death. At least, an assumed air of con- 
 tentment was necessary; for even fear was sufficient to render 
 one guilty. Everything gave the tyrant umbrage. If a 
 citizen was popular, he was considered a rival to the prince, 
 and capable of exciting a civil war, and he was suspected. 
 Did he, on the contrary, shun popularity, and keep by his 
 fireside; his retired mode of life drew attention, and he was 
 suspected. "Was a man rich; it was feared the people might 
 be corrupted by his bounty, and he was suspected. Was he 
 poor; it became necessary to watch him closely, as none are 
 so enterprising as those who have nothing, and he was sus- 
 pected. If his disposition chanced to be sombre and me- 
 lancholy, and his dress neglected, his distress was supposed 
 to be occasioned by the state of public affairs, and he was 
 suspected. If a citizen indulged in good living to the injury 
 of his digestion, he was said to do so because the prince lived 
 ill, and he was suspected. If virtuous and austere in his 
 manners, he was thought to censure the court, and he was 
 suspected. Was he philosopher, orator, or poet; it was un- 
 becoming to have more celebrity than the government, and 
 he was suspected. Lastly, if any one had obtained a reputa- 
 tion in war, his talent only served to make him dangerous; it
 
 238 HISTORY OF 
 
 became necessary to get rid of the general, or to remove him 
 speedily from the army; he was suspected. 
 
 " The natural death of a celebrated man, or even of one 
 merely in place, was so rare, that historians handed it down 
 to posterity as an event worthy to be remembered in remote 
 ages. The death of so many innocent and worthy citizens 
 seemed less a calamity than the insolence and disgraceful opu- 
 lence of their murderers and denouncers. Every day the 
 sacred and inviolable informer made his triumphant entry 
 into the palace of the dead, and received some rich heritage. 
 All these denouncers assumed illustrious names, and called 
 themselves Cotta, Scipio, Regulus, Saevius, Severus. To 
 distinguish himself by a brilliant debut, the marquis Serenus 
 brought an accusation of anti-revolutionary practices against 
 his aged father, already in exile, after which he proudly 
 called himself Brutus. Such were the accusers, such the 
 judges; the tribunals, the protectors of life and property, 
 became slaughter-houses, in which theft and murder bore the 
 names of punishment and confiscation." 
 
 Camille Desmoulins did not confine himself to attacking 
 the revolutionary and dictatorial regime; he required its abo- 
 lition. He demanded the establishment of a committee of 
 mercy, as the only way of terminating the revolution and paci- 
 fying parties. His journal produced a great effect upon public 
 opinion; it inspired some hope and courage : Have you read 
 the " Vieux Cordelier?" was asked on all sides. At the same 
 time, Fabre-d'Eglantine, Lacroix, and Bourdon de 1'Oise, ex- 
 cited the convention to throw off the yoke of the committee; 
 they sought to unite the Mountain and the Right, in order to 
 restore the freedom and power of the assembly. As the com- 
 mittees were all powerful, they tried to ruin them by degrees, 
 the best course to follow. It was important to change the 
 public opinion, and to encourage the assembly, in order to sup- 
 port themselves by a moral force against the revolutionary 
 force, by the power of the convention against the power of the 
 committees. The Dantonist-Mountaineers endeavoured to de- 
 tach Robespierre from the other Decemvirs; Billaud-Varennes, 
 Collot-d'Herbois and Saint -Just, alone appeared to them in- 
 vincibly attached to the Reign of Terror. Barrere adhered 
 to it through weakness Couthon from his devotion to Robes- 
 pierre. They hoped to gain over the latter to the cause of
 
 THE FRENCH HEVOLUTION. 239 
 
 moderation, through his friendship for Danton, his ideas of 
 rder, his austere habits, his profession of public virtue, and his 
 pride. He had defended seventy-three imprisoned Girondist 
 deputies against the committees and the Jacobins; he had 
 dared to attack Clootz and Hebert as ultra- revolutionists; 
 and he had induced the convention to decree the existence 
 of the Supreme Being. Robespierre was the most popularly 
 renowned man of that time; he was, in a measure, the mode- 
 rator of the republic and the dictator of opinion; by gaining 
 him, they hoped to overcome both the committees and the com- 
 mune, without compromising the cause of the revolution. 
 
 Danton saw him on his return from Arcis-sur-Aube, and 
 they seemed to understand one another; attacked at the 
 Jacobins, he was defended by him. Robespierre himself 
 read and corrected the Vieux Cordelier, and approved of it. 
 At the same time he professed some principles of moderation; 
 but then all those who exercised the revolutionary govern- 
 ment, or who thought it indispensable, became aroused. Bil- 
 laud-Varennes and Saint-Just openly maintained the policy 
 of the committees. Desmoulins had said of the latter: 
 " He so esteems himself, that he carries his head on his 
 shoulders with as much respect as if it were the holy sacra- 
 ment." " And I," replied Saint-Just, " will make him carry 
 his like another Saint Denis." Collot-d' Herbois, who was 
 on a mission, arrived while matters were in this state. He 
 protected the faction of the anarchists, who had been intimi- 
 dated for a moment, and who derived fresh audacity from his 
 presence. The Jacobins expelled Camille Desmoulins from 
 their society, and Barrere attacked him at the convention in 
 the name of the government. Robespierre himself was not 
 spared; he was accused of moderatism, and murmurs began 
 to circulate against him. 
 
 However, his credit being immense, as they could not 
 attack or conquer without him, he was sought on both sides. 
 Taking advantage of this superior position, he adopted neither 
 party, and sought to put down the leaders of each, one after 
 the other. 
 
 Under these circumstances, he wished to sacrifice the com- 
 mune and the anarchists; the committees wished to sacrifice 
 the Mountain and the Moderates. They came to an under- 
 standing: Robespierre gave up Danton, Desmoulins, and
 
 240 HISTORY OF 
 
 their friends to the members of the committee; and the mem- 
 bers of the committee gave up Hebert, Clootz, Chaumette, 
 Ronsin, and their accomplices. By favouring the Moderates 
 at first, he prepared the ruin of the anarchists, and he 
 attained two objects favourable to his domination or to his 
 pride he overturned a formidable faction, and he got rid of 
 a revolutionary reputation, the rival of his own. 
 
 Motives of public safety, it must be admitted, mingled 
 with these combinations of party. At this period of general 
 fury against the republic, and of victories not yet defini- 
 tive on its part, the committees did not think the moment 
 for peace with Europe and the internal dissentients had 
 arrived; and they considered it impossible to carry on the 
 war without a dictatorship. They, moreover, regarded the 
 Hebertists as an obscene faction, which corrupted the people, 
 and served the foreign foe by anarchy; and the Dantonists as 
 a party whose political moderation and private immorality 
 compromised and dishonoured the republic. The govern- 
 ment accordingly proposed to the assembly, through the 
 medium of Barrere, the continuation of the war, with addi- 
 tional activity in its pursuit; while Robespierre, a few day.< 
 afterwards, demanded the continuance of the revolutionary 
 government. In the Jacobins he had already expressed him- 
 self opposed to the Vieux Cordelier, which he had hitherto 
 supported. He rejected legal government in the following 
 terms: 
 
 " Without," said he, " all the tyrants surround us; 
 within, all the friends of tyranny conspire against us; they 
 will continue to conspire till crime is left without hope. We 
 must destroy the internal and external enemies of the re- 
 public or perish with it. Now, in such a situation, the 
 first maxim of your policy should be, to lead the people 
 by reason, and the enemies of the people by terror. If, 
 during peace, virtue be the mainspring of a popular govern- 
 ment, its mainspring in the times of revolution is both 
 virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror becomes fatal, 
 terror, without which virtue is powerless. Subdue, then, 
 the enemies of liberty by terror; and, as the founders of 
 the republic, you will act rightly. The government of the 
 revolution is the despotism of liberty against tyranny."
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 241 
 
 In this speech he denounced the moderates and the 
 ultra-revolutionists, as both of them desiring the downfa* 
 of the republic. " They advance," said he, " under dif- 
 ferent banners and by different roads, but they advance 
 towards the same goal; that goal is the disorganization of the 
 popular government, the ruin of the convention, and the 
 triumph of tyranny. One of these two factions reduces us 
 to weakness, the other drives us to excesses." He prepared 
 the public mind for their proscription; and his speech, adopted 
 without discussion, was sent to all the popular societies, to 
 nil the authorities, and to all the armies. 
 
 After this beginning of hostilities, Danton, who had not 
 given up his connexion with Robespierre, asked for an inter- 
 view with him. It took place at the residence of Robes- 
 pierre himself. They were cold and bitter; Danton com- 
 plained violently, and Robespierre was reserved. " I know," 
 said Danton, " all the hatred the committee bear me; but 
 I do not fear it." " You are wrong," replied Robes- 
 pierre; " it entertains no ill designs against you; but you 
 would do well to have an explanation." " An explanation?" 
 rejoined Danton, " an explanation? That requires good 
 faith!" Seeing that Robespierre looked grave at these words, 
 he added: " No doubt it is necessary to put down the roy- 
 alists, but we ought only to strike blows which will benefit the 
 republic; we must not confound the innocent with the 
 guilty." " And who says," exclaimed Robespierre, sharply, 
 ' that an innocent person has been put to death?" Danton 
 turned to one of his friends "who had accompanied him, and 
 said, with a bitter smile: " What do you say to this? Not 
 one innocent person has perished!" They then separated 
 and all friendship ceased between them. 
 
 A few days afterwards, Saint-Just ascended the tribune, 
 and threatened more openly than had yet been done all dis- 
 sentients, moderates, or anarchists. " Citizens," said he, 
 " you wished for a republic; if you do not at the same time 
 desire all that constitutes it, you will overwhelm the people 
 in its ruins. What constitutes a republic is the destruction 
 of all that is opposed to it. We are guilty towards the re- 
 public because we pity the prisoners; we are guilty towards the 
 republic because we do not desire virtue; we are guilty to the 
 republic because we do not desire terror. What is it you want, 
 
 &
 
 242 HISTORY OF 
 
 those of you who do not wish for virtue, that you may be 
 happy? (The anarchists.) What is it you want, those o\ 
 you who do not wish to employ terror against the wicked? 
 (The Moderates.) What is it you want, those of you who 
 haunt public places to be seen, and to have it said of you: 
 * Do you see such a one pass?' (Danton.) You will perish, 
 those of you who seek fortune, who assume haggard looks, 
 and affect the patriot that the foreigner may buy you up, or 
 the government give you a place; you of the indulgent fac- 
 tion, who seek to save the guilty; you of the foreign faction, 
 who direct severity against the defenders of the people. 
 Measures are already taken to secure the guilty; they are 
 hemmed in on all sides. Let us return thanks to the genius 
 of the French people, that liberty has triumphed over one of 
 the most dangerous attacks ever meditated against it. The 
 development of this vast plot, the panic it will create, and 
 the measures about to be proposed to you, will free the re- 
 public and the world of all the conspirators." 
 
 Saint- Just caused the government to be in vested with the most 
 extensive powers against the conspirators of the commune. 
 He had it decreed that justice and probity were the order of 
 the day. The anarchists were unable to adopt any measure 
 of defence; they veiled for a moment the Eights of Man at 
 the club of the Cordeliers, and they made an attempt at in- 
 surrection, but without vigour or union. The people did not 
 stir, and the committee caused its commandant, Henriot, to 
 seize the substitute Hebert, Ronsin, the revolutionary general, 
 Anacharsis Clootz, Monmoro the orator of the human race, 
 Vincent, &c. They were brought before the revolutionary 
 tribunal, as the agents of foreign powers, and as having con- 
 spired to place a tyrant over the state. That tyrant was to 
 have been Pache, under the title of Grand Juge. The anar- 
 chist leaders lost their audacity as soon as they were arrested; 
 they defended themselves, and, for the most part, died, with- 
 out any display of courage. The committee of public safety 
 disbanded the revolutionary army, diminished the power of 
 the sectionary committees, and obliged the commune to appear 
 at the bar of the convention, and give thanks for the arrest 
 and punishment of the conspirators, its accomplices. 
 
 It was now time for Danton to defend himself; the pro- 
 scription, after striking the commune, threatened him. He
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 243 
 
 was advised to be on his guard, and to take immediate steps; 
 but not having been able to overturn the dictatorial power, 
 by arousing public opinion and the assembly by the means 
 of the public journals, and his friends the Mountaineers, on 
 what could he depend for support? The convention, in- 
 deed, was inclined to favour him and his cause; but it was 
 wholly subject to the revolutionary power of the committee. 
 Danton having to support him neither the government, nor 
 the assembly, nor the commune, nor the clubs, awaited 
 proscription, without making any effort to avoid it. 
 
 His friends implored him to defend himself. "I would 
 rather," said he, " be guillotined, than be a guillotiner; be- 
 sides, my life is not worth the trouble; and I am sick of the 
 world." " The members of the committee seek thy death." 
 <: Well," he exclaimed, impatiently, " should Billaud, should 
 Robespierre kill me, they will be execrated as tyrants; Robes- 
 pierre's house will be razed to the ground; salt will be strewn 
 upon it; a gallows will be erected on it, devoted to the ven- 
 geance of crime! But my friends will say of me, that I was 
 a good father, a good friend, a good citizen; they will not 
 forget me." " Thou mayst avert . . . . " "I would rather be 
 guillotined than be a guillotiner." '* Well, then, thou shouldst 
 depart.'" " Depart!" he repeated, curling his lip disdainfully, 
 " depart ! Can we carry our country away on the sole of 
 our shoe?" 
 
 Danton's only resource now, was to make trial of his so 
 well known and potent eloquence, to denounce Robespierre 
 and the committee, and to arouse the convention against their 
 tyranny. He was earnestly intreated to do this; but he 
 knew too well how difficult a thing it is to overthrow an 
 established domination; he knew too well the complete sub- 
 iection and terror of the assembly, to rely on the efficacy of 
 such means. He accordingly waited, thinking, he who had 
 dared so much, that his enemies would shrink from pro- 
 scribing him. 
 
 On the 10th of Germinal, he was informed that his arrest 
 was being discussed in the committee of public safety, and he 
 was again intreated to save himself by flight. Alter a 
 moment's reflection, he exclaimed, " They dare not !" During 
 the night his house was surrounded, and he was taken to the 
 Luxembourg, with Camille Desmoulins, Philipeaux, Lacroix, 
 
 R2
 
 244 HISTORY OF 
 
 and Westermann. On his arrival, he accosted with cordiality 
 the prisoners who crowded round him. " Gentlemen," said 
 he, " I had hoped in a short time to liberate you, but here I 
 am come to join you, and I know not how the matter may 
 end." In about an hour he was placed in solitary confine- 
 ment in the cell in which Hebert had been imprisoned, and 
 which Robespierre was so soon to occupy. There, giving 
 way to reflection and regret, he exclaimed: " It was at this 
 time I instituted the revolutionary tribunal. I implore for- 
 giveness from God and man for having done so; but I de- 
 signed it not for the scourge of humanity." 
 
 His arrest gave rise to general excitement, to a sombre 
 anxiety. The following day, at the opening of the sittings in 
 the assembly, men spoke in whispers; they inquired with 
 alarm, what was the pretext for this new proceeding against 
 the representatives of the people. " Citizens," at length 
 exclaimed Legendre, " four members of this assembly have 
 been arrested during the night. Danton is one, I know not 
 the others. Citizens, I declare that I believe Danton to be 
 as pure as myself, yet he is in a dungeon. They feared, no 
 doubt, that his replies would overturn the accusations brought 
 against him: I move, therefore, that before you listen to any 
 report, you send for the prisoners, and hear them." This 
 motion was favourably received, and inspired the assem- 
 bly with momentary courage: a few members desired it 
 might be put to the vote, but this state of things did not last 
 long. Robespierre ascended the tribune. " By the long since 
 unusual agitation that pervades the assembly," said he, " by 
 the sensation the words of the speaker you have just heard 
 have produced, it is easy to see that a question of great inte- 
 rest is before us; a question whether two or three individuals 
 shall be preferred to the country. "We shall see to-day whe- 
 ther the convention can crush to atoms a mock idol, long 
 since decayed, or whether its fall shall overwhelm both the 
 convention and the French people." And a few words from 
 him sufficed to restore silence and subordination to the assem- 
 bly, to restrain the friends of Danton, and to make Legendre 
 himself retract. Soon after, Saint- Just entered the house, 
 followed by other members of the committees. He read a long 
 report against the members under arrest, in which he im- 
 pugned their opinions, their political conduct, their private
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 245 
 
 lift*, their projects; making them appear, by improbable and 
 subtle combinations, accomplices in every conspiracy, and the 
 servants of every party. The assembly, after listening with- 
 out a murmur, with a bewildered sanction unanimously de- 
 creed, and with applause even, the impeachment of Danton 
 and his friends. Every one sought to gain time with tyranny, 
 and gava up others' heads to save his own. 
 
 The accused Avere brought before the revolutionary tri- 
 bunal; their attitude Avas haughty, and full of courage. They 
 displayed an audacity of speech, and a contempt of their 
 judges, wholly unusual: Danton replied to the president Du- 
 mas, who asked him the customary questions as to his name, 
 his age, his residence: "I am Danton, tolerably well known 
 in the revolution; I am thirty -five years old. My residence 
 will soon be nothing. My name will liv^ in the Pantheon 
 of history." His disdainful or indignant replies, the cold and 
 measured answers of Lacroix, the austere dignity of Phili- 
 peaux, the vigour of Desrnoulins, were beginning to moye the 
 people. But the accused were silenced, under the pretext that 
 they were wanting in respect to justice, and were imme- 
 diately condemned without a hearing. " We are immolated," 
 cried Danton, " to the ambition of a few miserable brigands 
 but they will not long enjoy the fruit of their criminal vic- 
 tory. I draw Robespierre after me Robespierre will follow 
 me." They were taken to the Conciergerie, and thence to 
 the scaffold. 
 
 They went to death with the intrepidity usual at that 
 epoch. There were many troops under arms, and their 
 escort was numerous. The crowd, generally loud in its ap- 
 plause, was silent. Camille Desmoulins, when in the fatal 
 cart, was still full of astonishment at his condemnation, whick 
 he could not comprehend. "This, then," said he, "is the 
 reward reserved for the first apostle of liberty." Danton 
 stood erect, and looked proudly and calmly around. At the 
 foot of the scaffold he betrayed a momentary emotion. " Oh, 
 my best beloved my wife!" he cried, " I shall not see thee 
 again." Then suddenly interrupting himself: " No weakness, 
 Danton !" Thus perished the last defenders of humanity and 
 moderation; the last who sought to promote peace among the 
 conquerors of the revolution and pity for the conquered. For 
 a long time after them no voice was raised against the dicta-
 
 246 HISTORY OF 
 
 torship of terror; and from one end of France to the other 
 it struck silent and redoubled blows. The Girondists had 
 sought to prevent this violent reign, the Dantonists to stop 
 it; all perished, and the conquerors had the more victims 
 to strike the more foes arose around them. In so sanguinary 
 a career, there is no stopping until the tyrant is himself slain. 
 The Decemvirs, after the definitive fall of the Girondists, had 
 made terror the order of the day; after the fall of the He- 
 bertists, justice and probity, because these were impure men of 
 faction ; after the fall of the Dantonists, terror and all virtues, 
 because these Dantonists were, according to their phraseology 
 indulgents and immorals.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 247 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OP DANTON, APRIL 1794, TO THE 9TH 
 THERMIDOR, (27TH JULY, 1794.) 
 
 Increase of terror ; its cause System of the democrats ; Saint-Just Bobes- 
 pierre's power Festival of the Supreme Being Couthon presents the 
 law of the 22nd Prairial, which reorganizes the revolutionary tribunal , 
 disturbances ; debates ; final obedience of the convention The active 
 members of the committee have a division Eobespierre, Saint- Just, and 
 Couthon on one side ; Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Borrere, and 
 the members of the committee of general safety on the other Conduct 
 of Eobespierre He absents himself from the committees, and rests on 
 the Jacobins and the commune On the 8th of Thermidor he demands 
 the renewal of the committees ; the motion is rejected Sitting of the 
 9th Thermidor ; Saint-Just denounces the committees ; is interrupted by 
 Tallien ; Billaud-Varennes violently attacks Bobespierre ; general indig- 
 nation of the convention against the triumvirate ; they are arrested 
 The commune rises and liberates the prisoners Peril and courage of 
 the convention ; it outlaws the insurgents The sections declare for 
 the convention Defeat and execution of Eobespierre. 
 
 DURING the four months following the fall of the Danton 
 party, the committees exercised their authority without op- 
 position or restraint. Death became the only means of 
 governing, and the republic was given up to daily and sys- 
 tematic executions. It was then were invented the alleged 
 conspiracies of the inmates of the prisons, crowded under 
 the law des suspects , or emptied by that of the 22nd Prairial, 
 which might be called the law des condamnes; then the 
 emissaries of the committee of public safety entirely replaced 
 in the departments those of the Mountain; and Carrier, 
 the protege of Billaud, was seen in the west; Maigret, the
 
 218 HISTORY OF 
 
 protege of Couthon, in the south; and Joseph Lebon, the 
 protege of Kobespierre, in the north. The extermination 
 en masse of the enemies of the democratic dictatorship, which 
 had already been effected at Lyons and Toulon by grape- 
 shot, became still more horrible, by the noyades of Nantes, 
 and the scaffolds of Arras, Paris, and Orange. 
 
 May this example teach men a truth, which for their good 
 ought to be generally known, that in a revolution all depends 
 on a first refusal and a first struggle. To effect a pacific in- 
 novation, it must not be contested; otherwise war is declared 
 and the revolution spreads, because the whole nation is aroused 
 to its defence. When society is thus shaken to its foundations, 
 it is the most daring who triumph, and instead of wise and 
 temperate reformers, we find only extreme and inflexible inno- 
 vators. Engendered by contest, they maintain themselves by 
 it; with one hand they fight to maintain their sway, with the 
 other they establish their system with a view to its conso- 
 lidation; they massacre in the name of their doctrines: the 
 name of virtue, of humanity, of the welfare of the people, of all 
 that is holiest on earth, they use to warrant their executions, 
 and to protect their dictatorship. Until they become exhausted 
 and fall, all perish indiscriminately, both the enemies and the 
 partisans of reform. The tempest dashes a whole nation 
 against the rock of revolution. Inquire what became of the 
 men of 1789 in 1794, and it will be found that they were 
 all alike swept away in this vast shipwreck. As soon as one 
 party appeared on the field of battle, it summoned all the 
 others thither, and all like it Avere in turn conquered and 
 exterminated; constitutionalists, Girondists, the Mountain, 
 and the Decemvirs themselves. At each defeat, the effusion 
 of blood became greater, and the system of tyranny more 
 violent. The Decemvirs were the most cruel, because they 
 were the last. 
 
 The committee of public safety, being at once the object of 
 tlri attacks of Europe, and of the hatred of so many conquered 
 parties, thought that any abatement of violence would occa- 
 sion its destruction; it wished at the same time to subdue its 
 foes, and to get rid of them. "The dead alone do not return," 
 said Barrere. " The more freely the. social body perspires, 
 the more healthy it becomes," added Collot-d'Herbois. But 
 the Decemvirs,, not suspecting their power to be ephemeral,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 249 
 
 aimed at founding a democracy, and sought in institutions a 
 security for its permanence in the time when they should 
 cease to employ executions. They possessed in the highest 
 degree the fanaticism of certain social theories, as the mille- 
 narians of the English revolution, with whom they may be 
 compared, had the fanaticism of certain religious ideas. The 
 one originated with the people, as the other looked to God; 
 these desired the most absolute political equality, as those 
 sought evangelical equality; these aspired to the reign of 
 virtue, as those to the reign of the saints. Human nature 
 flies to extremes in all things, and produces, in a religious 
 epoch, democratic Cliristians in a philosophical epoch, poli- 
 tical democrats. 
 
 Robespierre and Saint-Just had given in the plan of that 
 democracy, whose principles they professed in all their 
 speeches; they wished to change the manners, mind, and 
 customs of France, and to make it a republic after the manner 
 of the ancients; they sought to establish the dominion of the 
 people; to have magistrates free from pride; citizens free 
 from vice; fraternity of intercourse, simplicity of manners, 
 austerity of character, and the worship of virtue. The 
 symbolical words of the sect may be found in the speeches OL 
 all the reporters of the committee, and especially in those of 
 Robespierre and Saint-Just. Liberty and equality for the 
 government of the republic; indivisibility for its form; public 
 safety for its defence and preservation; virtue for its principle; 
 the Supreme Being for its religion; as for the citizens, frater- 
 nity for their daily intercourse; probity for their conduct; good 
 sense for their mental qualities; modesty for their public 
 actions, which were to have for object the welfare of the 
 state, and not their own : such was the symbol of this 
 democracy. Fanaticism could not go further. The authors 
 of this system did not inquire into its practicability; they 
 thought it just and natural; and having power, they tried to 
 establish it by violence. Not one of these words but served to 
 condemn a party or individuals. The royalists and aristocrats 
 were hunted down in the name of liberty and equality; the 
 Girondists in the name of indivisibility; Philipeaux, Camille- 
 Desmoulins, and the moderate party, in the name of public 
 safety ; Chaumette, Anacharsis Clootz, Gobet, Hebert, all the 
 anarchical and atheistical party, in the name of virtue and
 
 250 HISTORY OF 
 
 tlie Supreme Being; Chabot, Bazire, Fabre-d'Egiantine, in 
 the name of probity ; Danton in the name of virtue and 
 modesty. In the eyes of fanatics, these moral crimes neces- 
 sitated their destruction, as much as the conspiracies which 
 they were accused of. 
 
 Robespierre was the patron of this sect, which had in the 
 committee a more zealous, disinterested, and fanatic pai-tisan 
 than himseif, in the person of Saint-Just, who was called the 
 Apocalyptic. His features were bold but regular, and marked 
 by an expression determined, but melancholy. His eye was 
 steady and piercing; his hair black, straight, and long. His 
 manners cold, though his character was ardent; simple in 
 his habits, austere and sententious, he advanced without 
 hesitation towards the completion of his system. Though 
 scarcely twenty-five years old, he was the boldest of the 
 Decemvirs, because his convictions were the deepest. Pas- 
 sionately devoted to the republic, he was indefatigable in the 
 committees, intrepid on his missions to the armies, where he 
 set an example of courage, sharing the marches and dangers 
 of the soldiers. His predilection for the multitude did not 
 make him pay court to their propensities; and far from 
 adopting their dress and language with Hebert, he wished 
 to confer on them ease, gravity, and dignity. But his policy 
 made him more terrible than his popular sentiments. He 
 had much daring, coolness, readiness, and decision. Little 
 susceptible of pity, he reduced to form his measures for the 
 public safety, and put them into execution immediately. If 
 he considered victory, proscription, the dictatorship neces- 
 sary, he at once demanded them. Unlike Robespierre, he 
 was completely a man of action. The latter, comprehending 
 all the use he might make of him, early gained him over in 
 the convention. Saint-Just, on his part, was drawn towards 
 Robespierre by his reputation for incorruptibility, his austere 
 life, and the conformity of their ideas. 
 
 The terrible effects. of their association may be conceived 
 when we consider their popularity, the envious and tyran- 
 nical passions of the one, and the inflexible character and 
 systematic views of the other. Couthon had joined them; 
 he was personally devoted to Robespierre. Although he had 
 a mild look and a partially paralysed frame, he was a man 
 of merciless fanaticism. They formed, in the committee,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 251 
 
 a triumvirate which soon sought to engross all power. This 
 ambition alienated the other members of the committee, and 
 caused their own destruction. In the meantime, the triumvirate 
 imperiously governed the convention and the committee 
 itself. When it was necessary to intimidate the assembly, 
 Saint- Just was intrusted with the task; when they wished 
 to take it by surprise, Couthon was employed. If the as- 
 sembly murmured or hesitated, Robespierre rose, and restored 
 silence and terror by a single word. 
 
 During the first two months after the fall of the commune 
 and the Danton party, the Decemvirs, who were not yet 
 divided, laboured to secure their domination: their commis- 
 sioners kept the departments in restraint, and the armies of 
 the republic were victorious on all the frontiers. The com- 
 mittee took advantage of this moment of security and union 
 to lay the foundation of new manners and new institu- 
 tions. It must never be forgotten, that in a revolution men 
 are moved by two tendencies, attachment to their ideas, and a 
 thirst for command. The members of the committee, at the 
 beginning, agreed in their democratic sentiments; at the end, 
 they contended for power. 
 
 Billaud-Varennes presented the theory of popular govern- 
 ment, and the means of rendering the army always subordi- 
 nate to the nation. Robespierre delivered a discourse on the 
 moral sentiments and solemnities suited to a republic: he 
 dedicated festivals to the Supreme Being, to Truth, Justice, 
 Modesty, Friendship, Frugality, Fidelity, Immortality, Mix- 
 fortune, Sfc., in a word, to all the moral and republican 
 virtues. In this way he prepared the ( slablishrnent of the 
 new worship of the Supreme Being. Barrere made a report 
 on the extirpation of mendicity, and the assistance the republic 
 owed to indigent citizens. All these reports passed into 
 decrees, agreeably to the wishes of the democrats. Barrere, 
 whose habitual speeches in the convention were calculated to 
 disguise his servitude from himself, was one of the, most sup- 
 ple instruments of the committee; he belonged to the regime 
 of terror, neither from cruelty nor from fanaticism. His 
 manners were gentle, his private life blameless, and he pos- 
 sessed great moderation of mind. But he was timid; and 
 after having been a constitutional royalist before the 10th of 
 August, a moderate republican prior to the 31st of May,
 
 252 HISTORY OF 
 
 he became the panegyrist and the co-operator of the decem- 
 viral tyranny. This shows that, in a revolution, no one should 
 become an actor without decision of character. Intellect 
 alone is not inflexible enough; it is too accommodating; it 
 finds reasons for everything, even for what terrifies and 
 disgusts it; it never knows when to stop, at a time when 
 one ought always to be prepared to die, and to end one's part 
 or end one's opinions. 
 
 Robespierre, who was considered the founder of this moral 
 democracy, now attained the highest degree of elevation and 
 of power. He became the object of the general flattery of his 
 party; he was the great man of the republic. Men spoke of 
 nothing but of his virtue, of his genius, and of his eloquence. 
 Two circumstances contributed to augment his importance 
 still further. On the 3rd Prairial, an obscure but intrepid 
 man, named 1' Admiral, was determined to deliver France from 
 Robespierre and Collot-d'Herbois. He waited in vain for 
 Robespierre all day, and at night he resolved to kill Collot. 
 He fired twice at him with pistols, but missed him. The 
 following day, a young girl, named Cecile Renaud, called at 
 Robespierre's, and earnestly begged to speak with him. As 
 he was out, and as she still insisted upon being admitted, she 
 was detained. She carried a small parcel, and two knives 
 were found on her person. "What motive brought you to 
 Robespierre's?" inquired her examiners. " I wanted to speak 
 to him." " On what business?" " That depended on how I 
 might find him." "Do you know citizen Robespierre?" 
 "No, I sought to know him; I went to his house to see 
 what a tyrant was like." " "What did you propose doing with 
 your two knives?" " Nothing, having no intention to in- 
 jure any one." "And your parcel?" "Contains a change 
 of linen for my use in the place I shall be sent to." " Where 
 is that?" "To prison; and from thence to the guillotine." 
 The unfortunate girl was ultimately taken there, and her 
 family shared her fate. 
 
 Robespierre received marks of the most intoxicating adula- 
 tion. At the Jacobins and in the convention his preser- 
 vation was attributed to the good genius of the republic, 
 and to the Supreme Being, whose existence he had decreed 
 on the 18th FloreaL The celebration of the new religion 
 had been fixed for the 20th Prairial throughout France. On
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 253 
 
 the 16th, Robespierre was unanimously appointed president 
 of the convention, in order that he might officiate as the pon- 
 tiff at the festival. At that ceremony he appeared at the 
 head of the assembly, his face beaming with joy and confi- 
 dence, an unusual expression with him. He advanced alone, 
 fifteen feet in advance of his colleagues, attired in a magni- 
 ficent dress, holding flowers and ears of corn in his hand, the 
 object of general attention. Expectation was universally 
 raised on this occasion: the enemies of Robespierre foreboded 
 attempts at. usurpation, the persecuted looked forward to 
 a milder regime. He disappointed every one. He harangued 
 the people in his capacity of high priest, and concluded his 
 speech, in which all expected to find a hope of happier 
 prospects, with these discouraging words: " People, let us to- 
 day give ourselves up to the transports of pure delight! To- 
 morrow u-e will renew our struggle against vices and against 
 tyrants" 
 
 Two days after, on the 22nd Prairial, Couthon presented a 
 new law to the convention. The revolutionary tribunal had 
 dutifully struck all those who had been pointed out to it: 
 royalists, constitutionalists, Girondists, anarchists, and 
 Mountaineers, had been all alike despatched to execution. 
 But it did not proceed expeditiously enough to satisfy the 
 systematic exterminators, who wished promptly, and at any 
 cost, to get rid of all their prisoners. It still observed some 
 forms; these were suppressed. "All tardiness," said Cou- 
 thon, " is a crime, all indulgent formality a public danger; 
 there should be no longer delay in punishing the enemies of 
 the state than suffices to recognise them." Hitherto the 
 prisoners had counsel; they had them no longer: The law 
 furnishes patriot jurymen for the defence of calumniated 
 patriots : it grants none to conspirators. They tried them, at 
 first, individually ; now they tried them en masse. There had 
 been some precision in the crimes, even when revolutionary; 
 no\v all the enemies of the people were declared guilty, and all 
 were pronounced enemies of the people icho sought to destroy 
 liberty by force or stratagem. The jury before had the law to 
 guide their determinations, they now only had their conscience. 
 A single tribunal, Foiiquier-Thinville and a few jurymen, 
 were not sufficient for the increase of victims the new law 
 threatened to bring before it; the tribunal was divided into
 
 254 HISTORY OF 
 
 four sections, the number of judges and juries was increased, 
 and the public accuser had four substitutes appointed to 
 assist him. Lastly, the deputies of the people could not before 
 be brought to trial without a decree of the convention; but 
 the law was now so drawn up that they could be tried on. 
 an order from the committees. The law respecting suspected, 
 persons gave rise to that of Prairial. 
 
 As soon as Couthon had made his report, a murmur 01 
 astonishment and alarm pervaded the assembly. " If this 
 law passes," cried Ruamps, " all we have to do is to blow our 
 brains out. I demand an adjournment/' This motion was 
 supported; but Robespierre ascended the tribunal. " For a 
 long time," said he, " the national assembly has been accus- 
 tomed to discuss and decree at the same time, because it has 
 long been delivered from the thraldom of faction. I move 
 that without considering the question of adjournment, the 
 convention debate, till eight in the evening if necessary, on 
 the proposed law." The discussion was immediately begun, 
 and in thirty minutes after the second reading, the decree 
 was carried. But the following day, a few members, more 
 afraid of the law than of the committee, returned to the de- 
 bate of the day before. The Mountaineers, the friends of 
 Danton, fearing, for their own sakes, the new provisions, 
 which left the representatives at the mercy of the Decemvirs, 
 proposed to the convention to provide for the safety of its 
 members. Bourdon de 1'Oise was the first to speak on this 
 subject; he was supported. Merlin, by a skilful amendment, 
 restored the old safeguard of the conventionalists, and the 
 assembly adopted Merlin's measure. Gradually, objections 
 were made to the decree; the courage of the Mountaineers 
 increased, and the discussion became very animated. Couthon 
 attacked the Mountaineers. " Let them know," replied 
 Bourdon da 1'Oise " let the members of the committee know 
 that if they are patriots, we are patriots too. Let them know 
 that I shall not reply with bitterness to their reproaches. I 
 esteem Couthon, I esteem the committee; but I also esteem 
 the unshaken Mountain which has saved our liberty." Robes- 
 pierre, surprised at this unexpected resistance, hurried to the 
 tribune. " The convention," said he, " the Mountain, and 
 the committee are the same thing! Every representative or 
 the people who sincerely loves liberty, every representative 
 of the people who is ready to die for his country, belongs to
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 25.) 
 
 the Mountain! We should insult our country, assassinate 
 the people, did we allow a few intriguing persons, more con- 
 temptible than others, because they are more hypocritical, to 
 draw off' a portion of the Mountain, and make themselves 
 the leaders of a party." " It was never my intention," said 
 Bourdon, " to make myself leader of a party." " It 
 would be the height of opprobrium," continued Robes- 
 pierre, " if a few of our colleagues, led away by calumny 
 respecting our intentions and the object of our labours. . . ." 
 " I insist on your proving what you assert," rejoined 
 Bourdon. " I have been very plainly called a scoundrel." 
 " I did not name Bourdon. Woe to the man who names 
 himself! Yes. the Mountain is pure, it is sublime; intriguers 
 do not belong to the Mountain!" "Name them!" "1 
 will name them when it is necessary." The threats and the 
 imperious tone of Robespierre, the support of the other 
 Decemvirs, and the feeling of fear which went round, 
 caused profound silence. The amendment of Merlin was 
 revoked as insulting to the committee of public safety, and 
 the whole law was adopted. From that time executions 
 took place in batches; and fifty persons were sent to death 
 daily. This Terror within terror lasted about two months. 
 
 But the end of this system drew near. The sittings of 
 Prairial were the term of union for the members of the com- 
 mittees. From that time, silent dissensions existed among 
 them. They had advanced together, so long as they had to 
 contend together; but this ceased to be the case when they 
 found themselves alone in the arena, with habits of con- 
 test and the desire for dominion. Moreover, their opinions 
 were no longer entirely the same: the democratic party were 
 divided by the fall of the old commune; Billaud-Varennes, 
 Collot-d'Herbois, and the principal members of the committee 
 of general safety, Vadier, Amar, Youland, clung to this over- 
 thrown faction, and preferred the worship of Reascn to that of 
 the Supreme Being. They were also jealous of the fame, 
 and anxious at the power of Robespierre, who, in his turn, 
 was irritated at their secret disapprobation and the obstacles 
 they opposed to his will. At this period, the latter conceived 
 the design of putting down the most enterprising members of 
 the Mountain, Tallien, Bourdon, Legendre, Freron, Rovere, 
 &c., and his rivals of the committee. 
 
 Robespierre had a prodigious force at his disposal; the
 
 256 HISTORY OP 
 
 common people, who considered the revolution as depending 
 on him, supported him as the representative of its doctrines 
 and interests; the armed force of Paris, commanded by Hen- 
 riot, was at his command. He had entire sway over the 
 Jacobins, whom he admitted and ejected at pleasure; all im- 
 portant posts were occupied by his creatures; he had formed 
 the revolutionary tribunal and the new committee himself, 
 substituting Payan, the national agent, for Chaumette, the 
 attorney -general; and Henriot for Pache, in the office of 
 mayor. But what was his design in granting the most influ- 
 ential places to new men, and in separating himself from 
 the committees? did he aspire to the dictatorship? did he 
 only seek to establish his democracy of virtue by the ruin 
 of the remaining immoral Mountaineers, and the factious 
 of the committee? Each party had* lost its leaders: the 
 Gironde had lost the twenty -two; the commune, Hebert, 
 Chaumette, and Ronsin; the Mountain, Danton, Chabot, 
 Lacroix, and Camille-Desmoulins. But while thus pro- 
 scribing the leaders, Robespierre had carefully protected the 
 sects. He had defended the seventy -three prisoners against 
 the denunciations of the Jacobins and the hatred of the com- 
 mittees; he had placed himself at the head of the new com- 
 mune; he had no longer reason to fear opposition to his pro- 
 jects, whatever they might be, except from a few Mountaineers 
 and the members of the conventional government. It was 
 against this double obstacle that he directed his efforts during 
 the last moments of his career. It is probable that he did Hot 
 separate the republic from his protectorate, and that he 
 thought to establish both on the overthrow of the other 
 parties. 
 
 The committees opposed Robespierre in their own way. 
 They secretly strove to bring about his fall by accusing him 
 of tyranny; they caused the establishment of his religion to be 
 considered as the presage of his usurpation; they recalled the 
 haughty attitude he assumed on the 20th Prairial, and the 
 distance at which he kept even the national convention. 
 Among themselves, they called him Pisistratus, and this name 
 already passed from mouth to mouth. A circumstance, in- 
 significant enough at any other time, gave them an oppor- 
 tunity of attacking him indirectly. An old woman, called 
 Catherine Theot, played the prophetess in an obscure habi-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 257 
 
 tation, surrounded by a few mystic sectaries: they styled her 
 the Mother of God, and she announced the immediate coming 
 of a Messiah. Among her followers there was an old asso- 
 ciate of Robespierre in the constituent assembly, the Chartreux 
 dom Gerle, who had a civic certificate from Robespierre him- 
 self. When the committees discovered the mysteries of the 
 Mother of God, and her predictions, they believed or pre- 
 tended to believe, that Robespierre made use of her instru- 
 mentality to gain over the fanatics, or to announce his eleva- 
 tion. They altered her name of Theot into that of Theos, 
 signifying God; and they craftily insinuated that Robespierre 
 was the Messiah she announced. The aged Vadier, in the 
 name of the committee of general safety, was deputed to bring 
 forward a motion against this new sect. He was vain and 
 subtle; he denounced those who were initiated into these 
 mysteries, turned the worship into derision, implicated Robes- 
 pierre in it without naming him, and had the fanatics sent to 
 prison. Robespierre wished to save them. The conduct of 
 the committee of general safety greatly irritated him, and in 
 the Jacobin club he spoke of the speech of Vadier with 
 contempt and anger. He experienced fresh opposition from 
 the committee of public safety, which refused to proceed 
 against the persons he pointed out to them. From that time 
 he ceased to join his colleagues in the government, and was 
 rarely present at the sittings of the convention. But he 
 attended the Jacobins regularly; and from the tribune of that 
 club he hoped to overthrow his enemies as he had hitherto 
 done. 
 
 Naturally sad, suspicious and timid, he became more melan- 
 choly and mistrustful than ever. He never went out with- 
 out being accompanied by several Jacobins armed with sticks, 
 who were called his body-guard. He soon commenced 
 his denunciations in the popular assembly. "All corrupt 
 men," said he, " must be expelled the convention." This wa? 
 designating the friends of Danton. Robespierre had then* 
 watched with the most minute anxiety. Every day spies 
 followed all their motions, observing their actions, haunts and 
 conversation. Robespierre not only attacked the Dantonists 
 at the Jacobins, he even arose against the committee itself, 
 and for that purpose he chose a clay when Barrere presided 
 in the popular assembly. At the close of the sitting, the
 
 258 H 
 
 latter returned home discouraged; "I am disgusted with 
 men," said he to Villate. " What could be his motive for 
 attacking you?" inquired the other. "Robespierre is insa- 
 tiable," rejoined Barrere; "because we will not do all he 
 wishes, he must break with us. If he talked to us about 
 Thuriot, Guffroi, Rovere, Lecointre, Panis, Cambon, Mones- 
 tier, and the rest of the Dantomsts, we might agree with 
 him; let him even require Tallien, Bourdon de 1'Oise, 
 Legendre, Freron, well ; but Duval, Audoin, Leonard Bour- 
 don, Vadier, Vouland it is impossible to consent." To give 
 up members of the committee of general safety, was to expose 
 themselves; accordingly, while fearing, they firmly awaited 
 the attack. Robespierre was very formidable, with respect 
 to his power, his hatred and his designs; it was for him to 
 begin the combat. 
 
 But how could he set about it? For the first time he was 
 the author of a conspiracy; hitherto he had taken advantage 
 of all popular movements. Danton, the Cordeliers, and the 
 faubourgs had made the insurrection of the 10th of August 
 against the throne; Marat, the Mountain, and the commune 
 had made tkat of the 31st of May against the Gironde; 
 Billaud, Saint-Just, and the committees had effected the 
 ruin of the commune, and weakened the Mountain. Robes- 
 pierre remained alone. Unable to procure assistance from 
 the government, since he had declared against the committees, 
 he had recourse to the populace and the Jacobins. The 
 principal conspirators were Saint-Just, and Couthon in the 
 committee; Fleuriot the mayor, and Payan the national 
 agent in the commune; Dumas the president, and Coffmhal 
 the vice-president, in the revolutionary tribunal; Henriot, 
 the commander of the armed force, and the popular society. 
 On the loth Messidor, three weeks after the law of Prairial, 
 and twenty-four days before the 9th Thermidor, the reso- 
 lution was already taken; at that time, and under that date, 
 Henriot wrote to the mayor: " You shall be satisfied with 
 me, comrade, and with the way in which I shall proceed; 
 trust me, men who love their country, easily agree in directing 
 all their steps to the benefit of public affairs. I would have 
 wished, and I do wish, that the secret of the operation rested 
 with us two; the wicked should know nothing of it. Health 
 and brotherhood."
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 259 
 
 Saint- Just was on a mission to the army of the north; 
 Robespierre hastily recalled him. While waiting his return, 
 he prepared the public mind at the Jacobins. In the sitting 
 of the 3rd Thermidor, he complained of the conduct of the 
 committees, and of the persecution of the patriots, whom he 
 swore to defend. " There must no longer be traces of crime 
 or faction," said he, " in any place whatever. A few scoun- 
 drels disgrace the convention; but it will not allow itself to 
 be swayed by them." He then urged his colleagues, the 
 Jacobins, to present their reflections to the national assembly. 
 This was the transaction of the 31st of May. On the 4th, he 
 received a deputation from the department of 1'Aisne, who 
 came to complain to him of the operations of the government, 
 to which, for a month past, he had been a stranger. " The 
 convention," saM Robespierre, in his reply to the deputation, 
 " in the situation in which it now stands, gangrened by cor- 
 ruption, and being wholly unable to recover itself, cannot 
 save the republic both must perish. The proscription of 
 patriots is the order of the day. As for me, I have one foot 
 in the tomb; in a few days the other will follow it. The 
 rest is in the hands of Providence." He was then slightly 
 indisposed, and he purposely exaggerated his discourage- 
 ment, his fears, and the dangers of the republic, in order to 
 inflame the patriots, and again bind the fate of the revolution 
 with his own. 
 
 In the meantime, Saint-Just arrived from the army. He 
 ascertained the state of affairs from Robespierre. He pre- 
 sented himself to the committees, the members of which 
 received him coldly; every time he entered, they ceased to 
 deliberate. Saint-Just, who, from their silence, a few chance 
 words, and the expression of perplexity or hostility on their 
 countenances, saw there was no time to be lost, pressed 
 Robespierre to act. His maxim was to strike at once, and 
 resolutely. " Dare," said he, " that is the secret of revolu- 
 tions." But he wished to prevail on Robespierre to take a 
 measure, which was impossible, by urging him to strike 
 his ibc, without apprising them. The force at his disposal 
 was a force of revolutionary opinion, and not an organized 
 force. It was necessary for him to seek the assistance of the 
 convention or of the commune, the legal authority of govern- 
 ment, or the extraordinaiy authority of insurrection Such 
 
 s2
 
 260 HISTOKY OF 
 
 was the custom, and such must be all coup-d'etats. They 
 could not even have recourse to insurrection, until after they 
 had received the refusal of the assembly, otherwise a pre- 
 text was wanting for the rising. Robespierre was there- 
 fore obliged to commence the attack in the convention itself. 
 He hoped to obtain everything from it by his ascendancy, 
 or if, contrary to its custom, it resisted, he reckoned on the 
 people, urged by the commune, rising on the 9th Thermidor 
 against the proscribed of the Mountain, and the committee of 
 public safety, as it had risen on the 31st of May against the 
 proscribed of the Gironde and the Commission of Twelve. 
 It is almost always by the past that man regulates his conduct 
 and his hopes. 
 
 On the 8th of Thermidor, he entered the convention at an 
 early hour. He ascended the tribunal and denounced the 
 committee in a most skilful speech. " I am come," said he, 
 "to defend before you your authority insulted, and liberty 
 violated. I will also defend myself; you will not be sur- 
 prised at this; you do not resemble the tyrants you contend 
 with. The cries of outraged innocence do not importune 
 your ears, and you know that this cause is not foreign to your 
 interests." After this opening, he complained of those who had 
 calumniated him; he attacked those who sought the ruin ot 
 the republic, either by excesses or moderation; those who per- 
 secuted pacific citizens, meaning the committees, and those 
 who persecuted true patriots, meaning the Mountaineers. He 
 associated himself with the intentions, past conduct, and spirit 
 of the convention; he added that its enemies were his: " What 
 have I done to merit persecution, if it entered not into the 
 general system of their conspiracy against the convention? 
 Have you not observed that, to isolate you from the nation, 
 they have given out that you are dictators, reigning by means 
 of terror, and disavowed by the silent wishes of all Frenchmen? 
 For myself, what faction do I belong to? to yourselves. What 
 is that faction that, from the beginning of the revolution, ha* 
 overthrown all factions, and got rid of acknowledged traitors. 
 It is you, it is the people, it is principles. That is the faction 
 to which I am devoted, and against which ah 1 crimes are 
 leagued. For at least six weeks, my inability to do good and 
 to check evil has obliged me absolutely to renounce my 
 functions as a member of the committee of public safety
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 261 
 
 Has patriotism been better protected? have factions been 
 more timid? or the country more happy? At all times my 
 influence has been confined to pleading the cause of my 
 country before the national representation, and at the tribunal 
 of public opinion." After having attempted to confound his 
 cause with that of the convention, he tried to excite it against 
 the committees by dwelling on the idea of its independence. 
 " Representatives of the people," said he, "it is time to re- 
 sume the pride and elevation of character which befits you. 
 You are not made to be ruled, but to rule the depositaries of 
 your confidence." 
 
 While he thus endeavoured to tempt the assembly by the re- 
 turn of its power and the end of its slavery, he addressed the 
 moderate party, by reminding them that they were indebted to 
 him for the lives of the Seventy-Three, and by holding forth 
 hopes of returning order, justice, and clemency. He spoke 
 of changing the devouring and trickster system of finance, 
 of softening the revolutionary government, of guiding its 
 influence, and punishing its prevaricating agents. Lastly, he 
 invoked the people, talked of their necessities, and of their 
 power. And when he had recalled all that could act upon 
 the interests, hopes, or fears of the convention, he added: 
 " We say, then, that there exists a conspiracy against public 
 liberty; that it owes its strength to a criminal coalition which 
 intrigues in the very heart of the convention; that this coali- 
 tion has accomplices in the committee of general safety; that 
 the enemies of the republic have opposed this committee to 
 the committee of public safety, and have thus constituted 
 two governments; that members of the committee of public 
 safety are concerned in this plot; that the coalition thus 
 formed, seeks the ruin both of patriots and of the country; 
 What remedy is there for this evil? Punish the traitors; 
 compose anew the committee of general safety; purify this 
 committee, and make it subordinate to the committee of public 
 safety; purify the latter committee itself; constitute the unity 
 of the government under the supreme authority of the con 
 vention; crush every faction under the weight of national 
 authority, and establish on their ruins the power of justice 
 and liberty." 
 
 Not a murmur, not a mark of applause welcomed this 
 declaration of war. The silence with which Robespierre was
 
 1 
 
 262 HISTOEY OF 
 
 heard continued long after he had ceased speaking. Anxious 
 looks were exchanged in all parts of the doubting assembly. 
 At length Lecointre of Versailles arose and proposed that the 
 speech should be printed. This motion was the signal for 
 agitation, discussion, and resistance. Bourdon de 1'Oise 
 opposed the motion for printing the speech, as a dangerous 
 measure. He was applauded. But Barrere, in his ambiguous 
 manner, having maintained that all speeches ought to be 
 published, and Couthon having moved that it should be sent 
 to all the communes of the republic, the convention, intimi- 
 dated by this apparent concord of the two opposite factions, 
 decreed both the printing and circulation of the speech. 
 
 The members of the -two committees thus attacked, who 
 had hitherto remained silent, seeing the Mountain thwarted, 
 and the majority undecided, thought it time to speak, Va- 
 dier first opposed Robespierre's speech and Robespierre 
 himself. Cambon went further. " It is time," he cried, "to 
 speak the whole truth: one man paralyzed the resolution ot 
 the national assembly; that man is Robespierre." " The 
 mask must be torn off," added Billaud-Varennes, " whatever 
 face it may cover; I would rather my corpse should serve an 
 ambitious man for his throne, than by my silence to become 
 the accomplice of his crimes." Panis, Bentabole, Charlier, 
 Thirion, Amar, attacked him in turn. Freron proposed to 
 the convention to throw off the fatal yoke of the committees. 
 "The time is come," said he, "to revive liberty of opinion; 
 I move that the assembly revoke the decree which gives the 
 committee power to arrest the representatives of the people. 
 Who can speak freely while he fears an arrest?" Some 
 applause was heard; but the moment for the entire deliver- 
 ance of the convention was not yet arrived. It was necessary 
 to contend with Robespierre from behind the committees, in 
 order subsequently to attack the committees more easily. 
 Freron' s motion was accordingly rejected. " The man who 
 is prevented by fear from delivering his opinion," said Bil- 
 laud-Varennes, looking at him, " is not worthy the title of a 
 representative of the people." Attention was again drawn 
 to Robespierre. The decree ordering his speech to be printed 
 was recalled, and the convention submitted the speech to the 
 examination of the committees. Robespierre, who had been 
 surprised at this fiery resistance, then said: "What! I had
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 263 
 
 the courage to place before the assembly truths which I 
 think necessary to the safety of the country, and you send 
 my discourse for the examination of the members whom I 
 accuse." He retired, a little discouraged, but hoping to bring 
 back the assembly to his views, or rather, bring it into sub- 
 jection, with the aid of the conspirators of the Jacobins and 
 the commune. 
 
 In the evening he repaired to the popular society. He was 
 received with enthusiasm. He read the speech which the 
 assembly had just condemned, and the Jacobins loaded him 
 with applause. He then recounted to them the attacks which 
 had been directed against him, and to increase their excite- 
 ment he added : " If necessary, I am ready to drink the cup 
 of Socrates." " Robespierre," cried a deputy, " I will drink 
 it with you." " The enemies of Robespierre," cried numbers 
 on all sides, " are the enemies of the country; let them be 
 named, and they shall cease to live." During the whole night 
 Robespierre prepared his partisans for the following day. It 
 was agreed that they should assemble at the commune and 
 the Jacobins, in order to be ready for every event, while he, 
 accompanied by his friends, repaired to the assembly. 
 
 The committees had also spent the night in deliberation. 
 Saint-Just had appeared among them. His colleagues tried 
 to disunite him from the triumvirate; they deputed him to 
 draw up a report on the events of the preceding day, and 
 submit it to them. But, instead of that, he drew up an act 
 of accusation, which he would not communicate to them, and 
 said, as he withdrew: " You have withered my heart; I am, 
 going to open it to the convention." The committees placed 
 all their hope in the courage of the assembly and the union 
 of parties. The Mountain had omitted nothing to bring 
 about this salutary agreement. They had addressed them- 
 selves to the most influential members of the Right and of 
 the Marais. They had entreated Boissy-d'Anglas and Durand 
 Maillane, who were at their head, to join them against Robes- 
 pierre. They hesitated at first: they were so alarmed at his 
 power, so full of resentment against the Mountain, that they 
 dismissed the Dantonists twice without listening to them. 
 At last the Dantonists returned to the charge a third time, 
 and then the Right and the Plain engaged to support them. 
 There was thus a conspiracy on both sides. All tue parties
 
 264 HISTORY OF 
 
 of the assembly were united against Robespierre, all the 
 accomplices of the triumvirs were prepared to act against the 
 convention. In this state of affairs the sitting of the ninth 
 Thermidor began. 
 
 The members of the assembly repaired there earlier than 
 usual. About half -past eleven they gathered in the passages, 
 encouraging each other. The mountaineer Bourdon de 
 1'Oise approached Durand-Maillane, a moderate, pressed his 
 hand, and said " The people of the Right are excellent 
 men." Rovere and Tallien came up and mingled their con- 
 gratulations with those of Bourdon. At twelve they saw, from 
 the door of the Hall, Saint- Just ascend the tribune. " Now is 
 the time," said Tallien, and they entered the Hall. Robespierre 
 occupied a seat in front of the tribune, doubtless in order to 
 intimidate his adversaries with his looks. Saint- Just began: 
 "I belong," he said, "to no faction; I will oppose them all. 
 The course of things has perhaps made this tribune the Tar- 
 peian rock for him who shall tell you that the members of the 
 government have quitted the path of prudence." Tallien 
 then interrupted Saint- Just, and exclaimed violently: " No 
 good citizen can restrain his tears at the wretched state of 
 public affairs. We see nothing but divisions. Yesterday a 
 member of the government separated himself from it to accuse 
 it. To-day another does the same. Men still seek to attack 
 each other, to increase the woes of the country, to precipitate 
 it into the abyss. Let the veil be wholly torn asunder." 
 "It must! it must!" resounded on every side. 
 
 Billaud-Varennes spoke from his seat " Yesterday," said 
 he, '' the society of Jacobins was filled with hired men, for 
 no one had a card; yesterday the design of assassinating the 
 members of the national assembly was developed in that 
 society; yesterday I saw men uttering the most atrocious 
 insults against those who have never deviated from the revo- 
 lution. I see on the Mountain one of those men who threatened 
 the republic; there he is." "Arrest him! arrest him!" was 
 the general cry. The Serjeant seized him, and took him to 
 the committee of general safety. " The time is come for speak- 
 ing the truth," said Billaud. " The assembly would form a 
 wrong judgment of events and of the position in which it is 
 placed, did it conceal from itself that it is placed between two 
 massacres. It will perish, if feeble." "No! no! It will
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 265 
 
 not perish!" exclaimed all the members, rising from their 
 seats. They swore to save the republic. The spectators 
 in the gallery applauded, and cried " Vive la Convention 
 Nationale!" The impetuous Lebas attempted to speak in. 
 defence of the triumvirs; he was not allowed to do so, and 
 Billaud continued. Pie warned the convention of its dan- 
 gers, attacked Robespierre, pointed out his accomplices, 
 denounced his conduct and his plans of dictatorship. All 
 eyes were directed towards him. He faced them firmly for 
 some time; but at length, unable to contain himself, he rushed 
 to the tribune. The cry of " Down with the tyrant," in- 
 stantly became general, and drowned his voice. 
 
 " Just now," said Tallien, " I required that the veil should 
 be torn asunder. It gives me pleasure to see that it is wholly 
 sundered. The conspirators are unmasked; they will soon 
 be destroyed, and liberty will triumph. I was present yester- 
 day at the sitting of the Jacobins; I trembled for my country. 
 I saw the army of this new Cromwell forming, and I armed 
 myself with a poignard to stab him to the heart, if the 
 national convention wanted courage to decree his impeach- 
 ment." He drew out his poignard, brandished it before the 
 indignant assembly, and moved, before anything else, the 
 arrest of Hen riot, the permanent sitting of the assembly; and 
 both motions were carried, in the midst of cries of-" Vive la 
 republique!" Billaud also moved the arrest of three of 
 Robespierre's most daring accomplices, Dumas, Boulanger, 
 and Dufrese. Barrere caused the convention to be placed 
 under the guard of the armed sections, and drew up a pro- 
 clamation to be addressed to the people. Every one pro- 
 posed a measure of precaution. Vadier diverted the assembly 
 for a moment, from the danger which threatened it, to the 
 affair of Catherine Theos. " Let us not be diverted from the 
 true object of debate," said Tallien. "I will undertake to 
 bring you back to it," said Robespierre. " Let us turn our 
 attention to the tyrant," rejoined Tallien, attacking him more 
 warmly than before. 
 
 Robespierre, after attempting to speak several times, 
 ascending and descending the stairs of the tribune, while his 
 Voice was drowned by cries of "Down with the tyrant!" and 
 iJie bell which the president Thuriot continued ringing, now 
 nade a last effort to be heard. " President of assassins," he
 
 266 HISTORY OF 
 
 cried, " for the last time, will you let me speak ?" But 
 Thuriot continued to ring his bell. Robespierre, alter 
 glancing at the spectators in the public gallery, who remained 
 motionless, turned towards the Right. " Pure and virtuous 
 men," said he, "I have recourse to you; give me the hearing 
 which these assassins refuse." No answer was returned; 
 profound silence prevailed. Then, wholly dejected, he 
 returned to his place, and sank on his seat exhausted by 
 fatigue and rage. He foamed at the mouth, and his utter- 
 ance was choked. "Wretch!" said one of the Mountain, 
 " the blood of Danton chokes thee." His arrest was demanded 
 and supported on all sides. Young Robespierre now arose: 
 " I am as guilty as my brother," said he. " I share his 
 virtues, and I will share his fate." " I will not be involved 
 in the opprobrium of this decree," added Lebas; "I demand 
 my arrest too." The assembly unanimously decreed the 
 arrest of the two Robespierres, Couthon, Lebas, and Saint- 
 Just. The latter, after standing for some time at the tribune 
 with unchanged countenance, descended with composure to 
 his place. He had faced this protracted storm without any 
 show of agitation. The triumvirs were delivered to the 
 gendarmerie, who removed them amidst general applause. 
 Robespierre exclaimed, as he went out " The republic is 
 lost, the brigands triumph." It was now half-past live, and the 
 sitting was suspended till seven. 
 
 During this stormy contest the accomplices of the triumvirs 
 had assembled at the Commune and the Jacobins. Fleuriot the 
 mayor, Payan the national agent, and Henriot the com- 
 mandant, had been at the Hotel de Ville since noon. They 
 had assembled the municipal officers by the sound of the drum, 
 hoping that Robespierre would be triumphant in the assem- 
 bly, and that they should not require the general council to 
 decree the insurrection, or the sections to sustain it. A 
 few hours after, a Serjeant of the convention arrived to sum- 
 mon the mayor to the bar of the assembly, to give a report of 
 the state of Paris. " Go, and tell your scoundrels," said 
 Henriot, " that we are discussing how to purge them. Do 
 not forget to tell Robespierre to be firm, and to fear nothing." 
 About half-past four they learned the arrest of the triumvirs, 
 and the decree against their accomplices'. The tocsin was im- 
 mediately sounded, the barriers closed, the general council
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION* 267 
 
 assembled, and the sectionaries called, together. The can- 
 noneers were ordered to bring their pieces to the commune, and 
 the revolutionary committees to take the oath of insurrection. 
 A message was sent to the Jacobins, who sat permanently. 
 The municipal deputies were received with the greatest 
 enthusiasm. " The society watches over the country," they 
 were told. " It has sworn to die rather than live under crime." 
 At the same time they concerted together, and established 
 rapid communications between these two centres of the in- 
 surrection. Henriot, on his side, to arouse the people, ran 
 through the streets, pistol in hand, at the head of his staff, 
 crying "to arms!" haranguing the multitude, and instigating 
 all he met to repair to the commune to save the country. 
 While on this errand, two members of the convention per- 
 ceived him in the Rue Saint Honorfe. They summoned, in 
 the name of the law, a few gendarmes to execute the order 
 for his arrest; they obeyed, and Henriot was pinioned and 
 conveyed to the committee of general safety. 
 
 Nothing, however, was decided as yet on either side. 
 Each party made use of its means of power; the convention 
 of its decrees, the commune of the insurrection; each party 
 knew 'what would be the consequences of defeat, and this 
 rendered them both so active, so full of foresight and decision. 
 Success was long uncertain. From noon till five the con- 
 vention had the upper hand; it caused the arrest of the 
 triumvirs, Payan the national agent, and Henriot the com- 
 mandant. It was already assembled, and the commune had 
 not yet collected its forces; but from six to eight the insur- 
 gents regained their position, and the cause of the convention 
 was nearly lost. During this interval, the national repre- 
 sentatives had separated, and the commune had redoubled its 
 efforts and audacity. 
 
 Robespierre had been transferred to the Luxembourg, his 
 brother to Saint Lazare, Saint-Just to the Ecossais, Couthon 
 to La Bourbe, Lebas to the Conciergerie. The commune, 
 after having ordered the gaolers not to receive them, sent 
 municipal officers with detachments to bring them away. 
 Robespierre was liberated first, and conducted in triumph to 
 the Hotel de Ville. On arriving, he was received with the 
 greatest enthusiasm: "Long live Robespierre! Down with 
 the traitors , " resound2d on all sides. A little before,
 
 268 HISTORY OF 
 
 Coffinhal had departed, at the head of two hundred cannon- 
 eers, to release Henriot, who was detained at the committee 
 of general safety. It was now seven o'clock, and the conven- 
 tion had resumed its sitting. Its guard, at the most, was a 
 hundred men. Coffinhal arrived, made his way through the 
 outer courts, entered the committee chamber, and delivered 
 Henriot. The latter repaired to the Place du Carousel, 
 harangued the cannoneers, and ordered them to point their 
 pieces on the convention. 
 
 The assembly was just then discussing the danger to which 
 it was exposed. It had just heard of the alarming success of the 
 conspirators, of the insurrectional orders of the commune, the 
 rescue of the triumvirs, their presence at the Hotel de Ville, 
 the rage of the Jacobins, the successive convocation of the 
 revolutionary council and of the sections. It was dreading 
 a violent invasion every moment, when the terrified members 
 of the committees rushed in, fleeing from Coffinhal. They 
 learned that the committees were surrounded, and Henriot 
 released. This news caused great agitation. The next 
 moment Amar entered precipitately, and announced that the 
 cannoneers, acted upon by Henriot, had turned their pieces 
 upon the convention. " Citizens," said the president, putting 
 on his hat, in token of distress, "the hour is come to die, at 
 our posts!" "Yes, yes! we will die there!" exclaimed all 
 the members. The people in the galleries rushed out, crying, 
 "To arms! Let us drive back the scoundrels!" And the 
 assembly courageously outlawed Henriot. 
 
 Fortunately for the assembly, Henriot could not prevail 
 upon the cannoneers to fire. His influence was limited to 
 the inducing them to accompany him, and he turned his steps 
 to the Hotel de Ville. The refusal of the cannoneers decided 
 the fate of the day. From that moment the commune, which 
 had been on the point of triumphing, saw its affairs dech'ne. 
 Having failed in a surprise by main force, it was reduced to 
 the slow measures of the insurrection; the point of attack 
 was changed, and soon it was no longer the commune which 
 besieged the Tuileries, but the convention which marched 
 upon the Hotel de Ville. The assembly instantly outlawed 
 the conspiring deputies and the insurgent commune. It sent 
 commissioners to the sections, to secure their aid; named the 
 representative Barras commandant of the armed force, joining
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 269 
 
 with him Freron, Rovere, Bourdon de 1'Oise, Feraud, Leonard 
 Bourdon, Legendre, all men of decision; and made the 
 committees the centre of operation. 
 
 The sections, on the invitation of the commune, had assem- 
 bled about nine o'clock; the greater part of the citizens, in 
 repairing thither, were anxious, uncertain, and but vaguely 
 informed of the quarrels between the commune and the con- 
 vention. The emissaries of the insurgents urged them to- 
 join them, and to march their battalions to the Hotel de Ville. 
 The sections confined themselves to sending a deputation; 
 but as soon as the commissioners of the convention arrived 
 among them, had communicated to them the decrees and 
 invitations of the assembly, and informed them that there 
 was a leader and a rallying point, they hesitated no longer. 
 Their battalions presented themselves in succession to the 
 assembly; they swore to defend it, and they passed in files 
 through the Hall, amid shouts of enthusiasm and sincere 
 applause. "The moments are precious," said Freron; "we 
 must act; Barras is gone to take the orders of the committees; 
 we will march against the rebels; we Avill summon them in 
 the name of the convention to deliver up the traitors, and if 
 they refuse, we Avill reduce the building in which they are to 
 ashes." " Go," said the president, " and let not day appear 
 before the heads of the conspirators have fallen." A few 
 battalions and some pieces of artillery were placed round the 
 assembly, to guard it from attack, and the sections then 
 marched in two columns against the commune. It was now 
 nearly midnight. 
 
 The conspirators were still assembled. Robespierre, after 
 having been received with cries of enthusiasm, promises of 
 devotedness and victory, had been admitted into the general 
 council between Payan and Fleuriot. The Place de Greve 
 was filled with men, and glittered with bayonets, pikes, and 
 cannon. They only waited the arrival of the sections to 
 proceed to action. The presence of their deputies, and the 
 sending municipal commissioners among them, had inspired 
 reliance on their aid. Henriot answered for everything. 
 The conspirators looked for certain victory; they appointed 
 an executive commission, prepared addresses to the armies, 
 and drew up various lists. Half-past midnight, however, 
 arrived, and no section had yet appeared, no order had yet
 
 270 HISTORY OF 
 
 been given, the triumvirs were still sitting, and the crowd on 
 the Place de Greve became discouraged by this tardiness and 
 indecision. A report spread in whispers that the sections had 
 declared in favour of the convention, that the commune was 
 outlawed, and that the conventional troops were advancing. 
 The eagerness of the armed multitude had already abated, 
 when a few emissaries of the assembly glided among them, 
 and raised the cry, "Vive la convention!" Several voices 
 repeated it. They then read the proclamation of outlawry 
 against the commune; and after hearing it, the whole crowd 
 dispersed. The Place de Greve was deserted in a moment. 
 Henriot came down a few minutes after, sabre in hand, to 
 excite their courage; but finding no one: " What!" cried he; 
 "is it possible? Those rascals of cannoneers, who saved my 
 life five hours ago, now forsake me." He went up again. At 
 that moment, the columns of the convention arrived, sur- 
 rounded the Hotel de Ville, silently took possession of all its 
 outlets, and then shouted, " Vive la convention nationale !" 
 The conspirators, finding they were lost, sought to escape the 
 violence of their enemies by committing violence on them- 
 selves. Robespierre shattered his jaw with a pistol-shot; 
 Lebas followed his example, but succeeded in killing himself; 
 Robespierre the younger jumped from a window on the third 
 story, and survived his fall; Couthon hid himself under a 
 table; Saint- Just awaited his fate; Coftinhal, after reproach- 
 ing Henriot with cowardice, threw him from a window into 
 a gutter, and fled. Meantime, the conventionalists penetrated 
 into the Hotel de Ville, traversed the desolate halls, seized 
 the conspirators, and carried them in triumph to the assembly. 
 Bourdon entered the Hall crying "Victory! victory! the 
 traitors are no more !" " The wretched Robespierre is there," 
 said the president; " they are bringing him on a litter. 
 Doubtless you would not have him brought in." " No! 
 no!" they cried; " carry him to the Place de la Revolution!" 
 He was deposited for some time at the committee of general 
 safety before he was transferred to the Conciergerie; and 
 here, stretched on a table, his face disfigured and bloody, 
 exposed to the looks, the invectives, the curses of all, he 
 beheld the various parties exulting in his fall, and charging 
 upon him all the crimes that had been committed. He dis 
 played much insensibility during bis last moments. He was
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 271 
 
 taken to the Conciergerie, and afterwards appeared before 
 the revolutionary tribunal, which, after identifying him and 
 his accomplices, sent them to the scaffold. On the 10th of 
 Thermidor, about five in the evening, he ascended the death 
 cart, placed between Henriot and Couthon, mutilated like 
 himself. His head was enveloped in linen saturated with 
 blood; his face was livid, his eyes almost visionless. An 
 immense crowd thronged around the cart, manifesting the 
 most boisterous and exulting joy. They congratulated and 
 embraced each other, loading him with imprecations, and 
 pressed near to view him more closely. The gendarmes 
 pointed him out with their sabres. As to him, he seemed to 
 regard the crowd with contemptuous pity; Saint- Just looked 
 calmly at them; the rest, in number twenty-two, were de- 
 jected. Kobespierre ascended the scaffold last; when his 
 head fell, shouts of applause arose in the air, and lasted for 
 some minutes. 
 
 With him ended the reign of terror, although he was not 
 the most zealous advocate of that system in his party. If he 
 sought for supremacy, after obtaining it, he would have em- 
 ployed moderation; and the reign of terror, which ceased 
 at his fall, would also have ceased with his triumph. I regard 
 his ruin to have been inevitable; he had no organized force; 
 his partisans, though numerous, were not enrolled; his instru- 
 ment was the force of opinion and of terror; accordingly, not 
 being able to surprise his foes by a strong hand, after the 
 fashion of Cromwell, he sought to intimidate them. Terror 
 not succeeding, he tried insurrection. But as the convention, 
 with the support of the committees, had become courageous, 
 so the sections, relying on the courage of the convention, 
 would naturally declare against the insurgents. By attack- 
 ing the government, he aroused the assembly; by arousing the 
 assembly, he aroused the people; and this coalition necessarily 
 ruined him. The convention on the 9th of Thermidor AVOS 
 no longer, as on the 31st of May, divided, undecided, opposed 
 to a compact, numerous, and daring faction. All parties 
 were united by defeat, misfortune, and the proscription ever 
 threatening them, and would naturally become allied, in the 
 event of a struggle. It did not, therefore, depend on Robes- 
 pierre to escape defeat. As little was it in his power to 
 secede from the committees. At the point he had attained,
 
 272 HISTORY OF 
 
 one wishes to be sole; one is consumed by one's passions, 
 deceived by one's hopes, and by one's fortune, hitherto suc- 
 cessful; and war once declared, peace, repose, the partition 
 of power, are as impossible as justice and clemency when the 
 scaffolds have once been erected. One must then fall by 
 the means by which one has arisen; the man of faction must 
 perish by the scaffold, as the conqueror by war.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 273 
 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 FROM THE 9TH THERMIDOR TO THE 4TH BRUMAIRE, YEAR IV, 
 (26TH OCTOBER, 1795), THE CLOSE OF THE CONVENTION. 
 
 The convention, after the fall of Robespierre ; party of the committees ; 
 Thermidorian party ; their constitution and object Decay of the demo- 
 cratic party of the committees Impeachment of Lebon and Carrier 
 State of Paris The Jacobins and the Faubourgs declare for the old 
 committees ; the jeunessc dorec, and the sections, for the Thennidorians 
 Impeachment of Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, and 
 Vadier Movement of Germinal Transportation of the accused, and of 
 a few of the Mountain, their partisans Insurrection of the 1st Prairial 
 Defeat of the democratic party ; disarming of the Faubourgs ; the 
 lower class excluded from the government, deprived of the constitution 
 of 93, and loses its material power. 
 
 THE 9th of Thermidor was the first day of the revolution 
 in which those fell who attacked. This indication alone 
 manifested that the ascendant revolutionary movement had 
 reached its term. From that day the contrary movement 
 necessarily began. The general rising of all parties against 
 one man was calculated to put an end to the compression 
 under which they laboured. In Robespierre the committees 
 subdued each other, and the decemviral government lost the 
 prestige of terror which had constituted its strength. The 
 committees liberated the convention, which gradually liberated 
 the entire republic. Yet they thought they had been work- 
 ing for themselves, and for the prolongation of the revolu- 
 tionary government, while the greater part of those who had 
 supported them had for their object the overthrow of the 
 dictatorship, the independence of the assembly, and the
 
 274 HISTORY OF 
 
 establishment of legal order. From the day after the 9th of 
 Therinidor there were, therefore, two opposite parties among 
 the conquerors, that of the committees, and that of the Moun- 
 tain, which was called the Thermidorian party. 
 
 The former was deprived of half its forces; besides the loss 
 of its chief, it no longer had the commune, whose insurgent 
 members, to the number of seventy-two, had been sent to the 
 scaffold, and which, after its double defeat under Hebert and 
 under Robespierre, was not again re-organized, and remained 
 without direct influence. But this party retained the direc- 
 tion of affairs through the committees. All its members were 
 attached to the revolutionary system ; some, such as Billaud- 
 Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere, Vadier, Amar, saw it 
 was their only safety; others, such as Carnot, Cambon, the 
 Prieurs, &c., feared the counter-revolution, and the punish- 
 ment of their colleagues. In the convention it reckoned all 
 the commissioners hitherto sent on missions, several of the 
 Mountain who had signalized themselves on the 9th Ther- 
 midor, and the remnant of Robespierre's party. Without, the 
 Jacobins were attached to it; and it still had the support of 
 the Faubourgs and of the lower class. 
 
 The Thermidorian party was composed of the greater 
 number of the conventionalists. All the centre of the as- 
 sembly, and what remained of the Right, joined the Moun- 
 tain, who had abated their former exaggeration of views. 
 The coalition of the Moderates, Boissy d'Anglas, Sieyes, 
 Cambaceres, Chenier, Thibeaudean, with the Dantonists, 
 Tallien, Freron, Legendre, Barras, Bourdon de 1'Oise, Rovere, 
 Bentabole, Dumont, and the two Merlins, entirely changed 
 the character of the assembly. After the 9th of Thermidor, 
 the first step of this party was to secure its empire in the con- 
 vention. Soon it found its way into the government, and 
 succeeded in excluding the previous occupants. Sustained by 
 public opinion, by the assembly, by the committees, it ad- 
 vanced openly towards its object; it proceeded against the 
 principal decemvirs, and some of their agents. As these had 
 many partisans in Paris, it sought the aid of the young men 
 against the Jacobins, of the sections against the Faubourgs. 
 At the same time, to strengthen it, it recalled to the assembly 
 all the deputies whom the committee of public safety had
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 275 
 
 proscribed ; first, the seventy-three who had protested against 
 the 31st of May, and then the surviving victims of that day 
 themselves. The Jacobins exhibited excitement: it closed 
 their club; the Faubourgs raised an insurrection: it disarmed 
 them. After overthrowing the revolutionary government, it 
 directed its attention to the establishment of another, and to 
 the introduction, under the constitution of the year III., of a 
 feasible, liberal, regular, and stable order of things, in place 
 of the extraordinary and provisional state in which the con- 
 vention had been from its commencement until then. But 
 all this was accomplished gradually. 
 
 The two parties were not long before they began to 
 diifer, after their common victory. The revolutionary 
 tribunal was an especial object of general horror. On 
 the 11 th Thermidor it was suspended; but Billaud-Varennes, 
 in the same sitting, had the decree of suspension rescinded. 
 He maintained that the accomplices of Robespierre alone 
 were guilty, that the majority of the judges and jurors 
 being men of integrity, it was desirable to retain them in 
 their offices. Barrere presented a decree to that effect: he 
 urged that the triumvirs had done nothing for the revolu- 
 tionary government; that they had often even opposed its 
 measures; that their only care had been to place their crea- 
 tures in it, and to give it a direction favourable to their own 
 projects; he insisted, in order to strengthen that govern- 
 ment, upon retaining the law des suspects and the tribunal, 
 with its existing members, including Fouquier-Thinville. 
 At this name a general murmur rose in the assembly. Freron, 
 rendering himself the organ of the general indignation, ex- 
 claimed: " I demand that the earth be, at length, delivered 
 from that monster, and that Fouquier be sent to hell, there 
 to wallow in the blood he has . shed." His proposition was 
 applauded, and Fouquier's accusation decreed. Barrere, 
 however, did not regard himself as defeated; he still retained 
 toward the convention the imperious language which the old 
 committee had made use of with success; this was at once 
 habit and calculation on his part; for he well knew that 
 nothing is so easily continued as that which has been successful. 
 ~~But the political tergiversations of Barrere, a man of noble 
 birth, and who was a royalist Fenillant before the 10th of 
 August, did not countenance his assuming this imperious and 
 
 T2
 
 276 HISTORY OP 
 
 inflexible tone. " Who is this president of the Feuillants," 
 said Merlin de Thionville, " who assumes to dictate to us the 
 law?'"' The hall resounded with applause. Barrere became 
 confused, left the tribune, and this first check of the commit- 
 tees indicated their decline in the convention. The revolu- 
 tionary tribunal continued to exist, but with other members 
 and another organization. The law of the 22nd Prairial was 
 abolished, and there were now as much deliberation and mo- 
 deration, as many protecting forms in trials, as before there 
 had been precipitation and inhumanity. This tribunal was 
 no longer made use of against persons formerly suspected, 
 who were still detained in prison, though under milder treat- 
 ment, and who, by degrees, were restored to liberty on the 
 plan proposed by Camille Desmoulins for his Committee of 
 Clemency. 
 
 On the 13th of Thermidor the government itself became 
 the subject of discussion. The committee of public safety 
 was deficient in many members; Herault de Sechelles had 
 never been replaced; Jean-Bon-Saint-Andre and Prieur de 
 la Marne were on missions; Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint- 
 Just had perished on the scaffold. In the places of these were 
 appointed Tallien, Breard, Eschasseriaux, Treilhard, Thuriot, 
 and Laloi, whose accession lessened still more the influence of 
 the old members. At the same time, were reorganized the 
 two committees, so as to render them more dependent on 
 the assembly, and less so on one another. The committee of 
 public safety was charged with military and diplomatic opera- 
 tions ; that of general safety with internal administration. 
 As it was desired, by limiting the revolutionary power, to 
 calm the fever which had excited the multitude, and gra- 
 dually to disperse them, the daily meetings of the sections 
 were reduced to one in every ten days; and the pay of forty 
 sous a day, lately given to every indigent citizen who at- 
 tended them, was discontinued. 
 
 These, measures being carried into effect, on the llth of 
 Fructidor, one month after the death of Robespierre, Le- 
 cointre of Versailles denounced Billaud, Collot, Barrere, of 
 the committee of public safety; and Vadier, Amar, and Vou- 
 land, of the committee of general safety. The evening 
 before, Tallien had vehemently assailed the reign of terror, 
 and Lecointre was encouraged to his attack by the sensation 

 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 277 
 
 which Tallien's speech had produced. He brought twenty- 
 three charges against the accused; he imputed to them all the 
 measures of cruelty or tyranny which they threw oil the 
 triumvirs, and called them the successors of Robespierre. 
 This denunciation agitated the assembly, and more especially 
 those who supported the committees, or who wished that 
 divisions might cease in the republic. " If the crimes Le- 
 cointre reproaches us with were proved," said Billaud- 
 Varennes " if they were as real as they are absurd and 
 chimerical, there is, doubtless, not one of us but would de- 
 serve to lose his head on the scaffold. But I defy Leccintre 
 to prove, by documents or any evidence worthy of belief, any 
 of the facts he has charged us with." He repelled the charges 
 brought against him by Lecointre; he reproached his ene- 
 mies with being corrupt and intriguing men, who wished to 
 sacrifice him to the memory of Danton, an odious conspira- 
 tor, the hope of all parricidal factions. " What seek these 
 men," he continued " what seek these men who call us the 
 successors of Robespierre? Citizens, know you what they 
 seek? To destroy liberty on the tomb of the tyrant." Le- 
 cointre's denunciation was premature; almost all the conven- 
 tion pronounced it calumnious. The accused and their 
 friends gave way to outbursts of unrestrained and still power- 
 ful indignation, for they were now attacked for the first time; 
 the accuser, scarcely supported by any one, was silenced. 
 Billaud-Varennes and his friends triumphed for the time. 
 
 A few days after, the period for renewing a third of the 
 committee arrived. The following members were fixed on 
 by lot to retire: Barrere, Carnot, Robert Lindet, in the com- 
 mittee of public safety; Vadier, Vouland, Moise Baile, in the 
 committee of general safety. They were replaced by Ther- 
 midorians; and Collot-d'Herbois, as well as Billaud-Varennes, 
 finding themselves too weak, resigned. Another circum- 
 stance contributed still more to the fall of their party, by 
 exciting public opinion against it; this was the publicity 
 given to the crimes of Joseph Lebon and Carrier, two of the 
 pro-consuls of the committee. They had been sent, the one to 
 Arras and to Cambrai, the frontier exposed to invasion; the 
 other to Nantes, the limit of the Vendean war. They had 
 signalized their mission by, beyond all others, displaying a 
 cruelty and a caprice of tyranny, which are, however, gener
 
 278 HISTOEY OP 
 
 ally found in those who are invested with supreme human 
 power. Lebon, young and of a weak constitution, was 
 naturally mild. On a first mission, he had been humane; 
 but he was censured for this by the committee, and sent to 
 Arras, with orders to show himself somewhat more revolu- 
 tionary. Not to fall short of the inexorable policy of the 
 committee, he gave way to unheard of excesses; he mingled 
 debauchery with extermination; he had the guillotine always 
 in his presence, and called it holy. He associated with the 
 executioner, and admitted him to his table. Carrier, having 
 more victims to strike, surpassed even Lebon; he was bilious, 
 fanatical, and naturally blood-thirsty. He had only awaited 
 the opportunity to execute enormities that the imagination 
 even of Marat would not have dared to conceive. Sent to the 
 borders of an insurgent country, he condemned to death the 
 whole hostile population priests, women, children, old men, 
 and girls. As the scaffold did not suffice for his cruelty, he 
 substituted a company of assassins, called Marat's company, 
 for the revolutionary tribune, and, for the guillotine, boats, 
 with false bottoms, by means of which he drowned his victims 
 in the Loire. Cries of vengeance and justice were raised 
 against these enormities. After the 9th of Thermidor, 
 Lebon was attacked first, because he was more especially the 
 agent of Robespierre. Carrier, who was that of the com- 
 mittee of public safety, and of whose conduct Robespierre 
 had disapproved, was prosecuted subsequently. 
 
 There were in the prisons of Paris ninety-four people of 
 Nantes, sincerely attached to the revolution, and who had 
 defended their town with courage during the attack made on 
 it by the Vendeans. Carrier had sent them to Paris as 
 federalists. It had not been deemed safe to bring them 
 before the revolutionary tribunal until the ninth of Ther- 
 midor; they were then taken there for the purpose of un- 
 masking, by their trial, the crimes of Carrier. They were 
 tried purposely with prolonged solemnity; their trial lasted 
 nearly a month; there was time given for public opinion to 
 declare itself; and on their acquittal, there was a general 
 demand for justice on the revolutionary committee of Nantes, 
 and on the pro-consul Carrier. Legendre renewed Lecointre's 
 impeachment of JJillaud, Barrere, Collot, and Vadier, who 
 were generously defended by Carnot, Prieur, and Cambon,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 279 
 
 their former colleagues, who demanded to share their fate. 
 Lecointre's motion was not attended with any result; and, for 
 the present, they only brought to trial the members of the 
 revolutionary committee of Nantes; but we may observe the 
 progress of the Thermidorian party. This time the members 
 of the committee were obliged to have recourse to defence, and 
 the convention simply passed to the order of the day, on the 
 question of the denunciation made by Legendre, without 
 voting it calumnious, as they had done that of Lecointre. 
 
 The revolutionary democrats were, however, still very 
 powerful in Paris: if they had lost the commune, the tribunal, 
 the convention, and the committee, they yet retained the 
 Jacobins and the Faubourgs. It was in these popular societies 
 that their party concentrated, especially for the purpose of 
 defending themselves. Carrier attended them assiduously, 
 and invoked their assistance; Billaud-Varennes, and Collot- 
 d'Herbois also resorted to them; but these being somewhat 
 less threatened were circumspect. They were accordingly 
 censured for their silence. " The lion sleeps" replied Bil- 
 laud-Varennes, " but his waking will be terrible" This club 
 had been expurgated after the 10th Thermidor, and it had 
 congratulated the convention in the name of the regenerated 
 societies, on the fall of Robespierre and of tyranny. About 
 this time, as many of its leaders were proceeded against, and 
 many Jacobins were imprisoned in the departments, it came 
 in the name of the united societies " to give utterance to the 
 cry of grief that resounded from every part of the republic, 
 and to the voice of oppressed patriots, plunged in the dungeons 
 which the aristocrats had just left" 
 
 The convention, far from yielding to the Jacobins, pro- 
 hibited, for the purpose of destroying their influence, all col- 
 lective petitions, branch-associations, correspondence, &c., 
 between the parent society and its off-sets, and in this way 
 disorganized the famous confederation of the clubs. The 
 Jacobins, rejected from the convention, began to agitate 
 Paris, where they were still masters. Then the Thermido- 
 rians also began to convoke their people, by appealing to the 
 support of the sections. At the same time, Freron called the 
 young men to arms, in his journal " 1'Orateur du Peuple," 
 and placed himself at their head. This new and irregular 
 militia called itself La jeunesse doree de Freron. All those
 
 2SO HISTORY OF 
 
 who composed it belonged to the rich and the middle class-; 
 they had adopted a particular costume, called Costume a la 
 victime. Instead of the blouse of the Jacobins, they wore a 
 square open coat and very low shoes; the hair, long at the sides, 
 was turned up behind, with tresses called cadenettes; they 
 were armed with short sticks, leadened and formed like 
 bludgeons. A portion of these young men and of the section- 
 aries were royalists; the others followed the impulse of the 
 moment, which was anti-revolutionary. The latter acted 
 without object or ambition, declaring in favour of the strongest 
 party, especially when the triumph of that party promised to 
 restore order, the want of which was generally felt. The 
 other contended under the Thermidorians against the old 
 committees, as the Thermidorians had contended under the 
 old committees against Robespierre; it waited for an opportu- 
 nity of acting on its own account, which occurred after the 
 entire downfall of the revolutionary party. In the violent 
 situation of the two parties, actuated by fear and resentment, 
 they pursued each other unrelentingly, and often came to 
 blows in the streets to the cry of " Vive la Montagne !" or " Vive 
 la Convention!" The Jeunesse doree were powerful in the 
 Palais Royal, where they were supported by the shopkeepers; 
 but the Jacobins were the strongest in the garden of the 
 Tuileries, which was near their club. 
 
 These quarrels became more animated every day ; and 
 Paris was transformed into a field of battle, where the fate o* 
 the parties was left to the decision of arms. This state of war 
 and disorder would necessarily have an end; and since the 
 parties had not the wisdom to come to an understanding, one 
 or the other must inevitably carry the day. The Thermido- 
 rians were the party in progress, and victory naturally fell to 
 them. On the day following that on which Billaud had 
 spoken of the leaking of the lion in the popular society, there 
 was great agitation throughout Paris. It was wished to take 
 the Jacobin club by assault. Men shouted in the streets 
 "The great Jacobin conspiracy! Outlaw the Jacobins!" At 
 this period the revolutionary committee of Nantes were being 
 tried. On their defence they pleaded that they had received 
 from Carrier the sanguinary orders they had executed; which 
 led the convention to enter into an examination of his con- 
 duel. Carrier was allowed to defend himself before the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 281 
 
 decree was passed against him. He justified his cruelty by 
 the cruelty of the Vendeans, and the maddening fury of civil 
 war. " When I acted," he said, " the air still seemed to 
 resound with the civic songs of twenty thousand martyrs, who 
 had shouted 'Vive la republique!' in the midst of tortures. 
 How could the voice of humanity, which had died in this terrible 
 crisis, be heard ? What would my adversaries have done in 
 my place? I saved the republic at Nantes; my life has been 
 devoted to my country, and I am ready to die for it." Out of 
 five hundred voters, four hundred and ninety-eight were for 
 the impeachment; the other two voted for it, but conditionally. 
 The Jacobins finding their opponents were going from sub- 
 altern agents to the representatives, regarded themselves 
 as lost. They endeavoured to rouse the multitude, less to 
 defend Carrier than for the support of their party, which was 
 threatened more and more. But they were kept in check 
 by the jeunesse doree and the sectionaries, who eventually 
 proceeded to the place of their sittings to dissolve the club. 
 A sharp conflict ensued. The besiegers broke the windows 
 with stones, forced the doors, and dispersed the Jacobins 
 after some resistance on their part. The latter complained 
 to the convention of this violence. Rewbell, deputed to 
 make a report on the subject, was not favourable to them. 
 "Where was tyranny organized?" said he; "at the Jacobin 
 club. Where had it its supports and its satellites? At the 
 Jacobin club. Who covered France with mourning, threw 
 families into despair, filled the republic with bastilles, made the 
 republican system so odious, that a slave laden with fetters 
 would have refused to live under it? The Jacobins. Who re- 
 gret the terrible reign we have lived under? The Jacobins. If 
 you have not courage to decide in a moment like this, the 
 republic is at an end, because you have Jacobins." The con- 
 vention suspended them provisionally, in order to expurgate 
 and reorganize them, not daring to destroy them at once. 
 The Jacobins, setting the decree at defiance, assembled in 
 arms in their usual place of meeting; the Thermidorian troop 
 who had already besieged them there, came again to assail 
 them. It surrounded the club with cries of " Long live the con- 
 vention! Down with the Jacobins!" The latter prepared 
 for defence; they left their seats, shouting, " Long live the re- 
 public!" rushed to the doors, and attempted a sortie. At first
 
 282 HISTORY OP 
 
 they made a few prisoners; but soon yielding to superior 
 numbers, they submitted, and traversed the ranks of the 
 victors, who, after disarming them, covered them with hisses, 
 insults, and even blows. These illegal expeditions were ac- 
 companied by all the excesses which attend party struggles. 
 
 The next day commissioners of the convention came to close 
 the club, and put seals on its registers and papers, and from 
 that moment the society of the Jacobins ceased to exist. This 
 popular body had powerfully served the revolution, when, in 
 order to repel Europe, it was necessary to place the govern- 
 ment in the multitude, and to give the republic all the energy 
 of defence; but now it only obstructed the progress of the 
 new order of things. 
 
 The situation of affairs was changed; liberty was to succeed 
 the dictatorship, now that the salvation of the revolution had 
 been effected, and that it was necessary to revert to legal 
 order, in order to preserve it. An exorbitant and extraordi- 
 nary power, like the confederation of the clubs, would neces- 
 sarily terminate with the defeat of the party which had sup- 
 ported it, and that party itself expire with the circumstances 
 which had given it rise. 
 
 Carrier, brought before the revolutionary tribunal, was 
 tried without interruption, and condemned with the majority 
 of his accomplices. During the trial, the seventy-three de- 
 puties, whose protest against the 31st of May had excluded 
 them from the assemblies, were reinstated. Merlin de Douai 
 moved their recal in the name of the committee of public 
 safety; his motion was received with applause, and the 
 seventy-three resumed their seats in the convention. The 
 seventy-three, in their turn, tried to obtain the return of the 
 outlawed deputies; but they met with warm opposition. The 
 Thermidorians and the members of the new committees feared 
 that such a measure would be calling the revolution itself into 
 question. They were also afraid of introducing a new party 
 into the convention, already divided, and of recalling impla- 
 cable enemies, who might cause, with regard to themselves, a 
 reaction similar to that which had taken place against the old 
 committees. Accordingly, they vehemently opposed the motion, 
 and Merlin de Douai went so far as to say: " Do you want 
 to throw open the doors of the Temple?" The young son of 
 Louis XVI. was confined there, and the Girondists, on account 
 of the results of the 31st of May, were confounded with the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 283 
 
 Royalists; besides, the 3 1st of May still figured among the re- 
 volutionary dates beside the 10th of August and the 14th of 
 July. The retrograde movement had yet some steps to take 
 before it reached that period. The republican counter-revo- 
 lution had turned back from the 9th Therrnidor, 1794, to 
 the 3rd of October, 1793, the day on which the seventy-three 
 had been arrested, but not to the 2nd of June, 1 793, when 
 the twenty-two were arrested. After overthrowing Robes- 
 pierre and the committee, it had to attack Marat and the 
 Mountain. In the almost geometrical progression of popular 
 movement, a few months were still necessary to effect this. 
 
 They went on to abolish the decemviral system. The decree 
 against the priests and nobles, who had formed two proscribed 
 classes under the reign of terror, was revoked; the maximum 
 was abolished, in order to restore confidence by putting an 
 end to commercial tyranny; the general and earnest effort 
 was to substitute the most elevated liberty for the despotic 
 pressure of the committee of public safety. This period was 
 also marked by the independence of the press, the restoration 
 of religious worship, and the return of the property con- 
 fiscated from the federalists during the reign of the commit- 
 tees. 
 
 Here was a complete reaction against the revolutionary go- 
 vernment; it soon reached Marat and the Mountain. After the 
 9th of Thermidor, it had been considered necessary to oppose 
 a great revolutionary reputation to that of Robespierre, and 
 Marat had been selected for this purpose. To him were decreed 
 the honours of the Pantheon, which Robespierre, while in power, 
 had deferred granting him. He, in his turn, was now attacked. 
 His bust was in the convention, the theatres, on the public 
 squares, and in the popular assemblies. The Jeunesse doree 
 broke that in the Theatre Feydeau. The Mountain com- 
 plained, but the convention decreed that no citizen could obtain 
 the honours of the Pantheon, nor his bust be placed in the con- 
 vention, until he had been dead ten years. The bust of Marat 
 disappeared from the Hall of the convention, and as the ex- 
 citement was very great in the Faubourgs, the sections, the 
 usual support of the assembly, defiled through it. There was, 
 also, opposite the Invalides, an elevated mound, a Mountain, 
 surmounted by a colossal group, representing Hercules crush- 
 ing a hydra. The section of the Halle-au-ble" demanded 
 that this should be removed. The Left of the assembly
 
 284 HISTORY OF 
 
 murmured. " The giant," said a member, " is an emblem ot 
 the people." " All I see in it is a mountain," replied another, 
 "and what is a Mountain but an eternal protest against 
 equality." These words were much applauded, and sufficed 
 to carry the petition and overthrow the monument of the 
 victory and domination of a party. 
 
 Next were recalled the proscribed conventionalists; already, 
 some time since, their outlawry had been reversed. Isnard 
 and Louvet wrote to the assembly to be reinstated in their 
 rights; they were met by the objection as to the consequences 
 of the 31st of May, and the insurrections of the departments. 
 " I will not," said Chenier, who spoke in their favour, " I 
 will not so insult the national convention as to bring before 
 them the phantom of federalism, which has been preposter- 
 ously made the chief charge against your colleagues. They 
 fled, it will be said; they hid themselves. This, then, is their 
 crime! would that this, for the welfare of the republic, had 
 been the crime of all! Why were there not caverns deep 
 enough to preserve to the country the meditations of Con- 
 dorcet, the eloquence of Vergniaud? "Why did not some hos- 
 pitable land, on the 10th Thermidor, give back to light that 
 colony of energetic patriots and virtuous republicans? But 
 projects of vengeance are apprehended from these men, soured 
 by misfortune. Taught in the school of suffering, they have 
 learnt only to lament human errors. No, no, Condorcet, 
 Rabaud-Saint-Etienne, Vergniaud, Camille Desmoulins seek 
 not holocausts of blood; their manes are not to be appeased 
 by hecatombs." The Left opposed Chenier's motion. " You 
 are about," cried Bentabole, "to rouse every passion; if you 
 attack the insurrection of the 31st of May, you attack the 
 eighty thousand men who concurred in it." " Let us take 
 care," replied Sieyes, " not to confound the work of tyranny 
 with that of principles. When men, supported by a subaltern 
 authority, the rival of ours, succeeded in organizing the 
 greatest of crimes, on the fatal 31st of May, and 2nd of June, 
 it was not a work of patriotism, but an outrage of tyranny; 
 from that time you have seen the convention domineered 
 over, the majority oppressed, the minority dictating laws. 
 The present session is divided into three distinct periods; 
 till the 31st of May, there w r as oppression of the convention 
 by the people ; till the 9th Thermidor, oppression of the people
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 285 
 
 by the convention, itself the object of tyranny; and lastly, 
 since the 9th of Thermidor, justice, as regards the con- 
 vention, has resumed its rights." He demanded the recal of 
 the proscribed members, as a pledge of union in the assembly, 
 and of security for the republic. Merlin de Douai immedi- 
 ately proposed their return in the name of the committee of 
 public safety; it was granted, and after eighteen months' 
 proscription, the twenty-two conventionalists resumed their 
 seats; among them were Isnard, Louvet, Lanjuinais, Kerve- 
 legan, Henri La Riviere, Larevellere-Lepaux, and Lesage, 
 all that remained of the brilliant but unfortunate Gironde. 
 They joined the moderate party, which was composed daily 
 more and more of the remains of different parties. For old 
 enemies, forgetting their resentments and their contest for do- 
 mination, because they had now the same interests and the 
 same object, became allies. It was the commencement of paci- 
 fication between those who wished for a republic against the 
 royalists, and a practicable constitution, in opposition to the 
 revolutionists. At this period all measures against the fede- 
 ralists were rescinded, and the Girondists assumed the lead 
 of the republican counter-revolution. 
 
 The convention was, however, carried much too far by 
 the partisans of reaction; in its desire to repair all and to 
 punish all, it fell into excesses of justice. After the abolition 
 of the decemviral regime, the past should have been buried in 
 oblivion, and the revolutionary abyss closed after a few expia- 
 tory victims had been thrown into it. Security alone brings 
 about pacification; and pacification only admits of liberty. 
 By again entering upon a course characterized by passion, 
 they only effected a transference of tyranny, violence, and 
 calamity. Hitherto the bourgeoisie had been sacrificed to 
 the multitude, to the consumers; now it was just the reverse. 
 Stock-jobbing was substituted for the maximum, and in- 
 formers of the middle class altogether surpassed the po- 
 pular informers. All who had taken part in the dictatorial 
 government were proceeded against with the fiercest deter- 
 mination. The sections, the seat of the middle class, re- 
 quired the disarming and punishment of the members of their 
 revolutionary committees, composed of sans culottes. There 
 was a general hue and cry against the terrorists, and the 
 sans included under this denomination was daily increased.
 
 286 HISTORY OF 
 
 The department? denounced all the former proconsuls, thus 
 rendering desperate a numerous party, in reality no longer 
 to be feared, since it had lost all power, by thus threatening 
 it with great and perpetual reprisals. 
 
 Dread of proscription, and several other reasons, disposed 
 them for revolt. The general want was terrible. Labour 
 and its produce had been diminished ever since the revolu- 
 tionary period, during which the rich had been imprisoned 
 and the poor had governed; the suppression of the maximum 
 had occasioned a violent crisis, which the traders and farmers 
 turned to account, by disastrous monopoly and jobbing. To 
 increase the difficulty, the assignats were falling into discredit, 
 and their value diminished daily. More than eight thousand 
 millions worth of them had been issued. The insecurity of 
 this paper money, by reason of the revolutionary confiscations, 
 which had depreciated the national property, the want of 
 confidence on the part of the merchants, tradesmen, &c. in 
 the stability of the revolutionary government, which they 
 considered merely provisional, all this had combined to reduce 
 the real value of the assignats to one-fifteenth of their nominal 
 value. They were received reluctantly, and specie was 
 hoarded up with all the greater care, in proportion to the in- 
 creasing demand for it, and the depreciation of paper money. 
 The people, in want of food, and without the means of buy- 
 ing it, even when they held assignats, were in utter distress. 
 They attributed this to the merchants, the farmers, the landed 
 and other proprietors, to the government, and dwelt with 
 regret upon the fact that before, under the committee of 
 public safety, they had enjoyed both power and food. The 
 convention had indeed appointed a committee of subsistence 
 to supply Paris with provisions, but this committee had great 
 difficulty and expense in procuring from day to day the supply 
 of fifteen hundred sacks of flour necessary to support this 
 immense city; and the people, who waited in crowds for hours 
 together before the bakers' shops, for the pound of bad bread 
 distributed to each inhabitant, were loud in their complaints, 
 and violent in their murmurs. They called Boissy d'Anglas, 
 president of the committee of subsistence, Boissy- Famine. 
 Such was the state of the fanatical and exasperated multitude, 
 when its former leaders were brought to trial. 
 
 On the 1 2th Ventose, a short time after the return of the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 287 
 
 remaining Girondists, the assembly had decreed the arrest of 
 Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, Barrere and Vadier. 
 Their trial before the convention was appointed to commence 
 on the 3rd Germinal. On the 1st, (20th of March, 1795,) the 
 Decade day, when the sections used to assemble, their par- 
 tisans organized a riot to prevent their being brought to trial j 
 the outer sections of the faubourgs Saint Antoine and Saint 
 Marceau were devoted to their cause. From these quarters 
 they proceeded, half petitioners, half insurgents, towards the 
 convention, to demand bread, the constitution of '93, and the 
 liberation of the imprisoned patriots. They met a few young 
 men on their way, whom they threw into the basins of the 
 Tuileries. The news, however, soon spread that the conven- 
 tion was exposed to danger, and that the Jacobins were about 
 to liberate their leaders, and the Jeunesse doree, followed by 
 about five thousand citizens of the inner sections, came, dis- 
 persed the men of the faubourgs, and acted as a guard for 
 the assembly. The latter, warned by this new danger, re- 
 vived, on the motion of Sieves, the old martial law, under the 
 name of lot de grande police. 
 
 This rising in favour of the accused having failed, they 
 were brought before the convention on the 3rd Germinal. 
 Vadier alone was contumacious. Their conduct was investi- 
 gated with the greatest solemnity; they were charged with 
 having tyrannized over the people and oppressed the conven- 
 tion. Though proofs were not wanting to support this charge, 
 the accused defended themselves with much address. They 
 ascribed to Robespierre the oppression of the assembly, and of 
 themselves; they endeavoured to palliate their own conduct 
 by citing the measures taken by the committee, and adopted 
 by the convention, by urging the excitement of the period, 
 and the necessity of securing the defence and safety of the 
 republic. Their former colleagues appeared as witnesses in 
 their favour, and wished to make common cause with them. 
 The Cretois (the name then given to the remnant of the 
 Mountain,) also supported them warmly. Their trial had 
 lasted nine days, and each sitting had been occupied by the 
 prosecution and the defence. The sections of the faubourgs 
 were greatly excited. The mobs which had collected every 
 day since the 1st Germinal, increased twofold on the 12th, 
 and a new rising took place, in order to suspend the trial,
 
 288 HISTORY OF 
 
 which the first rising had failed to prevent. The agitators, 
 more numerous and bold on this occasion, forced their way 
 through the guard of the convention, and entered the hall, 
 having written with chalk on their hats the words, "Bread," 
 " The constitution of '93," " Liberty for the patriots." Many of 
 the deputies of the Crete declared in their favour; the other 
 members, astounded at the tumult and disorder of this popular 
 invasion, awaited the arrival of the inner sections for their 
 deliverance. All debating was at an end. The tocsin, which 
 had been removed from the commune after its defeat, and 
 placed on the top of the Tuileries, where the convention sat, 
 sounded the alarm. The committee ordered the drums to 
 beat to arms. In a short time the citizens of the nearest 
 sections assembled, marched in arms to assist the convention, 
 and rescued it a second time. It sentenced the accused, 
 whose cause was the pretext for this rising, to transportation, 
 and decreed the arrest of seventeen members of the Crete who 
 had favoured the insurgents, and might therefore be regarded 
 as their accomplices. Among these were Cambon, Ruamps, 
 Leonard Bourdon, Thuriot, Chasle, Amar, and Lecointre, 
 who, since the recal of the Girondists, had returned to the 
 Mountain. On the following day they, and the persons sen- 
 tenced to transportation, were conveyed to the castle of Ham. 
 The events of the 12th of Germinal decided nothing. The 
 faubourgs had been repulsed, but not conquered; and both 
 power and confidence must be taken from a party by a deci- 
 sive defeat, before it is effectually destroyed. After so many 
 questions decided against the democratists, there still re- 
 mained one of the utmost importance the constitution. On 
 this depended the ascendancy of the multitude or of the bour- 
 geoisie. The supporters of the revolutionary government 
 then fell back on the democratic constitution of '93, which 
 presented to them the means of resuming the authority they 
 had lost. Their opponents, on the other hand, endeavoured 
 to replace it by a constitution which would secure all the 
 advantage to them, by concentrating the government a little 
 more, and giving it to the middle class. For a month, both 
 parties were preparing for this last contest. The constitution 
 of 1793, having been sanctioned by the people, enjoyed a 
 great prestige. It was accordingly attacked with infinite 
 precaution. At first its assailants engaged to cany it into
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 289 
 
 execution without restriction; next they appointed a commis- 
 sion of eleven members to prepare the lots organiques, which 
 were to render it practicable; by and by, they ventured to sug- 
 gest objections to it on the ground that it distributed power 
 too loosely, and only recognised one assembly dependent 
 on the people, even in its measures of legislation. At last, a 
 sectionary deputation went so far as to term the constitution 
 of '93 a decemviral constitution, dictated by terror. All its 
 partisans, at once indignant and filled with fears, organized 
 an insurrection to maintain it. This was another 31st of 
 May, as terrible as the first, but which, not having the sup- 
 port of an all-powerful commune, not being directed by a 
 general commandant, and not having a terrified convention 
 and submissive sections to deal with, had not the same result. 
 
 The conspirators, warned by the failure of the risings of 
 the 1st and 12th Germinal, omitted nothing to make up for 
 their want of direct object and of organization. On the 1st 
 Prairial (20th of May) in the name of the people, insurgent 
 for the purpose of obtaining bread and their rights, they 
 decreed the abolition of the revolutionary government, the 
 establishment of the democratic constitution of '93, the dis- 
 missal and arrest of the members of the existing government, 
 the liberation of the patriots, the convocation of the primary 
 assemblies on the 25th Prairial, the convocation of the legis- 
 lative assembly, destined to replace the convention, on the 
 25th Messidor, and the suspension of all authority not ema- 
 nating from the people. They determined on forming a new 
 municipality, to serve as a common centre; to seize on the 
 barriers, telegraph, cannon, tocsins, drums, and not to rest 
 till they had secured repose, happiness, liberty, and means of 
 subsistence for all the French nation. They invited the artil- 
 lery, gendarmes, horse and foot soldiers, to join the banners 
 of the people, and marched on the convention. 
 
 Meantime, the latter was deliberating on the means of 
 preventing the insurrection. The daily assemblages occa- 
 sioned by the distribution of bread and the popular excite- 
 ment, Iiad concealed from it the preparations for a great 
 rising, and it had taken no steps to prevent it. The 
 committees came in all haste to apprise it of its danger; it 
 
 mediately declared its sitting permanent, voted Paris re- 
 sponsible for the safety of the representatives of the republic,
 
 290 HISTORY OF 
 
 closed its doors, outlawed all the leaders of the mob, summoned 
 the citizens of the sections to arms, and appointed as theii 
 leaders eight commissioners, among whom were Legendre, 
 Henri la Riviere, Kervelegan, &c. These deputies had 
 scarcely gone, when a loud noise was heard without. An 
 outer door had been forced, and numbers of women rushed 
 into the galleries, crying : " Bread and the constitution of 
 '93 !" The convention received them firmly. " Your cries," 
 said the president Vernier, "will not alter our position; they 
 will not accelerate by one moment the arrival of supplies. 
 They will only serve to hinder it.'' A fearful tumult 
 drowned the voice of the president, and interrupted the pro- 
 ceedings. The galleries were then cleared; but the insur- 
 gents of the faubourgs soon reached the inner doors, and 
 finding them closed, forced them with hatchets and hammers, 
 and then rushed in amidst the convention. 
 
 The Hall now became a field of battle. The veterans and 
 gendarmes, to whom the guard of the assembly was confided, 
 cried, " To arms!" The deputy Auguis, sword in hand, 
 headed them, and succeeded in repelling the assailants, and 
 even made a few of them prisoners. But the insurgents, 
 more numerous, returned to the charge, and again rushed 
 into the house. The deputy Feraud entered precipitately, 
 pursued by the insurgents, who fired some shots in the house. 
 They took aim at Boissy d'Anglas, who was occupying the 
 president's chair, in place of Vernier. Feraud ran to the 
 tribune, to shield him with his body; he was struck at with 
 pikes and sabres, and fell dangerously wounded. The insur- 
 gents dragged him into the lobby, and, mistaking him for 
 Freron, cut off his head, and placed it on a pike. 
 
 After this skirmish, they became masters of the HalL 
 Most of the deputies had taken flight. There only remained 
 the members of the Crete and Boissy d'Anglas, who, calm, 
 his hat on, heedless of threat and insult, protested in the 
 name of the convention against this popular violence. They 
 held out to him the bleeding head of Feraud; he bowed 
 respectfully before it. They tried to force him, by placing 
 pikes at his breast, to put the propositions of the insurgents 
 to the vote; he steadily and courageously refused. But the 
 Cretois, who approved of the insurrection, took possession of 
 the bureaux and of the tribune, and decreed, amidet the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 291 
 
 applause of the multitude, all the articles contained in the 
 manifesto of the insurrection. The deputy Komme became 
 their organ. They further appointed an executive commis- 
 sion, composed of Bourbotte, Duroy, Duquesnoy, Prieur de la 
 Marne, and a general-in-chief of the armed force, the deputy 
 Soubrany. In this way they prepared for the return of their 
 domination. They decreed the recal of their imprisoned 
 colleagues, the dismissal of their enemies, a democratic con- 
 stitution, the re-establishment of the Jacobin club. But it 
 was not enough for them to have usurped the assembly for a 
 short time; it was necessary to conquer the sections, for it 
 was only with these they could really contend there. 
 
 The commissioners despatched to the sections had quickly 
 gathered them together. The battalions of the Suite des 
 Jtfoulins, Lepelletier, des Piques, de la Fontaine- Grenelle, who 
 were the nearest, soon occupied the Carousel and its prin- 
 cipal avenues. The aspect of affairs then underwent a 
 change; Legendre, Kervelegan, and Auguis besieged the in- 
 surgents, in their turn, at the head of the sectionaries. At 
 first they experienced some resistance. But with fixed 
 bayonets they soon entered the Hall, where the conspirators 
 were still deliberating, and Legendre cried out: " In the 
 name of the law, I order armed citizens to withdraw." They 
 hesitated a moment, but the arrival of the battalions, now en- 
 tering at every door, intimidated them, and they hastened 
 from the Hall in all the disorder of flight. The assembly 
 again became complete; the sections received a vote of thanks, 
 and the deliberations were resumed. All the measures 
 adopted in the interim were annulled, and fourteen represen- 
 tatives, to whom were afterwards joined fourteen others, 
 were arrested, for organizing the insurrection, or approving 
 it in their speeches. It was then midnight; at five in the 
 morning the prisoners were already six leagues from Paris. 
 
 Despite this defeat, the Faubourgs did not consider them- 
 selves beaten; and the next day they advanced en masse with 
 their cannon against the convention. The sections, on their 
 side, marched for its defence. The two parties were on the 
 point of engaging; the cannons of the Faubourg which were 
 mounted on the Place du Carousel, were directed towards the 
 chateau, when the assembly sent commissioners to the in- 
 surgents. Negotiations were begun. A deputy of the 
 
 u2
 
 292 HISTORY OF 
 
 Faubourgs, admitted to the convention, first repeated the 
 demand made the preceding day, adding: " We are resolved 
 to die at the post we now occupy, rather than abate our present 
 demands. I fear nothing ! My name is Saint-Leger. Vive 
 la Republique! Vive la Convention! if it is attached to prin- 
 ciples, as I believe it to be." The deputy was favourably 
 received, and they came to friendly terms with the Faubourgs, 
 without, however, granting them anything positive. The 
 latter having no longer a general council of the commune 
 to support their resolutions, nor a commander like Henriot 
 to keep them under arms, till their propositions were decreed, 
 went no further. They retired after having received an 
 assurance that the convention would assiduously attend to 
 the question of provisions, and would soon publish the or- 
 ganic laws of the constitution of '93. That day showed that 
 immense physical force and a decided object are not the only 
 things essential to secure success; leaders and an authority to 
 support and direct the insurrection are also necessary. The 
 convention was the only remaining legal power: the party 
 which it held in favour triumphed. 
 
 Six democratic Mountaineers, Goujon, Bourbotte, Rornme, 
 Duroy, Duquesnoy, and Soubrany, were brought before a 
 military commission. They behaved firmly, like men fanati- 
 cally devoted to their cause, and almost all free from excesses. 
 The Prairial movement was the only thing against them; but 
 that was sufficient in times of party strife, and they were 
 condemned to death. They all stabbed themselves with the 
 same knife, which was transferred from one to the other, ex- 
 claiming, "Vive la Republique!" Romme, Goujon, and 
 Duquesnoy were fortunate enough to wound themselves 
 fatally; the other three were conducted to the scaffold in a 
 dying state, but faced death with serene countenances. 
 
 Meantime, the Faubourgs, though repelled on the 1st, and 
 diverted from their object on the 2nd of Prairial, still had the 
 means of rising. An event of much less importance than the 
 preceding riots occasioned their final ruin. The murderer of 
 Feraud was discovered, condemned, and on the 4th, the day 
 of his execution, a mob succeeded in rescuing him. There 
 was a general outcry against this attempt ; and the convention 
 ordered the Faubourgs to be disarmed. They were encom- 
 passed by all the interior sections. After attempting to resist,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 293 
 
 they yielded, giving up some of their leaders, their arms, and 
 artillery. The democratic party had lost its chiefs, its clubs, 
 and its authorities; it had nothing left but an armed force, 
 which rendered it still formidable, and institutions by means 
 of which it might yet regain everything. After the last 
 check, the inferior class was entirely excluded from the 
 government of the state, the revolutionary committees which 
 formed its assemblies were destroyed; the cannoneers forming 
 its armed force were disarmed; the constitution of '93, which 
 was its code, was abolished; and here the rule of the mul- 
 titude terminated. 
 
 From the 9th Thermidor to the 1st Prairial, the Moun- 
 taineer was treated as the Girondist party had been treated 
 from the 2nd of June to the 9th Thermidor. Seventy-six of 
 its members were sentenced to death or arrest. In its turn, 
 it underwent the destiny it had imposed on the other; for in 
 times when the passions are called into play, parties know 
 not how to come to terms, and seek only to conquer. Like 
 the Girondists, they resorted to insurrection, in order to re- 
 gain the power which they had lost; and like them, they fell. 
 Vergniaud, Brissot, Guadet, &c., were tried by a revolutionary 
 tribunal; Bourbotte, Duroy, Soubrany, Romme, Goujon, 
 Duquesnoy, by a military commission. They all died with 
 the same courage: which shows that all parties are the same, 
 and are guided by the same maxims, or, if you please, by the 
 same necessities. From that period, the middle class re- 
 sumed the management of the revolution without, and the 
 assembly was as united under the Girondists as it had been, 
 after the 2nd of June, under the Mountaineers,
 
 294 HISTORY Of 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 FROM THE 20TH OP MAY, 17^5, TO THE 26TH OF OCTOBER, 
 THE CLOSE OF THE CONVENTION. 
 
 Campaign of 1793 and 1794 Disposition of the armies on hearing the 
 news of the 9th Therrnidor Conquest of Holland ; positions on the 
 Ehine Peace of Bale with Prussia Pea'ce with Spain Descent upon 
 Quiberon The reaction ceases to be conventional, and becomes royalist 
 Massacre of the revolutionists in the south Directorial constitu- 
 tion of the year III. Decrees of Fructidor, which require the re-elec- 
 tion of two-thirds of the convention Irritation of the sectionary royalist 
 party It becomes insurgent The 13th of Vendemiaire Appointment 
 of the councils and of the directory Close of the convention ; its dura- 
 tion and character. 
 
 THE exterior prosperity of the revolution chiefly contributed 
 to the fall of the dictatorial government and of the Jacobin 
 party. The increasing victories of the republic to which they 
 had very greatly contributed by their vigorous measures, and 
 by their enthusiasm, rendered their power superfluous. The 
 committee of public safety, by crushing with its strong and 
 formidable hand the interior of France, had developed re- 
 sources, organized armies, found generals, and commanded 
 victories which ultimately secured the triumph of the revo- 
 lution with respect to Europe. A prosperous position no 
 longer required the same efforts; its mission was accomplished, 
 the peculiar province of such a dictatorship being to save a 
 country and a cause, and to perish by the very safety it has 
 secured. Internal events have prevented our rapidly de- 
 scribing the impulse which the committee of public safety 
 gave to the armies after the 31st of May, and the results which 
 it obtained from it.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 295 
 
 The levy en masse that took place in the summer of 1793, 
 formed the troops of the Mountain. The leaders of that party 
 soon selected from the secondary ranks Mountaineer gene- 
 rals to replace the Girondist generals. Those generals were 
 Jourdan, Pichegru, Hoche, Moreau, "Westermann, Dugom- 
 mier, Marceau, Joubert, Kleber, &c. Carnot, by his admis- 
 sion to the committee of public safety, became minister of 
 war and major-general of all the republican armies. Instead 
 of scattered bodies, acting without concert upon isolated 
 points, he proceeded with strong masses, concentrated on one 
 object. He commenced the practice of a great plan of 
 warfare, which he tried with decided success at Watignies, 
 in his capacity of commissioner of the convention. This 
 important victory, at which he assisted in person, drove the 
 allied generals, Clairfait and the prince of Coburg, behind the 
 Sambre, and raised the siege of Maubeuge. During the 
 winter of 1793 and 1794 the two armies continued in presence 
 of each other without undertaking anything. 
 
 At the opening of the campaign, they each conceived a 
 plan of invasion. The Austrian army advanced upon the 
 towns on the Somme, Peronne, Saint-Quentin, Arras, and 
 threatened Paris, while the French army again projected the 
 conquest of Belgium. The plan of the committee of public 
 safety was combined in a very different way to the vague 
 design of the coalition. Pichegru, at-the head of fifty thou- 
 sand men of the army of the north, entered Flanders, resting 
 on the sea and the Scheldt. On his right, Moreau advanced 
 with twenty thousand men upon Menin and Courtrai. Gene- 
 ral Souham, with thirty thousand men, remained under Lille, 
 to sustain the extreme right of the invading army against the 
 Austrians; while Jourdan, with the army of the Moselle, 
 directed his course towards Charleroi by Arlon and Dinant, 
 to join the army of the north. 
 
 The Austrians, attacked in Flanders, and threatened with 
 a surprise in the rear by Jourdan, soon abandoned their posi- 
 tions on the Somrne. Clairfait and the duke of York allowed 
 themselves to be beaten at Courtrai and Hooglede by the 
 army of Pichegru; Coburg at Fleurus by that of Jourdan, 
 who had just taken Charleroi. The two victorious generals 
 rapidly completed the invasion of the Netherlands. The 
 Anglo-Dutch army fell back on Antwerp, and from thence
 
 296 HISTORY OF 
 
 upon Breda, and from Breda to Bois-le-Duc, receiving con- 
 tinual checks. It crossed the "VVahal, and fell back upon 
 Holland. The Austrians endeavoured, with the same want 
 of success, to cover Brussels and Maastricht; they were pur- 
 sued and beaten by the army of Jourdan, which since its 
 union had taken the name of the army of the Sambre et 
 Meuse, and which did not leave them behind the Roer, as 
 Dumouriez had done, but drove them beyond the Rhine. Jour- 
 dan made himself master of Cologne and Bonn, and communi- 
 cated by his left with the right of the army of the Moselle, 
 which had advanced into the country of Luxembourg, and 
 which, conjointly with him, occupied Coblentz. A general 
 and concerted movement of all the French armies had taken 
 place, all of them marching towards the Rhenish frontier. At 
 the time of the defeats, the lines of Weissemburg had been 
 forced. The committee of public safety employed in the 
 army of the Rhine the expeditious measures peculiar to its 
 policy. The commissioners, Saint- Just and Lebas, gave the 
 chief command to Hoche, made terror and victory the order 
 of the day; and generals Brunswick and "Wurmser were very 
 soon driven from Haguenau on the lines of the Lauter, and 
 not being able even to maintain that position, passed the 
 Rhine at Philipsburg. Spire and "Worms were retaken. The 
 republican troops, everywhere victorious, occupied Belgium^ 
 that part of Holland situated on the left of the Meuse, and 
 all the towns on the Rhine, except Mayence and Mannheim, 
 which were closely beset. 
 
 The army of the Alps did not make much progress in 
 this campaign. It tried to invade Piedmont, but failed. On 
 the Spanish frontier, the war had commenced under ill 
 auspices : the two armies of the eastern and western 
 Pyrenees, few in number and badly disciplined, were con- 
 stantly beaten; one had retired under Perpignan, the other 
 under Bayonne. The committee of public safety turned its 
 attention and efforts but tardily on this point, which was not 
 the most dangerous for it. But as soon as it had introduced 
 its system, generals, and organization into the two armies, 
 the appearance of things changed. Dugommier, after repeated 
 successes, drove the Spaniards from the French territory, 
 and entered the peninsula by Catalonia. Moncey also in- 
 vaded it by the valley of Bastan, the other opening of the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 297 
 
 Pyrenees, and became master of Saint Sebastian and Fuen- 
 tarabia. The coalition was everywhere conquered, and some 
 of the allied powers began to repent of their too confiding 
 adhesion. 
 
 In the meantime, news of the revolution of the 9th 
 Thermidor reached the armies. They were entirely repub- 
 lican, and they feared that Robespierre's fall would lead to 
 that of the popular government: and they, accordingly, re- 
 ceived this intelligence with marked disapprobation; but, as 
 the armies were submissive to the civil authority, none of them 
 rebelled. The insurrections of the army only took place 
 from the 14th of July to the 31st of May; because, being 
 the refuge of the conquered parties, their leaders had at 
 every crisis the advantage of political precedence, and con- 
 tended with all the ardour of compromised factions. Under 
 the committee of public safety, on the contrary, the most 
 renowned generals had no political influence, and were sub- 
 ject to the terrible discipline of parties. While occasionally 
 thwarting the generals, the convention had no difficulty in 
 keeping the armies in obedience. 
 
 A short time afterwards the movement of invasion was 
 prolonged in Holland and in the Spanish peninsula. The 
 United Provinces were attacked in the middle of winter, and 
 on several sides, by Pichegru, who summoned the Batavian 
 patriots to liberty. The party opposed to the stadtholderate 
 seconded the victorious efforts of the French army, and the 
 revolution and conquest took place simultaneously at Leyden, 
 Amsterdam, the Hague, and Utrecht. The stadtholder took 
 refuge in England; his authority was abolished, and the 
 assembly of the states-general proclaimed the sovereignty of 
 the people, and constituted the Batavian Republic, which 
 formed a close alliance with France, to which it ceded, by the 
 treaty of Paris, of the 16th of May, 1795, Dutch Flanders, 
 Maastricht, Venloo, and their dependencies. The navigation 
 of the Rhine, the Scheldt, and the Meuse was left free to both 
 nations. Holland, by its wealth, powerfully contributed to- 
 wards the continuance of the war against the coalition. This 
 important conquest at the same time deprived the English 
 of a powerful support, and compelled Prussia, threatened on 
 the Rhine and by Holland, to conclude, at Bale, with the 
 French Republic, a peace, for which its reverses and the
 
 293 BISTORT OF 
 
 affairs of Poland had long rendered it disposed. A peace 
 was also made at Bale, on the 10th of July, with Spain, 
 alarmed by our progress on its territory. Figuieres and the 
 fortress of Rosas had been taken; and Perignon was advancing 
 into Catalonia; while Moncey, after becoming master of Villa 
 Real, Bilbao, and Vittoria, marched against the Spaniards 
 who had retired to the frontiers of Old Castile. The cabinet 
 of Madrid demanded peace. It recognised the French re- 
 public, who restored its conquests, and who received in ex- 
 change the portion of Saint Domingo possessed by Spain. 
 The two disciplined armies of the Pyrenees joined the army 
 of the Alps, which by this means soon overran Piedmont, 
 and entered Italy Tuscany only having made peace with the 
 republic on the 9th of February, 1795. 
 
 These partial pacifications and the reverses of the coalesced 
 troops gave another direction to the efforts of England and 
 the emigrant party. The time had arrived for making the 
 interior of France the fulcrum of the counter-revolutionary 
 movement. In 1791, when unanimity existed in France, 
 the royalists placed all their hopes in foreign powers; now, 
 dissensions at home and the defeat of their allies in Europe 
 left them no resource but in conspiracies. Unsuccessful at- 
 tempts, as we have seen, never make vanquished parties 
 despair: victory alone wearies and enervates, and sooner or 
 later restores the dominion of those who wait. 
 
 The events of Prairial and the defeat of the Jacobin party, 
 had decided the counter-revolutionary movement. At this 
 period, the reaction, hitherto conducted by moderate repub- 
 licans, became generally royalist. The partisans of monarchy 
 were still as divided as they had been from the opening of the 
 states-general to the 10th of August. In the interior, the 
 old constitutionalists, who had their sittings in the sec- 
 tions, and who consisted of the wealthy middle classes, had not 
 the same views of monarchy with the absolute royalists. They 
 still felt the rivalry and opposition of interest, natural to 
 the middle against the privileged classes. The absolute 
 royalists themselves did not agree; the party beaten in the 
 interior had little sympathy with that enrolled among the 
 armies of Europe; but besides the divisions between the 
 emigrants and Vendeans, dissensions had arisen among the 
 emigrants from the date of their departure from France.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 299 
 
 Meantime, all these royalists of different opinions, not having 
 yet to contend for the reward of victory, came to an agree- 
 ment to attack the convention in common. The emigrants 
 and the priests, who for some months past had returned in 
 great numbers, took the banner of the sections, quite certain, 
 if they carried the day by means of the middle class, to esta- 
 blish their own government; for they had a leader, and a 
 definite object, which the sectionaries had not. 
 
 This reaction, of a new character, was restrained for some 
 time in Paris, where the convention, a strong and neutral 
 power, wished to prevent the violence and usurpation of 
 both parties. While overthrowing the sway of the Jaco 
 bins, it suppressed the vengeance of the royalists. Then it 
 was that the greater part of la troupe doree deserted its cause, 
 that the leaders of the sections prepared the bourgeoisie 
 to oppose the assembly, and that the confederation of the 
 Journalists succeeded that of the Jacobins. La Harpe, 
 Richer de Serizy, Poncelin, Troncon du Condray, Mar 
 chena, &c., became the organs of this new opinion, and were 
 the literary clubists. The active but irregular troops of this 
 party "assembled at the Theatre Feydeau, the Boulevard des 
 Italiens, and the Palais Royal, and began the Chase of the 
 Jacobins, while they sang the Reveil du Peuple. The word 
 of proscription, at that time, was Terrorist, in virtue o~ 
 which an honest man might all conscientiously attack a revolu- 
 tionist. The Terrorist class was extended at the will or the 
 passions of the new reactors, who wore their hair a la victime, 
 and who, no longer fearing to avow their intentions, for 
 some time past had adopted the Chouan uniform a grey 
 turned-back coat with a green or black collar. 
 
 But this reaction was much more ardent in the departments, 
 where there was no authority to interpose in the prevention 
 of bloodshed. Here there were only two parties, that which 
 had dominated and that which had suffered under the Moun- 
 tain. The intermediate class was alternately governed by 
 the royalists and by the democrats. The latter, foreseeing the 
 terrible reprisals to which they would be subject if they fell, 
 held out as long as they could; but their defeat at Paris led 
 to their downfall in the departments. Party executions 
 then took place, similar to those of the pro-consuls of the 
 committee of public safety. The south was, more especially,
 
 300 HISTORY OF 
 
 a prey to wholesale massacres and acts of personal vengeance. 
 Societies, called Compagnies de Jesus and Cornpagnies du 
 Soleil, who were of royalist origin, were organized, and 
 executed terrible reprisals. At Lyons, Aix, Tarascon, and 
 Marseilles, they slew in the prisons those who had taken 
 part in the preceding regime. Nearly all the south had its 
 -2nd of September. At Lyons, after the first revolutionary 
 massacres, the members of the compagnie hunted out those 
 who had not been taken; and when they met one, without 
 any other form than the exclamation, " There's a Matavou," 
 {the name given to them,) they slew and threw him into the 
 Rhone. At Tarascon, they threw them from the top of 
 the tower on a rock on the bank of the Rhone. During this 
 new reign of terror, and this general defeat of the revolu- 
 tionists, England and the emigrants attempted the daring 
 enterprise of Quiberon. 
 
 The Vendeans were exhausted by their repeated defeats, 
 but they were not wholly reduced. Their losses, however, 
 and the divisions between their principal leaders, Charette 
 and Stofflet, rendered them an extremely feeble succour. 
 Charette had even consented to treat with the republic, and 
 a sort of pacification had been concluded between him and the 
 convention at Jusnay. The marquis de Puisaye, an enter- 
 prising man, but volatile and more capable of intrigue than of 
 vigorous party conceptions, intended to replace the almost ex- 
 piring insurrection of La Vendee by that of Brittany. Since 
 the enterprise of Wimpfen, in which Puisaye had a com- 
 mand, there already existed, in Calvados and Morbihan, 
 bands of Chouans, composed of the remains of parties, adven- 
 turers, men without employment, and daring smugglers, who 
 made expeditions, but were unable to keep the field, like the 
 Vendeans. Puisaye had recourse to England to extend the 
 Chouanerie, leading it to hope for a general rising in 
 Brittany, and from thence in the rest of France, if it would 
 land the nucleus of an army, with ammunition and guns. 
 
 The ministry of Great Britain, deceived as to the coalition, 
 desired nothing better than to expose the republic to fresh 
 perils, while it sought to revive the courage of Europe. It 
 confided in Puisaye, and in the spring of 1795 prepared an 
 expedition, in which the most energetic emigrants took a 
 share, nearly all the officers of the former navy, and all who,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 301 
 
 weary of the part of exiles and of the distresses of a life of 
 wandering, wished to try their fortune for the last time. 
 
 The English fleet landed, on the peninsula of Quiberon, 
 fifteen hundred emigrants, six thousand republican prisoners 
 who had embraced the cause of the emigrants to return to 
 France, sixty thousand musquets, and the full equipment 
 for an army of forty thousand men. Fifteen hundred Chouans 
 joined the army on its landing, and it was soon attacked by 
 General Hoche. His attack proved successful; the republican 
 prisoners who were in the ranks deserted, and it was defeated 
 after a most energetic resistance. In the mortal warfare be- 
 tween the emigrants and the republic, the vanquished being 
 considered as outlaws, were mercilessly massacred. Their 
 loss inflicted a deeu and incurable wound on the emigrant 
 party. 
 
 The hopes founded on the victories of Europe, on the pro- 
 gress of insurrection and the attempt of the emigrants, being 
 thus overthrown, recourse was had to the discontented 
 sections. It was hoped to make a counter-revolution by 
 means of the new constitution decreed by the convention on 
 the 22nd of August, 1795. This constitution was, indeed, 
 the work of the moderate republican party; but as it re- 
 stored the ascendancy of the middle class, the royalist leaders 
 thought that by it they might easily enter the legislative body 
 and the government. 
 
 This constitution was the best, the wisest, the most liberal, 
 and the most provident that had as yet been established or 
 projected: it contained the result of six years' revolutionary 
 and legislative experience. At this period, the convention 
 felt the necessity of organizing power, and of rendering the 
 people settled, while the first assembly, from its position, 
 only felt the necessity of weakening royalty and agitating the 
 nation. All had been exhausted, from the throne to the 
 people: existence now depended on reconstructing and re- 
 storing order, at the same time keeping the nation in great 
 activity. The new constitution accomplished this. It dif- 
 fered but little from that of 1791, with respect to the exercise 
 of sovereignty; but greatly in everything relative to govern- 
 ment. It confided the legislative power to two councils ; 
 that of the Cinq-cents and that of the Anciens ; and the execu- 
 tive power to a directory of five members. It restored the
 
 302 HISTORY OF 
 
 two degrees of elections destined to retard the popular 
 movement, and to lead to a more enlightened choice than im- 
 mediate elections. The wise but moderate qualifications with 
 respect to property, reqmired in the members of the primary 
 assemblies and the electoral assemblies, again conferred poli- 
 tical importance on the middle class, to which it became im- 
 peratively necessary to recur after the dismissal of the 
 multitude and the abandonment of the constitution of '93. 
 
 In order to prevent the despotism or the servility of a single 
 assembly, it was necessary to place somewhere a power to 
 check or defend it. The division of the legislative body into 
 two councils, which had the same origin, the same duration, 
 and only differed in functions, attained the two-fold object of 
 not alarming the people by an aristocratic institution, and of 
 contributing to the formation of a good government. The 
 Council of Five Hundred, whose members were required to be 
 thirty years old, was alone entrusted with the initiative and 
 the discussion of laws. The Council of Ancients composed of 
 two hundred and fifty members, who had completed their 
 fortieth year, was charged with adopting or rejecting them. 
 
 In order to avoid precipitation in legislative measures, and 
 to prevent a compulsory sanction from the Council of Ancients 
 in a moment of popular excitement, they could not come to a 
 decision until after three readings, at a distance of five days at 
 least from each other. In urgent cases this formality was 
 dispensed with; and the council had the right of determining 
 such urgency. This council acted sometimes as a legislative 
 power, when it did not thoroughly approve a measure, and 
 made use of the form " Le Conseil des anciens ne petit pas 
 adopter," and sometimes as a conservative power, when it only 
 considered a measure in its legal bearing, and said " La Con- 
 stitution annule? For the first time, partial re-elections were 
 adopted, and the renewing of half of the council every two 
 years was fixed, in order to avoid that rush of legislators 
 who came with an immoderate desire for innovation, and sud- 
 denly changed the spirit of an assembly. 
 
 The executive power was distinct from the councils, and 
 no longer existed in the committees. Monarchy was still too 
 much feared to admit of a president of the republic being 
 named. They, therefore, confined themselves to the creation 
 of a directory of five members, nominated by the council 01
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 303 
 
 ancients, at the recommendation of that of the Five Hundred. 
 The directors might be brought to trial by the councils, but 
 could not be dismissed by them. They were entrusted with 
 a general and independent power of execution, but it was 
 wished also to prevent their abusing it, and especially to guard 
 against the danger of a long habit of authority leading to usur- 
 pation. They had the management of the armed force and 
 of the finances; the nomination of functionaries, the conduct- 
 ing of negotiations, but they could do nothing of themselves; 
 they had ministers and generals, for whose conduct they were 
 responsible. Each member was president for three months, 
 holding the seals and affixing his signature. Every year, 
 one of the* members was to go out. It will be seen by this 
 account that the functions of royalty as they were in 1791, 
 were shared by the council of ancients, who had the veto, and 
 the directory, which held the executive power. The directory 
 had a guard, a national palace, the Luxembourg, for 
 a residence, and a kind of civil list. The council of the 
 ancients, destined to check the encroachments of the legis- 
 lative power, was invested with the means of restraining the 
 usurpations of the directory; it could change the residence 
 of the councils and of the government. 
 
 The foresight of this constitution was infinite: it prevented 
 popular violence, the encroachments of power, and provided 
 for all the perils which the different crises of the revolution 
 had displayed. If any constitution could have become firmly 
 established at that period, it was the directorial constitution. 
 It restored authority, granted liberty, and offered the dif- 
 ferent parties an opportunity of peace, if each, sincerely 
 renouncing exclusive dominion, and satisfied with the com- 
 mon right, would have taken its proper place in the state. 
 But it did not last longer than the others, because it could 
 not establish legal order in spite of parties. Each of them 
 aspired to the government, in order to make its system and 
 its interests prevail, and instead of the reign of law, it was 
 still necessary to relapse into that of force, and of coups- 
 d'etat. When parties do not wish to terminate a revolu- 
 tion and those who do not dominate never wish to termi- 
 nate it a constitution, however excellent it may be, cannot 
 accomplish it. 
 
 The members of the Commission of Eleven, who, pre
 
 304 HISTORY OF 
 
 viously to the events of Prairial, had no other mission than 
 to prepare the organic laws of the constitution of '93, and 
 who, after those events, made the constitution of the year IIL, 
 were at the head of the conventional party. This party 
 neither belonged to the old Gironden nor to the old Mountain. 
 Neutral up to the 31st of May, subject till the 9th Ther- 
 midor, it had been in the possession of power since that 
 period, because the twofold defeat of the Girondists and the 
 Mountain had left it the strongest. The men of the ex- 
 treme sides, who had begun the fusion of parties, joined it. 
 Merlin de Douai represented the party of that mass which 
 had yielded to circumstances, Thibaudeau, the party that 
 continued inactive, and Daunou, the courageous party. The 
 latter had declared himself opposed to all coups-d'etat, ever 
 since the opening of the assembly, both the 21st of January, 
 and to the 31st of May, because he wished for the regime of 
 the convention, without party violence and measures. After 
 the 9th Thermidor, he blamed the fury displayed towards the 
 chiefs of the revolutionary government, whose victim he had 
 been, as one of the seventy-three. He had obtained great 
 ascendancy, as men gradually approached towards a legal 
 system. His enlightened attachment to the revolution, his 
 noble independence, the solidity and extent of his ideas, and 
 his imperturbable fortitude, rendered him one of the most in- 
 fluential actors of this period. He was the chief author of 
 the constitution of the year III., and the convention deputed 
 him, with some others of its members, to undertake the de- 
 fence of the republic, during the crisis of Vendemiaire. 
 
 The reaction gradually increased; it was indirectly favoured 
 by the members of the Right, who, since the opening of that 
 assembly, had only been incidentally republican. They were 
 not prepared to repel the attacks of the royalists with the 
 same energy as that of the revolutionists. Among this number 
 were Boissy d'Anglas, Lanjuinais, Henri la Riviere, Saladin, 
 Aubry, &c. ; they formed in the assembly the nucleus of the 
 sectionary party. Old and ardent Mountaineers, such as 
 Rovere, Bourdon de 1'Oise, &c., carried away by the counter- 
 revolutionary movement, suffered the reaction to be prolonged, 
 doubtless in order to make their peace with those whom they 
 had so violently combatted. 
 
 But the conventional party, reassured with respect to the
 
 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION. 305 
 
 democrats, set itself to prevent the triumph of the royalists. 
 It felt that the safety of the republic depended on the for- 
 mation of the councils, and that the councils being elected 
 by the middle class, which was directed by royalists, would 
 be composed on counter-revolutionary principles. It was 
 important to entrust the guardianship of the regime they 
 were about to establish to those who had an interest in 
 defending it. In order to avoid the error of the constituent 
 assembly, Avhich had excluded itself from the legislature that 
 succeeded it, the convention decided by a decree, that two- 
 thirds of its members should be re-elected. By this means it 
 secured the majority of the councils and the nomination of the 
 directory; it could accompany its constitution into the state, 
 and consolidate it without violence. This re-election of two- 
 thirds was not exactly legal, but it was politic, and the only 
 means of saving France from the rule of the democrats or 
 counter-revolutionists. The convention granted itself a 
 moderate dictatorship, by the decrees of the 5th and 13th 
 Fructidor (22nd and 30th of August, 1795), one of which 
 established the re-election, and the other fixed the manner of 
 it. But these two exceptional decrees were submitted to the 
 ratification of the primary assemblies, at the same time as the 
 constitutional act. 
 
 The royalist party was taken by surprise by the decrees of 
 Fructidor. It hoped to form part of the government by the 
 councils, of the councils by elections, and to effect a change of 
 system when once in power. It inveighed against the con- 
 vention. The royalist committee of Paris, whose agent was 
 an obscure man, named Lemaitre, the journalists, and the 
 leaders of the sections coalesced. They had no difficulty in 
 securing the support of public opinion, of which they were 
 the only organs; they accused the convention of perpetuating 
 its power, and of assailing the sovereignty of the people. 
 The chief advocates of the two-thirds, Louvet, Daunou, and 
 dienier, were not spared, and every preparation was made 
 for a grand movement. The faubourg Saint Germain, lately 
 almost deserted, gradually filled; emigrants flocked in, anJ 
 the conspirators, scarcely concealing their plans, adopted ttf 
 Chouan uniform. 
 
 The convention, perceiving the storm increase, sought 
 support in the army, which, at that time, was the republican 

 
 306 HISTORY OF 
 
 class, and a camp was formed at Paris. The people had been 
 
 disbanded, and the royalists had secured the bourgeoisie. 
 
 In the meantime, the primary assemblies met on the 20 ih 
 
 Fructidor, to deliberate on the constitutional act, and the 
 
 decrees of the two-thirds, which were to be accepted or 
 
 rejected together. The Lepelletier section (formerly Filles 
 
 Saint Thomas) was the centre of all the others. On a motion 
 
 made by that section, it was decided that the power of all 
 
 constituent authority ceased in the presence of the assembled 
 
 people. The Lepelletier section, directed by Richer- Serizy, 
 
 La Harpe, Lacretelle junior, Vaublanc, &c., turned its 
 
 attention to the organization of the insurrectional government, 
 
 under the name of the central committee. This committee 
 
 was to replace in Vendemiaire, against the convention, the 
 
 committee of the 10th of August against the throne, and of 
 
 the 31st of May against the Girondists. The majority of the 
 
 sections adopted this measure, which was annulled by the 
 
 convention, whose decree was in its turn rejected by the 
 
 majority of the sections. The struggle now became open; 
 
 and in Paris they separated the constitutional act, which 
 
 was adopted, from the decrees of re-election, which were 
 
 rejected. 
 
 On the 1st Vendemiaire, the convention proclaimed the 
 acceptation of the decrees by the greater number of the pri- 
 mary assemblies of France. The sections assembled again to 
 nominate the electors who were to choose the members of the 
 legislature. On the 10th they determined that the electors 
 should assemble in the Theatre Francais (it was then on the 
 other side of the bridges); that they should be accompanied 
 there by the armed force of the sections, after having sworn 
 to defend them till death. On the llth, accordingly, the 
 electors assembled under the presidency of the duke de Niver- 
 nois, and the guard of some detachments of chasseurs and 
 grenadiers. 
 
 The convention, apprised of the danger, sat permanently, 
 stationed round its place of sitting the troops of the camp 
 of Sablons, and concentrated its powers in a committee of 
 five members, who were entrusted with all measures of public 
 safety. These members were Colombel, Barras, Daunou, 
 Letourneur, and Merlin de Douai. For some time the revo- 
 lutionists had ceased to be feared, and all had been liberated
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 307 
 
 who had been imprisoned for the events of Prairial. They en- 
 rolled, under the name of Battalion of Patriots of 89, about 
 fifteen or eighteen hundred of them, who had been proceeded 
 against, in the departments or in Paris, by the friends of the 
 reaction. In the evening of the llth, the convention sent to 
 dissolve the assembly of electors by force, but they had 
 already adjourned to the following day. 
 
 During the night of the llth, the decree which dissolved 
 the college of electors, and which armed the battalion of 
 patriots of '89, caused the greatest agitation. Drums beat to 
 arms; the Lepelletier section declaimed against the despotism 
 of the convention, against the return of the Reign of Terror, 
 and during the whole of the 12th prepared the other sections 
 for the contest. In the evening, the convention, scarcely 
 less agitated, decided on taking the initiative, by surround- 
 ing the conspiring section, and terminating the crisis by dis- 
 arming it. Menou, general of the interior, and Laporte the 
 representative, were entrusted with this mission. The con- 
 vent of the Filles Saint Thomas was the head quarters of the 
 sectionaries, before which they had seven or eight hundred 
 men in battle array. These were surrounded by superior 
 forces, from the Boulevards on each side, and the Rue Vivienne 
 opposite. Instead of disarming them, the leaders of the expe- 
 dition began to parley. It was agreed that both parties 
 should withdraw; but the conventional troops had no sooner 
 retired than the sectionaries returned reinforced. This was 
 a complete victory for them, which being exaggerated in 
 Paris, as such things always are, increased their Humber, and 
 gave them courage to attack the convention the next day. 
 
 About eleven at night the convention learned the issue of 
 the expedition and the dangerous effect which it had pro- 
 duced; it immediately dismissed Menou, and gave the com- 
 mand of the armed force to Barras, the general in command 
 on the 9th Thermidor. Barras asked the committee of five 
 to appoint as his second in command, a young officer who 
 had distinguished himself at the siege of Toulon, but had 
 been dismissed by Aubry of the reaction party; a young 
 man of talent and resolution, calculated to do good service to 
 the republic in a moment of peril. This young officer was 
 Bonaparte. He appeared before the committee, but there 
 was nothing in his appearance that announced his astonishing
 
 308 HISTORY OF 
 
 destiny. Not a man of party, summoned for the first time 
 to this great scene of action, his demeanour exhibited a 
 timidity and a want of assurance, which disappeared entirely 
 in the preparations for battle, and in the heat of action. He 
 immediately sent for the artillery of the camp of Sablons, 
 and disposed them, with the five thousand men of the 
 conventional army, on all the points from which the con- 
 vention could be assailed. At noon on the 13th Vende- 
 miaire, the enclosure of the convention had the appearance of 
 a fortified place, which could only be taken by assault. The 
 line of defence extended, on the left side of the Tuileries along 
 the river, from the Pont Neuf to the Pont Louis XV.; on 
 the right, in all the small streets opening on the Rue Saint 
 Honore, from the Rues de Rohan, de 1'Echelle and the Cul- 
 de-sac Dauphin, to the Place de la Revolution. In front, 
 the Louvre, the Jardin de 1'Infante, and the Carousel were 
 planted with cannon; and behind, the Pont Tournant and 
 the Place de la Revolution formed a park of reserve. In 
 this position the convention awaited the insurgents. 
 
 The latter soon encompassed it on several points. They 
 had about forty thousand men under arms, commanded by 
 generals Danican, Duhoux, and the ex garde-du-corps Lafond. 
 The thirty-two sections which formed the majority, had sup- 
 plied their military contingent. Of the other sixteen, several 
 sections of the faubourgs had their troops in the battalion of 
 '89. A few, those of the Quinze-vingts and Montreuil, sent 
 assistance during the action; others, though favourably dis- 
 posed, as that of Popincourt, could not do so; and lastly, 
 others remained neutral, like that of L'Indivisibilite. From 
 two to three o'clock, general Carteaux, who occupied the Pont 
 Neuf with four hundred men and two four-pounders, was 
 surrounded by several columns of sectionaries, who obliged 
 him to fall back on the Louvre. This advantage emboldened 
 the insurgents, who were strong on all points. General 
 Danican summoned the convention to withdraw its troops, 
 and disarm the terrorists. The officer entrusted with the 
 summons, was led into the assembly blindfold, and his mes- 
 sage occasioned some agitation, several members declaring in 
 favour of conciliatory measures. Boissy d'Anglas advised a 
 conference with Danican; Gamon proposed a proclamation 
 in which they should call upon the citizens to retire, pro-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 309 
 
 raising then to disarm the battalion of '89. This address 
 excited violent murmurs. Chenier rushed to the tribune. 
 " I am surprised," said he, " that the demands of sections 
 in a state of revolt should be discussed here. Negotiation 
 must not be heard of; there is only victory or death for 
 the national convention." Lanjuinais wished to support the 
 address, by dwelling on the danger and misery of civil war; but 
 the convention would not hear him, and on the motion of 
 Fermond, passed to the order of the day. The debates re- 
 specting measures of peace or war with the sections were 
 continued for some time, when about half-past four several 
 discharges of musketry were heard, which put an end to all 
 discussion. Seven hundred guns were brought in, and the 
 convention took arms as a body of reserve. 
 
 The conflict had now commenced in the Eue Saint Honore, 
 of which the insurgents were masters. The first shots were 
 fired from the Hotel de Noailles, and a murderous fire ex- 
 tended the whole length of this line. A few moments after- 
 wards, on the other side, two columns of sectionaries, about 
 four thousand strong, commanded by the count de Maulevier, 
 advanced by the quays, and attacked the Pont Royal. The 
 action then became general, but it could not last long; the 
 place was too well defended to be taken by assault. After 
 an hour's fighting, the sectionaries were driven from Saint 
 Roch and the Rue Saint Honore, by the cannon of the con- 
 vention and the battalion of patriots. The column of the 
 Pont Royal received three discharges of artillery in front and 
 on the side, from the bridge and the quays, which put it en- 
 tirely to flight. At seven o'clock the conventional troops, vic- 
 torious on all sides, took the offensive; by nine o'clock they had 
 dislodged the sectionaries from the Theatre de la Republique 
 and the posts they still occupied in the neighbourhood of the 
 Palais Royal. They prepared to make barricades during the 
 night, and several volleys were fired in the Rue de la Loi, 
 (Richelieu,) to prevent the works. The next day, the 14th, 
 the troops of the convention disarmed the Lepelletier section, 
 and compelled the others to return to order. 
 
 The assembly, which had only fought in its own defence, 
 displayed much moderation. The 13th Vendemiaire was 
 the 10th of August of the royalists against the republic, 
 except that the convention resisted the bourgeoisie much
 
 310 HISTORT OF 
 
 better than the throne resisted the faubourgs. The position 
 of France contributed very much to this victory. Men now 
 wished for a republic without a revolutionary government, a 
 moderate regime without a counter-revolution. The con- 
 vention, which was a mediatory power, pronounced alike 
 against the exclusive domination of the lower class, which it 
 had thrown off in Prairial, and the reactionary domination of 
 the bourgeoisie, which it repelled in Vendemiaire, seemed 
 alone capable of satisfying this twofold want, and of putting 
 an end to the state of warfare between the two parties, which 
 was prolonged by their alternate entrance into the govern- 
 ment. This situation, as well as its own dangers, gave it 
 courage to resist, and secured its triumph. The sections 
 could not take it by surprise, and still less by assault. 
 
 After the events of Vendemiaire, the convention occupied 
 itself with forming the councils and the directory. The third 
 part, freely elected, had been favourable to reaction. A few 
 conventionalists, headed by Tallien, proposed to annul the elec- 
 tions of this third, and wished to suspend, for a longer time, 
 the conventional government. Thibaudeau exposed their 
 design with much courage and eloquence. The whole con- 
 ventional party adopted his opinion. It rejected all super- 
 fluous arbitrary sway, and showed itself impatient to leave 
 the provisional state it had been in for the last three years. 
 The convention established itself as a national electoral 
 assembly, in order to complete the tioo-thirds from among its 
 members. It then formed the councils; that of the ancients, 
 of two hundred and fifty members, who according to the new 
 law had completed forty years; that of Five Hundred from 
 among the others. The councils met in the Tnileries. They 
 then proceeded to form the government. 
 
 The attack of Vendemiaire was quite recent; and the 
 republican party, especially dreading the counter-revolution, 
 agreed to choose the directors only from the conventionalists, 
 and further from among those of them who had voted for the 
 death of the king. Some of the most influential members, 
 among whom was Daunou, opposed this view, which restricted 
 the choice, and continued to give the government a dictatorial 
 and revolutionary character; but it prevailed. The conven- 
 tionalists thus elected, were Larevellere-Lepaux, invested 
 with general confidence on account of his courageous conduct
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 311 
 
 on the 31st of May, for his probity and his moderation; Sieyes, 
 the man who of all others enjoyed the greatest celebrity of 
 the day; Rewbell, possessed of great administrative activity; 
 Letourneur, one of the members of the commission of five 
 during the last crisis; and Bamis, chosen for his two pieces 
 of good fortune of Thermidor and Vendemiaire. Sieyes, 
 who had refused to take part in the legislative commission of 
 the eleven, also refused to enter upon the directory. It is 
 difficult to say whether this reluctance arose from calculation 
 or an insurmountable antipathy for Rewbell. He was re- 
 placed by Carnot, the only member of the former committee 
 whom they were disposed to favour, on account of his poli- 
 tical purity, and his great share in the victories of the 
 republic. Such was the first composition of the directory. 
 On the 4th Brumaire, the convention passed a law of am- 
 nesty, in order to enter on legal government; changed the 
 name of the Place de la Revolution into Place de la Con 
 corde, and declared its session closed. 
 
 The convention lasted three years, from the 21st of Sep- 
 tember, 1792, to October 26, 1795 (4th Brumaire, year IV.) 
 It took several directions. During the six first months of its 
 existence it was drawn into the struggle which arose between 
 the legal party of the Gironde, and the revolutionary party 
 of the Mountain. The latter had the lead from the 31st of 
 May, 1793, to the 9th Thermidor, year II. (26th July, 1794.) 
 The convention then obeyed the committee of public safety, 
 which first destroyed its old allies of the commune and of the 
 Mountain, and afterwards perished through its own divisions. 
 From the 9th Thermidor to the month of Brumaire, year 
 IV., the convention conquered the revolutionary and royalist 
 parties, and sought to establish a moderate republic in opposi- 
 tion to both. 
 
 During this long and terrible period, the violence of the 
 situation changed the revolution into a war, and the as- 
 sembly into a field of battle. Each party wished to establish 
 its sway by victory, and to secure it by founding its system. 
 The Girondist party made the attempt, and perished; the 
 Mountain made the attempt, and perished ; the party of the 
 commune made the attempt, and perished; Robespierre's party 
 made the attempt, and perished. They could only conquer, 
 they were unable to found a system. The property of such
 
 312 HISTORY OF 
 
 a storm was to overthrow everything that attempted to be- 
 come settled. All was provisional; dominion, men, parties, 
 and systems, because the only thing real and possible was 
 war. A year was necessary to enable the conventional party, 
 on its return to power, to restore the revolution to a legal 
 position; and it could only accomplish this by two victories 
 that of Prairial and that of Vendemiaire. But the conven- 
 tion having then returned to the point whence it started, 
 and having discharged its true mission, which was to establish 
 the republic after having defended it, disappeared from the 
 theatre of the world which it had filled with surprise. A 
 revolutionary power, it ceased as soon as legal order recom- 
 menced. Three years of dictatorship had been lost to liberty, 
 but not to the revolution.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUVON. 3i3 
 
 THE- 'EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 FROM THE INSTALLATION OF THE DIRECTORY, ON THE 27TH 
 OCTOBER, 1795, TO THE COUP-D'ETAT OF THE 18TH 
 FRUCTIDOR, YEAR V. (3RD AUGUST, 1797.) 
 
 Keview of the revolution Its second character of reorganization ; transition 
 from public to private life The five directors; their labours for the'in- 
 terior Pacification of La Vendee Conspiracy of Baboeuf; final defeat 
 of the democratic party Plan of campaign against Austria ; conquest of 
 Italy by general Bonaparte ; treaty of Campo-Formio ; the French repub- ' 
 lie is acknowledged, with its acquisitions, and its connexion with the* 
 Batavian, Lombard, and Ligurian republics, which extend its system ' 
 in Europe Royalist elections in the year V. ; they alter the position of 
 the republic New contest between the counter-revolutionary party in 
 the councils, in the club of Clichy, in the salons, and the conventional 
 party, in the directory, the club of Salm, and the army Coup d'etat 
 of the 18th Fructidor ; the Vendemiaire party again defeated. 
 
 THE French revolution, which had destroyed the old govern- 
 ment, and thoroughly overturned the old society, had two' 
 wholly distinct objects; that of a free constitution, and that 
 of a more perfect state of civilization. The six years we have 
 just gone over were the search for government by each of the 
 classes which composed the French nation. The privileged-' 
 classes wished to establish their regime against the court and the 
 bourgeoisie, by preserving orders and the states-general; the 
 bourgeoisie sought to establish its regime against the privileged 
 classes and the multitude, by the constitution of 1791; and 
 the multitude wished to establish its recime asainst all tho
 
 314 HISTORY OF 
 
 others, by the constitution of 1793. Not one of these govern- 
 ments could become consolidated, because they were all exclu- 
 sive. But during their attempts, each class, in power for a 
 time, destroyed of the higher classes all that was intolerant or 
 calculated to oppose the progress of modern civilization. 
 
 When the directory succeeded the convention, the struggle 
 between the classes was greatly weakened. The higher ranks 
 of each formed a party which still contended for the possession 
 and for the form of government; but the mass of the nation 
 which had been so profoundly agitated from 1789 to 1795, 
 longed to become settled again, and to arrange itself according 
 to the new order of things. This period witnessed the end of 
 the movement for liberty, and the beginning of the movement 
 towards civilization. The revolution now took its second 
 character, its character of order, foundation, repose, after the 
 agitation, the immense toil, and system of complete demolition 
 of its early years. 
 
 This second period was remarkable, inasmuch as it seemed 
 a kind of abandonment of liberty. The different parties being 
 no longer able to possess it in an exclusive and durable man- 
 ner, became discouraged, and fell back from public into private 
 life. This second period divided itself into two epochs: it 
 was liberal under the directory and at the commencement 
 of the Consulate, and military at the close of the Consu- 
 late and under the empire. The revolution daily grew more 
 materialized; after having made a nation of sectaries, it 
 made a nation of working men, and then it made a nation of 
 soldiers. 
 
 Many illusions were already destroyed; men had passed 
 through so many different states, had lived so much in so few 
 years, that all ideas were confounded and all creeds shaken. 
 The reign of the middle class and that of the multitude had 
 pax-ed away like a rapid phantasmagoria. They were far from 
 thai France of the 14th of July, with its deep conviction, its 
 high morality, its assembly exercising the all-powerful sway o* 
 liberty and of reason, its popular magistracies, its citizen-guard, 
 its brilliant, peaceable, and animated exterior, wearing the im- 
 press of order and independence. They were far from the 
 more sombre and more tempestuous France of the 10th or 
 August, when a single class held the government and society, 
 and had introduced therein its language, manners, and costume, 
 the agitation of its fears, the fanaticism of its ideas, the distrust
 
 TUE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 315 
 
 of its position. Then private life entirely gave piace to public 
 life; the republic presented, in turn, the aspect of an assembly 
 and of a camp; the rich were subject to the poor; the creed of 
 democracy combined with the gloomy and ragged administra- 
 tion of the people. At each of these periods men had been 
 strongly attached to some idea: first, to liberty and constitu- 
 tional monarchy; afterwards, to equality, fraternity, and the 
 republic. But at the beginning of the directory, there was 
 belief in nothing; in the great shipwreck of parties, all had 
 been lost, both the virtue of the bourgeoisie and the virtue of 
 the people. 
 
 Men arose from this furious turmoil weakened and wounded, 
 and each, remembering his political existence with terror, 
 plunged wildly into the pleasures and relations of private life 
 which had so long been suspended. Balls, banquets, de- 
 bauchery, splendid carriages, became more fashionable than 
 ever; this was the reaction of the ancient regime. The 
 reign of the sans-culottes brought back the dominion of 
 the rich; the clubs, the return of the salons. For the rest, it 
 was scarcely possible but that the first symptom of the 
 resumption of modern civilization should be thus irregular. 
 The directorial manners were the product of another 
 society, which had to appear again before the new state of 
 society could regulate its relations, and constitute its own 
 manners. In this transition, luxury would give rise to labour, 
 stock -jobbing to commerce; salons bring parties together 
 who could not approximate except in private life; in a 
 word, civilization would again usher in liberty. 
 
 The situation of the republic was discouraging at the in- 
 stallation of the directory. There existed no element of order 
 or administration. There was no money in the public trea- 
 sury; couriers were often delayed, for want of the small sum 
 necessary to enable them to set out. In the interior, anarchy 
 and uneasiness were general; paper currency, in the last 
 stage of discredit, destroyed confidence and commerce; the 
 dearth became protracted, every one refusing to part with his 
 commodities, for it amounted to giving them away; the 
 arsenals were exhausted or almost empty. Without, the armies 
 were destitute of baggage-wagons, horses, and supplies; the 
 soldiers were in want of clothes, and the generals were often 
 unable to liquidate their pay of eight francs a month in specie, 
 an indispensable supplement, small as it was, to their pay in
 
 316 HISTORY OF 
 
 assignats; and lastly, the troops, discontented and undisci- 
 plined, on account of their necessities, were again beaten, and 
 on the defensive. 
 
 Things were at this state of crisis after the fall of the com- 
 mittee of public safety. This committee had foreseen the 
 dearth, and prepared for it, both in the army and in the in- 
 terior, by the requisitions and the maximum. No one had 
 dared to exempt himself from this financial system, which 
 rendered the wealthy and commercial classes tributary to the 
 soldiers and the multitude, and at that time provisions had 
 not been withheld from the market. But since violence and 
 confiscation had ceased, the people, the convention, and the 
 armies were at the mercy of the landed proprietors and 
 speculators, and terrible scarcity existed, a reaction against 
 the maximum. The system of the convention had consisted, 
 in political economy, in the consumption of an immense 
 capital, represented by the assignats. This assembly had 
 been a rich government, which had ruined itself in defending 
 the revolution. Nearly half the French territory, consisting 
 of domains of the crown, ecclesiastical property, or the estates 
 of the emigrant nobility, had been sold, and the produce ap- 
 plied to the support of the people, who did little labour, and 
 to the external defence of the republic by the armies. More 
 than eight thousand millions of assignats had been issued 
 before the 9th Thermidor, and since that period, thirty 
 thousand millions had been added to that sum, already so 
 enormous. Such a system could not be continued; it was 
 necessary to begin the work again, and return to real money. 
 
 The men deputed to remedy this great disorganization were, 
 for the most part, of ordinary talent; but they set to work 
 with zeal, courage, and good sense. " When the directors," 
 said M. Bailleul,* " entered the Luxembourg, there was not 
 an article of furniture. In a small room, at a little broken 
 table, one leg of which was half eaten away with age, on 
 which they placed some letter-paper and a calumet standish, 
 which they had fortunately brought from the committee of 
 public safety, seated on four straw -bottom chairs, opposite a 
 few logs of dimly-burning wood, the whole borrowed from 
 
 * Examen Critique des Considerations de Madame de Statel, svr la Revo- 
 lution Frin^aise, by M. J. Ch. Bailleul, vol. ii., pp. 275, 281 .
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 317 
 
 Dupont, the porter; who would believe that it was in such a 
 condition that the members of the new government, after 
 having investigated all the difficulties, nay, all the horror of 
 their position, resolved that they would face all obstacles, 
 and that they would either perish or rescue France from the 
 abyss into which she had fallen? On a sheet of writing-paper 
 they drew up the act by which they ventured to declare 
 themselves constituted; an act which they immediately des- 
 patched to the legislative chambers." 
 
 The directors then proceeded to divide their labours, taking 
 as their guide the grounds which had induced the consti- 
 tutional party to select them. Kewbell, possessed of great 
 activity, a lawyer versed in government and diplomacy, had 
 assigned to him the departments of law, finance, and foreign 
 affairs. His skill and commanding character soon made 
 him the acting man of the directory in all civil matters. 
 Barras had no special knowledge; his mind was mediocre, 
 his resources few, his habits indolent. In an hour of dan- 
 ger, his resolution qualified him to execute sudden measures, 
 like those of Thermidor or Vendemiaire. But being, on 
 ordinary occasions, only adapted for the surveillance of parties, 
 the intrigues of which he was better acquainted with than 
 any one else, the police department was allotted to him. He 
 was well suited for the task, being supple and insinuating, 
 without partiality for any political sect, and having re- 
 volutionary connexions by his past life, while his birth 
 gave him access to the aristocracy. Barras took on 
 himself the representation of the directory, and esta- 
 blished a sort of republican regency at the Luxembourg. 
 The pure and moderate La Revellere, whose gentleness tem- 
 pered with courage, whose sincere attachment for the republic 
 and legal measures, had procured him a post in the directory, 
 with the general consent of the assembly and public opinion, 
 had assigned to him the moral department, embracing educa- 
 tion, the arts, sciences, manufactures, &c. Letourneur, an 
 ex-artillery officer, member of the committee of public safety 
 at the latter period of the convention, had been appointed to 
 the war department. But when Carnot was chosen, on the 
 refusal of'Sieyes, he assumed the direction of military opera- 
 tions, and left to his colleague Letourneur the navy and the 
 colonies. His high talents and resolute character gave him
 
 318 HISTORY OF 
 
 the upper hand in the direction. Letourneur attached him- 
 self to him, as La Reveillere to Rewbell, and Barras was 
 between the two. At this period, the directors turned their 
 attention with the greatest concord to the improvement and 
 welfare of the state. 
 
 The directors frankly followed the route traced out for 
 them by the constitution. After having established authority 
 in the centre of the republic, they organized it in the depart- 
 ments, and established, as well as they could, a correspond- 
 ence of design between local administrations and their own. 
 Placed between the two exclusive and dissatisfied parties of 
 Prairial and Vendemiaire, they endeavoured, by a decided 
 line of conduct, to subject them to an order of things, holding 
 a place midway between their extreme pretensions. They 
 sought to revive the enthusiasm and order of the first years 
 of the revolution. " You, whom we summon to share our 
 labours," they wrote to their agents, "you who have, with 
 us, to promote the progress of the republican constitution, 
 your first virtue, your first feeling, should be that decided 
 resolution, that patriotic faith, which has also produced its 
 enthusiasts and its miracles. All will be achieved when, by 
 your care, that sincere love of liberty which sanctified the 
 dawn of the revolution, again animates the heart of every 
 Frenchman. The banners of liberty floating on every house, 
 and the republican device written on every door, doubtless 
 form an interesting sight. Obtain more; hasten the day 
 when the sacred name of the republic shall be graven volun- 
 tarily on every heart." 
 
 In a short time, the wise and firm proceedings of the new 
 government restored confidence, labour and plenty. The 
 circulation of provisions was secured, and at the end of a 
 month, the directory was relieved from the obligation to 
 provide Paris with supplies, which it effected for itself. The 
 immense activity created by the revolution began to be 
 directed towards industry and agriculture. A part of the 
 population quitted the clubs and public places for workshops 
 and fields; and then the benefit of a revolution, which, 
 having destroyed corporations, divided property, abolished 
 privileges, increased fourfold the means of civilization, and 
 was destined to produce prodigious good to France, began 
 to be felt. The directory encouraged this movement in
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 319 
 
 the direction of labour by salutary institutions. It re-esta- 
 blished public exhibitions of the produce of industry, and im- 
 proved the system of education decreed under the convention. 
 The national institute, primary, central, and normal schools, 
 formed a complete system of republican institutions. La Re- 
 veillere, the director intrusted with the moral department of 
 the government, then sought to establish, under the name of 
 Theophilanthropie, the deistical religion which the committee 
 of public safety had vainly endeavoured to establish by the 
 Fete a fEtre Supreme. He provided temples, hymns, forms, 
 and a kind of liturgy, for the new religion; but such a 
 faith could only be individual, could not long continue public. 
 The theophilanthropists, whose religion was opposed to the 
 political opinions and the unbelief of the revolutionists, were 
 much ridiculed. Thus, in the passage from public institu- 
 tions to individual faith, all that had been liberty became 
 civilization, and what had been religion became opinion. 
 Deists remained, but theophilanthropists were no longer to be 
 met with. 
 
 The directory, pressed for money, and shackled by the 
 disastrous state of the finances, had recourse to measures 
 somewhat extraordinary. It had sold or pledged the most 
 valuable articles of the Wardrobe, in order to meet the greatest 
 urgencies. National property was still left; but it sold badly, 
 and for assignats. The directory proposed a compulsory 
 loan, which was decreed by the councils. This was a relic 
 of the revolutionary measures with regard to the rich; 
 but, having been irresolutely adopted, and executed without 
 due authority, it did not succeed. The directory then en- 
 deavoured to revive paper money; it proposed the issue of 
 mandate territoriaux, which were to be substituted for the 
 assignats then in circulation, at the rate of thirty for one, and 
 to take the place of money. The councils decreed the issue 
 of mandate territoriaux to the amount of two thousand four 
 hundred millions. They had the advantage of being ex- 
 changeable at once and upon presentation, for the national 
 domains which represented them. They caused the sale 
 of a large extent of these, and in this way completed the 
 revolutionary mission of the assignats, of which they were the 
 second period. They procured the directory a momentary
 
 320 HISTORY OF 
 
 resource; but they also lost their credit, and led insensibly to 
 bankruptcy, which was the transition from paper to specie. 
 
 The military situation of the republic was not a brilliant 
 one; at the close of the convention there had been an abate- 
 ment of victories. The equivocal position and weakness of 
 the central authority, as much as the scarcity, had relaxed the 
 discipline of the troops. The generals, too, disappointed that 
 they had distinguished their command by so few victories, 
 and were not spurred on by an energetic government, became 
 inclined to insubordination. The convention had deputed 
 Pichegru and Jourdan, one at the head of the army of the 
 Rhine, the other with that of the Sambre-et-Meuse, to sur- 
 round and capture Mayence, in order that they might occupy 
 the whole line of the Rhine. Pichegru made this project 
 completely fail: although possessing the entire confidence of 
 the republic, and enjoying the greatest military fame of the 
 day, he formed counter-revolutionary schemes with the prince 
 of Conde; but they were unable to agree. Pichegru urged 
 the emigrant prince to enter France with his troops, by 
 Switzerland or the Rhine, promising to remain inactive, the 
 only thing in his power to do in favour of such an attempt. 
 The prince required as a preliminary, that Pichegru should 
 hoist the white flag in his army, which was, to a man, repub- 
 lican. This hesitation, no doubt, injured the projects of the 
 reactionists, who were preparing the conspiracy of Vende- 
 miaire. But Pichegru wishing, one way or the other, to 
 serve his ne\r allies and to betray his country, allowed him- 
 self to be defeated at Heidelberg, compromised the army of 
 Jourdan, evacuated Mannheim, raised the siege of Mayence 
 with considerable loss, and exposed that frontier to the 
 
 The directory found the Rhine open towards Mayence; 
 the war of La Vendee rekindled; the coasts of France and 
 Holland threatened with a descent from England; lastly, the 
 army of Italy destitute of everything, and merely maintain- 
 ing the defensive under Scherer and Kellermann. Carnot pre- 
 pared a new plan of campaign, which was to carry the armies of 
 the republic to the very heart of the hostile states. Bona- 
 parte, appointed general of the interior after the events of 
 Vemlemiaire, was placed at the head of the army of Italy; 
 Jourdan retained the command of the army of the Sambre-et-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 321 
 
 Meuse, and Moreau had that of the army of the Rhine, in 
 place of Pichegru. The latter, whose treason was suspected 
 by the directory, though not proved, was offered the embassy 
 to Sweden, which he refused, and retired to Arbois, his native 
 place. The three great armies, placed under the orders of 
 Bonaparte, Jourdan, and Moreau, were to attack the Austrian 
 monarchy by Italy and Germany, combine at the entrance of 
 the Tyrol and march upon Vienna, in echellon. The generals 
 prepared to execute this vast movement, the success of which 
 Avould make the republic mistress of the head-quarters of the 
 coalition on the continent. 
 
 The directory gave to general Hoche the command of the 
 coast, and deputed him to conclude the Vendean war. Hoche 
 changed the system of warfare adopted by his predecessors. 
 La Vendee was disposed to submit. Its previous victories 
 had not led to the success of its cause; defeat and ill-fortune 
 had exposed it to plunder and conflagration. The insurgents, 
 irreparably injured by the disaster of Savenay, by the loss 
 ot their principal leader, and their best soldiers, by the 
 devastating system of the infernal columns, now desired 
 nothing more than to live on good terms with the republic. 
 The war now depended only en a few chiefs, upon Charette, 
 Stofflet, &c. Hoche saw that it was necessary to wean the 
 masses from these men by concessions, and then to crush 
 them. He skilfully separated the royalist cause from the 
 cause of religion, and employed the priests against the 
 generals, by showing great indulgence to the catholic re- 
 ligion. He had the country scoured by four powerful columns, 
 took their cattle from the inhabitants, and only restored them 
 in return for their arms. He left no repose to the armed 
 party, defeated Charette in several encounters, pursued him 
 from one retreat to another, and at last made him prisoner. 
 StofHet wished to raise the Vendean standard again on his 
 territory; but it was given up to the republicans. These two 
 chiefs, who had witnessed the beginning of the insurrection, 
 were present at its close. They died courageously; Stofflet 
 at Angers, Charette at Nantes, after having displayed character 
 and talents worthy of a larger theatre. Hoche likewise tran- 
 quilized Brittany. Morbihan was occupied by numerous 
 bands of Chouans, who formed a formidable association, the 
 principal leader of which was Georges Cadoudal. Without 
 
 Y
 
 322 HISTORY OF 
 
 entering on a campaign, they were mastering the country. 
 Hoche directed all his force and activity against them, and before 
 long had destroyed or exhausted them. Most of their leaders 
 quitted their arms, and took refuge in England. The directory, 
 on learning these fortunate pacifications, formally announced 
 to both councils, on the 28th Messidor, (June, 1796,) that 
 this civil war was definitively terminated. 
 
 In this manner the winter of the year IV. passed away. 
 But the directory could hardly fail to be attacked by the two 
 parties, whose sway was prevented by its existence, the de- 
 mocrats and the royalists. The former constituted an inflexible 
 and enterprising sect. For them, the 9th Thermidor was 
 an era of pain and oppression: they desired to establish 
 absolute equality, in spite of the state of society, and demo- 
 cratic liberty, in spite of civilization. This sect had been 
 so vanquished as effectually to prevent its return to power. 
 On the 9th Thermidor it had been driven from the govern- 
 ment; on the 2nd Prairial, from society; and it had lost both 
 power and insurrections. But though disorganized and pro- 
 scribed, it was far from having disappeared. After the 
 unfortunate attempt of the royalists in Vendemiaire, it arose 
 through their abasement. 
 
 The democrats re-established their club at the Pantheon, 
 which the directory tolerated for some time. They had for 
 their chief, " Gracchus" Baboeuf, who styled himself the 
 " Tribune of the people." He was a daring man, of an ex- 
 alted imagination, an extraordinary fanaticism of democracy, 
 and Avith great influence over his party. In his journal, he 
 prepared the reign of general happiness. The society at the 
 Pantheon daily became more numerous, and more alarming 
 to the directory, Avho at first endeavoured to restrain it. But 
 the sittings were soon protracted to an advanced hour of the 
 night; the democrats repaired thither in arms, and proposed 
 marching against the directory and the councils. The di- 
 rectory determined to oppose them openly. On the 8th 
 Ventose, year IV. (February, 1796), it closed the society 
 of the Pantheon, and on the 9th, by a message informed the 
 legislative body that it had done so. 
 
 The democrats, deprived of their place of meeting, had re- 
 course to another plan. They seduced the police force, which 
 was chiefly composed of deposed revolutionists- and in con-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 323 
 
 cert with it, they were to destroy the constitution of the year 
 III. The directory, informed of this new manoeuvre, dis- 
 banded the police force, causing it to be disarmed by other 
 troops on whom it could rely. The conspirators, taken by 
 surprise a second time, determined on a project of attack and 
 insurrection: they formed an insurrectionary committee of 
 public safety, which communicated by secondary agents with 
 the lower orders of the twelve communes of Paris. The mem- 
 bers of this principal committee were Baboeuf, the chief o$ 
 the conspiracy, ex-conventionalists, such as Vadier, Amar, 
 Choudieu, Ricord, the representative Drouet, the former 
 generals of the decemviral committee, Rossignol, Parrein, 
 Fyon, Lami. Many cashiered officers, patriots of the de- 
 partments, and the old Jacobin mass, composed the army 
 of this faction. The chiefs often assembled in a place they 
 called the Temple of Reason; here they sang lamentations on 
 the death of Robespierre, and deplored the slavery of the 
 people. They opened a negotiation with the troops of the 
 camp of Grenelle, admitted among them a captain of that 
 camp, named Grisel, whom they supposed their own, and con- 
 certed every measure for the attack. 
 
 Their plan was to establish common happiness; and for 
 that purpose, to make a distribution of property, and to cause 
 the government of true, pure, and absolute democrats to pre- 
 vail; to create a convention composed of sixty-eight Moun- 
 taineers, the remnant of the numbers proscribed since the 
 reaction of Thermidor, and to join with these a democrat for 
 each department; lastly, to start from the different quarters 
 in which they had distributed themselves, and march at the 
 same time against the directory and against the councils. On 
 the night of the insurrection, they were to fix up two pla- 
 cards; one, containing the words, " The Constitution of 1793! 
 liberty! equality! common happiness!" the other, containing 
 the following declaration, " Those who usurp the sovereignty, 
 ought to be put to death by free men." All was ready; the 
 proclamations printed, the day appointed, when they were 
 betrayed by Grisel, as generally happens in conspiracies. 
 
 On the 21st Floreal (May), the eve of the day fixed for the 
 attack, the conspirators Avere seized in their conventicle. In 
 the house of Baboeuf were found a plan of the plot and all 
 the documents connected with it. The directory apprised 
 
 T2
 
 824 HISTORY OF 
 
 the councils of it by a message, and announced it to the people 
 by proclamation. This strange attempt, savouring so strongly 
 of fanaticism, and which could only be a repetition of the insur- 
 rection of Prairial, without its means and its hopes of success. 
 excited the greatest terror. The public mind was still ter- 
 rified with the recent domination of the Jacobins. 
 
 Babceuf, like a daring conspirator, prisoner as he was, pro- 
 posed terms of peace to the directory: 
 
 " "Would you consider it beneath you, citizen directors," he 
 wrote to them, " to treat with me, as power with power? 
 You have seen what vast confidence centres in me; you have 
 seen that my party may well balance equally in the scale 
 your own; you have seen its immense ramifications. I am 
 convinced you have trembled at the sight." He concluded 
 by saying: " I see but one wise mode of proceeding; declare 
 there has been no serious conspiracy. Five men, by showing 
 themselves great and generous, may now save the country. 
 I will answer for it, that the patriots will defend you with 
 their lives; the patriots do not hate you; they only hated 
 your unpopular measures. For my part, I will give you a 
 guarantee as extensive as is my perpetual franchise." The 
 directors, instead of this reconciliation, published Baboeufs 
 letter, and sent the conspirators before the high court of 
 Vendome. 
 
 Their partisans made one more attempt. On the 13th 
 Fructidor (August), about eleven at night, they marched, to 
 the number of six or seven hundred, armed with sabres and 
 pistols, against the directory, whom they found defended by 
 its guard. They then repaired to the camp of Crenelle, 
 which they hoped to gain over by means of a correspondence 
 which they had established with it. The troops had retired 
 to rest when the conspirators arrived. To the sentinel's cry 
 of, " Qui vice?" they replied: " Vive la republique ! Vive 
 la constitution de '93 !" The sentinels gave the alarm through 
 the camp. The conspirators, relying on the assistance of a 
 battalion from Gard, which had been disbanded, advanced 
 towards the tent of Malo, the commander-in-chief, who gave 
 orders to sound to arms, and commanded his half-dressed 
 dragoons to mount. The conspirators, surprised at this re- 
 ception, feebly defended themselves: they were cut down by 
 the dragoons or put to flight, leaving many dead and pri-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 325 
 
 soners on the field of battle. This ill-fated expedition was 
 almost the last of the party: with each defeat it lost its force, 
 its chiefs, and acquired the secret conviction that its reign 
 was over. The Grenelle enterprise proved most fatal to 
 it; besides the numbers slain in the fight, many "were con- 
 demned to death by the military commissions, which were to 
 it what the revolutionary tribunals had been to its foes. The 
 commission of the camp of Grenelle, in five sittings, con- 
 demned one~and-thirty conspirators to death, thirty to 
 transportation, and twenty-five to imprisonment. 
 
 Shortly afterwards the high court of Venoome tried 
 Babceuf and his accomplices, among whom were Amar, 
 Vadier, and Darthe, formerly secretary to Joseph Lebon. 
 They none of them belied themselves; they spoke as men 
 who feared neither to avow their object, nor to die for their 
 cause. At the beginning and the end of each sitting, they 
 sang the Marseillaise. This old song of victory, and their 
 firm demeanour, struck the public mind with astonishment, 
 and seemed to render them still more formidable. Their 
 wives accompanied them to the trial. Baboeuf, at the close of 
 his defence, turned to them, and said, " they should accompany 
 them even to Calvary, because the cause of their punishment 
 would not bring them to shame" The high court con- 
 demned Baboeuf and Darthe to death: as they heard their 
 sentence they both stabbed themselves with a poignard. 
 Baboeuf was the last leader of the old commune and the 
 committee of public safety, which had separated previous to 
 Thermidor, and which afterwards united again. This party 
 decreased daily. Its dispersion and isolation more especially 
 date from this period. Under the reaction, it still formed a 
 compact mass; under Baboeuf, it maintained the position of a 
 formidable association. From that time democrats existed, 
 but the party was broken up. 
 
 In the interim between the Grenelle enterprise and Ba- 
 boeuf's condemnation, the royalists also formed their con- 
 spiracy. The projects of the democrats produced a move- 
 ment of opinion, contrary to that which had been manifested 
 after Vendemiaire, and the counter-revolutionists in their 
 turn became emboldened. The secret chiefs of this party 
 hoped to find auxiliaries in the troops of the camp of 
 Grenelle, who had repelled the Baboeuf faction. This 
 party, impatient and unskilful, unable to employ the sec-
 
 326 HISTORY OF 
 
 tionary mass, as in Vendemiaire, or the mass of the councils, 
 as at a later period on the 18th Fructidor, made use of three 
 men -without either name or influence: the abbe Brothier, the 
 ex-counsellor of parliament, La Vilheurnois, and a sort oi 
 adventurer, named Dunan. They applied at once, in all 
 simplicity, to Malo for the camp of Crenelle, in order by 
 its means to restore the ancient regime. Malo delivered 
 them up to the directory, who transferred them to the civil 
 tribunals, not having been able, as he wished, to have them 
 tried by military commissioners. They were treated with 
 much consideration by judges of their party, elected under 
 the influence of Vendemiaire, and the sentence pronounced 
 against them was only a short imprisonment. At this period, 
 a contest arose between all the authorities appointed by the 
 sections, and the directory supported by the army; each 
 taking its strength and judges wherever its party prevailed; 
 the result was, that the electoral power placing itself at 
 the disposition of the counter-revolution, the directory was 
 compelled to introduce the army in the state; which after- 
 wards gave rise to serious inconvenience. 
 
 The directory, triumphant over the two dissident .parties, 
 also triumphed over Europe. The new campaign opened 
 under the most favourable auspices. Bonaparte, on arriving 
 at Nice, signalised his command by one of the most daring ot 
 invasions. Hitherto his army had hovered idly on the side 
 of the Alps; it was destitute of everything, and scarcely 
 amounted to thirty thousand men; but it was well provided 
 with courage and patriotism; and, by their means, Bonaparte 
 then commenced that world-astonishment by which he car- 
 ried all before him for twenty years. He broke up the can- 
 tonments, and entered the valley of Savona, in order to 
 march into Italy between the Alps and the Apennines. There 
 were before him ninety thousand coalesced troops, com- 
 manded in the centre by Argentau; by Colle on the left; and 
 Beaulieu on the right. This immense army was dispersed 
 in a few days by prodigies of genius and courage. Bona- 
 parte overthrew the centre at Montenotte, and entered Pied- 
 mont; at Millesimo he entirely separated the Sardinian from 
 the Austrian army. They hastened to defend Turin and 
 Milan, the capitals of their domination. Before pursuing 
 the Austrians, the republican general threw himself on the 
 left, to cut off the Sardinian army. The fate of Piedmont
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 327 
 
 was decided at Mondovi, and the terrified court oF Turin 
 hastened to submit. At Cherasco an amnesty was con- 
 cluded, which was soon afterwards followed by a treaty of 
 peace, signed at Paris, on the 18th of May, 1796, between 
 the republic and the king of Sardinia, who ceded Savoy 
 and the countries of Nice and Tenda. The occupation of 
 Alexandria, which opened the Lombard country; the demo- 
 lition of the fortresses of Suza, and of Brunette, on the bor- 
 ders of France ; the abandonment of the country of Nice, and 
 of the Savoy, and the rendering available the other army of 
 the Alps, under Kellermann, was the reward of a fortnight's 
 campaign, and six victories. 
 
 War being over with Piedmont, Bonaparte marched against 
 the Austrian army, to which he left no repose. He passed 
 the Po at Piacenza, and the Adda at Lodi. The latter vic- 
 tory opened the gates of Milan, and secured him the posses- 
 sion of Lombardy. General Beaulieu was driven into the 
 defiles of the Tyrol by the republican army, which invested 
 Mantua, and appeared on the mountains of the empire. 
 General Wurmser came to replace Beaulieu, and a new army 
 was sent to join the wrecks of the conquered one. "Wurm- 
 ser advanced to deliver Mantua, and once more make Italy 
 the field of battle; but he was overpowered, like his prede- 
 cessor, by Bonaparte, who, after having raised the blockade 
 <>f ^Mantua, in order to oppose this new enemy, renewed it 
 with increased vigour, and resumed his positions in the Tyrol. 
 The plan of invasion was executed with much union and 
 success. While the army of Italy threatened Austria by the 
 Tyrol, the two armies of the Meuse and Rhine entered 
 Germany; Moreau, supported by Jourdan on his left, was 
 ready to join Bonaparte on his right. The two armies 
 had passed the Rhine at Neurvied and Strasburg, and had 
 advanced on a front, drawn up in echellons to the distance of 
 sixty leagues, driving back the enemy, who, while retreating 
 before them, strove to impede their march and break their line. 
 They had almost attained the aim of their enterprise; Moreau 
 had entered Ulm and Augsbourg, crossed the Leek, and his 
 advanced guard was on the extreme of the defiles of the 
 Tyrol, when Jourdan, from a misunderstanding, passed be- 
 yond the line, was attacked by the archduke Charles, and 
 completely routed. Moreau, exposed on his left wing, was
 
 328 HISTOEY OF 
 
 reduced to the necessity of retracing his steps, and he then 
 effected his memorable retreat. The fault of Jourdan was a 
 capital one: it prevented the success of this vast plan of cam- 
 paign, and gave respite to the Austrian government. 
 
 The cabinet of Vienna, which had lost Belgium in this war, 
 and which felt the importance of preserving Italy, defended 
 it with the greatest obstinacy. Wurmser, after a new defeat, 
 was obliged to throw himself into Mantua with the wreck of 
 his army. General Alvinzi, at the head of fifty thousand 
 Hungarians, now came to try his fortune, but was not more 
 successful than Beaulieu or Wurmser. New victories were 
 added to the wonders already achieved by the army of Italy, 
 and secured the conquest of that country. Mantua capitu- 
 lated; the republican troops, masters of Italy, took the route 
 to Vienna across the mountains. Bonaparte had before him 
 prince Charles, the last hope of Austria. He soon passed 
 through the defiles of the Tyrol, and entered the plains of Ger- 
 many. In the meantime, the army of the Rhine under Moreau, 
 and that of the Meuse under Hoche, successfully resumed the 
 plan of the preceding campaign; and the cabinet of Vienna, 
 in a state of alarm, concluded the truce of Leoben. It had 
 exhausted all its force, and tried all its generals, while the 
 French republic was in the full vigour of conquest. 
 
 The army of Italy accomplished in Europe the work of the 
 French revolution. This wonderful campaign was owing to 
 the union of a general of genius, and an intelligent army. 
 Bonaparte had for lieutenants generals capable of commanding 
 themselves, who knew how to take upon themselves the 
 responsibility of a movement or a battle, and an army of 
 citizens all possessing cultivated minds, deep feeling, strong 
 emulation of all that is great; passionately attached to a revolu- 
 tion which aggrandized their country, preserved their indepen- 
 dence under discipline, and which afforded an opportunity to 
 every soldier of becoming a general. There is nothing which 
 a leader of genius might not accomplish with such men. 
 He must have regretted, at this recollection of his earlier 
 years, that he ever centred in himself all liberty and in- 
 telligence, that he ever created mechanical armies, and 
 generals only fit to obey. Bonaparte began the third epoch 
 of the war. The campaign of 1792 had been made on the 
 old system, with dispersed corps, acting separately without
 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 329 
 
 abandoning their fixed line. The committee of public safety 
 concentrated the corps, made them operate no longer merely 
 on what was before them, but at a distance; it hastened their 
 movement, and directed them towards a common end. Bona- 
 parte did for each battle what the committee had done for 
 each campaign. He brought all these corps on the determi- 
 nate point, and destroyed several armies with a single one by 
 the rapidity of his measures. He disposed of whole masses 
 of troops at his pleasure, moved them here or there, brought 
 them forward, or kept them out of sight, had them wholly at 
 his disposition, when, where, and how he pleased, whether to 
 occupy a position or to gain a battle. His diplomacy was 
 as superior as his military science. 
 
 All the Italian governments, except Venice and Genoa, 
 had adhered to the coalition, but the people were in favour 
 of the French republic. Bonaparte relied on the latter. 
 He abolished Piedmont, which he could not conquer; trans- 
 formed the Milanese, hitherto dependent on Austria, into 
 the Cisalpine Republic; he weakened Tuscany and the petty 
 principalities of Parma and Modena by contributions, with- 
 out dispossessing them; the pope, who had signed a truce 
 on Bonaparte's first success against Beaulieu, and who did 
 not hesitate to infringe it on the arrival of Wurmser. bought 
 peace by yielding Romagna, Bologna, and Ferrara, which 
 were joined to the Cisalpine republic; lastly, the aristocracy 
 of Venice and Genoa having favoured the coalition, and 
 raised an insurrection in the rear of the army, their govern- 
 ment was changed, and Bonaparte made it democratic, in 
 order to oppose the power of the people to that of the nobility. 
 In this way the revolution penetrated into Italy. 
 
 Austria, by the preliminaries of Leoben, ceded Belgium to 
 France, and recognised the Lombard republic. All the con- 
 federate powers had laid down their arms, and England 
 asked to treat: France, peaceable and free at home, had 
 without attained her natural limits, and was surrounded with 
 rising republics, which, such as Holland, Lombardy, and 
 Liguria, guarded its sides, and extended its system in Europe. 
 The coalition was little disposed to assail anew a revolution, 
 all the governments of which were victorious; that of anarchy 
 after the 10th of August, of the dictatorship after the 31st 01 
 May, and of legal authority under the directory; a revolution,
 
 830 HISTORY OF 
 
 which, at every new hostility, advanced a step further upon 
 European territory. In 1792, it had only extended to Bel- 
 gium; in 1794, it had reached Holland and the Rhine; in 
 1796, had reached Italy, and entered Germany. If it con- 
 tinued its progress, the coalition had reason to fear that .it 
 would carry its conquests further. Everything seemed pre- 
 pared for general peace. 
 
 But the situation of the directory was materially changed 
 by the elections of the year V. (May, 1797.) These elections, 
 by introducing, in a legal way, the royalist party into the 
 legislature and government, brought again into question what 
 the conflict of Vendemiaire had decided. Up to this period, 
 a good understanding had existed between the directory and 
 the councils. Composed of conventionalists, united by a com- 
 mon interest, and the necessity of establishing the republic, 
 after having been blown about by the winds of all parties, 
 they had manifested much good- will in their intercourse, and 
 much union in their measures. The councils had yielded to 
 the various demands of the directory; and, with the excep- 
 tion of a few slight modifications, they had approved its pro- 
 jects concerning the finance and the administration, its con- 
 duct with regard to the conspiracies, the armies, and Europe. 
 The anti-conventional minority had formed an opposition in 
 the councils; but this opposition, while waiting the reinforce- 
 ment of a new third, had but cautiously contended against the 
 policy of the directory. At its head were Barbe-Marbois, 
 Pastoret, Vaublanc, Dumas, Portalis, Simeon, Troncon-Du- 
 coudray, Dupont de Nemours, most of them members of the 
 Right in the legislative assembly, and some of them avowed 
 royalists. Their position soon became less equivocal and 
 more aggressive, by the addition of the elected of the 
 year V. 
 
 The royalists formed a formidable and active confederation, 
 having its leaders, agents, budgets, and journals. They ex- 
 cluded republicans from the elections, influenced the masses, 
 who always follow the most energetic party, and whose banner 
 they momentarily assume. They would not even admit 
 patriots of the first epoch, and only elected decided counter- 
 revolutionists or equivocal constitutionalists. The republican 
 party was then placed in the government and in the army; 
 the royalist party in the electoral assemblies and the councils.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 331 
 
 On the 1st Prairial, year V. (20 May), the two councils 
 opened their sittings. From the beginning they manifested 
 thf spirit which actuated them. Pichegru, whom the royalists 
 transferred on to the new field of battle of the counter-revo- 
 lution, was enthusiastically elected president of the council 
 des ieunes. Barbe-Marbois had given him, with the same 
 eagerness, the presidentship of the elder council. The legis- 
 lative body proceeded to appoint a director to replace Letour- 
 neur, who, on the 30th Floreal had been fixed on by ballot 
 as the retiring member. Their choice fell on Barthelemy, the 
 ambassador to Switzerland, whose moderate views and at- 
 tachment to peace suited the councils and Europe, but who 
 was scarcely adapted for the government of the republic, 
 owing to his absence from France during all the revolution. 
 
 These first hostilities against the directory and the conven- 
 tional party were followed by more actual attacks. Its admi- 
 nistration and policy were now attacked without scruple. The 
 directory had done all it had been able to do by a legal 
 government in a situation still revolutionary. It was blamed 
 for continuing the war and for the disorder of the financial 
 department. The legislative majority skilfully turned its 
 attention to the public wants; it supported the entire liberty 
 of the press, which allowed journalists to attack the directory, 
 and to prepare the way for another system; it supported peace 
 because it would lead to the disarming of the republic, and 
 lastly, it supported economy. 
 
 These demands were in one sense useful and national. 
 France was weary, and felt the need of all these things in 
 order to complete its social restoration; accordingly, the 
 nation half adopted the views of the royalists, but from 
 entirely different motives. It saw with rather more anxiety 
 the measures adopted by the councils relative to priests and 
 emigrants. A pacification was desired; but the nation did 
 not wish that the conquered foes of the revolution should 
 return triumphant. The councils passed the laws with 
 regard to them with great precipitation. They justly abolished 
 the sentence of transportation or imprisonment against priests 
 for matters of religion or incivism; but they wished to restore 
 the ancient prerogatives of their form of worship ; to render 
 Catholicism, already re-established, outwardly manifest by the 
 use of bells, and to exempt priests from the oath of public 

 
 332 HISTORY OF 
 
 functionaries. Camille Jordan, a young Lyonnese deputy, 
 full of eloquence and courage, but professing unreasonable 
 opinions, was the principal panegyrist of the clergy in the 
 younger council. The speech which he delivered on this 
 subject excited great surprise and violent opposition. The 
 little enthusiasm that remained was still entirely patriotic, 
 and all were astonished at witnessing the revival of another 
 enthusiasm, that of religion: the last century and the 
 revolution had made men entirely unaccustomed to it, and 
 prevented them from understanding it. This was the moment 
 when the old party revived its creed, introduced its language, 
 and mingled them with the creed and language of the reform 
 party, which had hitherto prevailed alone. The result was, 
 as is usual with all that is unexpected, an unfavourable and 
 ridiculous impression against Camille Jordan, who was nick- 
 named Jordan- Carillon, Jordan-les- Cloches. The attempt of 
 the protectors of the clergy did not, however, succeed; and 
 the council of five hundred did not venture as yet to pass a 
 decree for the use of bells, or to make the priests indepen- 
 dent. After some hesitation, the moderate party joined the 
 directorial party, and supported the civic oath with cries of 
 " Vive la Republique!" 
 
 Meantime, hostilities continued against the directory, espe- 
 cially in the council of five hundred, which was more zealous 
 and impatient than that of the ancients. All this greatly em- 
 boldened the royalist faction in the interior. The counter- 
 revolutionary reprisals against the patriots, and those who had 
 acquired national property, were renewed. Emigrant and 
 dissentient priests returned in crowds, and being unable to 
 endure anything savouring of the revolution, they did not 
 conceal their projects for its overthrow. The directorial 
 authority, threatened in the centre, and disowned in the de- 
 partments, became wholly powerless. 
 
 But the necessity of defence, the anxiety of all men who 
 were devoted to the directory, and especially to the revolution, 
 gave courage and support to the government. The aggressive 
 progress of the councils brought their attachment to the 
 republic into suspicion; and the mass, which had at first 
 supported, now forsook them. The constitutionalists of 1791 
 and the directorial party formed an alliance. The club ot 
 Sabn, established under the auspices of this alliance, was
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 333 
 
 opposed to the club of Clichy, which for a long time had been 
 the rendezvous of the most influential members of the councils. 
 The directory, while it had recourse to opinion, did not 
 neglect its principal force the support of the troops. It 
 brought near Paris several regiments of the army of the 
 Sambre-et-Meuse, commanded by Hoche. The constitu- 
 tional radius of six myriametres, (twelve leagues,) which the 
 troops could not legally pass, was violated; and the councils 
 denounced this violation to the directory, which feigned 
 an ignorance, wholly disbelieved, and made very weak 
 excuses. 
 
 The two parties were watching each other. One had its 
 posts at the directory, at the club of Salm, and in the army; 
 the other, in the councils, at Clichy, and in the salons of the 
 royalists. The mass were spectators. Each of the two parties 
 was disposed to act in a revolutionary manner towards the 
 other. An intermediate constitutional and conciliatory party 
 tried to prevent the struggle, and to bring about an union, 
 which was altogether impossible. Carnot was at its head: a 
 few members of the younger council, directed by Thibaudeau, 
 and a tolerably large number of the Ancients, seconded 
 his projects of moderation. Carnot, who, at that period, 
 was the director of the constitution, with Barthelemy, who 
 was the director of the legislature, formed a minority in 
 the government. Carnot, very austere in his conduct and 
 very obstinate in his views, could not agree either with 
 Barras or with the imperious Rewbell. To this opposition 
 of character was then added difference of system. Barras 
 and Rewbell, supported by La Reveillere, were not at all 
 averse to a coup-d'etat against the councils, while Carnot 
 wished strictly to follow the law. This great citizen, at 
 each epoch of the revolution, had perfectly seen the mode 
 of government which suited it, and his opinion immediately 
 became a fixed idea. Under the committee of public safety, 
 the dictatorship was his fixed system, and under the 
 directory, legal government. Recognising no difference of 
 situation, he found himself placed in an equivocal position; 
 he wished for peace in a moment of war; and for law, in a 
 moment of coups-d'etat. 
 
 The councils, alarmed at the preparations of the direc- 
 tory, seemed to make the dismissal of a few ministers, in
 
 334 HISTORY OF 
 
 whom they placed no confidence, the price of reconciliation. 
 These were, Merlin de Douai, the minister of justice; La- 
 croix, minister of foreign affairs; and Ramel, minister of 
 finance. On the other hand, they desired to retain Petiet 
 as minister of war, Benesech as minister of the interior, and 
 Cochon de 1'Apparent as minister of police. The legislative 
 body, in default of directorial power, wished to make sure 01 
 the ministry. Far from falling in with this wish, which 
 would have introduced the enemy into the government, 
 Revvbell, La Reveillere and Barras dismissed the minis- 
 ters protected by the councils, and retained the others. 
 Benesech was replaced by Fra^ois de Neufchateau, Petiet 
 by Hoche, and soon afterwards by Scherer; Cochon de 1' Ap- 
 parent, by Lenoir-Laroche; and Lenoir-Laroche, who had too 
 little decision, by Sotin. Talleyrand, likewise, formed part 
 of this ministry. He had been struck off the list of emi- 
 grants, from the close of the conventional session, as a revo- 
 lutionist of 1791; and his great sagacity, which always placed 
 him with the party having the greatest hope of victory, made 
 him, at this period, a directorial republican. He held the 
 portfolio of Lacroix, and he contributed very much, by his 
 counsels and his daring, to the events of Fructidor. 
 
 War now appeared more and more inevitable. The direc- 
 tory did not wish for a reconciliation, which, at the best, 
 would only have postponed its downfall and that of the re- 
 public to the elections of the year VI. It caused threaten- 
 ing addresses against the councils to be sent from the armies. 
 Bonaparte had watched with an anxious eye the events 
 which were preparing in Paris. Though intimate with 
 Carnot, and corresponding directly with him, he had sent 
 Lavalette, his aid-de-camp, to furnish him with an account o . 
 the divisions in the government, and the intrigues and con- 
 spiracies with which it was beset. Bonaparte had promised 
 the directory the support of his army, in case of actual 
 danger. He sent Augereau to Paris with addresses from his 
 troops. " Tremble, royalists !" said the soldiers. " From the 
 Adige to the Seine is but a step. Tremble! Your iniquities 
 are numbered; and their recompence is at the end of our 
 bayonets." " We have observed with indignation," said the 
 staff, " the intrigues of royalty threatening liberty. By the 
 manes of the heroes slain for our country, we have sworn
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 335 
 
 implacable war against royalty and royalists. Such are our 
 sentiments; they are yours, and those of all patriots. Let 
 the royalists show themselves, and their days are numbered." 
 The councils protested, but in vain, against these deli- 
 berations of the army. General Richepanse, who commanded 
 the troops arrived from the army of the Sambre-et-Meuse, 
 stationed them at Versailles, Meudon, and Vincennes. 
 
 The councils had been assailants in Prairial, but as the 
 success of their cause might be put off to the year VI.. when 
 it might take place without risk or combat, they kept on the 
 defensive after Thermidor (July, 1797). They, however, 
 then made every preparation for the contest: they gave orders 
 that the constitutional circles should be closed, with a view 
 to getting rid of the club of Salm; they also increased the 
 powers of the commission of inspectors of the Hall, which 
 became the government of the legislative body, and of which 
 the two royalist conspirators, Willot and Pichegru, formed 
 part. The guard of the councils, which was under the 
 control of the directory, was placed under the immediate 
 orders of the inspectors of the Hall. At last, on the 17th 
 Fructidor, the legislative body thought of procuring the 
 assistance of the militia of Vendemiaire, and it decreed, on 
 the motion of Pichegru, the formation of the national 
 guard. On the following day, the 18th, this measure was to 
 be executed, and the councils were by a decree to order the 
 troops to remove to a distance. They had reached a point 
 that rendered a new victory necessary to decide the great 
 struggle of the revolution and the ancient system. The im- 
 petuous general, Willot, wished them to take the initiative, 
 to decree the impeachment of the three directors, Barras, Rew- 
 bell, and La Reveillere; to cause the other two to join the 
 legislative body; if the government refused to obey, to sound 
 the tocsin, and march with the old sectionariea against the 
 directory; to place Pichegru at the head of this legal in- 
 surrection, and to execute all these measures promptly, boldly, 
 and at mid-day. Pichegru is said to have hesitated; and the 
 opinion of the undecided prevailing, the tardy course of legal 
 preparations was adopted. 
 
 It was not, however, the same with the directory. Barras, 
 Rewbell, and La Reveillere determined instantly to attack 
 Carnot, Barthelemy, and the legislative majority. The morn-
 
 336 HISTORY OF 
 
 ing of the 18th was fixed on for the execution of this coup- 
 (Vetat. During the night, the troops encamped in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Paris, entered the city under the command of 
 Augereau. It was the design of the directorial triumvirate 
 to occupy the Tuileries with trpops before the assembling of 
 the legislative body, in order to avoid a violent expulsion; to 
 convoke the councils in the neighbourhood of the Luxem- 
 bourg, after having arrested their principal leaders, and by a 
 legislative measure to accomplish a coup-d'etat begun by 
 force. It was in agreement with the minority of the councils, 
 and relied on the approbation of the mass. The troops reached 
 the Hotel de Ville at one in the morning, spread themselves 
 over the quays, the bridges, and the Champs Elysees, and 
 before long, twelve thousand men and forty pieces of cannon 
 surrounded the Tuileries. At four o'clock the alarm-shot 
 was fired, and Augereau presented himself at the gate of the 
 Pont-Tournant. 
 
 The guard of the legislative body was under arms. The 
 inspectors of the Hall, apprised the night before of the move- 
 ment in preparation, had repaired to the national palace (the 
 Tuileries), to defend the entrance. Ramel, commander of the 
 legislative guard, was devoted to the councils, and he had 
 stationed his eight hundred grenadiers in the different avenues 
 of the garden, shut in by gates. But Pichegru, Willot, and 
 Ramel, could not resist the directory with this small and 
 uncertain force. Augereau had no need even to force the 
 passage of the Pont-Tournant: as soon as he came before the 
 grenadiers, he cried out, " Are you republicans?" The 
 latter lowered their arms and replied, " Vive Augereau ! 
 Vive le directoire!" and joined him. Augereau traversed the 
 garden, entered the hall of the councils, arrested Pichegru, 
 Willot, Ramel, and all the inspectors of the Hall, and had 
 them conveyed to the Temple. The members of the councils, 
 convoked in haste by the inspectors, repaired in crowds to 
 their place of sitting; but they were arrested or refused 
 admittance by the armed force. Augereau announced to 
 them that the directory, urged by the necessity of defending 
 the republic from the conspirators among them, had assigned 
 the Odeon and the School of Medicine for the place of their 
 sittings. The greater part of the deputies present exclaimed 
 against military violence and the dictatorial usurpation, but 
 they were obliged to yield.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 337 
 
 At six in the morning this expedition was terminated. 
 The people of Paris, on waking, found the troops still undei 
 arms,, and the walls placarded with proclamations announcing 
 the discovery of a formidable conspiracy. The people were 
 exhorted to observe order and confidence. The directory 
 had printed a letter of general Moreau, in which lie an- 
 nounced in detail the plots of his predecessor Pichegru with 
 the emigrants, and another letter from the prince de Conde 
 to Imbert Colomes, a member of the Ancients. The entire 
 population remained quiet; a mere spectator of an event 
 brought about without the interference of parties, and by 
 the assistance of the army only, it displayed neither appro- 
 bation nor regret. 
 
 The directory felt the necessity of legalizing, and more 
 especially of terminating, this extraordinary act. As soon as 
 the members of the five hundred, and of the ancients, were 
 assembled at the Odeon and the School of Medicine in suffi- 
 cient numbers to debate, they determined to sit permanently. 
 A message from the directory announced the motive which 
 had actuated all its measures. " Citizens legislators," ran 
 the message, " if the directory had delayed another day, the 
 republic would have been given up to its enemies. The 
 very place of your sittings was the rendezvous of the con- 
 spirators: from thence they yesterday distributed their plans 
 and orders for the delivery of arms; from thence they corres- 
 ponded last night with their accomplices; lastly, from thence, 
 or in the neighbourhood, they again endeavoured to raise 
 clandestine and seditious assemblies, which the police at this 
 moment is employed in dispersing. We should have com- 
 promised the public welfare, and that of its faithful repre- 
 sentatives, had we suffered them to remain confounded with 
 the foes of the country in the den of conspiracy." The 
 younger council appointed a commission, composed of Sieves, 
 Poulain-Granpre, Villers, Chazal, and Boulay de la Meurthe, 
 deputed to present a (loi de salut public} law of public safety. 
 The law was a measure of ostracism; only transportation was 
 substituted for the scaffold, in this second revolutionary and 
 dictatorial period. 
 
 The members of the five hundred sentenced to transporta- 
 tion were: Aubri, J. J. Aime, Bayard, Blain, Boissy d'An- 
 glas, Borne, Bourdon de 1'Oise, Cadroy, Couchery, Delahaye,
 
 338 HISTORY OP 
 
 Delarue, Doumere, Dumolard, Duplantier, Gibert Desmo- 
 lieres, Henri Lariviere, Imbert-Colomes, Camille Jordan, 
 Jourdan (des Bouches du Rhone) Gall, La Carriere, Le- 
 marchand-Gomicourt, Lemerer, Mersan, Madier, Maillard, 
 Noailles, Andre, Mac-Cartin, Pavie, Pastoret, Pichegru, 
 Polissard, Prairie-Montaud, Quatremere-Quency, Saladin, 
 Simeon, Vauvilliers, Vienot-Vaublanc, Villaret-Joyeuse, 
 Willot. In the council of ancients: Barbe-Marbois, Dumas, 
 Ferraud-Vaillant, Lafond-Ladebat, Laumont, Muriare, Muri- 
 nais, Paradis, Portalis, Rovere, Troncon-Ducoudray. In the 
 directory: Carnot and Barthelemy. They also condemned 
 the abbe Brothier, La Villeheurnois, Dunan, ex-minister of 
 police, Cochon; ex-agent of the police, Dossonville, generals 
 Miranda and Morgan; the journalist, Suard; the ex-conven- 
 tionalist, Mailhe; and the commander, Ramel. A few of the 
 proscribed succeeded in evading the decree of exile; Carnot 
 was among the number. Most of them were transported to 
 Cayenne; but a great many did not leave the Isle of Re. 
 
 The directory greatly extended this act of ostracism. The 
 authors of thirty-five journals were included in the sentence 
 of transportation. It wished to strike at once all the avenues 
 of the republic in the councils, in the press, in the electoial 
 assemblies, the departments, in a word, wherever they had 
 introduced themselves. The elections of forty-eight depart- 
 ments were annulled, the laws in favour of priests and emi- 
 grants were revoked, and soon afterwards, the disappearance 
 of all who had swayed in the departments since the 9th Ther- 
 midor raised the spirits of the cast-down republican party. 
 The coup-d'ctat of Fructidor -was not purely central; like 
 the victory of Vendemiaire; it ruined the royalist party, which 
 had only been repulsed by the preceding defeat. But, by 
 again replacing the legal government by the dictatorship, it 
 rendered another revolution necessary, of which we shall 
 presently speak. 
 
 "We may say, that on the 18th Fructidor of the year V. it 
 was necessary that the directory should triumph over the 
 counter-revolution by decimating the councils; or that the 
 councils should triumph over the republic by overthrowing 
 the directory. The question thus stated, it remains to in- 
 quire, 1 st, if the directory could have conquered by any other 
 means than a coup-d'etat; 2ndly, whether it misused its 
 victory?
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 839 
 
 The government had not the power of dissolving the 
 councils. At the termination of a revolution, whose object 
 was to establish the extreme right, they were unable to 
 invest a secondary authority with the control of the sove- 
 reignty of the people, and in certain cases to make the legis- 
 lature subordinate to the directory. This concession of an 
 experimental policy not existing, what means remained to 
 the directory of driving the enemy from the heart of the 
 state? No longer able to defend the revolution by virtue of 
 the law, it had no resource but the dictatorship; but in 
 having recourse to that, it broke the conditions of its ex- 
 istence ; and while saving the revolution, it soon fell itself. 
 
 As for its victory, it sullied it with violence, by endeavour- 
 ing to make it too complete. The sentence of transportation 
 was extended to too many victims; the petty passions of men 
 mingled with the defence of the cause, and the directory did 
 not manifest that reluctance to arbitrary measures which is 
 the only justification of coups-d'etat. To attain its object, it 
 should have exiled the leading conspirators only; but it rarely 
 happens that a party does not abuse the dictatorship; and 
 that, possessing the power, it believes not in the dangers of 
 indulgence. The defeat of the 18th Fructidor was the fourth 
 of the royalist party; two took place in order to dispossess it 
 of power, those of the 14th of July, and 10th of August; two 
 to prevent its resuming it; those of the 13th Vendemiaire and 
 18th Fructidor. This repetition of powerless attempts and 
 protracted reverses did not a little contribute to the submis- 
 sion of this party under the consulate and the empire.
 
 $40 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 FROM THE 5TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1797, TO THE 0TH OF 
 NOVEMBER, 1799. 
 
 By the 18th Fructidor the directory returns, with slight mitigation, to the 
 revolutionary government General peace, except with England Be- 
 turn of Bonaparte to Paris Expedition into Egypt Democratic 
 elections for the year VI. The directory annuls them on the 22nd 
 Floreal Second coalition ; Eussia, Austria, and England attack the re- 
 public through Italy, Switzerland, and Holland ; general defeats De- 
 mocratic elections for the year VII. ; on the 30th Prairial the councils 
 get the upper hand, and disorganize the old directory Two parties in 
 the new directory, and in the councils ; the moderate republican party 
 under Sieyes, Eoger-Ducos, and the ancients ; the extreme republican 
 party under Moulins, Golier, the Five Hundred, and the Society of the 
 Manege Various projects Victories of Massena in Switzerland ; of 
 Brunne, in Holland Bonaparte returns from Egypt ; comes to an un- 
 derstanding with Sieyes and his party The 18th and 19th Brumaire 
 End of the directorial system. 
 
 THE chief result of the 18th Fructidor was a return, with 
 slight mitigation, to the revolutionary government. The 
 two ancient privileged classes were again excluded from 
 society; the dissentient priests were again banished. The 
 Chouans, and former fugitives, who occupied the field of 
 battle in the departments, abandoned it to the old republicans : 
 those who had formed part of the military household of the 
 Bourbons, the superior officers of the crown, the members of 
 the parliaments, commanders of the order of the Holy Ghost 
 and Saint Louis, the knights of Malta, all those who had pro- 
 tested against the abolition of nobility, and who had preserved
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTIOS. 341 
 
 its titles, were to quit the territory of the republic. The 
 ci-devant nobles, or those ennobled, could only enjoy the 
 rights of citizens, after a term of seven years, and after having 
 gone through a sort of apprenticeship as Frenchmen. This 
 party, by desiring sway, restored the dictatorship. 
 
 At this period the directory attained its maximum of power; 
 for some time it had no enemies in arms. Delivered from all 
 internal opposition, it imposed the continental peace on 
 Austria by the treaty of Campo-Formio, and on the empire 
 by the congress of Rastadt. The treaty of Campo-Formio 
 was more advantageous to the cabinet of Vienna than the 
 preliminaries of Leoben. Its Belgian and Lombard states 
 were paid for by a part of the Venetian states. This old re- 
 public was divided; France retained the Illyrian Isles, and 
 gave the city of Venice and the provinces of Istria and Dal- 
 matia to Austria. In this the directory committed a great 
 fault, and was guilty of an attempt against liberty. In the 
 fanaticism of a system, we may desire to set a country free, 
 but we should never give it away. By arbitrarily distri- 
 buting the territory of a small state, the directory set the 
 bad example of this traffic in nations since but too much fol- 
 lowed. Besides, the Austrian dominion would, sooner or 
 later, extend in Italy, through this imprudent cession of 
 Venice. 
 
 The coalition of 1792 and 1793 was dissolved; England 
 was the only remaining belligerent power. The cabinet of 
 London was not at all disposed to cede to France, which it had 
 attacked, in the hope of weakening it, Belgium, Luxembourg, 
 Porentruy, Nice, Savoy, the protectorate of Piedmont, Genoa, 
 Milan, and Holland. But finding it necessary to appease the 
 English opposition, and reorganize its means of attack, it 
 made propositions of peace; it sent Lord Mahnesbury as 
 plenipotentiary, first to Paris, then to Lille. But the offers 
 of Pitt not being sincere, the directory did not allow itself to 
 be deceived by his diplomatic stratagems. The negotiations 
 were twice broken off, and war continued between the two 
 powers. While England negotiated at Lille, she was pre- 
 paring at Saint Petersburg the triple alliance, or second coali- 
 tion. 
 
 The directory, on their side, without finances, without any 
 party in the interior, having no support but the army, and no
 
 342 HISTORY OF 
 
 eminence save that derived from the continuation of its vic- 
 tories, was not in a condition to consent to a general peace. 
 It had increased the public discontent by the establishment 
 of certain taxes and the reduction of the debt to a consoli- 
 dated third, payable in specie only, which had ruined the 
 fundholders. It became necessary to maintain itself by war. 
 The immense body of soldiers could not be disbanded without 
 danger. Besides, being deprived of its power, and being 
 placed at the mercy of Europe, the directory had attempted a 
 thing never done without creating a shock, except in times of 
 great tranquillity, of great ease, abundance, and employment. 
 The directory was driven by its position to the invasion of 
 Switzerland and the expedition into Egypt. 
 
 Bonaparte had then returned to Paris. The conqueror of 
 Italy and the pacificator of the continent, was received with 
 enthusiasm, constrained on the part of the directory, but 
 deeply felt by the people. Honours were accorded him, 
 never yet obtained by any general of the republic. A patriotic 
 altar was prepared in the Luxembourg, and he passed under 
 an arch of standards won in Italy, on his way to the triumphal 
 ceremony in his honour. He was harangued by Barras, pre- 
 sident of the directory, who, after congratulating him on his 
 victories, invited him to crown so noble a life by a conquest 
 which the great country owed to its insulted dignity. This 
 was the conquest of England. Everything seemed in pre- 
 paration for a descent, while the invasion of Egypt was really 
 the enterprise in view. 
 
 Such an expedition suited both Bonaparte and the 
 directory. The independent conduct of that general in Italy, 
 his ambition, which, from time to time, burst through his 
 studied simplicity, rendered his presence dangerous. He, on 
 his side, feared, by his inactivity, to compromise the already 
 high opinion entertained of his talents: for men always require 
 from those whom they make great, more than they are able 
 to perform. Thus, while the directory saw in the expedition 
 to Egypt the means of keeping a formidable general at a 
 distance, and a prospect of attacking the English by India, 
 Bonaparte saw in it a gigantic conception, an employment 
 suited to his taste, and a new means of astonishing mankind. 
 He sailed from Toulon on the 30th Floreal, in the year VI., 
 (19th May, 1798,) with a fleet of four hundred sail, and a
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 343 
 
 portion of the army of Italy; he steered for Malta; of which 
 he made himself master, and from thence to Egypt. 
 
 The directory, who violated the neutrality of the Ottoman 
 Porte in order to attack the English, had already violated 
 that of Switzerland, in order to expel the emigrants from its 
 territory. French opinions had already penetrated into 
 Geneva and the Pays de Vaud; but the policy of the Swiss 
 confederation was counter-revolutionary, from the influence 
 of the aristocracy of Berne. They had driven from the 
 cantons all the Swiss who had shown themselves partisans 
 of the French republic. Berne was the head-quarters of 
 the emigrants, and it was there that all the plots against 
 the revolution were formed. The directory complained, but 
 did not receive satisfaction. The Yaudois, placed by old 
 treaties under the protection of France, invoked her help 
 against the tyranny of Berne. This appeal of the Vaudois, 
 its own grievances, its desire to extend the directorial repub 
 lican system to Switzerland, much more than the tempta- 
 tion of seizing the little amount of treasure in Berne, as some 
 have reproached it with, determined the directory. Some 
 conferences took place, which led to no result, and war began. 
 The Swiss defended themselves with much courage and 
 obstinacy, and hoped to resuscitate the times of their ances- 
 tors, but they succumbed. Geneva was united to France, and 
 Switzerland exchanged its ancient constitution for that of the 
 year III. From that time two parties existed in the con- 
 federation, one of which was for France and the revolution, 
 the other for the counter-revolution and Austria. Switzer- 
 land ceased to be a common barrier, and became the high 
 road of Europe. 
 
 This revolution had been followed by that of Rome. 
 General Duphot was killed at Rome in a riot; and in punish- 
 ment of this assassination, which the pontifical government had 
 not interfered to prevent, Rome was changed into a republic. 
 All this combined to complete the system of the directory, 
 and make it preponderant in Europe; it was now at the head 
 of the Helvetian, Batavian, Ligurian, Cisalpine, and Roman 
 republics, all constructed on the same model. But while the 
 directory extended its influence abroad, it was again menaced 
 by internal parties. 
 
 The elections of Flore"al in the year VI. (May, 1798) were
 
 344 HISTORY OF 
 
 by no means favourable to the directory; the returns were 
 quite at variance with those of the year V. Since the 1 8th 
 Fructidor, the withdrawal of the counter-revolutionists had 
 restored all the influence of the exclusive republican party, 
 which had re-established the clubs under the name of Constitu- 
 tional Circles. This party dominated in the electoral assem- 
 blies, which, most unusually, had to nominate four hundred 
 and thirty-seven deputies: two hundred and ninety-eight for 
 the council of five hundred; a hundred and thirty-nine for 
 that of the ancients. When the elections drew near, the 
 directory exclaimed loudly against the anarchists. But its 
 proclamations having been unable to prevent democratic 
 returns, it decided upon annulling them in virtue of a law, 
 by Avhich the councils, after the 18th Fructidor, had granted 
 it the power of judging the operations of the electoral as- 
 semblies. It invited the legislative body, by a message, to 
 appoint a commission of five members for that purpose. On 
 the 22nd Floreal, the elections were for the most part an- 
 nulled. At this period the directorial party struck a blow 
 at the extreme republicans, as nine months before it had 
 aimed at the royalists. 
 
 The directory wished to maintain the political balance, 
 which had been the characteristic of its first two years; but its 
 position was much changed. Since its last coup- d'etat, it 
 could no longer be an impartial government, because it was 
 no longer a constitutional government. With these preten- 
 sions of isolation, it dissatisfied every one. Yet it lived on in 
 this way till the elections of the year VII. It displayed much 
 activity, but an activity of a narrow and shuffling nature. 
 Merlin de Douai and Treilhard, who had replaced Carnot and 
 Barthelemy, were two political lawyers. Rewbell had in the 
 highest legree the courage, without having the enlarged 
 views of a statesman. Lareveillere was too much occupied 
 with the sect of the Theophilanthropists for a government 
 leader. As to Barras, he continued his dissipated life and 
 his directorial regency; his palace was the rendezvous of 
 gamesters, women of gallantry, and stock-jobbers of every 
 kind. The administration of the directors betrayed their 
 character, but more especially their position; to the embar- 
 rassments of which was added war with all Europe. 
 
 While the republican plenipotentiaries were yet negotiating
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 346 
 
 for peace with the empire at Rastadt, the second coalition be- 
 gan the campaign. The treaty of Campo-Formio had only been 
 for Austria a suspension of arms. England had no difficulty 
 in gaining her to a new coalition; with the exception of Spain 
 and Prussia, most of the European powers formed part of it. 
 The subsidies of the British cabinet, and the attraction of the 
 West, decided Russia; the Porte and the states of Barbary 
 acceded to it, because of the invasion of Egypt: the empire, 
 in order to recover the left bank of the Rhine, and the petty 
 princes of Italy, that they might destroy the new republics. 
 At Rastadt they were discussing the treaty relative to the em- 
 pire, the concession of the left bank of the Rhine, the navi- 
 gation of that river, and the demolition of some fortresses on 
 the right bank, when the Russians entered Germany, and the 
 Austrian army began to move. The French plenipotentiaries, 
 taken by surprise, received orders to leave in four and twenty 
 hours; they obeyed immediately, and set out, after having 
 obtained safe conduct from the generals of the enemy. At a 
 short distance from Rastadt they were stopped by some Aus- 
 trian hussars, who, having satisfied themselves as to their 
 names and titles, assassinated them: Bonnier and Roberjot 
 were killed, Jean de Bry was left for dead. This unheard-of 
 violation of the right of nations, this premeditated assassina- 
 tion of three men invested with a sacred character, excited 
 general horror. The legislative body declared war, and de- 
 clared it with indignation against the governments on whom 
 the guilt of this enormous crime fell. 
 
 Hostilities had already commenced in Italy and on the 
 Rhine. The directory, apprised of the march of the Russian 
 troops, and suspecting the intentions of Austria, caused the 
 councils to pass a law for recruiting. The military conscrip- 
 tion placed two hundred thousand young men at the disposal 
 of the republic. This law, which was attended with incalcu- 
 lable consequences, was the result of a more regular order of 
 things. Levies en masse had been the revolutionary service 
 of the country; the conscription became the legal service. 
 
 The most impatient of the powers, those which formed 
 the advanced guard of the coalition, had already commenced 
 the attack. The king of Nanles had advanced on Rome, and 
 the king of Sardinia had raised troops and threatened the 
 Ligurian republic. As they had not sufficient power to
 
 346 HISTORY OF 
 
 sustain the shock of the French armies, they were easily 
 conquered and dispossessed. General Championnet entered 
 Naples after a sanguinary victory. The lazaroni defended 
 the interior of the town for three days; but they yielded, and 
 the Partheuopian republic was proclaimed. General Joubert 
 occupied Turin; and the whole of Italy was in the hands of 
 the French, when the new campaign began. 
 
 The coalition was superior to the republic in effective force 
 and in preparations. It attacked it by the three great open- 
 ings of Italy, Switzerland, and Holland. A strong Austrian 
 army debouched in the duchy of Mantua; it defeated Scherer 
 twice on the Adige, and was soon joined by the whimsical 
 and hitherto victorious Suwaroff. Moreau replaced Scherer, 
 and, like him, was beaten; he retreated towards Genoa, in 
 order to keep the barrier of the Apennines and to join the 
 army of Naples, commanded by Macdonald, which was over- 
 powered at Trebia. The Austro-Russians then directed 
 their chief forces upon Switzerland. A few Russian corps 
 joined the archduke Charles, who had defeated Jourdan on 
 the Upper Rhine, and was preparing to pass over the Helve- 
 tian barrier. At the same time the duke of York disembarked 
 in Holland with forty thousand Anglo-Russians. The small 
 republics which protected France were invaded, and a few 
 more victories would have enabled the confederates to pene- 
 trate even to the scene of the revolution. 
 
 In the midst of these military disasters and the discontent 
 of parties, the elections of Floral in the year VII. (May, 
 1799) took place; they were republican, like those of the 
 preceding year. The directory was no longer strong enough 
 to contend with public misfortunes and the rancour of 
 parties. The retirement of Rewbell, who was replaced by 
 Sieyes, caused it to lose the only man able to face the storm, 
 and brought into its bosom the most avowed antagonist of 
 this compromised and worn-out government. The moderate 
 party and the extreme republicans united in demanding from 
 the directory an account of the internal and external situation 
 of the republic. The councils sat permanently. Barras 
 abandoned his colleagues. The fury of the councils was 
 directed solely against Treilhard, Merlin, and Lareveillere, the 
 last supports of the old directory. They deposed Treilhard, 
 because an interval of a year had not elapsed between his
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 347 
 
 legislative and his directorial functions, as the constitution re 
 quired. The ex-minister of justice, Gohier, was immediately 
 chosen to replace him. 
 
 The orators of the councils then warmly attacked Merlin 
 and Lareveillere, whom they could not dismiss from the 
 directory. The threatened directors sent a justificatory 
 message to the councils, and proposed peace. On the 30th 
 Prairial, the republican Bertrand (du Calvados) ascended the 
 tribune, and after examining the offers of the directors, 
 exclaimed: "You have proposed union; and I propose that 
 you reflect if you yourselves can still preserve your functions. 
 If you love the republic, you will not hesitate to decide. 
 You are incapable of doing good; you will never have the 
 confidence of your colleagues, that of the people, or that of 
 the representatives, Avithout which you cannot cause the laws 
 to be executed. I know that, thanks to the constitution, there 
 already exists in the directory a majority which enjoys the 
 confidence of the people, and that of the national representa- 
 tion. Why do you hesitate to introduce unanimity of desires 
 and principles between the two first authorities of the re- 
 public? You have not even the confidence of those vile 
 flatterers, who have dug your political tomb. Finish your 
 career by an act of devotion, which good republican hearts 
 will be able to appreciate." 
 
 Merlin and Lareveillere, deprived of the support of the 
 government by the retirement of Rewbell, the dismissal o- 
 Treilhard, and the desertion of Barras, urged by the councils 
 and by patriotic motives, yielded to circumstances, and re- 
 signed the directorial authority. This victory, gained by the 
 republican and moderate parties combined, turned to the 
 profit of both. The former introduced general Moulins into 
 the directory; the latter, Roger-Ducos. The 30th Prairial 
 (18th June), which witnessed the breaking up of the old 
 government of the year III., was an act of reprisal on the 
 part of the councils against the directory for the 18th Fruc- 
 tidor and the 22nd Floreal. At this period the two great 
 powers of the state had each in turn violated the constitu- 
 tion: the directory by decimating the legislature; the legisla- 
 ture by expelling the directory. This form of government, 
 which every party complained of, could not have a protracted 
 existence.
 
 348 HISTORY OP 
 
 Sieyes, after the success of the 30th Prairial, laboured to 
 destroy what yet remained of the government of the year III., 
 in order to establish the legal system on another plan. He 
 was whimsical and systematic; but he had the faculty ot 
 judging surely of situations. He re-entered upon the scene 
 of the revolution at a singular epoch, with the intention 
 of strengthening it by a definitive constitution. After having 
 co-operated in the principal changes of 1789, by his motion 
 of the 17th of June, which transformed the states-general 
 into a national assembly, and by his plan of internal organiza- 
 tion, which substituted departments for provinces, he had 
 remained passive and silent during the subsequent interval. 
 He waited till the period of public defence should again 
 give place to institutions. Appointed, under the directory, 
 to the embassy at Berlin, the neutrality of Prussia was attri- 
 buted to his efforts. On his return, he accepted the office 
 of director, hitherto refused by him, because Rewbell was 
 leaving the government, and he thought that parties were 
 sufficiently weary to undertake a definitive pacification, and 
 the establishment of liberty. With this object, he placed his 
 reliance on Roger-Ducos in the directory, on the council of 
 ancients in the legislature, and without, on the mass of mo- 
 derate men and the middle-class, who, after desiring laws, 
 merely as a novelty, now desired repose as a novelty. This 
 party sought for a strong and secure government, which 
 should have no past, no enmities, and which thencefor- 
 ward might satisfy all opinions and interests. As all that 
 had been done, from the 14th of July till the 9th Thermidor, 
 by the people, in connexion with a part of the government, 
 had been done since the 13th Vendemiaire by the soldiers, 
 Sieyes Avas in want of a general. He cast his eyes upon 
 Joubert, who was put at the head of the army of Italy, in 
 order that he might gain by his victories, and by the deliver- 
 ance of Italy, a great political importance. 
 
 The constitution of the year III. was, however, still sup- 
 ported by the two directors, Gohier and Moulins, the council 
 of five hundred, and without, by the party of the Manege. 
 The decided republicans had formed a club that held its 
 sittings in that hall where had sat the first of our assemblies. 
 The new club, formed from the remains of that of Salm, 
 before the 18th Fructidor; of that of the Pantheon, at the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 349 
 
 beginning of the directory; and of the old society of the 
 Jacobins, enthusiastically professed republican principles, but 
 not the democratic opinions of the inferior class. Each of 
 these parties also had a share in the ministry which had been 
 renewed at the same time as the directory. Cambaceres had 
 the department of justice; Quinette, the home department; 
 Reinhard, who had been temporarily placed in office during 
 the ministerial interregnum of Talleyrand, was minister of 
 foreign affairs ; Robert Lindet was minister of finance, Bourdon 
 (de Vatry) of the navy, Bernadotte, of war, Bourguignon, 
 soon afterwards replaced by Fouche (of Nantes), of police. 
 
 This time Barras remained neutral between the two divi- 
 sions of the legislature, of the directory and of the ministry. 
 Seeing that matters were coming to a more considerable 
 change than that of the 30th Prairial, he, an ex-noble, thought 
 that the decline of the republic would lead to the restora- 
 tion of the Bourbons, and he treated with the Pretender 
 Louis XVIII. It seems, that in negotiating the restoration 
 of the monarchy, by his agent, David Monnier, he was not 
 forgetful of himself. Barras espoused nothing from convic- 
 tion, and always sided with the party which had the greatest 
 chance of victory. A democratic member of the Mountain 
 on the 31st of May; a reactionary Mountainist on the 9th 
 Thermidor; a revolutionary director against the royalists on 
 the 18th Fructidor; extreme republican director against his 
 old colleagues on the 30th Prairial; he now became a royalist 
 director against the government of the year III. 
 
 The faction disconcerted by the 18th Fructidor and the 
 peace of the Continent, had also gained courage. The mili- 
 tary successes of the new coalition, the law of compulsory 
 loans and that of hostages, which had compelled every emi- 
 grant family to give guarantees to government, had made the 
 royalists of the south and west again take up arms. They 
 reappeared in bands, which daily became more formidable, 
 and revived the petty but disastrous warfare of the Chouans. 
 They awaited the arrival of the Russians, and looked forward 
 to the speedy restoration of the monarchy. This was a mo- 
 ment of fresh competition with every party. Each aspired to 
 the inheritance of the dying constitution, as the} had done ., 
 at the close of the convention./ln France, people are warned / / 
 by a kind of political odour mat a government is dying, and// 
 all parties rush to be in at the death.
 
 350 HISTORY OF 
 
 Fortunately for the republic, the war changed its aspect 
 on the two principal frontiers of the Upper and Lower Rhine. 
 The allies, after having acquired Italy, wished to enter 
 France by Switzerland and Holland; but generals Massena 
 and Brune arrested their hitherto victorious progress. Mns- 
 sena advanced against Korsakoff and Suwaroff. During 
 twelve days of great combinations and consecutive victories, 
 hastening in turns from Constance to Zurich, he repelled the 
 efforts of the Russians, forced them to retreat, and disor- 
 ganized the coalition. Brune also defeated the duke of York 
 in Holland, obliged him to reimbark, and to renounce his 
 attempted invasion. The army of Italy alone had been less 
 fortunate. It had lost its general, Joubert, killed at the battle 
 of Novi, while leading a charge on the Austro-Russians. But 
 this frontier, which was at a distance from the centre of 
 action, despite the defeat of Novi, was not crossed, and Cham- 
 pionnet ably defended it. It was soon to be repassed by the 
 republican troops, who, after each resumption of arms, having 
 been for a moment beaten, soon regained their superiority and 
 recommenced their victories. Europe by giving additional 
 exercise to the military power, by its repeated attacks, ren- 
 dered it each time more triumphant. 
 
 But at home nothing was changed. Divisions, discontent, 
 and anxiety were the same as before. The struggle between 
 the moderate republicans and the extreme republicans had 
 become more determined. Si6yes pursued his projects against 
 the latter. In the Champ-de-Hars, on the 10th of August, 
 he assailed the Jacobins. Lucien Bonaparte, who had much 
 influence in the council of five hundred, from his charac- 
 ter, his talents, and the military importance of the con- 
 queror of Italy and of Egypt, drew in that assembly a fearful 
 picture of the reign of terror, and said that France was 
 threatened with its return. About the same time, Sieyes 
 caused Bernadotte to be dismissed, and Fouche, in concert with 
 him, closed the meetings of the Manege. The multitude, to 
 whom it is only necessary to present the phantom of the 
 past to inspire it with fear, sided with the moderate party, 
 dreading the return of the reign of terror; and the ex- 
 treme republicans failed in their endeavour to declare la 
 patrie en danger, as they had done at the close of the legis- 
 lative assembly. But Sieyes, after having lost Joubert,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 351 
 
 sought for a general who could enter into his designs, and 
 who would protect the republic, without becoming its op- 
 pressor. Hoche had been dead more than a year. Moreau 
 had given rise to suspicion by his equivocal conduct to the 
 directory before the 18th Fructidor, and by the sudden de- 
 nunciation of his old friend Pichegru, whose treason he had 
 kept secret for a whole year; Massena was not a political 
 general; Bernadotte and Jourdan were devoted to the party 
 of the Manege; Sieyes was compelled to postpone his scheme 
 for want of a suitable agent. 
 
 Bonaparte had learned in the east, from his brother Lucien 
 and a few other friends, the state of affairs in France, and 
 the decline of the directorial government. His expedition 
 had been brilliant, but without results. After having defeated 
 the Mamelukes, and ruined their power in Upper and Lower 
 Egypt, he had advanced into Syria; but the failure of the siege 
 of Saint-Jean-d'Acre had compelled him to return to his first 
 conquest. There, after defeating an Ottoman army on the 
 coast of Aboukir, so fatal to the French fleet the preceding 
 year, he decided on leaving that land of exile and fame, in 
 order to turn the new crisis in France to his own elevation. 
 He left general Kleber to command the army of the east, 
 and crossed the Mediterranean, then covered with English 
 ships, in a frigate. He disembarked at Frejus, on the 7th 
 Vendemiaire, year VIII., (9th October, 1799,) nineteen days 
 after the battle of Berghen, gained by Brune over the Anglo- 
 Russians under the duke of York, and fourteen days after 
 that of Zurich, gained by Massena over the Austro-Russians 
 under Korsakoff and Suwaroff. He traversed France, from 
 the shore of the Mediterranean to Paris, in triumph. His 
 expedition, almost fabulous, had struck the public mind with 
 surprise, and had still more increased the great renown he 
 had acquired by the conquest of Italy. These two enterprises 
 had raised him above all the other generals of the republic. 
 The distance of the theatre upon which he had fought en- 
 abled him to begin his career of independence and authority. 
 A victorious general, an acknowledged and obeyed nego- 
 tiator, a creator of republics, he had treated all interests 
 with skill, all creeds with moderation. Preparing afar off 
 his ambitious destiny, he had not made himself subservient to 
 any system, and Im<l managed all parties so as to work his
 
 352 KISTOKY OF 
 
 elevation with their assent. He had entertained this idea of 
 usurpation since his victories in Italy. On the 18th Fruc- 
 tidor, had the directory been conquered by the councils, he 
 purposed marching against the latter with his army and 
 seizing the protectorate of the republic. After the 18th 
 Fructidor; finding the directory too powerful, and the inac- 
 tivity of the continent too dangerous for him, he accepted the 
 expedition to Egypt, that he might not fall, and might not be 
 forgotten. At the news of the disorganization of the direc- 
 tory, on the 30th Prairial, he repaired with haste to the 
 scene of events. 
 
 His arrival excited the enthusiasm of the moderate masses 
 of the nation. He received general congratulations, and 
 every party contended for his favour. Generals, directors, 
 deputies, and even the republicans of the Manege, waited on 
 and tried to sound him. Fetes and banquets were given in 
 his honour. His manners were grave, simple, cool, and ob- 
 serving; he had already a tone of condescending familiarity 
 and involuntary habits of command. Notwithstanding his want 
 of earnestness and openness, he had an air of self-possession, 
 and it was easy to read in him an after-thought of conspiracy. 
 Without uttering his design, he allowed it to be guessed; 
 because a thing must always be expected in order to be 
 accomplished. He could not seek supporters in the repub- 
 licans of the Manege, as they neither wished for a coup-d'etat 
 nor for a dictator; and Sieyes justly feared that he was too 
 ambitious to fall in with his constitutional views; accordingly, 
 Sieyes hesitated to open his mind to him, but, urged by their 
 mutual friends, they at length met and concerted together. 
 On the 15th Brumaire, they determined on their plan of 
 attack on the constitution of the year III. Sieyes undertook, 
 to prepare the councils by the commissions of inspectors, who 
 placed unlimited confidence in him. Bonaparte was to gain 
 the generals and the different corps of troops stationed in 
 Paris, who displayed much enthusiasm for him and much 
 attachment to his person. They agreed to convoke an extra- 
 ordinary meeting of the moderate members of the councils, to 
 describe the public danger to the Ancients, and by urging the 
 ascendancy of Jacobinism to demand the removal of the legis- 
 lative body to Saint-Cloud, and the appointment of general 
 Bonaparte to the command of the armed force, as the only
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 353 
 
 man able to save the country; and then, by means of the new 
 military power, to obtain the dismissal of the directory, 
 and the temporary dissolution of the legislative body. The 
 enterprise was fixed for the morning of the 18th Brumaire 
 (9th November). 
 
 During these three days, the secret was faithfully kept. 
 Barms, Moulins, and G-ohier, who formed the majority of the 
 directory, of which Gohier was then president, might have 
 frustrated the coup-d'etat of the conspirators by forestalling 
 them, as on the 18th Fructidor. But they gave them credit for 
 hopes only, and not for any decided projects. On the morn- 
 ing of the 18th, the members of the Ancients were convoked 
 in an unusual way by the inspectors; they repaired to the 
 Tuileries, and the debate was opened about seven in the 
 morning under the presidentship of Lemercir. Cornudet, 
 Lebrun, and Fargues, the three most influential conspirators 
 in the council, drew a most alarming picture of the state of 
 public affairs; protesting that the Jacobins were flocking in 
 crowds to Paris from all the departments; that they wished 
 to re-establish the revolutionary government, and that a reign 
 of terror would once more desolate the republic, if the council 
 had not the courage and wisdom to prevent its return. 
 Another conspirator, Regnier de la Meurthe, required of 
 the Ancients already moved, that in virtue of the right con- 
 ferred on them by the constitution, they should transfer the 
 legislative body to Saint Cloud, and depute Bonaparte, 
 nominated by them to the command of the 17th military di- 
 vision, to superintend the removal. Whether all the members 
 of the council were accomplices of this manoeuvre, or whether 
 they were terrified by so hasty convocation, and by speeches 
 so alarming, they instantly granted what the conspirators 
 required. 
 
 Bonaparte awaited with impatience the result of this de- 
 liberation, at his house in the Rue Chantereine: he was sur- 
 rounded by generals, by Lefevre, the commander of the guard 
 of the directory, and by three regiments of cavalry which he 
 was about to review. The decree of the council of ancients 
 was passed about eight, and brought to him at half-past eight 
 by a state messenger. He received the congratulations of 
 all around him; the officers drew their swords as a sign of. 
 fidelity. He put himself at their head, and they marched to the 
 
 A A
 
 354 HISTORY OF 
 
 Tuileries; lie appeared at the bar of the Ancients, took the 
 oath of fidelity, and appointed as his lieutenant, Lefevre, 
 chief of the directorial guard. 
 
 This was, however, only a beginning of success. Bona- 
 parte was at the head of the armed force; but the executive 
 power of the directory and the legislative power of the councils 
 still existed. In the struggle which would infallibly ensue, 
 it was not certain that the great and hitherto victorious force 
 of the revolution would not triumph. Sieyes and Roger- 
 Ducos went from the Luxembourg to the legislative and mili- 
 tary camp of the Tuileries, and gave in their resignation. Barras, 
 Moulins, and Gohier, apprised on their side, but a little too late, 
 of what was going on, wished to employ their power and make 
 themselves sure of their guard; but the latter, having re- 
 ceived from Bonaparte information of the decree of the 
 Ancients, refused to obey them. Barras, discouraged, sent in 
 his resignation, and departed for his estate of Gros-Bois. 
 The directory was, in fact, dissolved; and there was one 
 antagonist less in the struggle. The five hundred and Bona- 
 parte alone remained opposed. 
 
 The decree of the council of ancients and the proclamations 
 of Bonaparte were placarded on the walls of Paris. The 
 agitation which accompanies extraordinary events prevailed in 
 that great city. The republicans, and not without reason, felt 
 serious alarm for the fate of liberty. But when they showed 
 alarm respecting the intentions of Bonaparte, in whom they 
 beheld a Caesar, or a Cromwell, they were answered in the 
 general's own words: "Bad parts, worn out parts, umcorthy 
 a man of sense, even if they were not so of a good man. It would 
 be sacrilege to attack the representative government in this 
 age of intelligence and freedom. He would be but a fool who, 
 with lightness of heart, could ivish to cause the loss of the 
 stakes of the republic against royalty after having supported 
 them with some glory and peril" Yet the importance he gave 
 himself in his proclamations was ominous. He reproached the 
 directory with the situation of France in a most extraordinary 
 way. " What have you done," said he, " with that France 
 which I left so flourishing in your hands? I left you peace, I 
 find you at war; I left you victories, I find nothing but re- 
 verses; I left you the millions of Italy, I find nothing but 
 plundering laws and misery? What have you done with the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 355 
 
 hundred thousand Frenchmen whom I knew, my companions 
 in glory? They are dead! This state of things cannot last; 
 in less than three years it would lead us to despotism." This 
 was the first time for ten years that a man had ventured to 
 refer everything to himself; and to demand an account of 
 the republic, as of his own property. It is a painful surprise 
 to see a new comer of the revolution introduce himself thus 
 into the inheritance, so laboriously acquired, of an entire 
 people. 
 
 On the 19th Brumaire the members of the councils repaired 
 to Saint-Cloud; Sieyes and Roger Ducos accompanied Bona- 
 parte to this new field of battle; they went thit er with the 
 intention of supporting the designs of the < onspirators: 
 Sieyes, who understood the tactics of revolution , wished to 
 make sure of events by provisionally arresting ;he leaders, 
 and only admitting the moderate party into the c uncils; but 
 Bonaparte refused to accede to this. He was no party 
 man; having hitherto acted and conquered wit'i regiments 
 only, he thought he could direct legislative councils like an 
 army, by the word of command. The gallery of Mars had 
 been prepared for the Ancients, the Orangery ft r the Five 
 hundred. A considerable armed force surrounded the seat of 
 the legislature, as the multitude, on the 2nd of Jure had sur- 
 rounded the convention. The republicans, assembled in groups 
 in the grounds, waited the opening of the sittings ; they were 
 agitated with a generous indignation against the military 
 brutalism that threatened them, and communicated to each 
 other their projects of resistance. The young general, fol- 
 lowed by a few grenadiers, passed through the courts and 
 apartments, and prematurely yielding to his character, he 
 said, like the twentieth king of a dynasty: " 1 will have no 
 more factions : there must be an end to this ; I absolutely will 
 not have any more of it." About two o'clock in the after- 
 noon, the council assembled in their respective halls, to the 
 sound of instruments \\hich played the Marseillaise. 
 
 As soon as the business of the sitting commenced, Emile 
 Gaudin, one of the conspirators, ascended the tribune of the 
 Five hundred. He proposed a vote of thanks to the council of 
 ancients for the measures it had taken, and to request it to 
 expound the means of saving the republic. This motion was 
 the signal for a violent tumult; cries arose against Gaudin 
 A A 2
 
 356 HISTORY OF 
 
 from every part of the hall. The republican deputies sur- 
 rounded the tribune and the bureau, at which Lucien Bona- 
 parte presided. The conspirators Cabanis, Boulay (de la 
 Meurthe), Chazal, Gaudin, Lucien, &c., turned pale on their 
 seats. After a long scene of agitation, during which no one 
 could obtain a hearing, calm was restored for a few moment.-, 
 and Delbred proposed that the oath made to the constitution of 
 the year III. should be renewed. As no one opposed this 
 motion, which at such a juncture was of vital importance, the 
 oath was taken with an enthusiasm and unanimity which was 
 dangerous to the conspiracy. 
 
 Bonaparte, learning what had passed in the Five hundred, 
 and in the greatest danger of desertion and defeat, presented 
 himself at the council of ancients. All would have been lost 
 for him, had the latter, in favour of the conspiracy, been 
 carried away by the enthusiasm of the younger council, 
 " Representatives of the people," said he, " you are in no 
 ordinary situation: you stand on a volcano. Yesterday, 
 when you summoned me to inform me of the decree for 
 your removal, and charged me with its execution, I 
 was tranquil. I immediately assembled my comrades; we 
 flew to your aid! Well, now I am overwhelmed witli 
 calumnies! They talk of Caesar, Cromwell, and military 
 government! Had I wished to oppress the liberty of my 
 country, I should not have attended to the orders which you 
 gave me; I should not have had any occasion to receive this 
 authority from your hands. Representatives of the people! 
 I swear to you, that the country has not a more zealou? 
 defender than I am; but its safety rests with you alone! 
 There is no longer a government; four of the directors have 
 given in their resignation; the fifth (Moulins), has been placed 
 under surveillance for his own security; the council of five 
 hundred is divided; nothing is left but the council of ancients. 
 Let it adopt measures; let it but speak; I am ready to execute. 
 Let us save liberty; let us save equality!" Linglet, a 
 republican, then arose and said: " General, we applaud what 
 you say: swear with us to obey the constitution of the year 
 III., which alone can maintain the republic." All would 
 have been lost for him, had this motion met with the same 
 reception which it had found in the Five hundred. It sur- 
 prised the council, and for a moment Bonaparte was discon-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 357 
 
 certed. But he soon resumed: " The constitution of the year 
 III. has ceased to exist; you violated it on the 18th Fructidor; 
 you violated it on the 22nd Floreal ; you violated it on the 
 30th Prairial. The constitution is invoked by all factions, 
 and violated by all; it cannot be a means of safety for us, 
 because it no longer obtains respect from any one; the con- 
 stitution being violated, we must have another compact, 
 new guarantees." The council applauded these reproaches of 
 Bonaparte, and rose in sign of approbation. 
 
 Bonaparte, deceived by his easy success with the Ancients, 
 imagined that his presence alone would suffice to appease the 
 stormy council of the Five hundred. He hastened thither at 
 the head of a few grenadiers, whom he left at the door, but 
 within the Hall, and he advanced alone, hat in hand. At 
 the sight of the bayonets, the assembly arose with a sudden 
 movement. The legislators, conceiving his entrance to be a 
 signal for military violence, uttered all at once the cry of " Out- 
 law him! Down with the dictator!" Several members rushed 
 to meet him; and the republican, Bigonet, seizing him by the 
 arm, exclaimed, "Rash man! what are you doing? Retire; 
 you are violating the sanctuary of the laws." Bonaparte, 
 pale and agitated, receded, and was carried off by the grena- 
 diers who had escorted him there. 
 
 His disappearance did not put a stop to the agitation of the 
 council. All the members spoke at once; all proposed mea- 
 sures of public safety and defence. Lucien Bonaparte was the 
 object of general reproach; he attempted to justify his brother, 
 but with timidity. After a long struggle, he succeeded in 
 reaching the tribune, and urged the assembly to judge his 
 brother with less severity. He protested that he had no de- 
 sign against their liberty; and recalled his services. But 
 several voices immediately exclaimed: " He has lost all their 
 merit; down with the dictator! down with the tyrants!" The 
 tumult now became more violent than ever; and all demanded 
 the outlawry of general Bonaparte. " What," said Lucien, 
 "do you wish me to pronounce the outlawry of my brother?" 
 "Yes! yes! outlawry! it is the reward of tyrants!" In the 
 midst of the confusion, a motion was made and put to the 
 vote that the council should sit permanently; that it should 
 instantly repair to its palace at Paris; that the troops assem- 
 bled at Saint Cloud should form a part of the guard of the
 
 358 HISTORY OP 
 
 legislative body; that the command of them should be given 
 to general Bernadotte. Lucien, astounded by these propo- 
 sitions, and by the outlawry, which he thought had been 
 adopted with the rest, left the president's chair, and ascending 
 the tribune, said, in the greatest agitation: " Since I cannot be 
 heard in this assembly, I put off the symbols of the popular 
 magistracy with a deep sense of insulted dignity." And 
 he took off his cap, robe, and scarf. 
 
 Bonaparte, meantime, on leaving the council of the five 
 hundred, had found some difficulty in regaining his composure. 
 Unaccustomed to scenes of popular tumult, he had been 
 greatly agitated. His officers came around him; and Sieyes, 
 having more revolutionary experience, besought him not to lose 
 time, and to employ force. General Lefevre immediately 
 gave an order for carrying off Lucien from the council. A 
 detachment entered the hall, advanced to the chair which 
 Lucien now occupied again, placed him in their ranks, and 
 returned with him to the troops. As soon as Lucien came 
 out, he mounted a horse by his brother's side, and although 
 divested of his legal character, harangued the troops as presi- 
 dent. In concert with Bonaparte, he invented the story, so 
 often repeated since, that poignards had been drawn on the 
 general in the council of five hundred, and exclaimed: 
 " Citizen soldiers, the president of the council of five hundred 
 declares to you that the large majority of that council is at 
 this moment kept in fear by the daggers of a few representa- 
 tives, who surround the tribune, threaten their colleagues 
 with death, and occasion the most terrible deliberations. 
 General, and you, soldiers and citizens, you will only re- 
 cognise as legislators of France those who follow me. As 
 for those who remain in the Orangery, let force expel them. 
 Those brigands are no longer representatives of the people, 
 but representatives of the poignard." After this violent ap- 
 peal, addressed to the troops by a conspirator president, who, 
 as usual, calumniated those he wished to proscribe, Bonaparte 
 spoke: ' Soldiers," said he, " I have led you to victory; may 
 I rely on you?" " Yes! yes! Vive le General!" " Soldiers, 
 there were reasons for expecting that the council of five hun- 
 dred would save the country; on the contrary, it is given 
 up to intestine quarrels; agitators seek to excite it against 
 me. Soldiers, may I rely on you?" "Yes! yes! Vive
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 359 
 
 Bonaparte." " Well, then, I will bring them to their senses!" 
 And he instantly gave orders to the officers surrounding him 
 to clear the hall of the five hundred. 
 
 The council, after Lucien's departure, had been a prey to 
 great anxiety and indecision. A few members proposed that 
 they should leave the place in a body, and go to Paris to seek 
 protection amidst the people. Others wished the national 
 representatives not to forsake their post, but to brave the 
 outrages of force. In the meantime, a troop of grenadiers 
 entered the hall by degrees, and the officer in command com- 
 municated to the council the order for their dispersion. The 
 deputy Prudhon reminded the officer and his soldiers of the 
 respect due to the representatives of the people; general 
 Jourdan also represented to them the enormity of such a 
 measure. For a moment the troops hesitated; but a rein- 
 forcement now arrived in close column. General Leclerc ex- 
 claimed: " In the name of general Bonaparte, the legislative 
 body is dissolved; let all good citizens retire. Grenadiers, 
 forward!" Cries of indignation arose from every side; but 
 these were drowned by the drums. The grenadiers advanced 
 slowly across the whole width of the Orangery, and present- 
 ing bayonets. In this way they drove the legislators before 
 them, who continued shouting, " Vive la republique !" as 
 they left the place. At half past five, on the 19th Bru- 
 maire of the year VIII. (10th November, 1799) there was 
 no longer a representation. 
 
 Thus this violation of the law, this coup-tTetat against 
 liberty, was accomplished. Force began to sway. The 18th 
 of Brumaire was the 31st of May of the army against the 
 representation, except that it was not directed against a party, 
 but against the popular power. But it is just to distinguish 
 the 18th Brumaire from its consequences. It might then be 
 supposed that the army was only an auxiliary of the revolu- 
 tion as it had been on the 13th Vendemiaire and the 
 18th Fructidor, and that this indispensable change would not 
 turn to the advantage of a man a single man, who would soon 
 change France into a regiment, and cause nothing to be heard 
 of in a world hitherto agitated by so great a moral commotion, 
 save the tread of his army, and the voice of his will.
 
 860 HISTORY or 
 
 THE CONSULATE. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 FROM THE 10TH OP NOVEMBER, 1799, TO THE 2ND OP 
 DECEMBER, 1804. 
 
 Hopes entertained by the various parties, after the 18th Brumaire Pro- 
 visional government Constitution of Sieves ; distorted into the con- 
 sular constitution of the year VIIL Formation of the government ; 
 pacific designs of Bonaparte Campaign of Italy ; victory of Marengo 
 General peace : on the continent, by the treaty of Luneville with Eng- 
 land ; by the treaty of Amiens Fusion of parties ; internal prosperity 
 of France Ambitious system of the First Consul ; re-establishes the 
 clergy in the state, by the Concordat of 1802 ; he creates a military order 
 of knighthood, by means of the Legion of Honour ; he completes this 
 order of things by the consulate for life Resumption of hostilities with 
 England Conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru The war and the royalist 
 attempts form a pretext for the erection of the empire Napoleon 
 Bonaparte appointed hereditary emperor ; is crowned by the pope on the 
 2nd of December, 1804, in the church of Notre Dame Successive 
 abandonment of the revolution Progress of absolute power daring the 
 four years of the consulate. 
 
 THE 18th Brumaire had immense popularity. People did 
 not perceive in this event the elevation of a single man above 
 the councils of the nation; they did not see in it the end of 
 the great movement of the 14th of July, which had com- 
 menced the national existence. 
 
 The 18th Brumaire assumed an aspect of hope and restora- 
 tion. Although the nation was much exhausted, and little 
 capable of supporting a sovereignty oppressive to it, and 
 which had even become the object of its ridicule, since the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 361 
 
 lower class had exercised it, yet it considered despotism so 
 improbable, that no one seemed to it to be in a condition to 
 reduce it to a state of subjection. All felt the need of being 
 restored by a skilful hand, and Bonaparte, as a great man 
 and a victorious general, seemed suited for the task. 
 
 On this account almost every one, except the directorial 
 republicans, declared in favour of the events of that day. 
 Violation of the laws and coups-d'etat had occurred so fre- 
 quently during the revolution, that people had become accus- 
 tomed no longer to judge them by their legality, but by their 
 consequences. From the party of Sieyes down to the royalists 
 of 1788, every one congratulated himself on the 18th Bru- 
 maire, and attributed to himself the future political advantages 
 of this change. The moderate constitutionalists believed that 
 definitive liberty would be established; the royalists fed 
 themselves with hope by inappropriately comparing this epoch 
 of our revolution with the epoch of 1660 in the English revo- 
 lution, with the hope that Bonaparte was assuming the part of 
 Monk, and that he would soon restore the monarchy of the 
 Bourbons; the mass, possessing little intelligence, and desirous 
 of repose, relied on the return of order under a powerful pro- 
 tector; the proscribed classes and ambitious men expected 
 from him their amnesty or elevation. During the three 
 months which followed the 18th Brumaire, approbation and 
 expectation were general. A provisional government had been 
 appointed, composed of three consuls, Bonaparte, Sieyes, and 
 Roger-Ducos, with two legislative commissioners, entrusted 
 to prepare the constitution and a definitive order of things. 
 
 The consuls and the two commissioners were installed on 
 the 21st Brumaire. This provisional government abolished 
 the law respecting hostages and compulsory loans; it permit- 
 ted the return of the priests proscribed since the 18th Fruc- 
 tidor; it released from prison and sent out of the republic 
 the emigrants who had been shipwrecked on the coast of 
 Calais, and who for four years were captives in France, and 
 were exposed to the heavy punishment of the emigrant army. 
 All these measures were very favourably received. But 
 public opinion revolted at a proscription put in force against 
 the extreme republicans. Thirty-six of them were sentenced 
 to transportation to Guiana, and twenty-one were put under 
 surveillance in the department of Charante-Inferieure,
 
 362 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 merely by a decree of the consuls on the report of Fouche, 
 minister of police. The public viewed unfavourably all who 
 attacked the government; but at the same time it exclaimed 
 against an act so arbitrary and unjust. The consuls, accord- 
 ingly, recoiled before their own act; they first commuted 
 transportation into surveillance, and soon withdrew surveil- 
 lance itself. 
 
 It was not long before a rupture broke out between the 
 authors of the 18th Brurnaire. During their provisional 
 authority, it did not create much noise, because it took 
 place in the legislative commissions. The new constitution 
 was the cause of it. Sieyes and Bonaparte could not agree 
 on this subject: the former wished to institute France, the 
 latter to govern it as a master. 
 
 The constitution of Sieyes, which was distorted in the con- 
 sular constitution of the year VIII., deserves to be known, 
 were it only in the light of a legislative curiosity. Sieyes 
 distributed France into three political divisions; the com- 
 mune, the province, or department, and the State. Each had 
 its own powers of administration and judicature, arranged in 
 hierarchical order: the first, the municipalities and tribunaux 
 de paix and de premiere instance; the second, the popular 
 prefectures and courts of appeal; the third, the central 
 government and the court of cassation. To fill the functions 
 of the commune, the department, and the State, there were 
 three budgets of notability, the members of which were only 
 candidates nominated by the people. 
 
 The executive power was vested in the proclamateur 
 electeiir, a superior functionary, perpetual, without responsi- 
 bility, deputed to represent the nation without, and to form 
 the government in a deliberating state-council and a respon- 
 sible ministry. The proclaimer-general selected from the 
 lists of candidates, judges, from the tribunals of peace to the 
 court of cassation; administrators, from the mayors to the 
 ministers. But he was incapable of governing himself; power 
 was directed by the state-council, exercised by the ministry. 
 
 The legislature departed from the form hitherto established; 
 it ceased to be a deliberative assembly to become a judicial 
 court. Before it, the council of state, in the name of the 
 government, and the tribunat, in the name of the people,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 363 
 
 pleaded their respective projects. Its sentence was law. It 
 would seem that the object of Sieves was to put a stop to the 
 violent usurpations of party, and while placing the sove- 
 reignty in the people, to give it limits in itself: this de- 
 sign appears from the complicated works of his political 
 machine. The primary assemblies, composed of the tenth of 
 the general population, nominated the local list of communal 
 candidates; electoral colleges, also nominated by them, selected 
 from the communal list the superior list of provincial candi- 
 dates, and from the provincial list, the list of national candi- 
 dates. In all which concerned the government, there was a 
 reciprocal control. The proclaimer-general selected his func- 
 tionaries from among the candidates nominated by the people: 
 and the people could dismiss functionaries, by not keeping 
 them on the lists of candidates, which were renewed, the first 
 every two years, the second every five years, the third every 
 ten years. But the proclaimer-general did not interfere in 
 the nomination of tribunes and legislators, whose attributes 
 were purely popular. 
 
 Yet, to place a counterpoise in the heart of this authority 
 itself, Sieyes separated the initiative and the discussion of the 
 law, which was invested in the tribunate from its adoption, 
 which belonged to the legislative assembly. But besides 
 these different prerogatives, the legislative body and the tri- 
 bunate were not elected in the same manner. The tribunate 
 was composed by right of the first hundred members of the 
 national list, while the legislative body was chosen directly 
 by the electoral colleges. The tribunes, being necessarily 
 more active, bustling, and popular, were appointed for life, 
 and by a protracted process, to prevent their arriving in 
 a moment of passion, with destructive and angry projects, as 
 had hitherto been the case in most of the assemblies. The 
 same dangers not existing in the other assembly, which had 
 only to judge calmly and disinterestedly of the law, its 
 election was direct, and its authority transient. 
 
 Lastly, there existed, as the complement of aii the other 
 powers, a conservatory body, incapable of ordering, incapable 
 of acting, intended solely to provide for the regular existence 
 of the state. This body was the constitutional jury, or con- 
 servatory senate; it was to be for the political law what the
 
 364 HISTORY or 
 
 court of cassation was to the civil law. The tribunate, or the 
 council of state, appealed to it when the sentence of the legis- 
 lative body was not conformable to the constitution. It had 
 also the faculty of calling into its o\vn body any leader of the 
 government who was too ambitious, or a tribune who was too 
 popular, by the " droit d'absorption," and when senators, they 
 were disqualified from filling any other function. In this way 
 it kept a double watch over the safety of the whole republic, 
 by maintaining the fundamental law, and protecting liberty 
 against the ambition of individuals. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of this constitution, which seems 
 too finely complicated to be practicable, it must be granted 
 that it is the production of considerable strength of mind, and 
 even great practical information. Sieyes paid too little re- 
 gard to the passions of men; he made them too reasonable as 
 human beings, and too obedient as machines. He wished by 
 skilful inventions to avoid the abuses of human constitutions, 
 and excluded death, that is to say, despotism, from whatever 
 quarter it might come. But I have very little faith in the 
 efficacy of constitutions; in such moments, I believe only in 
 the strength of parties in their domination, and, from time to 
 time, in their reconciliation. But I must also admit that, if 
 ever a constitution was adapted to a period, it was that of 
 Sieyes for France in the year VIII. 
 
 After an experience of ten years, which had only shown 
 exclusive dominations, after the violent transition from the con- 
 stitutionalists of 1789 to the Girondists, from the Girondists 
 to the Mountainists, from the Mountainists to the reactionists, 
 from the reactionists to the directory, from the directory to 
 the councils, from the councils to the military force, there 
 could be no repose or public life save in it. People were 
 weary of worn-out constitutions; that of Sieyes was new; 
 exclusive men were no longer wanted, and by elaborate voting 
 it prevented the sudden accession of counter-revolutionists, 
 as at the beginning of the directory, or of ardent democrats, 
 as at the end of this government. It was a constitution of 
 moderate men, suited to terminate a revolution, and to settle 
 a nation. But precisely because it was a constitution of 
 moderate men, precisely because parties had no longer suffi- 
 cient ardour to demand a law of domination, for that very 
 reason there would necessarily be found a man stronger than
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 365 
 
 the fallen parties and the moderate legislators, who would 
 refuse this law, or, accepting, abuse it, and this was what 
 happened. 
 
 Bonaparte took part in the deliberations of the constituent 
 committee; with his instinct of power, he seized upon every- 
 thing, in the ideas of Sieves which was calculated to serve 
 his projects, and caused the rest to be rejected. Sieves 
 intended for him the functions of grand elector, with a 
 revenue of six millions of francs, and a guard of three 
 thousand men; the palace of Versailles for a residence, and 
 the entire external representation of the republic. But the 
 actual government was to be invested in two consuls, one of 
 war, the other of peace, functionaries unthought of by Sieyes 
 in the year III., but adopted by him in the year VIII. ; in 
 order, no doubt, to suit the ideas of the times. This insigni- 
 lirant magistracy was far from suiting Bonaparte. " How 
 could you suppose," said he, ; ' that a man of any talent and 
 honour could resign himself to the part of fattening like a 
 hog, on a few millions a year." From that moment it was 
 not again mentioned; Roger Ducos, and the greater part of 
 the committee, declared in favour of Bonaparte; and Sieyes, 
 who hated discussion, was either unwilling or unable to defend 
 his ideas. He saw that laws, men, and France itself, were 
 at the mercy of the man whose elevation he had promoted. 
 
 On the 24th of December, 1799 (Nivose, year VIII.), 
 forty-five days after the 18th Brumaire, was published the 
 constitution of the year VIII. ; it was composed of the wrecks 
 of that of Sieyes. now become a constitution of servitude. The 
 government was placed in the hands of the first consul, who 
 was supported by two others, having a deliberative voice. 
 The senate, primarily selected by the consuls, chose the 
 members of the tribunal and legislative body, from the list of 
 the national candidates. The government alone had the initi- 
 ative in making the laws. Accordingly, there were no more 
 bodies of electors who appointed the candidates of dilferent 
 lists, the tribunes and legislators; no more independent 
 tribunes earnestly pleading the cause of the people before the 
 legislative assembly; no legislative assembly arising directly 
 from the bosom of the nation, and accountable to it alone in 
 a word, no political nation. Instead of all this, there existed 
 an all-powerful consul, disposing of armies and of po>yer, a
 
 366 HISTORY OP 
 
 general and a dictator; a council of state, destined to be the 
 advanced guard of usurpation; and lastly, a senate of eighty 
 members, whose only function was to nullify the people, 
 and to choose tribunes without authority, and legisla- 
 tors who should remain mute. Life passed from the nation 
 to the government. The constitution of Sicyes served as a 
 pretext for a bad order of things. It is worth notice that up 
 to the year VIII. all the constitutions had emanated from 
 the Contrat-social, and that subsequently, down to 1814, from 
 the constitution of Sicyes. 
 
 The new government was immediately installed. Bona- 
 parte was first consul, and he united with him as second and 
 third consuls, Cambaccres, a lawyer, and formerly a member 
 of the Plain in the convention, and Lebrun, formerly a co- 
 adjutor of the chancellor Maupeou. By their means, he hoped 
 to influence the revolutionists and moderate royalists. With 
 the same object, the ex-nobleman, Talleyrand, and the ex- 
 Mountainist, Fouche, were appointed to the posts of minister 
 of foreign affairs, and minister of police. Sieyes felt much 
 repugnance at employing Fouche; but Bonaparte willed it. 
 "We are forming a new epoch," said he; "we must forget 
 all the ill of the past, and remember only the good." He 
 cared very little under what banner men had hitherto served, 
 provided they now enlisted under his, and summoned thither 
 their old associates in royalism and in revolution. 
 
 The two new consuls and the retiring consuls nominated sixty 
 senators, without waiting for the lists of eligibility ; the senators 
 appointed a hundred tribunes and three hundred legislators; 
 and the authors of the 18th Brumaire distributed among 
 themselves the functions of the state, as the booty of their 
 victory. It is, however, just to say that the moderate 
 liberal party prevailed in this partition, and that, as long as 
 it preserved any influence, Bonaparte governed in a mild, 
 advantageous, and republican manner. The constitution of 
 the year VIII., submitted to the people for acceptance, was 
 approved by three millions eleven thousand and seven citizens. 
 That of 1793 had obtained one million eight hundred and 
 one thousand nine hundred and eighteen suffrages; and 
 that of the year III. one million fifty-seven thousand three 
 hundred and ninety. The new law satisfied the mode-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 367 
 
 rate masses, who sought tranquillity, rather than guarantees; 
 while the code of '93 had only found partisans among the 
 lower class; and that of the year III. had been equally re- 
 iected by the royalists and democrats. The constitution of 
 1791 alone had obtained general approbation; and, without 
 having been subjected to individual acceptance, had been 
 sworn to by all France. 
 
 The first consul, in compliance with the wishes of the re- 
 public, made offers of peace to England, which it refused. He 
 naturally wished to assume an appearance of moderation, and, 
 previous to treating, to confer on his government the lustre 
 of new victories. The continuance of the war was therefore 
 decided on, and the consuls made a remarkable proclamation, 
 in which they appealed to sentiments new to the nation. 
 Hitherto it had been called to arms in defence of liberty; 
 now they began to excite it in the name of honour: " French- 
 men, you wish for peace. Your government desires it with 
 still more ardour: its foremost hopes, its constant efforts, have 
 been in favour of it. The English ministry rejects it; the 
 English ministry has betrayed the secret of its horrible policy. 
 To rend France, to destroy its navy and ports, to efface it 
 from the map of Europe, or reduce it to the rank of a second- 
 ary power, to keep the nations of the continent at variance, 
 in order to seize on the commerce of all, and enrich itself by 
 their spoils: these are the fearful successes for which England 
 scatters its gold, lavishes its promises, and multiplies its 
 intrigues. It is in your power to command peace; but, to 
 command it, money, the sword, and soldiers are necessary; 
 let all, then, hasten to pay the tribute they owe to their 
 common defence. Let our young citizens arise; they no 
 longer take arms for factions, or for the choice of tyrants, 
 but for the security of what they hold most dear; it is for 
 the honour of France, and for the sacred interests of 
 humanity." 
 
 Holland and Switzerland had been sheltered during the 
 preceding campaign. The first consul assembled all his force 
 on the Rhine and the Alps. He gave Moreau the command 
 of the army of the Rhine, and he himself marched into Italy. 
 He set out on the 16th Floreal, year VIII. (6th of May, 1800) 
 for that brilliant campaign which lasted only forty days. It
 
 368 HISTORY OF 
 
 was important that he should not be long absent from Paris 
 at the beginning of his power, and especially not to leave the 
 war in a state of indecision. Field marshal Melas had a 
 hundred and thirty thousand men under arms; he occupied 
 all Italy. The republican army opposed to him, only 
 amounted to forty thousand men. He left the field-marshal 
 lieutenant Ott with thirty thousand men before Genoa; and 
 marched against the corps of general Suchet. He entered 
 Nice, prepared to pass the Var, and to enter Provence. It 
 was then that Bonaparte crossed the great Saint Bernard at 
 the head of an army of forty thousand men, descended into 
 Italy in the rear of Melas. entered Milan on the 16th Prairial 
 (2nd of June), and placed the Austrians between Suchet and 
 himself. Melas, whose line of operation was broken, quickly 
 fell back upon Nice, and from thence on to Turin; he estab- 
 lished his head-quarters at Alexandria, and decided on re- 
 opening his communications by a battle. On the 9th of June, 
 the advance guard of the republicans gained a glorious 
 victory at Monte-Bello, the chief honour of which belonged to 
 general Lannes. But it was the plain of Marengo, on the 
 14th of June, (25th Prairial) that decided the fate of Italy; 
 the Austrians were overwhelmed. Unable to force the pas- 
 sage of the Bormida by a victory, they were placed with- 
 out opportunity of retreat between the army of Suchet and 
 that of the first consul. On the 1 5th, they obtained permis- 
 sion to fall behind Mantua, on condition of restoring all the 
 places of Piedmont, Lombardy, and the Legations; and the 
 victory of Marengo thus secured possession of all Italy. 
 
 Eighteen days after, Bonaparte returned to Paris. He 
 was received with all the evidence of admiration that such 
 decided victories and prodigious activity could excite; the 
 enthusiasm was universal. There was a spontaneous illumi- 
 nation, and the crowd hurried to the Tuileries -to see him. 
 The hope of speedy peace redoubled the public joy. On the 
 25th Messidor the first consul was present at the anniversary 
 fete of the 14th of July. When the officers presented him 
 the standards taken from the enemy, he said to them; " When 
 you return to your camps, tell your soldiers that the French 
 people expect for the 1st Vendemiaire, when we shall celebrate 
 the anniversary of the republic, either the proclamation 01 
 peace, or, if the enemy raise invincible obstacles, new standards,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 fruits If new victories." Peace, however, was yet to be de- 
 layed some time. 
 
 In the interim between the victory of Marengo and the 
 general pacification, the first consul turned his attention 
 chiefly to settling the people, and to diminishing the number 
 of malcontents, by employing the displaced factions in the 
 state. He was very conciliatory to those parties who re- 
 nounced their systems, and very lavish of favours to those 
 chief's who renounced their parties. As it was a time of 
 selfishness and indifference, he had no difficulty in suc- 
 ceeding. The proscribed of the 18th Fructidor were 
 already recalled, with the exception of a few royalist con- 
 spirators, such as Pichegru, Willot, &c. Bonaparte soon 
 even employed those of the banished who, like Portalis, 
 Simeon, Barbe-Marbois, had shown themselves more anti- 
 conventionalists than counter-revolutionists. He had also 
 gained over opponents of another description. The late leaders 
 of La Vendee, the famous Bernier, cure of Saint-Lo, who 
 had assisted in the whole insurrection, Chatillon, d'Auti- 
 champ and Suzannet, had come to an accommodation by the 
 treaty of Mont-Lu9on (17th January, 1800.) He also 
 addressed himself to the leaders of the Breton bands, George 
 Cadoudal, Frotte, Lapre'velaye, and Bourmont. The two last 
 alone consented to submit. Frotte was surprised and shot; 
 and George, defeated at Grand Champ, by General Brune, 
 capitulated. The western war was thus definitively termi- 
 nated. 
 
 But the Chouans who had taken refuge in England, and 
 whose only hope was in the death of him who now concen- 
 trated the power of the revolution, projected his assassination. 
 A few of them disembarked on the coast of France, and 
 secretly repaired to Paris. As it was not easy to reach the 
 first consul, they decided on a conspiracy truly horrible. On 
 the third Nivose, at eight in the evening, Bonaparte was to 
 go to the Opera by the Rue Saint-Nicaise. The conspirators 
 placed a barrel of powder on a little truck, which obstructed 
 the carriage way, and one of them, named Saint Regent, was 
 to set fire to it as soon as he received a signal of the first 
 consul's approach. At the appointed time, Bonaparte left 
 the Tuileries, and crossed the Rue Nicaise. His coachman 
 was skilful enough to drive rapidly between the truck and 
 
 B B
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the wall; but the match was already alight, and the carriage 
 had scarcely reached the end of the street when the infernal 
 machine exploded, covered the quarter Saint-Nicaise with 
 ruins, shaking the carriage, and breaking its windows. 
 
 The police, taken by surprise, though directed by Fouche, 
 attributed this plot to the democrats, against whom the first 
 consul had a much more decided antipathy than against the 
 Chouans. Many of them were imprisoned, and a hundred 
 and thirty were transported by a simple senatvs-consultus 
 asked and obtained during the night. At length they dis- 
 covered the true authors of the conspiracy, some of whom 
 were condemned to death. On this occasion, the consul 
 caused the creation of special military tribunals. The con- 
 stitutional party separated still further from him, and began 
 its energetic but useless opposition. Lanjuinais Gregoire, 
 who had courageously resisted the extreme party in the con- 
 vention, Garat, Lambrechts, Lenoir-Laroche, Cabanis, &c., 
 opposed, in the senate, the illegal proscription of a hundred 
 and thirty democrats; and the tribunes, Isnard, Daunou, 
 Chenier, Benjamin Constant, Bailleul, Chazal, &c., opposed 
 the special courts. But a glorious peace threw into the 
 shade this new encroachment of power. 
 
 The Austrians, conquered at Marengo, and defeated in 
 Germany by Moreau, determined on laying down arms. On the 
 8th of January, 1801, the republic, the cabinet of Vienna, 
 and the empire, concluded the treaty of Luneville. Austria 
 ratified all the conditions of the treaty of Campo-Formio, and 
 also ceded Tuscany to the young duke of Parma. The 
 empire recognised the independence of the Batavian, Hel- 
 vetian, Ligurian, and Cisalpine republics. The pacification 
 soon became general, by the treaty of Florence (18th of 
 February, 1801,) with the king of Naples, who ceded the 
 isle of Elba and the principality of Piombino, by the treaty 
 of Madrid (29th of September, 1801,) with Portugal; by the 
 treaty of Paris (8th of October, 1801,) with the emperor of 
 Russia; and, lastly, by the preliminaries (9th of October, 1801,) 
 with the Ottoman Porte. The continent, by ceasing hosti- 
 lities, compelled England to a momentary peace. Pitt, Dun- 
 das, and Lord Grenville, who had maintained these sanguinary 
 struggles with France, went out of office when their system 
 ceased.to be followed. The opposition replaced them; and,
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 371 
 
 on the 25th of March, 1802, the treaty of Amiens completed 
 the pacification of the world. England consented to all the 
 continental acquisitions of the French republic, recognised the 
 existence of the secondary republics, and restored our colonies. 
 During the maritime war with England, the French navy 
 had been almost entirely ruined. Three hundred and forty 
 ships had been taken or destroyed, and the greater part of 
 the colonies had fallen into the hands of the English. Saint 
 Domingo, the most important of them all, after throwing off 
 the yoke of the whites, had continued the American revolu- 
 tion, which, having commenced in the English colonies, was to 
 end in those of Spain, and change the colonies of the new 
 world into independent states. The blacks of Saint Domingo 
 wished to maintain, with respect to the mother country, the 
 freedom which they had acquired from the colonists, and to 
 defend themselves against the English. They were led by a 
 man of colour, the famous Toussaint-Louverture. France 
 ought to have consented to this revolution, which had already 
 cost so dearly to humanity. The metropolitan government 
 could no longer be restored at Saint Domingo; and it became 
 necessary to obtain the only real advantages which Europe 
 can now derive from America, by strengthening the commer- 
 cial ties with our old colony. Instead of this prudent policy, 
 Bonapai'te attempted an expedition to reduce the island to 
 subjection. Forty thousand men embarked for this disastrous 
 enterprise. It was impossible for the blacks to resist such an 
 army at first; but after the first victories, it was attacked by 
 the climate, and new insurrections secured the independence 
 of the colony. France experienced the twofold loss of an army 
 and of advantageous commercial connexions. 
 
 Bonaparte, whose principal object hitherto had been to 
 promote the fusion of parties, now turned all his attention to 
 the internal prosperity of the republic, and the organization 
 of power. The old privileged classes of the nobility and 
 the clergy had returned into the state without forming par- 
 ticular classes. Dissentient priests, on taking an oath of 
 obedience, might conduct their modes of worship and receive 
 their pensions from government. An act of pardon had been 
 passed in favour of those accused of emigration; there only 
 remained a list of about a thousand names of those who 
 remained faithful to the family and the claims of the pretender. 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 HISTORY OF 
 
 The work of pacification was at an end. Bonaparte, knowing that 
 the surest way of commanding a nation is to promote its hap- 
 piness, encouraged the development of industry, and favoured 
 external commerce, which had so long been suspended. He 
 united higher views with his political policy, and connected 
 his own glory with the prosperity of France; he travelled 
 through the departments, caused canals and harbours to be dug, 
 bridges to be built, roads to be repaired, monuments to be 
 erected, and means of communication to be multiplied. He 
 especially strove to become the protector and legislator of 
 private interests. The civil, penal, and commercial codes, 
 which he formed, whether at this period or at a later period, 
 completed, in this respect, the work of the revolution, and re- 
 gulated the internal existence of the nation, in a manner some- 
 what more conformable to its real condition. Notwithstanding 
 political despotism, France, during the domination of Bona- 
 parte, had a private legislation superior to that of any European 
 society; for with absolute government, most of them still pre- 
 served the civil condition of the middle-ages. General peace, 
 universal toleration, the return of order, the restoration, and 
 the creation of an administrative system, soon changed the 
 appearance of the republic. Attention was turned to the con- 
 struction of roads and canals. Civilization became developed 
 in an extraordinary manner; and the consulate was, in this 
 respect, the perfected period of the directory, from its com- 
 mencement to the 18th Fructidor. 
 
 It was more especially after the peace of Amiens that Bo- 
 naparte raised the foundation of his future power. He 
 himself says, in the Memoirs published under his name,* 
 " The ideas of Napoleon were fixed, but to realise them he 
 required the assistance of time and circumstances. The or- 
 ganization of the consulate had nothing in contradiction with 
 these; it accustomed the nation to unity, and that was a first 
 step. This step taken, Napoleon was indifferent to the forms 
 and denominations of the different constituted bodies. He 
 was a stranger to the revolution. It was his wisdom to 
 advance from day to day, without deviating from the fixed 
 point, the polar star, which directed Napoleon how to 
 
 * Mernoires pour servir a VHistoire de France sous Napoleon, ecrits 
 a Sainte Helene, rol. i. p. 248.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 373 
 
 guide the revolution to the port whither he wished to con- 
 duct it." 
 
 la the oeginning of 1802, he was at one and the same time 
 forming three great projects, tending to the same end. He 
 sought to organize religion and to establish the clergy, which 
 as yet had only a religious existence; to create, by means of the 
 Legion of Honour, a permanent military order in the army; 
 and to secure his own power, first for his life, and then to ren- 
 der it hereditary. Bonaparte was installed at the Tuileries, 
 where he gradually resumed the customs and ceremonies of the 
 old monarchy. He already thought of placing intermediate 
 bodies between himself and the people. For some time past 
 he had opened a negotiation with pope Pius VII., on matters of 
 religious worship. The famous concordat, which created nine 
 archbishoprics, forty-one bishoprics, with the institution of 
 chapters, which established the clergy in the state, and again 
 placed it under the external monarchy of the pope, was 
 signed at Paris on the 16th of July, 1801, and ratified at 
 Rome on the loth of August, 1801. 
 
 Bonaparte, who had destroyed the liberty of the press, 
 created exceptional tribunals, and who had departed more and 
 more from the principles of the revolution, felt that before he 
 went further it was necessary to break entirely with the 
 liberal party of the 18th Brumaire. In Ventose, year X. 
 (March, 1802), the most energetic of the tribunes were dis- 
 missed by a simple operation of the senate. The tribunate 
 was reduced to eighty members, and the legislative body un- 
 derwent a similar purgation. About a month after, the loth 
 Germinal (6th of April, 1802), Bonaparte, no longer apprehen- 
 sive of opposition, submitted the concordat to these assemblies, 
 whose obedience he had thus secured, for their acceptance. 
 They adopted it by a great majority. The Sunday and four 
 great religious festivals were re-established, and from that time 
 the government ceased to observe the system of decades. This 
 was the first attempt at renouncing the republican calendar. 
 Bonaparte hoped to gain the sacerdotal party, always most 
 disposed to passive obedience, and thus deprive the royalist 
 opposition of the clergy, and the coalition of the pope. 
 
 The concordat was inaugurated with great pomp in the 
 cathedral of Notre-Dame. The senate, the legislative body, 
 the tribunate, and the leading functionaries were present a
 
 374 - HISTORY OF 
 
 this new ceremony. The first consul repaired thither in the 
 carriages of the old court, with the etiquette and attendants of 
 the old monarchy; salvos of artillery announced this return of 
 privilege, and this essay at royalty. A pontifical mass was 
 performed by Caprara, the cardinal-legate, and the people were 
 addressed by proclamation in a language to which they had 
 long been unaccustomed. " Reason and the example of ages," 
 ran the proclamation, " command us to have recourse to the 
 sovereign pontiff to effect unison of opinion and reconciliation 
 of hearts. The head of the church has weighed in his 
 wisdom and for the interest of the church, propositions dic- 
 tated by the interest of the state." 
 
 In the evening there was an illumination, and a concert in 
 the gardens of the Tuileries. The soldiery reluctantly 
 attended at the inauguration ceremony, and expressed their dis- 
 satisfaction aloud. On returning to the palace, Bonaparte 
 questioned general Delmas on the subject. " What did you 
 think of the ceremony?" said he. " A Jine mummery" was 
 the reply. "Nothing was wanting but a million of men slain 
 in destroying what you re-establish. " 
 
 A month after, on the 25th Floreal, year X. (15th of 
 May, 1802), he presented the project of a law respecting 
 the creation of a legion of honour. This legion was to 
 be composed of fifteen cohorts, dignitaries for life, dis- 
 posed in hierarchical order, having a centre, an organization, 
 and revenues. The first consul was the chief of the legion. 
 Each cohort was composed of seven grand officers, twenty 
 commanders, thirty officers, and three hundred and fifty 
 legionaries. Bonaparte's object was to originate a new 
 nobility. He thus appealed to the ill-suppressed sentiment 
 of inequality. While discussing this projected law in the 
 council of state, he did not scruple to announce his aristocratic 
 design. Berlier, counsellor of state, having disapproved an 
 institution so opposed to the spirit of the republic, said 
 that: " Distinctions were the playthings of a monarchy." 
 "I defy you," replied the first consul, "to show me a 
 republic, ancient or modern, in which distinctions did not 
 exist ; you call them toys; well, it is by toys that men are 
 led. I would not say as much to a tribune; but in a 
 council of wise men and statesmen we may speak plainly. 
 I do not believe that the French love liberty and equality.
 
 THE FRENCH BEVOLUTION. 376 
 
 The French have not been changed by ten years of revo- 
 lution; they have but one sentiment honour. That senti- 
 ment, then, must be nourished; they must have distinctions. 
 See how the people prostrate themselves before the ribbons 
 and stars of foreigners; they have been surprised by them; 
 and they do not fail to wear them. All has been destroyed; 
 the question is, how to restore all. There is a government, 
 there are authorities; but the rest of the nation, what is it? 
 Grains of sand. Among us we have the old privileged 
 classes, organized in principles and interests, and knowing 
 well what they want. I can count our enemies. But we, 
 ourselves, are dispersed, without system, union, or contact. 
 As long as I am here, I will answer for the republic; but we 
 must provide for the future. Do you think the republic is 
 definitively established? If so, you are greatly deceived. It 
 is in our power to make it so; but we have not done it; and 
 we shall not do it if we do not hurl some masses of granite on 
 the soil of France." * By these words Bonaparte announced 
 a system of government opposed to that which the revolution 
 sought to establish, and which the change in society demanded. 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding the docility of the council of state, 
 the purgation undergone by the tribunal and the legislative 
 body, these three bodies vigorously opposed a law which re- 
 vived inequality. In the council of state, the legion of honour 
 only had fourteen votes against ten; in the tribunal, thirty- 
 eight against fifty-six; in the legislative body, a hundred and 
 sixty-six against a hundred and ten. Public opinion mani- 
 fested a still greater repugnance for this new order of knight- 
 hood. Those first invested seemed almost ashamed of it, and 
 received it with a sort of contempt. But Bonaparte pursued 
 his counter-revolutionary course, without troubling himseli 
 about a dissatisfaction no longer capable of resistance. 
 
 He wished to confirm his power by the establishment 01 
 privilege, and to confirm privilege by the duration of his 
 power. On the motion of Chabot de 1'AUier, the tribunal 
 resolved: " That the first consul, general Bonaparte, should 
 
 * This passage is extracted from M. Thibaudeau's Memoirvs of the Con 
 snlate. There are in these Memoires, which are extremely curious, some 
 political conversations of Bonaparte, details concerning his internal go- 
 vernment and the principal sittings of the council of state, which throw 
 much light upon this epoch.
 
 376 HISTORY OF 
 
 receive a signal mark of national gratitude." In pursuance 
 of this resolution, on the 6th of May, 1802, an organic senatus- 
 consultus appointed Bonaparte consul for an additional period 
 of ten years. 
 
 But Bonaparte did not consider the prolongation of the 
 consulate sufficient; and two months after, on the 2nd of 
 August, the senate, on the decision of the tribunate and the 
 legislative body, and with the consent of the people, consulted 
 by means of the public registers, passed the following decree: 
 
 " I. The French people nominate, and the senate proclaim 
 Napoleon Bonaparte first consul for life. 
 
 " II. A statue of Peace, holding in one hand a laurel of 
 victory, and in the other, the decree of the senate, shall attest 
 to posterity the gratitude of the nation. 
 
 " III. The senate will convey to the first consul the ex- 
 pression of the confidence, love, and admiration of the French 
 people." 
 
 This revolution was complete by adapting to the consul- 
 ship for life, by a simple senatus-consultus, the constitution, 
 already sufficiently despotic, of the temporary consulship. 
 " Senators," said Cornudet, on presenting the new law, " we 
 must for ever close the public path to the Gracchi. The 
 wishes of the citizens, with respect to the political laws they 
 obey, are expressed by the general prosperity; the guarantee 
 of social rights absolutely places the dogma of the exercise o. 
 the sovereignty of the people in the senate, which is the 
 bond of the nation. This is the only social doctrine." The 
 senate admitted this new social doctrine, took possession of 
 the sovereignty, and held it as a deposit till a favourable 
 moment arrived for transferring it to Bonaparte. 
 
 The constitution of the 16th Thermidor, year X., (4th of 
 August, 1802,) excluded the people from the state. The 
 public and administrative functions became fixed, like those of 
 the government. The electors were for life. The first consul 
 could increase their number. The senate had the right of 
 changing institutions, suspending the functions of the jury, 
 of placing the departments out of the constitution, of annulling 
 the sentences of the tribunals, of dissolving the legislative 
 body, and the tribunate. The council of state was reinforced; 
 the tribunate, already reduced by dismissals, was still suffi- 
 ciently formidable to require to be reduced to iifty members.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 377 
 
 Such, in the course of two years, was the terrible progress 
 of privilege and absolute power. Towards the close of 1802, 
 everything was in the hands of the consul for life, who had a 
 class devoted to him in the clergy; a military order in the 
 legion of honour; an administrative body in the council of 
 state; a machinery for decrees in the legislative assembly; 
 a machinery for the constitution in the senate. Not daring, 
 as yet, to destroy the tribunate, in which assembly there arose, 
 from time to time, a few words of freedom and opposition, he 
 deprived it of its most courageous and eloquent members, 
 that he might hear his will declared with docility in all the 
 assemblies of the nation. 
 
 This interior policy of usurpation was extended beyond the 
 country. On the 26th of August, Bonaparte united the island 
 of Elba, and on the llth of September, 1802, Piedmont, to 
 the French territory. On the 9th of October he took posses- 
 sion of the states of Parma, left vacant by the death of the 
 duke; and lastly, on the 21st of October, he marched into 
 Switzerland an army of thirty -thousand men, to support a 
 federative act, which regulated the constitution of each canton, 
 and which had caused disturbances. He thus furnished a pre- 
 text for a rupture with England, which had not sincerely 
 subscribed to the peace. The British cabinet had only felt the 
 necessity of a momentary suspension of hostilities; and, a, 
 short time after the treaty of Amiens, it arranged a third 
 coalition, as it had done after the treaty of Campo-Formio, 
 and at the time of the congress of Rastadt. The interest 
 and situation of England were alone of a nature to bring 
 about a rupture, which was hastened by the union of states 
 effected by Bonaparte, and the influence which he retained, 
 over the neighbouring republics, called to complete independ- 
 ence by the recent treaties. Bonaparte, on his part, eager 
 for the glory gained on the field of battle, wishing to aggran- 
 dize France by conquests, and to complete his own elevation 
 by victories, could not rest satisfied with repose; he had re- 
 jected liberty, and war became a necessity. 
 
 The two cabinets exchanged for some time very bitter 
 diplomatic notes. At length, Lord Whitworth, the English 
 ambassador, left Paris on the 25th Floreal, year XI. (13th of 
 May, 1803.) Peace was now definitively broken: prepara- 
 tions for war were made on both sides. On the 26th of May,
 
 378 HISTORY OF 
 
 the French troops entered the electorate of Hanover. The 
 Germanic empire, on the point of expiring, raised no obstacle. 
 The emigrant Chouan party, which had taken no steps since 
 the affair of the infernal machine and the continental peace, 
 were encouraged by this return of hostilities. The opportunity 
 seemed favourable, and it formed in London, with the absent 
 of the British cabinet, a conspiracy headed by Pichegru and 
 Georges Cadoudal. The conspirators disembarked secretly 
 on the coast of France, and repaired with the same secrecy 
 to Paris. They communicated with general Moreau, who 
 had been induced by his wife to embrace the royalist party. 
 Just as they were about to execute their project, most of 
 them were arrested by the police, who had discovered the 
 plot, and traced them. Georges was executed, Pichegru was 
 discovered strangled in prison, and Moreau was sentenced to 
 two years' imprisonment, commuted to exile. 
 
 This conspiracy, discovered in the middle of February, 1804, 
 rendered the person of the first consul, whose life had been 
 thus threatened, still dearer to the masses of the people ; ad- 
 dresses of congratulation were presented by all the bodies of 
 the state, and all the departments of the republic. About 
 this time, he sacrificed an illustrious victim. On the 15th of 
 March, the due d'Enghien was carried off by a squadron of 
 cavalry from the castle of Etteinheim, in the grand-duchy of 
 Baden, a few leagues from the Rhine. The first consul be- 
 lieved, from the reports of the police, that this prince had 
 directed the recent conspiracy. The due d'Enghien was con- 
 veyed hastily to Vincennes, tried, in a few hours, by a military 
 commission, and shot in the trenches of the chateau. This 
 crime was not an act of policy, or usurpation; but a deed 
 of violence and wrath. The royalists might have thought on 
 the 18th Brumaire that the first consul was studying the part 
 of general Monk; but for four years he had destroyed that 
 hope. He had no longer any necessity for breaking with 
 them in so outrageous a manner, nor for reassuring, as it has 
 been suggested, the Jacobins, who no longer existed. Those 
 who remained devoted to the republic, dreaded at this time 
 despotism far more than a counter-revolution. There is 
 every reason to think that Bonaparte, who thought little of 
 human life, or of the rights of nations, having already formed 
 the habit of an expeditious and hasty policy, imagined the
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 379 
 
 prince to be one of the conspirators, and sought, by a terrible 
 example, to put an end to conspiracies, the only peril that 
 threatened his power at that period. 
 
 The war with great Britain and the conspiracy of Georges 
 and Pichegru, were the stepping-stones by which Bonaparte 
 ascended from the consulate to the empire. On the 6th Germi- 
 nal, year XII., (27th of March, 1804,) the senate, on receiving 
 intelligence of the plot, sent a deputation to the first consul. 
 The president, Fra^ois de Neufchateau, expressed himself 
 in these terms: "Citizen first consul, you are founding a 
 new era, but you ought to perpetuate it: splendour is nothing 
 without duration. We do not doubt but this great idea has 
 had a share of your attention; for your creative genius em- 
 braces all and forgets nothing. But do not delay: you are 
 urged on by the times, by events, by conspirators, and by 
 ambitious men; and in another direction, by the anxiety which 
 agitates the French people. It is in your power to enchain 
 time, master events, disarm the ambitious, and tranquillize the 
 whole of France by giving it institutions which will cement 
 your edifice, and prolong for our children what you have done 
 for their fathers. Citizen first consul, be assured that the 
 senate here speaks to you in the name of all citizens." 
 
 On the 5th Floreal, year XII., (25th of April, 1804,) Bona- 
 parte replied to the senate from Saint Cloud, as follows: 
 " Your address has occupied my thoughts incessantly; it has 
 been the subject of my constant meditation. You consider 
 that the supreme magistracy should be hereditary, in order to 
 protect the people from the plots of our enemies, and the agi- 
 tation which arises from rival ambitions. You also think 
 that several of our institutions ought to be perfected, to secure 
 the permanent triumph of equality and public liberty, and to 
 offer the nation and government the twofold guarantee which 
 they require. The more I consider these great objects, the 
 more deeply do I feel that in such novel and important cir- 
 cumstances, the councils of your wisdom and experience are 
 necessary to enable me to come to a conclusion. I invite you, 
 then, to communicate to me your ideas on the subject." The 
 senate, in its turn, replied on the 14th Floreal (3rd of May): 
 " The senate considers that the interests of the French 
 people will be greatly promoted by confiding the government 
 of the republic to Napoleon Bonaparte, as hereditary em-
 
 380 HISTORY OF 
 
 peror." By this preconcerted scene was ushered in the estab 
 lishment of the empire. 
 
 The tribune Curee opened the debate in the tribunate by a 
 motion on the subject. He dwelt on the same motives as the 
 senators had done. His proposition was carried with enthu- 
 siasm. Carnot alone had the courage to oppose the empire: 
 " I am far," said he, " from wishing to weaken the praises 
 bestowed on the first consul; but whatever services a citizen 
 may have done to his country, there are bounds which honour, 
 as well as reason, imposes on national gratitude. If this citizen 
 has restored public liberty, if he has secured the safety of his 
 country, is it a reward to offer him the sacrifice of that liberty; 
 and would it not be destroying his own work to make his 
 country his private patrimony? When once the proposition 
 of holding the consulate for life was presented for the votes 
 of the people, it was easy to see that an after-thought existed. 
 A crowd of institutions evidently monarchical followed in 
 succession; but now the object of so many preliminary 
 measures is disclosed in a positive manner; we are called to 
 declare our sentiments on a formal motion to restore the 
 monarchical system, and to confer imperial and hereditary 
 dignity on the first consul. 
 
 " Has liberty, then, only been shown to man that he might 
 never enjoy it? No, 1 cannot consent to consider this good, so 
 universally preferred to all others, without which all others 
 are as nothing, as a mere illusion. My heart tells me that 
 liberty is attainable; that its regime is easier and more stable 
 than any arbitrary government. I voted against the consu- 
 late for life; I now vote against the restoration of the 
 monarchy; as I conceive my quality as tribune compels me 
 to do." 
 
 But he was the only one who thought thus; and his col- 
 leagues rivalled each other in their opposition to the opinion 
 of the only man who alone among them remained free. In the 
 speeches of that period, we may see the prodigious change 
 that had taken place in ideas and language. The revolution 
 had retrograded to the political principles of the ancient 
 regime; the same enthusiasm and fanaticism existed; but it 
 was the enthusiasm of flattery, the fanaticism of servitude. 
 The French rushed into the empire as they had rushed into 
 the revolution; in the age of reason they referred everything
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 381 
 
 to the enfranchisement of nations; now they talked of nothing 
 but the greatness of a man, and of the age of Bonaparte; and 
 they now fought to make kings, as they had formerly fought 
 to create republics. 
 
 The tribunate, the legislative body, and the senate, voted 
 the empire, which was proclaimed at Saint-Cloud on the 28th 
 Floreal, year XII., (18th of May, 1804.) On the same day, a 
 senatus-comultus modified the constitution, which was adapted 
 to the new order of things. The empire required its ap- 
 pendages; and French princes, high dignitaries, marshals, 
 chamberlains, and pages were given to it. All publicity 
 was destroyed. The liberty of the press had already been 
 subjected to censorship; only one tribune remained, and 
 that became mute. The sittings of the tribunate were 
 secret, like those of the council of state; and from that day, 
 for a space of ten years, France was governed with closed 
 doors. Joseph and Louis Bonaparte were recognised as 
 French princes. Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Mas- 
 sena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, 
 Ney, Davoust, Bessieres, Kellermann, Lefevre, Perignon, 
 Serrurier, were named marshals of the empire. The depart- 
 ments sent up addresses, and the clergy compared Napoleon 
 to a new Moses, a new Matthew, a new Cyrus. They saw 
 in his elevation " the finger of God," and said " that submis- 
 sion was due to him as dominating over all; to his mi- 
 nisters assent by him, because such was the order of Provi- 
 dence." Pope Pius VII. came to Paris to consecrate the new 
 dynasty. The coronation took place on Sunday, the 2nd of 
 December, in the church of Notre Dame. 
 
 Preparations had been making for this ceremony for some 
 time, and it was regulated according to ancient customs. The 
 emperor repaired to the metropolitan church with the em- 
 press Josephine, in a coach surmounted by a crown, drawn 
 by eight white horses, and escorted by his guard. The pope, 
 cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and all the great bodies of 
 the state were awaiting him in the cathedral, which had been 
 magnificently decorated for this extraordinary ceremony. 
 He was addressed in an oration at the door; and then, clothed 
 with the imperial mantle, the crown on his head, and the 
 sceptre in his hand, he ascended a throne placed at the end 
 of the church. The high almoner, a cardinal, and a bishop,
 
 382 HISTORY OF 
 
 eame and conducted him to the foot of the altar for consecra- 
 tion. The pope poured the three-fold unction on his head 
 and hands, and delivered the following prayer: " O Al- 
 mighty God, who didst establish Hazael to govern Syria, 
 and Jehu king of Israel, by revealing unto them thy purpose 
 by the mouth of the prophet Elias ; who didst also shed the 
 holy unction of kings on the head of Saul and of David, by 
 the ministry of thy prophet Samuel, vouchsafe to pour, by 
 my hands, the treasures of thy grace and blessing on thy 
 servant Napoleon, who, notwithstanding our own unworthi- 
 ness, we this day consecrate emperor in thy name." 
 
 The pope led him solemnly back to the throne; and after he 
 had sworn on the Testament the oath prescribed by the new 
 constitution, the chief of the heralds at arms cried in a loud 
 voice " The most glorious and most august emperor of the 
 French is crowned and enthroned ! Long live the emperor!" 
 The church instantly resounded with the cry, salvoes of 
 artillery were fii'ed, and the pope commenced Te Deum. For 
 several days there was a succession of fetes; but these fetes by 
 command, these fetes of absolute power, did not breathe the 
 frank, lively, popular, and unanimous joy of the first federa- 
 tion of the 14th of July; and, exhausted as the people were, 
 they did not welcome the beginning of despotism as they had 
 welcomed that of liberty. 
 
 The consulate was the last period of the existence of the 
 republic. The revolution was coming to man's estate* 
 During the first period of the consular government, Bona 
 parte had gained the proscribed classes by recalling them; 
 he found a people still agitated by every passion, and he 
 restored them to tranquillity by labour, and to prosperity by 
 restoring order. Finally he compelled Europe, conquered 
 for the third time, to acknowledge his elevation. Till the 
 treaty of Amiens, he revived in the republic victory, concord, 
 and prosperity, without sacrificing liberty. He might then, 
 had he wished, have made himself the representative of that 
 great age, which sought for that noble system of human 
 dignity the consecration of far-extended equality, wise liberty, 
 and more developed civilization. The nation was in the 
 hands of the great man or the despot; it rested with him to 
 preserve it free or to enslave it. He preferred the realization 
 of his selfish projects, and preferred himself to all humanity.
 
 THE FRENCH BEVOLUTION. 383 
 
 Brought up in tents, coming late into the revolution, he only 
 understood its material and interested side; he had no faith 
 in the moral wants which had given rise to it, nor in the 
 creeds which had agitated it, and which, sooner or later, 
 would return and destroy him. He saw an insurrection 
 approaching its end, an exhausted people at his mercy, and a 
 crown on the ground within his reach.
 
 384 HISTORY OF 
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE, 1804 1814. 
 
 Character of the empire Change of the republics created by the directory 
 into kingdoms Third coalition; taking of Vienna; victories of TTlm 
 and Austerlitz ; peace of Presburg ; erection of the two kingdoms of 
 Bavaria and Wurtemberg against Austria Confederation of the Rhine 
 Joseph Napoleon appointed king of Naples ; Louis Napoleon, king of 
 Holland Fourth coalition ; battle of Jena ; taking of Berlin ; victories 
 of Eylau and Friedland ; peace of Tilsit ; the Prussian monarchy is re- 
 duced by one half; the kingdoms of Saxony and Westphalia are insti- 
 tuted against it ; that of Westphalia given to Jerome Napoleon The 
 grand empire rises with its secondary kingdoms, its confederation of 
 the Rhine, its Swiss mediation, its great fiefs ; it is modelled on that 
 of Charlemagne Blockade of the continent Napoleon employs the 
 cessation of commerce to reduce England, as he had employed arms to 
 subdue the continent Invasion of Spain and Portugal; Joseph Na- 
 poleon appointed to the throne of Spain ; Murat replaces him on the 
 throne of Naples New order of events : national insurrection of the 
 peninsula; religious contest with the pope Commercial opposition of 
 Holland Fifth coalition Victory of Wagram ; Peace of Vienua ; 
 marriage of Napoleon with the archduchess Marie Louise Failure of 
 the attempt at resistance ; the pope is dethroned ; Holland is again united 
 to the empire, and the war in Spain prosecuted with vigour Russia re- 
 nounces the continental system ; campaign of 1812 ; taking of Moscow ; 
 disastrous retreat Reaction against the power of Napoleon ; campaign 
 of 1813 ; general defection Coalition of all Europe ; exhaustion of 
 France; marvellous campaign of 1814 The allied powers at Paris; 
 abdication at Fontainbleau ; character of Napoleon; his part in the 
 French revolution Conclusion. 
 
 AFTER the establishment of the empire, power became 
 more arbitrary, and society reconstructed itself on an aristo- 
 cratic principle. The great movement of recomposition, which 
 had commenced on the 9th Therruidor. went on increasing.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 385 
 
 The convention had abolished classes; the directory defeated 
 parties; the consulate gained over men; and the empire cor- 
 rupted them by distinctions and privileges. This second period 
 was the opposite of the first. Under the one, we saw the 
 government of the committees exercised by men elected every 
 three months, without guards, honours, or representation, 
 living on a few francs a day, working eighteen hours together 
 on common wooden tables; under the other, the government 
 of the empire, with all its paraphernalia of administration, its 
 chamberlains, gentlemen, praetorian guard, hereditary rights, 
 its immense civil list, and dazzling ostentation. The national 
 activity was exclusively directed to labour and war. All 
 material interests, all ambitious passions, were hierarchically 
 arranged under one leader, who, after having sacrificed 
 liberty by establishing absolute power, destroyed equality by 
 introducing nobility. 
 
 The directory had erected all the surrounding states into 
 republics; Napoleon wished to constitute them on the model 
 of the empire. He began with Italy. . The council of state of 
 the Cisalpine republic determined on restoring hereditary mo- 
 narchy in favour of Napoleon. Its vice-president, M. Melzy, 
 came to Paris to communicate to him this decision. On the 26th 
 Ventose, year XIII. (17th of March, 1805), he was received 
 with great solemnity at the Tuileries. Napoleon was on his 
 throne, surrounded by his court, and all the splendour of 
 sovereign power, in the display of which he delighted. ' M. 
 Melzy offered him the crown, in the name of his fellow- 
 citizens. " Sire," said he, in conclusion, " deign to gratify 
 the wishes of the assembly over which I have the honour to 
 preside. Interpreter of the sentiments which animate every 
 Italian heart, it brings you their sincere homage. It will in- 
 form them with joy that by accepting, you have strengthened 
 the ties which attach you to the preservation, defence, and 
 prosperity of the Italian nation. Yes, sire, you wished the 
 existence of the Italian republic, and it existed. Desire the 
 Italian monarchy to be happy, and it will be so." 
 
 The emperor went to take possession of this kingdom; 
 and, on the 26th of May, 1805, he received at Milan the iron 
 crown of the Lombards. He appointed his adopted son, 
 prince Eugene de Beauharnais, viceroy of Italy, and repaired 
 to Genoa, which also renounced its sovereignty. On the 4th 
 
 c c
 
 38 HISTORY OF 
 
 of June 1805, its territory was united to the empire, and 
 formed the three departments of Genoa, Montenotte, and the 
 Apennines. The small republic of Lucca was included in 
 this monarchical revolution. At the request of its gonfa- 
 lonier, it was given in appanage to the prince of Piombino 
 and his princess, a sister of Napoleon. The latter, after this 
 royal progress, recrossed the Alps, and returned to the capital 
 of his empire; he soon after departed for the camp at 
 Boulogne, where a great maritime expedition against England 
 was preparing. 
 
 This project of descent which the directory had enter- 
 tained after the peace of Campo-Formio, and the first consul, 
 after the peace of LuneVille, had been resumed with much 
 ardour since the new rupture. At the commencement of 
 1805, a flotilla of two thousand small vessels, manned by 
 sixteen thousand sailors, carrying an army of one hundred 
 and sixty thousand men, nine thousand horses, and a nume- 
 rous artillery, had assembled in the ports of Boulogne, 
 Etaples, Wimereux, Ambleteuse, and Calais. The emperor 
 was hastening by his presence the execution of this project, 
 when he learned that England, to avoid the descent with 
 which it was threatened, had prevailed on Austria to come to 
 a rupture with France, and that all the forces of the 
 Austrian monarchy were in motion. Ninety thousand men, 
 under the arch-duke Ferdinand and general Mack, had 
 crossed the Jura, seized on Munich, and driven out the elector 
 of Bavaria, the ally of France; thirty thousand, under the 
 arch-duke John, occupied the Tyrol, and the arch-duke 
 Charles, with one hundred thousand men, was advancing on 
 the Adige. Two Russian armies were preparing to join the 
 Austrians. Pitt had made the greatest efforts to organize 
 this third coalition. The establishment of the kingdom of 
 Italy, the annexation of Genoa and Piedmont to France, 
 the open influence of the emperor over Holland and Switzer- 
 land, had again aroused Europe, which now dreaded the am- 
 bition of Napoleon as much as it had formerly feared the 
 principles of the revolution. The treaty of alliance between 
 the British ministry and the Russian cabinet had been signed 
 on the llth of April, 1805, and Austria had acceded to it on 
 the 9th of August. 
 
 Napoleon left Boulogne, returned hastily to Paris, repaired
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 387 
 
 to the senate on the 23rd of September, obtained a levy of 
 eighty thousand men, and set out the next day to begin the 
 campaign. He passed the Rhine on the 1st of October, and en- 
 tered Bavaria on the 6th, with an army of a hundred and sixty 
 thousand men. Massena stopped prince Charles in Italy, and 
 the emperor earned on the war in Germany at full speed. 
 In a few days he passed the Danube, entered Munich, gained 
 the victory of Wertingen, and forced general Mack to lay 
 down his arms at Ulm. This capitulation disorganized the 
 Austrian army. Napoleon pursued the course of his victories, 
 entered Vienna on the 13th of November, and marched into 
 Moravia to meet the Russians, round whom the defeated 
 troops had rallied. 
 
 On the 2nd of December, 1805, the anniversary of the 
 coronation, the two armies met in the plains of Austerlitz. 
 The enemy amounted to ninety-five thousand men, the French 
 to eighty thousand. On both sides the artillery was formi- 
 dable. The battle began at sunrise; these enormous masses 
 began to move; the Russian infantry could not stand against 
 the impetuosity of our troops and the manreuvres of their 
 general. The enemy's left was first cut off; the Russian im- 
 perial guard came up to re-establish the communication, and 
 was entirely overwhelmed. The centre experienced the 
 same fate, and at one o'clock in the afternoon the most deci- 
 sive victory had completed this wonderful campaign. The 
 following day the emperor congratulated the army in a 
 proclamation on the field of battle itself: " Soldiers," said he, 
 " I am satisfied with you. You have adorned your eagles with 
 immortal glory. An army of a hundred thousand men, com- 
 manded by the emperors of Russia and Austria, in less than 
 four days has been cut to pieces or dispersed; those who 
 escaped your steel have been drowned in the lakes. Forty 
 flags, the standards of the Russian imperial guard, a hundred 
 and twenty pieces of cannon, twenty generals, more than 
 thirty thousand prisoners, are the result of this ever me- 
 morable day. This infantry, so vaunted and so superior in 
 numbers, could not resist your shock, and henceforth you 
 have no more rivals to fear. Thus, in two months, this third 
 coalition has been defeated and dissolved." A truce was con- 
 cluded with Austria; and the Russians, who might have been 
 cut to pieces, obtained permission to retire by fixed stages. 
 
 cc2
 
 388 HISTORY OF 
 
 The peace of Presburg followed the victories of Ulm and 
 AusterLitz; it was signed on the 26th of December. The 
 house of Austria, which had lost its external possessions, 
 Holland and the Milanese, was now assailed in Germany 
 itself. It gave up the provinces of Dalmatia and Albania to 
 the kingdom of Italy; the territory of the Tyrol, the towii of 
 Augsburg, the principality of Eichstett, a part of the territory 
 of Passau, and all its possessions in Swabia, Brisgau and 
 Ortenau to the electorates of Bavaria and Wurternberg, which 
 were transformed into kingdoms. The grand duchy of Baden 
 also profited by its spoils. The treaty of Presburg completed 
 the humiliation of Austria, commenced by the treaty of 
 Campo Formio, and continued by that of Luneville. The 
 emperor, on his return to Paris, crowned with so much glory, 
 became the object of such general and wild admiration, that 
 he was himself carried away by the public enthusiasm and 
 intoxicated at his fortune. The different bodies of the state 
 contended among themselves in obedience and flatteries. He 
 received the title of Great, and the senate passed a decree 
 dedicating to him a triumphal monument. 
 
 Napoleon became more confirmed in the principle he had 
 espoused. The victory of Marengo and the peace of Lune- 
 ville had sanctioned the consulate; the victory of Austerlitz 
 and peace of Presburg consecrated the empire. The last 
 vestiges of the revolution were abandoned. On the 1st of 
 January, 1806, the Gregorian calendar definitively replaced 
 the republican calendar, after an existence of fourteen years. 
 The Pantheon was again devoted to purposes of worship, and 
 soon even the tribunate ceased to exist. But the emperor 
 aimed especially at extending his dominion over the conti- 
 nent. Ferdinand, king of Naples, having, during the last 
 war, violated the treaty of peace with France, had his states 
 invaded; and Joseph Bonaparte on the 30th of March was 
 declared king of the two Sicilies. Soon after, (June 5th, 
 1806,) Holland was converted into a kingdom, and received 
 as monarch Louis Bonaparte, another brother of the emperor. 
 None of the republics created by the convention, or the 
 directory, now existed. Napoleon, in nominating secondary 
 kings, restored the military hierarchical system, and the 
 titles of the middle ages. He erected Dalmatia, Istria, Friuli, 
 Cadore, Belluno, Conegliano, Trevise, Feltra, Bassano, Vi-
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. -389 
 
 cenza, Padua, and Rovigo into duchies, great fiefs of the 
 empire. Marshal Berthier was invested with the princi- 
 pality of Neufchatel, the minister Talleyrand with that of 
 Bi'nevento. Prince Borghese and his wife with that of 
 Guastalla, Murat with the grand-duchy of Berg and Cleves. 
 Napoleon, not venturing to destroy the Swiss republic, styled 
 himself its mediator, and completed the organization of his 
 military empire by placing under his dependence the ancient 
 Germanic body. On the 12th of July, 1806, fourteen princes 
 of the south and west of Germany united themselves into 
 the confederation of the Rhine, and recognised Napoleon as 
 their protector. On the 1st of August, they signified to the 
 diet of Ratisbon their separation from the Germanic body. 
 The empire of Germany ceased to exist, and Francis II. 
 abdicated the title by proclamation. By a convention signed 
 at Vienna, on the 15th of December, Prussia exchanged 
 the territories of Anspach, Cleves and Neufchatel for 
 the electorate of Hanover. Napoleon had all the west 
 under his power. Absolute master of France and Italy, 
 as emperor and king, he was also master of Spain, by the 
 dependence of that court; of Naples and Holland, by his 
 two brothers; of Switzerland, by the act of mediation; and 
 in Germany he had at his disposal the kings of Bavaria and 
 Wurtemberg, and the confederation of the Rhine against 
 Austria and Prussia. After the peace of Amiens, by sup- 
 porting liberty he might have made himself the protector of 
 France and the moderator of Europe; but having sought 
 glory in domination, and made conquest the object of his life, 
 he condemned himself to a long struggle, which would inevi- 
 tably terminate in the dependence of the continent or in his 
 v/tvn downfall. 
 
 This encroaching progress gave rise to the fourth coalition. 
 Prussia, neutral since the peace of Bale, had, in the last cam- 
 paign, been on the point of joining the Austro-Russian coali- 
 tion. The rapidity of the emperor's victories had alone re- 
 strained her; but now, alarmed at the aggrandizement of the 
 empire, and encouraged by the fine condition of her troops, 
 she leagued with Russia to drive the French from Germany. 
 The cabinet of Berlin required that the French troops should 
 recross the Rhine, or war would be the consequence. At the 
 same time, it sought to form in the north of Germany a league
 
 390 HISTORY OF 
 
 against the confederation of the south. The emperor, who was 
 in the plenitude of his prosperity and of national enthusiasm, 
 far from submitting to the ultimatum of Prussia, immediately 
 marched against her. 
 
 f The campaign opened early in October. Napoleon, as 
 usual, overwhelmed the coalition by the promptitude of his 
 marches and the rigour of his measures. On the 14th of 
 October, he destroyed at Jena the military monarchy of 
 Prussia, by a decisive victory; on the 16th, fourteen thousand 
 Prussians threw down their arms at Erfurth; on the 25th, the 
 French army entered Berlin, and the close of 1806 was 
 employed in taking the Prussian fortresses and marching into 
 Poland against the Russian army. The campaign in Poland 
 was less rapid, but as brilliant as that of Prussia. Russia, for 
 the third time, measured its strength with France. Con- 
 quered at Zurich and Austerlitz, it was also defeated at Eylau 
 and Friedland. After these memorable battles, the emperor 
 Alexander entered into a negotiation, and concluded at Tilsit, 
 on the 21st of June, 1807, an armistice which was followed 
 by a definitive treaty on the 7th of July. 
 
 The peace of Tilsit extended the French domination on 
 the continent. Prussia was reduced to half its extent. In 
 the south of Germany, Napoleon had instituted the two 
 kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemberg against Austria; fur- 
 ther to the north, he created the two feudatory kingdoms of 
 Saxony and Westphalia against Prussia. That of Saxony, 
 composed of the electorate of that name, and Prussian Poland, 
 called the grand-duchy of Warsaw, was given to the king of 
 Saxony; that of Westphalia comprehended the states of 
 Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, Fulde, Paderborn, and the greatest 
 part of Hanover, and was given to Jerome Napoleon. The 
 emperor Alexander, acceding to all these arrangements, 
 evacuated Moldavia and "Wallachia. Russia, however, though 
 conquered, was the only power unencroached upon. Napoleon 
 followed more than ever in the footsteps of Charlemagne; at 
 his coronation, he had had the crown, sword, and sceptre, of 
 the Franc king carried before him. A pope had crossed the 
 Alps to consecrate his dynasty, and he modelled his states on 
 the vast empire of that conqueror. The revolution sought the 
 establishment of ancient liberty; Napoleon restored the mili- 
 tary hierarchy of the middle ages. The former had made
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 391 
 
 citizens, the latter made vassals. The one had changed 
 Europe into republics, the other transformed it into fiefs. 
 Great and powerful as he was, coming immediately after a 
 shock which had exhausted the world by its violence, he was 
 enabled to arrange it for a time according to his pleasure. 
 The grand empire rose internally by its system of administra- 
 tion, which replaced the government of assemblies; its special 
 courts, its lyceums, in which military education WEIS substi- 
 tuted for the republican education of the central schools; its 
 hereditary nobility, which in 1808 completed the establishment 
 of inequality; its civil discipline, which rendered all France 
 like an army obedient to the word of command; and exter- 
 nally by its secondary kingdoms, its confederate states, its 
 great fiefs, and its supreme chief. Napoleon, no longer 
 meeting resistance anywhere, could command from one end 
 of the continent to the other. 
 
 At this period all the emperor's attention was directed to 
 England, the only power that could secure itself from his 
 attacks. Pitt had been dead a year, but the British cabinet 
 followed with much ardour and pertinacity his plans with 
 respect to France. After having vainly formed a third and 
 a fourth coalition, it did not lay down arms. It was a war to 
 the death. Great Britain had declared France in a state of 
 blockade, and furnished the emperor with the means of cutting 
 off its continental intercourse by a similar measure. The 
 continental blockade, which began in 1807, was the second 
 period of Bonaparte's system. In order to attain universal 
 and uncontested supremacy, he made use of arms against the 
 continent, and the cessation of commerce against England. 
 But in forbidding to the continental states all communication 
 with England, he was preparing new difficulties for himself, 
 and soon added to the animosity of opinion excited by his 
 despotism, and the hatred of states produced by his conquer- 
 ing domination, the exasperation of private interests and 
 commercial suffering occasioned by the blockade. 
 
 Yet all the powers seemed united in the same design. 
 England was placed under the ban of continental Europe, 
 at the peace. Russia and Denmark in the Northern Seas; 
 France, Spain, and Holland, in the Mediterranean and the 
 ocean, were obliged to declare against it. This period was 
 the height of the imperial sway. Napoleon employed all
 
 392 HISTOHY OF 
 
 his activity and all his genius, in creating maritime resources 
 capable of counterbalancing the forces of England, which had 
 then eleven hundred ships of war of every class. He" caused 
 ports to be constructed, coasts to be fortified, ships to be 
 built and prepared, everything for combating in a few years 
 upon this new battle-field. But before that moment arrived, 
 he wished to secure the Spanish peninsula, and to found his 
 dynasty there, for the purpose of introducing a firmer and 
 more favourable policy. The expedition of Portugal in 1807, 
 and the invasion of Spain in 1808, began for him and for 
 Europe a new order of events. 
 
 Portugal had for some time been a complete English colony. 
 The emperor, in concert with the Bourbons of Madrid, de- 
 cided by the treaty of Fontainbleau, of the 27th of October, 
 1807, that the house of Braganza had ceased to reign. A 
 French army, under the command of Junot, entered Portugal. 
 The prince-regent embarked for Brazil, and the French took 
 possession of Lisbon on the 30th of November, 1807. This 
 invasion was only an approach towards Spain. The royal 
 family were in a state of the greatest anarchy. The favourite, 
 Godoi, was execrated by the people, and Ferdinand, prince 
 of the Asturias, conspired against the authority of his father's 
 favourite. Though the emperor had not much to fear from 
 such a government, he had taken alarm at a clumsy armament 
 prepared by Godoi during the Prussian war. No doubt, at 
 this time he formed the project of putting one of his brothers 
 on the throne of Spain; he thought he could easily overturn 
 a divided family, an expiring monarchy, and obtain the con- 
 sent of a people whom he would restore to civilization. Under 
 the pretext of the maritime war and the blockade, his troops 
 entered the peninsula, occupied the coasts and principal places, 
 and encamped near Madrid. It was then suggested to the 
 royal family to retire to Mexico, after the example of the 
 house of Braganza. But the people rose against this de- 
 parture; Godoi, the'object of public hatred, was in great risk 
 of losing his life, and the prince of the Asturias was pro- 
 claimed king, under the title of Ferdinand VTL The emperor 
 took advantage of this court revolution to bring about his 
 own. The French entered Madrid, and he himself proceeded 
 to Bayonne, whither he summoned the Spanish princes. 
 Ferdinand restored the crown to his father, who in his turn
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 393 
 
 resigned it in favour of Napoleon; the latter had it decreed 
 on his brother Joseph by a supreme junta, by the council of 
 Castille, and the municipality of Madrid. Ferdinand was 
 sent to the Chateau de Valencay, and Charles VI. fixed his 
 residence at Compiegne. Napoleon called his brother-in-law, 
 Murat, grand duke of Berg, to the throne of Naples, in the 
 place of Joseph. 
 
 At this period began the first opposition to the domination 
 of the emperor and the continental system. The reaction 
 manifested itself in three countries, hitherto allies of France, 
 and it brought on the fifth coalition. The court of Rome 
 was dissatisfied; the peninsula was wounded in its national 
 pride by having imposed upon it a foreign king; in its 
 usages, by the suppression of convents, of the Inquisition, and 
 of the grandees; Holland suffered in its commerce from the 
 blockade, and Austria supported impatiently its losses and 
 subordinate condition. England, watching for an opportunity 
 to revive the struggle on the continent, excited the resistance 
 of Rome, the peninsula, and the cabinet of Vienna. The 
 pope had been cold towards France since 1805; he had hoped 
 that his pontifical complaisance in reference to Napoleon's 
 coronation would have been recompensed by the restoration 
 to the ecclesiastical domain of those provinces which the 
 directory had annexed to the Cisalpine republic. Deceived 
 in this expectation, he joined the European counter-revolu- 
 tionary opposition, and from 1807 to 1808 the Roman States 
 became the rendezvous of English emissaries. After some 
 warm remonstrances, the emperor ordered general Miollis to 
 occupy Rome; the pope threatened him with excommunica- 
 tion ; and Napoleon seized on the legations of Ancona, Urbino, 
 Macerata, and Camerino, which became part of the Italian 
 kingdom. ^The legate left Paris on the 3rd of April, 1808, 
 and the religious struggle for temporal interests commenced 
 with the head of the church, whom Napoleon should either 
 not have recognised, or not have despoiled. 
 
 The war with the peninsula was still more serious. The 
 Spaniards recognised Ferdinand VII. as king, in a provincial 
 junta, held at Seville, on the 27th of May, 1808, and they 
 took arms in all the provinces which were not occupied by 
 French troops. The Portuguese also rose at Oporio, on the 
 16th of June. These two insurrections were at first attended
 
 394 HISTORY OP 
 
 with, the happiest results; in a short time, they made 
 rapid progress. General Dupont laid down arms at Baylen in 
 the province of Cordova, and this first reverse of the French 
 arms excited the liveliest hope and enthusiasm among the 
 Spaniards. Joseph Napoleon left Madrid, where Ferdinand 
 VII. was proclaimed; and about the same time, Junot, net 
 having troops enough to keep Portugal, consented, by the 
 convention of Cintra, to evacuate it with all the honours of 
 war. The English general, Wellington, took possession of 
 this kingdom with twenty-five thousand men. While the 
 pope was declaring against Napoleon, while the Spanish 
 insurgents were entering Madrid, while the English were 
 again setting foot on the continent, the king of Sweden 
 avowed himself an enemy of the European imperial league, 
 and Austria was making considerable armaments and pre- 
 paring for a new struggle. 
 
 Fortunately for Napoleon, Russia remained faithful to the 
 alliance and engagements of Tilsit. The emperor Alexander 
 had at that time a fit of enthusiasm and affection for this 
 powerful and extraordinary mortal. Napoleon wishing 
 to be sure of the north, before he conveyed all his forces to 
 the peninsula, had an interview with Alexander at Erfurth, 
 on the 27th Sept., 1808. The two masters of the north and 
 west guaranteed to each other the repose and submission of 
 Europe. Napoleon marched into Spain, and Alexander 
 undertook Sweden. The presence of the emperor soon 
 changed the fortune of the war in the peninsula. He brought 
 with him eighty thousand veteran soldiers, just come from 
 Germany. Several victories made him master of most of the 
 Spanish provinces. He made his entry into Madrid, and 
 presented himself to the inhabitants of the Peninsula, not as 
 a master, but as a liberator. " I have abolished," he said to 
 them, " the tribunal of the Inquisition, against which the age 
 and Europe protested. Priests should direct the conscience, 
 but ought not to exercise any external or corporal jurisdiction 
 over the citizens. I have suppressed feudal rights; and every 
 one may set up inns, ovens, mills, fisheries, and give free im- 
 pulse to his industry. The selfishness, wealth, and prosperity 
 of a few did more injury to your agriculture than the heats 
 of the extreme summer. As there is but one God, one 
 system of justice only should exist in a state. All private
 
 THE "FRENCH REVOLUTION. 395 
 
 tiibunals were usurped and opposed to the rights of the 
 nation. I have suppressed them. The present generation 
 may change its opinion; too many passions have been brought 
 into play; but your grandchildren will bless me as your 
 regenerator; they will rank among their memorable days 
 those in which I appeared among you, and from those days will 
 Spain date its prosperity." 
 
 Such was indeed the part of Napoleon in the peninsula, 
 which could only be restored to a better state of things, and 
 to liberty, by the revival of civilization. The establishment 
 of independence cannot be effected all at once, any more than 
 anything else; and when a country is ignorant, poor, and 
 behindhand, covered with convents, and governed by monks, 
 its social condition must be reconstructed before liberty can, 
 be thought of. Napoleon, the oppressor of civilized nations, 
 was a real regenerator for the peninsula. But the two parties 
 of civil liberty and religious servitude, that of the cortes and 
 that of the monks, though with far different aims, came to an 
 understanding for their common defence. The one was at 
 the head of the upper and the middle classes, the other of the 
 populace; and they vied with each other in exciting the 
 Spaniards to enthusiasm with the sentiments of independence 
 or religious fanaticism. The following is the catechism used 
 by the priests: 
 
 " Tell me, my child, who you are? A Spaniard, by the 
 grace of God. Who is the enemy of our happiness? The 
 emperor of the French. How many natures has he? Two: 
 human and diabolical. How many emperors of the French 
 are there? One true one, in three deceptive persons. What 
 are their names? Napoleon, Murat, and Manuel Godoi. 
 Which of the three is the most wicked? They are all three 
 equally so. Whence is Napoleon derived? From sin. 
 Murat? From Napoleon. And Godoi? The junction of 
 the two. What is the ruling spirit of the first? Pride and 
 despotism. Of the second? Kapine and cruelty. Of the 
 third? Cupidity, treason, and ignorance. Who are the 
 French? Former Christians become heretics. Is it a sin to 
 kill a Frenchman? No, father; heaven is gained by killing 
 one of these dogs of heretics. What punishment does the 
 Spaniard deserve who has failed in his duty? The death
 
 396 HISTORY OF 
 
 and infamy of a traitor. "What will deliver us from our 
 enemies? Confidence in ourselves and in arms." 
 
 Napoleon had engaged in a long and dangerous enterprise, 
 in which his whole system of war was at fault. Victory, 
 here, did not consist in the defeat of an army and the pos- 
 session of a capital, but in the entire occupation of the terri- 
 tory, and, what was still more difficult, the submission of the 
 public mind. Napoleon, however, was preparing to subdue 
 this people with his irresistible activity and inflexible deter- 
 mination, when the fifth coalition called him again to 
 Germany. 
 
 Austria had turned to advantage his absence, and that of 
 his troops. It made a powerful effort, and raised five hundred 
 and fifty thousand men, comprising the Landwehr, and took 
 the field in the spring of 1809. The Tyrol rose, and king 
 Jerome was driven from his capital by the "Westphalians; 
 Italy wavered; and Prussia only waited till Napoleon met 
 with a reverse, to take arms; but the emperor was still at the 
 height of his power and prosperity. He hastened from 
 Madrid in the beginning of February, and directed the 
 members of the confederation to keep their contingents in 
 readiness. On the 12th of April he left Paris, passed the 
 Rhine, plunged into Germany, gained the victories of Eck- 
 muhl and Essling, occupied Vienna a second time on the loth 
 of May, and overthrew this new coalition by the battle of 
 Wagram, after a campaign of four months. While he was 
 pursuing the Austrian armies, the English landed on the 
 island of Walcheren, and appeared before Antwerp; but a 
 levy of national guards sufficed to frustrate the expedition of 
 the Scheldt. The peace of Vienna, of the llth of October, 
 1809, deprived the house of Austria of several more pro- 
 vinces, and compelled it again to adopt the continental 
 system. 
 
 This period was remarkable for the new character of the 
 struggle. It began the reaction of Europe against the 
 empire, and announced the alliance of dynasties, people, 
 nations, the priesthood, and commerce. AU whose interests 
 were injured made an attempt at resistance, which at first 
 was destined to fail. Napoleon, since the peace of Amiens, 
 had entered on a career that must necessarily terminate in 
 the possession or hostility of all Europe. Carried away by his
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 397 
 
 character and position, he had created against the people a 
 system of administration of unparalleled benefit to power; 
 against Europe, a system of secondary monarchies and grand 
 fiefs, which facilitated his plans of conquest; and, lastly, 
 against England, the blockade which suspended its commerce, 
 and that of the continent. Nothing impeded him in the re- 
 alization of those immense but insensate designs. Portugal 
 opened a communication with the English: he invaded it. The 
 royal family of Spain, by its quarrels and vacillations, com- 
 promised the extremities of the empire: he compelled it to 
 abdicate, that he might reduce the peninsula to a bolder and 
 less wavering policy. The pope kept up relations with the 
 enemy: his patrimony was diminished. He threatened ex- 
 communication: the French entered Rome. He realized his 
 threat by a bull: he was dethroned as a temporal sovereign 
 in 1809. Finally, after the battle of Wagram, and the peace 
 of Vienna, Holland became a depot for English merchandize, 
 on account of its commercial wants, and the emperor dispos- 
 sessed his brother Louis of that kingdom, which, on the 1 st of 
 July, 1810, became incorporated with the empire. He shrank 
 from no invasion, because he would not endure opposition or 
 hesitation from any quarter. All were compelled to submit, 
 allies as well as enemies, the chief of the church as well as 
 kings, brothers as well as strangers; but, though conquered 
 this time, all who had joined this new league only waited an 
 opportunity to rise again. 
 
 Meantime, after the peace of Vienna, Napoleon still added 
 to the extent and power of the empire. Sweden having 
 undergone an internal revolution, and the king, Gustavus 
 Adolphus IV., having been forced to abdicate, admitted the 
 continental system. Bernadotte, prince of Ponte-Corvo, was 
 elected by the states-general hereditary prince of Sweden, 
 and king Charles XIII. adopted him for his son. The 
 blockade was observed throughout Europe; and the empire, 
 augmented by the Roman States, the Illyrian provinces, 
 Valais, Holland, and the Hans Towns, had a hundred and thirty 
 departments, and extended from Hamburgh and Dantzic to 
 Trieste and Corfu. Napoleon, who seemed to follow a rash 
 but inflexible policy, deviated from his course about this time 
 by a second marriage. He divorced Josephine that he might 
 give an heir to the empire, and married, on the 1st of April,
 
 398 HISTORY OF 
 
 1810, Marie-Louise, arch-duchess of Austria. This was a 
 decided error. He quitted his position and his post as a par- 
 venu and revolutionary monarch, opposing in Europe the 
 ancient courts as the republic had opposed the ancient govern- 
 ments. He placed himself in a false situation with respect 
 to Austria, which he ought either to have crushed after the 
 victory of Wagram, or to have reinstated in its possessions 
 after his marriage with the arch-duchess. Solid alliances 
 only repose on real interests, and Napoleon could not remove 
 from the cabinet of Vienna the desire or power of renewing 
 hostilities. This marriage also changed the character of his 
 empire, and separated it still further from popular interests; 
 he sought out old families to give lustre to his court, and did 
 all he could to amalgamate together the old and the new 
 nobility as he mingled old and new dynasties. Austerlitz 
 had established the plebeian empire; after Wagram was esta- 
 blished the noble empire. The birth, on the 20th of March, 
 
 1811, of a son, who received the title of king of Rome, 
 seemed to consolidate the power of Napoleon, by securing to 
 him a successor. 
 
 The war in Spain was prosecuted with vigour during the 
 years 1810 and 1811. The territory of the peninsula was 
 defended inch by inch, and it was necessary to take several 
 towns by storm. Suchet, Soult, Mortier, Ney, and Sebas- 
 tiani made themselves masters of several provinces; and the 
 Spanish junta, unable to keep their post at Seville, retired to 
 Cadiz, which the French army began to blockade. The 
 new expedition into Portugal was less fortunate. Massena, 
 who directed it at first obliged Wellington to retreat, and 
 took Oporto and Olivenza; but the English general having 
 entrenched himself in the strong position of Torres-Vedras, 
 Massena, unable to force it, was compelled to evacuate the 
 country. 
 
 While the war was proceeding in the peninsula with 
 advantage, but without any decided success, a new campaign 
 was preparing in the north. Russia perceived the empire of 
 Napoleon approaching its territories. Shut up in its own 
 limits, it remained without influence or acquisitions; suffering 
 from the blockade, without gaining any advantage by the war. 
 This cabinet, moreover, endured with impatience a supremacy
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 399 
 
 to which itself aspired, and which it had pursued slowly but 
 without interruption since the reign of Peter the Great. 
 About the close of 1810, it increased its armies, renewed its 
 commercial relations with Great Britain, and did not seem 
 indisposed to a rupture. The year 1811 was spent in nego- 
 tiations which led to nothing, and preparations for war were 
 made on both sides. The emperor, whose armies were before 
 Cadiz, and who relied on the co-operation of the West and 
 North against Russia, made with ardour preparations for an 
 enterprise which was intended to reduce the only power as 
 yet untouched, and to carry his victorious eagles even to 
 Moscow. He obtained the assistance of Prussia and Austria, 
 which engaged by the treaties of the 24th of February and 
 the 14th of March, 1812, to furnish auxiliary bodies; one of 
 twenty, and the other of thirty thousand men. All the un- 
 employed forces of France were immediately on foot. A 
 senatus-consultus divided the national guard into three bodies 
 for the home service, and appropriated a hundred cohorts of 
 the first ban (nearly a hundred thousand men) to active military 
 service. On the 9th of March, Napoleon left Paris on this 
 vast expedition. During several months he fixed his court 
 at Dresden, where the emperor of Austria, the king of Prussia, 
 and all the sovereigns of Germany, came to bow before his high 
 fortune. On the 22nd of June, war was declared against Russia. 
 In this campaign, Napoleon was guided by the maxims he 
 had always found successful. He had terminated all the wars 
 lie had undertaken by the rapid defeat of the enemy, the 
 occupation of his capital, and concluded the peace by parcel- 
 ling out his territory. His project was to reduce Russia by 
 creating the kingdom of Poland, as he had reduced Austria 
 by forming the kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, 
 after Austerlitz; and Prussia, by organizing those of Saxony 
 and "Westphalia, after Jena. With this object, he had stipu- 
 lated with the Austrian cabinet by the treaty of the 14th of 
 March, to exchange Gallicia for the Illyrian provinces. The 
 establishment of the kingdom of Poland was proclaimed by 
 the diet of Warsaw, but in an incomplete manner, and Napo- 
 leon, who, according to his custom, wished to finish all in one 
 campaign, advanced at once into the heart of Russia, instead 
 of prudently organizing the Polish barrier against it. His
 
 400 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 army amounted to about five hundred thousand men. He 
 passed the Niemer on the 24th of June; took "Wilna, and 
 Witepsk, defeated the Russians at Astrowno, Poiotsk, Mohi- 
 low Smolensko, at the Moskowa, and on the 14th of Septem- 
 ber, made his entry into Moscow. 
 
 The Russian ctibinet did not only rely for its defence upon 
 its troops, but on its vast territory and on its climate. As the 
 conquered armies retreated before ours, they burnt all the 
 towns, devastated the provinces, and thus prepared great dif- 
 ficulties for the foe in the event of reverses or retreat. Ac- 
 cording to this plan of defence, Moscow was burnt by its 
 governor Rostopchin, as Smolensko, Dorigoboui, Wiasma, 
 Gjhat, Mojaisko, and a great number of other towns and vil- 
 lages had already been. The emperor ought to have seen that 
 this war would not terminate as the others had done; yet, 
 conqueror of the foe, and master of his capital, he conceived 
 hopes of peace which the Russians skilfully encouraged. 
 "Winter was approaching, and Napoleon prolonged his stay at 
 Moscow for six weeks. He delayed his movements on account 
 of the deceptive negotiations of the Russians; and did not 
 decide on a retreat till the 19th of October. This retreat was 
 disastrous, and began the downfall of the empire. Napoleon 
 could not have been defeated by the hand of man, for what 
 general could have triumphed over this incomparable chief? 
 what army could have conquered the French army? But his 
 reverses were to take place in the remote limits of Europe; in 
 the frozen regions which were to end his conquering domina- 
 tion. He lost, with the close of this campaign, not by a defeat, 
 but by cold and famine, in the midst of Russian snows and soli- 
 tude, his old army, and the prestige of his fortune. 
 
 The retreat was effected with some order as far as the 
 Berezina, where it became one vast rout. After the passage 
 of this river, Napoleon, who had hitherto accompanied his 
 army, started in a sledge for Paris, in great haste, a conspi 
 racy having broken out there during his absence. General 
 Mallet, with a few others, had conceived the design of over- 
 throwing this colossus of power. His enterprise was daring; 
 and as it was grounded on a false report of Napoleon's death, 
 it was necessary to deceive too many for success to be pro- 
 bable. Besides, the empire was still firmly established, and 
 it was not a plot, but a slow and general defection to destroy
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 401 
 
 it. Mallet's plot failed, and its leaders were executed. The 
 emperor, on his return, found the nation astounded at so 
 unusual a disaster. But the different bodies of the state still 
 manifested implicit obedience. He reached Paris on the 
 18th of December, obtained a levy of three hundred thousand 
 men, inspired a spirit of sacrifice, re-equipped in a short 
 time, with his wonderful activity, a new army, and took the 
 field again on the 15th of April, 1813. 
 
 But since the retreat of Moscow, Napoleon had entered on 
 anew series of events. It was in 1812 that the decline of 
 his empire manifested itself. The weariness of his domina- 
 tion became general. All those by whose consent he had 
 risen, took part against him. The priests had conspired in 
 secret since his rupture with the pope. Eight state prisons 
 had been created in an official manner against the dissentients 
 of his party. The national masses were as tired of conquest 
 as they had formerly been of factions. They had expected 
 from him consideration for private interests, the promotion of 
 commerce, respect for men; and they were oppressed by con- 
 scriptions, taxes, the blockade, provost courts, and duties 
 which were the inevitable consequences of this conquering 
 system. He had no longer for adversaries the few who re- 
 mained faithful to the political object of the revolution, and 
 whom he styled indealogists, but all who, without definite 
 ideas,' wished for the material advantages of better civiliza- 
 tion. Without, whole nations groaned beneath the military 
 yoke, and the fallen dynasties aspired to rise again. The 
 whole world was ill at ease; and one check served to bring 
 about a general rising. " I triumphed," says Napoleon him- 
 self, speaking of the preceding campaigns, " in the midst of 
 constantly reviving perils. I constantly required as much 
 address as voice. Had I not conquered at Austerlitz, all 
 Prussia would have been upon me; had I not triumphed at 
 Jena, Austria and Spain would have attacked my rear; had 
 I not fought at Wagram, which action was not a decided 
 victory, I had reason to fear that Russia would forsake, 
 Prussia rise against me, and the English were before Ant- 
 werp."* Such was his condition; the further he advanced 
 in his career, the greater need he had to conquer more and | 
 
 Memorial de Saint Ilelene, tome ii. p. 221. 
 D D
 
 102 HISTORY OF 
 
 f more_decisively. Accordingly, as soon as he was defeated, 
 TEeTdngs he had subdued, the kings he had made, the allies 
 he had aggrandized, the states he had incorporated with the 
 empire, the senators who had so flattered him, and even his 
 comrades in arms, successively forsook him. The field 01 
 battle extended to Moscow in 1812, drew back to Dresden in 
 1813, and to Paris in 1814; so rapid was the reverse of for- 
 tune. 
 
 The cabinet of Berlin began the defections. On the 1st 
 of March, 1813, it joined Russia and England, which were 
 forming the sixth coalition. Sweden acceded to it soon 
 after; yet the emperor, whom the confederate powers thought 
 prostrated by the last disaster, opened the campaign with new 
 victories. The battle of Lutzen, won by conscripts, on the 
 2nd of May, the occupation of Dresden, the victory of Baut- 
 zen, and the war carried to the Elbe, astonished the coalition. 
 Austria, which, since 1810, had been on a footing of peace, 
 was resuming arms, and already meditating a change 01 
 alliance. She now proposed herself as mediatrix between 
 the emperor and the confederates. Her mediation was 
 accepted; an armistice was concluded at Plesswitz, on the 
 4th of June, and a congress assembled at Prague to negotiate 
 peace. It was impossible to come to terms. Napoleon would 
 not consent to diminished grandeur; Europe would not con- 
 sent to remain subject to him. The confederate powers, 
 joined by Austria, required that the limits of the empire 
 should be to the Rhine, the Alps, and the Meuse. The nego- 
 tiators separated without coming to an agreement. Austria 
 joined the coalition, and war, the only means of settling this 
 great contest, was resumed. 
 
 The emperor had only two hundred and eighty thousand 
 men against five hundred and twenty thousand; he wished to 
 force the enemy to retire behind the Elbe, and to break up, as 
 usual, this new coalition by the promptitude and vigour of 
 his blows. Victory seemed, at first, to second him. At 
 Dresden, he defeated the combined forces; but the defeats of 
 his lieutenants deranged his plans. Macdonald was conquered 
 in Silesia; Ney, near Berlin; Vandamme, at Kulm. Unable to 
 obstruct the enemy, pouring on him from all parts, Napoleon 
 thought of retreating. The princes of the confederation of 
 the Rhine chose this moment to desert the cause of the empire*
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 403 
 
 A vast engagement having taken place at i^eipsic between the 
 two armies, the Saxons and Wurtembergers passed over to 
 the enemy on the field of battle. This defection to the 
 strength of the coalesced powers, who had learned a more 
 compact and skilful mode of warfare, obliged Napoleon to 
 retreat, after a struggle of three days. The army advanced 
 with much confusion towards the Rhine, where the Bavarians, 
 who had also deserted, attempted to prevent its passage. But 
 it overwhelmed them at Hanau, and re-entered the territory 
 of the empire on the 30th of October, 1813. The close of this 
 campaign was as disastrous as that of the preceding one. 
 France was threatened in its own limits, as it had been in 
 1799; but the enthusiasm of independence no longer existed, 
 and the man who deprived it of its rights found it, at this 
 great crisis, incapable of sustaining him or defending itself. 
 The servitude of nations' is, sooner or later, ever avenged. 
 
 Napoleon returned to Paris on the 9th of November, 1813. 
 He obtained from the senate a levy of three hundred thousand 
 men, and made with great ardour preparations for a new 
 campaign. He convoked the legislative body to associate it 
 in the common defence; he communicated to it the documents 
 relative to the negotiations of Prague, and asked for another 
 and last effort in order to secure a glorious peace, the general 
 wish of France.' But the legislative body, hitherto silently 
 obedient, chose this period to resist Napoleon. 
 
 He shared the common exhaustion, and without desiring it, 
 was under the influence of the royalist party, which had been 
 secretly agitating ever since the decline of the empire had re- 
 vived its hopes. A commission, composed of MM. Laine, 
 Raynouard, Gallois, Flaugergues, Maine de Biran, drew up ji 
 very hostile report, censuring the course adopted by the 
 government, and demanding that all conquests should be 
 given up, and liberty restored. This wish, so just at any 
 other time, could then only favour the invasion of the foe. 
 Though the confederate powers seemed to make the evacuation 
 of Europe the condition of peace, they were disposed to push 
 victory to extremity. Napoleon, irritated by this unexpected 
 and harassing opposition, suddenly dismissed the legislative 
 body. This commencement of resistance announced internal 
 defections. After passing from Russia to Germany, they 
 were about to extend from Germany and Italy to France. 
 D D 2
 
 404 HISTORY OF 
 
 But now, as before, all depended on the issue of the war, 
 which the winter had not interrupted, Napoleon placed all 
 his hopes on it; and started from Paris on the 25th of January, 
 for this immortal campaign. 
 
 The empire was invaded in all directions. The Austrians 
 entered Italy; the English, having made themselves masters o^ 
 the Peninsula during the last two years, had passed the 
 Bidassoa, under general Wellington, and appeared on the 
 Pyrenees. Three armies pressed on France to the east and 
 north. The great allied army, amounting to a hundred and 
 fifty thousand men, under Schwartzenberg, advanced by 
 Switzerland; the army of Silesia, of a hundred and thirty 
 thousand, under Blucher, by Francfort; and that of the north, 
 of a hundred thousand men, under Bernadotte, had seized on 
 Holland and entered Belgium. The enemies, in their turn, 
 neglected the fortified places, and, taking a lesson from the 
 conqueror, advanced on the capital. When Napoleon left 
 Paris, the two armies of Schwartzenberg and Blucher were 
 on the point of effecting a junction in Champaigne. Deprived 
 of the support of the people, who were only lookers on, Napo- 
 leon was left alone against the whole world with a handful of 
 veterans and his genius, which had lost nothing of its daring 
 and vigour. At this moment, he stands out nobly, no longer 
 an oppressor; no longer a conqueror; defending, inch by inch, 
 with new victories, the soil of his country, and at the same 
 time, his empire and renown. 
 
 He marched into Champaigne against the two great hostile 
 armies. General Maison was charged to intercept Bernadotte 
 in Belgium; Augereau, the Austrians, at Lyons; Soult, the 
 English, on the Spanish frontier. Prince Eugene was to de- 
 fend Italy; and the empire, though penetrated to the very 
 centre, still stretched its vast arms into the depths of Germany 
 by its garrisons beyond the Rhine. Napoleon did not despair 
 of driving these swarms of foes from the territory of France 
 by means of a powerful military reaction, and again planting 
 his standards in the countries of the enemy. He placed him- 
 self skilfully between Blucher, who was descending the Marne, 
 : and Schwartzenberg, who descended the Seine; he hastened 
 from one of these armies to the other, and defeated them alter- 
 lately; Blucher was overpowered at Champ -Aubert, Mont- 
 darim, Chateau- Thierry, and Vauchamps; and when his army
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 405 
 
 was destroyed, Napoleon returned to the Seine, defeated the 
 Austrians at Montereau, and drove them before him. His 
 combinations were so strong, his activity so great, his measures 
 so sure, that he seemed on the point of entirely disorganizing 
 these two formidable armies, and with them annihilating the 
 coalition. 
 
 But if he conquered wherever he came, the foe triumphed 
 wherever he was not. The English had entered Bourdeaux, 
 where a party had declared for the Bourbon family; the 
 Austrians occupied Lyons; the Belgian army had joined the 
 remnant of that of Blucher, which re-appeared on Napoleon's 
 rear. Defection now entered his own family, and Murat had 
 just followed, in Italy, the example of Bernadotte, by joining 
 the coalition. The grand officers of the empire still served 
 him, but languidly, and he only found ardour and fidelity in 
 his subaltern generals and indefatigable soldiers. Napoleon 
 had again marched, on Blucher, who had escaped from him 
 thrice: on the left of the Marne, by a sudden frost, which 
 hardened the muddy ways amongst which the Prussians had 
 involved themselves, and were in danger of perishing; on the 
 Aisne, through the defection of Soissons, which opened a pas- 
 sage to them, at a moment when they had no other way of 
 escape; at Craonne, by the fault of the duke of Ragusa, who 
 prevented a decisive battle, by suffering himself to be sur- 
 prised by night. After so many fatalities, which frustrated 
 the surest plans, Napoleon, ill sustained by his generals, sur- 
 rounded by the coalition, conceived the bold design of trans- 
 porting himself to Saint Dezier and closing on the enemy the 
 egress from France. This daring march, so full of genius, 
 startled for a moment the confederate generals, from whom it 
 cut off all retreat; but, excited by secret encouragements, 
 without being anxious for their rear, they advanced on Paris. 
 
 This great city, the only capital of Europe which had not 
 been the theatre of war, suddenly saw all the troops of Europe 
 enter its plains, and was on the point of undergoing the 
 common humiliation. It was left to itself. The empress, ap- 
 pointed regent a few months before, had just left it to repair 
 to Blois. Napoleon was at a distance. There was not that 
 despair and that movement of liberty which drive a people to 
 resistance; war was no longer made on nations, but on govern- 
 ments, and the emperor had centered all the public interest
 
 406 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 in himself, ana placed all his means of defence in mechanical 
 troops. The exhaustion was great; a feeling of pride, of very 
 just pride, alone made the approach of the stranger painful, and 
 oppressed every Frenchman's heart at seeing his native land 
 trodden by armies so long vanquished. But this sentiment 
 was not sufficiently strong to raise the masses of the popula- 
 tion against the enemy; and the measures of the royalist 
 party, at the head of which the prince of Benevento placed 
 himself, called the allied troops to the capital. An action 
 took place, however, on the 30th of March, under the walls of 
 Paris; but on the 31st, the gates were opened to the con- 
 federate forces, who entered in pursuance of a capitulation. 
 The senate consummated the great imperial defection by for- 
 saking its old master; it was influenced by M. de Talleyrand, 
 who for some time had been out of favour with Napoleon. 
 This voluntary actor in every crisis of power had just de- 
 clared against him. With no attachment to party, of a profound 
 political indifference, he foresaw from a distance with won- 
 derful sagacity the fall of a government; withdrew from it 
 opportunely; and when the precise moment for assailing it 
 had arrived, joined in the attack with all his talents, his in- 
 fluence, his name, and his authority, which he had taken care 
 to preserve. In favour of the revolution, under the consti- 
 tuent assembly; of the directory, on the ISthFructidor : for the 
 consulate, on the 18th Brumaire; for the empire, in 1804, 
 he was for the restoration of the royal family in 1814; he 
 . seemed grand master of the ceremonies for the party in power, 
 and for the last thirty years it was he who had dismissed and 
 installed the successive governments. The senate, influenced 
 by him, appointed a provisional government, and declared 
 Napoleon deposed from his throne, the hereditary rights of 
 his family abolished, the people and army freed from their 
 oath of fidelity. It proclaimed him tyrant whose despotism 
 it had facilitated by its adulation. Meantime, Napoleon, 
 urged by those about him to succour the capital, had aban- 
 doned his march on Saint Dezier, and hastened to Paris at 
 the head of fifty thousand men, in the hope of preventing the 
 entry of the enemy. On his arrival, (1st of April,) he heard 
 of the capitulation of the preceding day, and fell back on 
 Fontainbleau, where he learned the defection of the senate, 
 and his deposition. Then finding that all gave way around
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 407 
 
 him in "his ill fortune, the people, the senate, generals and 
 courtiers, he decided on abdicating in favour of his son. He 
 sent the duke of Vicenza, the prince de la Moskowa, and 
 the duke of Tarento, as plenipotentiaries to the confederates; 
 on their way, they were to take with them the duke of Ragusa, 
 who covered Fontainbleau with a corps. 
 
 Napoleon, with his fifty thousand men, and strong military 
 position, could yet oblige the coalition to admit the claim of 
 his son. But the duke of Ragusa forsook his post, treated 
 with the enemy, and left Fontainbleau exposed. Napoleon 
 was then obliged to submit to the conditions of the allied 
 powers; their pretensions increased with their power. At 
 Prague, they ceded to him the empire, with the Alps and the 
 Rhine for limits; after the invasion of France, they offered 
 him at Chatillon the possessions of the old monarchy only; 
 later, they refused to treat with him except in favour of his 
 son; but now, determined on destroying all that remained of 
 the revolution with respect to Europe, its conquest and dy- 
 nasty, they compelled Napoleon to abdicate absolutely. On 
 the 1 1th of April, 1814, he renounced for himself and children 
 the thrones of France and Italy, and received in exchange 
 for his vast sovereignty, the limits of which had extended 
 from Cadiz to the Baltic Sea, the little island of Elba. On 
 the 20th, after an affecting farewell to his old soldiers, he 
 departed for his new principality. 
 
 Thus fell this man, who alone, for fourteen years, had filled 
 the world. His enterprising and organizing genius, his 
 power of life and will, his love of glory, and the immense dis- 
 posable force which the revolution placed in his hands, have 
 made him the most gigantic being of modern times. That 
 which would have rendered the destiny of another extraor- 
 dinary, scarcely counts in his. Rising from an obscure 
 to the highest rank; from a simple artillery officer becoming 
 the chief of the greatest of nations, he dared to conceive the 
 idea of universal monarchy, and for a moment realized it. 
 After having obtained the empire by his victories, he wished 
 to subdue Europe by means of France, and reduce England 
 by means of Europe, and he established the military system 
 against the continent; the blockade against Great Britain. 
 This design succeeded for some years; from Lisbon to Moscow 
 he subjected people and potentates to his word of command
 
 408 HISTORY OF 
 
 as general, and to the vast sequestration which he prescribed. 
 But in this way he failed in discharging his restorative mis- 
 sion of the 18th Brumaire. By exercising on his own account 
 the power he had received, by attacking the liberty of the 
 people by despotic institutions, the independence of states by 
 war, he excited against himself the opinions and interests of 
 the human race; he provoked universal hostility. The na- 
 tion forsook him, and after having been long victorious, after 
 having planted his standard on every capital, after having 
 during ten years augmented his power, and gained a kingdom 
 with every battle, a single reverse combined the world against 
 him, proving by his fall how impossible in our days is des- 
 potism. 
 
 Yet Napoleon, amidst all the disastrous results of his 
 system, gave a prodigious impulse to the continent; his 
 armies carried with them the ideas and customs of the more 
 advanced civilization of France. European societies were 
 shaken on their old foundations; nations were mingled by 
 frequent intercourse; bridges thrown across boundary rivers; 
 high roads made over the Alps, Apennines, and Pyrenees, 
 brought territories nearer to each other; and Napoleon 
 effected for the material condition of states what the revo- 
 lution had done for the minds of men. The blockade 
 completed the impulse of conquest; it improved continental 
 industry, enabling it to take the place of that of England, and 
 replaced colonial commerce by the produce of manufactures. 
 Thus Napoleon, by agitating nations, contributed to their civi- 
 lization. His despotism rendered him counter-revolutionary 
 with respect to France; but his spirit of conquest made him 
 a regenerator with respect to Europe, of which many nations, 
 in torpor till he came, will live henceforth with the life he gave 
 them. But in this Napoleon obeyed the dictates of his 
 nature. The child of war war was his tendency, his plea- 
 sure; domination his object; he wanted to master the world, 
 and circumstances placed it in his hand, in order that he 
 might make use of it. 
 
 Napoleon has presented in France what Cromwell pre- 
 sented for a moment in England; the government of the army, 
 which always establishes itself when a revolution is con- 
 tended against; it then gradually changes, and from being 
 civil, as it was at first, becomes military. In Great Britain.
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 409 
 
 internal war not being complicated with foreign war, on ac- 
 count of the geographical situation of the country, which 
 isolated it from other states, as soon as the enemies of reform 
 were vanquished, the army passed from the field of battle to 
 the government. Its intervention being premature, Cromwell, 
 its general, found parties still in the fury of their passions, in 
 all the fanaticism of their opinions, and he directed against 
 them alone his military administration. The French revo- 
 lution taking place on the continent saw the nations disposed 
 for liberty, and sovereigns leagued from a fear of the libera- 
 tion of their people. It had not only internal enemies, but 
 also foreign enemies to contend with; and while its armies 
 were repelling Europe, parties were overthrowing each other 
 in the assemblies. The military intervention came later; 
 Napoleon, finding factions defeated and opinions almost for- 
 saken, obtained obedience easily from the nation, and turned 
 the military government against Europe. 
 
 This difference of position materially influenced the conduct 
 and character of these two extraordinary men. Napoleon, 
 disposing of immense force and of uncontested power, gave 
 himself up in security to the vast designs and the part of a 
 conqueror. While Cromwell, deprived of the assent which 
 popular exhaustion accords, incessantly attacked by factions, 
 was reduced to neutralise them one by the other; and to the 
 last, the military dictator of parties. The one employed 
 his genius in undertaking; the other in resisting. Accord- 
 ingly, the former had the frankness and decision of power; 
 the other, the craft and hypocrisy of opposed ambition. This 
 situation would destroy their sway. All dictatorships are 
 transient; and however strong or great, it is impossible for 
 any one long to subject parties or long to retain kingdoms. 
 It is this that, sooner or later, would have led to the fall of 
 Cromwell, (had he lived longer,) by internal conspiracies; 
 and that brought on the downfall of Napoleon, by the raising 
 of Europe. Such is the fate of all powers which, arising 
 from liberty, do not continue to abide with her. In 1814, 
 the empire had just been destroyed; the revolutionary parties 
 had ceased to exist since the 1 8th Brumaire. All the govern- 
 ments of this political period had been exhausted. The 
 senate recalled the old royal family. Already unpopular on, 
 account of its past servility, it ruined itself in public opinion
 
 410 HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 by publishing a constitution, tolerably liberal, but which 
 placed on the same footing the pensions of senators and the 
 guarantees of the nation. The count d'Artois, who had been 
 the first to leave France, was the first to return, in the 
 character of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. He signed, 
 on the 23rd of April, the convention of Paris, which reduced 
 the French territory to its limits of the 1st of January, 1792, 
 and by which Belgium, Savoy, Nice, and Geneva, and im- 
 mense military stores, ceased to belong to us. Louis XVIII. 
 landed at Calais on the 24th of April, and entered Paris with 
 solemnity on the 3rd of May, 1814, after having, on the 2nd, 
 made the declaration de Saint Omer, which fixed the prin- 
 ciples of the representative government, and which was 
 followed on the 2nd of June by the promulgation of the 
 charter. 
 
 At this epoch, a new series of events begins. The year 1814 
 was the term of the great movement of the preceding five and 
 twenty years. The revolution had been political, as directed 
 against the absolute power of the court and the privileged 
 classes, and military, because Europe had attacked it. The 
 reaction which arose at that time only destroyed the empire, 
 and brought about the coalition in Europe, and the repre- 
 sentative system in France; such was to be its first period. 
 Later, it opposed the revolution, and produced the holy 
 alliance against the people, and the government of a party 
 against the charter. This retrograde movement necessarily 
 had its course and limits. France can only be ruled in a 
 durable manner by satisfying the twofold need which made it 
 undertake the revolution. It requires real political liberty in 
 the government; and in society, the material prosperity pro- 
 duced by the continually progressing development of civiliza- 
 tion.
 
 
 S/ 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ABBAYE, prisons of the, broken into by 
 the populace, 35. 
 
 Absolute power, progress of, during the 
 consulate, 382. 
 
 Admiral, 1', attempts to kill Collot- 
 d'Herbois, 252. 
 
 Aix, archbishop of, opposes the ecclesi- 
 astical committee, 82. 
 
 Alliances formed by the different states 
 before the revolution, 99, 100. 
 
 Allied powers, the, at Paris, 405. 
 
 Amiens, treaty of, 371. 
 
 Ancient, council of the, 301. 
 
 Angers, taken by Cathelineau, 221. 
 
 Antoinette, see Marie. 
 
 Argone,. campaign of the, 161. 
 
 Armies, the French, disasters of, in the 
 war with Holland and Belgium, 131, 
 132. 
 
 Army, the new, organization of, 91. 
 
 Artois, count d', hastens the determina- 
 tion of the cabinets of -the coalition, 
 101 ; decree passed for his impeach- 
 ment, 125. 
 
 Assemblies, district, convoked for the 
 elections, 18. 
 
 popular, formation of, 64. 
 
 Assignats, origin of, 80 ; sale of, 319. 
 
 Augereau enters Paris at the head of 
 the troops, 336 ; arrests Pichegru, ib. 
 
 Anmont, duke d', offered the command 
 of the army of citizens, 41. 
 
 Austerlitz, victory of, 389. 
 Austria, plan of the campaign against, 
 326. 
 
 the two kingdoms of Bavaria 
 
 and "Wurtemberg, instituted against, 
 383. 
 
 BABCEUP conspiracy, the, 323; betrayed 
 
 by Grisel, ib. ; trial and death of the 
 accomplices in, 325. 
 
 Baboeuf, Gracchus, proposes terms of 
 peace to the directory, 324 ; trial and 
 death of, 325. 
 
 Bailie, general, his opposition to the new 
 organization of the army, 91. 
 
 Bailleul, M., his account of the state of 
 the Luxembourg when the directors 
 first entered, 316, 317. 
 
 Bailly, president of the national assem- 
 bly, his conduct on the suspension of 
 the session, 31 ; appointed mayor of 
 Paris, 50 ; resigns the mayoralty, 108. 
 
 Bale, peace made at, with Prussia by the 
 republic, 297 ; with Spain, 298. 
 
 Banquet of the household troops at Ver- 
 sailles, 67. 
 
 Barbe-Marbois, elected president of the 
 elder council, 331. 
 
 Barentin, keeper of the seals, his speech 
 at the opening of the states-general, 
 23. 
 
 Barnave, induced by the manners of the 
 king and queen to take an interest iu 
 the royal family, 103 ; his speech in 
 the assembly on the question of the 
 king's trial, 105. 
 
 Barras, appointed commander of t!:o 
 armed force under the directory, 307 ; 
 chosen a member of the directory, 
 311 ; harangues Bonaparte on his re- 
 turn to Paris, 342 ; his dissolute course 
 of life, 344 ; treats with the pretender, 
 Louis XVIII., 349; his change of 
 party, ib. ; resigns, 354. 
 Barrere, liberal measures proposed by, in 
 the convention, 224 ; his character and 
 principles, 251 ; arrest and trial of, 
 287.
 
 412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bartelemy, replaces Letourneur in the 
 directory, 331. 
 
 Bastille, the attack on, 43 15. ' 
 
 Batavian republic, the, constituted and 
 
 i allied with France, 297. 
 
 Battalion of Patriot*, enrolment of the, 
 307. 
 
 Bavaria erected into a kingdom, 388. 
 
 Beauharnais, Eugene de, appointed 
 viceroy of Italy, 385. 
 
 Belgium ceded to France by Austria, 
 329. 
 
 Bender, marshal de, ordered .by Austria 
 to defend the elector of Treves, 126. 
 
 Berlin, taking of, 390. 
 
 Bernadotte dismissed through Sieyes, 
 350. 
 
 elected king of Sweden, 397. 
 
 Berthier, marshal, invested with the 
 principality of Neufchatel, 389. 
 
 Billaud-Varennes violently attacks Ro- 
 bespierre, 262 ; his denunciation of 
 the Jacobins, 264; arrest and trial of, 
 237. 
 
 Biron ordered to advance upon Mons, 
 131 ; retreat of, 132. 
 
 Bishoprics, reduction of to the same 
 number as the departments, 82. 
 
 Bohemia, war declared against by the 
 king, 130. 
 
 Boissy d'Anglas, his courageous con- 
 duct in the assembly, before the in- 
 surgents, 290. 
 
 Bouille, general, establishes a camp at 
 Jlontmedy for the reception of the 
 king, 102. 
 
 Bonaparte, Joseph, declared king of the 
 two Sicilies, 388 ; receives the crown 
 of Spain, 393 ; leaves Madrid, 396. 
 
 , Louis, made king of Holland, 
 
 338. 
 
 > , Lucien, suspected in the five 
 hundred, from the conduct of Napo- 
 leon, 357 ; resigns his insignias of 
 office, 358. 
 
 , Napoleon, appointed second in 
 
 command under Barras, 307 ; ap- 
 pointed general of the interior, and 
 placed at the head'of the army of 
 Italy, 320 ; commencement of his 
 brilliant career, campaign against 
 Austria, 326 ; conquest of Italy by, 
 828 ; his return to Paris, 342 ; ho- 
 nours paid to him, ib. ; the expedition 
 to Egypt, ib. ; sails from Toulon, ib. ; 
 learns the state of affairs in France, ! 
 
 351 ; account of the expedition of 
 Egypt, ib. ; returns to Paris in tri- 
 umph, ib. ; his reception in Paris, 
 352 ; comes to an understanding with 
 Sieyes, ib. ; plots with Sieyes against 
 the directory, 352, et teg. ; his answer 
 to the alarmed republicans, 354; 
 commotion created by him in the 
 council of the five hundred, by his 
 entering with an armed force, 357 ; 
 outlawry demanded against him, ib. ; 
 appointed consul, 361 ; his govern- 
 ment, 366; sets out 'on the campaign 
 of Italy, 367 ; victory of Marengo, 368 ; 
 return to Paris, ib. the infernal ma- 
 chine, 369 ; progress of France under, 
 372 ; proposes the creation of a Legion 
 of Honour, 374; appointed consul, 
 first for ten years, and afterwards for 
 life, 376 ; his answer to a deputation 
 from the senate, 379 ; preparations for 
 his coronation, 381 ; the coronation, 
 382 ; offered the crown of Italy, 385 ; 
 receives the crown of the Lombards, 
 ib. ; takes Vienna, 387 ; victories of 
 Ulm and Austerlitz, < ib. ; marches 
 against Prussia, 390 ) turns his atten- 
 tion towards England, 391 ; threaten- 
 ed with excommunication by the pope, 
 393 ; entry into Madrid, 394 ; divorces 
 Josephine, and marries the arch- 
 duchess Marie-Louise, 397 ; birth of 
 his son, king of Rome, 398 ; his plan 
 in the campaign against Russia, 399 ; 
 entry into Moscow, 400 ; retreat from, 
 ib. ; re-action against his power, ib. ; 
 his return to Paris, 403 ; abdication 
 at Fontainebleau, 407 ; bis character, 
 407, 408 ; compared with Cromwell, 
 409. 
 
 Breton deputies, originators of the first 
 club, 93. 
 
 Brienne, his fall and its cause, 6 ; cha- 
 racter of, ib. 
 
 -, succeeds Calonne, 13 ; govern- 
 
 ment and character of, 13, 14. 
 Brissot, petition drawn up by, demand- 
 ing the dethronement of the king, 
 106. 
 
 , divides the emigrants into three 
 
 classes, 120; advocates rigorous mea- 
 sures against them, ib. 
 
 -, his speech respecting abdica- 
 
 tion, 141. 
 
 Brittany protests against the new divi- 
 sion of the kingdom, 76.
 
 NDEX. 
 
 413 
 
 Broglie, marshal de, commander of the 
 army, receives unlimited power, 47. 
 
 Brune, victories of, in Holland, 350. 
 
 Brunswick, duke of, his manifesto, 143, 
 144. 
 
 CADOUDAJL, Georges, principal leader of 
 the Chouans, 321 ; conspiracy of, 378 ; 
 execution of, ib. 
 
 Calendar, the republican, 233. 
 
 Calonne, called to the ministry, 12 ; his 
 ministry and character compared with 
 those of Necker, ib. ; his fall, 13. 
 
 Calvados, insurrection in, 220 ; sup- 
 pressed, 225. 
 
 Campo-Fonnio, treaty of, 329. 
 
 Camus, presents the book of the con- 
 stitution to the national assembly, 
 113. 
 
 Canton, the institution of, 75. 
 
 Carnot, appointed minister of war, and 
 major-peneral of the republican ar- 
 mies, 295. 
 
 , replaces Sieyes in the directory, 
 
 311. 
 
 , at the head of the intermediate 
 
 constitutional party, tries to prevent 
 the struggle between the directory 
 and the royalists, 333. 
 
 Carrier, impeachment of, 278 ; his trial, 
 282. 
 
 Carteaux, general, pursues the sectionary 
 army to Marseilles, 225. 
 
 , defeated by the insurgent royal- 
 ists, 308. 
 
 Cazeles, leader of the nobility against 
 the revolution, character of his elo- 
 quence, 56. 
 
 Cecil Renaud, her suspicious visit to 
 Robespierre's house, 252 ; her exami- 
 nation and fate, ib. 
 
 Centre, the, joined with the Lameth 
 party, makes overtures to the court, 
 104. 
 
 Chambres de vacations, suppressed by 
 
 .rsome of the provincial parliaments, 76. 
 
 Champ de Mars, preparations at, and 
 procession to, on the confederation of 
 the kingdom held there, 88. 
 
 Championnet, general, enters Naples, 
 346. 
 
 Chapelier, his opinions on the question 
 of the renewal of the assembly, 83. 
 
 Charlotte Corday, assassinates Marat, 
 218 ; death of, ib. -, her replies before 
 . the tribunal, ib. ; note. 
 
 Chenier, advocates the cause of the pro- 
 scribed conventionalists, 284. 
 
 Cherasco, amnesty of, 327. 
 
 Chouans, conspiracy of the infernal ma- 
 chine, 369. 
 
 Church administration, new organization 
 of, 82. 
 
 Cinq-cent*, council of the, 801. 
 
 Cisalpine republic, formed by Bona- 
 parte, 329. 
 
 Clergy, the, its sentiments towards the 
 commons, 27. 
 
 -, its sitting in the church of Saint 
 
 Louis, 33. 
 , necessity for making it depen- 
 dent, by the abolition of tithes, and by 
 making ecclesiastical property na- 
 tional, 79 , opposition of, to this mea- 
 sure, ib. 
 
 -, its hatred to the revolution, 
 
 80. 
 
 , schism, respecting the civil con- 
 stitution of, 92 ; its refusal to take the 
 oath of fidelity to the nation, ib. 
 -, discontent of, 97. 
 
 Clichy, the club of, 333. 
 
 Club, the, of '89, directors of, 94. 
 
 , del impartiaujc, 94. 
 
 , det monarchiquei, 94. 
 
 -, of the Jacobins, 94. 
 
 -,ofSo/m, 332. 
 -, of Clichy, 333. 
 
 Clubs, employed to influence the people, 
 
 93. 
 Clugny, succeeds Turgot in the ministry, 
 
 11. 
 Coalition, the, second levy of made by 
 
 the cabinet of Saint James, 196. 
 
 the new, formed, 345. 
 
 the fourth, 389. 
 
 the fifth, 393. 
 
 Collot-d'Herbois, arrest and trial of, 
 287. 
 
 Commission of Twelve, the appointment 
 of, 206 ; insurrection against, 207. 
 
 Commission of Eleven, formation of, 
 289. 
 
 Committee of general safety, composition 
 of, 232. 
 
 Committee of public safety, the, formed 
 at the Hotel de Ville, 41 ; organizes a 
 militia of citizens, ib. ; conduct of the, 
 during insurrectionary war, 229 ; its 
 sentence against Lyons, ib. ; its powers 
 and members, 231, 232. 
 
 Committees, the, strive to bring about
 
 414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 the fall of Robespierre by means of 
 Catherine Theot, 256, 257 ; the party 
 of the, its members, 274 ; democratic 
 members of the, replaced by Thermi- 
 dorian members, 277. 
 
 Commons, the, wise conduct on the open- 
 ing of the states-general, 27; declare 
 themselves the assembly of the nation, 
 28 ; first decree of, after having con- 
 stituted themselves the national assem- 
 bly, 29. 
 
 Communal list, the, 363. 
 
 Commune, the, institution and adminis- 
 tration of, 76 ; demands an extraor- 
 dinary tribunal to try the conspirators 
 of the 10th of August, 157 ; chiefs of 
 the, ib. 
 
 Compagniet de Jena, proceedings of, 300. 
 
 du Soleil, murders and execu- 
 tions of, 300. 
 
 Compulsory loam, the law of, 349 ; abo- 
 lished, 361. 
 
 Concordat, the, signed and ratified, 373 ;' 
 inauguration of, ib. 
 
 Conde, prince de, decree passed for bis 
 impeachment, 125. 
 
 Condorcet, poisons himself, 231. 
 
 Consuls, installation of the, 361. 
 
 Confederation, a, of the whole kingdom, 
 appointed to take place in the Champ 
 de Mars, on the 14th July, 87 ; cere- 
 monies and fetes of, 89. 
 
 Constitution, act of the, presented to the 
 king, 109. 
 
 Constitution of 1791, the, account of, 
 110112. 
 
 of 1793, decreed by the Moun- 
 tain, 222. 
 
 the, of the year III., 301. 
 
 of Sieyes, 362364. 
 
 of the year VIII., publication of, 
 
 365 ; composition of, ib. 
 
 of the year X., the, 376. 
 
 Constitutionalists, the, oppose the rigo- 
 rous measures advocated by the Giron- 
 dists against the emigrants, 120. 
 
 Constitutional circles, the, ordered to be 
 closed, 335. 
 
 Convention, the, constitutes itself, 167 ; 
 animosity of the Gironde and the 
 Mountain, 168 ; denounces Robes- 
 pierre, 171 ; animosity towards Marat, 
 ib. ; fresh accusation of Robespierre, 
 175 ; question of the king's trial, 180; 
 commencement of the discussion, 181 ; 
 speech of Saint-Just, ib. ; of Robes- 
 
 pierre, 183 ; the king brought to its 
 bar, 184 ; M. Deseze'a defence of the 
 king, 186 ; condemns the king to 
 death, 187; short duration of union, 
 in, and revival of animosities, 192 ; 
 summons Dnmouriez to its bar, 203 ; 
 arrest oits commissioners by Dumou- 
 riez, ib. ; declares Dumouriez a traitor, 
 204; Isnard's reply to the deputies of 
 the insurrections of May, 1793, 207 ; 
 question of the abolition of the com- 
 mission of Twelve, 210 ; debate on the 
 accusation of the Girondists, 213, 214; 
 dangerous position of the, through the 
 insurrection of the departments, 221 ; 
 liberal measures proposed by Barrere, 
 224 ; its successes against the insur- 
 rectionary towns and departments, 
 225, 226 ; condemns Marie- Antoinette 
 to death, 230 ; condemns the twenty- 
 two Girondists to death, ib. ; decrees 
 the existence of the Supreme Being, 
 239 ; question of the arrests of Dan- 
 ton, &c., 244; Robespierre appointed 
 president, 253 ; Couthon presents the 
 law of the 22nd Prairial, 253 ; debate 
 on the law of the 22nd Prcurial, 254 ; 
 Robespierre's speech of the 8th Ther- 
 midor, 260 ; decrees the arrest of ; the 
 two Robespierres, Couthon, Lebas, 
 and Saint- Just, 266 ; position of, after 
 the fall of Robespierre, 273, et seq. ; 
 question of recalling the proscribed 
 members, 284 ; arrest of Billaud, Col- 
 lot, Barrere, and Vadier, 287 ; revives 
 the old martial law, 287 ; its reception 
 of the insurgents of Germinal, 290 ; 
 united under the Girondists, 293 ; de- 
 crees the constitution of the year III. ; 
 301 ; decrees requiring the re-election 
 of two-thirds of the members of, 305 ; 
 concentrates its powers in a committee 
 of five members, 306; moderation of, 
 in the insurrection of the 13th Ven- 
 demiaire,3Q9 ; establishes itself a na- 
 tional electoral assembly, 310 ; its close, 
 312. 
 
 Conventionalists, the proscribed, recal 
 of, 285. 
 
 Cordeliers, the club of the, 234. 
 
 Council of Ancients, the, members of, 
 302 ; form of decision and rejection, 
 ib. ; list of its members condemned to 
 exile by the lot de salut public, 338. 
 
 Council of Five Hundred, the, its mem- 
 bers and functions, 302 ; list of ita
 
 INDEX. 
 
 415 
 
 members condemned to exile by the 
 loi de talut public, 337 ; dispersed by 
 Napoleon's orders, 359. 
 
 Councils, the, get the upper hand and 
 disorganize the old directory, 346, 
 347. 
 
 Ciitir de conation, establishment of, 8C. 
 
 Court, the, its opinion of the States-Ge- 
 neral, 26 ; establishes troops at Ver- 
 sailles, &c., 35; entirely renews the 
 ministry, ib. ; equirocal position of, 85. 
 
 Couthon, his character, 250 ; presents 
 the law of the 22nd Prairial, 253 ; 
 arrested, 266 ; released, 267 ; his exe- 
 cution, 271. 
 
 Crete, (remnant of the Mountain,) arrest 
 of seventeen members of the, 288. 
 
 Cures, admission of into the clergy, 18. 
 
 Curtius, the sculptor, his house sur- 
 rounded by the crowd, who take the 
 busts of Necker and the duke of Or- 
 leans, 36. 
 
 Custine, superseded by general Hou- 
 chard, 228. 
 
 DAXICAN, one of the royalist generals, 
 summons the convention to withdraw 
 its troops, 308. 
 
 Daiuiou, chief author of the constitution 
 of the year III., his character and 
 principles, 304. 
 
 Danton, chief leader of the commune, 
 character and policy of, 158 ; his in- 
 terview with Robespierre, 241 ; his re- 
 fusal to defend himself, 243 ; his ar- 
 rest, ib ; his execution, 245. 
 
 Dantonists, the, or moderate Mountain- 
 ists, 235 ; their fall, 239 ; execution of 
 their leaders, 245. 
 
 Debt, national, amount of, at the begin- 
 ning of the revolution, 13. 
 
 Defection, general, of the European 
 powers, from Napoleon, 402. 
 
 Delaunay, governor of the Bastille, at- 
 tempts to blow it up, 45. 
 
 Delbred, proposes the renewal of the 
 oath to the constitution of the year 
 in., 356. 
 
 Delessart, impeached and brought before 
 the high court of Orleans, 127. 
 
 Democratical party, last attempt and 
 final defeat of, 324. 
 
 elections of the year VI., 344; 
 
 those of the year VII., 346. 
 
 Democrats, system of the, 248; symbo- 
 lical terms used by the, 240 ; the re- 
 
 volutionary power of the, 279 ; re-es- 
 tablish their club at the Pantheon, 
 3-2-2 ; their society closed by the di- 
 rectory, ib. 
 
 Departments, division of France into, 
 75; insurrection of the, 218, et teg. - t 
 
 Des condanmes,the law, 247. 
 
 Deseze, 31., delivers the defence of the 
 king, 186. 
 
 Desmoulins, Camille, incenses the popu- 
 lace on the banishment of Necker, 36; 
 his character, 236 ; his picture of pre- 
 sent tyranny under the name of past 
 tyranny, 236 238; expelled from 
 the Jacobins, 239 ; his execution, 245. 
 
 Dillon, Theobald, ordered to advance 
 upon Tournai, 181; terror in his 
 army, ib. ; his death, 132. 
 
 Directorial constitution of the year III. 
 302304. 
 
 Directory, the, creation of, 302 ; dura- 
 tion and powers of its members. 303 ; 
 first composition of, 311 ; wretched 
 condition of in the Luxembourg, 316 ; 
 its division of labour according to the 
 peculiar talents or acquirements of its 
 members, 3 1 7 ; its address to its agents, 
 318; attempts to revive paper money, 
 319 ; proposes mandats tcrritoriaux,ib.; 
 attacked by the royalists and demo- 
 crats, 322 ; changes in by the royalist 
 elections of the year V., 330 ; deter- 
 mines to attack thelegislative majority, 
 335 ; removes the place of sittingsofthe 
 councils, 336 ; its message to the five 
 hundred, and the ancients, explaining 
 the reason of its measures, 337 ; the 
 act of ostracism, 337, 338; returns to 
 the revolutionary government, 340 ; 
 its condition ; makes war its only sup- 
 port, 341 ; its unavowed object in the 
 expedition to Egypt, 342 ; annals the 
 democratic elections of the year VI., 
 344; the old (disorganized by the coun- 
 cils, 346,347, two new parties in, 348 ; 
 list of the new, 349 ; plot against be- 
 tween Bonaparte and Sieyes, 342, et 
 teg. end ofthe, 354. 
 
 District assemblies convoked for the 
 elections, 18. 
 
 Districts, the, assembly of, to vote men 
 for their defence, 40 ; organization and 
 government of, 75. 
 
 Duchies, numerous erection of, by Bona- 
 parte, 388, 389. 
 
 Ducos, Roger, introduced into the direc-
 
 416 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tory, 347 ; appointed one of the 
 consuls, 361. 
 
 Dumouriez, character and ministry of, 
 127 ; his report as to the political 
 situation of France, 129 ; his projects 
 of war, the campaign of the Argone, 
 161 ; his nearly fatal blunder at 
 Grandpre and the Islet tes, 162; 
 having conquered Belgium, he at- 
 tempts an expedition into Holland, 
 194 ; hostilities between him and the 
 Jacobins, ib.; his design of re-esta- 
 Wishing constitutional monarchy, 197, 
 detection of, 201; his interview with 
 a deputation from the Jacobins, 202 ; 
 arrests the commissioners of the con- 
 vention, 203 ; declared a traitor by 
 the convention, 204. 
 
 Duphot, general, shot at Borne in a riot, 
 343. 
 
 Duport, character and principles of, 58 ; 
 his speech against closing of the states- 
 general, 108. 
 
 Du Portail replaced by Narbonne, 125. 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL property, necessity for 
 declaring it national, 78 ; two objects 
 gained by so doing, ib.; utility of the 
 sale of, 80. 
 
 Ecclesiastics, the dissentient, deny the 
 efficacy of duties performed by consti- 
 tutional priests, 119. 
 
 Egypt, expedition to, 343. 
 
 Elba, island of, united to France, 377. 
 
 Election, everything becomes subject to, 
 in the new constitution, 75. 
 
 Elie, conduct of at the taking of the 
 Bastille, 44. 
 
 Emigrants, consternation of on the king's 
 arrest, 107. 
 
 Emigrants, rigorous measures desired 
 against the, by the Girondists, 120 ; in- 
 vited by the king to return, 121 ; act of 
 pardon proposed hi favour of the, 371. 
 
 Empire, preconcerted scene for ushering 
 in the, 379 ; proclaimed, 381. 
 
 Enghien, duke de, death of, 378. 
 
 England, political state of before the 
 revolution, 100 ; various treaties of 
 alliance and subsidies concluded by, 
 195, note; the only remaining belli- 
 gerent power, 371 ; resumes hostilities, 
 377 ; declares France in a state of 
 blockade, 391. 
 
 D'Entraigucs, his pamphlet on the 
 states-general, 18. 
 
 Europe, political state of before the 
 revolution, 98 100 ; state of at the 
 time the Girondist ministry came into 
 power, 128, 129. 
 
 FARGEAU, Lepelletier Saint, stabbed by 
 a member of the household for having 
 voted the death of the king, 192. 
 
 Favras, the marquis de, condemned to 
 death by the Chatelet, 85. 
 
 Feuillants, club of the, opened hi oppo- 
 sition to the Jacobins, 104. 
 
 Feraud, mistaken for Freron, and killed 
 by the insurgents, 290 ; condemnation 
 and rescue of his murderer, 292. 
 
 Flesselles, 31. de, sent by the electors to 
 calm the populace, 40 ; murder of, on 
 the quay Pelletier, 47. 
 
 Fontainebleau, abdication of Napoleon 
 at, 407. 
 
 Fouquier-Thinville, his accusation de- 
 creed, 275. 
 
 Fouche, appointed minister of police, 
 366. 
 
 France, state of, at the revolution, 2 ; 
 organization of, 4 ; state of under 
 Louis XV. to Louis XVI., 5 8; divi- 
 sion of into departments, 75 ; comple- 
 tion of the reorganization of, 96. 
 
 political and military situation 
 
 of at the death of Louis XVI., 194. 
 French Club, the, established by Bertrand 
 
 de Molleville, 122. 
 French monarchy, retrospective sketch 
 
 of, 3. 
 Freron, obtains the accusation of FOu- 
 
 quier-Thinville, 275. 
 forms the Jeunes Doree, 279. 
 
 GAUDIX, Emile, tumult occasioned by his 
 proposal of a vote of thanks to the 
 council of ancients, 355, 356. 
 
 General coalition formed against the 
 revolution, 100 ; reasons which actu- 
 ated the various states on joining it, ib. 
 
 Geneva united to France, 343. 
 
 Germinal, the rising of, 288, et teg. 
 
 Gironde, the, its true chiefs, 118. 
 
 Girondist party, the, its principal speakers 
 117. 
 
 Girondists, the, wish for rigorous mea- 
 sures against the emigrants, 120; 
 attack the ministry, 123; attack the 
 whole ministry, 156 ; accuse Bertrand 
 de Molleville and Delessart, ib. 
 
 Girondist ministry, the, 127 ; called by
 
 INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 the court the Ministere Sam Culotte, 
 128; fall of the, 134. 
 
 Girondists, the, their principles and posi- 
 tion at the opening of the convention, 
 168; denounced under the name of 
 Intrigants by the Mountainists, 193; 
 struggle of with the Jacobins, 198 ; 
 conspiracies against, 204, 205 ; at- 
 tacked by Guadet, 205 ; accused by 
 Vergniaud of conspiring with Du- 
 inourie/, 211; insurrection against 
 the two and twenty leading members 
 of the, 211 214 ; list of their names, 
 215 ; their arrest, ib. ; fall of the, ib. ; 
 raise an insurrection in the depart- 
 ments, 218. 
 
 Girondist generals, the, replace the con- 
 stitutional generals, 228. 
 
 Girondists, the twenty-two, condemna- 
 tion and death of, 230 ; their conduct 
 during the trial, ib. 
 
 Gregorian calendar replaces the repub- 
 lican calendar, 388. 
 
 Grenelle, camp of, reception of the 
 Babceuf conspirators at, 324. 
 
 Guadet attacks the Girondists in the 
 convention, 205. 
 
 HENHIOT receives the title of command- 
 ant-general of the insurrectionists, 
 209 ; demands the abolition of the 
 commission of twelve, ib. ; released by 
 Coffinhal, 268 ; turns the cannon upon 
 the convention, ib. ; outlawed by the 
 convention, ib. ; his execution, 271. 
 
 Hebert, arrest of, 20C. 
 
 Hebertists. the party so called, its prin- 
 ciples, 234 ; abolish the catholic wor- 
 ship, ib. ; attacked by Robespierre, 
 235 ; struggle of with the committee of 
 public safety, 235, 236 ; its defeat, 239. 
 
 Hoche, receives the chief command of 
 the republican army, 296 ; unsuccess- 
 ful attacks on the Chouans and the 
 English army on its landing, 301 ; re- 
 ceivs the command of the coast, 321 ; 
 his generalship, ib. 
 
 Holland, expedition of Dumouriez into, 
 198 ; conquest of, by the armies of 
 the republic, 297; converted into a 
 kingdom, 388. 
 
 Hood, admiral, enters Toulon, 226. 
 
 Houchard, general, supersedes Custine, 
 228. 
 
 Hostages, the law of, 349; abolished, 
 Ml. 
 
 Hotel des Invalides, the, broken into, 
 
 and guns taken from, 42. 
 Hotel de Ville, assembly of electors at, 
 
 38; a permanent committee formed 
 
 at, 41. 
 Hulin, conduct of, at the taking of the 
 
 Bastille, 44. 
 Hungary, war declared against, by the 
 
 king, 130. 
 
 INFERNAL machine, the conspiracy of, 
 369. 
 
 Insurrections in Calvados, Gevaudan, 
 and La Vendee, 119. 
 
 Insurrection of the 10th of August, 146, 
 
 Isnard, his speech on the question of a 
 declaration to the king, 123 ; his reply 
 to the deputies of the agitation of 
 May, 1793, 207; resigns the chair, ib. 
 
 Italy, conquest of; 828 ; second cam- 
 paign of, 367. 
 
 JACOBIN club, origin of, 94 ; directors 
 
 of, ib. 
 Jacobins, the, struggle of, with the 
 
 Girondists, 198; attacked by the Ther- 
 
 midorians, 281. 
 Jena, battle of, 390. 
 Jeunesse doree, the, formed by Freron, 
 
 279 ; costume and composition of, 280. 
 Jordan, Camille, the panegyrist of the 
 
 clergy, ridicule attached to him, 332. 
 Joubert, put at the head of the army of 
 
 Italy, 348 ; death of, 350. 
 Jourdan, commands the army of the 
 
 Sambre-et-Meuse, 320. 
 Jury, trial by, introduced into criminal 
 
 causes, 86. 
 Just, see Saint. 
 
 KINGS of France, progress of the power 
 of, 3. 
 
 LACROIX, his execution, 244. 
 
 Lafayette, elected to preside over the 
 night sittings of the states-general, 
 40; appointed commander-in-chief of 
 the citizen guard, 50 ; his conduct on 
 the invasion of the palace at Ver- 
 sailles, 71 ; takes the civic oath on the 
 14th July, in the name of the federates 
 and the troops, 89 ; resigns the com- 
 mand of the national guard, 108 ; pro- 
 cures an amnesty in fa\our of those 
 who favoured the king's flight, 109 ; 
 begins to lose bis high reputation 
 
 E E
 
 418 
 
 INDEX 
 
 135 ; his last attempt in favour of 
 legal monarchy, 139 ; failure of the 
 attempt, ib. ; discussion of his accusa- 
 tion, 145 ; his acquittal, ib. ; military 
 insurrection of, against the authors of 
 the 10th of August, 154; arrested 
 and confined at Magdeburg and at 
 Olmutz, 156 ; his character, ib. 
 
 Lally-Tollendal, his speech in the assem- 
 bly, 39. 
 
 Lambesc, the prince de, attacks the mul- 
 titude, 37. 
 
 Lamcth, the party so called, joins with 
 the 'Centre to re-establish the king, 
 104. 
 
 Lamoigiion, associated with Brienne, 1 5, 
 ministry of, compared with that of 
 Maupeou, ib. 
 
 Lauguedoc, protests against the new di- 
 vision of the kingdom, 76 ; attempts 
 at insurrection made by the clergy 
 Of, 85. 
 
 La Reveillere Depeaux, elected a mem- 
 ber of the directory, 310; endeavours 
 to establish the deistical religion, 319 ; 
 attacked by the councils, 347 ; resigns 
 the directorial authority, 6. 
 
 Lazarists, the house of the, attacked, 
 and grain taken, 41, 
 
 Lebas arrested,* 266 ; released, 267; his 
 death, 270. 
 
 Lebou, character of, 278; impeachment 
 of, ib. 
 
 Lechelle, appointed sole general-in-chief 
 by the committee of public safety, 227. 
 
 Lecoiutre denounces Billaud, Collot, 
 Barrere, of the committee of public 
 safety, and Vadier, Amar, and Vou- 
 land, of the committee of general 
 safety, 276. 
 
 Left, the, it* principal speakers, 117. 
 
 Legendre renews Lecointre's impeach- 
 ment of the democratic party of the 
 committees, 278. 
 
 Legion of honour proposed by Napoleon, 
 374 ; reception of, 375. 
 
 Legislative body, debates as to its re- 
 moval to Saint-Cloud, 343. 
 
 Legislators, nomination of, 366. 
 
 Leoben, truce of, 328. 
 
 Let suspects, passing of the law so called, 
 Hi,. 
 
 Letourneur, elected a member of the 
 
 directory, 311. 
 
 Lettrts de cachet, power of, 4 ; suppres- 
 sion of, 10. 
 Levy-cn-masse, decree of, 223. 
 
 Ligurian republic, the, threatened by the 
 king of Sardinia, 345. 
 
 Lit de justice, power of, in the hands of 
 the king, 4. 
 
 Loi de talut public, the, presented by the 
 commission of the younger council, 337. 
 
 Lois organiques, the, preparation of, 289. 
 
 Longwy is invested and taken ty the 
 Prussians, 159. 
 
 Louis- Stanislaus-Xavier, prince, decree 
 of the assembly relative to, 1 2 1 . 
 
 Louis XIV., conduct and government 
 of, 5 ; reaction after the death of, 6. 
 
 Louis XVI., character of, 9 ; consequence 
 of his selecting Maurepas as prime 
 minister, ib. ; influence of the queen 
 over, 12 ; fixes the day for the convo- 
 cation of the states-general, 17 ; at- 
 tempts of, at reform and authority, 
 19; policy of, ib.; vigil kept before 
 the opening of the states-general, 2 1 ; 
 his speech at the first meeting of the 
 states-general, 22 ; conduct of witk 
 respect to the states-general, 24; ad- 
 vantage taken of a journey to Mnrly, 
 to remove him beyond reach of the 
 counsels of Keeker, 29 ; goes to the 
 states-general, 31 ; purport of his 
 speech there, 31, 32 ; his mistake with 
 regard to the states-general, 33 ; offers 
 to remove the assembly to Xoyon or 
 Soissons, 24 ; banishes Necker, 35 ; 
 expected departure of, IS ; his answer 
 to the deputation from the states-ge- 
 neral, 48, 49 ; his reception at the states- 
 general, 50 ; his reception at Paris, 51 ; 
 entitled the Restorer of French Liberty, 
 53 ; the debate concerning his veto, 
 65 ; his conduct at the attack of the 
 palace of Versailles, 71 ; design of 
 carrying him off to Peronne, 85 ; his 
 reception of the deputies of the de- 
 partment, on the 14th July, S7; his 
 speech at the confederation of the 
 nation, 89; prevented from going to 
 Saint Cloud by his own guard, 95; 
 receives a secret declaration announc- 
 ing speedy assistance from the coali- 
 tion, 101 ; sets out for Montmedy, 102 ; 
 arrested at Varennes, 103; suspen- 
 sion of, 105 ; declaration of Pilnitz 
 regarding, 107 ; act of the constitu- 
 tion presented to him, 109 ; closes the 
 assembly in person, ib. ; his speech. Hi. ; 
 his reception of the deputies announc- 
 ing the opening of the National Legis- 
 lative Assembly, 114; question in the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 assembly as to the manner of address- 
 ing him, 115; his speech at the as- 
 sembly, ib. ; sanctions the decree of 
 the assembly respecting his brother, 
 121 ; puts his veto on those respecting 
 the emigrants and the dissentient 
 priests, ib. ; message to, from the 
 assembly respecting the neighbouring 
 princes, 124; his reply, 125; intimi- 
 dated by the impeachment of Deles- 
 sart, 127 ; visits the assembly with a 
 view to the question of war, 129 ; dis- 
 misses the Girondist ministry, 134 ; 
 riots of the petitioners, behaviour of 
 the king, 137 ; proposal of Lafayette 
 for him to go to Compiegne, 138; his 
 fall hastened by the manifesto of the 
 duke of Brunswick, 144 ; reviews the 
 defenders of the chateau on the morn- 
 ing of the 10th of August, 149 ; treat- 
 ment of, on leaving the Tuileries, 151 ; 
 imprisoned in the Temple, 153; his 
 trial demanded by the Mountain, 179 ; 
 secret documents brought forward in 
 support of his accusation, 179, 180 ; 
 beginning of the discussion respect- 
 ing his trial, 181; brought to the 
 bar of the convention, 184 ; Male- 
 sherbes offers to be his defender, 185 ; 
 the defence, 186 ; condemned to death, 
 1*7; his conduct on hearing the sen- 
 tence, 188 ; interview with his family, 
 189 ; his death, t'J. ; his character, 189, 
 190. 
 
 Louis XVIII. lands at Calais, 410. 
 
 Lucca given to the prince of Piombino, 
 386. 
 
 Lutzeu, battle of, 402. 
 
 Lyons, revolt of, 219 ; defence and tak- 
 ing of, 226 ; sentence of the com- 
 mittee of public safety against, 229; 
 slaughter of the inhabitants of, ib. 
 
 MAILHE, the deputy, opposes the dogma 
 of the king's inviolability, 180. 
 
 Maillard heads the riot of women on the 
 5th of October, 68. 
 
 Maistre, M. de, quotation from his Con- 
 siderations lur la France, 154. 
 
 Malesherbes, ministry of, 10; offers to 
 defend the king on his trial, 185. 
 
 Mallet, general, plot of, 400 ; its failure, 
 401. 
 
 Malmesbury, lord, sent as plenipoten- 
 tiary to France and Lille, 341. 
 
 Mandat murdered at the Hotel de Ville, 
 1 148. 
 
 Mandats territorial!*, issue of, proposed 
 by the directory, 319. 
 
 Manege, the party so called, 348 ; meet- 
 ings of the closed, 350. 
 
 Mantua, conference at, by the powers 
 opposed to the revolution, 101 ; capi- 
 tulation of, 328. 
 
 Marat denounced in the convention, 
 173 ; assassination of, by Charlotte 
 Corday, 218; his influence after his 
 death, 219. 
 
 Marechaux d'empirc appointed, 331. 
 
 Marengo, victory of, 368. 
 
 Marie Antoinette, her influence over 
 Louis XVI., 12 ; sentence and execu- 
 tion, 230. 
 
 Marie Louise, her marriage with Na- 
 poleon, 397. 
 
 Martial law revived by the convention 
 under the name of loi de grande police, 
 287. 
 
 Mars, the gallery of, prepared for the 
 ancients, 354. 
 
 Massacre, the, of the 2nd of September, 
 160. 
 
 Massena,victoriesof, in Switzerland, 350. 
 
 Maupeou, chancellor, plan of disorgani- 
 zation of, 7. 
 
 Maurepas, character and ministry of, 9 ; 
 his influence over the mind of Louis 
 XVI., ib. 
 
 Maury, the abb6, leader of the high 
 clergy party, character of his elo- 
 quence, 56 ; his speech on the ques- 
 tion of the renewal of the assembly, 84. 
 
 Menou replaced in the command of the 
 army by Barras, 307. 
 
 Merlin de Douai attacked by the coun- 
 cils, 347 ; resigns the directorial au- 
 thority, ib. 
 
 Military code, the new, favourable to the 
 soldiers, 91. 
 
 Mirabcau, his revolutionary speech at 
 the states-general, 32 ; his message to 
 the king, ib. ; threatening message sent 
 by him to the king, 49 ; character 
 and principles of, 60 ; causes Neckci 
 to be invested with a kind of financial 
 dictatorship, 77 ; his speech on the 
 extraordinary subsidy, 78 ; his speech 
 on the question of the renewal of the 
 assembly, 84; his great ascendancy 
 over the court, 85 ; his triumph over 
 the accusation conducted against him 
 by the Chatelet, 90 ; death of, 96. 
 Molleville, Bcrtrand de, chief tool of tha 
 court, 122.
 
 420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Monarchy, absolute, when established in 
 France, 4. 
 
 Monarchy, constitutional, desire of Du- 
 mouriez to re-establish, 197. 
 
 Monsieur the king's brother, decree 
 passed for his impeachment, 125 ; de- 
 prived of his claim to the regency, ib. 
 
 Montmedy, camp established at, by 
 general Bouilii, for the reception of 
 the king, 102. 
 
 Montmorin, commissioned by the assem- 
 bly to inform the European powers of 
 its pacific intentions, 102. 
 
 Moreau appointed by Bonaparte to com- 
 mand the army of the Khine, 367. 
 
 Moscow, taking of, 400. 
 
 Mother of God, the, or Catherine Theot, 
 made use of by the committees against 
 Robespierre, 246. 
 
 Moulins, general, introduced into the 
 directory, 347. 
 
 Mounier, his speech in the assembly, 38. 
 
 Mountain, the party so called, its prin- 
 ciples and its position in the conven- 
 tion, 169, 170 ; demands the trial of 
 Louis XVI., 179 ; decrees the consti- 
 tution of 1793,222; its success against 
 :the insurrectionary towns and depart- 
 ments, 225, 226 ; its measures against 
 Robespierre, 263 ; seventy-six of its 
 members condemned to death, or ar- 
 rested, 293. 
 
 Mountainists, six democratic, condemned 
 to death by a military commission, 292. 
 
 Murat made king of Naples, 393. 
 
 NANCT, bishop of, proposal with regard 
 
 to the catholic worship, 82. 
 , revolt at, caused by the new or- 
 ganization of the army, 91. 
 
 If antes, re-establishment of the edict of, 
 10. 
 
 , trial of ninety -four of the inha- 
 bitants of, 278. 
 
 Naples, king of, advances on Rome, 345. 
 
 , taken by general Championnet, 
 
 346. 
 
 Napoleon, Jerome, receives Westphalia, 
 390 ; driven from his capital, 39C. 
 
 Narbonne replaces Du Portail as minis- 
 ter of war, 125. 
 
 National assembly, the, constituted, 29 ; 
 first decree of, ib. 
 
 National legislative assembly, opening of 
 the, 113 ; early relations between it 
 and the king, 114; question of the 
 
 manner of addressing the king, 115; 
 the king's speech, ib. ; decree relative 
 to the king's brother, 121 ; decree with 
 regard to the emigrants, ib. ; with re- 
 gard to the dissentient priests, ib. ; 
 question of a declaration to the king 
 requesting him to require the neigh- 
 bouring princes to disperse the military 
 gatherings, 123 ; Isnard's speech, ib. ; 
 decrees the declaration, 124; passes a 
 decree impeaching Monsieur the king's 
 brother, the count d'Artois, and the 
 prince de Cond, 125 ; question of 
 war, the report of Dumouriez, 129; 
 decrees the formation of a camp of 
 twenty thousand men at Paris, 133; 
 decrees the banishment of the non- 
 juring priests, ib. ; letter to, from La- 
 fayette, 135 ; debates concerning the 
 riots of the 20th June, 136 ; division 
 between it and the commune, 157 ; 
 question of waiting for the Prussians 
 under the walls of Paris, 159 ; desires 
 to prevent the massacre of the 2nd of 
 September, 160; concluding observa- 
 tions on, 164 166. 
 
 Necker, appointment and ministry of, 
 11 ; compared with Calonne, 12 ; 
 causes the adoption of the double re- 
 presentation of the third estate, IS ; 
 obtains the admission of cures into the 
 clergy, ib. ; his reception in the states- 
 general, 22 ; character of his spoech 
 at the opening of the states-general, 
 24; his opinion of, and views respect- 
 ing the states -general, 25 ; his loss of 
 influence, 30 ; nature of his measures, 
 ib. ; dismissed, and entreated by the 
 king and queen to remain, 33 ; ba- 
 nished by the court, 35; commotion 
 caused at Paris by his banishmc-nt, 
 36 ; triumphal return of, to Paris, 51 ; 
 appointed a kind of financial dictator, 
 77; his resignation and departure 
 from Paris, 90. 
 
 Nobility, the, its opinion of the states- 
 general, 26. 
 
 Notables, convocation of an assembly 
 of, 13 ; another, 18. 
 
 ODEON appointed as the place for the 
 sittings of the members of the five 
 hundred, 337. 
 
 Orangery, the, prepared for the five 
 hundred, 354. 
 
 Orders, abolition of, by the parliaments
 
 INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 of Metz, Rouen, Bordeaux, and Ton- Political state of Europe before the 
 
 revolution, 98 100. 
 
 Pope, the, opposes the sale of eccle- 
 siastical property, and the civil con- 
 stitution of the clergy, 92 ; attends 
 the coronation of Napoleon, 3s 1. 
 
 Portugal, invasion of, 392. 
 
 Pre"cy, in concert with the marquis dc 
 Virieux, appointed to the command 
 of the insurrectionists of Lyons, .'.<.>. 
 
 Presburg, peace of, 3S8. 
 
 Priests, the dissentient, banished a second 
 time, 340 ; allowed to conduct their 
 
 , worship on taking an oath of obedience, 
 371. 
 
 Privileges, abolition of, 53. 
 
 Proclamateur eiecteur, functions of, SC2. 
 
 Provinces, the, altered into departments, 
 75. 
 
 Provincial list, the, 363. 
 
 Provisional government, installation of, 
 361. 
 
 Prussia, campaign against, 390. 
 
 Prussians, invasion of the, 158. 
 
 , departure of, 164. 
 
 , peace of Bale with, 297. 
 
 louse, 76. 
 
 Orleans, duke of, his unfitness for a con- 
 spirator, 61. 
 
 PACIFICATION, the general, 370. 
 Palais Royal, tumultuous assemblies held 
 
 in the gardens of, 35. 
 Paper money, origin of, 81 ; attempt of 
 
 the directory to revive, 319. 
 Paris, arrival of troops at, and general 
 excitement of, 34; fortification of, 47. 
 Parliament, cause of the popularity of, 
 
 under Louis XV. and Louis XVI., 6. 
 Parthenopian republic proclaimed at 
 
 Naples, 34G. ,. 
 
 Parties, state of, at the opening of the 
 national legislative assembly, 116 ; at 
 the death of Louis XVI., 192. 
 Peace, general, except with England, 
 
 341. 
 Peninsula, national insurrection of the, 
 
 393. 
 
 People, the, courted by all parties, 93. 
 I'eronne, design of conveying the king 
 
 to, 85. 
 Petion, denounces the banquets of the 
 
 guards, 69. 
 Petition of insurgents to procure the 
 
 recal of the Girondist ministry, 136. 
 Philipeaux, denounces the manner in 
 which the Vendean war had been 
 carried on, 236 ; his execution, 245. 
 Philosophers of the 18th century, influ- 
 ence and object of, 8. 
 Pichegru, elected president of the 
 younger council, 331 ; arrested by 
 Augereau, 33C ; conspiracy of, 378 ; 
 his death, ib. 
 I'iedmont, termination of war with, 326 ; 
 
 united to France, 377. 
 Piombino, the prince of, receives the 
 
 republic of Lucca, 386. 
 Pilnitz, declaration of, 107. 
 Pitt, various treaties concluded by, 195, 
 
 note. 
 Plain, the portion of the convention so 
 
 called, 167. 
 
 1'ienary courts, establishment of, 15 ; the 
 political attributes of power invested 
 in, 16 ; abolition of, 17. 
 Plenipotentiaries, the French, stopped 
 
 and murdered near Rastadt, 345. 
 Folignac, comtessc de, a committee of 
 the nobility and clergy held at her 
 .house, 26. . 
 
 Prussian monarchy, reduced by one half, 
 
 390. 
 Puisaye, the marquis de, his conduct in 
 
 the Vendean war, 300. 
 
 QUIBEHON, descent upon by the English 
 and the emigrants, 301. 
 
 Quinze-vingts, the section of, threaten 
 insurrections unless the king is de- 
 throned, 146. 
 
 REGMF.R de la Meurthe demands the 
 removal of the legislative body to 
 Saint Cloud, under the superintend- 
 ence of Bonaparte, 343. 
 
 Reign of Terror, the end of the, 271. 
 
 Representation, double, Necker causes it 
 to be adopted by the council, 18. 
 
 Republic, the, situation of, at the instal- 
 lation of the directory, 315, 316. 
 
 , military situation of, 320. 
 
 , attacked by Russia, Austria, 
 
 and England, 345. 
 
 Republican party, first appearance of, 
 104. 
 
 Republicans, reasonable alarm of the, 
 at the increasing power of Booaparte, 
 354 ; the extreme, proscription put in. 
 force against, 361. 
 
 Revolution, the, its character and results.
 
 422 
 
 1 ; obstacles with which it had to 
 contend, 2 ; course proposed to be fol- 
 lowed in reviewing its history, ib. ; 
 when it dates from, 12 ; open advo- 
 cacy of, in Mirabeau's speech at the 
 states-general, 32 ; reasons of the 
 various classes for espousing the cause 
 of, 35 ; further progress, and more 
 decided character of, assumed on the 
 13th July, 40 ; commencement of the 
 hatred of the clergy to, 80 ; rapid es- 
 tablishment of the government of, 86 ; 
 political state of Europe before the, 
 98, 100 ; general coalition formed 
 against, 100 ; commencement of the 
 dictatorial and arbitrary epoch of the, 
 158; Danton's opinion of the, 158; 
 its two distinct objects, 313; review 
 of, ib., et seg. 
 .Revolutionary government formed, 231 ; 
 
 return of the directory to, 340. 
 tribunal, suspended, 275; sus- 
 pension of rescinded, by Billaud-Ya- 
 rennes, ib. 
 
 Kewbell, elected a member of the direc- 
 tory, 311. 
 
 Eight, the, its principal speakers, 116. 
 Riots on the 20th of June, the anniver- 
 sary of the oath of the Tennis-court, 
 136. 
 
 Kochambeau, Marshal de, his opinion 
 respecting the war with Holland and 
 Belgium, 131. 
 
 Robespierre, animosity of the conven- 
 tion towards, 171; character of, ib.; 
 denounced in the convention, 172 ; 
 again accused by Louvet, 175 ; ex- 
 cuses himself, 176 ; attacks the He- 
 bertists, 235 ; accused of moderation, 
 239 ; his speech regarding legal go- 
 vernment, 240 ; his interview with 
 Danton, 241 ; his power and position, 
 252 ; Cecil Renaud's visit to his house, 
 ib. ; appointed president of the con- 
 vention, 253 ; as high priest he offi- 
 ciates at the celebration of the new 
 religion, ib. ; his speech, demanding a 
 renewal of the committees, 260, 261 ; 
 violently attacked by Billaud-Varen- 
 nes, 262 ; his arrest, 266 ; liberated 
 and taken hi triumph to the Hotel de 
 Ville, 267; his death, 271. 
 Bcederer, sent for by the queen and ques- 
 tioned as to the safety of the king, 
 148. 
 Eoland, character and ministry of, 128 ; 
 
 anecdote of him on going to court, 
 ib.; kills himself on hearing of the 
 death of his wife, 231. 
 , Madame, condemned to death, 
 
 Romairie, count de la, arrest of, for the 
 insurrection of La Vende'e, 200. 
 
 Rome, riots at, 343 ; it is changed into a 
 republic, ib. 
 
 Romme, the deputy, appointed the 
 organ of the insurrection of Germinal, 
 291. 
 
 Royalist committee of Paris attacks the 
 advocates of the tvro-thirds, 305. 
 
 conspiracy, 32-3 ; failure of, 326. 
 
 elections of the year V. 3-30 ; 
 
 party, the, its opposition to the 
 
 re-election of two-thirds of the mem- 
 bers of the convention, 305 ; insurrec- 
 tion of, 306, et teg. 
 
 Russia, war with, 399. 
 
 SAINT-DOMINGO, insurrection in, 371. 
 
 Saint-Just, his speech on the king's in- 
 violability, 181 ; his threatening speech 
 in the convention, 241, 242 ; his per- 
 son and character, 250 ; recalled from 
 the army by Robespierre, 259 ; ar- 
 rested, 266 ; released, 267 ; his execu- 
 tion, 271. 
 
 Saint-Leger, conduct and reception of, 
 at the convention, 292. 
 
 Salle, marquis de la, appointed second in 
 command to the army of citizens, 41. 
 
 Salm, the club of, establishment of, 332. 
 
 Sans-culotides, part of the year so called 
 in the republican calendar, 23?. 
 
 Schism respecting the civil constitution 
 of the clergy, 92. 
 
 School of medicine appointed for the 
 sittings of the members of the an- 
 cients, 337. 
 
 Sections, the, reduction in the meetings 
 of, 276 ; disperse the insurgents of 
 Germinal, 291. 
 
 Senators, nomination of, 366. 
 
 Senatus-consultus, obtained for the trans- 
 portation of the Chouan conspirators, 
 870. 
 
 Sens, Brienne, archbishop of, appointed 
 to the ministry, 13. See Brienne. 
 
 Sieyes, publication of his pamphlet on 
 the third estate, 18; his propositions 
 for the union of the orders, 28 ; cha- 
 racter and principles of, 59; demands 
 | the recal of the proscribed conven-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 tionalists, 2S5 ; elected a member of 
 the directory, 311; replaced by Car- 
 not, ib. ; labours to establish legal re- 
 form, 348 ; attacks the Jacobins, 350 ; 
 appointed one of the consuls, 361. 
 
 Spain, peace made with, at Bale, 298, 
 
 Spain and Portugal, invasion of, 392. 
 
 Spanish catechism, the, 395. 
 
 States-general, the regular convocation 
 of, demanded by parliament, 15 ; day 
 of the convocation of, fixed by the 
 king, 1 7 ; appearance of d'Entraigue's 
 pamphlet on, 18 ; opening of, fixed 
 for the 5th of May, 1789, 19 ; cere- 
 monies before and on the opening of, 
 21, 22 ; vigil kept by the kir.g, before 
 the opening of, 21; the king's speech at, 
 i 1 -' ; Barentin's speech at, 23 ; Keeker's 
 speech at 24 ; importance of, ib. -, views 
 of Necker regarding, 25 ; opinion of 
 the court and nobility respecting, 26 ; 
 opened after various delays, and at- 
 tended by the king, 31 ; decrees the 
 inviolability of its members, 83 ; ef- 
 fect of Mounier's speech upon, 38 ; 
 speech of count de Virieu at, 39 ; 
 sends a deputation to the king, ib. ; 
 :<m of Lafayette to preside over 
 the night sittings, 40 ; reception of 
 the king at, 50 ; constitutes the Cha- 
 telet a court for trying conspirators, 
 53 ; abolition of privileges and taxes, 
 ib. ; discussion of the declaration of the 
 rights of man, 62 ; debate concerning 
 the king's veto, 65 ; ill-feeling excited 
 in, by the banquets of the guards, 69 ; 
 deserted by Lally-Tollendal and Mou- 
 nicr, 74 ; loans voted by, their insuf- 
 ficiency, 77 ; Mirabean's speech on 
 the extraordinary subsidy, 78 ; com- 
 mencement of the debate concern- 
 ing ecclesiastical property, 79 ; oppo- 
 sition of the clergy, ib. ; their recep- 
 tion of the proposition of the bishop i 
 of Xancy with regard to the catholic 
 religion, 82; question of organization 
 of the clergy, ib. ; question of their 
 renewal, S3 ; Chapelier, Maury, and 
 Mirabeau, oil that question, 83, 84 ; ! 
 labours incessantly at the constitu- : 
 tion, SG ; question of making peace , 
 and war, ib. ; strengthens the league 
 against the civil constitution of the 
 clergy, by attempting to frustrate it, i 
 92 ; decree to put a stop to emigra- 
 tion, 95; horror expressed against 
 
 that decree, 96; completion of the 
 re-organization of France, ib.; conduct 
 of, on the departure of the king, 102 ; 
 commissions Montmorin to inform 
 the European powers of their pacific 
 intentions, *.; ordtV issued by, for 
 the arrest of any one leaving the king- 
 dom, 103 ; question of the king's trial, 
 105 ; approaching close of the assem- 
 bly, 108; closed by the king in per- 
 son, 109 ; favourable reception of the 
 king's speech, ib. 
 
 Switzerland, its change of constitution, 
 343. 
 
 Symbolical words, the, of the democrats, 
 249. 
 
 TALIJEN, his speech denouncing the 
 triumvirate, 265 ; with a few conven- 
 tionalists, proposes to annul the third, 
 310 ; exposed by Thibaudeau, ib. 
 
 Talleyrand, prince of Benevento, proposes 
 that the clergy should renounce eccle- 
 siastical property in favour of the 
 nation, 79 ; .appointed minister of 
 foreign affairs, 366 ; invested with the 
 principality of Benevento, 389. 
 
 Taxes, illegality of, declared by the 
 national assembly, 29. 
 
 " Tennis court," oath of the, 31 ; riots on 
 the anniversary of theoath of the, 136. 
 
 Terrorist, class, the, 299. 
 
 Theophilanthi-opie, attempt of La Re- 
 veillere to establish the deistical re- 
 ligion under that name, 319. 
 
 Theot, Catherine, made use of by com- 
 mittees against Robespierre, 256. 
 
 Thermidorian party, composition of, 274. 
 members replace the democratic 
 
 members in the committee, 277. 
 
 Thermidorians attack the Jacobin club, 
 281. 
 
 Thibaudeau, exposes the plan of Tallien 
 for annulling the third, 310. 
 
 Third-estate, the treatment and division 
 of, 4 ; first sharing of sway by, 7 ; 
 rank held by, and influence of, ib.; de- 
 feat of, 8 ; reappearance and in- 
 creased power of, f'4. ; appearance of 
 Sieyes's pamphlet on, 18; waits for 
 the two other orders to unite with it, 
 27; declares itself the assembly of-the 
 nation, 28 ; constitutes itself the 
 national assembly, 29 ; take the oath 
 of the "tennis court," 31 ; riots and 
 procession of with the busts of Necker
 
 424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 and Orleans, 3(5 ; attacked by the 
 prince de Lambesc, 37 ; refusal of the 
 soldiers to fire upon it, ib.; siding of 
 the nobility with it, 39 ; more decided 
 character assumed by its insurrection 
 on the 13th July, 40 ; arms taken by, 
 from the gun shops, ib. ; deceived in 
 the expected supply of arms, 42. 
 
 Thouret declares the states-general at 
 an end, 110. 
 
 Thuriot de la Kosiere, enters the Bastille 
 to examine the position of its guns, 
 43. 
 
 Tilsit, peace of, 390. 
 
 Tithes, abolition of, 79. 
 
 Titles, abolition of, 87. 
 
 Toulon, capture of, 226. 
 
 Treaty of Amiens, 371. 
 
 Treaty of Campo-Formio, 329. 
 
 Treilhard, deposed, 346. 
 
 Treves, elector of, engages to disperse the 
 royalist gatherings, 126. 
 
 Trial by jury introduced into criminal 
 causes, 86. 
 
 Tribunes, nomination of, 366. 
 
 Triumvirate, the democratic, principles 
 and effects of the, 249, 250 ; the, gene- 
 ral attack upon, 264, 265 ; arrest of, 
 266 ; released, 267 ; death of, 270. 
 
 Troops, the, attempts made to reduce 
 the affection of, 84. 
 
 Tuileries, the, attack of, on the 10th of 
 August, 151 ; deserted by the king, ib.; 
 blockade of, 210. 
 
 Turgot, ministry of, 10 ; Malesherbes' 
 opinion of, ib. ; succeeded by Clugny, 
 11. 
 
 Turin, meeting of the emigrant princes 
 at, 61. 
 
 Twelve, the commission of, appointment 
 of, 206 ; insurrection against, 207. 
 
 ULM, victory of, 3S9. 
 United Provinces attacked by Pichegru, 
 297 
 
 VADIER, arrest and trial of, 287. 
 
 Varennes, see Billaud. 
 
 Vendean war, the, 19S 200. 
 
 Vendeans, the exhausted condition of, 
 300. 
 
 Vendee, la, insurrection of, 198 200 ; 
 pacification of, 321. 
 
 Verdun is bombarded and taken by the 
 Prussians, 159. 
 
 Vergniaud, his picture of the peril in 
 which the country stood in the middle 
 of 1792, 140; accuses the Girondists 
 of conspiring with Dumouriez, 211. 
 
 Versailles, alarm created at, by the 
 women from Paris, 69. 
 
 Veto, commencement of the debate con- 
 cerning the, 65. 
 
 Vienna, taking of, 387 ; peace of, 39G. 
 
 Vienne, archbishop of, heads a deputa- 
 tion from the states-general to the 
 king, 39. 
 
 Vieux Cordelier, the, by Camille Desmou- 
 lins, 236. 
 
 Virieu, count de, his speech at the as- 
 sembly, 39. 
 
 , marquis de, appointed with 
 
 Precy to command the insurrectionists 
 at Lyons, 220. 
 
 WAGRAM, victory of, 396. 
 
 War declared against Hungary and Bo- 
 hemia, by Louis XVI., 130. 
 
 Wellington, takes possession of Portu- 
 gal, 394. 
 
 Westphalia given to Jerome Napoleon, 
 390. 
 
 Whitworth, Lord, the English ambassa- 
 dor leaves Paris, 377. 
 
 Worms, formation of an organized body 
 at, against the, revolution, under the 
 Prince de Conde, 101, 
 
 Wurtemberg, erected into a kingdom,8CS. 
 
 YORK, duke of, disembarks in Holland 
 with an Anglo-Kussian armv 34ti.
 
 J| $AtA Caiatopt of 
 NEW BOOKS AT REDUCED PEICES, 
 
 PUBLISHES OB SOLO BT 
 
 HENRY G. BOHN, 
 
 YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON. 
 
 TEE COMPLETE CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS AND REMAINDERS, IK 100 PAGES, MAI 
 BE HAD ORATIS. 
 
 %* All the Bookt advertised in the present Catalogue are neatly boarded in cloth, 
 or bound. 
 
 FINE ARTS, ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE, PAINTING, HERALDRY 
 ANTIQUITIES, TOPOGRAPHY, SPORTING, PICTORIAL AND HIGHLY 
 ILLUSTRATED WORKS, ETC., ETC. 
 
 BARBER'S ISLE OF WIGHT. 42 fine Steel Plates, and Dr. MANTKLLS' GEOLOGICAL 
 
 MAP. Svo, gilt, cloth, ID*. Gel. 
 
 BARRING-TON'S FAMILIAR INTRODUCTION TO HERALDRY, in a Series of 
 I eclures illustrated by numerous Drawings of Armorial Bearing, Badges, and other Deri, 
 ces 20 plates, containing several hundred subjects' fcap. Svo, gilt cloth (pub. at 7. W.J, it. 
 
 '. the same, with the plates mostly coloured, gilt cloth (pub. at 10j. Gif.), Ji. 
 
 RULWER'S LEILA- or the Siege of Granada ; and Calderon the Courtier, 8vo., illus- 
 tr'teU by 10 beautiful line Engravings by CHARLES HEATH, cloth, gilt edges, (pub. t It. It.}, 
 10 . ; ' 
 
 ^ the same, morocco extra, gilt edges, H. 
 
 BILLINGTON S ARCIHTECTURAL DIRECTOR, being an improved Guide to Archi- 
 tects, Draughtsmen, Students, Builders, and Workmen, to which is added a History of th 
 Art.&c.. and a Glossary of Architecture. New Edition, enlarged, Svo, 100 plates, cloth lettered 
 (pub. at II. Sa), 10). Cd. i*;.H 
 
 BOOK OF BRITISH BALLADS, edited by S. C. HALL; every pa?e richly embellished 
 
 with very highly-finished Wood Engravings, after Designs by CRESWICK, GILBERT, FRANK- 
 LIN, CORBOULD, &c., Imperial Svo, cloth gilt edges (pub. at 21. 2s}, 11. St. 
 
 BOOK OF COSTUME, from the earliest period to the present time. Upwards of 200 
 beautiful Engravings on Wood, by LINTON. Svo (pub. at 11. !>.), gilt cloth, gilt edges, lilt. 6d. 
 
 1S47 
 
 BOOK OF GEMS, OR THE POETS AND ARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 .1 vols. Svo. 150 exquisite Line Engravings after TURNER, BONIKGTOX, LAXDSEER, ROBERTS 
 MVLREADY, etc. etc.; also numerous Autographs (pub. at 4<. Hi. 6d.) Cloth elegantly gilt, 
 S!. oj., or in morocco 31. 3t. 
 
 BOOK OF GEMS, OR THE MODERN POETS AND ARTISTS OF GREAT 
 
 liRITAIN. Svo. 50 exquisitely beautiful Line Engravings after TURNER, BO;;I;IOTO, etc. 
 etc. (pub. at 11. lit. 6ci.{, cloth elegantly gilt, lit., or morocco, 1(. It. 
 
 BLUNT'S BEAUTY OF THE HEAVENS; a Pictorial Display of the Astronomical 
 Phenomena of the Universe ; with a Familiar Lecture on Astronomy, 'illustrated by 104 Plates, 
 many coloured Broad Svo., cloth gilt, I, 1 , li. 1SSS 
 
 BOTTA AND FLANDIN'S GREAT WORK ON NINEVEH; published at the ex- 
 
 Spnse of tlie French Government. MOXCMENS DE NINIVE. deconveris et decrits pnr P. E. 
 OTTA. mesures et dessinfs par E. FJ.ANDI.V. S vols. large folio, (iu 9U livraiioii;), containin); 
 400 Engravings, (pub. at90/.), 361. 
 
 BOOK OF SHAKSPEARE GEMS. A Seriesof Landscape Illustrations of the most inte- 
 resting localities of Shakspeare's Dramas; wilh Historical and Descriptive Account!, by 
 WASHINGTON IRVING, JESSE, W. HOWITT, WORDSWORTH, INC LIS, and others. lo. ita 
 4i highly-finished Steel Engravings (pub. it li. lit. Cd.), gilt clotb, 14t.
 
 CATALOGUF OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 BOOK OF WAVERLEY GEMS. A Series of 64 highly-finished Line Engravings of the 
 most interesting Incidents and Scenes in Walter Scott's Novels, by HEATH, FINDEN, ROLM, 
 and other*, after Pictures by LESLIE, STOTHARD, COOPER, HOWARD, &c., with illustrative 
 letter- press, 8vo. (pub. at H. lit. W. ), cloth, elegantly gilt, lit. 
 
 BROCKEDON'S PASSES OF THE ALPS. 2 vols. medium 4to. Containing 109 beautiful 
 Engravings (pub. at luf. lOi. in boards), half-bound morocco, gilt-edges, 31. I3i. 6d. 
 
 SRITTON'S CATHEDRAL CHUTCH OF LINCOLN, 4to, 16 fine plates, by LB Kzux, 
 
 (puh. at 3;. Si.), cloth, 11. St. Royal 4to, Large Paper, cloth, If. 11>. 6rf. 
 
 This volume was published to complete Mr. Britton's Cathedrals, and is wanting in most of 
 the sets. 
 
 BRYAN'S DICTIONARY OF PAINTERS AND ENGRAVERS. New Edition, cor- 
 rected, greatly enlarged, and continued to the present lime, by GEORGE STANLEY, Esq., com- 
 plete in one large volume, impl. 6vo, numerous plates of monograms, 21. 2t. 
 
 BUNYAN'S PILGRIM'S PROGRESS, STOTHARD'S Illustrated Edition. 8vo, with 17 
 exquisitely beautiful illustrations alter this delightful Artist, executed on Steel by GOODALL 
 and others, also numerous woodcuts, cloth gilt (pub. at II. !.), 12. 
 
 the same, INDIA PROOFS, cloth gilt (pub. at 11. 2s.}, II. It. 
 
 BURNETTS ILLUSTRATED EDITION OF SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS ON 
 
 PAINTING, 4to, 12 fine plates, cloth (pub at 21. 2t.), 11. It. 1843 
 
 ^^ the same, large paper, royal 4to, proof impressions of Plates, cloth ; i-.ub. at U. 4*.}, tU 2*. 
 
 BYRON'S TALES AND POEMS, FINDKN'S Illustrated Edition, witu *G Engravings on 
 Steel, 8vo, cloth extra, gilt edges (pub. at \l. It.), lOt. 6d. 
 
 CANOVA'S WORKS, engraved in outline by Moses, with Descriptions and a Biograpliical 
 Memoir by Cicognari. 3 vols., imp. 8vo, 155 plates, and fine portrait by Worlhingon, half- 
 bound morocco (pub. at 61. 12.J, 11. it. 
 
 CARTER'S ANCIENT ARCHITECTURE OF ENGLAND. Illustrated by 103 Copper- 
 plate Engravings, comprising upwards of Two thousand specimens. Edited by JOHN BRIT- 
 Ton, Esq. Royal folio (pub. at 12(. 12t.), half-bound morocco, 4(. 4t. 
 
 CARTER'S ANCIENT SCULPTURE AND PAINTING NOW REMAINING 
 IN ENGLAND, from the Earliest Period to Uie Reign of Henry VIII. With Historical and 
 Critical Illustrations, by DOUCE, GOUGH. MEVRICK, DAWSOK, TURNER, and BRITTOX. 
 Royal folio, with 120 large Engravings, many of which are beautifully coloured and several 
 illuminated with gold (pub. at 1st. lit.), half-bound morocco, &l. 81. 1838 
 
 CARTER'S GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, and Ancient Buildings in England, with 120 
 Views, etched by himself. 4 vols, squat* 12nto(pub. at 11. 2s.), half morocco, 18t 
 
 CATLIN'S NORTH-AMERICAN INDIANS. 2 vols. impl. 8vo. 360 Engravings (pub. at 
 21. 12t. 6d.), cloth emblematically gilt, U. lot. 
 
 the same, with the Plates beautifuUy Coloured, of which only 12 Copies hive been got up, 
 
 hf. bd. morocco extra, 8/. 8. 
 
 CATTERMOLE'S ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF THE GREAT CIVIL WAR OF 
 THE TIMES OF CHARLES I. AND CROMWELL, with 30 highly- finished Engravings on 
 Steel, after CATTERMOLE, by ROLLS, \VILLMORE, and other first fate Artists, imperUJ 8vo, 
 cloth extra, gilt edges, U. it. 
 
 CHAMBERLAINE'S IMITATIONS OF DRAWINGS from the Great Masters in the 
 Royal Collection, engraved by BARIOLOZZI and others, impl. fol., 70 Plates (pub. at 12. 12t.), 
 half bound morocco, gilt edges, M. it. 
 
 CLAUDE'S LIBER VERITATIS. A Collection of 300 Engravings in imitation of 
 original Drawings of CLAUDE, by EARLOM. 3 Tols. folio (pub. at 311. lut.l, half-l 
 morocco, gilt edges, 101. lOt. 
 
 CLAUDE, BEAUTIES OF, 24 FINE ENGRAVINGS, containing some if his choic. 
 Landscapes, beautifully Engraved on Steel, folio, with descriptive letter-press, and Portra 
 in a portfolio (pub. at 3<. 12t.J, 1L it. 
 
 CONSTABLE'S GRAPHIC WORKS,many of them now first published, comprising for 
 large and highly-finbhed Mezzutinto Engra'vinas on Steel, by DAVID LUC'AS, with short ' 
 scnptive letter-press, extracted from LESLIE'S Life of Constable, folio, halt-bound mon 
 gilt edges, 3(. :3t. 6d. 
 
 CONSTABLE, THE ARTIST, (Leslie's Memoirs of) including his Lectures, 2nd Editio 
 with 2 beautiful Portraits, and the plate of" Spring," demy 4to, oioth (pub. at it. It.), lit. 
 
 COESVELT'S PICTURE GALLERY. With an introduction bv MRS. JAMESON. Roya 
 4to, 90 Plates beautifully engraved in outline. India Proofs (pub. at ii. it.), Uali-bouJM 
 morocco, extra, 31. St. 
 
 COOKES SHIPPING AND CRAFT. A series of 65 brilliant Etchings, comprii 
 Picturesque, hut at tke same time extremely accurate Representations. Royal ito (pu! 
 
 3{.i*t (ki.) giUc'vth, 11. llt.&L. 
 
 (pub.
 
 PUBLISHED OB SOLD BY II. G. BOHN. 
 
 COOKE'S PICTURESQUE SCENERY OF LONDON AND ITS VICINITY. 50 beau- 
 
 tiful Etchings, after drawings by CALCOTT, STANFIELD, PROUT.ROB.BRIS. HAKDIKQ, STARK, 
 and COTMAN. KoyaUto. Proofs (pub. at it.), gilt cloth, 11. 2. 
 
 CONEY'S FOREIGN CATHEDRALS, HOTELS DE VILLE, TOWN HALLS, 
 
 AND OTHER REMARKABLE BUILDINGS IN FRANCE, HOLLAND, GERMANY; 
 AND ITALY. 32 Sue large Plates. Imperial folio (pub. at 101. lOi.J, half-morocco, jrilt edges, 
 31. 13. 6ci. U)j2 
 
 CORONATION OF GEORGE THE FOURTH, by SIR GF.ORGK NATI.OE, in a Serieaof 
 
 faithful portraits of many of the distinguished Individuals who were present'; with historical 
 and descriptive letter-press, atlas folio (pub. at i2l. lot.), half-bound morocco, gill eHges 
 121. 12t. 
 
 COSTUME AND HISTORY OF THE CLANS, by JOHN SOBTESKI SroLBicsr, STU>*T, 
 and CHARLES EDWARD STUART, Imperial folio, comprising 240 pages of letter-press and 36 
 finely executed Lithographs, crimson cloth boards (pub. at 61. 6s.), 31. 3i. Edin. 18JS 
 
 " the same, with the Plates most beautifully Coloured, half-bound morocco extra, gilt 
 
 edges, si. &>. 
 
 COTMAN'S SEPULCHRAL BRASSES IN NORFOLK AND SUFFOLK, tending to 
 
 illustrate the Ecclesiastical, Military, and Civil Costume of former aites, with letter-press 
 
 descriptions, etc., hy DAWSON TURNER, SIR S. MF.YRICK, etc. 173 Plates. The enamelled 
 
 Brasses are splendidly illuminated, 2 vols. imp!. 4to, half-bound morocco, gilt edges, 61. 6t. 1836 
 
 the same, large paper, imperial folio, half morocco, gilt edges, 8/. St. 
 
 COTMAN'S ETCHINGS OF ARCHITECTURAL REMAINS in various counties in 
 England, with Letter-press Descriptions by RICKMAN. 2 vols. imperial folio, containing 247 
 highly spirited Etchings (pub. at 24i. ) , half morocco, 8/. 8. 1838 
 
 OANIELL'S ORIENTAL SCENERY AND ANTIQUITIES. The original magnificent 
 edition, 150 splendid coloured Views, on the largest scale, of the Architecture, Antiquities, and 
 Landscape Scenery of Hindoostan, 6 vol*. in 3, elephant folio (pub. at 210/.), elegantly half- 
 bound morocco, 524. 10s. 
 
 OANIELL'S ORIENTAL SCENERY, 6 vols. in 3, small folio, 150 Plates (pub. at 
 
 161 18.i.), half-bound morocco, 61. Cn. 
 This is reduced from the preceding large work, and is uncolourcd. 
 
 OANIELL'S ANIMATED NATURE, being Picturesque Delineationg of the most inte- 
 resting Subjects from all Branches of Natural History, 125 Engravings, with Letter press 
 Descriptions, 2 vols. small folio (pub. at 161. li.), half morocco (uniform with the Oriental 
 
 Scenery) 31. 3i. 
 
 DON QUIXOTE, PICTORIAL EDITION. Translated by JABVTS, carefully revised. 
 With a copious original Memoir of Cervantes. Illustrated by upwards of 820 beautiful Wood 
 Enuravinps after the celebrated Designs of TONY JOHANNOT, including 16 new and beautiful 
 large Cuts, by ARMSTRONG, now first added. 2 vols. royal 8vo (pub. at 24. 10.), cloth gilt, 
 11. 8>. 
 
 OULWICH GALLERY, a Series of 50 beautifully Coloured Plates, from the most cele- 
 brated Pictures in this Remarkable Collection, executed hy R. COCKBURV (Custodian.) All 
 mounted on Tinted Card-board in the manner of Drawings, imperial folio, including 4 very 
 large additional Plates, published separate. y at from 3 to 4 guineas each and not befort 
 included in the Series. In a handsome portfolio, with morocco back (pub at 40(.), lot. ifr. 
 
 "This is one of the most splendid and interesting of the British Picture Galleries, and has 
 for some years been quite unattainable, even at the full price." 
 
 ECCLESTON'S INTRODUCTION TO ENGLISH ANTIQUITIES, thick 8vo, with 
 numerous woodcuts, cloth (pub. at I!. !.), 9j. 
 
 EGYPT PERRING'S FIFTY-EIGHT LARGE VIEWS AND ILLUSTRATIONS OF 
 
 THE PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH, ABOU ROASH, &c. Drawn ftom actual Surv.-y and 
 Admeasurement. With Notes and References to Col. Vyse's great Work, also to Denon, the 
 great French Work on Egypt, Roselllni. Belzoni, Burckhardt. Sir Gardner Wilkinson, Lane, 
 and others. 3 Parts, elephant folio, the size of the great French "Egypte" (pub. at lit. 15.) 
 in printed wrappers, 3l.3t.; half bound morocco, 4i. 14. 6i<. 1841 
 
 ENGLEFIELD'S ANCIENT VASES, drawn and engraved by H. Mosr.s, imperial 8vo, 
 SI fine plates, 12 of which are now first published, cloth 'lettered (pub. at 11. 16s.), 12>. 
 
 ENGLEFIELD'S ISLE OF WIGHT. 4to. 50 large Plates, engraved by COOKE, and a Geo- 
 logical Map (pub. 7(. 7i.), cloth, 21. 5i. 1018 
 
 FLAXMAN'S HOMER. Seventy-five beautiful Compositions to the ILTAD and ODTSSET, 
 engraved under I LAXMAN'S inspection, by PIROLI, MOSES, and BLAKE. 2 vols. oblong folio 
 (pub. at 5*. ij.), boards 2(. 2. 180i 
 
 FLAXMAN'S /ESCHYLUS, Thirty-six beautiful Compositions from. Oblong folio (pnh, 
 at 21. 12. 6rf.), boards H, It. 1U1 
 
 B2
 
 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 FLAXMAN'S HESIOD. Thirty-seven beautiful Compositions from. Oblong loiio (pub. 
 
 at 21. 12. &/.). buarus II. 1. 1S1T 
 
 " Flaxmin's unequalled Compositions from Homer, .flJsehylus, and Hesiod, have long 
 
 been the aiinnistion of Europe ; of their simplicity and beauty the pen is quite incapable of 
 
 conveying an adequate impression." Sir Ihomu* Lawrence. 
 
 FLAXMAN'S ACTS OF MERCY- A Series of Eight Compositions, in the manner of 
 Ancient Sculpture, engraved in imitation of the original Drawings, by F. C. LEWIS. Oblon* 
 folio (pub. at 21. 2.), half-bound morocco, 1C*. 1831 
 
 FROISSART. ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS OF. Seventy-four Plates, printed in 
 
 Gold and Colours. 2 Toll super-royal 8vo. half- bound, uncut (pub. at 4;. lo.), 3/. ic. 
 the same, large paper, 2 vols. royal 4to, half-bound, uncut (pub. at 101. 10.), 6(. 61. 
 
 GALERIE DU PALAIS PITTI, in 100 livraisons, forming 4 thick vols. super-royal foKo 
 containing 500 fine Engravines, executed by the first Italian Artists, with descriptive lef.er- 
 press in French (pub. at40(.f,2U. Florence, 1837 
 
 the same, bound in* vols. half-morocco extra, gilt edges, 252. 
 
 the same, LARGE PAPER, PROOF BEFORE THE LETTERS, 100 lirraiions, imperial folio 
 (pub. at 100/.),30(. 
 
 the same, bound in 4 TO!S. half-morocco extra, gilt edges, 35?. 
 
 CELL AND CANDY'S POMPEIANA, or the Topography, Edifices, and Ornaments of 
 
 Pompeii. Original Series, containing the Result of allthe Excavations previous to 1819, new and 
 elegant edition, in one vol. royal Svo, with upwards of 100 beautiful Line Engravings bj 
 GOODALL, COOKE, HEATH, PIE, &c. cloth extra, If. 1. 
 
 GEMS OF ART. 36 FINE ENGRAVINGS, after REMBRANDT. CUTP, RKTHOI.DS, 
 Pocssix, MDRRILO.TENIERS, CORKEGGIO, VAKDERVELDE, folio, proof impressions, in port- 
 folio (pub. at si. Si.), 11. Hi. 6d. 
 
 dLLRAY'S CARICATURES, printed from the Original Plates, all engraved by himself 
 between 1779 and 1810, comprising the best Political and Humorous satires of the' Reign of 
 George the Third, in upwards of 600 highly-spirited Engravings. In 1 large vol. atlas folio 
 (exactly uniform with the original Hogarth, as sold by the advertiser), half-bound red morocco 
 extra, gilt edges, at. St. 
 
 GILPIN'S PRACTICAL HINTS UPON LANDSCAPE GARDENING, with some 
 Remarks on Domestic Architecture. Royal Svo, Plates, cloth (pub. at LI.), 7i. 
 
 GOETHE'S FAUST, ILLUSTRATED BYRETZSCH in 26 beautiful Outlines, royal 4to 
 (pub. at M. !.), gilt cloth, 10. 6d. 
 This edition contains a translation or the original poem, with historical and descriptive notes. 
 
 GOODWIN'S DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE. A Series of New Designs for Mansions, 
 Villas, Rectory-Houses, Parsonage-Houses; Bailiff's, Gardener's, Gamekeeper's, and Park- 
 Gate Lodges; Cottages and other Residences, in the Grecian, Italian, and Old English Style 
 of Architecture; with Estimates. 2 volt, royal 4to, 96 Plates (pub. at 5(. 01. ), cloth, 2:. 12. 6tt. 
 
 GRINDLAY'S (CAPT.) VIEWS IN INDIA, SCENERY, COSTUME, AND ARCHI- 
 TECTURE ; chiefly on the Western Side of India. Atlas 4to. Consisting of 36 most beauti- 
 fully coloured Plates, highly finished in imitation of Drawings; with descriptive Letter-press. 
 /Pub. at 122. 12i.), half-bound morocco, gilt edges, 8(. 8>. 1K30 
 
 This is perhaps the most exquisitely-coloured volume of landscapes ever produced. 
 
 HAMILTON'S (LADY) ATTITUDES. 26 bold Outline Engravings, royal 4to, limp 
 cloth, lettered (pub. at U 1U. 6d.), 101. 6d. 
 
 HANSARDS ILLUSTRATED BOOK OF ARCHERY. Being the complete History and 
 Practice of the Art: interspersed with numerous Anecdotes; forming a complete Manual for 
 the Bowman. 8vo. Illustrated by .18 beautiful Line Engravings, exquisitely finished, by 
 ENGLEHEART, PORTBURV, etc. after Designs by STEPHASOFF (pub. at 11. ILs. 6d ), gilt cloth, 
 
 10. 6ti. 
 
 HARRIS'S GAME AND WILD ANIMALS Of SOUTHERN AFRICA, Large imperial 
 folio. 30 beautifully coloured Engravings, with 30 Vignettes of Heads, Skies, &c. (pub. at 
 10J. 10*.), half-morocco, 61. 6t. 1814 
 
 HARRIS'S WILD SPORTS OF SOUTHERN AFRICA. Imperial 8vo. 26 beautifully 
 coloured Engravings, and a Map (pub. at 21. 2.), gilt cloth, gilt edges, If. it. 1844 
 
 HEATH'S CARICATURE SCRAP BOOK, on 60 sheets, containinj upwards of 1000 
 Comic Subjects, after SETMODR, CH.UIKSHANK, PHIZ, and other eminent Caricaturists, 
 oblong folio (pub. at 21. 24.), cloth gilt, 15>. 
 
 This clever and entertaining volume is now enlarged by ten additional sheets, each cotn- 
 tainins numerous subjects. It includes the whole of Heath's Omnium Gatherum, both Series: 
 Illustrations of Demonology and Witchcraft; Old Ways and New Ways; Nautical Dictionary; 
 Scenes in London; Sayings and Doings, etc. ; a series of humorous illustrations ol Proverbs, 
 etc. As a Urge and almost infinite storehouse of humour it stands alone. To the young 
 artist it would be found a most valuable collection ot studies; and to the family cirsto a 
 constant source of unexceptionable amusement.
 
 PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. G. BOHN. O 
 
 HERVEY'S (T. K.) ENGLISH HELICON; or POETS of the Nineteenth Century, 
 
 8ro, illustrated with 12 beautiful Steel Engravings, cloth, gilt edges, (pub. at H. It.), <ii. 
 
 HOGARTH'S WORKS ENGRAVED BY HIMSELF. 153 fine Plates, (including the tw 
 well-known "suppressed Plates,") with elaborate Letter-press Descriptions, by J. NICHOLS. 
 Atlas folio (pub at 50(. ), half-bound morocco, gilt back and edges, with a secret pocket for 
 suppressed plates, 7(. 7. 
 
 HOLBEIN'S COURT OF HENRY THE EIGHTH. A Series of 80 exquisitely beautiful 
 Portraits, engraved by BARTOLOZZI, COOPER, and others, in imitation of Hie original 
 Drawings preserved in the lioyal Collection at Windsor; with Historical and Biographical 
 Letter-press by EDMUND LODGE, Esq. Published by JOHK CHAMBERLAINS. Imperial 4to, 
 (pub. at 151. lit.), half-bound morocco, full gilt hack and edge*, it. lit. 6d. 1811 
 
 HOFLAND'S BRITISH ANGLER'S MANUAL; Editedby EDWARD JESSK, Esq.; or 
 
 the Art of Angling in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland; including a Piscatorial Account 
 of the principal Rivers, Lakes, and Trout Streams; with Instructions in Fly Fishing, Trolling, 
 and Angling of every Description. With upwards of 80 exquisite Plates, many of which are 
 highly-finished Landscapes engraved on Steel, the remainder beautifully engraved on Wood. 
 8vo, elegant in gilt cloth, 12t. 
 
 HOPE'S COSTUME OF THE ANCIENTS. Illustrated in upwards of 320 beautifully- 
 engraved Plates, containing Representations of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman Habits ad 
 Dresses. 2 vols. royal 8vo, New Edition, with nearly 20 additional Plates, boards, reduced 
 to 21. St. 1841 
 
 HOWARD (FRANK) ON COLOUR, as a MEANS OP ART, being an Adaptation of the 
 Experience of Professors to the practice ol Amateurs, illustrated by 18 coloured Plates, 
 post 8vo, cloth gilt, 8. 
 
 In this able volume are shown the ground colours in which the most celebrated painters 
 worked. It is very valuable to the connoisseur, as well a* the student, in painting and 
 water-colour drawing. 
 
 HOWARD'S (HENRY, R. A.) LECTURES ON PAINTING. Delivered at the Royal 
 Academy, with a Memoir, by 1m Son, FRANK HOWARD, large post 8vo, cloth, 7. 6d. 1848 
 
 HOWARD'S (FRANK) SPIRIT OF SHAKSPEARE. 483 fine Outline Plates, illustrative 
 
 of all the principal Incidents in the Dramas of our national Bard, 5 vols, 8vo, (pub. at HI. 8.) 
 
 cloth, 21. >>. 182733 
 
 ** The 433 Plates may be had without the letter-press, for illustrating all 8vo. editions ot 
 
 Sliakspeare, for It. lit. 6d. 
 
 HOWITTS (MARY) LIVES OF THE BRITISH QUEENS; on, ROYAL BOOK OF 
 BEAUTY. Illustrated with 28 splendid Portraits of the Queens of England, by the first 
 Artists, engraved on Steel under the direction of CHARLES HEATH. Imperial 8vo, very richly 
 bound in crimson cloth, gilt edges, 11. 11>. Cd. 
 
 HUNT'S (LEIGH) STORIES FROM THE ITALIAN POETS (Dante, Ariosto, Boiardo, 
 Xasso, 1'uk'i). with Lives of the Writers, 2 vols, postSvo., cloth, (pub. at 1 4j.), lu. 
 
 HUNTS EXAMPLES OF TUDOR ARCHITECTURE ADAPTED TO MODERN 
 
 HABITATIONS. Royal 4to, 37 Plates (pub. at 21. it.), half morocco, 11. 4t. 
 
 HUNTS DESIGNS FOR PARSONAGE-HOUSES, ALMS-HOUSES, ETC. Royal 
 4to, 21 Plates (pub. at 11. it.), half morocco, 14*. 1841 
 
 HUNT'S DESIGNS FOR GATE LODGES, GAMEKEEPERS' COTTAGES, ETC. 
 
 Royal 4to., 13 Plates, (pub. at 11. It.), half morocco, lit. 1841 
 
 HUNTS ARCHITETTURA 'CAMPESTRE; OK, DESIGNS FOR LODGES, GAR- 
 DENERS' HOUSES. ETC., IN THE ITALIAN STYLE. 12 Plates, royal 4to. (pub. at 
 II. It.), half morocco, 14. 1827 
 
 ILLUMINATED BOOK OF CHRISTMAS CAROLS. Square 8vo. 24 Borders illumi- 
 nated in Gold and Colours, and 4 beautiful Miniatures, richly Ornamented Binding (pub. at 
 11. it.), lit. 1846 
 
 ILLUMINATED BOOK OF NEEDLEWORK. By Mrs. OWT.N, with a History of Needle- 
 work, by the COUNTESS of WILTOK, Coloured Plates, post 8vo. (pub. at 18t.), gilt cloth, it. 1817 
 
 ITALIAN SCHOOL OF DESIGN. Consisting of 100 Plates, chiefly engraved by BAKTO- 
 LOZZI, after the original Pictures and Drawings of GUERCIXO, MICHA'EL AKCELO, DOMENI- 
 CJUNO, AXNIBALE, LyDoviro, and AGOSTINO CARACCI, PJETRO DA CORTONA, CARLO 
 MARATTI, and others, in the Collection of Her Majesty. Imperial 4to. (pub. at 10(. lot.), half 
 morocco, gilt edges, 31. 3s. 1812 
 
 JAMES' (G. P. R.) BOOK OF THE PASSIONS, royal 8vo, illustrated with 16 splendid 
 Line Engravings, after Drawings by EDWARD COURBOVLD, STEFHASOFP, CJIALON, KtXNT 
 MEADOWS, and JENKINS ; engraved under the superintendence of CHAXLEK HEATH. New 
 and improved edition (just published), elegant in gilt cloth, gi't edges (pub. at H. lit. 6d.), 
 lit.
 
 CATALOGUE OF JTEW BOOXR, 
 
 JAMESON'S (MRS.) BEAUTIES CF THE COURT OF CHARLES THE SECOKS 
 
 with their Portraits after SIR PETER LBLY nnd other eminent Painters; illustrating tht DUii* 
 of PEJ-YS, EVELV.V, CLAREXDOX, &c A new edition, considerably enlarged, wlfh an rrrir*- 
 ductory Essay and additional Anecdotes. Imperial 8vo, Illustrated by 21 beautiful Portrait* 
 comprising the whole of the celebrated suite of Paintings by LELY, preserved in the Windsa 
 Gallery, and several from the Devonshire, Grosvenor, and Althorp Galleries, extra gilt cloth, 
 II. .'. 
 ^-^^ the same, imperial 8vo, wiM India proof imprcttiont, extra pi!t cloth, gilt edges, 2/. 10* 
 
 JACKSON'S HISTORY OF WOOD ENGRAVING. New and Enlarged Edition, with 
 several hundred Illustrations, upwards of One Hundred of which are now first added, beautifully 
 printed by Mr. Clay. Imperial bvo, hf. bd. green morocco, uncut. 2.'. is. London, 136U 
 
 KINGSBOROUGH'S (LORD) ANTIQUITIES OF MEXICO, comprising Fac-sirniles 
 of Ancient Mexican Paintings and Hieroglyphics, preserved in the Royal Libraries of Paris, 
 Berlin, Dresden, Vienna; the Vatican and the Servian Museum, at Home; the Institute at 
 Bologna; the Bodleian Library at Oxford : and various others; the greater part inedited. 
 Also, the Monuments of New Spain, by M. DUPAIX, illustrated by upwards of 1000 elaborate 
 and highly interesting Plates, accurately copied from the originals, by A. AGLID, 9 vols. impe- 
 rial folio, very neatly half bound morocco, gilt edges (pub. at UOi.), 35/. 
 
 the same, 9 vols. WITH THE PLATES BEAUTIFULLY COLOURED, half bound morocco, 
 Kilt edges, (pub. at 2101.), Kit. 
 
 the two Additional Volumes, now first published, and forming the 8th and (Mb. of tht 
 
 whole work, may be had separately, to complete the former seven, in red boards, as formerly 
 done up, 121. 12*. 
 
 KNIGHTS (HENRY GALLY) ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE OF ITALY, 
 
 FROM THE TIME OF CONSTANTI.YE TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. With an 
 Introduction and Text. Imperial folio. First Series, containing 40 beautiful and highly inte- 
 resting Views of Ecclesiastical Buildings in Italy, several of which are expensively illuminated 
 in gold and colours, half-bound morocco, 51. St. 1845 
 
 Second and Concluding Series, containing 41 beautiful and highly Interesting Views of Eccle- 
 siastical Buildings in Italy, arranged in Chronological Order; with Descripthe Letter-press. 
 Imperial folio, half-bound morocco, it. 5*. 
 
 KNIGHTS PICTORIAL LONDON. 6 vols. bound in 3 thick handsome vols., imperial 
 8vo, illustrated by C50 Wood Engravings (pub. at 31. 3.), cloth gilt), M. 18*. 18*1-44 
 
 LANDSEER'S (SIR EDWIN) ETCHINGS OF CARNIVOROUS ANIMALS, Com- 
 
 prising 38 subjects, chiefly early works o: this talented Artist, etched by his brother THOMAS 
 or his Father, (some hitherto unpublished), with letter-press Descriptions, royal 4to., cloth, 
 II. It. 1853 
 
 LONDON. WILKINSON'S LONDINA ILLUSTRATA; OR, GRAPHIC AND 
 HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS of the most Interesting and Curious Arcliitect"ral Monu- 
 ments of the City and Suburbs of London and Westminster, e. g , Monasteries, Churches, 
 Charitable Foundations, Palaces, Halls, Courts, Processions, Places of early Amusements, 
 Theatres, and Old Houses. 2 vols. imperial 4to, containing 207 Copperplate Engravings, with 
 Historical and Descriptive Letter-press (pub. at 261. 5*.), half-bound morocco, si. 5*. 1819-25 
 
 LOUDON'S EDITION OF REPTON ON LANDSCAPE GARDENING AND 
 
 LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE. New Edition, 250 Wood Cuts, Portrait, thick 8vo, cloth 
 lettered (pub. at If. 10*.), 15*. 
 
 MARCENY DE GHUY, CEUVRES DE, contenantdifferensMorceauxd'Histoires, Por- 
 traits, Paysages, Batailles, etc., with above 50 remarkably fine Engravings, after Paintings by 
 Poussix, VAXDYCK, REMBRAXDT, and others, including Portraits of Charles I., the Maid of 
 Orleans, 6c. fine impressions. Imp. 4to, half bound morocco (pub. at 5(. 5*.), li. 16*. Pant, 1755 
 
 MARTIN'S CIVIL COSTUME OF ENGLAND, from the Conquest to the Present 
 Period, from Tapestry. MSS., &c. Koyal4to, 61 Plates, beautifully Illuminated in Gold and 
 Colours, cloth, gilt, 2i. 12i. 6d. 184J 
 
 MEYRICKS PAINTED ILLUSTRATIONS OF ANCIENT ARMS AND ARMOUR, 
 
 a Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armour as it existed in Europe, but particularly in England, 
 from the Norman Conquest to the Reign of Charles II., with a Glossary, etc. by SIR SAMUEL 
 RUSH MEYRICK, LL.D., F.S.A., etc., new and greatly improved Edition, corrected and en- 
 larged throughout by the Author himself, with the assistance of Literary and Antiquarian 
 Friends (ALBERT WAY, etc.) 3 vols. imperial 4to, illustrated by more than loo Plates, 
 splendidly illuminated, mostly in gold and silver, exhibiting some of the finest Specimens 
 existing in England; also anew Plate of the Tournament of'Locks and Keys (pub. at 21/.) 
 balf-bound morocco, gilt edges, 101. 10j. 1814 
 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT justly describes this Collection as " THE IN-COMPARABLE ARMOUH." 
 Edinburgh Review. 
 
 MEYRICK'S ENGRAVED ILLUSTRATIONS OF ANCIENT ARMS &. ARMOUR, 
 
 In the Collection of Goodrich Court, lio Engravings by Jos. SKELIOX, 3 vols. folio (pub. 
 lit IK Hi.), half morocco, top edges gilt, 4;. Ua. 64.
 
 PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY. H. G. BOHN. 
 
 MILLINGEN'S ANCIENT UNEDITED MONUMENTS; comprising Painted Greek 
 
 Vases, Statues, Busts, Bas-Reliefs, anil other Remains of Grecian Art. 62 large and beautiful 
 Engravings, mostly coloured, with Letter-press Descriptions, imperial 4to. (pub. at 91. 9i.) 
 hall' morocco, U. Hi. 6d. 1822 
 
 MOSESS ANTIQUE VASES, CANDELABRA, LAMPS, TRIPODS, PATER/E. 
 
 Tiizzm, Tombs, Mausoleums, Sepulchral Chambers, Cinerary Urns, Sarcophagi, ' -i ppi, and 
 other Ornamrnti, 170 Plates, several of which are coloured, with Letter-press, by HOPE, 
 small 8vo. (pub. at 3/. 3.), cloth, It. 5s. 1814 
 
 MULLERS' ANCIENT ART AND ITS REMAINS, or a Manual of the Archaeology of 
 
 Art. By C. O. MUI.LER, author of "History and Antiquities of the Doric Race." New edition 
 by WELCKER, translated by JOHN LEITCH. Thick Svo cloth lettered (pub. at ISi.), 12. 
 
 MURPHY'S ARABIAN ANTIQUITIES OF SPAIN; representing, in 100 very highly 
 finished line Engravings, by LF. KEUX, FINDEN, LANDSEEK, G. COOKE, &c., the mot 
 
 Arabs now existing in the Peninsula, Including the magnificent 'palace of tlie Alhamhra; the 
 celebrated \iosque and Bridge at Cordova ; the Royal Villa of Generalise; and the Casade 
 Carbon ; accompanied by Letter-press Descriptions, in 1 vol. atlas folio, original and brilliant 
 impressions of the Plates (pub. at 42i), hall morocco, 121. 12. 1813 
 
 MURPHY'S ANCIENT CHURCH OF BATALHA, IN PORTUGAL, Plans, Eleva- 
 tions, Sections, and Views of the; with its History and Description, and an Introductory 
 Discourse on GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, imperial folio, 27 floe Copper Platen, engraved 
 by LOWRY (pub. at 61. 6t.), half morocco, 21. 8<. 17SJ 
 
 NAPOLEON GALLERY ; or, Illustrations of the Life and Times of the Emperor, with 
 
 9!> Etchings on Steel h REVKLI., and other eminent Artists, in one thick volume, post Svo. 
 (pub. at II. l.),glltc! tli, gilt edges, loj. 6t/. 
 
 NICOLAS'S (SIR HAi<IS) HISTORY OF THE ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD 
 
 OF THE BRITISH ! vlI'IRE ; with an Account of the Medals, Crosses, and Clasps whicb 
 have been conferred for Naval and Military Services; together with a History of the Order ot 
 the Guelphs of Hanover. 4 vols. imperial 4to, splendidly printed and illustrated by numerous 
 fine Woodcuts of Badges, Crosses, Collars, Mars, Medals, Ribbands, Clasps, &c., and many 
 large Plates, illuminated in gold and colours, including full-length Portraits of Queen Victoria, 
 Prince Albert, the King of Hanover, and the Dukes of Cambridge and Sussex. (Pub. at 
 HI. 14.), cloth, with morocco backs, si. ISs. 6il. ** Complete to 1847 
 
 the same, with the Plates richly coloured, but not illuminated, and without the 
 
 extra portraits, 4 vols. royal 4to, cloth, 31. I3i. 6d. 
 
 " Sir Harris Nicolas has produced the first comprehensve History of the British Orders of 
 Knighthood ; anil it is one of the mot elabnratcly prepared and splendidly printed wortt that ever 
 issued /rum the press. The Author appears to us to have neglected no sources of information, 
 and to have exhausted them, as far as regards the general scope and purpose of the inquiry. 
 The Graphical Illustrations are such as become a work of this character upon such a subject; 
 at, of course, a lavish cost. The resources of the recently revived art of wood-engraving have 
 been combined with the new art of printing in colours, so as to produce a rich effect, almost 
 rivalling that of the monastic illuminations. Sncha book inure of a place in every great library. 
 It contains matter calculated to interest extensive classes of leaders, and we hope by our 
 specimen to excite their curiosity." QtiarU>-ti/ Review. 
 
 NICHOLSONS ARCHITECTURE; ITS PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE. 218 
 
 Piaies by LOWRY, new edition, revised by Jos. Gwii/r, Esq., one volume, royal Svo, 
 11. 111. 6d. 1848 
 
 For classical Architecture, the text book of the Profession, the most useful Guide to the 
 Student, and the best Compendium for the Amateur. An eminent Architect has declared it to 
 be " not only the most useful book of the kind ever published, but absolutely indispensable to 
 the Student." 
 
 PICTORIAL HISTORY OF GERMANY DURING THE REIGN OF FREDERICK 
 
 THE GREAT; including a complete History of the Seven Years' War. By FRANCIS 
 KUGLER. Illustrated by ADOLPH MKNZEL. Royal Svo, with above 500 Woodcut* (pub. at 
 II. St.), Cloth gilt, 12>. 1849 
 
 PICTORIAL GALLERY OF RACE-HORSES. Containing Portraits of all the Winning 
 Horses of the Derby, Oaks, and St. Leger Stakes, during the last Thirteen Years, and a 
 History of the principal Operations of the Tur!'. By WILDRAKB (George Tattersall, Esq.). 
 Roval Svo, containing 9J beautiful. EnKraviinrsof Horses, after Pictures by COOPER, HERRING, 
 HANCOCK, ALKE.V, &c. Also full-lengih chaiacteristic Portraits of celebrated living Sports- 
 men (" Cracks of the Day"), by SEYMOUR (pub. at 21. 2s), scarlet cloth, gilt, H. IDs. 
 
 PICTORIAL HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ITS REVOLUTIONS, (comprising the 
 period 1789 to 1848), by GEORGE LONG, with fine Portraits, and numerous larye woodcuts, 
 after Designs by HARVEY. Large imperial Svo, cloth (pub. at it,) I2i. 
 
 PICTURESQUE TOUR OF THE RIVER THAMES, in its Western Course, Including 
 particular Descriptions of Richmond, Windsor, and Hampton Court. By JOHN FISHER 
 MURRAY. Illustrated by upwards of loo very highly-finished Wood Engravings by ORIUK 
 SMITH, BRAXSTOX, LANDELLS, LIMON, and other eminent Artists. Koyal Svo. (pub. 
 at ll. 5j.), giltclBth, 5s. <M. 14 
 
 The most beautiful volume of Topographical Lignographs ever produced.
 
 CATALOGUE OF NETV BOOKS, 
 
 PINELLI'S ETCHINGS OF ITALIAN MANNERS AND COSTUME, including hi* 
 Carnival, Banditti, &c., 27 Flutes, imperial 4to, half-bound morocco, 15. Rome, 1810 
 
 PUGIN'S GLOSSARY OF ECCLESIASTICAL ORNAMENT AND COSTUME: 
 
 setting forth the Origin, History, and Signification of the various Emblems, Devices, ana 
 Symbolical Colours, peculiar to Christian Designs of the Middle Ages. Illustrated by nearly 
 80 Plates, splendidly printed in gold and colours. Royal 4to, half morocco extra, top edges 
 gilt, 6.'. 61. 
 
 PUGIN'S ORNAMENTAL TIMBER GABLES, selected from Ancient Examples in 
 England and Normandy. Royal 4to, 30 Plates, cloth, 12. it. 1830 
 
 PUGIN'S EXAMPLES OF GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, selected from Ancient 
 Edifices in England; consisting of Plans, Elevations, Sections, and Parts at lar<;c, with 
 Historical and Descriptive letter-press, illustrated by 225 Engravings by LE KEUX, 3 vols. 4to, 
 (pub. at 1L'/. 12>.) cloth, tt. to. 1839 
 
 PUGIN'S GOTHIC ORNAMENTS. 90 fine Plates, drawn on Stone by J.D. HAEDING 
 
 and others. Hoyal 4to, half morocco, 31. 3i. 1844 
 
 PUGIN'S NEW WORK ON FLORIATED ORNAMENT, with 30 Plates, splendidly 
 printed in Gold and Colours, royal 4to, elegantly bound in cloth, with rich gol.l ornaments, 
 (pub. M3f. 3s.), 21. 5. 
 
 RADCLIFFE'S NOBLE SCIENCE OF FOX-HUNTING, for the use of Sportsmen, royal 
 8vo, nearly 40 beautiful Wood Cuts of Hunting, Hounds, &c. (pub. at it. St.), cloth gilt, 
 10(. 6 if. 1839 
 
 RICAUTI'S SKETCHES FOR RUSTIC WORK, including Bridges, Park and Garden 
 Buildings, Seats and Furniture, with Descriptions and Estimates of the Buildings. New 
 Edition, royal 4to, 18 Plates, cloth lettered (pub. at 16*.), 12*. 
 
 RETZSCH'S OUTLINES TO SCHILLER'S "FIGHT WITH THE DRAGON." 
 
 Koyal 4to, containing 16 Plates, engraved by MOSES, stiff covers, It. 6d. 
 
 RETZSCH'S ILLUSTRATIONS TO SCHILLER'S "FRIDOLIN," Koyal 4to, contain- 
 ing 8 Plates, engraved by MOSES, stiff covers, 4>. (id. 
 
 REYNOLDS' (SIR JOSHUA) GRAPHIC WORKS. 300 beautiful Engravings (compris- 
 ing nearly 400 subjects,) after this delightful painter, engraved on Steel by S. W. REYNOLDS. 
 3 vols, folio (pub. at 361.), half bound morocco, gilt edges, 121. I2i. 
 
 ROBINSON'S RURAL ARCHITECTURE; being a Series of Designs for Ornamental 
 Cottages, in 96 Plates, with Estimates. Fourth, greatly improved, Edition. Royal 4t 
 (pub. at 4f. 4.), half morocco, 21. 5s. 
 
 ROBINSON'S NEW SERIES OF ORNAMENTAL COTTAGES AND VILLAS 
 
 56 Plates by HARDING and ALLOM. Royal 4to, half morocco, 21. 2s. 
 
 ROBINSON'S ORNAMENTAL VILLAS. 90 Plates (pub. at 41, 4i.) half morocco, 81. 5*. 
 ROBINSON'S FARM BUILDINGS. 56 Plates (pub. at 21. 2*.) half morocco, II. lit. 6d 
 
 ROBINSON'S LODGES AND PARK ENTRANCES. 48 Plates (pub at Zl. 2s.), half 
 morocco, II lit. 6d. 
 
 ROBINSON'S VILLAGE ARCHITECTURE. Fourth Edition, with additional Plate. 
 41 Plates (pub. at ll. 16s), ball bound uniform, 11. 4>. 
 
 ROBINSON'S NEW VITRUVIUS BRITANNICUS: or, Views, Plans and Elevations 
 of English Mansions, viz., Woburn Abbey, Hatfield House, and Hardwicke Hall: also 
 Cassiohury House, by JOHN BRITTON, imperial folio, 50 fine Engravings, by LE KEUX 
 (pub. at 161. 16s.), half morocco, gilt edges, 31. 13s. 6d. 1847 
 
 ROYAL VICTORIA GALLERY, comprising 33 beautiful Engravings, after Pictures at 
 BUCKINGHAM PALACE, particularly REMBRANDT, the OSTADES, TENIERS, GERARD 
 Douw, BOTH, CUYF, REYNOLDS, TITIAN, and RUBENS ; engraved by GRF.ATBACH, S. W. 
 REYNOLDS, PRESBURY, BURNET, &c. ; with letter- press by LINNELL, royal 4to. (pub. at 
 tt. 4s.), halt morocco, 11. 111. 6d. 
 
 SCHOLA ITALICA ARTIS PICTORI/E, or Engravings of the finest Pictures in the Gal- 
 leries at Rome, imperial folio, consisting of 40 beautiful Engravings after MICHAEL ANGELO. 
 RAPHAEL, TITIAN, CARACCI, GUIDO, PARMIGIAXO, etc. by VOLPATO and others, fine im- 
 pressions, half-bound morocco (pub. at 101. 10s.), 21. 12s. 6d. Romae, 1806 
 
 SHAW'S SPECIMENS OF ANCIENT FURNITURE. 75 Plates, drawn from existing 
 authorities, with descriptions by SIR SASIUEL R. MEVBICI. K.H., medium 4to. plain (pub. 
 at2f. 2s.), If. 11s. 6tl. 
 
 - the same, with a portion of the plates coloured, medium 4to. (pub. at tl. 4i.), 21. !2. 6d.). 
 
 - the same, imperial 4to, large paper, with all the Plates finely coloured, (pub. at 8f. gj.J, 
 
 the name, imperial 4to. lar^e paper, tth the whole of the Plates extra finishea in 
 
 (pub. at ioi lot. I, Oi.
 
 PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. G. SOHN. 9 
 
 SHAW'S ILLUMINATED ORNAMENTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES, from the Cth to the 
 17th Century, selected from manuscripts and early printed liooks, 19 Plates, carefully coloured 
 from the originals, with descriptions by SIR FKLDLKICK MAUDES, K.H., in one vol.'lto (pub. 
 
 t M. .), **. 
 
 the same, large paper, hljrhly-flnisbed with opaque colours, and heightened with gold, 
 
 imperial 4to (pub. at (it. 10. ),8t. 
 
 SHAWS ALPHABETS, NUMERALS, AND DEVICES OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 
 
 selected from the finest existing Specimens, 48 Plates (26 of them coloured) imperial svo. 
 (pub. at 21. 24.), It. Us. M. 
 
 the same, large paper, imperial 4to, with the coloured plates highly-finished, and 
 heightened with gold (pub. at4t. 4.), 31. luj. 
 
 SHAWS HAND-BOOK OF MEDI/EVAL ALPHABETS AND DEVICES, being a 
 selection of 20 Plates of Alphabets, and 17 Plates of original specimens ol Labels, Monograms, 
 Heraldic Devices, &c. not heretofore figured, in all 37 Plates, printed in colours, imperial Bvo. 
 in cloth boards (pub. at It. 163.), lit. 
 
 SHAW'S SPECIMENS OF THE DETAILS OF ELIZABETHAN ARCHITECTURE. 
 
 with descriptions by T. MOULE, ESQ., 60 Plates, 4to, boards (pub. at 3t. 3s.), It. 1U. 6d. 
 
 the samp, large paper, imperial 4to, proof plates on India paper, some coloured (pub. at 
 6i.6i.), t(. 3. 
 
 SHAWS ENCYCLOP/EDIA OF ORNAMENT, select examples from thepurest and beat 
 
 specimens of all kinds and of all ages, 59 Plates, 4to, boards (pub. at It. 10.), It St. 
 
 the same, large paper, imperial 4to, all the Plates coloured, boards (pub. at 31.), 21. lit. 6d. 
 
 SHAWSSPECIMENS OFORNAMENTAL METAL WORK, with 50 plates, 4to,boardi 
 (pub. at 21. 2t.), It. 1. 
 
 SHAWS DECORATIVE ARTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES, exhibiting: on 41 Plates, with 
 numerous Woodcuts, beautiful specimens of the various kinds of Ancient Enamel, Metal 
 Work, Wood Carvings, Paintings on Stained Glass, Initial Illumination., Embroidery, Book- 
 binding, and other Ornamental Textures, also fine and elegant Initial letters to the various 
 descriptions, imperial Svo, boards (pun. at 21. 2*.), II. 16. 
 
 the same, large paper, imperial 4to, 41 Plates, some coloured, hoards (pub. at 4.'. 4*.) 
 3/. 1U. 
 
 the same, large paper. Imperial 4to, with the whole of the plates coloured in the highest 
 
 style, forming a very beautiful and interesting volume, boards (pub. at St. St.), 61. 6. 
 
 SHAWS DRESSES AND DECORATIONS OFTHE MIDDLE AGES, from the 7lh to 
 the 17th centuries, with an Historical Introduction and Descriptive Text to every Illustration, 
 consisting of 85 Copper Plates of elaborate Woodcuts, a profusion of beautiful Initial Letters, 
 and examples of curious and singular ornament enriching nearly every page of this highly 
 decorated work, 2 vols., imperial svo, the plates carefully coloured, boards (pub. at 7t. 7i.), 
 5.'. l.i<. ('. 
 
 the same, 2 vols large paper, imperial 4to, the plates highly coloured and picked-in with 
 
 gold, boards (pub. at IS.'.), 14'. He. 
 
 - the same, large paper, imperial 4to, with the plates highly coloured and the whole of the 
 Initial Letters and Illustrations picked in with gold (only 12 copies got up in this manner) 
 (pub. at 30,'.), -M. 
 
 SHAWS ORNAMENTAL TILE PAVEMENTS, drawn from existing authorities 
 Royal 4to, with 47 large coloured plates, half- bound, reduced to 21. 2i. London, 1831 
 
 SHAWS GLAZIER'S BOOK, or Draughts serving for Glaziers, but not impertinent for 
 Plasterers, Gardeners, and others, consisting of elaborate designs for Casement Windows, 
 Plasterers' work, garden walks, etc., 117 Plates, mostly taken from a work published in 1615, 
 by WALTER GIDDE, 8vo, boards, pub. at 16., 10*. 6d. 
 
 SHAW AND BRIDGEN'S DESIGNS FOR FURNITURE, with Candelabra and interior 
 Decoration, 60 Plates, royal Ito, pub. at 3/. 3., half-bound, uncut, It. 11. 6d. 1838 
 
 - the same, large paper, impl. 4to, tlie Plates coloured (pub. at 6.'. St.) half bd., uncut, 3t. 3j 
 SHAW'S LUTON CHAPEL, its Architecture and Ornaments, illustrated in a series of 26 
 
 highly-finished Line Engravings, imperial folio (pub. at 3t. 3*.) half-morocco, uncut, It. 16*. 
 
 SILVESTRE'S UNIVERSAL PALEOGRAPHY, or Fac-sirailes of the writings of every 
 age, taken from the most authentic Missals and uther interesting Manuscripts existing in the 
 Libraries of France, Italy, Germany, and England. By M. Silvestre, containing upwards of 
 300 large and most beau'.ifully executed fac-similes, on Copper and Stone, most richly illumi- 
 nated in the finest style of art, 2 vols. atlas folio, half-morocco extra, gilt edges, 31t. 10>. 
 
 -- the Historical and descriptive Letter-press by Champollion, Figeac, and Cham- 
 pollion, jun. With additions and corrections by Sir Frederick Madden. '2 vols. royal Svo, 
 cloth, It. 16*. ; or hf. mor. gilt edges (uniform ith the folio work) 2t. 8. IBS* 
 
 SMITH'S (C. J.) HISTORICAL AND LITERARY CURIOSITIES. Consisting of 
 Fac-similes of interesting Autographs, Scenes of remarkable Historical Events and interesting 
 Localises. F.nuravinzs of Old Houses, Illuminated and Missal Ornaments, \ntiquities, &c., 
 tic., containing IOJ Plates, some i luminated, with occasional Letter press. In 1 volume 4to, 
 half morocco, uncut, reduced to 21. 12i. 6J. 
 
 SOLLY ON THE HUMAN BRAIN: its Structure, Physiology, and Diseases; with a 
 Comparative View of the Typical Forms of Brain in the Animal Kingdom. With numerous 
 Wood Engravings. Svo, Cloth (pub. at It. Is.) 7*. 6<f.
 
 10 CATALOGUE OF SEW BOOKS, 
 
 SMITH'S ANCIENT COSTUME OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. From 
 
 the 7tli to the 16th Century, with Historical I. lustrations, folio, with 62 coloured plates illu- 
 minated with Gold and Silver, and highly finished (pub. at M. 10.), half bound morocco 
 extra, gilt edges, 3/. 13. bd. 
 
 SPORTSMAN'S REPOSITORY : comprising a series of highly-finished Line Engravings, 
 representing the Horse and the Dog, in all their varieties, by the celebrated engraver JOHN- 
 SCOTT, from original paintings hy Reinale, Gilpin, Stubbs, Cooper, and Landseer, accom- 
 panied by a comprehensive Description by the Author of the ' British Field Sports," 4to, with 
 37 large Copper Plates, and numerous Woodcuts by Burnett and others (pub. at 21. 12. 6d.), 
 cloth gilt. II. ]j. 
 
 STORER'S CATHEDRAL ANTIQUITIES OF ENGLAND AND WALES. 4 vols. 
 8vo, with 256 engravings (pub. at?/, lot.), half morocco, 2t. 12s. 6d. 
 
 STOTHARD'S MONUMENTAL EFFIGIES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 147 beautifully 
 finished Etchings, all of which are more or less tinted, and some of them highly illuminated in 
 gold and colours, with Historical Descriptions and Introduction, by KEMPE. Folio (pub. at 
 191.), half morocco, 8J. 8>. 
 
 ^ or on large paper, Plates illuminated (pub. at 281.}, 121. 12. 
 
 STRUTTS SYLVA BRITANNICA ET SCOTICA; or Portraits of Forest Trees, distin- 
 guished for their Antiquity, Magnitude, or Beauty, comprising 50 very large and highly finished 
 painters' Etchings, imperial folio (pub. at 91. 9.), half morocco extra, gilt edges, 41. lOi. 
 
 1826 
 
 STRUTTS DRESSES AND HABITS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, from 
 the Establishment of the Saxons in Britain to the present time ; with an historical and 
 Critical Inquiry into every branch of Costume. New and greatly improved Edition, with Cri- 
 tical and Explanatory Notes, by J. R. PLANCHE', Esq., F.S.A. 2 vols. royal 4to, 15-3 Plat, 
 cloth, tl. it. The Plates coloured, 71. It. The Plates splendidly illuminated in gold, silver, 
 and opaque colours, in the Missal style, 202. 
 
 STRUTTS REGAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL ANTIQUITIES OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Containing the most authentic Representations of all the English Monarchs from Edward the 
 Confessor to Henry the Eighth; together with many of the Great Personages that were emi- 
 nent under their several Reigns. New and greatly improved Edition, by J. R. PLANCHE', 
 Esq., F.S.A. Royal 4to, 72 Plates, cloth, 21. 2t. 'The Plates coloured, U. 4*. Splendidly 
 illuminated, uniform with the Dresses, 121. 12>. 184* 
 
 STUBBS 1 ANATOMY OF THE HORSE. 24 fine large Copperplate Engravings, Impe- 
 rial folio (pub. at 41. 4>.), boards, leather back, 11. 11. 64. 
 
 The original edition of this fine old work, which is indispensable to artists. It has long been 
 considered rare. 
 
 TATTERSALL'S SPORTING ARCHITECTURE, comprising the Stud Farm, the Stall, 
 the Stable, the Kennel, Race Studs, &c., with 43 beautiful Steel and Wood illustrations, several 
 after HANCOCK, cloth gilt (pub. at 11. lit. 6d.), it. It. 
 
 TRENDALL'S DESIGNS FOR ROOFS OF IRON, STONE, AND WOOD, with 
 
 Measurements, &c., for the use of Carpenters and Builders (an excellent practical work), 4to, 
 limp cloth (pub. at I5i.), 7>. 64. 
 
 TURNER AND GIRTIN'S RIVER SCENERY ; folio, 20 beautiful Engravinss on Steel- 
 after the drawings of J. M. W. TURNER, brilliant impressions, in a portfolio, with morocco 
 back (pub. at il. St.), reduced to li. lit. 6J. 
 
 the same, with thick glazed paper between the plates, half-bound morocco, gilt 
 
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 WALKER'S ANALYSIS OF BEAUTY IN WOMAN. Preceded by a critical View of the 
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 HUME, HOGARTH. BURKE, KWIGHT, ALISOX, and others. New edition, royal 8vo, illustrated 
 by 22 beautiful Plates, after drawings from life, by H. HOWARD, by GAUCI and LANE (pub. at 
 2l.it.), gilt cloth, li. it. 
 
 WALPOLE'S (HORACE) ANECDOTES OF PAINTING IN ENGLAND, with some 
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 in England, with Notes by DALLAWAY; New Edition, Revised and Enlareed. by RALPH 
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 WHISTON'S JOSEPHUS, ILLUSTRATED EDITION, complete; containing both the 
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 WHITTOCKS DECORATIVE PAINTER'S AND GLAZIER'S GUIDE, containing th< 
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 WHITTOCK'S MINIATURE PAINTER'S MANUAL Foolscap 8vo, 7 coloured plates, 
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 1840 
 
 WILD'S ARCHITECTURAL GRANDEUR of Belgium, Germany, and France, 24 fine 
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 WILD'S ENGLISH CATHEDRALS. Twelve select examples from the Cathedrals of 
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 WILLIAMS' VIEWS IN GREECE, 64 beautiful Line Engravings by MILLER, HOBS- 
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 21. 12t. lit/. 18 
 
 WINDSOR CASTLE AND ITS ENVIRONS, INCLUDING ETON, by LITCH 
 
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 WOODS ARCHITECTURAL ANTIQUITIES AND RUINS OF PALMYRA AND 
 
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 BEECHEY. BOTANY OF CAPTAIN BEECHEY'S VOYAGE, comprising an 
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 BOLTONS NATURAL HISTORY OF BRITISH SONG BIRDS. Illustrated with 
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 12 
 
 CATLOW'S DROPS OF WATER; their marvellous Inhabitants displayed by the 
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 CURTIS'S FLORA LONDINENSIS; Revised and Improved to ' GKOEGE GBAVXJ ex- 
 
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 DENNY-MONOGRAPHIA ANCPLURORUM BRITANNI/E. OR BRITISH 
 
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 DICKSON'S TREATISE ON THE BREEDING, REARING, AND GENERAL 
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 DONOVAN'S WORKS ON BRITISH NATURAL HISTORY. Viz; Insects, 16 vols. 
 Birds, 10 vols. Shells. 5 vols. Fishes, 5 vols. Quadrupeds, 3 rols. together 39 vols. 8vo, 
 containing 1198 beautifully coloured plates (pub. at 661. 9. ), boards, Ml. 111. The same set of 
 33 vols. bound in 21 (pub. at 731. lo>.), half green morocco extra, gilt edges, gilt backs, 301. 
 Any of the classes may be had separately. 
 
 DOYLE'S CYCLOPEDIA OF PRACTICAL HUSBANDRY, and Rural Affairs in 
 General, New Edition, Enlarged, thick svo, with 70 wood engravings (pub. at 13.), cloth, 
 St. 6d. ISO 
 
 EPISODES OF INSECT LIFE, 3 vols. Crown Svo, with 108 illustrations, tastefully 
 drawn and engraved, elegantly bound in fancy cloth (pub. at 21. St.}, 11. ~t. 
 
 the same, the plates beautifully coloured, bound in extra cloth, gilt back, sides, and 
 edges (pub. at3(. 3.), 1.'. 16*. 
 
 the second series, containing 36 illustrations, distinct and complete in itself, has lately 
 
 been reprinted, and may now be had separately (pub. at 16.), 9*. 
 ^ or the second series, with coloured plates (pub. at II. It,), 14t. 
 
 DRURY'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF FOREIGN ENTOMOLOGY; wherein are exhibited 
 
 upwards of 600 exotic Insects, of the East and AVest Indies, China, New Holland, North and 
 South America, Germany. Sic. By J. O. WESTWOOD, Esq.. F.L.S. Secretary of the Entomo- 
 
 figures of Insects (originally pub. at 15/. lot.), half-bound morocco, 6(. 16*. td. 1837 
 
 GOULD'S HUMMING BIRDS. A General History of the Trochilidae, or Hummin? 
 Birds, with especial reference to the Collection of J. GOULD. F.R.S., fee. (now exhibiting in 
 the gardens of the Zoological Society of London), by W. C.L. MARTIN, late one of the Scientific 
 Officers of the Zoological Society of London, fcap. Svo. with 16 coloured Plates, cloth gilt, Si. 
 
 the same, with the Plates BEAUTIFULLY COLOURED, heightened with gold, cloth gilt, 10. 6rf. 
 
 GREVILLE'S CRYPTOGAM 1C FLORA, comprising the Principal Species found in Great 
 Britain, inclusive of all the New Species recently discovered in Scotland. 6 vols. royal Svo, 
 360 beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at 16<. 16>.),' half-morocco, *l. Si. 'lS23 8 
 
 This, though a complete Work in itself, forms an almost indispensable Supplement to the 
 thirty-six volumes of Sowerby's English Botany, which does not comprehend Cryptogamous 
 Plants. It is one of the most scientific and best executed works on Indigenous BuUny evtr 
 produced In this country.
 
 PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. G. BOHN. 
 
 13 
 
 HARDWICKE AND GRAY'S INDIAN ZOOLOGY. Twenty parts, forming two vol 
 royal folio, 202 coloured plates (pub. at 2H.), tewed, 12/. 12>., or half-morocco, gilt edge* 
 H.. Hi. 
 
 HARRIS'S AURELIAN; OR ENGLISH MOTHS AND BUTTERFLIES. Their 
 
 Natural History, together with the Plants on which they feed; New and greatly improved 
 Edition, by J. (). WBSTWOOD, Esq., F.L.S., &c.. In 1 vol. sm. folio, with 44 plates, containing 
 above 100 figures of Moths, Butterflies, Caterpillars, &c., and the Plants on which they feed, 
 exquisitely coloured after the original drawings, half-bound morocco, 4i. 4. 1(40 
 
 This extremely beautiful work Is the only one which contains our English Moths and Butter- 
 flies of the full natural size, in all their changes of Caterpillar, Chrysalis, &c., with the plant* 
 on which they feed. 
 
 HOOKER AND GREVILLE, ICONES FILICUM ; OR FIGURES OF FERNS, 
 
 With DESCRIPTIONS, many of which hare been altogether unnoticed hy Botanists, or have 
 not been correctly figured. 2 vols. folio, with 240 beautifully coloured 1'litea (pub. at til. 4.), 
 half-morocco, gilt edges, 12'. 12. 182911 
 
 The grandest and most valuable of the many scientific Works produced by Sir William Hooker. 
 
 HOOKER'S EXOTIC FLORA, containing Figures and Descriptions of rare or otherwiia 
 interesting Exotic Plants, especially of such as are deserving of being cultivated in our Gar- 
 dens. 3 vols. imperial 8vo, containing 232 large and beautifully coloured Plates (pub. at 15(.), 
 cloth, 61. GJ. 18231827 
 
 This is the most superb and attractive of all Dr. Hooker's valuable works. 
 " The Exotic Flora,' by Dr. Hooker, is like that of all the Botanical publications of the In- 
 defctigihle author, excellent; and it assumes an appearance of finish and perfection to which 
 neither the Botanical Magazine nor Register can externally lay claim." London. 
 
 HOOKER'S JOURNAL OF BOTANY, containing Figures and Descriptions of such 
 Plants as recommend themselvesoy their novelty, rarity, or history, or by the uses to which they 
 are applied in the Arts in Medicine, and In Domestic Economy; together with occasional 
 Botanical Notices and Information, and occasional Portraits and Memoirs of eminent Botanists. 
 4 vols. Svo, numerous Plates, some coloured (pub. at 3/.), cloth, \l. 1834 41 
 
 HOOKER'S BOTANICAL MISCELLANY, containing Figures and Descriptions of 
 Plants which recommend themselves hy their novelty, rarity, or history, or hy the uses to which 
 they are applied in the Arts, in Medicine, and in Domestic Economy, together with occasional 
 Botanical Notices and In ormation, including many valuable Communications from distin- 
 guished Scientific Travellers. Complete In 3 thick vols. royal Svo, with 153 plates, many finely 
 coloured (pub. at it. 5>.), gilt cloth, 21. 12*. 64. 183031 
 
 HOOKER'S FLORA BOREALI-AMERICANA ; OR THE BOTANY OF BRITISH 
 NOliTH AMERICA. Illustrated by 240 plates, complete in Twelve Parts, royal 4to (pub. 
 at 121. 12. ). 81. The Twelve Farts complete, done up in 2 vols. royal 4to, extra cloth, 8'. 
 
 1829-40 
 
 HUISH ON BEES; THEIR NATURAL HISTORY AND GENERAL MANAGEMENT. 
 
 New and greatly improved Edition, containing also the latest Discoveries and Improvement* 
 In every department of the Apiary, with a description of the most approved HIVES now In use, 
 thick I2mo, Portrait and numerous Woodcuts (pub. at lot. Gd.), cloth gilt, 6t. 6d. 1844 
 
 JARDINE'S NATURALISTS LIBRARY, 40 vols, 1200 coloured Plates, extra red cloth. 
 
 boards (pub. at 12!.), 71. 
 
 . or the volumes separately, according to the following arrangements, In red cloth, top edge* 
 
 gilt, 4i. M. 
 
 i. BIRDS. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 1. British Birds, vol. 1 
 
 22. ANIMALS. 
 
 8. Ruminating Animals, vol. 1 
 
 2. Ditto vol. 2 
 
 
 (Goats, Sheep, Ox*n) 
 
 3. Ditto vol. 3 
 
 23. 
 
 9. Elephants, &c. 
 
 4. Ditto vol. 4 
 
 24. 
 
 In. Marsupial!* 
 
 i. Sun Birds 
 
 25. 
 
 11. Seals, Sic. 
 
 6. Humming Birds, vol. 1 
 
 26. 
 
 12. Whales, &c. 
 
 7. Ditto vol. 2 
 
 27. 
 
 13. Monkeys 
 
 8. Game Birds 
 
 28. INSECTS. 
 
 1. Introduction to Entomo- 
 
 9. Pigeons 
 
 
 logy 
 
 10. Parrot* 
 
 29. 
 
 J. British Butterflies 
 
 11. Birds of Western Africa 
 
 30. ., 
 
 3. British Moths, &c. 
 
 vol. 1 
 
 31. 
 
 4. Foreign Butierflie* 
 
 11. Ditto ol. 2 
 
 32. 
 
 5. Foreign Moth* 
 
 13. Fly catcher* 
 
 33. 
 
 6. Beetle* 
 
 14. Pheasants, Peacock*, &c. 
 
 34. ,, 
 
 7. Bees 
 
 1. Introduction 
 
 35. FISHES. 
 
 1. Introduction, and Foreign 
 
 2. Lions, Tigers 
 
 
 Fishes 
 
 3. British Quadruped* 
 
 36. 
 
 2, British Fishes, vol. 1 
 
 4. Dogs, vol. 1 
 
 37. 
 
 3. Ditto vol. 2 
 
 5. Ditto, vol. 2 
 
 38. ,, 
 
 4. Perch, Jtc. 
 
 6. Horses 
 
 39. 
 
 5. Fishes of Guiana, tc. vol. 1 
 
 7. Ruminating Animals, vol. 1 
 (Deer, Antelope*, &c.) 
 
 40. 
 
 6. Ditto TOl.l
 
 14 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 JOHNSON'S QA^DENER, with numerous woodcuts, containing the Potato, one vol. 
 
 Cucumber and Gooseberry, I vol Grape Vine, 2 vols Auricula and Asparagus, one voL 
 
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 vols, 12mo. Woodcuts (pub. at II. 5.), cloth, 10*. 
 
 the same, bound i I TO!S. cloth, letterea, 9. 
 
 JOHNSON'S FARMER'S ENCYCLOPEDIA and Dictionary of Rural Affairs; em- 
 bracing all the most recent dircoveries in Agricultural Chemistry, adapted to the comprehen- 
 sion of unscientific readers, (by Cuthbert Johnson, Editor of the Farmer' Almanac) illustrated 
 by wood engravings, thick 8vo. cloth, HEW EDITION, (pub. at 21. ID*.), II. 1>. 
 
 LEWIN'S NATURAL HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF NEW SOUTH WALES. 
 
 Third Edition, with an Index of the Scientific Names and Synonymes, by Mr. GoutD and Mr. 
 EYTOX, folio, 27 plates, coloured (pub. at tl. 4>.)i half-bound morocco, U. 2. 
 
 LINDLEY'S BRITISH FRUITS; OR FIGURES AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE MOST 
 IMPORTANT VARIETIES OF FRUIT CULTIVATED IN GREAT BRITAIN. 3 vols. 
 royal 8vo, containing 152 most beautifully coloured plates, chiefly by MM. WITHERS, Artist 
 to the Horticultural Society (pub. at 101. lOi. ), half bound morocoo extra, gilt edges, 5/. 5. 
 
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 timilar to those in the Horticultural Transactions." 
 
 LINDLEY'S DIGITALIUM MONOGRAPHIA. Folio, 28 plates of the Foxglove (pnb. 
 
 at ii. .), cloth, \1. 11>. M. 
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 LOUDON'S (MRS) ENTERTAINING NATURALIST, being Popular Descriptions, 
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 pendix of Fabulous Animals, illustrated by upwards of 500 beautiful woodcuts by BEWICK, 
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 present state of Zoological Knowledge. In one thick vol. post Svo, gilt cloth, 6. 185* 
 
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 Trees and Shrubs of Britain, Native and Foreign, delineated and described; with their propa- 
 gation, culture, management, and uses. Second improved Edition, 8 vols. Svo, with above 
 400 plates of trees, and upwards of 2SOO woodcuts of trees and shrubs (pub. at 101.), 51. 5i. 1844 
 
 LOUDON'S VILLA GARDENER, comprising the choice of a Suburban Villa Residence; 
 the laying-out, planting, and culture of the garden and grounds; and every necessary infor- 
 mation for the Amateur in collecting, placing, and rearing all the f 'ants and trees usually 
 cultivated in Great Britain; the management of the Villa Farm, Dairy, and Poultry Yard. 
 Second edition, edited by Mrs. Loudon, Svo, cloth extra, with upwards of 377 diagrams, &c 
 finely engraved on wood (pub. at 12i.), 81. 6d. 
 
 LOWS DOMESTIC ANIMALS OF GREAT BRITAIN, exemplified in fifty-six large 
 and very beautifully coloured plates of the various breeds of the Horse, Ox, Sheep, and Hog, 
 from drawings by Nicholson, R.S.A., after paintings by SHIELS, R.S.A., 2 vols. in 1, imp. 4to, 
 half bound morocco, gilt edges (pub. at 161. 16s.), SI. 9t. 
 
 MANTELL'S (DR.) NEW GEOLOGICAL WORK. THE MEDALS OF CREATION 
 or First Lessons in Geology, and in the Study of Organic Remains ; including Geological 
 Excursions to the Isle of Sheppey, Brighton, Lewes, Tilgate Forest, Charnwood Forett, 
 Farringdon, Swindon, Calne, Bath, Bristol, Clifton, Matlock, Crich Hill, &c. By GIDEGX 
 ALGERVOST MAXTELL, Esq., LL.D., F.R.S , &c. Two thick vols, foolscap Svo., with co- 
 loured Plates, and several hundred beautiful Woodcuts of Fossil Remains, cloth gilt, 15. 1854 
 
 MANTELL'S (DR.) PICTORIAL ATLAS OF FOSSIL REMAINS, consisting of 
 Coloured Illustrations selected from Parkinson's " Organic Remains of aFormer World," arrl 
 Artis's "Antediluvian Phytology," with descriptions, by Dr. Mantel], 4to, with 74 colonn-il 
 plate*, 21 5. 18..0
 
 PUBLISHED OB SOLD BY II. G. BOHK. 15 
 
 SCHLEIDEN'S PRINCIPLES OF SCIENTIFIC BOTANY; or Botany aa an Inductive 
 Science, translated by UK. Euwix LANKESIEK, gvo, wi;h neariy 400 Illustrations on wood 
 and steel, cloth (pub. at 11. It.), lot. td. is9 
 
 SELBY'S COMPLETE BRITISH ORNITHOLOGY. A. most magnificent work of the 
 Figures of British Birds, containing exact and faithful representations la their full natural 
 size of all the known species found hi Great Britain, 3SS Figures in 228 beautifully coloured 
 Plate*. 2 vols. elf pliant folio, elegantly hall-hound morocco (pub. at luji.J, gilt'back and 
 gilt edires, 311. lot. lg$4 
 
 " The grandest work on Ornithology published In this country, the same for British Birds 
 that Auduhon's is for the Birds of America. Every figure, excepting In a very frw Instance* 
 ol extremely large birds, is of the full natural sire, beautifully and accurately drawn, with all 
 the spirit of life." OrnithotogM'i T-rt Hook. 
 
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 SELBY'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF BRITISH ORNITHOLOGY. 2 vols. 8vo. Second 
 
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 SIBTHORPE'S FLORA GR/ECA. The most costly and magnificent Botanical work 
 ever published. 10 vols, lolio. with 100U heautil'ully coloured Plates, half-bound, morocco, 
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 am.), 63t. 
 
 Separate Prospectuses of this work are now ready for delivery. Only 40 copies of the 
 original stock exist. No greater number of subscribers' names can therefore be received. 
 
 SIBTHORPE'S FLOR/E GR/EC/E PRODRCMUS; sive Plautarum omnium F.nnme- 
 ratio, quas in i'rovinciis ant Insults Gratiac invenit JOH. SIBTHOKPB : Characterea et 
 Synonyma omnium cum Annotaticuibus J AC. EDY. SMITH. Four parts, in 2 thkk vols. gvo, 
 (pub. at 21. KJ.) 111. London, 181* 
 
 SMITH'S (COLONEL HAMILTON) HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SPECIES, its 
 
 Typical Forms, Primeval Distribution, Filiations and Migrations, with 34 coloured Plates 
 (each containing two or more subjects), Portrait, and Vignette title-page, thick fcap. Svo, tall 
 gilt cloth (pub. at 7t. 6d.), 5. 
 This volume ranges with J ARDIXE'S NATURALIST'S LIBRARY. 
 
 <JOWERBY'S MANUAL OF CONCHOLOGY. Containing a complete Introduction to 
 the Science, illustrated by upwards of 6JO Figures of Shells, etched on copper-plates, in which 
 the most characteristic examples are given of all the Genera established up to the present 
 time, arranged in Lamarckian Order, accompanied by copious Explanations; Observation* 
 respecting the Geographical or Geological distribution of each ; Tabular Views of the Sys- 
 tems of Lamarck and De Blainvilie ; a Glossary of Technical Terms, Sc. New Edition, 
 considerably enlarged and improved, with numerous Woodcuts in the text, now first added, 
 Svo, cloth, 18*.; or with the Plates coloured, cloth, II. Ifo. 
 
 SOWERBY'S CONCHOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATIONS; OR, COLOURED FIGURES 
 OF ALL THE HITHERTO UNFIGURE1) SHELLS, complete in 200 Parts, Svo, com- 
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 88 figures of Beetles, beautifully and most accurately drawn (pub. at :'/. 2*. ) , cloth, II. It. 1MO 
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 STEPHENS' BRITISH ENTOMOLOGY. 12 vols. Svo, 100 coloured Plates (pub. at 
 
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 1827-2* 
 
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 " One of the moat Interesting, and hitherto the scarcest, of Mr. Sweet's beautiful publication* '
 
 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 ^Itscdtatuous 
 
 Utorature, 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, POETRY AND THE 
 DRAMA, MORALS, AND MISCELLANIES. 
 
 BARBAULD'S (MRS.) SELECTIONS from the SPECTATOB, TATLEH.GTJAKDIAN, ami 
 
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 printed, with Portraits of Addison aud Steele, cloth, junifonn u-uli the Standard Library, (pub. 
 at 10,.), 7. -Uo-ron, 1M 
 
 BLAKEY'S HISTORY OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE MIND; embracing tlie 
 Opinions of all Writers on Mental Science irom the earliest period to the present time, 4 vols. 
 thick 8vo, very handsomely printed, cloth lettered, (pub. at 31.), II. Lon^maut, Jfco 
 
 BOSWELL'S LIFE OF DR. JOHNSON; BY THE RIGHT HON. J. C. CROKER. 
 
 Incorporating his Tour to the Hebrides, and accompanied by the Commentaries of all pie- 
 ceding Editors, with numerous Additional Notes and Illustrative Anecdotes; to which are 
 added Two Supplementary Volumes of Anecdotes by HAWKINS, PIOZZI, MURPHY, TYBRS, 
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 traits, and Sheets nf Autographs, finely engraved ou Steel, from Drawings by STANFIELD, 
 HARDING, &c., cloth, reduced to II. 10*. 
 
 This new, improved, and greatly enlarged edition, beautifnlly printed in the popular form of 
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 recommended. In one of the Ana recorded in the supplementary volumes of the present 
 edition, he says: "Books that you may carry to the fire, and hold readily in your hand, are 
 the most useful after all. Such books form the mass of general and easy reading." 
 
 BRITISH ESSAYISTS, viz., Spectator, Taller, Guardian, Rambler, Adventurer, Idler, 
 and Connoisseur. 3 thick vols. Svo, Portraits (pub. at 21. 5.), cloth, 11. 7. Either volume 
 may be bad separate. 
 
 BRITISH POETS, CABINET EDITION, containing the complete Works of the prin- 
 cipal English Poets from MILTON to KIRKE WHITE. 4 vols. post Svo. (size of Standard 
 Library), printed in a very small but beautiful type. 22 Medallion Portraits (pub. at 2t. ?>.), 
 cloth, lit. 
 
 BROUGHAM'S (LORD) POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, and Essay on the British Con- 
 stitution, 3 vols. Svo. (pub. at If. Hi. 6rf.), cloth, II. It. 1844-46 
 
 British Constitution (a portion of the preceding work), Svo, cloth, St. 
 
 BLANC'S (LOUIS) HISTORY OF TEN YEARS, from 1830 IStf). 2 thick voU. Svo, 
 cloth (pub. at II. C. ), reduced to 7s. Cd. 
 
 BURKE'S ENCYCLOP/EDIA OF HERALDRY; OR, GENERAL ARMOURY OF 
 ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND. Comprising a Registry of all Armorii) 
 Bearings, Crests, and Mottoes, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, including the 
 late Grants hy the College of Arms. With an Introduction to Heraldry, and a Dictionary of 
 Terms. Third Edition, with a Supplement. One very large vol. imperial Svo, beautifullv 
 printed in small type, in double columns, by WHITTINGHAM, embellished with an elabcrat* 
 Frontispiece, richly illuminated in gold and colours: also Woodcuts (pub. at 2i. 2j.), cloth 
 gilt, I/. U. ] g 44 
 
 The most elaborate and useful Work of the kind ever published. It contains upwards of 
 30,000 Armorial Bearings, and incorporates all that have hitherto been given by Guillim. Ed- 
 mondson, Collins, Nistiet, Berry, Robson, and others; besides many thousand names which 
 have never appeared in any previous Work. This volume, in fact, in a small compass, but 
 
 BURNETTS HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIMES, AND OF THE REFORMATION, 
 
 with Historical and Biographical Notices. 3 vols. super royal Svo. cloth, il. lit. 6d. 
 
 BURNS' WORKS, WITH LIFE BY ALLAN CUNNINGHAM, AND NOTES BY 
 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT, CAMPBELL, WORDSWORTH, LOCKHART, &c. Royal svo, 
 
 fine Portrait and Platts (pub. at 18.), cloth, uniform with Byron, 10. Cd. 
 
 This is positively the only complete edition of Burns, in a single volume, Svo. It contain* 
 not only every scrap which Burns ever wrote, whether prose or erse, but also a considerable 
 number of Scotch national airs, collected and illustrated by him (not given eUewhere) and full 
 aud interesting accounts of the occasions and circumstances of his various writings. The very 
 complete and interesting Life by Allan Cunningham alone occupies 164 pases, and the Indices 
 and Glossary are very copious. The whole forms a thick elegantly printed" volume, extending 
 in all to 848 pages. The other editions, including one published in similar shape, with an 
 abridgment of the Life by Allan Cunningham, comprised in only47pages,-and the whole volume 
 in only 504 pages, do not contain above two-thirds of the above. 
 
 GARY'S EARLY FRENCH POETS. A Series of Notices and Translations, with at 
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 GARY, Foolscap 8vo, cloth, 5. 181C
 
 PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. O. BOHK. 17 
 
 GARY'S LIVES OF ENGLISH POETS, supplementary to DR. JOHNSOH'S "Livw.- 
 
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 CHURTONS RAILROAD BOOK OF ENGLAND; Historical, Topographical, and 
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 CLASSIC TALES. Cabinet Edition, comprising the Vicar of Wakefield, Elizabetl. 
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 Theodosius and Constantia, Castle of Otranto, and Rasselas, complete in 1 volume, 12mo: 
 medallion Portraits (pub. at lui. 6d.), cloth, Jt. M. 
 
 COPLEY'S (FORMERLY MRS. HEWLETT) HISTORY OF SLAVERY AND ITS 
 
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 COWPERS POETICAL WORKS, including his Homer, edited by CAKY. Illustrated 
 
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 edges, is--: 
 
 CRAIK'S ROMANCE OF THE PEERAGE; OR, CURIOSITIES OF FAMILY HIS. 
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 CRIMINAL TRIALS IN SCOTLAND, narrated by JOHN HILL BUETOW. 2 voU. 
 
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 D'ARBLAY'S DIARY AND LETTERS; edited b her NIECE, including the Period 
 
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 DAVIS'S SKETCHES OF CHINA, During an Inland Journey of Four Months ; with 
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 DIBDIN'S (CHARLES) SONGS. Admiralty edition, complete, with a Memoir by 
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 DOMESTIC COOKERY, by a Lady (MM. RUNDELL). New Edition, with numerous 
 additional Receipts, by Mrs. BIRCH, 12mo, with 9 Plates (pub. at 6t.), cloth, 3s. 
 
 EGYPT AND NUBIA, illustrated from Burckhardt, Lindsay, and other leading Autho- 
 rities, by J. A. ST. JOHN-. 12j fine Wood Engravings. Demy Svo, (pub. at 12*.), cloth, it. 
 
 ELLIS'S POLYNESIAN RESEARCHES, being a complete Account of the Society and 
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 FENN'S PASTON LETTERS, Original Letters of the Fasten Family, written during the 
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 The original edition of this very curious and interesting series of historical Letters is a rare 
 book, and sells for upwards of ten guineas. The present is not an abridgement, as might be 
 supposed from its form, but gives the whole matter by omitting the duplicate version of the 
 letters written in an ol.jolete language, and adopting only the more modern, readable version, 
 published hy Fenn. 
 
 4 The Paston Letters are an important testimony to the progressive condition of society, and 
 come in as a precious link in the chain of the moral history of England, which they alone to 
 this period supply. They stand indeed singly in Europe._//al/<xm. 
 
 FIELDING'S WORKS, EDITED BY ROSCOE, COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME 
 
 (Tom Jones, Amelia, Jonathan Wild, Joseph Andrews, Plays, Essays, and Miscellaniei.) 
 medium Svo, with 20 capital plates by CRUIKSIIANK (pub. at it. 4*.), cloth gilt, 14*. 
 
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 Henry Fielding are perh.ips most decidedly and exclusively her own." Sir It alter Stall. 
 
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 FOSTER'S ESSAYS ON DECISION OF CHARACTER; on a Man's Writing Memoirs 
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 FOSTER'S ESSAY ON THE EVILS OF POPULAR IGNORANCE. New Edition 
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 part of the attention which it deserve*. " Dr. Pye Smi/A.
 
 18 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 FROISSARTS CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. AND SPAIN, Sic. 
 
 Translated by CUI.ONEL JOHNES, with 120 beautiful Woodcuts, 2 vo.s, *uper-royai Svo, 
 
 (pub. at II. Ito.), do' 1 ' lettered, I/. 8*. 
 FROISSART, ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS OF, 74 Plates, printed in gold and 
 
 colours, 2 vols. super-royal 8vo, half bound, uncut (pub. at 4i. 10.),3/. 10s. 
 the tame, large paper, 2 vols. royal 4to, half bound, uncut (pub. at 102.10;.), Cl. 6t. 
 
 FROISSARTS CHRONICLES, WITH THE 74 ILLUMINATED ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 INSERTED, 2 vols. super- royal 8vo, elegantly half-bound red morocco, gilt edges, emble- 
 matically tooled (pub. at 61. 61.), \l. 13. 1819 
 
 GAZETTEER.- NEW EDINBURGH UNIVERSAL GAZETTEER, AND GEOGRA. 
 PHICAL DICT1 ONARY, more complete than any hitherto published. New Edition, revised 
 and completed to the present time, by JOHN THOMSON (Editor of the Universal Atlas, &c.), 
 very thick 8vo (1040 pages) Maps (pub. at 18. ), cloth, 12. 
 
 This comprehensive volume is the latest, and by far the best Universal Gazetteer of its size. 
 It includes a full account of Affghanistan, New Zealand, &c. &c. 
 
 CELL'S (SIR WILLIAM) TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME AND ITS VICINITY. An 
 
 improved Edition, complete in one vol. 8vo, ith several Plates, cloth, 12. With a very large 
 Map of Rome and its Environs (from a most careful trigonometrical survey), mounted on cloth 
 and folded in a case so as to form a volume. Together 2 vols. Svo, cloth, It. It. 18iC 
 
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 jcurnal, we could after all afford but a meagre indication of their interest and worth. It is, 
 indeed, a lasting memorial ol eminent literary exertion, devoted to a subject of great import- 
 ance, and one dear, not only to every scholar, but to every reader of intelligence to whom the 
 truth of history is an object of consideration." 
 
 GLEIG'S MEVOIRS OF WARREN HASTINGS, first Governor-General of Bengal. 8 
 vols. Svo, fine Portrait (pub. at 21. ;. j, cloth, II. It. 1341 
 
 GRANT'S HISTORY OF PHYSICAL ASTRONOMY, from the earliest ages to the 
 middle of the lath century; comprehending a detailed Account of the Establishment of the 
 THEORY OF GRAVITATION BY NEWTON, and its Development by his successors; wilh an 
 Exposition ol the Progress of Research on all the other subjects of CELESTIAL PHYSICS, thick 
 Svo, cloth (pub. at 16,.} 8. 1852 
 
 GOLDSMITH'S WORKS, with a Life and Notes, 4 rols. fcap. Svo, with engraved Titles 
 and Plates by STOTHARD and CRUIKSHANK. New and elegant Edition (pub. at !(.), extra 
 cloth, 12j. 
 
 " Can any author can even Sir Walter Scott, be compared with Goldsmith for the variety, 
 beauty, and power of his compositions! You may take "um and 'cut him out in little stars,' to 
 many lights does he present to the imagination." Athnaeum. 
 
 " The volumes of Goldsmith will ever constitute one ol the most precr~us " wells of English 
 nndefiled." Quarterly Review. 
 
 GOOD'S (DR. JOHN MASON) BOOK OF NATURE; 3 vols., foolscap Svo, cloth, 
 (pub. at]/. 4s.), I0t.6d. 
 
 GORDON'S HISTORY OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION, and of the V, r ar<< and Cara- 
 
 ?aigns arising from the Strugelesof the Greek Patriots in emancipating '.heir country from the 
 'urkish yoke. By the late THOMAS OORDOK, General of a Division of the Greek Army. 
 Second Edition, 2 vols. Svo, Maps and Plans (pub. at II. 10s.), cloth, in... 6d. 1842 
 
 GORTON'S BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. A new and enlarged Edition, with a 
 Supplement, completing the Work to the present time, 1 vols. Svo, clotii lettered, 11. lit. 6d. 
 
 HEEREN'S (PROFESSOR) HISTORICAL WORKS, translated, from the German viz. 
 ASIA, New Edition, complete in 2 vols S.FRICA, 1 vol.- EVKOPE AND ITS COLONIES, 1 
 vol. AXCIEXT GREECE, and HISTORICAL TREATISES, 1 vol MANUAL OF ANCIENT His- 
 TOBY, 1 vol. together 6 vol?. Svo (formerly pub. at 71.), cloth lettered, uniform, 21. 5. 
 
 ** .\ewmd Complete Edition, mth General Indent. 
 
 " Professor Heeren's Historical Researches stand in the very highest rank among those with 
 which modern Germany has enriched the Literature of Europe." Quarterly Review. 
 
 HEEREN'S HISTORICAL RESEARCHES INTO THE POLITICS, INTERCOURSE, 
 
 AND TRADES OFTHE ANCIENT NATIONS OF AFRICA; including the Carthaginians, 
 Ethiopians, and Egyptians. New edition, corrected throughout, with an Index, Life of the 
 Author, new Appendixes, and. other Additions. Complete in 1 vol. Svo, cloth, 16>. 
 
 HEEREN S HISTORICAL RESEARCHES INTO THE POLITICS, INTERCOURSE, 
 
 AND TRADES OF THE ANCIENT NATIONS OF ASIA: including the Persians, Phoe- 
 nicians, Babylonians, Scythians, and Indians. New and improved Edition, complete In 3 
 vols. Svo, elegantly printed (pub. originally at 2(.fo.), cloth, 11. 4. 
 
 " One of the most valuable acquisitions made to our historica. stories since the dayi of 
 Gibbon." AtHenatum. 
 
 HEEREN'S ANCIENT GREECE, translated hy BANCROFT; and HISTORICAL 
 TREATISES; viz. 1. The Political consequences of the Reformation. II. The Rise, Pre- 
 press, and Practical Influence 01 Political Theories. III. The Rise and Growth of the Conti- 
 nental Interests of Great Britain. In 1 vol Svo. ,,-ith Index, cloth, lit.
 
 PUBLISHED OK SOLD BY H. G. BOHN. 19 
 
 HEEREN'S MANUAL OF THE HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF 
 
 EUROPE AND ITS COLONIES, liom its formation at the close of the Fifteenth Century, 
 to its re establishment upon the Fall ot Napoleon ; translated from the Fifth German Edition. 
 New Edition, complete In 1 vol. 8vo, cloth. 14. 
 
 " The best History ot Modern Europe that has yet appeared, and It 1 likely long to rtmalu 
 without a rival. Alhenanm. 
 
 "A work ol sterling value, which will diffuse useful knowledge for generations, after all th* 
 shallow pretenders to that distinction are fortunately forgotten." Literary Gaxtttt. 
 
 HEEREN'S MANUAL OF ANCIENT HISTORY, particularly with regard to the Consti- 
 
 tutions, the Commerce, and the Colonies of the States of Antiquity. Third Edition, corrected 
 and improved. Svo (pub. at III.), cloth 12*. 
 
 * Hew Edition, with Index. 1847 
 
 "We never remember to hive seen a Work in which so much useful knowledge wai con- 
 densed into so small a compass. A careful examination convinces us that this hook will be 
 useful lor our English higher schools or colleges, and will contribute to direct attention to the 
 better and more instructive parts of history. The translation Is executed with great fidelity." 
 Quarterly Journal oj Education. 
 
 HEEREN'S MANUAL OF ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY. For the use of Schools and 
 Private Tuition. Compiled from the Works of A. H. L. HEEREX, 12mo (pub. at 2t. 6d.), 
 cloth, 2,. OJjoril, r<i/6oy, 1830 
 
 HOBBES COMPLETE WORKS, English and Latin, edited by SIR W.MOLESWOETH. 
 
 Poitiait and plates. 16 vols, Svo, (pub.at 8/. 8.), cloth, 3<. St. 
 
 The La;in Works form 5 vols, the English Works 11 vols, each with a General Index. A* 
 fewer were printed of the Latin iban of the English, the former are not sold separately, 
 but the English 11 vols. may be had for II. \6t. 
 
 HUME AND SMOLLET'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, complete in 1 large vol., with a 
 Memoir of Hume, inipl. Svo, fine portraits of the authors, extra cloth (pub. at \l. St.), 11. It. 
 
 JAMES'S WILLIAM THE THIRD, comprising the History of his Reign, illustrated in a 
 aeries of unpublished letters, addressed to the Duke of Shrewsbury, by JAKES VBRNON, 
 Secretary of State; with Introduction and Notes, by G. P. R. JAMES, Esq., 3 Toll. Svo, Por- 
 traits (pub. at 21. 2i.), cloth, 18. 1841 
 
 JAENISCH'S CHESS PRECEPTOR; a new Analysis of the openings of Garnet; trans- 
 lated, with Notes, by WALKER, Svo, cloth, lettered (pub. at 1S.), 6. Crf. 1847 
 
 JOHNSON'S (DR.) ENGLISH DICTIONARY,_printed verbatim from the Author's last 
 Folio Edition. With all the Examples in full. To which are prefixed a History of the Lui 
 guage, and an English Grammar. 1 large vol. imperial svo (pub. at 2'.. 2>.), cloth, 18t. 
 
 JOHNSON S (DR.) LIFE AND WORKS, by MURPHY. New and improved Edition, 
 complete in 2 thick vols. Svo, Portrait, cloth lettered (pub. at II. lit. W.), lit. 1830 
 
 JOHNSONIANA ; a Collection of Miscellaneous Anecdotes and Sayings, gathered from 
 nearly a hundred different Publications, and not contained in BOSWKLL'S Life of Johnson. 
 Edited by J. W. CHOKER, M.P. thick fcap. Svo, portrait and frontispiece (pub. at lot.), 
 cloth, 4t. 6d. 
 
 JOHNSTON'S TRAVELS IN SOUTHERN ABYSSINIA, through the Country of AdeL, 
 to the Kingdom of Sboa. 2 vote. 8vo, Map and Plates (pub. at II. 81.) cloth, lot. 6tt. 1814 
 
 KOHLRAUSCH'S HISTORY OF GERMANY, from the Earliett Period to the Present 
 
 Time, svo, oloth (pub. at U>.), reduced to 3t. 6d. 
 
 COSTEKTS. Ancient Germany and its Inhabitants, from the most Ancient Times to the 
 Conquests of the Franks under Clovis, A.I>. 4*>G From the Conquests of Clovis to Charle- 
 magne 48ij-7l)8 The Carlovingians, from Charlemagne to Henry I., 708-91!) From Henry I. 
 to Hudolphus of Hamburg, 919-1273 The Middle Ages From Rudolphus I., of Haps- 
 burg, to Charles V., 1273-1520 Emperors of Different Houses, 1273-1437 The House of 
 Am;; , a, from Charles V. to the Peace ol Westphalia, 1420-1 618 From Uie Peace of West- 
 phalia in 1648 to the present time. 
 
 KNIGHT'S OLD ENGLANDS WORTHIES: a PORTRAIT GAI.I.KRT of the moat 
 eminent Statesmen, Lawyers, Warriors, Artists, Men of Letters and Science, Sic., of Great 
 Britain, accompanied by full and original Biographies (written by LORD BROUGHAM, CRAIK, 
 DE MORGAN, and others), Imperial 4 to, with 74 tine Portraits on steel, 12 large coloured Plates 
 of remarkable buildings, and upwards of 259 historical and decorative Vignettes oa wood, 
 cloth gilt (pub. lit 1>. 2s. 6d.), lit. 
 
 KNOWLESS IMPROVED WALKER'S PRONOUNCING DICTIONARY, containinj 
 above 30,000 additional Words ; to which is added an Accentuated Vocabulary of Classical ; n.l 
 Scripture Proper Names, new edition, in 1 thick handsome voluaie, large Svo, with Portrait, 
 cloth lettered (pub. at It. 4.), 7. 64. 
 
 LACONICS; OR, THE BEST WORDS OF THE BEST AUTHORS. Seventh 
 Edition. 3 vols. 18mo, with elegant Frontispieces, containing 30 Portrait (pub. at lit.), cloth 
 gilt, 7t. Gd. 
 
 This plejsant collection of pithy and sententious readings, from the best Engltah author! o. 
 all ages, has long enjoyed great and deserved popularity. 
 
 LOWS DOMESTICATED ANIMALS OF GREAT BRITAIN; comprehending the 
 Natural and Economical History of Species and Varieties ; with Observations on the princi- 
 ples and practice of Breeding. Thick Svo, (pub. at I/. St.), cioth, St.
 
 20 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
 LAING'S KINGS OF NORWAY: THE HEIMSKRIXGLA, or CHRONICLE of the 
 KINGS OF NOB WAY, translated from the Icelandic of SnorroSturleson, with a preliminary 
 Dissertation and Notes by SAMUEL LAING, Esq, ; 3 vo!s., Svo.; cloth, (pub. at li. I6j.), 18*. 
 
 LAMB'S (CHARLES) WORKS, complete; containing; his Letters, Essays of Elia, 
 Poems, Plays, &c., with Life of the Author, including the additional Memorials, hy SIR T. N. 
 TALFOURD, in 1 stout volume royal Svo, handsomely printed, with Portrait and Vignette Title, 
 (pub. at 1C-.), cloth, 12s. 
 
 LEAKES (COL.) TRAVELS IN THE MOREA. 3 vols. Svo. With a very large Map of 
 
 the Morea, and upwards of 30 various Maps, Plans, Plates of ancient Greek Inscriptions, S.c. 
 
 (pub. at 21. S... ), cloth, 11. Sj. 
 LEWIS'S (MONK) LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE, -with many Pieces in Prose and 
 
 Verse, never before published. 2 vols. Svo, Portrait (pub. at li. 8s.), cloth, lij. 183'J 
 
 LEIGH HUNT'S STORIES FROM THE ITALIAN POETS, (Dante, iriostu, 
 
 Boiardo, 'lasso, Pulci), with Lives oi the Writers. 2 vols, post Svo, (pub. at II. Js.), cloth, lu. 
 *.* This elegant work is for the Italian Poets what Lamb's Tales are lor Shakespeare. 
 
 LODGE'S (EDMUND) ILLUSTRATIONS OF BRITISH HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, 
 
 AND MANNERS, in the Reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, and James I. 
 Second Edition, with abovfi 80 Autographs 01 the principal Characters of the period. Thret 
 Tols. Svo. (pub. at II. 16s.), cloth, li. 1838 
 
 MACGREGOR^S COMMERCIAL STATISTICS Cf ALL NATIONS. A Digest of 
 the Resources. Legislation. Tana's, Dues, shipping. Imports, E::porta, Weights aud Measures, 
 &c., &c. of All Nations, including all the British Commercial Treaties, 5 larj-e vols, super- 
 royal Svo. cloth, (pub. at 7;. lot.), 21. 121. fid. 
 
 MALCOLM'S MEMOIR OF CENTRAL INDIA. Two vols. Svo, third edition, with large 
 Map (pub. at 11. SJ.), cloth, 18. Igj2 
 
 MALTE-BRUN AND BALBI'S UNIVERSAL GEOGRAPHY; comprising, 1. The 
 History of Geographical Discovery; 2. Principles of Physical Geography: 3. Complete De- 
 scription, from the most recent sources, of all the Countries of the World. ' New and enlarged 
 Edition, revised and corrected throughout, with an Alphabetical Index of 13,500 Names. 
 Thick 8vo, cloth (pub. at II. 10t.), reduced to 15. mi 
 
 MARTINEAUS EASTERN LIFE, Present and Past. New edition. In one thick 
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 26 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
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 MORE'S (HANNAH) PRACTICAL PIETY; Or the Influence of the Religion of the 
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 Jpowfgn languages anlr Hfteraturc. 
 
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 ATLASES A NEW GENERAL ATLAS, engraved by SIDNEY HALL, demy folio, 
 
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 CORPUS POETARUM LATINORUM. Edidit G. S. WAI.KEK. Complete iii 1 very 
 
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 28 CATALOGUE OP NEW BOOKS, 
 
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 30 CATALOGUE OF NEW BOOKS, 
 
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