73e 
 
 Winn 
 Emancipation
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 EMANCIPATION; 
 
 OR 
 
 FHACTICAL ABVICE 
 
 TO 
 
 BRITISH SLAVE-HOLDERS: 
 
 WITH SUGGESTIONS 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 GENERAL I3IPR0VEMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 WT;ST INDIA AFFAIRS 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Let Interest — if no other motive will prevail. 
 
 By T. S. WINN, 
 Formerly Resident in the West Indies. 
 
 x.ONDOir : 
 
 Sold by W. Phillips, George Yard, Lombard Street; J. & A, 
 Arch, Cornhill ; T. &. G. Underwood, 32, Fleet Street; and 
 J. Hatchard & Son, Piccadilly. 
 
 1824.
 
 PRINTED BY J. €OAVELL, 22, Tf.krace, Pimi.ico.
 
 r 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Mr. WiLBERFORCE, aiitl others, have appeal- 
 ed to the Religion, Justice, and Humanity of 
 Slave-holders to discontinue their system ; with 
 what effect 'tis unnecessary here to remark.' — The 
 following sheets are addressed chiefly to their 
 sense of worldly Interest — if they attend not 
 to that, neitlier would they to a warning from 
 Heaven. 
 
 N.B. — Much of this ^Vork has been long composed, and 
 known in ISIariuscript to the Author's private connections — he 
 ht.s lately been induced to revise and enlarge it, treating on 
 West India aftairs to the present time. — It is now sent to press, 
 Jind after some private distribution, will be issued to tlie public 
 generally early in the ensuing }ear. 
 
 J 1st Cctoler, 1823.
 
 2 
 
 time to look about him, imperfectly learn the language 
 and local circumstances of the country he Avas thus forc- 
 ed into and enslaved, when it was time to die — and al- 
 though a considerable number of creole (native) slaves 
 had accumulated, yet not sufficiently so, or of long stand- 
 in;]: eno«gh, to give a general and improved character to 
 the whole body of slaves. — But henceforth they will be 
 all Creoles, born on the spot, and from generation to 
 generation, become more knowing, and civilized, attach- 
 ed to the soil, aware of their own superiority in numbers 
 and phj'^sical strength, the nature of the countr}^, &c. 
 (though kept from that kind of knowledge which would 
 dispose them to use with moderation their ascendency 
 when tliey gained it) their thirst for freedom, and 
 means of eflecting it, will proportionably increase ; and 
 they will not much longer sufler a comparatively few 
 emaciated Whites to hold them in thraldom ; who in 
 the struggle will most likely be driven from the country, 
 or sacrificed on the spot, as in San Domingo. 
 
 This will probably be the case, at least in the larger 
 islands paid continental colonies, where the slaves are 
 so disproportion ably numerous, and the fastnesses in the 
 interior afford such secure retreats to the insurgents if 
 necessary, inaccessible to the Whites — and even if insur- 
 rections should be more easily quelled in the smaller 
 islands, they may be so frequently repeated, and attended 
 with such disasterous consequences to the Whites, that 
 victories may be nearly as injurious as defeats. 
 
 The Maroon War in Jamaica proves what even a 
 small body of negroes can do against the Whites, in a 
 large thinly white peopled West Indian colony — there 
 were never so many as 500 Maroons in arms, yet for 
 many months they kept the w hole force of the island at 
 bay, regulars, militia, and volunteers ; occasioned the 
 loss of manv valuable lives, and destruction of much
 
 3 
 
 property ; whilst tlicy remained comparatively unhurt, 
 and even unapproachable; the nature of the countiy 
 and climate, with the Maroon mode of warfare, fought 
 more for them than their own force — and after all, were 
 only induced to surrender to a capitulation, favorable 
 for them, though afterwards treacherously violated by 
 us, when they had thrown themselves iu our power.* 
 — Nay, what was their origin, runaway slaves whom 
 the colonists, after many years strenuous efforts, found 
 impossible to subdue, and were finally forced to recog^- 
 nizc their freedom, grant further immunities to, and 
 enter into alliance with them. — How much more formida- 
 ble v.'0uld be a general insurrection of slaves throughout 
 the Island ; joined also by the oppressed, and conse- 
 quently discontented, free negroes and people of colour, 
 jDOSsibly too excited and assisted from without. 
 
 And then the neighbouring example of St. Domingo, 
 on a larger scale, and with more tenible consequences, 
 should never be forgotten by the white inhabitants of 
 the other Islands, and probably will not by the slaves : 
 and particularly the near vicinity of Hayti to Jamaica, 
 (even in sight of each other) and the great intercourse 
 
 * What cruelty and injustice in the colonial government, to 
 transport the rebellious IVIaroon negroes to the frozen regions of 
 Novia Scotia, where they were suffered to linger for years, and 
 also in direct violation of the capitulation on which they surren- 
 dered, which stipidatcd that they should not be sent off the Island 
 — yet if policy rendered it expedient to get rid of them, then wiiy 
 guarrantee that it should not be done, or at least why not send 
 them at once, which was long afterwards done by the English 
 government, to Sierra Leone, a climate congenial to their tropical 
 conslitiifions. — In future tlie negroes and people of colour will be 
 shy of trusting to the good faith of Whitens — the next War will pro- 
 bably be one of externiinrition — proving the truth of that maxim, 
 which worldly minded uiii)rinciplcd people are so loth to believe, 
 though the most enlightened species of sellishness, Udmcly,'" /loiies- 
 t)/ ii the Itcsl pi)/ici/."
 
 between them, the slaves of the latter cannot be ignorant 
 of what has been going on in the free black republic : — : 
 and the time may come, when the power and policy of 
 the Haytian Government may lead it even to excite and 
 assist the slaves of the neighbouring islands to ellect 
 their freedom, either for allies as a common cause, or to 
 add to their dominion — it already aflbrds an asylum 
 to runaway slaves, and admits them as citizens. * 
 
 Many slaves accompany their owners to England, the 
 American States, &c. where they often remain a consi- 
 derable time, and acquire an insight of the principles 
 and effects of liberty and knowledge, which on their 
 return to the colonies, they disseminate among their 
 fellow slaves. — Many American negroes and people of 
 colour, go from the United States to the West Indian 
 colonies, and often settle there. — The Black regiments 
 also, which government with blind infatuation armed 
 and disciplined during the war, though now withdrawn 
 from the West Indies, yet if the system be again acted 
 upon, may in a general revolt hereafter, side with their 
 coloured brethren, as well as train them in military 
 tactics.f — Likewise an hostile invading enemy, bent on 
 
 * The colonial goTernmeut of Jamaica, has latterly placed cer- 
 tain restrictions on the intercourse between that Island and Hajti 
 — but it is a vain as cowardly attempt — the seed of knowledge is 
 sown among their slaves, and cannot now be rooted out. — More- 
 over, the lore of liberty is natural to man, and indigenous in all 
 countries, so that it will spring up of itself. 
 
 f The men of these black corps on their disbandment at the 
 close of the war, being free, settled down into land cultivators and 
 other employments for their own emolument — ^which shews how 
 useful and orderly the free black population might be rendered 
 under proper inducement aiid management — yet so jealous were 
 the white colonists of these negroes, having been trained to arms, 
 that they finally prevailed on the government to withdraw them 
 frpm the Island — (it was much on the same principle they so dis-
 
 annoying to the utmost, may stir up and evssist the slaves 
 to rebellion. — The English did something very like it on 
 the American coasts during the late war, and we may 
 expect retaliation in a much more vulnerable quarter, 
 I have heard the Americans avow it as their intentiori 
 hereafter. * 
 
 Yet are the Whites lulled into a fatal security, and 
 flatter themselves that their system of slavery and op- 
 pression can be kept up for ever with impunity — but 
 it will probably be found as impossible, as it certainly 
 is unjust and iniquitous ; — and even if it could be con- 
 tinued with safety and certainty, would not prove so 
 beneficial to the slave-holders themselves, as gradually 
 and prudently abolishing slavery, hiring and paying the 
 negroes and people of colour for their voluntary services, 
 thus making them the free labouring peasantry, me^ 
 chanics, servants, &,c. of the country ; which the climate 
 and state of society will always require ; indeed, few 
 countries would be better supplied with the useful subr 
 ordinate classes than the Y/cst Indies, under such a, 
 system. 
 
 As for planters, the sooner they come to consider 
 themselves simply as farmers the better. For my own 
 part, had I an estate in the West Indies, or otherwise 
 wanted hands there, I should, from motives of interest 
 
 honorably and cruelly transported the Maroqns in 1792.) What 
 a system of craft or violence, fear and danger, is that of Slavery ! 
 — how mean and unmanly for Evf/Uslnnen ! ! — how inconsitent and 
 wicked as Christians !! ! — what practical Infidelity. 
 
 * Bolivar, the chief of Columbia, exaspciatcd at the number of 
 t'livatccrs (or rather Pirates) fitted out from Cuba, against the 
 trade, Jcr. of the rcpui)Iic, lately notified to the Spanis]i authorities, 
 lliat if tlioy contiiuic to sufler the annoyance, he will proclaim all 
 (lie slaves in tiiat Island, and other colonies still remaining to 
 Spain, /rcr', and assist thctn with all the means in his power to 
 shake oIT their thraldom.
 
 6 
 
 alone, decidedly prefer hiring free labourers to keeping 
 slaves. But even admitting, though against my clear 
 and strong conviction, that the system of slavery is 
 most profitable and advantageous to West India pro- 
 prietors, yet considering the more than probable im- 
 practicability of much longer enforcing it, and the 
 danger (not to mention the iniquity) of the attempt — 
 will they cede nothing to the necessity of the case, if 
 not for the furtherance of so good a cause, and as some 
 atonement for their past injustice. 
 
 Besides the guilt and danger of persevering in the 
 system of slavery — much of its supposed profits and 
 advantages are erroneously taken for granted, from 
 thoughtlessness, habit, prejudice, and miscalculation. 
 
 The position that working by slaves is less profitable 
 to the proprietor than hiring free labour, has been 
 usually asserted only in general terms, Avithout suffi- 
 ciently entering into practical details — which I shall 
 here endeavor to do, as far as chiefly relates to West 
 India Planters. 
 
 Reckon, for the sake of round numbers, slaves to be 
 w orth, one with another, say £1 00. each ; the purchaser 
 of such slave, whilst he holds him, must lay out of his 
 capital to that amount, principal and interest — and 
 whether the proprietor obtain such slave by purchase or 
 otherwise, it amounts to the same thing, as the slave 
 would fetch his value in the market — no such disadvan- 
 tage attends hiring a free labourer. 
 
 The slave, after he is purchased, may be partly or 
 entirely disabelled by sickness, accident, &c. ; during 
 which his owner derives little or no benefit from his 
 services, and probably, sustains additional expense, 
 in taking care of him — if he hire free labourers, he 
 will of course only engage those healthy and vigorous, 
 whilst they are so and work for him — their infirmities 
 prove no loss or burden to him.
 
 Besides the progressinp^ wear and waste oC a slave's 
 life, even of srood constitution, through the hipse of 
 years, hard labour, scanty diet, &c.^ — for his proprietor 
 lias only a life interest in him, which every year depre- 
 ciates, — a slave may abscond for a time, or for ever ; 
 or may die in his prime, and Avithout issue — here is at 
 once an entire loss of his value and capital, to the pro- 
 prietor ; — no such disadvantage attends hiring a free 
 labourer. — A slave may prove idle, stubborn, or refrac- 
 toiy, occasioning much plague and little profit — no such 
 disadvantage attends hiring a free labourer. If his em- 
 ployer be dissatisfied, he dismisses him, and gets another 
 more likely to suit him. 
 
 Then besides the greater mortality and waste of life 
 whilst it lasts under slavery, must be considered the 
 check to procreation, and less means and motives of 
 rearing an offspring by slaves as parents, than attending 
 :i state of free agency — and consequently capital vested 
 in slaves must dcpreci-ate from such cause in the same 
 proportion. 
 
 During the last fifty years previous to the abolition 
 of the Trade with Africa, it is computed that about a 
 million of negroe slaves were brought to Janjaica, for 
 the use of that island alone— yet at the cessation of the 
 trafic in 1807, the whole number of negroes, free or en- 
 slaved, on the island, barely amounted to 300,000! and 
 although since the prohibition of importations from Africa, 
 our colonists have been obliged to trust chiefly to care in 
 breeding for keeping up their stock of slaves, which has 
 induced rather better treatment, at least among pro- 
 prietors who can and do well calculate and manage 
 their afiairs — yet still the slave population isdiminishing 
 though in less proportion than formerly — and ifitcontinue 
 to go on, v,\ en at the present rate, the whole race must be- 
 come extinct, like the native Caribs — that too at jio very
 
 8 
 
 distant period — and sooner still must be reduced to d 
 paucity of numbers too few for the necessary purposes' 
 of tlie White community. But were they released from 
 the hardships and thraldom of slavery, polygamy dis- 
 couraged, the rights of parents and citizens conferred 
 upon them, with useful instruction, encouragement, and 
 restraintSj their numbers might be kept up, and probably 
 increased, in a climate so congenial to their natural 
 constitution. 
 
 But these consequences, though certain, yet being 
 remote, our West India colonists heed them not, bent 
 as they usually are, on merely serving their own turn 
 for the present time, regardless of what happens, or 
 who comes after them — such is their general character 
 and system, thus they often exhaust their soil as well 
 as slaves. 
 
 The negroe slave population in the American Stately 
 has more than doubled by births within twenty-five 
 years — chiefly from being better fed, and less worked^ 
 although the climate is not so favorable as the West 
 Indies for negroe temperament. The negroes free and 
 enslaved in the States are also generally more en- 
 lightened and civilized than in the West Indies. 
 
 Then must be reckoned the requisite expense of the 
 proprietor towards the keep of his slave in food, cloath- 
 ing, and various necessaries, beyond the means of the 
 latter to duly provide for himself, at least under the 
 present system — and although proprietors too generally 
 stint in this as much as they can, and more than they ought, 
 often cruelly so for their suffering slaves, especially petty 
 proprietors, or those otherwise poor, embarrassed, rapaci- 
 ous, hard-hearted, or negligent of their affairs — particu- 
 larly absentees — yet cannot it be easily evaded altogether 
 — -and on some slave establishments of more humane, 
 capable, and liberal masters, though comparatively few.
 
 9 
 
 where much or all tliat is needful be really done, propor- 
 tioually amounts to a considerable sum — and be it more 
 or less, must be included among the disadvantages of 
 the slave system, not attendant on hiring free labourers. 
 
 Then must be taken into calculation, the cost of 
 maintaining several White people on each plantation, 
 or slave establishment, with salary, board, lodging, and 
 other expenses, chiefly for the purpose of obliging slaves 
 to perform their unwilling work, and otherwise keeping 
 them in order, or doing themselves what might be cheaper 
 and better effected, especially in the West Indies, by free 
 negroes, or people of colour, if properly trained and 
 paid for their services — also the expense of a doctor 
 and surgeon to attend the slaves in cases of sickness 
 or accident, at a salary usually of so much per head 
 for the whole number sick or well — and an hospital on 
 each estate, locally called a hol-house, nurses, medicine, 
 diet, &c. with many other expenses, too various to enu- 
 merate, attending the slave system, which might be 
 avoided, if operating by freemen — and the curse of 
 slavery now pervading all the business and enjoyment of 
 life — unwillingness, indolence, slovenliness, waste, craft, 
 and evasion on the part of the slave — want of comfort, 
 convenience, economy, profit, and safety, in consequence 
 to the Whites. The crime of slavery is amply avenged 
 on the task-masters. 
 
 On most plantations and other establishments where 
 slaves are kept, it may be rightly reckoned, generally 
 speaking, that not more than a moiety, if so many, of 
 the slaves are really useful to the concern, at least in 
 any profitable degree — some are too yo.ung, or too old, 
 or sick, infirm, or otherwise disquallificd, or not sufli- 
 ciently employed, particularly a numerous frain of 
 indolent house-slaves. 
 
 In hiring free labourers, domestic servants, &c. only
 
 10 
 
 those may he retained who arc euiciently useful, and 
 really necessary. 
 
 Plantations, &c. require a greater number of working 
 hands at particular seasons, especially crop time, (about 
 four months in the year) than at others, and under particu- 
 lar circumstances. Now if the estate be sufficiently stocked 
 with slaves to answer the calls of the more busy periods, 
 then will it probably be overstocked, for those times of less 
 occupation ; which surplus of hands, being slaves, must 
 always be retained and maintained by the planter, their 
 owner; he cannot dismiss and re-engage such labourers as 
 short and fluctuating occasions require ; and if the number 
 of slaves on the property, be only sufficient for the less 
 busy seasons, then will it be understocked when more 
 hands are required, and perhaps not very easily or 
 cheaply to be procured, under the present system ; thus 
 will the necessary business be neglected, or imperfectly 
 and disadvantageously performed — either case must 
 prove prejudicial to the proprietor — but if instead of 
 slaves, he worked his estate with hired labourers, he 
 would retain the exact number of hands he wanted at 
 the time, which he might vary as occasion required, and 
 never suffer from a superfluity at one time, and a de- 
 ficiency at others. And as since the war, we no longer 
 and never may again, unnaturally monopolize the sugar 
 trade of the world, our planters must reduce their scale 
 of cultivation, and style of living — consequently will 
 want fewer labourers, domestic servants, &c. which, 
 among other reasons, now renders the slave system 
 less necessary and beneficial than ever, and this a 
 favorable time to commence getting rid of it altogether, 
 as prudently and speedily as possible. 
 
 Slaves have no inducement to exert themselves 
 for the benefit of their owners, further than they are 
 compelled l)y them, consequently they evade their profit-
 
 11 
 
 less irksome tasks on all occasions as much as tliey can — 
 do as little work, and get through the day as easily as 
 possible — but were they freemen receiving wages for, 
 and in proportion to their work, how much more wil- 
 lingly and effectually would they operate for their em- 
 ployers. 
 
 Among many striking practical instances of the 
 greater advantages of employing free labourers rather 
 than slaves, I well remember one in particular. 
 
 A relation of mine, a planter in Jamaica, with whom 
 I then resided, set forty of his slaves to work in clear- 
 ing a tract of wild land in the mountains, thickly co- 
 vered with timber, and matted with underwood. — At 
 the end of several months, the gang of slaves had 
 made such small progress, th^-.t he was induced to hire 
 twenty free Maroon negroes, to clear the remainder at 
 so much per acre — which they performed so rapidly and 
 completely, that in a comparative estimate of the work 
 done by the Maroons, more and better than the 
 slaves, in the same given time, and allowing for differ- 
 ence of numbers, it was found to be at least as three 
 to one.— Thus may slave-holders operate cheaper and 
 Ijcttcr in a three-fold, nay, probably greater degree, witli 
 fewer hands, by the employment of freemen — and with 
 more honor and safety, as well as profit. 
 
 In the above instance, the alledged natural indolence 
 and reluctance of negroes to work, without compulsion, 
 cannot apply — for the Maroons were negroes as well as 
 the slaves — only the former were free and paid in propor- 
 tion to their work — here is the cause and effect — as also 
 in the following, though somewhat diflercnt case — 
 
 At Baltimore I met with a Maryland Planter, who 
 told me he had some years before liberated all his slaves, 
 lO'-) in number — and had since cultivated the same estate 
 l)y 10 or 12 (rcc hired labourers, ducfly his former slaves,
 
 12 
 
 which he found sufficient for the purpose, except durinj^: 
 crop time, about a montli in the year, when he required 
 and employed more honds, like English farmers in har- 
 vest. — It is true, he had altered his mode of culture, 
 growing corn instead of tobacco, using the plough for 
 the hoe, horses for human labour, with other improve- 
 ments, by which in the long run, he found himself a 
 gainer — and much of this might be done by West India 
 proprietors ; especially, substituting the cultivation of 
 other articles for the over and exhausting production of 
 Sugar. 
 
 In the States to the northward of Maryland, where 
 Slavery existed until within these few years, but latterly 
 asbolished, land and other property has greatly risen in 
 value, far beyond theii level in the Southern Slave 
 States, though the latter possess a more productive soil 
 and climate. — And in all parts of the world where Slavery 
 has existed, its abolition has been uniformly succeeded 
 by increased security, improvement, and general pros- 
 perity. 
 
 N.B. — The people of Maryland and the contiguous 
 States on the South and West, especially Virginia, are 
 growing aware of the losing nature of their slave system, 
 and that they had better get rid of it as soon and as 
 well as they can. 
 
 Planters and others, when they want additional help, 
 will hire on high terms, gangs of negroes from their 
 owners, termed jobbers, who let out their slaves at so 
 much a head per diem, &c. — How much better would it 
 be to pay the same, or even less wages to the negroes 
 as freemen, which are now paid to their masters for the 
 use of them as slaves — and were Slavery entirely abol- 
 ished, the immense mass of negroe and coloured popula- 
 tion would furnish labourers, artizan's, &c. so abundantly, 
 that probably the price of labour would be very low, in
 
 13 
 
 a country and climate where the workman requires so 
 little to sustain liim — as is the case in our East India 
 territory, under several analogous circumstances. 
 
 And for the same reason, the public are not likely to 
 be ever much burdened with the maintenance of paupers 
 — besides the people oJ" colour, jSTegroes in particular, are 
 kind and assisting to each other, especially to their aged. 
 — Then too, when free subjects, they would contribute to 
 the poor rates, taxes, and revenue, in proportion to their 
 mimber, means, and expenditure. — And constituting, as 
 they e\er must, by far the greater part of the population, 
 they would in the aggregate, probably pay more than the 
 White inhabitants, and the latter be even less burdened 
 with the maintenance of poor or disabled negroes and 
 people of colour titan at present. — As every proprietor is 
 now bound entirely to snpporil)isinQrm,siaves, and also 
 contribute his quota for the maintenance of the public 
 poor — of course, no abled bodied free negroes, or people 
 of colour, would be allowed parochial sup]iort, whilst 
 employment could be procured for them — which if they 
 refused, might then be justly enforced upon them — for 
 their own good, and that of the community. 
 
 Nor need the great superiority in numbers of the 
 negroes and people of colour alarm the Whites — they 
 are much more likely to remain harmless and useful as 
 a community of freemen, than an oppressed dissatisfied 
 body of slaves, or only partially free — (by the bye, had the 
 White people been allowed, as they wished, to conlinue 
 the Slave Trade, they would have dqluged our West 
 Indian settlements with still more importations from 
 Africa.) At present their num()cr (Negroes and people 
 of colour) is not near so great in proportion more than 
 the Whites in the West, as the native coloured popula- 
 tion under our jurisdiction in the East Indies, and on a 
 smaller scale at Sierra Leone — yet every thing goes on
 
 14 
 
 uell there, because the people of colour remain free, 
 protected in their persons and properties by equal laws 
 as the AViiites. — It is well known, that such is the tyranny 
 and oppression of the native governments and their 
 agents in the East Indies, (and the same may be said 
 of Africa) that the people prefer being under the more 
 equitable and protecting sway of the British — thus a 
 handful of Europeans are suffered to retain the sovereignty 
 and possession of the country — and this is the only 
 mode which it can be expected long to remain in the 
 West. — Nay, even as it is, tlie free black and coloured 
 population in our West Indies, though generally unedu- 
 cated, and also oppressed with invidious unjust dis- 
 tinctions of law and custom by the Whites, exclusively 
 in favor of the latter, still have they remained orderly, 
 useful members of the community — how much more 
 ardently, patriotically, and permanently so would they 
 be, if properly enlightened, and possessing not merely 
 the shadow, but the substance of liberty and equal rights.* 
 Nor is it likely, except perhaps in a few solitary in-f 
 stances, that the negroes and people of colour in the 
 West Indies, would ever rise beyond the lower classes 
 of society, or rival the Whites in rank, property, know- 
 ledge, &c. (and even if they should, what then ? — there 
 is room enough for all parties — there are many opulent, 
 
 * A Petition has lately arrived in England, addressed to the 
 King, from the free black and coloured population of one of our 
 West India islands, praying: that, " they may be admitted to all 
 the rights and privileges of British subjects, and placed on the 
 same footing with the Whites as citizens." — This shews they are 
 aware of their just claims, and bent on obtaining them — and pro- 
 bably will not always confine themselves to such moderate and 
 orderly means for redress, if they prove ineffectual — with what 
 face can we refuse them their prayer, consistently with our pro- 
 fessed love of Liberty, and practice of Justice — what selfishness 
 and hypocrisy !
 
 15 
 
 respectable natives of colour in our East India terri- 
 tory) still if\'0iild they be contented with equal civil 
 rights, and their exertions left free to do the best they 
 could for themselves — as is the case with the lower 
 classes in Europe, which chiefly constitute the bulk of 
 'jDopulation in every country, who look up to the higher 
 orders, as their best patrons and protectors — under such a 
 system in the West Indies, it would be the interest of 
 the black and coloured people to rally round and support 
 the Whites. — There is no instance in any nation, of the 
 Immblier rising against the higher classes, except goaded 
 to it by oppression from the latter. 
 
 Then in cases of sedition, rebellion, &c. should they 
 occur, the more orderly, thriving, and intelligent free 
 lilack and coloured citizens, sensible of the blessings 
 they enjoy under a just protecting government, would 
 assist it in putting down the evil designing, and prove a 
 tower of strength to the Whites — who now having in- 
 jured, dread them as a mine of destruction, ready to be 
 sprung the first favoring opportunity against the op- 
 pressors. — Guilt and fear, as well as danger, generally go 
 together — and such, in an imminent degree, in its eftects 
 is the system of slavery. 
 
 Then indeed might we justly and honorably send 
 over our regiments, and they fight to subdue the rebelli- 
 ous ; and our civil power inflict the utmost penalty of 
 the law — but on what principle of justice or humanity 
 dare wc now let loose the dogs of war* — (not to mention 
 
 * Is it not truly heroic in our soi disant honornhic menihcrs of 
 the, par courtoisic di-bcd " !ionora1)le profession of arms," to 
 be engaged and employed in forcibly keeping their fellow creatures 
 in Slavery ! — that too in our own territory — and butchering them for 
 any attempt to shake oil the yoke, and obtain the natural rights 
 of men! Oh pinks of chivalry! — lionoral)Ic men, and honorable 
 ])ri>feMsion ! 
 
 TJicn too, in some of our Islands, for instnncc, Jamaica and
 
 16 
 
 SpaniBli blood hounds*) or enforce a bloody penal code, 
 iigjiinst our enslaved fellow creatures, merely for seeking 
 to shake oil' their thraldom ! To indict death, torture, or 
 indeed any punishment on human creatures, merely for 
 seeking to deliver themselves from slavery and oppres- 
 sion or evading their compulsatory, toilsome, profitless 
 tasks whenever tliey can, is adding further cruelty and in- 
 justice to the original crime of those who inflict them. 
 
 "What," exclaim Slave-holders, "are we then to sufler 
 our helots to rise up against us, destroy our lives and 
 properties, or even flag in their services wiih impunity !" 
 
 Recollect, gentlemen Slave-holders, that you have no 
 just claim to their allegiance or services — by forcibly 
 holding them in slavery, you impose on them the neces- 
 sity ol" being your enemies, and render all means in their 
 power lawful, to evade or shake ofl" the ^oke, and even 
 to avenge themselves for pasi injuries on the aggres- 
 sors — it is voluntary and monstrous injustice on your 
 part, but in them natural, just and necessary — ye would 
 do it yourselves, and be justified in theJi- condition. 
 
 It is in vain to say—" We have got ourselves, no 
 matter how, into a serious dilem.na, not easily retreated 
 from, and must guard against its consequent dangers as 
 well as we can, without being over scrupulous as to the 
 means. — Thus it is, that deeds originating in fraud or 
 violence, if meant to be persevered in, are usually car- 
 
 Barbadoes, lliese Mgh-spl-itcd disinteres.ed nieroenarics, receive 
 double pay for Ibeir mo;inauimous ser\ices! 
 
 Well might a l^mous le\iogr?plier (Doctor Joinson) define a 
 soldier as—" a man hh-ed to fujhtfor ;,rt_y''— for w.ifcli lie 5,ives up 
 his free aj^ency, to figlit m any cause however infranous !— This is 
 called Glory !! — and amon^^ Christians! ! ! 
 
 * Blood hounds were imported from Cuba, to hunt down the 
 insurgent Maroons, but were not used, the Maroons surrendering 
 by capitulation.
 
 17 
 
 lied on throua,hoiit by the same nefarious means— crime 
 engenders crime — what is by ill begun, must be by ill 
 maintained; but the best, and probably only way 
 for Slave-holders to extricate themselves, will be 
 by ceasing their oppression, (—aye, there's the rub — 
 any thing but that) — and making every reparation in 
 their power to the parties they have so long, so deeply, 
 and so basely injured. — Enlighten their minds, teach them 
 their duties, open the means of livelihood and prosperity 
 to their o\\ n exertions, treat them according to their in- 
 dividual deserts, without distinction of colour — and in 
 due time, confer on tliem all the rights and privileges of 
 men and citizens — we take especial care to retain for 
 ourselves. — 
 
 Then in cases of internal commotion, or of invasion 
 from without, the free citizens of all colours, would 
 rally round their paternal government in the common 
 cause, to defend their country and rights, and prove the 
 best bulwark against foreign and domestic foes — as well 
 as willing useful auxiliaries for all the purposes of civil 
 and social life. 
 
 That it will require wisdom, zeal, and sincerity, to 
 plan and execute a beneficial system of gradual, yet 
 finally complete and general Emancipation we admit, 
 there is much to undo, as well as to do — and no time to 
 be lost, if not even now too late, through past neglect — 
 but also equally maintain that it may be thus effected, 
 more probably, easily, and advantageously, than by any 
 means much longer to uphold a system of slavery. 
 
 If as Slave-holders say, 'tis difficult to recede, 'tis 
 far more difficult and dangerous, as well as infamous, to 
 persevere in their present system, in either case they 
 have In'ought the consequences on themselves, by which 
 they must abide as the natural effects of their past 
 system, at first voluntarily adopted, and since so long 
 
 c
 
 10 
 
 and obstinately adhered to, equally against the warnings?- 
 of prudence, and dictates of justice and humanity — and 
 if, as they declare, the alternative now left them, is only 
 a choice of evils, then, at any rate,, let them choose the 
 leasty and beware of their decision,-- -They may be 
 thankful if they still have such an alternative. 
 
 Certainly, it would have been far better, had the work 
 of reforai commenced long ago— especially on the pro- 
 hibition of slave importations from Africa, which na- 
 turally required simultaneous preparations for the gra^ 
 dual Abolition of Slavery itself in our colonies ;< and ia 
 the interim a progressive improvement of the slaves* 
 condition, and character, especially in training the 
 rising generation — this at the time was clearly pointed 
 out, and strenuously recommended to our colonists ; but 
 tjbey have deplorably neglected the precious opportu- 
 nity ; and even up to this late period are averse as ever 
 to all voluntary effectical alteration.— Meanwhile, as be- 
 fore observed, their slaves have been grovying more dan- 
 gerously knowing, sensible and impatient of their 
 grievances, aware of the probable means in their own 
 power of redress, and even for vengeance — though de- 
 bared from that kind of knowledge, religious,, moral, and 
 civilizing, which would have rendered them more pa- 
 tient under a gradual improvement of their condition, 
 with the prospect of final Emancipation to themselves 
 or offspring; or even had they exerted their power 
 successfully, in throwing oft' the yoke prematurely, 
 would have disposed them to use with moderation 
 any ascendency tliey acquired — this state of ignorance 
 and barbarism in which slaves have been systematically 
 kept by their task-masters, as most compatible with the 
 spirit of slavery, may answer the purpose of proprietors 
 as long as they can keep up their slave system, — but 
 fearfully light against them on any successful general in-
 
 U) 
 
 surroction duving the brutalized state of tlieir slaves. — 
 And even if the best endeavors at reform should now 
 prove abortive, it will only shew that the system has 
 "been carried on too far, become unmanageable, either 
 for continuance cv alteration, and beginning to recoil on 
 the aggressors, as sooner or later might have been ex- 
 pected. — At any rate, 'tis the best and probably only 
 chance to extricate themselves from the ill effects of 
 their past system — and even should they now fail in 
 tlic laudable attempt, if undertaken, they will have 
 the consolation to know they have at least left off well, 
 and thus redeem their character in the opinion of others — 
 nay, their veiy slaves, even though they reject the boon 
 at their hands, as too late or insufficiently accorded, will 
 give them credit for the praiseworthy though tardy en- 
 deavor to ameliorate their condition, atone for past 
 injustice, and be disarmed of their vengeance. — 'Tis 
 better to fail in an attempt at good, than in aiming at 
 evil. — But we still iiope and think that it may not yet 
 'be too late to effect reform with happy results, if promptly, 
 honestly, and judiciously planned and executed, but 
 no further time for delay, or fatal may be the conse- 
 quences. 
 
 Our colonists may probably still retain, and fairly be 
 allowed, sufficient power and influence for every good 
 and necessary purpose, but not for evil. — And when slaves 
 find the Whites really in earnest to better their condition, 
 and fhially admit of their general freedom, this will prove 
 the most likely means to induce them patiently and con- 
 tentedly to await the issue, so requisite and beneficial 
 for themselves and even the degree of knowledge and civili- 
 zation they have already attained, though not intended 
 by their mastcrvS, ^vill teach them the duty, necessity, and 
 advantage of submitting to what is for their own welfare, 
 as well as that of the community — though it renders then^
 
 20 
 
 proportionally more averse and impatient to longer en- 
 durance of past g:rcat and unmitiijated oppression, and 
 aware of their own powerprobably to redress themselves — 
 yet, perhaps somewhat greater concessions at once, and 
 a plan less slow in its progress, or otherwise differently 
 modified, may now be more necessary than if prcnaritory 
 measures lor general Emancipation had been adopted 
 on the cessation of our Slave Trade with Africa, and 
 since followed up, so as to have kept pace with the in- 
 creasing necessity for the abolition of Slavery in our co- 
 lonies — and which, by this time, would have been far 
 advanced towards maturity. 
 
 Let Slave-holders decide for the best, and act accord- 
 ingly, ere it be too late to have an option of choice, or 
 power any longer to controul their system — or else be 
 coerced by the Mother Government tor their ow n welfare, 
 in spite of themselves — hereafter they will be thankful — 
 cither our colonists or our government must manage the 
 matter ere it be too late— or the slaves will probably 
 take it out of their hands, and do it in their own way for 
 themselves. 
 
 Most Slave-holders (if they think at all, for the greater 
 part act without thought on the matter) really flatter 
 themselves that their Slave system, which has hitherto 
 lasted so long, may be kept up for ever with impu- 
 nity.— Others of them, with more penetration, are in- 
 clined to admit, that most likely it cannot be much longer 
 enforced ; but will probably last their time, and so far 
 answer their purpose; regardless of what happens after 
 their turn is served.— Let them consider the altered 
 signs of the times, with the natural tendency of their 
 system— and whether they may not be out in their cal- 
 culation, and rucliilly left in the lurch before they ex- 
 pect it. 
 
 And tl»se among them who only want or expect
 
 2i 
 
 the system " to last their tiiiic,"— ^let them reflect on the 
 probability that henceforth Ibrtuncs ^vill no longer be 
 rapidly made^ if at all, in tiie West Indies, most likely 
 only current competence, from generation to generation, 
 that too by personal residence on, and good management 
 of their estates ; consequently the risk and interest of 
 proprietors in person and property proportionally pro- 
 tracted ; and on this account, among others, a change 
 of system required. 
 
 I have heard some among our West India colonists 
 fool hardily declare, (and many more secretly think, 
 without openly avowing it) " We'll keep up our Slave 
 system as long as we can ; and when it can be no fur- 
 ther enforced — then, and not 'till then, we'll cede to 
 necessity, and admit of general Emancipation." — What 
 without due preparation, ami opposed l>y the Whites 
 to the last extremity ! — or at what nice point do they 
 mean to stop, and may they not overshoot the mark, for 
 their then present or future interest and safety? — 'tis ^t 
 best a dangerous experiment. — Let those thus fool 
 hardy reflect on the nature and issue of an analogous 
 case in St. Domingo — 'tis true, the then slave population 
 have not been in a state of insubordination among themT- 
 selves since their general emancipation, — but they ex- 
 pelled or exterminated the W hite colonists, too long and 
 repeatedly opposed to their freedom ; took the sovereign- 
 ty and property of the countiy into their own hands, 
 which they still retain to themselves. — Here we dismiss 
 this part of the subject. 
 
 An increase of small cultivating proprietors, white, 
 black, or coloured people, would be a desideratum in our 
 West Indies, especially in the l;«rger colonies — particu- 
 larly as to raising small stock and i)rovisi(>ns, like the little 
 farmers and cottagers in England — but which great 
 planters, like great farmers, think beneath their notice ;
 
 22 
 
 at least to send to market beyond their own consumption 
 — thus many necessary articles arc scarce and dear, and 
 much is trusted to importations for a supply, at a higher 
 price and less certainty, than they, or substitutes might 
 be raised on the spot — besides remedying this evil, it 
 would also increase the useful peasantry of the country, 
 attach to the soil, property, and protecting laws, and 
 furnish employment and support to the poorer Whites 
 and a large proportion of the free black and coloured 
 population — attract them from towns, where now they 
 almost exclusively reside, to the injury of their health 
 and morals, and induce a due proportion to spread and 
 settle themselves throughout the country, where they 
 will be wanted, prove useful, and be benefitted — much 
 waste land might thus be brought into cultivation — and 
 the small bear a due, and more beneficial proportion, 
 than at present, to the larger proprietors. — All tliis is 
 highly necessary even during the existence of slavery — 
 but much more so undera system of general Emancipa- 
 tion. — And were the colonial governments to encourage 
 the settlement of Europeans of small means, but in^ 
 dustrious prudent habits, as farmers, graziers, gardeners, 
 &c. on a small scale, giving them gratuitously small tracts 
 of land, and even further moderate assistance if neces- 
 sary ; it would not only promote all the aforementioned 
 beneficial efl'ects — but also by increasing the number of 
 wliite settlers (probably too of the most hjardy and active 
 classes) serves as a counteracting power to the more 
 numerous black and coloured population — and increase 
 a grade much wanted in our West Indies, between the 
 more opulent Whites, and the free blacks, and people of 
 colour — and wliom of course, they would employ as 
 hired labourers, as slavery is gradually abolished,— r 
 The advantages of this, are particularly manifest in the 
 well jscttled cultivated Island of Barbadoes, even under
 
 91 
 
 4 system of slavery. — In short, our West India Lcgfisla- 
 tures ought by every practical means, to encourage the 
 increase of all the lower industrious operative classes, 
 especially as a preparation and accompanyment to gene- 
 ral Emancipation. 
 
 Many proprietors have more land than they can, or 
 well, cultivate — why not let it out in lots to free cultivators 
 on a small scale, as tenants, and thus secure a clear and 
 certain rent roll, like the Landlords in England — they 
 might, if needful, restrain their tenantry from the culti- 
 vation of sugar, or otlicr articles, interfering with the 
 interests of landlords — though such prohibition would 
 probably be superfluous, as such tenants or small pro- 
 prietors generally, would not possess land or capital 
 sufficient, for the profitable production of sugar, and 
 some other articles, which must necessarily remain ex- 
 clusively in the hands of larger richer cultivators. 
 
 Nay, if the White colonists got rid of their system of 
 Slavery, they might rent on lease, instead of purchasing 
 plantations, &c. to farm as tenants, and cultivate them- 
 selves, which they could get rid of without loss or 
 incumbrance on expiration of their term, or renew their 
 lease as they pleased. — This would be more consonant 
 to the West India system of wishing to cultivate only 
 for a few years, 'till enough has been realized, and then 
 al)andon the colony for ever — or proprietors might let 
 out their own plantations or other estates if they wish to 
 retire, and could not sell advantageously, which would 
 be more beneficial, than selling at a loss, or insecurely, 
 so often the case, or retaining it under the management of 
 Agents, especially when proprietors are Absentees. — • 
 The Stock (if not of slaves) might betaken by the tenant 
 at a fair valuation, or sold to the public, and the tenant 
 stock ibr himself — whicli with tlie crops, &c. would 
 always afibrd sufiicient security for payment of rent, and 
 fulfillment of agreement to the Landlord.
 
 24 
 
 If the free black and coloured population slionltl ever 
 become too numerous, which is not much to be appre- 
 hciuled — then the superabundance may be carried oft" by 
 encouragement of emigration. — The Bahama Islands for 
 instance, in their vicinity, would be a fine receptacle for 
 such a suiplus. — These Islands arc scarcely inhabited, 
 would well repay for any improvement, and possessing 
 a climate well suited to tropical constitutions. 
 
 Legal culprits in certain cases (at least among the free 
 Ijlacks and people of colour) violating the laws of the 
 colony of which they are citizens, may receive the 
 punishment of Transportation to some distant settlement, 
 appointed and adapted to that purpose — and thus the 
 community weeded of its most noxious characters. 
 
 N.B. — There is a society lately instituted in the 
 American States, with increasing funds, for the purpose 
 of founding a colony on the coast of Africa, to receive 
 their superfluous free black population — however, by the 
 following account it appears, that they may save the 
 expense of forming such a settlement, as the Republic of 
 Hayti is willing, and even desirous to receive and provide 
 for such people. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Virginia^ dated 12th August, 
 1822: 
 
 " Captain Arrcno from St. Domingo states, that a day 
 or two before he sailed. General Simons informed him, 
 that he would give all free Negroes from every part of 
 the world, who w ould emigrate to that Island, as much 
 land as they would cultivate." 
 
 For some time, if not perpetually, after the establish- 
 ment of general emancipation, and probably during a 
 progress towards it, particuhirly in its latter stages, it 
 may be requisite that land proprietors should hire, at 
 least a certain proportion, of their la1)ourers for the term 
 of one or more years at a time, with due provision made
 
 25 
 
 for fair aurccmcnt and fullillincait of t oiitiact by each party 
 ^and each proprietor mic:ht be allowed the rij>ht and 
 option of retaining any slave, having belonged to him, 
 in his service on fair terms for a certain time immediately 
 after his manumission. Eveiy proprietor would thus 
 secure a sufiicient number of hands to carry on his busi- 
 ness, used to his mode, and localities of the estate ; and 
 such labourers would thus be certain of employment for 
 long periods together, and not thrown at once in too great 
 numbers on the community trusting to chance for obtaining 
 a livelihood, nor sufiered to remain in wilful idleness. — It 
 w ould also tend to beget and continue attachment be- 
 tween the parties, and even to the soil. — Sach masters 
 should be allowed due power and authority over their 
 ser\^ants to enforce order and industry within the precincts 
 of their own domain, but always amenable to a com- 
 petent tribunal on the appeal of any party — every pro- 
 prietor on the manumission ofhis slave, should be bound 
 to employ him on fair terms, for at least one year after 
 his emancipation; unless in particular cases not admit- 
 ting or requiring it — such a regulation would tend to 
 establish habits of comparative voluntary industry, 
 economy, and sobriety in the newly freed slave, prevent 
 his being thro^Mi suddenly inexperienced and destitute on 
 the world, and induce him not to abuse his newly ac- 
 quired freedom. — This is a duty the former owner owes 
 to his cidevant slave and to the community — and in 
 most cases, would probably prove advantageous to the 
 master. 
 
 It may also be found most eligible for land-holders to 
 remunerate their hired cultivating labourers, by assign- 
 ing to them a certain proportion of the amount, after 
 sale, of the annual produce of the estate on which they 
 operate — any money or necessaries supplied to them ad 
 interim passed to their debit, accounts kept, and district 
 
 1)
 
 26 
 
 auditors appointed— this would be a convenient mode 
 to the proprietor, lair lor each party, interest the labour- 
 ers in the prosperity of the estate, and stimulate their 
 exertions to render it as fairly productive and profitable 
 as possible. 
 
 This is the general mode in which agricultural labour- 
 ers are paid in the republic of II ay ti.— They are alsa 
 retained from year to year, or a longer temi, and for the 
 time attached to the estate, on which they reside with 
 their families— and their principal allowed sufficient 
 power to enforce due order and obedience from them — 
 but always subject to the controul of the district con- 
 stituted authorities, who are bound to examine and de- 
 cide fairly between the parties and enforce their deci- 
 sion. — In fact, there is a system of considerable, though 
 indirect and not unfair coercion exercised over agricul- 
 tural labourers in Hayti, to secure a due supply of culti- 
 vating hands, keep them in order and attached to estates; 
 —and perhaps 'tis necessary in such a state of society 
 — but probably will be less so in our colonies under a 
 White government, and more numerous White popula- 
 tion, and emancipation gradual, with due preparation. 
 — In Hayti, all other trades and professions not agricul- 
 tural, are left pretty much to find their own level, and 
 sliift for themselves. 
 
 If these and other measures necessary for the pre- 
 servation of general order, industry, and prosperity, ]j« 
 accomplished, and such eflects produced in Hayti, 
 without the existence of Slavery — then why not, even 
 more and better, in our colonies possessing and starting 
 with greater advantages ? 
 
 Indeed, (except the untenable objections of Slave- 
 holders) I do not see, and have well reflected on the 
 matter, why Slavery, at least in name and odium, with 
 many of its real and greatest evils, might not be speedily
 
 '27 
 
 put an end to at once and for ever, in our West Indies, 
 on a plan of this principle, properly modified and 
 adapted to the peculiar existing circumstances in our 
 slave colonies — for instance, briefly thus — 
 
 Let all proprietors,, at least agricultural, retain in 
 their service the slaves they now possess, on fair wages, 
 say one-fourth of the net proceeds of the estate on 
 which they operate, as in Hayti — let the adults of a 
 certain age and present generation be thus retained for 
 life, except those who can and choose to purchase their 
 discharge or freedom, and are not then too old, or other- 
 wise without means of further supporting themselves. — 
 Let their children be still retained by the master, and 
 educated up to the age of say twelve or fourteen — and 
 then afterwards bound to serve their master gratuitously, 
 for a certain number of years for his indemnification ; 
 at the expiration of such term, then henceforth to be hired 
 at the same rate as other free and capable servants of the 
 same description. Transfers from master to master of 
 such servants and others, not entitled to their dis- 
 charge may for a time be allowed, when requisite, 
 and under certain regulations, on a similar principle 
 to our transfer of indentured apprentices in England. — 
 Masters to be allowed sufficient power to enforce 
 due order and obedience from their servants, backed 
 by the laws and constituted autiiorities — a different 
 modification of this plan may be necessary respectr 
 ing slaves belonging to persons not cultivating lan4 
 proprietors — the details of w hich I shall not here enter 
 into, but intend doing together with a full exemplifica- 
 tion of the whole plan, means, necessity, and advan- 
 tages in a future work — at present let it be considered 
 as applicable to at least all slaves on plantations and 
 other cultivated landed estates ; whicli will con)])rehend 
 by far the greater j)art of slaves and their j)r<)])rietors
 
 28 
 
 tjirounhoiit our West Indian colonics ; and may be 
 rendered equally api)lic:il)lc to all slaves and their 
 owners of every description ; until the advanced pro- 
 gress and complete establishment of general Eman- 
 cipation, naturally throw a due proportion of hands 
 into the class of agricultural labourers for voluntary 
 hire, and every necessary purpose. 
 
 Such a plan would in practical effect, leave masters 
 as much real power for every good and necessary pur- 
 pose, though not for evil, as under the slave system, 
 and without odium ; would also materially improve the 
 condition of Slaves (no longer so, at least in name) — and 
 as greater concessions at once, will probably now be re- 
 quired by them, than if a plan for general Emancipation 
 had been adopted long ago, and since duly proceeded in 
 — so ,the mode here hinted at, may on this point suffici- 
 ently satisfy the more knowing and impatient slaves of 
 (klie present day. 
 
 'Tis true, that the free negroes in our AVest Indian 
 colonies (with the exception of those brought from the 
 American States to Trinadad) are not hitherto generally 
 in the habit of ofl'erini;; tliemselves on hire to planters, 
 &c. as field labourers, nor is this to be wondered at 
 under existing circumstances — they are not yet so nu- 
 merous as to preclude them from finding sufficient means 
 of obtaining a livelihood by more independent, and 
 therefore to them preferal3le occupations as mechanics, 
 huxters, jobbers, gardeners, lishermcn, &c. chiefly in the 
 towns and their vicinity — whilst this is the case, and the 
 system of slavery so generally prevails, it may be ex- 
 pected they should seek to avoid the hardship and de- 
 gradation of working in the fields with gangs of slaves, 
 and possibly subjected to much the same discipline, 
 under the same overseers, drivers, &c. nor probably 
 would the system of free and slave labour amalgamate
 
 29 
 
 ^vcll to-icther, at least in the early stages ; nor will land 
 proprietors generally, whilst suiibred to possess a suffi- 
 cient stock of slaves, and their prejudices remain, prefer 
 employing free labourers, or render it worth their while 
 to engage w ith them — but as the plan of general Eman- 
 cipation advances, the increasing number of freed slaves, 
 will necessarily throw a due proportion into the class of 
 agricultural labourers on hire ; and land proprietors, as 
 their stock of slaves diminishes by manumission and 
 otherwise, must proportionally employ free labourers 
 for their necessary purposes — which may be further pro- 
 moted by judicious encouragement and regulations. 
 
 The several hundred free negroes brought from the 
 United States to Trinadad, being strangers on their 
 arrival, and without the usual resources of the native 
 free negroes of longer standing in the place, and having 
 been mostly brought up as field labourers, oflercd them- 
 selves on fair wages to work in that capacity for the 
 planters, as the readiest mode of obtaining a livelihood — 
 and that Island being understocked with slaves, planters 
 were glad to avail themselves of the services of such 
 useful auxiliaries. 
 
 During the French Revolution, the national conven- 
 tion in 1793 decreed freedom to the slaves in their co- 
 lonies ; and in Guadaloupe particularly, (of which wc 
 have the most full and accurate account) they remained 
 in a state of general freedom for several years, until the 
 accession of Buonaparte to power as head of the govern- 
 ment, who sent out troops to assist the colonists to re- 
 establish the system of slavery, which they effected. — 
 During the whole period of their general freedom the 
 negroes continued to work on the estates, and olljcr- 
 wise for fair remuneration; and were as orderly and 
 industrious as during their previous state of slavery — 
 their own wants, the certainty of fair compensation and
 
 30 
 
 treatment, with salutary rcijulations by the government;, 
 and power delegated to each master, proved quite as 
 sufficient to induce and impel them to voluntary labour 
 for their own benefit, as the force employed to compel 
 them against their will to work for the sole advantage 
 of others, under a system of slavery — this too, on a 
 sudden transition from slavery to general freedom with- 
 out due preparation, a disadvantage our British colonics 
 need not experience. — This instance, with the present 
 state of Hayti, and the case of the American free negroesi 
 settled at Trinadad, with other examples, prove that 
 'tis not necessary to keep negroes in slavery, to induce 
 and impel them to work as field labourers, or otherwise, 
 — and also, as general Emancipation advances, a due 
 proportion of the negroe population must necessarily 
 be thrown into the class of agricultural labourers for 
 hire, and all other callings duly supplied with operative 
 hands ; and that masters when no longer supplied with 
 slaves will contrive to do well enough (much better) 
 with free and satisfied helpmates — but the secret is, 
 our colonists, like those of Guadaloupe, want negroes 
 to drudge without fair remuneration, and subjected to 
 their own uncontrouled will and power, so prefer a system 
 of Slavery— but this, as I have here endeavored to 
 shew, is a miscalculation, even on tlie score of profit, 
 and worse still for their own much longer continued 
 safety. — I have already hinted why I do not here par- 
 ticularly urge the motives (powerful though they ought 
 to be) ot Jit.~f ice and liumanlty. 
 
 N.B.— The free Negroes., at least of certain classes, 
 might be required to jjlace out their children at a certain 
 age, to crafts or other useful occupations, in nature and 
 proportion to the supposed general w ants of the com- 
 munity—and all adult able bodied free negroes of such 
 classes, bctw ecu a certain age, not properly or sufficiently
 
 31 
 
 employed in each district, might l)e hckl in requisition, 
 and bound to serve, lor a certain time on fair terms, 
 suitable masters in their line, who wanted and applied 
 for such helpmates — the parties to be allotted to each 
 other by ballot, selection, or mutual agreement, with 
 proper pro\ision for reciprocal fulfillment of contract.— 
 And as agriculture must, above all other branches, 
 always be of the most consequence to the Vilest Indies — 
 so might there be, if needful, more especial provision 
 made for a sufficient supply of operative hands to land- 
 holders wanting them for due cultivation of the soil of 
 the country— and such might be allovs ed a preference of 
 supply above all otlier professions— and all able bodied 
 Negroes of a certain age in each district, of what ever 
 calling, or however employed at the time, if otherwise 
 suitable, might be bound to serve in their turn for a cer- 
 tain time, or find a substitute to agricultural proprietors 
 wanting help, on a similar principle of cur drawing for 
 the Militia — equally, though differently, requisite for the 
 good of the countiy, and adapted more peculiarly to the 
 local circumstances of the West Indies. 
 
 Slave-holders urge as a plausiljle plea for their system 
 and severity, that "the natural indolence of negroes 
 requires coercion to induce them to labour" — even admit- 
 ting this as a fact,— then force them to work for them- 
 selves instead of for others, much less coercion, if any, 
 will be necessary — such is the nature of man— but every 
 man's own wants, real or imaginary, will generally 
 . prove the best and a sufficient stimulant for his exer- 
 tions to provide for them — and the wants of negroes will 
 increase with their civilization and means of acquire- 
 ment, and keep them iully and usefully employed.—' 
 There is no physical inability in them for exertion, and 
 tlic bulk of them as slaves in our colonics, have been 
 luibitiiated all their lives even to excessive labour, nor
 
 32 
 
 do tlicy siifl'cr from tropical climate, like Europeans, nor 
 uill there be unwillingness to proper indiistiy, under 
 proper excitement — we idso know bow much more 
 eflectively, as Avell as willingly, Negroes, even slaves, 
 will Mork for tlieir own benelit, than merely for that of 
 other folks— and the lower classes in all countries cannot 
 aflbrd to be idle, if left to provide ior themselves and 
 dependants. 
 
 We find there is no lack of the exertion of talent and 
 industry among the free negroe citizens of Hay ti, even 
 though left to themselves — and so recently after their 
 suddenly and forcibly acquired freedom. — The land is 
 cultivated ; trade and commerce flourishes ; the various 
 vocations in demand carried on ; the wants of civilizing 
 society supplied ; a regular organized government esta- 
 blished ; order preserved ; education bestowed on all 
 classes ; and tlie community progressively improving in 
 a surprising degree, considering their disadvantages. 
 
 Another irreira gable instance is to be found in our 
 colony of Sierra Leone, where the numerous free black 
 population are in a high degree tractable, orderly, moral, 
 civilized, industrious, and flourishing, under the wise, 
 just, and beneficient sway of a handful of Whites, not a 
 hundredth part their number, without the existence of 
 Slavery — and so lately rescued from thraldom and bar- 
 barism. — These are stubborn practical facts, which all 
 the sophistry of Slave-holders canno-t upset. 
 
 Nay, look even at the native negroe nations in Africa, 
 especially as far as we know in the interior, most remote 
 from communication with Europeans, and the vices in- 
 troduced by the latter, especially in promoting the accur- 
 sed trafic in slaves, and do they not abound with indus- 
 trious, though rude, artizans, cultivators, trafticers, and 
 all tlie useful occupations requisite and in demand among 
 them — and even among the maritime tribes on the coast
 
 33 
 
 of Guinea, thoiiiih in a deteriorated decree, since the 
 baneful visits and excitements of European slave traders, 
 more inexcusably savajre than they. 
 
 And even throughout our West Indian colonics, 
 thou2;h at present so unpropitious, yet might be rendered 
 higldy favorable for the purpose, are not the many 
 thousand free negroes generally pursuing various useful 
 callings, and support themselves and families by their 
 own industry, though in a state of ignorance, debasement, 
 and oppression, so discouraging- to improvement of 
 mind and circumstances, which prevents their doing 
 better than they do. — And in the particular case of the 
 Maroon negroes, already incidentally mentioned page 11, 
 are they not, since allowed to be free and remain unmo- 
 lested, after the former long and ineflectual struggle of 
 the Whites to subdue them, living peaceably cultivating 
 their own lands, and are often h.ired to work as jobbers 
 for the planters and other colonists in the island of 
 Jamaica, though well provided for by lands, gratuities, 
 and immunities, granted them by Government, with other 
 resources. 
 
 N.B. — These people, from their favoring situation, 
 would probably prove, were the experiment fairly and 
 fully tried, fine subjects for improvement, and ascertain- 
 ing negroe capability. 
 
 We produce not, in their present state, the Maroons 
 or other free negroes generally in our West Indies, as 
 fair specimens of what the Negro character is capable of 
 l>eing rendered under proper direction, but only that they 
 conduct themselves as well, and even better, than might 
 be expected from any people under the disadvantages of 
 their condition — for the present, and sometime to come, 
 we must look to Sierra Leone and the Island of Ilayti, 
 but more particularly the Ibrmcr, as l)eing under the 
 superintendance of white Europeans, for the full dc- 
 
 E
 
 34 
 
 velopcmcnt Of nco:roe character, under sufficiently favor- 
 inu: circumstances — and might as well be eflected in our 
 West Indian colonies. 
 
 .If then the numerous free Negroes (as well as people 
 of colour) already existin.? in our West Indies, have 
 hitherto generally conducted themselves thus orderly 
 and usefully, though under the disadvantage of igno- 
 rance, degradation, and despotism, with few means and 
 motives for exertion or acquirement of knowledge, repu- 
 tation, or property, beyond supplying the indispensible 
 wants of their mere animal nature — how much more and 
 better maybe expected from them if properly enlightened, 
 improved by civilation, the means of livelihood and 
 prosperity thrown open to their exertions, admitted to 
 respectability of character according to their deserts, 
 with the rights of British subjects without distinction 
 of colour. 
 
 Other particular instances, which I shall not here 
 specify, might be adduced of the uniform developement 
 and improvement of Negroe good qualities and capa- 
 bilities, in curious, yet natural proportion to surround- 
 ing favorable or opposite circumstances. 
 
 What then becomes of the hardy assertion of Slave- 
 holders, in their usual convenient spirit of Prophesy, 
 that — " were Negroes generally free in a country and 
 climate requiring so little to sustain them as the West 
 Indies, they would from their natural indolence and 
 viciousness, spend most of their time in idleness, mis- 
 chief, and debauchery." — Is it not opposed by past and 
 present positive facts, ascertained even under unfavorable 
 circumstances — and contrary to rational presumption of 
 the future, if duly improved ? 
 
 Will not increased knowledge and civilization enlarge 
 their ideas, improve their morals and manners, increase 
 their wants real or artilicial, and proportionally stimu-
 
 35 
 
 !atc their exertions ; whilst the Abolition of Slavery will 
 induce an universal demand for their services, from the 
 Whites, the people of colour, and among each other — 
 and protected in person and property by just and equal 
 laws, will attach them to the constituted authorities and 
 institutions, so necessary and beneficial for themselves, 
 and for all classes, and render them good subjects and 
 fellow citizens ', and admitted to respectability of charac- 
 ter in proportion to their individual merit, will teach 
 them the necessity of personal propriety. — I envy not 
 that man's head or heart, who can seek to check thi§ 
 rising- goodly prospect, so expiatory of the past, so just 
 and beneficial for the future. 
 
 As there will ever be found in every community, per- 
 sons idle, improvident, and averse to exertion, though 
 I think probably not naturally more among Negroes 
 than any other people, if properly trained, excited, and 
 impelled — it may be found requisite, at least for a time, 
 before and after the establishment of general Emancipa- 
 tion in our West Indies, that every able bodied free 
 Negroe of the labouring classes (if not all such people 
 of colour) whether receiving parochial support or not, 
 should be compelled, if necessary, to work for the due 
 support of themselves and families, and supply the 
 general wants of the community — and suitable masters 
 or occupations, on fair terms assigned to them — at least 
 when such Negroes will not or cannot provide due employ- 
 ment for themselves. — We do something very like this 
 in England with our paupers, idle, and disorderly ; and 
 it may be necessary on a more extended scale, at least 
 for a time, in the i)cculiar state of West India society — 
 particularly as a counteracting power to the alledgcd 
 natural indolence of the negroe ])()pulation, if it exist ; 
 nntil uniform lia])its of voIunt;iry and suflicicnt indus- 
 try be generally established among them — thus no able
 
 30 
 
 bodied free ncprroc could plead want of employment as 
 an excuse for poverty, idleness, or insufficient exertion, 
 nor be suli'ered to remain useless or burdensome to the 
 community ; or the business of others, especially Agricul- 
 tural, be at a stand for want of operative hands, when 
 such can and ought to be provided for them — we may 
 justly, if necessary, coerce negroes to work on fair 
 wages and treatment for their own benefit and that of 
 the community, though not force them to drudge for 
 others, subject to their tyranny, and without due com- 
 pensation. 
 
 'Tis true, tliat the Negroes in our West Indies have 
 hitherto been, even systematically, kept in profound ig- 
 norance and deep debasement ; and it may be expected, 
 that the consequent degrading effects must appear in 
 their minds and manners — but this may be remedied by 
 useful instruction, and in due time admitting them to 
 the civil and social rights of men and citizens. — 'Tis 
 also true, that as slaves they have been impelled to 
 lajiour chiefly or rather entirely by compulsion — but 
 allow, induce, and fu^-nish them with means, to work 
 for their own benefit, instead of exclusively for that of 
 others ; and when sufficiently enlightened and civilized, 
 their own wants and ambition v.ill prove a sufficient 
 stimulus to voluntary exertion, and generally more ef- 
 fective than the employment of force in compelling them 
 to labour against their will and welfare unduly for the 
 profit of others — 'tis the governing principle in all civil- 
 ized society ; and wliy should it not operate on Negroes 
 as on other men under analogous circumstances. 
 
 But whilst emerging from igncrance and barbarism, 
 and as a preparation and accompaniment to their gene- 
 ral freedom, at least in its early stages, it may still be 
 necessary to use coercion, direct or indirect, when 
 other ijicitements fail to urge them to what is right and
 
 37 
 
 requisite for their own jiood and that of society — until 
 knowledge and civilization, a sense of Interest and 
 duty, the means of livelihood, prosperity, and respecta- 
 bility opened to them, with all necessary encouras;e- 
 ments and restraints, shall suliiciently induce them gene- 
 rally to voluntarj^ habits of order and usefulness. 
 
 N.B. — By the bye — the rigid discipline -md excessive 
 toil Negroes have been accustomed to as slaves, may 
 prove a better preparation for producing in them a con- 
 tinuance of order and industry, as freemen under the 
 laws, than if they had hitherto remained in idleness and 
 insubordination. 
 
 Perhaps Negroes as a people may long, nay, ever re- 
 quire and be benefitted in a greater degree by the more 
 enlightened institutions and superintendance of the 
 Whites, if rightly exercised, than if left entirely to 
 themselves — but even supposing, which I do not believe, 
 that the Negroe race, under every advantage, will alwaj's 
 require more coercion to render them orderly and useful, 
 than most other people — why then let it be exercised — 
 but mark, only as far as indispensibly necessary for 
 their own welfare, and that of the community — hence- 
 forth use it for good — not as hitherto for evil. 
 
 Such a system, even of coercion if needful, combined 
 with more lenient excitements, would prove most elli- 
 cient for every good and necessary purpose, and far less 
 odious and dangerous than the arbitraiy pov/cr now 
 unjustly exercised under a system of Slavery. 
 
 As to the licentiousness imputed to the Negroe popu- 
 lation generally in our West Indian colonies, I must 
 say, that during my residence there, I never observed it 
 to prevail in any extraordinary degree — certainly much 
 less than might be expected in any people kept in such 
 a state of extreme ignorance, degradation, and oppres- 
 sion ; so uninstructed in their religious, moral, and social
 
 38 
 
 duties; with few means an^ incentives to establish per- 
 sonal respectability of character ; and so surrounded by 
 the much <^reater licentiousness of their White superiors 
 • — than whom perhaps there is no where to be found a 
 more grossly sensual and debauched people, with any 
 pretensions to Christianity or civilization — which rather 
 tends to indicate that Negroes must naturally be en- 
 dowed with moderate passions, and addicted to tempe- 
 rate indulgences ; and would prove a virtuous people 
 under good instructors, examples, and institutions — the 
 experiment is practically making at Sierra Leone, and 
 proving eminently successful. 
 
 Are not most people, especially of the lower classes, 
 in all countries, moral in proportion to the instruction 
 they receive, the examples they behold, the motives to 
 virtue excited, and other surrounding circumstances — 
 why are Negroes of all human creatures, to be considered 
 as exceptions to this general prevalent principle ? — and 
 'tis rather too much, that our White West Indians of 
 all folks, should reproach their Negroes with want of 
 morality! 'tis very like Satan rebuking Sin — and not 
 only blaming others for what they openly in a worse 
 degree and more inexcusably practise themselves—but 
 moreover are the chief cause of the other^s delinquency! 
 — ^The charge is really beneath serious argument to refute 
 it, except for the benefit of those not sufficiently in- 
 formed, or do not reflect on the matter. 
 
 But the advocates of Slavery are prone to argue from 
 extreme and unfair cases — thus because they can shew 
 that Negroes in a state of ignorance and oppression, 
 are defective in morals, and averse to voluntary industry; 
 they mean to infer that Negroes must ever remain so, 
 even under the most favorable circumstances— but such 
 is the nature of their cause, as not to admit of fair argu- 
 ment in its defence, so for plausible prctexcs they
 
 39 
 
 must necessarily have recourse to subterfuge and so- 
 pliistr}'. 
 
 If as they assert, Negroes are naturally and incorrigi- 
 bly so vicious and indolent, as only to be rendered or- 
 derly and useful under the rigors of Slaverj^ — then, as in 
 all human probability, the slave system cannot much 
 longer be enforced; what can the White inhabitants of 
 our West Indies do, but abandon the colonics to them, 
 which cannot be cultivated or otherwise conducted, 
 without the subservient assistance of Negroes — this they 
 (the Whites) have no wish or intention of doing — then 
 are they not proving too much for their purpose ? 
 
 To persons w ho have never visited our slave colonies, 
 or been out of England, might be produced Negroes 
 here on the spot, who having been a sufficient time in 
 the countiy, to acquire a certain degree of knowledge 
 and civilization, would not sufier in comparison with 
 English white natives of the same sphere, not possess- 
 ing greater advantages — for instance, I know^ a family in 
 the vicinity of London who have retained a free negroe 
 in their service nearly 20 years, who is remarkable for 
 his intelligence, good morals, diligence, attachment, 
 and fidelity. — 'Tis well known that Doctor Johnson, no 
 bad judge of human nature, and thought not over lenient, 
 was so satisfied with the humble merit and faitliful ser- 
 vices of his negroe man Sam, as to bequeathe him an 
 annuity of £70, for life — no mean provision, and in those 
 days, for a person of that sphere, and quite as much as 
 tlie testator's circumstances could ail'ord. — I have lately 
 met with in London, several intelligent, v/ell-bchared, 
 even gentlemanly, negroe citizens of superior order from 
 Ilayti — fair existhig specimens of Negroe capal)ility 
 under proper improvement. — I need not mention the 
 higher instances of Ignatious Sancho, &.c. ^^hich ha\e 
 appeared amongst us.
 
 46 
 
 If Ncijtocs aro so stupid, stul)bom, and refractory as 
 slave Ijolders <^cncrally represent then)-~tlicn how comes 
 it that (besides the guilt and danger) our colonists have 
 voluntarily chosen for centuries past to be plagued 
 with them, and kept adding to their stock by fresh im- 
 portations from Africa, so long after they must have 
 ascertained their objectionable qualities — the Negroes 
 came not to them, but were forcibly brought, and as 
 forcibly detained. — And if they could only be rendered 
 serviceable by keeping them in Slavery, then Englishmen 
 of all people, ought to have disdained, or not been suffered, 
 so to hold or make use of them. 
 
 "Aye," but say slave holders, "we no longer continue 
 to import them from Africa"— very true, ye are prohibit- 
 ed, and volens nolens dare not attempt it, though still 
 allowed to buy and sell them among yourselves, which 
 ye do. — But what should we think of any nation more 
 crafty or powerful than ourselves, which had for ages by 
 force or fraud, carried olf into slavery the natives from 
 our shores, or encouraged others to do it from whom 
 they received them, well knowing the fraudulent tenure, 
 — but at length declared that henceforth they would 
 cease from so doing — yet positively refused to restore 
 to liberty or their country,, any of those or their descen- 
 dants, whom they had already thus nefariously obtained, 
 and now in their possession; insisting on their right 
 still to forcibly retain them and their posterity for ever 
 in Slavery ! — And if such slaves should get the better of 
 their task-masters, or even exterminate them — how could 
 we blame them? 
 
 Considering the cost and inefficiency of the slave 
 system, the coercion, and severity, not to say cmelty, 
 practised to compel slaves to perform their tasks, which 
 after all, they will evade as much as they can, the alarm, 
 expense, watchfuloess, and odious means employed to
 
 41 
 
 guard apfainst insarroctions — the risk of their occurrinfj 
 — -aiid the horrible havoc and harrassment when they 
 actually happen, even if always finally quelled, Mhich 
 cannot be rationally expected— would it not be an im- 
 mense gain to the ease and interest of Slave-holders to 
 get rid of these disadvantages? — And then those among 
 them who are not dead to every feeling of justice and 
 humanity, continually outraged, will ardently desire it 
 from noblicr motives. — As for those callous to all com- 
 punction of conscience at evil deeds — I shall only re- 
 commend them to reflect \\hether it be v/orth their while 
 to incur all the guilt and odium, as well as danger, 
 attending their vain attempts to uphold a system, in all 
 human probability, not much longer tenable by any 
 means in their power, however base they might be willing 
 to practise — and however they may doubt, or be loth to 
 believe, what I have here endeavored to practically 
 prove,— that a system of Slavery, is on the whole, not 
 really so profitable, even whilst it lasts, as the more safe, 
 easy, eflicient, and equitaljle employment of free, willing, 
 and capable agerits. 
 
 Notwithstanding the natural advantages of soil and 
 climate for tropical productions, which our West Indians 
 possess — their nearer proximity to Europe and the 
 American continent, than are our East India possessions 
 — and the artificial aid of protecting duties and drawbacks 
 in their favor against all competition even of their fellow 
 suljjccts — yet from the un})rosperous state of their af- 
 liiirs, 'tis surprising they are not led to suspect, that 
 there must be something radically wrong in their sys- 
 tem — which if they will look the matter fairly in the 
 face, ^\ ill be foujid to be, ciiieily the disadvantage of 
 working by slaves, instead of employing free labour, the 
 general neglect and mismanagement of their afiairs, 
 especially of Absentees---improvidcnce and cxtrava-
 
 42 
 
 gance in stylo of livinjr, as well as mode of cultivation 
 — and their desire of hi<,di prices and inordinate gains, 
 beyond the natural worth of their produce, and means 
 of their estates, even if well managed. 
 
 There is probably still nmch capability about West 
 India affairs if proprietors will only make the most of 
 the natural advantages really and fairly within their 
 power, and not impute their grievances to wrong causes, 
 or seek for artificial, unjust, and after all ineffectual 
 means, to buoy up an unnatural, impolitic, and losing 
 system. 
 
 But if, as West India proprietors declare, that unless 
 allowed to operate by slaves, they must be ruined — 
 then as in all probability their slave system cannot be 
 much longer kept up — ergo, by their own shewing, they 
 must be ruined— so on the horns of this dilemma we 
 leave them.
 
 PART II. 
 
 X^REE black and coloured people, born within our 
 tcmtory, consequently naturalized by their birth, obey- 
 ing the laws, and contributing to the wants and defence 
 of their colony,, and otherwise properly qualified — on 
 what principle of justice or policy (leaving humanity 
 out of the case) are they denied the rights of men and 
 citizens? — at least as far as admissible in fair and safe 
 expediency — yet in our West Indian colonies, they are 
 little more than nominally free — that is, no man can 
 make them his slaves, yet are they deplorably oppressed 
 bylaw and custom,with partial and invidious distinctions 
 against them exclusively in favor of the Whites, as un- 
 necessary, as oppressive and irritating — the Laws refuse 
 an equality of civil rights, and Custom (perhaps even 
 more tyrannical) leads the Whites to shut them out 
 from all equality of social intercourse with tliemselves 
 — no merit of virtue, talent, education, or even wealth, 
 can remove the ban of degraded proscription thus fixed 
 upon them. — Is this just merely on account of their 
 colour?— how can that alter their personal qualifications? 
 — and many of the base or silly Whites who thus treat 
 tliem, are far beneath them as to intrinsic merit. — Is it 
 because the free negroes and people of colour, or their
 
 44 
 
 ancestors, have been slaves? — that constitutes the guilt 
 of those who made or kept thcin so — and requires 
 atonement, not punishment, from the aggressors to the 
 injured party. — As for the paltry policy of affecting-, or 
 in reality considering them, at least the negroes, an 
 inferior race, something between the monkey and the 
 human species — also the contempt shewn towards the 
 people of colour— must it not rankle in the souls of these 
 people thus treated, and whilst it endures, how can the 
 Whites expect to render them sincere friends or safe 
 and useful members of the community ? must they not 
 naturally seek to shake off the oppression and the op- 
 pressors? 
 
 As for the Machiavelian scheme of the Whites, to 
 keep all kind of knowledge and advantages, as being 
 power, to themselves, in order to degrade and prevent 
 the black and coloured population from coping with 
 them, 'tis in vain, whilst the oppressed are so vastly 
 their superiors in number and physical strength, in 
 such a country and climate ; their grievances so great ; 
 and in spite of all that can be done against it, are sulfi- 
 ciently increasing in that kind of knowledge, which will 
 render them aware, and lead them to make use of the 
 means within their power to redress tiiemselves— and 
 as before observed, the state of ignorance and barbarism 
 in which the negroes and people of colour have been 
 systematically kept, however it may answer the purpose 
 of Shne-holders as long as they can keep up their 
 system, may fearfully figljt against them, if in such a 
 brutalized state, the injured party should obtain the 
 Mastery.— There is evidently, from various causes, a 
 new c-era rapidly advancing in the Yf est Indies, both as 
 to the slaves, and free negroes, and people of colour, as 
 well as in other respects— and if our White colonists 
 jiavc not the sense (saying nothing of justice) to accom-
 
 45 
 
 modate their system to alteration of circumstances, then 
 most woefully, yet deservedly, will they repent of their 
 folly. 
 
 Let all free people of colour, black or of lighter shades, 
 be entitled, at least as far as safe and requisite, to equal 
 civil rights as the Whites. — And respecting their ;idmis- 
 sion to equal social intercourse and standing with the 
 latter, let that be solely reguhited by the individual 
 character, attainments, property, &.c. of eacb. person of 
 colour — this is the fair and rational test to bring all 
 persons to their proper level in society, and none will 
 have just cause to complain. — The Whites generally act 
 on this principle among themselves — let them also extend 
 it to the free people of colour — they will be satisfied with 
 their condition, and White society still be preserved 
 .sufficiently select, by retaining the right and power of 
 excluding all improper characters, without invidious 
 distinctions of colour, which can be no test of pcrsonr,! 
 merit — for instance, such men as the late excellent 
 Toussaint a Kegroc, and Eoyerthe present chief magis- 
 trate (5f Hayti, a Mulattoe, yet highly distinguished for 
 their talents and virtue, would^they not be an honor to 
 any society? 
 
 By the bye — is our West India white society so very 
 remarkable for birth, education, manners, and morals, 
 that it need be so mighty supercilious ? mostly compos- 
 ed of Slave-holders, traficers, mechanics, and needy 
 greedy adventurers of various descriptions — not omitting 
 the so general highly illustrious, and accomplished white 
 Creoles of both sexes, especially those vfho have never 
 been out of their Island, tbe females in particular — yet 
 all these classes, IVom the highest to l!ie lowest, down to 
 the Blacksmitii, .hnimeyman Tailor, Negroe Driver, 
 and Grog shoji-keeper, are the folks who merely because 
 they are Wi)ite (though from climate, &.c. generally
 
 46 
 
 sallow and dinfjy cnoiii'li in their own conipleetions) turn 
 uj) their nose in contempt at all persons, however merri- 
 torious, happening to have the least tinii:e of Negroe 
 shade in their composition ! — Oh just and laudable 
 vanity ! — Must not such men as Toussaint, Christophe, 
 Boyer, Petion, and other clever amiable negroes and 
 people of colour, marvel at their supposed inferiority to 
 the very lowest dregs of West India white society. 
 
 However, if neither a sense of justice, humanity, or 
 policy, will ever conquer the prejudices of the Whites 
 (thoiigli exercised at their peril) against admitting the 
 negroes and people of colour on an equal social footing 
 with themselves, in proportion to Merit^ — at least let all 
 be equo.l in the eye of the Law, without distinction of 
 colour. 
 
 The people of colour, at least down to Mulattoes 
 inclusive, if fairly treated, will naturally rally round the 
 Whites from consanguinity, congeniality, and common 
 interest — above all, for mutual security against greatly 
 superior numbers of the Negroe population. — Nor is it 
 necessary or politic far producing this effect, to confer 
 on the people of colour exclusive invidious distinctions, 
 teiiding to excite the envy and animosity of the Negroes 
 — let all be equal at least in the eye of the Law with- 
 out distinction of colour, then none as subjects will have 
 just cause to complain — and the people of colour, espe- 
 cially the lighter shades, will most likely, from superior 
 attainments of knowledge, property, &c. (if not as some 
 think of capacity) naturally find a higher level in society 
 than Negroes generally ; and thus establish on a proper 
 footing, a medium useful class between the White and 
 Black population, naturally most inclined towards the 
 Whites, and beneficial ft)r all parties. 
 
 The French and Spaniards in their colonics, admit 
 their free people of colour to a much greater civil and
 
 47 
 
 social equality with tlicuisclvcs, than i\o the liaiiohty 
 Englisli, or hard hearted Dutch. — In the French West 
 Indies particularly, there are many clever, well educated, 
 free Mulattoes, often children of opulent white fatliers, 
 who bequeathe tiiem consideraiile property,* and have 
 them educated in Europe, from whence they return to 
 settle in their native colony, where they hold a respecta- 
 ble sphere in society, as landholders, merchants, 8cc. on 
 tolerable equality with theAYliites — are pretty well satis- 
 tied with their condition, though they would be more so 
 without any invidious distinctions against them, and not 
 unwiiiingiy admit of a moderate Vvliitc ascendency, 
 especially as a counteracting power in their favor, safely 
 lodged against the mo/e numerous Negroe population. — ■ 
 It would be well were it at least equally so in the British 
 West Indies, where now the free blacks and people of 
 colour are as oppressed, though somewhat differently, and 
 as discontented as the slaves — but much better if all were 
 fully and equally free and protected without distinction 
 of colour, which alone can ever fully content them. 
 
 The French and Spaniards, more especially the latter, 
 treat also their Slaves more kindly and condescendingly 
 than do our West Indian colonists — considering them as 
 fellow human creatures, with souls to be saved, are more 
 anxious for their temporal and spiritual welfare, regard- 
 ing them as kind of humble members of their own family. 
 ■ — And being less rapacious ai'ter pelf, work them less, 
 proAide for them better, and comparatively seldom 
 abandon them to the management of agents. — And 
 although no kindness on the part of Slave-holders can 
 
 * Amoii;^ vnrious crafty pitii'ii! contrivniiccs to prevcnl Ariilat- 
 t')os risinfz; lo conscqiicnco iti owr colonics, Ihcrc is for iiislnnco, ri 
 l^aw in Jamaica prohiiiiliiif;: any person from l)C(HKa(liin;;' a larger 
 amount tiian <,2,<)(>(). ciirrcniiy to aiiy MuIattiH', c\( ti liuir <nva 
 <-liil(l.'
 
 48 
 
 ever i^enerally render the slaves content with their thral- 
 dom, or prevent their si<;hinu; to become free agents, 
 and eiiecting; it as soon as they can, especially as they 
 become more knowing and civilized, which 'tis impossi- 
 ble to prevent — yet it must naturally tend to render 
 them less impatient of their condition, with less dislike 
 towards their task-masters. — And if joined to the hope 
 and prospect, herein recommended, of final Emancipa- 
 tion — and knowing that when free, they shall be admit- 
 ted to the full rights of men and citizens — this is the 
 only safe and likely means of rendering the slaves 
 resigned to their present temporary situation, gradually 
 yet certainly ameliorating, — and finally, together with 
 the free people of colour, well to amalgamate with the 
 AVhite community. — As it is, successful revolts in our 
 West Indian settlements, will most likely be attended 
 with more vindictive feelings of hatred, and mistrust, 
 on the part of the insurgents towards the Whites, than in 
 the French or Spanish colonies, inasmuch as our system 
 of slavery, is more severe, and proscription against the 
 free negroes and people of colour more intolerant than 
 tlieir's. — Whilst this is the case, ourWest Indian colonists 
 may expect, sooner or later, a terrible Reaction — which 
 can be best guarded against in time, by voluntarily, 
 rather than by compulsion, redressing the grievPinces of 
 tho.se they have so long and deeply injured, or conces- 
 sioiKS may come too late to produce forgiveness of the 
 past, or to be trusted in future. 
 
 In the recent insurrection within these few months, 
 of several hundred ncgroe slaves at Martinique, the 
 Mulattoes, and other people of colour, chiefly free, sup- 
 ported the Whites, who employ d two infantry com- 
 panies of them against the insurgents, which behaved 
 faitiiiully and gallantly — towards whom the insurgents 
 were as hifuriatcd as towards the Whites. — How far
 
 49 
 
 the enslaved Mulattoes, &c. (lhoiig:h more kindly treated 
 than Avith us generally) or even those nominally free 
 (also more liberally dealt with) might have been dis- 
 posed to side ^vitll the insurgents, had the revolt been 
 more general and likely to succeed, for the sake of ob- 
 taining their full freedom, and escape the fury of the 
 blacks, as was the case at San Domingo, cannot well be 
 ascertained — but this is certain, that were all colours 
 equally free, with rights and interests of men and citi- 
 zens, person, property, family, &c. to preserve, then the 
 Negroes (a vast accession of strength) as well as the 
 lighter shades, w ould be deeply interested, and far more 
 likely to rally round the Whites in the preservation of 
 order and justice, ogainst any even of their o\vn colour 
 who would endanger them— which would be a much 
 better security for the Whites, than the paltry ill-founded 
 animosity, they now seek by artificial means to excite 
 and keep up between the negroes and people of colour, 
 who will probably soon be wise enough to see through 
 the insidious policy. — To pit slaves, or those only nomi-» 
 nally free, against slaves, where all are bent on having 
 tlieir full rights (though one class may be more favored 
 than the other) to fight for their task-masters and op- 
 pressors, is dangerous work, and may prove a two-edged 
 sword to cut against as well as for them — which at best, 
 whilst it lasts, can only secure one party, and that the 
 least in numbers and physical strength. — ^AYhereas, the 
 whole population of all colours and degrees, might be 
 rendered content, useful, and amicable, under wise, just, 
 and equal laws and usage, in one general, free, well 
 governed community. 
 
 N. B. — Just before, and connected with, the breaking 
 out of the late insurrection at Martinique, a considera- 
 bl<i number of phuiters were carried ofl'by poison, secretly 
 a(hninisteretl Ijy their slaves in concert, — how do they 
 
 G
 
 50 
 
 like, or can pany, this mode of warfare ? — By force and 
 iVaud they keep them ia Slavery, and the suflerers are 
 justified in employing the same weapons, or any other 
 in their power, against their oppressors, for their own 
 deliverance, and to avenge their past injuries. 
 
 The account further states, that 200 of the insurgents 
 have been taken prisoners, which the existing laws of 
 the colony condemn to be burnt alive * — however, the 
 punishment has been commuted and inflicted as follows, 
 according to their supposed degree of delinquency, name- 
 ly, 1st class (the ringleaders) have been beheaded, and 
 their bodies throvMi to the \aiitures — 2nd class, have been 
 hanged— 3rd class, have had their right hands cut ofi^ — 4th 
 class, transported for ever from the Island. — And what 
 for pray ? — why trying to shake off their thraldom ! — 
 w hich the Whites would do for themselves if in Slavery. 
 — Oh just aud merciful sul)jects of his most Christian 
 
 * " Burnt Alive." — That Englishmen have been equally cruel, 
 take the following account, which appeared in the printed journals 
 of the time, from 0!«c of which, now in my possession, I here ex- 
 tract it. — It also serves to shew, what the inhabitants of our 
 slave colonies are continually liable to; and what sort of enemies 
 they chuse to keep up among them, by their system of slavery and 
 oppression. 
 
 A Letter from Savannah la Mar in Jamaica, dated January 2nd, 
 1707, says — " The late dangerous insurrection among the negroe 
 slaves, was in a short time happily crushed, and we are now at 
 peace — but it was very alarming, for tliese desperate wretches, in 
 their fury, spared neither age or sex; nor were they satisfied with 
 killing the people, they cut and mangled their bodies afterwards 
 in -a most shocking manner. — Such of them as fell into our hands, 
 were burnt alive on a slow fire, beginning at their feet, and burn- 
 ing upwards. — It would have surprised you to see with what reso- 
 lution and firmness they bore the torture, smiling with an air of 
 disdain at their executioners, and tliosc about them." 
 
 N.B. — There have been more recent Burnings Alive of Negroes, 
 though now prohibited in our colonics.
 
 51 
 
 Majesty ! — who also continue to tear these Africans from 
 their native country, and forcibly keep as slaves for 
 themselves !— 
 
 Now besides the prisoners thus put to death or rauti- 
 lated, and also other insurgent slaves who may havebeea 
 destroyed during the contest, all which are lost to their 
 proprietors, in only a triflin<^ insurrection of a few plan- 
 tations, besides the destruction of many Whites and 
 their property — Yet, as this insurrection will probably 
 be got under, at least for a time, the Whites will exult 
 in then- Victory — but might they not more properly ex- 
 claim with the ancient warrior—" A few more such Vic- 
 tories, and we are undone !" — May they not expect a 
 recurrence of insurrections, probably too of a more gene- 
 ral and formidable nature — and in the interim, continual 
 anxiety, expense, and exertion, with the employment of 
 ]>ase and cruel means to guard against or avenge them, 
 if they wdll persevere in their dangerous as iniquitous sys- 
 tem — yet these Slave-holders have the option of working 
 w ith more advantage, as well as safety and honor, by 
 freemen ! — what a combination of folly and wickedness, 
 w hich will most likely and deservedly end in their dc-* 
 stniction. 
 
 Although Insurrections may probably in general be 
 more easily quelled in the small than large Islands or 
 continental slave colonies — yet besides the havoc and 
 harrassment during their actual existence, — the continual 
 alarm lest they should happen — and the onerous as well 
 as odious system kept up even merely as means of pre- 
 vention or punishment — yet any discontented slaves, 
 whether in a state of open revolt, or not, if they can 
 only secure a few small craft, even open boats, may 
 eIoj)c in large or small ])urlies, or individually, escape to 
 Jiijyti, and be for ever beyond the reach of their opprci^- 
 sors.
 
 52 
 
 What do Slave-holders think of the following recent 
 occurrence ? 
 
 A private letter from tlie Bahama Islands of the 
 4th June, 1822, states, "that upwards of one hundred 
 negroc slaves, belonging to Mr. Stubbs of the Island 
 of Grand Caicos, had risen upon their drivers, and seized 
 all the vessels in the harbor, afterwards embarking with 
 their wives and children, for the neighboring Island of 
 Ilayti (or St. Domingo) from whence they are not likely 
 to be recovered." 
 
 The writer might well add — " they are not likely to be 
 recovered" — that point had been previously set at rest, 
 as the fbllowing statement will shew. — 
 
 Among other instances of successful elopement, it 
 once happened in particular, that three male slaves be- 
 longing to Jamaica, escaped in an open boat to Hayti, 
 and were thus rendered freemen, under the protection of 
 its government. — Their former o^vnerin Jamaica, applied 
 to the Haytian authorities, claiming the restoration of 
 his property. — They replied, that ** although the govern- 
 ment sought not to entice away the slaves, or interfere 
 with the internal regulations of Jamaica — yet, if any es- 
 caped, and made good their landing in Hayti, the 
 moment they touch the soil, they are free by the laws, 
 and the governmeni bound to protect them. — Having 
 now oflicially made public this declaration, perhaps not 
 sufficiently hitherto known to foreigners, the President 
 (Boyer) added, that he would from that consideration 
 only, from his private purse, grant a pecuniary compen- 
 sation to the former reputed owner of these three negroes, 
 who had been his slaves, at a fair valuation as such by 
 the usage of Jamaica — but in all cases hereafter, they 
 could neither grant any such indemnification, nor sur- 
 render up any foreign slave landing on their soil, and 
 claiming the protection of Ilayti."
 
 53 
 
 How can we blame them? — do we not exactly the 
 same, though with less powerful motives of colour, origin, 
 and past condition. — All persons landing on the soil of 
 England, are thereby declared/ree by our Laws — although 
 we keep up a system of Slavery in our colonies, integral 
 parts of our empire, and as much under our controul as 
 the Island of Great Britain (monstrous inconsistency) ! 
 Yet with what face (success is utterly out of the question) 
 could we demand the surrender of any of our runaway 
 slaves of the Haytian Government ? — 
 
 Our West India Slave-holders have a comfortable 
 prospect from this quarter, as well as from various other 
 causes, if they will persist in their system — they had 
 better in time take Warning.^ — 
 
 The general and successful insurrection of the negroes 
 and people of colour, enslaved and free, in St. Domingo, 
 attended with such terrible consequences to the Whites, 
 was not occasioned at the time by any over severity of 
 the French slave system, or any grievance the slaves 
 then suflered more than ordinary, who were generally 
 well treated, except the natural repugnance of Man to 
 Slavery, even under its mildest forms — and thus are Slave- 
 holders in continual danger, by acting against the strong- 
 est dictates of human nature. — As for the/ree negroes and 
 people of colour, especially the latter, they had long enjoy- 
 ed great privileges and advantages, though they aimed, 
 as might be expected, at an equality of civil rights with 
 the Whites — which shews there is not much duration of 
 safety or satisfaction to be expected under a system of 
 partial distinctions, at least, from that part of the com- 
 munity against whom it operates, though more liberal 
 in itself, and less invidiously exercised than in our co- 
 lonies — yet as inqxditic and perilous, as unjust, in those 
 \\ho inflict it, especially being the weakest party in })!iy- 
 sical strength, and the oppressed increasing in knowledge^
 
 54 
 
 wcalUi, and respectability, and gjowing- more eensffjlc 
 and impatient of their fi^ricvances.— Then too the negroes 
 and j)eo})le of colour in St. Domingo had latterly leamt, 
 from the example of the White colonists, who preached 
 np and practised among themselves, the Revolntionary 
 doctiines of tlic Mother country, — as to Liberty, Equality, 
 and the Mights of Man — yet would they concede nothing; 
 to the black orcolourcdpopulation — but respecting them, 
 rigidly adhered to their old system. — • 
 
 At length, the free people of colour, many of whom 
 were well educated and wealthy, formally and cogently 
 petitioned the government for admission to equal civil 
 rights as the Whites, and further bestired themselves 
 to obtain them. — The French National Assembly in 1791 
 decreed, that ail free persons of colour born of free pa- 
 rents, within their colonies, should be admitted to all 
 the rights of citizens — ^o far, so good, had it been 
 abided by — for though it did not comprehend all the 
 present generation of free people of colour, unless 
 also bom of free parents, yet it included a great pro- 
 portion of them, and still a greater part of their ofl- 
 >;pring— and so far was a most safe and necessary con- 
 cession to commence with, and an excellent prelimi- 
 nary for the extension of equal rights to other classes, 
 Avith due preparation, hereafter — but the White colonists 
 furiously opposed the ordinance, and with folly equal to 
 their baseness, although the immense slave population 
 then shewed strong indications of Revolt, which soon 
 broke out into open Rebellion— yet, instead of coiicilia- 
 ting, and thus securing in their favor the diversion of a 
 powerful party, naturally inclined towards them — they 
 cruelly persecuted the free people of colour, executed 
 several of their leaders — and shortly afterwards, the 
 National Assembly revoked its own decree ! — this drove 
 the free people of colour to revolt against those, who
 
 55 
 
 iVf^m intcrcsi, tics of consanguinity, &:c. ons^ht to have 
 been tlieir natural protectors and allies for mutual secu- 
 rity — they iiually joined the insurgent negroes in their 
 common cause of liberty, bore down all opposition^ — and 
 after a bloody conflict with the Whites, succeeded in 
 the establishment of their general freedom. 
 
 But notwithstanding the past terrible contest, tlie 
 abrupt and forcible acquisition of freedoju by the black and 
 coloured population, without due preparation, or volun- 
 tary concession, from the Whites, — Yet having effected 
 their object, the storm subsided, animosities ceased, and 
 they seemed content with their condition as free citizens 
 — whca had llie Whiter henceforth quietly and honestly 
 acquiesced, aS they professed, in the irresistible esta- 
 blished new order of tilings, and endeavored to enliglitcn 
 and conciliate the emancipated, probably all might yet 
 have been v, ell — for under tlie authority of that good 
 and capable negroe Toussaint L'Ouverture, the Island 
 recovered its former tranquillity and prosperity, in the 
 short space of two years — the emancipated slaves re- 
 turned to work as freemen on the estates of their former 
 owners for fair compensation (a fourth of the produce) 
 and remained as orderly and industrious, as during their 
 previous state of Slavery — the sovereignty still admitted 
 to France, the White colonists suffered to remain secure 
 and unmolested in their persons, properties, and lawful 
 pursuits, and tbose who had emigrated, generously iu- 
 vited to return, or their representatives, in safety to tlicir 
 property and rights. — Yet notwithstanding the White 
 colonists and French Directory had solemnly admitted 
 and guarrantced to the negroes and people of coloul' 
 their lately acquired rights — Yet on the accession of 
 Buonaparte to the oflice of Chief Consul, hv sent out a 
 powerful armament uiuhr his brother-in-law Le Clerc, 
 iiLstigated by the V/hite colonists, and sought by force
 
 m 
 
 and fraud to re-establish the system of slavery and 
 aiicien regime in St. Domingo. — This drove the black 
 and coloured population to desperation, who could no 
 longer trust to the good faith of the Whites, — again 
 they arose in tenible array — destroyed the hostile army, 
 exterminated the treacherous white colonists, confiscated 
 their properties, dissevered themselves from France, and 
 assumed the sovereignty of the Island, which they re- 
 tain to this day, with rapidly increasing power, civili- 
 zation, and prosperity. 
 
 Here is an awful practical lesson to warn our West 
 India colonists, not to neglect or oppose, but wisely 
 prepare for the Emancipation of their black and colour- 
 ed population, and with good faith to effect and abide 
 by it.* 
 
 • 'Tis a mistaken supposition, though s^enerally entertained, that 
 the Revolutionary insurrection at St. Domingo was produced by 
 the Proclamation of the French commissioners Santhonax and 
 Polverel declaring all slaves in the Island at once and for ever 
 free — on the contrary, it at once put an end to the previous bloody 
 contention, prevented greater threatened horrors, and restored 
 general order and tranquillity, by granting the black and coloured 
 population the full extent of their aim and wishes — and was only 
 a confirmation of a decree previously passed by the National Con- 
 vention, declaring all slaves free throughout their colonies ; and 
 admitting all persons to the full rights of citizens, without distinc- 
 tion of colour ; which up to the time of aforesaid Proclamation by 
 the French Commissioners had been furiously opposed by the 
 White inhabitants of St. Domingo ; whose hostility to the measure 
 had goaded the negroes and people of colour to desperation, and 
 desolated the colony — but no sooner had the Whites acceded to 
 the ordinance, than the negroes and people of colour quietly re- 
 turned to their former order and usefulness ; and so remained dur- 
 ing the six succeeding years, (especially under Toussaint) until 
 the treacherous colonists, on the arrival of Le Clerc's army, en- 
 deavored to re-establish the old system of Slavery. — Whereas, if 
 the White people of St. Domingo had wisely continued to accom-
 
 .'57 
 
 Since the late consolidation of the whole of the I.sland 
 (Hayti) under one government and dominion, here is at 
 once a vast accession of strength and means of prosperity 
 — to \vhich may be added the encouragement held forth 
 for the settlement of free negroes from every part of the 
 world, and the protection given to runaway slaves — from 
 these and other causes,the whole of this large and fertile 
 Island will probably soon be thoroughly settled and im- 
 proved, in soil and population, with increasing power, 
 wealth, knowledge, and civilization — when it may be ex- 
 pected the government and people will naturally turn 
 tlieir attention to the condition of their fellow country- 
 men (ab origine) and of their own colour, in slavery 
 through all the sun'ounding Islands, and seek to effect 
 their emancipation at least from fellow feeling, and to 
 strengthen their cause, by alliance, if not to add to their 
 dominion, especially on any rupture with the European 
 powers possessing the sovereignty of those colonies, 
 where their overtures are sure to be cordially received 
 by the slaves — whilst tlie Ilaytians at home, by the 
 climate, extent, and natural fastnesses of their Island, 
 
 modate their system to the new order of things, their emancipated 
 slaves M'ould have remained as orderly and manageable as hither- 
 to, and as the slaves liberated by the same decree in the other 
 French colonies had been during their temporary freedom— or as 
 the Haytians have since gone on among themselves — though start- 
 ing into general freedom in a state of ignorance, barbarism, and 
 disorfianization — here was the chief danger — and though in this 
 instance, it has been happily surmounted by the Haytians for their 
 own benefit, but exclusion of the Whites as sovereigns, in con- 
 sequence of their treachery and opposition— let not our colonists 
 trust to the hazardous experiment of not ac(;cding, or preparing 
 for general Enian(u'i)ation of their slaves, 'till they forcibly ac- 
 (juire it for themselves ; or it may be too late by any means, 
 however wisely and honestly attempted, to reduce them to order 
 and ol>edicnce under Wliite supremacy, or even among themselves, 
 
 ii
 
 58 
 
 as well as numerical strength, and artificial means of 
 defence, are invulnerable to any attack from Europeans, 
 who must fall victims in the attempt— whilst the na- 
 tives remain comparatively uninjured* — but even with- 
 out a state of open warfare, they may, and probably 
 will (which cannot always be known or prevented by 
 the Whites) secretly send their emissaries among the 
 slave colonies to instruct, stir up, and covertly assist 
 the slaves to shake off their thraldom— and even inde- 
 pendent of such prompting and aiding, the slaves in 
 all the surrounding Islands, are fully aware of what has 
 been effected by the cidevant slaves in Hayti, and joined 
 to their own natural longing for freedom, consider it an 
 encouraging example of success for their own imitation 
 — and also that the Island of Hayti affords them a se- 
 cure asylum, if they can only escape from their task- 
 masters. 
 
 Now the Islands nearest to, nay even in sight of Hay- 
 ti, namely, Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Hico, the largest 
 and most valuable West Indian possessions belonging 
 to England and Spain, are precisely those in which, from 
 contiguity, concert, and communication, or escape from, 
 are the most easy, the proceedings in Hayti best known, 
 to the numerous black and coloured population, and are 
 most likely to follow its example in successfully shaking 
 oft" their bondage — containing together full a million of 
 
 * Tlie French official accounts state, that Le Clerc's army, in- 
 cluding reinforcements, amounted to 55,000 veteran troops ; be- 
 sides those previously stationed in the Island, and also the Militia 
 who sided with the French.— Tlie remnant of all this army, which 
 afterwards surrendered to tlie English General Maitland, barely 
 amounted to 5,000 troops including officers ! — besides which, many 
 thousands of the White colonists had been cut off during the con- 
 flict.— This pretty well shews what hostile Negroes in such a cli- 
 niate can do against Europeans.
 
 59 
 
 slaves, and immense fresh importations (at least into 
 Cuba, and thence distributed) continually arriving from 
 Africa, besides a large proportion of nominally free ne- 
 groes and people of colour, who aim at a full participa- 
 tion of civil rights with the Whites, and exceeding them 
 in number — with a vast tract of uncultivated interior, 
 abounding with natural fastnesses, unknown and inac- 
 cessible to the Whites, where insurgent slaves, &c. will 
 find a secure retreat to increase their ranks, organize 
 their means, and pour down at leisure to annoy, subdue, 
 or exterminate their oppressors. — They will not much 
 longer sutler themselves to be kept in thraldom by a 
 handful of emaciated Whites, as inferior to them in per- 
 sonal health and strength from climate, habits, &c. as 
 in numbers— and the larger contiguous Islands thus re- 
 volutionized, and probably confederated, the flame will 
 soon spread to the smaller and more remote portions of 
 the Caribcan Archipelago, most likely at the instigation, 
 and with the aid openly or covertly of the Haytian and 
 other free black governments in the vicinity— or if they 
 do not subdue or revolutionize the smaller and more re- 
 mote Islands, yet may, by encouraging and assisting 
 elopement, depopulate them of their slaves. 
 
 It is w ell known that of late in the Island of Cuba, 
 since the Revolutionary struggle in the Mother country 
 and her colonies, political party animosity runs so high 
 among the AVhites, that nothing has kept them from 
 coming to blows, but the general dread that the slave 
 population should take advantage of the contest, to burst 
 through their bondage — and in a plot for that purpose 
 lately discovered, and for the present suppressed, 'tis 
 said to be ascertained that the intended insurgents cx- 
 pccted the aid of 10,000 trooj)s from the Island of Ilaytj 
 —this, if a fact, shews that the JIaytian Government, even 
 at this early period, notwithstanding its contrary profes-
 
 (30 
 
 sions, is inclincttto assist its black and coloured brethren 
 in the surrounding Islands, to shake oft' their thraldom 
 and dependence on the Whites. 
 
 Then if we look to the neighboring continent, the South 
 American Republics are abolishing Slavery, and Brazil 
 must soon follow their example, or dreadful will be the 
 consequences to its white inhabitants, whom the slaves 
 outnumber as 15 to 1 — and the flame will soon spread 
 to the adjacent European settlements Guiana, Surinam, 
 Dcmarara, Trinadad, &c, — containing an immense and 
 increasing slave population, opposed to a few enfeebled 
 Whites, and the nature of the countiy, with other circum- 
 stances, highly favorable for the success of insurrections. 
 — And will Slave-holders continue to shut their eyes to 
 the impending danger, and still persist, even to the full, 
 in their system of slavery and oppression — astonishing 
 infatuation ! — *■ Whom the Gods devote to destruction — 
 they render mad." 
 
 The Haytian territory, before its late accession of the 
 Spanish part of the Island, was computed to contain 
 about 500,000 negroes, 30,000 people of colour, down to 
 Mulattoes inclusive, and only 1,000 Whites, permanent 
 residents— yet the latter, though under an immense black 
 ascendency, have remained unmolested in their persons, 
 properties, and lawful pursuits, with equal civil rights 
 and protection, employed in and by its government, in 
 common with its black and coloured citizens, and liberal 
 encouragement held forth for more White settlers. 
 
 Our Island of Jamaica is estimated to contain about 
 350,000 negroes, 20,000 people of colour, not reckon^ 
 ing the darker shades beneath Mulattoes, and 30,000 
 Whites, including the Military usually stationed there— 
 thus then the proportion between the two Islands stands 
 r— Jamaica has about two-thirds the number of negroes, 
 the same proportion of coloured people, and thirty times
 
 61 
 
 the number of Whites as Hayti — ami in the former, the 
 Whites entirely possess the sovereii^nty and government, 
 with the vast fleets, aniiies, and other resources of the 
 mother country, and nearly all the property real and 
 personal of the Island — with the advantage of superior 
 education, for knowledge is power and respectability. 
 
 Then to the number, and consequent strength, of the 
 Whites may be added in their favor that of the coloured 
 population, who if well treated, will naturally incline 
 towards them for reasons already assigned — vide page 
 45, 46. 
 
 Thus then in Hayti, only 1,000 Whites have for 20 
 years past, since its independence, remained secure, 
 content and prosperous, with no other protection than 
 the laws and government, amidst a free black and 
 coloured population, of more tlian half a million, hold- 
 ing the sovereignty and power of the country, who admit 
 the Whites to all the rights of citizens as themselves, 
 and even to important oflices, especially in the education 
 of their youth — this too in the earliest stage of their 
 abruptly acquired freedom, and unprepared civilization, 
 and so recently after the bitter cause they have had for 
 lasting animosity against the Whites, the opposers of 
 their emancipation, their oppresors for ages, and still 
 the enslavers of their race in all the surrounding Islands. 
 — Nay, their late regal go\emmcnt alone, oftered Twenty 
 Millions of dollars, as a voluntary compensation to the 
 former french proprietors of St. Domingo, for their losses 
 by the Revolution, though so deservedly brought on 
 themselves— but which, besides prolfered commercial ad- 
 vantages to Fnincc, in preference to other nations, they 
 have rejected, i'rom infatuutid pride, ioHy, and the vain 
 hoj)e of recovering by I'orce or fraud the sovereignty of 
 the Island, and re-establisliing their system of Sla\ery ! 
 Then from analagous, yet far more favorable circum-
 
 62 
 
 stances, how much less cause for fear have 30,000 Whites 
 from a h^ss number of black and coloured population, 
 than at Ifayti, in their own colony of Jamaica, possess- 
 ing^ the reins of government, and local property and in- 
 fluence, and under the protection of a mi<,^hty nation — 
 if instead of longer vainly seeking to uphold an unten- 
 able, as iniquitous, and even unprofitable system of 
 slavery, they voluntarily cede to the black and coloured 
 population the rights of men and citizens, by wise means, 
 and due preparation — and so proportionally in all our 
 A\^est India colonies. 
 
 Will not the enfranchized thus benefited, naturally 
 feel respect, aflbction, and gratitude, towards their bcr 
 ncfactors, for instruction, freedom, security, and the 
 means of livelihood, respectability, and prosperity, thus 
 thrown open to them — will they not be satisfied with 
 the sovereignty of the Whites, as the most just and 
 capable Rulers for the general good — respect their su- 
 perior attainments, leave them in unbegrudged posses- 
 sion of their lawful property, their influence and ascen- 
 dency, wisely and justly exercised — content with their 
 own condition as freemen and citizens, with the means 
 for all to do the best they can for themselves. 
 
 Yet let it never be forgot, that the former white in- 
 habitants of St. Domingo before the Revolution, had 
 all the advantages the British now possess in their 
 slave colonies — yet were they utterly insufficient to keep 
 down the insurrection, and prevent the establishment of 
 general freedom, or the direful, though merited conse- 
 quences to themselves, from their opposition, and the 
 unprepared state for freedom, in which they kept their 
 slaves up to the very time of their general and over- 
 powering insurrection — nor has all the power of France 
 been since able to recover the colony. 
 
 The black and coloured citizens of Hayti, since the
 
 63 
 
 complete accomplishment of their «:!:rand object, the 
 establishment of their general freedom and indepen- 
 dence, not only act liberally towards the Whites— but 
 also the ancient grudge formerly existing between the 
 negroes and people of colour, Mulattoes in particular,* 
 through invidious distinctions, and craftily fostered 
 by the Whites, seems to have greatly subsided. — Petiou 
 the late President of the Republic, v, as a Mulattoe, 
 respected and beloved by citizens of till colours — and 
 Mulattoes hold a large proportion of the first rate offices 
 in the Govenuuent, civil, military, and ecclesiastical 
 establishments, and are among the chief landowners 
 and capitalists of the country, chiefly because of their 
 superior talents and acquirements, though so inferior in 
 number. — What relicks of former prejudice may yet re- 
 main, seems principally confined to the lowest and 
 
 * In our slave colonies, the chief cause of the greater animosity 
 shewn by Negroes towards Mulattoes, than to the lighter shades 
 of colour, appears to be this — they consider that the Mulattoe is 
 equally descended from the Nrrjroe as from the White, and ought 
 to be as respectful towards them as to the AVhites ; are more im- 
 patient of any assumption of superiority by Mulattoes over them- 
 selves, than by the higher shades Quadroons, Mosstees, &c. whom 
 at present they more willingly admit to higher rank and indul- 
 gences, as nearer approaching the White — whereas Mulattoes 
 generally, plume themselves more on their White than Black 
 blood, and are more inclined towards the Whites, as the most 
 honorable stock of the two from which they are descended ; and 
 for security against the more numerous black population ; also tlic 
 Mulattoes generally are more enlightened, civilized, favored by 
 tfie Whites, and in better circumstances, than the Negroes, and 
 thus the Whites more congenial to Ihcm. — Our colonists craltily 
 keep up these feuds between the Negroe and Mulattoe parties, 'tis 
 a part of the West Tudian system— but this shallow policy v ill 
 most likely not much longer avail; the blacks and Mulattoes 
 would cordially unite in a grand struggle for their full and general 
 freedom ; as was the case at St. Domingo.
 
 64 
 
 most ignorant classes, but this will probably die away 
 as they become more enlis^htened, and consequently 
 more liberal — the risinjj generation are making rapid 
 strides in improvement. — By the bye, ought not II ay ti an 
 liberality to Whites of all nations, make the latter blush. 
 Englishmen in particular, for tiieir want of generosity, 
 or even common justice and humanity, towards negroes 
 and people of colour— let them henceforth imitate the 
 Haytians, thus redeem their character, and prove mu- 
 tually useful to each other. 
 
 The State of society in Ilayti shews that a small 
 number of Whites may remain secure and thriving under 
 a Negroe government, amidst a far more numerous black 
 and coloured population of free citizens — and vice versa, 
 our East India territory proves that a handful of Euro- 
 peans can govern 100 millions of coloured natives, to 
 which may be adduced our settlement of Sierra Leone 
 — their numbers are only formidable to the Whites, 
 when the latter are oppressors — l)ut the means of strength 
 and usefulness to them, when exercising a paternal 
 sway, and all reciprocally benefited. 
 
 Considering the sudden transition from slavery and 
 ignorance, to full and general freedom of the whole mass 
 of black and coloured population in St. Domingo, with 
 their acquisition of the sovereignty of the Island, they 
 have conducted themselves as a people and individually, 
 with wisdom and moderation beyond what might have 
 been expected, not abusing their power or freedom, 
 have practised habits of peace, subordination, and in- 
 dustry, and made considerable progress in improvement 
 — yet by the best accounts it appears, nor is it surpris- 
 ing, that they are still much behind hand in knowledge 
 and civilization— nor have they hitherto possessed within 
 themselves sufficiently the best means to remedy the de- 
 fect—though the rising generation which has sprung up
 
 (Jo 
 
 witliin the last '20 j^ears, siiico their iucUipendeiice^ and 
 is now beginning- to act as adults, has been generally 
 usefully educated, and will produce an improved state 
 of society — still are the most sensible Ilaytians desirous 
 of a greater proportion of Whites among them — they ad- 
 mit our superiority, if not of natural intellect, at least of 
 acquired knowledge and improvement — however, this 
 will now be in a considerable degree accomplished, by 
 their acquisition of the Spanish pait of the Island, includ- 
 ing its white papulation among its citizens.* — I am also 
 credibly informed that the more enlightened Ilaytians, 
 are not averse to being even under a White Government, 
 if they could only be sure tliat such rulers would honestly 
 exert their superior attainments for the general good. — ■ 
 With this prepossession in favor of the Whites, what an 
 advantage has France lost, probably for ever, by the 
 abuse of her power whilst she possest it. — And what an 
 encouraging inducement does it hold forth to our colonists 
 to fully emancipate their black and coloured population, 
 with due preparation — and then to rule over them with 
 a paternal sway, as free and willing subjects. 
 
 N. B. — Since writing the preceding pages, news has 
 
 ^ Since the Accession of tlie Spanish part of St. Domingo to tlie 
 territory and government of the Haytian Republic, we shall now 
 see how the White inhabitants of the former (about 5,000) amal- 
 gamate in civil equality with their free black and coloured fellow 
 citizens — most likely they will assimilate well, as the Spaniards, 
 and also the French, have always considered and treated the ne- 
 groes and people of colour, free or enslaved, as fellow creature* 
 and christians, and not kept therA at that awful distance in con- 
 tempt, oppression, and dej^^radation, as have the rapacious super- 
 cilious English, and still more mercenary cruel Dutch. — Another 
 consequent effect of the Union will be, that the white cidevant 
 Spanish colonists of the Island, land proprietors and others, lately 
 Slave-holders, mvsl now hire free labourers for the purposes of 
 cultivation, See. — Slavery being abolished tiirougbowt the Island. 
 
 I
 
 G6 
 
 anived of an Insiin-cction at Dcmerara — thlq only con- 
 firms what has ahearly been here stated, and is an ad- 
 ditional instance of the horrid and perilous nature of 
 the Slave system. 
 
 On tliis occasion, as usual, here liave been numbers 
 slain during the contest ; several of the insurgents had 
 been executed, "when the accounts came away; and up- 
 wards of 200 prisoners still remained to be tried for 
 their lives by Englishmen, for attempting to shake olf 
 their Slavery ! — and tlie White colonists have been in 
 the most imminent peril of extermination. — They now 
 exultingly say, " The danger is over, and we are secure"" 
 — yes, perliaps for the present, yet how long may it last? 
 — are tliey not continually liable to fresh and more terri- 
 ble convulsions? — ^The late Revolt seems to have been 
 ill concerted and conducted, the next may be better 
 planned and executed — and even as it was, the plot 
 was not discovered until witliin a few hours of its l)reak- 
 ing out into actual Rebellion ; and the Whites admij, 
 tliat had the insurgents in the first instance attacked 
 the town, they would probably have succeeded, by 
 massacreing most of the White inhabitants of the colony, 
 there congregated in one focus, and not prepared to re- 
 sist them — or even when the insurgents found on trial, 
 they were not likely to succeed at the first onset, had 
 they retreated into the woods, where the Whites could 
 not have followed them,* tbey v*ould have found the 
 Indians favorable to their cause, and might have made 
 
 * Those who wish to know the nature and effeots of White war- 
 fare against hostile negroes in the swampy woods of Guiana (pes- 
 tiferous to Europeans) let them read Captain Stedman's account 
 of tlie Dutch expedition against the Bush negroes at Surinnam, 
 which is within only a few leagues of Demerara, where the white 
 colonists would have to encounter the same danger, difficuties, 
 nnd dis:\dvantages>
 
 (37 
 
 sudden, unexpected, and repeated inuptions into tlie 
 straggling thinly settled colony, burnt, murdered, and 
 plundered, espeeially in the back settlements, most expos- 
 ed and defenceless, abounding witii discontented slaves, 
 >\ho most likely would join them, i^.akc good their re- 
 treat with the spoils, especially provisions, renew tliesc 
 attacks as they pleased, until the whole slave popula- 
 tion througliout the colony rose in Rebellion, and the 
 Whites most likely expelled or exterminated. 
 
 The account also states, that the free negroes and 
 people of colour, as v» ell as the Bucks, or native Indians," 
 shewed strong indications of joining the insurgent !-Iaves. 
 
 Yet the White colonists impute the late Revolt chiefly 
 or entirely to the recent debates in the British Parlia- 
 ment, and the prompting of a methodist parson. Smith, 
 among them — as if insurrections had never happened 
 before in our slave colonies, and were not the natural 
 inherent consequences of the slave system — and as if 
 their slaves should bo exasperated at hearing that dis- 
 cussions and measures were going on in England for 
 the bettering their condition — or that one individual in- 
 cendiary (Smith) supposing him such, should be able to 
 excite 40,000 (stated number of insurgents) happy, well 
 treated, and said to be 'till then contented slaves, to 
 rise in Rebellion against their kind and liberal masters, 
 seeking their destniction ! 
 
 Now 'tis well known that at Demerara in particular, 
 even more than in any other of our slave colonies, for 
 in all it continually exists, the Whites for some years 
 past have been more than usually apprehensive of Re- 
 volt among their slaves — and the writer of this is ac- 
 quainted with a family now resident in England, Avho 
 about three years ago finally quitted Demerara, solely on 
 that account, although the principal enjoyed a high and 
 lucrative olTitial t;ituation under (jloverinnent in that
 
 68 
 
 colony, and was otherways there improving his fortune 
 — yet prematurely retired in the midst of his career, 
 solely from fear of Slave Insurrection— to quote his own 
 words, " We never went to bed at night, w ithout fearing 
 our throats might be cut by the slaves before morning !'* 
 — What a system of alarm and danger ! — Yet not one 
 word from the colonists about any Reform, as the only 
 likely means to avert their continually impending peril ! 
 — again we say, astonishing infatuation ! — Whether they, 
 as some suppose is the fate of wilful incorrigible viola- 
 tors of their chief and well known duties within their 
 power, are left to blindness of reason, and hardness of 
 heart ; abandoned by their consciences and their God, 
 to fill up the measure of their iniquity, until their crimes 
 become their punishment, heaven only knows — may it 
 in mercy still avert the judgment from them !
 
 PART III. 
 
 JLX the Petition from Jamaica, presented to tlic King 
 at the levee, in April last, by Mr. Hibbert, agent lor 
 that Island, it is stated — the colonists lamented that 
 from the distressed state of their aflairs, they had not 
 the means sufficiently to provide for their slaves — and 
 feared that the latter might impute tlieir present priva- 
 tions rather to the want of kindness and liberality, than 
 of ability, in their owners — and tluis be led to acts of 
 violence; bloodshed, and devastation, against them and 
 their properties. 
 
 That Slave-holders are, more or less, in continual 
 dread lest their discontented helots should rise and de- 
 stroy them, we know to be true — such is the natural 
 consequence of their system.— But how far proprietors 
 generally are anxious for the comfort and A\elfare of 
 their slaves, I leave those who know what Slave-holders 
 and their agents usually are, with (lie nature and prac- 
 tice of their system, to judge for themselves— and those 
 >vho arc not sufficiently informed, let tliem oidy read a 
 Pamplilet entitled " Negroe Slavery," lately i)ublislied 
 on tile sul)ject, by IJatchard, which will a/lord them a 
 pretty fair and practiciil notion ol" tiie matter.
 
 70 
 
 Now, without terming this pica in the petition a mere 
 canting hypocritical pretence, at open variance with 
 past notorious fact and practice — but even admitting 
 its truth and sincerity in the utmost latitude aimed at 
 by the petitioners who assert it, and their abettors — • 
 allowing that Slave-holders and their agents generally, 
 yea universally if they please (one is nearly as true as 
 the other) are remarkable tender-hearted conscientious 
 people, overflowing with the milk of human kindness, 
 jus^, merciful, and forbearing, never abuse their fearful 
 power, their measures all humane and salutary, grudge 
 not cost or care, are most anxious for the kind and libe- 
 ral treatment of their slaves, and sadly lament their 
 present inability, as the only 'and insuperable cause 
 they cannot provide for them better — hum ! — 
 
 Then how^ comes it they will persevere in a system so 
 disadvantageous both for master and slave ? — disadvan- 
 tageous for the master, in burdening him with the care, 
 expense and responsibility, of duly providing for the 
 maintenance and welfare of numerous, and at least a 
 part of them inefficient, slaves, often beyond his means 
 and occasions, with the danger and other bad conse- 
 quences, attending his failure in such duty thus imposed 
 on himself — and which after all, even if well performed, 
 can never reconcile slaves generally to their bondage. — 
 And disadvantageous for tlie Slave, in linking him so 
 closely and inseparably to the fate of his owner, that 
 on any adverse circumstances befalling the latter, the 
 slave, though harmless and unaccountable, must bitterly 
 sull'cr by the misfortunes of another. — Whereas, if slaves 
 were emancipated and rendered free agents, they would 
 of course all be obliged to provide for themselves by 
 their own exertions — when our White colonists need 
 only hire helpmates and pay them in proportion to their 
 services, and as they answered their purpose — whilst
 
 71 
 
 llie employment they thus afforded, would iR.spirc their 
 dependants Avith zeal, tliniikluhiess, and attachment, — - 
 or if any were dissatistied witli their master, they would 
 be free to try and better tiicir condition — so that Slave- 
 holders need not long ha.ve to complain of or suffer 
 from this grievance, which they can get rid of by eman- 
 cipating their slaves, as soon and as well as they please. 
 
 By the bye, pray when v, as it, even in the most pros- 
 perous state of West India affairs, that proprietors and ^ 
 their agents generally, treated t'acir slaves more kindly 
 and liberally? — I fancy they would :.e puzzled to point , 
 out the period. — I know that in their most halcyon days, 
 during the late War, whilst I was among them, when 
 sugar, and oilier West India produce, bore a high price, 
 was in great demand, and the market almost entirely 
 monopolized by the English, our planters cultivated as 
 extensively as possible, — and in consequence, their 
 .slaves were shamefully over wojked, Avithout receiving 
 l^ettcr fare — nay, in many instances, even their provision 
 grounds, attached to their homested, were taken from 
 tlicm, thrown into canes, for profit of the proprietor, and 
 w ild land given in exchange, often in the mountains, 
 several miles off— which such slaves had to clear and 
 bring into cultivation, and much of their leisure and 
 strength consumed in consequence, and by long journies 
 merely to and from the spot — and such would be the 
 case again under the same demand. — Slaves ha\ e less 
 toil now than then, at least those belonging to Planters, 
 chiefly l)ecause their proprietors liavc less occasion to 
 overstrain them. 
 
 Then as for their fare of food and raiment received 
 from their owners, 'tis much the same as ever, and could 
 n(»t well be less, if tlic latter continue to allow them 
 any thing at all — and what d()(\s it usually consist of? 
 — why a few salt herrings once a A\eek, an osnaburgh
 
 , 72 
 
 frock and trowsers, renewed at long intervals, with per- 
 haps an iron comb, a woollen jacket, and night-cap — to 
 which some liberal proprietors may add the luxury of a 
 coarse bhmkct in a numljer of years. — As for household 
 goods or utensils, none are given, except an iron pot or 
 a tin kettle, to boil their everlastingly crude and wateiy 
 food of yams and plantains, poor sustenance for toil- 
 ing laliourers in such a climate— that too usually fur- 
 nished by their own extra labour, and chiefly on Sundays, 
 after having toiled for tlieir task -masters all the rest of 
 the week by day, from, at least, sun rise to sun set, and 
 the half of ere7'y, or whole of each alternate night during 
 crop time, ^^hich usually lasts nearly half of the year 
 — goaded by the lash of the whip, or other inflictions, 
 at the mere will and pleasure of their overseers and 
 drivers.* 
 
 This is tlie general treatment and allowance slaves 
 receive from their owners — and some are not even so 
 well ofl", especially if not attached to plantations, or 
 other landed estates, or those belonging to needy, petty, 
 or embarrassed, hard-hearted, avaricious, or negligent 
 proprietors, — who cannot, or will not — or at any rate 
 do not take proper care of their slaves — or Absentees, 
 a numerous set, who abandon their slaves to the man- 
 agement of agents — or those belonging to Jobbers, who 
 let out their slaves to toil for others, who have no inter- 
 est but to get as much work out of them, with as little 
 expense to themselves as possible — Besides the neglect 
 of slaves worn out by Age, or rendered profitless by 
 other lasting infirmity. — As for all other requisites, slaves 
 
 * By a late colonial law slaves are now allowed 26 days in the 
 year, besides Sundays, to work for themselves — we only wish it 
 may be enforced as well as enacted. — The old law allowed them a 
 less number of days, and that was far from being generally fulfilled 
 by proprietors.
 
 7;J 
 
 generally must trust to the produce of their provision 
 grounds, if they have any, or their own exertions by other 
 means,ifin theirpower — or shift as well as they can — and 
 many die of sheer exhaustion from over toil, and poverty of 
 food — not to mention other hardships. 
 
 Then why such ostentatious lamentations of inability 
 to provide for slaves as well as formerly — or do proprie- 
 tors w ish henceforth to be more liberal ? 
 
 ' Tis among the evils of the system, that although 
 slave establishments are very expensive concerns, yet 
 only a small proportion comparatively of the outgoings 
 is usually applied to the personal comfort and welfare 
 of the slaves— thus, though costly to the proprietor, yet 
 the slave remains unbenefited, suflering, and discontent- 
 ed — and this would be the case in a considerable degree, 
 even w ere slaves much better treated and provided for 
 by their o^vners than is generally done. — Take any man — 
 feed, clothe, and otherwise well provide for his wants, 
 yet force him to w ork for another, against his will, and 
 without remuneration in the specific shape of ivages, at 
 his owTi disposal, and most likely he will be dissatisfied 
 with his want of free agency, and what he deems a 
 proper reward— moreover, he would probably be able 
 and disposed to provide for himself cheaper, as well as 
 more to his satisfaction, by the careful optional expen- 
 diture of his own hard earned wages, than if living at 
 the expense and catering of another— oven though his 
 provider should expend more on him than the amount 
 of fair and usual wages for such services rendered by 
 the dependent— to say nothing of the latter being forci- 
 bly subjected to the caprice, tyranny, neglect, and liable 
 to be injuriously affected even by the misfortunes of 
 his retainer, or unavoidable change of master or condi- 
 tion fur the worse, in which he has no option— and his 
 wife, children, and dearest connections, subject to the
 
 74 
 
 same liability — perhaps also for e\'er separated from 
 each other, with all the horrors of Slaverj\ 
 
 Certainly, a good and humane owner of slaves, mtist 
 feel the most poignant allliction under the consciousness 
 of his inability to take proper care of them, and their 
 consequent privations and sufferings — perhaps to have 
 them torn from him by rapacious creditors, sold for pay- 
 ment of his debts, and thus often transfered to harsh 
 and severe masters, and the slave for ever separated 
 from bis native home, and dearest connections — a good 
 and humane master also knows, that on his demise, 
 retirement, sale of his estate, or 6th6r contingencies, he 
 has no longer any controul over those who succeed him 
 in the management of his former slaves, who may thus 
 be transmitted from good to bad treatment. — Nor will 
 he dare to rempin an Absentee 5,000 miles off on this 
 side of the Atlantic, living in luxury, usually beyond 
 his natural income, by funds wrung from the overstrain- 
 ed toil and privations of his slaves, abandoned by him 
 to the management of mercenary agents, beyond his 
 power to know or controul their proceedings. — And still 
 less win a humane and conscientious man, unentangled 
 in such concerns, purchase, as many do. West India 
 estate on speculation, never intending to reside on, or 
 even visit the propert)^ but only draw from it as much 
 as he can. — Even a good and capable master of slaves, 
 who on the spot can and does take proper care of them, 
 must be continually afflicted with beholding the sad 
 abuse of pov/er, or neglect of duties, by surrounding 
 Slave-holders or their agents with impunity. — All these 
 considerations are so many cogent motives to induce 
 •humane Slave-holders to be foremost in their endeavors 
 to put an end to such a system, and thus fairly get rid 
 of their own heavy responsibility, and prevent the fail- 
 ure of duties in others, whether arising from want of
 
 75 
 
 will, care, or ability to duly perform thorn. — *Tis a system 
 bad for the good, and only good for the bad, by enabling 
 them to do wrong with impunity. 
 
 Why, a slave might justly say, even to a kind and 
 liberal master, who can and does take proper care of 
 him — " You forcibly hold me in Slavery, subjected to 
 your iincontrouled will and power, and then boast that 
 you do not use me so ill as you might, and many do 
 their slaves, making a merit of ar.y forbearance from 
 oppression — but I want no such boon at your hands on 
 the terms you impose — I deny your right to enslave me 
 at all — leave me a free agent to do the best I can for my- 
 self, and I'll abide the consequence for better or worse." 
 
 If slaves have this just plea against good, how much 
 more againnt ba<l masters? — 'tis sad to be subjected to 
 the will and caprice even of a good man, but still more 
 deplorable to be at the mercy of the merciless, or depen- 
 dant on the care of the negligent, the liberality of the 
 sordid, or scanty niet^ns of the needy — every man's own 
 welfare should chiefly depend on himself, under pro- 
 tecting laws, not on the arbitrary will, or precarious 
 capability or attention of others — who would choose to 
 hold his fate on such a tenure. 
 
 But now by their own confession, 'tis no longer a 
 question who would or would not be good masters 
 among Slave-holders — for in their late Petition they 
 positively declare their general Inability to dtdy provide 
 for their slaves. 
 
 Hitherto it has been the favorite and hacknied argu- 
 ment with Slave-holders " that 'tis against the Interest 
 of proprietors to ill treat or not take proper care of their 
 slaves — ergo (according to their usual sound logic) 
 slaves must necessarily be, and actually are well treat- 
 ed, and properly taken care of." 
 
 Tiiis, however plausible in theory, yet has there ever
 
 7a 
 
 been a variety of cause* why it is too often not realized 
 in West Indian practice. 
 
 Some folks do not always understand their real inte- 
 rests, or are neglectful, or cannot take care of them, or 
 sacrifice more permanent, if distant, advantage, to pre- 
 sent temporary convenience, or act without thought on 
 the matter, cKpecially West Indians — for instance, it is 
 well known that many proprietors have deliberately 
 calculated, that upon the whole it is more advantageous, 
 or at least convenient for them to obtain as much work, 
 with as little expense as possible, in a few years out of 
 their slaves, though they should be worn out in conse- 
 quence, than to cherish them by moderate labour, and 
 good, but expensive treatment to seek to preserve them, 
 increase the breed, &c.*- — Some let out their slaves to 
 toil for others, and those who thus hire, have no other 
 interest but to get as much work out of them as possible. 
 — Many are impatient to make a rapid fortune in a few 
 years, and return to Europe to enjoy it, and want no- 
 
 • Hitherto under the present system, there is not much induce- 
 ment for an owner of West India estate to aim at preserving it, 
 either for sale after he has done with it and retired to Europe, or 
 retaining it under the management of Agents — if he sell it, even 
 if it be in good order, he can only expect a very few years pur- 
 chase, out of all proportion to its annual produce, and that gene- 
 rally paid by long instalments, if ever paid at all after possession 
 is given ; and as for expecting a revenue from it under the manage- 
 ment of Agents, whilst the proprietor remains an Absentee, 'tis 
 more likely to involve him, and wear out both laud and slaves — 
 but were the system of Slavery abolished, estates cultivated by 
 free labourers, otherwise well managed, and their owners content 
 with fair and moderate profits ; the latter might sell or lease out 
 to certain advantage, or retain them for generations in their own 
 family, especially if each proprietor, for the time being, resided 
 on and farmed his own estate. — There is a new epoch arising in 
 West India affairs, requiring a corresponding change of system.
 
 77 
 
 thing further from their estate in the West Indies, which 
 they then g:et rid of as well as they can — thus many 
 exhaust their land as well as their negroes — even in 
 England Me find some people act on this principle 
 with their horses; and Negroes are only considered as 
 black cattle in the West Indies. — Many proprietors are 
 Absentees, residing- entirely or for long- periods in 
 Europe, where they can better enjoy themselves; and 
 their Managers well know, that the best way to please 
 them in general is, to make the amount of their remit- 
 tances as large as possible ; in consequence, every 
 thing on the estate is overstrained for that purpose — 
 these agents are also usually paid by a per centage on 
 the amount of produce, and besides get as much as 
 they can out of the estate for themselves. — Many estates 
 are in the hands of rapacious creditors, bent on paying 
 themselves as fast and as amply as they can, regardless 
 of who comes or what happens after their turn is served. 
 ■ — Nay even Executors — there is a significant saying in 
 the West Indies — " Don't make me your Heh; but Kxe- 
 cufor, if you wish to sene me." — This speaks for itself. 
 — Some proprietors are so poor or embarrassed, as not 
 to be able to take proper care of their slaves. — A di.s})0- 
 sition cruel, avaricious, irascible, vindictive, &c. often 
 leads to acts of inhumanity, even against Interest— and 
 the slave is completely at the r»crcy of the owner or his 
 agents — personal pique against particular slaves, espe- 
 cially in absence of the proprietor, will often produce the 
 same efi'ects; I have known many lead a wretched life in 
 consequence — and will Slave-holders have the hardihood 
 to assert, that there are no mercihNss proprietors and 
 agents among them, who act cruelly with impunity ? — 
 In short, whether a slave may be well or ill trcNvted, 
 depends too much on mere fortuitous circunist;uiccs, 
 not regulated by his deserts, nor in the power of his
 
 78 
 
 controul; and often not even at tlic option of bis owner 
 — a state bad at best, but in its worst degree most de- 
 plorable — which no human creature oui;ht to be forcibly 
 subjected to, and least of all hj Englishmen, 
 
 If at all times, even during the most prosperous state 
 of West Indian afl'airs, these unfavorable circumstances 
 have existed, to render precarious the tolerable good 
 treatment of slaves ; how much worse must be their 
 chance, when proprietors publicly declare, that how- 
 ever they possess the will, they are now generally desti- 
 tute of the means to properly provide for tlicm ! — and 
 their affau's are not likely to mend, but grow w orse under 
 the present system. — Then is not this alone a suP.icient 
 reason of their own producing, to demonstrate that the 
 welfare of slaves, and interest of their owners, in)peri^ 
 ously require a change of system; by which slaves ren- 
 dered free shall be enabled to provide for tliemselvcs by 
 their own exertions ; and still prove useful and profita- 
 ble to those who employ them — and what must we think 
 of the pretences to Humanity of those men, who stiil 
 stick up for a continuance of the slave system, and at 
 the same time avow their inability to take proper care 
 of their slaves ! 
 
 Even those proprietors who have sought to diminish 
 their guilt and danger as Slave-holders by being good 
 masters, certainly their best excuse, are now mostly 
 bereft of this paliation and supposed security, by the 
 general distressed state of West Indian allairs — and 
 even the comparatively few wdio still can and do take 
 tolerable care of their slaves, must know that even in 
 the best of times all may, and mp-ny do neglect the 
 welfare of their slaves from want of will, ability, or proper 
 attention.— And besides the unwarrantable tenure by 
 which every proprietor holds his fellow creatures in 
 Slavery, the system is further fundq-mentally unjust and
 
 79 
 
 cruel, in leaving the fate of the slave to the mere chance 
 of whether he happens to fall to the lot of a good or bad 
 master; who even if he be willing may not be able to 
 take proper care of his slaves; and if urged or disposed 
 to abuse his power, may do it with impunity. Slave- 
 holders generally like the system as umch for the arbi- 
 trary power it confers, as for the supposed profits it 
 wrings from the unrequited toil of their slaves. 
 
 Such is the frailty of iunnan nature, that 'tis danger- 
 ous to entrust even good and enlightened men with irre- 
 sponsil)ie power to do wrong, who may not only err un- 
 intentionally, but Avhom a variety of circumstances may 
 tempt to a dereliction from duty, much more so the vici- 
 ous or ignorant. — And are there not in all countries even 
 the most civilized, those who would perpetrate any 
 deed however atrocious, if they could profit by and do it 
 with impunity. — Then also, for I do )iot intend to mince 
 the matter, let us consider what sort of characters usually 
 compose the bulk of West India white society ; and is 
 it from such, especially Slave-holders and their myrmi- 
 dons, that we can rationally expect a peculiar exemp- 
 tion from the weakness or wickedness of man, urged by 
 his passions, necessities, convenience, or supposed in- 
 terests, with all the springs of human action iincoii- 
 trouled—ox that the white inhal)itants of our West In- 
 dies, above all peo])le, should prove pre-eminent in the 
 voluntary uniform practice of wisdom and virtue, though 
 left to do as they please ! — 'tis held by some, that an 
 Absolute Monarchy woidd Ijc the best form of Govern- 
 ment, provided the sovereign were always a good and a 
 sensible man — yet we do not choose to trust to tiie 
 chance of his being so, or a knave or a fool, therefore 
 only endow him with i)oA\(>r for good, but not for evil. 
 
 " Man cloth'd witli a lilllc brief aulliority, 
 Plays such fantastic tricks hcforc Iiigh heaven, 
 As nuke the aiij^clM vvccp."
 
 80 
 
 Yet Slave-holders, though endowed with Absolute 
 power, would fain have us believe, that they and their 
 Agents are all vvithout exception such very good, atten- 
 tive, and capable folks, as never to misuse, but only 
 exert it for the good of their slaves. Then Slave-holders 
 and their Agents must all be Angels not Men. — It 
 can be no justification of the system if only some, even 
 many, among them may be found who never abuse their 
 power or neglect their duties, unless all are so — nor any 
 consolation to those slaves who fall to the lot of a bad, 
 incompetent, or negligent proprietor — and if all are not, 
 why should those who are voluntarily good masters, 
 object to a change of system, v/hich would still leave 
 them the power and opportunity to do as much good as 
 tliey pleased, and compel others not so well inclined as 
 themselves to perform their duties. — Nay, even suppose 
 an impossible thing, that all Slave-holders without ex- 
 ception, ever were and will be most excellent masters, 
 still have they no right, nor is it necessary, for any good 
 purpose, to hold their fellow creatures in Slavery. 
 
 In short, the Slave system is utterly untenable in the 
 eye of reason, justice, and humanity ; and happily more 
 than ever becoming inexpedient in worldly interest and 
 policy ; and so radically enormously wrong and incorri- 
 gible, as not to admit of any modification as sufficient 
 improvement, or for permanent continuance, but only as 
 a necessary preparation for its total Abolition. Whilst 
 a man is a slave, he cannot be effectually protected from 
 Injustice — 'tis a solecism in term and reality. 
 
 Our Colonists boast of the improvement that has of 
 late years taken place in the condition of their slaves, 
 both in law and in fact. 
 
 Why are not their slaves up to this very time still con- 
 sidered and treated as chattels? may be sold their 
 parents, wives, children, and nearest relatives, together
 
 81 
 
 fvr separately, or otherwise disposed of by tlieii' owner- 
 nay, even ajrainst liis will may be seized by his creditors, 
 and sold for payment of his debts ; sent oft' to a distant 
 settlement, or even colony, and for ever separated from 
 their native home, and dearest connections ; and in 
 other ways liable to be injuriously aff"ected by the mis- 
 fortunes, chang:e in circumstances, neglect, or wrong 
 doing of their owner. — Is not the slave forced against his 
 will, and without fair compensation, to toil for his owner, 
 who may also let him out on hire to drudge for others, and 
 and pocket the fruits of his earnings. — Must not the 
 slave endure the lash, the shackles, the dungeon, or any 
 other inflictions at the arbitrary will of his proprietor 
 — except by a late enactment, not extending to life or 
 limb, which still leaves scope enough in bad hands for 
 tyranny — the owner's w ill is law to his slaves. — Is not the 
 slave for ever cut off from all hope and possibility of 
 bettering his condition by the exertion of his talents or 
 industry — a slave he lives, a slave he dies — he has no 
 right to his ow n personal carcase living or dead ; and 
 cannot call his w ife or children his own, or exercise the 
 rights and duties of a husband or father. — The Whites 
 enact just laws for themselves, but deny justice to their 
 slaves — nor is the evidence of any slave, or number of 
 slaves, ever received in a colonial court of Justice, hem! 
 I mean Law, against any white person, however their 
 oppressor — and all Slave laws are enacted and adminis- 
 tered by Slave-holders. 
 
 As for the few feeble laws apparently in favor of 
 slaves, made \vithin these few years since the outcry in 
 England, they arc mostly in practical reality mere nulli- 
 ties — many of them aro without executive power or 
 penalty, so cannot be enforced ; others which may not 
 be thus defective, are easily evaded — and whoever inter- 
 feres or attcmps it? if they did, they would be univcr- 
 
 L
 
 82 
 
 sally scouted by surrounding Slave-holders id est nearly 
 the whole and most powerful of the White population. — 
 There is a tacit yet understood compact, an esprit de corp 
 and fellow feeling among the fraternity of Slave-holders, 
 to stick by each other ; and above all they make a point, 
 'tis a give and take courtesy between them, mutually 
 convenient, not to interfere with each other's internal 
 management, especially of slaves, withirj the precincts, 
 of their own domain, where the proprietor's w ill is law — • 
 here is the dark and secret scene of unheeded, uncon- 
 trouled tyranny, who can ferret it out f — And yet forsooth 
 they talk of the public odium which would attend 
 neglect c» ill treatment of slaves — tliat may do for a 
 time to cajole John Bull on this side the water, but not 
 those who have resided in the colonies.— In short, most 
 of the enactments passed of late years seemingly in fa- 
 vour of slaves, since the attention of the nation at home 
 has been excited to investigate the nature of our colonial 
 slave system, which laws read very plausibly on paper, 
 yet were not made to be enforced, but chie% t» boast of, 
 and hoodwink the people of England — but even were they 
 as invariably and thoroughly enforced as the far more nu- 
 merous and formidable laws against slaves, they could 
 not effect much amelioration of their condition, whilst 
 the old slave code still unrepealed remains in full force, 
 and is acted upon. — Let any impartial person only read 
 the printed and published consolidated Slave Laws of 
 Jamaica, confessedly the most lenient code of all our 
 slave colonies, and he will be shocked at their cruelty 
 and injustice.* — Whilst such Laws remain in full foice 
 
 * It has been announced that Mr. Stephens will speedily publish 
 The Consolidated Slave Law of Jamaica, with commentaries. — ■ 
 No Work could be better calculated to render the people of Eng- 
 land thoroughly aware of the real nature and practice of our West 
 India slave system.
 
 83 
 
 aiid practice, let not our West Indian colonists boast of 
 a few new and apparently more equitable enactments, at 
 best comparatively trifling in nature and effect, whether 
 or not honestly made and executed — ^'tis an insult to our 
 common sense and proper feelings. — Slave-holders when 
 hard pressed, reluctantly admit that certainly some pro- 
 prietors do neglect, not sufficiently provide for, or other- 
 ways not well use their slaves — and yet they prate 
 about the good an<l sufficient colonial enactments for the 
 due protection of slaves ! — Thus much for their slav^ 
 Laics. 
 
 Then as for custom and usage, beyond the law's control. 
 — Are not the negroes and people of colour, enslaved or 
 free, in our West Indian colonics despised, degraded, 
 and oppressed by the Whites — 'tis a part of the West 
 Indian system, in order to keep up that Moral barrier of 
 rights, knowledge, propertj', and consequence, as well as 
 more direct physical power, the Whites seek to preserve 
 against the Blacks, and the vast superiority assumed 
 and encouraged by the former, down to the very lowest 
 dregs of the white populace — there is as much subtile 
 craft as open violence in our AVest Indian system of 
 Slavery. 
 
 Such is in Law and in Usage the happy enviable con- 
 dition of negroes and people of colour, enslaved or free, 
 in our West Indies, whom our Colonists declare are 
 better off, even their slaves, than the labouring classes in 
 England ! — What l>razen effrontery in those who assert, 
 what gross ignorance, dereliction of thought, or driveling 
 credulity, in those who believe it ! — persons only of ordi- 
 nary capacity, information, and reflection, must know it 
 cannot be in the nature of things. 
 
 Any improvement that has really taken place of late 
 years in the character of the negroes and people of colour 
 in our WcHt Indies, has hrcn chiefly (fleeted by their
 
 84 
 
 increasing kno\\ ledge and civilization, not to be prevent- 
 ed by the Whites — and any Amelioration of the condir 
 tion of slaves, has been wrung from the latter chiefly by 
 the discussions in Parliament, and voice of the Nation ; 
 as also by the slaves having become more knowing and 
 not so easily oppressed, at least by acts of outrageous 
 cruelty, which certainly are less common or visible than 
 formcily ; to which may be added the prohibition of 
 slave importations from Africa, which has induced pru- 
 dent proprietors to take better care of their slaves — stilj 
 are they slaves, and subjected to all the existing evils of 
 the system. — Let Parliament and the Nation complete 
 its work, by putting an end to Slavery itself in our do- 
 minions, the only means by which it is ever likely to be 
 honestly, in due time, and effectually done. 
 
 After all, this is the simple case, though much pains 
 are artfully taken to confuse and confound the matter-r 
 is it just and right (we have already endeavored to 
 prove 'tis not expedient) that Englishmen should be 
 allowed to keep their black and coloured fellow creatures 
 and subjects in Slavery, that too within our own terri- 
 tory? — if it be, then why not white subjects enslave each 
 other amongst us? — and how would the Whites thus 
 enslaved, with their parents, wives, children, and near- 
 est dearest connections, like such a system? — this ig 
 the infallible test of its justice, is it doing as we would 
 be done unto ? — which " comes home to the business 
 and bosom of every man." — But Slave-holders say, 
 " We may admit the original injustice of the system, but 
 that took place long before our time, we have succeeded 
 and are so entangled, we must go on, and cannot re- 
 cede." — Why (besides the voluntary investment of capi.. 
 tal in slave property currently occurring up to the pre- 
 sent day, and by persons not previously engaged in such 
 concerns) the main object of this Work throughout is to
 
 85 
 
 ehcAv that Emancipatian is not more an act of justice, than 
 practicable and most expedient— if so, then are our black 
 and coloured subjects in theWest Indies,to be placed uur 
 der the protection of just and equal laws, or left to the 
 arbitrary will and power of their white task-masters? — ■ 
 "^Yhy should our Colonists, who declare they only mean 
 wpU, insist on holdinj^ their servants (as 'tis now the 
 West Indian fashion to call them *) in slavery — when if 
 freed, and under the protection of Law, Masters would 
 be allowed sulhcient power for every good and neces- 
 sary purpose, and those wno under the present system 
 can and do abuse unlimited autiiority, would l)c restrain^ 
 ed from doing evil ?~let Slave-holders fairly answer 
 that if they can. 
 
 In short, they have not a leg to stand upon in defence 
 of their slave system, cither on the plea of expediency, 
 and then 'tis so outraging every principle of justice, and 
 feeling of humanity, that so palpable a case would bo 
 beneath the necessity of serious argumentation to refute 
 the barefaced faJlacious pretences of Slave-liolders, were 
 it not for the benctit of those, chiefly on this side the 
 water, who may not be sufficiently informed, or do not 
 
 * 'Tis curious to observe the lame attempt uow-a-days, of West 
 India proprietors to banish the word Slave from their vocabulary 
 — substituting the pcntle term onr servants, peasantry, tcnantri/, 
 lahoririnij classes, black and coloured uorkintj people, ^c- — AVhat 
 sort of a system must it be, that its practitioners are ashamed or 
 afraid to call it by its real name of Slower;/ ; — what wretched sub- 
 terfuge ! — However the columns of Colonial Newspapers arc stjll 
 crammed with Advertisements in plain English, after runaway 
 Slaves, seizures and sales of Slaves, &;c.— to be sure these could 
 not well be more minc'ngly worded— for it would seem queer to 
 English folks on this side the water to read, for instance, of tho 
 seizure and sale of a labouring man, his wife and cliildrcn, to pay 
 the debts of liis master ! — but wliy should Slave holders be ashaui- 
 cd to speak of what they're not ashani-jd to ilo.
 
 8^ 
 
 reflect on the matter, or it would not be to be patiently 
 borne; and humiliating it is to human nature, our 
 country in particular, to have to argue at this time of 
 day the simple self-evident question. Whether English- 
 men have a right to keep their fellow creatures in 
 Slavery ! — but the time is fast coming, when by the 
 general dift'usion of light on the subject throughout the 
 Nation, Slave-holders will no longer be able to deceive 
 any but fools, or gain the support of any, who under- 
 stand the thing, but base and inhuman scoundrels. 
 
 May the conviction soon spread throughout our slave 
 colonies, as well as at home — that the Abolition of 
 Slavery in the British dominions, is not more our im- 
 perative duty, than practicable and advantageous to all 
 parties concerned. 
 
 Our West India proprietors view with a gi-udging eye 
 the continuation of the African Slave Trade by foreign- 
 ers — not so much on account of its guilt, as its supposed 
 advantages — especially to their rivals of other nations— 
 but this, at any rate in the long run, as I have endea- 
 vored to shew, is a miscalculation — especially when put 
 in competition with free hired labour — besides which, 
 such foreigners by increasing the slave population of 
 their colonies, are adding fuel to the fire that will here- 
 after probably consume them — though it may for the 
 present place them as cultivators more on a par with 
 ourselves — on which account, our planters grudge them 
 a sufficient stock of slaA^es, though long since amply sup- 
 plied themselves, which others were not. — But our colo- 
 nists have it still in their power to gain a great advan- 
 tage over foreign Slave-holders, by employing the labour 
 of freed men. — And even as it is, under the present sys- 
 tem, our West Indians have already as many slaves as 
 they can employ and afford, and more than enough for 
 safety, or even whilst it lasts, for profit, to say nothing
 
 87 
 
 of justice and humanity— but not too many lor all pur- 
 poses of the connnunity, and means of the country, if 
 timely converted into free subjects and Avillinjj help- 
 mates — which would render them far more useful, and 
 not to be dreaded, as well as more for our honor — and 
 erase a foul blot on our national character. 
 
 Our West India colonists dread a competition with 
 the cheaper produce of our East India subjects, as well 
 as with that of foreigners — let them abandon their ex- 
 pensive and inellicient system of Slavery, and cultivate 
 by free labour— manage well their estates, live not be- 
 yond their means, and be content w ith moderate profits 
 — they will be more on a level, and better able to cope 
 with their rivals in trade at home and abroad — these 
 are the only natural, eciuitabh', and ellectual means by 
 which they can rationally expect to compete in foreign 
 markets, or supply the nation at home as cheaply as their 
 East India brethren, to the exclusion of foreigners, or 
 rather a due protection and preference given to our own 
 colonists— but not by an invidious distinction bet>\een 
 our East and West India subjects, exclusively in favor 
 of the latter — and also inflicting high prices on the Na- 
 tion. — Then might Government etpmlize, and even 
 lower the duties on East and West India produce, ac- 
 cording to price, and a just classification of quality, 
 and the revenue be compensated by an increased con- 
 sumption—which would severally benefit all our sub- 
 jects concerned in East and West India cultivation 
 or commerce, and the nation in general. 
 
 ITie cost and inefticient labour of slaves, constitute a 
 component part, and increase the expense of produce in 
 raising, and price to the consumer, ^\liich might be re- 
 duced, by employing free labourers instead of slaves. 
 —What our West India jdantcrs may sup])(>se (hey 
 would loose in the value of their slaves, by a progressive
 
 system of general emancipation, they would in reality 
 gain by the reduced expense, and proportionate increas- 
 ed value and profit of their estate — id est a transfer of 
 value from the slave to the soil, with greater security. 
 
 Proprietors clamorously exclaim against the supposed 
 loss and injustice they should sustain, by being com- 
 pelled to emancipate their slaves, after the investment 
 of capital in such concern, and the pledge of Parlia- 
 ment, declared or implied, for its security, — Why if it 
 be proved that the system of Slavery is less profitable 
 than operating by free hired labour — the emancipation 
 of slaves must prove not a loss but a gain to their pro- 
 prietors—and if the latter, or their predecessors^ have 
 invested capital in what turns out a loosing concern, 
 they must, like all speculators, bear the loss of their 
 own miscalculation or change of circumstances.* 
 
 * They particularly plead the hardship of hereditary and other 
 unavoidable successors to slave property — now besides no proof 
 of loss, but the contrary, by a judicious transition from slave to 
 free labour, such cases are comparatively few; and seldom extend 
 beyond a generation or two.— Has it not been the general system 
 of our West Indian planters, &c. when they have realized enough, 
 after a few years residence or management, to sell their estates for 
 what they could get, to whoever would purchase, rather than longer 
 retain them — and do we not continually find persons voluntarily in- 
 vesting capital in such purchases with the same views. — It is cal- 
 culated that there is a general shifting of West India proprietorship 
 every twenty years, with comparatively few exceptions ; 'tis the 
 peculiar characteristic of the country and system— even Creditors 
 make advances with their eyes open to their liability of taking to 
 the estate, not only for sheer indemnification, but often aiming at 
 it for their own inordinate gains, though ruin of the Dcif or— if some- 
 times they find it a loosing game, they must take the chance of such 
 speculations ; and are often not to be pitied,— 'tis only the biter bit. 
 
 Certainly Inheritors, or others unavoidably entangled in West 
 India property, would be much to be commisserated, if it were 
 utterly impossible to get rid of the odious and dangerous system of
 
 89 
 
 As for the plea of vested interests and antecedent 
 claims, established if not by chartered right, at least by 
 long prescription — Xo claim originating in injustice, 
 and so maintained, of however long duration and con- 
 nivance, ought ever to be guarrantccd — the past exist- 
 ence of a wrong is no fc»ir plea, but the contrary, for 
 its further continuance, if it can be removed— nay, even 
 claims not originally unjust, but from change of times 
 and circumstances becoming injurious to others, ought 
 to be abrogated, private interest must give way to pub- 
 lic good, though in such case the individual claimant 
 may be entitled to indemnity — and if it can I)e proved 
 that Slave-holders ought to receive a compensation for 
 any loss they may sustain by general manumission, 
 then let them have it far preferably to allowing them to 
 continue their unjust and pernicious system. — Then as 
 for the pledge of Parliament— it has no right to sanction 
 unjust, immoral, or impolitic practices, and may at any 
 time revoke its own enactments when deemed expedient 
 — nor is there scarcely any new act, tax, repeal, or alte- 
 ration passed, but more or less, for better or worse, and 
 by surprise, affects person or property difierently than a 
 priori. 
 
 The English Government, in times past, has done 
 wrong by sanctioning Slavery — it now seeks to retrace 
 its steps, and undo the evil — but Slave-holders still 
 wish to bind it to the letter of its inequitable Bond, 
 
 Slavery ; or if the substitution of free labour must prove disad- 
 vantageous to tliemselves — yet as neither is the case, hut quite the 
 contrary, the Abolition of Slavery can by judicious means be 
 effected, by Miiich tlicir interests would be bcaclitcd, tlicir safety 
 insured, and their character rendered respectable — they have also 
 usually a longer tenure of West Indian property, and of course 
 proportionally more at stake than less permanent proprietors — so 
 ought to be foremost in their wishes and endeavors for general 
 
 Emancipation. 
 
 M
 
 ,90 
 
 and arc the only subjects in his Majesty's dominions 
 who are legally allowed to l)e purchasers of stolen 
 t^oods (of the Avorst description, human creatures to en- 
 slave) knowing them to be stolen, or otherwise nefari- 
 ously obtained, and insist on their rigid to retain them 
 for ever with impunity, and thus to benefit by their own 
 wrong — honorable men, honorable pretensions ! 
 
 Parliament stood equally pledged to continue the 
 English Slave Trade with Africa ; yet it put an end to 
 it, and our West India proprietors made the same com- 
 plaint of breach of contract, and did all in their power 
 to thwart and prevent it — yet since the prohibition has 
 actually taken place, they make a merit of necessity, and 
 now admit that it was a very just and necessary measure, 
 and moreover boast they were the first and are still the 
 only colonists of any nation, who have refrained from 
 further slave importations !* — And so they would do on 
 
 * 'Tis certainly true, that about half a century ago, the colonists of 
 Jamaica did actually present a Petition to our Privy Council, and 
 took other measures, to limit slave importations, and restrict or abol- 
 ish thctrade; whichtothe eternal disf^race of Governmentitrejected 
 by the following declaration, " We cannot allow the Colonies to 
 check or discourage in any degree a traflic so beneficial to the nation" 
 ■ — this was in 1774. Nor do our West Indian Colonists universally 
 of the present day, forget to boast of tliis feat of their predecessors 
 in a single Island — yet mark their consistency, and how much they 
 arc entitled to crow. 
 
 In the subsequent contest which began about, or soon after 1774, 
 and continued nearly 30 years in Parliament, for the Abolition of 
 the Slave Trade, when the colonists really stood some chance of 
 having the prayer of their previous petition complied with to the 
 utmost; nay, by throwing their weight in the scale at the time, it 
 must soon have preponderated in their favor — ^'tis notorious that our 
 West Indian Colonists generally, and the Jamaicans most promi- 
 nently, opposed the measure throughout with all their might and 
 main, up to the last moment when it was carried against them — 
 declaring that " it was a breach of good faith in the Government, 
 and would produce the ruin of the Colonies !*'
 
 91 
 
 the actual Abolition of Slavery, aiul the laiiurc ol" their 
 stratagems to deter the Government. — Kor have our 
 West Indian colonists any objection that Parliament 
 should enact unjust laws in their- favor injuriously allctt- 
 ing their fellow subjects in our East Indian territoiy — 
 'tis the unquestionable right and duty of Parliament to 
 redress grievances Avherever it finds them, at least with- 
 in its own dominion, much more tliosc occasioned by its 
 own wrong doing — but even if Parliament would for 
 ever allow Slave-holders to continue their system — their 
 own interest and safety should prompt them voluntarily 
 to get rid of it as soon and as w ell as they can. 
 
 However, as some expense, if not otherwise q.ctuul 
 loss may for a time attend ;s0 great a change of system, 
 then let the Nation at home bear its share in duly provid- 
 ing for it — we have by our positive laws iu support of 
 Slavery avowedly abetted the system, ^.nd further con- 
 nived at and encouraged it by our purchase and con- 
 sumption of its productions, v/ith otlicr participation — 
 and may well be called upon not to throw the onus at- 
 tending a necessary change of system, exclusively on the 
 shoulders of our West India colonists, or beyond a due 
 proportion, though they be the chief delintpicnts— an 
 impost for abolishing, would be lar more just and politic 
 than a protecting duty and bounty, as at present, for 
 ui)hulding a system of Slavery — and the best amende 
 honorable we can now make for our past misdeeds. 
 
 The following document lately issued, is well worth 
 the attention of Englishmen. 
 
 Extracts from a Report of the Ministry of th(> TntcMior 
 for the year 1S;2:J, presented to the Congress ofCobnnhi;}. 
 
 The line of conduct avowed and acted w|)(»n, in (le 
 question of Slavery, is highly creditable to the Coiuiu- 
 bians. — The Ministc r aclmits, that losses m;iy nrisr from 
 the measures in progress for the grjtdual einaiu ipaliou
 
 92 
 
 of the slaves ; but he says, " Ws must do right whether 
 ice suffer hy it or not." — It is however highly question- 
 able, whether in any point of view these measures can 
 prove injurious to Columbia. 
 
 Liberty of the Slaves. — " The Law of 19th July, of 
 the year II. which gave liberty to all the new born 
 offspring of slaves, which abolished the traffic in ne- 
 groes, and established committees of manumission, has 
 been executed throughout the Republic. — In December 
 of the same year, bemg the term fixed by law for liber- 
 ating such slaves as the funds appropriated for this pur- 
 pose were competent to redeem, several received their 
 liberty, blessing the legislators of Columbia who had 
 granted them such happiness. — The number liberated 
 last December was still greater, and the Government 
 entertained well grounded hopes that the fund will 
 annually increase." 
 
 *' It seems that in certain provinces of the Republic an 
 apprehension exists, that by the gradual extinction of 
 Slavery, the productions of the soil and the working of 
 the mines will be diminished. — This is an event that 
 may happen ; but it is unquestionably a minor evil to 
 the inhabitants of those provinces, compared with that 
 of living amidst a volcano, ever ready to explode Avith 
 dreadful effect; it is better that their agriculture and 
 mines should suffer partial ills, to which gradual reme- 
 dies may be applied, than jjy continuing their former 
 personal slavery, insensibly heap up combustibles for a 
 terrible conflagration.— It is well known that in this par- 
 ticular, our legislators have been animated by the most 
 profound foresight and justice." 
 
 What do the British Government, and our West In- 
 dian Colonists think of the foregoing state paper — par- 
 ticularly the maxim it puts forth, " We mvst do Right, 
 whether we suffer by it or no^"— Nor do Columbian
 
 93 
 
 Slave-holders seem to haggle so hard to make a tight 
 bargain with their Goveniment, for lull and high pecu- 
 niary compensation for only doing an act of Justice, 
 imperiously necessary, and most incumbent on them, — 
 and also appear fully aware of the danger and impolicy, 
 as well as criminality of the slave sj^stem. — Nor do they 
 seek to retard the necessary measures to get rid of it 
 as soon and as well as tliey can, by open or covert op- 
 position, crafty evasion, or procrastination even of a 
 commencement of effectual proceedings — or when at 
 length they find they can no longer put off appearing to 
 do something for the pui-pose— then contriving and get- 
 ting the management of a plan so slow in its progress, 
 or otherwise defective and practically nugatory, as to 
 require ages, if ever it arrived at maturity in finally 
 effecting complete and general Emancipation ; and in 
 the interim ameliorating the condition of slaves as much 
 and requisite as possible— but go directly to work in 
 (earnest, declaring all children free hencefortii born of 
 slave parents— which alone must soon put an end tQ 
 the existence of Slavery throughout the llepublic.*— 
 
 ■ * A more just, effectual, safe, and beneficial mcasnie for tlie p:ra- 
 . dual Abolition of Slavery, uith due preparation, cannot vvt II lie de- 
 vised, than rendering free all children henceforth l)orn of slave 
 parents — which allows sufneient time for traininp: up the risin-;- 
 generation to the useful enjoyment of freedom, and j;ives us the 
 advantage of making the first impressions on the youthful mind— 
 if it be cruel and unjust for man to enslave man, how much more 
 to entail Slavery on tlie innocent child from the womb, as the 
 hopeless bitter portion of ils life— if we sincerely repent, yet can- 
 not atone for past injuries done to its parents and ancestors for 
 ages, at least let us cease from inflicting them on generations yet 
 unborn— but Slave-holders object, as they hitherto have, lo all 
 effectual means for reformation— and say, " We have as nuicli 
 right to the Child as to its Mother, whom we, or our predecessors, 
 have bought and paid for, on the principle tlint lie who buys a
 
 94 
 
 Funds are also raised and appropriated for tlic current 
 Redemption of slaves; and slaves are allowed to pur- 
 chase their own freedom in whole or in part, and their 
 owner bound to comply, at a moderate and rather under 
 valuation, though the children of slaves henceforth free 
 only l)y birth, are bound to serve gfratuitously their 
 mother's owner 'till they arrive at the age of 18 — in our 
 colonies it raigUt be allowed, at least at the outset, up 
 to the age of 21 or 24. — ' Tis likewise worthy remark, 
 that the slaves in Columbia are declared to be satisfied 
 and thankful for what is doing, content to patiently 
 await the gradual, yet certain operation of the plan, 
 without requiring more thani is granted for their welfare. 
 — Shall we imitate the Columbians or not ? — or rather 
 endeavor, as far as pnidently practicable, to excel them 
 ^n the goqdly work — especially as the English boast of 
 being the most just and benevolent people on the face 
 of the earth ! 
 
 Cov) is hQiicefortli entitled to her future Calf" — thus placing 
 human beings on a level " with tlic beasts which perish" — nay, 
 are there not among our West Indian colonists those who keep 
 even their own children in Slavery ? — they can and do by their 
 boasted Laws, because the Mother is their Slave! — would it be 
 credited, that in this supposed enlightened age, such rponstrous 
 sentiments and practices could be unblushingly avowpd and per- 
 petrated by Englishmen ! — and is it to the voluntary justice or hu- 
 manity of such people we are much longer to trust for redressing, 
 or at least ceasing from, their past oppressions? — if they continue 
 to refuse or evade, ought they npt to be compelled to do what is 
 Right — 'tis high time if Slave-holders mean well, they should give 
 a pledge of their sincerity, — The Government and Nation ought to 
 require from them, as a sine qua non, the freedom of all children 
 henceforth, or after a certain period, born of their slaves — this 
 woukl be a sure and tangible guarraatec, which then must be ful- 
 filled, and will alone in due time, by means vv'ell suited to existing 
 circumstances in our West Indian colonics, put an end tQ the 
 system of Slavery.
 
 .95 
 
 N.B. — The Chilians appear even to have outdone 
 the Cohimbians. — By a Decree of the Senate of Chili 
 of 25th June, 1823, every one born since the year 1811 
 Milhin the territory of the Republic, is free ; every one 
 who treads the soil of the Republic is free ; and all who 
 have heretofore been slaves are also free. — However^ we 
 want not to make more haste than good speed ; but 
 only require a plan effectually executed, best adapted 
 to existing local circumstances in our West India Colo- 
 nies, for the Abolition of Slavery. 
 
 Our Vv'est India proprietors because they certainly 
 possess, and successfully exert great influence over the 
 mother Government, which induces it to sanction and 
 assist them to keep up their system of Slavery— exult- 
 ingly think that thus far tlicy are going on swimmingly — 
 but let them reflect what is the fatal boon they intrigue 
 for and obtain?— "why cursed with a granted prayer," 
 permission and aid to continue a system unprofitable 
 and infamous whilsts it lasts, and teeming with danger, 
 that in all human probability must finally end in their 
 destruction!" — let them not lay the flattering unction to 
 their souls, that Majorities or Acts of Parliament, nay, or 
 all the power of the British Government, can for ever 
 forcibly keep near a million of their fellow creatures in 
 abject cruel slavery, at the distance, and in such a 
 country and climate as the West Indies — no, no — the 
 numerous victims of our tyranny will rise in mighty 
 mass, and not only redress their own horrible grievances, 
 but also avenge themselves on their monstrous oppres- 
 sors. 
 
 The most wise, just, and merciful plan the National 
 Government can pursue for the welfare both of our West 
 India colonists, and their slaves, as well as most for our 
 national honor, would be to save our Slave-holders from 
 the fatal eifects of their own Ijliudness and folly, by com-
 
 96 
 
 pelling them to adopt a more safe, just, an^^! profitable 
 system — which I firmly hope and believe will ere long 
 be elFccted if not by the voluntary efforts of our Govern- 
 ment or Colonists — then by the irresistible voice of the 
 British Nation ! 
 
 The same feelings of justice and humanity which 
 prompted the British nation to cry aloud for the Aboli- 
 tion of our Slave Trade with Africa, until it was doiie, 
 will necessarily and in consistency further urge them 
 in due time to effect the Abolition of Slavery in our 
 Colonies. — And in this they are equally sure to finally 
 prevail on the same unerring principle of Right, which 
 the English nation, when duly appealed to, and con- 
 vinced of, can never long withstand. — And though since 
 the attainment of their first great object, the leading 
 parties in the cause may have appeared to remain dor- 
 mant, thinking enough had been gained at once, and 
 as preparatory to the future completion of their ulti- 
 mate designs, and have been waiting for time and effect 
 — but are now openly and zealously beginning to return 
 to the charge, with increasing numbers among the en- 
 lightened, virtuous, benevolent, and disinterested — and 
 never will they rest, until they have finished the goodly 
 work, by putting an end to Slavery wherever it may 
 exist under British dominion. — And the majority of 
 the nation, as formerly, becoming aware of its neces- 
 sity, will soon jom them again in the holy cause -and 
 prove resistless. 
 
 Nay, besides the just and benevolent among the 
 English nation at home, why even persons merely selfish, 
 and influenced by self interest alone, being not only un- 
 profited, but actually fleeced, by our West India system 
 of Slavery, will soon join in the outcry against it, when 
 they come generally to understand that whilst it exists 
 they are in consequence paying much dearer for their
 
 sugars, and other tropical produce, than no\v could be 
 obtained from our East, and might also from our West 
 India dominions, by the labor of freemen — and dearer 
 than other nations are supplied from their own or even 
 from foreiun colonics^nay, we supply them cheaper 
 ourselves !* — Or the English people will at least insist, 
 that the cheaper produce of our East India territory shall 
 not come to them burdened with additional duties, 
 merely to bolster up an extravagant and infamous 
 system of Slavery in our West Indies — besides a bounty 
 to the latter oa foreign exportations from hence paid by 
 the English nation ! — Nor will the Company, or indivi- 
 duals, more deeply concerned in East India affairs, 
 especially since the trade has been thrown open, is 
 rapidly increasing-, and further capable of vast and ad- 
 vantageous extension, with the fair claims of 100 millions 
 of our subjects there, tamely endure the unjust and invi- 
 dious restrictions imposed on them, exclusively in favor 
 of West India Interests — and contrary to the soundest 
 principles of national policy and commerce — and the 
 equal rights of British subjects. 
 
 Thus then is the system of Slavery, at least among 
 Englishmen, tottering on all sides, and must soon fall to 
 pieces. — May its blindly prejudiced, heedlessly thought- 
 less, or mlfully guilty defenders, not be crashed in its 
 
 • The people in England are not generally aware that tliey are 
 payinif 10^. and in some cases 15*. per cwt. duty more on East than 
 West India sugars in the home market, in order to keep up the 
 price of the latter on the English consumer, for sole benefit of West 
 India Planters — and also a, bounty of 6*. pet cwt. on exportation 
 from England of their surplus or refined sugars abroad, besides a 
 drawback or remission of the whole duty, to enable them to sell as 
 cheaply as competitors in the foreign market, which otherwise they 
 could not, and now hardly can do — such is the extravagance, or 
 losing uHturc, of their system.
 
 J)8 
 
 ruins. — Let our Slave-holders now wisely, promptly, 
 and with a good grace, cede to imperious alteration of 
 times and circumstaneeSj — and if the better motives of 
 justice an^ humanity will not prevail, let them consider 
 the serious and increasing necessity of the case, and 
 adopt a system more congenial to the temper, character, 
 and institutions Of their nation especially, and of the age 
 generally — as well as more conducive to their own indi- 
 vidual safety and interest. 
 
 To those among Slave-holders, especially who have 
 been brouglit up in the colonies, are creatures of ha]>it 
 and surrounding custom, who seldom think for them- 
 selves, but take for granted that what has been long 
 established and practised among them, must necessarily 
 be the best of all possilile systems— may by a careful 
 candid consideration of these pages, be led to perceive 
 their error ; and that if there ever were a time when their 
 slave system might have been expedient, 'tis no longer 
 so, from change of circumstances. 
 
 As for those who in spite of all that can be adduced 
 against it, will still continue to ciing to the old system, 
 supposing it most profitable and convenient, nay even 
 right and proper— and many deeming it advantageous 
 for themselves, are totally regardless of its injustice to 
 others; ought at least to well consider whether they 
 possess the means much longer to enforce it, and danger 
 of the attempt— 'tis not enough they have their own con- 
 sent, whilst they have not that of their slaves. 
 
 We have already said, that " Slave-holders generally 
 like the system as much for ihe arbitrary power it con- 
 fers, as for the supposed profit it wrings from the unre- 
 quited toil of their slaves."— The proud and pompous 
 planter strutting amongst his cringing slaves, exults in 
 the idea that "over these I hold despotic sway, my will 
 is law, my nod is fate."— He had better be content with
 
 99 
 
 the more natural, stifc, and Iionorablp respect aiid obedi- 
 ence, shewn by free and willing servants towards their 
 employer and patron on whom tiiey depend for the 
 means of livelihood and prosperity. — Tyrants are hated 
 whilst. they are obeyed; tumble to the dust and are 
 trampled on in tuni, whenever their slaves can obtain 
 the ascendency. 
 
 Those among- West India proprietors who arc sufiici- 
 cntly aware of tlic evil of their slave system, which they 
 wish to extricate themselves from, but fear, 'tis as dan- 
 gerous to recede as go on (these arc really to be pitied 
 and respected.) May these sheets tend to convince 
 them, that the Abolition of Slavery is not more neces- 
 sary, than practicable and beneficial, to all parties con- 
 cerned — at any rate the best course they can take, turn 
 out as it may. 
 
 Another class among Slave-holders, though compara- 
 tively few in number, yet generally high in sense and 
 merit; who arc already convinced and admit that the 
 emancipation of their slaves may be safely and advan- 
 tageously effected, and ought to bo done ; but hitherto 
 unable to act by themselves for the realization of their 
 views and wishes, until the same conviction and desire 
 extended to others more generally, will hail with joy the 
 increasing number and efforts of proselytes to their 
 opinion, at least on this side the water, and the rising 
 prospect of a happy end to Slavery. 
 
 Slave-holders have adroitly premised that the question 
 must not be discussed by feeling, but judgment. — We 
 have here throughout, given them the liberal latitude of 
 expediency (often tiie scoundrel's plea) — and maintain 
 that their system of Slavery is as unnecessary, unprofita- 
 ble, and dangerous, as unjust and iiihunuin. 
 
 What effect this Work m;!y produce on Slave-holders 
 generally, who may deign to peruse it (except exciting
 
 100 
 
 their cavil and abuse, as usual towards any who dare to 
 reason agaiust their prejudices, propensities, and sup- 
 posed interests) its Author will not attempt to antici- 
 pate — he ought to be considered their friend, and entitled 
 to attention, in having sought to promote their welfare, 
 as much as that of their slaves — at any rate, he has done 
 his duty, and is honestly satisfied with liimself. — Whilst 
 residing in the West Indies, he was an attentive observer 
 of the nature and effects of the slave system and prac- 
 tice ; and since his retirement from the scene of action, 
 has from time to time derived the best information from 
 authentic documents, and intelligent credible persons 
 in or arriving from the colonies, is therefore thoroughly 
 aware of the passing state of things ; and being himself 
 unentangled by West India aflairs, though making all 
 due allowance for those who are, he is probably more 
 competent and likely to judge dispassionately and 
 rightly than those swayed by partial interests, or local 
 habit and prejudice. — If what has been stated in these 
 pages, the result of practical experience, accurate infor- 
 mation, and calm reflection, should render West India 
 proprietors more aware than before of their real interest 
 and duty, and induce them to effect a change of mea- 
 sures for the better, as far as necessaiy and praticable, 
 it will be an additional gratification to the enditer — but 
 lie confesses he does not much expect it, especially if 
 Slave-holders are to be left entirely to their own will 
 and discretion.— However, such writings must tend to 
 open the eyes of the Nation, and leave Slave-holders 
 without excuse for perseverance in their present system 
 —in which case, if necessary, they will probably be co- 
 erced to do what is right to others, and good for them- 
 selves, by the voice of their country— unless, as to be 
 feared, the matter be previously, and peradventure for 
 them woefully set at rest by the overwhelming power and 
 vengeance of their slave population.
 
 101 
 
 Finally, we arc aware and admit that after tlie long 
 duration of the slave system, it cannot at once be en- 
 tirely done away with in nature or efi'ects; thougli as 
 before pointed out, we think it might at least in name, 
 and many of its greatest evils, and no time to be lost in 
 doing all that is requisite and practicable-r-and had 
 our colonists, as they ought and might, long ago have 
 duly began and since gone on with the work of Reform, 
 it would gradually by this time have been far advanced 
 towards a happy maturity. — However, if they will only 
 henceforth evince sufficient zeal and sincerity in the 
 cause, they may still retrieve their character and affairs ; 
 satisfy their slaves; and live in safety, prosperity, and 
 respectability — but if they longer do and are sufl'ered to 
 neglectj oppose, or evade every effectuid measure for the 
 purpose, they will excite the contempt and indignation 
 of all good men ; the vengeance of their slaves ; and most 
 likely bring on the ruin of their property, and destruction 
 of many of their lives; will fall unpitied, or live despised. 
 ■ — The time is fast coming, when at least the virtuous 
 and enlightened part of the Nation will consider a British 
 Slave-holder as a most infamous character. 
 
 Postscript. — In the preceding AVork, I have ad- 
 dressed myself chiefly to the Interest of Slave-holders, 
 rather than appealing to their sense of Justice, or feelings 
 of Humanity — and without scarcely adverting to the 
 enormous Iniquity of their system — had I pursued the 
 latter course, I wiU not here say whether I think it pro- 
 bably would or not have produced any good eflect ot\ 
 them generally— but I consider that so palpably self 
 evident is the injustice and cruelty of the slave system, 
 that I should as soon deem it necessary to set about 
 elaborately proving that 2 and 2 make 4 — or any axiom 
 generally known and admitted. — And so outrageously
 
 102 
 
 violating every principle of natural right, and all the 
 kindly sympathies of our nature, is Man enslaving Man 
 — that whilst those principles and feelings, implanted 
 by the Creator, continue to exist in the human bosom 
 — not all the sophistry of a Canning, a Marryat, an Ellis, 
 or any greater adept in their art, if such can be found 
 (execrable abuse of talent) can ever on this point mis- 
 lead the wise, good, and disinterested. 
 
 Yet though I have not much alluded to the Wickedness, 
 I would here just hint at the extreme Meanness of 
 Slave-holders — ^who forcibly keep their fellow creatures 
 in thraldom, subject to their own will and caprice, 
 toiling for their task-masters without choice or remune- 
 ration, who also let them out to drudge for others, apd 
 meanly pocket the earnings of their slaves, to pamper 
 themselves in luxury. — Why notwithstanding all the 
 usual pride and pomposity of aWest India Planter — is not 
 a journeyman Tailor, who earns a^n honest livelihood by 
 the exercise of his craft, a much more manly, honorable, 
 independent character? — Then too. Englishmen to be 
 Slave-holders!— who are so strenuously bent on main- 
 taining their own sacred rights and liberties. Christians 
 professing to l)eiieve and practise the just and merciful 
 precepts of the Gospel — and as a Nation vaunting 
 themselves most enlightened, moral, just, benevolent, 
 and magnanimous ! — Oh surfeiting ! — 
 
 Englishmen — Christians — and Slave-holders ! 
 
 Wlio each about Liberty raves — 
 " Rights of Britons" their cry— 
 " For Freedom we'll die" — 
 And then — flog away at their slaves!!
 
 loa 
 
 In course of this Work, allusion has been made 
 to the state of society in the Island of Hayti.— The ad- 
 vocates of Slavery have ventured first by insinuation to 
 imply, and since by hardy assertion more positively to 
 declare, that at Hayti there is much oppression by the 
 government^ want of morals, industry, &c. in the people. 
 —We abide by the accuracy of our statement ; and have 
 derived our information from the best authorities, chiefly 
 persons on or from the spot — and all may thus, or other- 
 wise, ascertain the real state of things for themselves. 
 
 Yet without here disputing tlie point, but giving- our 
 opponents the full advantage of their objection, as if 
 they could prove it — thus admitting that misrule, &c. 
 exists in Hayti — what then? — docs it necessarily follow 
 that such must be the case in the British West Indian 
 colonies, under a system of general Emancipation with 
 due preparation, a White government of wise and just 
 rulers and institutions, under the controul and protec- 
 tion of England. 
 
 Why do not the advocates of Slavery take a more 
 analagous case, namely that of Sierra Leone — liere is a 
 free negroe population under a White government —
 
 i04 
 
 though \Vith disadvantages not existing m otif Wesi 
 Indian colonies — the Negroes are more numerous than 
 the Whites in proportion about 150 to 1 — with scarcely 
 any intermediate class of coloured people in favour of 
 the Whites — the bulk of the Negroes have been suddenly 
 freed from Slavery without preparation ; the colony is 
 far more unhealthy for Europeans than the West Indies } 
 and surrounded by hostile tribes and chiefs ; with other 
 unpropitious circumstances — yet every thing goes on 
 well, both as to government and people — here is a fair 
 and not too favorable case to reason from, but that 
 would not suit the sinister designs of Slave-owners* 
 
 Another mis-statement of facts, namely, " that the 
 emancipation of the slaves in St. Domingo occasioned 
 the ruin, massacre, and expulsion of the Whites."—* 
 Why, as a cause, just the reverse is the truth. — The 
 first desolation in St. Domingo was produced by the 
 obstinate opposition of the White colonists even to 
 partial Emancipation, previously decreed by their Na- 
 tional Government.^ — ^No sooner had they accorded the 
 boon, that too in full, and to all classes, including their 
 slaves, than peace, order, and prosperity ensued, and 
 continued for six years during the admitted freedom of 
 their slaves, though so unprepared for the sudden transi* 
 tion— but no sooner did the treacherous colonists, aided 
 by an army from France, attempt to re-establish the 
 system of Slavery, than the negroes and people of colour 
 goaded to desperation, and no longer able to trust to 
 the good faith of the Whites, destroyed or expelled them 
 from the couhtry, and took the sovereignty to them- 
 selves. 
 
 Nay even had the sudden and forcibly acquired Eman- 
 cipation of their slaves produced the ruin or extermina-
 
 105 
 
 tion of the white colonists, it would only have been a 
 probable consequence to be expected from too lonj^ a 
 perseverance in their previous slave system; though 
 fortunately for them it happened to turn out more fa- 
 vorably — otherwise it would only have proved that the 
 time had arrived, no matter from what cause, when they 
 could no longer keep up their system of slavery ; nor 
 satisfy or render tractable their former slaves, by a too 
 tardily reluctantly accorded and unprepared for state of 
 freedom, nor prevent a terrible re-action on themselves. 
 — May this not happen to our West Indian colonists — 
 to avert which, is the earnest wish and endeavor of 
 their best friends — the Abolitionists. 
 
 The attempt would be endless to trace all the unfair 
 statements and slippery sophistry of Slave-holders — let 
 us keep steadily in view the main and simple object, 
 namely, the justice and expediency of prohibiting Eng- 
 lishmen from holding their fellow creatures in Slavery. 
 
 Since the preceding sheets have been printed, a Letter 
 dated 7th Sept. 1823, from a gentleman in Jamaica, has 
 appeared in the London Newspapers, containing the 
 following passage — 
 
 " Last week some emissaries from St. Domingo were 
 taken up, who had been doing what they could to ex- 
 cite the Maroons, or free negroes, to rise, but they have 
 been put in confinement." — Here is an additional proof 
 |af what we have already stated as likely to happen. 
 
 Accounts have also arrived of an intended slave in- 
 surrection at Trinadad, in which the general massacre 
 of the Whites was to have taken place. — Yet are the 
 
 o
 
 106 
 
 Colonists as much bent as ever on a continuance of 
 their slave system ; and ascribe any symptoms of revolt 
 in their slaves to the discussions in Parliament, prompt- 
 ing of the Abolitionists, or any other than the true cause, 
 namely, the natural disposition of slaves (increasing 
 with their knowledge) to shake oft" the yoke as soon as 
 they can, and avenge themselves on their task-masters. 
 
 Tn September last, the free people of colour in St. 
 Kitts and Antigua, presented a Petition to the Council 
 and Assembly, praying for Relief from political disabi- 
 lities. — The Petition was received and ordered to be 
 taken into consideration — so far, so good — and in May 
 a meeting of delegates from the free people of colour in 
 Jamaica assembled at Kingston, and adopted resolu- 
 tions as the basis of a Petition to be presented to the 
 Colonial Legislature for the same purpose. — Thus is 
 the cause gradually advancing, and in the right way, 
 without commotion. — Let our West Indian colonists, 
 whilst they may, cede with a good grace to what is 
 more than ever becoming imperiously necessary, and 
 for the good of all parties — or deservedly fatal to them 
 may be the consequences. 
 
 Our West Indian white subjects now broadly hint, 
 that unless allowed, and without controul, to continue 
 their slave system, they may transfer their allegiance to 
 some other power ; and it seems the American States 
 are to be prefered by the proffer. — Well, (waving the 
 penalty of rebellion, and the right and power of Great 
 Britain over her Colonies,) let them make the experiment 
 whenever they please, and try whether any nation will
 
 107 
 
 indulge them as raiiGh, (too mucli) and protect them as 
 well as England has done. 
 
 The American States, like most other nations, arc 
 already supplied with abundance of sugars and other 
 tropical produce for the home and foreign markets much 
 cheaper tlian the people of England, and are not likely 
 to burden themselves, or shackle their commerce with 
 high prices, bounties, protecting duties, &c. merely to 
 bolster up West Indian interests, to the exclusion of 
 cheaper productions. — Thus, the first famous advantage 
 our West India colonists would obtain by the notable 
 expedient of a change of masters would be, a great and 
 permanent downfall in the price of all their commodities, 
 and an unfavored competition with foreigners. — As for 
 the American States, they have already a slave popula- 
 tion more than they like — and whilst they can get tropi- 
 cal produce cheaper elsewhere, why should they wish 
 to encumber themselves with our West Indies, which 
 they already supply with what they have to spare, and 
 those colonies need, lumber, provisions, &c. and thus 
 get their superfluous produce in return, at a lower rate 
 than the Mother country, 
 
 England by getting rid of her West Indian colonies 
 would be relieved from an enormous expcnce and incum- 
 brance — might obtain tropical produce much cheaper, 
 and derive otlier advantages to an incalculable degree, 
 from her Eastern possessions, and which defray the 
 charge of their own defence and government ; or like 
 the Americans purchase where we could de<il the best, 
 unshackled by colonies ; annually preserve the health 
 and lives of thousands of our subjects from the eflects 
 of a deleterious clime; Government woidd no lousier 
 be tempted to do wrong by the bait of W'c'-t Indian
 
 108 
 
 sinecures, &c. — and at once get rid of an infamous 
 system of Slavery. — Whilst our ci devant West In- 
 dian colonists, like the fonner Anglo Americans, must 
 from interest, habit, &c. still continue to trade with Eng- 
 land, especially for a supply of manufactured articles — 
 a commerce natural and beneficial for all parties : so 
 that if our West Indian colonists are bent on a sepa-f 
 ration, the Mother country may take them at their 
 word, and advantageously for herself, amicably accede 
 to their wishes. 
 
 But the subject is too ridiculous to treat seriously — 
 our West Indians are like an angry child, that threatens 
 to beat its Mammy unless she humours it in all its whim^ 
 and vagaries — or trying to bite off our own nose, to be 
 revenged on our face — 'tis a common saying among the 
 Barbadians, " What would poor old England do, if she 
 were to lose Barbadoes !" — Why, in point of advantage, 
 pretty much like the Bull with the fly on his horn — 
 would scarcely perceive v/hether she were attached to 
 him or not — but in another sense, the loss of our West 
 Indies, at least whilst under their present system, might 
 prove a gain, and detach a Millstone from the neck of 
 England. 
 
 N.B. — We wonder our modest West Indians do not 
 talk of erecting themselves into an independent Sever 
 reignty, in defiance of England, and all the World ! 
 
 An account has just reached England of an attempted 
 revolt of slaves in Jamaica, and intended massacre of the 
 Whites ; eight of the insurgents had been executed when 
 the packet bringing the intelligence left that Island, and
 
 109 
 
 other insurrections expected. — The Legislative Assem- 
 bly had also refused to grant the prayer of the petition- 
 ing people of colour for relief from political disabilities ; 
 and its committee had reported on a revisal of the Slave 
 Laws, that no Alteration was necessary or expedient ; 
 and the Assembly threatened to repeal the Act for the 
 Registry of Slaves — moreover declaring, that any mea- 
 sures enforced on the colonists for the final emancipation 
 of their slaves, however cautious and gradual in their 
 operations, w^ould be an act of downright robbery and 
 flagrant injustice to proprietors, which they will jiever 
 consent to, except indemnified in full for the value of 
 their slaves and estates to boot ! — Yet the colonists marvel 
 at any symptoms of discontent or revolt, except as pro?? 
 ceeding from the debates in Parliament, and imputed 
 machinations of the Abolitionists ! — All this astonishing 
 insensibility to the real cause of their danger, apparently 
 not at all suspecting that 'tis the natural inherent con- 
 sequence of their system ; which they blindly brave to 
 the last, and persist in upholding to the utmost, though 
 beginning to totter, nay even to tumble about their ears, 
 they will not take warning — but chuse this time to throw 
 down the gauntlet to the Mother Government, spuming 
 its counsels, (though it might command) denying its right, 
 defying its power, and as at St. Domingo, goading an 
 immense black and coloured population to desperation 
 by refusing all voluntaiy redress of grievances — astonish- 
 ing infatuation ! — ought they longer to be left to themr 
 selves ? 
 
 The latest advice from Dominica, dated 8th December, 
 states, *' We are under the greatest alarm in conse-r 
 quence of a strong presumption of Insurrection. — The 
 watch-word at Roseau was — Emancipation by Christ- 
 mas, or the Whites shall he Blacks."
 
 no 
 
 News has just arrived from the West Indies, that 
 an insurrection of the coloured population has been 
 prevented for the present at Martinique, by the arrest 
 of a great many of the suspected persons. — The accounts 
 state, ''that a treasonable correspondence of the Mal- 
 contents with Europe, the English Islands, and St. 
 Domingo, had been discovered." — A slave insurrection 
 has also broken out in the Brazils — all these fearful 
 warnings to Slave-holders — yet they talk as miich at 
 their ease, as if a continuance of the system depended 
 merely on their good will and pleasure, as well as 
 quite compatible with prudence and justice. — Insur- 
 rections may for a time be suppressed or subdued, 
 but will henceforth most likely increase in frequency 
 and formidability — and one successful Revolt will pro- 
 bably bring ruin and destruction on the white colonists 
 — be the blood of the incorrigible aggressors on their 
 own heads ! 
 
 Yesterday a general meeting of Proprietors and others inter- 
 ested in West India affairs, waa convened at the City of London 
 Tavern. — Passing by the violent opposition to the resolution pro- 
 posed by Major D'Albiac on the necessity pf a final Abolition of 
 Slavery in our West Indian coloqies, by judicious meansr-rand the 
 opinion declared by Mr. John Fuller, without any opposition, that 
 it would be most advisable a P»'pclamation should issue frqm his 
 Majesty, stating *f that it was not his royal intention to interfere in 
 Emancipating the Negroes from Slavery, &c." — The chief object 
 to which the proceedings of the day were confined appears to be. 
 Indemnity for any loss Proprietors may sustain by preparatory or 
 final measures for the general Emancipation of their slaves. — This 
 we earnestly hope may prove no obstacle to the accomplishment of 
 the great desideratum, but that such compensation may be granted 
 as far as fair and practicable. 
 
 1 1th February, 1824. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 r.^^#^#^.^^
 
 Ill 
 
 The following passa^ijes have been inadvertently 
 omitted in course of this "Work. 
 
 Proprietors say, " that instances of neglect or bad 
 usage are only exceptions to the general treatment of 
 slaves" — but if so7ne do, all may ill treat them ; and 'tis 
 among our chief objections to the system, that any 
 should be allowed to injure their fellow creatures witli 
 impunity. 
 
 West India proprietors deprecate all public discussion 
 in England on the subject of Slavery, less in reality for 
 the reason they assign, namely, dread of its effects on 
 their slaves across the Atlantic — than that the people of 
 England should thus become too well acquainted with 
 the nature of their system ; which only requires to be 
 known to be abhored and cried down by the good and 
 disinterested. 
 
 (Corrections.) 
 
 The Legacy Restriction Law, referred to in Note, p. 47, lias been 
 lately repealed. 
 
 Note at page 5, for 1792 read 1796. 
 Page 15, for humblier read humbler. 
 Page 45, for tr afFicers read traffickers. 
 
 N.B. — A Supplement to this Work is preparing, and will 
 be speedily published — may then be had together or separately. 
 
 J'limted by J. Coiuell, 22, Terrace, Pimlico.
 
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