LIBRARY r T NTVERSITY OF C ' T .IFC DAVIS THE LAST POLITICAL WRITINGS (JEN. NATHANIEL LYOI, U. S. A/ SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND MILITARY SERVICES. " Pit make thee famous by my pen. And glorious by my sword." GRAHAM, MARQUIS OF MONTROSB. NEW YORK: RUDD & CARLETON, 130 GRAND STREET. M DCCC LXI. LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALii DAVIS Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by KUDD & CARLETON, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. B. CBAIGHEAD, Printer, Stereotyper, and Electrotyper ffiaiton TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE LAST WISE AND NOBLE WRITINGS OF GENERAL NATHANIEL LYON, U.S.A., THE GALLANT COMMANDER, THE HERO, AND THE PATRIOT, WHO, IN THE DARKEST HOUR OF THE MONSTER REBELLION OF 1861. SACRIFICED HIS LIFE IN DEFENCE OF THEIR LAWS, LIBERTY, AND HONOR, * ARE DEDICATED BY THE PUBLISHERS. ODE, WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1746. How sleep the brave, who sink to rest, By all their country' } s wishes blessed ! When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to deck their hallowed mould, She there shall dress a sweeter sod Than Fancy's feet have ever trod. By fairy hands their knell is rung ; By forms unseen their dirge is sung ; There Honour comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; And Freedom shall awhile repair, To dwell a weeping hermit there ! WILLIAM COLLINS. CONTENTS. MEMOIR OF NATHANIEL LYON, 11 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE, . . . . .111 SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNITY, . . . . . 120 ARE WE SUBDUED? 135 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION, 139 TRUE TO His MISSION, . . . . . .151 FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY, 161 THE SECRET OF IT, . . 167 OUR GRIEVANCES, 176 DISUNION, 184 OUR POLITICAL SUMMARY, 190 A WORD TO THE BRETHREN, 194 REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS, 200 OUR TRIUMPH, 204 PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION, . . 210 LETTER I, 214 LETTER II, 224 PERSONAL REMINISCENCES, ETC., ..... 233 FUNERAL OBSEQUIES, ....... 239 IN MEMORY OF GENERAL LYON, . . . . .271 LYON, .273 MEMOIR. MEMOIR OF NATHANIEL LYON. NATHANIEL LYON was born at Ashford, Windham co., Connecticut, on the of July, 1819. He was the son of Amasa Lyon, a well-to-do farmer, for many years a magistrate, and prominent man in Ash- ford. His mother, whose name was Kezia, belonged to the Knowlton family. Two members of this family, Thomas and Daniel, were distinguished in the Revolution, and possibly before, for they both served in the wars of the Colonists and the English against the French, probably under Put nam, who was appointed to the command of the first troops raised in Connecticut in 12 MEMOIR OF 1755, and who, by the way, might almost be considered a neighbor of theirs, Pom- fret, his residence, being only a few miles distant from Ashford. The former of the brothers, Thomas, is well known to the readers of American History, in connexion with the battle of Bunker's Hill, where, as a Captain, he played an important part, commanding the Connecticut troops at a breastwork of hay, which he extemporized along an old rail-fence, and which formed a valuable defence to the provincials before the battle was over. After the lapse of little more than a year, we hear of him again, as Colonel Knowlton. It was the 16th of September, 1776, and a British force, under Brigadier Leslie, was making its way by M'Gowan's pass to Harlem Plains. " The little garri sons," says Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution, " at Mount Morris and Har lem Cove (Manhattariville) confronted them at the mouth of a deep gorge, and kept them in partial check until the arrival of NATHANIEL LYON. 13 re-enforcements. "Washington was at Mor ris's house, and hearing the firing, rode to his outpost, where the Convent of the Sacred Heart now stands. There he met Colonel Knowlton of the Connecticut Ran gers (" Congress's Own?} who had been skirmishing with the advancing foe, and now came for orders. The enemy were about three hundred strong upon the plain, and had a reserve in the woods upon the heights. Knowlton was ordered to hasten with his Rangers, and Major Leitch with three companies of Weedon's Virginia regiment, to gain the rear of the advance, while a feigned attack was to be made in front. Perceiving this, the enemy rushed forward to gain an advantageous position on the plain, when they were attacked by Knowlton and Leitch on the flank. Re-en forcements now came down from the hills, when the enemy changed front, and fell upon the Americans. A short but severe conflict ensued. Three bullets passed through the body of Leitch, and he was 14 MEMOIR OF borne away. A few minutes afterwards, Knowlton received a bullet through the head, fell, and was borne off by his sorrow ing companions." So ended the battle of Harlem Plains, as far as Thomas Knowlton was concerned ; for he was carried, Lossing tells us, to the redoubt, near the Hudson, at One Hundred and Fifty-Sixth street, where he expired before sunset, and was buried within the embankments. Washing ton honored his memory in general orders on the morning after the battle, for, allud ing to his death, he wrote: "He would have been an honor to any country." This was a noble tribute, and not the last which the Knowltons were destined to receive, their valor and glory flowering again in the person of their descendant, Nathaniel Lyon. If there be anything in ancestry (a mooted point about which the wisest differ), the boy Nathaniel was fortunate in his birth. Of his early years we have no ac count. They were probably passed like NATHANIEL LYON. 15 those of most New England children evenly, simply, monotonously ; amdng his brothers and sisters at home, playing, or doing childish " chores ;" or at the village school, trying to realize the truth of the old proverb (which, by the way, is not particu larly evident), that " Learning is better than houses and land ;" floundering in the dismal, and seemingly bottomless, quagmire, which the wise call Spelling ; wandering in the thorny labyrinths of Grammar ; poring over the configurations of Geography, occa sionally " bounding" a distant State by way of refreshing his memory ; or clumsily stumbling through the delicate mysteries of pothooks and hangers ! This, and more of the same sort pictures of juvenile life in the country ; groups of tanned and noisy boys, behind the school-house, along the road, or in the fields, trundling hoops, flying kites, or playing ball; roaming in the woods for birds' nests, or gathering ber ries in distant pastures ; we can imagine all this, and be pretty sure, too, that we are IQ MEMOIR OF not far from the truth. Still, this is not the way in which Biography ought to be written ; so we will leave the unsubstantial though poetical region of Fancy, for the solid and prosaic world of Fact. Of the childhood of General Lyon, then, we know nothing, except that it was passed in his native village, and, for the most part, in the house in which he was born. This house, the homestead of the family, stands about four miles from Eastford (Ashford was divided in 1847, and the name of the northern portion of the township changed to Eastford), on the road to Hampton. Leaving the little hamlet of Phcenixville we climb a long hill, thence over a rough road to a valley, nestled in which, between two steep and rocky hills, about twenty rods from the highway, is the house a small, old building, somewhat out of repair, with rusty clapboards, which were once painted red. Poor and unpicturesque as it is, it was precious in the eyes of General Lyon, whose memory delighted to dwell upon it NATHANIEL LYON". 17 in after years. The night before his last battle, he slept, we are told, with one of his friends, Major Scofield, between two high rocks, where he was so wedged in that it was difficult for him to stir ; he made light of the inconvenience, however, as was his wont, and, his mind reverting to his early home and its surroundings, remarked that he was "born between two rocks." "Nathaniel," said an aged man, to one who was present at the General's funeral, "Nathaniel worked for me on my farm when he was a boy. He was smart, daring, and resolute, and wonderfully attached to his mother." One likes to learn such things of a hero in his boyhood ; they show that the child was the father of the man ; that the courage we admire, and the glory we reverence, were the legitimate growth of a brave soul, and a tender, loving heart. In addition to the qualities already men tioned, Nathaniel is said to have shown, even in his early years, a great talent for mathematics, a circumstance which we can 13 MEMOIR OF readily believe (though not the report that it was cultivated under the tuition of an experienced teacher, experienced teachers being so seldom included among the ap pointments of a farm !) as it probably de termined his future career. In his -eighteenth year (according to one account, July 1st, 1837), he entered the Military Academy at West Point, where he remained till 1841, when he graduated with distinction, being the eleventh in his class. Appointed Second Lieutenant in the Second United States Infantry, his military life may be said to have commenced. We shall not trace him through his initiation, the months and years in which he was gaining an active knowledge of his profession, for the early part of his career, however ardu ous it may have been to himself, and use ful to his country, was passed in obscu rity. Let it suffice then, to say, that he served in the everglades of Florida in the latter part of the Seminole war; that he was stationed at various posts on our West- NATHANIEL LYON. 19 ern frontier ; and that he went through the Mexican war, gradually rising in rank (he entered the latter as a First Lieutenant), and drawing attention to himself. He was engaged in the bombardment and capture of Vera Cruz ; and at the battle of Cerro Gordo, his company was the only one that reached the crest of the hill in time to engage the Mexicans before their retreat. " No sooner had the height become ours," said Captain Morris, who commanded the regiment, " than the enemy appeared in large force on the Jalapa road, and we were ordered to hasten to that point. Cap tain Canby, with a small detachment, accom panied by Lieutenant Lyon, pressed hotly in their rear, and were soon in possession of a battery of three pieces which had been firing upon us in reverse." At Contreras, Lieutenant Lyon's regi ment performed an important part in resist ing the onslaught of the enemy's cavalry, and his own command, held in reserve in the centre of the hollow square formed for 20 MEMOIR OF resistance to the attack, did most signal ser vice. And on the day after the battle, he himself, at the head of his men, followed in pursuit of the routed Mexicans, and suc ceeded in capturing several pieces of their artillery, which he immediately turned upon their flying forces. He also distinguished himself at Churubusco, and for his gallantry in both actions received the following recommendation in the regimental returns of his commanding officer, Acting Colonel Morris. " I here take the opportunity of recommending these two officers (Captains Casey and Wessels), together with Captain J. R. Smith and First Lieutenant Lyon, to the special notice of the Colonel command ing the brigade." The result of this honora ble mention was the appointment of Lieu tenant Lyon to the rank of Brevet Captain. He also assisted in the capture of the city of Mexico, and while fighting in the streets. near the Belen Gate, received a wound from a musket ball. Peace being declared with Mexico, Cap* NATHANIEL LYOK 21 tain Lyon (he received the rank of full Captain on the llth of June, 1851) was ordered to Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, preparatory to a contemplated march over land to California. By a change of orders from the War Department, however, his regiment was dispatched by the way of Cape Horn, and arrived in California shortly after its acquisition by the United States. He remained in California for a number of years, longer, it is said, than most of his fel low officers, seeing all sorts of life and ser vice incident to his profession in a new and partially wild country. His time was chiefly employed in fighting the Indians, an enemy not to be judged by the ordinary standard, or conquered by the ordinary means ; but by long and tedious marches, sudden sur prises, incessant alarms, and frequent skir mishes in short, by a barbaric strategy similar, but superior, to their own. The schooling which he had had in the ever glades of Florida was of use to him now, and he soon became proficient in this style 22 MEMOIR OF of warfare. It was adapted to the cast of his mind, which was in many respects that of a partisan leader ; not that he was defi cient in the art of his profession, the science of war, for he was a thoroughly scientific soldier ; but that it suited his rapid way of thinking, and prompt way of acting. He was finally removed from California, which we will suppose became in time so far free from Indians, as no longer to need his services, and was stationed on our West ern frontiers, chiefly in Kansas and Ne braska. It was at the height of the poli tical troubles there, the history of which we all know, and the result of which we all see, in the conflicts which are now divid ing our unhappy country. His position as an officer of the Government, his peculiar position, we may almost say, remembering who filled the Presidential Chair then (who so abject now as the white-haired, broken- down old man at Wheatlands ?) made him acquainted with the most prominent men of that section, border ruffians and the like, NATHANIEL LTON. 23 and the measures which the Government were trying to force upon the people. As he had always been accustomed to think for himself, he soon began to have a very decided opinion concerning the merits of the case then and there on trial Freedom versus Slavery, and it is no slander to his memory to say that it was not in favor of the latter. He was, or had been, a Demo crat, but the scenes of fraud and violence with which he was surrounded, and which he could hardly fail to trace to the Demo cratic party, made him look for salvation in another political creed. The change which he experienced at that time, led him at a later period to enter what was to him a new field of operations the world in which the pen and not the sword rules. The re sult may be seen in the articles which fol low. They were written in the summer and fall of 1860, while he was stationed at Camp Riley, Kansas, and were published in a weekly paper issued in that vicinity, The Manhattan Express. The date of their 24 MEMOIR OF appearance is annexed to each. The mo tive which impelled Captain Lyon to write' these articles, was that which made him a soldier and kept him one a sincere, ear nest desire to be useful to his country. What other motive could have induced a soldier like him to lay down his sword and take up the pen, a weapon to which he was unaccustomed, and in the use of which the merest literary tyro might worst him ? Not vanity, for his articles were published ano nymously ; and certainly not spite, for no one in power had injured him. He may have been wrong in some of his conclusions (we do not say that he was), if so, the error was that of an honest man, not a dema gogue. That his heart was in his work is evident from his notes at this time. " My article is longer than I wished," he wrote to the editor on the llth of Sept. 1860, "but it could hardly be shorter and argumenta tive. I have tried to show what I believe Mr. Douglas's conduct admits of an inten tion, in spite of all circumstances, to do NATHANIEL LYOK 25 what lie can for the pro-slavery party, and his pretended opposition is only to be able to serve them better. I may not have made this as plain as I had wished and intended, but must let it pass now." " I have not been able to write you for this week's paper," he wrote again on the 23d Nov., " and have been under the im pression that you would not expect me to do so. " There seems to be little doubt that several of the Southern States will precipi tate themselves into disaster and disgrace, if allowed to do so ; but this can be pre vented by the President, if he chooses to exercise his authority as becomes the chief Magistrate of our great and powerful coun try. But unfortunately Mr. Buchanan seems to regard himself as elected to sub mit tremblingly to any and every demand of the South, and I fear he can never rouse himself to take such action as our emergen cies now require as due to the country from him. Time must show : the only thing safe 2 26 MEMOIR OF to predict is, that the conduct of the South must involve her people in suffering and shame." A few months later and the career of Captain Lyon becomes a portion of his country's history ; the obscurity which has shrouded so many years of his life suddenly changes to a blaze of publicity, in the midst of which he appears as a hero. From this time there is no want of material for his biography, but rather an embarras du richesse / for during the last five months the journals all over the land have been full of him his plans and movements, his victo ries, and his death. We shall use them freely in the rest of this sketch, trusting that the facts which it contains will excuse its lack of originality. The prompter's bell rang on the 7th of May, 1861, and, the curtain rising, we saw Captain Lyon on the stage of action in Missouri. He was in St. Louis, in com mand of the Arsenal. The Police Com missioners demanded the removal of the NATHANIEL LYON. 27 United States troops from all the places occupied by them outside the Arsenal grounds. Captain Lyon declined compli ance with the demand, and the Commis sioners referred the matter to the Governor and the Legislature. The Commissioners alleged that such occupancy was in deroga tion of the Constitution and the laws of the United States ; and. in rejoinder Captain Lyon inquired what provisions of the Con stitution and laws were thus violated. The Commissioners, in support of their posi tion, said that originally "Missouri had sovereign and exclusive jurisdiction over her whole territory," and had delegated a portion of her sovereignty to the United States over certain tracts of land for mili tary purposes, such as arsenals, parks, &c., and the conclusion implied was, that this was the extreme limit of the right of the United States Government to occupy or touch the soil of the sovereign State of Missouri. Whether Captain Lyon finally acceded 23 MEMOIR OP to the demand, may be seen by the fol lowing article from the St. Louis Ke- publican. ST. Louis, May 10. Unusual, and to some extent alarming, activity prevailed early yesterday morning at each rendezvous of the Home Gruard and in the vicinity of the Arsenal. The men recently provided with arms from the Arsenal, to the number of several thousands, were ordered, we understand, to be at their different posts at 12 o'clock, in readiness to march as they might be commanded. A report gained some currency that General Harney was expected on the afternoon train, and that the troops were to cross the river to receive him, and escort him to the city. Very little reliance, however, was placed in this explanation of the military movements, and at about 2 o'clock P.M., the whole town became greatly agitated upon the circulation of the intelligence that some five or six thousand men were marching up Market Street, under arms, in the direction NATHANIEL LYOX. 29 of Camp Jackson. The news proved to be correct, except as to the numbers, and in this case the report rather under-estimated the extent of the force. According to our best information, there were probably not less than seven thousand men under Cap tain Lyon (commanding the United States troops at this post), with about twenty pieces of artillery. The troops, as stated before, marched at quick time up Market Street, and on arriv ing near Camp Jackson, rapidly surrounded it, planting batteries upon all the heights overlooking the camp. Long files of men were stationed in platoons at various points on every side, and a picket guard esta blished covering an area of say two hun dred yards. The guards, with fixed bayo nets, and muskets at half cock, were in structed to allow none to pass or repass within the limits thus taken up. By this time an immense crowd of people had assembled in the vicinity, having gone thither in carriages, buggies, rail-cars, bag- 30 MEMOIR OF gage-wagons, on horseback, and on foot. Numbers of men seized rifles, shot-guns, or whatever other weapons they could lay hands upon, and rushed pell-mell to the assistance of the State troops, but were, of course, obstructed in their design. The hills, of which there are a number in the neighborhood, were literally black with people hundreds of ladies and children stationing themselves with the throng, but, as they thought, out of harm's way. - Gen. Frost, commanding Camp Jackson, received the intelligence of the advance of the Arsenal troops with equanimity, but with some astonishment. He had heard reports that it was the design of Capt. Lyon to attack his camp, but was not at first dis posed to place credence in them. So rapidly did these rumors come to him, however, that yesterday morning he addressed Capt. L. a note, of which the following is a copy : NATHANIEL LYON. 3]_ HEAD-QUARTERS, CAMP JACKSON, Missouri Militia, May 10, 1861. Captain N. LYON, commanding United States Troops in and about St. Louis Arsenal. SIR : I am constantly in receipt of infor mation that you contemplate an attack upon my camp, whilst I understand that you are impressed with the idea that an attack upon the Arsenal and United States troops is intended on the part of the militia of Missouri. I am greatly at a loss to know what could j ustify you in attacking citizens of the United States who are in the lawful performance of duties devolving upon them under the Constitution, in organizing and instructing the militia of the State in obe dience to her laws, and therefore have been disposed to doubt the correctness of the information I have received. I would be glad to know from you personally whether there is any truth in the statements that are constantly poured into my ears. So far as regards any hostility being intended towards the United States, or its property 32 MEMOIR OP or representatives, by any portion of my command, or, as far as I can learn (and I think I am fully informed), of any other part of the State forces, I can say positively that the idea has never been entertained. On the contrary, prior to your taking com mand of the Arsenal, I proffered to Major Bell, then in command of the very few troops constituting its guard, the service of myself and all my command, and, if necessary, the whole power of the State, to protect the United States in the full posses sion of all her property. Upon Gen. Har- ney's taking command of this department, I made the same proffer of services to him, and authorized his Adjutant-General, Capt. Williams, to communicate the fact that such had been done to the War Depart ment. I have had no occasion since to change any of the views I entertained at that tiaie, neither of my own volition nor through orders of my constitutional com mander. I trust that after this explicit statement we may be able, by fully under- NATHANIEL LYON. 33 standing each other, to keep far from our borders the misfortunes which so unhappily afflict our common country. This communication will be handed to you by Col. Bowen, my Chief of Staff, who will be able to explain anything not fully set forth in the foregoing. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obe dient servant, Brig.-Gen. D. M. FROST, Commanding Camp Jackson, M. V. M. Capt. L. refused to receive the above communication. He forwarded Gen. Frost the following about the time, if we are not mistaken, of the surrounding of his camp : HEAD-QUARTERS UNITED STATES TROOPS, St. Louis (Mo.), May 10, 1861. Gen. D. M. FROST, Commanding Camp Jackson : SIR : Your command is regarded as evi dently hostile towards the Government of the United States. It is, for the most part, made up of those 34 MEMOIR OF secessionists who have openly avowed their hostility to the General Government, and have been plotting at the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its authority. You are openly in communi cation with the so-called Southern Confede racy, which is now at war with the United States, and you are receiving at your camp, from the said Confederacy and under its flag, large supplies of the materiel of war, most of which is known to be the property of the United States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none other but the well-known purpose of the Gover nor of this State, under whose orders you are acting, and whose purpose, recently communicated to the Legislature, has just been responded to by that body in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view hostilities to the General Government and co-operation with its enemies. In view of these considerations, and ot your failure to disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the President, and of the NATHANIEL LYON. 35 imminent necessities of State policy and welfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you an immediate surrender of your command, with no other condition than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated. Believing myself prepared to enforce this demand, one half-hour's time, before doing so, will be allowed for your compliance therewith. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, N. LYON, Capt. 2d Infantry, Com. Troops. Immediately on the receipt of the fore going, General Frost called a hasty consul tation of the officers of his staff. The con clusion arrived at was that the brigade was in no condition to make resistance to a force so numerically superior, and that only one course could be pursued a surrender. The demand of Capt. Lyon was accord- 36 MEMOIR OF ingly agreed to. The State troops were therefore made prisoners of war, but an offer was made to release them on con dition that they would take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and would swear not to take up arms against the Government. These terms were made known to the several commands and the opportunity given to all who might feel disposed to accede to them to do so. Some eight or ten men signified their will ingness; but the remainder, about eight hundred, preferred, under the circum stances, to become prisoners. (A number of the troops were absent from the camp in the city on leave.) Those who declined to take the prescribed oath, said that they had already sworn allegiance to the United States and to defend the Government, and to repeat it now would be to admit that they had been in rebellion, which they would not concede. The preparations for the sui rer.der and for marching, as prisoners, under the escort NATHANIEL LYON. 37 of the Arsenal troops, occupied an hour or two. About half-past five the prisoners left the grove and entered the road, the United States soldiers inclosing them by a single file stretched along each side of the line. A halt was ordered and the troops remained standing in the position they had deployed into on the road. The head of the column at the time rested opposite a small hill on the left as you approach the city, and the rear was on a line with the entrance to the grove. Vast crowds of people covered the surrounding grounds and every fence and housetop in the vicinity. Suddenly the sharp reports of several firearms were heard from the front of the column, and the spec tators that lined the adjacent hill were seen fleeing in the greatest dismay and terror. It appeared that several members of one of the German companies, on being pressed by the crowd and receiving some blows from them, turned and discharged their pieces. Fortunately no one was in jured, and the soldiers who had done the 38 MEMOIR OF act were at once placed under arrest. Hardly, however, liad tranquillity been restored, when volley after volley of rifle reports were suddenly heard from the extreme rear ranks, and men, women, and children were beheld running wildly and frantically away from the scene. Many, while running, were suddenly struck to the sod, and the wounded and dying made the late beautiful field look like a battle-ground. The wounded, who were unable to be moved, were suitably cared for on the grounds. The total number killed and in jured was about twenty -five. It was reported that the Arsenal troops were attacked with stones, and a couple of shots discharged at them by the crowd before they fired. The most of the people ex posed to the fire of the soldiers were citizens, with their wives and children, who were merely spectators, and took no part in any demonstration whatever. The firing was said to have been done by Boernstein's company, and at the command of an officer. NATHANIEL LYON. 39 The United States troops are now in pos session of Camp Jackson, with all the equipage, tents, provisions, &c. The pri soners of war are, we believe, at the Arsenal. It is almost impossible to describe the intense exhibition of feeling which was manifested in the city. All the most fre quented streets and avenues were thronged with citizens in the highest state of excitement, and loud huzzas and occasional shots were heard in various localities. Thousands upon thousands of restless human beings could be seen from almost every point on Fourth Street, all in search of the latest news. Imprecations, loud and long, were hurled into the darkening air, and the most unanimous resentment was expressed on all sides at the manner of firing into the harmless crowds near Camp Jackson. Hon. J. R. Barret, Major Uriel Wright, and other speakers addressed a large and intensely excited crowd in front of the Planters' House, and other well-known 40 MEMOIR OF citizens were similarly engaged at various other points in the city. All the drinking saloons, restaurants, and other public resorts of similar character were closed by their proprietors, almost simultaneously, at dark ; and the windows of private dwellings were fastened in fear of a general riot. Theatres and other public places of amusement were entirely out of the question, and nobody was near them. Matters of graver import were occupying the minds of the citizens, and everything but the present excitement was banished from their thoughts. Crowds of men rushed through the principal tho roughfares, bearing banners and devices suitable to their several fancies, and by turns cheering and groaning. Some were armed and others were not armed, and all seemed anxious to be at work. A charge was made on the gun store of H. E. Dimick, on Main Street, the door was broken open, and the crowd secured fifteen or twenty guns before a sufficent number of police could be collected to arrest their proceedings. NATHANIEL LYON. 41 Chief McDonougli marched down with about twenty policemen, armed with mus kets, and succeeded in dispersing the mob and protecting the premises from further molestation. Squads of armed policemen were stationed at several of the most public corners, and the offices of the Missouri Democrat and Anzeiger des Westens were placed under guard for protection. Four days later General Harney, who had assumed the command of the Department, issued a proclamation to the people of Mi chigan, in which he alluded to Captain Lyon and his capture of Camp Jackson : u It is not proper," he said, " for me to comment upon the official conduct of my predecessor in command of this Depart ment, but it is right and proper for the people of Missouri to know that the main avenue of Camp Jackson, recently under command of General Frost, had the name of Davis, and a principal street of the same camp that of Beauregard ; and that a body of men had been received into that camp 42 MEMOIR OF by its commander, which had been notori ously organized in the interests of the seces sionists, the men openly wearing the dress and badge distinguishing the army of the so-called Southern Confederacy. It is also a notorious fact that a quantity of arms had been received into the camp, which were unlawfully taken from the United States Arsenal at Baton Rouge, and sur reptitiously passed up the river in boxes marked marble. " Upon facts like these, and having in view what occurred at Liberty, the people can draw their own inferences, and it can not be difficult for any one to arrive at a correct conclusion as to the character and ultimate purpose of that encampment. No government in the world would be entitled to respect that would tolerate for a moment such openly treasonable preparations." The same day the first four regiments of the United States Volunteers were formed into a brigade, as the 1st Brigade Missouri Volunteers, and Captain Lyon was elected NATHANIEL LYON. 43 their Brigadier-General. The next day he sent an expedition against Potosi, for the purpose of overawing the secessionists there, who were driving the Union men from their homes. It was perfectly successful, fifty or more secessionists being taken, though afterwards released on their parole of honor ; a lead manufactory broken up, and one John Dean not the Milesian gen tleman of whom we have all heard, in con nexion with the fair damsel Mary Ann but the owner of the lead manufactory aforesaid, captured and held ; a company of secession cavalry put to flight, and a rebel flag seized as a trophy, after which the company returned to St. Louis in triumph. On the 21st of May the loyal portion of the community was startled with the intel ligence that General Harney had entered into an arrangement with General Sterling Price, the commander of the Missouri Mili tia, for the purpose of maintaining the pub lic peace. General Price pledged the whole 44 MEMOIR OP power of the State officers to maintain order among the people of the State, and General Harney declared that this object being assured, he could have no occasion, as he had no wish, to make military movements, which might otherwise create excitement and jealousies which he most earnestly desired to avoid. The impression prevailed that General Harney had been overreached by the Seces sionists, which was the case, but no fears were entertained in regard to General Lyon, whose remarkable energy and acute- ness were every day more manifest. He ordered the steamer J. C. Swan to be seized at Harlow's Landing, thirty miles below St. Louis, and brought to the St. Louis Arsenal. This was the steamer that brought the arms from Baton Rouge, which were captured by him at Camp Jackson. About 5,000 pounds of lead, en route for the South, were also seized at Ironton, on the Iron Moun tain Railroad. Some resistance was offered by a party of citizens, and several shots NATHANIEL LYON. 45 were fired on botli sides, but nobody was hurt. This was on the 22d, the day after Har- ney and Price had made their arrangements for a peace. Nine days later the former was recalled by the authorities in Wash ington, and General Lyon was left in com mand of the Department. Having by this time had a taste of his quality, the Seces sionists began to be alarmed, and not with out reason, as it was clear that he was strengthening himself to meet the exigen cies of his position. On the 4th of June General Price issued a proclamation to the Brigadier-Generals commanding the several military districts in Missouri, in which he expressed 'his desire that the people of that State should exercise the right to choose their own position in any contest which might be forced upon them, unaided by any military force whatever, and spoke of the armistice, as it were, into which he had wheedled the unsuspecting Harney. " The Federal Government, however," he 46 MEMOIR OF said, "has thought proper to remove General Harney from the command of the Depart ment of the West, but as the successor of General Harney will certainly consider himself and his Government in honor bound to carry out this agreement in good faith, I feel assured that his removal should give no cause of uneasiness to our citizens for the security of their liberties and property. I intend, on my part, to adhere both in its spirit and to the letter. The rumor in cir culation, that it is the intention of the offi cers now in command of this Department to disarm those of our citizens who do not agree in opinion with the Administration at Washington, and put arms in the hands of those who, in some localities of this State, are supposed to sympathize with the views of the Federal Government, are, I trust, unfounded. The purpose of such a move ment could not be misunderstood, and it would not only be a violation of the agree ment referred to, and an equally plain vio lation of our constitutional right, but a gross NATHANIEL LYON. 47 indignity to the citizens of the State, which would be resisted to the last extremity." This certainty that General Lyon would " carry out this agreement in good faith," was not destined to be realized, and the Secessionists began to scatter from St. Louis. A week later they sought an interview with General Lyon, Governor Jackson, General Price, and other prominent traitors coming from Jefferson City for that purpose. In the course of the interview, which lasted four hours, they demanded that no United States troops should march through, or quarter in Missouri. General Lyon refused to agree to the demand, asserting the right of the Government to send its troops wher ever it pleased, and promising to protect all loyal citizens in their rights, and to fight all disloyal ones, whom he should meet in arms. Governor Jackson returned to Jefferson City, a wiser, and possibly a sadder, man. Learning that General Lyon was on the way to attack him, he evacuated that place early on the morning of the 14th. Soon 48 MEMOIR OF after sunrise but few of the rebels were to be found in the town. Orders were given by Governor Jackson for the destruction of the Moreau bridge, four miles down the Missouri, and General Price attended to the demolition of the telegraph. All the cars and locomotives that could be used were taken by the rebels in their flight, and as fast as they crossed streams they secured themselves from pursuit by burning the bridges. They were quite cautious in con cealing their place of destination from the loyal men of Jefferson, but it was evident that they were bound for Booneville, forty miles above, and one of the strongest Seces sion towns in the State. General Lyon arrived at Jefferson City shortly after their departure, and was warmly welcomed by the mass of the citi zens. A day or two later he planned an excursion, which is thus described in the St. Louis Deinocrat. NATHANIEL LYON. 49 " HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST, BOONEVILLE, Mo, June 17, 1861. " The steamers A. McDowell, latan, and City of Louisiana, left Jefferson City yes terday afternoon at two o'clock, and readied a point a mile below Providence last night, where it was thought best to lie up a few hours. . Three companies of Boernstein's regiment, under his command, were left to protect the capital. We were cheered en thusiastically by the little town of Marion, as we passed there yesterday evening. This morning we took an early start, and reached Rocheport before six o'clock, where we made a short stop, but found the people mostly surly and not disposed to be com municative. We learned, however, that the enemy were in considerable force a few miles below this place, and preparing to make a vigorous defence. Leaving there, and taking the steam ferry-boat Paul Wil- cox with us, we ran up steadily till we had passed the foot of the island eight miles below here, and seeing a battery on the 3 50 MEMOIR OF bluffs, and - scouts hastening to report our arrival, we fell back to a point opposite to the foot of the island, and at seven o'clock A.M. disembarked on the south shore, where the bottom land between the river and bluffs is some mile and a half wide. No traitors were visible there, and the troops at once took the river road for this city. Following this road somewhat over a mile and a half, to where it ascends the bluffs, several shots from our scouts announced the driving in of the enemy's pickets. " We continued to ascend a gently undu lating slope for nearly half a mile, when the enemy were reported in full force near the summit of the next swell of ground, about three hundred yards from our front. The enemy were exceedingly well posted, having every advantage in the selection of their ground ; but, as you will see, it has been clearly demonstrated that one seces sionist is hardly superior to many more than his equal number. "Arriving at the brow of the ascent, NATHANIEL LYON. 51 Capt. Tot I en opened the engagement by throwing a few nine-pounder explosives into their ranks, while the infantry filed oblique riorht and left and commenced a terrible o volley of musketry, which was for a short time well replied to, the balls flying thick and fast about our ears, and occasionally wounding a man on our side. The enemy were posted in a lane running towards the river from the road along which the grand army of the United States were advanc ing, and in a brick house on the north-east corner of the junction of the two roads. A couple of bombs were thrown through the east wall of that house, scattering the enemy in all directions. The well-directed fire of the German Infantry, Lieut.-Col. Schaeffer, on the right, and Gen. Lyon's company of regulars and part of Col. Blair's regiment on the left of the road, soon compelled the enemy to present an inglorious aspect. They clambered over the fence into a field of wheat, and again formed in line just on the brow of the hill. 52 MEMOIR OF They then 'advanced some twenty steps to meet us, and for a short time the cannons were worked with great rapidity and effect. Just at this time the enemy opened a gall ing fire from a grove just on the left of our centre, and from a shed beyond and still further to the left. "The skirmish now assumed the magnitude of a battle. The commander, Gen. Lyon, exhibited the most remarkable coolness, and preserved throughout that undisturbed presence of mind shown by him alike in the camp, in private life, and on the field of battle. i Forward on the extreme right ;' c Give them another shot, Captain Totteri, 7 echoed above the roar of musketry clear and distinct, from the lips of the general, who led the advancing column. Our force was 2,000 in all, but not over 500 participated at any one time in the battle. The enemy, as we have since been reliably informed, were over 4,000 strong, and yet, twenty minutes from the time w T hen the first gun was fired, the rebels NATHANIEL LYON. 53 were in full retreat, and our troops occupy ing the ground on which they first stood in line. The consummate cowardice displayed by the "seeeshers" will be more fully understood when I add that the spurs or successive elevations now became more abrupt, steep, and rugged, the enemy be ing fully acquainted with their ground, and strong positions behind natural defences, orchards, and clumps of trees offering them selves every few yards. Nothing more, however, was seen of the flying fugitives until about one mile west of the house of William M. Adams, where they were first posted. Just there was Camp Vest, and a considerable force seemed prepared to defend the approaches to it. Meanwhile, a shot from the iron howitzer on the McDowell announced to us that Captain Voester, with his artillery men, and Captain Richardson's company of infantry, who were left in charge of the boats, were com mencing operations on the battery over a mile below Camp West. This but increased 54: MEMOIR OP the panic among the invincible (?) traitors, and Captain Totten had but to give them a few rounds before their heels were again in requisition, and Captains Cole and Miller, at the head of their companies, entered and took possession of the enemy's deserted breakfast tables. " About twenty horses had by this time arrived within our lines with vacant sad dles, and the corps reportorial were succes sively mounted on chosen steeds. The amount of plunder secured in Camp West, or Bacon, as the citizens here call it, from the name of the gentleman owning a fine house close by, was very large. One thou sand two hundred shoes, twenty or thirty tents, quantities of ammunition, some fifty guns of various patterns, blankets, coats, carpet sacks, and two secession flags were included in the sum total. " Leaving Captain Cole in command of the camp, we pushed on towards Booneville, chasing the cowardly wretches who out- manned us two to one. The McDowell NATHANIEL LYON. 55 now came along up in the rear and off to the right from, our troops, and having a more distinct view of the enemy from the river, and observing their intention to make another stand at the Fair Grounds, one mile east of here, where the State has an armory extemporized, Captain Voester again sent them his compliments from the old howitzer's mouth, which, with a couple of shots from Captain Totten, and a volley from Lothrop's detachment of rifles, scat tered the now thoroughly alarmed enemy in all directions. Their flight through the village commenced soon after 8 o'clock, and continued till after 11 o'clock. Some three hundred crossed the river, many went south, but the bulk kept on westwardly. A good many persons were taken at the different points of battle, but it is believed the enemy secured none of ours. " Captain Richardson had landed below, and, with the support of the howitzer from the steamer McDowell, captured their bat tery, consisting of two 6-pounders (with 56 MEMOIR OF which they intended to sink our fleet), twenty prisoners, one caisson, and eight horses with "military saddles. The enemy did not fire a shot from their cannon. Speaking of prizes, the brilliant achieve ment in that line was by our reverend friend, W. A. Pill, chaplain of the First regiment. He had charge of a party of four men, two mounted and two on foot, with which to take charge of the wounded. Ascending the brow of a hill, he suddenly came upon a company of twenty-four rebels, armed with revolvers, and fully bent upon securing a place of safety for their carcasses. Their intentions, however, were considerably modified, when the par son ordered them to halt, which they did, surrendering their arms. Surrounded by the squad of five men, they were then marched on board the Louisiana, prisoners of war. The parson also captured two other secessionists during the day, and at one time, needing a wagon and horses for the wounded, and finding friendly suggestions NATHANIEL LYON. 57 wasted on a stubborn old rebel, placed a revolver at his -head, and the desired articles were forthcoming. In time of peace the preacher had prepared for war. " After passing the Fair Grounds, our troops came slowly towards town. They were met on the east side of the creek by Judge Miller of the District Court, and other prominent citizens, bearing a flag of truce, in order to assure our troops of friendly feelings sustained by three-fourths of the inhabitants, and if possible prevent the shedding of innocent blood. They were met cordially by General Lyon and Colonel Blair, who promised, if no resistance was made to their entrance, that no harm need be feared. Major O'Brien soon joined the party from the city, and formally sur rendered it to the Federal forces. The troops then advanced, headed by the Major and General Lyon, and were met at the principal corner of the street by a party bearing and waving that beautiful emblem under which our armies gather and march 58 MEMOIR OF forth conquering and to conquer. The flag party cheered the troops, who lustily returned the compliment. American flags are now quite thick on the street, and secessionists are nowhere. "The enemy had two regiments of 1,800 men, under command of Colonel J. S. Mar- maduke of Arrow Rock, and nine hundred cavalry, besides other companies whose muster-rolls have not been captured. Horace H. Brand was Lieutenant-Colonel of Marmaduke's regiment. It was reported, and for some time generally believed, that he was among the dead, but he has since been heard from, taking a meal several miles away. Governor Jackson was also seen at 3 o'clock this afternoon, at a blacksmith's shop, about fifteen miles from here. General Price left on Sunday morning on the steamer H. D. Bacon for Arrow Rock. His liealth was very poor when he left. " One can hardly imagine the joy express ed and felt by the loyal citizens when the NATHANIEL LYON. 59 Federal troops entered the city. Stores, which had been closed all day, began to open, the national flag was quickly run up on a secession pole, cheers for the Union, Lyon, Blair, and Lincoln, were frequently heard, and everything betokened the restoration of peace, law, and order. True men say that had the troops delayed ten days longer, it would have been im possible for them to remain in safety. Irresponsible vagabonds had been taking guns wherever they could find them, and notifying the most substantial and pros perous citizens to leave. As a specimen of the feeling here, Mr. McPherson, pro prietor of the City Hotel, denounces the whole secession movement as the greatest crime committed since the crucifixion of our Saviour. " At one time, when bullets were flying thick and General Lyon was at the head of the column, mounted, he undertook to dismount, that his position might be a trifle less conspicuous, when his horse (JO MEMOIR OP suddenly jumped with fright, throwing the general to the ground, but without injuring him seriously. The rumor sud denly spread through the ranks that General Lyon had been shot from his horse, and the indignation and cries of vengeance were terrific. At the Fair Grounds several hundred muskets were seized at the armory, where flint locks were being altered. Captain Tot ten says lie fired about 100 rounds of ball, shell, and canister. "The following interesting documents were found among others equally interest ing and more decidedly treasonable : " HEAD-QUARTERS FIRST BEG'T BIFLES, M. S. GK, Booneville, Mo., June 14, 1861. ORDERS, ~No. 3. The com manders of companies of the regiment and of the troops attached will bring their companies to Booneville with the greatest despatch. They will proceed to move the instant this order is received, bringing with them all arms and ammunition it is NATHANIEL LYON. 61 possible to procure. The expenses of said movements will be paid by the State. All orders of a prior date conflicting with this from any head-quarters whatever will be disobeyed. By order of "COLONEL J. S. MARMADUKE. " JOHN W. WOOD, Adjutant." " CAPTAIN Hurry on day and night. Everybody, citizens and soldiers, must come, bringing their arms and ammunition. Time is everything. In great haste, " J. S. MAKMADUKE." The day after the battle General Lyon released his prisoners, most of whom were young men, in consideration of their youth, and of the deceit that had been practised upon them, requiring their pledge not again to bear arms against the United States. On the morning of the 3rd of July he left with upwards of two thousand men for the Southwest, whither the Secessionists were swarming, under Price and the ubiquitous Ben McCullough. His force 62 MEMOIR OF increased as lie advanced, until it amounted to ten thousand men. He had about that number on the 20th at Springfield, but from that time it decreased, the term for which many of the volunteers had enlisted having expired. On the 1st of August it had dwindled down to six thousand. A report which reached him at this time gave rise to the belief that General McCul- lough designed to attack him. at Spring field, by two columns moving from Cassville and Sarcoxie. The federal scouts reported their force at about fifteen thousand in each division, and they were reported within twenty miles of the town and advancing from Cassville. General Lyon ordered his entire command, with the exception of a small guard, to rendezvous at Crane Creek, ten miles south of Springfield. " The march," says one who participated in it (the Western War Correspondent of Tlie World) " commenced at 5 o'clock on the after noon of the 1st. The baggage wagons, one hundred and eighty in number, were scat- NATHANIEL LYON. 63 tered over a distance of three miles. The camp at Crane Creek was reached about 10 o'clock, the men marching slowly and making frequent halts to get the benefit of shade or water. " Early next morning, after making a hasty meal, the line of march was resumed. We were joined by the division from Camp McClellan, and,with cavalry and skirmishers ahead, pushed on as fast as the nature of the country would admit. This day, like its predecessor, was intensely hot. The extreme temperature, and the fine dust which enveloped the train in clouds, pro duced intolerable thirst. The country is of the hilly kind which just falls below the standard of mountainous. After leaving Springfield, which is said to be the summit of the Bark Mountains, we pass along the ridge which divides the waters which fall into the Missouri and White rivers. Streams there were none to mention ; though tracea ble on the map, they are at this season only distinguishable by their dry rocky beds. 64 MEMOIR OF Water was hardly to be had, the few springs and wells in the neighborhood being either emptied by drouth or by the men. The ridges and sides of the limestone hills were covered for the most part with stunted oak saplings, which rarely afforded shade for horse and rider. The midsum mer sun travelled through an unclouded sky like a ball of fire, scorching all animated nature in his way. The men, however, kept up their spirits tolerably well, and as at every few miles loyal citizens were met, informing us that the enemy was but a few miles ahead, every prospect for a grand fight was the common opinion. "At about 11 o'clock, as the advanced guard was rising the crest of a hill, sixteen miles from here, the skirmishers discovered several mounted men in the road. Word was passed back, when Captain Totten ordered a six-pounder to the front, and just as the men were in the act of leaving the house of one of their secession friends he sent a shell by the gunpowder line, which NATHANIEL LYON. 65 burst over the ho;;se. When this unex pected messenger dropped in among them they scampered away down the hill, so that when we arrived at the top nothing was to be seen but a moving cloud of dust. A light wagon, loaded with cooked provisions, was discovered on the road, which was shared by our famished men and eaten with infinite gusto. Bedding and other accou trements were found around the buildings, indicating a lengthened sojourn. " Our painful march was then continued with more caution, the woods and thickets being examined on either side of the road for ambuscades and surprises. Arrived at Dug Springs, some three miles further, we could perceive as we entered the valley by one hill dense columns of dust moving in va ious directions along the base and sides of the hills at the opposite end. The advance continued, the column drawn up ready for action. By the aid of glasses, bodies of men, both mounted and on foot, could be seen, and presently we could hear 66 MEMOIR OF the sharp crack of the rifles of our advanced guard. The flags were displayed, and all the indications seemed to point to a great battle, the position of the enemy being a strong one, and his force evidently numerous. " As there was no advance from the valor ous rebels, spite of our coaxing, the day far spent, and the prospect for camping ground ahead not very brilliant, a retrograde move ment was ordered, with a view of coaxing the enemy from his position. " In order to understand the position of the parties, imagine an oblong basin of five miles in length, surrounded by hills from which spurs projected into the main hollow, covered with occasional thickets and oak openings. The winding of the road round the spurs had the effect of concealing the strength of each party from the other, so that from the top of each successive ridge could be seen the rear of the enemy's forces. At about five o'clock a brisk interchange of shots was commenced by our skirmish- NATHANIEL LYON. 67 ers, Captain Steele's regular infantry taking the lead on the left, supported by a com pany of cavalry, the rest of the column being back some distance. Presently we could see a column of infantry approaching from the woods with the design of cutting off our infantry. Capt. Stanley immedi ately drew up his men, and, as soon as within range, they opened fire from their Sharp's carbines, when several volleys were exchanged. The number of the enemy's infantry was seemingly about five hundred ; our cavalry not quite a hundred and fifty. The infantry kept up the firing for some minutes, when some enthusiastic lieutenant giving the order to u charge," some twenty- five of the gallant regulars rushed forward upon the enemy's lines, and, dashing aside the threatening bayonets of the sturdy rebels, hewed down the ranks with fearful slaughter. Capt. Stanley, who was amazed at the temerity of the little band, was obliged to sustain the order, but before he could reach his little company, they had 68 MEMOIR OF broken the ranks of the cowards, who out numbered them as twenty to one. Some of the rebels who were wounded asked, in utter astonishment, ' Whether these were men or devils they fight so ? ' " The ground was left in our possession, being strewn with muskets, shot-guns, pis tols, etc. Our men seized some fifteen mus kets and the same number of horses and mules, and rode off, when a large force of the enemy's cavalry was seen approaching from the woods, numbering some three hundred or more. At the instant when they had formed in an angle, Capt. Totten, who had planted a six and a twelve-pounder upon the overlooking hill, sent a shell right over them ; in another minute the second a twelve-pound shell, a very marvel of gunnery practice which landed right at their feet, exploding, and scattering the whole body in the most admired disorder. The third, fourth, fifth, and sixth were sent into their midst. The horsemen could not control their horses, and in a minute not an NATHANIEL LYON 69 enemy was to be seen anywhere. Captain Granger, of the artillery, was so pleased with the execution that he rode out to the spot, where he discovered several pools of blood on the ground, as if the shell had done great damage, one double-barrelled shot-gun being bent by the fragments of the shell. " The praise of all tongues was upon the magnificent charge of our cavalry. The men, actuated by a supreme disdain for the novices who had but recently left the plough for the musket, determined to give them a real taste of war at the onset ; and they must have given the poor deluded fools a bitter foretaste, with their navy revolvers and carbines. Two of the lieutenants re turned with their swords stained, with the blood of men they had run through and through, up to the hilt. One horse which was led home, was pierced by nine balls ; another with sides so covered with gore as to conceal the wounds. Four of their wounded men were afterwards picked up 70 MEMOIR OP on the ground, some of them fatally. Un fortunately our loss, as might be expected, was severe. Four of our gallant regulars were brought in dead, and five wounded, one of which has since died. The loss of the enemy cannot be far from forty, and their wounded fully a hundred. Secession accounts admit their loss was heavy. " Al hough the entire action cannot be raised to the dignity of a great battle, for the whole affair lasted less than half an hour, it was in reality a great triumph. Our advanced cavalry was alone engaged on our part, and they successfully fought and drove off a force ten times their num ber. It moreover revealed the fighting animus of the enemy ; it revealed the state of their armament, and afforded a brilliant example for our expectant troops. "All supposed, when the crack of the can non and whistling of shell were heard in such quick succession, that the battle was begun, and that a trial at arms was to ensue ere nightfall. Our men were under arms, NATHANIEL LYON. 71 cannon in position, until the news of the inglorious retreat of the vaunting rebels dispelled the prospect. The camps were then pitched and the necessary precautions taken against attack. ~No description can do justice to the labors of the day. When the morning dawned the men were put in motion. The heat was insufferable, the incessant running about among the brush for miles on both sides of the main road created the most suffocating thirst. The tongue became swollen, the sweat was blind ing, and the dust profuse. Even the hardiest of men were glad to find shelter for a mo ment in the shade of some canebrake. The few wells or springs in the vicinity had given out. Water was not to be had ; towards evening two dollars and a half being offered for a canteen of warm ditch water. Many were victims of sunstroke and exhaus tion, and never were a set of men more grateful than when the burning sun cast his declining shadow over the western hills. The night was broken occasionally by the 72 MEMOIR OF report of musket shots from our sentinels. Two or three stragglers were brought in as prisoners, who stated that they belonged to the command of General Rains, and seemed glad enough to be captured. They reported that the army of McCullough was five miles in the rear, and that accessions were being recruited from all the adjoining counties. This information agreed with that gained from the prisoners, and betrayed the weak ness of the enemy ; said they, i we have had nothing but fresh beef and unbolted flour to eat for many days.' They were forced northward by starvation, and the Union men must either flee or be taken prisoners, while the state rights gentry must join their force or be plundered ; they would find, how ever, that plunder attended either alterna tive. In this way they had recruited thou sands, leaving a desert behind them more complete than the locusts. Forage, wheat, eatables and drinkables, in any quantity, did not escape them. Clothing and trink ets of little or no value, all seized. They NATHANIEL LYON. 73 are the most complete land pirates this con tinent ever saw. " August 2. We resumed the line of march at sunrise ; the ground of yesterday's operations was carefully gone over in search of the much dreaded 'masked latteries.' Gaining the summit of the hill from which the rebels had sallied on the day previous, we found a sad spectacle. A house by the wayside, with four wounded men in the first room, in the second one severely wounded in the back and shoulder, in the third a corpse stretched out with the face quite black. At the well, close by the house, the pools in the little stream were red as blood for thirty yards, where they had washed their wounded. The men stated they had only been picked off the field that morning, and that there were many more who had been carried off with the retreating army. They confirmed substantially the reports of the captives. " Descending into the next valley, we could just perceive, by the dense clouds of dust. 74 MEMOIR OF that the enemy were but a few miles ahead. Two guns were placed upon an eminence ; upon seeing a column of troops moving up a ravine, and when at the distance of three- quarters of a mile, we opened fire upon them^ when they rapidly retreated. We after wards learned that this was a scouting party, who had crossed over from Marions ville, after taking what provisions and men they could press into their service by their very summary process. The shell struck the chimney of a house in which the officers were dining. They did not wait for the dessert to be served. "Arriving at Curran, twenty-six miles from Springfield, we encamped, to take advantage of the good water. Our posi tion was much exposed, but from the exhi bitions of valor for. the past few days we stood in little fear of an attack. Five prisoners were brought in by our skir mishers, one of which, upon being ques tioned by General Lyon, manifested consi derable impertinence'; his actions being NATHANIEL LTON. 75 suspicious lie was carefully watched, and when told to rise from the ground a revolver was found under him. A deserter came in from the other camp, who stated that he was impressed into their service in Missouri ; their camp was six miles to the north, and strongly intrenched; had eight pieces of cannon, and, though his comrades said they had fifteen thousand men, his opinion was about six or seven thousand. Quite a little excitement was created throughout the camp in the morning by a report that we were surrounded, which was caused by the appearance of troops on our rear doubt less a portion of the roving bands desirous of rejoining their command. A squad of about forty entered our column and chat ted with our men under the impression that they were in the army of Rains, until they saw our artillery coming up, when they inquired c Whose troops we were ?' Upon being informed i General LyonV they made a hasty exit into the dense woods, one of the staff officers ordering the men 76 MEMOIR OS 1 to fire upon them, but they had made good their escape. u Our troops had mistaken them also for the 4 Home Guards,' which are accustomed to act as guides and scouts, and thus they missed, by a narrow chance, the opportu nity of bagging the whole of them, and their horses and muskets. " The names of our killed are Corporal Klein, privates Givens and Devlin. " SPRINGFIELD, August 6th. " After another day's hardship and night's repose, the morning dawned upon us with its fierce glare. General Lyon finding him self short of provisions, his men weary and footsore, many of them sick from intempe rate use of water and green fruits, with a powerful enemy encamped in front, whom he could not chase by reason of the pre cautions against surprises and flank move ments moreover, a large force of the ene my in the direction of Sarcoxie, and the necessity of keeping open his communica tion with Springfield called a consultation NATHANIEL LYON. 77 with. Brigadier-Generals Sweeny, Siegel ; Majors Schofield, Shepherd, Conant, Stur- gis ; Captains Totten and Shaeffer, when it was determined to retire towards Spring field. This conclusion seems to be well founded, when we reflect that the provi sions for such an army must be transported from Holla at a great risk of capture. Nothing could be found either for man or horse on the track of the rebels. " Hardly had the decision been declared, when one of the cavalry scouts announced that he had witnessed the departure of McCullougli's camp in the direction of Sar- coxie, describing the train as long as that usually pertaining to an army of seven thousand men. u On Sunday morning we retraced our steps, leaving Curran, Stone co., the furthest point of our expedition, with reluctance at not meeting the object of our search, but with hearts gladdened that we were once more to be placed beyond the danger of starvation. We marched thirteen miles 78 MEMOIR OF during the day in a broiling sun. Several of our men fell from the fatigue and heat ; two reported died from sun-stroke. " At Cane Creek we found another de serter who had been forced into a Louisi ana regiment, and had accepted the first chance to escape. He is a German, and has a brother in the Missouri Volunteers. His statements confirm those of the other deserter. His regiment left New Orleans one thousand and fifty strong, and when he left it, death, disease, and desertion had reduced it to seven hundred. His regi ment was well drilled and armed. Three Arkansas regiments were armed with old smooth-bore muskets ; the balance with odds and ends of all kinds, some few being without arms. Two Texan regiments are daily expected, with two brass guns. He gives a deplorable account of their com missariat and subsistence departments. He is kept in close custody, both for his own protection, and as a precaution against frand. NATHANIEL LYON. 79 "We reached Springfield to-day, and were much, surprised to learn that the inhabitants had been the victims of the most unreasonable fright a report having been spread during the night that the ene my was about to attack the town. Singu larly enough nearly all the pickets came into town, instead of remaining at their posts. I ought in justice to say that these were i Home Guards,' who have been mustered into the service to meet the emer gency. " We brought in sixteen prisoners, most of them taken in a hostile attitude towards the government. We witnessed a very salutary way of treating rebels. Two or three prominent secessionists, who at one time were accounted respectable, are busily hauling the debris from the streets, and performing other such municipal duties under guard, greatly to the edification of a crowd of boys and negroes. We think this is the happy medium between hanging our prisoners and swearing them." 30 MEMOIR OP The position of General Lyon was a criti cal one, in spite of the victory he had won, he was so largely out-numbered by the enemy. "Why he was not reinforced by General Fremont, who was in charge of the Department, has not yet been explained. Perhaps he shared the delusion under which most of us labored prior to Bull's Run the childish folly of underrating our enemy. Not so General Lyon, for knowing the strait in which he stood, he telegraphed from Springfield to Washington to General Fre mont, before the latter had left New York for St. Louis, imploring succor. And after he had reached St. Louis, he sent three or four special messengers thither for the same purpose, but they failed. One of these agents was a former Secretary of State, another a member of Congress, both from the south-western part of the State, where the danger lay. Governor Gamble, too, added his own urgent advice that General Lyon be reinforced ; but to no purpose. Nor were reinforcements all that he stood NATHANIEL LYON. 81 in need of, for at this very time his com mand had but half rations of bread, and for the next ten days, until the next battle, in fact when he was killed, and they were overpowered, but half rations of bread and water ! So, at least, it is charged, and apparently with truth. There may be some mistake in the matter (we trust there is), but there can be no mistake in the fact that General Fremont has not done what was expected of him in Missouri. Did we expect too much, remembering what General Lyon had done ? Under his energetic manage ment the State was nearly cleared of rebels, and the Union cause was triumphing. Now but we have no heart to go on, remem bering the fall of Lexington. We are not unfriendly to General Fremont in this, but we are more friendly to our country, for whom, as it now seems to us, a brave life has been needlessly sacrificed. Fiat Jus- titia, mat ccelum. A glimpse of General Lyon, or rather of 32 MEMOIR OF his body-guard at this time may not be uninteresting. It was composed of ten athletic St. Louis butchers, each mounted on a powerful horse and armed with a heavy cavalry sword and a pair of navy revolvers ; each wore a light hat turned up on the left side, and decorated with* a white ostrich plume. Accompanied by half a dozen of these savage looking fellows, he might often be seen spurring along the line ; or they might be seen in small squads, or singly, galloping fiercely to the front or the rear, or straight out into the open coun try. If he went into a house, a half dozen of them stood in front like iron statues at the bridle of their horses. If he scoured along in advance of the train, the clanking of their long sabres was heard beside him. Stop where he would, there was a stolid squad of white-plumed horsemen awaiting patiently his movements. They were fear less riders -jumping fences on a dead run, leaping ditches, galloping down steep de scents, and, in fact, never riding less fast NATHANIEL LYON. 83 than their horses could run, unless com pelled by some urgent necessity. Inde pendent of their duty as body-guards, they acted as messengers, scouts, &c. They were commanded by a lieutenant, and were noted from their appearance and daring horse manship. On the 10th of August, three months after the capture of Camp Jackson, General Lyon was no more. He fell at the battle of Wilson's Creek, which is thus described by the Special Correspondent of The New York Herald: " SPKINGFIELD, Mo., Aug. 10, 1861. " After- the occurrences of the 3d and 4th inst., and the falling back of the Union troops upon Springfield, the rebels made an advance, and on the evening of the 6th formed their camp upon Wilson's Creek, about ten miles from Springfield, on the Fayetteville road. Reports of spies, de serters, and a few prisoners, made it cer tain that they were in force from eight to twenty thousand, and were provided with 34: MEMOIR OF from eight -to sixteen pieces of brass can non. On the evening of the Yth, General Lyon formed a plan of night surprise, but the project was abandoned, and nothing of importance occurred until the evening of the 9th. On that evening the plan was formed of attacking them simultaneously at either end of the camp, which extended for some three miles along the banks of the creek. DISPOSITION OF THE UNION FORCES. " General Siegel was sent to the extreme left, to begin the attack on that side, hav ing with him a force of twelve hundred men, and six pieces of light artillery under command of Major Schaeffer. General Lyon led the main column, which was to open battle on the right, consisting of three companies First infantry, Captain Plum- mer ; two companies Second infantry, Cap tain Steele ; one company Fourth artillery, recruits, Lieutenant Lothrop ; Captains Totten's and Dubois' batteries, six pieces NATHANIEL LYON. 85 each ; Missouri First regiment, Colonel Andrews ; Kansas First, Colonel Deitzler ; Kansas Second, Colonel Mitchell ; Iowa First, Colonel Bates, and one battalion from Second Missouri, under Major Oster- haus. In addition were several companies of Home Guards, a part of whom did good service, but the majority proved an intole rable nuisance, running like frightened deer at the least alarm, and getting in the way of others. MOVING TO THE ATTACK. " The whole force left Springfield about sunset on the 9th, the left column taking the Fayetteville road, and the right the road leading to Mount Vernon, leaving them at proper points for making detours to enclose the rebel camp. Your corres pondent joined the right column, under General Lyon, as that promised to be most actively engaged. Midnight found us in a hay field, four miles from the rebel posi tion, and as it was not deemed prudent to 86 MEMOIR OF approach nearer before morning, the men were permitted to get what sleep they could extract from the hard ground during the few hours preceding dawn. " At a few minutes before four, the whole column was again in motion. It was not long before the camp appeared in sight, located, as we anticipated, along Wilson's Creek. On either side of the stream, the valley, averaging some twenty rods in width, was bounded by a range of low and gently sloping hills, covered with a scanty, but occasionally dense growth of scrub oaks, of a few feet in height. Portions of these slopes, together with parts of the valley, had been cleared and turned into corn and wheat fields ; the latter had just been visited by the sickle, but the former was still in luxuriant growth, affording complete concealment to . either foot or horsemen. The rebels had selected those points which admitted of the best defence as positions for their men and batteries, these being mrinly on the north side of the NATHANIEL LYOK 87 creek. The low oaks, with, which the entire camp was surrounded, prevented our seeing many movements until almost at the last moment, and the same cause did much to hinder the aim of both artillery and riflemen. At ten minutes past five the rebel pickets were seen and driven in, and we rapidly moved forward to take position opposite the rebel battery. This we se cured on a gently sloping hill, which had been the extreme of the rebel camp, as several wagons, a few tents, numerous cook ing utensils, and other et ceteras of a sol dier's life, plainly indicated. THE BATTLE. " At a distance of eight hundred yards from the rebel battery, Captain Totten un- limbered his guns and was speedily joined by Captain Dubois. Captain Totten opened the battle with a twelve-pound shell, and was promptly answered by the rebels. In a few minutes all our pieces were engaged with an equal number of the 88 . MEMOIR OP enemy's can-non, both sides firing with great rapidity. The First Missouri regiment was placed in position to support the battery, with Major Osterhaus's battalion on the extreme right to act as skirmishers. To the left of our line was a ravine, with pre cipitous sides ; adjoining this ravine was a cornfield, and beyond the latter was a wheat stubblefield. Captains Plummer and Gilbert, with three companies of regu lars, and Captain Wright, with two compa nies of Home Guards, were sent to occupy these fields, and prevent the enemy from making a flank movement upon the bat tery. The rebels did not long allow our forces to wait in line with their rifles un used, but commenced a fire of musketry upon Osterhaus's battalion and those of the First Missouri on the right. After two or three rounds of Minie balls, the firing be came general along the line of this regi ment, and an attempt at a charge was broken up and the enemy forced to retire. At about the time of the commencement of NATHANIEL LYON. 89 the firing by the First Missouri those on our left found themselves busily engaged in the cornfield with a large body of rebel troops that had been sent out to oppose them. The Home Guards, as usual, fell back to a safer locality, and the regulars, finding skir mishing in the corn more destructive to themselves than to their opponents, from the latter knowing well the ground, fell back to the edge of the field and succeeded in there holding position. The fire against the regulars before they fell back was par ticularly heavy and well directed, as the corn afforded a fine screen behind which to take near and deliberate aim. The regu lars gave return shots whenever they ob tained sight of an enemy, and are confident that they did much towards thinning the rebel ranks. " The First Missouri troop, who were act ing as a support to the battery in front, stood their ground like veterans, and sent many a Minie ball true to its aim. As much of the firing against them was from 90 MEMOIR OF weapons inferior to theirs, they had the enemy at a slight advantage when placed man to man, and though finally much cut up and forced to retire, they were not with drawn till they had three successive times repulsed the rebels. On each of these occa sions the enemy brought fresh troops into the field, and it is believed that during the entire day they did not bring the same force twice into action except in one or two flank movements. When the Missouri First was withdrawn, after they had been under fire an hour and a half, the Kansas First and Second, with the Iowa First, were placed in the front, the latter being to the right of the Kansas troops and further towards the rear, thus keeping the Iowa partly in re serve. The rebels again came up in stronger force than ever, but were twice driven back by the Kansans the latter, in both in stances, bringing their bayonets to the charge and pursuing for some distance down the slope. They would have followed up to the battery had not their officers feared NATHANIEL LYON. 91 that the retreat might be a ruse to draw them into an ambuscade, the scanty growth of trees and bushes being admirably adapted for forming an ambush. All this time Lieutenant Lothrop's regulars were lying down to the right of Dubois's battery, wait ing for a proper opportunity to come into action. The lieutenant himself sat on his horse in front of his men, displaying the most imperturbable coolness. 'Don't dodge,' said he to a reporter, who shall be nameless, as that individual turned his head aside to allow a ball to pass ; c don't dodge, for you might put your head exactly where a ball was coming, and then we should be minus a reporter.' About the time the Kansas took the place of the First Missouri, Lieutenant Lothrop's men were ordered in front of the battery to clear the brush of some rebel skirmishers known to be lying there. As they advanced and extended their line to the ravine on the left, a brisk fire was opened upon them, both from the bushes in front and the bank of the ravine 92 MEMOIR OF on their left flank, but they succeeded in dislodging the enemy. It was then disco vered that the rebel skirmishing in front was partly to draw attention from a large body of rebel infantry that was advancing about six hundred yards from our left, with the evident intention of outflanking us and falling on our rear. There appeared to be one full regiment, some six or eight com panies, and about fifteen hundred men not in ranks. Captain Dubois brought his bat tery to bear upon them, and sent shell, grape, and canister directly in their midst, causing a hasty and confused retreat. A large body of them made a rush for an opening in the fence, behind which was a clump of timber, and, as they were crowd ing through, two twelve-pounder spherical case-shot were exploded among them, leaving the dead and wounded thick upon the ground. Our rear was not for some time again menaced in that direction. " Very soon after this it was seen that the rebel cavalry, about eight hundred strong, NATHANIEL LYON. 93 was forming in the rear of our right to o o make a charge upon the ambulances, which were being brought up for the use of the wounded. Captain Wood's Kansas Rangers and two companies of Second Kansas In fantry, which happened near the rear at this time, drew up to resist them. As the cavalry came on the infantry opened with a volley, but did not succeed in checking their advance. When they were within less than two hundred yards of our lines, Captain Totten opened upon them with two rounds from his entire battery, which had been hastily brought into position unknown to the rebels. The fire was diagonally across the body, and each shot cut its lane entirely through, leaving dead and wounded horses and riders mingled indiscriminately together. The charge was broken, and the rebel cavalry made a disorderly retreat to the timber. Some twenty horses were gal loping riderless about the field, and were secured by our men. The fight was again renewed with vigor in the front, and the 94 MEMOIR OF lowans were brought into the thick of the contest, giving the Kansans a brief respite. They repelled an advance of rebel infantry, which no sooner disappeared than it was succeeded by a fresh force larger than the previous one. The 'Kansas First was again brought forward and led to the charge by General Sweeny, Colonel Deitzler having been wounded and taken to the rear. DEATH OF GENERAL LYON. " General Lyon was standing by his horse near the lowans, and several among the lat ter asked for some one to lead them. In stantly General Lyon took command of the regiment to lead it forward, but before they reached the enemy's lines he was struck in the breast by a rifle ball and fell dead from his horse. The rebels, on seeing the ap proach of the Union troops, scattered and fled before the latter got sufficiently near to use the bayonet. All this transpired in a very few moments, and it was known to but few that General Lyon had fallen. The NATHANIEL LYON. 95 announcement of his death was ,not made to the soldiers till after the battle was over. " After this but little was done on either side for upwards of half an hour, the rebels changing the position of their battery to higher ground in the rear of its former location, and Captain Totten advancing his a few rods, while Captain Dubois remained at his old post. Captain Granger, of the regular service, detected a flank movement in preparation against our left, and took three companies of the Iowa regiment to the edge of the ravine and caused them to lie down in the grass and await the enemy's approach. Very soon the column ap proached, Captain Dubois pouring in grape and canister when they got quite near. As soon as they had come up within short range of Captain Granger, the lowans, taking sight without rising from their posi tion, poured in a most destructive fire of Minie balls with terrific effect. The can nonade and musket fire were too much 96 MEMOIR OP for the rebels, and they made the best possible use of their pedals back to a place of safety. THE EEBEL WAGON TKAIN ON FIRE. " Immediately after this retreat flames burst forth from the rebel baggage train, which was stationed about a mile down the creek, and from the extent of the fire and the vast columns of smoke, it is supposed that the entire wagon train of the rebel army was destroyed. How the fire origi nated is not known, but it is supposed that the rebels, fearing a defeat and route, them selves set fire to the w r agons rather than have them fall into the hands of the Union ists. They were seen to destroy some twenty wagons near their battery a short time after the fire burst forth in the large train, and it is but reasonable to suppose that the latter was turned to ashes and smoke by the owners themselves. While the conflagration was at its height the rebels made a furious attack on the Union front NATHANIEL LYON. 97 and right at the same time. The battery in front opened furiously, and several pieces, which had been brought against our right, under cover of the timber, played vigor ously from a cleared space some eight hun dred yards distant. A very large force of infantry came out in line of battle order from the very place where we had for some time expected Colonel Siegel to appear. No bayonet charges were made by either side, but the roll of musketry and the boom of cannon were more fierce and continuous than at any previous time during the day. For half an hour it was one deep, deafen ing roar, resounding through the air, and the field became canopied with dense clouds of smoke ; the position of cannon could only be made out by the dull, red flash seen through the fog-like atmosphere, and all around was falling a pitiless shower of lead and iron. Too rapid in succession to think of counting came the smooth whistle of the common rifle ball, the shrill buzz of the Minie, the dull hum of the round ball, and 5 98 WKMOIR OF above them all the sounds produced by the various descriptions of common munition. For half an hour it continued, and was ended by the repulse of the rebels, who returned no more to the field. In this last scene of the battle all the Union force on the field was in action, and one-half our loss of the day occurred at this time. OPERATIONS OF GENERAL SIEGEL's COMMAND. " c Where is Siegel ?' had been passing from lip to lip for an hour before this attack, and he had been anxiously looked for at the very point where the rebel infan try, bearing the secession flag, had made their appearance. As we had not heard from him since the night previous, save by the reports of his cannon, we were uncertain as to his fate, and fearful that we might fire upon him should he approach, as we did not know from what quarter to expect him. Our cannon ammunition was nearly exhausted, and several companies of infan try had expended their last round of car- NATHANIEL LYON. 99 tridges. Major Sturgis (who took command after General Lyon's death) ordered a retreat, and the whole army took up its line of march for Springfield. Ambulances were sent back with a flag of truce to gather up the dead and wounded. The flag was received by General McOullough and Colonel Mclntosh, and by nine P.M. the ambulances returned, bringing all that could be found. The battle commenced a few minutes past six A.M. and the retreat was ordered at eleven. With but a few intervals the batteries on both sides were in constant action throughout the whole, and there were few minutes when the roll of musketry could not be heard. " To understand Colonel Siegel's position it will be necessary to explain more fully the situation of the rebel camp. Wilson's Creek has a general southerly direction ; but at a farm called McNary's it makes a sharp bend to the east, follows an easterly course for two and a half miles, and then bends suddenly to the south. The Fayette- 100 MEMOIR OF ville road crosses the creek about a mile and three fourths below the upper bend. The rebel camp extended three miles along the creek two and a half in an easterly direction, and a quarter of a mile above the upper bends towards the north, and the same distance below the lower bend towards the south. General Lyon's attack was made on the western side, just above the upper bend. Colonel Siegel marched from Springfield clown (going south) the Fayetteville road, left that road four miles this side of Wilson's Creek, and turned to his left, went around the rebel camp, came into the same road two miles beyond Wilson's Creek, and marched up the Fayetteville road towards the enemy's camp. Some who saw his command com ing, about daylight, from the direction of Arkansas, walked out to meet him, not dreaming of the approach of the Union forces on that side. These he allowed to get within his lines, and made prisoners of them before they discovered their mistake. NATHANIEL LYON. 101 He fell upon tlieir camp at the road, routed them arid took possession, planting his cannon in the camp and playing upon them from that position. He found and took possession of the private papers of General McCullough, and one of his lieutenants was fortunate enough to secure a bag of gold. Colonel Siegel was so severely pressed that he had to abandon the camp and take position on a hill, where he served his artillery with great effect, and brought his infantry into active use. A concentrated fire was made upon his battery, killing many of his artillerymen and nearly all his horses. A dash of infantry and cavalry was then made, and five of his six cannon fell into possession of the rebels. The infantry and cavalry came so hard upon him as to compel him to retreat, which he did, bringing away nearly two hundred prisoners. His command was badly cut up and he found it impossible to make a junction with the main column. The last assault upon the main column was made just after the 102 MEMOIR OP retreat of" Colonel Siegel, and the cannon which played upon us on the right were the five that were captured. At one time, had a vigorous movement been made on our part, the rebel battery might have been taken. " For two or three days before the battle General Lyon changed much in appearance. Since it became apparent to him that he must abandon the Southwest or have his army cut to pieces, he had lost much of his former energy and decision. To one of his staff he remarked, the evening before the battle, i I am a man believing in pre sentiments, and ever since this night sur prise was planned I have had a feeling I cannot get rid of that it would result disastrously. Through the refusal of government properly to reinforce me I arn obliged to abandon the country. If I leave it without engaging the enemy the public will call me a coward. If I engage him I may be defeated and my command cut to pieces. I am too weak to hold NATHANIEL LYON. 1Q3 Springfield, and yet the people will de mand that I bring about a battle with the very enemy I cannot keep a town against. How can this result otherwise than against us?' " On the way to the field I frequently rode near him. He seemed like one be wildered, and often when addressed failed to give any recognition, and seemed totally unaware that he was spoken to. On the battlefield he gave his orders promptly, and seemed solicitous for the welfare of his men, but utterly regardless of his own safety. While he was standing where bullets flew thickest, just after his favorite horse was shot from under him, some of his officers interposed and begged that he would retire from the spot and seek one less exposed. Scarcely raising his eyes from the enemy he said " ' It is well enough that I stand here. I am satisfied.' "While the line was forming for the charge against the rebels in which he lost 104 MEMOIR OF his life, General Lyon turned to Major Stur gis, who stood near him, and remarked " c I fear that the day is lost ; if Colonel Siegel had been successful he would have joined us before this. I think I will lead this charge.' " He had been wounded in the leg in an early part of the engagement a flesh wound merely from which the blood flowed profusely. Major Sturgis during the conversation noticed blood on General Lyon's hat, and at first supposed he had been touching it with his hand, which was O 7 wet with blood from his leg. A moment after, perceiving that it was fresh, he removed the General's hat and asked the cause of its appearance. ' It is nothing, Major, nothing but a wound in the head,' said General Lyon, turning away and mounting his horse. Without taking the hat held out to him by Major Sturgis, he addressed the lowans he was to command with " i Forward, men ! I will lead you /' NATHANIEL LYON. 105 " Two minutes afterwards he lay dead on the field, killed by a rifle ball through his breast, just above the heart. In death his features wore the same troubled and puz zled expression that had been fixed upon them for the past week. His body was brought to town in the afternoon, and will be forwarded to his friends in Connecticut for interment. " The appearance of the field throughout the day was exceedingly gloomy. The morning was cloudy, and once in the aften- noon rain fell. Towards noon the sun shone out, but not clearly. The smoke from the cannon and small arms, with that from the burning train, hung over the field, seem ing like a pall spread to cover the unfor tunate dead. The horrors of Manassas were renewed on this battlefield. Our wounded men were bayoneted or struck over the head with musket butts. An officer, a lieutenant in the First Missouri, was taken prisoner, struck four times with a musket, and left for dead. He revived and 106 MEMOIR OF escaped. A surgeon, who went on the field after the battle, was several times shot at and forced to retire. Later in the afternoon a flag of truce was sent to the rebel com manders, and was received. " Union flags were several times waved to induce our men to go forward. None were taken by this ruse. u At the time the enemy were advancing to outflank our left, and were repulsed by our cannonading, a rebel flag was borne prominently in their front. The man carry ing it was struck by a shell, which exploded at the same moment. Another snatched up the banner, and was hurrying forward when he was killed by a canister shot. The flag was not again seen. " Most of the shot from the rebel cannon passed over our heads. A few horses were killed by round shot, and two or three men were badly wounded with pieces of shell. With these exceptions I do not know of their artillery doing damage. Your cor respondent was standing beside his horse NATHANIEL LYON. 107 under a tree in the rear of Capt. Totten's battery, when a six-pound shot passed through the tree top not four feet above his head. Thinking there might be a better place for observation, I changed my position some twenty rods, and I was speedily admonished of my insecurity by another ball ploughing up the ground not six feet away, and literally covering me with dirt. Upon the theory that 'light ning does not strike twice in the same place,' I kept still, and was not troubled by any more of the same sort so near me. A six-pound shot produces a sound any thing but melodious. About the time the action commenced I rode past the First Missouri regiment. One of the soldiers, seeing my citizen's dress, cocked his gun and brought it to bear upon me. I ven tured to ask " ' What are you going to shoot me for " ' I don't know you,' was the reply, with the gun still in position. " Just then one of the soldiers asked where I had been since I was with them at BooneviEe, and my about-to-shoot friend lowered his rifle and disappeared. - Whether the result is a victory, a defeat, or a drawn battle, I leave for tie reader to decide. Our forces took a position and held it five hours. When they retired :lr enemy had been several times repulsed, in the ~.ist attack driven from the field. They had burned their baggage train to prevent our getting it, and when we left the field did not attempt to pursue us. Upwards of an hour after our depar ture they returned and took possession, rendering it necessary that our ambulances should go out under a flag of truce. The rebel troops outnumbered the Unionists at least four to one, and some of our officers estimate their strength as fullv six times * that of ours."" POLITICAL WRITINGS. OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. OUR cause is to honor labor and elevate the laborer ; our candidate, Abe Lincoln. Our cause we know to be the noblest of human aspirations ; our candidate we believe fit, both in motive and capacity, for the attainment of this cause. Labor is the only source of wealth, and through the application of its productive means is power alone obtained ; and to control these means, the product of labor, to the attainment of power, do princes exhaust their policies of state, priests their subtleties of theology, and demagogues and designing men every artifice of hypocrisy and imposition all having in view the easy eleva tion, through craft, to power and luxurious ease, of the no n -laboring classes. And melancholy is indeed the fact that the laboring classes have often lent themselves to these arts of designing 112 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. men, and contributed to their own degradation. And it is the greatest political revolution yet to be effected, to bring the laboring man to know that honest industry is the highest of merit, and should be awarded the highest honor, and pro perly pursued contributes to his intelligence and morality, and to the virtues needed for official station. Without analysing the relation between labor and its productive means, it will be readily seen, that where no tyrannical measures are adopted to furnish a favored class with means, at the expense of the laborers, all, or nearly all, must labor for a living, and where labor is duly honored, and this great laboring class elevated, not only is great happiness gained to the community, but cor responding wealth ; for, industry being a merit, it will be pursued with laudable zeal, to the pro duction of means, or wealth. On the other hand, where labor is despised, and the laborer degraded and held to believe his position inevitably connected with meanness and misery, not only is the laboring class, which must still be a great majority in the community, made unhappy, but labor being degrading, all, who can, will avoid labor as a means of living, and thus' reduce productiveness or wealth, both through the want of zeal in the laborer, and the OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. H3 withdrawal of many from occupations of labor, who will resort to artifices and clandestine means of living rather than laboring ; such is unfortu nately too much our present condition. A further point to be noticed, is the vice engendered, both by the degradation of the laborers, and the idle ness and craft of the non-laborers. To the reader who has followed us thus far we would make an application of these views upon the question of slavery in the territories. In countries where slavery exists, labor devolves there for the most part upon the slaves, and is therefore identified with slavery ; and the white free laborer being valued by slaveowners, who control public opinion, only as so much physical organism (bone, muscle, &c.) for producing means, he is degraded to the condition of the slave, so far as his influence and moral status go, and is even lower in physical comforts, for the want of the intelligent care the slaveowner bestows upon the slave, and of which he, the free laborer, has become incompetent by a mental depravity cor responding to his moral degradation. This is a truth of philosophy and political economy, that man rises to a position corresponding to the rights and responsibilities devolved upon him, and therefore the only true way to make a man is to invest him with the rights, duties, and responsi- 114 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. bilities of a man, and he generally rises in intel lectual and moral greatness to a position corres ponding to these circumstances ; and it is the very want of them that makes the free non-si avehold- ing persons of the slave states so degraded and imbecile that the slaves themselves feel a conscious superiority, in which they are encouraged by their owners, to the extent of thinking it better to be a nigger than a poor white man ; and this is done to pacify the slave, and thus secure this artificial system of securing the products of labor to the non-laboring classes, and also, by degrading white laborers, prevent their industry from competing with slave labor to reduce there by the value of slaves. So true are these things, that it is well known that the poor whites of the slave states are the most subservient tools of the slaveowners, and that of all the artificial systems devised by tyran ny to impose upon the poor man, none have any where reduced him to such squalid poverty and utterly degraded demoralization as prevail among the free laborers of the slave states. Such is the state of things which, with the Dred Scott deci sion and the policy of the Democracy, scourged on by the lash of its southern masters, we are to have not only in Kansas, but all our territories. For this purpose is a slave code to be imposed OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. H5 against the will of our people, Kansas to be kept in territorial bondage, the Homestead Bill to be defeated, and the whole power and patronage of the government prostituted to the purpose of opposing the intellectual, moral, and physical development of the industrial classes, whose energetic resources have in hand at once the wel fare both of themselves and our country, and the uprooting of slavery in the territories. To this cause we are unalterably committed; such is our platform and the purpose of our can didate. Upon our candidate we must omit in this article, on account of its length, the points which controlled his nomination and render him the fit exponent of our principles, in view of which, and the ready acquiescence of all the great competitors (some of whom must have, in any event, been disappointed), we have no hesitation upon our course of duty. Our principles, as above given, make Abe Lincoln a more suitable candidate, perhaps, than could have been well otherwise selected, as his present greatness and position are due to the operation of the great principles we now advo cate for our Territories that of honoring labor and elevating the honest laborer, of whom we intend, in this case, to make our next President. June 9, I860. II. OUE CAUSE OUK CANDIDATE. IN our former article under this head, we showed our cause to be more distinctly that of elevating the free laborer, by keeping him from contact with the system of slave labor, by which he is reduced, in moral status, to a level with, or lower than that of the slave. That honest indus try is in no way inconsistent with high intellectual culture and moral elevation, is shown by the con dition of the generality of our laborers in the free states, and such examples as Benjamin Franklin, 1ST. P. Banks, and our distinguished candidate for the presidency, Abraham Lincoln. That this is the reverse in the slave states, we proved, not only from the nature of the case, but the existing condition of the free laborer there, where he is so much demoralized as to be inoffen sive to the oligarchists of the slave interest, who control the political machinery of their respective OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. H7 states, so as to make all tilings harmonize with, or subservient to this interest. And by a shrewd foresight and combination, in conjunction with unscrupulous leaders north, they are attempting, through the machinery of the general govern ment, to extend this system over our free terri tories. It is not our purpose to consider, further than is incidental to the subject of slavery in the ter ritories, the effects of slavery upon the owners of slaves, their social and political economy ; as by our platform, founded upon the fact of the exist ence of slavery in the southern states at the period of our political compacts, we bind our selves to adhere to all moral obligations involved therein, and refrain from any hostilities towards the institution of slavery in those states. This we shall do ; but as incident to the question of sla very in the territories, we have illustrated its degrading effects upon the free laborer, and now further warn our brethren against contributing to build up, in our midst, an oligarchy of proud, domi neering slaveowners, so lamented and graphically described by Jefferson, and whose position and interests place them in antagonism to the free laborer, whom they despise and denounce as they did in the last presidential election through the 118 OUR CAUSE OUfl CANDIDATE. southern press-, as " greasy mechanics," " filthy operatives," &c. "We quote: " Free society is a monstrous abortion, and slavery the healthy, beautiful, and natural being, which they are trying, unconsciously, to adopt. The slaves are governed far better than the free laborers at the north are governed. Our negroes are not only better off as to physical comforts than are those free laborers, but their moral con dition is better." Such may be indeed the condition of the free laborers at the south, and these views of the Richmond Enquirer are founded upon this con dition, and they establish by southern authority the points we have advanced the arrogance, on the one hand, of the slaveowner, and the degra dation on the other, of the free laborer. Again : " Free society 1 we sicken at the name ! What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operatives, small-fisted farmers, and moon struck theorists ? All the northern, and espe cially the New England States, are devoid of society fitted for a well-bred gentleman. The prevailing class one meets with is that of mecha nics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers who do their own drudgery, and yet they are hardly fit for a gentleman's body servant. This OUR CAUSE -OUR^CASDI]} ATE. H9 is your free society, which your northern hordes are endeavoring to extend into Kansas." Yes, and if we can attain the standard of New England, here cited for condemnation by the Mus- cogee Herald (Ala.), we shall be satisfied. How far we are to stultify our own interests, integrity, and common-sense, by sustaining the Democracy, and thereby contributing, through the general government, to make ourselves subject to, and sustain this garrulous abuse of us, we are glad of the opportunity soon to show. " A man's a man for a' that, The honest man, tho' e'er sae poor, Is king o' men for a' that. Then let us pray that come it may, And come it will for a' that, That sense and worth, o'er a' the earth, May bear the gree and a' that. That man to man the world o'er, Shall brothers be for a' that." BURNS'S Honest Poverty. Our worthy candidate is an illustration of these lofty sentiments of the immortal poet, and this we trust will be more fully shown, to the confusion of our arch-enemy, in his presidential capacity. A word now upon this part of our heading Our Candidate. Mr. Seward was the strongest man before the Chicago convention, and had pro- 120 OUI^ CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. bably friends - enough, in it who preferred him, to have given him the nomination, but of whom, many having the cause of Kepublicanism more at heart than the elevation of their favorite, feared his availability, on account of his supposed affec tion for and affiliation with northern abolitionists, as have been charged, for a long time past, by his opponents, on account of his past political views and acts, and more especially his late " irrepressi ble conflict" doctrine. And though ill-founded, these charges were liable to hurt Mr. Seward with many of our conservative and life-long democra tic Eepublicans, with whom Mr. Seward is not a favorite. Mr. Seward also hurt himself with his Kepublican friends, we think, in supporting the President's policy of a military regimen over Kansas, as he did, by voting to raise new troops for the Utah service (against the Mormons), and thereby enable the army, then in Kansas, to remain there. Let us not be understood as disparaging Mr. Seward, nor withholding gratitude for his eminent services, but, as is well said by the New York Evening Post, what Mr. Seward is and has been he attained through the approbation of the people, and it becomes him and his friends to accept, and be satisfied with such appro- OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. 121 bation as the people see fit to manifest, and is valuable only as it is bestowed unsolicited, with out management or force. Mr. Seward readily acquiesces, as we know, and cordially we believe his friends, no doubt, will also. To our four friends from Ohio, McLean, Chase, Wade and Cor win, whom we name in the order of our preferences, we have less objections on the score of qualifications and availability, than the fact, that being all from the same State, where each has deservedly warm friends, heartburnings and jealousies might arise at the triumph of one over the other rivals, whereby a coolness towards the one selected, might endanger success in a State we cannot well spare. Mr. Bates was popular, but it must be borne in mind that he is a late acquisition to our ranks, and though one of which we are proud, he has not struggled with us in our days of darkness and trial, but on the contrary, in the last Presidential election, when the wail of our sufferings touched every sympathetic heart, Mr. Bates joined the diversion made by Mr. Fillmore in favor of the Democrats, which caused our defeat. His nomi nation, we have reason to fear, would have hurt us with our naturalized citizens, who, if true to themselves, in the advocacy of their own eleva- 6 122 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE, tion, will prove an important element and efficient aid towards the attainment of our cause. Mr. Banks is a man of ability and pure patriot ism, and had our confidence, but we make no lamentations over a result, in which almost every one having a favorite candidate must be disap pointed. But we are gratified to see, that the friends of the eminent men above named, and of others like Clay, Blair, Foote, Collamer, &c., under the examples of their respective favorites, are all united to support the nominee of the Chicago con vention. This nominee, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, now stands before the country as our standard- bearer, than whom none could have been more happily chosen, as the embodiment of our great cause of the laboring man. His stalwart frame, honest heart, and comprehensive, well-trained mind, confound the sneering taunts of the slave oligarchy at free labor, and point to us, with unerring certainty, the pathway of duty, which shall lead to our highest humanity, from which we shall gaze with a mournful smile, at the impo tent jeers of the proud and vain, who follow their blind infatuation to a shameful end. Jwne 16, I860. HI. OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. IN our last article under this head, we gave reasons why many of the leading competitors were not nominated at the Chicago Convention, and it follows by consequence that the nomination must fall upon Mr. Lincoln if others could not get it. But this would leave our nominee in the negative position of owing success to being unobjection able, rather than commanding support from com mendable attributes and character. But it was well known to all in Chicago at the time, and the history of the Convention shows that Mr. Lincoln was among the foremost at the start, and it was due to the hold his commendable qualities had upon his friends in Convention, that they, joined by the overwhelming outside pressure in the city and State, were enabled to secure the success of their favorite candidate. " Give us, Lincoln," said Illi nois, " and you shall have our vote we gave it to 124 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. him as a state for the United States Senate against Douglas our popular majority for him in that canvass is the foundation of this confidence." This is enough to show how Mr. Lincoln stands where he is best known. He had, however, his share of public life in the Legislature of his own State, and as member of Congress, and it is not too much to say, that he always justified the sup port awarded him, by executing the trusts com mitted to his charge. It is this fidelity to his own principles, and the interests with which he has been entrusted, more than anything else that has controlled this nomination a nomination made more appropriate by the sad disappointment of the country at the falseness of the Democracy to every profession and political creed. It is not our purpose here to give a biography of Mr. Lincoln, showing the steps by which he rose, through industry and integrity, as so many of our countrymen have done, to successive posi tions of trust and honor; but that he has so risen^ against every disadvantage in youth, to his pre sent position, which commands the confidence, and constitutes the hope of the great Republican party, is the main feature in his qualifications for our candidate, at this period when the sole tangible issue between us and the Democracy is, this very OUR CAUSE OUK CANDIDATE. 125 question of elevating the honest and poor laborer through industry whether that industry, which is the parent of virtue and means of all material happiness, shall be held in respect, as we urge, to the elevation and happiness of the vast labor ing classes and the great increase of wealth in the country, as is mainly the case in our free States, though not to the extent we desire ; or whether, as urged by the Democracy, labor, being made to rest upon a basis of slavery, industry or all engaged in it must be held in degradation and despised by a self-constituted oligarchy, invested with the possession and control of labor. That this is the impending issue we have shown in our previous articles on this subject, and it is lamentable, that the morbid desire of man to overreach the laborer, and make his productive ness subservient to his convenience, has, through artful devices, so imposed upon the laborer as to secure his own co-operation to this end. Such we think has, in times gone by, been more or less the case in the artful schemes of party to build up a privileged class, founded on property in banks, manufactories, &c., while it was more obviously so, in the support given, at the last Presidential election, to the so-called Democracy, which had in view, and it is now so seen, the building up of an aristocracy founded on property in " niggers." 126 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. Thus was the Honorable Jefferson Davis right in saying in the Senate the other day, that the Democratic party had taken the place of the old Whig party, for so it has, in the feature formerly attributed to the Whig party, of desiring to build up a select class of privileged persons, to obtain their means, through special legislation, at the expense of the industrial classes. This morbid desire for wealth and power, this bane of the human heart, rises, hydra-like, in every place and shape to tempt the weak and blind, and mislead the strong, and unfortunately has, at dif ferent times, lured Man with its syren songs to the fatal embrace of tyranny, in which the his tory of the world has so generally found him. Against this we now war, and with the more earnestness, as with the artfulness of a deity, and the presumption of a fiend, our own Constitution is perversely claimed, by the Democracj^, as the aegis for the establishment of this slave autocracy over our country. We thus again advert to this struggle so artfully though vainly pursued, between aristocracy, or capital, and labor, in order to show more fully the fitness of our candidate, as a laboring man, and one who has risen by industry from obscurity and indigence to carry on the great work which, through so many hard- OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. 127 fought battles, has so satisfactorily progressed in this country, towards placing the honest laborer on that just eminence, which the wants of society and the laws of nature demand, and so imperi ously demand, that any artificial system which blinks or ignores them, must be ever subject to unhappy changes and revolutions ; and it may be safely asserted, that this is at the foundation of all disturbances in society. We commend our friends to the history of our candidate to learn his fitness upon our great national issues. Nor must we omit a reference to our candidate for the Yice-Presidency, whose well-known modesty and integrity, combined with his high moral courage and eminence as a statesman, make Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, fit for any position, and the most honorable acquisition to our ticket. As Senator he could not violate his conscience to vote, under instructions, for the repeal of the Mis souri Compromise, and thereupon resigned his seat and returned home, to co-operate in establish ing the principles of Eepublicanism in his State, upon which he became Governor, and soon returned to the Senate, where he now is, an honor to that body, and, as an illustration of the tri umphs of integrity, a bright example to his race, among whom none can be found of purer thoughts 128 OUR CAUSE OUR CANDIDATE. or loftier emotions, than those now animating the peaceful heart and irradiating the genial brow of Hannibal Hamlin. O ye who would know man as man and a brother, who, true to yourselves, would respond to the aspirations of those whose lives are devoted to our cause, we beacon you to the standard which now floats the illustrious names of Lincoln and Hamlin, inscribed there with the cause of free labor, beneath the folds of which we glow with joy for the fight, in which we will engage, so long as man has the weakness, to suffer or tyranny the power to strike. June 23, 1860i IV. SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. WE prefer to advocate our principles and win support for them by their own commendable fea tures, rather than expose and denounce the de testable iniquities of our opponents, for the pur pose of creating an aversion towards them. For this reason the contemptible cant of Black ^Republicanism, negro worshippers, &c., applied to us, have passed unheeded as the loathsome spew of the envenomed Shamocracy, which we leave to the intelligent to perceive, and that our advocacy of the interests of the great laboring classes arises from the principles, that whatever contributes to our welfare permanently is the true element to wards the substantial happiness of all, and ulti mately of the negro. Because slavery has evils which we oppose extending into territories, an attempt is made to attach odium to us, by repre senting us as abolitionists, who are understood to 6* 130 SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. insist upon the abolition of slavery at once, and without regard to consequences, with a view to the welfare of the slave, and under a fanatical sense of moral obligations to pursue this course. We oppose slavery in the territories, not for a love of the negro but the white man, whom we would save from the condition, either as an arro gant slaveholder, or as degraded by him, in which we find him in the slave states. Nor do we want the free blacks, for, degraded as they are, they constitute a pernicious element, like other unfortu nate subjects of society the depraved and foolish and our confidence is, that the attainment of our welfare will carry that of theirs also. But it may be pertinent, under present circum stances, to call attention to the practical workings of the great hobby of our opponents, called " Squatter Sovereignty," or, as illustrated by its apostle, Douglas, is more properly defined, as in our heading, " Sovereign Squattereignty." Some six years ago, while the country was in profound quiet over the subject of slavery, resting upon the security of the compromises made in regard to it, Mr. Douglas convulsed the country upon the right of the people of a territory to vote slavery into that portion from which it has been prohibited by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. This, under SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. a great hue and cry that the people possessed ab solute sway, and had a right to legislate in the territories, for or against slavery, in the same man ner as upon other property, ardent spirits, &c. The Eepublicans make issue this far, that it is the right and duty of Congress to interfere and prevent the few, who first reach a territory, from forestalling the sentiments of the larger commu nity, likely, to occupy it, and should, therefore protect all classes of people, in their infant state, against premature and grasping assumptions, as in the case of the Mormons in Utah, and the border ruffians in Kansas. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill was framed with the most liberal provisions for the rights of the people, with the evident design that these rights were to be used, under Govern ment direction, to introduce slavery ; but, never theless, these rights were invested in the people of the Territory, and a due regard to the terms of the law as well as the moral obligations in volved, should have secured to the people the exercise of this right ; and when, by the inroads of border ruffians, sanctioned and aided by Go vernment officials, they were deprived of this right and subjected to most oppressive tyranny, in palpable violation of the terms and spirit of the law, Mr. Stephen Arnold Douglas, so far from 132 SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. sympathizing with them, repudiates the principles of his own bill, and joins our southern enemies in the most violent denunciation of us, and urges the penalty of treason upon those who oppose the re volting tyranny of border ruffianism. Exulting in the power of these Kansas inroads, he would unite that of the General Government, over the people, and in support of the Toombs' Bill pro vide for a commission to be appointed by the cor rupt executive, who had lent himself to these oppressions, which commission was to provide a State government, irrespective of the will of the people. And when at length the people assert their rights under the Territorial Bill, Mr. Douglas readily repudiates his own doctrine, by acquiescing in the Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court, annulling all this pretended right of the people over the subject of slavery, in the territories, showing that all this clamor, for the people's rights, was but the deceptive art of the demagogue. He stands beside Senator Sumner and witnesses the inhuman attack upon him, without a lisp or act of remonstrance, for fear of affronting the South. This may be " Squatter Sovereignty " with Mr. Douglas and his friends, but, in extent of prostitution to the demands of the slave power, we do not see how he can squat lower, 01 SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. 133 become more literally a " Sovereign Squatter" The squat of the duck, in a thunder-storm, serves but a weak illustration of the humiliating depth to which Mr. Douglas has gone in the slime of his own putrescence, before the flash and roar of his southern masters. It is true, the last Presidential election de veloped an opposing storm, before which he fain would squat to the attainment of his end, could he rise against that to which he had before suc cumbed. This he partially did in his Lecompton issue, and a courageous struggle, persistently pursued, might have enabled him to regain a safe shelter, but timidity again arouses morbid appre hensions from the overcharged storm on the John Brown raid, and again he squats to his meanest depths before the southern blasts. We, of course, allude to his scurrilous abuse of us, in his speech upon measures of redress for such occurrences as that of Harper's Ferry, and the severity, too re volting even for slaveholders to accept, with which he proposed to furnish them. The con sternation of the duck or toad in a thunder-storm is sweet tranquillity compared to the distress, under these circumstances, of our " sovereign squatter." You have " squat " too low, my dear sir, in the mire beneath your feet, and the unceas- 134 SOVEREIGN SQUATTEREIGNTY. ing storm, centring its fury upon you, shall keep you there. Palsied at the time, you could not raise a helping hand for a brother Senator, sinking beneath its blows. "We now leave you to the impotent struggles with an overwhelming fate to which your morbid ambition, overriding your discretion, has reduced you. Quitting this mortifying spectacle, of "Sover eign Squattereignty," we turn with joy to the bright hopes of Kepublicanism, which requires no spurious oracles nor juggler's arts to command for it our affections. June 30, 1860. Y. ABE WE SUBDUED? " WE will subdue you," was the declaration of the British ministry to our petitioners for redress of grievances upon which our forefathers warred successfully to the confusion of the inso lent authors of this impotent threat. " We will subdue you," was the language of Stephen A. Douglas to the people of Kansas, when remonstrating against the oppressive tyranny of the border ruffian rule ; and the present state of our people shows this oracle of the southern oli garchy to have been about as prophetic as that of their monarchical prototype. Presuming upon the power of their govern ment, on the one hand, and the feebleness of the colonies on the other, our illustrious Franklin, who had gone to the mother country to represent the wrongs done the American colonies, and upon what terms a reconciliation could be effected, and 136 ARE WE SUBDUED? by which alone a revolution could be averted, was dismissed by the British ministry from this mission with scurrilous abuse to himself, and the threat to his people " We will subdue you," " We will ravage your whole country, lay your seaport towns in ashes," &c. " My property," replied Franklin, "consists of houses in these towns. Of these, indeed, you may make bonfires and reduce them to ashes, but the fear of losing them will never alter my resolution to resist, to the last, the claims of Parliament." The sacrifices of the Kansas people, under similar threats, show them, happily, not destitute of similar heroic virtues. Benedict Arnold becomes a traitor to these principles, and after attempting to betray the interests with which he had been entrusted, he heads a party of our enemies and goes forth against his own people and native state, with the motto, "We will subdue you," to ravage the country, lay seaport towns in ashes, &c. ; and the burning of New London and massacre at Fort Griswold are well known results of his leader ship, emblematic, in their unutterable cruelty, of the ineffable debasement of treachery. Stephen Arnold Douglas and by what a sin gular coincidence is the name Arnold here appro- ARE WE SUBDUED? 137 priately found, and becomes so prominent that he is now generally called Arnold Douglas in a simi lar manner betrays the principles he had advo cated in behalf of the rights of the people to self- government, and relying upon the power of the government, and the weak, distressed condition of what he denominates " Kansas Shriekers," he denounces them in. scurrilous language, and de mands, as the oracle of the pro-slavery faction, then dominant over the Pierce administration, that they shall submit tamely to the border-ruf fian rule ; and when remonstrated with, and told that revolution must soon follow, and that no fear of consequences could alter their " resolution to resist, to the last, the claims " so oppressive, he flashes an embodiment of rage, raising himself up with clenched hands, shakes his shaggy head, gesticulating with fierceness, strikes his desk, and stamping with violence his feet, exclaims, " We will subdue you!" Arnold like as he is he now heads our enemies, and sets forth against his own people ; and the atrocity upon Senator Sum- ner, and the murders and massacres of Kansas, under the subduing process, are well known results of this arrogant spirit, and to be traced, more or less, to the moral effect of his leadership. The lessons of Lord North and Benedict 138 ARE WE SUBDUED? Arnold had been taught in vain for him ; but he learns at last, in that dear school where fools will only learn, that we are not to be subdued. A little bit further parallel may be drawn from his tory. The battle of Stillwater and the espousal by France of our cause, brought Lord North to doubt the success of the subduing process, and then, too late, he proposed to relinquish it. The battle of the last Presidential election, and the effective sympathy for Kansas, has made this aspiring ape of tyranny hesitate in his subjugat ing career, and, too late, he now proposes recon ciliation. His course, like that of Lord North, gains the sympathy of a few forgiving friends, who now assume his fervent meekness as proof of untainted purity. And this is the basis of merit to the support of which our aid is now invoked ! Ah, Arnold Douglas! Arnold Benedict had a history, and the events of it cannot be effaced from the memory and indignation of an injured people; nor, sir, will the prominent events of your history fail of proper resentment, so long as shame and outrage inflame the manly bosom or rouse the manly frame. July 14, I860. YL THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. IN ascertaining our relations to the world around us, we find by our observation and expe rience, and by precept, transmitting the wisdom of preceding ages, that certain rules and regula tions are necessary for our welfare and happiness. Some of these rules apply to ourselves, in our individual capacity, to regulate our habits of diet, sleep, industry, amusements, &c., and others to our social relations, and regulate our intercourse with those around us. Of these rules, such as contribute to our own welfare and happiness, and that of the community in general, are called Morals, and constitute the code of morals in contradistinction to those which are pernicious, and are called vices, and constitute crimes. Upon this view, whatever contributes most to our welfare and that of the community and so interwoven are our own interests with 140 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. those of society, that whatever we do for one is necessarily done for the other is the highest of morals ; and, therefore, as has been well said by our best of philosophers, we need no other rule for our guidance than that of " our own self-love, that universal principle of action." And if in pursuing this rule, we secure our substantial and permanent welfare, this welfare will of necessity manifest itself in som*e physical advancement and advantages, and our standard of morality may therefore be assumed to be that course of conduct which, in the long run, contri butes most to our physical wealth and prosperity. Under the vicious system, spring irregularities, suffering, and misery, and finally weakness and decay, till on the verge of despair the subjects of it either sink and expire, both individually and socially, or, by reform, avail themselves of the moral regimen, and return to prosperity and hap piness. The history of the world is full of the ups and downs of individuals and of nations under the operations of these laws prosperity begetting presumption, arrogance, and a disregard of the moral law, till a consequent suffering effects pre mature death, or impels reform and relief. New nations, societies, and clans, being at first weak ? THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. usually, on initiating their organizations and institutions, adopt strictly the moral code, and by this means, more than by any inherent virtues 01 this system, prosper for a time, till pride and pre sumption follow with countervailing effects. Our own national existence affords an illustra tion of these views. Correct or moral in the administration of our laws at home, and our intercourse with other nations, our people were contented and loyal, and through these means our government strong ; while with our neigh bors amicable and disarmed of malice, we were secure from harm abroad. Modest and subdued from our toils and sufferings, and industrious from our poverty, our people and country rose in wealth, power, and popularity, and all eyes turned in wonder and admiration upon so worthy an example for observation and imitation. But a metamorphosis now interposes while we have lost none of the elements of our pros perity, we find discordance and din throughout our land discontent at home and disgrace abroad. Government, with the fatuity of James II., wars upon the sacred popular rights of our people, to obtrude an obnoxious institution over a people who refuse to admit it, and, with revolting dis regard of moral obligations, involves us in turpi- 142 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. tude, with' covertly lending itself to the slave trade, and fillibustering schemes against our neigh bors. A long standing compact, which had formed an adjustment of otherwise irreconcilable differences on the slavery question, is ruthlessly torn asunder, in utter disregard and contempt of the wishes of one of the parties to it, and border- ruffian rule stalks unrestrained, with iron heels, over the fair surface of Kansas, leaving behind the lurid clouds of slavery. Stung with mortification, and enraged at these events, uprose our masses, who, after several con fused manifestations of feelings, have settled into the compact and effective organization of the Eepublican party. An appeal is now made in behalf of slavery and the outrages which have characterized the attempt to extend it, to this great party of opposition to the wrongs and rapacity of the Democracy, upon the ground of our dogma, with which we set out, that morals conduce to physical benefits; and the converse, that whatever is highly and permanently benefi cial is therefore moral. For it is said (and we admit it), let our sophisms be what they may, let perverse theories of morals arise upon innumera bly contested theological points, all must settle down to, and acquiesce in, those physical results THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. 143 which secure us the greatest wealth and happi ness. And as slavery constitutes the wealth of the South, and the proceeds of slave labor have lately enriched it much, and enhanced, through its production of cotton, rice, tobacco, &c., the wealth and happiness of the civilized world, therefore slavery is the normal state of society in morals, and consequent physical results. There fore is it a pious duty to maintain it where it is, and a blessing to extend it ; and plighted faith broken, a sacred compact annulled, and obliga tions to honor disregarded, are but the needful and excusable sacrifice to so philanthropic an object. The sudden rise in the value of labor, from the opening of the California mines, and of the price of cotton, from the increased demand for it for emigrant and mining life, army service, and on our ships of commerce, have given undoubted advancement to the wealth of the slave states, and to the value of the slave, and this sudden and unexpected rise from dilapidation and poverty, has led to the erroneous presumption of merit and advantage in the institution of slavery. For, though circumstances have combined to increase the prosperity of the South, the North has availed herself of her superior industry and enterprise, to 144: THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. develop her wealth to a degree more than cor responding to that of the South, and she, as well as other portions of the civilized world, still have comparatively the moral advantage, upon the standard of physical effects, by which she must still loathe slavery, as of her old and former aspect the superinducing* cause of misery and poverty. With the patrons of the system, upon the standard of morals and of physical effects, we have only to deal so far as in Congress and the opera tions of the G-eneral Government (now unfortu nately under their control) their influence is felt. How that influence has been exerted, was shown to some extent, not long since, as we men tioned, by the investigations of the Covode Com mittee, and the exhibition may be well left to an intelligent people to judge of the morally elevat ing effects of the slave system, and how far an appeal for the further extension of it commends itself to their judgment. July 21, 18CO. vn. THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. IN our former article, under this head, we con sidered the morals of slavery under the new and recent claim set up for it, that, as an element of essential prosperity and wealth to the South, it must be accepted as of moral character, because of its beneficial physical effects. If the recent im provement of the South, from the great rise in cotton and price of labor, though less in degree than that at the North, has made any converts to the system, they are welcome to their new faith, and we ask no co-operation for our cause from persons of such easy virtue. But this is a pre text on the part of the slave interest, to justify the position they have attained in the control of the national government, through artifice on their part and subserviency of Northern dough faces. At first, under the general disapprobation of 146 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. the Fathers of the Kepublic, and the execration of the civilized world, the slave interest sought shelter and excuse under a plea of having been unavoidably imposed and submitted to, and ap pealed to the magnanimity of our national asso ciation for its toleration. Not only has this tolera tion been free and unstinted, but security of it confirmed in our national organization, and sub sequent operations of the national government- Though slavery formerly existed in nearly all the States, such was the opposition to it at the North, that great concessions were required on her part to the relations that must arise from its existence in the Union. The generosity of this concession and faithful adherence to it have, in times gone by, had their happy effects in mutual confidence and good-will between the two sections of our country. But uneasy and aspiring men South, affect alarm at the ranting of a few insane aboli tionists at the North, and presuming upon the generosity of the North, clamor for such an enun ciation of principles as shall suit their wishes, on the part of the party, North, to which they shall give their support. Though not united at first in this scheme it has become so, and is now the lead ing policy of Southern statesmen, and with the aid of a few Northern mercenaries such has been THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION". 147 their success, that from affecting fear for the safety of slavery they now exact a national sup port of it, and require of their candidate for the Presidency, a pledge to use his influence for this purpose, and, as the most satisfactory evidence of his fidelity, that he shall give most of the offices under the Government to Southern men. A notable instance, under this head, has recently transpired. Our readers must have noticed the death of Gen. Jessup of the army a man of eminence and ability who, in dying, left vacant the position he held, at the head of his corps, as Quarter master-General of the Army. The next officer in rank to him in the Quartermaster's corps a corps composed of Colonels, Lieut.-Colonels, Majors, and Captains was Colonel Thomas of Pennsyl vania, who being in regular order of promotion, and fitted for it, was promised the vacancy by the President, who, it is said, held out this promise to the latest moment. But alas! Colonel Thomas is not from a slave State, and a doughface Northern President must show his soundness on the goose, and his subserviency to Southern demands by giving this appointment to one who is, Colonel Johnson, of Virginia, is the man, and, as under stood, a fit appointment enough, except the motives to it, and the cruel disregard of others eligibly 148 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. entitled to it ; if he were from the North, he would have no rights under the Government. This in stance is mentioned, only as a recent and promi nent one, of the success under the present and past administrations of the South in controlling the Government and Government appointments, upon the eternal cry of " Nigger " a stock* of political capital which we believe to be well nigh exhausted. The monopoly of Government ap pointments by the South, is, of course, well known, and the application of Government money to secure votes and the election of Northern men to subserve Southern interests has been partially shown by the Covode Committee in Congress. Our Secretary of the Navy figures largely in cor rupt contracts for building vessels, furnishing coal, hands, etc., and due investigations into other departments would doubtless have made equally unpleasant exposures. Our exquisite Army Secretary has already figured conspicuously in the Fort Snelling sale, and Willett's Point pur chase, and we have learned of several transactions of like venality. The purchases of horses and mules for the Utah Army was let out to contrac tors (who of course wore the right colors on the slavery question) at enormous rates, and who sub let at about half these rates. Soon after these THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. 149 animals reached Utah, a mania for economy, prompts our loyal Secretary to direct a prompt sale of them, on so short a notice and such arbi trary conditions, that only some favored confi dants and capitalists can purchase, and upon being thus sold at a great sacrifice, are again re purchased by the Government in Oregon. The firm of Major & Kussell had a monopolizing contract to carry supplies to Utah, and a large army kept there gives them a large business and corresponding profits, but on losing this business this year, by being underbid, and getting that for New Mexico, the troops are at once transferred to this latter place, leaving Utah nearly vacant, while both the Secretary and President admit that the Mormons will again presume upon the weak ness of Government authority there,' to renew open hostility to it. Our troops here upon our Indian border, and upon whom our safety depends against the hostile Kiowas and Camanches hover ing near us, are, we have just learned, ordered to a different station to swell the flow of business- profits for the Major & Kussell firm. Corn, we see by advertisements, is to be fur nished these distant posts per transportation of this firm from Kansas City, when in our vici nity, at from one hundred and fifty to two hun- 150 THE MORAL OF THE QUESTION. dred miles nearer, plenty of corn can be had at a saving of half the cost at Kansas City, and the price of transportation for this distance. This business transacted here would save one hundred per cent, to the Government, and greatly relieve our community, so much in want of a market. True, our people are not sound on the goose, but we regret this must involve so much loss to Go vernment. We have heard of such things before, but not felt them at our doors. A contractor was allowed to furnish flour in Utah, at cost in Lea- venworth, and price of transportation added, which would make it rate some $28 per one hun dred pounds, but who purchased there on the spot, at from $6 to $8 per one hundred pounds, and thereby realized over some $20 per one hun dred pounds upon his contract. If slavery engenders this spirit, or exacts of government such practices in its behalf, we shall hardly become adherents to the standard of morals claimed for it. July 28, 1860. YIII. TRUE TO HIS MISSION. SQUATTER sovereignty, or the sovereignty of the people in the territories over their domestic affairs, including slavery, has been the affected hobby of Mr. Douglas, though in practice, as we have before shown in our columns, the readiness with which he abandons every principle that would give efficacy to that term, renders him a squatter in the mire of self-humiliation, and this hobby one of sovereign squattereignty. This was seen in his ready acquiescence in the border ruffian and federal executive tyranny over Kan sas, in violation of the squatter sovereignty doc trines in the Toombs' Bill, which scorned it, and in the Dred Scott decision, which annihilates every vestige of it. To render the whole power and patronage of the Government subservient to the interests of the slaveholders, and struggling with a resolution 152 TRUE TO HIS MISSION. and desperation peculiar to his character, is, and ever has been, the true mission of Mr. Douglas ; and that he will never swerve from it we think evident to all who have observed his direct pur pose but tortuous course to this end. When the' sentiment of the country was so averse to slavery that Missouri was denied, for two years, admission to the Union, because her constitution provided for slavery, she finally came in on condition that the country west of her should never have slavery. Mr. Douglas, in look ing back upon the trick by which a slave State is acquired, glories over it, and rejoices in the sa- credness of the binding contract, " akin to the constitution, which no ruthless hand will ever be reckless enough to disturb." Texas is admitted, and he affects fairness to wards the North, by resolving that slavery shall not exist north of 36-80, which was the Missouri compromise line. Bear in mind this line now has, with him, no constitutional objec tions. Our conquests from Mexico must next have their adjustment upon the slavery issue. California was already demanding admission as a free State, and, the more justly, clamorous, because the slave question has prevented the provision for her of a territorial government. TRUE TO HIS MISSON. 153 Utah, under the name of Deseret, was in the same condition ; and New Mexico preparing to take the same attitude. General Taylor, then President, seizing upon these features, recom mended them to the favor of Congress as the best method of avoiding the angry contest over sla very. This would never do ; Mr. Douglas, fearing the favor of public sentiment, which required the application of the proviso against slavery, intro duced by Mr. Wilmot, and since called the Wil- mot proviso, again invokes the efficacy of the Missouri compromise line, against which no con stitutional scruples now arise, excusing himself to the South that this is the best that he can do, as it is the only alternative of the Wilmot pro viso. Finally, the territories were organized upon the basis of ignoring the subject of slavery, till, on becoming a state, the people were to pro vide for or against slavery, as they should see fit. Kansas now seems to offer herself an easy prey to the cupidity of the slaveholders of Missouri, who being settled upon, and within her boun dary, assured our pro-slavery missionary they could easily control this subject, if the Missouri compromise restriction were removed. This he sets about and accomplishes, raising himself the 7* 154 TRUE TO HIS MISSION. hand he had characterized as ruthless, to disturb a compact which, so long as it served pro-slavery purposes, was to be regarded as " canonized in the hearts of the American people," &c., but which, now that it restrains such purposes, must be recklessly torn asunder. Kansas is so framed as to be made an easy victim ; instead of having half of the newly organized Territory, Nebraska is given the most of it, and her northern boun dary kept somewhat below that of Missouri, in order to be within the Missouri influence, and to prevent contact with the free State of Iowa. A further precaution in favor of slavery is to leave out a strip of half a degree in width on the South, so that if by chance Kansas should become free, this might still stand a chance for slavery. How he hated and despised Kansas for her efforts at freedom, and how under the cry, " We will subdue you," he opposed her, we have before mentioned, and is too nauseous a subject to bear more than an allusion to here. And now comes on the stage the Native Ame rican party then called Know-Nothings, and for stupidity of purpose a very appropriate name which party suddenly overwhelmed many parts of the country, and carried into Congress so many members that it held there a balance of power, TRUE TO HIS MISSION. 155 and for a long time prevented the election of a Speaker of the House. It is easily seen that this party is of necessity pro-slavery ; its candidate is avowedly so, and as it opposes the emigration and settlement here of persons of foreign birth, it would thus, as far as possible, check the flood of free laborers to the West, and keep it and all our unoccupied terri tory in a condition for easier competition on the part of the pro-slavery powers. It is indeed this very element of free labor, and elevated laborers, that is to give the final blow to slavery every where, and nothing therefore is more natural to the pro-slavery man than to resort to his usual artifice, coeval with weakness and wickedness, to arouse a prejudice against our foreign population, in order to prevent their accession to this element. Under the subtle and specious disguise of devo tion to Americans, enough of northern Eepubli- cans were hoodwinked to keep Mr. Banks for a long time out of the Speaker's chair, and finally to defeat Mr. Fremont for the Presidency. True to their instincts and the purpose of their mission, the Douglas Democrats, who have played no other part than to subserve Southern interests, and invent and palm off ingenious, but poor ex cuses, to the North, find Mr. Aiken's native Ame- 156 TRUE TO HIS MISSION ricanism so congenial to their purposes, that he gets their whole vote and comes within one of as many votes as Mr. Banks for the speakership. So indignant is Mr. Douglas that some mem bers of the American party from the North voted for Mr. Banks, that while he denounces the Northern portion of it, he assures us at the same time, as Mr. Crittenden and others, that his terms do not apply to the Americans South. Ameri canism North was offensive, but modified at the South with pro-slavery sentiments, it is so accept able that his party from the North can come in a body to the support for speakership of the Ame rican member from South Carolina. The same thing was continually repeated last winter in the contest for Speakership in which the Douglas party supported American members from the South, in order to defeat Sherman and Pennington. A. E. Boteler of Ya., W. N. H. Smith and J. A. Gilmer of N. C., H. Maynard of Tenn., and others were so supported. Mr. Douglas struggles hard to conciliate Northern men, under the idea that he does not make the extension of slavery and its protection in the ter ritories a political creed, and is, in this respect, separated from, and an object of persecution by, his political associates South, who have Mr.Breck- TRUE TO HIS MISSION. 157 enridge as an opposing candidate for the presi dency. Following him in his subtle windings, we find him still undeviating from his first love, and desperate as ever in his plottings to secure the ascendency of the pro-slavery party at every sacrifice of self and self-interest. For, as matters now stand, Mr. Breckenridge, with his pro-slavery platform, must get all or nearly all of the South ern States, but none of the Northern ones, and between him and Mr. Lincoln the latter must be elected. But Mr. Douglas must now step in with a view to get a few northern states, so as to defeat Lincoln's election by the people, and thus throw the election into the House of Eepresentatives where, with a little manipulation of the American states of Maryland, Tennessee, and North Caro lina, Mr. Breckenridge can be elected, as all the other slave states are in his favor, and California and Oregon, with their present delegation, may be relied upon for him. If Mr. Breckenridge is not elected by the House, no one will be, and Joe Lane, who will be made Vice-President by the Senate, will then become President, and it is known that, being a Northern dough -face, his pro-slavery isrn commends him equally with Mr. Breckenridge to Mr.Douglas. 158 . TRUE TO HIS MISSION. Everybody must see that the only effect, there fore, of Mr. Douglas running, must be to divert votes from Lincoln, so as to effect the election of Breckenridge by the House, or of Lane by the Senate to the presidency. And were he in earnest in his pretended oppo sition to them, his natural course would be, as he knows he cannot be elected himself, to withdraw from the contest and allow them to be defeated by Lincoln, when seeing the miscarriage of the pro-slavery creed the Breckenridge party might learn, through adversity, to conform to his Douglas's pretended standard, and support it as the only alternative of success in another contest. Such would be our advice to Mr. Douglas were we his friend, and wished to save him from utter and irretrievable mortification and disgrace. But it is evident any calamity to himself is of less importance than to the idol of his affections the pro-slavery cause ; and sink deep as he must, he will never despair of raising thereby Breckenridge or Lane to the presidency. This he expected to do of his own strength, but find ing it unlikely that he would carry a State, by which to defeat Lincoln, now he turns to his natural allies, in the pro-slavery work the Ame rican party for help. Hence the Union of the TRUE TO HIS MISSION. 159 Douglas and American parties in the state of New York, to carry that state against Lincoln, and, as we have shown, with no other view than to raise Breckenridge or Lane to the presidency an object evidently desirable to both these parties. Thus, affecting love for the foreigner, and a desire to extend his rights to the new territories, Mr. Doug las would marshal the Irish and German hosts to his standard merely to march them over to sub serve their natural and avowed enemies, the pro- slavery and native American party. We have heard the Irish accused of being led by their pas sions, and blinded easily by priests and dema gogues, so as to be brought to kiss the rod uplift ed for their affliction, and thus defeat measures otherwise effective for their amelioration. Will you justify this charge, and now plunge with Douglas into the pool of self-generated slime in which he delights to wallow, and inbreeding there the infection of the Douglas-Bell democracy, bear with you, ever after, that brand of self pollu- -tion, which shall render you not only unworthy of sympathy, but objects of abhorrence to those who now seek your own, and our national eleva tion ? Or will you unite with us as co-laborers to strengthen those hands, which, we are confident, are soon to become invested with this office of our 160 TRUE TO HIS MISSION. national elevation and redemption from its pre sent humiliation and disgrace before the enlight ened world? To the Americans of the Hunt, Brooks & Co. school we make no appeal such we know to be constitutional aristocrats. Envenomed at the loss of power their own Whig party had for sustaining an oligarchy, they actually see, in the aristocracy founded on property in u niggers," a still linger ing ray of hope for their futile schemes, to which they will cling with all the malignity and heart less infatuation of their natures. But those who four years ago believed Americanism meant some thing else than slavery, we invite to the ways of pleasantness and paths of peace, along which, with the cause of humanity, we intend to bear ABBA- HAM LINCOLN amid the chorus of our emanci pated Nation. September 11, 1860. IX. FITNESS FOE THE PRESIDENCY. " Is he capable, is he faithful, is he true to the Constitution ?" were the tests for office laid down by the great apostle of liberal statesmanship Thomas Jefferson. We propose to apply these tests to the candi dates for the presidency now before the people. To possess intelligence, so as to discriminate between right and wrong, and integrity to em brace and adhere to what is right, should seem to include all the considerations necessary to qualify a person for any trust or responsibility ; but in view of constitutional obligations this is not enough, and requires the third test of being true to the Constitution. This requirement laid down by Jefferson was found to be not gratuitous by his own political experience. He and the elder Adams were respectively at the head of opposing parties, and while he did not approve the policy 162 FITXEsS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. of his opponent, which had an illiberal and an aristocratic tendency, violative of the spirit, if not the letter, of our Constitution, he did not impute to him a want of either intelligence or integrity, for it was possible with Adams, as with many minds, both then and now, of the highest order and greatest purity, to regard certain measures of aristocracy, or inequality, necessary to the safety of a State ; a privileged party identified with the safety of a State, and dependent upon its prosperity, who are set to watch over and control those whose labor and industry constitute this prosperity, but whose virtues are assumed to be so low as to unfit them for self-control, and ren der them mischievous without the restraints irn posed by an upper class. This is the present position of many earnest, and we doubt not honest advocates of slavery ; and we are aware how hard our opponents now and in times past have striven to establish this principle in our free States. Mr. Jefferson assumed the opposite of this as his own political creed, and as the true spirit of our Constitution ; and the happy effects of his glo rious triumph may be taken as the index to the results we confidently anticipate as the issue to the struggle now impending. In considering Mr. Breckenridge upon the Jef- FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. fersonian standard, we find essential Iv necessary the third point : " Is he true to the Constitu tion ?" ^Ve do not need to examine the two first points to find exceptions : he may be capable, he may be faithful ; or, in other words, he may be intel ligent and honest, but we thoroughly scorn and revolt at his assumption th:it our Constitution car ries slavery into the territories, and requires Congressional protection there. In this he is not true to tf\e Constitution. Mr. Bell, as a pro-slavery man, is in the same attitude, and technically liable to the same objec tions. To this he adds the policy of opposing the migration and settlement of foreigners in our country, so as to prevent, as far as possible, the rapid settlement of the territories by free labor ers. Our Declaration of Independence denounces King Greorge III. that * He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States : for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturaliza tion of foreigners,*' which is precisely the attitude of Mr. Bell towards our territories, When we are ready to renounce the principles of the Decla ration of Independence, give up this glorious charter of freedom, and return to the rule of some 164: FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. George III. of England, then, and then only, will we greet Mr. Bell, his associates, and New York confederates as true, not to our Constitu- tution, but to some obsolete British Constitution, congenial to Native Americanism. Mr. Bell won a good name, and deserved thanks for his manly course in opposing the Missouri Compromise Re peal and the Lecompton Constitution, and we regret he is, by his present course, likely to for feit the esteem in which he has been held by the public evincing, indeed, questionable integrity in joining the Douglas party, which affects to despise the American party. But, as mentioned before by us, this is but a trick by which to get the foreign vote, through Douglas, to subserve the southern interest. To Mr. Douglas our test is so obviously inap plicable, that we turn with loathing and disgust from the attempt. When language has the use Richelieu ascribed to it, of being the means of disguising our thoughts, then will the terms capa ble, faithful, and true to the Constitution have their ironical application to Mr. Douglas. Degrade him from the chairmanship of the Senate Committee on Territories give him a spurious nomination for the Presidency and a sham support anything his Southern masters FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 165 may require, and he is happy, so long as thereby he can serve them ; no position too false, no hu miliation too deep for this labor of love : " Look down your head begins to swim, Still deeper yet that pleases him, If he can yet shout ' nigger.' " It only remains to consider our test in reference to Mr. Lincoln. That he has capacity is seen in the fact, that from an humble, if not obscure po sition, he has risen to the auspicious attitude he now holds, having in the course of this advance ment been placed in many important positions of trust and responsibility, and, as we said some time since, the capacity and fidelity evinced on these occasions secured to him so much confidence and affection, that bis friends persisted tenaciously and successfully in his nomination for the Presi dency. In the canvas of Illinois for the Senatorship, he offered to discuss the issues between himself and Mr. Douglas, before the people, to which Mr. Douglas relying upon his usual arrogance and im pudence, rather than upon force of argument, as sented, and they commenced the work of stumping the State together, but had not gone far when Mr. Lincoln's conservatism and candor confounded the false accusations made by Douglas of section- 166 FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. alism, and won him great popularity with the people. Thereafter Mr. Douglas refused to meet him in discussion. Upon this discussion, Mr. Ben jamin pro-slavery from Louisiana remarked, that it evinced sentiments which commended Mr. Lincoln to him over Douglas. The objection raised to Mr. Lincoln and his party is, that they are sectional ; and Mr. Douglas, Mr. Filmore, and others, at the North, clamor that he is not conci liatory enough towards slaveholders. Yet both these horror-struck alarmists, before becoming de moralized by a morbid malice and a mania for office were as much sectional as he ; both then sup ported the Wilmot proviso, and said hard things against slavery. Mr. Filmore, now a pro-slavery Bell man, in 1838 said he opposed the admission of Texas as a slave State, the slave trade between the States, and was in favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. Mr. Lincoln's crime is, that he will not stultify his integrity to play the (^magogue. He at this time opposed the passage, by the Illinois Legislature, of certain abolition resolutions, and entered his protest upon the journal, " that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its (slavery's) evils;" that Congress has no power over slavery in the States ; that though Congress FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 167 had power over the matter in the District of Co lumbia, " that power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the people of said Dis trict." It is this obvious integrity and sense of justice that commends Mr. Lincoln to his friends and conciliates his enemies. He is capable, he is faithful, and these views show that he is not amenable to the constitutional objections raised against him. In being opposed to the extension of slavery to the new territories, he is in entire concurrence with the sentiment of the framers of the Consti tution, who sought to free the Government from all complicity with slavery or any religious creed. They did so, and Mr. Lincoln, in following them, is true to the Constitution. To a private life of purity, he adds a public character of unspotted integrity and of consistency, and possessing highly practical abilities, we have in Abraham Lincoln a man of associations, cha racter, and habits eminently fitted for the Presi dency. For purposes of State policy our National Ex ecutive is invested with great power, both of direct authority and indirectly through his pa tronage. This has been totally prostituted to the slave interest, with all the moral influence, 168 FITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. happily now small, that could be forced into this service. " The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's con tumely, the pangs of despised love, the law's de lay (and perversion), the. insolence of office, and the spurns that patient merit, of the unworthy, takes," have all had their office in this pro-slavery work, till the corruptions of power on the one hand, and the debasement of servile men on the other, call aloud in agonizing tones, from rock, tree, hill, vale, and plain, and in impetuous echoes resound through the skies, with the demand for a reform, conspicuous of which the time and the man are at hand. Sept. 22, 1860 X. THE SECRET OF IT. THE causes of our national revolution, which separated us from the British Government, and which was formally initiated in our Declaration of Independence, in which these causes are so pathetically and eloquently recited, were under stood to consist in grievances too intolerable to be borne by men unwilling to be slaves, and to meet these grievances our forefathers of that day, under a sense of their own wrongs, rose to a height of. moral grandeur, seemingly above men, and with lips of fire boldly proclaimed the ina lienable rights of man, for which, with hearts of steel, they strove in the ensuing desperate, pro tracted, but triumphant struggle. The lofty sentiments with which they were inspired, the heroism with which they were sus tained, the sacrifices and pains they endured, and the glorious objects they accomplished, in effect- 170 THE SECRET OF IT. ing our independence, and the establishment of our Government, have all been exhaustless themes of our gratitude, for the inestimable favors thus secured to us. With such sacred appreciation have these favors been regarded, that the ark of the covenant our system of Government by which they have been transmitted to us has, till lately, been regarded as the summum bonum of our race, the lightest disaffection for which, or indifference, aroused our deepest abhorrence and scorn for the calloused susceptibilities that could find outside of it a com pensating good, adequate to the sufferings its loss or serious injury must impose. In contrast to this, we now find disunion of our Government, and disaffection for its priceless liberties, announced with pompous arrogance, as popular sentiments, and as the alternative of not having the national Government administered to the advancement of the institution of slavery. To an observer of current events, the secret is not that slave owners want more slaves, or slave States, as a means of making more secure and profitable this species of property ; for, upon ex amination, there is not a feature wanting on this head, which could be supplied by such means. The institution carries in itself the elements of THE SECRET OF IT deterioration and weakness to those who tolerate it, and has been at all times so characterized, and most pathetically so, by enlightened statesmen who are familiar with it. These, the graphic and prophetic effects of it, depicted by the im mortal Jefferson, should alone prove the word sufficient to wise men who would take heed how they hear. But it is the infatuation of the. times, and the unscrupulous selfishness of demagogues, that words of wisdom and suggestions of prudence the fruits of bitter experience are scouted as the mantling mist of stagnant fogyism, till misap prehension, perversion, and folly have brought us to the present state of absurd wrangling rather than dangerous antagonism. This state of deterioration and weakness, which is the inevitable concomitant of slavery, has na turally enough awakened alarm with those who tolerate it, for their own safety, and for that of the institution itself. The slave insurrection of 1832, showed their apprehensions well grounded, and the generous guarantees of support, both from the government, through the army and navy, and that volunteered from the North, gave every needed assurance of sympathy for the South, and earnest devotion to oar institutions. Happy if the South had seen and met these tilings in their 172 THE SECRET OF IT. true spirit ! But now start up uneasy politicians, who, Calhoun and Douglas-like, traffic on the gullibility of the people, and assume supernatural powers to foresee direful visions, portending dis aster to their darling pet of slavery, to which they affect such a devotion, overriding all other con siderations, as to evince the sure qualifications for office. This scheme succeeded so well, that no man could get to Congress or any other office, at the South, upon any other basis, and at once the hue and cry of " niggerism" is started, as the effective evidence of fealty to a deluded constituency. Upon this ground Southern men were insisted upon for the Presidency, as security on the one hand against unfavorable executive action towards slavery, and on the other, against executive pa tronage adverse to its interests. So uniform was Southern sentiment in these respects as to form in the main but one party, and therefore between the nearly equally divided Whig and Democratic parties North, that one was sure of political as cendency which should be found congenial to Southern sentiment. It is easily seen that in an earnest struggle a party had great inducements therefore to court this party of unanimous South ern sentiment, and in this effort both parties THE SECRET OF IT. 173 strove hard, but the Democratic party succeeded, by trimming party sails, and decking party lead ers, to suit their fastidious Southern allies. So patent was this scheme of success to party lead ers, that they of the North had only to sacrifice much of their party interests and principles, that by so doing, they pandered to Southern demands so as to secure an undivided support from that quarter. Ever since this policy was initiated by Calhoun, in behalf of the South, tricky political hucksters, North, have been playing at this game Mr. Yan Buren proclaiming himself a Northern man with Southern principles, so necessary were his south ern proclivities to attainment of office. And when, at times, Northern men become aroused to this imposition, and evince a disposi tion to revolt at it, the sacred ties and devotion to the Union, to which we alluded above, have no binding force for the South, but our Northern ears are dinned by our political scavengers and patent right Union saviours, with the dangers of dis union, and rhapsodies upon the value of the Union, its cost, and the consequences of its loss, till satis fied it can only be saved, and our political disor ders cured by their superior elixirpharmacy. In this way, for some time past, small men and poli- 174 THE SECRET OF IT. tical adventurers have gained position only to disgrace it, and render its patronage arid power subservient to the wishes of Southern men, who taking advantage of our susceptible devotion to the Union, have only to threaten us with disunion to raise an army of ready apology office-seekers, to sway us with their sophistries to the necessity of yielding. The Douglas and Bell men North, under their respective leaders, Douglas and Fil- more, are now in this condition, whining vagaries and unmeaning misgivings about the sectionalism of the Lincoln men, in order to coerce them into the -support of measures revolting to them. Mr. Douglas affects a show of independence, and thereby has subjected himself to the charge of sectionalism by his late Lecompton opposition, but this was a necessity to save some little force North, without which a united South could not save him. The secret, therefore, of the matter is, that upon a clamor for disunion on the part of the South, Northern men and parties, for sake of office and place, pander to this clamor, to the monopoly, by the South, of the patronage of the Government, and the swaying of executive power in its behalf; and the eternal cry of " nigger" is but the hollow pretence for this clamor. THE SECRET OF IT. 175 How well they have succeeded we have lately mentioned in part, and it is evident by the un blushing effrontery with which this trick is now pursued, but with an unscrupulous selfishness sure to defeat its own ends ; and thus, aside from the auspices of the occasion, we have a prophetic in dication of the return, at last, to the true policy of our Government. Sept. 29, 1860. XI. OUR GRIEVANCES. THE present prospect of the election to the Presidency of Abraham Lincoln again raises the cry of 1856 from the South against the election of a Republican President, that such an event will justify the Southern or slave States in sepa rating from the Northern or free States, and that, as a duty to their own rights and self-respect, they are determined to do it. In other words, the proposition literally stands, if the North, goaded by the arrogance of the South, backed by the sub serviency of the Government power to its pur poses, dares to assert its constitutional right of voting for and electing a Republican President, this shall constitute a grievance too intolerable to be borne, and disunion must follow. A fawning Pierce, sunk in truculency, figuratively emascu lates his person of manhood and his office of vir tue, a blear-eyed old hypocrite now occupying OUR GRIEVANCES. 177 the White House, whose visual obliquity corre sponds to that of his moral sentiments, falsifies his oath of office, his promises and obligations, in order to comply with the demands of the pro- ' slavery power, to which the North is required to submit, and tremblingly refrain from daring once to express opposition, on pain of disunion, with all the rage, revenge, hate, blood, thunder, dust, sword and destruction, to say nothing of smoke and gas, which shall overwhelm us as by magic from the wrath of the South. What grievances cause all this uproar, and what their remedies, we earnestly inquire. Com plaint is made that the people of the North will not give up slaves who escape from slavery and take refuge amongst them. Will disunion remedy this ? Will a Southern Confederacy have less dissatisfied slaves, or more power to silence these longings for freedom, and keep out those who excite this longing ? The Southern States possess all power now over these matters. But says the South, you are under constitutional obligations to give up fugitive slaves, and as you will not do it, we will save our self-respect and dignity by refusing a voluntary union with such faithless associates. Suppose this true, and a just cause for disunion, the question arises, Why 8* 178 OUR GRIEVANCES. is the election of Lincoln to determine this period for the vindication of a right long since due the South ? For it is not easy to see how a few more votes, by which Lincoln may be elected, are to change Northern sentiment on this question nor indeed are more votes wanted, comparatively for without the frauds in Illinois and Pennsylvania, at the last Presidential election, Fremont would have been elected. But according to admissions, this ground for disunion now exists, and has for a long time existed, and therefore the election of Lincoln can in no way aggravate this provoca tion. On this ground, disunion should have been under way before this time. Thus far our argu ment admits there are grounds of complaint upon this head ; but this we deny. In the earlier his tory of our Government, some rare instances of opposition to the recapture of fugitive slaves occurred, but no resistance. Not till after 1832, which dates the momentous era of slavery excite ment, did resistance arise, and an examination into the facts of the case will show about as many beams in the eyes of our Southern brethren, as there are motes of which they complain in those of our Northern people. This was the notorious period of those slave OUR GRIEVANCES. 179 insurrections of the secession nullification schemes of Calhoun, and his dogma of equal political power between the slave and non-slaveholding States. At this time several innocent persons from the North were seized and executed by mobs, for supposed abolition sentiments, and colored citizens of Northern States were, upon arriving at the South, seized and im prisoned. Judge Hoar was sent to South Carolina to pro secute there, before the United States Courts, the rights of the citizens of Massachusetts, but was forced to leave the State. No Government power here interposed to enforce constitutional rights. Here is a direct and open violation of the consti tutional provision that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immuni ties of citizens in the several States," and the courts, provided to enforce constitutional rights, are forcibly deterred from this discharge of their duties. Such discourtesies and want of faith, under the national compact, aroused more or less indignation at the North, and thereupon uprose the abolition organizations, which before had no existence, and which, upon aggravations of the occasion, assumed a strength of number and vio lence of temper which required the stern efforts 180 OUR GRIEVANCES. of conservative men to successfully oppose. Now, for a series of years, were occasional acts of resistance to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and though no more than due, by way of retaliation, upon the South for a want of fulfil ment of constitutional obligations to the rights of Northern citizens, it was not countenanced by any effective or uniform sentiment at the North, and when complaint was made by the South, our Congress-men admitted grounds for it, and an nounced readiness to adopt the needful remedies, and at once allowed the Southern members to form the present Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850 in the most severe terms, justifying objections made to it, that it gave means to kidnap, and through fraud and violence, force off into slavery free colored persons of the North. This has been done, and notwithstanding this revolting feature, the North acquiesced in this and other measures of 1850, as a final settlement of the slavery ques tion, and the attempts afterwards to capture fugi tive slaves were eminently successful. The election of Franklin Pierce followed in 1852, upon the basis of a firm adherence to the compro mises of 1850, and never, since the origin of the party were abolitionists, so weak and unpopular. It was a matter of notoriety that their conven- OUR GRIEVANCES. 181 tions, in the spring of Mr. Pierce's inauguration, had little attendance and no enthusiasm, and the party was dying out for want of countenance. In this state of quietude, returning confidence and fraternal feeling, is sprung upon us that infamous breach of good faith and act of national demo ralization, for which its ill-advised and unscrupu lous author, now seeking support for the Presi dency, deserves the unalterable execration of his race. The wanton repeal of the Missouri Com promise unavoidably aroused rage, indignation^ and distrust, which were soon manifest at the North by an indifference to adhere longer to any obligations on the slavery question towards those who utterly disregarded theirs ; and if, for some time, fugitive slaves could not be re captured, the South has only itself to blame for having unnecessarily aggravated this state of things. The Missouri Compromise averted disunion, and averting or abrogating it, restored disunion or the right of it in the opinion of many at the North. It was this revolutionary spirit that caused so much resistance to the recapture of Burns, in Boston, and upon the ground of revo lution, as j ustifiable, for we recognise the right of revolution, but not otherwise; for, if we are 182 OUR GRIEVANCES. to form a 'part of the Union, deriving our advantages from its existence, name, and power, we must fulfil our obligations to it, and therefore, as the North was not disposed to dissolve the Union on account of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, it had no right to withhold its duties under constitutional guarantees a political apo thegm we commend to the South at this time. Let us now view this question in connexion with its effects upon slavery. Slaves have, for a long time, been rising in value, and this, too, during the cry of a want of security, from Northern disregard of obligations, which would secure it. Property so insecure, as these alarmists would have us believe, would hardly rise thus in value. Moreover it is the far Southern States, where slaves are m'ost secure, and where there can be no complaint about the exe cution of the Fugitive Slave Law that clamor most about disunion, and not the border slave States, where, if anywhere, slaves escape to the free States. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Mis souri are not disunion States, nor do all the boasts of fiery fulsome fanatics hold out inducements to them to become so. All this hobby about the security of the "nigger" is therefore but a pre text, while the possession of Government offices, OUR GRIEVANCES. 183 and the control of Government power in behalf of the slave interest, are, as we have before sta ted, the real motives to these pretended griev ances. Oct. 18, I860. XII. DISUNION. UNDER the heading of " our grievances " we considered the main grievance complained of by the South, as the cause of disunion, and in con sidering further grievances we adopt, for our present heading, the consequence threatened, as the main object of our attentions. Our last article showed the aversion, on the part of the people of the North, to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, to have been provoked by the aggravations of the South, in doing vio lence to innocent persons from the North, and under an affectation of fear for the security of slaves, imprisoning, forcing off with many indig nities, and executing with mob violence her citi zens ; refusing to allow the United States Courts to discharge their constitutional duties, and cul minating in falseness to her plighted faith by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Pursuing DISUNION. 185 thus the suicidal course of provoking enemies to wards an institution that needs, for its perpetuity, no little zeal exerted to conciliate friends for it. If our Northern people are implicated in any inter ference with slavery in the South, we raise no objec tions to the severe measures of repression the Southern people may adopt, and this has recently been evinced by the uniform acquiescence, at the North, in the treatment adopted towards John Brown and his party in their Harper's Ferry in vasion. False and silly is the hue and cry against the whole North for this, as was also the assump tion of Virginia's pompous Governor that he pos sessed facts showing complicity therein of the leading men of the North. Upon the rights of Congress to exclude slavery from the territories, we, of the Eepublican party, are on the strong ground that Congress has repeatedly asserted and exercised this right, and that, even putting this exercise in abeyance, as in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, to which the South was committed in the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, and allowing the people of the territories to express their unbiased will, without fraud or vio lence, we shall obtain practically our wishes, for, in our enlightened age, the institution of slavery will not be adopted as a matter of choice. But 186 DISUNION. now, under- Southern demands, we must overturn our time-honored policy, to interpose by Congress and establish slavery against the will of the peo ple in the territories, upon the alternative of a separation, which, with characteristic blindness, must leave the Southern Confederacy without an inch of territory to extend slavery over. The tariff can no longer be a Southern hobby. The policy of free trade, so far as consistent with tariff for such revenues as are needed to meet the expenses of the Government, is our pretent prac tice substantially, and undoubtedly our true policy. These bugaboo screeches, about the calamity to the country of a Republican President, would have us believe that our President is invested with such absolute authority, that he can arbitrarily exercise it, at the behests of party, and impose such intolerable oppressions, that armed resistance is the only alternative of ignoble submission. Surely, if this is our state, we gained little by our revolution and separation from England, and our forefathers made a sad botch of our Constitution, in not providing against these evils. But this is not so; our forefathers adopted every precaution that the terms of language admit, and it is our painful reflection these terms, both in letter and DISUNION. 187 in spirit, have had their only violation in behalf of the pro-slavery interest. Some grounds of alarm might justly exist if a Republican President should usurp the unau thorized powers against slavery that have been assumed by the present and preceding adminis tration in its favor, and against which, and fur ther subserviency to the South by our sycophantic Presidents, we are told the North has no right of complaint. The great and growing power of executive patronage, already beyond the anticipations of the founders of our Government, and capable of sus taining a corrupt party policy, to some extent, against the wishes of the people, is a subject worthy of serious attention with a view to mea sures of restriction. It is, indeed, against these gross, base assumptions and abuses of executive power that the Eepublican party has arisen, and however provoked to retaliation, we pledge our party to constitutional and legal measures. And these measures, let us notify our Southern brethren, not by way of threat but of warning, we intend to enforce. As our brave Ohio Sena tor (Mr. Wade) said, " we submitted to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and remained in the Union in disgrace, not because we were weak and 188 DISUNION. needed it for support, but because we were strong, and could bear the indignity, under the conscious ness of strength available, in due time, to redress our wrongs, and restrain refractory members from fanatical suicide." We endured the Union, under oppression, because of our constitutional right of peaceful redress, and in doing so carry with us the power to bind it, in which we illus trate a principle which it will be our duty to enforce, that in going into an election of Govern ment officers which to our Government is the peaceful way of correcting abuses we commit ourselves to the moral obligation to abide the result, and we have no disposition to commit nor to tolerate a falseness and treachery that will not. From our Northern doughfaces, who tell us the South must have its way or the Union is not safe, we turn with loathing, and leave them to the ignominious oblivion to which their pusillanimity reduced them. As well say to the highwayman, " "We pay you tribute and will shield you from punishment if we may pass on in peace;" or to the ruffian who despoils our homes of peace and virtue, " we yield because we want no difficulty with you." To such we say we desire not your assistance, we fear not your opposition, bb- we sicken with ineffable shame and disgust that DISUNION". 189 American mothers ever nourished such unworthy sons. Our conclusion is, that the North shall fulfil its obligations on the one hand, and refuse a slavish submission to extravagant demands on the other, and that in this the South and the whole coun try have respectively the only grounds for safety and prosperity. The recent State elections give us the glorious promise that Mr. Lincoln will be our next President, and we pledge him to fulfil his constitutional obligations, but to withhold the executive powers from longer pandering to mor bid appetites and disastrous measures. October 20, 1860. XIIL OUK POLITICAL SUMMARY. IT is a consideration of great consolation, and one that, as man improves in his understanding, gives hope of an ultimately high destiny for him, that in all matters of faith and purpose, whether initiated by political or religious associations, there is an assumed integrity of motive, and a decent respect is paid to virtue by affecting a con formity to her dictates. Even in the outrageous measures of the pro-slavery party in our country, operating through their servile tools of the pre sent and past administrations of the general Government, to overturn the dictates of common sense and the experience of past ages, there has been the assumption, however bold and startling, that slavery was the natural and healthful state of society, contributing to its refinement and eleva tion so much that we must accept it as a social and political blessing. Upon this basis when OUR POLITICAL SUMMARY. 191 mankind shall no longer be subject to misrepre sentation, and diverted with specious delusions and plausible sophistries, he will set out upon the pathway of his highest prosperity and happiness. The progress of the present campaign for the Pre sidency gives a hopeful indication of an earnest search for this pathway, or one at least that may save him from the serious blunders committed in following the blind leaders of the Democracy. It is our purpose to point out this path, and encou rage our fellow-men to pursue it, and we here recur to the considerations that govern us, to the end that we may confirm in it those of the true faith, and point out the dangers of our heretical oppo nents who depart from it. Without alluding to the festering corruptions engendered by slavery in a community which tolerates it, we have opposed its extension into our territories because of its injurious effects upon the free laborer, and consequent diminution of the productions of labor. An appeal is made to pre judice against color, and to the offensive attitude of the abolitionists to charge us with being negro worshippers, Black Kepublicans, Abolitionists, &c. But with a consistency characteristic of the emanations of malice, we are told that the slave holders are the true friends of the negro, and by 192 OUR POLITICAL SUMMARY their system they are elevating the black race. The Kamschatkaian would tell us to give up our work-oxen, and use dogs in their place, and thus improve the race of dogs ; a morbid snaketamer would have us adopt snakes and lizards for domestic pets, because we thus improve their breed. To this we answer, we are not concerned with improving the black race, nor the breed of dogs and reptiles, any. further than such improve ment may contribute to the welfare and advance ment of our own race our cause is the white man, and not the negro nor the lower animals. We are told that the welfare of the whites at the South is advanced by slave labor and their wealth of late increased. We admit that the South has shared the great prosperity of our country for years past, but not a proportional prosperity to that at the North. They snarl, "Let us alone ; that is our concern not yours, and we will acquiesce in all the evils that slavery may entail upon us.'' Very well, we say, let us alone too. You may nurse a viper and get stung by it, but we protest that you shall not obtrude your viper upon us, against our will, nor require us to sustain you with the substance it is devouring from you. This you have been doing through the machinery of government, but we propose to modify the OUR POLITICAL SUMMARY. 193 workings of this machine. But, says the South, if you won't let the operations of the machine inure to our benefit exclusively, we will stop it, and turn upon you the innumerable and never- ending plagues of our offended wrath. We answer it is our purpose to operate the machine according to its original construction, putting in full play all its component parts and checking any eccentricities that might interrupt the har mony and success of its movements. This mis sion we commit to the Eepublican party, and, awaiting their execution of this trust, we set our selves at rest upon the final issue. October 27, 1880. 9 XIY. A. WORD TO THE BRETHREN. To those who, prompted by an integrity of purpose, possess the intelligence to determine and resolution to pursue the proper objects of our na tional well-being, we would address a few words in confidence upon impending events. Inspired with a confidence in the ultimate prevalence of almighty truth, party ties, personal affections, and promises of reward have not restrained the mani festations of your noble impulses, nor have fruit less labors, disappointment and defeat dismayed and subdued you. In the enjoyment of a conscious rectitude, you have a higher reward than any wages of compli ance with the demands of the pro-slavery Demo cracy can afford. Under these sentiments you unavoidably sprang into existence as a party, upon the iniquitous repeal of the Missouri Com promise and the unscrupulous measures of the Pierce Administration to establish slavery in A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. 195 Kansas. So strong were your numbers there was no doubt that the popular voice of all or nearly all the northern States was on your side, and but for the villanous frauds of your opponents in Illinois, Indiana, and Pennsylvania, your presidential can didate (Mr. Fremont) would have been declared (as in fact he was) duly elected. In the meantime, under the Buchanan dy nasty, you have met a more dogged and shame less opposition than that of the Pierce Adminis tration, and though the name of James Buchanan is justly held in universal contempt, it is difficult to see that it has become so other than in his per sistent subserviency to the pro-slavery cause. In the mean time your policy, both local, in Kansas, and national, in Congress, has substantial ly triumphed. You have rid yourselves of border- ruffian rule, and established the freedom of Kansas and this great commonwealth of Republicanism. Challenged to this field, you have struggled against the minions of slave oligarchy and the exe cutive power, and, spite of privations and sa crifices, have won a victory, which, in its conse quences, may bear comparison with the most signal triumphs in behalf of humanity, and should enrol you upon the roll of fame as the greatest benefactors of your race and nation, 196 A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. and transmit to an admiring and grateful poste rity, the record of your heroic virtues. Alike creditably to Gov. Seward and just to you, did he, in his Lawrence speech, bow before you in reverential acknowledgment of greater services done by you to the cause he had so much at heart, than by any other people. In vain are Governors, Judges, and other Federal appointments made to oppose you. However, prompted by hate of you, and subserviency to the appointing power, they dare no longer trifle with an injured and ex asperated people. In Congress your opposition to the establishment of slavery in Kansas, the Lecompton Constitution, the addition of Cuba to increase the pro-slavery power, the opening of the slave trade, and the venality of government offi cers, has had a gratifying triumph in the face of Executive opposition. And though this opposi tion defeated your beneficent homestead measure, you have forced upon your opponents in the Senate an acceptance of its principles. So doubly armed are you in this just quarrel, that your ene mies, so far from resisting you, are forced to assist in doing the drudgery of your campaign. Your principles therefore, through their own inherent virtues, have had a practical triumph, though the power and patronage of the Government have A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. 197 been in tne hands of your opponents, and used with every possible effect against you. You have labor ed hard, but successfully, and if, by the chances of the coming election, the candidates of your party do not succeed, you can well labor on and wait to behold the confusion and disgrace of your designing opponents, however vainly you must regret the misfortunes of the ignorant and weak who lend support to the very hands that bind them. Kansas by treachery, fraud, and violence, had been opened to slavery ; you sprang to save her, to save yourselves and the north from the dis grace of a craven spirit, that would allow the soil of Kansas, once consecrated to freedom by a sa cred compact, to be tamely submitted to the cold embraces of the taskmasters of slavery. Bleak were her then wintry plains, repulsive, savage, and murderous the ruffians with whom you had to contend, and portentous the frowning, opposing power of government ; but you hesitated not at them sufferings, sacrifices, and defeats could not deter you from your purpose. You turned in distress to those you supposed your natural allies and friends in the States. Your vain cry was met with rebuke, that your opposition to the arrogant demands of the South must break up the Union, as submission is the only way to preserve it ; 198 A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. and denunciations, as fanatical " Kansas Shriek ers," were the response to your appeal from those constitutional cowards, in whose behalf you were fighting, and who crown their baseness by as sisting to foist upon you a new and still more oppressive administration of the government. You struggled on with a zeal proportioned to the increasing opposition, and you have nobly triumphed. It is impossible you can again be placed under so many adverse circumstances, and the present indications are, that a returning sanity of our people will soon show a due appreciation of your position, and do you justice. If not, be not discouraged ; as we have shown, your candi dates may not get office and power, but your principles will have a practical success with the people, and your opponents will be placed in awk ward confusion with their own blindness and folly, " Then bear on, though thy repining eye See worthless men exalted high, And modest merit sink forlorn In cold neglect and cruel scorn. If disappointment fills the cup, Undaunted nobly drink it up ; Truth will prevail and justice show Ifer tardy honors, sure, but slow : Bear on, bear bravely on.' A WORD TO THE BRETHREN. 199 This you will do, and if only to encounter "here after reverses and opposition, you will know well how to deal with them, and find a satisfactory reward in the conscious rectitude of your con duct. You are told, if Lincoln is elected, you have to encounter a catalogue of woes, from the disunion of the South from the North and a bloody civil war. You are not to be frightened by what must be regarded as an idle threat, nor will you be unprepared if it should not prove idle. Your Kansas struggle will prove to have been a good school, and the result of it an ominous indication of what may be expected in an issue, where so many circumstances, heretofore in favor of the South, must now be turned against her. This, the last number of our paper before the election, and, as we hope, triumph of our party in the nation, makes these considerations appropriate to this occasion, and, in submitting them, we join with our illustrious patron of the cause of freedom in Kansas, and "bow in profound reverence before you, as we have never done to any other people - we salute you with gratitude and affection." November 3, 1860. XV. REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS. THE object of government is security against wrong, whether arising from our private or pub lic relationship. It is the duty of government to guarantee to all its subjects protection from injustice and fraud, and at the same time redress the grievances of society, and punish the aggres sions of lawless violence. When a government fails either from impotence or want of inclination to secure the rights and meet the equitable demands of society, it ceases to command the respect, veneration, and adher ence of all freemen. In a society favored with the wide diffusion of general information, the increased facilities of commercial and social intercourse, and the ameli orating influences of free institutions, the necessity of a powerful government and strict surveillance is obviated. A prompt and ready execution of REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS. 201 the laws, and vindication of justice is neverthe less an evidence of a just and efficient govern ment, and promotive of the happiness and wel- being of mankind. The policy pursued by the last two administra tions towards this Territory will brand them in the eyes of a discriminating nation as weak, hy pocritical, and false, while the impartial word of history will stamp them with its black broad seal of reprobation and condemnation. The history of Kansas will remain a foul blot on the annals of liberty, and condemn to ever lasting infamy the vile hordes of pro-slavery ruf fians who, in 1855, with armed violence, and im pending force, polluted the virgin soil of this, Freedom's fair heritage, invaded the polls, and struck down the rights and liberties of freeborn Americans, and sought to establish and perpetuate a reign of tyranny, oppression, and wrong ; while the administrations of Pierce and Buchanan, if they did not aid and abet, at least connived at these demonstrations of lawless violence, will ex cite in the bosoms of all law-abiding men a per petual loathing and disgust. The leading object of the Pierce and Bucha nan dynasties has been to establish the institution of slavery on a broad, national, and permanent 202 REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS. basis, and secure and perpetuate tbe ascendency in the Federal government, of an element of power, which, like a rapacious oligarchy, is sapping the foundations and absorbing the liberties of the la boring classes. Those peculiar leading measures of the Pierce administration, the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the authorship of which Mr. Douglas makes his boast, and which have yielded him the greater portion of his fame, and which will mark him in the eyes of posterity as a political intriguer, reveal, when viewed in the light of collateral facts and circumstances, a broad conspiracy, and deep-laid plot to betray, in all the territories, the constitu tional rights of freedom. Excluding altogether from our consideration the public avowals of leading Southern statesmen, who have controlled the Government during the last eight years, and interpreting the spirit and design of the Federal administration through the policy which it has persistently and assiduously pursued towards its pioneer citizens, we are led inevitably to this conclnsion. How else can we explain the manifest distaste and strenuous opposition of the administration, in 1856, to a public investigation of the outrages REPUBLICAN REFLECTIONS. 203 perpetrated in Kansas ? The greedy haste with which a pro-slavery and obnoxious constitution was sought to be forced on a protesting and in dignant people, and the repeated refusal by a Democratic senate to admit Kansas with a consti tution, the embodiment of her enlightened choice, and which, harmonizing with the Declaration of Independence, guarantees freedom to all ? These acts have been scrutinized by the eye of a discriminating nation ; and the spirit of a fear ful retribution has swept over the party under whose protecting shadow the reign of tyranny and violence in Kansas has been continued, and torn, and rent, and wrecked and precipitated it to ruin, while liberty in her mild glory and serene radiance prepares to mount the throne of the na tion. There may she live, and reign, and sway this vast Empire till the world shall end, and time's last note be heard sounding upon the trumpet of eternal doom. Nov. 10, I860. XYL OUR TRIUMPH. THANKS to the success of Kepublicanism in Kansas, we have telegraphs and presses to which we have been indebted for the early intelligence of the results of the election, which reached us, at this point, about forty-eight hours from the closing of the polls on election day. Our last week's issue announced the happy tidings to our rejoicing readers, that ABRAHAM LINCOLN and HANNIBAL HAMLIN were, on the 6th inst., elected to the respective positions of President and Yice -President of these United States, to which they had been nominated by the Kepublican party in Convention at Chicago. An undeviating purpose obstinate as it was cruel to subvert the framework of our national policy, and substitute therefor a gloomy pile, upon which, and tottering beneath its load, the hopes of humanity and the happiness of our people OUR TRIUMPH. 205 were to be sacrificed as a holocaust to slavery, has been resolutely pursued, for the last six years on the part of the advocates of slavery. Arrogant and domineering in spirit, and, through the pow ers of the general government, oppressive in man ners towards the people of the North, they claimed the right of rule, to which cowardly com merce and timeserving office-seeking politicians lent themselves, and to perpetuate this rule, every resort that art could devise, and fraud and force effect, has been adopted to this end. Oppressed through these long years of lonely darkness, the cohorts of freedom have struggled on to reach, at last, the daylight of deliverance which now dawns upon them. Thank you from the depth of our heart, beloved brethren of the North. We bow at your feet in humble acknowledgment of our gra titude due you for asserting your own and our manhood, unswayed by bribes, unintimidated by threats. We now rise to our proper level, and in catch ing the first rays of light and breath of deliverance, our impulse is one of unbounded joy, and we have hardly been able to do else than indulge our feelings and manifestations of delight. But we must reflect that, as we take our new position, we are involved in new duties and re- 206 OUR TRIUMPH. sponsibilities, and it becomes us, thus early, to reflect upon the proper discharge of them, to the end that we may justify our promises and the hopes of our race, and avoid the errors and follies which have swept the Democracy from existence, and made the name of it, as identified with the corrupt Buchanan, the seceding Breckenridge, and the compact-violating Douglas, a byword for all that is deceitful and unjust. OUR POLICY. Our policy should therefore be, to administer this government with equal justice and honor to all parties of the country, and not necessarily, as has been done for many years, in behalf of a class whose impudence and presumption corres pond to their idleness, incapacity, and poverty, and who, upon the capital of a few " niggers " at their command, claim all refinement and gentility of society, and a monopoly of the lucrative offices under the government. Pampered and spoiled by these indulgences, it is this class that has brought us our present troubles, to remedy which the Republican party has arisen ; and of course it follows, that to continue the same policy would defeat the purposes of the party, and still further exasperate the evils we seek to cure. What most OUR TRIUMPH. 207 we have wanted is a president who would do justice to the North, without being swayed by a senseless and false clamor that, by so doing, he would fail of justice to the South. So sensitive would some of our conciliatory presidents have been, that to avoid the charge of being partial to the North, they would have neglected to do it justice, in order to pacify the exacting and capri cious South. This was the apprehension concern ing Mr. Seward, and this feature of his character had much to do towards the defeat of his nomi nation. Nor would we indulge in any spirit of retaliation towards the South, in revenge for the gross injustice we have suffered at her hands. Our new President, we are confident, understands his mission in these respects. He should administer the Government himself, in accordance with the theory of our Government, and call the heads of the respective departments to their positions, to assist him, not govern him, correcting in this respect the awkward position of Mr. Buchanan, in which the heads of the dif ferent departments exercise their functions, and give orders in their own name, irrespective of the President, as though an independent power, therein, existed in them. The Secretary of the Treasury sends in his 208 OUR TRIUMPH. report, and urges upon Congress a tariff policy the very reverse of that recommended by the President. We fancy Secretary Cobb would have cut a sorry figure, as a cabinet minister of General Jackson, in opposing his views of state policy. Mr. Secretary Floyd indicates, irrespective of any known views of the President, that the mat ter of Disunion is in his hands, and that he is uncertain what is his duty, and how far he shall use the force of the army to prevent secession of Southern states, just as though this was exclu sively his office, and not that of the President. Mr. President Lincoln, the power is yours alone use it ; the responsibility yours discharge it ; and the reward due, either of praise or blame, shall be yours. Do not, Buchanan-like, timid ly shift upon your irresponsible secretaries a responsibility which devolves upon you alone. SLAVERY. Not to be disturbed where it now exists, nor to be abolished in the District of Columbia without the wishes of the people, and then by moderate degrees. The Fugitive Slave Law to be enforced in good faith ; the present law should not be changed to impair its efficiency in it. OUR TRIUMPH. 209 Slavery is not extended by our Constitution over the territories. On the contrary, they are free in the absence of law establishing slavery, and no such law should be made till a territory becomes a state, when she can, if it be the unbiased will of her people that will being expressed without force or fraud provide for slavery, and should not be refused admission to the Union on this account. Such we believe to be our true policy, and, so far as we understand, the views of our President elect DISUNION, however, threatens to become a great question for the solution of our new President and his party. If a state avails herself of the advantages of the Union, she should share the responsibilities of it. She grows in prosperity under the asgis of our laws and our protection ; shall she escape her share of our adversities, arising from war or debts unavoidably incurred ? Upon every principle of moral obligation, no state can of right withdraw from the Union, without the consent of the others, but by revolution. We prefer discreet measures of restraint and coercion on such an occasion ; but we doubt the probability of any necessity for them. XYL PKOPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. IN his late message to Congress, the President, after an elaborate discussion of the present threatening aspect of affairs in the southern states, and the absence in Congress of the constitutional power to compel the continued allegiance of the states to the General Government, proposes to pacify the slave states, and perpetuate the Union by a fresh sacrifice on the altar of slavery. Mr. Buchanan would have the North bow its knee, and worship again the imperious God of negro slavery. He would have another exhibition of craven submission to the exacting demands of ruthless oppression and despotic violence. The sway, and almost absolute control by the South of the Federal Government, has been broken, and because two or three little states fret, and fume, and kick like spoiled children, Mr. Buchanan is alarmed. " The grandest temple PROPOSED AMENDMENTS,