UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 mXVEBSlTY of CALIFORNU 
 
 AT 
 
 LOS ANGF,ii«ld 
 
 UBBAKX
 
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 r]V 
 
 THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON 
 
 Cr 
 
 ■■> ^T.v:^ 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE 
 
 r//E UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE 
 
 3 06'J 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES KINGSLEY, M.A. 
 
 WITH PREFACE, SV 
 PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER 
 
 |r0n^0it 
 
 MAC MILL AN AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK 
 
 1891 
 
 [All rights rese}~ved'\ 
 
 1^-^ "^ 3 G^7
 
 First Edition (Svo) 1864. 
 New Edition {Cmvn Svo) 1875. 
 Reprinted I'&'j^i, 1879, 1881, 1884, i85 
 N^ew Edition 1889, Reprinted \^<)\. 
 
 oxford: HORACE hart, printer to the university
 
 
 DFDICATED 
 
 TO 
 
 C^c ^i^nilcmcit of i\}t WimhtxBiin 
 
 WHO DID ME THE HONOUR 
 
 TO ATTEND THESE LECTT'RES.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Never shall I forget the moment when for 
 the last time I gazed upon the manly features 
 of Charles Kingsley, features which Death had 
 rendered calm, grand, sublime. The constant 
 struggle that in life seemed to allow no rest 
 to his expression, the spirit, like a caged lion, 
 shaking the bars of his prison, the mind striv- 
 ing for utterance, the soul wearying for loving 
 response, — all that was over. There remained 
 only the satisfied expression of triumph and 
 peace, as of a soldier who had fought a good 
 fight, and who, while sinking into the stillness 
 of the slumber of death, listens to the distant 
 sounds of music and to the shouts of victory. 
 One saw the ideal man, as Nature had meant 
 him to be, and one felt that there is no greater 
 sculptor than Death. 
 
 As one looked on that marble statue which 
 only some weeks ago had so warmly pressed
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 one's hand, his whole life flashed through one's 
 thoughts. One remembered the young curate 
 and the Saint's Tragedy ; the chartist parson 
 and Alton Locke ; the happy poet and the 
 Sands of Dee ; the brilliant novel-writer and 
 Hypatia and Westward-Ho ; the Rector of 
 Eversley and his Village Sermons ; the be- 
 loved professor at Cambridge, the busy canon 
 at Chester, the powerful preacher in West- 
 minster Abbey. One thought of him by the 
 Berkshire chalk-streams and on the Devon- 
 shire coast, watching the beauty and wisdom 
 of Nature, reading her solemn lessons, chuck- 
 ling too over her inimitable fun. One saw 
 him in town-alleys, preaching the Gospel of 
 godliness and cleanliness, while smoking his 
 pipe with soldiers and navvies. One heard 
 him in drawing-rooms, listened to with patient 
 silence, till one of his vigorous or quaint 
 speeches bounded forth, never to be forgotten. 
 How children delighted in him ! How young, 
 wild men believed in him, and obeyed him too ! 
 How women were captivated by his chivalry, 
 older men by his genuine humility and sym- 
 pathy ! 
 
 All that was now passing away — was gone. 
 But as one looked on him for the last time 
 on earth, one felt that greater than the curate.
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 the poet, the professor, the canon, had been 
 the man himself, with his warm heart, his 
 honest purposes, his trust in his friends, his 
 readiness to spend himself, his chivalry and 
 humility, worthy of a better age. 
 
 Of all this the world knew little; — yet few 
 men excited wider and stronger sympathies. 
 
 Who can forget that funeral on the 28th Jan., 
 1875, and the large sad throng that gathered 
 round his grave? There was the represen- 
 tative of the Prince of Wales, and close by 
 the gipsies of the Eversley common, who used 
 to call him their Patrico-rai, their Priest- 
 King. There was the old Squire of his 
 village, and the labourers, young and old, to 
 whom he had been a friend and a father. 
 There were Governors of distant Colonies, 
 officers, and sailors, the Bishop of his diocese, 
 and the Dean of his abbey ; there were the 
 leading Nonconformists of the neighbourhood, 
 and his own devoted curates. Peers and Mem- 
 bers of the House of Commons, authors and 
 publishers ; and outside the church-yard, the 
 horses and the hounds and the huntsman in 
 pink, for though as good a clergyman as any, 
 Charles Kingsley had been a good sportsman 
 too, and had taken in his life many a fence 
 as bravely as he took the last fence of all,
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 without fear or trembling. All that he had 
 loved, and all that had loved him was there, 
 and few eyes were dry when he was laid in 
 his own yellow gravel bed, the old trees which 
 he had planted and cared for waving their 
 branches to him for the last time, and the 
 grey sunny sky looking down with calm pity 
 on the deserted rectory, and on the short joys 
 and the shorter sufferings of mortal men. 
 
 All went home feeling that life was poorer, 
 and every one knew that he had lost a friend 
 who had been, in some peculiar sense, his own. 
 Charles Kingsley will be missed in England, 
 in the English colonies, in America, where he 
 spent his last happy year ; aye, wherever Saxon 
 speech and Saxon thought is understood. He 
 will be mourned for, yearned for, in every place 
 in which he passed some days of his busy life. 
 As to myself, I feel as if another cable had 
 snapped that tied me to this hospitable shore. 
 
 When an author or a poet dies, the better 
 part of him, it is often said, is left in his works. 
 So it is in many cases. But with Kingsley 
 his life and his works were one. All he wrote 
 was meant for the day when he wrote it. That 
 was enough for him. He hardly gave himself 
 time to think of fame and the future. Com- 
 pared with a good work done, with a good
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 word spoken, with a silent grasp of the hand 
 from a young man he had saved from mischief, 
 or with a ' Thank you, Sir,' from a poor woman 
 to whom he had been a comfort, he would have 
 despised what people call glory, like incense 
 curling away in smoke. He was, in one sense of 
 the word, a careless writer. He did his best 
 at the time and for the time. He did it with 
 a concentrated energy of will which broke 
 throuo-h all difficulties. In his flio^hts of ima- 
 gination, in the light and fire of his language 
 he had few equals, if any ; but the perfection 
 and classical finish which can be obtained by a 
 sustained effort only, and by a patience which 
 shrinks from no drudgery, these are wanting 
 in most of his works. 
 
 However, fame, for which he cared so little, 
 has come to him. His bust will stand in West- 
 minster Abbey, in the Chapel of St. John the 
 Baptist, by the side of his friend, Frederick 
 Maurice ; and in the Temple of Fame which 
 will be consecrated to the period of Victoria 
 and Albert, there will be a niche for Charles 
 Kingsley, the author of Alton Locke and 
 Hypatia. 
 
 Sooner or later a complete edition of his 
 works will be wanted, though we may doubt 
 whether he himself would have wished all his
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 literary works to be preserved. From what 
 I knew of him and his marvellous modesty, 
 I should say decidedly not. I doubt more 
 especially, whether he would have wished the 
 present book, The Roman and the Teuton, to 
 be handed down to posterity. None of his 
 books was so severely criticised as this volume 
 of Lectures, delivered before the University of 
 Cambridge, and published in 1864. He him- 
 self did not republish it, and it seems impos- 
 sible to speak in more depreciatory terms of 
 his own historical studies than he does himself 
 again and again in the course of his lectures. 
 Yet these lectures, it should be remembered, 
 were more largely attended than almost any 
 other lectures at Cambridge. They produced 
 a permanent impression on many a young mind. 
 They are asked for again and again, and when 
 the publishers wished for my advice as to the 
 expediency of bringing out a new and cheaper 
 edition, I could not hesitate as to what answer 
 to give. 
 
 I am not so blinded by my friendship for 
 Kingsley as to say that these lectures are 
 throughout what academical lectures ought to 
 be. I only wish some one would tell me what 
 academical lectures at Oxford and Cambridge 
 can be, as long as the present system of
 
 PREFACE. xi 
 
 teachine and examinino; is maintained. It is 
 easy to say what these lectures are not. They 
 do not profess to contain the results of long 
 continued original research. They are not 
 based on a critical appreciation of the au- 
 thorities which had to be consulted. They 
 are not well arranged, systematic or complete. 
 All this the suddenly elected professor of his- 
 tory at Cambridge would have been the first 
 to grant. * I am not here/ he says, ' to teach 
 you history. I am here to teach you how to 
 teach yourselves history.' I must say even 
 more. It seems to me that these lectures 
 were not always written in a perfectly im- 
 partial and judicial spirit, and that occasionally 
 they are unjust to the historians who, from no 
 other motive but a sincere regard for truth, 
 thought it their duty to withhold their assent 
 from many of the commonly received state- 
 ments of mediaeval chroniclers. 
 
 But for all that, let us see what these 
 Lectures are, and whether there is not room 
 for them by the side of other works. First 
 of all, according to the unanimous testimony 
 of those who heard them delivered at Cam- 
 bridge, they stirred up the interest of young 
 men, and made them ask for books which 
 Undergraduates had never asked for before
 
 xii PREFACE. 
 
 at the University libraries. They made many 
 people who read them afterwards, take a new 
 interest in old and half-forgotten kings and 
 battles, and they extorted even from unfriendly 
 critics the admission that certain chapters, such 
 as, for instance, * The Monk as a Civiliser,' 
 displayed in an unexpected way his power 
 of appreciating the good points in characters, 
 otherwise most antipathic to the apostle of 
 Manly Christianity. They contain, in fact, 
 the thoughts of a poet, a moralist, a poli- 
 tician, a theologian, and, before all, of a 
 friend and counsellor of young men, while 
 reading for them and with them one of the 
 most awful periods in the history of man- 
 kind, the agonies of a dying Empire and the 
 birth of new nationalities. History was but 
 his text, his chief aim was that of the teacher 
 and preacher, and as an eloquent interpreter 
 of the purposes of history before an audience 
 of young men to whom history is but too often 
 a mere succession of events to be learnt by 
 heart, and to be ready against periodical ex- 
 aminations, he achieved what he wished to 
 achieve. Historians by profession would na- 
 turally be incensed at some portions of this 
 book, but even they would probably admit by 
 this time, that there are in it whole chapters
 
 PREFACE. xiii 
 
 full of excellence, telling passages, happy de- 
 lineations, shrewd remarks, powerful outbreaks 
 of real eloquence, which could not possibly be 
 consigned to oblivion. 
 
 Nor would it have been possible to attempt 
 to introduce any alterations, or to correct what 
 may seem to be mistakes. The book is not 
 meant as a text-book or as an authority, any 
 more than Schiller's History of the Thirty Years' 
 War ; it should be read in future, as what it was 
 meant to be from the first, Kingsley's thoughts 
 on some of the moral problems presented by 
 the conflict between the Roman and the Teu- 
 ton. One cannot help wishing that, instead of 
 lectures, Kingsley had given us another novel, 
 like Hypatia, or a real historical tragedy, a 
 Dietrich von Bern, embodying in living charac- 
 ters one of the fiercest struggles of humanity, 
 the death of the Roman, the birth of the Ger- 
 man world. Let me quote here what Bunsen 
 said of Kingsley's dramatic power many years 
 ago: 
 
 ' I do not hesitate (he writes) to call these 
 two works, the Sainfs Tragedy and Hypatia, 
 by far the most important and perfect of this 
 genial writer. In these more particularly I 
 find the justification of a hope which I beg 
 to be allowed to express — that Kingsley might
 
 xiv PREFACE. 
 
 continue Shakspeare's historical plays. I have 
 for several years made no secret of it, that 
 Kingsley seems to me the genius of our 
 century, called to place by the side of that 
 sublime dramatic series from King John to 
 Henry VIII, another series of equal rank, 
 from Edward VI to the Landing of William 
 of Orange. This is the only historical develop- 
 ment of Europe which unites in itself all vital 
 elements, and which we might look upon with- 
 out overpowering pain. The tragedy of St. 
 Elizabeth shows that Kingsley can grapple, 
 not only with the novel, but with the more 
 severe rules of dramatic art. And Hypatia 
 proves, on the largest scale, that he can dis- 
 cover in the picture of the historical past, the 
 truly human, the deep, the permanent, and 
 that he knows how to represent it. How, 
 with all this, he can hit the fresh tone of 
 popular life, and draw humourous characters 
 and complications with Shakspearian energy, is 
 proved by all his works. And why should he 
 not undertake this o^reat task ? There is a time 
 when the true poet, the prophet of the pre- 
 sent, must bid farewell to the questions of the 
 day, which seem so great because they are so 
 near, but are, in truth, but small and unpoetical. 
 He must say to himself, " Let the dead bury
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 their dead" — and the time has come that Kings- 
 ley should do so.' 
 
 A great deal has been written on mistakes 
 which Kingsley was supposed to have made 
 in these Lectures, but I doubt whether these 
 criticisms were always perfectly judicial and 
 fair. For instance, Kingsley's using the name 
 of Dietrich, instead of Theodoric, was repre- 
 sented as the very gem of a blunder, and some 
 critics went so far as to hint that he had taken 
 Theodoric for a Greek word, as an adjective 
 of Theodorus. This, of course, was only meant 
 as a joke, for on page 120 Kingsley had said, 
 in a note, that the name of Theodoric^ TJieu- 
 deric, Dietrich, signifies 'king of nations.' He 
 therefore knew perfectly well that Theodoric was 
 simply a Greek adaptation of the Gothic name 
 Theode-reiks, theod meaning people, reiks, accord- 
 ing to Grimm, princcps \ But even if he had 
 called the king Theodorus, the mistake would 
 not have been unpardonable, for he might have 
 appealed to the authority of Gregory of Tours, 
 who uses not only Theodoricus, but also Theo- 
 dorus, as the same name. 
 
 A more serious charge, however, was brought 
 against him for having used the High-German 
 form Dietrich, instead of the original form Theo- 
 
 * Grimm, Grammatik, ii. p. 516.
 
 xvi PREFACE. 
 
 dereiks or Theoderic, or even Theodoric. Should 
 I have altered this ? I believe not ; for it is 
 clear to me that Kingsley had his good reasons 
 for preferring Dietrich to Theodoric. 
 
 He introduces him first to his hearers as 
 * Theodoric, known in German song as Dietrich 
 of Bern.' He had spoken before of the Visi- 
 Gothic Theodoric, and of him he never speaks 
 as Dietrich. Then, why should he have adopted 
 this High-German name for the great Theo- 
 doric, and why should he speak of Attila too 
 as Etzel ? 
 
 One of the greatest of German historians, 
 Johannes von Miiller, does the same. He 
 always calls Theodoric, Dietrich of Bern ; and 
 though he gives no reasons for it, his reasons 
 can easily be guessed. Soon after Theodoric's 
 death, the influence of the German legends on 
 history, and of history on the German legends, 
 became so great that it was impossible for a 
 time to disentangle two characters, originally 
 totally distinct, viz. Thjodrekr of the Edda, the 
 Dietrich of the German poetry on one side, 
 and the King of the Goths, Theodoric, on the 
 other. What had long been said and sung 
 about Thj6drekr and Dietrich was believed to 
 have happened to King Theodoric, while at the 
 same time historical and local elements in the
 
 PREFACE. xvii 
 
 life of Theodoric, residing at Verona, were 
 absorbed by the legends of Thjddrekr and 
 Dietrich. The names of the legendary hero 
 and the historical king were probably identical, 
 though even that is not quite certain ^ ; but at 
 all events, after Theodoric's death, all the nu- 
 merous dialectic varieties of the name, whether 
 in High or in Low-German, were understood 
 by the people at large, both of the hero and of 
 the king. 
 
 Few names have had a laro;er number of 
 alias'. They have been carefully collected by 
 Graff, Grimm, Forstemann, Pott, and others. 
 I here give the principal varieties of this name, 
 as actually occurring in MSS., and arranged 
 according to the changes of the principal 
 consonants : — 
 
 (i) With TJi — d : Theudoricus, Theudericus, 
 Qevhipfxps, QeobepLxos, Thiodiricus, Thio- 
 dericus, Thiodric, Thiodricus, Thiodrih, 
 Theodoricus, Theodericus, Theoderic, Theo- 
 drich, Thiadric, Thiadrich, Thiedorik, Thie- 
 deric, Thiederik, Thiederich, Thiedorich, 
 Thiedric, Thiedrich, Thideric, Thiederich, 
 Thidrich, Thodericus, Thiaedric, Thieo- 
 derich, Thederich, Thedric. 
 (2) With T — d : Teudericus, Teudricus, Tio- 
 dericuSj Teodoricus, Teodericus, Teodric, 
 ' See Grimm, Grammatik, (2nd edit.) vol. i. p. loS ; vol. ii. p. 581.
 
 xviii PREFACE. 
 
 Teodrlch, Tiadric, Tiedrik, Tiedrich, Tie- 
 dric^ Tidericus, Tiderich, Tederich. 
 
 (3) With D — d : AeuSoptf, Diodericus, Deo- 
 
 derich, Deodrich^ Diederich, Diderich. 
 
 (4) With T/i — / : Thiotiricus, Thiotirih, Thio- 
 
 tiricus, Thiotrih, Theotoricus, Theotericus, 
 Theoterih, Theotrih, Theotrich, Thiatric, 
 Thieterich, Thietrih^ Thietrich, Theatrih. 
 
 (5) With T — i : Teutrich, Teoterih, Teotrich 
 
 Teotrih, Tieterich, Teatrih, Tiheiterich. 
 
 (6) With D — / : Dioterih, Diotericus, Diotricus, 
 
 Deotrich, Deotrih, Dieterih, Dieterich, Die- 
 trichj Diterih^ Ditricus. 
 
 (7) With T/i—t/i : Theotherich, Theothirich. 
 
 (8) With T—t/i : deest. 
 
 (9) With D—th : Dietherlch. 
 
 It is quite true that, strictly speaking, the 
 forms with Th — d, are Low-German, and those 
 with D — t, High-German, but before we trust 
 ourselves to this division for historical purposes, 
 we must remember three facts : (i) that Proper 
 Names frequently defy Grimm's Law ; (2) that 
 in High-German MSS. much depends on the 
 locality in which they are written ; (3) that 
 High-German is not in the strict sense of the 
 word a corruption of Low-German, and, at all 
 events, not, as Grimm supposed, chronologically
 
 PREFACE. xix 
 
 posterior to Low-German, but that the two are 
 parallel dialects, like Doric and Aeolic, the 
 Low-German being represented by the earliest 
 literary documents, Gothic and Saxon, the High- 
 German asserting its literary presence later, not 
 much before the eighth century, but afterwards 
 maintaining its literary and political supremacy 
 from the time of Charlemagne to the present 
 day. 
 
 When Theodoric married Odeflede, the 
 daughter of Childebert, and a sister of Chlod- 
 wig, I have little doubt that, at the court of 
 Chlodwig or Clovis, his royal brother-in-law was 
 spoken of in conversation as Dioterih, although 
 in official documents, and in the history of 
 Gregory of Tours, he appears under his 
 classical name of Theodoricus, in Jornandes 
 Theodericus. Those who, with Grimm\ admit a 
 transition of Low into High-German, and deny 
 that the change of Gothic Th into High-German 
 D took place before the sixth or seventh century, 
 will find it difficult to account, in the first cen- 
 tury, for the name of Deudorix, a German 
 captive, the nephew of Melo the Sigambrian, 
 mentioned by Strabo^. In the oldest German 
 
 ^ Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. p. 232. 
 ^ Forstemann mentions a Latin inscription of the third century found 
 near Wiesbaden, with the Dative Toutiorigi. 
 
 b 2
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 poem In which the name of Dietrich occurs, the 
 song of Hildebrand and Hadebrand, written 
 down in the beginning of the ninth century^, we 
 find both forms, the Low-German Tlicotrih, 
 and the High-German Dcotrlh^ used side by 
 side. 
 
 Very soon, however, when High -German 
 became the more prevalent language in Ger- 
 many, German historians knew both of the old 
 legendary hero and of the Ost-gothic king, 
 by one and the same name, the High-German 
 Dietrich. 
 
 If therefore Johannes von M tiller spoke of 
 Theodoric of Verona as Dietrich von Bern, he 
 simply intended to carry on the historical tra- 
 dition. He meant to remind his readers of the 
 popiflar name which they all knew, and to tell 
 them, — This Dietrich with whom you are all 
 acquainted from your childhood, this Dietrich 
 of whom so much is said and sung in your 
 legendary stories and poems, the famous Die- 
 trich of Bern, this is really the Theoderic, the 
 first German who ruled Italy for thirty-three 
 years, more gloriously than any Roman Em- 
 peror before or after. I see no harm in this, as 
 long as it is done on purpose, and as long as the 
 
 ' German Classics, by M. M. p. 12.
 
 PREFACE. xxi 
 
 purpose which Johannes von Miiller had in his 
 mind, was attained. 
 
 No doubt the best plan for an historian to 
 follow is to call every man by the name by 
 which he called himself Theodoric, we know, 
 could not write, but he had a gold plate ^ 
 made in which the first four letters of his name 
 were incised, and when it was fixed on the 
 paper, the King drew his pen through the 
 intervals. Those four letters were 0EOA, and 
 though we should expect that, as a Goth, he 
 would have spelt his name Thiudereik, yet we 
 have no right to doubt, that the vowels were eo, 
 and not iu. But again and again historians 
 spell proper names, not as they were written by 
 the people themselves, but as they appear in the 
 historical documents through which they became 
 chiefly known. We speak of Plato, because we 
 have Roman literature between us and Greece. 
 American names are accepted in history through 
 a Spanish, Indian names through an English 
 medium. The strictly Old High-German form 
 of Carolus Magnus would be Charal, A. S. Carl ; 
 yet even in the Oaths of Strassburg (842) the 
 name appears as Karlus and as Karl, and has 
 
 * Anonym. Valesian. ad calcem Ann. Marcellin. p. 722 Gibbon, 
 cap. xxxix ; now known, through Mommsen, as the Annals of Ravenna.
 
 xxii PREFACE. 
 
 remained so ever since \ In the same document 
 we find Ludher for Lodiar, Ludhuwig and Lod- 
 hiivig for Ludovicus, the oldest form being 
 Chlodowich : and who would lay down the law, 
 which of these forms shall be used for historical 
 purposes ? 
 
 I have little doubt that Kingsley's object in 
 retaining the name Dietrich for the Ost-gothic 
 king was much the same as Johannes von 
 MllUer's. You know, he meant to say, of 
 Dietrich of Bern, of all the wonderful things 
 told of him in the Nibelunge and other German 
 poems. Well, that is the Dietrich of the 
 German people, that is what the Germans 
 themselves have made of him, by transferring 
 to their great Gothic king some of the most 
 incredible achievements of one of their oldest 
 legendary heroes. They have changed even 
 his name, and as the children in the schools of 
 Germany ^ still speak of him as their Dietrich 
 von Bern, let him be to us too Dietrich, not 
 
 ^ Grimm thinks that Charle-maigne and Charlemagne were originally 
 corruptions of Karlo-man, and were interpreted later as Carolus magnus. 
 Grimm, Grammatik, ii. 462 ; iii. 320. 
 
 ^ Weber, Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte, § 245 : ' Bei Verona von Theo- 
 derich (daher Dietrich von Bern) besiegt, barg sich Odoaker hinter die 
 Mauern von Ravenna.' It is much more objectionable when Simrock 
 in his translation of the Edda renders Thjodrekr by Dietrich, though he 
 retains Theodolf and similar names. But it shows at the same time 
 the wide popularity of that name.
 
 PREFACE. xxiii 
 
 simply the Ost-gothic Theoderic, but the 
 German Dietrich, 
 
 I confess I see no harm in that, though a 
 few words on the strange mixture of legend and 
 history might have been useful, because the case 
 of Theodoric is one of the most luculent testi- 
 monies for that blending of fact and fancy in 
 strictly historical times which people find it so 
 difficult to believe, but which offers the key, 
 and the only true key, for many of the most 
 perplexing problems, both of history and of 
 mythology. 
 
 Originally nothing could be more different 
 than the Dietrich of the old legend and the 
 Dietrich of history. The former is followed by 
 misfortune through the whole of his life. He 
 is oppressed in his youth by his uncle, the 
 famous Ermanrich^; he has to spend the greater 
 part of his life (thirty years) in exile, and only 
 returns to his kingdom after the death of his 
 enemy. Yet whenever he is called Dietrich of 
 Bern, it is because the real Theodoric, the 
 most successful of Gothic conquerors, ruled at 
 Verona. When his enemy was called Otacher, 
 instead of Sibich, it is because the real Theo- 
 doric conquered the real Odoacer. When the 
 
 * Grimm, Heldensage, p. 344.
 
 xxiv PREFACE. 
 
 king, at whose court he passes his years of 
 exile, is called Etzel, it is because many Ger- 
 man heroes had really taken refuge in the camp 
 of Attila. That Attila died two years before 
 Theodoric of Verona was born, is no difficulty 
 to a popular poet, nor even the still more 
 glaring contradiction between the daring and 
 ferocious character of the real Attila and the 
 cowardice of his namesake Etzel, as represented 
 in the poerrwof the Nibelunge. Thus was legend 
 quickened by history. 
 
 On the other hand, if historians, such as 
 Gregory I (Dial. iv. 36) \ tell us that an 
 Italian hermit had been witness in a vision to 
 the damnation of Theodoric, whose soul was 
 plunged, by the ministers of divine vengeance, 
 into the volcano of Lipari, one of the flaming 
 mouths of the infernal world, we may recognise 
 in the heated imagination of the orthodox monk 
 some recollection of the mysterious end of the 
 legendary Dietrich 2. Later on, the legendary and 
 the real hero were so firmly welded together 
 
 ' Gibbon, chap, xxxix. sub fin. 
 
 * Otto von Freising, in the first half of the twelfth century (Chro- 
 nicon 5, 3), takes the opposite view, and thinks the fable derived from 
 history : ' Ob ea non multis post diebus, xxx imperii sui anno, subitanea 
 morte rapitur ac juxta beati Gregorii dialogum (4, 36) a Joanne et 
 Symmacho in Aetnam praecipitatus, a quodam homine Dei cernitur. 
 Hinc puto fabulam illam traductam, qua vulgo dicitur : Theodoricus 
 vivus equo sedens ad inferos descendit.
 
 PREFACE. XXV 
 
 that, as early as the twelfth century, chroniclers 
 are at their wits' end how to reconcile facts 
 and dates. 
 
 Ekkehard, in his Chronicon Universale \ 
 which ends 1126 a. d., points out the chrono- 
 logical contradiction between Jornandes, who 
 places the death of Ermanrich long before 
 Attila, and the popular story which makes him 
 
 ' Grimm, Deutsche Heldensage, p. 36. Chronicon Urspergense, 85" : 
 Haec Jordanis qiiidam grammaticus, ex eorundem stirpe Gothorum 
 progenitus, de Getarum origine et Amalorum nobilitate non omnia, 
 quae de eis scribuntur et referuntur, ut ipse dicit, complexus exaravit, 
 sed brevius pro rerum notitia huic opusculo inseruimus. His perlectis 
 diligenterque perspectis perpendat, qui discernere noverit, quomodo 
 illud ratum teneatur, quod non solum vidgari fabulatione et canlilenanim 
 modiilatione usitatur, verum etiam in quibusdam chronicis annotatur ; 
 scilicet quod Hermenricus tempore Martiani principis super omnes 
 Gothos regnaverit, et Theodoricum Dietmari Jilhan, patruelem stnim, ut 
 dicunt, instimulante Odoacre, item, ut ajunt, patruele siio de Verona piilsum, 
 apud Attilam Httnorum regent exulare coegerit, cum historiographus 
 narret, Ermenricum regem Gothorum multis regibus dominantem tem- 
 pore Valentiniani et Valentis fratrum regnasse et a diiohus fratrihus 
 Saro et Ammio, quos conjicimus eos fuisse, qui vulgariter Sarelo et 
 Hamidiecus dicuntur, vulneratum in primordio egressionis Hunorum per 
 Maeotidem paludem, quibus rex fuit Valamber, tam vulneris quam 
 Hunorum irruptionis dolore defunctum fuisse, Attilam vero postea 
 ultra Lxx annos sub Martiano et Valentiniano cum Romanis et Wisi- 
 gothis Aetioque duce Romanorum pugnasse et sub eisdem principibus 
 regno vitaque decessisse. . . . Hinc rerum diligens inspector per- 
 pendat, quomodo Ermenricus Theodoricum Dietrnari filium apud Attilam 
 exulare coegerit, cum juxta hunc historiographum contemporalis ejus 
 non fuit. Igitur aut hie falsa conscripsit, aut vulgaris opinio fallitur et 
 fallit, aut alius Ermenricus et alius Theodoricus dandi sunt Attilae con- 
 temporanei, in quibus hujus modi rerum convenientia rata possit haberi. 
 Hie enim Ermenricus longe ante Attilam legitur defunctus.
 
 xxvi PREFACE. 
 
 and Dietrich, the son of DIetmar, his contem- 
 poraries. 
 
 Otto von Frelsing i, in the first half of the 
 twelfth century, expresses the same perplexity 
 when he finds that Theodoric is made a con- 
 temporary of Hermanricus and Attila, though 
 it is certain that Attila ruled long after Her- 
 manrlc, and that, after the death of Attila, 
 Theodoric, when eight years old, was given 
 by his father as a hostage to the emperor 
 Leo. 
 
 Gottfried von Vlterbo^, in the second half 
 of the twelfth century, expresses his difficulties 
 in similar words. 
 
 All these chroniclers who handed down the 
 historical traditions of Germany were High- 
 Germans, and thus it has happened that In 
 Germany Theodoric the Great became Die- 
 trich, as Strataburgum became Strassburg, or 
 Turicum, Zurich. Whether because English 
 
 ' Chronicon, 5, 3 : Quod autem rursum narrant, eum Hermanarico 
 Attilaeque contemporaneum fuisse, omnino stare non potest, dum At- 
 tilam longe post Hermanaricum constat exercuisse tyrannidem istiimque 
 post mortem Attila e octennem a patre obsidem Leoni Augusto 
 traditum. 
 
 ^ Chronicon, 16, 481 : Quod autem quidam dicunt, ipsum Theodo- 
 ricum fuisse Hermenrico Veronensi et Attilae contemporaneum, non est 
 verum. Constat enim Attilam longe post Hermenricum fuisse Theo- 
 doricum etiam longe post mortem Attilae, quum esset puer octennis, 
 Leoni imperatori in obsidem datum fuisse.
 
 PREFACE. xxvii 
 
 belongs to the Low German branch, it is less 
 permissible to an English historian than to a 
 German to adopt these High-German names, 
 I cannot say : all I wished to point out was 
 that there was a very intelligible reason why 
 Kingsley should have preferred the popular 
 and poetical name of Dietrich, even though 
 it was High-German, either to his real Gothic 
 name, Theodereik, or to its classical metamor- 
 phosis, Theodoricus or Theodorus. 
 
 Some other mistakes, too, which have been 
 pointed out, did not seem to me so serious as 
 to justify their correction in a posthumous 
 edition. It was said, for instance, that Kings- 
 ley ought not to have called Odoacer and 
 Theodoric, Kings of Italy, as they were only 
 lieutenants of the Eastern Caesar. Cassio- 
 dorus, however, tells us that Odoacer assumed 
 the name of king (nomen regis Odoacer as- 
 sumpsit), and though Gibbon points out that 
 this may only mean that he assumed the ab- 
 stract title of a king, without applying it to 
 any particular nation or country, yet that great 
 historian himself calls Odoacer, King of Italy, 
 and shows how he was determined to abolish 
 the useless and expensive office of vicegerent 
 of the emperor. Kingsley guesses very in- 
 geniously, that Odoacer's assumed title. King of
 
 xxviii PREFACE. 
 
 nations, may have been the Gothic Theode-reiks, 
 the very name of Theodoric. As to Theodoric 
 himself, Kingsley surely knew his real status, 
 for he says : * Why did he not set himself up 
 as Caesar of Rome ? Why did he always con- 
 sider himself as son-in-arms, and quasi-vassal 
 of the Caesar of Constantinople ?' 
 
 Lastly, in speaking of the extinction of the 
 Western Empire with Romulus Augustulus, 
 Kingsley again simply followed the lead of 
 Gibbon and other historians ; nor can it be said 
 that the expression is not perfectly legitimate, 
 however clearly modern research may have 
 shown that the Roman Empire, though dead, 
 lived. 
 
 So much in defence, or at all events, in ex- 
 planation, of expressions and statements which 
 have been pointed out as most glaring mistakes 
 in Kingsley's lectures. I think it must be cleas- 
 that in all these cases alterations would have 
 been impossible. There were other passages, 
 where I should gladly have altered or struck 
 out whole lines, particularly in the ethnological 
 passages, and in the attempted etymologies of 
 German proper names. Neither the one nor 
 the other, I believe, are Kingsley's own, though 
 I have tried in vain to find out whence he 
 could possibly have taken them.
 
 PREFACE. xxix 
 
 These, however, are minor matters which 
 are mentioned chiefly in order to guard 
 against the impression that, because I left them 
 unchanged, I approved of them. The permanent 
 interest attaching to these lectures does not 
 spring from the facts which they give. For 
 these, students will refer to Gibbon. They will 
 be valued chiefly for the thoughts which they 
 contain, for the imagination and eloquence 
 which they display, and last, not least, for the 
 sake of the man, a man, it is true, of a warm 
 heart rather than of a cold judgment, but 
 a man whom, for that very reason, many 
 admired, many loved, and many will miss, 
 almost every day of their life. 
 
 M. M.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 LECT. PAGE 
 
 PREFACE V 
 
 I. THE FOREST CHILDREN ... I 
 
 II. THE DYING EMPIRE . . . .1/ 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III . . . 47 
 
 III. THE HUMAN DELUGE .... 58 
 
 IV. THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER ... 98 
 
 V. Dietrich's end 121. 
 
 VI. THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS . . I37 
 
 VII. PAULUS DIACONUS 1 54 
 
 VIII. THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN . 176 
 
 IX. THE MONK A CIVILIZER .... 209 
 
 X. THE LOMBARD LAWS .... 245 
 
 XI. THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS . . 267 
 
 XII. THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE . . 292 
 APPENDIX. INAUGURAL LECTURE : — THE 
 
 LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE AS APPLIED 
 
 TO HISTORY 307
 
 LECTURE 1. 
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 I WISH in this first lecture to give you some general 
 conception of the causes which urged our Teutonic 
 race to attack and destroy Rome. I shall take for 
 this one lecture no special text-book : but suppose you 
 all to be acquainted with the Germania of Tacitus, 
 and with the 9th Chapter of Gibbon, And I shall 
 begin, if you will allow me, by a parable, a myth, a 
 saga, such as the men of whom I am going to tell 
 you loved ; and if it seem to any of you childish, 
 bear in mind that what is childish need not therefore 
 be shallow. I know that it is not history. These 
 lectures will not be, in the popular sense, history at 
 all. But I beg you to bear in mind that I am not 
 here to teach you history. No man can do that. I 
 am here to teach you how to teach yourselves his- 
 tory. I will give you the scaffolding as well as I can ; 
 you must build the house. 
 
 Fancy to yourself a great Troll-garden, such as our 
 forefathers dreamed of often fifteen hundred years 
 ago ; — a fairy palace, with a fairy garden ; and all 
 around the primaeval wood. Inside the Trolls dwell, 
 cunning and wicked, watching their fairy treasures, 
 
 B
 
 2 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 working at their magic forges, making and making 
 always things rare and strange ; and outside, the 
 forest is full of children ; such children as the world 
 had never seen before, but children still : children in 
 frankness, and purity, and affectionateness, and ten- 
 derness of conscience, and devout awe of the unseen ; 
 and children too in fancy, and silliness, and ignorance, 
 and caprice, and jealousy, and quarrelsomeness, and 
 love of excitement and adventure, and the mere sport 
 of overflowing animal health. They play unharmed 
 among the forest beasts, and conquer them in their 
 play ; but the forest is too dull and too poor for them ; 
 and they wander to the walls of the Troll-garden, 
 \ and wonder what is inside. One can conceive easily 
 for oneself what from that moment would begin to 
 happen. Some of the more adventurous clamber in. 
 Some, too, the Trolls steal and carry off into their 
 palace. Most never return : but here and there one 
 escapes out again, and tells how the Trolls killed all 
 his comrades : but tells too, of the wonders he has 
 seen inside, of shoes of swiftness, and swords of sharp- 
 ness, and caps of darkness ; of charmed harps, charmed 
 jewels, and above all of the charmed wine : and after 
 all, the Trolls were very kind to him — see what fine 
 clothes they have given him — and he struts about 
 awhile among his companions ; and then returns, and 
 not alone. The Trolls have bewitched him, as they 
 will bewitch more. So the fame of the Troll-garden 
 spreads; and more and more steal in, • boys and 
 maidens, and tempt their comrades over the wall, and 
 tell of the jewels, and the dresses, and the wine, the
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 3 
 
 joyous maddening wine, which equals men with gods ; 
 and forget to tell how the Trolls have bought them, 
 soul as well as body, and taught them to be vain, and 
 lustful, and slavish ; and tempted them, too often, to 
 sins which have no name. 
 
 But their better nature flashes out at times. They 
 will not be the slaves and brutes in human form, 
 which the evil Trolls would have them ; and they 
 rebel, and escape, and tell of the horrors of that fair 
 foul place. And then arises a noble indignation, and 
 war between the Trolls and the forest-children. But 
 still the Trolls can tempt and bribe the greedier or 
 the more vain ; and still the wonders inside haunt 
 their minds ; till it becomes a fixed idea among them 
 all, to conquer the garden for themselves and bedizen 
 themselves in the fine clothes, and drink their fill of 
 the wine. Again and again they break in : but the 
 Trolls drive them out, rebuild their walls, keep off 
 those outside by those whom they hold enslaved 
 within ; till the boys grow to be youths, and the 
 youths men : and still the Troll-garden is not con- 
 quered, and still it shall be. And the Trolls have 
 grown old and weak, and their walls are crumbling 
 away. Perhaps they may succeed this time — perhaps 
 next. 
 
 And at last they do succeed — the fairy walls are 
 breached, the fairy palace stormed — and the Trolls 
 are crouching at their feet, and now all will be theirs, 
 gold, jewels, dresses, arms, all that the Troll possesses 
 — except his cunning. \ 
 
 For as each struggles into the charmed ground, the 
 B 2
 
 4 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 spell of the place falls on him. He drinks the wine, 
 and it maddens him. He fills his arms with precious 
 trumpery, and another snatches it from his grasp. 
 Each envies the youth before him, each cries — Why 
 had I not the luck to enter first } And the Trolls set 
 them against each other, and split them into parties, 
 each mad with excitement, and jealousy, and wine, 
 till, they scarce know how, each falls upon his fellow, 
 and all upon those who are crowding in from the 
 forest, and they fight and fight, up and down the 
 palace halls, till their triumph has become a very 
 feast of the Lapithae, and the Trolls look on, and 
 laugh a wicked laugh, as they tar them on to the 
 unnatural fight, till the gardens are all trampled, the 
 finery torn, the halls dismantled, and each pavement 
 slippery with brothers' blood. And then, when the 
 wine is gone out of them; the survivors come to their 
 senses, and stare shamefully and sadly round. What 
 an ugly, desolate, tottering ruin the fairy palace has 
 become ! Have they spoilt it themselves ? or have 
 the Trolls bewitched it ? And all the fairy treasure — 
 what has become of it ? no man knows. Have they 
 thrown it away in their quarrel ? have the cun- 
 ningest hidden it ? have the Trolls flown away with 
 it, to the fairy land beyond the Eastern mountains? 
 who can tell ? Nothing is left but recrimination and 
 remorse. And they wander back again into the 
 forest, away from the doleful ruin, carrion-strewn, to 
 sulk each apart over some petty spoil which he has 
 saved from the general wreck, hating and dreading 
 each the sound of his neighbour's footstep.
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 5 
 
 What will become of the forest children, unless 
 some kind saint or hermit comes among them, to 
 bind them in the holy bonds of brotherhood and 
 law ? 
 
 This is my saga, gentlemen ; and it is a true one 
 withal. For it is neither more nor less than the story 
 of the Teutonic tribes, and how they overthrew the 
 Empire of Rome. 
 
 Menzel, who though he may not rank very high as 
 a historian, has at least a true German heart, opens 
 his history with a striking passage. 
 ; ' The sages of the East were teaching wisdom be- 
 neath the palms ; the merchants of Tyre and Carthage 
 were weighing their heavy anchors, and spreading 
 their purple sails for far seas ; the Greek was making 
 the earth fair by his art, and the Roman founding 
 his colossal empire of force, while the Teuton sat, yet 
 a child, unknown and naked among the forest beasts : 
 and yet unharmed and in his sport he lorded it over 
 them ; for the child was of a royal race, and destined 
 to win glory for all time to come.' 
 
 To the strange and complicated education which 
 God appointed for this race ; and by which he has 
 fitted it to become, at least for many centuries hence- 
 forth, the ruling race of the world, I wish to call your 
 attention in my future lectures. To-day, I wish to 
 impress strongly on your minds this childishness of 
 our forefathers. For good or for evil they were great 
 boys ; very noble boys ; very often very naughty 
 boys — as boys with the strength of men might well 
 be. Try to conceive such to yourselves, and you
 
 6 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 have the old Markman^ Allman, Goth, Lombard, 
 Saxon, Frank. And the notion may be more than a 
 mere metaphor. Races, hke individuals, it has been 
 often said, may have their childhood, their youth, 
 their manhood, their old age, and natural death. It 
 is but a theory— perhaps nothing more. But at least, 
 our race had its childhood. Their virtues, and their 
 sad failings, and failures, I can understand on no 
 other theory. The nearest type which we can see 
 now is I fancy, the English sailor, or the English 
 navvy. A great, simple, honest, baby — full of power 
 and fun, very coarse and plain spoken at times : but 
 if treated like a human being, most affectionate, sus- 
 ceptible, even sentimental and superstitious ; fond of 
 gambling, brute excitement, childish amusements in 
 the intervals of enormous exertion ; quarrelsome 
 among themselves, as boys are, and with a spirit of 
 wild independence which seems to be strength ; but 
 which, till it be disciplined into loyal obedience and 
 self-sacrifice, is mere weakness ; and beneath all a 
 deep practical shrewdness, an indomitable persever- 
 ance, when once roused by need. Such a spirit as 
 we see to this day in the English sailor — that is the 
 nearest analogue I can find now. One gets hints 
 here and there of what manner of men they were, 
 from the evil day, when, one hundred and two years 
 before Christ, the Kempers and Teutons, ranging 
 over the Alps toward Italy, 300,000 armed men and 
 15,000 mailed knights with broad sword and lances, 
 and in their helmets the same bulls'-horns, wings, and 
 feathers, which one sees now in the crests of German
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 7 
 
 princes, stumbled upon Marius and his Romans, and 
 were destroyed utterly, first the men, then the women, 
 who like true women as they were, rather than give 
 up their honour to the Romans, hung themselves on 
 the horns of the waggon-oxen, and were trampled to 
 death beneath their feet ; and then the very dogs, 
 who fought on when men and women were all slain — 
 from that fatal day, down to the glorious one, when, 
 five hundred years after, Alaric stood beneath the 
 walls of Rome, and to their despairing boast of the 
 Roman numbers, answered, ' Come out to us then, 
 the thicker the hay, the easier mowed,' — for five hun- 
 dred years, I say, the hints of their character are all 
 those of a boy-nature. 
 
 They were cruel at times : but so are boys — much 
 more cruel than grown men, I hardly know why — 
 perhaps because they have not felt suffering so much 
 themselves, and know not how hard it is to bear. 
 There were varieties of character among them. The 
 Franks were always false, vain, capricious, selfish, 
 taking part wnih the Romans whenever their interest 
 or vanity was at stake — the worst of all Teutons, 
 though by no means the weakest — and a miserable 
 business they made of it in France, for some five 
 hundred years. The Goths, Salvian says, were the 
 most ignavi of all of them ; great lazy lourdans ; apt 
 to be cruel, too, the Visigoths at least, as their Spanish 
 descendants proved to the horror of the world : but 
 men of honour withal, as those old Spaniards were. 
 The Saxons were famed for cruelty — I know not why, 
 for our branch of the Saxons has been, from the
 
 8 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 beginning of history, the least cruel people in Europe ; 
 but they had the reputation — as the Vandals had also 
 — of being the most pure ; Castitate venerandi. And 
 among the uncivilized people coldness and cruelty go 
 often together. The less passionate and sensitive the 
 nature, the less open to pity. The Caribs of the 
 West Indies were famed for both, in contrast to the 
 profligate and gentle inhabitants of Cuba and His- 
 paniola ; and in double contrast to the Red Indian 
 tribes of North America, who combined, from our 
 first acquaintance with them, the two vices of cruelty 
 and profligacy, to an extent which has done more to 
 extirpate them than all the fire-water of the white 
 man. 
 
 But we must be careful how we compare our fore- 
 fathers with these, or any other savages. Those who, 
 like Gibbon, have tried to draw a parallel between 
 the Red Indian and the Primaeval Teuton, have done 
 so at the expense of facts. First, they have overlooked 
 the broad fact, that while the Red Indians have been, 
 ever since we have known them, a decreasing race, 
 the Teutons have been a rapidly increasing one ; in 
 spite of war, and famine, and all the ills of a pre- 
 carious forest life, proving their youthful strength and 
 vitality by a reproduction unparalleled, as far as I 
 know, in history, save perhaps by that noble and 
 young race, the Russian. These writers have not 
 known that the Teuton had his definite laws, more 
 simple, doubtless, in the time of Tacitus than in that 
 of Justinian, but still founded on abstract principles 
 so deep and broad that they form the groundwork of
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 9 
 
 our English laws and constitution ; that the Teuton 
 creed concerning the unseen world, and divine beings, 
 was of a loftiness and purity as far above the silly 
 legends of Hiawatha as the Teuton morals were 
 above those of a Sioux or a Comanche. Let any one 
 read honest accounts of the Red Indians ; let him 
 read Catlin, James, Lewis and Clarke, Shoolbred ; 
 and first and best of all, the old 'Travaile in Virginia,' 
 published by the Hakluyt Society : and then let him 
 read the Germania of Tacitus, and judge for himself. 
 For my part, I believe that if Gibbon was right, and 
 if our forefathers in the German forests had been like 
 Powhattan's people as we found them in the Vir- 
 ginian forests, the Romans would not have been long 
 in civilizing us off the face of the earth. 
 
 No. All the notes which Tacitus gives us are 
 notes of a young and strong race ; unconscious of its 
 own capabilities, but possessing such capabilities that 
 the observant Romans saw at once with dread and 
 awe that they were face to face with such a people as 
 they had never met before ; that in their hands, 
 sooner or later, might lie the fate of Rome. Mad 
 Caracalla, aping the Teuton dress and hair, listening 
 in dread to the songs of the Allman Alrunas, telling 
 the Teutons that they ought to come over the Rhine 
 and destroy the empire, and then, murdering the 
 interpreters, lest they should repeat his words, was 
 but babbling out in an insane shape the thought 
 which was brooding in the most far-seeing Roman 
 minds. He felt that they could have done the deed ; 
 and he felt rightly, madman as he was. They could
 
 lo THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 have done it then, if physical power and courage were 
 all that was needed, in the days of the Allman war. 
 They could have done it a few years before, when the 
 Markmen fought Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ; on the 
 day when the Caesar, at the advice of his augurs, sent 
 two lions to swim across the Danube as a test of 
 victory ; and the simple Markmen took them for big 
 dogs, and killed them with their clubs. From that 
 day, indeed, the Teutons began to conquer slowly, 
 but surely. Though Antoninus beat the Markmen 
 on the Danube, and recovered 100,000 Roman pri- 
 soners, yet it was only by the help of the Vandals ; 
 from that day the empire was doomed, and the 
 Teutons only kept at bay by bribing one tribe to 
 fight another, or by enlisting their more adventurous 
 spirits into the Roman legions, to fight against men 
 of their own blood ; — a short-sighted and suicidal 
 policy ; for by that very method they were teaching 
 the Teuton all he needed, the discipline and the 
 military science of the Roman. 
 
 But the Teutons might have done it a hundred 
 years before that, when Rome was in a death agony, 
 and Vitellius and Vespasian were struggling for the 
 purple, and Civilis and the fair Vclleda, like Barak 
 and Deborah of old, raised the Teuton tribes. They 
 might hav-c done it before that again, when Hermann 
 slew Varus and his legions in the Teutoburger Wald ; 
 or before that again, when the Kempers and Teutons 
 burst over the Alps, to madden themselves with the 
 fatal wines of the rich south. And why did the 
 Teutons not do it? Because they were boys fighting
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. ir 
 
 against cunning men. Boiorich, the young Kemper, 
 riding down to Marius' camp, to bid him fix the place 
 and time of battle — for the Teuton thought it mean 
 to use surprises and stratagems, or to conquer save in 
 fair and open fight — is the type of the Teuton hero ; 
 and one which had no chance in a struggle w^ith the 
 cool, false, politic Roman, grown grey in the experi- 
 ence of the forum and of the camp, and still as 
 physically brave as his young enemy. Because, too, 
 there was no unity among them ; no feeling that they 
 were brethren of one blood. Had the Teuton tribes, 
 at any one of the great crises I have mentioned, and 
 at many a crisis afterwards, united for but three years, 
 under the feeling of a common blood, language, in- 
 terest, destiny, Rome would have perished. But they 
 could not learn that lesson. They could not put 
 aside their boyish quarrels. 
 
 They never learnt the lesson till after their final 
 victory, when the Gospel of Christ — of a Being to 
 whom they all owed equal allegiance, in whose sight 
 they were all morally equal — came to unite them into 
 a Christendom. 
 
 And it was well that they did not learn it sooner. 
 Well for them and for the world, that they did not 
 unite on any false ground of interest or ambition, but 
 had to wait for the true ground of unity, the know- 
 ledge of the God-man, King of all nations upon 
 earth. 
 
 Had they destroyed Rome sooner, what would not 
 they have lost? What would not the world have 
 lost ? Christianity would have been stifled in its very
 
 12 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 cradle ; and with Christianity all chance — be sure of 
 it — of their own progress, Roman law, order, and 
 discipline, the very things which they needed to 
 acquire by a contact of five hundred years, would 
 have been swept away. All classic literature and 
 classic art, which they learnt to admire with an al- 
 most superstitious awe, would have perished likewise. 
 Greek philosophy, the germs of physical science, and 
 all that we owe to the ancients, would have perished ; 
 and we should have truly had an invasion of the bar- 
 barians, followed by truly dark ages, in which Europe 
 would have had to begin all anew, without the help 
 of the generations which had gone before. 
 
 Therefore it was well as it was, and God was just 
 and merciful to them and to the human race. They 
 had a glorious destiny, and glorious powers wherewith 
 to fulfil it : but they had, as every man and people 
 has, before whom there is a noble future, to be edu- 
 cated by suffering. There was before them a terrible 
 experience of sorrow and disappointment, sin and 
 blood, by which they gained the first consciousness of 
 what they could do and what they could not. Like 
 Adam of old, like every man unto this day, they ate 
 of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, and 
 were driven out of the paradise of unconsciousness ; 
 they had to begin again sadder and wiser men, and 
 eat their bread in the sweat of their brow ; and so to 
 rise, after their fall, into a nobler, wiser, more artificial, 
 and therefore more truly human and divine life, than 
 that from which they had at first fallen, when they 
 left their German wilds.
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 13 
 
 One does not, of course, mean the parallel to fit in 
 all details. The fall of the Teuton from the noble 
 simplicity in which Tacitus beheld and honoured him, 
 was a work of four centuries ; perhaps it was going on 
 in Tacitus' own time. But the culminating point was 
 the century which saw Italy conquered, and Rome 
 sacked, by Visigoth, by Ostrogoth, by Vandal, till 
 nothing was left save fever-haunted ruins. Then the 
 ignorant and greedy child, who had been grasping so 
 long after the fair apples of Sodom, clutched them 
 once and for all, and found them turn to ashes in his 
 hands. 
 
 Yes — it is thus that I wish you to look at the Inva- 
 sion of the Barbarians, Immigration of the Teutons, or 
 whatsoever name you may call it. Before looking at 
 questions of migration, of ethnology, of laws, and of 
 classes, look first at the thing itself; and see with 
 sacred pity and awe, one of the saddest and grandest 
 tragedies ever performed on earth. Poor souls ! And 
 they were so simple withal. One pities them, as one 
 pities a child who steals apples, and makes himself 
 sick with them after all. It is not the enormous loss 
 of life which is to me the most tragic part of the 
 story ; it is that very simplicity of the Teutons. 
 Bloodshed is a bad thing, certainly ; but after all 
 nature is prodigal of human life — killing her twenty 
 thousand and her fifty thousand by a single earth- 
 quake ; and as for death in battle — I sometimes am 
 tempted to think, having sat by many death beds, 
 that our old forefathers may have been right, and 
 that death in battle may be a not unenviable method
 
 14 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 of passing out of this troublesome world. '\ Besides, we 
 have no right to blame those old Teutons, while we 
 are killing every year more of her Majesty's subjects 
 by preventible disease, than ever they killed in their 
 bloodiest battle. Let us think of that, and mend that, 
 ere we blame the old German heroes. No, there are 
 more pitiful tragedies than any battlefield can shew ; 
 and first among them, surely, is the disappointment 
 of young hopes, the degradation of young souls. 
 
 One pities them, I say. And they pitied themselves. 
 Remorse, shame, sadness, mark the few legends and 
 songs of the days which followed the fall of Rome. 
 They had done a great work. They had destroyed 
 a mighty tyranny ; they had parted between them 
 the spoils wrung from all the nations ; they had rid 
 the earth of a mighty man-devouring ogre, whose 
 hands had been stretched out for centuries over all 
 the earth, dragging all virgins to his den, butchering 
 and torturing thousands for his sport ; foul, too, with 
 crimes for which their language, like our own (thank 
 God) has scarcely found a name. Babylon the Great 
 drunken with the blood of the saints, had fallen at 
 last before the simple foresters of the north : but if it 
 looks a triumph to us, it looked not such to them. 
 They could only think how they had stained their 
 hands in their brothers' blood. They had got the 
 fatal Nibelungen hoard : but it had vanished between 
 their hands, and left them to kill each other, till i .le 
 was left. 
 
 You know the Nibelungen Lied ? That expresseSj 
 I believe, the key-note of the old Teuton's heart, after
 
 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 15 
 
 his work was done. Siegfried murdered by his bro- 
 ther-in-law ; fair Chriemhild turned into an avenging 
 fury ; the heroes hewing each other down, they scarce 
 know why, in Hunnish Etzel's hall, till Hagen and 
 Gunther stand alone ; Dietrich of Bern going in, to 
 bind the last surviving heroes ; Chriemhild shaking 
 Hagen's gory head in Gunther's face, himself hewed 
 down by the old Hildebrand, till nothing is left but 
 stark corpses and vain tears : — while all the while the 
 Nibclungen hoard, the cause of all the woe, lies 
 drowned in the deep Rhine until the judgment day. — 
 What is all this, but the true tale of the fall of Rome, 
 of the mad quarrels of the conquering Teutons ? The 
 names are confused, mythic ; the dates and places all 
 awry : but the tale is true — too true. Mutato nomine 
 fabula narratur. Even so they went on, killing, till 
 none were left. Deeds as strange, horrible, fratricidal, 
 were done, again and again, not only between Frank 
 and Goth, Lombard and Gepid, but between Lombard 
 and Lombard, Frank and Frank. Yes, they were 
 drunk with each other's blood, those elder brethren 
 of ours. Let us thank God that we did not share 
 their booty, and perish, like them, from the touch of 
 the fatal Nibelungen hoard. Happy for us English- 
 men, that we were forced to seek our adventures here, 
 in this lonely isle ; to turn aside from the great stream 
 of Teutonic immigration ; and settle here, each man 
 on his forest-clearing, to till the ground in comparative 
 peace, keeping unbroken the old Teutonic laws, un- 
 stained the old Teutonic faith and virtue, cursed 
 neither with poverty nor riches, but fed with food
 
 l6 THE FOREST CHILDREN. 
 
 sufficient for us. To us, indeed, after long centuries, 
 peace brought sloth, and sloth foreign invaders and 
 bitter woes : but better so, than that we should have 
 cast away alike our virtue and our lives, in that mad 
 quarrel over the fairy gold of Rome.
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 It is not for me to trace the rise, or even the fall of 
 the Roman Empire, That would be the duty rather 
 of a professor of ancient history, than of modern. All 
 I need do is to sketch, as shortly as I can, the state 
 in which the young world found the old, when it came 
 in contact with it. 
 
 The Roman Empire, toward the latter part of the 
 fourth century, was in much the same condition as 
 the Chinese or the Turkish Empire in our own days. 
 Private morality (as Juvenal and Persius will tell you) 
 had vanished long before. Public morality had, of 
 course, vanished likewise. The only powers really 
 recognised were force and cunning. The only aim 
 was personal enjoyment. The only God was the 
 Divus Caesar, the imperial demigod, whose illimitable 
 brute force gave him illimitable powers of self-enjoy- 
 ment, and made him thus the paragon and ideal of 
 humanity, whom all envied, flattered, hated, and 
 obeyed. The palace was a sink of corruption, where 
 eunuchs, concubines, spies, informers, freed men, ad- 
 venturers, struggled in the basest plots, each for his 
 share of the public plunder. The senate only existed 
 
 C
 
 i8 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 to register the edicts of their tyrant, and if need be, 
 destroy each other, or any one else, by judicial mur^ 
 ders, the willing tools of imperial cruelty. The 
 government was administered (at least since the time 
 of Diocletian) by an official bureaucracy, of which 
 Professor Goldwin Smith well says, 'Ihe earth swarmed 
 with the consuming hierarchy of extortion, so that it 
 was said that they who received taxes were more 
 than those who paid them.' The free middle class 
 had disappeared, or lingered in the cities, too proud 
 to labour, fed on government bounty, and amused by 
 government spectacles. With them, arts and science 
 had died likewise. Such things were left to slaves, 
 and became therefore, literally, servile imitations of 
 the past. What, indeed, was not left to slaves ? 
 Drawn without respect of rank, as well as of sex and 
 age, from every nation under heaven by an organized 
 slave-trade, to which our late African one was but a 
 tiny streamlet compared with a mighty river ; a slave- 
 trade which once bought 10,000 human beings in 
 Delos in a single day; the 'servorum nationes' were 
 the only tillers of the soil, of those ' latifundia' or great 
 estates, ' quae perdidere Romam.' Denied the rights 
 of marriage, the very name of humanity ; protected 
 by no law, save the interest or caprice of their mas- 
 ters ; subjected, for slight offences, to cruel torments, 
 they were butchered by thousands in the amphi- 
 theatres to make a Roman holiday, or wore out their 
 lives in ' ergastula ' or barracks, which were dens of 
 darkness and horror. Their owners, as 'senatores,' 
 ' clarissimi,' or at least ' curiales,' spent their lives in
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 19 
 
 the cities, luxurious and effeminate, and left their 
 slaves to the tender mercy of 'villici,' stewards and 
 gang-drivers, who were themselves slaves likewise. 
 
 More pampered, yet more degraded, were the 
 crowds of wretched beings, cut off from all the hopes 
 of humanity, who ministered to the wicked pleasures 
 of their masters, even in the palaces of nominally 
 Christian emperors — but over that side of Roman 
 slavery I must draw a veil, only saying, that the 
 atrocities of the Romans toward their slaves — espe- 
 cially of this last and darkest kind — notably drew 
 down on them the just wrath and revenge of those 
 Teutonic nations, from which so many of their slaves 
 were taken ^. 
 
 And yet they called themselves Christians — to 
 whom it had been said, ' Be not deceived, God is not 
 mocked. For these things cometh the wrath of God 
 on the children of disobedience.' And the wrath did 
 come. 
 
 If such were the morals of the Empire, what was 
 its political state ? One of complete disorganization. 
 The only uniting bond left seems to have been that 
 of the bureaucracy, the community of tax-gatherers, 
 
 ' The early romancers, and especially Achilles Tatius, give pictures 
 of Roman prsedial slavery too painful to quote Roman doniestic 
 slavery is not to be described by the pen ofnn Englishman. And I must 
 express my sorrow, that in the face of such notorious facts, some have 
 of late tried to prove American slavery to be as bad as, or even worse 
 than, that of Rome. God forbid ! Whatsoever may have been the sins 
 of the Southern gentleman, he is at least a Teuton, and not a Roman ;"^ 
 a whole moral heaven above the effeminate wretch, who in the 4th \ 
 aiid 5th centuries called himself a senator and a clarissimus. 
 
 c a
 
 20 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 who found it on the whole safer and more profitable 
 to pay into the imperial treasury a portion of their 
 plunder, than to keep it all themselves. It stood by 
 mere vi inertiae, just because it happened to be there, 
 and there was nothing else to put in its place. Like 
 an old tree whose every root is decayed, it did not 
 fall, simply because the storm had not yet come. 
 Storms, indeed, had come; but they had been partial 
 and local. One cannot look into the pages of Gibbon, 
 without seeing that the normal condition of the 
 empire was one of revolt, civil war, invasion — Pre- 
 tenders, like Carausius and Allectus in Britain, setting 
 themselves up as emperors for awhile — Bands of 
 brigands, like the Bagaudae of Gaul, and the Circum- 
 celliones of Africa, wandering about, desperate with 
 hunger and revenge, to slay and pillage — Teutonic 
 tribes making forays on the frontier, enlisted into the 
 Roman armies, and bought off, or hired to keep back 
 the tribes behind them, and perish by their brethren's 
 swords. 
 
 What kept the empire standing, paradoxical as k 
 may seem, was its own innate weakness. From within, 
 at least, it could not be overthrown. The masses 
 were too crushed to rise. Without unity, purpose, 
 courage, they submitted to inevitable misery as to 
 rain and thunder. At most they destroyed their own 
 children from poverty, or, as in Egypt, fled by thou- 
 sands into the caves and quarries, and turned monks 
 and hermits ; while the upper classes, equally without 
 unity or purpose, said each to himself, 'Let us eat and 
 drink, for to-morrow we die.'
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 21 
 
 The state of things at Rome, and after the rise of 
 Byzantium under Constantine at Byzantium Hkewise, 
 was one altogether fantastic, abnormal, utterly unlike 
 anything that we have seen, or can imagine to our- 
 selves without great effort. I know no better method 
 of illustrating it, than quoting, from Mr. Sheppard's 
 excellent book. The Fall of Rome and the Rise of 
 Neiu Nationalities, a passage in which he transfers 
 the whole comi-tragedy from Italy of old to England 
 in 1861. J 
 
 ' I have not thought it necessary to give a separate 
 and distinct reply to the theory of Mr. Congreve, that 
 Roman Imperialism was the type of all good govern- 
 ment, and a desirable precedent for ourselves. Those 
 who feel any penchant for the notion, I should strongly 
 recommend to read the answer of Professor G. Smith, 
 in the Oxford Essays iox 1856, which is as complete 
 and crushing as that gentleman's performances usually 
 are. But in order to convey to the uninitiated some 
 idea of the state of society under Caesarian rule, and 
 which a Caesarian rule, so far as mere government is 
 concerned, if it does not produce, has never shewn any 
 tendency to prevent, let us give reins to imagination 
 for a moment, and picture to ourselves a few social 
 and political analogies in our own England of the 
 nineteenth century. 
 
 ' An entire revolution has taken place in our prin- 
 ciples, manners, and form of government. Parliaments," 
 meetings, and all the ordinary expressions of the 
 national will, are no longer in existence. A free press 
 has shared their fate. There is no accredited orjran
 
 22 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 of public opinion ; indeed there is no public opinion 
 to record. Lords and Commons have been swept 
 away, though a number of the richest old gentlemen 
 in London meet daily at Westminster to receive orders 
 from Buckingham Palace. But at the palace itself 
 has broken out one of those sanguinary conspiracies 
 which have of late become unceasing. The last heir 
 of the house of Brunswick is lying dead with a dagger 
 in his heart, and everything is in frightful confusion. 
 The armed force of the capital are of course " masters 
 of the situation," and the Guards, after a tumultuous 
 meeting at Windsor or Knightsbridge, have sold the 
 throne to Baron Rothschild, for a handsome donation 
 of £2^ a-piece. Lord Clyde, however, we may be 
 sure, is not likely to stand this, and in a few months 
 will be marching upon London at the head of the 
 Indian Army. In the mean time the Channel Fleet 
 has declared for its own commander, has seized upon 
 Plymouth and Portsmouth, and intends to starve the 
 metropolis by stopping the imports of " bread-stuffs " 
 at the mouth of the Thames, And this has become 
 quite possible ; for half the population of London, 
 under the present state of things, subsist upon free 
 distributions of corn dispensed by the occupant of 
 the throne for the time being. But a more fatal 
 change than even this has come over the population 
 of the capital and of the whole country. The free 
 citizens and 'prentices of London ; the sturdy labour- 
 ers of Dorsetshire and the eastern counties ; and the 
 skilful artizans of Manchester, Sheffield and Birming- 
 ham ; the mariners and shipwrights of Liverpool, have
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 23 
 
 been long ago drafted into marching regiments, and 
 have left their bones to bleach beneath Indian suns 
 and Polar snows. Their place has been supplied by- 
 countless herds of negro slaves, who till the fields and 
 crowd the workshops of our towns, to the entire ex- 
 clusion of free labour ; for the free population, or 
 rather the miserable relics of them, disdain all manual 
 employment : they divide their time between starva- 
 tion and a degrading debauchery, the means for which 
 are sedulously provided by the government. The 
 time-honoured institutions of the bull-bait, the cock- 
 pit, and the ring, are in daily operation, under the 
 most distinguished patronage. Hyde Park has been 
 converted into a gigantic arena, where criminals from 
 Newgate "set-to" with the animals from the Zoolo- 
 gical Gardens. Every fortnight there is a Derby Day, 
 and the whole population pour into the Downs with 
 frantic excitement, leaving the city to the slaves. And 
 then the moral condition of this immense mass ! Of 
 the doings about the palace we should be sorry to 
 speak. But the lady patronesses of Almack's still 
 more assiduously patronize the prize-fights, and one 
 of them has been seen within the ropes, in battle 
 array, by the side of Sayers himself. No tongue may 
 tell the orgies enacted, with the aid of French cooks, 
 Italian singers, and foreign artists of all sorts, in the 
 gilded saloons of Park Lane and Mayfair. Suffice 
 to say, that in them the worst passions of human 
 nature have full swing, unmodified by any thought of 
 human or divine restraints, and only dashed a little 
 now and then by the apprehension that the slaves
 
 24 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 may rise, and make a clean sweep of the metropolis 
 with fire and steel. But nimporte — Vive la bagatelle ! 
 Mario has just been appointed prime minister, and 
 has made a chorus singer from the Opera Duke of 
 Middlesex and Governor-General of India. All wise 
 men and all good men despair of the state, but they 
 are not permitted to say anything, much less to act. 
 Mr. Disraeli lost his head a few days ago ; Lords 
 Palmerston and Derby lie in the Tower under sen- 
 tence of death ; Lord Brougham, the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, and Mr. Gladstone, opened their veins 
 and died in a warm bath last week. Foreign relations 
 will make a still greater demand on the reader's 
 imagination. We must conceive of England no longer 
 as 
 
 " A precious stone set in the silver sea, 
 Which serves it in the office of a wall, 
 Or as a moat defensive of a house." 
 
 but rather as open to the inroad of every foe whom 
 her aggressive and colonizing genius has provoked. 
 The red man of the West, the Cafifre, the Sikh, and 
 the Sepoy, Chinese braves, and fierce orientals of all 
 sorts, are hovering on her frontiers in "numbers num- 
 berless," as the flakes of snow in the northern winter. 
 They are not the impotent enemy which we know, 
 but vigorous races, supplied from inexhaustible founts 
 of population, and animated by an insatiate appetite 
 for the gold and silver, purple and fine linen, rich 
 meats and intoxicating drinks of our effete civiliza- 
 tion. And we can no longer oppose them with those 
 victorious legions which have fought and conquered 
 in all regions of the world. The men of Waterloo
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 25 
 
 and Inkermann are no more. We are compelled to 
 recruit our armies from those very tribes before whose 
 swords we are receding ! 
 
 'Doubtless the ordinary reader will believe this 
 picture to be overcharged, drawn with manifest exag- 
 geration, and somewhat questionable taste. Every 
 single statement tvhich it contains may be paralleled 
 by the circumstances and events of the decadence of 
 the Roman Empire. The analogous situation was 
 with the subjects of this type of all good government, 
 ahvays a possible, often an actual, state of things. 
 We think this disposes of the theory of Mr. Congreve. 
 With it may advantageously be contrasted the opinion 
 of a man of more statesman-like mind. "The bene- 
 fits of despotism are short-lived ; it poisons the very 
 springs which it lays open ; if it display a merit, it is 
 an exceptional one ; if a virtue, it is created of cir- 
 cumstances ; and when once this better hour has 
 passed away, all the vices of its nature break forth 
 with redoubled violence, and weigh down society in 
 every direction." So writes M. Guizot. Is it the 
 language of prophecy as well as of personal experi- 
 ence?' 
 
 Mr. Sheppard should have added, to make the 
 picture complete, that the Irish have just established 
 popery across St. George's Channel, by the aid of 
 re-immigrants from America ; that Free Kirk and 
 National Kirk are carrying on a sanguinary civil war 
 in Scotland ; that the Devonshire Wesleyans have 
 just sacked Exeter cathedral, and murdered the 
 Bishop at the altar, while the Bishop of London,
 
 26 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 supported by the Jews and the rich churchmen (who 
 
 are all mixed up in financial operations with Baron 
 Rothschild) has just commanded all Dissenters to 
 
 leave the metropolis within three days, under pain 
 of death. 
 
 I must add yet one more feature to this fearful, 
 but accurate picture, and say how, a few generations 
 forward, an even uglier thing would be seen. The 
 English aristocracy would have been absorbed by 
 foreign adventurers. The grandchildren of these 
 
 ' slaves and mercenaries would be holding the highest 
 offices in the state and the army, naming themselves 
 after the masters who had freed them, or disguising 
 their barbarian names by English endings. The De 
 Fung-Chowvilles would be Dukes, the Little-grizzly- 
 bear- Joe- Smiths Earls, and the Fitz-Stanleysons, 
 descended from a king of the gipsies who enlisted to 
 avoid transportation, and in due time became Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, would rule at Knowsley in place of 
 the Earl of Derby, having inherited the same by the 
 summary process of assassination. Beggars on horse- 
 back, only too literally ; married, most of them, to 
 Englishwomen of the highest rank ; but looking on 
 England merely as a prey ; without patriotism, with- 
 out principle ; they would destroy the old aristo- 
 cracy by legal murders, grind the people, fight against 
 their yet barbarian cousins outside, as long as they 
 were in luck : but the moment the luck turned 
 against them, would call in those barbarian cousins 
 to help them, and invade England every ten years 
 with heathen hordes, armed no more with tulwar and
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 27 
 
 matchlock, but with Enfield rifle and Whitworth can- 
 non. And that, it must be agreed, would be about 
 the last phase of the British empire. If you will 
 look through the names which figure in the high 
 places of the Roman empire, during the fourth and 
 fifth centuries, you will see how few of them are really 
 Roman. If you will try to investigate, not their gene- 
 alogies — for they have none — not a grandfather among 
 them — but the few facts of their lives which have 
 come down to us ; you will see how that Nemesis 
 had fallen on her which must at last fall on every 
 nation which attempts to establish itself on slavery 
 as a legal basis. Rome had become the slave of her 
 own slaves. 
 
 It is at this last period, the point when Rome has 
 become the slave of her own slaves, that I take up 
 the story of our Teutonic race. 
 
 I do not think that anyone will call either Mr. 
 Sheppard's statements, or mine, exaggerated, who 
 knows the bitter complaints of the wickedness and 
 folly of the time, which are to be found in the writ- 
 ings of the Emperor Julian. Pedant and apostate as 
 he was, he devoted his short life to one great idea, 
 the restoration of the Roman Empire to what it had 
 been (as he fancied) in the days of the virtuous stoic 
 Emperors of the second century. He found his dream 
 a dream, owing to the dead heap of frivolity, sensu- 
 ality, brutality, utter unbelief, not merely in the dead 
 Pagan gods whom he vainly tried to restore, but in 
 any god at all, as a living, ruling, judging, rewarding, 
 punishing power.
 
 28 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 No one, again, will call these statements exagge- 
 rated who knows the Roman history of his faithful 
 servant and soldier, Ammianus Marcellinus, and espe- 
 cally the later books of it, in which he sets forth the 
 state of the Empire after Julian's death, under Jovian, 
 Procopius, Valentinian, (who kept close to his bed- 
 chamber two she-bears who used to eat men, one 
 called Golden Camel, and the other Innocence — 
 which latter, when she had devoured a sufficiency of 
 his living victims, he set free in the forests as a re- 
 ward for her sei-vices — a brutal tyrant, whose only 
 virtue seems to have been his chastity) ; and Valens, 
 the shameless extortioner who perished in that great 
 battle of Adrianople, of which more hereafter. The 
 last five remaining books of the honest soldier's story 
 are a tissue of horrors, from reading which one turns 
 away as from a slaughter-house or a witches' sabbath. 
 No one, again, will think these statements exagge- 
 rated who knows Salvian's De Gubernatione Dei. It 
 has been always and most justly held in high esteem, 
 as one great authority of the state of Gaul when con- 
 quered by the Franks and Goths and Vandals. 
 
 Salvian was a Christian gentleman, born somewhere 
 near Treves. He married a Pagan lady of Cologne, 
 converted her, had by her a daughter, and then per- 
 suaded her to devote herself to celibacy, while he 
 did the like. His father-in-law, Hypatius, quarrelled 
 with him on this account ; and the letter in which he 
 tries to soothe the old man is still extant, a curious 
 specimen of the style of cultivated men in that day. 
 Salvian then went down to the south of France and
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 29 
 
 became a priest at Marseilles, aud tutor to the sons 
 of Eucherius, the Bishop of Lyons. Eucherius, himself 
 a good man, speaks in terms of passionate admiration 
 of Salvian, his goodness, sanctity, learning, talents. 
 Genhadius (who describes him as still living when he 
 wrote, about 490) calls him among other encomiums, 
 the Master of Bishops ; and both mention familiarly 
 this very work, by which he became notorious in his 
 own day, and which he wrote about 450 or 455, during 
 the invasion of the Britons. So that we may trust 
 fully that we have hold of an authentic contempora- 
 neous work, written by a good man and true. 
 
 Let me first say a few words on the fact of his 
 having — as many good men did then — separated 
 from his wife in order to lead what was called a re- 
 ligious life. It has a direct bearing on the History 
 of those days. One must not praise him because he 
 (in common with all Christians of his day) held, no 
 doubt, the belief that marriage was a degradation in 
 itself; that though the Church might mend it some- 
 what by exalting it into a sacrament, still, the less of 
 a bad thing the better : — a doctrine against which 
 one need not use (thank God) in England, the same 
 language which Michelet has most justly used in 
 France. We, being safe from the poison, can afford 
 to talk of it calmly. But I boldly assert, that few 
 more practically immoral doctrines than that of the 
 dignity of celibacy and the defilement of marriage 
 (which was the doctrine of all Christian devotees for 
 1000 years) have, as far as I know, ever been preached 
 to man. That is a strong statement It will be
 
 30 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 answered perhaps, by the patent fact, that during 
 those very looo years the morahty of Europe im- 
 proved more, and more rapidly, than it had ever done 
 before. I Ivuow it ; and I thank God for it. But I 
 adhere to my statement, and rejoin — And how much 
 more rapidly have the morals of Europe improved, 
 since that doctrine has been swept away ; and 
 woman, and the love of woman, have been restored 
 to their rightful place in the education of man ? 
 
 But if we do not praise Salvian, we must not blame 
 him, or any one else who meant to be an honest and 
 good man. Such did not see to what their celibate 
 notions would lead. If they had, we must believe 
 that they would have acted differently. And what is 
 more, their preference for celibacy was not fancy, but 
 common sense of a very lofty kind. Be sure that 
 when two middle-aged Christian people consider it 
 best to part, they have very good reasons for such a 
 solemn step, at which only boys or cynics will laugh. 
 And the reasons, in Salvian's case, and many more 
 in his day, are patent to common human understand- 
 ing. Do not fancy that he had any private reason, 
 such as we should very fairly assign now : public 
 reasons, and those, such as God grant no living man 
 may see, caused wise men to thank God that they 
 were not burdened with wife and child. Remember 
 the years in which Salvian lived — from 416 perhaps to 
 490. It was a day of the Lord such as Joel saw ; ' a 
 day of clouds and of thick darkness, as the morning 
 spread upon the mountains ; a great people and 
 strong ; there had not been ever the like, neither
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 31 
 
 should be any more after it : the land was a garden 
 of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate 
 wilderness : Yea, and nothing should escape them.' 
 All things were going to wrack ; the country was 
 overrun by foreign invaders ; bankruptcy, devasta- 
 tion, massacre, and captivity were for perhaps 100 
 years the normal state of Gaul, and of most other 
 countries besides. I have little doubt that Salvian 
 was a prudent man, when he thought fit to bring no 
 more human beings into the world. That is an ugly 
 thought — I trust that you feel how ugly, unnatural, 
 desperate a thought it is. If you do not, think over 
 it till you do, till it frightens you. You will gain a 
 great step thereby in human sympathy^ and therefore 
 in the understanding of history. For many times, 
 and in many places, men have said, rightly or wrongly, 
 ' It is better to leave none behind me like myself. 
 The miseries of life (and of what comes after this life) 
 are greater than its joys. I commit an act of cruelty 
 by bringing a fresh human being into the world.' I 
 wish you to look at that thought steadily, and apply 
 it for yourselves. It has many applications : and has 
 therefore been a very common one. 
 
 But put to yourselves — it is too painful for me to put 
 to you — the case of a married gentleman who sees his 
 country gradually devastated and brought to utter ruin 
 by foreign invaders ; and who feels — as poor Salvian 
 felt, that there is no hope or escape ; that the misery 
 is merited, deserved, fairly earned (for that is the true 
 meaning of those words), and therefore must come. 
 Conceive him seeing around him estates destroyed,
 
 32 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 farms burnt, ladies and gentlemen, his own friends 
 and relations, reduced in an hour to beggary, plun- 
 dered, stript, driven off in gangs — I do not choose to 
 finish the picture : but ask yourselves, would an 
 honourable man wish to bring sons — much more 
 daughters — into the world to endure that ? 
 
 Put yourselves in Salvian's place. Forget for a few 
 minutes that you are Englishmen, the freest and 
 bravest nation upon earth, strong in all that gives real 
 strength, and with a volunteer army which is now 
 formidable by numbers and courage — which, did the 
 terrible call come, might be increased ten times in as 
 many months. Forget all that awhile ; and put 
 yourselves in Salvian's place, the gentleman of Gaul, 
 while Franks and Goths, Burgunds and Vandals were 
 sweeping, wave after wave, over that lovely land ; and 
 judge him rationally, and talk as little as possible of 
 his superstition, and as much as possible of his human 
 feeling, prudence, self-control, and common sense. 
 Believe me, neither celibacy, nor any other seemingly 
 unnatural superstition would have held its ground for 
 a generation if there had not been some practical 
 considerations of common sense to back them. We 
 wonder why men in old times went into monasteries. 
 The simplest answer is, common sense sent them 
 thither. They were tired of being the slaves of their 
 own passions ; they were tired of killing, and of 
 running the chance of being killed. They saw society, 
 the whole world, going to wrack, as they thought, 
 around them : what- could they do better, than see 
 that their own characters, morals, immortal souls did
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 33 
 
 not go to wrack with the rest. We wonder why- 
 women, especially women of rank, went into convents ; 
 why, as soon as a community of monks was founded, 
 a community of nuns sprung up near them. The 
 simplest answer is, common sense sent them thither. 
 The men, especially of the upper fighting classes, were 
 killed off rapidly ; the women were not killed off, and 
 a large number always remained, who, if they had 
 wished to marry, could not. What better for them 
 than to seek in convents that peace which this world 
 could not give ? 
 
 They may have mixed up with that simple wish for 
 peace the notion of being handmaids of God, brides 
 of Christ, and so forth. Be it so. Let us instead of 
 complaining, thank heaven that there was some 
 motive, whether quite right or not, to keep alive in 
 them self-respect, and the feeling that they were not 
 altogether useless and aimless on earth. Look at the 
 question in this light, and you will understand two 
 things ; first, how horrible the times were, and 
 secondly, why there grew up in the^ early middle 
 age a passion for celibacy. 
 
 Salvian, in a word, had already grown up to man- 
 hood and reason, when he saw a time come to his 
 native country, in which were fulfilled, with fearful 
 exactness, the words of the prophet Isaiah : — 
 
 ' Behold, the Lord maketh the land empty, and 
 maketh it waste, and turneth it upside down, and 
 scattercth abroad the inhabitants thereof. And it 
 shall be, as with the people, so with the priest ; as 
 with the slave, so with his master ; as with the maid, 
 
 D
 
 34 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 so with her mistress ; as with the seller, so with the 
 buyer ; as with the lender, so with the borrower ; as 
 with the taker of usury, so with the giver of usury to 
 him. The land shall be utterly emptied, and utterly 
 spoiled ; for the Lord hath spoken this word.' 
 
 And Salvian desired to know the reason why the 
 Lord had spoken that word, and read his Bible till 
 he found out, and wrote thereon his book De Guber- 
 natione Dei, of the government of God ; and a very 
 noble book it is. He takes his stand on the ground 
 of Scripture, with which he shews an admirable ac- 
 quaintance. . The few good were expecting the end 
 of the world. Christ was coming to put an end to all 
 these horrors: but why did he delay his coming? 
 The many weak were crying that God had given up 
 the world ; that Christ had deserted his Church, and 
 delivered over Christians to the cruelties of heathen 
 and Arian barbarians. The many bad were openly 
 blaspheming, throwing off in despair all faith, all 
 bonds of religion, all common decency, and crying, 
 Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die. Salvian 
 answers them like an old Hebrew prophet: 'The 
 Lord's arm is not shortened. The Lord's eyes are 
 not closed. The Lord is still as near as ever. He 
 is governing the world as He has always governed 
 it : by the everlasting moral laws, by which the 
 wages of sin are death. Your iniquities have with- 
 held good things from you. You have earned 
 exactly what God has paid you. Yourselves are 
 your own punishment. You have been wicked 
 men, and therefore weak men ; your own vices,
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 35 
 
 and not the Goths, have been your true con- 
 querors.' As I said in my inaugural lecture — that is 
 after all the true theory of history. Men may forget 
 it in piping times of peace. God grant that in the 
 dark hour of adversity, God may always raise up to 
 them a prophet, like good old Salvian, to preach to 
 them once again the everlasting judgments of God ; 
 and teach them that not faulty constitutions, faulty 
 laws, faulty circumstances of any kind, but the faults 
 of their own hearts and lives, are the causes of their 
 misery. 
 
 M. Guizot, in his elaborate work on the History of 
 Civilization in France, has a few curious pages, on the 
 causes of the decline of civil society in Roman Gaul, 
 and its consequent weakness and ruin. He tells you 
 how the Senators or Clarissimi did not constitute a 
 true aristocracy, able to lead and protect the people, 
 being at the mercy of the Emperor, and nominated and 
 removed at his pleasure. How the Curiales, or wealthy 
 middle class, who were bound by law to fulfil all the 
 municipal offices, and were responsible for the collec- 
 tion of the revenue, found their responsibilities so 
 great, that they by every trick in their power, avoided 
 office. How, as M. Guizot well puts it, the central 
 despotism of Rome stript the Curiales of all they 
 earned, to pay its own functionaries and soldiers ; and 
 gave them the power of appointing magistrates, who 
 were only after all the imperial agents of that des- 
 potism, for whose sake they robbed their fellow- 
 citizens. How the plebs, comprising the small trades- 
 men and free artizans, were utterly unable to assert 
 
 D 2
 
 36 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 their own opinions or rights. How the slave popula- 
 tion, though their condition was much improved, con- 
 stituted a mere dead weight of helpless brutality. 
 
 And then he says, that the Roman Empire was 
 dying. Very true : but often as he quotes Salvian, 
 he omits always to tell us what Roman society was 
 dying of. Salvian says, that it was dying of vice. 
 Not of bad laws and class arrangements, but of bad 
 men. M. Guizot belongs to a school which is apt to 
 impute human happiness and prosperity too exclu- 
 sively to the political constitution under which they 
 may happen to live, irrespectively of the morality of 
 the people themselves. From that, the constitutionalist 
 school, there has been of late a strong reaction, the 
 highest exponent, nay the very coryphaeus of which 
 is Mr. Carlyle. He undervalues, even despises, the in- 
 fluence of laws and constitutions : with him private 
 virtue, from which springs public virtue, is the first 
 and sole cause of national prosperity. My inaugural 
 lecture has told you how deeply I sympathize with 
 his view — taking my stand, as Mr. Carlyle does, on the 
 Hebrew prophets. 
 
 There is, nevertheless, a side of truth in the con- 
 stitutionalist view, which Mr. Carlyle, I think, over- 
 looks. A bad political constitution does produce 
 poverty and weakness : but only in as far as it tends 
 to produce moral evil ; to make men bad. That it 
 can help to do. It can put a premium on vice, on 
 falsehood, on peculation, on laziness, on ignorance ; 
 and thus tempt the mass to moral degradation, from 
 the premier to the slave. Russia has been, for two
 
 THE DYING E.AiriRE. n 
 
 centuries now but too patent a proof of the truth of 
 this assertion. But even in this case, the moral ele- 
 ment is the most important, and just the one which 
 is overlooked. To have good laws, M. Guizot is apt 
 to forget, you must first have good men to make 
 them ; and second, you must have good men to carry 
 them out, after they are made. Bad men can abuse 
 the best of laws, the best of constitutions. Look at 
 the working of our parliaments during the reigns of 
 William III and Anne, and see how powerless good 
 constitutions are, when the men who work them are 
 false and venal. Look, on the other hand, at the 
 Roman Empire from the time of Vespasian to that of 
 the Antonines, and see how well even a bad consti- 
 tution will succeed, when good men are working it. 
 
 Bad laws, I say, will work tolerably under good 
 men, if fitted to the existing circumstances by men of 
 the world, as all Roman laws were. If they had not 
 been such, how was the Roman Empire, at least in 
 its first years, a blessing to the safety, prosperity, and 
 wealth of every country it enslaved } But when de- 
 fective Roman laws began to be worked by bad men, 
 and that for 200 years, then indeed came times of 
 evil. Let us take, then, Salvian's own account of the 
 cause of Roman decay. He, an eye-witness, imputes 
 it all to the morals of Roman citizens. They were, 
 according to him, of the very worst. To the general 
 dissoluteness he attributes, in plain words, the success 
 of the Frank and Gothic invaders. And the facts 
 which he gives, and which there is no reason to doubt, 
 are quite enough to prove him in the right. Every
 
 38 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 great man's house, he says, was a sink of profligacy. 
 The women slaves were at the mercy of their master ; 
 and the slaves copied his morals among themselves. 
 It is an ugly picture : but common sense will tell us, 
 if we but think a little, that such will, and must, be 
 the case in slave-holding countries, wherever Chris- 
 tianity is not present in its purest and strongest form, 
 to control the passions of arbitrary power. 
 
 But there was not merely profligacy among these 
 Gauls. That alone would not have wrought their 
 immediate ruin. Morals were bad enough in old 
 Greece and Rome ; as they were afterwards among 
 the Turks : nevertheless as long as a race is strong ; 
 as long as there is prudence, energy, deep national 
 feeling, outraged virtue does not avenge itself at once 
 by general ruin. But it avenges itself at last, as Sal- 
 vian shews — as all experience shews. As in indi- 
 viduals so in nations, unbridled indulgence of the 
 passions must produce, and does produce, frivolity, 
 efi'eminacy, slavery to the appetite of the moment, a 
 brutalized and reckless temper, before which, pru- 
 dence, energy, national feeling, any and every feeling 
 which is not centered in self, perishes utterly. The 
 old French noblesse gave a proof of this law, which 
 will last as a warning beacon to the end of time. 
 The Spanish population of America, I am told, gives 
 now a fearful proof of this same terrible penalty. Has 
 not Italy proved it likewise, for centuries past? It 
 must be so, gentlemen. For national life is grounded 
 on, is the development of, the life of the family. And 
 where the root is corrupt, the tree must be corrupt
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 39 
 
 likewise. It must be so. For Asmodeus does not 
 walk alone. In his train follow impatience and dis- 
 appointment, suspicion and jealousy, rage and cmelty, 
 and all the passions which set man's hand against his 
 fellow-man. It must be so. For profligacy is selfish- 
 ness ; and the family, and the society, the nation, 
 exists only by casting away selfishness and by obey- 
 ing law : — not only the outward law, which says in the 
 name of God, ' Thou shalt not,' but the inward law, 
 the Law of Christ, which says, ' Thou must ;' the law 
 of self-sacrifice, which selfish lust tramples under foot, 
 till there is no more cohesion left between man and 
 man, no more trust, no more fellow-help, than between 
 the stags who fight for the hinds ; and God help 
 the nation which has brought itself to that ! 
 
 No wonder, therefore, if Salvian's accounts of 
 Gaulish profligacy be true, that Gaulish recklessness 
 reached at last a pitch all but incredible. It is credi- 
 ble, however shocking, that as he says, he himself 
 saw, both at Treves, and another great city (probably 
 Cologne, Colonia Agrippina, or 'The Colony' par ex- 
 cellence) while the destruction of the state was immi- 
 nent, ' old men of rank, decrepit Christians, slaves to 
 gluttony and lust, rabid with clamour, furious with 
 bacchanalian orgies.' It is credible, however shocking, 
 that all through Gaul the captivity was ' foreseen, yet 
 never dreaded.' And 'so when the barbarians had 
 encamped almost in sight, there was no terror among 
 the people, no care of the cities. All was possest by 
 carelessness and sloth, gluttony, drunkenness, sleep, 
 according to that which the prophet saith : A sleep
 
 40 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 from the Lord had come over them.' It is credible, 
 however shocking, that though Treves was four times 
 taken by the barbarians, it remained just as reckless 
 as ever ; and that — I quote Salvian still — when the 
 population was half destroyed by fire and sword, the 
 poor dying of famine, corpses of men and women 
 lying about the streets breeding pestilence, while the 
 dogs devoured them, the few nobles who were left 
 comforted themselves by sending to the Emperor to 
 beg for Circensian games. 
 
 Those Circensian games, and indeed all the public 
 spectacles, are fresh proofs of what I said just now; 
 that if a bad people earn bad government, still a bad 
 government makes a bad people. 
 
 They were the most extraordinary instance which 
 the world ever saw, of a government setting to work 
 at a vast expense to debauch its subjects. Whether 
 the Roman rulers set that purpose consciously before 
 them, one dare not affirm. Their notion probably 
 was (for they were as worldly wise as they were un- 
 principled) that the more frivolous and sensual the 
 people were, the more quietly they would submit to 
 slavery ; and the best way to keep them frivolous 
 and sensual, the Romans knew full well ; so well, that 
 after the Empire became Christian, and many heathen 
 matters were done away with, they did not find it safe 
 to do away with the public spectacles. The temples 
 of the Gods might go : but not the pantomimes. 
 
 In one respect, indeed, these government spectacles 
 became worse, not better, under Christianity. They 
 were less cruel, no doubt : but also they were less
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 41 
 
 beautiful. The old custom of exhibiting representa- 
 tions of the old Greek myths, which had something 
 of grace and poetry about them, and would carry 
 back the spectators' thoughts to the nobler and purer 
 heroic ages, disappeared before Christianity ; but the 
 old vice did not. That was left ; and no longer enno- 
 bled by the old heroic myths round which it had 
 clustered itself, was simply of the silliest and most 
 vulgar kind. We know in detail the abominations, as 
 shameless and ridiculous, which went on a century 
 after Salvian, in the theatres of Constantinople, under 
 the eyes of th'e'most Christian Emperor Justinian, 
 and ivhich won for that most infamous woman, Theo- 
 dora, a share in his imperial crown, and the right to 
 dictate doctrine to the Christian Bishops of the East, 
 and to condemn the soul of Origen to everlasting 
 damnation, for having exprest hopes of the final par- 
 don of sinners. We can well believe, therefore, Sal- 
 vian's complaints of the wickedness of those panto- 
 mimes of which he says, that ' honeste non possunt 
 vel accusari;' he cannot even accuse them without 
 saying what he is ashamed to say ; I believe also his 
 assertion, that they would not let people be modest, 
 even if they wished ; that they inflamed the passions, 
 and debauched the imaginations of young and old, 
 man and woman, and — but I am not here to argue 
 that sin is sin, or that the population of London would 
 be the worse if the most shameless persons among 
 them were put by the Government in possession of 
 Drury Lane and Covent Garden ; and that, and 
 nothing less than that, did the Roman pantomimes
 
 42 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 mean, from the days of Juvenal till those of the most 
 holy and orthodox Empress Theodora. 
 
 'Whoj knowing the judgment of God, that they 
 who do such things are worthy of death, not only do 
 the same, but have pleasure in them that do them.' 
 
 Now in contrast to all these abominations, old Sal- 
 vian sets, boldly and honestly, the superior morality 
 of the barbarians. That, he says, is the cause of their 
 strength and our weakness. We, professing ortho- 
 doxy, are profligate hypocrites. They, half heathens, 
 half Arians, are honester men, purer men than we. 
 There is no use, he says, in despising the Goths as 
 heretics, while they are better men than we. They 
 are better Christians than the Romans, because they 
 are better men. They pray to God for success, and 
 trust in him, and we presumptuously trust in our- 
 selves. We swear by Christ : but what do we do but 
 blaspheme him, when we swear ' Per Christum tollo 
 eum,' ' I will make away with him,' ' Per Christum 
 hunc jugulo,' 'I will cut his throat,' and then believe 
 ourselves bound to commit the murder which we have 
 vowed ? . . . ' The Saxons/ he says, ' are_h£jxe, tl^- 
 Franks faithless, the Gepidae inhuman, the Huns 
 shameless. But is the Frank's perfidy as blameable 
 as ours ? Is the Alman's drunkenness, or the Alan's 
 rapacity, as damnable as a Christian's? If a Hun or 
 a Gepid deceives you, what wonder? He is utterly 
 ignorant that there is any sin in falsehood. But what 
 of the Christian who does the same ? The Barba- 
 rians,' he says, 'are better men than the Christians. 
 The Goths,' he says, ' are perfidious, but chaste. The
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 43 
 
 Alans unchaste, but less perfidious. The Franks are 
 liars, but hospitable ; the Saxons ferociously cruel, 
 but venerable for their chastity. The Visigoths who 
 conquered Spain/ he says, ' were the most " ignavi " 
 (heavy, I presume he means, and loutish) of all the 
 barbarians : but they were chaste, and therefore they 
 conquered.' 
 
 In Africa, if we are to believe Salvian, things stood 
 even worse, at the time of the invasion of the Vandals. 
 In his violent invectives against the Africans, how- 
 ever, allowance must be made. Salvian was a great 
 lover of monks ; and the Africans used, he says, to 
 detest them, and mob them wherever they appeared ; 
 for which offence, of course, he can find no words too 
 strong. St. Augustine, however, himself a country- 
 man of theirs, who died, happily, just before the storm 
 burst on that hapless land, speaks bitterly of their 
 exceeding profligacy — of which he himself in his wild 
 youth, had had but too sad experience. Salvian's 
 assertion is, that the Africans were the most profligate 
 of all the Romans ; and that while each barbarian 
 tribe had (as we have just seen) some good in them, 
 the Africans had none. 
 
 But there were noble souls left among them, lights 
 which shone all the more brightly in the surrounding 
 darkness. In the pages of Victor Vitensis, which tell 
 the sad story of the persecution of the African Catho- 
 lics by the Arian Vandals, you will find many a 
 moving tale which shews that God had his own, even 
 among those degraded Carthaginians. 
 
 The causes of the Arian hatred to the Catholics is
 
 44 THE DYING EAIPIRE. 
 
 very obscure. You will find all that is known in 
 Dean Milman's History of Latin Christianity. A 
 simple explanation may be found in the fact that the 
 Catholics considered the Arians, and did not conceal 
 their opinion, as all literally and actually doomed to 
 the torments of everlasting fire ; and that, as Gibbon 
 puts it, ' The heroes of the north, who had submitted 
 with some reluctance, to believe that all their ances- 
 tors were in hell, were astonished and exasperated to 
 learn, that they themselves had only changed the 
 mode of their eternal condemnation.' The Teutons 
 were (Salvian himself confesses it) trying to serve 
 God devoutly, in chastity, sobriety, and honesty, ac- 
 cording to their light. And they were told by the 
 profligates of Africa, that this and no less, was their 
 doom. It is not to be wondered at, again, if they 
 mistook the Catholic creed for the cause of Catholic 
 immorality. That may account for the Vandal custom 
 of re-baptizing the Catholics. It certainly accounts 
 for the fact (if after all it be a fact) which Victor 
 states, that they tortured the nuns to extort from 
 them shameful confessions against the priests. But 
 the history of the African persecution is the history 
 of all persecutions, as confest again and again by the 
 old fathers, as proved by the analogies of later times. 
 The sins of the Church draw down punishment, by 
 making her enemies confound her doctrine and her 
 practice. But in return, the punishment of the Church 
 purifies her, and brings out her nobleness afresh, as 
 the snake casts his skin in pain, and comes out young 
 and fair once more ; and in every dark hour of the
 
 THE DYING EMPIRE. 45 
 
 Church, there flashes out some bright form of human 
 heroism, to be a beacon and a comfort to all future 
 time. Victor, for instance, tells the story of Dionysia, 
 the beautiful widow whom the Vandals tried to torture 
 into denying the Divinity of our Lord. — How when 
 they saw that she was bolder and fairer than all the 
 other matrons, they seized her, and went to strip her : 
 and she cried to them, ' Qualiter libet occidite : vere- 
 cunda tamen membra nolite nudare,' but in vain. 
 They hung her up by the hands, and scourged her till 
 streams of blood ran down every limb. Her only son, 
 a delicate boy, stood by trembling, knowing that his 
 turn would come next ; and she saw it, and called to 
 him in the midst of her shame and agony. ' He had 
 been baptized into the name of the Blessed Trinity ; 
 let him die in that name, and not lose the wedding- 
 garment. Let him fear the pain that never ends, and 
 cling to the life that endures for ever.' The boy took 
 heart, and when his turn came, died under the torture ; 
 and Dionysia took up the little corpse, and buried it 
 in her own house ; and worshipped upon her boy's 
 grave to her dying day. 
 
 Yes. God had his own left, even among those 
 fallen Africans of Carthage. 
 
 But neither there, nor in Spain, could the Vandals 
 cure the evil. ' Now-a-days,' says Salvian, * there are 
 no profligates among the Goths, save Romans ; none 
 among the Vandals, save Romans. Blush, Roman 
 people, everywhere, blush for your morals. There is 
 hardly a city free from dens of sin, and none at all 
 from impurity, save those which the barbarians have
 
 46 THE DYING EMPIRE. 
 
 begun to occupy. And do we wonder if we are sur- 
 passed in power, by an enemy who surpasses us in 
 decency ? It is not the natural strength of their 
 bodies which makes them conquer us. We have been 
 conquered only by the vices of our own morals.' 
 
 Yes. Salvian was right. Those last words were 
 no mere outburst of national vanity, content to con- 
 fess every sin, save that of being cowards. He was 
 right. It was not the mere muscle of the Teuton 
 which enabled him to crush the decrepit and de- 
 bauched slave-nations, Gaul and Briton, Iberian and 
 African, as the ox crushes the frogs of the marsh. 
 The 'sera juvenum Venus, ideoque inexhausta puber- 
 tas,' had given him more than his lofty stature, and 
 his mighty limbs. Had he had nought but them, he 
 might have remained to the end a blind Samson, 
 grinding among the slaves in Caesar's mill, butchered 
 to make a Roman holiday. But it had given him 
 more, that purity of his ; it had given him, as it may 
 give you, gentlemen, a calm and steady brain, and a 
 free and loyal heart ; the energy which springs from 
 health ; the self-respect which comes from self- 
 restraint ; and the spirit which shrinks from neither 
 God nor man, and feels it light to die for wife and 
 child, for people, and for Queen.
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 ON DR. LATHAM'S ' GERMANIA.' 
 
 If I have followed in these lectures the better 
 known and more widely received etymology of the 
 name Goth, I have done so out of no disrespect to 
 Dr. Latham ; but simply because his theory seems to 
 me adhuc sub judice. It is this, as far as I understand 
 it. That ' Goth ' was not the aboriginal name of the 
 race. That they were probably not so called till they 
 came into the land of the Getae, about the mouths of 
 the Danube. That the Teutonic name for the Os- 
 trogoths was Grutungs, and that of the Visigoths 
 (which he does not consider to mean West-Goths) 
 Thervings, Thiiringer. That on reaching the land of 
 the Getae they took their name; 'just as the Kentings 
 of Anglo-Saxon England took name from the Keltic 
 country of Kent;' and that the names Goth, Gothones, 
 Gothini were originally given to Lithuanians by their 
 Sclavonic neighbours. I merely state the theory, and 
 leave it for the judgment of others. 
 
 The principal points which Dr. Latham considers 
 himself to have established, are — 
 
 That the area and population of the Teutonic 
 tribes have been, on the authority of Tacitus, much
 
 48 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 overrated ; many tribes hitherto supposed to be 
 Teutonic being really Sclavonic, &c. 
 
 This need not shock our pride, if proved — as it 
 seems to me to be. The nations who have influenced 
 the world's destiny have not been great, in the modern 
 American sense of 'big;' but great in heart, as our 
 forefathers were. The Greeks were but a handful at 
 Salamis ; so were the Romans of the Republic ; so 
 were the Spaniards of America ; so, probably, were 
 the Aztecs and Incas whom they overthrew ; and 
 surely our own conquerors and re-conquerers of Hin- 
 dostan have shewn enough that it is not numbers, but 
 soul, which gives a race the power to rule. 
 
 Neither need we object to Dr. Latham's opinion, 
 that more than one of the tribes which took part in 
 the destruction of the Empire were not aboriginal 
 Germans, but Sclavonians Germanized, and under 
 German leaders. It may be so. The custom of 
 enslaving captives would render pure Teutonic blood 
 among the lower classes of a tribe the exception and 
 not the rule ; while the custom of chiefs choosing the 
 * thegns,' ' gesitha,' or ' comites,' who lived and died 
 as their companions-in-arms, from among the most 
 valiant of the unfree, would tend to produce a mixed 
 blood in the upper classes also, and gradually assimi- 
 late the whole mass to the manners and laws of their 
 Teutonic lords. Only by some such actual superiority 
 of the upper classes to the lower can I explain the 
 deep respect for rank and blood, which distinguishes, 
 and will perhaps always distinguish, the Teutonic 
 peoples. Had there even been anything like a
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 49 
 
 primaeval equality among our race, a hereditary- 
 aristocracy could never have arisen, or if arising for a 
 while, never could have remained as a fact which all 
 believed in, from the lowest to the highest. Just, or 
 unjust, the institution represented, I verily believe, 
 an ethnological fact. The golden-haired hero said to 
 his brown-haired bondsman, ' I am a gentleman, who 
 have a " gens," a stamm, a pedigree, and know from 
 whom I am sprung. I am a Garding, an Amalung, a 
 Scylding, an Osing, or what not. I am a son of the 
 gods. The blood of the Asas is in my veins. Do 
 you not see it? Am I not wiser, stronger, more 
 virtuous, more beautiful than you ? You must obey 
 me, and be my man, and follow me to the death. 
 Then, if you prove a worthy thane, I will give you 
 horse, weapons, bracelets, lands ; and marry you, it 
 may be, to my daughter or my niece. And if not, 
 you must remain a son of the earth, grubbing in 
 the dust of which you were made.' And the bonds- 
 man believed him ; and became his lord's man, and 
 followed him to the death ; and was thereby not de- 
 graded, but raised out of selfish savagery and brute 
 independence into loyalty, usefulness, and self-respect. 
 As a fact, that is the method by which the thing was 
 done : done ; — very ill indeed, as most human things 
 are done; but a method inevitable— and possibly right ; 
 till (as in England now) the lower classes became 
 ethnologically identical with the upper, and equality 
 became possible in law, simply because it existed in 
 fact. 
 
 But the part of Dr. Latham's ' Germania ' to which 
 E
 
 50 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 I am bound to call most attention, because I have 
 not followed it, is that interesting part of the Prole- 
 gomena, in which he combats the generally received 
 theory, that, between the time of Tacitus and that of 
 Charlemagne, vast masses of Germans had migrated 
 southward from between the Elbe and the Vistula ; 
 and that they had been replaced by the Sclavonians 
 who certainly were there in Charlemagne's days. 
 
 Dr. Latham argues against this theory with a great 
 variety of facts and reasons. But has he not over- 
 stated his case on some points ? 
 
 Need the migrations necessary for this theory have 
 been of ' unparalleled magnitude and rapidity'.^ 
 
 As for the 'unparalleled completeness' on which 
 he lays much stress, from the fact that no remnants 
 of Teutonic population are found in the countries 
 evacuated : 
 
 Is it the fact that ' history only tells us of German 
 armies having advanced south ' ? Do we not find 
 four famous cases — the irruption of the Cimbri and 
 Teutons into Italy ; the passage of the Danube by 
 the Visigoths ; and the invasions of Italy first by the 
 Ostrogoths, then by the Lombards — in which the 
 nations came with men, women, and children, horses, 
 cattle, and dogs, bag and baggage? May not this 
 have been the custom of the race, with its strong 
 feeling for the family tie ; and may not this account 
 for no traces of them being left behind ? 
 
 Does not Dr. Latham's theory proceed too much 
 on an assumption that the Sclavonians dispossest the 
 Teutons by force? And is not this assumption his
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 51 
 
 ground for objecting that the movement was effected 
 improbably ' by that division of the European popula- 
 tion (the Sclavonic and Lithuanian) which has, within 
 the historic period, receded before the Germanic ' ? 
 
 Are these migrations, though ' unrepresented in 
 any history ' (i. e. contemporaneous), really ' unrepre- 
 sented in any tradition'? Do not the traditions of 
 Jornandes and Paulus Diaconus, that the Goths and 
 the Lombards came from Scandinavia, represent this 
 very fact ? — and are they to be set aside as naught ? 
 Surely not. Myths of this kind generally embody a 
 nucleus of truth, and must be regarded with respect ; 
 for they often, after all arguments about them are 
 spent, are found to contain the very pith of the 
 matter. 
 
 Are the * phenomena of replacement and substitu- 
 tion ' so very strange — I will not say upon the 
 popular theory, but at least on one half-way between 
 it and Dr. Latham's ? Namely — 
 
 That the Teutonic races came originally, as some 
 of them say they did, from Scandinavia, Denmark, 
 the South Baltic, &c. 
 
 That they forced their way down, wave after wave, 
 on what would have been the line of least resistance 
 — the Marches between the Gauls, Romanized or 
 otherwise, and the Sclavonians. And that the Alps 
 and the solid front of the Roman Empire turned 
 them to the East, till their vanguard found itself on 
 the Danube. 
 
 This would agree with Dr. Latham's most valuable 
 hint, that Markmen, ' Men of the Marches,' was 
 
 E 2
 
 52 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 perhaps the name of many German tribes succes- 
 sively. 
 
 That they fought, as they went, with the Sclavo- 
 nian and other tribes (as their traditions seem to 
 report), and rolled them back to the eastward ; and 
 that as each Teutonic tribe past down the line, the 
 Sclavonians rolled back again, till the last column 
 was past. 
 
 That the Teutons also carried down with them, as 
 slaves or allies, a portion of this old Sclavonic popu- 
 lation (to which Dr. Latham will perhaps agree) ; and 
 that this fact caused a hiatus, which was gradually 
 filled by tribes who after all were little better than 
 nomad hunters, and would occupy (quite nominally) 
 a very large tract with a small population. 
 
 Would not this theory agree at once tolerably with 
 the old traditions and with Dr. Latham's new facts ? 
 
 The question still remains — which is the question 
 of all. What put these Germanic peoples on going 
 South ? Were there no causes sufficient to excite so 
 desperate a resolve ? 
 
 (i) Did they all go? Is not Paulus Diaconus' 
 story that one-third of the Lombards was to emigrate 
 by lot, and two-thirds remain at home, a rough type 
 of what generally happened — what happens now in 
 our modern emigrations ? Was not the surplus popu- 
 lation driven off by famine toward warmer and more 
 hopeful climes? 
 
 (2) Are not the Teutonic populations of England, 
 North Germany, and the Baltic, the descendants, 
 much intermixed, and with dialects much changed, of
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 53 
 
 the portions which were left behind ? This is the 
 opinion, I beheve, of several great ethnologists? Is 
 it not true? If philological objections are raised to 
 this, I ask (but in all humility). Did not these south- 
 ward migrations commence long before the time of 
 Tacitus ? If so, may they not have commenced 
 before the different Teutonic dialects were as distinct 
 as they were in the historic period ? And are we to 
 suppose that the dialects did not alter during the 
 long journeyings through many nations? Is it pos- 
 sible that the Thervings and Grutungs could have 
 retained the same tongue on the Danube, as their 
 forefathers spoke in their native land? Would not 
 the Moeso-Gothic of Ulfilas have been all but unin- 
 telligible to the Goth who, upon the old theory, 
 remained in Gothland of Sweden ? 
 
 (3) But were there not more causes than mere 
 want, which sent them south? Had the peculiar 
 restlessness of the race nothing to do with it? A 
 restlessness not nomadic, but migratory : arising not 
 from carelessness of land and home, but from the 
 longing to found a home in a new land, like the rest- 
 lessness of us, their children ? As soon as we meet 
 them in historic times, they are always moving, mi- 
 grating, invading. Were they not doing the same in 
 pre-historic times, by fits and starts, no doubt with 
 periods of excitement, periods of collapse and rest? 
 When we recollect the invasion of the Normans ; the 
 wholesale eastward migration of the Crusaders, men, 
 women, and children ; and the later colonization by 
 Teutonic peoples, of every quarter of the globe, is
 
 54 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 there anything wonderful in the belief that similar 
 migratory manias may have seized the old tribes ; 
 that the spirit of Woden, ' the mover,' may have 
 moved them, and forced them to go ahead, as now? 
 Doubtless the theory is strange. But the Teutons 
 were and are a strange people ; so strange, that they 
 have conquered — one may almost say that they are — 
 all nations which are alive upon the globe; and we 
 may therefore expect them to have- done strange 
 things even in their infancy. 
 
 The Romans saw them conquer the empire ; and 
 said, the good men among them, that it was on 
 account of their superior virtue. But beside the 
 virtue which made them succeed, there must have 
 been the adventurousness which made them attempt. 
 They were a people fond of 'avanturen,' like their 
 descendants ; and they went out to seek them ; and 
 found enough and to spare. 
 
 (4) But more, had they never heard of Rome? 
 Surely they had, and at a very early period of the 
 empire. We are apt to forget, that for every dis- 
 covery of the Germans by the Romans, there was a 
 similar discovery of the Romans by the Germans, and 
 one which would tell powerfully on their childish 
 imagination. Did not one single Kemper or Teuton 
 return from Marius' slaughter, to spread among the 
 tribes (niddering though he may have been called 
 for coming back alive) the fair land which they had 
 found, fit for the gods of Valhalla ; the land of sun- 
 shine, fruits and wine, wherein his brothers' and sisters' 
 bones were bleaching unavenged ? Did no gay Gaul
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 55 
 
 of the Legion of the Lark, boast in a frontier wine- 
 house to a German trapper, who came in to sell his 
 peltry, how he himself was a gentleman now, and a 
 civilized man, and a Roman ; and how he had fol- 
 lowed Julius Caesar, the king of men, over the Rubicon, 
 and on to a city of the like of which man never 
 dreamed, wherein was room for all the gods of 
 heaven? Did no captive tribune of Varus' legions, 
 led with horrid shouts round Thor's altar in the Teu- 
 toburger Wald, ere his corpse was hung among the 
 horses and goats on the primaeval oaks, turn to bay 
 like a Roman, and tell his wild captors of the Eternal 
 City, and of the might of that Caesar who would 
 avenge every hair upon his head with a German life ; 
 and receive for answer a shout of laughter, and the 
 cry — ' You have come to us : and some day we will 
 go to you ?' Did no commissary, bargaining with a 
 German for cattle to be sent over the frontier by such 
 a day of the week, and teaching him to mistranslate 
 into those names of Thor, Woden, Freya, and so 
 forth, which they now carry, the Jewish-Assyrian- 
 Roman days of the se'nnight, amuse the simple 
 forester by telling him how the streets of Rome were 
 paved with gold, and no one had anything to do 
 there but to eat and bathe at the public expense, and 
 to go to the theatre, and see 20,000 gladiators fight 
 at once? Did no German 'Regulus,' alderman, or 
 king, enter Rome on an embassy, and come back with 
 uplifted eyes and hands, declaring that he had seen 
 things unspeakable — a 'very fine plunder,' as Blucher 
 said of London ; and that if it were not for the walls,
 
 S6 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 
 
 they might get it all ; for not only the ladies, but the 
 noblemen, went about in litters of silver and gold, and 
 wore gauze dresses, the shameless wretches, through 
 which you might see every limb , so that as for 
 killing them, there was no more fear of them than of 
 a flock of sheep : but that he did not see as well as he 
 could have wished how to enter the great city, for he 
 was more or less the worse for liquor the whole time, 
 with wondrous stuff which they called wine ? Or did 
 no captive, escaped by miracle from the butcheries of 
 thf amphitheatre, return to tell his countrymen how all 
 the rest had died like German men ; and call on them 
 to rise and avenge their brothers' blood ? Yes, surely 
 the Teutons knew well, even in the time of Tacitus^ 
 of the ' micklegard,' the great city and all its glory. 
 Every fresh tribe who passed along the frontier of 
 Gaul or of Noricum would hear more and more of it, 
 see more and more men who had actually been there. 
 If the glory of the city exercised on its own inhabit- 
 ants an intoxicating influence^ as of a place omni- 
 potent, superhuman, divine — it would exercise (ex- 
 aggerated as it would be) a still stronger influence on 
 the barbarians outside : and what wonder if they 
 pressed southwards at first in the hope of taking the 
 mighty city ; and afterwards, as her real strength 
 became more known, of at least seizing some of those 
 colonial cities, which were as superhuman in their 
 eyes as Rome itself would have been? In the cru- 
 sades, the children, whenever they came to a great 
 town, asked their parents if that was not Jerusalem. 
 And so, it may be, many a gallant young Teuton, on
 
 PREFACE TO LECTURE III. 57 
 
 entering for the first time such a city as Cologne, 
 Lyons, or Vienna, whispered half trembling to his 
 lord — ' Surely this must be Rome.' 
 
 Some such arguments as these might surely be 
 brought in favour of a greater migration than Dr. 
 Latham is inclined to allow : but I must leave the 
 question for men of deeper research and wider 
 learning, than I possess.
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 'I HAVE taken in hand,' said Sir Francis Drake 
 once to the crew of the immortal Pehcan, ' that which 
 I know not how to accomph'sh. Yea, it hath even 
 bereaved me of my wits to think of it.' 
 
 And so I must say on the subject of this lecture. 
 I wish to give you some notion of the history of Italy 
 for nearly one hundred years ; say from 400 to 5oO' 
 But it is very difficult. How can a man draw a pic- 
 ture of that which has no shape ; or tell the order of 
 absolute disorder ? It is all a horrible ' fourmillement 
 des nations,' like the working of an ant-heap ; like the 
 insects devouring each other in a drop of water. 
 Teuton tribes, Sclavonic tribes, Tartar tribes, Roman 
 generals, empresses, bishops, courtiers, adventurers, 
 appear for a moment out of the crowd, dim phantoms 
 — nothing more, most of them — with a name appended, 
 and then vanish, proving their humanity only by 
 leaving behind them one more stain of blood. 
 
 And what became of the masses all the while? of 
 the men, slaves the greater part of them, if not all, 
 who tilled the soil, and ground the corn — for man 
 must have eaten, then as now? We have no hint.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 59 
 
 One trusts that God had mercy on them, if not in 
 this world, still in the world to come. Man, at least, 
 had none. 
 
 Taking one's stand at Rome, and looking toward 
 the north, what does one see for nearly one hundred 
 years ? Wave after wave rising out of the north, the 
 land of night, and wonder, and the terrible unknown ; 
 visible only as the light of Roman civilization strikes 
 their crests, and they dash against the Alps, and roll 
 over through the mountain passes, into the fertile 
 plains below. Then at last they are seen but too 
 well ; and you discover that the waves are living men, 
 women, and children, horses, dogs, and cattle, all rush- 
 ing headlong into that great whirlpool of Italy : and 
 yet the gulf is never full. The earth drinks up the 
 blood ; the bones decay into the fruitful soil ; the very 
 names and memories of whole tribes are washed away. 
 And the result of an immigration which may be 
 counted by hundreds of thousands is this — that all 
 the land is waste. 
 
 The best authorities which I can give you (though 
 you will find many more in Gibbon) are — for the main 
 story, Jornandes, De Rebus Geticis. Himself a Goth, 
 he wrote the history of his race, and that of Attila 
 and his Huns, in good rugged Latin, not without force 
 and sense. 
 
 Then Claudian, the poet, a bombastic panegyrist of 
 contemporary Roman scoundrels ; but full of curious 
 facts, if one could only depend on them. 
 
 Then the earlier books of Procopius De Bello 
 Gothico, and the Chronicle of Zosimus.
 
 6o THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 Salvlan, Ennodius and Sidonlus Apollinaris, as 
 Christians, will give you curious details, especially as 
 to South France and North Italy ; while many par- 
 ticulars of the first sack of Rome, with comments 
 thereon which express the highest intellects of that 
 day, you will find in St. Jerome's Letters, and St. 
 Augustine's City of God. 
 
 But if you want these dreadful times explained to 
 you, I do not think you can do better than to take 
 your Bibles, and to read the Revelations of St. John 
 the Apostle. I shall quote them, more than once, in 
 this lecture. I cannot help quoting them. The words 
 come naturally to my lips, as fitter to the facts than 
 any words of my own. 
 
 I do not come here to interpret the Book of Reve- 
 lations. I do not understand that book. But I do say 
 plainly, though I cannot interpret the book, that the 
 book has interpreted those times to me. Its awful 
 metaphors give me more living and accurate pictures 
 of what went on than any that Gibbon's faithful 
 details can give. 
 
 You may see, if you have spiritual eyes wherewith 
 to see, the Dragon, the serpent, symbol of political 
 craft and the devilish wisdom of the Roman, giving 
 authority to the Beast, the symbol of brute power ; 
 to mongrel ^tiuses and Bonifaces, barbarian Stilichos, 
 Ricimers and Aspars, and a host of similar adventurers, 
 whose only strength was force. 
 
 You may see the world wondering after the beast, 
 and worshipping brute force, as the only thing left to 
 believe in.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 6i 
 
 You may see the nations of the world gnawing their 
 tongues for pain, and blaspheming God, but not re- 
 penting of their deeds. 
 
 You may see the faith and patience of the saints — 
 men like Augustine, Salvian, Epiphanius, Severlnus, 
 Deogratias of Carthage, and a host more, no doubt, 
 whose names the world will never hear — the salt of 
 the earth, which kept it all from rotting. 
 
 You may see Babylon the great fallen, and all the 
 kings and merchants of the earth bewailing her afar 
 off, and watching the smoke of her torment. 
 
 You may see, as St. John warns you, that — after her 
 fall, mind — if men would go on worshipping the beast, 
 and much more his image — the phantom and shadow 
 of brute force, after the reality had passed away — 
 they should drink of the wine of the wrath of God, 
 and be tormented for ever. For you may see how 
 those degenerate Romans did go on worshipping the 
 shadow of brute force, and how they were tormented 
 for ever ; and had no rest day or night, because they 
 worshipped the Beast and his image. 
 
 You may see all the fowl of the heavens flocking 
 together to the feast of the great God, to eat the flesh 
 of kings and captains, horse and rider, bond and free. 
 — All carrion-birds, human as well as brute — All 
 greedy villains and adventurers, the scoundreldom of 
 the whole world, flocking in to get their share of the 
 carcass of the dying empire ; as the vulture and the 
 raven flock in to the carrion when the royal eagles 
 have gorged their fill. 
 
 And lastly, you may see, if God give you grace,
 
 62 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 One who is faithful and true, with a name which no 
 man knew, save Himself, making war in righteousness 
 against all evil ; bringing order out of disorder, hope out 
 of despair, fresh health and life out of old disease and 
 death ; executing just judgment among all the nations 
 of the earth ; and sending down from heaven the city 
 of God, in the light of which the nations of those who 
 are saved should walk, and the kings of the earth 
 should bring their power and their glory into it ; with 
 the tree of life in the midst of it, whose leaves should 
 be for the healing of the nations. 
 
 Again, I say, I am not here to interpret the Book 
 of Revelations ; but this I say, that that book 
 interprets those times to me. 
 
 Leaving, for the present at least, to better histo- 
 rians than myself the general subject of the Teutonic 
 immigrations ; the conquest of North Gaul by the 
 Franks, of Britain by the Saxons and Angles, of 
 Burgundy by the Burgundians, of Africa by the 
 Vandals, I shall speak rather of those Teutonic tribes 
 which actually entered and conquered Italy; and 
 first, of course, of the Goths. Especially interesting 
 to us English should their fortunes be, for they are 
 said to be very near of kin to us ; at least to those 
 Jutes who conquered Kent. As Goths, Geats, Getae, 
 Juts, antiquarians find them in early and altogether 
 mythic times, in the Scandinavian peninsula, and the 
 isles and mainland of Denmark. 
 
 Their name, it is said, is the same as one name for 
 the Supreme Being. Goth, Guth, Yuth, signifies war. 
 ' God ' is the highest warrior, the Lord of hosts, and
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. ' 63 
 
 the progenitor of the race, whether as an ' Eponym 
 hero ' or as the supreme Deity. Physical force was 
 their rude notion of Divine power, and Tiu, Tiv, or 
 Tyr, in like manner, who was originally the' god of 
 the clear sky, the Zeus or Jove of the Greeks and 
 Romans, became by virtue of his warlike character, 
 identical with the Roman Mars, till the dies Martis of 
 the Roman week became the German Tuesday. 
 
 Working their way down from Gothland and Jut- 
 land, we know not why nor when, thrusting aside the 
 cognate Burgunds, and the Sclavonic tribes whom 
 they met on the road, they had spread themselves, in 
 the third century, over the whole South of Russia, 
 and westward over the Danubian Provinces, and 
 Hungary. The Ostrogoths (East-goths) lay from the 
 Volga to the Borysthenes, the Visigoths (West-goths ?) 
 from the Borysthenes to the Theiss. Behind them 
 lay the Gepidse, a German tribe, who had come south- 
 eastward with them, and whose name is said to 
 signify the men who had ' bided ' (remained) behind 
 the rest. 
 
 What manner of men they were it is hard to say, \ 
 so few details are left to us. But we may conceive . 
 them as a tall, fair-haired people, clothed in shirts > 
 and smocks of embroidered linen, and gaiters cross- 
 strapped with hide ; their arms and necks encircled 
 with gold and silver rings ; the warriors, at least of 
 the upper class, well horsed, and armed with lance 
 and heavy sword, with chain mail, and helmets sur- 
 mounted with plumes, horns, towers, dragons, boars, 
 and the other strange devices which are still seen on
 
 64 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 the crests of German nobles. This much we can 
 guess ; for in this way their ancestors, or at least 
 relations, the War-Geats, appear clothed in the 
 grand old song of Beowulf. Their land must have 
 been tilled principally by slaves, usually captives 
 taken in war : but the noble mystery of the forge, 
 where arms and ornaments were made, was an 
 honourable craft for men of rank ; and their ladies, as 
 in the middle age, prided themselves on their skill 
 with the needle and the loom. Their language has 
 been happily preserved to us in Ulfilas' Translation 
 of the Scriptures. For these Goths, the greater num- 
 ber of them at least, were by this time Christians, or 
 very nearly such. Good Bishop Ulfilas, brought up 
 a Christian and consecrated by order of Constantine 
 the Great, had been labouring for years to convert his 
 adopted countrymen from the worship of Thor and 
 Woden. He had translated the Bible for them, and 
 had constructed a Gothic alphabet for that purpose. 
 He had omitted, however (prudently as he considered) 
 the books of Kings, with their histories of the Jewish 
 wars. The Goths, he held, were only too fond of 
 fighting already, and ' needed in that matter the bit, 
 rather than the spur.' He had now a large number of 
 converts, some of whom had even endured persecution 
 from their heathen brethren. Athanaric, 'judge,' or 
 alderman of the Thervings, had sent through the 
 camp — so runs the story — the waggon which bore the 
 idol of Woden, and had burnt, with their tents and 
 their families, those who refused to worship. 
 
 They, like all other German tribes, were ruled over
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 65 
 
 by two royal races, sons of Woden and the Asas. The 
 Ostrogoth race was the Amalungs — the ' heavenly,' 
 or ' spotless ' race ; the Visigoth race was the Bal- 
 thungs — the ' bold ' or ' valiant ' race ; and from these 
 two families, and from a few others, but all believed 
 to be lineally descended from Woden, and now much 
 intermixed, are derived all the old royal families of 
 Europe, that of the House of Brunswick among the 
 rest. 
 
 That they were no savages, is shewn sufficiently by 
 their names, at least those of their chiefs. Such names 
 as Alaric, ' all rich ' or ' all powerful,' Ataulf, ' the 
 helping father,' Fridigern, ' the willing peace-maker,' 
 and so forth — all the names in fact, which can be put 
 back into their native form out of their Romanized 
 distortions, are tokens of a people far removed from 
 that barbarous state in which men are named after 
 personal peculiarities, natural objects, or the beasts of 
 the field. On this subject you may consult, as full of 
 interest and instruction, the list of Teutonic names 
 given in Muratori. 
 
 They had broken over the Roman frontier more 
 than once, and taken cities. They had compelled the 
 Emperor Gratian to buy them off. They had built 
 themselves flat-bottomed boats without iron in them, 
 and sailed from the Crimea round the shores of the 
 Black Sea, once and again, plundering Trebizond, 
 and at .last the temple itself of Diana at Ephesus. 
 They had even penetrated into Greece and Athens, 
 plundered the Parthenon, and threatened the capitol. 
 They had fought the Emperor Decius^ till he, and 
 
 F
 
 66 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 many of his legionaries, were drowned in a bog in the 
 moment of victory. They had been driven with dif- 
 ficulty back across the Danube by Aurelian, and 
 walled out of the Empire with the Allemanni by 
 Probus's ' Teufels-Mauer,' stretching from the Danube 
 to the Rhine. Their time was not yet come by a 
 hundred years. But they had seen and tasted the 
 fine things of the sunny south, and did not forget 
 them amid the steppes and snows. 
 
 At last a sore need came upon them. About 350 
 there was a great king among them, Ermanaric, ' the 
 powerful warrior,' comparable, says Jornandes, to 
 Alexander himself, who had conquered all the con- 
 quered tribes around. When he was past 100 years 
 old, a chief of the Roxolani (Ugrians, according to 
 Dr. Latham ; men of Ros, or Russia), one of these 
 tribes, plotted against him, and sent for help to the 
 new people, the Huns, who had just appeared on the 
 confines of Europe and Asia. Old Ermanaric tore 
 the traitor's wife to pieces with wild horses : but the 
 Huns came nevertheless. A magic hind, the Goths 
 said, guided the new people over the steppes to the 
 land of the Goths, and then vanished. They fought 
 with the Goths, and defeated them. Old Ermanaric 
 stabbed himself for shame, and the hearts of the 
 Goths became as water before the tempest of nations. 
 They were supernatural creatures, the Goths believed, 
 engendered of witches and demons on the steppes ; 
 pig-eyed hideous beings, with cakes instead of faces, 
 ' ofiam magis quam faciem,' under ratskin caps, armed 
 with arrows tipped with bone, and lassos of cord, eat-
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 67 
 
 ing, marketing, sleeping on horseback, so grown into 
 the saddle that they could hardly walk in their huge 
 boots. With them were Acatzirs, painted blue, hair 
 as well as skin ; Alans, wandering with their waggons 
 like the Huns, armed with heavy cuirasses of plaited 
 horn, their horses decked with human scalps ; Geloni 
 armed with a scythe, wrapt in a cloak of human skin; 
 Bulgars who impaled their prisoners — savages innu- 
 merable as the locust swarms. Who could stand 
 against them ? 
 
 In the year 375, the West Goths came down to the 
 Danube-bank and entreated the Ronlans to let them 
 cross. There was a Christian party among them, per- 
 secuted by the heathens, and hoping for protection 
 from Rome. Athanaric had vowed never to set foot 
 on Roman soil, and after defending himself against 
 the Huns, retired into the forests of ' Caucaland.' 
 Good Bishop Ulfilas and his converts looked long- 
 ingly toward the Christian Empire. Surely the 
 Christians would receive them as brothers, welcome 
 them, help them. The simple German fancied a 
 Roman even such a one as themselves. 
 
 Ulfilas went on embassy to Antioch, to Valens the 
 Emperor. Valens, low-born, cruel, and covetous, was 
 an Arian, and could not lose the opportunity of 
 making converts. He sent theologians to meet 
 Ulfilas, and torment him into Arianism. When he 
 arrived, Valens tormented him himself. While the 
 Goths starved he argued, apostasy was the absolute 
 condition of his help, till Ulfilas, in a weak moment, 
 gave his word that the Goths should become Arians, 
 
 F 3
 
 68 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 if Valens would give them lands on the South bank 
 of the Danube. Then they would be the Emperor's 
 men, and guard the marches against all foes. From 
 that time Arianism became the creed, not only of the 
 Goths, but of the Vandals, the Sueves, and almost all 
 the Teutonic tribes. 
 
 It was (if the story be true) a sinful and foolish 
 compact, forced from a good man by the sight of his 
 countrymen's extreme danger and misery. It avenged 
 itself, soon enough, upon both Goths and Romans. 
 
 To the Goths themselves the change must have 
 seemed not only unimportant, but imperceptible. 
 Unaccustomed to that accuracy of thought, which is 
 too often sneered at by Gibbon as ' metaphysical sub- 
 tlety,' all of which they would have been aware was 
 the change of a few letters in a creed written in an 
 unknown tongue. They could not know, (Ulfilas 
 himself could not have known, only two years after 
 the death of St. Athanasius at Alexandria ; while the 
 Nicaean Creed was as yet received by only half of the 
 Empire ; and while he meanwhile had been toiling 
 for years in the Danubian wilds, ignorant perhaps of 
 the controversy which had meanwhile convulsed the 
 Church) — neither the Goths nor he, I say, could have 
 known that the Arianism, which they embraced, was 
 really the last, and as it were apologetic, refuge of 
 dying Polytheism ; that it, and not the Catholic 
 Faith, denied the abysmal unity of the Godhead ; that 
 by making the Son inferior to the Father, as touch- 
 ing his Godhead, it invented two Gods, a greater and 
 a lesser, thus denying the absoluteness, the infinity, the
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 69 
 
 illimitability, by any category of quantity, of that One 
 Eternal, of whom it is written, that God is a Spirit. 
 Still less could they have guessed that when Arius, 
 the handsome popular preacher (whose very name, 
 perhaps, Ulfilas never heard) asked the fine ladies of 
 Alexandria — 'Had you a son before that son was 
 born?' — 'No.' 'Then God could have no son before 
 that son was begotten, &c.' — that he was mingling up 
 the idea of Time with the idea of that Eternal God 
 who created Time, and debasing to the accidents of 
 before and after that Timeless and Eternal Genera- 
 tion, of which it is written, ' Thou art my Son, this 
 day have I begotten thee.' Still less could Ulfilas, or 
 his Goths, have known, that the natural human ten- 
 dency to condition God by Time, would be, in later 
 ages, even long after Arianism was crushed utterly, 
 the parent of many a cruel, gross, and stupid super- 
 stition. To them it would have been a mere question 
 whether Woden, the All-father, w^as superior to one 
 of his sons, the Asas : and the Catholic faith probably 
 seemed to them an impious assumption of equality, 
 on the part of one of those Asas, with Woden himself. 
 
 Of the battle between Arianism and Orthodoxy I 
 have said enough to shew you that I think it an inter- 
 necine battle between truth and falsehood. But it 
 has been long ago judged by wager of battle : by the 
 success of that duel of time, of which we must believe 
 (as our forefathers believed of all fair duels) that God 
 defends the right. 
 
 So the Goths were to come over the Danube stream : 
 but they must give up their arms, and deliver their
 
 70 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 children (those of rank, one supposes), as hostages, to 
 be educated by the Romans, as Romans. 
 
 They crossed the fatal river ; they were whole days 
 in crossing ; those set to count them gave it up in 
 despair ; Ammianus says : ' He who wishes to know 
 their number,' 
 
 ' Libyci velit requoris idem 
 Discere qiiam mnltx Zephyro volvuntur arente.' 
 
 And when they were across, they gave up the chil- 
 dren. They had not the heart to give up the beloved 
 weapons. The Roman commissioners let them keep 
 the arms, at the price of many a Gothic woman's 
 honour. Ugly and foul things happened, of which we 
 have only hints. Then they had to be fed for the 
 time being, till they could cultivate their land. Lupi- 
 cinus and Maximus, the two governors of Thrace 
 pocketed the funds which Valens sent, and starved 
 the Goths. The markets were full of carrion and 
 dogs' flesh. Anything was good enough for a bar- 
 barian. Their fringed carpets, their beautiful linens, 
 all went. A little wholesome meat cost lo pounds 
 of silver. When all was gone, they had to sell their 
 children. To establish a slave-trade in the beautiful 
 boys and girls was just what the wicked Romans 
 wanted. 
 
 At last the end came. They began to rise. Fridi- 
 gern, their king, kept them quiet till the time was ripe 
 for revenge. The Romans, trying to keep the West 
 Goths down, got so confused, it seems, that they let 
 the whole nation of the East Goths (of whom we shall 
 hear more hereafter) dash across the Danube, and
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 71 
 
 establish themselves in the north of the present Tur- 
 key, to the east of the West Goths. 
 
 Then at Marcianopolis, the capital of Lower Moesia, 
 Lupicinus asked Fridigern and his chiefs to a feast. 
 The starving Goths outside were refused supplies from 
 the market, and came to blows with the guards. Lupi- 
 cinus, half drunk, heard of it, and gave orders for a mas- 
 sacre. Fridigern escaped from the palace, sword in hand. 
 The smouldering embers burst into flame, the war-cry- 
 was raised, and the villain Lupicinus fled for his life. 
 
 Then began war south of the Danube. The Roman 
 legions were defeated by the Goths, who armed them- 
 selves with the weapons of the dead. Moesia was 
 overrun with fire and sword. Adrianople was at- 
 tacked, but in vain. The slaves in the gold mines 
 v/ere freed from their misery, and shewed the Goths 
 the mountain-passes and the stores of grain. As they 
 went on, the Goths recovered their children. The 
 poor things told horrid tales ; and the Goths, mad- 
 dened, avenged themselves on the Romans of every 
 age and sex. 'They left,' says St. Jerome, 'nothing 
 alive — not even the beasts of the field ; till nothing 
 was left but growing brambles and thick forests.' 
 
 Valens, the Emperor, was at Antioch. Now he 
 hurried to Constantinople, but too late. The East 
 Goths had joined the West Goths ; and hordes of 
 Huns, Alans, and Taifalae (detestable savages, of whom 
 we know nothing but evil) had joined Fridigern's con- 
 federacy. 
 
 Gratian, Valens' colleague and nephew, son of Va- 
 Icntinian the bear-ward, had just won a great victory
 
 72 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 over the Allemanni at Colmar in Alsace ; and Valens 
 was jealous of his glory. He is said to have been a 
 virtuous youth, whose monomania was shooting. He 
 fell in love with the wild Alans, in spite of their horse- 
 trappings of scalps, simply because of their skill in 
 archery ; formed a body-guard of them, and passed 
 his time hunting with them round Paris. Neverthe- 
 less, he won this great victory by the help, it seems, 
 of one Count Ricimer ('ever-powerfur), Count of the 
 Domestics, whose name proclaims him a German. 
 
 Valens was jealous of Gratian's fame ; he was stung 
 by the reproaches of the mob of Constantinople ; and 
 he undervalued the Goths, on account of some suc- 
 cesses of his lieutenants, who had recovered much of 
 the plunder taken by them, and had utterly over- 
 powered the foul Taifalse, transporting them to lands 
 about Modena and Parma in Italy. He rejected 
 Count Ricimer's advice to wait till Gratian reinforced 
 him with the victorious western legions, and deter- 
 mined to give battle a few miles from Adrianople. 
 Had he waited for Gratian, the history of the whole 
 world might have been different. 
 
 For on the ninth of August, A.D. 378, the fatal day, 
 the second Cannae, from which Rome never recovered 
 as from that first, the young world and the old world 
 met, and fought it out ; and the young world won. 
 The light Roman cavalry fled before the long lances 
 and heavy swords of the German knights. The 
 knights turned on the infantry, broke them, hunted 
 them down by charge after charge, and left the foot- 
 men to finish the work.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 73 
 
 Two-thirds of the Roman army were destroyed ; 
 four Counts of the Empire ; generals and officers 
 without number. Valens fled wounded to a cottage. 
 The Goths set it on fire, and burned him and his staff 
 therein, ignorant that they had in their hands the 
 Emperor of Rome. Verily there is a God who judgeth 
 the earth. 
 
 So thought the Catholics of that day, who saw in 
 the fearful death of Valens a punishment for his 
 having forced the Goths to become Arians. ' It was 
 just,' says one, ' that he should burn on earth, by whose 
 counsels so many barbarians will burn in hell for ever.' 
 There are (as I have shewn) still darker counts in the 
 conduct of the Romans toward the Goths ; enough (if 
 we believe our Bibles) to draw down on the guilty the 
 swift and terrible judgments of God. 
 
 At least, this was the second Cannse, the death- 
 wound of Rome. From that day the end was cer- 
 tain, however slow. The Teuton had at last tried his 
 strength against the Roman. The wild forest-child 
 had found himself suddenly at death-grips with the 
 Enchanter whom he had feared, and almost wor- 
 shipped, for so long ; and behold, to his own wonder, 
 he was no more a child, but grown into a man, and 
 the stronger, if not the cunninger of the two. There 
 had been a spell upon him ; the ' Romani nominis 
 umbra.' But from that day the spell was broken. 
 He had faced a Roman Emperor, a Divus Caesar, the 
 man-god by whose head all nations swore, rich with 
 the magic wealth, wise with the magic cunning, of 
 centuries of superhuman glory ; and he had killed
 
 74 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 him, and behold he died, hke other men. That he 
 had done. What was there left for him now that he 
 could not do .-* 
 
 The stronger he was, but not yet the cunninger of 
 the two. The Goths could do no more. They had to 
 leave Adrianople behind them, with the Emperor's 
 treasures safe within its walls ; to gaze with childish 
 wonder at the Bosphorus and its palaces ; to recoil in 
 awe from the 'long walls' of Constantinople, and the 
 great stones which the engines thereon hurled at them 
 by ' arsmetricke and nigromancy,' as their descendants 
 believed of the Roman mechanicians, even five hun- 
 dred years after; to hear (without being able to avenge) 
 the horrible news, that the Gothic lads distributed 
 throughout Asia, to be educated as Romans, had been 
 decoyed into the cities by promises of lands and ho- 
 nours, and then massacred in cold blood ; and then 
 to settle down, leaving their children unavenged, for 
 twenty years on the rich land which we now call 
 Turkey in Europe, waiting till the time was come. 
 
 Waiting, I say, till the time was come. The fixed 
 idea that Rome, if not Constantinople, could be taken 
 at last, probably never left the minds of the leading 
 Goths after the battle of Adrianople. The altered 
 policy of the Caesars was enough of itself to keep that 
 idea alive. So far from expelling them from the 
 country which they had seized, the new Emperor 
 began to flatter and to honour them. 
 
 They had been heretofore regarded as savages, 
 either to be driven back by main force, or tempted to 
 enlist in the Roman ranks. Theodosius regarded them
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 75 
 
 as a nation, and one which it was his interest to hire, 
 to trust, to indulge at the expense of his Roman 
 subjects. 
 
 Theodosius has received the surname of Great — ■ 
 seemingly by comparison ; ' Inter caecos luscus rex ;' 
 and it was highly creditable to a Roman Emperor in 
 those days to be neither ruffian nor villain, but a 
 handsome, highbred, courteous gentleman, pure in his 
 domestic life, an orthodox Christian, and sufficiently 
 obedient to the Church to forgive the monks who had 
 burnt a Jewish synagogue, and to do penance in the 
 Cathedral of Milan for the massacre of Thessalonica. 
 That the morals of the Empire (if Zosimus is to be at 
 all believed) grew more and more effeminate, corrupt, 
 reckless ; that the soldiers (if Vegetius is to be believed) 
 actually laid aside, by royal permission, their helmets^ 
 and cuirasses, as too heavy for their degenerate bodies ; 
 that the Roman heavy infantry, which had conquered 
 the world, ceased to exist, while its place was taken 
 by that Teutonic heavy cavalry, which decided every 
 battle in Europe till the English yeoman, at Crecy 
 and Poictiers, turned again the balance of arms in 
 favour of the men who fought on foot ; that the Goths 
 became the 'foederati' or allies of the Empire, paid to 
 fight its battles against Maximus the Spaniard, and 
 Arbogast the Frank, the rebels who, after the murder 
 of young Gratian, attempted to set up a separate em- 
 pire in the west ; that Stilicho the Vandal was the 
 Emperor's trusted friend, and master of the horse ; 
 that Alaric the Balth, and other noble Goths, were 
 learning to combine with their native coura$7e those
 
 76 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 Roman tactics which they only needed to become 
 masters of the world ; that in all cities, even in the 
 Royal Palace, the huge Goth swaggered in Roman 
 costume, his neck and arms heavy with golden tores 
 and bracelets ; or even (as in the case of Fravitta and 
 Priulf) stabbed his enemy with impunity at the im- 
 perial table ; that Kivelv to ^kvOlkov, to disturb the 
 Goths, was a deadly offence throughout the Empire : 
 all these things did not prevent a thousand new sta- 
 tues from rising in honour of the great Caesar, and 
 excited nothing more than grumblings of impotent 
 jealousy from a people whose maxim had become, 
 ' Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die.' 
 
 Three anecdotes will illustrate sufficiently the policy 
 of Theodosius toward his inconvenient guests. To- 
 wards the beginning of his reign, when the Goths, 
 after the death of the great Fridigern, were broken 
 up, and quarreling among themselves, he tempted a 
 royal Amal, Modar by name, by the title of Master- 
 General, to attack and slaughter in their sleep a rival 
 tribe of Goths, and carry off an immense spoil to the 
 imperial camp. To destroy the German by the Ger- 
 man was so old a method of the Roman policy, that 
 it was not considered derogatory to the 'greatness' 
 of Theodosius. 
 
 The old Athanaric, the Therving — he who had 
 sworn never to set foot on Roman soil, and had burnt 
 them who would not fall down and worship before 
 Woden's waggon, came over the Danube, out of the 
 forests of ' Caucaland,' and put himself at the head 
 of the Goths. The great Caesar trembled before the
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. '!^ 
 
 heathen hero ; and they made peace together ; and 
 old Athanaric went to him at Constantinople, and 
 they became as friends. And the Romani nominis 
 umbra, the glamour of the Roman name, fell on the old 
 man, too feeble now to fight ; and as he looked, says 
 Jornandes, on the site of the city, and on the fleets 
 of ships, and the world-famous walls, and the people 
 from all the nations upon earth, he said, ' Now I behold 
 what I have often heard tell, and never believed. The 
 Kaiser is a God on earth, and he who shall lift his 
 hand against him, is guilty of his own blood.' The 
 old hero died in Constantinople, and the really good- 
 natured Emperor gave him a grand funeral, and a 
 statue, and so delighted the simple Goths, that the 
 whole nation entered his service bodily, and became 
 the Emperor's men. 
 
 The famous massacre of Thessalonica, and the 
 penance of Theodosius, immortalized by the pencil of 
 Vandyke, is another significant example of the rela- 
 tion between Goth and Roman. One Botheric (a 
 Vandal or other Teuton by his name) was military 
 commandant of that important post. He put in prison 
 a popular charioteer of the circus, for a crime for 
 which the Teutonic language had to borrow a foreign 
 name, and which the Teutons, like ourselves, punished 
 with death, though it was committed with impunity 
 in any Roman city. At the public games, the base 
 mob clamoured, but in vain, for the release of their 
 favourite ; and not getting him, rose on Botheric, mur- 
 dered him and his officers, and dragged their corpses 
 through the streets.
 
 78 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 This was indeed Kivdv to ^kvOlkov ; and Theodosius, 
 partly in honest indignation, partly perhaps in fear 
 of the consequences, issued orders from Milan which 
 seem to have amounted to a permission to the Goths 
 to avenge themselves. The populace were invited as 
 usual to the games of the circus, and crowded in, for- 
 getful of their crime, heedless of danger, absorbed in 
 the one greed of frivolous, if not sinful pleasure. The 
 Gothic troops concealed around entered, and then 
 began a ' murder grim and great.' For three hours it 
 lasted. Every age and sex, innocent or guilty, native 
 or foreigner, to the number of at least 7,000, perished, 
 or are said to have perished ; and the soul of Botheric 
 had ' good company on its way to Valhalla.' 
 
 The Goths, doubtless, considered that they were 
 performing an act of public justice upon villains : but 
 the Bishops of the Church looked at the matter in 
 another light. The circumstances of treachery, the 
 confusion of the innocent with the guilty, the want of 
 any judicial examination and sentence, aroused their 
 sense of humanity and justice. The offence was aggra- 
 vated by the thought that the victims were Roman 
 and orthodox, the murderers barbarians and Arians ; 
 St. Ambrose, with a noble courage, stopped the Em- 
 peror at the door of the Basilica of Milan, and forbad 
 him to enter, till he had atoned for the fatal order by 
 public penance. The Caesar submitted nobly to the 
 noble demand ; and the repentance of Theodosius is 
 the last scene, in the downward career of the Caesars, 
 which can call forth a feeling of admiration and 
 respect.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 79 
 
 In January 395 Theodosius died ; and after him 
 came the deluge. 
 
 The Empire was parted between his two worthless 
 sons. Honorius had the west, Arcadius the east^ 
 while the real master of the Empire was Stilicho the 
 Vandal, whose virtues and valour and mighty stature 
 are sung (and not undeservedly) in the pompous 
 verses of Claudian. Of the confusion which ensued ; 
 of the murder (well-deserved) of Rufinus, the infamous 
 minister whose devout hypocrisy had so long cajoled 
 Theodosius ; of the revolt and atrocities of Gildo in 
 Africa, you must read in the pages of Gibbon. These 
 lectures confine themselves, at present, to the history 
 of tjie Goths. 
 
 In January 395, I said, Theodosius died. Before 
 the end of the winter the Goths were in arms, with 
 Alaric the Balth at their head. They had been re- 
 fused, at least for the time, the payment of their usual 
 subsidy. He had been refused the command of the 
 Roman armies. Any excuse was sufficient. The 
 fruit was ripe for plucking. The wrongs of centuries 
 were to be avenged. Other tribes crost the Danube 
 on the ice, and joined the Goths ; and the mighty 
 host swept down through Greece, passing Thermopylae 
 unopposed, ransoming Athens (where Alaric enjoyed 
 a Greek bath and a public banquet, and tried to 
 behave for a day like a Roman gentleman) ; sacking 
 Corinth, Argos, Sparta, and all the cities and villages 
 far and wide, and carrying off plunder inestimable, 
 and troops of captive women. 
 
 Stilicho threw himself into the Peloponnese at
 
 8o THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 Corinth to cut off the Goths, and after heavy fighting, 
 Alaric, who seems to have been a really great general, 
 out-mancEuvred him, crost the Gulf of Corinth at 
 Rhium, with all his plunder and captives, and got 
 safe away into northern Greece. 
 
 There Arcadius, the terrified Emperor of the East, 
 punished him for having devastated Greece, by ap- 
 pointing him Master-General of the very country 
 which he had ravaged. The end was coming very 
 near. The Goths lifted him on the' shield, and pro- 
 claimed him King of the West Goths ; and there he 
 staid, somewhere about the head of the Adriatic, 
 poised like an eagle in mid-air, watching Rome on one 
 side, and Byzant on the other, uncertain on which 
 quarry he should swoop. 
 
 He made up his mind for Rome. He would be the 
 man to do the deed at last. There was a saga in 
 which he trusted. Claudian gives it in an hexameter, 
 
 • Alpibus Italia: ruptis penetrabis ad uibem.' 
 
 Ye.s, he would take The City, and avenge the 
 treachery of Valens, and all the wrongs which Teutons 
 had endured from the Romans for now four centuries. 
 And he did it. 
 
 But not the first time. He swept over the Alps. 
 Honorius fled to Asta, and Alaric besieged him there. 
 The faithful Stilicho came to the rescue ; and Alaric 
 was driven to extremities. His warriors counselled 
 him to retreat. No, he would take Rome, or die. 
 But at Pollentia, Stilicho surprised him, while he and 
 his Goths were celebrating Easter Sunday, and a
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 8i 
 
 fearful battle followed. The Romans stormed his 
 camp, recovered the spoils of Greece, and took his 
 wife, decked in the jewels in which she meant to enter 
 Rome. One longs to know what became of her. 
 
 At least, so say the Romans : the Goths tell a very 
 different story ; and one suspects that Pollentia may 
 be one more of those splendid paper victories, in 
 which the Teutons were utterly exterminated, only to 
 rise out of the ground, seemingly stronger and more 
 numerous than ever. At least, instead of turning his 
 head to the Alps, he went on toward Rome. Stilicho 
 dared not fight him again, and bought him off. He 
 turned northward toward Gaul, and at Verona Stilicho 
 got him at an advantage, and fought him once more, 
 and if we are to believe Rosino and Claudian, beat him 
 again. ' Taceo de Alarico, saepe victo, sEepe concluso, 
 semperque dimisso.' 'It is ill work trapping an eagle,' 
 says some one. When you have caught him, the 
 safest thing very often is to let him go again. 
 
 Meanwhile poured down into Italy, as far as Flo- 
 rence (a merely unimportant episode in those fearful 
 days), another wave of German invaders under one 
 Radogast, 200,000 strong. Under the walls of 
 Florence they sat down, and perished of wine, and 
 heat, and dysentery. Like water they flowed in, and 
 like water they sank into the soil : and every one of 
 them a human soul. 
 
 Stilicho and Honorius went to Rome, and cele- 
 brated their triumph over the Goths, with (for the last 
 time in history) gladiatorial sports. Three years past, 
 and then Stilicho was duly rewarded for having saved 
 
 G
 
 82 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 Rome, in the approved method for every great bar- 
 barian who was fool enough to help the treacherous 
 Roman ; namely, by being murdered. 
 
 Alaric rose instantly, and with him all the Gothic 
 tribes. Down through Italy he past, almost without 
 striking a blow. Ravenna, infamous, according to 
 SidoniuSj for its profligacy, where the Emperor's court 
 was, he past disdainfully, and sat down before the 
 walls of Rome. He did not try to storm it. Probably 
 he could not. He had no such machines, as those 
 with which the Romans battered walls. Quietly he 
 sat, he and his Goths, 'as wolves wait round the 
 dying buffalo ; ' waiting for the Romans within to 
 starve and die. They did starve and die ; men mur- 
 dered each other for food ; mothers ate their own 
 babes ; but they sent out embassies, boasting of their 
 strength and numbers. Alaric laughed, — ' The thicker 
 the hay, the easier it is mowed.' What terms would 
 he take ? ' All your gold, all your silver, the best of 
 your precious things. All your barbarian slaves.' 
 That last is significant. He would deliver his own 
 flesh and blood. The Teuton man should be free. 
 The trolls should drag no more of the forest children 
 into their accursed den. ' What then will you leave 
 us .'' ' ' Your lives.' 
 
 They bought him off with a quaint ransom : 5000 
 pounds weight of gold, 30,000 of silver, 4000 robes of 
 silk, 3000 pieces of scarlet cloth, and 30oolbs. of 
 pepper, possibly spices of all kinds. Gold, and finery, 
 and spices — gifts fit for children, such as those Goths 
 were.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 83 
 
 But he got, too, 40,000 Teuton slaves safe out of 
 the evil place, and embodied them into his army. 
 He had now 100,000 fighting men. Why did he not 
 set up as king of Italy? Was it that the awe of the 
 place, the prestige of the Roman name, cowed him ? 
 It cowed each of the Teutonic invaders successively. 
 To make themselves emperors of Rome was a thing 
 of which they dared not dream. Be that as it may, 
 all he asked was, to be received as some sort of vassal 
 of the Emperor. The Master-Generalship of Italy, 
 subsidies for his army, an independent command in 
 the Tyrolese country, whence he had come, were his 
 demand. 
 
 Overblown with self-conceit, the Romans refused 
 him. They would listen to no conditions. They 
 were in a thoroughly Chinese temper. You will find 
 the Byzantine empire in the same temper centuries 
 after ; blinded to present weakness by the traditions 
 of their forefathers' strength. They had worshipped 
 the beast. Now that only his image was left, they 
 worshipped that. 
 
 Alaric seized Ostia, and cut off their supplies. 
 They tried to appease him by dethroning Honorius, 
 and setting up some puppet Attains. Alaric found 
 him plotting ; or said that he had done so ; and de- 
 graded him publicly at Rimini before his whole army. 
 Again he offered peace. The insane Romans pro- 
 claimed that his guilt precluded him for ever from the 
 clemency of the Empire. 
 
 Then came the end. He marched on Rome. The 
 Salarian gate was thrown open at midnight, probably 
 
 G 2
 
 84 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 by German slaves within ; and then, for five dreadful 
 days and nights, the wicked city expiated in agony 
 the sins of centuries. 
 
 And so at last the Nibelungen hoard was won. 
 
 'And the kings of the earth who had lived deli- 
 cately with her, and the merchants of the earth who 
 were made rich by her, bewailed her, standing afar 
 off for the fear of her torment, and crying, Alas ! alas, 
 that great Babylon ! for in one hour is thy judgment 
 come.' 
 
 St. John passes in those words from the region of 
 symbol to that of literal description. A great horror 
 fell upon all nations, when the news came. Rome 
 taken ? Surely the end of all things was at hand. The 
 wretched fugitives poured into Egypt and Syria — 
 especially to Jerusalem ; perhaps with some super- 
 stitious hope that Christ's tomb, or even Christ him- 
 self, might save them. 
 
 St. Jerome, as he saw day by day patrician men and 
 women who had passed their lives in luxury, begging 
 their bread around his hermitage at Bethlehem, wrote 
 of the fall of Rome as a man astonied. 
 
 St. Augustine, at Hippo, could only look on it as 
 the end of all human power and glory, perhaps of the 
 earth itself. Babylon the great had fallen, and now 
 Christ was coming in the clouds of heaven to set up 
 the city of God for ever. In that thought he wrote 
 his De Civitate Dei. Read it, gentlemen — especially 
 you who are to be priests — not merely for its details 
 of the fall of Rome, but as the noblest theodicy which 
 has yet proceeded from a human pen.
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 85 
 
 Followed by long trains of captives, long trains of 
 waggons bearing the spoils of all the world, Alaric 
 went on South, ' with the native instinct of the bar- 
 barian,' as Dr. Sheppard well says. Always toward 
 the sun. Away from Muspelheim and the dark cold 
 north, toward the sun, and Valhalla, where Odin and 
 the Asas dwell in everlasting light. 
 
 He tried to cross into Sicily : but a storm wrecked 
 his boats, and the Goths were afraid of the sea. And 
 after a while he died. And the wild men made a 
 great mourning over him. They had now no plan 
 left ; no heart to go south, and look for Odin over the 
 sea. But of one thing they were resolved, that the 
 base Romans should not dig up Alaric out of his 
 barrow and scatter his bones to the winds. 
 
 So they put no barrow over the great king ; but 
 under the walls of Cosenza they turned the river-bed, 
 and in that river-bed they set Alaric, armed and 
 mailed, upright upon his horse, with gold, and jewels, 
 and arms, and it may be captive youths and maids, 
 that he might enter into Valhalla in royal pomp, and 
 make a worthy show among the heroes in Odin's hall. 
 And then they turned back the river into its bed, and 
 slew the slaves who had done the work, that no man 
 might know where Alaric lies : and no man does 
 know till this day. 
 
 As I said, they had no plan left now. Two years 
 they stayed in Campania, basking in the villas and 
 gardens, drinking their fill of the wine ; and then 
 flowed away northward again, no one knows why. 
 They had no wish to settle, as they might have done.
 
 86 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 They followed some God-given instinct, undiscover- 
 able now by us. Ataulf, Alaric's kinsman, married 
 Placidia, the Emperor's beautiful young sister, and 
 accepted from him some sort of commission to fight 
 against his enemies in Gaul. So to the south of Gaul 
 they went, and then into Spain, crushing before them 
 Alans, Sueves, and Vandals, and quarrelling among 
 themselves. Ataulf was murdered, and all his chil- 
 dren ; Placidia put to shame. Then she had her 
 revenge. To me it is not so much horrible as pitiful. 
 They had got the Nibelungen hoard ; and with it the 
 Nibelungen curse. 
 
 A hundred years afterwards, when the Franks 
 pillaged the Gothic palace of Narbonne, they found 
 the remnants of it. Things inestimable, indescribable ; 
 tables of solid emerald ; the Missorium, a dish 2500 
 lbs. weight, covered with all the gems of India. They 
 had been in Solomon's Temple, fancied the simple 
 Franks — as indeed some of them may well have been. 
 The Arabs got the great emerald table at last, with 
 its three rows of great pearls. Where are they all 
 now? What is become, gentlemen, of the treasures 
 of Rome? Jewels, recollect, are all but indestructible ; 
 recollect, too, that vast quantities were buried from 
 time to time, and their places forgotten. Perhaps 
 future generations will discover many such hoards. 
 Meanwhile, many of those same jewels must be in 
 actual use even now. Many a gem which hangs now 
 on an English lady's wrist saw Alaric sack Rome — 
 and saw before and since — What not ? The palaces 
 of the Pharaohs, or of Darius ; then the pomp of the
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. Zj 
 
 Ptolemies, or of the Seleucids — came into Europe on 
 the neck of some vulgar drunken wife of a Roman 
 proconsul, to glitter for a few centuries at every gla- 
 diator's butchery in the amphitheatre ; then went 
 away with Placidia on a Gothic ox-waggon, to pass 
 into an Arab seraglio at Seville ; and then, perhaps, 
 back from Sultan to Sultan again to its native India, 
 to figure in the peacock-throne of the Great Mogul, 
 and be bought at last by some Armenian for a few 
 rupees from an English soldier, and come hither — and 
 whither next? When England shall be what Alex- 
 andria and Rome are now, that little stone will be as 
 bright as ever. — An awful symbol, if you will take it 
 so, of the permanence of God's works and God's laws, 
 amid the wild chance and change of sinful man. 
 
 Then followed for Rome years of peace, — such peace 
 as the wicked make for themselves — A troubled sea, 
 casting up mire and dirt. Wicked women, wicked 
 counts (mayors of the palace, one may call them) like 
 Aetius and Boniface, the real rulers of a nominal 
 Empire. 
 
 Puppet Valentinian succeeded his father, puppet 
 Honorius. In his days appeared another great por- 
 tent — another comet, sweeping down out of infinite 
 space, and back into infinite space again. — Attila and 
 his Huns. They lay in innumerable hordes upon the 
 Danube, until Honoria, Valentinian's sister, confined 
 in a convent at Constantinople for some profligacy, 
 sent her ring to Attila. He must be her champion, 
 and deliver her. He paused a while, like Alaric before 
 him, doubting whether to dash on Constantinople or 
 
 V
 
 88 THE HUMAN DELUGE, 
 
 Rome, and at last decided for Rome. But he would 
 try Gaul first ; and into Gaul he poured, with all his 
 Tartar hordes, and with them all the Teuton tribes, 
 who had gathered in his progress, as an avalanche 
 gathers the snow in its course. At the great battle 
 of Chalons, in the year 451, he fought it out : Hun, 
 Sclav, Tartar, and Finn, backed by Teutonic Gepid 
 and Herule, Turkling, East Goth and Lombard, 
 against Roman and West Goth, Frank and Burgund, 
 and the Bretons of Armorica. Wicked Aetius shewed 
 himself that day, as always, a general and a hero — 
 the Marlborough of his time — and conquered. Attila 
 and his hordes rolled away eastward, and into Italy 
 for Rome. 
 
 That is the Hunnenschlacht ; ' a battle,' as Jornandes 
 calls it, 'atrox, multiplex, immane, pertinax.' Anti- 
 quity, he says, tells of nothing like it. No man who 
 had lost that sight could say that he had seen aught 
 worth seeing. — A fight gigantic, supernatural in vast- 
 ness and horror, and the legends which still hang 
 about the place. You may see one of them in Von 
 Kaulbach's immortal design — the ghosts of the Huns 
 and the ghosts of the Germans rising from their 
 graves on the battle-night in every year, to fight it 
 over again in the clouds, while the country far and 
 wide trembles at their ghostly hurrah. No wonder 
 men remember that Hunnenschlacht. Many consider 
 that it saved Europe ; that it was one of the decisive 
 battles of the world. 
 
 Not that Attila was ruined. Within the year he 
 had swept through Germany, crossed the Alps, and
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 89 
 
 devastated Italy almost to the walls of Rome. And 
 there the great Pope Leo, 'the Cicero of preaching, 
 the Homer of theology, the Aristotle of true philo- 
 sophy,' met the wild heathen : and a sacred horror 
 fell upon Attila, and he turned, and went his way, to 
 die a year or two after no man knows how. Over 
 and above his innumerable wives, he took a beautiful 
 German girl. When his people came in the morning, 
 the girl sat weeping, or seeming to weep ; but Etzel, 
 the scourge of God, lay dead in a pool of gore. She 
 said that he had burst a blood-vessel. The Teutons 
 whispered among themselves, that like a free-born 
 Teuton, she had slain her tyrant. One longs to know 
 what became of her. 
 
 And then the hordes broke up. Ardarich raised- 
 the Teuton Gepids and Ostrogoths. The Teutons 
 who had obeyed Attila, turned on their Tartar con- 
 querors, the only people who had ever subdued 
 German men, and then only by brute force of over- 
 powering numbers. At Netad, upon the great plain 
 between the Drave and the Danube, they fought the 
 second Hunnenschlacht, and the Germans conquered. 
 Thirty thousand Huns fell on that dreadful day, and 
 the rest streamed away into the heart of Asia, into 
 the infinite unknown deserts from whence the foul 
 miscreants had streamed forth, and left the Teutons 
 masters of the world. The battle of Netad ; that, 
 and not Chalons, to my mind, was the saving battle 
 of Europe. 
 
 So Rome was saved ; but only for a few years. 
 Puppet Valcntinian rewarded Aetius for saving Rome,
 
 90 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 by stabbing with his own hand in his own palace, the 
 hero of Chalons ; and then went on to fill up the cup 
 of his iniquity. It is all more like some horrible 
 romance than sober history. Neglecting his own 
 wife Eudoxia, he took it into his wicked head to 
 ravish her intimate friend, the wife of a senator. 
 Maximus stabbed him, retaliated on the beautiful 
 empress, and made himself Emperor. She sent across 
 the seas to Africa, to Genseric the Vandal, the cruel 
 tyrant and persecutor. He must come and be her 
 champion, as Attila had been Honoria's. And he 
 came, with Vandals, Moors, naked Ausurians from 
 the Atlas. The wretched Romans, in their terror, 
 tore Maximus in pieces ; but it was too late. Eudoxia 
 met Genseric at the gates in royal robes and jewels. 
 He stript her of her jewels on the spot, and sacked 
 Rome ; and that was her reward. 
 
 This is the second sack. More dreadful far than 
 the first — 455 is its date. Then it was that the 
 statues, whose fragments are still found, were hurled 
 in vain on the barbarian assailants. Not merely gold 
 and jewels, but the art-treasures of Rome were car- 
 ried off to the Vandal fleet, and with them the golden 
 table and the seven-branched candlestick which Titus 
 took from the Temple of Jerusalem. 
 
 How had these things escaped the Goths forty 
 years before ? We cannot tell. Perhaps the Gothic 
 sack, which only lasted five days, was less complete 
 than this one, which went on for fourteen days of 
 unutterable horrors. The plunderers were not this 
 time sturdy honest Goths ; not even German slaves,
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 91 
 
 mad to revenge themselves on their masters : they 
 were Moors, Ausurian black savages, and all the 
 pirates and cut-throats of the Mediterranean. 
 
 Sixty thousand prisoners were carried off to Car- 
 thage. All the statues were wrecked on the voyage 
 to Africa, and lost for ever. 
 
 And yet Rome did not die. She lingered on ; her 
 Emperor still calling himself an Emperor, her senate 
 a senate ; feeding her lazy plebs, as best she could, 
 with the remnant of those revenues which former 
 Emperors had set aside for their support — their 
 public bread, public pork, public oil, public wine, 
 public baths,— and leaving them to gamble and 
 quarrel, and listen to the lawyers in rags and ras- 
 cality, and to rise and murder ruler after ruler, bene- 
 factor after benefactor, out of base jealousy and fear 
 of any one less base than themselves. And so ' the 
 smoke of her torment went up continually.' 
 
 But if Rome would not die, still less would she 
 repent ; as it is written — ' The remnant of the people 
 repented not of their deeds, but gnawed their tongues 
 for pain, and blasphemed the God of heaven.' 
 
 As the century runs on, the confusion becomes more 
 and more dreadful. Anthemius, Olybrius, Orestes, 
 and the other half-caste Romans with Greek names 
 who become quasi-emperors and get murdered ; 
 Ricimer the Sueve, the king-maker and king-mur- 
 derer; even good Majorian, who as puppet Emperor 
 set up by Ricimer, tries to pass a few respectable 
 laws, and is only murdered all the sooner. None of 
 these need detain us. They mean nothing, they
 
 92 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 represent no idea, they are simply kites and crows 
 quarrelling over the carcase, and cannot possibly 
 teach us anything, but the terrible lesson, that in all 
 revolutions the worst men are certain to rise to the 
 top. 
 
 But only for a while, gentlemen, only for a while. 
 Villany is by its very essence self-destructive, and if 
 rogues have their day, the time comes when rogues 
 fall out, and honest men come by their own. 
 
 That day, however, was not come for wretched 
 Rome. A third time she was sacked by Ricimer her 
 own general ; and then more villains ruled her ; and 
 more kites and crows plundered her. The last of 
 them only need keep us a while. He is Odoacer, 
 the giant Herule, Houd-y-wacker, as some say his 
 name really is, a soubriquet perhaps from his war-cry, 
 ' Hold ye stoutly,' ' Stand you steady.' His father 
 was -^decon, Attila's secretary, chief of the little 
 Turkling tribe, who, though Teutonic, had clung 
 faithfully to Attila's sons, and after the battle of 
 Netad, came to ruin. There are strange stories of 
 Odoacer. One from the Lives of St. Severinus, how 
 Odoacer and his brothers started over the Alps, 
 knapsacks at back, to seek their fortunes in Italy, and 
 take service with the Romans ; and how they came 
 to St. Severinus' cell near Vienna, and went in, 
 heathens as they probably were, to get a blessing 
 .from the holy hermit ; and how Odoacer had to 
 stoop, and stand stooping, so huge he was. And how 
 the saint saw that he was no common lad, and said, 
 ' Go into Italy, clothed in thy ragged sheep-skins :
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 93 
 
 thou shalt soon give greater gifts to thy friends.' So 
 he went, and his brother with him. One of them at 
 least ought to interest us. He was Onulf, Hunwulf, 
 Wulf, Guelph, the Wolf-cub, who went away to 
 Constantinople, and saw strange things, and did 
 strange things likewise, and at last got back to 
 Germany, and settled in Bavaria, and became the 
 ancestor of all the Guelphs, and of Victoria, queen of 
 England. His son, Wulfgang, fought under Belisarius 
 against the Goths ; his son again, Ulgang, under 
 Belisarius against Persian and Lombard ; his son or 
 grandson was Queen Brunhilda's confidant in France, 
 and became Duke of Burgundy ; and after that the 
 fortunes of his family were mixed up with the Mero- 
 vingian kings of France, and then again with the 
 Lombards in Italy, till one of them emerges as 
 Guelf, count of Altorf, the ancestor of our Guelphic 
 line. 
 
 But to return to Odoacer. He came to Rome, 
 seeking his fortune. There he found in power Orestes, 
 his father's old colleague at Attila's court, the most 
 unprincipled turn-coat of his day ; who had been the 
 Emperor's man, then Attila's man, and would be 
 anybody's man if needed : but who was now his own 
 man, being king-maker for the time being, and father 
 of the puppet Emperor, Romulus Augustulus, a 
 pretty little lad, with an ominous name, 
 
 Odoacer took service under Orestes in the body- 
 guards, became a great warrior and popular ; watched 
 his time ; and when Orestes refused the mercenaries, 
 Herules, Rugians, Scyrings, Turklings and Alans —
 
 94 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 all the weak or half-caste frontier tribes who had as 
 yet little or no share in the spoils of Italy — their 
 demand of the third of the lands of Italy, he betrayed 
 his benefactor ; promised the mercenaries to do for 
 them what Orestes would not, and raises his famous 
 band of confederates. At last he called himself King 
 of Nations, burnt Pavia, and murdered Orestes, as a 
 due reward for his benefits. Stript of his purple, the 
 last Emperor of Rome knelt crying at the feet of the 
 German giant, and begged not to be murdered like 
 his father. And the great wild beast's hard heart 
 smote him, and he sent the poor little lad away, to 
 live in wealth and peace in Lucullus' villa at Misenum, 
 with plenty of money, and women, and gewgaws, to 
 dream away his foolish life looking out over the fair 
 bay of Naples— the last Emperor of Rome. 
 
 Then Odoacer set to work, and not altogether ill. 
 He gave his confederates the third of Italy, in fief 
 under himself as king, and for fourteen years (not 
 without the help of a few more murders) he kept 
 some sort of rude order and justice in the wretched 
 land. Remember him, for, bad man as he is, he does 
 represent a principle. He initiated, by that gift of 
 the lands to his soldiers, the feudal system in Italy. 
 I do not mean that he invented it. It seems rather 
 to be a primaeval German form, as old as the days of 
 Tacitus, who describes, if you will recollect, the 
 German war-kings as parting the conquered lands 
 among their 'comites,' thanes, or companions in 
 arms. 
 
 So wc leave Odoacer king of Italy, for fourteen
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 95 
 
 years, little dreaming, perhaps, of the day when as 
 he had done unto others so should it be done to him. 
 But for that tale of just and terrible retribution you 
 must wait till the next lecture. 
 
 And now, to refresh us with a gleam of wholesome 
 humanity after all these horrors, let us turn to our 
 worthy West Goth cousins for a while. They have 
 stopt cutting each other's throats, settled them- 
 selves in North Spain and South France, and good 
 bishop Sidonius gets to like them. They are just and 
 honest men on the whole, kindly, and respectable in 
 morals, living according to their strange old Gothic 
 Law. But above all Sidonius likes their king — 
 Theodoric is his name. A man of blood he has 
 been in his youth : but he has settled down, like 
 his people ; and here is a picture of him. A real 
 photograph of a live old Goth, nearly 1400 years 
 ago. Gibbon gives a good translation of it. I will 
 give you one, but Sidonius is prolix and florid, and 
 I have had to condense. 
 
 A middle-sized, stout man, of great breadth of 
 chest, and thickness of limb, a large hand, and a 
 small foot, curly haired, bushy eye-browed, with 
 remarkably large eyes and eyelids, hook-nosed, 
 thin-lipped ; brilliant, cheerful, impassioned, full of 
 health and strength in mind and body. He goes 
 to chapel before day-light, sits till eight doing justice, 
 while the crowd, let into a latticed enclosure, is ad- 
 mitted one by one behind a curtain into the presence. 
 At eight he leaves the throne, and goes either to 
 count his money, or look at his horses. If he hunts,
 
 96 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 
 
 he thinks it undignified to carry his bow, and 
 womanish to keep it strung, a boy carries it behind 
 him ; and when game gets up, he asks you (or the 
 Bishop, who seems to have gone hunting with him) 
 what you would wish him to aim at ; strings his bow, 
 and then (says Sidonius) never misses his shot. He 
 dines at noon, quietly in general, magnificently on 
 Saturdays ; drinks very little, and instead of sleeping 
 after dinner, plays at tables and dice. He is passion- 
 ately fond of his game, but never loses his temper, 
 joking and talking to the dice, and to every one round 
 him, throwing aside royal severity, and bidding all be 
 merry (says the bishop) ; for, to speak my mind, what 
 he is afraid of is, that people should be afraid of him. 
 If he wins he is in immense good humour ; then is 
 the time to ask favours of him ; and, says the crafty 
 bishop, many a time have I lost the game, and won 
 my cause thereby. At three begins again the toil of 
 state. The knockers return, and those who shove 
 them away return too ; everywhere the litigious crowd 
 murmurs round ; and follows him at evening, when he 
 goes to supper, or gets its matters settled by the 
 ofificers of the court, who have to stay there till 
 bed-time. At supper, though there are but rarely 
 ' mimici sales,' which I cannot translate — some sort 
 of jesting : but biting and cruel insults (common at 
 the feasts of the Roman Emperors) are never allowed. 
 His taste in music is severe. No water-organs, 
 flute-player, lyrist, cymbal or harp-playing woman 
 is allowed. All he delights in is the old Teutonic 
 music, whose virtue (says the bishop) soothes the
 
 THE HUMAN DELUGE. 97 
 
 soul no less than does its sound the ear. When 
 he rises from table the guards for the night are 
 set, and armed men stand at all the doors, to watch 
 him through the first hours of sleep. 
 
 H
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 Let us follow the fortunes of Italy and of Rome. 
 They are not only a type of the fortunes of the whole 
 western world, but the fortunes of that world, as you 
 will see, depend on Rome. 
 
 You must recollect, meanwhile, that by the middle 
 of the fifth century, the Western Empire had ceased 
 to exist. The Angles and Saxons were fighting their 
 way into Britain. The Franks were settled in north 
 France and the lower Rhineland. South of them, the 
 centre of Gaul still remained Roman, governed by 
 Counts of cities, who were all but independent 
 sovereigns, while they confessed a nominal allegi- 
 ance to the Emperor of Constantinople, Their 
 power was destined soon to be annihilated by the 
 conquests of Clovis and his Franks — as false and 
 cruel ruffians as their sainted king, the first-born 
 son of the Church. The history of Gaul for some 
 centuries becomes henceforth a tissue of internecine 
 horrors, which you must read for yourselves in the 
 pages of M. Sismondi, or of Gregory of Tours. The 
 Allemanni (whose name has become among the 
 Franks the general name for Germans) held the 
 lands from the Maine to the Rhastian Alps. The
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 99 
 
 Burgunds, the lands to the south-west of them, com- 
 prising the greater part of south-east Gaul. The 
 West Goths held the south-west of Gaul, and the 
 greater part of Spain, having thrust the Sueves, 
 and with them some Alans, into Gallicia, Asturias, 
 and Portugal ; and thrust, also, the Vandals across 
 the straits of Gibraltar, to found a prosperous king- 
 dom along the northern shore of Africa. The East 
 Goths, meanwhile, after various wanderings to the 
 north of the Alps, lay in the present Austria and in 
 the Danube lands, resting after their great struggle 
 with the Huns, and their crowning victory of Netad. 
 
 To follow the fortunes of Italy, we must follow 
 those of these East Goths, and especially of one man 
 among them, Theodoric, known in German song as 
 Dietrich of Bern or Verona. 
 
 Interesting exceedingly to us should this great hero 
 be. No man's history better shows the strange rela- 
 tions between the Teutons and the dying Empire : 
 but more ; his life is the first instance of a Teuton 
 attempting to found a civilized and ordered state, 
 upon experience drawn from Roman sources ; of 
 the young world trying to build itself up some 
 sort of dwelling out of the ruins of the old. Dietrich 
 failed, it is true. But if the thing had been then 
 possible, he seems to have been the man to have 
 done it. He lived and laboured like what he was — 
 a royal Amal, a true son of Woden. Unable to write, 
 he founded a great kingdom by native virtue and 
 common sense. Called a barbarian, he restored pros- 
 perity to ruined Italy, and gave to it (and with it to 
 
 n 2
 
 loo THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 the greater part of the western world), peace for three 
 and thh'ty years. Brought up among hostile sects, he 
 laid down that golden law of religious liberty which 
 the nineteenth century has not yet courage and 
 humanity enough to accept. But if his life was 
 heroic, his death was tragic. He failed after all in 
 his vast endeavours, from causes hidden from him, 
 but visible, and most instructive, to us ; and after 
 having toiled impartially for the good of conquerors 
 and of conquered alike, he died sadly, leaving behind 
 him a people who, most of them, believed gladly the 
 news that a holy hermit had seen his soul hurled 
 down the crater of Stromboli, as a just punishment 
 for the inexpiable crime of being wiser than his 
 generation. 
 
 Some have complained of Gibbon's 'hero-worship' 
 of Dietrich — I do not. The honest and accurate 
 cynic so very seldom worshipped a hero, or believed 
 in the existence of any, that we may take his good 
 opinion as almost final and without appeal. One 
 author, for whose opinion I have already exprest a 
 very high respect, says that he was but a wild man 
 of the woods to the last ; polished over skin-deep 
 with Roman civilization ; ' Scratch him, and you 
 found the barbarian underneath \' It may be true. 
 If it be true, it is a very high compliment. It was 
 not from his Roman civilization, but from his ' bar- 
 barian' mother and father, that he drew the 'vive 
 intelligence des choses morales, ct ces inspirations 
 elevees et hcro'iques,' which M. Thierry truly attri- 
 ' Dr. Sheppard, p. 2^7.
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. loi 
 
 butes to him. If there was, as M. Thierry truly 
 says, another nature struggling within him — is there 
 not such in every man ? And are not the struggles 
 the more painful, the temptations more dangerous, 
 the inconsistencies too often the more shameful, the 
 capacities for evil as well as for good, more huge, 
 just in proportion to the native force and massive- 
 ness of the soul? The doctrine may seem dangerous. 
 It is dangerous, like many truths ; and woe to those 
 who, being unlearned and unstable, wrest it to their 
 own destruction ; and presume upon it to indulge 
 their own passions under Byronic excuses of ' genius,' 
 or ' muscular Christianity.' But it is true neverthe- 
 less : so at least the Bible tells us, in its wonderful 
 delineations of David, ' the man after God's own 
 heart,' and of St. Peter, the chief of the apostles. 
 And there are points of likeness between the cha- 
 racter of Dietrich, and that of David, which will 
 surely suggest themselves to any acute student of 
 human nature. M. Thierry attributes to him, as 
 his worse self, 'les instincts les plus violents ; la 
 cruaute, I'astuce, I'egoTsm.e impitoyable.' The two 
 first counts are undeniable — at least during his 
 youth : they were the common vices of the age. 
 The two latter I must hold as not proven by facts : 
 but were they proven, they would still be excusable, 
 on the simple ground of his Greek education. ' Cun- 
 ning and pitiless egotism' were the only moral quali- 
 ties which Dietrich is likely to have seen exercised at 
 the court of Constantinople : and what wonder, if he 
 was somewhat demoralized by the abominable atmo-
 
 I02 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 sphere which he breathed from childhood ? Dietrich is 
 an illustration of the saga with which these lectures 
 began. He is the very type of the forest child, be- 
 witched by the fine things of the wicked Troll garden. 
 The key to the man's character, indeed the very glory 
 of it, is the long struggle within him, between the 
 Teutonic and the Greek elements. Dazzled and de- 
 bauched, at times, by the sinful glories of the Bos- 
 phorus, its palaces, its gold, and its women, he will 
 break the spell desperately. He will become a wild 
 Goth and an honest man once more ; he will revenge 
 his own degradation on that court and empire which 
 he knows well enough to despise, distrust and hate. 
 Again and again the spell comes over him. His 
 vanity and his passions make him once more a 
 courtier among the Greeks ; but the blood of Odin 
 is strong within him still ; again and again he rises, 
 with a noble shame, to virtue and patriotism, tramp- 
 ling under foot selfish luxury and glory, till the 
 victory is complete ; and he turns away in the very 
 moment of the greatest temptation, from the be- 
 witching city, to wander, fight, starve, and at last 
 conquer a new land for himself and for his nation ; 
 and shew, by thirty years of justice and wisdom, 
 what that true Dietrich was, which had been so 
 long overlaid by the false Dietrich of his sinful 
 youth. 
 
 Look at the facts of his history, as they stand, and 
 see whether they do not bear out this, and no other, 
 theory of his character. 
 
 The }-ear was 455, two years after Attila's death.
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 103 
 
 Near Vienna a boy was born, of Theodemir one of 
 the Gothic kings and his favourite Erieva. He was 
 sent when eight years old to Constantinople as a 
 hostage. The Emperor Leo had agreed to pay the 
 Goths 300 pounds of gold every year, if they would 
 but leave him in peace ; and young Dietrich was the 
 pledge of the compact. There he grew up amid all 
 the wisdom of the Romans, watching it all, and yet 
 never even learning to write. It seems to some that 
 the German did not care to learn ; it seems to me 
 rather that they did not care to teach. He came 
 back to his people at eighteen, delighted them by his 
 strength and stature, and became, to all appearance, 
 a Goth of the Goths ; going adventures with six thou- 
 sand volunteers against the Sarmatae, who had just 
 defeated the Greeks, and taken a city — which he re- 
 took, but instead of restoring it to the Emperor, kept 
 himself. Food becoming scarce in Austria, the Ostro- 
 goths moved some into Italy, some down on Illyria 
 and Thessaly ; and the Emperor gracefully presented 
 them with the country of which they had already 
 taken possession. 
 
 In every case, you see, this method went on. The 
 failing Emperors bought off the TeuT:ons where they 
 could ; submitted to them where they could not ; and 
 readily enough turned on them when they had a 
 chance. The relations between the two parties can 
 be hardly better explained, than by comparing them 
 to those between the English adventurers in Hindos- 
 tan and the falling Rajahs and Sultans of the last 
 century.
 
 I04 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 After a while Theodoric, or Dietrich, found himself, 
 at his father's death, sole king of the Ostrogoths. 
 This period of his life is very obscure : but one hint 
 at least we have, which may explain his whole future 
 career. Side by side with him and with his father 
 before him, there was another Dietrich — Dietrich the 
 One-eyed, son of Triar, a low-born adventurer, who 
 had got together the remnants of some low-caste 
 tribes, who were called the Goths of Thrace, and was 
 swaggering about the court of Constantinople, as, 
 when the East Goths first met him, what we call 
 Warden of the Marches, with some annual pay for 
 his Goths. He was insolent to Theodemir and his 
 family, and they retaliated by bitter hatred. It was 
 intolerable for them, Amals, sons of Odin, to be in- 
 sulted by this upstart. So they went on for years, till 
 the miserable religious squabble fell out — you may 
 read it in. Gibbon — which ended in the Emperor Zeno, 
 a low-born and cunning man, suspected of the murder 
 of his own son by the princess Ariadne, being driven 
 out of Constantinople by Basiliscus. We need not 
 enter into such matters, except as far as they bear on 
 the history of Dietrich the Amal. Dietrich the One- 
 eyed helped Basiliscus — and then Zeno seems to have 
 sent for Dietrich the Amal to help him. He came, 
 but too late. Basiliscus' party had already broken up ; 
 Basiliscus and his family had taken refuge in a church, 
 from whence Zeno enticed him, on the promise of 
 shedding no blood, which he did not : but instead, 
 put him, his wife and children, in a dry cistern, walled 
 it up and left them.
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. T07 
 
 Dietrich the Amal rose into power and great glory, 
 and became ' son-in-arms' to the Emperor. But the 
 young Amal longed for adventures. He offered to 
 take his Ostrogoths into Italy, drive out Odoacer, and 
 seat on the throne of the West, Nepos, one of the 
 many puppets who had been hurled off it a few 
 years before. Zeno had need of the young hero 
 nearer home, and persuaded him to stay in Constanti- 
 nople, eat, drink, and be merry. 
 
 Whereon Odoacer made Romulus Agustulus and 
 the Roman Senate write to Zeno that they wanted no 
 Emperor save him at Constantinople ; that they were 
 very happy under the excellent Odoacer, and that they 
 therefore sent to Zeno, as the rightful owner, all the 
 Imperial insignia and ornaments ; things which may 
 have been worn, some of them, by Augustus himself. 
 And so ended, even in name, the Empire of Rome. 
 All which the Amal saw, and, as will appear, did not 
 forget. 
 
 Zeno gave the Amal all that the One-eyed had had 
 before him, and paid the Ostrogoths yearly as he had 
 paid the One-eye's men. The One-eyed was banished 
 to his cantonments, and of course revolted. Zeno 
 wanted to buy him off, but the Amal would not hear 
 of it ; he would not help the Romans against his 
 rival, unless they swore perpetual enmity against him. 
 
 They did so, and he marched to the assistance of 
 the wretched Empire. He was to be met by Roman 
 reinforcements at the Hsemus. They never came; 
 and the Amal, disgusted and disheartened, found him- 
 self entangled in the defiles of the Haemus, stai-ving
 
 I04 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 and worn out ; with the One-eyed entrenched on an 
 inaccessible rock, where he dared not attack him. 
 
 Then followed an extraordinary scene. The One- 
 eyed came down again and again from his rock, and 
 rode round the Amal's camp, shouting to him words 
 so true, that one must believe them to have been 
 really spoken. 
 
 / ^Perjured boy, madman, betrayer of your race — do 
 you not see that the Roman plan is as always to 
 destroy Goths by Goths ? Whichever of us falls, they, 
 not we, will be the stronger. They never met you as 
 they promised, at the cities, nor here. They have 
 sent you out here to perish in the desert.* \ 
 
 Then the East Goths raised a cry. ' The One-eyed 
 is right. The Amal cares not that these men are 
 Goths like ourselves.' 
 
 Then the One-eyed appeals to the Goths themselves, 
 as he curses the Amal. 
 
 ' Why are you killing your kinsmen ? Why have 
 you made so many widows ? Where is all their wealth 
 gone, they who set out to fight for you ? Each of 
 them had two or three horses : but now they are 
 walking on foot behind you like slaves, — free-men as 
 well-born as yourself : — and you promised to measure 
 them out gold by the bushel.' 
 
 Was it not true? If young Dietrich had in him (and 
 he shewed that he had in after years) a Teuton's 
 heart, may not that strange interview have opened his 
 eyes to his own folly, and taught him that the Teuton 
 must be his own master, and not the mercenary of 
 the Romans?
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 107 
 
 The men cried out that it was true. He must make 
 peace with the One-eyed, or they would do it them- 
 selves ; and peace was made. They both sent ambas- 
 sadors to Zeno ; the Amal complaining of treachery ; 
 the One-eyed demanding indemnity for all his losses. 
 The Emperor was furious. He tried to buy off the 
 Amal by marrying him to a princess of the blood 
 royal, and making him a Caesar. Dietrich would not 
 consent ; he felt that it was a snare. Zeno proclaimed 
 the One-eyed an enemy to the Empire ; and ended 
 by reinstating him in his old honours, and taking 
 them from the Amal. The Amal became furious, 
 burnt villages, slaughtered the peasants, even (the 
 Greeks say) cut off the hands of his captives. He 
 had broken with the Romans at last. The Roman 
 was astride of him, and of all Teutons, like Sindbad's 
 old man of the sea. The only question, as with Sind- 
 bad, was whether he should get drunk, and give them 
 a chance of throwing the perfidious tyrant. And now 
 the time was come. He was compelled to ask him- 
 self, not — what shall I be in relation to myself: but 
 what shall I be in relation to the Kaiser of the Ro- 
 mans — a mercenary, a slave, or a conqueror— for one 
 of the three I must be ? 
 
 So it went on, year after year — sometimes with 
 terrible reverses for Dietrich, till the year 480. Then 
 the old One-eyed died, in a strange way. Mounting 
 a wild horse at the tent-door, the beast reared before 
 he could get his seat ; afraid of pulling it over by the 
 curb, he let it go. A lance, in Gothic fashion, was 
 hanging at the tent-door, and the horse plunged the
 
 lo8 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 One-eyed against it. The point went deep into his 
 side, and the old fighting man was at rest for ever. 
 
 And then came a strange peripeteia for the Amal. 
 Zeno, we know not why, sent instantly for him. He 
 had been ravaging, pursuing, defeating Roman troops, 
 or being defeated by them. Now he must come to 
 Rome. His Goths should have the Lower Danube. 
 He should have glory and honour to spare. He 
 came. His ideal, at this time, seems actually to have 
 been to live like a Roman citizen in Constantinople, 
 and help to govern the Empire. Recollect, he was 
 still little more than five and twenty years old. 
 
 So he went to Constantinople, and I suppose with 
 him the faithfui mother, and faithful sister, who had 
 been with him in all his wanderings. He had a 
 triumph decreed him at the Emperor's expense, was 
 made Consul Ordinarius (' which,' saith Jornandes, ' is 
 accounted the highest good and chief glory in the 
 world') and Master- general, and lodged in the 
 palace. 
 
 What did it all mean ? Dietrich was dazzled by it, 
 at least for a while. What it meant, he found out 
 too soon. He was to fight the Emperor's battles 
 against all rebels, and he fought them, to return irri- 
 tated, complaining (justly or unjustly) of plots against 
 his life ; to be pacified, like a child, with the honour 
 of an equestrian statue ; then to sink down into By- 
 zantine luxury for seven inglorious years, with only 
 one flashing out of the ancient spirit, when he de- 
 manded to go alone against the Bulgars, and killed 
 their kiner with his own hand.
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 109 
 
 What woke him from his dream ? The cry of his 
 starving people. 
 
 The Goths, settled on the lower Danube, had been 
 living, as wild men and mercenaries live, recklessly 
 from hand to mouth, drinking and gambling till their 
 families were in want. They send to the Amal. 
 ' While thou art revelling at Roman banquets, we are 
 starving — come back ere we are ruined.' 
 
 They were jealous, too, of the success of Odoacer 
 and his mercenaries. He was growing now to be 
 a great power; styling himself 'King of nations\' 
 giving away to the Visigoths the Narbonnaise, the 
 last remnant of the Western Empire ; collecting round 
 him learned Romans like Symmachus, Boethius, and 
 Cassiodorus ; respecting the Catholic clergy ; and 
 seemingly doing his best to govern well. His merce- 
 naries, however, would not be governed. Under their 
 violence and oppression agriculture and population 
 were both failing ; till Pope Gelasius speaks of ' Emi- 
 lia, Tuscia, ceteraeque provincise in quibus nullus prope 
 hominum existit.' 
 
 Meanwhile there seems to have been a deep hatred 
 on the part of the Goths to Odoacer and his merce- 
 naries. Dr. Sheppard thinks that they despised him 
 himself as a man of low birth. But his father ^decon 
 had been chief of the Turklings, and was most pro- 
 bably of royal blood. It is very unlikely, indeed, 
 that so large a number of Teutons would have fol- 
 lowed any man who had not Odin's blood in his veins. 
 
 ■ Had he actually taken the name of Theodoric, Theudeiic, Dietrich, 
 which signifies much the same thing as ' King of nations'?
 
 Tio THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 Was there a stain on Odoacer from his early con- 
 nexion with Attila? Or was the hatred against his 
 men more than himself, contempt especially of the 
 low-caste Herules, — a question of race, springing out 
 of those miserable tribe-feuds, which kept the Teutons 
 always divided and weak ? Be that as it may, Odo- 
 acer had done a deed which raised this hatred to open 
 fury. He had gone over the Alps into Rugiland 
 (then Noricum, and the neighbourhood of Vienna) 
 and utterly destroyed those of the Rugier who had 
 not gone into Italy under his banner. They had 
 plundered, it is said, the cell of his old friend St. 
 Severinus, as soon as the saint died, of the garments 
 laid up for the poor, and a silver cup, and the sacred 
 vessels of the mass. Be that as it may, Odoacer 
 utterly exterminated them, and carried their king 
 Feletheus, or Fava, back to Italy, with Gisa his 
 ' noxious wife ;' and with them many Roman Chris- 
 tians, and (seemingly) the body of St. Severinus him- 
 self. But this had been a small thing, if he had not 
 advised himself to have a regular Roman triumph, 
 with Fava, the captive king, walking beside his 
 chariot ; and afterwards, in the approved fashion of 
 the ancient Romans on such occasions, to put Fava 
 to death in cold blood. 
 
 The records of this feat are to be found, as far as 
 I know themj in one short chapter (I. xix.) of Paulus 
 Diaconus, and in Muratori's notes thereto; but how- 
 ever small the records, the deed decided the fate of 
 Italy. Frederic, son of Fava, took refuge with the 
 Ostrogoths, and demanded revenge in the name of
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. ill 
 
 his royal race ; and it is easy to conceive that the 
 sympathies of the Goths would be with him. An 
 attack (seemingly unprovoked) on an ancient Teu- 
 tonic nation by a mere band of adventurers was — or 
 could easily be made — a grievous wrong, and clear 
 casus belli, over and above the innate Teutonic lust 
 for fighting and adventures, simply for the sake of 
 'the sport/ 
 
 Dietrich went back, and from that day, the dream 
 of eastern luxury was broken, and young Dietrich was 
 a Goth again, for good and for evil. 
 
 He assembled the Goths, and marched straight on 
 Constantinople, burning and pillaging as he went. 
 So say, at least, the Greek historians, of whom, all 
 through this strange story, no one need believe more 
 than he likes. Had the Goths had the writing of the 
 life of Dietrich, we should have heard another tale. 
 As it is, we have, as it were, a life of Lord Clive 
 composed by the court scribes of Delhi. 
 
 To no Roman would he tell what was in his mind. 
 Five leagues from Constantinople he paused. Some 
 say that he had compassion on the city where he had 
 been brought up. Who can tell.'' He demanded to 
 speak to Zeno alone, and the father in arms and his 
 wild son met once more. There was still strong in 
 him the old Teutonic feudal instinct. He was ' Zeno's 
 man,' in spite of all. He asked (says Jornandes) 
 Zeno's leave to march against Odoacer, and conquer 
 Italy. Procopius and the Valesian Fragment say 
 that Zeno sent him, and that in case of success, he 
 was to reign there till Zeno came. Zeno was, no
 
 112 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 doubt, "glad to get rid of him at any price. As 
 Ennodius well says, ' Another's honour made him 
 remember his own origin, and fear the very legions 
 which obeyed him — for that obedience is suspected 
 which serves the unworthy.' Rome was only nomi- 
 nally under Zeno's dominion ; and it mattered little 
 to him whether Herule or Gothic adventurer called 
 himself his representative. 
 
 Then was held a grand function. Dietrich, solemnly 
 appointed ' Patrician,' had Italy ceded to him by a 
 ' Pragmatic ' sanction, and Zeno placed on his head 
 the sacrum velamen, a square of purple, signifying in 
 Constantinople things wonderful, august, imperial — 
 if they could only be made to come to pass. And he 
 made them come to pass. He gathered all Teutonic 
 heroes of every tribe, as well as his own ; and through 
 Roumelia, and through the Alps, a long and danger- 
 ous journey, went Dietrich and his Goths, with their 
 wives and children, and all they had, packed on wag- 
 gons ; living on their flocks and herds, grinding their 
 corn in hand-mills, and hunting as they went, for 
 seven hundred miles of march ; fighting as they went 
 with Bulgars and Sarmatians, who had swarmed into 
 the waste marches of Hungary and Carniola, once 
 populous, cultivated, and full of noble cities ; fighting 
 a desperate battle with the Gepidae, up to their knees 
 in a morass ; till over the passes of the Julian Alps, 
 where icicles hung upon their beards, and their clothes 
 cracked with frost, they poured into the Venetian 
 plains. It was a daring deed ; and needed a spirit like 
 Dietrich's to carry it through.
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 113 
 
 Odoacer awaited him near the ruins of Aquileia. 
 On the morning of the fight, as he was arming, Die- 
 trich asked his noble mother to bring him some spe- 
 cially fine mantle, which she had embroidered for him, 
 and put it over his armour, ' that all men may see 
 how he goes gayer into the fight than ever he did 
 into feast. For this day she shall see whether she 
 have brought a man-child into the world, or no.' 
 
 And in front of Verona (where the plain was long 
 white with human bones), he beat Odoacer, and after 
 a short and sharp campaign, drove him to Ravenna. 
 But there, Roman fortifications, and Roman artillery, 
 stopped, as usual, the Goth ; and Odoacer fulfilled 
 his name so well, and stood so stout, that he could 
 only be reduced by famine ; and at last surrendered 
 on terms, difificult now to discover. 
 
 Gibbon says, that there was a regular compact that 
 they should enjoy equal authority, and refers to Pro- 
 copius : but Procopius only says, that they should 
 live together peaceably ' in that city.' Be that as it 
 may, Odoacer and his party were detected, after 
 awhile, conspiring against Dietrich, and put to death 
 in some dark fashion. Gibbon, as advocatus diaboH, 
 of course gives the doubt against Dietrich, by his 
 usual enthymeme — All men are likely to be rogues, 
 ergo, Dietrich was one. Rather hard measure, when 
 one remembers that the very men who tell the story 
 are Dietrich's own enemies. By far the most import- 
 ant of them, the author of the Valesian Fragment, 
 who considers Dietrich damned as an Arian, and the 
 murderer of Boethius and Symmachus, says plainly 
 
 I
 
 114 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 that Odoacer plotted against his life. But it was a 
 dark business at best. 
 
 Be that as it may, Dietrich the Amal found himself 
 in one day king of all Italy^ without a peer. And 
 now followed a three and thirty years' reign of 
 wisdom, justice, and prosperity, unexampled in the 
 history of those centuries. Between the days of the 
 Antonines and those of Charlemagne, I know no such 
 bright spot in the dark history of Europe. 
 
 As for his transferring the third of the lands of 
 Italy, which had been held by Odoacer's men, to his 
 own Goths, — that was just or unjust (even putting 
 out of the question the rights of conquest), according 
 to what manner of men Odoacer's mercenaries were, 
 and what right they had to the lands. At least it 
 was done so, says Cassiodorus, that it notoriously 
 gave satisfaction to the Romans themselves. One 
 can well conceive it. Odoacer's men had been lawless 
 adventurers ; and now law was installed as supreme. 
 <^Dietrich, in his long sojourn at the Emperor's court, 
 had discovered the true secret of Roman power, which 
 made the Empire terrible even in her fallen fortunes ; 
 and that was Law. Law, which tells every man what 
 to expect, and what is expected of him ; and so gives, 
 if not content, still confidence, energy, industry. The 
 Goths were to live by the Gothic law, the Romans by 
 the Roman. To amalgamate the two races would 
 have been as impossible as to amalgamate English 
 and Hindoos. The parallel is really tolerably exact. 
 The Goth was very English ; and the over-civilized, 
 learned, false, profligate Roman was the very counter-
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 115 
 
 part of the modern Brahmin. But there was to be 
 equal justice between man and man. If the Goths 
 were the masters of much of the Roman soil, still 
 spoliation and oppression were forbidden ; and the 
 remarkable edict or code of Theodoric, shews how 
 deeply into his great mind had sunk the idea of the 
 divineness of Law. It is short, and of Draconic 
 severity, especially against spoliation, cheating, false 
 informers, abuse by the clergy of the rights of sanc- 
 tuary, and all offences against the honour of women. 
 I advise you all to study it, as an example of what 
 an early Teutonic king thought men ought to do, and 
 could be made to do. 
 
 The Romans were left to their luxury and laziness ; 
 and their country villas (long deserted) were filled 
 again by the owners. The Goths were expected to 
 perform military service, and were drilled from their 
 youth in those military evolutions which had so often 
 given the disciplined Roman the victory over the 
 undisciplined Goth, till every pomcerium (boulevard), 
 says Ennodius, might be seen full of boys and lads, 
 learning to be soldiers. Everything meanwhile was 
 done to soothe the wounded pride of the conquered. 
 The senate of Rome was still kept up in name (as by 
 Odoacer), her nobles flattered by sonorous titles, and 
 the officers of the kingdom and the palace bore the 
 same names as they would have done under Roman 
 emperors. The whole was an attempt to develop 
 Dietrich's own Goths by the only civilization which 
 he knew, that of Constantinople : but to engraft on 
 it an order, a justice, a freedom, a morality, which was 
 
 I 2
 
 Ii6 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 the ' barbarian ' element. The treasures of Roman 
 art were placed under the care of government ofiEicers ; 
 baths, palaces, churches^ aqueducts, were repaired or 
 founded ; to build seems to have been Dietrich's 
 great delight ; and we have left us, on a coin, some 
 image of his own palace at Verona, a strange building 
 with domes and minarets, something like a Turkish 
 mosque ; standing, seemingly, on the arcades of some 
 older Roman building. Dietrich the Goth may, 
 indeed, be called the founder of ' Byzantine ' archi- 
 tecture throughout the Western world. 
 
 Meanwhile, agriculture prospered once more ; the 
 Pontine Marshes were drained ; the imperial ports 
 restored, and new cities sprang up. ' The new ones,' 
 says Machiavelli, 'were Venice, Siena, Ferrara^ 
 Aquileia ; and those which became extended were 
 Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna.' 
 Of these the great sea-ports, especially Venice, were 
 founded not by Goths, but by Roman and Greek 
 fugitives : but it was the security and liberality of 
 Dietrich's reign which made their existence possible ; 
 and Venice really owes far more to the barbarian 
 hero, than to the fabled patronage of St. Mark. 
 
 ' From this devastation and new population,' con- 
 tinues Machiavelli, ' arose new languages, which, par- 
 taking of the native idiom of the new people, and of 
 the old Roman, formed a new manner of discourse. 
 Besides, not only were the names of provinces changed, 
 but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men ; for France, 
 Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly dif- 
 ferent from the ancient.'
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 117 
 
 This reign of Dietrich was, in fact, the birth-hour of 
 modern Italy ; and, as MachiavelH says, ' brought the 
 country to such a state of greatness, that her previous 
 sufferings were unrecognizable.' We shall see here- 
 after how the great Goth's work was all undone ; and 
 (to their everlasting shame) by whom it was undone. 
 
 The most interesting records of the time are, 
 without doubt, the letters of Cassiodorus, the king's 
 secretary and chancellor, which have come down to 
 us in great numbers. There are letters among them 
 on all questions of domestic and foreign policy: to 
 the kings of the Varni, kings of the Herules, kings of 
 the Thuringer (who were still heathens beyond the 
 Black forest), calling on them all to join him and the 
 Burgundians, and defend his son-in-law Alaric II., 
 king of the Visigoths, against Clovis and his Franks. 
 There are letters, too, bearing on the religious feuds 
 of the Roman population, and on the morals and 
 social state of Rome itself, of which I shall say 
 nothing in this lecture, having cause to refer to them 
 hereafter. But if you wish to know the times, you 
 must read Cassiodorus thoroughly. 
 
 In his letters you will remark how most of the so- 
 called Roman names are Greek. You will remark, 
 too, as a sign of the decadence of taste and art, that 
 though full of wisdom and practical morality, the 
 letters are couched in the most wonderful bombast to 
 be met with, even in that age oj infimse Latinitatis. 
 One can only explain their style by supposing 
 that King Dietrich, having supplied the sense, 
 left it for Cassiodorus to shape it as he thought
 
 iiS THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 best ; and when the letter was read over to him, took 
 for granted (being no scholar) that that was the way 
 in which Roman Caesars and other cultivated person- 
 ages ought to talk ; admired his secretary's learning ; 
 and probably laughed in his sleeve at the whole thing, 
 thinking that ten words of honest German would have 
 said all that he meant. As for understanding these 
 flights of rhetoric, it is impossible that Dietrich could 
 have done so : perhaps not even Cassiodorus himself. 
 Take as one example, such a letter as this. — After a 
 lofty moral maxim, which I leave for you to construe 
 — ' In partem pietatis recidit mitigata districtio ; et 
 sub beneficio praestat, qui pcenam debitam modera- 
 tione considerata palpaverit,' — Jovinus the curial is 
 informed, after the most complex method, that having 
 first quarrelled with a fellow-curial, and then pro- 
 ceeded to kill him, he is banished for life to the isle of 
 Volcano, among the Liparis. As a curial is a gentleman 
 and a government magistrate, the punishment is just 
 enough ; but why should Cassiodorus (certainly not 
 King Dietrich) finish a short letter by a long disser- 
 tation on volcanoes in general, and Stromboli in par- 
 ticular, insisting on the wonder that the rocks, though 
 continually burnt, are continually renewed by 'the 
 inextricable potency of nature ; ' and only returning 
 to Jovinus to inform him that he will henceforth 
 follow the example of a salamander, which always 
 lives in fire, ' being so contracted by natural cold, that 
 it is tempered by burning flame. It is a thin and 
 small animal, connected with worms, and clothed 
 with a yellow colour ;'... Cassiodorus then returns to
 
 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. I19 
 
 the main subject of volcanoes, and ends with a story 
 of Stromboli having broken out just as Hannibal 
 poisoned himself at the court of Prusias ; — informa- 
 tion which may have been interesting, though not con- 
 soling, to poor Jovinus, in the prospect of living there ; 
 but of which one would like to have had king Die- 
 trich's opinion. Did he felicitate himself like a simple 
 Teuton, on the wonderful learning and eloquence of 
 his Greek-Roman secretary? Or did he laugh a royal 
 laugh at the whole letter, and crack a royal joke at 
 Cassiodorus and all quill-driving schoolmasters and 
 lawyers — the two classes of men whom the Goths 
 hated especially, and at the end to which they by 
 their pedantries had brought imperial Rome? One 
 would like to know. For not only was Dietrich no 
 scholar himself, but he had a contempt for the very 
 scholarship which he employed, and forbade the 
 Goths to learn it — as the event proved, a foolish and 
 fatal prejudice. But it was connected in his mind 
 with chicanery, effeminacy, and with the cruel and 
 degrading punishments of children. Perhaps the 
 ferula had been applied to him at Constantinople in 
 old days. If so, no wonder that he never learnt to 
 write. ' The boy who trembles at a cane,' he used to 
 say, 'will never face a lance.' His mother wit, mean- 
 while, was so shrewd that ' many of his sayings 
 (says the unknown author of the invaluable Valesian 
 Fragment) remain among us to this day.' Two 
 only, as far as I know, have been preserved, quaint 
 enough : 
 
 'lie that hath gold, or a devil, cannot hide it.'
 
 I20 THE GOTHIC CIVILIZER. 
 
 And 
 
 ' The Roman, when poor, apes the Goth : the Goth, 
 when rich, apes the Roman.' 
 
 There is a sort of Solomon's judgment, too, told of 
 him, in the case of a woman who refused to acknow- 
 ledge her own son, which was effectual enough ; but 
 somewhat too homely to repeat. 
 
 As for his personal appearance, it was given in a 
 saga ; but I have not consulted it myself, and am no 
 judge of its authenticity. The traditional description 
 of him is that of a man almost beardless — a rare case 
 among the Goths — with masses of golden ringlets, and 
 black eyebrows over 'oculos caesios,' the blue grey 
 eyes common to so many conquerors. A complexion 
 so peculiar, that one must believe it to be truly 
 reported. 
 
 His tragic death, and the yet more tragic conse- 
 quences thereof, will be detailed in the next lecture.
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 I HAVE now to speak to you on the latter end of 
 Dietrich's reign — made so sadly famous by the death 
 of Boethius — the last Roman philosopher, as he has 
 been called for centuries, and not unjustly. His De 
 Consolatione Philosophise is a book good for any 
 man, full of wholesome and godly doctrine. For 
 centuries it ranked as high as the highest classics ; 
 higher perhaps at times than any book save the 
 Bible, among not merely scholars, but statesmen. 
 It is the last legacy of the dying old world to the 
 young world which was trampling it out of life ; 
 and therefore it is full of sadness. But beneath the 
 sadness there is faith and hope ; for God is just, and 
 virtue must be triumphant and immortal, and the 
 absolute and only good for man. The whole story 
 is very sad. Dietrich was one of those great men, 
 who like Henry VHI, Elizabeth, Napoleon, or the 
 late Czar Nicholas, have lived too long for their own 
 honour. The old heathen would have attributed his 
 misadventures to a (pOovos 6e&v, an envy of the Gods, 
 who will not abide to see men as prosperous as they 
 themselves are. We may attribute it more simply 
 and more piously to the wear and tear of frail
 
 122 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 humanity. For it may be that very few human 
 souls can stand for many years the strain of a 
 great rule. I do not mean that they break down 
 from overwork, but that they are pulled out of shape 
 by it ; and that, especially, the will becomes enor- 
 mously developed at the expense of the other powers 
 of the soul, till the man becomes, as he grows older^ 
 imperious, careless of, or irritated by counsel, deter- 
 mined to have his own way because it is his own way. 
 We see the same tendency in all accustomed for a 
 long while to absolute rule, even in petty matters ; — 
 in the old ship's captain, the old head of a factory, the 
 old master of hounds ; and we do not blame them for 
 it. It is a disease incident to their calling, as pedantry 
 is to that of a scholar, or astuteness to that of an 
 attorney. But it is most dangerous in the greatest 
 minds, and in the highest places ; and only to be kept 
 off by them, as by us, each in our place, by honest 
 self-examination, diligent prayer, and the grace of 
 God which comes thereby. Once or twice in the 
 world's history a great ruler, like Charles the Fifth, 
 cuts the Gordian knot, and escapes into a convent : but 
 how few can or ought to do that ? There are those 
 who must go on ruling, or see their country ruined ; 
 for all depends on them. So had Queen Elizabeth 
 to do ; so had Dietrich of Bern likewise. After them 
 would come the deluge, and did come ; and they 
 must endure to the last, whatever it may cost to 
 their own health of character, or peace of mind. 
 
 But most painful, and most dangerous to the 
 veteran sovereign, is it to have learnt to suspect,
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 123 
 
 perhaps to despise^ those whom he rules ; to have 
 thrown away all his labour upon knaves and fools ; 
 to have cast his pearls before swine, and find them 
 turning again and rending him. That feeling, forced 
 from Queen Elizabeth, in her old age, that tragic cry, 
 ' I am a miserable forlorn woman. There is none 
 about me whom I can trust.' She was a woman, 
 always longing for some one to love ; and her heart 
 broke under it all. But do you not see that where 
 the ruler is not an affectionate woman, but a strong 
 proud man, the effect may be very different, and very 
 terrible } — how, roused to indignation, scorn, suspicion, 
 rage, he may turn to bay against his own subjects, 
 with ' Scoundrels ! you have seen the fair side of my 
 character, and in vain. Now you shall see the foul, 
 and beware for yourselves.' 
 
 Even so, I fancy, did old Dietrich turn to bay, and 
 did deeds which have blackened his name for ever. 
 Heaven forgive him ! for surely he had provocation 
 enough and to spare. 
 
 I have told you of the simple, half-superstitious 
 respect which the Teuton had for the prestige of 
 Rome. Dietrich seems to have partaken of it, like 
 the rest. Else why did he not set himself up as 
 Caesar of Rome ? Why did he always consider him- 
 self as son-in arms, and quasi-vassal, of the Czesar of 
 Constantinople? He had been in youth overawed 
 by the cunning civilization which he had seen in 
 the great city. He felt, with a noble modesty, that 
 he could not emulate it. He must copy it afar off. 
 He must take to his counsels men like Cassiodorus.
 
 124 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 SymmachuSj Boethius, born and bred in it ; trained 
 from childhood in the craft by which, as a patent fact, 
 the Kaisers of Rome had been for centuries, even in 
 their decay and degradation, the rulers of the nations. 
 Yet beneath that there must have been a perpetual 
 under-current of contempt for it and for Rome — the 
 'colluvies gentium' — the sink of the nations, with its 
 conceit, its pomposity, its beggary, its profligacy, its 
 superstition, its pretence of preserving the Roman 
 law and rights, while practically it cared for no law 
 nor right at all. Dietrich had had to write letter upon 
 letter, to prevent the green and blue factions cutting 
 each other's throats at the public spectacles ; letters 
 to the tribunus voluptatum, who had to look after 
 the pantomimes and loose women, telling him to keep 
 the poor wretches in some decent order, and to set 
 them and the city an example of a better life, by 
 being a chaste and respectable man himself. Letter 
 upon letter of Cassiodorus', written in Dietrich's name, 
 disclose a state of things in Rome on which a Goth 
 could look only with disgust and contempt. 
 
 And what if he discovered (or thought that he dis- 
 covered) that these prating coxcombs — who were 
 actually living on government bounty, and had their 
 daily bread, daily bath, daily oil, daily pork, daily 
 wine, found for them at government expense, while 
 they lounged from the theatre to the church, and 
 the church to the theatre — were plotting with Justin 
 the scoundrel and upstart Emperor at Constantinople, 
 to restore forsooth the liberties of Rome? And that 
 that was their answer to his three and thirty years
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 125 
 
 of good government, respect, indulgence, which had 
 raised them up again out of all the miseries of 
 domestic anarchy and foreign invasion? 
 
 And what if he discovered (or thought that he 
 discovered) that the Catholic Clergy, with Pope John 
 at their head, were in the very same plot for 
 bringing in the Emperor of Constantinople, on the 
 grounds of religion ; because he was persecuting 
 the Arian Goths at Constantinople, and therefore 
 would help them to persecute them in Italy? And 
 that that was their answer to his three and thirty 
 years of unexampled religious liberty? Would not 
 those two facts (even the belief that they were facts) 
 have been enough to drive many a wise man mad ? 
 
 How far they were facts, we never shall exactly 
 know. Almost all our information comes from 
 Catholic historians — and he would be a rash man 
 who would pin his faith on any statement of theirs 
 concerning the actions of a heretic. But I think, 
 even with no other help than theirs, we may see 
 why Dietrich would have looked with horror on 
 any intimacy between the Church of Rome and the 
 Court of Constantinople. 
 
 We must remember first what the Greek Empire 
 was then, and who was the new Emperor. Anasta- 
 sius the poor old Emperor, dying at eighty with his 
 heart broken by monks and priests, had an ugly 
 dream ; and told it to Amantius the eunuch and 
 lord chamberlain. Whereon Amantius said he had 
 had a dream too ; — how a great hog flew at him 
 as he was in waiting in the very presence, and
 
 126 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 threw him down and eat him fairly up. Which 
 came true — though not in the way Amantius ex- 
 pected. On the death of Anastasius he determined 
 to set up as Emperor a creature of his own. For 
 this purpose he must buy the guards ; to which 
 noble end he put a large sum of treasure into the 
 hands of Justin, senator, and commander-in-chief of 
 the said guards, who takes the money, and spends 
 it on his own account ; so that the miserable eunuch 
 finds, not his man, but Justin himself, Emperor, and 
 his hard-earned money spent against him. The mere 
 rise of this unscrupulous swindler and his still more 
 unscrupulous nephew, Justinian, would have been 
 enough to rouse Dietrich's suspicion, if not fear. 
 
 Deep and unspeakable must have been the royal 
 Amal's contempt for the man. For he must have 
 known him well at Constantinople in his youth ; 
 known how he was a Goth or other Teuton after 
 all, though he was called a Dardanian ; how his 
 real name was Uprauda (upright), the son of Stock — 
 which Uprauda he had latinized into Justinus. The 
 Amal knew well how he had entered the Emperor's 
 guard ; how he had intrigued and fought his way up 
 (for the man did not lack courage and conduct) to his 
 general's commission ; and now, by a crowning act of 
 roguery, to the Empire. He had known too, most 
 probably, the man's vulgar peasant wife, who, in her 
 efforts to ape royalty, was making herself the laugh- 
 ing-stock of the people, and who was urging on her 
 already willing husband to persecute. And this man 
 he saw ready to convulse his own Empire by be-
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 127 
 
 ginning a violent persecution against the Arians. He 
 was dangerous enough as a villain, doubly dangerous 
 as a bigot also. 
 
 We must remember next what the Greek Church 
 was then ; a chaos of intrigue, villainy, slander, and 
 wild fury, tearing to pieces itself and the whole 
 Empire by religious feuds, in which the doctrine in 
 question becomes invisible amid the passions and 
 crimes of the disputants, while the Lords of the 
 Church were hordes of wild monks, who swarm 
 out of their dens to head the lowest mobs, or fight 
 pitched battles with each other. The ecclesiastical 
 history of the fifth century in the Eastern Empire 
 is one, which not even the genius of a Gibbon or 
 a Milman can make interesting, or even intelligible. 
 
 Recollect that Dietrich had seen much of this with 
 his own eyes ; had seen actually, as I told you, the 
 rebellion of Basiliscus and the Eutychian Bishops 
 headed by the mad Daniel the Stylite against his 
 foster father the Emperor Zeno ; had seen that 
 Emperor (as Dean Milman forcibly puts it) 'flying 
 before a naked hermit, who had lost the use of his 
 legs by standing sixteen years upon a column.' 
 Recollect that Dietrich and his Goths had helped 
 to restore that Emperor to his throne ; and then 
 understand in what a school he had learnt his great 
 ideas of religious toleration : how deep must have 
 been the determination to have no such doings in his 
 kingdom ; how deep, too, the dread of any similar 
 outbreak at Rome. 
 
 Recollect, also, that now in his old age he had
 
 128 DIETRICH'S END, 
 
 just witnessed the same iniquities again rending the 
 Eastern Empire ; the old Emperor Anastasius hunted 
 to death by armies of mad monks about the Mono- 
 physite Heresy ; tlie cities, even the hohest places of 
 the East, stained with Christian blood ; everywhere 
 mob-law, murder, treachery, assassination even in the 
 house of God ; and now the new Emperor Justin was 
 throwing himself into the party of the Orthodox with 
 all the blind rage of an ignorant peasant ; persecuting, 
 expelling, shutting up the Arian Churches of the 
 Goths, refusing to hear Dietrich's noble appeals ; and 
 evidently organizing a great movement against those 
 peaceable Arians, against whom, during the life-time 
 of Dietrich, their bitterest enemies do not allege a 
 single case of persecution. 
 
 Remember, too, that Dietrich had had experience 
 of similar outbreaks of fanaticism at Rome ; that the 
 ordination of two rival Popes had once made the 
 streets run with blood ; that he had seen priests 
 murdered, monasteries fired, nuns insulted, and had 
 had to interfere with the strong arm of the law, and 
 himself decide in favour of the Pope who had the 
 most votes, and was first chosen ; and that in the 
 quarrels, intrigues, and slanders, which followed that 
 election, he had had too good proof that the eccle- 
 siastics and the mob of Rome, if he but let them, 
 could behave as ill as that of Constantinople ; and, 
 moreover, that this new Pope John, who seems to 
 have been a hot-headed fanatic, had begun his rule 
 by whipping and banishing Manichees — by whose 
 permission, does not appear.
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 129 
 
 Recollect too, that for some reason or other, 
 Dietrich, when he had interfered in Eastern matters, 
 had been always on the side of the Orthodox and 
 the Council of Chalcedon. He had fought for the 
 Orthodox against Basiliscus. He had backed the 
 Orthodox and Vitalianus their champion, against the 
 late Emperor Anastasius ; and now as soon as the 
 Orthodox got into power under Justin, this was the 
 reward of his impartiality. If he did not distrust and 
 despise the Church and Emperor of the East; he must 
 have been not a hero, but a saint. 
 
 Recollect, too, that in those very days. Catholic 
 bigotry had broken out in a general plunder of the 
 Jews. At Rome, at Milan, and Genoa their houses 
 had been sacked, and their synagogues burnt ; and 
 Dietrich, having compelled the Catholics to rebuild 
 them at their own expense, had earned the hatred of 
 a large portion of his subjects. And now Pope John 
 was doing all he could to thwart him. Dietrich bade 
 him go to Constantinople, and plead with Justin for 
 the persecuted Arians. He refused. Dietrich shipt 
 him off, nolentem volentem. But when he got to 
 Constantinople he threw his whole weight into the 
 Emperor's scale. He was received by Justin as if he 
 was St. Peter himself, the Emperor coming out to 
 meet him with processions and wax-lights, imploring 
 his blessing ; he did exactly the opposite to what 
 Dietrich bade him do ; and published on his return a 
 furious epistle to the bishops of Italy, calling upon 
 them to oppress and extirpate the Arian perfidy, so 
 that no root of it is left : to consecrate the Arian 
 
 K
 
 I30 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 churches wheresoever he found them, pleading the 
 advice of the most pious and Christian Emperor 
 Justin, talking of Dietrich as tainted inwardly and 
 wrapt up outwardly with the pest of heresy. On 
 which Cochlaeus (who religiously believes that Die- 
 trich was damned for his Arianism, and that all his 
 virtues went for nothing because he had not charity, 
 which exists, he says, alone within the pale of the 
 Church), cannot help the naive comment, that if the 
 Pontiff did really write that letter, he cannot wonder 
 at Dietrich's being a little angry. Kings now, it is 
 true, can afford to smile at such outbursts ; they 
 could not afford to do so in Dietrich's days. Such 
 words meant murder, pillage, civil war, dethronement, 
 general anarchy ; and so Dietrich threw Pope John 
 into prison. He had been in bad health before he 
 sailed to Constantinople, and in a few months he 
 died, and was worshipped as a saint. 
 
 As for the political conspiracy, we shall never 
 know the truth of it. The ' Anonymus Valesii,' 
 meanwhile says, that when Cyprian accused Albinus, 
 Boethius answered, ' It is false : but if Albinus has 
 done it, so have I, and the whole senate, with one 
 consent. It is false, my Lord King ! ' Whatever such 
 words may prove, they prove at least this, that 
 Boethius, as he says himself, was the victim of his own 
 chivalry. To save Albinus, and the senate, he thrust 
 himself into the fore-front of the battle, and fell at 
 least like a brave man. Whether Albinus, Boethius, 
 and Symmachus did plot to bring in Justin ; whether 
 the senate did send a letter to him, I cannot tell.
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 131 
 
 Boetliius, in his De Consolatione, denies it all ; and 
 Boethius was a good man. He says that the letters 
 in which he hoped for the liberty of Rome were 
 forged ; how could he hope for the impossible ? but 
 he adds, 'would that any liberty could have been 
 hoped for! I would have answered the king as 
 Cassius did, when falsely accused of conspiring by 
 Caligula : " If I had known of it, you should not." ' 
 One knows not whether Dietrich ever saw those 
 words : but they prove at least that all his confidence, 
 justice, kindness to the patrician philosopher, had not 
 won him from the pardonable conceit about the 
 Romani nominis umbram. 
 
 Boethius' story is most probably true. One cannot 
 think that that man would die with a lie in his 
 mouth. One cannot pass by, as the utterances of a 
 deliberate hypocrisy, those touching appeals to his 
 guiding mistress, that heavenly wisdom who has led 
 him so long upon the paths of truth and virtue, and 
 who seems to him, in his miserable cell, to have 
 betrayed him in his hour of need. Heaven forbid. 
 Better to believe that Dietrich committed once in his 
 life, a fearful crime, than that good Boethius' famous 
 book is such another as the Eikon Basilike. 
 
 Boethius, again, says that the Gothic courtiers 
 hated him, and suborned branded scoundrels to swear 
 away his life and that of the senate, because he had 
 opposed ' the hounds of the palace,' Amigast, Trigulla, 
 and other greedy barbarians. There was, of course, a 
 Gothic party and a Roman party about the court ; 
 and each hated the other bitterly. Dietrich had 
 
 K 2
 
 132 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 favoured the Romans. But the Goths could not 
 have seen such men as Symmachus and Boethius the 
 confidants and counsellors of the Amal, without 
 longing for their downfall ; and if, as Boethius and 
 the Catholic historians say, the whole tragedy arose 
 out of a Gothic plot to destroy the Roman party, 
 such things have happened but too often in the 
 world's history. The only facts which make against 
 the story are, that Cyprianus the accuser was a 
 Roman, and that Cassiodorus, who must have 
 belonged to the Roman party, not only is never 
 mentioned during the whole tragedy, but was high in 
 power under Theodatus and Athalaric afterwards. 
 
 Add to this, that there were vague but wide-spread 
 reports that the Goths were in danger ; that Dietrich 
 at least could not be ignorant of the ambition and 
 the talents of that terrible Justinian, Justin's nephew, 
 who was soon to alter, for a generation, the fortunes 
 of the whole Empire, and to sweep the Goths from 
 Italy ; that men's minds must have been perplexed 
 with fear of change, when they recollected that 
 Dietrich was seventy years old, without a son to 
 succeed him, and that a woman and a child would 
 'soon rule that great people in a crisis, which they 
 could not but foresee. We know that the ruin came ; 
 is it unreasonable to suppose that the Goths foresaw 
 it, and made a desperate, it may be a treacherous, 
 effort to crush once and for all, the proud and not 
 less treacherous senators of Rome ? 
 
 So, maddened with the fancied discovery that the 
 man whom he had honoured, trusted, loved, was con-
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 133 
 
 spiring against him, Dietrich sent Boethius to prison. 
 He seems, however, not to have been eager for his 
 death ; for Boethius remained there long enough to 
 write his noble book. 
 
 However, whether fresh proofs of his supposed guilt 
 were discovered or not, the day came when he must 
 die. A cord was twisted round his head (probably to 
 extort confession), till his eyes burst from their sockets, 
 and then he was put out of his misery by a club ; and 
 so ended the last Roman philosopher. Symmachus, 
 his father-in-law, was beheaded ; and Pope John, as 
 we have heard, was thrown into prison on his return, 
 and died after a few months. These are the tragedies 
 which have stained for ever the name of ' Theodoric 
 the Great.' 
 
 Pope John seems to have fairly earned his imprison- 
 ment. For the two others, we can only, I fear, join 
 in the sacred pity in which their memories have been 
 embalmed to all succeeding generations. But we must 
 recollect, that after all, we know but one side of the 
 question. The Romans could write ; the Goths could 
 not : they may have been able to make out a fair case 
 for themselves ; they may have believed truly in the 
 guilt of Boethius ; and if they did, nothing less could 
 have happened, by such rules of public law and justice 
 as were then in vogue, than did happen. 
 
 Be that as it may, the deed was done ; and the 
 punishment, if deserved, came soon enough. Sitting 
 at dinner (so the story runs), the head of a fish took 
 in Dietrich's fancy the shape of Symmachus' head, the 
 upper teeth biting the lip, the great eyes staring at
 
 134 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 him. He sprang up in horror ; took to his bed ; and 
 there, complaining of a mortal chill, wrapping himself 
 up in heaps of blankets, and bewailing to his physician 
 the death of his two victims, he died sadly in a few 
 days. And a certain holy hermit, name not given, 
 nor date of the vision, saw the ghosts of Boethius and 
 Symmachus lead the Amal's soul up the cone of 
 Stromboli, and hurl him in, as the English sailors saw 
 old Boots, the Wapping usurer, hurled into the same 
 place, for offences far more capable of proof. 
 
 So runs the story of Dietrich's death. It is perfectly 
 natural, and very likely true. His contemporaries, who 
 all believed it, saw in it proof of his enormous guilt, 
 and the manifest judgment of God. We shall rather 
 see in it a proof of the earnest, child-like, honest nature 
 of the man, startled into boundless horror and self- 
 abasement, by the sudden revelation of his crime. 
 Truly bad men die easier deaths than that ; and go 
 down to the grave, for the most part, blind and self- 
 contented, and, as they think, unpunished ; and per- 
 haps forgiven. 
 
 After Dietrich came the deluge. The royal head 
 was gone. The royal heart remained in Amalasuentha 
 ' the heavenly beauty,' a daughter worthy of her father. 
 
 One of her first acts was to restore to the widows 
 and children of the two victims the estates which Die- 
 trich had confiscated. That may, or may not, prove 
 that she thought the men innocent. She may have 
 only felt it royal not to visit the sins of the fathers on 
 the children ; and those fathers, too, her own friends 
 and preceptors. Beautiful, learned, and wise, she too
 
 DIETRICH'S END. 135 
 
 was, like her father, before her age. She, the pupil of 
 Boethius, would needs bring up her son Athalaric in 
 Roman learning, and favour the Romans in all ways ; 
 never putting to death or even fining any of them, 
 and keeping down the rough Goths, who were ready 
 enough, now Dietrich's hand was off them, to ill-use 
 the conquered Italians. The Goths soon grew to dis- 
 hke her, and her Roman tendencies, her Roman edu- 
 cation of the lad. One day she boxed his ears for 
 some fault. He ran crying out into the Heldensaal, 
 and complained to the heroes. They sent a deputa- 
 tion to Amalasuentha, insolent enough. 'The boy 
 should not be made a scholar of.' ' She meant to kill 
 the boy and marry again. Had not old Dietrich for- 
 bidden free Goths to go to schoolmasters, and said, 
 that the boy who was taught to tremble at a cane, 
 would never face a lance?' So they took the lad 
 
 Saway from the women, and made a ruffian of him. 
 What with drink, women, idleness, and the company 
 of wild young fellows like himself, he was early ruined, 
 body and soul. Poor Amalasuentha, not knowing 
 whither to turn, took the desperate resolution of offer- 
 ing Italy to the Emperor Justinian. She did not know 
 that her cousin Theodatus had been beforehand with 
 her — a bad old man, greedy and unjust, whose rapa- 
 city she had had to control again and again, and who 
 hated her in return. Both send messages to Justinian. 
 The wily Emperor gave no direct answer : but sent 
 his ambassador to watch the course of events. The 
 young prince died of debauchery, and the Goths whis- 
 pered that his mother had poisoned him. Meanwhile
 
 136 DIETRICH'S END. 
 
 Theodatus went on from bad to worse ; accusations . 
 flowed in to Amalasuentha of his lawless rapacity: 
 but he was too strong for her ; and she, losing her 
 head more and more, made the desperate resolve of 
 marrying him, as the only way to keep him quiet. 
 He was the last male heir of the royal Amalungs. 
 The marriage would set him right in the eyes of the 
 Goths, while it would free her from the suspicion of 
 having murdered her son, in order to reign alone, 
 Theodatus meanwhile was to have the name of roy- 
 alty ; but she was to keep the power and the money 
 — a foolish, confused plan, which could have but one 
 ending. Theodatus married her of course, and then 
 cast her into prison, seized all her treasures, and 
 threw himself into the arms of that party among the 
 Goths, who hated Amalasuentha for having punished 
 their oppressions. The end was swift and sad. By 
 the time that Justinian's ambassador landed, Amal- 
 asuentha was strangled in her bath ; and all that Peter 
 the ambassador had to do was, to catch at the cause 
 of quarrel, and declare 'inexpiable war' on the part 
 of Justinian, as the avenger of the Queen. 
 
 And then began that dreadful East Goth war, which 
 you may read for yourselves in the pages of an eye- 
 witness, Procopius ; — a war which destroyed utterly 
 the civilization of Dietrich's long and prosperous 
 reign, left Italy a desert, and exterminated the Roman 
 people. 
 
 That was the last woe : but of it I must tell you in 
 my next Lecture.
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 Of this truly dreadful Gothic war I can give you but 
 a hasty sketch ; of some of the most important figures 
 in it, not even a sketch. I cannot conceive to myself, 
 and therefore cannot draw for you, the famous Beli- 
 sarius. Was he really the strange compound of strength 
 and weakness which Procopius, and after him Gibbon, 
 represent him ? — a caricature, for good and evil, of our 
 own famous Marlborough? You must read and judge 
 for yourselves. I cannot, at least as yet, offer you any 
 solution of the enigma. 
 
 Still less can I conceive to myself Narses, living 
 till his grey hairs in the effeminate intrigues of the 
 harem, and then springing forth a general ; the Warrior 
 Eunuch ; the misanthrope avenging his great wrong 
 upon all mankind in bloody battle-fields ; dark of 
 counsel, and terrible of execution ; him to whom in 
 after years the Empress Sophia sent word that he was 
 more fit to spin among maids than to command 
 armies, and he answered, that he would spin her such 
 a thread as she could not unravel ; and kept his word 
 (as legends say) by inviting the Lombards into Italy. 
 
 Least of all can I sketch Justinian the Great, the
 
 138 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 half-Teuton peasant, whom his uncle Justin sent for 
 out of the Dardanian hills, to make him a demigod 
 upon earth. Men whispered in after years that he 
 was born of a demon, a demon himself, passing whole 
 days without food, wandering up and down his palace 
 corridors all night, resolving dark things, and labour- 
 ing all day with Herculean force to carry them out. 
 No wonder he was thought to be a demon, wedded 
 to a demon-wife. The man is unfathomable, inexpli- 
 cable ; — marrying deliberately the wickedest of all 
 women, plainly not for mere beauty's sake, but pos- 
 sibly because he saw in her a congenial intellect ; — 
 faithful and loving to her and she to him, amid all 
 the crimes of their following years ; — pious with ex- 
 ceeding devotion and orthodoxy, and yet with a piety 
 utterly divorced from, unconscious of, the commonest 
 morality ; — discerning and using the greatest men, 
 Belisarius and Narses for example, and throwing 
 them away again, surely not in weak caprice, when- 
 ever they served him too well ; — conquering Persians, 
 Vandals, Goths ; all but re-conquering, in fact, the 
 carcase Roman Empire; — and then trying (with a 
 deep discernment of the value of Roman law) to put a 
 galvanic life into the carcase by codifying that law. 
 
 In whatever work I find this man, during his long 
 life, he is to me inexplicable. Louis XI of France is 
 the man most like Justinian whom I know, but he, 
 too, is a man not to be fathomed by me. All the 
 facts about Justinian you will find in Gibbon. I have 
 no theory by which to arrange and explain them, and 
 therefore can tell you no more than Gibbon does.
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 139 
 
 So to this Gothic war ; which^ you must remember, 
 became possible for Justinian by BeHsarius' having 
 just destroyed the Vandals out of Africa. It began 
 by BeHsarius invading the south of Italy. Witigis 
 was elected war-king of the Goths, ' the man of witty 
 counsels,' who did not fulfil his name ; while Theo- 
 datus (Theod-aht 'esteemed by the people' as his 
 name meant) had fallen into utter disesteem, after 
 some last villainy about money ; had been struck 
 down in the road by the man he had injured ; and 
 there had his throat cut, ' resupinus instar victimai 
 jugulatus.' 
 
 He had consulted a Jew diviner just before, who 
 had given him a warning. Thirty pigs, signifying 
 the unclean Gentiles, the Jew shut up in three sties ; 
 naming ten Goths, ten Romans, and ten Imperialists 
 of Belisarius' army, and left them to staive. At the 
 end they found dead all the Goths but two, hardly 
 any of the Imperialists, and half the Romans : but 
 the five Roman pigs who were left had lost their 
 bristles — bare to the skin, as the event proved. 
 
 After that Theodatus had no heart to fight, and 
 ended his dog's life by a dog's death, as we have 
 seen. 
 
 Note also this, that there was a general feeling of 
 coming ruin ; that there were quaint signs and omens. 
 We have heard of the pigs which warned the Goths. 
 Here is another. There was a Mosaic picture of 
 Theodoric at Naples ; it had been crumbling to pieces 
 at intervals, and every fresh downfall had marked the 
 death of an Amal. Now the last remains went down.
 
 I40 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 to the very feet, and the Romans believed that it 
 foretold the end of the Amal dynasty. There was a 
 Sibylline oracle too ; 
 
 'Quintili mense Roma nihil Geticum metuet.' 
 
 Here, too, we find the last trace of heathenism, of 
 that political mythology which had so inextricably 
 interwoven itself with the life and history of the city. 
 The shrine of Janus was still standing, all of bronze, 
 only just large enough, Procopius says, to contain the 
 bronze image of Janus Bifrons. The gates, during 
 Christian centuries, had never been opened, even in 
 war time. Now people went by night, and tried to 
 force them open : but hardly succeeded. 
 
 Belisarius garrisoned Rome, and the Goths attacked 
 it, but in vain. You must read the story of that 
 famous siege in the really brilliant pages of old Pro- 
 copius, the last good historian of the old world. 
 
 Moreover, and this is most important, Belisarius 
 raised the native population against the Goths. As 
 he had done in Africa, when in one short campaign 
 he utterly destroyed the now effeminate aristocracy of 
 the Vandals, so he did in Italy. By real justice and 
 kindness ; by proclaiming himself the deliverer of the 
 conquered from the yoke of foreign tyrants, he iso- 
 lated the slave-holding aristocracy of the Goths from 
 the mass of the inhabitants of Italy. 
 
 Belisarius and the Goths met, and the Goths con- 
 quered. But to take Rome was beyond their power ; 
 and after that a long miserable war struggled and 
 wrangled up and down over the wretched land ; city
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 141 
 
 after city was taken and destroyed, now by Roman, 
 now by Goth. The lands lay waste, the people dis- 
 appeared in tens of thousands. All great Dietrich's 
 work of thirty years was trampled into mud. 
 
 There were horrible sieges and destructions by both 
 parties ; — sack of Milan by Goths, sack of Rimini and 
 the country round by Romans ; horrors of famine at 
 Auximum ; two women who kept an inn, killing and 
 eating seventeen men, till the eighteenth discovered 
 the trap and killed them. Everywhere, as I say, good 
 Dietrich's work of thirty years trampled into gory 
 mud. 
 
 Then Theudebert and his false Franks came down 
 to see what they could get ; all (save a few knights 
 round the king) on foot, without bow or lance ; but 
 armed with sword, shield, and heavy short-handled 
 double-edged francisc, or battle-axe. At the bridge 
 over the Ticinus they (nominal Catholics) sacrificed 
 Gothic women and children with horrid rites, fought 
 alike Goths and Romans, lost a third of their army 
 by dysentery, and went home again. 
 
 At last, after more horrors, Vitigis and his Goths 
 were driven into Ravenna. Justinian treated for 
 peace ; and then followed a strange peripeteia, which 
 we have, happily, from an eye-witness, Procopius him- 
 self. The Roman generals outside confessed their 
 chance of success hopeless. The Goths inside, tired of 
 the slow Vitigis, send out to the great Belisarius, Will 
 he be their king ? King over them there in Italy ? He 
 promised, meaning to break his promise ; and to the 
 astonishment and delight of the Romans, the simple
 
 142 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 and honest barbarians opened the gates of Ravenna, 
 and let in him and his Romans, to find themselves be- 
 trayed and enslaved. ' When I saw our troops march 
 in,' says Procopius, ' I felt it was God's doing, so to 
 turn their minds. The Goths,' he says, ' were far su- 
 perior in numbers and in strength ; and their women, 
 who had fancied these Romans to be mighty men 
 of valour, spit in the faces of their huge husbands, 
 and pointing to the little Romans, reproached them 
 with having surrendered to such things as that.' But 
 the folly was committed. Belisarius carried them 
 away captive to Constantinople, and so ended the first 
 act of the Gothic war. 
 
 In the moment of victory the envy of the Byzantine 
 court undid all that it had done. Belisarius returned 
 with his captives to Rome, not for a triumph, but for 
 a disgrace ; and Italy was left open to the Goths, if 
 they had men and heart to rise once more. 
 
 And they did rise. Among the remnant of the 
 race was left a hero, Totila by name ; — a Teuton of 
 the ancient stamp. Totilas, ' free from death ' — ' the 
 deathless one,' they say his name means. Under him 
 the nation rose once more as out of the ground. 
 
 A Teuton of the ancient stamp he was, just and 
 merciful exceedingly. Take but two instances of him, 
 and know the man by them. He retook Naples. The 
 Romans within were starving. He fed them ; but lest 
 they should die of the sudden repletion, he kept them 
 in by guards at each gate, and fed them up more and 
 more each day, till it was safe to let them out, to find 
 food for themselves in the country. A Roman came
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 143 
 
 to complain that a Goth had violated his daughter. 
 He shall die, said Totila. He shall not die, said the 
 Goths. He is a valiant hero. They came clamouring 
 to the king. He answered them quietly and firmly. 
 They may choose to-day, whether to let this man go 
 unpunished, or to save the Gothic nation and win the 
 victory. Do they not recollect how at the beginning 
 of the war, they had brave soldiers, famous generals, 
 countless treasures, horses, weapons, and all the forts 
 of Italy ? And yet under Theodatus, a man who 
 loved gold better than justice, they had so angered 
 God by their unrighteous lives, that — what had hap- 
 pened they knew but too well. Now God had seemed 
 to have avenged himself on them enough. He had 
 begun a new course with them. They must begin a 
 new course with him ; and justice was the only path. 
 As for the man's being a valiant hero : let them know 
 that the unjust and the ravisher were never brave in 
 fight ; but that according to a man's life, such was his 
 luck in battle. 
 
 His noble words came all but true. The feeble 
 generals who were filling Belisarius's place were 
 beaten one by one, and almost all Italy was re- 
 conquered. Belisarius had to be sent back again to 
 Italy : but the envy, whether of Justinian himself, 
 or of the two wicked women who ruled his court, 
 allowed him so small a force that he could do 
 nothing. 
 
 Totila and the Goths came down once more to 
 Rome. Belisarius in agony sent for reinforcements, 
 and got them : but too late. He could not relieve
 
 144 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 Rome. The Goths had massed themselves round the 
 city, and Belisarius, having got to Ostia (Portus) at 
 the Tiber^s mouth, could get no further. This was 
 the last woe ; the actual death-agony of ancient 
 Rome. The famine grew and grew. The wretched 
 Romans cried to Bessas and his garrison, either to 
 feed them or to kill them out of their misery. They 
 would do neither. They could hardly at last feed 
 themselves. The Romans ate nettles off the ruins, 
 and worse things still. There was not a dog or a rat 
 left. They even killed themselves. One father of 
 five children could bear no longer their cries for food. 
 He wrapped his head in his mantle, and sprang into 
 the Tiber, while the children looked on. The sur- 
 vivors wandered about like spectres, brown with 
 hunger, and dropped dead with half-chewed nettles 
 between their lips. To this, says Procopius, had 
 fortune brought the Roman senate and people. Nay, 
 not fortune, but wickedness. They had wished to 
 play at being free, while they themselves were the 
 slaves of sin. 
 
 And still Belisarius was coming, — and still he did 
 not come. He was forcing his way up the Tiber ; he 
 had broken Totila's chain, burnt a tower full of Goths, 
 and the city was on the point of being relieved, when 
 one Isaac made a fool of himself, and was taken by 
 the Goths. Belisarius fancied that Portus, his base of 
 operations, with all his supplies, and Antonia, the 
 worthless wife on whom he doted, were gone. He 
 lost his head, was beaten terribly, fell back on 
 Ostia, and then the end came. Isaurians from
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 145 
 
 within helped in Goths by night. The Asinarian 
 gate was opened, and Rome was in the hands of the 
 Goths. 
 
 And what was left ? What of all the pomp 
 and glory^ the spoils of the world, the millions of 
 inhabitants ? 
 
 Five or six senators, who had taken refuge in 
 St. Peter's, and some five hundred of the plebs ; 
 Pope Pelagius crouching at Totila's feet, and crying 
 for mercy ; and Rusticiana, daughter of Symmachus, 
 Boethius' widow, with other noble women, in slaves' 
 rags, knocking without shame at door after door to 
 beg a bit of bread. And that was what was left of 
 Rome. 
 
 Gentlemen, I make no comment. I know no more 
 awful page in the history of Europe. Through such 
 facts as these God speaks. Let man be silent ; and 
 look on in fear and trembling, knowing that it was 
 written of old time — The wages of sin are death. 
 
 The Goths wanted to kill Rusticiana. She had 
 sent money to the Roman generals ; she had thrown 
 down Dietrich's statues, in revenge for the death of 
 her father and her husband. Totila would not let 
 them touch her. Neither maid, wife, nor widow, says 
 Procopius, was the worse for any Goth. 
 
 Next day he called the heroes together. He is 
 going to tell them the old tale, he says — How in 
 Vitigis' time at Ravenna, 7000 Greeks had conquered 
 and robbed of kingdom and liberty 200,000 rich and 
 well-armed Goths. And now that they were raw 
 levies, few, naked, wretched, they had conquered 
 
 L
 
 146 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 more than 20,000 of the enemy. And why? Because 
 of old they had looked to everything rather than to 
 justice ; they had sinned against each other and the 
 Romans. Therefore they must choose, and be just 
 men henceforth, and have God with them, or unjust, 
 and have God against them. 
 
 Then he sends for the wretched remnant of the 
 senators and tells them the plain truth : — How the 
 great Dietrich and his successors had heaped them 
 with honour and wealth ; and how they had returned 
 his benefits by bringing in the Greeks. And what 
 had they gained by changing Dietrich for Justinian ? 
 Logothetes, who forced them by blows to pay up the 
 money which they had already paid to their Gothic 
 rulers ; and revenue exacted alike in war and in 
 peace. Slaves they deserve to be ; and slaves they 
 shall be henceforth. 
 
 Then he sends to Justinian. He shall withdraw 
 his army from Italy, and make peace with him. He 
 will be his ally and his son in arms, as Dietrich had 
 been to the Emperors before him, or if not, he 
 will kill the senate, destroy Rome, and march into 
 Illyricum. 
 
 Justinian leaves it to Belisarius. 
 
 Then Totila begins to destroy Rome. He batters 
 down the walls, he is ready to burn the town. He 
 will turn the evil place into a sheep-pasture. Beli- 
 sarius flatters and cajoles him from his purpose, and 
 he marches away with all his captives, leaving not a 
 living soul in Rome. 
 
 But Totila shews himself a general unable to cope
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 147 
 
 with that great tactician. He divides his forces, and 
 allows Belisarius to start out of Ostia and fortify 
 himself in Rome. The Goths are furious at his 
 rashness : but it is too late, and the war begins 
 again, up and down the wretched land, till Belisarius 
 is recalled by some fresh court intrigue of his wicked 
 wife, and another and even more terrible enemy 
 appears on the field, Narses the eunuch, avenging 
 his wrong upon his fellow-men by cunning and 
 courage almost preternatural. He comes upon them 
 with a mighty host : but not of Romans alone. He 
 has gathered the Teuton tribes ; — Herules, the de- 
 scendants probably of Odoacer's confederates ; Gepids, 
 who have a long blood-feud against the Goths ; and 
 most terrible of all, Alboin with his five thousand 
 more Burgundians, of whom you will hear enough 
 hereafter. We read even of multitudes of Huns, and 
 even of Persian deserters from the Chosroo. But 
 Narses' policy is the old Roman one — Teuton must 
 destroy Teuton. And it succeeds. 
 
 In spite of some trouble with the Franks, who are 
 holding Venetia, he marches down victorious through 
 the wasted land, and Totila marches to meet him in 
 the Apennines. The hero makes his last speech. 
 He says, 'There will be no need to talk henceforth. 
 This day will end the war. They are not to fear 
 these hired Huns, Herules, Lombards, fighting for 
 money. Let them hold together like desperate men.^ 
 So they fight it out. The Goths depending entirely 
 on the lance, the Romans on a due use of every 
 kind of weapon. The tremendous charge of the 
 
 L 2
 
 148 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 Gothic knights is stopped by showers of Hun and '• 
 Herule arrows, and they roll back again and again in 
 disorder on tHe foot : but in spite of the far superior 
 numbers of the Romans, it is not till nightfall that 
 Narses orders a general advance of his line. The 
 Goths try one last charge ; but appalled by the 
 numbers of the enemy, break up, and, falling back 
 on the foot, throw them into confusion, and all is 
 lost. 
 
 The foot are cut down flying. The knights ride 
 for their lives. Totila and five horsemen are caught 
 up by Asbad the Gepid chief. Asbad puts his lance 
 in rest, not knowing who was before him. ' Dog,' 
 cries Totila's page, ' wilt thou strike thy lord ? ' But 
 it is too late. Asbad's lance goes through his back, 
 and he drops on his horse's neck. Scipwar (Ship- 
 ward) the Goth wounds Asbad, and falls wounded 
 himself. The rest carry off Totila. He dies that 
 night, after reigning eleven stormy years. 
 
 The Goths flee across the Po. There is one more 
 struggle for life, and one more hero left. Tela by 
 name, 'the slow one,' slow, but strong. He shall be 
 king now. They lift him on the shield, and gather 
 round him desperate, but determined to die hard. 
 He finds the treasure of Totila, hid in Pisa. He 
 sends to Theudebald and his Franks. Will they help 
 him against the Roman, and they shall have the 
 treasure ; the last remnant of the Nibelungen hoard. 
 No. The Luegenfelden will not come. They will 
 stand by and see the butchery, on the chance of 
 getting all Italy for themselves. Narses storms
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. I49 
 
 Rome — or rather a little part of it round Hadrian's 
 Mole, which the Goths had fortified ; and the Goths 
 escape down into Campania, mad with rage. 
 
 That victory of Narses, says Procopius, brought 
 only a more dreadful destruction on the Roman senate 
 and people. The Goths, as they go down, murder 
 every Roman they meet. The day of grace which 
 Totila had given them is over. The Teutons in 
 Narses' army do much the same. What matter to 
 Burgunds and Herules who was who, provided they 
 had any thing to be plundered of? Totila has allowed 
 many Roman senators to live in Campania. They 
 hear that Narses has taken Rome, they begin to flock 
 to the ghastly ruin. Perhaps there will be once again 
 a phantom senate, phantom consuls, under the Ro- 
 man! nominis umbram. The Goths catch them, and 
 kill them to a man. And there is an end of the 
 Senatus Populusque Romanus. 
 
 The end is near now. And yet these terrible Goths 
 cannot be killed out of the way. On the slopes of 
 Vesuvius, by Nuceria, they fortify a camp ; and as 
 long as they are masters of the neighbouring sea, for 
 two months they keep Narses at bay. At last he 
 brings up an innumerable fleet, cuts off their supplies ; 
 and then the end comes. The Goths will die like 
 desperate men on foot. They burst out of camp, turn 
 their horses loose, after the fashion of German knights 
 — One hears of the fashion again and again in the 
 middle age, — and rush upon the enemy in deep solid 
 column. The Romans have hardly time to form some 
 sort of line ; and then not the real Romans, I presume,
 
 I50 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 but the Burgunds and Gepids, turn their horses loose 
 Hke the Goths. There is no need for tactics ; the 
 fight is hand to "hand ; every man, says Procopius, 
 rushing at the man nearest him. 
 
 For a third of the day Teia fights in front, sheltered 
 by his long payisse, stabbing with a mighty lance at 
 the mob which makes at him, as dogs at a boar at 
 bay. Procopius is awed by the man. Most probably 
 he saw him with his own eyes. Second in valour, he 
 says, to none of the Heroes. 
 
 Again and again his shield is full of darts. Without 
 moving a foot, without turning an inch right or left, 
 says Procopius, he catches another from his shield- 
 bearer, and fights on. At last he has twelve lances in 
 his shield, and cannot move it : coolly he calls for a 
 fresh one, as if he were fixed to the soil, thrusts back 
 the enemy with his left hand, and stabs at them with 
 his right. But his time is come. As he shifts his 
 shield for a moment his chest is exposed, and a javelin 
 is through him. And so ends the last hero of the 
 East Goths. They put his head upon a pole, and 
 carry it round the lines to frighten the Goths. The 
 Goths are long past frightening. 
 
 All day long, and all the next day, did the Germans 
 fight on, Burgund and Gepid against Goth, neither 
 giving nor taking quarter, each man dying where he 
 stood, till human strength could bear up no longer, 
 while Narses sat by, like an ugly Troll as he was, 
 smiling to see the Teuton slay the Teuton, for the 
 sake of their common enemy. Then the Goths sent 
 down to Narses. They were fighting against God.
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 151 
 
 They would give in, and go their ways peaceably, 
 and live with some other Teuton nations after their 
 own laws. They had had enough. of Italy, poor fel- 
 lows, and of the Nibelungen hoard. Only Narses, 
 that they might buy food on the journey back, must 
 let them have their money, which he had taken in 
 various towns of Italy. 
 
 Narses agreed. There was no use fighting more 
 with desperate men. They should go in peace. And 
 he kept his faith with them. Perhaps he dared not 
 break it. He let them go, like a wounded lion crawl- 
 ing away from the hunter, up through Italy, and over 
 the Po, to vanish. They and their name became ab- 
 sorbed in other nations, and history knows the East 
 Goths no more. 
 
 So perished, by their own sins, a noble nation ; and 
 in perishing, destroyed utterly the Roman people. 
 After war and famine followed as usual dreadful pes- 
 tilence, and Italy lay waste for years. Henceforth the 
 Italian population was not Roman, but a mixture of 
 all races, with a most powerful, but an entirely new 
 type of character. Rome was no more Senatorial, but 
 Papal. . 
 
 And why did these Goths perish, in spite of all 
 their valour and patriotism, at the hands of mer- 
 cenaries ? 
 
 They were enervated, no doubt, as the Vandals had 
 been in Africa, by the luxurious southern climate, 
 with its gardens, palaces, and wines. But I have 
 indicated a stronger reason already : — they perished 
 because they were a slave-holding aristocracy.
 
 152 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 
 
 We must not blame them. All men then held 
 slaves : but the original sin was their ruin, though 
 they knew it not. It helped, doubtless, to debauch 
 them ; to tempt them to the indulgence of those fierce 
 and greedy passions, which must, in the long run, 
 lower the morality of slaveholders ; and which, as 
 Totila told them, had drawn down on them the anger 
 of heaven. But more ; though they reformed their 
 morals, and that nobly, under the stern teaching of 
 affliction, that could not save them. They were ruined 
 by the inherent weakness of all slaveholding states ; 
 the very weakness which had ruined, in past years, 
 the Roman Empire, They had no middle class, who 
 could keep up their supplies, by exercising for them 
 during war the arts of peace. They had no lower 
 class, whom they dare entrust with arms, and from 
 whom they might recruit their hosts. They could 
 not call a whole population into the field, and when 
 beaten in that field, carry on, as Britain would when 
 invaded, a guerilla warfare from wood to wood, and 
 hedge to hedge, as long as a coign of vantage-ground 
 was left. They found themselves a small army of 
 gentlemen, chivalrous and valiant, as slaveholders of 
 our race have always been ; but lessening day by day 
 from battle and disease, with no means of recruiting 
 their numbers ; while below them and apart from 
 them lay the great mass of the population, helpless, 
 unarmed, degraded, ready to side with any or every 
 one who would give them bread, or let them earn it 
 for themselves (for slaves must eat, even though their 
 masters starve), and careless of, if not even hostile to,
 
 THE NEMESIS OF THE GOTHS. 153 
 
 their masters' interests, the moment those masters 
 were gone to the wars. 
 
 In such a case, nothing was before them, save cer- 
 tain defeat at last by an enemy who could pour in 
 ever fresh troops of mercenaries, and who had the 
 command of the seas. 
 
 I may seem to be describing the case of a modern, 
 and just as valiant and noble a people. I do not men- 
 tion its name. The parallel, I fear, is too complete, 
 not to have already suggested itself to you.
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 And now I come to the final settlement of Italy 
 and the Lombard race ; and to do that well, I must 
 introduce you to-day to an old chronicler — a very 
 valuable, and as far as we know, faithful writer — 
 Paul Warnefrid, alias Paul the Deacon. 
 
 I shall not trouble you with much commentary on 
 him ; but let him, as much as possible, tell his own 
 story. He may not be always quite accurate, but you 
 will get no one more accurate. In the long run, you 
 will know nothing about the matter, save what he 
 tells you ; so be content with what you can get. Let 
 him shew you what sort of an account of his nation, 
 and the world in general, a Lombard gentleman and 
 clergyman could give, at the end of the 8th century. 
 
 You recollect the Lombards, of whom Tacitus says, 
 ' Longobardos paucitas nobilitat.^ Paulus Warnefrid 
 was one of their descendants, and his history carries 
 out the exact truth of Tacitus' words. He too speaks 
 of them as a very small tribe. He could not foresee 
 how much the ' nobilitat ' meant. He knew his folk 
 as a brave semi-feudal race, who had conquered the 
 greater part of Italy, and tilled and ruled it well ;
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 155 
 
 who were now conquered by Charlemagne, and an- 
 nexed to the great Frank Empire, but without losing 
 anything of their distinctive national character. He 
 did not foresee that they would become the architects, 
 the merchants, the goldsmiths, the bankers, the scien- 
 tific agriculturists of all Europe. We know it. When- 
 ever in London or any other great city, you see a 
 ' Lombard Street,' an old street of goldsmiths and 
 bankers — or the three golden balls of Lombardy over 
 a pawnbroker's shop — or in the country a field of rye- 
 grass, or a patch of lucerne — recollect this wise and 
 noble people, and thank the Lombards for what they 
 have done for mankind. 
 
 Paulus is a garrulous historian, but a valuable one, 
 just because he is garrulous. Though he turned monk 
 and deacon in middle life, he has not sunk the man in 
 the monk, and become a cosmopolite, like most Ro- 
 man ecclesiastics, who have no love or hate for human 
 beings save as they are friends or enemies of the 
 pope, or their own abbey. He has retained enough 
 of the Lombard gentleman to be proud of his family, , 
 his country, and the old legends of his race, which he 
 tells, half-ashamed, but with evident enjoyment. 
 
 He was born at beautiful Friuli, with the jagged 
 snow-line of the Alps behind him, and before him the 
 sun and the sea, and the plains of Po ; he was a 
 courtier as a boy in Desiderius' court at Pavia, and 
 then, when Charlemagne destroyed the Lombard 
 monarchy, seems to have been much with the great 
 king at Aix. He certainl)- ended his life as a Bene- 
 dictine monk, at Monte Casino, about 799 ; having
 
 156 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 written a Life of St. Gregory ; Homilies long and 
 many; the Appendix to Eutropius (the Historia Mis- 
 cella, as it is usually called) up to Justinian's time ; 
 and above all^ this history of the Lombards, his fore- 
 fathers, which I shall take as my text. 
 
 To me, and I believe to the great German anti- 
 quaries, his history seems a model history of a nation. 
 You watch the people and their story rise before you 
 out of fable into fact ; out of the dreary darkness of 
 the unknown north, into the clear light of civilized 
 Roman history. 
 
 The first chapter is ' Of Germany, how it nourishes 
 much people, and therefore many nations go forth 
 of it.' The reason which he gives for the immense 
 population is significant. The further to the north, 
 and the colder, the more healthy he considers the 
 world to be, and more fit for breeding human beings ; 
 whereas the south, being nearer to the heat of the 
 sun, always abounds with diseases. The fact really 
 is, I presume, that Italy (all the south which he knew), 
 and perhaps most of the once Roman empire, were 
 during the 6th and 7th centuries pestilential. Ruined 
 cities, stopt watercourses, cultivated land falling back 
 into marsh and desert, a soil too often saturated with 
 human corpses — offered all the elements for pestilence. 
 If the once populous Campagna of Rome be now un- 
 inhabitable from malaria, what must it have been in 
 Paul Warnefrid's time ? 
 
 Be that as it may, this Is his theory. 
 
 Then he tells us how his people were at first called 
 Winils; and how they came out of Scania Insula.
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. I57 
 
 Sweden is often, naturally, an island with the early- 
 chroniclers ; only the south was known to them. The 
 north was magical, unknown, Quenland, the dwelling- 
 place of Yotuns, Elves, Trolls, Scratlings, and all 
 other uncanny inhumanities. The Winils find that 
 they are growing too many for Scanland, and they 
 divide into three parties. Two shall stay behind, and 
 the third go out to seek their fortunes. Which shall 
 go is to be decided by lot. The third on whom the 
 lot falls choose as war-kings, two brothers, Ayo and 
 Ibor, and with them their mother, Gambara, the 
 Alruna-wife, prudent and wise exceedingly — and they 
 go forth. 
 
 But before Paul can go too, he has a thing or two 
 to say, which he must not forget, about the wild mys- 
 terious north from which his forefathers came. First 
 how, in those very extreme parts of Germany, in a 
 cave on the ocean shore, lie the seven sleepers. How 
 they got thither from Ephesus, I cannot tell, still less 
 how they should be at once there on the Baltic shore, 
 and at Ephesus — as Mohammed himself believed, and 
 Edward the Confessor taught — and at IMarmoutier by 
 Tours, and probably elsewhere beside. Be that as it 
 may, there they are, the seven martyrs, sleeping for 
 ever in their Roman dresses, which some wild fellow 
 tried to pull off once, and had his arms withered as a 
 punishment. And Paul trusts that they will awake 
 some day, and by their preaching save the souls of the 
 heathen Wends and Finns who haunt those parts. 
 
 The Teutonic knights, however, and not the seven 
 sleepers, did that good work.
 
 158 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 Only their dog is not with them, it appears ; — the 
 sacred dog which watches them till the judgment day, 
 when it is to go up to heaven, with Noah's dove, and 
 Balaam's ass, and Alborah the camel, and all the 
 holy beasts. The dog must have been left behind at 
 Ephesus. 
 
 Then he must tell us about the Scritofinns of the 
 Bothnia gulf; wild Lapps and Finns, who have now 
 retreated before the Teutonic race. In Paul Warne- 
 frid's eyes they are little wild hopping creatures — 
 whence they derive their name, he says — Scritofinns, 
 the hopping, or scrambling Finns. 
 
 Scrattels, Skretles, often figure in the Norse tales 
 as hopping dwarfs, half magical \ The Norse dis- 
 coverers of America recognized the Skraellings in the 
 Esquimaux, and fled from them in panic terror ; till 
 that furious virago Freydisa, Thorvard's wife, and 
 Eirek the Red's daughter, caught up a dead man's 
 sword, and put to flight, single-handed, the legion of 
 little imps. 
 
 Others, wiser, or too wise, say that Paul is wrong ; 
 that Skrikfins is the right name, so called from their 
 ' screeking', screaming, and jabbering, which doubtless 
 the little fellows did, loudly enough. 
 
 Be that as it may, they appear to Paul (or rather 
 to his informants, Wendish merchants probably, who 
 came down to Charlemagne's court at Aix, to sell 
 their amber and their furs) as hopping about, he says, 
 
 ' With west-countrymen, to ' sciattle ' still means to scramble, oi 
 shuffle about.
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 159 
 
 after the rein-deer, shooting them with a Httle clumsy 
 bow, and arrows tipt with bone, and dressing them- 
 selves in their skins. Procoplus knew these Scritfins 
 too (but he has got (as usual) addled in his geography, 
 and puts them in ultima Thule or Shetland), and tells 
 us, over and above the reindeer-skin dresses, that the 
 women never nursed their children, but went out 
 hunting with their husbands, hanging the papoose up 
 to a tree, as the Lapps do now, Avith a piece of deer's 
 marrow in its mouth to keep it employed ; and more- 
 over, that they sacrificed their captives to a war-god 
 (Mars he calls him) in cruel ugly ways. All which 
 we may fully believe. 
 
 Then Paul has to tell us how in the Scritfin 
 country there is little or no night in midsummer^ 
 little or no day in winter ; and how the shadows there 
 are exceeding long, and shorten to nothing as they 
 reach the equator, — where he puts not merely Egypt, 
 but Jerusalem. And how on Christmas days a man's 
 shadow is nine feet long in Italy, whereas at Totonis 
 Villam (Thionville), as he himself has measured, it is 
 nineteen feet and a half. Because, he says, shrewdly 
 enough, the further you go from the sun, the nearer 
 the sun seems to the horizon. Of all which if you 
 answer — But this is not history : I shall reply — But 
 it is better than history. It is the history of history. 
 It helps you to see how the world got gradually 
 known ; how history got gradually to be written ; how 
 each man, in each age, added his little grain to the 
 great heap of facts, and gave his rough explanation 
 thereof; and how each man's outlook upon this
 
 l6o PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 wondrous world grew wider, clearer, juster, as the 
 years rolled on. 
 
 And therefore I have no objection at all to listen 
 to Paul in his next chapter, concerning the two navels 
 of the ocean, one on each side Britain — abysses which 
 swallow up the water twice a day. and twice a day 
 spout it up again. Paul has seen, so he seems to say, 
 the tide, the 'XlKeai-oio poas, that inexplicable wonder 
 of the old Greeks and Romans, running up far inland 
 at the mouths of the Seine and Loire ; and he has to 
 get it explained somehow, before he can go forward 
 with a clear conscience. One of the navels seems to 
 be the Mahlstrom in Norway. Of the place of thie 
 other there is no doubt. It is close to Evodia insula, 
 seemingly Alderney. For a high noble of the French 
 told him so ; he was sucked into it, ships and all, 
 and only escaped by clinging to a rock. And after 
 awhile the margins of that abyss were all left bare, 
 leaving the Frenchman high and dry, 'palpitating so 
 with fear,' says Paul, 'that he could hardly keep his 
 seat.' But when all the water had been sucked in, 
 out and up it came pouring again, in huge mountains, 
 and upon them the Frenchman's ships, to his intense 
 astonishment, reappeared out of the bottomless pit ; 
 into one of which he jumped ; being, like a true 
 Frenchman, thoroughly master of the situation ; and 
 got safe home to tell Paul the deacon. It is not quite 
 the explanation of the tides which one would have 
 wished for : but if a French nobleman of high rank 
 will swear that he saw it with his own eyes, what can 
 Paul do, in common courtesy, but believe him ?
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. l6i 
 
 Paul has observed, too, which is a fact, that there 
 is a small tide in his own Adriatic ; and suggests 
 modestly that there may be a similar hole in the 
 bottom of that sea, only a little one, the tide being 
 very little. After which, ' his praelibatis,' he will 
 return, he says, to his story. And so he goes back 
 to the famous Langbard Saga, the old story, which 
 . he has turned out of living Teutonic verse into dead 
 Latin prose, and calls De Woden et Frea qusedam 
 ridicula fabula ; but can't help for the life of him 
 telling it, apologizing all the time. How the Winils 
 (his own folk) went out to fight the Wendels, many 
 more than them in number ; and how Gambara, the 
 Alruna-wife, cried to Freia the goddess, and Freia 
 told her that whichsoever of the two armies first 
 greeted Woden at the sunrise should win. But the 
 Winils are far away on the war-road, and there is no 
 time to send to them. So Freia bids her take the 
 Winil women, and dress them as warriors, and plait 
 their tresses over their lips for beards, and cry to 
 Woden ; and Woden admires their long beards, and 
 thinks them such valiant ' war-beasts,' that he grants 
 them the victory. 
 
 Then Freia tells him how he has been taken in, 
 and the old god laughs till the clouds rattle again, 
 and the Winils are called Langbardr ever after. 
 
 But then comes in the antiquary, and says that the 
 etymology is worthless, and that Langbardr means 
 long axes — (bard = an axe) — a word which we keep 
 in halbert, a hall-axe, or guard's pole-axe ; and 
 perhaps the antiquary is right. 
 
 M
 
 l62 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 But again comes in a very learned man, Dr. 
 Latham ^, and more than hints that the name is 
 derived from the Lange Borde, the long meadows 
 by the side of the Elbe : and so a good story crumbles 
 to pieces, and 
 
 ' All charms do fly 
 Beneath the touch of cold philosophy.' 
 
 Then follows another story, possibly from another 
 saga. How by reason of a great famine they had to 
 leave Scoringia, the shore-land, and go into Mauringia, 
 a word which Mr. Latham connects with the Mero- 
 vingi, or Meerwing conquerors of Gaul. Others say 
 that it means the moorland, others something else. 
 All that they will ever find out we may see for 
 ourselves already, — A little tribe of valiant fair-haired 
 men, whether all Teutons, or, as Mr. Latham thinks, 
 Sclavonians with Teuton leaders, still intimately con- 
 nected with our own English race both by their 
 language and their laws, struggling for existence on 
 the bleak brown bogs and moors, sowing a little 
 barley and flax, feeding a few rough cattle, breeding 
 a few great black horses ; generation after generation 
 fighting their way southward, as they exhausted the 
 barren northern soils, or became too numerous for 
 their marches, or found land left waste in front of 
 them by the emigration of some Suevic, Vandal, or 
 Burgund tribe. We know nothing about them, and 
 never shall know, save that they wore white linen 
 gaiters, and carried long halberts, or pole-axes, and 
 
 ' English Language, vol. i. p. 200.
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 163 
 
 had each an immortal soul in him, as dear to God as 
 yours or mine, with immense unconscious capabilities, 
 which their children have proved right well. 
 
 Then comes another saga, how they met the Assi- 
 pitti, of whom, whether they were Tacitus's Usipetes, 
 of the Lower Rhine, or Asabiden, the remnant of the 
 Asen, who went not to Scandinavia with Odin, we 
 know not, and need not know ; and how the Assipitti 
 would not let them pass ; and how they told the 
 Lombards that they had dogheaded men in their 
 tribe who drank men's blood, which Mr. Latham well 
 explains by pointing out, in the Traveller's Song, 
 a tribe of Hundings (Houndings) sons of the hound ; 
 and how the Lombards sent out a champion, who 
 fought the champion of the Assipitti, and so gained 
 leave to go on their way. 
 
 Forward they go, toward the south-east, seemingly 
 along the German marches, the debateable land be- 
 tween Teuton and Sclav, which would, mechanically 
 speaking, be the line of least resistance. We hear of 
 Gothland — wherever that happened to be just then ; 
 of Anthaib, the land held by the Sclavonian Anten, 
 and Bathaib, possibly the land held by the Gepidae, 
 or remnant of the Goths who bided behind (as 
 Wessex men still say), while the Goths moved 
 forward ; and then of Burgundhaib, wherever the 
 Burgunds might be then. I know not ; and I will 
 dare to say, no man can exactly know. For no dates 
 are given, and how can they be? The Lombards 
 have not yet emerged out of the dismal darkness 
 of the north into the light of Roman civilization ; 
 
 M a
 
 l64 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 and all the history they have are a few scraps of 
 saga. 
 
 At last they take a king of the family of the 
 Gungings, Agilmund, son of Ayo, like the rest of 
 the nations, says Jornandes ; for they will be no more 
 under duces, elective war-kings. And then follows a 
 fresh saga (which repeats itself in the myths of 
 several nations), how a woman has seven children at 
 a birth, and throws them for shame into a pond ;■ and 
 Agilmund the king, riding by, stops to see, and turns 
 them over with his lance ; and one of the babes lays 
 hold thereof ; and the king says, ' This will be a great 
 man ; ' and takes him out of the pond, and calls him 
 Lamissohn, 'the son of the fishpond,' (so it is inter- 
 preted ;) who grows to be a mighty Kemper-man, and 
 slays an Amazon. For when they come to a certain 
 river, the Amazons forbid them to pass, unless they 
 will fight their she-champion ; and Lamissohn swims 
 over and fights the war-maiden, and slays her ; and 
 they go on and come into a large land and quiet, 
 somewhere about Silesia, it would seem, and abode 
 there a long while. 
 
 Then down on them come the savage Bulgars by 
 night, and slay king Agilmund, and carry off his 
 daughter ; and Lamissohn follows them, and defeats 
 them with a great slaughter, -and is made king ; and 
 so forth : till at last they have got — how we shall 
 never know — near history and historic lands. For 
 when Odoacer and his Turklings and other con- 
 federates went up into Rugiland, the country north 
 of Vienna, and destroyed the Rugians, and Fava their
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 165 
 
 king, then the Lombards went down into the waste 
 land of the Rugians, because it was fertile, and abode 
 there certain years. 
 
 Then they moved on again, we know not why, and 
 dwelt in the open plains, which are called feld. One 
 says ' Moravia ;' but that they had surely left behind. 
 Rather it is the western plain of Hungary about 
 Comorn. Be that as it may, they quarrelled there 
 with the Heruli. Eutropius says that they paid the 
 Herules tribute for the land, and offered to pay more, 
 if the Herules would not attack them. Paul tells a 
 wild saga, or story, of the Lombard king's daughter 
 insulting a Herule prince, because he was short of 
 stature : he answered by some counter-insult ; and 
 she, furious, had him stabbed from behind through 
 a window as he sat with his back to it. Then war 
 came. The Herules, old and practised warriors, 
 trained in the Roman armies, despised the wild 
 Lombards, and disdained to use armour against 
 them, fighting with no clothes save girdles. Rodulf 
 their king, too certain of victory, sat playing at 
 tables, and sent a man up a tree to see how the 
 fight went, telling him that he would cut his head off 
 if he said that the Herules fled ; and then, touched 
 by some secret anxiety as to the end, spoke the 
 fatal words himself; and a madness from God came 
 on the Herules ; and when they came to a field of 
 flax, they took the blue flowers for water, and 
 spread out their arms to swim through, and were 
 all slaughtered defencelessly. 
 
 Then they fought with the Suevi ; and their kings'
 
 i66 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 daughters married with the kings of the Franks ; 
 and then ruled Aldwin (a name which Dr. Latham 
 identifies with our English Eadvvin, or Edwin, 'the 
 noble conqueror,' though Grotius translates it Aud- 
 win, 'the old or auld conqueror'), who brought them 
 over the Danube into Pannonia, between the Danube 
 and the Drave, about the year ^2,6. Procopius says, 
 that they came by a grant from the Emperor Jus- 
 tinian, who gave as wife to Aldwin a great niece 
 of Dietrich the Good, carried captive with Witigis 
 to Byzant. 
 
 Thus at last they too have reached the forecourt 
 of the Roman Empire, and are waiting for their 
 turn at the Nibelungen hoard. They have one 
 more struggle, the most terrible of all ; and then 
 they will be for a while the most important people 
 of the then world. 
 
 The Gepidae are in Hungary before them, now 
 a great people. Ever since they helped to beat 
 the Huns at Netad, they have been holding Attila's 
 old kingdom for themselves and not attempting to 
 move southward into the Empire ; so fulfilling their 
 name. 
 
 There is continual desultory war ; Justinian, accord- 
 ing to Procopius' account, playing false with each, in 
 order to make them destroy each other. Then, once 
 (this is Procopius' story, not Paul's) they meet for a 
 great fight ; and both armies run away by a panic 
 terror ; and Aldwin the Lombard and Thorisend the 
 Gepid are left alone, face to face. — It is the hand of 
 God, say the two wild kings — God does not mean
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 167 
 
 these two peoples to destroy each other. So they 
 make a truce for two years. Then the Gepidae call 
 in Cutuguri, a Hunnic tribe, to help them ; then, 
 says Procopius, Aldvvin, helped by Roman mercenaries, 
 under Amalfrid the Goth, Theodoric's great nephew, 
 and brother-in-law of Aldwin, has a great fight with 
 the Gepidae. But Paul knows naught of all this : with 
 him it is not Aldwin, but Alboin his son, who destroys 
 the Gepidae. Alboin, Grotius translates as Albe-win, 
 ' he who wins all : ' but Dr. Latham, true to his 
 opinion that the Lombards and the Angles were 
 closely connected, identifies it with our ^Ifwine, 
 ' the fairy conqueror.' 
 
 Aldwin, Paul says, and Thorisend fought in the 
 Asfeld, — wherever that may be, — and Alboin the 
 Lombard prince slew Thorisend the Gepid prince, 
 and the Gepidae were defeated with a great slaughter. 
 
 Then young Alboin asked his father to let him sit 
 at the table with him. No, he could not do that, by 
 Lombard custom, till he has become son-at-arms to 
 some neighbouring king. 
 
 Young Alboin takes forty thanes, and goes off to 
 Thorisend's court, as the guest of his enemy. The 
 rites of hospitality are sacred. The king receives him, 
 feasts him, seats him, the slayer of his son, in his dead 
 son's place. And as he looks on him he sighs ; and at 
 last he can contain no longer. The seat, he says, I like 
 right well : but not the man who sits in it. One of his 
 sons takes fire, and begins to insult the Lombards and 
 their white gaiters. You Lombards have white legs 
 like so many brood mares. A Lombard flashes up.
 
 i68 PAULUS DTACONUS. 
 
 Go to the Asfeld, and you will see how Lombard 
 mares can kick. Your brother's bones are lying about 
 there like any sorry nag's. This is too much ; swords 
 are drawn ; but old Thorisend leaps up. He will 
 punish the first man who strikes. Guests are sacred. 
 Let them sit down again, and drink their liquor in 
 peace. And after they have drunk, he gives Alboin 
 his dead son's weapons, and lets them go in peace, like 
 a noble gentleman. 
 
 This grand old King dies in peace. Aldwin dies 
 likewise, and to them succeed their sons, Alboin 
 and Cunimund — the latter probably the prince who 
 made the jest about the brood-mares — and they two 
 will fight the quarrel out. Cunimund, says Paul, began 
 the war — of course that is his story. Alboin is grow- 
 ing a great man ; he has married a daughter of 
 Clotaire, king of the Franks : and now he takes to 
 his alliance the Avars, who have just burst into the 
 Empire, wild people who afterwards founded a great 
 kingdom in the Danube lands, and they ravage Cuni- 
 mund's lands. He will fight the Lombards first, never- 
 theless : he can settle the Avars after. He and his, 
 says Paul, are slain to a man. Alboin makes a drink- 
 ing-cup of his skull, carries off his daughter Rosamund 
 ('Rosy-mouth'), and a vast multitude of captives and 
 immense wealth. The Gepidae vanish from history ; 
 to this day (says Paul) slaves either of the Lombards 
 or the Huns (by whom he rather means Avars) ; and 
 Alboin becomes the hero of his time, praised even to 
 Paul's days in sagas, Saxon and Bavarian as well as 
 Lombard, for his liberality and his glory. We shall
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 169 
 
 see now how he has his chance at the NIbelungen 
 hoard. 
 
 He has heard enough (as all Teutons have) of Italy, 
 its beauty, and its weakness. He has sent five thou- 
 sand chosen warriors to Narses, to help him against 
 Totila and the Ostrogoths ; and they have told him 
 of the fair land and large, with its vineyards, olive- 
 groves, and orchards, waste by war and pestilence, and 
 crying out for human beings to come and till it once 
 more. 
 
 There is no force left in Italy now, which can oppose 
 him. Hardly any left in the Roman world. The 
 plague is come ; to add its horrors to all the other 
 horrors of the time — the true old plague, as far as 
 I can ascertain ; bred, men say, from the Serbonian 
 bog ; the plague which visited Athens in the time 
 of Socrates, and England in the seventeenth century : 
 and after the plague a famine ; woe on woe, through 
 all the dark days of Justinian the demon-emperor. 
 The Ostrogoths, as you know, were extinct as a 
 nation. The two deluges of Franks and Allmen, 
 which, under the two brothers Buccelin and Lothaire, 
 all on foot (for the French, as now, were no horsemen), 
 had rolled into Italy during the Gothic war, had been 
 swallowed up, as all things were, in the fatal gulf of 
 Italy. Lothaire and his army, returning laden with 
 plunder, had rotted away like sheep by Lake Benacus 
 (Garda now) of drink, and of the plague. Buccelin, 
 entrenched among his plunder-waggons by the Vol- 
 turno stream in the far south, had waited in vain for 
 that dead brother and his dead host, till Narses came
 
 170 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 on him, with his army of trained Herules and Goths ; 
 the Francisc axe and barbed pike had proved useless 
 before the arrows and the cavalry of the Romans ; and 
 no more than five Allmen, says one, remained of all 
 that mighty host. Awful to think of: 75,000 men, 
 they say, in one column, 100,000 in the other: and 
 like water they flowed over the land ; and like water 
 they sank into the ground, and left no trace. 
 
 And now Narses, established as exarch of Ravenna, 
 a sort of satrap, like those of the Persian Emperors, 
 and representing the Emperor of Constantinople, was 
 rewarded for all his conquests and labours by disgrace. 
 Eunuch-like, he loved money, they said ; and eunuch- 
 like, he was harsh and cruel. The Empress Sophia, 
 listening too readily to court-slanders, bade him ' leave 
 to men the use of arms, and come back to the palace, 
 to spin among the maids.' — ' Tell her,' said the terrible 
 old imp, ' I will spin her such a thread as she shall not 
 unravel.' 
 
 He went, superseded by Longinus ; but not to Con- 
 stantinople. From Naples he sent (so says Paul the 
 Deacon) to Alboin, and bade him come and try his for- 
 tune as king of Italy. He sent, too, (so says old Paul) 
 presents to tempt the simple Lombard men — such 
 presents as children would like — all fruits which grew 
 in Italian orchards. Though the gold was gone, those 
 were still left. Great babies they were, these Teutons, 
 as I told you at the first ; and Narses knew it well, 
 and had used them for his ends for many a year. 
 
 Then were terrible signs seen in Italy by night ; 
 •fiery armies fighting in the sky, and streams of blood
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 171 
 
 aloft, foreshadowing the blood which should be 
 shed. 
 
 Sent for or not, King Alboin came ; and with him 
 all his army, and a mighty multitude, women, and 
 children, and slaves ; Bavarians, Gepidae, Bulgars, Sar- 
 matae, Pannonians, Sueves, and Noricans ; whose 
 names (says Paul) remain unto this day in the names 
 of the villages where they settled. With Alboin, too, 
 came Saxons, twenty thousand of them at the least, 
 with wife and child. And Sigebert king of the Franks 
 put Suevic settlers into the lands which the Saxons 
 had left. 
 
 Alboin gave up his own Hungarian land to his 
 friends the Avars, on the condition that he should 
 have them back if he had to return. But return he 
 never did, he nor his Lombard host. This is the end. 
 The last invasion, of Italy. The sowing, once for all, 
 of an Italian people. Fresh nations were still pressing 
 down to the rear of the Alps, waiting for their turn 
 to enter the Fairy Land — not knowing, perhaps, that 
 nothing was left therein, but ashes and blood : — but 
 their chance was over now : a people were going into 
 Italy who could hold what they got. 
 
 On Easter Tuesday, in the year of grace 568, they 
 came, seemingly by the old road ; the path of Alaric 
 and Dietrich and the rest ; the pass from Carniola, 
 through which the rail runs now from Laybach to 
 Trieste. It must have been white, in those days, with 
 the bones of nigh 200 years. And they found bisons, 
 aurochsen, in the mountains, Paul says, and is not 
 surprised thereat, because there are plenty of them in
 
 172 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 Hungary near by. An old man told him he had seen 
 a skin in which fifteen men might lie side by side. 
 None, you must know, are left now, save a very few 
 in the Lithuanian forests. Paul goes out of his way 
 to note this fact, and so shall I. 
 
 Alboin left a strong guard in Friuli, and Paul's 
 ancestor among them, under Gisulf his nephew, and 
 Marphrais or master of the horse, who now became 
 duke of Friuli and warden of the marches, bound to 
 prevent the Avars following them into their new 
 abode. Then the humpin deluge spread itself slowly 
 over the Lombard plains. None fought with them, 
 and none gainsaid ; for all the land was waste. The 
 plague of three years before, and the famine which 
 followed it had, says Paul, reduced the world into 
 primaeval silence. The villages had no inhabitants 
 but dogs ; the sheep were pasturing without a shep- 
 herd ; the wild birds swarmed unhurt about the fields. 
 The corn was springing self-sown under the April sun, 
 the vines sprouting unpruned, the lucerne fields un- 
 mown, when the great Lombard people flowed into 
 that waste land, and gave to it their own undying 
 name. 
 
 The scanty population, worn out with misery, fled 
 to rocks and islands in the lakes, and to the seaport 
 towns ; but they seem to have found the Lombards 
 merciful masters, and bowed their necks meekly to 
 the inevitable yoke. The towns alone seem to have 
 offered resistance. Pavia Alboin besieged three years, 
 and could not take. He swore some wild oath of 
 utter destruction to all within, and would have kept
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 173 
 
 it. At last they capitulated. As Alboin rode in at 
 St. John's gate, his horse slipped up ; and could not 
 rise, though the grooms beat him with their lance- 
 butts. A ghostly fear came on the Lombards. ' Re- 
 member, lord king, thy cruel oath, and cancel it ; for 
 there are Christian folk in the city.' Alboin cancelled 
 his oath, and the horse rose at once. So Alboin spared 
 the people of Pavia, and entered the palace of old 
 Dietrich the Ostrogoth, as king of Italy, as far as the 
 gates of Rome and Ravenna. 
 
 And what was his end? Such an end as he de- 
 served ; earned and worked out for himself, A great 
 warrior, he had destroyed many nations, and won a 
 fair land. A just and wise governor, he had settled 
 North Italy on some rough feudal system, without 
 bloodshed or cruelty. A passionate savage, he died 
 as savages deserve to die. You recollect Rosamund 
 his Gepid bride? In some mad drinking-bout (per- 
 haps cherishing still his old hatred of her family) he 
 sent her her father's skull full of wine, and bade her 
 drink before all. She drank, and had her revenge. 
 
 The story has become world-famous from its horror : 
 but I suppose I must tell it you in its place. — How 
 she went to Helmichis the shield-bearer, and he bade 
 her get Peredeo the Kemper-man to do the deed : and 
 how Peredeo intrigued with one of her bower-maidens, 
 and how Rosamund did a deed of darkness, and de- 
 ceived Peredeo ; and then said to him, I am thy mis- 
 tress ; thou must slay thy master, or thy master thee. 
 And how he, like Gyges in old Herodotus's tale, pre- 
 ferred to survive ; and how Rosamund bound the
 
 174 PAULUS DIACONUS. 
 
 king's sword to his bedstead as he slept his mid-day 
 sleep, and Peredeo did the deed ; and how Alboin 
 leapt up, and fought with his footstool, but in vain. 
 And how, after he was dead, Rosamund became Hel- 
 michis' leman, as she had been Peredeo's, and fled 
 with him to Ravenna, with all the treasure and Alp- 
 swintha, Alboin's daughter by the Frankish wife ; and 
 how Longinus the exarch persuaded her to poison 
 Helmichis, and marry him ; and how she gave Helmi- 
 chis the poisoned cup as he came out of the bath, and 
 he saw by the light of her wicked eyes that it was 
 poison, and made her drink the rest ; and so they 
 both fell dead. And then how Peredeo and the trea- 
 sure were sent to the Emperor at Constantinople ; 
 and how Peredeo slew a great lion in the theatre ; 
 and how Tiberius, when he saw that he was so mighty 
 a man of his hands, bade put his eyes out ; and how 
 he hid two knives in his sleeves, and slew with them 
 two great chamberlains of the Emperor; and so 
 died, like Samson, says old Paul, having got good 
 weregeld for the loss of his eyes — a man for either 
 eye. 
 
 And old Narses died at Rome, at a great age ; and 
 they wrapt him in lead, and sent him to Byzant with 
 all his wealth. But some say that while he was still 
 alive, he hid his wealth in a great cistern, and slew 
 all who knew of it save one old man, and swore him 
 never to reveal the place. But after Narses' death 
 that old man went to Constantinople to Tiberius the 
 Caesar, and told him how he could not die with that 
 secret on his mind ; and so Tiberius got all the money.
 
 PAULUS DIACONUS. 175 
 
 so much that it took many days to carry away, and 
 gave it all to the poor, as was his wont. 
 
 A myth — a fable: but significant, as one more 
 attempt to answer the question of all questions in a 
 Teuton's mind — What had become of the Nibelun- 
 gen hoard ? What had become of all the wealth of 
 Rome?
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 I ASKED in my first lecture, 'What would become of 
 the forest children^ unless some kind saint or hermit 
 took pity on them ? ' 
 
 I used the words saint and hermit with a special 
 purpose. It was by the influence, actual or imaginary, 
 of such, that the Teutons, after the destruction of the 
 Roman empire, were saved from becoming hordes of 
 savages, destroying each other by continual warfare. 
 
 What our race owes, for good and for evil, to the 
 Roman clergy, I shall now try to set before you. 
 
 To mete out to them their due share of praise and 
 blame is, I confess, a very difficult task. It can only 
 be fulfilled by putting oneself, as far as possible, in 
 their place, and making human allowance for the 
 circumstances, utterly novel and unexpected, in which 
 they found themselves during the Teutonic invasions. 
 Thus, perhaps, we may find it true of some of them, 
 as of others, that 'Wisdom is justified of all her 
 children.' 
 
 That is a hard saying for human nature. Justified 
 of her children she may be, after we have settled 
 which are to be her children and which not : but of
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 177 
 
 all her children? That is a hard saying. And yet 
 was not every man from the beginning of the world, 
 who tried with his whole soul to be right, and to do 
 good, a child of wisdom, of whom she at least will 
 be justified, whether he is justified or not? He may 
 have had his ignorances, follies, weaknesses, possibly 
 crimes : but he served the purpose of his mighty 
 mother. He did, even by his follies, just what she 
 wanted done ; and she is justified of all her children. 
 
 This may sound like optimism : but it also sounds 
 like truth to any one who has fairly studied that 
 fantastic page of history, the contrast between the 
 old monks and our own heathen forefathers. The 
 more one studies the facts, the less one is inclined to 
 ask, 'Why was it not done better?' — the more inclined 
 to ask, ' Could it have been done better ? ' Were not 
 the celibate clergy, from the fifth to the eighth cen- 
 turies, exceptional agents fitted for an exceptional 
 time, and set to do a work which in the then state 
 of the European races, none else could have done? 
 At least, so one suspects, after experience of their 
 chronicles and legends, sufficient to make one tho- 
 roughly detest the evil which was in their system : 
 but sufficient also to make one thoroughly love many 
 of the men themselves. 
 
 A few desultory sketches, some carefully historical, 
 the rest as carefully compiled from common facts, 
 may serve best to illustrate my meaning. 
 
 The monk and clergyman, whether celibate or not, 
 worked on the heathen generally in one of three 
 capacities : As tribune of the people ; as hermit or 
 
 N
 
 178 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 solitary prophet ; as colonizer ; and in all three 
 worked as well as frail human beings are wont to do, 
 in this most piecemeal world. 
 
 Let us look first at the Hermits. All know what 
 an important part they play in old romances and 
 ballads. All are not aware that they played as im- 
 portant a part in actual history. Scattered through 
 all wildernesses from the cliffs of the Hebrides to 
 the Sclavonian marches, they put forth a power, 
 uniformly, it must be said, for good. 
 
 Every one knows how they appear in the old 
 romances. — How some Sir Bertrand or other, wearied 
 with the burden of his sins, stumbles on one of these 
 Einsiedler, ' settlers alone,' and talks with him ; and 
 goes on a wiser and a better man. How he crawls^ per- 
 haps, out of some wild scuffle, ' all-to bebled,' and reel- 
 ing to his saddlebow ; and ' ever he went through a 
 waste land, and rocks rough and strait, so that it him 
 seemed he must surely starve ; and anon he heard a 
 little bell, whereat he marvelled ; and betwixt the 
 water and the wood he was aware of a chapel, and an 
 hermitage ; and there a holy man said mass, for he 
 was a priest, and a great leech, and cunning withal. 
 And Sir Bertrand went in to him and told him all 
 his case — how he fought Sir Marculf for love of the 
 fair Ellinore, and how the king bade part them, and 
 how Marculf did him open shame at the wineboard, 
 and how he went about to have slain him privily, 
 but could not ; and then how he went and wasted 
 Marculf's lands, house with byre, kine with corn, till a 
 strong woman smote him over the head with a quern-
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 179 
 
 Stone, and all-to broke his brain-pan ;' and so forth — 
 the usual story of mad passion, drink, pride, revenge. 
 
 ' And there the holy man a-read him right godly 
 doctrine, and shrived him, and gave him an oath upon 
 the blessed Gospels, that fight he should not, save in 
 his liege lord's quarrel, for a year and a day. And there 
 he abode till he was well healed, he and his horse.' 
 
 Must not that wild fighting Bertrand have gone 
 away from that place a wiser and a better man ? Is it 
 a matter to be regretted, or otherwise, that such men 
 as the hermit were to be found in that forest, to mend 
 Bertrand's head and his morals, at the same time ? Is 
 it a matter to be regretted, or otherwise, that after 
 twenty or thirty years more of fighting and quarrelling 
 and drinking, this same Sir Bertrand — finding that on 
 the whole the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and 
 the pride of life, were poor paymasters, and having 
 very sufficient proof, in the ends of many a friend and 
 foe, that the wages of sin are death — ' fell to religion 
 likewise, and was a hermit in that same place, after 
 the holy man was dead ; and was made priest of that 
 same chapel ; and died in honour, having succoured 
 many good knights, and wayfaring men'.^ 
 
 One knows very well that it would not be right 
 now ; that it is not needed now. It is childish to 
 repeat that, when the question is, was it right then — 
 or, at least, as right as was possible then ? Was it 
 needed then — or, at least, the nearest thing to that 
 which was needed ? 
 
 If it was, why should not wisdom be justified of all 
 her children ? 
 
 N 2
 
 l8o THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 One hopes that she was ; for certainly, if any men 
 ever needed to be in the right, lest they should be of 
 all men most miserable, it was these same old hermits. 
 Praying and preaching continually, they lived on food 
 which dogs would not eat, in dens in which dogs ought 
 not to live. They had their reasons. Possibly they 
 knew their own business best. Possibly also they knew 
 their neighbour's business somewhat ; they knew that 
 such generations as they lived in could not be taught, 
 save by some extravagant example of this kind, some 
 caricature, as it were, of the doctrines which were to 
 be enforced. Nothing less startling, perhaps, could 
 have touched the dull hearts, have convinced the dull 
 brains, of fierce, ignorant, and unreasoning men. 
 
 Ferocity, lawlessness, rapine, cruelty, and — when 
 they were glutted and debauched by the spoils of the 
 Roman empire — sensuality, were the evils which were 
 making Europe uninhabitable for decent folk, and 
 history — as Milton called it — a mere battle of kites 
 and crows. What less than the example of the 
 hermit — especially when that hermit was a delicate 
 and high-born woman — could have taught men the 
 absolute superiority of soul to body, of spiritual to 
 physical force, of spiritual to physical pleasure, and 
 have said to them, not in vain words, but solid acts 
 — 'All that you follow is not the way of Ufe. 
 The very opposite to it is the way of life. The 
 wages of sin are death ; and you will find them so, — 
 in this life the victims of your own passions, and of 
 the foes whom your crimes arouse, and in life to come 
 of hell for ever. But I tell you I have no mind to go
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. i8i 
 
 to hell. I have a mind to go to heaven ; and I know 
 my mind right well. If the world is to be such as 
 this, and the rulers thereof such as you, I will flee 
 from you. I will not enter into the congregation of 
 sinners, neither will I cast in my lot with the blood- 
 thirsty. I will be alone with God and His universe. 
 I will go to the mountain cave or to the ocean cliff, 
 and there, while the salt wind whistles through my 
 hair, I will be stronger than you, safer than you, 
 richer than you, happier than you. Richer than you, 
 for I shall have for my companion the beatific vision 
 of God, and of all things and beings God-like, fair, 
 noble, just, and merciful. Stronger than you, because 
 virtue will give me a power over the hearts of men 
 such as your force cannot give you ; and you will 
 have to come to my lonely cell, and ask me to advise 
 you, and teach you, and help you against the conse- 
 quences of your own sins. Safer than you, because 
 God in whom I trust will protect me : and if not, I 
 have still the everlasting life of heaven, which this 
 world cannot give or take away. So go your ways, 
 fight and devour one another, the victims of your own 
 lusts. I am minded to be a good man ; and to be 
 that, I will give up — as you have made all other 
 methods impossible for me — all which seems to make 
 life worth having ' } Oh ! instead of finding fault 
 with such men ; instead of, with vulturine beak, pick- 
 ing out the elements of Manichaeism, of conceit, of 
 discontent, of what not human frailty and ignorance, 
 which may have been in them, let us honour the 
 enormous moral force which enabled them so to bear
 
 iS2 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 witness that not the mortal animal, but the immortal 
 spirit, is the Man ; and that when all which outward 
 circumstance can give is cast away, the Man still 
 lives for ever, by God, and in God. 
 
 And they did teach that lesson. They were good, 
 while other men were bad ; and men saw the beauty 
 of goodness, and felt the strength of it, and wor- 
 shipped it in blind savage admiration. Read Ros- 
 wede's Vitae Patrum Eremiticorum ; read the legends 
 of the hermits of the German forests ; read Colgan's 
 Lives of the Irish Saints ; and see whether, amid all 
 fantastic, incredible, sometimes immoral myths, the 
 goodness of life of some one or other is not the historic 
 nucleus, round which the myths, and the worship of 
 the saint, have crystallized and developed. 
 
 Take, for instance, the exquisite hymn of St. Bridget, 
 which Colgan attributes to the sixth century : though 
 it is probably much later ; that has nothing to do with 
 the argument : — 
 
 'Bridget, the victorious, she loved not the world; 
 She sat on it as a gull sits on the ocean; 
 She slept the sleep of a captive molher, 
 Mourning after her absent child. 
 
 She suffered not much from evil tongues ; 
 She held the blessed faith of the Trinity; 
 Bridget, the mother of my Lord of Heaven, 
 The best among the sons of the Lord. 
 
 She was not queiulous, nor malevolent; 
 
 She loved not the fierce wrangling of. women; 
 
 She was not a backbiting serpent, or a liar; 
 
 She sold not the Son of God for that which passes away.
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 183 
 
 She was not greedy of the goods of this life ; 
 She gave away without gall, without slackness; 
 She was not rough to wayfaring men ; 
 She handled gently the wretched lepers. 
 
 She built her a town in the plains (of Kildare); 
 And dead, she is the patroness of many peoples.' 
 
 I might comment much on this quotation. I might 
 point out how St. Bridget is called the mother of the 
 Lord, and by others, the Mary of the Irish, the ' Auto- 
 mata coeli regina,' and seems to have been considered 
 at times as an avatar or incarnation of the blessed 
 Virgin. I might more than hint how that appellation, 
 as well as the calling of Christ ' the best of the sons 
 of the Lord,' in an orthodox Catholic hymn, seems to 
 point to the remnants of an older creed, possibly 
 Buddhist, the transition whence towards Catholic 
 Christianity was slow and imperfect. I might make 
 merry over the fact that there are many Bridgets, 
 some say eleven ; even as there are three or four St. 
 Patricks ; and raise learned doubts as to whether 
 such persons ever existed, after that Straussian method 
 of pseudo-criticism which cometh not from above, 
 from the Spirit of God, nor yet indeed from below, 
 from the sound region of fact, but from within, out of 
 the naughtiness of the heart, defiling a man. I might 
 weaken, too, the effect of the hymn by going on with 
 the rest of it, and making you smile at its childish 
 miracles and portents ; but I should only do a foolish 
 thing, by turning your minds away from the broad 
 fact that St. Bridget, or various persons who got, in
 
 *^*^ 1S4 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 the. lapse of time, massed together under the name of 
 St. Bridget, were eminently good women. 
 
 It matters httle whether these legends are histori- 
 cally correct. Their value lies in the moral of them. 
 And as for their real historical correctness, the Straus- 
 sian argument that no such persons existed, because 
 lies are told of them, is, I hold, most irrational. The 
 falsehood would not have been invented unless it had 
 started in a truth. The high moral character ascribed 
 to them would never have been dreamed of by per- 
 sons who had not seen Hving instances of that 
 character. Man's imagination does not create ; it 
 only reproduces and recombines its own experience. 
 It does so in dreams. It does so, as far as the moral 
 character of the saint is concerned, in the legend ; 
 and if there had not been persons like St. Bridget in 
 Ireland, the wild Irish could never have imagined 
 them. 
 
 Therefore it matters little to a wise man, standing 
 on the top of Croagh Patrick, the grandest mountain 
 perhaps, with the grandest outlook, in these British 
 isles, as he looks on the wild Irish there on pattern 
 days, up among the Atlantic clouds, crawling on bare 
 and bleeding knees round St. Patrick's cell, — it mat- 
 ters Httle, I say, to the wise man, whether St. Patrick 
 himself owned the ancient image which is worshipped 
 on that mountain peak, or the ancient bell which till 
 late years hung in the sanctuary, — such a strange 
 oblong bell as the Irish saints carried with, them to 
 keep off the demons — the magic bells which appear 
 (as far as I am aware) in the legends of no country
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 185 
 
 till you get to Tartary and the Buddhists ; — such a 
 bell as came (or did not come) down from heaven to 
 St. Senan; such a bell as St. Fursey sent flying 
 through the air to greet St. Cuanady at his devotions 
 when he could not come himself; such a bell as an- 
 other saint, wandering in the woods, rang till a stag 
 came out of the covert, and carried his burden for 
 him on his horns. It matters as little to the wise 
 man whether that bell belonged to St. Patrick, as 
 whether all these child's dreams are dreams. It 
 matters little to him, too, whether St. Patrick did, 
 or did not stand on that mountain peak, ' in the spirit 
 and power of Elias ' (after whom it was long named), 
 fasting, like Elias, forty days and forty nights, wrest- 
 ling with the demons of the storm, and the snakes of 
 the fen, and the Peishta-more (the monstrous Python 
 of the lakes), which assembled at the magic ringing of 
 his bell, till he conquered not by the brute force of a 
 Hercules and Theseus, and the monster-quellers of 
 old Greece, but by the spiritual force of which (so the 
 text was then applied) it is written, ' This kind cometh 
 not out but by prayer and fasting,' till he smote the 
 evil things with ' the golden rod of Jesus,'' and they 
 rolled over the cliff, in hideous rout, and perished in 
 the Atlantic far below. But it matters much to a 
 wise man that under all these symbols (not childish 
 at all, but most grand, to the man who knows the 
 grand place of which they are told), there is set forth 
 the victory of a good and beneficent man over evil, 
 whether of matter or of spirit. It matters much to 
 him that that cell, that bell, that image are tokens
 
 l86 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 that if not St. Patrick, some one else, at least, did live 
 and worship on that mountain top, in remote pri- 
 maeval times, in a place in which we would not, per- 
 haps could not, endure life a week. It matters much 
 to him that the man who so dwelt there, gained such 
 a power over the minds of the heathen round him, 
 that five millions of their Christian descendants wor- 
 ship him, and God on account of him, at this day. 
 
 St. Ita, again. It matters little that she did not 
 
 because she could not — perform the miracles imputed 
 to her. It matters little whether she had or not — as I 
 do not believe her to have had — a regularly organized 
 convent of nuns in Ireland during the sixth century. 
 It matters little if the story which follows is a mere 
 invention of the nuns in some after-century, in order 
 to make a good title for the lands which they held — a 
 trick but too common in those days. But it matters 
 much that she should have been such a person, that 
 such a story as this, when told of her, should have 
 gained belief : — How the tribes of Hy-Connell, hear- 
 ing of her great holiness, came to her with their chiefs, 
 and offered her all the land about her cell. But she, 
 not wishing to be entangled with earthly cares, ac- 
 cepted but four acres round her cell, for a garden of 
 herbs for her and her nuns. And the simple wild 
 Irish were sad and angry, and said, ' If thou wilt not 
 take it alive, thou shalt take it when thou art dead. 
 So they chose her then and there for their patroness, 
 and she blessed them with many blessings, which are 
 fulfilled unto this day ; and when she migrated to the 
 Lord they gave her all the land, and her nuns hold
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 1S7 
 
 it to this day, the land of Hy-Connell on the east 
 Shannon bank, at the roots of Luachra mountain.' 
 
 What a picture ! One hopes that it may be true, 
 for the sake of its beauty and its pathos. The poor, 
 savage, half-naked, and, I fear, on the authority of 
 St. Jerome and others, now and then cannibal Celts, 
 with their saffron scarfs, and skenes, and darts, and 
 glibs of long hair hanging over their hypo-gorilla- 
 ceous visages, coming to the prophet maiden, and 
 asking her to take their land, for they could make no 
 decent use of it themselves ; and look after them, 
 body and soul, for they could not look after them- 
 selves ; and pray for them to her God, for they did 
 not know how to pray to Him themselves. If any 
 man shall regret that such an event happened to any 
 savages on this earth, I am, I confess, sorry for him. 
 
 St. Severinus, again, whom I have mentioned to 
 you more than once : — none of us can believe that he 
 made a dead corpse (Silvinus the priest, by name) 
 sit up and talk with him on its road to burial. None 
 of us need believe that he stopped the plague at 
 Vienna by his prayers. None of us need attribute to 
 anything but his sagacity the Divine revelations 
 whereby he predicted the destruction of a town for its 
 wickedness, and escaped thence, like Lot, alone ; or 
 by which he discovered, during the famine of Vienna, 
 that a certain rich widow had much corn hidden in 
 her cellars : but there are facts enough, credible and 
 undoubted, concerning St. Severinus, the apostle of 
 Austria, to make us trust that in him, too, wisdom 
 was justified of all her children.
 
 i88 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 You may remark, among the few words which have 
 been as yet said of St. Severinus, a destruction, a 
 plague, and a famine. Those words are a fair sample 
 of St. Severinus's times, and of the circumstances into 
 which he voluntarily threw himself. About the 
 middle of the fifth century there appears in the 
 dying Roman province of Noricum (Austria we now 
 call it) a strange gentleman, eloquent and learned 
 beyond all, and with the strangest power of melting 
 and ruling the hearts of men. Who he is he will 
 not tell, save that his name is Severinus, a right noble 
 name without doubt. Gradually it oozes out that he 
 has been in the far East, through long travels and 
 strange dangers, through many cities and many lands; 
 but he will tell nothing. He is the servant of God, 
 come hither to try to be of use. He certainly could 
 have come for no other reason, unless to buy slaves ; 
 for Austria was at that time the very highway of the 
 nations, the centre of the human Mahlstrom, in which 
 Huns, Gepiden, Allmannen, Rugen, and a dozen wild 
 tribes more, wrestled up and down round the starving 
 and beleaguered Roman towns of that once fertile and 
 happy province. A man who went there for his own 
 pleasure, or even devotion, would have been as wise 
 as one who had built himself last summer a villa on 
 the Rappahannock, or retired for private meditation 
 to the orchard of Hougoumont during the battle of 
 Waterloo. 
 
 Nevertheless, there Severinus stayed till men began 
 to appreciate him ; and called him, and not unjustly, 
 Saint. Why not? He preached, he taught, he sue-
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 189 
 
 coured, he advised, he fed, he governed ; he turned 
 aside the raids of the wild German kings ; he gained 
 a divine power over their hearts ; he taught them 
 something of God and of Christ, something of justice 
 and mercy ; something of peace and unity among 
 themselves ; till the fame ran through all the Alps, 
 and far away into the Hungarian marches, that there 
 was a prophet of God arisen in the land ; and before 
 the unarmed man, fasting and praying in his solitary 
 cell on the mountain above Vienna, ten thousand 
 knights and champions trembled, who never had 
 trembled at the sight of armed hosts. 
 
 Who would deny that man the name of saint? 
 And who, if by that sagacity which comes from the 
 combination of intellect and virtue, he sometimes 
 seemed miraculously to foretell coming events, would 
 deny him the name of prophet also ? 
 
 If St. Severinus be the type of the monk as 
 prophet, St. Columba may stand as the type of the 
 missionary monk ; the good man strengthened by 
 lonely meditation ; but using that strength not for 
 selfish fanaticism, but for the good of men ; going 
 forth unwillingly out of his beloved solitude, that he 
 may save souls. Round him, too, cluster the usual 
 myths. He drives away with the sign of the cross a 
 monster which attacks him at a ford. He expels from 
 a fountain the devils who smote with palsy and 
 madness all who bathed therein. He sees by a 
 prophetic spirit, he sitting in his cell in Ireland, 
 a great Italian town destroyed by a volcano. His 
 friends behold a column of light rising from his head
 
 190 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 as he celebrates mass. Yes ; but they also tell of 
 him, * that he was angelical in look, brilliant in speech, 
 holy in work, clear in intellect, great in council.' That 
 he ' never passed an hour without prayer, or a holy 
 deed, or reading of the Scriptures (for these old monks 
 had Bibles, and knew them by heart too, in spite of 
 all that has been written to the contrary), that he was 
 of so excellent a humility and charity, bathing his 
 disciples' feet when they came home from labour, 
 and carrying corn from the mill on his own back, 
 that he fulfilled the precept of his Master, ' He that 
 will be the greatest among you, let him be as your 
 servant.' 
 
 They also tell of him (and this is fact and history) 
 how he left his monastery of Derm Each, ' the field 
 of oaks,' which we call Derry, and went away at the 
 risk of his life to preach to the wild Picts of Galloway, 
 and founded the great monastery of lona, and that 
 succession of abbots from whom Christianity spread 
 over the south of Scotland and north of England, 
 under his great successor Aidan. 
 
 Aidan has his myths likewise. They tell of him 
 how he stilled the sea-waves with holy oil ; how he 
 turned back on Penda and his Saxons the flames with 
 which the heathen king was trying to burn down 
 Bamborough walls. But they tell, too (and Bede had 
 heard it from those who had known Aidan in the 
 flesh) of ' his love of peace and charity, his purity and 
 humility, his mind superior to avarice or pride, his 
 authority, becoming a minister of Christ, in reproving 
 the haughty and powerful, and his tenderness in
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 191 
 
 relieving the afflicted, and defending the poor.' Who, 
 save one who rejoiceth in evil, instead of rejoicing in 
 the truth, will care to fix his eyes for a moment 
 upon the fairy tales which surround such a story, as 
 long as there shines out from among them clear and 
 pure, in spite of all doctrinal errors, the grace of God, 
 the likeness of Jesus Christ our Lord ? 
 
 Let us look next at the priest as Tribune of the 
 people, supported usually by the invisible, but most 
 potent presence of the saint, whose relics he kept. 
 One may see that side of his power in Raphael's 
 immortal design of Attila's meeting with the Pope at 
 the gates of Rome, and recoiling as he sees St. Peter 
 and St. Paul floating terrible and threatening above 
 the Holy City. Is it a myth, a falsehood ? Not 
 altogether. Such a man as Attila probably would 
 have seen them, with his strong savage imagination, 
 as incapable as that of a child from distinguishing 
 between dreams and facts, between the subjective and 
 the objective world. And it was on the whole well 
 for him and for mankind, that he should think that 
 he saw them, and tremble before the spiritual and the 
 invisible ; confessing a higher law than that of his 
 own ambition and self-will ; a higher power than that 
 of his brute Tartar hordes. 
 
 Raphael's design is but a famous instance of an 
 influence which wrought through the length and 
 breadth of the down-trodden and dying Roman 
 Empire, through the four fearful centuries which 
 followed the battle of Adrianople. The wild licence, 
 the boyish audacity, of the invading Teutons was
 
 192 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 never really checked, save by the priest and the 
 monk who worshipped over the bones of some old 
 saint or martyr, whose name the Teutons had never 
 heard. 
 
 Then, as the wild King, Earl, or Comes, with his 
 wild reiters at his heels, galloped through the land, 
 fighting indiscriminately his Roman enemies, and his 
 Teutonic rivals — harrying, slaughtering, burning by 
 field and wild — he was aware at last of something 
 which made him pause. Some little walled town, 
 built on the ruins of a great Roman city, with its 
 Byzantine minster towering over the thatched roofs, 
 sheltering them as the oak shelters the last night's 
 fungus at its base. More than once in the last 
 century or two, has that same town been sacked. 
 More than once has the surviving priest crawled 
 out of his hiding-place when the sound of war was 
 past, called the surviving poor around him, dug the 
 dead out of the burning ruins for Christian burial, 
 built up a few sheds, fed a few widows and orphans, 
 organized some form of orderly life out of the chaos 
 of blood and ashes, in the name of God and St. Ouem- 
 deusvult whose bones he guards ; and so he has estab- 
 lished a temporary theocracy, and become a sort of 
 tribune of the people, magistrate and father — the only 
 one they have. And now he will try the might of St. 
 Quemdeusvult against the wild king, and see if he can 
 save the town from being sacked once more. So out 
 he comes — a bishop perhaps, with priests, monks, 
 crucifixes, banners, litanies. The wild king must 
 come no further. That land belon";s to no mortal
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 193 
 
 man, but to St. Quemdeusvult, martyred here by the 
 heathen five hundred years ago. Some old Kaiser 
 of Rome, or it may be some former Gothic king, gave 
 that place to the saint for ever, and the saint will 
 avenge his rights. He is very merciful to those who 
 duly honour him : but very terrible in his wrath if he 
 be aroused. Has not the king heard how the Count 
 of such a place, only forty years before, would have 
 carried off a maiden from St. Quemdeusvult's town ; 
 and when the bishop withstood him, he answered that 
 he cared no more for the relics of the saint than for 
 the relics of a dead ass, and so took the maiden and 
 went? But within a year and a day, he fell down 
 dead in his drink, and when they came to lay out the 
 corpse, behold the devils had carried it away, and put 
 a dead ass in its place. 
 
 All which the bishop would fully believe. Why 
 not? He had no physical science to tell him that it 
 was impossible. Morally, it was in his eyes just, and 
 therefore probable ; while as for testimony, men were 
 content with very little in those days, simply because 
 they could get very little. News progressed slowly in 
 countries desolate and roadless, and grew as it passed 
 from mouth to mouth, as it did in the Highlands a 
 century ago, as it did but lately in the Indian Mutiny ; 
 till after a fact had taken ten years in crossing a few 
 mountains and forests, it had assumed proportions 
 utterly fantastic and gigantic. 
 
 So the wild king and his wild knights pause. They 
 can face flesh and blood : but who can face the quite 
 infinite terrors of an unseen world ? They are men of 
 
 o
 
 194 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 blood too, men of evil lives ; and conscience makes 
 them cowards. They begin to think that they have 
 gone too far. Could they see the saint, and make it 
 up with him somewhat? 
 
 No. The saint they cannot see. To open his 
 shrine would be to commit the sin of Uzzah. Palsy 
 and blindness would be the least that would follow. 
 But the dome under which he lies all men may see ; 
 and perhaps the saint may listen, if they speak him 
 fair. 
 
 They feel more and more uncomfortable. This 
 saint, in heaven at God's right hand, and yet there 
 in the dom-church — is clearly a mysterious, ubi- 
 quitous person, who may take them in the rear very 
 unexpectedly. And his priests, with their book- 
 learning, and their sciences, and their strange dresses 
 and chants — who knows what secret powers, magical 
 or other, they may not possess ? 
 
 They bluster at first : being (as I have said) much 
 of the temper and habits, for good and evil, of Eng- 
 lish navvies. But they grow more and more uneasy, 
 full of childish curiosity, and undefined dread. So 
 into the town they go, on promise (which they will 
 honourably keep, being German men) of doing no 
 harm to the plebs, the half Roman artisans and 
 burghers who are keeping themselves alive here — 
 the last dying remnants of the civilization, and luxury, 
 and cruelty, and wickedness, of a great Roman colonial 
 city ; and they stare at arts and handicrafts new to 
 them ; and are hospitably fed by bishops and priests ; 
 and then they go, trembling and awkward, into the
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 195 
 
 great dom-church ; and gaze wondering at the frescoes, 
 and the carvings of the arcades — marbles from Italy, 
 porphyries from Egypt, all patched together out of 
 the ruins of Roman baths, and temples, and theatres ; 
 and at last they arrive at the saint's shrine itself — some 
 marble sarcophagus, most probably covered with vine 
 and ivy leaves, with nymphs and satyrs, long since 
 consecrated with holy water to a new and better use. 
 Inside that lies the saint, asleep, yet ever awake. So 
 they had best consider in whose presence they are, 
 and fear God and St. Ouemdeusvult, and cast away 
 the seven deadly sins wherewith they are defiled ; for 
 the saint is a righteous man, and died for righteous- 
 ness' sake ; and those who rob the orphan and the 
 widow, and put the fatherless to death, them he cannot 
 abide ; and them he will watch like an eagle of the 
 sky, and track like a wolf of the wood, till he punishes 
 them with a great destruction. In short, the bishop 
 preaches to the king and his men a right noble and 
 valiant sermon, calling things by their true names 
 without fear or favour, and assuming, on the mere 
 strength of being in the right, a tone of calm su- 
 periority which makes the strong armed men blush 
 and tremble before the weak and helpless one. 
 
 Yes. Spirit is stronger than flesh. ' Meekly bend 
 thy neck, Sicamber!' said St. Remigius to the great 
 conquering King Clovis, when he stept into the bap- 
 tismal font — (not ' Most Gracious Majesty,' or ' Illus- 
 trious Caesar,-' or ' by the grace of God Lord of the 
 Franks,' but Sicamber, as a missionary might now 
 say Maori, or Caffre, — and yet St. Remigius's life was 
 
 O 2
 
 196 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 in Clevis's hand then and always), — ' Burn what thou 
 hast adored, and adore what thou hast burned!' And 
 the terrible Clovis trembled and obeyed. 
 
 So does the wild king at the shrine of St. Quem- 
 deusvult. He takes his bracelet, or his jewel, and 
 offers it civilly enough. Will the bishop be so good 
 as to inform the great Earl St. Quemdeusvult, that he 
 was not aware of his rights, or even of his name ; that 
 perhaps he will deign to accept this jewel, which he 
 took off the neck of a Roman General — that — that on 
 the whole he is willing to make the amende honorable, 
 as far as is consistent with the feelings of a nobleman ; 
 and trusts that the saint, being a nobleman too, will be 
 satisfied therewith. 
 
 After which, probably, it will appear to the wild 
 king that this bishop is the very man that he wants, 
 the very opposite to himself and his wild riders ; a 
 man pure, peaceable, just, and brave ; possessed, too, 
 of boundless learning ; who can read, write, cipher, 
 and cast nativities ; who has a whole room full of 
 books and parchments, and a map of the whole 
 world ; who can talk Latin, and perhaps Greek, as 
 well as one of those accursed man-eating Grendels, 
 a Roman lawyer, or a logothete from Ravenna ; 
 possessed, too, of boundless supernatural power; — 
 Would the bishop be so good as to help him in his 
 dispute with the Count Boso, about their respective 
 marches in such and such a forest ? If the bishop 
 could only settle that without more fighting, of course 
 he should have his reward. He would confirm to the 
 saint and his burg all the rights granted by Con-
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 197 
 
 stantine the Kaiser ; and give him moreover all the 
 meadow land in such and such a place, with the mills 
 and fisheries, on service of a dish of trout from the 
 bishop and his successors, whenever he came that 
 way : for the trout there were exceeding good, that 
 he knew. And so a bargain would be struck, and 
 one of those curious compromises between the spiritual 
 and temporal authorities take root, of which one may- 
 read at length in the pages of M. Guizot, or Sir James 
 Stephen. 
 
 And after a few years, most probably, the king 
 would express a wish to be baptized, at the instance 
 of his queen who had been won over by the bishop, 
 and had gone down into the font some years before ; 
 and he would bid his riders be baptized also ; and 
 they would obey, seeing that it could do them no 
 harm, and might do them some good ; and they would 
 agree to live more or less according to the laws of 
 God and common humanity ; and so one more Chris- 
 tian state would be formed ; one more living stone 
 (as it was phrased in those days) built into the 
 great temple of God which was called Christendom. 
 
 So the work was done. Can we devise any better 
 method of doing it ? If not, let us be content that it 
 was done somehow, and believe that wisdom is justi- 
 fied of all her children. 
 
 We may object to the fact, that the dom-church 
 and its organization grew up (as was the case in the 
 vast majority of instances) round the body of a saint 
 or martyr ; we may smile at the notion of an invisible 
 owner and protector of the soil : but we must not
 
 198 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 overlook the broad fact, that without that prestige 
 the barbarians would never have been awed into 
 humanity ; without that prestige the place would 
 have been swept off the face of the earth, till not 
 one stone stood on another : and he who does not 
 see what a disaster for humanity that would have been, 
 must be ignorant that the civilization of Europe is the 
 child of the towns ; and also that our Teutonic fore- 
 fathers were by profession destroyers of towns, and 
 settlers apart from each other on country freeholds. 
 Lonely barbarism would have been the fate of Europe, 
 but for the monk who guarded the relics of the saint 
 within the walled burg. 
 
 This good work of the Church, in the preservation 
 and even resuscitation of the municipal institutions of 
 the towns, has been discust so w^ell and fully by 
 M. Guizot, M. Sismondi, and Sir James Stephen, that 
 I shall say no more about it, save to recommend you 
 to read what they have written. I go on to point out 
 to you some other very important facts, which my 
 ideal sketch exemplifies. 
 
 The difference between the Clergy and the Teuton 
 conquerors was more than a difference of creed, or of 
 civilization. It was an actual difference of race. They 
 were Romans, to whom the Teuton was a savage, 
 speaking a different tongue, obeying different laws, 
 his whole theory of the universe different from the 
 Roman. And he was, moreover, an enemy and a 
 destroyer. The Teuton was to them as a Hindoo 
 is to us, with the terrible exception, that the positions 
 were reversed ; that the Teuton was not the con-
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 199 
 
 quered, but the conqueror. It is easy for us to feel 
 humanity and Christian charity toward races which 
 we have mastered. It was not so easy for the Roman 
 priest to feel them toward a race which had mastered 
 him. His repugnance to the ' Barbarian ' must have 
 been at first intense. He never would have conquered 
 it ; he never would have become the willing converter 
 of the heathen, had there not been in him the Spirit 
 of God, and firm belief in a Catholic Church, to which 
 all men of all races ought alike to belong. This 
 true and glorious idea, the only one which has ever 
 been or ever will be able to break down the barriers 
 of race, and the animal antipathy which the natural 
 man has to all who are not of his own kin : this idea 
 was the sole possession of the Roman clergy ; and by 
 it they conquered, because it was true, and came from 
 God. 
 
 But this very difference of race exposed the clergy 
 to great temptations. They were the only civilized 
 men left, west of Constantinople. They looked on 
 the Teuton not as a man, but as a child ; to be ruled ; 
 to be petted when he did right, punished when he did 
 wrong ; and too often cajoled into doing right, and 
 avoiding wrong. Craft became more and more their 
 usual weapon. There were great excuses for them. 
 Their lives and property were in continual danger. 
 Craft is the natural weapon of the weak against the 
 strong. It seemed to them, too often, to be not only 
 natural, but spiritual also, and therefore just and 
 right. 
 
 Again, the clergy were the only organic remnants
 
 200 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 of the Roman Empire. They claimed their privileges 
 and lands as granted to them by past Roman Em- 
 perors, under the Roman law. This fact made it their 
 interest, of course, to perpetuate that Roman law, 
 and to introduce it as far as they could among their 
 conquerors, to the expulsion of the old Teutonic laws ; 
 and they succeeded on the whole. Of that more here- 
 after. Observe now, that as their rights dated from 
 times which to the Teutons were pre-historic, their 
 statements could not be checked by conquerors who 
 could not even read. Thence rose the temptation to 
 forge ; to forge legends, charters, dotations, eccle- 
 siastical history of all kinds — an ugly and world- 
 famous instance of which you will hear of hereafter. 
 To that temptation they yielded more and more as 
 the years rolled on, till their statements on eccle- 
 siastical history became such as no historian can trust, 
 without the most plentiful corroboration. 
 
 There were great excuses for them, in this matter, 
 as in others. They could not but look on the Teuton 
 as — what in fact and law he was — an unjust and in- 
 trusive usurper. Ttjey could not but look on their 
 Roman congregations, and on themselves, as what in 
 fact and law they were, the rightful owners of the soil. 
 They were but defending or recovering their original 
 rights. Would not the end justify the means? 
 
 But more. Out of this singular position grew a doc- 
 trine, which looks to us irrational now, but was by no 
 means so then. If the Church derived her rights from 
 the extinct Roman Caesars, how could the Teuton 
 conquerors interfere with those rights? If she had
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 201 
 
 owed allegiance to Constantine or Theodosius, she 
 certainly owed none to Dietrich, Alboin, or Clovis. 
 She did not hold their lands of them ; and would pay 
 them, if she could avoid it, neither tax nor toll. She 
 did not recognize the sovereignty of these Teutons as 
 'ordained by God.' 
 
 Out of this simple political fact grew up vast conse- 
 quences. The Teuton king was a heathen or Arian 
 usurper. He was not a king de jure, in the eyes of 
 the clergy, till he was baptized into the Church, and 
 then lawfully anointed king by the clergy. Thus the 
 clergy gradually became the makers of kings ; and the 
 power of making involved a corresponding power of 
 unmaking, if the king rebelled against the Church, 
 and so cut himself off from Christendom. At best, he 
 was one of ' the Princes of this world/ from whom the 
 Church was free, absolutely in spiritual matters, and 
 in temporal matters, also de jure, and therefore de 
 facto as far as she could be made free. To keep the 
 possessions of the Church from being touched by pro- 
 fane hands, even that they might contribute to the 
 common needs of the nation, became a sacred duty, a 
 fixed idea, for which the clergy must struggle, ana- 
 thematize, forge if need be : but also — to do them 
 justice — die if need be as martyrs. The nations of 
 this world were nothing to them. The wars of the 
 nations were nothing. They were the people of God, 
 ' who dwelt alone, and were not reckoned among the 
 nations ;' their possessions were the inheritance of Gbd : 
 and from this idea, growing (as I have shewn) out of a 
 political fact, arose the extra-national, and too often
 
 202 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 anti-national position, which the Roman clergy held 
 for many ages, and of which the instinct, at least, 
 lingers among them in many countries. Out of it 
 arose, too, all after struggles between the temporal 
 and ecclesiastical powers. Becket, fighting to the 
 death against Henry II., was not, as M. Thierry thinks, 
 the Anglo-Saxon defying the Norman. He was the 
 representative of the Christian Roman defying the 
 Teuton, on the ground of rights which he believed to 
 have existed while the Teuton was a heathen in the 
 German forests. Gradually, as the nations of Europe 
 became really nations, within fixed boundaries, and 
 separate Christian organizations, these demands of 
 the Church became intolerable in reason, because un- 
 necessary in fact. But had there not been in them at 
 the first an instinct of right and justice, they would 
 never have become the fixed idea of the clerical mind ; 
 the violation of them the one inexpiable sin ; and the 
 defence of them (as may be seen by looking through 
 the Romish Calendar) the most potent qualification 
 for saintship. 
 
 Yes. The clergy believed that idea deeply enough 
 to die for it. St. Alphege at Canterbury had been, 
 it is said, one of the first advisers of the ignominious 
 payment of the Danegeld : but there was one thing 
 which he would not do. He would advise the giving 
 up of the money of the nation : but the money of his 
 church he would not give up. The Danes might 
 thrust him into a filthy dungeon : he would not take 
 the children's bread and cast it unto the dogs. They 
 might drag him out into their busting, and threaten
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 203 
 
 him with torture : but to the drunken cry of ' Gold ! 
 Bishop! Gold!' his only answer would be — Not a 
 penny. He could not rob the poor of Christ. And 
 when he fell, beaten to death with the bones and horns 
 of the slaughtered oxen, he died in faith ; a martj^r to 
 the great idea of that day, that the gold of the Church 
 did not belong to the conquerors of this world. 
 
 But St. Alphege was an Englishman, and not a 
 Roman. True in the letter : but not in the spirit. 
 The priest or monk, by becoming such, more or less 
 renounced his nationality. It was the object of the 
 Church to make him renounce it utterly; to make 
 him regard himself no longer as Englishman, Frank, 
 Lombard, or Goth : but as the representative, by an 
 hereditary descent, considered all the more real be- 
 cause it was spiritual and not carnal, of the Roman 
 Church ; to prevent his being entangled, whether by 
 marriage or otherwise, in the business of this life ; out 
 of which would flow nepotism. Simony, and Erastiin 
 submission to those sovereigns who ought to be the 
 servants, not the lords of the Church. For this end 
 no means were too costly. St. Dunstan, in order to 
 expel the married secular priests, and replace them 
 by Benedictine monks of the Italian order of Monte 
 Casino, convulsed England, drove her into civil war, 
 paralysed her monarchs one after the other, and finally 
 left her exhausted and imbecile, a prey to the invading 
 Northmen : but he had at least done his best to make 
 the royal House of Cerdic, and the nations which 
 obeyed that House, understand that the Church de- 
 rived its rights not from them, but from Rome.
 
 204 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 This hereditary sense of superiority on the part of 
 the clergy may explain and excuse much of their 
 seeming flattery. The most vicious kings are lauded, 
 if only they have been ' erga servos Dei benevoli ;' if 
 they have founded monasteries ; if they have respected 
 the rights of the Church. The clergy too often looked 
 on the secular princes as more or less wild beasts, of 
 whom neither common decency, justice, or mercy was 
 to be expected ; and they had too often reason enough 
 to do so. All that could be expected of the kings 
 was, that if they would not regard man, they should 
 at least fear God ; which if they did, the proof of 
 'divine grace' on their part was so unexpected, as well 
 as important, that the monk chroniclers praised them 
 heartily and honestly, judging them by what they had, 
 not by what they had not. 
 
 Thus alone can one explain such a case as that of 
 the monastic opinion of Dagobert the Second, king of 
 the Franks. We are told in the same narrative, seem- 
 ingly without any great sense of incongruity, how he 
 murdered his own relations and guests, and who not? 
 — how he massacred 9000 Bulgars to whom he had 
 given hospitality ; how he kept a harem of three 
 queens, and other women so numerous that Frede- 
 garius cannot mention them ; and also how, accom- 
 panied by his harem, he chanted among the monks of 
 St. Denis ; how he founded many rich convents ; how 
 he was the friend, or rather pupil, of St, Arnulf of Metz, 
 St. Omer, and above all of St. Eloi — whose story I re- 
 commend you to read, charmingly told, in Mr. Mait- 
 land's 'Dark Ages,' pp. 81-122. The three saints
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 205 
 
 were no hypocrites — God forbid! They were good 
 men and true, to whom had been entrusted the keep- 
 ing of a wild beast, to be petted and praised whenever 
 it shewed any signs of humanity or obedience. 
 
 But woe to the prince, however useful or virtuous 
 in other respects, who laid sacrilegious hands on the 
 goods of the Church. He might, like Charles Martel, 
 have delivered France from the Pagans on the east, 
 and from the Mussulmen on the south, and have 
 saved Christendom once and for all from the dominion 
 of the Crescent, in that great battle on the plains of 
 Poitiers, where the Arab cavalry (says Isidore of Beja) 
 broke against the immoveable line of Franks, like 
 ' waves against a wall of ice.' 
 
 But if, like Charles Martel, he had dared to demand 
 of the Church taxes and contributions toward the sup- 
 port of his troops, and the salvation both of Church 
 and commonweal, then all his prowess was in vain. 
 Some monk would surely see him in a vision, as St. 
 Eucherius, Bishop of Orleans, saw Charles Martel 
 (according to the Council of Kiersy)^ 'with Cain, 
 Judas, and Caiaphas, thrust into the Stygian whirl- 
 pools and Acherontic combustion of the sempiternal 
 Tartarus.' 
 
 Those words, which, with slight variations, are a 
 common formula of cursing appended to monastic 
 charters against all who should infringe them, remind 
 us rather of the sixth book of Virgil's .^neid than 
 of the Holy Scriptures ; and explain why Dante 
 naturally chooses that poet as a guide through his 
 Inferno.
 
 2o5 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 
 
 The cosmogony from which such an idea was de- 
 rived was simple enough. I give, of course, no theo- 
 logical opinion on its correctness : but as professor 
 of Modern History, I am bound to set before you 
 opinions which had the most enormous influence on 
 the history of early Europe. Unless you keep them 
 in mind, as the fixed and absolute back-ground of all 
 human thought and action for more than looo years, 
 you will never be able to understand the doings of 
 European men. 
 
 This earth, then, or at least the habitable part of it, 
 was considered as most probably a flat plane. Below 
 that plane, or in the centre of the earth, was the realm 
 of endless fire. It could be entered (as by the Welsh 
 knight who went down into St. Patrick's Purgatory) 
 by certain caves. By listening at the craters of vol- 
 canoes, which were its mouths, the cries of the tortured 
 might be heard in the depths of the earth. 
 
 In that ' Tartarus ' every human being born into 
 the world was doomed to be endlessly burnt alive : 
 only in the Church, ' extra quam nulla salus,' was 
 there escape from the common doom. But to that 
 doom, excommunication, which thrust a man from the 
 pale of the Church, condemned the sinner afresh, with 
 curses the most explicit and most horrible. 
 
 The superior clergy, therefore, with whom the ana- 
 thematizing power lay, believed firmly that they could, 
 proprio motu, upon due cause shewn, cause any man 
 or woman to be burned alive through endless ages. 
 And what was more, the Teutonic laity, with that 
 intense awe of the unseen which they had brought
 
 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN. 207 
 
 with them out of the wilderness, beheved it hkewise, 
 and trembled. It paralysed the wisest, as well as the 
 fiercest, that belief. Instead of disgusting the kings 
 of the earth, it gave them over, bound hand and foot 
 by their own guilty consciences, into the dominion of 
 the clergy; and the belief that Charles Martel was 
 damnedj only knit (as M. Sismondi well remarks) his 
 descendants the Carlovingians more closely to the 
 Church which possest so terrible a weapon. 
 
 Whether they were right or wrong in these beliefs 
 is a question not to be discussed in this chair. My 
 duty is only to point out to you the universal exist- 
 ence of those beliefs, and the historic fact that they 
 gave the clergy a character supernatural, magical, 
 divine, with a reserve of power before which all trem- 
 bled, from the beggar to the king ; and also, that all 
 struggles between the temporal and spiritual powers, 
 like that between Henry and Becket, can only be 
 seen justly in the light of the practical meaning of 
 that excommunication which Becket so freely em- 
 ployed. I must also point out to you that so enor- 
 mous a power (too great for the shoulders of mortal 
 man) was certain to be, and actually was, fearfully 
 abused^ not only by its direct exercise, but also by 
 bargaining with men, through indulgences and other- 
 wise, for the remission of that punishment, which the 
 clergy could, if they would, inflict ; and worst of all, 
 that out of the whole theory sprang up that system of 
 persecution, in which the worst cruelties of heathen 
 Rome were imitated by Christian priests, on the 
 seemingly irrefragable ground that it was merciful to
 
 208 THE CLERGY AND THE HEATHEN, 
 
 offenders to save them, or, if not, at least to save 
 others through them, by making them feel for a few 
 hours m this world what they would feel for endless 
 ages m the next.
 
 LECTURE IX. 
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 Historians are often blamed for writing as if the 
 History of Kings and Princes were the whole history 
 of the world. ' Why do you tell us,' is said, ' of 
 nothing but the marriages, successions, wars, cha- 
 racters, of a few Royal Races ? We want to know 
 what the people, and not the princes, were like. 
 History ought to be the history of the masses, and 
 not of kings.' 
 
 The only answer to this complaint seems to be, 
 that the defect is unavoidable. The history of the 
 masses cannot be written, while they have no history ; 
 and none will they have, as long as they remain a 
 mass ;\ ere their history begins, individuals, few at first, 
 and more and more numerous as they progress, must 
 rise out of the mass, and become persons, with fixed 
 ideas, determination, conscience, more or less different 
 from their fellows, and thereby leavening and elevating 
 their fellows, that they too may become persons, and 
 men indeed. Then they will begin to have a common 
 history, issuing out of each man's struggle to assert 
 his own personality and his own convictions. Till 
 that point is reached, the history of the masses will 
 
 P
 
 2IO THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 be mere statistic concerning their physical well-being 
 or ill-being, which (for the early ages of our race) is 
 unwritten, and therefore undiscoverable. 
 
 The early history of the Teutonic race, therefore, 
 is, and must always remain, simply the history of 
 a few great figures. Of the many of the masses, no- 
 thing is said ; because there was nothing to say. They 
 all ate, drank, married, tilled, fought, and died, not 
 altogether brutally, we will hope, but still in a dull 
 monotony, unbroken by any struggle of principles or 
 ideas. We know that large masses of human beings 
 have so lived in every age, and are living so now — 
 the Tartar hordes, for instance, or the thriving negroes 
 of central Africa : comfortable folk, getting a tolerable 
 living, son after father, for many generations, but 
 certainly not developed enough, or afflicted enough, 
 to have any history. 
 
 I believe that the masses, during the early middle age, 
 were very well off ; quite as well off as they deserved ; 
 that is, earned for themselves. They lived in a rough 
 way, certainly : but roughness is not discomfort, where 
 the taste has not been educated. A Red Indian sleeps 
 as well in a wigwam as we in a spring bed ; and the 
 Irish babies thrive as well among the peat ashes as on 
 a Brussels carpet. Man is a very well constructed 
 being, and can live and multiply anywhere, provided 
 he can keep warm, and get pure water and enough to 
 eat. Indeed, our Teutonic fathers must have been 
 comfortably off, or they could not have multiplied as 
 they did. Even though their numbers may have been 
 overstated, the fact is patent, that howsoever they
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 211 
 
 were slaughtered down, by the Romans or by each 
 other, they rose again as out of the soil, more 
 numerous than ever. Again and again you read of a 
 tribe being all but exterminated by the Romans, and 
 in a few years find it bursting over the Pfalzgrab or 
 the Danube, more numerous and terrible than before. 
 Never believe that a people deprest by cold, ill- 
 feeding, and ill-training, could have conquered Europe 
 in the face of centuries of destructive war. Those 
 very wars, again, may have helped in the long run 
 the increase of population, and for a reason simple 
 enough, though often overlooked. War throws land 
 out of cultivation ; and when peace returns, the new 
 settlers find the land fallow, and more or less restored 
 to its original fertility ; and so begins a period of 
 rapid and prosperous increase. In no other way can 
 I explain the rate at which nations after the most 
 desolating wars spring up, young and strong again, 
 like the phoenix, from their own funeral pile. They 
 begin afresh as the tillers of a virgin soil, fattened too 
 often with the ashes of burnt homesteads, and the 
 blood of the slain. 
 
 Another element of comfort may have been the 
 fact, that in the rough education of the forest, only 
 the strong and healthy children lived, while the 
 weakly died off young, and so the labour-market, as 
 we should say now, was never overstocked. This is 
 the case with our own gipsies, and with many savage 
 tribes — the Red Indians, for instance — and accounts 
 for their general healthiness : the unhealthy being all 
 dead, in the first struggle for existence. But then 
 
 P 2
 
 212 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 these gipsies, and the Red Indians, do not increase in 
 numbers, but the contrary ; while our forefathers 
 increased rapidly. On the other hand, we have, at 
 least throughout the middle ages, accounts of such 
 swarms of cripples, lepers, deformed, and other in- 
 capable persons, as to make some men believe that 
 there were more of them, in proportion to the popu- 
 lation, than there are now. And it may have been 
 so. The strongest and healthiest men always going 
 off to be killed in war, the weakliest only would be 
 left at home to breed ; and so an unhealthy population 
 might spring up. And again — and this is a curious 
 fact — as law and order enter a country, so will the 
 proportion of incapables, in body and mind, increase. 
 In times of war and anarchy, when every one is 
 shifting for himself, only the strongest and shrewdest 
 can stand. Woe to those who cannot take care of 
 themselves. The fools and cowards, the weakly and 
 sickly, are killed, starved, neglected, or in other ways 
 brought to grief. But when law and order come, 
 they protect those W'ho cannot protect themselves, 
 and the fools and cowards, the weakly and sickly, 
 are supported at the public expense, and allowed 
 to increase and multiply as public burdens. I do not 
 say that this is wrong. Heaven forbid ! I only state 
 the fact. A government is quite right in defending 
 all alike from the brute competition of nature, whose 
 motto is — Woe to the weak. To the Church of the 
 middle age is due the preaching and the practice of 
 the great Christian doctrine, that society is bound to 
 protect the weak. So far the middle age saw : but
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 213 
 
 no further. For our own times has been reserved the 
 higher and deeper doctrine, that it is the duty of 
 society to make the weak strong ; to reform, to cure, 
 and above all, to prevent by education, by sanitary 
 science, by all and every means, the necessity of 
 reforming and of curing. 
 
 Science could not do that in the middle age. But 
 if Science could not do it, Religion would at least try 
 to do the next best thing to it. The monasteries 
 were the refuges, whither the weak escaped from the 
 competition of the strong. Thither flocked the poor, 
 the crippled, the orphan, and the widow, all, in fact, 
 who could not fight for themselves. There they found 
 something like justice, order, pity, help. Even the 
 fool and the coward, when they went to the convent- 
 door, were not turned away. The poor half-witted 
 rascal, who had not sense enough to serve the king, 
 might still serve the abbot. He would be set to drive, 
 plough, or hew wood — possibly by the side of a 
 gentleman, a nobleman, or even a prince — and live 
 under equal law with them ; and under, too, a discipline 
 more strict than that of any modern army ; and if he 
 would not hew the wood, or drive the bullocks, as he 
 ought, then the abbot would have him flogged soundly 
 till he did ; which was better for him, after all, than 
 wandering about to be hooted by the boys, and dying 
 in a ditch at last. 
 
 The coward, too — the abbot could make him of 
 use, even though the king could not. There were, 
 no doubt, in those days, though fewer in number than 
 now, men who could not face physical danger, and
 
 214 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 the storm of the evil world, — delicate, nei-vous, imagi- 
 native, feminine characters ; who, when sent out to 
 battle, would be very likely to run away. Our fore- 
 fathers, having no use for such persons, used to put 
 such into a bog-hole, and lay a hurdle over them, in 
 the belief that they would sink to the lowest pool of 
 Hela for ever more. But the abbot had great use for 
 such. They could learn to read, write, sing, think ; 
 they were often very clever ; they might make great 
 scholars ; at all events they might make saints. 
 Whatever they could not do, they could pray. And 
 the united prayer of those monks, it was then believed, 
 could take heaven by storm, alter the course of the 
 elements, overcome Divine justice, avert from man- 
 kind the anger of an offended God. Whether that 
 belief were right or wrong, people held it ; and the 
 man who could not fight with carnal weapons, regained 
 his self-respect, and therefore his virtue, when he 
 found himself fighting, as he held, with spiritual 
 weapons against all the powers of darkness^. The 
 first light in which I wish you to look at the old 
 monasteries, is as defences for the weak against the 
 strong. 
 
 But what has this to do with what I said at first, as 
 to the masses having no history? This : — that through 
 these monasteries the masses began first to have a 
 history ; because through them they ceased to be 
 masses, and became first, persons and men, and then, 
 gradually, a people. That last the monasteries could 
 not make them : but they educated them for be- 
 
 ' Cf. Montalembert. ' Moines d'Occidcnt.'
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 215 
 
 coming a people ; and in this way. They brought 
 out, in each man, the sense of individual responsibility. 
 They taught him, whether warrior or cripple, prince 
 or beggar, that he had an immortal soul, for which 
 each must give like account to God. 
 
 Do you not see the effect of that new thought? 
 Treated as slaves, as things and animals, the many 
 had learnt to consider themselves as things and 
 animals. And so they had become ' a mass,' that is, 
 a mere heap of inorganic units, each of which has no 
 spring of life in itself, as distinguished from a whole, 
 a people, which has one bond, uniting each to all. 
 The 'masses' of the French had fallen into that state, 
 before the Revolution of 1793. The 'masses' of our 
 agricultural labourers, — the ' masses ' of our manu- 
 facturing workmen, were fast falling into that state 
 in the days of our grandfathers. Whether the French 
 masses have risen out of it, remains to be seen. The 
 English masses, thanks to Almighty God, have risen 
 out of it ; and by the very same factor by which the 
 middle-age masses rose — by Religion. The great 
 Methodist movement of the last century did for our 
 masses, what the monks did for our forefathers in the 
 middle age. Wesley and Whitfield, and many another 
 noble soul, said to Nailsea colliers, Cornish miners, 
 and all manner of drunken brutalized fellows, living 
 like the beasts that perish, — 'Each of you — thou — 
 and thou — and thou — stand apart and alone before 
 God. Each has an immortal soul in him, which will 
 be happy or miserable for ever, according to the deeds 
 done in the body. A whole eternity of shame or of
 
 2i6 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 glory lies in you — and you are living like a beast.' 
 And in proportion as each man heard that word, and 
 took it home to himself, he became a new man, and 
 a true man. The preachers may have mixed up 
 words with their message with which we may disagree, 
 have appealed to low hopes and fears which we should 
 be ashamed to bring into our calculations ; — so did 
 the monks : but they got their work done somehow ; 
 and let us thank them, and the old Methodists, and 
 any man who will tell men, in whatever clumsy and 
 rough fashion, that they are not things, and pieces of 
 a mass, but persons, with an everlasting duty, an 
 everlasting right and wrong, an everlasting God in 
 whose presence they stand, and who will judge them 
 according to their works. True, that is not all that men 
 need to learn. After they are taught, each apart, that 
 he is a man, they must be taught, how to be an united 
 people : but the individual teaching must come first ; 
 and before we hastily blame the individualizing 
 tendencies of the old Evangelical movement, or that 
 of the middle-age monks, let us remember, that if 
 they had not laid the foundation, others could not 
 build thereon. 
 
 Besides, they built themselves, as well as they 
 could, on their own foundation. As soon as men 
 begin to be really men, the desire of corporate life 
 springs up in them. They must unite ; they must 
 organize themselves. If they possess duties, they 
 must be duties to their fellow-men ; if they possess 
 virtues and graces, they must mix with their fellow- 
 men in order to exercise them.
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 217 
 
 The solitaries of the Thebaid found that they 
 became selfish wild beasts, or went mad, if they 
 remained alone ; and they formed themselves into 
 lauras, 'lanes' of huts, convents, under a common 
 abbot or father. The evangelical converts of the last 
 century formed themselves into powerful and highly 
 organized sects. The middle-age monasteries organ- 
 ized themselves into highly artificial communities 
 round some sacred spot, generally under the supposed 
 protection of some saint or martyr, whose bones lay 
 there. Each method was good, though not the 
 highest. None of them rises to the idea of a people, 
 having one national life, under one monarch, the 
 representative to each and all of that national life, 
 and the dispenser and executor of its laws. Indeed, 
 the artificial .organization, whether monastic or sec- 
 tarian, may become so strong as to interfere with 
 national life, and make men forget their real duty to 
 their king and country, in their self-imposed duty to 
 the sect or order to which they belong. The monastic 
 organization indeed had to die, in many countries, in 
 order that national life might develop itself; and the 
 dissolution of the monasteries marks the birth of an 
 united and powerful England. They or Britain must 
 have died. An imperium in imperio — much more 
 riiany separate imperia — was an element of national 
 weakness, which might be allowed in times of peace 
 and safety, but not in times of convulsion and of 
 danger. 
 
 You may ask, however, how these monasteries 
 became so powerful, if they were merely refuges
 
 2i8 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 for the weak? Even if they were (and they were) 
 the homes of an equal justice and order, mercy and 
 beneficence, which had few or no standing-places 
 outside their walls, still, how, if governed by weak 
 men, could they survive in the great battle of life? 
 The sheep would have but a poor life of it, if they set 
 up hurdles against the wolves, and agreed at all events 
 not to eat each other. 
 
 The answer is, that the monasteries were not 
 altogether tenanted by incapables. The same causes 
 which brought the low-born into the monasteries, 
 brought the high-born, many of the very highest. 
 The same cause which brought the weak into the 
 monasteries, brought the strong, many of the very 
 strongest. 
 
 The middle-age records give us a long list of kings, 
 princes, nobles, who having done (as they held) their 
 work in the world outside, went into those convents 
 to try their hands at what seemed to them (and often 
 was) better work than the perpetual coil of war, 
 intrigue, and ambition, which was not the crime, but 
 the necessary fate, of a ruler in the middle ages. 
 Tired of work, and tired of life ; tired too, of vain 
 luxury and vain wealth, they fled to the convent, as 
 to the only place where a man could get a little peace, 
 and think of God, and his own soul ; and recollected, 
 as they worked with their own hands by the side of 
 the lowest-born of their subjects, that they had a 
 human flesh and blood, a human immortal soul, like 
 those whom they had ruled. Thank God that the 
 great have other methods now of learning that great
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 219 
 
 truth ; that the work of hfe, if but well done, will 
 teach it to them : but those were hard times, and 
 wild times ; and fighting men could hardly learn, 
 save in the convent, that there was a God above who 
 watched the widows' and the orphans' tears, and 
 when he made inquisition for blood, forgot not the 
 cause of the poor. 
 
 Such men and women of rank brought into the 
 convent, meanwhile, all the prestige of their rank, all 
 their superior knowledge of the world ; and became 
 the patrons and protectors of the society ; while they 
 submitted, generally with peculiar humility and de- 
 votion, to its most severe and degrading rules. Their 
 higher sensibilities, instead of making them shrink 
 from hardship, made them strong to endure self- 
 sacrifices, and often self-tortures, which seem to us all 
 but incredible ; and the lives, or rather living deaths, 
 of the noble and princely penitents of the early 
 middle age, are among the most beautiful tragedies 
 of humanity. 
 
 To these monasteries, too, came the men of the 
 very highest intellect, of whatsoever class. I say, of 
 the very highest intellect. Tolerably talented men 
 might find it worth while to stay in the world, and 
 use their wits in struggling upward there. The most 
 talented of all would be the very men to see a better 
 'carriere ouverte aux talens' than the world could 
 give ; to long for deeper and loftier meditation than 
 could be found in the court ; for a more divine life, 
 a more blessed death, than could be found in the 
 camp and the battle-field.
 
 220 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 And so it befals, that in the early middle age the 
 cleverest men were generally inside the convent, 
 trying, by moral influence and superior intellect, to 
 keep those outside from tearing each other to pieces. 
 
 But these intellects could not remain locked up in 
 the monasteries. The daily routine of devotion, even 
 of silent study and contemplation, was not sufficient 
 for them, as it was for the average monk. There was 
 still a reserve of force in them, which must be up and 
 doing ; and which, in a man inspired by that Spirit 
 which is the Spirit of love to man as well as to God, 
 must needs expand outwards in all directions, to 
 Christianize, to civilize, to colonize. 
 
 To colonize. When people talk loosely of founding 
 an abbey for superstitious uses, they cannot surely be 
 aware of the state of the countries in which those 
 abbeys were founded ; either primaeval forest, hardly- 
 tilled common, or to be described by that terrible 
 epithet of Domesday-book, ' wasta' — wasted by war. 
 A knowledge of that fact would lead them to guess 
 that there were almost certainly uses for the abbey 
 which had nothing to do with superstition ; which 
 were as thoroughly practical as those of a company 
 for draining the bog of Allen, or running a railroad 
 through an American forest. Such, at least, was the 
 case, at least for the first seven centuries after the fall 
 of Rome ; and to these missionary colonizers Europe 
 owes, I verily believe, among a hundred benefits, this 
 which all Englishmen will appreciate ; that Roman 
 agriculture not only revived in the countries which 
 were once the Empire, but spread from thence east-
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 221 
 
 ward and northward, into the principal wilderness of 
 the Teuton and Sclavonic races. 
 
 I cannot, I think, shew you better what manner of 
 men these monk-colonizers were, and what sort of 
 work they did, than by giving you the biography of 
 one of them ; and out of many I have chosen that of 
 St. Sturmi, founder whilome of the great abbey of 
 Fulda, which lies on the central watershed of Germany, 
 about equidistant, to speak roughly, from Frankfort, 
 Cassel, Gotha, and Coburg. 
 
 His life is matter of history, written by one Eigils 
 (sainted like himself), who was his disciple and his 
 friend. Naturally told it is, and lovingly ; but if I 
 recollect right, without a single miracle or myth ; the 
 living contemporaneous picture of such a man, living 
 in such a state of society, as we shall never (and 
 happily need never) see again, but which is for that 
 very reason worthy to be preserved, for a token that 
 wisdom is justified of all her children. 
 
 It stands at length in Pertz's admirable 'Monu- 
 menta Historica,' among many another like biography, 
 and if I tell it here somewhat at length, readers must 
 forgive me. 
 
 Every one has heard of little king Pepin, and many 
 may have heard also how he was a mighty man of 
 valour, and cut off a lion's head at one blow ; and how 
 he was a crafty statesman, and first consolidated the 
 temporal power of the Popes, and helped them in that 
 detestable crime of overthrowing the noble Lombard 
 kingdom, which cost Italy centuries of slavery and 
 shame, and which has to be expiated even yet, it 
 would seem^ by some fearful punishment.
 
 222 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 But every one may not know that Pepin had great 
 excuses — if not for helping to destroy the Lombards 
 — yet still for supporting the power of the Popes. It 
 seemed to him — and perhaps it was — the only prac- 
 tical method of uniting the German tribes into one 
 common people, and stopping the internecine wars by 
 which they were tearing themselves to pieces. It 
 seemed to him — and perhaps it was — the only prac- 
 tical method for civilizing and Christianizing the still 
 wild tribes, Frisians, Saxons, and Sclaves, who pressed 
 upon the German marches, from the mouth of the 
 Elbe to the very Alps. Be that as it may, he began 
 the work ; and his son Charlemagne finished it ; some- 
 what well, and again somewhat ill — as most work, 
 alas ! is done on earth. Now in the days of little king 
 Pepin there was a nobleman of Bavaria, and his wife, 
 who had a son called Sturmi ; and they brought him 
 to St. Boniface, that he might make him a priest. And 
 the child loved St. Boniface's noble English face, and 
 went with him willingly, and was to him as a son. And 
 who was St. Boniface ? That is a long story. Suffice 
 it that he was a man of Devon, brought up in a cloister 
 at Exeter ; and that he had crossed over into Franken- 
 land, upon the lower Rhine, and become a missionary 
 of the widest and loftiest aims ; not merely a preacher 
 and winner of souls, though that, it is said, in perfec- 
 tion ; but a civilizer, a colonizer, a statesman. He, 
 and many another noble Englishman and Scot (whe- 
 ther Irish or Caledonian) were working under the 
 Frank kings to convert the heathens of the marches, 
 and carry the Cross into the far East. They led lives
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 223 
 
 of poverty and danger ; they were martyred, half of 
 them, as St. Boniface was at last. But they did their 
 work ; and doubtless they have their reward. They 
 did their best, according to their light. God grant 
 that we, to whom so much more light has been given, 
 may do our best likewise. Under this great genius 
 was young Sturmi trained. Trained (as was perhaps 
 needed for those who had to do such work in such a 
 time) to have neither wife, nor child, nor home, nor 
 penny in his purse ; but to do all that he was bid, 
 learn all that he could, and work for his living with 
 his own hands ; a life of bitter self-sacrifice. Such 
 a life is not needed now. Possibly, nevertheless, it 
 was needed then. 
 
 So St. Boniface took Sturmi about with him in his 
 travels, and at last handed him over to Wigbert, the 
 priest, to prepare him for the ministry. ' Under whom,' 
 says his old chronicler, ' the boy began to know the 
 Psalms thoroughly by heart ; to understand the Holy 
 Scriptures of Christ with spiritual sense ; took care to 
 learn most studiously the mysteries of the four Gos- 
 pels, and to bury in his heart, by assiduous reading, 
 the treasures of the Old and New Testament. For 
 his meditation was in the Law of the Lord day and 
 night ; profound in understanding, shrewd of thought, 
 prudent of speech, fair of face, sober of carriage, 
 honourable in morals, spotless in life, by sweetness, 
 humility, and alacrity, he drew to him the love of 
 all.' 
 
 He grew to be a man ; and in due time he was 
 ordained priest, ' by the will and consent of all ;' and
 
 224 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 he ' began to preach the words of Christ earnestly 
 to the people ;' and his preaching wrought wonders 
 among them. 
 
 Three years he preached in his Rhineland parish, 
 winning love from all. But in the third year ' a hea- 
 venly thought' came into his mind that he would turn 
 hermit and dwell in the wild forest. And why ? Who 
 can tell } He may, likely enough, have found celibacy 
 a fearful temptation for a young and eloquent man, 
 and longed to flee from the sight of that which must 
 not be his. And that, in his circumstances, was not 
 a foolish wish. He may have wished to escape, if but 
 once, from the noise and crowd of outward things, 
 and be alone with God and Christ, and his own soul. 
 And that was not a foolish wish. John Bunyan so 
 longed, and found what he wanted in Bedford Jail, 
 and set it down and printed it in a Pilgrim's Progress, 
 which will live as long as man is man. George Fox 
 longed for it, and made himself clothes of leather 
 which would not wear out, and lived in a hollow tree, 
 till he, too, set down the fruit of his solitude in a diary 
 which will live likewise as long as man is man. Per- 
 haps, again, young Sturmi longed to try for once in a 
 way what he was worth upon God's earth ; how much 
 he could endure ; what power he had of helping 
 himself, what courage to live by his own wits, and 
 God's mercy, on roots and fruits, as wild things live. 
 And surely that was not altogether a foolish wish. 
 At least, he longed to be a hermit ; but he kept his 
 longing to himself, however, till St. Boniface, his bishop, 
 appeared ; and then he told him all his heart.
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 225 
 
 And St. Boniface said : ' Go ; in the name of God ;' 
 and gave him two comrades, and sent him into 'the 
 wilderness which is called Buchonia, the Beech Forest, 
 to find a place fit for the servants of the Lord to dwell 
 in. For the Lord is able to provide his people a home 
 in the desert.' 
 
 So those three went into the wild forest. And ' for 
 three days they saw nought but earth and sky and 
 mighty trees. And they went on, praying Christ that 
 He would guide their feet into the way of peace. 
 And on the third day they came to the place which 
 is called Hersfelt (the hart's down ?), and searched it 
 round, and prayed that Christ would bless the place 
 for them to dwell in ; and then they built themselves 
 little huts of beech-bark, and abode there many days, 
 serving God with holy fastings, and watchings, and 
 prayers.' 
 
 Is it not a strange story? so utterly unlike anything 
 which we see now ; — so utterly unlike anything which 
 we ought to see now? And yet it may have been 
 good in its time. It looks out on us from the dim 
 ages, like the fossil bone of some old monster cropping 
 out of a quarry. But the old monster was good in 
 his place and time. God made him and had need of 
 him. It may be that God made those three poor 
 monks, and had need of them likewise. 
 
 As for their purposes being superstitious, we shall 
 be better able to judge of that when we have seen 
 what they were — what sort of a house they meant to 
 build to God. As for their having self-interest in 
 view, no doubt they thought that they should benefit 
 
 Q
 
 226 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 their own souls in this life, and in the life to come. 
 But one would hardly blame them for that, surely? 
 One would not blame them as selfish and sordid if 
 they had gone out on a commercial speculation ? 
 Why, then, if on a religious one ? The merchant ad- 
 venturer is often a noble type of man, and one to 
 whom the world owes much, though his hands are not 
 always clean, nor his eye single. The monk adven- 
 turer of the middle age is, perhaps, a still nobler type 
 of man, and one to whom the world owes more, though 
 his eye, too, was not always single, nor his hands clean. 
 As for selfishness, one must really bear in mind that 
 men who walked away into that doleful 'urwarld' had 
 need to pray very literally ' that Christ would guide 
 their feet into the way of peace ;' and must have cared 
 as much for their wordly interests as those who march 
 up to the cannon's mouth. Their lives in that forest 
 were not worth twenty-four hours' purchase, and they 
 knew it. It is an ugly thing for an unarmed man, 
 without a compass, to traverse the bush of Australia 
 or New Zealand, where there are no wild beasts. But 
 it was uglier still to start out under the dark roof of 
 that primaeval wood. Knights, when they rode it, went 
 armed cap-a-pie, like Sintram through the dark valley, 
 trusting in God and their good sword. Chapmen and 
 merchants stole through it by a few tracks in great 
 companies, armed with bill and bow. Peasants ven- 
 tured into it a few miles, to cut timber, and find pan- 
 nage for their swine, and whispered wild legends of 
 the ugly things therein — and sometimes, too, never 
 came home. Away it stretched from the fair Rhine-
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 227 
 
 land, wave after wave of oak and alder, beech and pine, 
 God alone knew how far, into the land of night and 
 wonder, and the infinite unknown ; full of elk and 
 bison, bear and wolf, lynx and glutton, and perhaps 
 of worse beasts still. Worse beasts, certainly, Sturmi 
 and his comrades would have met, if they had met 
 them in human form. For there were waifs and strays 
 of barbarism there, uglier far than any waif and stray 
 of civilization, border rufhan of the far west, buccaneer 
 of the Tropic keys, Cimaroon of the Panama forests ; 
 men verbiesterte, turned into the likeness of beasts, 
 wildfanger, hiiner, ogres, wehr-wolves, strong thieves 
 and outlaws, many of them possibly mere brutal ma- 
 niacs ; naked, living in caves and coverts, knowing no 
 law but their own hunger, rage, and lust ; feeding often 
 on human flesh ; and woe to the woman or child or 
 unarmed man who fell into their ruthless clutch. Or- 
 son, and such like human brutes of the wilderness, 
 serve now to amuse children in fairy tales ; they were 
 then ugly facts of flesh and blood. There were hea- 
 thens there, too, in small colonies : heathen Saxons, 
 crudest of all the tribes ; who worshipped at the Ir- 
 mensul, and had an old blood-feud against the Franks ; 
 heathen Thuringer, who had murdered St. Kilian the 
 Irishman at Wurzburg ; heathen Slaves, of different 
 tribes, who had introduced into Europe the custom 
 of impaling their captives : and woe to the Christian 
 priest who fell into any of their hande. To be knocked 
 on the head before some ugly idol was the gentlest 
 death which they were like to have. They would 
 have called that martyrdom, and the gate of eternal
 
 228 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 bliss ; but they were none the less brave men for 
 going out to face it. 
 
 And beside all these, and worse than all these, 
 there were the terrors of the unseen world ; very real 
 in those poor monks' eyes, though not in ours. There 
 were Nixes in the streams, and Kobolds in the caves, 
 and Tannhiiuser in the dark pine-glades, who hated 
 the Christian man, and would lure him to his death. 
 There were fair swan-maidens and elf-maidens ; nay, 
 dame Venus herself, and Herodias the dancer, with 
 all their rout of revellers ; who would tempt him to 
 sin, and having made him sell his soul, destroy both 
 body and soul in hell. There was Satan and all 
 the devils, too, plotting to stop the Christian man 
 from building the house of the Lord, and preaching 
 the gospel to the heathen ; ready to call up storms, 
 and floods, and forest fires ; to hurl the crag down 
 from the cliffs, or drop the rotting tree on their 
 defenceless heads — all real and terrible in those poor 
 monks' eyes, as they walked on, singing their psalms, 
 and reading their Gospels, and praying to God to 
 save them, for they could not save themselves ; and to 
 guide them, for they knew not, like Abraham, whither 
 they went ; and to show them the place where they 
 should build the house of the Lord, and preach 
 righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Spirit 
 to the heathen round. We talk still, thank heaven, 
 of heroes, and understand what that great word 
 should mean. But were not these poor monks 
 heroes.^ Knights-errant of God, doing his work as 
 they best knew how. We have a purer gospel than
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 229 
 
 they : we understand our Bibles better. But if they 
 had not done what they did, where would have been 
 now our gospel, and our Bible ? We cannot tell. 
 It was a wise old saw of our forefathers — 'Do not 
 speak ill of the bridge which carries you over.' 
 
 If Sturmi had had a ' holy longing ' to get into the 
 wild wood, now he had a ' holy longing ' to go back ; 
 and to find St. Boniface, and tell him what a pleasant 
 place Hersfelt was, and the quality of the soil, and 
 the direction of the watershed, and the meadows, and 
 springs, and so forth, in a very practical way. And 
 , St. Boniface answered, that the place seemed good 
 enough ; but that he was afraid for them, on account 
 of the savage heathen Saxons. They must go deeper 
 into the forest, and then they would be safe. So he 
 went back to his fellow-hermits, and they made to 
 themselves a canoe ; and went paddling up and down 
 the Fulda stream, beneath the alder boughs, ' trying 
 the mouths of the mountain-streams, and landing to 
 survey the hills and ridges,' — pioneers of civilization 
 none the less because they pioneered in the name of 
 Him who made earth and heaven : but they found 
 nothing which they thought would suit the blessed 
 St. Boniface, save that they stayed a little at the place 
 which is called Ruohen-bah, ' the rough brook,' to see 
 if it would suit ; but it would not. So they went back 
 to their birch huts to fast and pray once more. 
 
 St. Boniface sent for Sturmi after awhile, probably 
 to Maintz, to ask of his success ; and Sturmi threw 
 himself on his face before him ; and Boniface raised 
 him up, and kissed him, and made him sit by his side
 
 230 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 — which was a mighty honour ; for St. Boniface, the 
 penniless monk, was at that moment one of the most 
 powerful men of Europe ; and he gave Sturmi a good 
 dinner, of which, no doubt, he stood in need ; and 
 bade him keep up heart, and seek again for the place 
 which God had surely prepared, and would reveal in 
 His good time. 
 
 And this time Sturmi, probably wiser from expe- 
 rience, determined to go alone ; but not on foot. So 
 he took to him a trusty ass, and as much food as he 
 could pack on it ; and, axe in hand, rode away into 
 the wild wood, singing his psalms. And every night, 
 before he lay down to sleep, he cut boughs, and stuck 
 them up for a ring fence round him and the ass, to 
 the discomfiture of the wolves, which had, and have 
 still, a great hankering after asses' flesh. It is a 
 quaint picture, no doubt ; but let us respect it, while 
 we smile at it ; if we, too, be brave men. 
 
 Then one day he fell into a great peril. He came 
 to the old road (a Roman one, I presume ; for the 
 Teutons, whether in England or elsewhere, never 
 dreamed of making roads till three hundred years 
 ago, but used the old Roman ones), which led out of 
 the Thuringen land to Maintz. And at the ford over 
 the Fulda he met a great multitude bathing, of 
 Sclavonian heathens, going to the fair at Maintz. 
 And they smelt so strong, the foul miscreants, that 
 Sturmi's donkey backed, and refused to face them ; 
 and Sturmi himself was much of the donkey's mind, 
 for they began to mock him (possibly he nearly went 
 over the donkey's head), and went about to hurt him.
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 231 
 
 ' But,' says the chronicler, ' the power of the Lord 
 held them back.' 
 
 Then he went on, right thankful at having escaped 
 with his life, up and down, round and round, explor- 
 ing and surveying — for what purpose we shall see 
 hereafter. And at last he lost himself in the place 
 which is called Aihen-loh, ' the glade of oaks ; ' and 
 at night-fall he heard the plash of water, and knew 
 not whether man or wild beast made it. And not 
 daring to call out, he tapped a tree-trunk with his 
 axe (some backwoodsman's sign of those days, we 
 may presume), and he was answered. And a forester 
 came to him, leading his lord's horse ; a man from the 
 Wetterau, who knew the woods far and wide, and told 
 him all that he wanted to know. And they slept 
 side by side that night ; and in the morning they 
 blest each other, and each went his way. 
 
 Yes, there were not merely kings and wars, popes 
 and councils, in those old days ; — there were real 
 human beings, just such as we might meet by the 
 wayside any hour, with human hearts and histories 
 within them. And we will be thankful if but one of 
 them, now and then, starts up out of the darkness of 
 twelve hundred years, like that good forester, and 
 looks at us with human eyes, and goes his way again, 
 blessing, and not unblest. 
 
 And now Sturmi knew all that he needed to know ; 
 and after awhile, following the counsel of the forester, 
 he came to ' the blessed place, long ago prepared of 
 the Lord. And when he saw it, he was filled with 
 immense joy, and went on exulting ; for he felt that
 
 232 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 by the merits and prayers of the holy Bishop Boniface 
 that place had been revealed to him. And he went 
 about it, and about it, half the day ; and the more he 
 looked on it the more he gave God thanks;' and 
 those who know Fulda say, that Sturmi had reason to 
 give God thanks, and must have had a keen eye, 
 moreover, for that which man needs for wealth and 
 prosperity, in soil and water, meadow and wood. So 
 he blessed the place, and signed it with the sign of 
 the Cross (in token that it belonged thenceforth 
 neither to devils nor fairies, but to his rightful Lord 
 and Maker), and went back to his cell, and thence a 
 weary journey to St. Boniface, to tell him of the fair 
 place which he had found at last. 
 
 And St. Boniface went his weary way, either to 
 Paris or to Aix, to Pepin and Carloman, kings of the 
 Franks ; and begged of them a grant of the Aihen- 
 loh, and all the land for four miles round, and had it. 
 And the nobles about gave up to him their rights of 
 venison, and vert, and pasture, and pannage of swine ; 
 and Sturmi and seven brethren set out thither, 'in 
 the year of our Lord 744, in the first month (April, 
 presumably), in the twelfth day of the month, unto 
 the place prepared of the Lord,' that they might do 
 what? 
 
 That they might build an abbey. Yes ; but the 
 question is, what building an abbey meant, not three 
 hundred, nor five hundred, but eleven hundred years 
 ago — for centuries are long matters, and men and 
 their works change in them. 
 
 And then it meant this : Clearing the back woods
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 233 
 
 for a Christian settlement ; an industrial colony, in 
 which every man was expected to spend his life in 
 doing good — all and every good which he could for 
 his fellow-men. Whatever talent he had he threw 
 into the common stock ; and worked, as he was found 
 fit to work, at farming, gardening, carpentering, 
 writing, doctoring, teaching in the schools, or preach- 
 ing to the heathen round. In their common church 
 they met to worship God ; but also to ask for grace 
 and strength to do their work, as Christianizers and 
 civilizers of mankind. What Christianity and civili- 
 zation they knew (and they knew more than we are 
 apt now to believe) they taught it freely ; and there- 
 fore they were loved, and looked up to as superior 
 beings, as modern missionaries, wherever they do 
 their work even decently well, are looked up to now. 
 
 So because the work could be done in that way, 
 and (as far as men then, or now, can see) in no other 
 way, Pepin and Carloman gave Boniface the glade of 
 oaks, that they might clear the virgin forest, and 
 extend cultivation, and win fresh souls to Christ, 
 instead of fighting, like the kings of this world, for 
 the land which was already cleared, and the people 
 who were already Christian. 
 
 In two months' time they had cut down much of 
 the forest ; and then came St. Boniface himself to see 
 them, and with him a great company of workmen, 
 and chose a place for a church. And St. Boniface 
 went up to the hill which is yet called Bishop's 
 Mount, that he might read his Bible in peace, away 
 from kings and courts, and the noise of the wicked
 
 234 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 world ; and his workmen felled trees innumerable, 
 and dug peat to burn lime withal ; and then all went 
 back again, and left the settlers to thrive and work. 
 
 And thrive and work they did, clearing more land, 
 building their church, ploughing up their farm, draw- 
 ing to them more and more heathen converts, more 
 and more heathen school-children ; and St. Boniface 
 came to see them from time to time, whenever he 
 could get a holiday, and spent happy days in prayer 
 and study, with his pupil and friend. And ten years 
 after, when St. Boniface was martyred at last by the 
 Friesland heathens, and died, as he had lived, like an 
 apostle of God, then all the folk of Maintz wanted to 
 bring his corpse home to their town, because he had 
 been Archbishop there. But he ' appeared in a dream 
 to a certain deacon, and said : " Why delay ye to 
 take me home to Fulda, to my rest in the wilderness 
 which God hath prepared for me ? " ' 
 
 So St. Boniface sleeps at Fulda, — unless the French 
 Republican armies dug up his bones, and scattered 
 them, as they scattered holier things, to the winds of 
 heaven. And all men came to worship at his tomb, 
 after the fashion of those days. And Fulda became 
 a noble abbey, with its dom-church, library, schools, 
 workshops, farm-steads, almshouses, and all the ap- 
 panages of such a place, in the days when monks 
 were monks indeed. And Sturmi became a great 
 man, and went through many troubles and slanders, 
 and conquered in them all, because there was no fault 
 found in him, as in Daniel of old ; and died in a good 
 old age, bewept by thousands, who, but for him.
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 235 
 
 would have been heathens still. And the Aihen-loh 
 became rich corn-land and garden, and Fulda an 
 abbey borough and a principality, where men lived 
 in peace under mild rule, while the feudal princes 
 quarrelled and fought outside ; and a great literary 
 centre, whose old records are now precious to the 
 diggers among the bones of bygone times ; and at last 
 St. Sturmi and the Aihen-loh had so developed them- 
 selves, that the latest record of the Abbots of Fulda 
 which I have seen is this, bearing date about 17 10 : — 
 
 ' The arms of the most illustrious Lord and Prince, 
 Abbot of Fulda, Archchanccllor of the most Serene 
 Empress, Primate of all Germany and Gaul, and 
 Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.' Developed, 
 certainly : and not altogether in the right direction. 
 For instead of the small beer, which they had 
 promised St. Boniface to drink to the end of the 
 world, the abbots of Fulda had the best wine in 
 Germany, and the best table too. Be that as it may, 
 to have cleared the timber off the Aihen-loh, and 
 planted a Christian colony instead, was enough to 
 make St. Sturmi hope that he had not read his Bible 
 altogether in vain. 
 
 Surely such men as St. Sturmi were children of 
 wisdom, put what sense on the word you will. In a 
 dark, confused, lawless, cut-throat age, while every- 
 thing was decided by the sword, they found that 
 they could do no good to themselves, or any man, 
 by throwing their swords into either scale. They 
 would be men of peace, and see what could be done 
 so. Was that not wise ? So they set to work.
 
 236 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 They feared God exceedingly, and walked with God. 
 Was not that wise? They wrought righteousness, 
 and were merciful and kind, while kings and nobles 
 were murdering around them ; pure and temperate, 
 while other men were lustful and drunken ; just and 
 equal in all their ways, while other men were unjust 
 and capricious ; serving God faithfully, according to 
 their light, while the people round them were half 
 or wholly heathen ; content to do their work well on 
 earth, and look for their reward in heaven, while the 
 kings and nobles, the holders of the land, were full of 
 insane ambition, every man trying to seize a scrap of 
 ground from his neighbour, as if that would make 
 them happier. Was that not wise? Which was the 
 wiser, the chief killing human beings, to take from 
 them some few square miles which men had brought 
 into cultivation already, or the monk, leaving the 
 cultivated land, and going out into the backwoods to 
 clear the forest, and till the virgin soil ? Which was 
 the child of wisdom, I ask again ? And do not tell 
 me that the old monk worked only for fanatical and 
 superstitious ends. It is not so. I know well his 
 fanaticism and his superstition, and the depths of its 
 ignorance and silliness : but he had more in him than 
 that. Had he not, he would have worked no lasting 
 work. He was not only the pioneer of civilization, 
 but he knew that he was such. He believed that all 
 knowledge came from God, even that which taught a 
 man to clear the forest, and plant corn instead ; and 
 he determined to spread such knowledge as he had 
 wherever he could. He was a wiser man than the
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 237 
 
 heathen Saxons, even than the Christian Franks, 
 around him ; a better scholar^ a better thinker, better 
 handicraftsman^ better farmer ; and he did not keep 
 his knowledge to himself. He did not, as some tell 
 you, keep the Bible to himself. It is not so ; and 
 those who say so, in this generation^ ought to be 
 ashamed of themselves. The monk knew his Bible 
 well himself, and he taught it. Those who learnt from 
 him to read, learnt to read their Bibles. Those who 
 did not learn (of course the vast majority, in days 
 when there was no printing), he taught by sermons, 
 by pictures, afterward by mystery and miracle plays. 
 The Bible was not forbidden to the laity till centuries 
 afterwards — and forbidden then, why ? Because the 
 laity throughout Europe knew too much about the 
 Bible, and not too little. Because the early monks 
 had so ingrained the mind of the masses, throughout 
 Christendom, with Bible stories, Bible personages, the 
 great facts, and the great doctrines, of our Lord's life, 
 that the masses knew too much ; that they could 
 contrast too easily, and too freely, the fallen and pro- 
 fligate monks of the 15th and i6th centuries, with 
 those Bible examples, which the old monks of 
 centuries before had taught their forefathers. Then 
 the clergy tried to keep from the laity, because it 
 testified against themselves, the very book which 
 centuries before they had taught them to love and 
 know too well. In a word, the old monk missionary 
 taught all he knew to all who would learn, just as 
 our best modern missionaries do ; and was loved, and 
 obeyed, and looked on as a superior being, as they are.
 
 238 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 Of course he did not know how far civiHzation would 
 extend. He could not foretell railroads and electric 
 telegraphs, any more than he could political economy, 
 or sanitary science. But the best that he knew, he 
 taught — and did also, working with his own hands. 
 He was faithful in a few things, and God made him 
 ruler over many things. For out of those monasteries 
 sprang — what did not spring? They restored again 
 and again sound law and just government, when the 
 good old Teutonic laws, and the Roman law also, was 
 trampled underfoot amid the lawless strife of ambition 
 and fury. Under their shadow sprang up the towns 
 with their corporate rights, their middle classes, their 
 artizan classes. They were the physicians, the alms- 
 givers, the relieving officers, the schoolmasters of the 
 middle-age world. They first taught us the great 
 principle of the division of labour, to which we owe, 
 at this moment, that England is what she is, instead 
 of being covered with a horde of peasants, each 
 making and producing everything for himself, and 
 starving each upon his rood of ground. They tran- 
 scribed or composed all the books of the then world ; 
 many of them spent their lives in doing nothing but 
 writing ; and the number of books, even of those to 
 be found in single monasteries, considering the tedious 
 labour of copying, is altogether astonishing. They 
 preserved to us the treasures of classical antiquity. 
 They discovered for us the germs of all our 
 modern inventions. They brought in from abroad 
 arts and new knowledge ; and while they taught 
 men to know that they had a common humanity.
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 239 
 
 a common Father in heaven taught them also to 
 profit by each other's wisdom instead of remaining 
 in isolated ignorance. They, too, were the great 
 witnesses against feudal caste. With them was 
 neither high-born nor low-born, rich nor poor : worth 
 was their only test ; the meanest serf entering there 
 might become the lord of knights and vassals, the 
 counsellor of kings and princes. Men may talk of 
 democracy — those old monasteries were the most 
 democratic institutions the world had ever till then 
 seen. *A man's a man for a' that,' was not only 
 talked of in them, but carried out in practice — only 
 not in anarchy, and as a cloak for licentiousness : 
 but under those safeguards of strict discipline, and 
 almost military order, without which men may call 
 themselves free, and yet be really only slaves to their 
 own passions. Yes, paradoxical as it may seem, in 
 those monasteries was preserved the sacred fire of 
 modern liberty, through those feudal centuries when 
 all the outside world was doing its best to trample 
 it out. Remember, as a single instance, that in the 
 Abbot's lodging at Bury St. Edmunds, the Magna 
 Charta was drawn out, before being presented to 
 John at Runymede. I know what they became after- 
 wards, better than most do here; too well to defile 
 my lips, or your ears, with tales too true. They had 
 done their work, and they went. Like all things born 
 in time, they died ; and decayed in time ; and the 
 old order changed, giving place to the new ; and God 
 fulfilled himself in many ways. But in them, too, 
 he fulfilled himself. They were the best things the
 
 240 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 world had seen ; the only method of Christianizing 
 and civilizing semi - barbarous Europe. Like all 
 human plans and conceptions, they contained in 
 themselves original sin ; idolatry, celibacy, inhuman 
 fanaticism ; these were their three roots of bitterness ; 
 and when they bore the natural fruit of immorality, 
 the monasteries fell with a great and just destruction. 
 But had not those monasteries been good at first, and 
 noble at first ; had not the men in them been better 
 and more useful men than the men outside, do you 
 think they would have endured for centuries? They 
 would not even have established themselves at all. 
 They would soon, in those stormy times, have been 
 swept off the face of the earth. Ill used they often 
 were, plundered and burnt down. But men found 
 that they were good. Their own plunderers found that 
 they could not do without them ; and repented, and 
 humbled themselves, and built them up again, to be 
 centres of justice and mercy and peace, amid the wild 
 weltering sea of war and misery. For all things en- 
 dure, even for a generation, only by virtue of the good 
 which is in them. By the Spirit of God in them they 
 live, as do all created things ; and when he taketh 
 away their breath they die, and return again to their 
 dust. 
 
 And what was the original sin of them ? We can 
 hardly say that it was their superstitious and partially 
 false creed : because that they held in common with 
 all Europe. It was rather that they had identified 
 themselves with, and tried to realize on earth, one of 
 the worst falsehoods of that creed— celibacy. Not
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 241 
 
 being founded on the true and only ground of all society, 
 family life, they were merely artificial and self-willed 
 arrangements of man's invention, which could not 
 develop to any higher form. And when the sanctity 
 of marriage was revindicated at the Reformation, the 
 monasteries, having identified themselves with celi- 
 bacy, naturally fell. They could not partake in the 
 Reformation movement, and rise with it into some 
 higher form of life, as the laity outside did, I say, 
 they were altogether artificial things. The Abbot 
 might be called the Abba, Father, of his monks : 
 but he was not their father — ^just as when young 
 ladies now play at being nuns, they call their superior, 
 Mother : but all the calling in the world will not make 
 that sacred name a fact and a reality, as they too 
 often find out. 
 
 And celibacy brought serious evils from the first. 
 It induced an excited, hysterical tone of mind, which 
 is most remarkable in the best men ; violent, queru- 
 lous, suspicious, irritable, credulous, visionary ; at best 
 more womanly than manly; alternately in tears and in 
 raptures. You never get in their writings anything of 
 that manly calmness, which we so deservedly honour, 
 and at which we all aim for ourselves. They are 
 bombastic ; excited ; perpetually mistaking virulence 
 for strength, putting us in mind for ever of the allo- 
 cutions of the Popes. Read the writings of one of 
 the best of monks, and of men, who ever lived, the 
 great St. Bernard, and you will be painfully struck by 
 this hysterical element. The fact is, that their rule 
 of life, from the earliest to the latest, — from that of 
 
 R
 
 242 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 St. Benedict of Casino, ' father of all monks,' to that 
 of Loyola the Jesuit, was pitched not too low, but too 
 high. It was an ideal which, for good or for evil, 
 could only be carried out by new converts, by people 
 in a state of high religious excitement, and therefore 
 the history of the monastic orders is just that of the 
 protestant sects. We hear of continual fallings off 
 from their first purity ; of continual excitements, re- 
 vivals, and startings of new orders, which hoped to 
 realize the perfection which the old orders could not. 
 You must bear this in mind, as you read mediaeval 
 history. You will be puzzled to know why continual 
 new rules and new orders sprung up. They were so 
 many revivals, so many purist attempts at nevv^ sects. 
 You will see this very clearly in the three great re- 
 vivals which exercised such enormous influence on the 
 history of the 13th, the i6th and the 17th centuries, — 
 I mean the rise first of the Franciscans and Dominicans, 
 next of the Jesuits, and lastly of the Port Royalists. 
 They each professed to restore monachism to what it 
 had been at first ; to realize the unnatural and im- 
 possible ideal. 
 
 Another serious fault of these monasteries may be 
 traced to their artificial celibate system. I mean their 
 avarice. Only one generation after St. Sturmi, Charle- 
 magne had to make indignant laws against Abbots 
 who tried to get into their hands the property of every- 
 body around them : but in vain. The Abbots became 
 more and more the great landholders, till their power 
 was intolerable. The reasons are simple enough. An 
 abbey had no children between whom to divide its
 
 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 243 
 
 wealth, and therefore more land was always flowing 
 in and concentrating, and never breaking up again ; 
 while almost every Abbot left his personalities, all 
 his private savings and purchases, to his successor. 
 
 Then again, in an unhappy hour, they discovered 
 that the easiest way of getting rich was by per- 
 suading sinners, and weak persons, to secure the 
 safety of their souls by leaving land to the Church, 
 in return for the prayers and masses of monks ; and 
 that shameful mine of wealth was worked by them 
 for centuries, in spite of statutes of mortmain, and 
 other checks which the civil power laid on them, — 
 very often by most detestable means. One is shocked 
 to find good men lending themselves to such base 
 tricks : but we must recollect, that there has always 
 been among men a public and a private conscience, 
 and that these two, alas ! have generally been very 
 different. It is an old saying, that ' committees have 
 no consciences;' and it is too true. A body of men 
 acting in concert for a public purpose will do things 
 which they would shrink from with disgust, if the 
 same trick would merely put money into their private 
 purses ; and this is too often the case when the 
 public object is a good one. Then the end seems 
 to sanctify the means, to almost any amount of 
 chicanery. 
 
 So it was with those old monks. An abbey had 
 no conscience. An order of monks had no conscience. 
 A Benedictine, a Dominican, a Franciscan, who had 
 not himself a penny in the world, and never intended 
 to have one, would play tricks, lie, cheat, slander, forge, 
 R 2
 
 244 THE MONK A CIVILIZER. 
 
 for the honour and the wealth of his order ; when for 
 himself, and in himself, he may have been an honest 
 God-fearing man enough. So it was ; one more ugly 
 fruit of an unnatural attempt to be not good men, 
 but something more than men ; by trying to be more 
 than men, they ended by being less than men. That 
 was their sin, and that sin, when it had conceived, 
 brought forth death.
 
 LECTURE X. 
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 I HAVE tried to shew you how the Teutonic nations 
 were Christianized. I have tried to explain to you 
 why the clergy who converted them were, neverthe- 
 less, more or less permanently antagonistic to them. 
 I shall have, hereafter, to tell you something of one of 
 the most famous instances of that antagonism : of the 
 destruction of the liberties of the Lombards by that 
 Latin clergy. But at first you ought to know some- 
 thing of the manners of these Lombards ; and that 
 you may learn best by studying their Code. 
 
 They are valuable to you, as giving you a fair 
 specimen of the laws of an old Teutonic people. You 
 may profitably compare them with the old Gothic, 
 Franco-SaliCj Burgundian, Anglo-Saxon, and Scandi- 
 navian laws, all formed on the same primaeval model, 
 agreeing often in minute details, and betokening one 
 primaeval origin, of awful antiquity. By studying 
 them, moreover, you may gain some notion of that 
 primaeval liberty and self-government, common at 
 first to all the race, but preserved alone by England ; 
 to which the descendants of these very Lombards are
 
 246 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 at this very moment so manfully working their way 
 back. 
 
 Tliese laws were collected and published in writing 
 by king Rothar, A. D. 643, "]6 years after Alboin came 
 into Italy. The cause, he says, was the continual 
 wearying of the poor, and the superfluous exactions, 
 and even violence, of the strong against those who 
 were weak. They are the ' laws of our fathers, as far 
 as we have learnt them from ancient men, and are 
 published with the counsel and consent of our princes, 
 judges, and all our most prosperous army,' i. e. the 
 barons, or freemen capable of bearing arms ; ' and are 
 confirmed according to the custom of our nation by 
 garathinx,' that is, as far as I can ascertain from 
 Grimm^s German Law, by giving an earnest, garant, 
 or warrant of the bargain. 
 
 Among these Lombards, as among our English 
 forefathers, when a man thingavit, i. e. donavit, a gift 
 or bequest to any one, it was necessary, according to 
 law CLXXII., to do it before gisiles, witnesses, and to 
 give a garathinx, or earnest, of his bequest — a halm 
 of straw, a turf, a cup of drink, a piece of money — as 
 to this day a drover seals his bargain with a shilling, 
 and a commercial traveller with a glass of liquor. 
 Whether Rothar gave the garathinx to his barons, or 
 his barons to him, I do not understand : but at least 
 it is clear from the use of this one word that the 
 publication of these laws was a ' social contract ' — a 
 distinct compact between king and people. From all 
 which you will perceive at once that these Lombards, 
 like all Teutons, were a free people, under a rough
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 247 
 
 kind of constitutional monarchy. They would have 
 greeted with laughter the modern fable of the divine 
 right of kings, if by that they were expected to 
 understand that the will of the king was law, or that 
 the eldest son of a certain family had any God-given 
 ipso-facto right to succeed his father. Sixteen kings, 
 says the preface, had reigned from Agilmund to 
 Rothar ; and seven tirnes had the royal race been 
 changed. That the king should belong to one of the 
 families who derived their pedigree from Wodin, and 
 that a son should, as natural, succeed his father, were 
 old rules : but the barons would, as all history shews, 
 'make little of crowning a younger son instead of an 
 elder^ if the younger were a hero, and the elder an 
 'arga' — a lazy loon ; and little, also, would they make 
 of setting aside the whole royal family, and crowning 
 the man who would do their business best. The king 
 was, as this preface and these laws shew, the com- 
 mander in chief of the exercitus, the militia, and 
 therefore of every free man in the state ; (for all were 
 bound to fight when required). He was also the 
 supreme judge, the head of the executive, dispenser 
 and fountain of law : but with no more power of 
 making the law, of breaking the law, or of arbitrarily 
 depriving a man of his property, than an English 
 sovereign has now ; and his power was quamdiu se 
 bene gesserit, and no longer, as history proves in 
 every page. 
 
 The doctrine of the divine right of kings, as under- 
 stood in England in the seventeenth century, and still 
 in some continental countries, was, as far as I can
 
 248 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 ascertain, invented by the early popes, not for the 
 purpose of exalting the kings, but of enslaving them, 
 and through them the nations. A king and his son's 
 sons had divine ' right to govern wrong' not from 
 God, but from the vicar of God and the successor of 
 St. Peter, to whom God had given the dominion of 
 the whole earth, and who had the right to anoint, or 
 to depose, whomsoever he would. Even in these old 
 laws, we see that new idea obtruding itself. ' The 
 king's heart,' says one of them ' is in the hand of 
 God.' That is a text of Scripture What it was 
 meant to mean, one cannot doubt, or by whom it was 
 inserted. The ' Chancellor,' or whoever else transcribed 
 those laws in Latin, was, of course, a cleric, priest or 
 monk. From his hand comes the first hint of arbi- 
 trary power ; the first small blot of a long dark stain 
 of absolutism, which was to darken and deepen 
 through centuries of tyranny and shame. 
 
 But to plead the divine right of kings, in a country 
 which has thrown off its allegiance to the pope, is to 
 assert the conclusion of a syllogism, the major and 
 minor premiss of which are both denied by the as- 
 sertor. The arguments for such a right drawn from 
 the Old Testament, which were common among the 
 high-church party from James I. to James 11. and the 
 Nonjurors, are really too inconsequent to require more 
 than a passing smile. How can you prove that a 
 king has the power to make laws, from the history of 
 the Jewish nation, when that very history represents 
 it all through as bound by a primaeval and divinely 
 revealed law, to which kings and people were alike
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 249 
 
 subject ? How can you prove that the eldest son's 
 eldest son has a divine right to wear the crown as 
 * God's anointed,' when the very persons to whom 
 that title is given are generally either not eldest sons, 
 or not of royal race at all ? The rule that the eldest 
 son's eldest son should succeed, has been proved by 
 experience to be in practice a most excellent one : but 
 it rests, as in England, so in Lombardy, or Spain, or 
 Frankreich of old time, simply upon the consent of 
 the barons, and the will of the thing or parliament. 
 
 There is a sentimental admiration of ' Imperialism ' 
 growing up now-a-days, under the pretentious titles 
 of ' hero-worship,' and ' strong government ; ' and the 
 British constitution is represented as a clumsy and 
 artificial arrangement of the year 1688. 1688 after 
 Christ? 1688 before Christ would be nearer the 
 mark. It is as old, in its essentials, as the time when 
 not only all the Teutons formed one tribe, but when 
 Teutons and Scandinavians were still united — and 
 when that was, who dare say ? We at least brought 
 the British constitution with us out of the bogs and 
 moors of Jutland, along with our smock-frocks and 
 leather gaiters, brown bills and stone axes ; and it has 
 done us good service, and will do, till we have carried 
 it right round the world. 
 
 As for these Lombard kings, they arose on this 
 wise. After Alboin's death the Lombards were for 
 ten years under dukes, and evil times came, every 
 man doing what was right in his own eyes ; enlarging 
 their frontier by killing the Roman landholders, and 
 making the survivors give them up a portion of their
 
 2SO THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 lands, as Odoacer first, and the Ostrogoths next, had 
 done. At last, tired of lawlessness, dissension and 
 weakness, and seemingly dreading an invasion from 
 Childebert, king of the Franks, they chose a king, 
 Autharis the son of Cleph, and .called him Flavins, by 
 which Roman title the Lombard kings were after- 
 wards known. Moreover, they agreed to give him (I 
 conclude only once for all) the half of all their sub- 
 stance, to support the kingdom. There were certain 
 tributes afterwards paid into the king's treasury every 
 three years ; and certain fines, and also certain por- 
 tions of the property of those who died without direct 
 heirs, seem to have made up the revenue. Whereon, 
 Paul says, perfect peace and justice followed. 
 
 Now for the laws, which were reduced into writing 
 about sixty years afterwards. The first thing that 
 you will remark about these laws, is that duel, wager 
 of battle under shield, ' diremptio causae per pugnam 
 sub uno scuto,' is the earliest form of settling a law- 
 suit. If you cannot agree, fight it out fairly, either 
 by yourself or per campionem, a champion or kemper 
 man, and God defend the right. Then follows ' faida,' 
 blood-feud, from generation to generation. To stop 
 which a man is allowed to purge himself by oath ; his 
 own and that of certain neighbours, twelve in general, 
 who will swear their beUef in his innocence. This 
 was common to the northern nations, and was the 
 origin of our trial by jury. If guilty, the offender has 
 to pay the weregeld, or legal price, set upon the 
 injury he has inflicted. When the composition is paid, 
 there is an end of the feud ; if after taking the com-
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 251 
 
 position the plaintiff avenges himself, he has to pay it 
 back. Hence our system of fines. 
 
 This method of composition by fines runs through 
 all the Teutonic laws ; and makes the punishment of 
 death, at least among freemen, very rare. 
 
 Punishments by stripes, by imprisonjnent, or by 
 cruel or degrading methods, there are none. The per- 
 son of a freeman is sacred, 'Vincire et verberare nefas,' 
 as Tacitus said of these Germans 600 years before. 
 
 The offences absolutely punishable by death seem 
 to be, treason against the king's life ; cowardice in 
 battle ; concealment of robbers ; mutinies and at- 
 tempts to escape out of the realm ; and therefore 
 (under the then military organization) to escape from 
 the duty of every freeman, to bear arms in defence of 
 the land. 
 
 More than a hundred of these laws define the 
 different fines, or ' weregelds,' by which each offence 
 is to be compounded for, from 900 solidi aurei, gold 
 pieces, for a murder, downwards to the smallest breach 
 of the peace. Each limb has its special price. For 
 the loss of an eye, half the price of the whole man is 
 to be paid. A front tooth is worth i6s., solidi aurei ; 
 their loss being a disfigurement ; but a back tooth is 
 worth only Si". A slave's tooth, on the other hand, is 
 worth but 4s. ; and in every case, the weregeld of a 
 slave is much less than that of a freeman. 
 
 The sacredness of the household, and the strong 
 sense of the individual rights of property, are to be 
 remarked. One found in a ' court,' courtledge (or 
 homestead), by night (as we say in old English), may
 
 '252 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 be killed. You know, I dare say, that in many 
 Teutonic and Scandinavian nations the principle that 
 a man's house is his castle was so strongly held that 
 men were not allowed to enter a condemned man's 
 house to carry him off to execution ; but if he would 
 not come out, could only burn the house over his 
 head. Shooting, or throwing a lance into any man's 
 homestead, costs 20^-. ' Oberos/ or ' curtis ruptura,' 
 that is, making violent entry into a man's home- 
 stead, costs 20^". also. Nay, merely to fetch your own 
 goods out of another man's house secretly, and with- 
 out asking leave, was likewise punished as oberos. 
 
 So of personal honour. ' Schelte ' or insult, for 
 instance, to call a man arga, i. e. a lazy loon, is a 
 serious offence. If the defendant will confess that he 
 said it in a passion, and will take oath that he never 
 knew the plaintiff to be arga, he must still pay I2s. ; 
 but if he will stand to his word, then he must fight it 
 out by duel, sub uno scuto. 
 
 The person, for the same reason, was sacred. If a 
 man had lain in wait for a freeman, ' cum virtute et 
 solatio,' with valour and comfort, i. e. with armed men 
 to back him, and had found him standing or walking 
 simply, and had shamefully held him, or ' battiderit,' 
 committed assault and battery on him, he must pay 
 half the man's weregeld ; the ' turpiter et ridiculum ' 
 being considered for a freeman as half as bad as death. 
 Here you find in private life, as well as in public, the 
 vincire et verberare nefas. 
 
 If, again, one had a mind to lose 8o shillings of 
 gold, he need but to commit the offence of ' meer-
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 253 
 
 worphJn,' a word which will puzzle you somewhat, till 
 you find it to signify ' mare warping,' to warp, or 
 throw one's neighbour off his mare or horse. 
 
 A blow with the closed fist, again, costs three 
 shillings : but one with the open hand, six. The 
 latter is an insult as well as an injury. A freeman is 
 struck with the fist, but a slave with the palm of the 
 hand. Breaking a man's head costs six solidi. But if 
 one had broken his skull, then (as in the Alemannic 
 laws) one must pay twelve shillings, and twelve more 
 for each fracture up to three — after which they are not 
 counted. But a piece of bone must come out which 
 will make a sound when thrown into a shield twelve 
 feet off; which feet are to be measured by that of a 
 man of middle stature. From which strange law may 
 be deduced, not only the toughness of the Lombard 
 brain-pan, but the extreme necessity of defining each 
 particular, in order to prevent subsequent disputes, 
 followed up by a blood-feud, which might be handed 
 down from father to son. For by accepting the legal 
 fine, the injured man expressly renounced his pri- 
 maeval right of feud. 
 
 Then follow some curious laws in favour of the 
 masters of Como, Magistri Comacenes, who seem to 
 have been a guild of architects, perhaps the original 
 germ of the great society of free-masons — belonging, 
 no doubt, to the Roman population — who were settled 
 about the lake of Como, and were hired, on contract, 
 (as the laws themselves express,) to build for the 
 Lombards, who of course had no skill to make any- 
 thing beyond a skin-tent or a log-hall.
 
 254 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 Then follow laws against incendiaries ; a fine for 
 damage by accidental house-fire, if the offender have 
 carried fire more than nine feet from the hearth ; a 
 law against leaving a fire alight on a journey, as in the 
 Australian colonies now. Then laws to protect mills ; 
 important matters in those days, being unknown to 
 the Lombards before their entrance into Italy. 
 
 Then laws of inheritance ; on which I shall remark, 
 that natural sons, if free, are to have a portion of their 
 father's inheritance ; but less than the legitimate sons : 
 but that a natural son born of a slave remains a slave, 
 'nisi pater liberum thingaverit.' This cruel law was 
 the law of Rome and of the Church ; our Anglo- 
 Saxon forefathers, to their honour, held the reverse 
 rule. ' Semper a patre, non a matre, generationis ordo 
 texitur.' Next, it is to be remarked, that no free 
 woman can live in Lombardy, or, I believe, in any 
 Teutonic state, save under the 'mundium' of some 
 one. You should understand this word ' mund.' 
 Among most of the Teutonic races, women, slaves, 
 and youths, at least not of age to carry arms, were 
 under the mund of some one. Of course, primarily 
 the father, head of the family, and if he died, an uncle, 
 elder brother, &c. The married woman was, of course, 
 under the mund of her husband. He was answerable 
 for the good conduct of all under his mund ; he had 
 to pay their fines if they offended ; and he was bound, 
 on the other hand, to protect them by all lawful 
 means. 
 
 This system still lingers in the legal status of women 
 in England, for good and evil ; the husband is more or
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 255 
 
 less answerable for the wife's debts ; the wife, till lately, 
 was unable to gain property apart from her husband's 
 control ; the wife is supposed, in certain cases of law, 
 to act under the husband's compulsion. All these, and 
 many others, are relics of the old system of mund for 
 women ; and that system has, I verily believe, suc- 
 ceeded. It has called out, as no other system could 
 have done, chivalry in the man. It has made him 
 feel it a duty and an honour to protect the physically 
 weaker sex. It has made the woman feel that her 
 influence, whether in the state or in the family, is to 
 be not physical and legal, but moral and spiritual ; 
 and that it therefore rests on a ground really nobler 
 and deeper than that of the man. The modern ex- 
 periments for emancipating women from all ^mund, 
 and placing them on a physical and legal equality 
 with the man, may be right, and may be ultimately 
 successful. We must not hastily prejudge them. But 
 of this we may be almost certain ; that if they succeed, 
 they will cause a wide-spread revolution in society, of 
 which the patent danger will be, the destruction of the 
 feeling of chivalry, and the consequent brutalization of 
 the male sex. 
 
 Then follow laws relating to marriage and women, 
 of which I may remark, that (as in Tacitus' time), the 
 woman brings her dowry, or 'fader fee,' to her hus- 
 band ; and that the morning after the wedding she 
 receives from him, if he be content with her, her 
 morgen gap, or morning gift ; which remains her own 
 private property, unless she misbehaves. 
 
 The honour of women, whether in fact or merely in
 
 2S6 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 fame, is protected by many severe laws, among which 
 I shall only notice, that the calling a free woman 
 'striga' (witch) is severely punishable. If any one 
 does so who has the mund of her, except her father 
 or brother, he loses his mund. 
 
 On the whole, woman's condition seems inferior to 
 man's on some points : but superior on others, e.g. 
 A woman's weregeld — the price of her life — is 1300 
 solidi ; while the man's is only 900. For he can 
 defend himself, but she cannot. On the other hand, 
 if a man kill his wife, he pays only the 1200 solidi, 
 and loses her dowry : but if she kill him, she dies. 
 
 Lgain. If a free man be caught thieving, up to the 
 amount of 20 siliquae, beans, i. e. one gold piece — 
 though Pope Gregory makes the solidus (aureus) 24 
 siliquae — he replaces the theft, and pays 80 solidi, or 
 dies ; and a slave one half, or dies. 
 
 But if a free woman is taken in theft, she only re- 
 places it ; for she has suffered for her wrong-doing, 
 and must lay it to her own shame, that she has tried 
 to do 'operam indecentem,' a foul deed. And if an 
 aldia or slave-woman steals, her master replaces the 
 theft, and pays 40 solidi, minus the value of the stolen 
 goods — and beats her afterwards, I presume, if he 
 chooses. 
 
 And now concerning slaves, who seem to have been 
 divided into three classes. 
 
 The Aldius and Aldia, masculine and feminine, who 
 were of a higher rank than other slaves. 
 
 The Aldius could marry a free woman, while the 
 slave marrying a free woman is punishable by death ;
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 257 
 
 and, as experimentum crucis, if an Aldius married 
 an Aldia or a free woman, the children followed the 
 father. If he married a slave, the children followed 
 the mother, and became slaves of his lord. 
 
 The Aldius, again, may not sell his lord's land or 
 slaves, which indicates that he held land and slaves 
 under his lord. 
 
 What the word means, Grimm does not seem to 
 know. He thinks it synonymous with ' litus,' of whom 
 we hear as early as Tacitus' time, as one of the four 
 classes, nobles, freemen, liti, slaves ; and therefore 
 libertus, a freedman. But the word does not merely 
 mean, it appears, a slave half freed by his master ; 
 but one rather hereditarily half free, and holding a 
 farm under his lord. 
 
 Dio, however, is said to be an old German word for 
 a slave ; and it is possible that aldius (a word only 
 known, seemingly, in Lombardy) may have signified 
 originally an old slave, an old Roman colonus, or 
 peasant of some sort, found by the conquerors in 
 possession of land, and allowed to retain, and till it, 
 from father to son. We, in England, had the same 
 distinction between 'Laet,' or 'villains' settled on the 
 land, glebse adscripti, and mere thralls or theows, 
 slaves pure and simple. No doubt such would have 
 better terms than the mere mancipia — slaves taken in 
 war, or bought — for the simple reason, that they would 
 be agriculturists, practised in the Roman tillage, under- 
 standing the mysteries of irrigation, artificial grasses, 
 and rotation of crops^ as well as the culture of vines, 
 fruit, and olives. 
 
 s
 
 2S8 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 Next to them you have different sorts of slaves :, 
 Servus massarius, who seems to be also rusticanus, 
 one who takes care of his lord's 'massa' or farm, and 
 is allowed a peculium, it seems, some animals of his 
 own, which he may not sell, though he may give them 
 away. And again, servus doctus, an educated house- 
 hold slave, whose weregeld is higher than that of 
 others. 
 
 The laws relating to fugitive slaves seem as merciful 
 as such things can be ; and the Lombards have always 
 had the credit of being kind and easy masters. 
 
 Connected with fugitive slaves are laws about por- 
 tunarii; ferrymen, who appear, as you know, in the old 
 ballads as very important, and generally formidable 
 men. The fight between Von Troneg Hagen and the 
 old ferryman in the Nibelungen Lied, is a famous in- 
 stance of the ancient ferrymen's prowess. One can 
 easily understand how necessary strict laws were, to 
 prevent these ferrymen carrying over fugitive slaves, 
 outlaws, and indeed any one without due caution ; for 
 each man was bound to remain in his own province, 
 that he might be ready when called on for military 
 service ; and a traveller to foreign parts was looked 
 on as a deserter from his liege-lord and country. 
 
 Then follow a great number of laws, to me both 
 amusing and instructive, as giving us some glimpse 
 of the country life of those Lombards in the 8th 
 century. 
 
 Scattered in the vast woodlands and marshes lie 
 small farms, enclosed by ditches and posts and rails, 
 from which if you steal a rail, you are fined i.r., if you
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 259 
 
 steal a post, ^s. There were stake fences, which you 
 must be careful in making, for if a horse stakes himself 
 by leaping in, you pay nothing ; but if he does so by 
 leaping out^ you pay the price of the horse. More- 
 over, you must leave no sharp stakes standing out 
 of the hedge ; for if a man or beast wounds himself 
 thereby in passing, you have to pay full weregeld. 
 
 Walking over sown land, or sending a woman of 
 your mundium to do so, in accordance with an ancient 
 superstition, is a severe offence ; so is injuring a 
 vineyard, or taking more than tres uvse (bunches of 
 grapes, I presume) from the vine. Injuring land- 
 marks cut on the trees (theclaturas and signaturas) or 
 any other boundary mark, is severely punishable 
 either in a slave, or in a freeman. 
 
 In the vast woods range herds of swine, and in the 
 pastures, horses, cared for by law ; for to take a herd 
 of swine or brood mares as pledge, without the king's 
 leave, is punishable by death, or a fine of 900^'. 
 Oxen or horses used to the yoke can be taken as 
 pledge ; but only by leave of the king, or of the 
 schuldhais (local magistrate), on proof that the debtor 
 has no other property ; for by them he gets his living. 
 If, however, you find pigs routing in your enclosure, 
 you may kill one, under certain restrictions, but not 
 the ' sornpair,' sounder boar, who ' battit et vincit ' all 
 the other boars in the sounder (old English for herd). 
 
 Rival swineherds, as is to be supposed, 'battidunt 
 inter se,' and 'scandalum faciunt,' often enough. 
 Whereon the law advises them to fight it out, "and 
 then settle the damage between them. 
 
 S 2
 
 26o THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 Horses are cared for. To ride another man's horse 
 costs 2s.', to dock or crop him, eight-fold the damage; 
 and so on of hurting another man's horse. Moreover, 
 if your neighbour's dog flies at you, you may hit him 
 with a stick or little sword, and kill him, but if you 
 throw a stone after him and kill him, you being 
 then out of danger, you must give the master a 
 new dog. 
 
 Then there are quaint laws about hunting; and 
 damage caused by wild beasts caught in snares 
 or brought to bay. A wounded stag belongs to the 
 man who has wounded it for twenty-four hours : but 
 after that to anyone. Tame deer, it is observable, are 
 kept; and to kill a doe or fawn costs 6s., to kill 
 a buck, 1 2s. Tame hawks, cranes, and swans, if taken 
 in snares, cost 6s. But any man may take flying 
 hawks out of his neighbour's wood, but not out of the 
 Gaias Regis, the king's gehage, haies, hedges, or 
 enclosed parks. 
 
 And now, I have but one more law to mention 
 — would God that it had been in force in later 
 centuries — 
 
 'Let no one presume to kill another man's aldia or 
 ancilla, as a striga, witch, which is called masca ; 
 because it is not to be believed by Christian minds, 
 that a woman can eat up a live man from within ; 
 and if any one does so he shall pay 60s. as her price, 
 and for his fault, half to her master, and half to the 
 king.' 
 
 This last strange law forces on us a serious question, 
 one which may have been suggesting itself to you
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 261 
 
 throughout my lecture. If these were the old 
 Teutonic laws, this the old Teutonic liberty, the 
 respect for man as man, for woman as woman, whence 
 came the opposite element? How is it that these 
 liberties have been lost throughout almost all Europe ? 
 How is it that a system of law prevailed over the 
 whole continent, up to the French revolution, and 
 prevails still in too many countries, the very opposite 
 of all this ? 
 
 I am afraid that I must answer, Mainly through 
 the influence of the Roman clergy during the middle 
 age. 
 
 The original difference of race between the clergy 
 and the Teutonic conquerors, which I have already 
 pointed out to you, had a curious effect, which lingers 
 to this day. It placed the Church in antagonism, 
 more or less open, to the civil administration of 
 justice. The criminal was looked on by the priest 
 rather as a sufferer to be delivered, than an offender 
 to be punished. All who are conversant with the 
 lives of saints must recollect cases in which the saint 
 performs even miracles on behalf of the condemned. 
 Mediaeval tales are full of instances of the same 
 feeling which prompted the Italian brigands, even in 
 our own times, to carry a leaden saint's image in his 
 hat as a safeguard. In an old French fabliau, for 
 instance, we read how a certain highway-robber was 
 always careful to address his prayers to the Blessed 
 Virgin, before going out to murder and steal ; and 
 found the practice pay him well. For when he was 
 taken and hanged, our Lady put her ' mains blanches'
 
 262 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 under his feet, and supported him invisibly for a 
 whole day, till the executioner, finding it impossible 
 to kill him, was forced to let him retire peaceably 
 into a monastery, where he lived and died devoutly. 
 We may laugh at such fancies ; or express, if we will, 
 our abhorrence of their immorality : but it will be 
 more useful to examine into the causes which pro- 
 duced them. They seem to have been twofold. In 
 the first place, the Church did not look on the 
 Teutonic laws, whether Frank, Burgund, Goth or 
 Lombard, as law at all. Her law, whether ecclesias- 
 tical or civil, was formed on the Roman model ; and 
 by it alone she wished herself, and those who were 
 under her protection, to be judged. Next — and this 
 count is altogether to her honour — law, such as it was, 
 was too often administered, especially by the Franks, 
 capriciously and brutally ; while the semle popula- 
 tion, always the great majority, can hardly be said to 
 have been under the protection of law at all. No one 
 can read the pages of Fredegarius, or Gregory of 
 Tours, without seeing that there must have been 
 cases weekly, even daily, which called on the clergy, 
 in the name of justice and humanity, to deliver if 
 possible, the poor from him that spoiled him ; which 
 excused fully the rise of the right of sanctuary, and 
 of benefit of. clergy, afterwards so much abused ; 
 which made it a pious duty in prelates to work them- 
 selves into power at court, and there, as the ' Chan- 
 cellors' of princes, try to get something like regular 
 justice done ; and naturally enough, to remodel the 
 laws of each nation on the time-honoured and scientific
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 263 
 
 Roman form. Nevertheless, the antagonism of the 
 Church to the national and secular law remained for 
 centuries. It died out first perhaps, in England, after 
 the signature of Magna Charta. For then the English 
 prelates began to take up that truly Protestant and 
 national attitude which issued in the great Reforma- 
 tion : but it lingers still in Ireland and in Italy. It 
 lingered in France up to the French revolution, as 
 may be seen notably in the account of the execution 
 of the Marquise de Brinvilliers, by the priest who 
 attended her. Horror at her atrocious crimes is quite 
 swallowed up, in the mind of the good father, by 
 sympathy with her suffering ; and the mob snatch 
 her bones from the funeral pile, and keep them as the 
 relics of a saint. 
 
 But more. While the Roman clergy did real good 
 to Europe, in preserving the scientific elements of 
 Roman law, they did harm by preserving therewith 
 other elements — Roman chicane, and Roman cruelty. 
 In that respect, as in others, ' Rome conquered her 
 conquerors;' and the descendants of those Roman 
 lawyers, whom the honest Teutons called adders, and 
 as adders killed them down, destroyed, in course of 
 time, Teutonic freedom. 
 
 But those descendants were, alas ! the clergy. 
 Weak, they began early to adopt those arms of 
 quibbling and craft, which religious men too often 
 fancy are the proper arms of ' the saints ' against ' the 
 world,' Holding human nature in suspicion and 
 contempt, they early gave way to the maxim of the 
 savage, that every one is likely to be guilty till proved
 
 264 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 innocent, and therefore licensed the stupid brutahties 
 of torture to extract confession. Holding self-degra- 
 dation to be a virtue, and independence as a carnal 
 vice ; glorying in being slaves themselves, till to 
 become, under the name of holy obedience, ' perinde 
 ac cadaver,' was the ideal of a good monk ; and 
 accustomed, themselves, to degrading corporal punish- 
 ment ; they did not shrink from inflicting, even on 
 boys and women, tortures as dastardly as indecent. 
 Looking on the world, and on the future of the 
 human race, through a medium compared with which 
 the darkest fancies of a modern fanatic are bright and 
 clear, they did not shrink from inflicting penalties, 
 the very mention of which makes the blood run cold. 
 Suspecting, if not alternately envying and despising, 
 all women who were not nuns ; writing openly of the 
 whole sex (until unsexed) as the snare and curse of 
 mankind ; and possessed by a Manichsean belief in the 
 power and presence of innumerable demons, whose 
 especial victims were women ; they erected witch- 
 hunting into a science ; they pandered to, and actually 
 formalized, and justified on scientific grounds, the 
 most cruel and cowardly superstitions of the mob ; 
 and again and again raised literal crusades against 
 women, torturing, exposing, burning, young and old, 
 not merely in the witch-mania of the 17th century, 
 but through the whole middle age. It is a detestable 
 page of history. I ask those who may think my 
 statement exaggerated, to consult the original autho- 
 rities. Let them contrast Rothar's law about the 
 impossibility of witchcraft, with the pages of the
 
 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 265 
 
 Malleus Maleficarum, Nider's Fornicarium, or Delrio 
 the Jesuit, and see for themselves who were the false 
 teachers. And if they be told, that the cruelties of 
 the Inquisition were only those in vogue according to 
 the secular law of the day, let them recollect that the 
 formulizers of that law were none other than the 
 celibate Roman clergy. 
 
 I do not deny that there was in all this a just, 
 though a terrible, Nemesis. What was the essential 
 fault of these Lombard laws — indeed of all the Teutonic 
 codes ? This — that there was one law for the free 
 man, another for the slave. Ecclesiastical dominion 
 was necessary, to make one law for all classes, even 
 though it were a law of common slavery. As the free 
 had done to the slave, even so, and far worse, would 
 the Roman clergy do to them. The Albigense 
 persecutors, burning sixty ladies in one day ; Conrad 
 of Marpurg scourging his own sovereign, St. Elizabeth; 
 shaving the Count of Saiym's head ; and burning 
 noble ladies almost without trial ; Sprenger and his 
 compeers, offering up female hecatombs of the highest 
 blood thoughout Germany ; English bishops burning 
 in Smithfield Anne Askew, the hapless court-beauty, 
 and her fellow-courtier Mr. Lascelles, just as if they 
 had been Essex or Berkshire peasants ; — all these 
 evildoers were welding the different classes of the 
 European nations, by a community of suffering, into 
 nations ; into the belief that free and slave had one 
 blood, one humanity, one conscience, one capacity of 
 suffering ; and at last, one capacity of rebelling, and 
 making common cause, high and low alike, against
 
 266 THE LOMBARD LAWS. 
 
 him who reigned in Italy under the ' Romani nominis 
 umbram.' 
 
 And if our English law, our English ideas of 
 justice and mercy, have retained, more than most 
 European codes, the freedom, the truthfulness, the 
 kindliness, of the old Teutonic laws, we owe it to the 
 fact, that England escaped, more than any other land, 
 the taint of effete Roman civilization ; that she there- 
 fore first of the lands, in the 12th century, rebelled 
 against, and first of them, in the i6th century, threw 
 off, the Ultramontane yoke. 
 
 And surely it will be so, in due time, with the 
 descendants of these very Lombards. We have seen 
 them in these very years arise out of the dust and 
 shame of centuries, and determine to be Lombards 
 once again. We have seen a hero arise among them 
 of the true old Teuton stamp, bearing worthily the 
 name which his forefathers brought over the Alps 
 with Alboin — Garibald, the ' bold in war.' May they 
 succeed in the same noble struggle as that in which 
 we succeeded, and returning, not in letter, but in 
 spirit, to the old laws of Rothar and their free fore- 
 fathers, become the leading race of a free and united 
 Italy !
 
 LECTURE XI. 
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 * Our Lady the Mother of God, even Virgin Maria, 
 together with us, protests to you, adjuring you 
 with great obligations, and admonishes and com- 
 mands you, and with her the thrones, dominations, 
 all the heavenly angels^ the martyrs and confessors 
 of Christ, on behalf of the Roman city, committed 
 to us by the Lord God, and the sheep of the Lord 
 dwelling in it. Defend and free it speedily from the 
 hands of the persecuting Lombards, lest my body 
 which suffered torments for Christ, and my home 
 in which it rests by the command of God, be con- 
 taminated by the people of the Lombards, who arc 
 guilty of such iniquitous perjury, and are proud 
 transgressors of the divine scripture. So will I at 
 the day of judgment reward you with my patron- 
 age, and prepare for you in the kingdom of God 
 most shining and glorious tabernacles, promising 
 you the reward of eternal retribution, and the in- 
 finite joys of paradise. 
 
 ' Run, by the true and living God I exhort you, 
 run, and help ; before the living fountain, whence 
 you were consecrated and born again, shall dry up ;
 
 268 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 before the little spark remaining of that brilliant 
 flame, from which you knew the light, be extin- 
 guished ; before your spiritual mother, the holy 
 Church of God, in which you hope to receive eter- 
 nal life, shall be humiliated, invaded, violated, and 
 defiled by the impious. 
 
 ' But if not, may your provinces in return, and 
 your possessions, be invaded by people whom you 
 know not. Separate not yourselves from my Ro- 
 man people ; so you will not be aliens, and separate 
 from the kingdom of God, and eternal life. For 
 whatever you shall ask of me, I will surely give 
 you, and be your patron. Assist my Roman people, 
 your brothers ; and strive more perfectly ; for it is 
 written. No man receiveth the crown, unless he 
 strive lawfully. 
 
 'I conjure you, most beloved, by the living God, 
 leave not this my city of Rome to be any longer 
 torn by the Lombards, lest your bodies and souls 
 be torn and tormented for ever, in inextinguishable 
 and Tartarian fire with the devil and his pestiferous 
 angels ; and let not the sheep of the Lord's flock, 
 which are the Roman people, be dispersed any 
 more, lest the Lord disperse you, and cast you 
 forth as the people of Israel was dispersed.' 
 
 You will conclude, doubtless, that this curious 
 document can be nothing but a papal allocution. 
 Its peculiar scriptural style (wrongly supposed to 
 have been invented by the Puritans, who merely 
 learnt it from the old Roman clergy), as well as 
 the self-conceit, which fancies the fate of the whole
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 269 
 
 world to depend on the prosperity of a small half- 
 ruined city in Italy, will be to you sufficient marks 
 of the Roman hand. But you will be somewhat 
 mistaken. It is hardly an epistle from the successor 
 of St. Peter. It professes to be an epistle from 
 St. Peter himself, and sent by him through the hands 
 of Pope Stephen III. to Pepin the king of the Franks, 
 in the year J^^. You will have concluded also from 
 it, that Catholic Christianity is in its extreme agony ; 
 that the worship and name of our Lord, and the 
 fountains of sacramental grace are about to be ex- 
 tinguished for ever, and that nothing but heresy or 
 heathendom can follow. Then you will be quite 
 mistaken. These Lombards are pious Catholics. 
 Builders of churches and monasteries, they are taking 
 up the relics of the Roman martyrs, to transfer them 
 to the churches of Milan and Pavia. They have 
 just given Pope Stephen the most striking proof of 
 their awe of his person and office. But they are 
 quarrelling with him about the boundaries of his 
 estates for the patrimony of St. Peter. They con- 
 sider that he and his predecessors have grossly 
 wronged them at different times ; and now last of 
 all, by calling in foreign invaders ; and they are at 
 the gates of Rome laying waste the country, and 
 demanding a poll-tax as ransom. That is all. 
 
 The causes which led to this quarrel must be 
 sought far back in history. The original documents 
 in which you will find the facts will be Paulus 
 Diaconus, as far as King Luitprand's death ; then 
 the Life and Writings of Gregory the Great ; and
 
 270 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 then Baronius' Annals, especially his quotations from 
 Anastasius' Life of Stephen III., bearing in mind 
 that, as with the Ostrogoths, we have only the Ro- 
 man Papal story ; that the Lombards have never 
 stated their case^ not even through Paulus Diaconus, 
 who, being a clergyman, prudently holds his tongue 
 about the whole matter. But by far the best ac- 
 count is to be found in Dean Milman's ' Latin Chris- 
 tianity,' Vols. L and IL Rome, you must understand, 
 has become gradually the patrimony of St. Peter; 
 the Popes are the practical kings of Rome, possess- 
 ing, in the name of the Church, much land round 
 Rome, and many estates scattered throughout Italy, 
 and even in Sicily, Gaul, Africa, and the East — es- 
 tates probably bequeathed by pious people. They 
 have succeeded to this jurisdiction simply by default. 
 They rule Rome, because there is no one else to 
 rule it. We find St. Gregory the Great feeding the 
 pauper-masses of Rome, on the first day of every 
 month, from the fruitful corn-bearing estates in 
 Sicily ; keeping up the ' Panem ; ' but substituting, 
 thank Heaven, for the 'Circenses' at least the ser- 
 vices of the Church. Of course, the man who could 
 keep the Roman people alive must needs become, 
 ipso facto, their monarch. 
 
 The Pope acknowledges, of course, a certain al- 
 legiance to the Emperor at Constantinople, and 
 therefore to his representative, the Exarch of Ra- 
 venna : that is to say, he meets them with flattery 
 when they are working on his side ; with wrath 
 when they oppose him. He intrigues with them,
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 271 
 
 too, whenever he can safely do so, agahist the Lom- 
 bards. 
 
 Thus the Pope has become, during the four cen- 
 turies which followed the destruction of the Western 
 Empire, the sole surviving representative of that 
 Empire. He is the head of the 'gens togata;' of 
 the ' Senatus Populusque Romanus.' In him Rome 
 has risen again out of her grave, to awe the peoples 
 once more by the Romani nominis umbra ; and to 
 found a new Empire ; not as before, on physical force, 
 and the awe of visible power ; but on the deeper and 
 more enduring ground of spiritual force, and the awe 
 of the invisible world. 
 
 An Empire^ I say. The Popes were becoming, 
 from the 5th to the 8th centuries, not merely the 
 lords of Rome, but the lords of the Western Church. 
 Their spiritual Empire, to do them justice, was not 
 so much deliberately sought by them, as thrust upon 
 them. As the clergy were, all over the Empire, the 
 representatives of the down-trodden Romans, so they 
 naturally gravitated toward the Eternal City, their 
 ancient mistress. Like all disciplined and organized 
 bodies they felt the need of unity, of monarchy. 
 Where could they find it, save at Rome? Rome was 
 still, practically and in fact, the fountain of their 
 doctrine, of their superior civilization ; and to submit 
 themselves to the Pope of Rome was their only 
 means of keeping up one faith, one practice^ and the 
 strength which comes from union. 
 
 To seat the Pope upon the throne of the Cassars ; 
 to attribute to him powers weightier than all which
 
 272 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 the Caesars had possest. ... It was a magnificent 
 idea. A politic idea, too ; for it would cover the 
 priesthood with all the prestige of ancient Rome, 
 and enable them to face the barbarian in the name 
 of that great people whose very memory still awed 
 him ; whose baths, aqueducts, palaces, he looked on 
 as the work of demons ; whose sages and poets were 
 to him enchanters ; whose very gems, dug out of the 
 ruins by night, in fear and trembling, possest magic 
 influence for healing, for preservation, for good fortune 
 in peace or war. 
 
 Politic ; and in their eyes, true. Easy enough to 
 be believed honestly, by men who already believed 
 honestly in their own divine mission. They were 
 the representatives of Christ on earth. Of that fact 
 there could be then, or can be now, no doubt what- 
 soever. Whatsoever truth, light, righteousness, there 
 was in the West, came to it through them. And 
 Christ was the King of kings. But He delayed his 
 coming : at moments. He seemed to have deserted 
 the earth, and left mankind to tear itself in pieces, 
 with wild war and misrule. But it could not be so. 
 If Christ were absent, He must at least have left an 
 authority behind Him to occupy till He came; a head 
 and ruler for his opprest and distracted Church. 
 And who could that be, if not the Pope of Rome ? 
 
 It ought to be so. — It must be so — thought they. 
 And to men in that mood, proofs that it was so soon 
 came to hand, and accumulated from generation to 
 generation ; till the Pope at last found himself pro- 
 claiming, and what was more, believing, that God had
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 273 
 
 given the whole world to St. Peter, and through 
 St. Peter to him ; and that he was the only source of 
 power, law, kingship, who could set up and pull down 
 whom he would, as the vicegerent of God on earth. 
 
 Such pretensions, of course, grew but slowly. It 
 was not, I believe, till the year 875, 180 years after 
 the time of which I am speaking, that Pope John VIII. 
 distinctly asserted his right, as representative of the 
 ancient Roman Empire, to create the Caesar ; and 
 informed the Synod of Pavia that he had ' elected and 
 approved Charles the Bald, with the consent of his 
 brothers the bishops, of the other ministers of the 
 Holy Roman Church, and' (significant, though empty 
 words) ' of the Roman senate and people.' 
 
 At the time of which I speak, the power was still 
 in embryo, growing, through many struggles : but 
 growing surely and strongly, and destined speedily 
 to avenge the fall of Rome on the simple barbarians 
 who were tearing each other to pieces over her 
 spoils. 
 
 It is not easy to explain the lasting and hereditary 
 hatred of the Popes to the Lombards. Its origin is 
 simple enough : but not so its continuance. Why 
 they should be nefandissimi in the eyes of Pope 
 Gregory the Great one sees: but why loo years 
 afterwards, they should be still nefandissimi, and ' non 
 dicenda gens Langobardorum,' not to be called a 
 nation, is puzzling. 
 
 At first, of course, the Pope could only look on 
 them as a fresh horde of barbarous conquerors ; half 
 heathen, half Arian, Their virtuous and loyal life 
 
 T
 
 274 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 within the boundaries of Alboin's conquests — of 
 which Paulus Diaconus says, that violence and 
 treacliery were unknown — that no one oppressed, 
 no one plundered — that the traveller went where he 
 would in perfect safety — all this would be hid from 
 the Pope by the plain fact, that they were contin- 
 ually enlarging their frontier toward Rome ; that 
 they had founded two half-independent Dukedoms 
 of Beneventum and Spoleto, that Autharis had swept 
 over South Italy, and ridden his horse into the sea 
 at Reggio, to strike with his lance a column in 
 the waves, and cry, ' Here ends the Lombard 
 kingdom.' 
 
 The Pope (Gregory the Great I am speaking of) 
 could only recollect, again, that during the lawless 
 interregnum before Autharis' coronation, the inde- 
 pendent Lombard dukes had plundered churches 
 and monasteries, slain the clergy, and destroyed the 
 people, who had ' grown up again like corn.' 
 
 But as years rolled on, these Arian Lombards had 
 become good Catholics ; and that in the lifetime of 
 Gregory the Great. 
 
 Theodelinda, the Bavarian princess, she to whom 
 Autharis had gone in disguise to her father's court, 
 and only confessed himself at his departure, by rising 
 in his stirrups, and burying his battle-axe in a tree 
 stem with the cry, ' Thus smites Autharis the Lom- 
 bard,' — this Theodelinda, I say, had married after 
 his death Agilwulf his cousin, and made him king 
 of the Lombards. 
 
 She was a Catholic ; and through her Gregory the
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 275 
 
 Great converted Autharis, and the Lombard nation. 
 To her he addressed those famous dialogues of his, 
 full alike of true piety and earnestness, and of childish 
 superstition. But in judging them and him we must 
 bear in mind, that these Lombards became at least 
 by his means Catholics, and that Arians would have 
 believed in the superstitions just as much as Catho- 
 lics. And it is surely better to believe a great truth, 
 plus certain mistakes which do not affect it in the 
 least, than a great lie, plus the very same mistakes 
 likewise. Which is best, to believe that the road to 
 London lies through Bishopstortford, and that there 
 are dog-headed men on the road : or that it lies 
 through Edinburgh, but that there are dog-headed 
 men on that road too ? 
 
 Theodelinda had built at Modicaea, twelve miles 
 above Milan, a fair basilica to John the Baptist, en- 
 riched by her and the Lombard kings and dukes, 
 ' crowns, crosses, golden tables adorned with emeralds, 
 hyacinths, amber, carbuncles and pearls, gold and 
 silver altar-cloths, and that admirable cup of sap- 
 phire,' all which remained till the eighteenth century. 
 There, too, was the famous iron crown of Lombardy, 
 which Austria still claims as her own ; so called from 
 a thin ring of iron inserted in it, made from a nail 
 of the true cross which Gregory had sent Agilwulf ; 
 just as he sent Childebert, the Prankish king, some 
 filings of St. Peter's chains ; which however, he 
 says, did not always allow their sacred selves to be 
 filed. 
 
 In return, Agilwulf had restored the church-pro- 
 T 2
 
 276 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 perty which he had pkmdered, had reinstated the 
 bishops ; and why did not all go well ? Why are 
 these Lombards still the most wicked of men ? 
 
 Again, in the beginning of the eighth century came 
 the days of the good Luitprand, 'wise and pious, a 
 lover of peace, and mighty in war ; merciful to 
 offenders, chaste and modest, instant in prayer, boun- 
 tiful in alms, equal to the philosophers, though he 
 knew no letters, a nourisher of his people, an aug- 
 menter of the laws.' He it was, who, when he had 
 quarrelled with Pope Gregory II., and marched on 
 Rome, was stopped at the Gates of the Vatican by 
 the Pontiff's prayers and threats. And a sacred awe 
 fell on him ; and humbly entering St. Peters, he wor- 
 shipped there^ and laid on the Apostle's tomb his 
 royal arms, his silver cross and crown of gold, and 
 withdrawing his army, went home again in peace. But 
 why were this great king's good deeds towards the 
 Pope and the Catholic faith rewarded, by what we can 
 only call detestable intrigue and treachery ? 
 
 Again ; Leo the Iconoclast Emperor destroyed the 
 holy images in the East, and sent commands to the 
 Exarch of Ravenna to destroy them in western Italy. 
 Pope Gregory II. replied by renouncing allegiance 
 to the Emperor of Constantinople ; and by two 
 famous letters which are still preserved ; in which 
 he tells the Iconoclast Emperor, that, 'if he went 
 round the grammar-schools at Rome, the children 
 would throw their horn-books at his head . . . that 
 he implored Christ to send the Emperor a devil, for 
 the destruction of his body and the salvation of his
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 277 
 
 soul . . . that if he attempted to destroy the images 
 in Rome, the pontiff would take refuge with the 
 Lombards, and then he might as well chase the wind 
 . . . that the Popes were the mediators of peace be- 
 tween East and West, and that the eyes of the 
 nations were fixed on the Pope's humility, and adored 
 as a God on earth the apostle St. Peter. And that 
 the pious Barbarians, kindled into rage, thirsted to 
 avenge the persecution of the East.' Then Luitprand 
 took up the cause of the Pope and his images, and 
 of the mob, who were furious at the loss of their idols ; 
 and marched on Ravenna, which opened her gates 
 to him, so that he became master of the whole Penta- 
 polis ; and image-worship, to which some plainspoken 
 people give a harsher name, was saved for ever and 
 a day in Italy. Why did Gregory II. in return, call 
 in Orso, the first Venetian Doge, to expel from 
 Ravenna the very Luitprand who had fought his 
 battles for him, and to restore that Exarchate of 
 Ravenna, of which it was confessed, that its civil 
 quarrels, misrule, and extortions, made it the most 
 miserable government in Italy? And why did he 
 enter into secret negotiations with the Franks to come 
 and invade Italy? 
 
 Again, when Luitprand wanted to reduce the 
 duchies of Beneventum and Spoleto, which he con- 
 sidered as rebels against him, their feudal suzerain ; 
 why did the next Pope, Gregory III., again send over 
 the Alps to Charles Martel to come and invade Italy, 
 and deliver the Church and Christ's people from 
 ruin ?
 
 278 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 And who were these Franks, the ancestors of that 
 magnificent, but profligate aristocracy whose de- 
 struction our grandfathers beheld in 1793? I have 
 purposely abstained from describing them, till they 
 appear upon the stage of Italy, and take part in 
 her fortunes — which were then the fortunes of the 
 world. 
 
 They appear first on the Roman frontier in A.D. 
 241, and from that time are never at rest till they have 
 conquered the north of Gaul. They are supposed 
 (with reason) not to have been a race or tribe at 
 all ; but a confederation of warriors, who were simply 
 ' Franken,' ' free ;' ' free companions,' or ' free lances,' 
 as they would have been called a few centuries later ; 
 who recruited themselves from any and every tribe 
 who would join them in war and plunder. If this was 
 the case ; if they had thrown away, as adventurers, 
 much of the old Teutonic respect for law, for the 
 royal races, for family life, for the sacred bonds of 
 kindred, many of their peculiarities are explained. 
 Falsehood, brutality, lawlessness, ignorance, and 
 cruelty to the conquered Romans, were their special 
 sins ; while their special, and indeed only virtue, 
 was that indomitable daring which they transmitted 
 to their descendants for so many hundred years. 
 The buccaneers of the young world, they were in- 
 sensible to all influences save that of superstition. 
 They had become, under Clovis, orthodox Christians : 
 but their conversion, to judge from the notorious facts 
 of history, worked little improvement on their morals. 
 The pages of Gregory of Tours are comparable, for
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 279 
 
 dreary monotony of horrors^ only to those of Johnson's 
 History of the Pyrates. 
 
 But, as M. Sismondi well remarks, their very igno- 
 rance and brutality made them the more easily the 
 tools of the Roman clergy : * Cette haute veneration 
 pour I'Eglise, et leur severe orthodoxie, d'autant plus 
 facile a conserver que, ne faisant aucune etude, et ne 
 disputant jamais sur la foi, ils ne connaissaient pas 
 meme les questions controversees, leur donnerent dans 
 le clerge de puissants auxiliaires. Les Francs se 
 montrerent disposes a hair les Ariens, a les combat- 
 tres, et les depouiller sans les entendre ; les eveques, 
 en retour, ne se montrerent pas scrupuleux sur le reste 
 des enseignements moraux de la religion : ils ferme- 
 rent les yeux sur les violences, le meurtre, le deregle- 
 ment des moeurs ; ils autoriserent en quelque sorte 
 publiquement la poligamie, et ils precherent le droit 
 divin des rois et le devoir le I'obeissance pour les 
 peuples \' 
 
 A painful picture of the alliance : but, I fear, too 
 true. 
 
 The history of these Franks you must read for 
 yourselves. You will find it well told in the pages of 
 Sismondi, and in Mr. Perry's excellent book, ' The 
 Franks.' It suffices now to say, that in the days of 
 Luitprand these Franks, after centuries of confusion 
 and bloodshed, have been united into one great 
 nation, stretching from the Rhine to the Loire and 
 the sea, and encroaching continually to the southward 
 
 * Sismondi, Hist, de la Chute de rEmfire Romain, p. 1S7.
 
 28o THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 and eastward. The government has long passed out 
 of the hands of their faineant Meerwing kings into 
 that of the semi-hereditary Majores Domus, or 
 Mayors of the Palace ; and Charles Martel, perhaps 
 the greatest of that race of great men, has just made 
 himself mayor of Austrasia (the real Teutonic centre 
 of Frank life and power), Neustria and Burgundy. 
 He has crushed Eudo, the duke of Romanized Aqui- 
 taine, and has finally delivered France and Christen- 
 dom from the invading Saracens. On his Franks, 
 and on the Lombards of Italy, rest, for the moment, 
 the destinies of Europe, 
 
 For meanwhile another portent has appeared, this 
 time out of the far East. Another swarm of destroyers 
 has swept over the earth. The wild Arabs of the 
 desert, awakening into sudden life and civilization 
 under the influence of a new creed, have overwhelmed 
 the whole East, the whole north of Africa, destroying 
 the last relics of Roman and Greek civilization, and 
 with them the effete and semi-idolatrous Christianity 
 of the Empire. All the work of Narses and Belisarius 
 is undone. Arab Emirs rule in the old kingdom of 
 the Vandals. The new human deluge has crossed the 
 Straits into Europe. The Visigoths, enervated by the 
 luxurious climate of Spain, have recoiled before the 
 Mussulman invaders. Roderick, the last king of the 
 Goths, is wandering as an unknown penitent in expia- 
 tion of his sin against the fair Cava, which brought 
 down (so legends and ballads tell) the scourge of God 
 upon the hapless land ; and the remnants of the old 
 Visigoths and Sueves are crushed together into the
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 2S1 
 
 mountain fastnesses of Asturias and Gallicia, thence 
 to reissue, after long centuries, as the noble Spanish 
 nation, wrought in the forges of adversity into the 
 likeness of tempered steel ; and destined to reconquer, 
 foot by foot, their native land from the Moslem in- 
 vader. 
 
 But at present the Crescent was master of the 
 Cross ; and beyond the Pyrenees all was slavery and 
 ' miscreance.' The Arabs, invading France in 732, in 
 countless thousands, had been driven back at the 
 great fight of Tours, with a slaughter so great, that 
 the excited imagination of Paulus Diaconus sees 
 375,000 miscreants dead upon the field, while only 
 1500 Franks had perished. But home troubles had 
 prevented ' the Hammer of the Moors ' from following 
 up his victory. The Saracens had returned in force 
 in 'JiJ, and again in 739. They still held Narbonne. 
 The danger w^as imminent. There was no reason 
 why they should not attempt a third invasion. Why 
 should they not spread along the shores of the Medi- 
 terranean, establishing themselves there, as they were 
 already doing in Sicily, and menacing Rome from 
 north as well as south .'' To unite, therefore, the two 
 great Catholic Teutonic powers, the Frank and the 
 Lombard, for the defence of Christendom, should 
 have been the policy of him who called himself the 
 Chief Pontiff in Christendom. Yet the Pope pre- 
 ferred, in the face of that great danger, to set the 
 Teutonic nations on destroying each other, rather 
 than to unite them against the Moslem. 
 
 The bribe offered to the Frank was sip:nificant — the
 
 282 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 title of Roman Consul ; beside which he was to have' 
 filings of St. Peter's chains, and the key of his tomb, 
 to preserve him body and soul from all evil. 
 
 Charles would not come. Frank though he was, 
 he was too honourable to march at a priest's bidding 
 against Luitprand, his old brother in arms, to whom 
 he had sent the boy Pepin, his son, that Luitprand 
 might take him on his knee, and cut his long royal 
 hair, and become his father-in-arms, after the good old 
 Teuton fashion ; Luitprand, who with his Lombards 
 had helped him to save Christendom a second time 
 from the Mussulman in 737. The Pope, one would 
 think, should have remembered that good deed of the 
 good Lombard's whereof his epitaph sings, 
 
 ' Deinceps tremuere feroces 
 Usque Saraceni, quos dispulit impiger, ipsos 
 Cum premerent Gallos, Karolo poscente juvari.' 
 
 So Charles Martel took the title of Patrician from 
 the Pope, but sent him no armies ; and the quarrel 
 went on ; while Charles filled up the measure of his 
 iniquity by meddling with that church-property in 
 Gaul which his sword had saved from the hordes of 
 the Saracens ; and is now, as St. Eucherius (or Bishop 
 Hincmar) saw in a vision, writhing therefore in the 
 lowest abyss of hell. 
 
 So one generation more passes by ; and then Pepin 
 le Bref, grown to manhood, is less scrupulous than his 
 father. He is bound to the Pope by gratitude. The 
 Pope has confirmed him as king, allowing him to 
 depose the royal house of the Merovingians, and so
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 283 
 
 assumed the right of making kings. — A right which 
 future popes will not forget. 
 
 Meanwhile the Pope has persuaded the Lombard 
 king Rachis to go into a monastery. Astulf seizes 
 the crown, and attacks Ravenna. The Pope suc- 
 ceeding, Stephen III,, opposes him ; and he marches 
 on Rome, threatening to assault it, unless the citizens 
 redeem their lives by a poll-tax. 
 
 Stephen determines to go himself to Pepin to ask 
 for help : and so awful has the name and person of a 
 Pope become, that he is allowed to do it ; allowed to 
 pass safely and unarmed through the very land upon 
 which he is going to let loose all the horrors of in- 
 vading warfare. 
 
 It is a strange, and instructive figure, that. The 
 dread of the unseen, the fear of spiritual power, has 
 fallen on the wild Teutons ; on Frank and on Lom- 
 bard alike. The Pope and his clergy are to them 
 magicians, against whom neither sword nor lance 
 avails ; who can heal the sick and blast the sound ; 
 who can call to their aid out of the clouds that 
 pantheon of demi-gods, with which, under the name 
 of saints, they have peopled heaven ; who can let 
 loose on them the legions of fiends who dwell in every 
 cave, every forest, every ruin, every cloud ; who can, 
 by the sentence of excommunication, destroy both 
 body and soul in hell. They were very loth to fear 
 God, these wild Teutons ; therefore they had instead, 
 as all men have who will not fear God, to fear the 
 devil. 
 
 So Pope Stephen goes to Pepin, the eldest son of
 
 284 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 the Church. He promises to come with all his 
 Franks. Stephen's conscience seems to have been 
 touched : he tries to have no fighting, only negotia- 
 tion : but it is too late now. Astolf will hear of no 
 terms ; Pepin sweeps over the Alps, and at the gates 
 of Pavia dictates his own terms to the Lombards. 
 The old Lombard spirit seems to have past away. 
 
 Pepin goes back again, and Astolf refuses to fulfil 
 his promises. The Pope sends Pepin that letter 
 from St. Peter himself with which this lecture com- 
 menced. 
 
 Astolf has marched down, as we heard, to the 
 walls of Rome, laying the land waste ; cutting down 
 the vines, carrying off consecrated vessels, insulting 
 the sacrament of the altar. The Lombards have 
 violated nuns ; and tried to kill them, the Pope 
 says ; though, if they had really tried, one cannot 
 see why they should not have succeeded. In fact, 
 Pope Stephen's hysterical orations to Pepin must be 
 received with extreme caution. No Catholic his- 
 torian of that age cares to examine the truth of a 
 fact which makes for him ; nothing is too bad to say 
 of an enemy : and really the man who would forge a 
 letter from St. Peter might dare to tell a few lesser 
 falsehoods into the bargain. Pepin cannot but obey 
 so august a summons ; and again he is in Italy, and 
 the Lombards dare not resist him. He seizes not 
 only all that Astolf had taken from the Pope, but 
 the Pentapolis and Exarchate, the property, if of any 
 one, of the Greek Emperors, and bestows them on 
 Stephen, the Pope, and ' the holy Roman Republic'
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 285 
 
 The pope's commissioners received the keys of 
 the towns, which were placed upon the ahar of 
 St. Peter ; and this, the Dotation of Pepin, the Do- 
 tation of the Exarchate, was the first legal temporal 
 sovereignty of the Popes : — born in sin, and conceived 
 in iniquity, as you may see. 
 
 The Lombard rule now broke up rapidly. The 
 Lombards of Spoleto yielded to the double pressure 
 of Franks and Romans, asked to be ' taken into the 
 service of St. Peter/ and dipt their long German 
 locks after the Roman fashion. 
 
 Charlemagne, in his final invasion, had little left to 
 do. He confirmed Pepin's gift, and even, though he 
 hardly kept his promise, enlarged it to include the 
 whole of Italy, from Lombardy to the frontier of 
 Naples, while he himself became king of Lombardy, 
 and won the iron crown. 
 
 And so by French armies— not for the last time — 
 was the Pope propt up on his ill-gotten throne. 
 
 But the mere support of P'rench armies was not 
 enough to seat the Pope securely upon the throne 
 of the western Caesars. Documentary evidence was 
 required to prove that they possessed Rome, not as 
 the vassals of the Prankish Kaisers, or of any bar- 
 barian Teutons whatsoever ; but in their own right, 
 as hereditary sovereigns of Rome. And the docu- 
 ments, when needed, were forthcoming. Under the 
 name of St. Isidore, some ready scribe produced the 
 too-famous ' Decretals/ and the ' Donation of Con- 
 stantine,' and Pope Adrian I. saw no reason against 
 publishing them to Charlemagne and to the world.
 
 286 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 It was discovered suddenly, by means of these re- 
 markable documents, that Constantine the Great had 
 been healed of leprosy, and afterwards baptized, by 
 Pope Sylvester ; that he had, in gratitude for his 
 cure, resigned to the Popes his western throne, and 
 the patrimony of St. Peter, and the sovereignty of 
 Italy and the West ; and that this was the true 
 reason of his having founded Constantinople, as a 
 new seat of government for the remnant of his 
 empire. 
 
 This astounding falsehood was, of course, accepted 
 humbly by the unlettered Teutons ; and did its work 
 well, for centuries to come. It is said — I trust not 
 truly — to be still enrolled among the decrees of the 
 Canon law, though reprobated by all enlightened 
 Roman Catholics. Be that as it may, on the strength 
 of this document the Popes began to assume an all 
 but despotic sovereignty over the western world, and 
 the Teutonic peoples, and Rome's conquest of her 
 conquerors was at last complete. 
 
 What then were the causes of the Papal hatred 
 of a race who were good and devout Catholics for 
 the last 200 years of their rule ? 
 
 There were deep political reasons (in the strictest, 
 and I am afraid lowest sense of the word) ; but over 
 and above them there were evidently moral reasons, 
 which lay even deeper still. 
 
 A free, plain-spoken, practical race like these Lom- 
 bards ; living by their own laws ; disbelieving in 
 witchcraft ; and seemingly doing little for monasti- 
 cism, were not likely to find favour in the eyes of
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 2S7 
 
 popes. They were not the material which the Papacy- 
 could mould into the Neapolitan ideal of 'Little 
 saints, — and little asses.' These Lombards were not 
 a superstitious race ; they did not, like the Franks 
 and Anglo-Saxons, crowd into monasteries. I can 
 only find four instances of Lombard sovereigns found- 
 ing monasteries in all Paulus' history. One of them, 
 strangely enough, is that of the very Astulf against 
 whom the Pope fulminated so loudly the letter from 
 St. Peter which I read you. 
 
 Moreover, it must be said in all fairness — the Lom- 
 bards despised the Romans exceedingly. So did all 
 the Teutons. ' We Lombards,' says Bishop Luitprand, 
 ' Saxons, Franks, Lorrainers, Bavarians^ Sueves, Bur- 
 gunds, consider it a sufficient insult to call our enemy 
 a Roman ; comprehending in that one name of 
 Roman, whatever is ignoble, cowardly, avaricious, 
 luxurious, false, in a word, every vice.' If this was — 
 as it very probably was — the feeling of the whole 
 Teutonic race ; and if it was repaid — as it certainly 
 was — on the part of the Roman, by contempt for the 
 ' barbarism ' and ' ignorance ' of the Teuton ; what must 
 have been the feeling between Roman and Lombard ? 
 Contact must have embittered mutual contempt into 
 an utter and internecine hatred, in which the Pope, 
 as representative of the Roman people, could not but 
 share. 
 
 As for the political reasons, they are clear enough. 
 It is absurd to say that they wished to free Italy 
 from Lombard tyrants. What did they do but hand 
 her over to Frankish tyrants instead ? No. The true
 
 288 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 reason was this. Gradually there had arisen in the 
 mind of all Popes, from Gregory the Great onward, 
 the idea of a spiritual supremacy, independent of all 
 kings of the earth. It was a great idea, as the event 
 proved : it was a beneficent one for Europe ; but a 
 ruinous one for Italy. For the Popes were not 
 content with spiritual power. They could not con- 
 ceive of it as separated from temporal power, and 
 temporal power meant land. How early they set 
 their hearts on the Exarchate of Ravenna, we shall 
 never know : the fact is patent, that it was a Naboth's 
 vineyard to them ; and that to obtain it they called 
 in the Franks. 
 
 Their dread was, evidently, lest the Lombards 
 should become masters of the whole of Italy, A 
 united Italy suited their views then, no more than 
 it does now. Not only did they conceive of Rome 
 as still the centre of the western world, but more, 
 their stock in trade was at Rome. The chains of 
 St. Peter, the sepulchres of St. Peter and St. Paul, 
 the catacombs filled with the bones of innumerable 
 martyrs ; — these were their stock in trade. By giving 
 these, selling these, working miracles with these, 
 calling pilgrims from all parts of Christendom to visit 
 these in situ, they kept up their power and their 
 wealth. I do not accuse them of misusing that power 
 and that wealth in those days. They used them, on 
 the contrary, better than power and wealth had been 
 ever used in the world before. But they were de- 
 pendent on the sanctity attached to a particular spot ; 
 and any power, which, like the Lombard, tended to
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 289 
 
 give Italy another centre than Rome, they dreaded 
 and disliked. That Lombard basiHca, near Milan, 
 with all its treasures, must have been in their eyes, 
 a formidable rival. Still more frightful must it have 
 been to them to see Astulf, when he encamped before 
 the walls of Rome, searching for martyrs' relics, and 
 carrying them off to Milan. That, as a fact, seems 
 to have been the exciting cause of Stephen's journey 
 to Pepin. This Astulf was a good Catholic. He 
 founded a nunnery^ and put his own daughters in it. 
 What could a man do more meritorious in the eyes 
 of the Pope? But he took away the lands of the 
 Church, and worse, the relics, the reserved capital 
 by which the Church purchased lands. This was 
 indeed a crime only to be expiated by the horrors 
 of a Frank invasion. 
 
 On the same principle the Popes supported the 
 Exarchs of Ravenna, and the independent duchies of 
 Spoleto and Beneventum. Well or ill ruled, Icono- 
 clast or not, they were necessary to keep Italy divided 
 and weak. And having obtained what they wanted 
 from Pepin and Charlemagne, it was still their in- 
 terest to pursue the same policy ; to compound for 
 their own independence, as they did with Charle- 
 magne and his successors, by defending the pretences 
 of foreign kings to the sovereignty of the rest of 
 Italy. This has been their policy for centuries. It 
 is their policy still ; and that policy has been the 
 curse of Italy. This fatal gift of the patrimony of 
 St. Peter — as Dante saw — as Machiavelli saw, — as all 
 clear-sighted Italians have seen, — as we are seeing 
 
 U
 
 290 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 
 
 it now in these very days — has kept her divided, 
 torn by civil wars, conquered and reconquered by 
 foreign invaders. Unable, as a celibate ecclesiastic, 
 to form his dominions into a strong hereditary king- 
 dom ; unable, as the hierophant of a priestly caste, 
 to unite his people in the bonds of national life ; 
 unable, as Borgia tried to do, to conquer the rest 
 of Italy for himself, and form it into a kingdom large 
 enough to have weight in the balance of power ; the 
 Pope has been forced, again and again, to keep him- 
 self on his throne by intriguing with foreign princes, 
 and calling in foreign arms ; and the bane of Italy, 
 from the time of Stephen III. to that of Pius IX., 
 has been the temporal power of the Pope. 
 
 But on the popes, also, the Nemesis came. In 
 building their power on the Roman relics, on the 
 fable that Rome was the patrimony of Peter, they 
 had built on a lie ; and that lie avenged itself. 
 
 Had they been independent of the locality of Rome; 
 had they been really spiritual emperors, by becoming 
 cosmopolitan, journeying, it may be, from nation to 
 nation in regular progresses, then their power might 
 have been as boundless as they ever desired it should 
 be. Having committed themselves to the false position 
 of being petty kings of a petty kingdom, they had to 
 endure continual treachery and tyranny from their 
 foreign allies ; to see not merely Italy, but Rome 
 itself insulted, and even sacked, by faithful Catholics ; 
 and to become more and more, as the centuries rolled 
 on, the tools of those very kings whom they had 
 wished to make their tools.
 
 THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS. 291 
 
 True, they defended themselves long, and with 
 astonishing skill and courage. Their sources of power 
 were two, the moral, and the thaumaturgic ; and they 
 used them both : but when the former failed^ the 
 latter became useless. As long as their moral power 
 was real ; as long as they and their clergy were on 
 the whole, in spite of enormous faults, the best men 
 in Europe ; so long the people believed in them, and 
 in their thaumaturgic relics likewise. But they became 
 by no means the best men in Europe. Then they 
 began to think that after all it was more easy to work 
 the material than the moral power — easier to work 
 the bones than to work righteousness. They were 
 deceived. Behold ! when the righteousness was gone, 
 the bones refused to work. People began to question 
 the virtues of the bones, and to ask. We can believe 
 that the bones may have worked miracles for good 
 men, but for bad men ? We will examine whether 
 they work any miracles at all. And then, behold, it 
 came out that the bones did not work miracles, and 
 that possibly they were not saints' bones at all ; and 
 then the storm came : and the lie, as all lies do, 
 punished itself. The salt had lost its savour. The 
 Teutonic intellect appealed from its old masters to 
 God, and to God's universe of facts, and emancipated 
 itself once and for all. They who had been the light 
 of Europe, became its darkness ; they who had been 
 first, became last ; a warning to mankind until the end 
 of time, that on Truth and Virtue depends the only 
 abiding strength. 
 
 U 2
 
 LECTURE XII. 
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 I DO not know whether any of you know much of 
 the theory of war. I know very httle myself.. But 
 something of it one is bound to know, as Professor of 
 History. For, unfortunately, a large portion of the 
 history of mankind is the history of war ; and the 
 historian, as a man who wants to know how things 
 were done — as distinct from the philosopher, the man 
 who wants to know how things ought to have been 
 done — ought to know a little of the first of human 
 arts — the art of killing. What little I know thereof 
 I shall employ to-day, in explaining to you the in- 
 vasion of the Teutons, from a so-called mechanical 
 point of view. I wish to shew you how it was possible 
 for so small and uncivilized a people to conquer one so 
 vast and so civilized ; and what circumstances (which 
 you may attribute to what cause you will : but I to 
 God) enabled our race to conquer in the most vast 
 and important campaign the world has ever seen. 
 
 I call it a campaign rather than a war. Though it 
 lasted 200 years and more, it seems to me (it will, I 
 think, seem to you) if you look at the maps, as but 
 one campaign : I had almost said, one battle. There
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 293 
 
 is but one problem to be solved ; and therefore the 
 operations of our race take a sort of unity. The 
 question is, how to take Rome, and keep it, by 
 destroying the Roman Empire. 
 
 Let us consider the two combatants — their numbers, 
 and their position. 
 
 One glance at the map will shew you which are the 
 most numerous. When you cast your eye over the 
 vastness of the Roman Empire from east to west — 
 Italy, Switzerland, half Austria, Turkey and Greece, 
 Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, North Africa, Spain, 
 France, Britain — and then compare it with the narrow 
 German strip which reaches from the mouth of the 
 Danube to the mouth of the Rhine, the disparity of 
 area is enormous ; ten times as great at least ; perhaps 
 more, if you accept, as I am inclined to do, the theory 
 of Dr. Latham, that we were always ' Markmen,' men 
 of the Marches, occupying a narrow frontier between 
 the Slavs and the Roman Empire ; and that Tacitus 
 has included among Germans, from hearsay, many 
 tribes of the interior of Bohemia, Prussia, and Poland, 
 who were Slavs or others ; and that the numbers and 
 area of our race has been, on Tacitus' authority, 
 greatly overrated. 
 
 What then were the causes of the success of the 
 Teutons ? Native courage and strength ? 
 
 They had these : but you must recollect what I 
 have told you, that those very qualities were em- 
 ployed against them ; that they were hired, in large 
 numbers, into the Roman armies, to fight against 
 their own brothers.
 
 294 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 Unanimity ? Of that, alas ! one can say but little. 
 The great Teutonic army had not only to fight the 
 Romans, but to fight each brigade the brigade before 
 it, to make them move on ; and the brigade behind it 
 likewise, to prevent their marching over them ; while 
 too often two brigades quarrelled like children, and 
 destroyed each other on the spot. 
 
 What, then, was the cause of their success ? I think 
 a great deal of it must be attributed to their admir- 
 able military position. 
 
 Look at a map of Europe ; putting yourself first 
 at the point to be attacked — at Rome, and looking 
 north, follow the German frontier from the Euxine up 
 the Danube and down the Rhine. It is a convex arc : 
 but not nearly as long as the concave arc of the 
 Roman frontier opposed to it. The Roman frontier 
 overlaps it to the north-west by all Britain, to the 
 south-west by part of Turkey and the whole of Asia 
 Minor. 
 
 That would seem to make it weak, and liable to 
 be outflanked on either wing. In reality it made 
 it strong. 
 
 Both the German wings rested on the sea ; one on 
 the Euxine, one on the North Sea. That in itself 
 would not have given strength ; for the Roman fleets 
 were masters of the seas. But the lands in the rear, 
 on either flank, were deserts, incapable of supporting 
 an army. What would have been the fate of a force 
 landed at the mouth of the Weser on the north, or at 
 the mouth of the Dnieper at the west? Starvation 
 among wild moors, and bogs, and steppes, if they
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 295 
 
 attempted to leave their base of operations on the 
 coast. The Romans saw this, and never tried the 
 plan. To defend the centre of their position was the 
 safest and easiest plan. 
 
 Look at this centre. It is complicated. The Roman 
 position is guarded by the walls of Italy, the gigantic 
 earthwork of the Alps. To storm them, is impossible. 
 But right and left of them, the German position has 
 two remarkable points — strategic points, which decided 
 the fate of the world. 
 
 They are two salient angles, promontories of the 
 German frontier. The one is north-east of Switzer- 
 land ; the Allman country, between the head-waters 
 of the Danube and the Upper Rhine, Basle is its apex. 
 Mentz its northern point, Ratisbon its southern. That 
 triangle encloses the end of the Schwartzwald ; the 
 Black Forest of primaeval oak. Those oaks have 
 saved Europe. 
 
 The advantages of a salient angle of that kind, in 
 invading an enemy's country, are manifest. You can 
 break out on either side, and return at once into your 
 own country on 'lines of interior operation ;' while the 
 enemy has to march round the angle, three feet for 
 your one, on ' lines of exterior operation.' The early 
 German invaders saw that, and burst again and again 
 into Gaul from that angle. The Romans saw it also (ad- 
 mirable strategists as they were) and built Hadrian's 
 wall right across it, from the Maine to the Danube, to 
 keep them back. And why did not Hadrian's wall 
 keep them back? On account of the Black Forest. 
 The Roman never dared to face it ; to attempt to
 
 296 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 break our centre, and to save Italy by carrying the 
 war into the heart of Germany. They knew (what 
 the invaders of England will discover to their cost) 
 that a close woodland is a more formidable barrier 
 than the Alps themselves. The Black Forest, I say, 
 was the key of our position, and saved our race. 
 
 From this salient angle, and along the whole Rhine 
 above it, the Western Teutons could throw their 
 masses into Gaul ; Franks, Vandals, Alans, Suevi, 
 following each other in echellon. You know what an 
 echellon means .^ When bodies of troops move in 
 lines parallel to each other, but each somewhat in 
 the rear of the other, so that their whole position 
 resembles an echelle — a flight of steps. This mode 
 of attack has two great advantages. It cannot be 
 outflanked by the enemy ; and he dare not concen- 
 trate his forces on the foremost division, and beat the 
 divisions in detail. If he tries to do so, he is out- 
 flanked himself, and he is liable to be beaten in detail 
 by continually fresh bodies of troops. Thus only a 
 part of his line is engaged at a time. Now it was en 
 echellon, from necessity, that the tribes moved down. 
 They could not follow immediately in each other's 
 track, because two armies following each other would 
 not have found subsistence in the same country. 
 They had to march in parallel lines ; those nearest to 
 Italy moving first ; and thus forming a vast echellon, 
 whose advanced left rested on, and was protected by, 
 the Alps. 
 
 But you must remember (and this is important) that 
 all these western attacks along the Rhine and Rhone
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 297 
 
 were mistakes, in as far as they were aimed at Rome. 
 The Teutons were not aware, I suppose, that the Alps 
 turned to the South between Gaul and Italy, and ran 
 right down to the Mediterranean. There they found 
 themselves still cut off from Rome by them. Han- 
 nibal's pass over the Mont Cenis they seem not to 
 have known. They had to range down to the Medi- 
 terranean ; turn eastward along the Genoese coast at 
 Nice ; and then, far away from their base of opera- 
 tions, were cut off again and again, just as the Cimbri 
 and Teutons were cut off by Marius. All attempts to 
 take Rome from the Piedmontese entrance into Italy 
 failed. But these western attacks had immense effects. 
 They cut the Roman position in two. 
 
 And then came out the real weakness of that great 
 ill-gotten Empire, conquered for conquering's sake. 
 To the north-west, the Romans had extended their 
 line far beyond what they could defend. The whole 
 of North Gaul was taken by the Franks. Britain was 
 then isolated, and had to be given up to its fate. 
 South Gaul, being nearer to Italy their base, they 
 could defend, and did, like splendid soldiers as they 
 were ; but that defence only injured them. It thrust 
 the foremost columns of the enemy on into Spain. 
 Spain was too far from their base of operation to be 
 defended, and was lost likewise, and seized by Vandals 
 and Suevi. The true point of attack was at the other 
 salient angle of our position, on the Roman right 
 centre. 
 
 You know that the Danube as you ascend it lies 
 east and west from the Black Sea to Belgrade ; but
 
 298 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 above the point where the Save enters it, it turns 
 north ahiiost at right angles. This is the second 
 sahent point ; the real key of the whole Roman Em- 
 pire. For from this point the Germans could menace 
 equally, Constantinople and Turkey on the right (I 
 speak always as standing at Rome and looking north), 
 and Italy and Rome on the left. The Danube once 
 crossed, between them and Constantinople was nothing 
 but the rich rolling land of Turkey ; between them 
 and Rome nothing but the easy passes of the Carnic 
 Alps, Laybach to Trieste. Trieste was the key of the 
 Roman position. It was, and always will be, a most 
 important point. It might be the centre of a great 
 kingdom. The nation which has it ought to spend its 
 last bullet in defending it. 
 
 The Teutons did cross the Danube, as you know, 
 in 376, and had a great victory, of which nothing came 
 but moral force. They waited long in Moesia before 
 they found out the important step which they had 
 made. The genius of Alaric first discovered the key 
 of the Roman position, and discovered that it was in 
 his own hands. 
 
 I do not say that no Germans had crossed the 
 Laybach pass before him. On the contrary, Mark- 
 men, Ouadi, Vandals, seem to have come over it as 
 early as 180, and appeared under the walls of Aquileia. 
 Of course, some one must have gone first, or Alaric 
 would not have known of it. There were no maps 
 then, at least among our race. Their great generals 
 had to feel their way foot by foot, trusting to hearsays 
 of old adventurers, deserters, and what not, as to
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 299 
 
 whether a fruitful country or an impassable alp, a 
 great city or the world's end, was twenty miles a-head 
 of them. Yes, they had great generals among them, 
 and Alaric, perhaps, the greatest. 
 
 If you consider Alaric's campaigns, from A.D. 400 to 
 A.D. 415, you will see that the eye of a genius planned 
 them. He wanted Rome, as all Teutons did. He 
 was close to Italy, in the angle of which I just spoke ; 
 but instead of going hither, he resolved to go south, 
 and destroy Greece, and he did it. Thereby, if you 
 will consider, he cut the Roman Empire in two. He 
 paralysed and destroyed the right wing of its forces, 
 which might, if he had marched straight for Italy, have 
 come up from Greece and Turkey, to take him in flank 
 and rear. He prevented their doing that ; he pre- 
 vented also their succouring Italy by sea by the same 
 destruction. And then he was free to move on Rome, 
 knowing that he leaves no strong place on his left 
 flank, save Constantinople itself ; and that the Ostro- 
 goths, and other tribes left behind, would mask it for [ 
 him. Then he moved into Italy over the Carnic Alps, 
 and was repulsed the first time at Pollentia. He was 
 not disheartened ; he retired upon Hungary, waited 
 five years, tried it again, and succeeded, after a cam- 
 paign of two years. 
 
 Yes. He was a great general. To be able to move 
 vast masses of men safely through a hostile country 
 and in face of an enemy's army (beside women and 
 children) requires an amount of talent bestowed on 
 few. Alaric could do it. Dietrich the Ostrogoth could 
 do it. Alboin the Lombard could do it, though not
 
 300 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 under such fearful disadvantages. There were generals 
 before Marlborough or Napoleon. 
 
 And do not fancy that the work was easy ; that the 
 Romans were degenerate enough to be an easy prey. 
 Alaric had been certainly beaten out of Italy, even 
 though the victory of Pollentia was exaggerated. And 
 in 405, Radagast with 200,000 men had tried to take 
 Rome by Alaric's route, and had simply, from want of 
 generalship, been forced to capitulate under the walls 
 of Florence, and the remnant of his army sold for 
 slaves. 
 
 Why was Alaric more fortunate? Because he was 
 a great genius. And why when he died, did the 
 Goths lose all plan, and wander wildly up Italy, 
 and out into Spain ? Because the great genius 
 was gone. Native Teuton courage could ensure no 
 permanent success against Roman discipline and 
 strategy, unless guided by men like Alaric or 
 Dietrich. 
 
 You might fancy the campaign over now : but it 
 was not. Along the country of the Danube, from 
 the Euxine to the Alps, the Teutons had still the 
 advantage of interior lines, and vast bodies of men — 
 Herules, Gepids, Ostrogoths, Lombards — were coming 
 down in an enormous echellon similar to that which 
 forced the Rhine ; to force Italy at the same fatal 
 point — Venetia. The party who could command the 
 last reserve would win, as is the rule. And the last 
 reserves were with our race. They must win. But 
 not yet. They had, in the mean time, taken up a 
 concave line ; a great arc running round the whole
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 301 
 
 west of the Mediterranean from Italy, France, Spain, 
 Algeria, as far as Carthage. They could not move 
 forces round that length of coast, as fast as the 
 Romans could move them by sea ; and they had no 
 fleets. Although they had conquered the Western 
 Empire, they were in a very dangerous position, and 
 were about to be very nearly ruined. 
 
 For you see, the Romans in turn had changed 
 front at more than a right angle. They lay at first 
 north-west and south-east. They lay in Justinian's 
 time, north and south. Their right was Constanti- 
 nople ; their left Pentapolis ; between those two 
 points they held Greece, Asia Minor, Syria and 
 Egypt ; a position of wealth incalculable. Mean- 
 while, as we must remember always, they were 
 masters of the sea, and therefore of the interior lines 
 of operation. They had been forced into this posi- 
 tion ; but, like Romans, they had accepted it. With 
 the boundless common sense of the race (however 
 fallen, debauched, pedantic), they worked it out, and 
 with terrible effect. 
 
 Their right in Constantinople was so strong that 
 they cared nothing for it, though it was the only 
 exposed point. They would defend it by hiring the 
 Barbarians, and when they could not pay them, 
 setting them on to kill down each other ; while they 
 quietly drew into Constantinople the boundless crops 
 of Asia, Syria and Egypt. 
 
 The strength of Constantinople was infinite — com- 
 manding two seas and two continents. It is, as the 
 genius of Constantinople saw— as the genius of the
 
 302 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 Czar Nicholas saw — the strongest spot, perhaps, in 
 the world. That fact was what enabled Justinian's 
 Empire to arise again, and enabled Belisarius and 
 Narses to reconquer Africa and Italy, Remember 
 that, and see how strong the Romans were still. 
 
 The Teutons meanwhile had changed their front, 
 by conquering the Western Mediterranean, and were 
 becoming weak, because scattered on exterior hnes, 
 to their extreme danger. 
 
 I cannot exaggerate the danger of that position. 
 It enabled the Romans by rapid movements of their 
 fleets, to reconquer Africa and Italy. It might have 
 enabled them to do much more. 
 
 Belisarius, with great wisdom, began by attacking 
 the Vandals at Carthage on the extreme right. They 
 had put themselves into an isolated position, and 
 were destroyed without help. Then he moved on 
 Italy and the Ostrogoths. He was going to force 
 the positions in detail, and drive them back behind 
 the Alps. What he did not finish, Narses did ; and 
 the Teutons were actually driven back behind the 
 Alps for some years. 
 
 But Narses had to stop at Italy. Even if not 
 recalled, he could have gone no further. The next 
 move should have been on Spain, if he had really 
 had strength in Italy. But to attack Spain from 
 Constantinople, would have been to go too far from 
 home. The Franks would have crost the Pyrenees, 
 and fallen on his flank. The Visigoths, even if beaten, 
 would have been only pushed across the Straits of 
 Gibraltar, to reconquer the Vandal coast of Africa ;
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 303 
 
 while to take troops from Italy for any such purpose, 
 would have been to let in the Lombards — who came, 
 let in or not. There were reserves in Germany still, 
 of which Narses knew full well ; for he had seen 5000 
 Lombards, besides Herules, and Huns, and Avars, 
 fight for him at Nuceria, and destroy the Ostrogoths ; 
 and he knew well that they could, if they chose, fight 
 against him. 
 
 On the other hand, the Roman Empire had no 
 reserves ; while the campaign had just come to that 
 point at which he who can bring up the last reserve 
 wins. Ours were so far from being exhausted, that 
 the heaviest of them, the Franks, came into action, 
 stronger than ever, 200 years after. 
 
 But the Roman reserves were gone. If Greece, if 
 Asia Minor, if Egypt, had been the holds of a hardy 
 people, the Romans might have done still — Heaven 
 alone knows what. At least, they might have ex- 
 tended their front once more to the line of Carthage, 
 Sicily, Italy. 
 
 But the people of Syria and Egypt, were — what 
 they were. No recruits, as far as I know, were drawn 
 from them. Had they been, they would have been 
 face to face with a Frank, or a Lombard, or a Visi- 
 goth, much what — not a Sikh, a Rohilla, or a Ghoorka, 
 but a Bengalee proper — would be face to face with 
 an Englishman. One thousand Varangers might have 
 walked from Constantinople to Alexandria without 
 fighting a pitched battle, if they had had only Greeks 
 and Syrians to face. 
 
 Thus the Romans were growing weak. If we had
 
 304 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 lost, so had they. Every wild Teuton who came 
 down to perish, had destroyed a Roman, or more than 
 one, before he died. Each column which the admir- 
 able skill and courage of the Romans had destroyed, 
 had weakened them as much, perhaps more, than its 
 destruction weakened the Teutons ; and had, by 
 harrying the country, destroyed the Roman's power 
 of obtaining supplies. Italy and Turkey at last be- 
 came too poor to be a fighting ground at all. 
 
 But now comes in one of the strangest new ele- 
 ments in this strange epic — Mohammed and his 
 Arabs. 
 
 Suddenly, these Arab tribes, under the excitement 
 of the new Mussulman creed, burst forth of the un- 
 known East. They take the Eastern Empire in the 
 rear ; by such a rear attack as the world never saw 
 before or since ; they cut it in two ; devour it up : 
 and save Europe thereby. 
 
 That may seem a strange speech. I must explain 
 it. I have told you how the Eastern Empire and its 
 military position was immensely strong ; that Con- 
 stantinople was a great maritime base of operations, 
 mistress of the Mediterranean. What prevented the 
 Romans from reconquering all the shores of that sea, 
 and establishing themselves in strength in the Morea, 
 or in Sicily, or in Carthage, or in any central base of 
 operations ? What forced them to cling to Constan- 
 tinople, and fight a losing campaign thenceforth. 
 Simply this ; the Mussulman had forced their position 
 from the rear, and deprived them of Syria, Egypt, 
 Africa.
 
 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 305 
 
 But the Teutons could not have opposed them. 
 During the 7th century the Lombards in Italy were 
 lazy and divided ; the Goths in Spain lazier and more 
 divided still ; the Franks were tearing themselves in 
 pieces by civil war. The years from A.D. 550 to 
 A.D. 750 and the rise of the Carlovingian dynasty, 
 were a period of exhaustion for our race, such as 
 follows on great victories, and the consequent slaughter 
 and collapse. 
 
 This was the critical period of the Teutonic race ; 
 little talked of, because little known : but very 
 perilous. Nevertheless, whatever the Eastern Empire 
 might have done, the Saracens prevented its doing ; 
 and if you hold (with me) that the welfare of the 
 Teutonic race is the welfare of the world ; then, 
 meaning nothing less, the Saracen invasion, by crip- 
 pling the Eastern Empire, saved Europe and our 
 race. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, was this vast campaign 
 fought without a general? If Trafalgar could not 
 be won without the mind of a Nelson, or Waterloo 
 without the mind of a Wellington, was there no one 
 mind to lead those innumerable armies, on whose 
 success depended the future of the whole human 
 race? Did no one marshal them in that impregnable 
 convex front, from the Euxine to the North Sea? 
 No one guide them to the two great strategic centres, 
 of the Black Forest and Trieste ? No one cause them, 
 blind barbarians without maps or science, to follow 
 those rules of war, without which victory in a pro- 
 tracted struggle is impossible ; and by the pressure 
 
 X
 
 3o6 THE STRATEGY OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 of the Huns behind, force on their flagging myriads 
 to an enterprise which their simphcity fancied at first 
 beyond the powers of mortal men ? Believe it who 
 will : but I cannot. I may be told that they gravi- 
 tated into their places, as stones and mud do. Be 
 it so. They obeyed natural laws of course, as all 
 things do on earth, when they obeyed the laws of 
 war : those too are natural laws, explicable on simple 
 mathematical principles. But while I believe that 
 not a stone or a handful of mud gravitates into its 
 place without the will of God ; that it was ordained, 
 ages since, into what particular spot each grain of 
 gold should be washed down from an Australian 
 quartz reef, that a certain man might find it at a 
 certain moment and crisis of his life ; — if I be super- 
 stitious enough (as thank God I am) to hold that 
 creed, shall I not believe that though this great war 
 had no general upon earth, it may have had a general 
 in Heaven? and that in spite of all their sins, the 
 hosts of our forefathers were the hosts of God ?
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE AS APPLIED 
 TO HISTORY. 
 
 It is with a feeling of awe, I had almost said of fear, that 
 I find myself in this place, upon this errand. The responsi- 
 bility of a teacher of History in Cambridge is in itself very 
 heavy : but doubly heavy in the case of one who sees among 
 his audience many men as fit, it may be some more fit, to 
 fill this Chair : and again, more heavy still, when one suc- 
 ceeds to a man whose learning, like his virtues, one can 
 never hope to equal. 
 
 But a Professor, I trust, is like other men, capable of 
 improvement ; and the great law, ' docendo disces,' may be 
 fulfilled in him, as in other men. Meanwhile, I can only 
 promise that such small powers as I possess will be honestly 
 devoted to this Professorate; and that I shall endeavour to 
 teach Modern History after a method which shall give satis- 
 faction to the Rulers of this University. 
 
 I shall do that best, I believe, by keeping in mind the 
 lessons which I, in common with thousands more, have 
 learnt from my wise and good predecessor. I do not mean 
 merely patience in research, and accuracy in fact. They are 
 required of all men : and they may be learnt from many 
 men. But what Sir James Stephen's fife and writings should 
 especially teach us, is the beauty and the value of charity ; 
 of that large-hearted humanity, which sympathizes with all 
 
 X 2
 
 3o8 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 noble, generous, earnest thought and endeavour, in whatso- 
 ever shape they may have appeared ; a charity which, with- 
 out weakly or lazily confounding the eternal laws of right 
 and wrong, can make allowances for human frailty; can 
 separate the good from the evil in men and in theories ; can 
 understand, and can forgive, because it loves. Who can 
 read Sir James Stephen's works without feeling more kindly 
 toward many a man, and many a form of thought, against 
 which he has been more or less prejudiced ; without a more 
 genial view of human nature, a more hopeful view of human 
 destiny, a more full belief in the great saying, that ' Wisdom 
 is justified of all her children ' ? Who, too, can read those 
 works without seeing how charity enlightens the intellect, 
 just as bigotry darkens it ; how events, which to the theorist 
 and the pedant are merely monstrous and unmeaning, may 
 explain themselves easily enough to the man who will put 
 himself in his fellow-creatures' place; who will give them 
 credit for being men of like passions with himself; who will 
 see with their eyes, feel with their hearts, and take for his 
 motto, ' Homo sum, nil humani a me alienum puto ' ? 
 
 I entreat gentlemen who may hereafter attend my lectures 
 to bear in mind this last saying. If they wish to understand 
 History, they must first try to understand men and women. 
 For History is the history of men and women, and of nothing 
 else; and he who knows men and women thoroughly will 
 best understand the past work of the world, and be best able 
 to carry on its work now. The men who, in the long run, 
 have governed the world, have been those who understood 
 the human heart ; and therefore it is to this day the states- 
 man who keeps the reins in his hand, and not the mere 
 student. He is a man of the world; he knows how to 
 manage his fellow-men; and therefore he can get work 
 done which the mere student (it may be) has taught him
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 309 
 
 ought to be done ; but which the mere student, much less 
 the mere trader or economist, could not get done ; simply 
 because his fellow-men would probably not listen to him, 
 and certainly outwit him. Of course, in proportion to the 
 depth, width, soundness, of his conception of human nature, 
 will be the greatness and wholesomeness of his power. He 
 may appeal to the meanest, or to the loftiest motives. He 
 may be a fox or an eagle; a Borgia, or a Hildebrand; a 
 Talleyrand, or a Napoleon ; a Mary Stuart, or an Elizabeth : 
 but however base, however noble, the power which he exer- 
 cises is the same in essence. He makes History, because 
 he understands men. And you, if you would understand 
 History, must understand men. 
 
 If, therefore, any of you should ask me how to study 
 history, I should answer — Take by all means biographies : 
 wheresoever possible, autobiographies ; and study them. Fill 
 your minds with live human figures; men of like passions 
 with yourselves ; see how each lived and worked in the time 
 and place in which God put him. Believe me, that when 
 you have thus made a friend of the dead, and brought him 
 to life again, and let him teach you to see with his eyes, and 
 feel with his heart, you will begin to understand more of his 
 generation and his circumstances, than all the mere history- 
 books of the period would teach you. In proportion as you 
 understand the man, and only so, will you begin to under- 
 stand the elements in which he worked. And not only to 
 understand, but to remember. Names, dates, genealogies, 
 geographical details, costumes, fashions, manners, crabbed 
 scraps of old law, which you used, perhaps, to read up and 
 forget again, because they were not rooted, but stuck into 
 your brain, as pins are into a pincushion, to fall out at the 
 first shake— all these you will remember ; because they will 
 arrange and organize themselves around the central human
 
 3IO THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 figure : just as, if you have studied a portrait by some great 
 artist, you cannot think of the face in it, without recollecting 
 also the light and shadow, the tone of colouring, the dress, 
 the very details of the background, and all the accessories 
 which the painter's art has grouped around; each with a 
 purpose, and therefore each fixing itself duly in your mind. 
 Who, for instance, has not found that he can learn more 
 French history from French memoirs, than even from all the 
 truly learned and admirable histories of France which have 
 been written of late years? There are those, too, who will 
 say of good old Plutarch's lives (now-a-days, I think, too 
 much neglected), what some great man used to say of Shak- 
 speare and English history — that all the ancient history 
 which they really knew, they had got from Plutarch. I am 
 free to confess that I have learnt what little I know of the 
 middle-ages, what they were like, how they came to be what 
 they were, and how they issued in the Reformation, not so 
 much from the study of the books about them (many and 
 wise though they are), as from the thumbing over, for years, 
 the semi-mythical saints' lives of Surius and the Bolland- 
 ists. 
 
 Without doubt History obeys, and always has obeyed, in 
 the long run, certain laws. But those laws assert themselves, 
 and are to be discovered, not in things, but in persons; in 
 the actions of human beings ; and just in proportion as 
 we understand human beings, shall we understand the laws 
 which they have obeyed, or which have avenged themselves 
 on their disobedience. This may seem a truism : if it be 
 such, it is one which we cannot too often repeat to ourselves 
 just now, when the rapid progress of science is tempting us 
 to look at human beings rather as things than as persons, 
 and at abstractions (under the name of laws) rather as per- 
 sons than as things. Discovering, to our just delight, order
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 311 
 
 and law all around us, in a thousand events which seemed 
 to our fathers fortuitous and arbitrary, we are dazzled just 
 now by the magnificent prospect opening before us, and fall, 
 too often, into more than one serious mistake. 
 
 First ; students try to explain too often all the facts which 
 they meet by the very few laws which they know ; and espe- 
 cially moral phsenomena by physical, or at least economic 
 laws. There is an excuse for this last error. INIuch which 
 was thought, a few centuries since, to belong to the spiritual 
 world, is now found to belong to the material; and the 
 physician is consulted, where the exorcist used to be called 
 in. But it is a somewhat hasty corollary therefrom, and one 
 not likely to find favour in this University, that moral laws 
 and spiritual agencies have nothing at all to do with the his- 
 tory of the human race. We shall not be inclined here, I 
 trust, to explain (as some one tried to do lately) the Crusades 
 by a hypothesis of over-stocked labour-markets on the Con- 
 tinent. 
 
 Neither, again, shall we be inclined to class those same 
 Crusades among ' popular delusions,' and mere outbursts of 
 folly and madness. This is a very easy, and I am sorry to 
 say, a very common method of disposing of facts which will 
 not fit into the theory, too common of late, that need and 
 greed have been always, and always ought to be, the chief 
 motives of mankind. Need and greed, heaven knows, are 
 powerful enough : but I think that he who has something 
 nobler in himself than need and greed, will have eyes to dis- 
 cern something nobler than them, in the most fantastic super- 
 stitions, in the most ferocious outbursts, of the most untutored 
 masses. Thank God, that those who preach the opposite 
 doctrine belie it so often by a happy inconsistency ; that he 
 who declares self-interest to be the mainspring of the world, 
 can live a life of virtuous self-sacrifice ; that he who denies,
 
 312 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 with Spinoza, the existence of free-will, can disprove his own 
 theory, by willing, like Spinoza, amid all the temptations of 
 the world, to live a life worthy of a Roman Stoic ; and that 
 he who represents men as the puppets of material circum- 
 stance, and who therefore has no logical right either to praise 
 virtue, or to blame vice, can shew, by a healthy admiration 
 of the former, a healthy scorn of the latter, how little his 
 heart has been corrupted by the eidola specus, the phantoms 
 of the study, which have oppressed his brain. But though 
 men are often, thank heaven, better than their doctrines, yet 
 the goodness of the man does not make his doctrine good ; 
 and it is immoral as well as unphilosophical to call a thing 
 hard names simply because it cannot be fitted into our 
 theory of the universe. Immoral, because all harsh and 
 hasty wholesale judgments are immoral; unphilosophical, 
 because the only philosophical method of looking at the 
 strangest of phgenomena is to believe that it too is the result 
 of law, perhaps a healthy result ; that it is not to be con- 
 demned as a product of disease before it is proven to be 
 such ; and that if it be a product of disease, disease has its 
 laws, as much as health ; and is a subject, not for cursing, 
 but for induction ; so that (to return to my example) if every 
 man who ever took part in the Crusades were proved to 
 have been simply mad, our sole business would be to discover 
 why he went mad upon that special matter, and at that special 
 time. And to do that, we must begin by recollecting that in 
 every man who went forth to the Crusades, or to any other 
 strange adventure of humanity, was a whole human heart 
 and brain, of like strength and weakness, like hopes, like 
 temptations, with our own ; and find out what may have 
 driven him mad, by considering what would have driven us 
 mad in his place. 
 
 May I be permitted to enlarge somewhat on this topic?
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 313 
 
 There is, as you are aware, a demand just now for philo- 
 sophies of History. The general spread of Inductive Science 
 has awakened this appetite; the admirable contemporary 
 French historians have quickened it by feeding it; till, the 
 more order and sequence we find in the facts of the past, the 
 more we wish to find. So it should be (or why was man 
 created a rational being?) and so it is; and the require- 
 ments of the more educated are becoming so peremptory, 
 that many thinking men would be ready to say (I should 
 be sorry to endorse their opinion), that if History is not 
 studied according to exact scientific method, it need not 
 be studied at all. 
 
 A very able anonymous writer has lately expressed this 
 general tendency of modern thought in language so clear 
 and forcible that I must beg leave to quote it : — 
 
 ' Step by step,' he says, ' the notion of evolution by law is 
 transforming the whole field of our knowledge and opinion. 
 It is not one order of conception which comes under its 
 influence : but it is the whole sphere of our ideas, and with 
 them the whole system of our action and conduct. Not 
 the physical world alone is now the domain of inductive 
 science, but the moral, the intellectual, and the spiritual are 
 being added to its empire. Two co-ordinate ideas pervade 
 the vision of every thinker, physicist or moralist, philosopher 
 or priest. In the physical and the moral world, in the natural 
 and the human, are ever seen two forces — invariable rule, 
 and continual advance ; law and action ; order and progress ; 
 these two powers working harmoniously together, and the 
 result, inevitable sequence, orderly movement, irresistible 
 growth. In the physical world indeed, order is most pro- 
 minent to our eyes; in the moral world it is progress, but 
 both exist as truly in the one as in the other. In the scale 
 of nature, as we rise from the inorganic to the organic, the
 
 314 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 idea of change becomes even more distinct ; just as when 
 we rise through the gradations of the moral world, the idea 
 of order becomes more difficult to grasp. It was the last 
 task of the astronomer to show eternal change even in the 
 grand order of our Solar System. It is the crown of philo- 
 sophy to see immutable law even in the complex action of 
 human life. In the latter, indeed, it is but the first germs 
 which are clear. No rational thinker hopes to discover more 
 than some few primary actions of law, and some approxi- 
 mative theory of growth. INIuch is dark and contradictory. 
 Numerous theories differing in method and degree are 
 offered; nor do we decide between them. We insist now 
 only upon this, that the principle of development in the 
 moral, as in the physical, has been definitely admitted ; and 
 something like a conception of one grand analogy through 
 the whole sphere of knowledge, has almost become a part 
 of popular opinion. Most men shrink from any broad state- 
 ment of the principle, though all in some special instances 
 adopt it. It surrounds every idea of our life, and is difi'used 
 in every branch of study. The press, the platform, the 
 lecture-room, and the pulpit ring with it in every variety of 
 form. Unconscious pedants are proving it. It flashes on 
 the statistician through his registers ; it guides the hand of 
 simple philanthropy; it is obeyed by the instinct of the 
 statesman. There is not an act of our public life which 
 does not acknowledge it. No man denies that there are 
 certain, and even practical laws of political economy. They 
 are nothing but laws of society. The conferences of social 
 reformers, the congresses for international statistics and for 
 social science bear witness of its force. Everywhere we 
 hear of the development of the constitution, of public law, 
 of public opinion, of institutions, of forms of society, of 
 theories of history. In a word, whatever views of history
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 315 
 
 may be inculcated on the Universities by novelists or 
 epigrammatists, it is certain that the best intellects and 
 spirits of our day are labouring to see more of that in- 
 variable order, and of that principle of growth in the life 
 of human societies and of the great society of mankind 
 which nearly all men, more or less, acknowledge, and 
 partially and unconsciously confirm.' 
 
 This passage expresses admirably, I think, the tendencies 
 of modern thought for good and evil. 
 
 For good. For surely it is good, and a thing to thank 
 God for, that men should be more and more expecting 
 order, searching for order, welcoming order. But for evil 
 also. For young sciences, like young men, have their time 
 of wonder, hope, imagination, and of passion too, and haste, 
 and bigotry. Dazzled, and that pardonably, by the beauty 
 of the few laws they may have discovered, they are too apt 
 to erect them into gods, and to explain by them all matters 
 in heaven and earth ; and apt, too, as I think this author 
 does, to patch them where they are weakest, by that most 
 dangerous succedaneum of vague and grand epithets, which 
 very often contain, each of them, an assumption far more 
 important than the law to which they are tacked. 
 
 Such surely are the words which so often occur in this 
 passage — ' Invariable, continual, immutable, inevitable, irre- 
 sistible.' There is an ambiguity in these words, which may 
 lead — which I believe does lead — to most unphilosophical 
 conclusions. They are used very much as synonyms ; not 
 merely in this passage, but in the mouths of men. Are you 
 aware that those who carelessly do so, blink the whole of 
 the world-old arguments between necessity and free-will? 
 Whatever may be the rights of that quarrel, Ihey are cer- 
 tainly not to be assumed in a passing epithet. But what 
 else does the writer do, who tells us that an inevitable
 
 3i6 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 sequence, an irresistible growtli, exists in the moral as 
 well as in the physical world ; and then says, as a seemingly 
 identical statement, that it is the crown of philosophy to 
 see immutable law, even in the complex action of human 
 life? 
 
 The crown of philosophy ? Doubtless it is so. But not 
 a crown, I should have thought, which has been reserved as 
 the special glory of these latter days. Very early, at least in 
 the known history of mankind, did Philosophy (under the 
 humble names of Religion and Common Sense) see most 
 immutable, and even eternal, laws, in the complex action of 
 human life, even the laws of right and wrong ; and called 
 them The Everlasting Judgments of God, to which a con- 
 fused and hard-worked man was to look ; and take comfort, 
 for all would be well at last. By fair induction (as I believe) 
 did man discover, more or less clearly, those eternal laws : 
 by repeated verifications of them in every age, man has 
 been rising, and will yet rise, to clearer insight into their 
 essence, their limits, their practical results. And if it be 
 these, the old laws of right and wrong, which this author 
 and his school call invariable and immutable, we shall, I 
 trust, most heartily agree with them; only wondering why 
 a moral government of the world seems to them so very 
 recent a discovery. 
 
 But we shall not agree with them, I trust, when they 
 represent these invariable and immutable laws as resulting 
 in any inevitable sequence, or irresistible growth. We shall 
 not deny a sequence — Reason forbids that ; or again, a 
 growth — Experience forbids that: but we shall be puzzled 
 to see why a law, because it is immutable itself, should 
 produce inevitable results; and if they quote the facts of 
 material nature against us, we shall be ready to meet them 
 on that very ground, and ask : — You say that as the laws
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 317 
 
 of matter are inevitable, so probably are the laws of human 
 life ? Be it so : but in what sense are the laws of matter 
 inevitable ? Potentially, or actually ? Even in the seemingly 
 most uniform and universal law, where do we find the in- 
 evitable or the irresistible ? Is there not in nature a per- 
 petual competition of law against law, force against force, 
 producing the most endless and unexpected variety of 
 results? Cannot each law be interfered with at any 
 moment by some other law, so that the first law, though 
 it may struggle for the mastery, shall be for an indefinite 
 time utterly defeated? The law of gravity is immutable 
 enough: but do all stones inevitably fall to the ground? 
 Certainly not, if I choose to catch one, and keep it in 
 my hand. It remains there by laws ; and the law of gravity 
 is there too, making it feel heavy in my hand : but it has 
 not fallen to the ground, and will not, till I let it. So much 
 for the inevitable action of the laws of gravity, as of others. 
 Potentially, it is immutable ; but actually it can be conquered 
 by other laws. 
 
 I really beg your pardon for occupying you here with 
 such truisms : but I must put the students of this Uni- 
 versity in mind of them, as long as too many modern 
 thinkers shall choose to ignore them. 
 
 Even if then, as it seems to me, the history of mankind 
 depended merely on physical laws, analogous to those which 
 govern the rest of nature, it would be a hopeless task for us 
 to discover an inevitable sequence in History, even though 
 we might suppose that such existed. But as long as man 
 has the mysterious power of breaking the laws of his own 
 being, such a sequence not only cannot be discovered, 
 but it cannot exist. For man can break the laws of his 
 own being, whether physical, intellectual, or moral. He 
 breaks them every day, and has always been breaking them.
 
 3i8 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 The greater number of them he cannot obey till he knows 
 them. And too many of them he cannot know, alas, till 
 he has broken them ; and paid the penalty of his ignorance. 
 He does not, like the brute or the vegetable, thrive by laws 
 of which he is not conscious : but by laws of which he 
 becomes gradually conscious; and which he can disobey 
 after all. And therefore it seems to me very like a juggle 
 of words to draw analogies from the physical and irrational 
 world, and apply them to the moral and rational world; 
 and most unwise to bridge over the gulf between the two 
 by such adjectives as 'irresistible' or 'inevitable,' such nouns 
 as 'order, sequence, law' — which must bear an utterly dif- 
 ferent meaning, according as they are applied to physical 
 beings or to moral ones. 
 
 Indeed, so patent is the ambiguity, that I cannot fancy 
 that it has escaped the author and his school ; and am 
 driven, by mere respect for their logical powers, to suppose 
 that they mean no ambiguity at all; that they do not 
 conceive of irrational beings as differing from rational 
 beings, or the physical from the moral, or the body of 
 man from his spirit, in kind and property; and that the 
 immutable laws which they represent as governing human 
 life and history have nothing at all to do with those laws 
 of right and wrong, which I intend to set forth to you, as 
 the ' everlasting judgments of God.' 
 
 In which case, I fear, they must go their way ; while we 
 go ours; confessing that there is an order, and there is 
 a law, for man ; and that if he disturb that order, or break 
 that law in anywise, they will prove themselves too strong 
 for him, and reassert themselves, and go forward, grinding 
 him to powder if he stubbornly try to stop their way. But 
 we must assert too, that his disobedience to them, even 
 for a moment, has disturbed the natural course of events,
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 319 
 
 and broken that inevitable sequence, which we may find 
 indeed, in our own imaginations, as long as we sit with 
 a book in our studies : but which vanishes the moment 
 that we step outside into practical contact with life ; and, 
 instead of talking cheerfully of a necessary and orderly 
 progress, find ourselves more inclined to cry with the 
 cynical man of the world : 
 
 •All the windy ways of men, 
 Are but dust that rises up; 
 And is lightly laid again.' 
 
 The usual rejoinder to this argument is to fall back upon 
 man's weakness and ignorance, and to take refuge in the 
 infinite unknown. Man, it is said, may of course interfere 
 a little with some of the less important laws of his being : 
 but who is he, to grapple with the more vast and remote 
 ones ? Because he can prevent a pebble from falling, is 
 he to suppose that he can alter the destiny of nations, and 
 grapple forsooth with 'the eternities and the immensities,' 
 and so forth ? The argument is very powerful : but addrest 
 rather to the imagination than the reason. It is, after all, 
 another form of the old omne ignotum pro magnifico ; and 
 we may answer, I think fairly — About the eternities and 
 immensities we know nothing, not having been there as yet ; 
 but it is a mere assumption to suppose, without proof, that 
 the more remote and impalpable laws are more vast, in the 
 sense of being more powerful (the only sense which really 
 bears upon the argument), than the laws which are palpably 
 at work around us all daylong; and if we are capable of 
 interfering with almost every law of human life which we 
 know of already, it is more philosophical to believe (till 
 disproved by actual failure) that we can interfere with those 
 laws of our life which we may know hereafter. Whether 
 it will pay us to interfere with them, is a different question.
 
 320 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 It is not prudent to interfere with the laws of health, and 
 it may not be with other laws, hereafter to be discovered. 
 I am only pleading that man can disobey the laws of his 
 being ; that such power has always been a disturbing force 
 in the progress of the human race, which modern theories 
 too hastily overlook ; and that the science of history (unless 
 the existence of the human will be denied) must belong 
 rather to the moral sciences, than to that ' positive science' 
 which seems to me inclined to reduce all human phaenomena 
 under physical laws, hastily assumed, by the old fallacy of 
 fiiTa^ddis: els aWo yevos, to apply where there is no proof 
 whatsoever that they do or even can apply. 
 
 As for the question of the existence of the human will — 
 I am not here, I hope, to argue that. I shall only beg leave 
 to assume its existence, for practical purposes. I may be 
 told (though I trust not in this University), that it is, like 
 the undulatory theory of light, an unphilosophical 'hypo- 
 thesis.' Be that as it may, it is very convenient (and may 
 be for a few centuries to come) to retain the said ' hypo- 
 thesis,' as one retains the undulatory theory; and for the 
 simple reason, that with it one can explain the phaenomena 
 tolerably ; and without it cannot explain them at all. 
 
 A dread (half-unconscious, it may be) of this last practical 
 result, seems to have crossed the mind of the author on 
 whom I have been commenting ; for he confesses, honestly 
 enough (and he writes throughout like an honest man) that 
 in human life ' no rational thinker hopes to discover more 
 than some few primary actions of law, and some approxi- 
 mative theory of growth.' I have higher hopes of a possible 
 science of history; because I fall back on those old moral 
 laws, which I think he wishes to ignore : but I can conceive 
 that he will not ; because he cannot, on his own definitions 
 of law and growth. They are (if I understand him aright)
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 321 
 
 to be irresistible and inevitable. I say that they are not 
 so, even in the case of trees and stones ; much more in 
 the world of man. Facts, when he goes on to verify his 
 theories, will leave him with a very few primary actions 
 of law, a very faint approximative theory; because his 
 theories, in plain English, will not work. At the first step, 
 at every step, they are stopped short by those disturbing 
 forces, or at least disturbed phgenomena, which have been 
 as yet, and probably will be hereafter, attributed (as the 
 only explanation of them) to the existence, for good and 
 evil, of a human will. 
 
 Let us look in detail at a few of these disturbances of 
 anything like inevitable or irresistible movement. Shall we 
 not, at the very first glance, confess — I am afraid only too 
 soon — that there always have been fools therein; fools of 
 whom no man could guess, or can yet, what they were 
 going to do next or why they were going to do it ? And 
 how, pray, can we talk of the inevitable, in the face of that 
 one miserable fact of human folly, whether of ignorance or 
 of passion, folly still ? There may be laws of folly, as there 
 are laws of disease ; and whether there are or not, we may 
 learn much wisdom from folly ; we may see what the true 
 laws of humanity are, by seeing the penalties which come 
 from breaking them : but as for laws which work of them- 
 selves, by an irresistible movement, — how can we discover 
 such in a past in which every law which we know has been 
 outraged again and again? Take one of the highest 
 instances — the progress of the human intellect — I do not 
 mean just now the spread of conscious science, but of that 
 unconscious science which we call common sense. What 
 hope have we of laying down exact laws for its growth, 
 in a world wherein it has been ignored, insulted, crushed, 
 a thousand times, sometimes in whole nations and for whole 
 
 Y
 
 322 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 generations, by the stupidity, tyranny, greed, caprice of 
 a single ruler; or if not so, yet by the mere superstition, 
 laziness, sensuality, anarchy of the mob? How, again, 
 are we to arrive at any exact laws of the increase of 
 population, in a race which has had, from the beginning, 
 the abnormal and truly monstrous habit of slaughtering 
 each other, not for food — for in a race of normal cannibals, 
 the ratio of increase or decrease might easily be calculated 
 — but uselessly, from rage, hate, fanaticism, or even mere 
 wantonness ? No man is less inclined than I to under- 
 value vital statistics, and their already admirable results: 
 but how can they help us, and how can we help them, in 
 looking at such a past as that of three-fourths of the nations 
 of the world? Look — as a single instance among too 
 many — at that most noble nation of Germany, swept and 
 stunned, by peasant wars, thirty years' wars, French wars, 
 and after each hurricane, blossoming up again into brave 
 industry and brave thought, to be in its turn cut off by a 
 fresh storm ere it could bear full fruit : doing nevertheless 
 such work, against such fearful disadvantages, as nation 
 never did before; and proving thereby what she might 
 have done for humanity, had not she, the mother of all 
 European life, been devoured, generation after generation, 
 by her own unnatural children. Nevertheless, she is their 
 mother still; and her history, as I believe, the root-history 
 of Europe: but it is hard to read — the sibylline leaves are 
 so fantastically torn, the characters so blotted out by tears 
 and blood. 
 
 And if such be the history of not one nation only, but of 
 the average, how, I ask, are we to make calculations about 
 such a species as man ? Many modern men of science 
 wish to draw the normal laws of human life from the 
 average of humanity: I question whether they can do so;
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 323 
 
 because I do not believe the average man to be the normal 
 man, exhibiting the normal laws : but a very abnormal man, 
 diseased and crippled, but even if their method were correct, 
 it could work in practice, only if the destinies of men were 
 always decided by majorities : and granting that the majority 
 of men have common sense, are the minority of fools to 
 count for nothing? Are they powerless? Have they had 
 no influence on History? Have they even been always a 
 minority, and not at times a terrible majority, doing each 
 that which was right in the sight of his own eyes ? You 
 can surely answer that question for yourselves. As far as 
 my small knowledge of History goes, I think it may be 
 proved from facts, that any given people, down to the 
 lowest savages, has, at any period of its life, known far 
 more than it has done; known quite enough to have 
 enabled it to have got on comfortably, thriven, and de- 
 veloped; if it had only done, what no man does, all that 
 it knew it ought to do, and could do. St. Paul's experience 
 of himself is true of all mankind — ' The good which I would, 
 I do not ; and the evil which I would not, that I do.' The 
 discrepancy between the amount of knowledge and the 
 amount of work, is one of the most patent and most painful 
 facts which strikes us in the history of man; and one not 
 certainly to be explained on any theory of man's progress 
 being the effect of inevitable laws, or one which gives us 
 much hope of ascertaining fixed laws for that progress. 
 
 And bear in mind, that fools are not always merely im- 
 becile and obstructive; they are at times ferocious, dangerous, 
 mad. There is in human nature what Goethe used to call 
 a demoniac element, defying all law, and all induction; 
 and we can, I fear, from that one cause, as easily calculate 
 the progress of the human race, as we can calculate that 
 of the vines upon the slopes of -^tna, with the lava ready to 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 boil up and overwhelm them at any and every moment. Let 
 us learn, in God's name, all we can, from the short intervals 
 of average peace and common sense : let us, or rather our 
 grandchildren, get precious lessons from them for the next 
 period of sanity. But let us not be surprised, much less 
 disheartened, if after learning a very little,'some unexpected 
 and truly demoniac factor, Anabaptist war, French revo- 
 lution, or other, should toss all our calculations to the winds, 
 and set us to begin afresh, sadder and wiser men. We may 
 learn, doubtless, even more of the real facts of human 
 nature, the real laws of human history, from these critical 
 periods, when the root-fibres of the human heart are laid 
 bare, for good and evil, than from any smooth and respect- 
 able periods of peace and plenty : nevertheless their lessons 
 are not statistical, but moral. 
 
 But if human folly has been a disturbing force for evil, 
 surely human reason has been a disturbing force for good. 
 Man can not only disobey the laws of his being, he can 
 also choose between them, to an extent which science 
 widens every day, and so become, what he was meant to 
 be, an artificial being ; artificial in his manufactures, habits, 
 society, polity — what not? All day long he has a free 
 choice between even physical laws, which mere things have 
 not, and which make the laws of mere things inapplicable 
 to him. Take the simplest case. If he falls into the water, 
 he has his choice whether he will obey the laws of gravity 
 and sink, or by other laws perform the (to him) artificial 
 process of swimming, and get ashore. True, both would 
 happen by law : but he has his choice which law shall con- 
 quer, sink or swim. We have yet to learn why whole nations, 
 why all mankind may not use the same prudential power as to 
 which law they shall obey, — which, without breaking it, they 
 shall conquer and repress, as long as seems good to them.
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 325 
 
 It is true, nature must be obeyed in order that she may 
 be conquered: but then she is to be conquered. It has 
 been too much the fashion of late to travestie that great 
 dictum of Bacon's into a very different one, and say, Nature 
 must be obeyed because she cannot be conquered ; thus 
 proclaiming the impotence of science to discover anything 
 save her own impotence — a result as contrary to fact, as 
 to Bacon's own hopes of what science would do for the 
 welfare of the human race. For what is all human in- 
 vention, but the transcending and conquering one natural 
 law by another? What is the practical answer which all 
 mankind has been making to nature and her pretensions, 
 whenever it has progressed one step since the foundation 
 of the world : by which all discoverers have discovered, all 
 teachers taught: by which all polities, kingdoms, civiliza- 
 tions, arts, manufactures, have established themselves; all 
 who have raised themselves above the mob have faced the 
 mob, and conquered the mob, crucified by them first and 
 worshipped by them afterwards: by which the first savage 
 conquered the natural law which put wild beasts in the 
 forest, by killing them; conquered the natural law which 
 makes raw meat wholesome, by cooking it ; conquered the 
 natural law which made weeds grow at his hut door, by 
 rooting them up, and planting corn instead; and won his 
 first spurs in the great battle of man against nature, proving 
 thereby that he was a man, and not an ape? What but 
 this? — 'Nature is strong, but I am stronger. I know her 
 worth, but I know my own. I trust her and her laws, but 
 my trusty servant she shall be, and not my tyrant; and if 
 she interfere with my ideal, even with my personal comfort, 
 then Nature and I will fight it out to the last gasp, and 
 Heaven defend the right !' 
 
 In forgetting this, in my humble opinion, lay the error of
 
 326 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 the early, or laissez faire School of Political Economy. It 
 was too much inclined to say to men : ' You are the puppets 
 of certain natural laws. Your own free^Yill and choice, if 
 they really exist, exist merely as a dangerous disease. All 
 you can do is to submit to the laws, and drift whitherso- 
 ever they may carry you, for good or evil.' But not less 
 certainly was the same blame to be attached to the French 
 SociaUst School. It, though based on a revolt from the 
 Philosophie du neant, philosophic de la misere, as it used to 
 term the laissez faire School, yet retained the worst fallacy 
 of its foe, namely, that man was the creature of circum- 
 stances ; and denied him just as much as its antagonist the 
 possession of freewill, or at least the right to use freewill on 
 any large scale. 
 
 The laissez faire School was certainly the more logical of 
 the two. With them, if man was the creature of circum- 
 stances, those circumstances were at least defined for him by 
 external laws which he had not created : while the Socialists, 
 with Fourier at their head (as it has always seemed to me), 
 fell into the extraordinary paradox of supposing that though 
 man was the creature of circumstances, he was to become 
 happy by creating the very circumstances which were after- 
 wards to create him. But both of ihem erred, surely, in 
 ignoring that self-arbitrating power of man, by which he can, 
 for good or for evil, rebel against and conquer circum- 
 stance. 
 
 I am not, surely, overstepping my province as Professor 
 of History, in alluding to this subject. Just notions of Poli- 
 tical Economy are absolutely necessary to just notions of 
 History; and I should wish those young gentlemen who 
 may attend my Lectures, to go first, were it possible, to my 
 more learned brother, the Professor of Poliiical Economy, 
 and get from him not merely exact habits of thought, but
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 327 
 
 a knowledge which I cannot give, and yet which they ought 
 to possess. For to take the very lowest ground, the first 
 fact of history is, Bouche va toujours ; whatever men have 
 or have not done, they have always eaten, or tried to eat ; 
 and the laws which regulate the supply of the first necessaries 
 of life are, after all, the first which should be learnt, and the 
 last which should be ignored. 
 
 The more modern school, however, of Political Economy 
 while giving due weight to circumstance, has refused to 
 acknowledge it as the force which ought to determine all 
 human Hfe ; and our greatest living political economist has, 
 in his Essay on Liberty, put in a plea unequalled since the 
 Areopagitica of Milton, for the self- determining power of 
 the individual, and for his right to use that power. 
 
 But my business is not with rights, so much as with facts ; 
 and as a fact, surely, one may say, that this inventive reason 
 of man has been, in all ages, interfering with any thing like 
 an inevitable sequence or orderly progress of humanity. 
 Some of those writers, indeed, who are most anxious to 
 discover an exact order, are most loud in their complaints 
 that it has been interfered with by over-legislation ; and re- 
 joice that mankind is returning to a healthier frame of mind, 
 and leaving nature alone to her own work in her own way. 
 I do not altogether agree with their complaints ; but of that 
 I hope to speak in subsequent lectures. Meanwhile, I must 
 ask, if (as is said) most good legislation now-a-days consists 
 in repealing old laws which ought never to have been passed ; 
 if (as is said) the great fault of our forefathers was that they 
 were continually setting things wrong, by intermeddling in 
 matters political, economic, religious, which should have 
 been let alone, to develop themselves in their own way, what 
 becomes of the inevitable laws, and the continuous progress, 
 of the human mind ?
 
 328 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 Look again at the disturbing power, not merely of the 
 general reason of the many, but of the genius of the few. I 
 am not sure, but that the one fact, that genius is occasion- 
 ally present in the world, is not enough to prevent our ever 
 discovering any regular sequence in human progress, past 
 or future. 
 
 Let me explain myself. In addition to the infinite variety 
 of individual characters continually born (in itself a cause of 
 perpetual disturbance), man alone of all species has the 
 faculty of producing, from time to time, individuals immea- 
 surably superior to the average in some point or other, whom 
 we call men of genius. Like Mr. Babbage's calculating 
 machine, human nature gives millions of orderly respectable 
 common-place results, which any statistician can classify, and 
 enables hasty philosophers to say — It always has gone on 
 thus ; it must go on thus always ; when behold, after many 
 millions of orderly results, there turns up a seemingly dis- 
 orderly, a certainly unexpected, result, and the law seems 
 broken (being really superseded by some deeper law) for that 
 once, and perhaps never again for centuries. Even so it is 
 with man, and the physiological laws which determine the 
 earthly appearance of men. Laws there are, doubt it not ; 
 but they are beyond us : and let our induction be as wide 
 as it may, they will baffle it; and great nature, just as we 
 fancy we have found out her secret, will smile in our faces 
 as she brings into the world a man, the like of whom we 
 have never seen, and cannot explain, define, classify — in one 
 word, a genius. Such do, as a fact, become leaders of men 
 into quite new and unexpected paths, and, for good or evil, 
 leave their stamp upon whole generations and races. Noto- 
 rious as this may be, it is just, I think, what most modern 
 theories of human progress ignore. They take the actions 
 and the tendencies of the average many, and from them con-
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 329 
 
 struct their scheme : a method not perhaps quite safe were 
 they dealing with plants or animals ; but what if it be the 
 very peculiarity of this fantastic and altogether unique crea- 
 ture called man, not only that he develops, from time to time, 
 these exceptional individuals, but that they are the most im- 
 portant individuals of all ? that his course is decided for him 
 not by the average many, but by the extraordinary few ; that 
 one Mahommed, one Luther, one Bacon, one Napoleon, 
 shall change the thoughts and habits of millions ? — So that 
 instead of saying that the history of mankind is the history 
 of the masses, it would be much more true to say, that the 
 history of mankind is the history of its great men ; and that 
 a true philosophy of history ought to declare the laws — call 
 them physical, spiritual, biological, or what we choose — by 
 which great minds have been produced into the world, as 
 necessary results, each in his place and time. 
 
 That would be a science indeed ; how far we are as yet 
 from any such, you know as well as I. As yet, the appear- 
 ance of great minds is as inexplicable to us as if they had 
 dropped among us from another planet. Who will tell us 
 why they have arisen when they did, and why they did what 
 they did, and nothing else? I do not deny that such a 
 science is conceivable ; because each mind, however great 
 or strange, may be the result of fixed and unerring laws of 
 life : and it is conceivable, too, that such a science may so 
 perfectly explain the past, as to be able to predict the future ; 
 and tell men when a fresh genius is likely to arise and of 
 what form his intellect will be. Conceivable: but I fear 
 only conceivable; if for no other reason, at least for this 
 one. We may grant safely that the mind of Luther was the 
 necessary result of a combination of natural laws. We may 
 go further, and grant, but by no means safely, that Luther, 
 was the creature of circumstances, that there was no self-
 
 330 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 moving originality in him, but that his age made him what 
 he was. To some modern minds these concessions remove 
 all difficulty and mystery: but not, I trust, to our minds. 
 For does not the very puzzle de quo agitur remain equally 
 real; namely, why the average of Augustine monks, the 
 average of German men, did not, by being exposed to the 
 same average circumstances as Luther, become what Luther 
 was ? But whether we allow Luther to have been a person 
 with an originally different character from all others, or 
 whether we hold him to have been the mere puppet of out- 
 side influences, the first step towards discovering how he 
 became what he was, will be to find out what he .was. It 
 will be more easy, and, I am sorry to say, more common to 
 settle beforehand our theory, and explain by it such parts 
 of Luther as will fit it ; and call those which will not fit it 
 hard names. History is often so taught, and the method is 
 popular and lucrative. But we here shall be of opinion, I am 
 sure, that we only can learn causes through their effects ; we 
 can only learn the laws which produced Luther, by learning 
 Luther himself; by analyzing his whole character; by gaug- 
 ing all his powers ; and that — unless the less can compre- 
 hend the greater — we cannot do till we are more than 
 Luther himself. I repeat it. None can comprehend a man, 
 unless he be greater than that man. He must be not merely 
 equal to him, because none can see in another elements of 
 character which he has not already seen in himself: he must 
 be greater; because to comprehend him thoroughly, he must 
 be able to judge the man's failings as well as his excellen- 
 cies ; to see not only why he did what he did, but why he 
 did not do more : in a word, he must be nearer than his 
 object is to the ideal man. 
 
 And if it be assumed that I am quibbling on the words 
 'comprehend' and 'greater,' that the observer, need be
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 331 
 
 greater only potentially, and not in act ; that all the compre- 
 hension required of him, is to have in himself the germs of 
 other men's faculties, without having developed those germs 
 in life ; I must still stand to my assertion. For such a re- 
 joinder ignores the most mysterious element of all charac- 
 ter, which we call strength : by virtue of which, of two seem- 
 ingly similar characters, while one does nothing, the other 
 shall do great things; while in one the germs of intellect 
 and virtue remain comparatively embryonic, passive, and 
 weak, in the other these same germs shall develop into man- 
 hood, action, success. And in what that same strength con- 
 sists, not even the dramatic imagination of a Shakespeare 
 could discover. What are those heart-rending sonnets of 
 his, but the confession that over and above all his powers 
 he lacked one thing, and knew not what it was, or where to 
 find it — and that was — to be strong ? 
 
 And yet he who will give us a science of great men, must 
 begin by having a larger heart, a keener insight, a more 
 varying human experience, than Shakespeare's own; while 
 those who offer us a science of little men, and attempt to 
 explain history and progress by laws drawn from the average 
 of mankind, are utterly at sea the moment they come in 
 contact with the very men whose actions make the history, 
 to whose thought the progress is due. And why ? Because 
 (so at least I think) the new science of little men can be no 
 science at all : because the average man is not the normal 
 man, and never yet has been; because the great man is 
 rather the normal man, as approaching more nearly than his 
 fellows to the true 'norma' and standard of a complete 
 human character; and therefore to pass him by as a mere 
 irregular sport of nature, an accidental giant with six fingers 
 and six toes, and to turn to the mob for your theory of 
 humanity, is (I think) about as wise as to ignore the Apollo
 
 332 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 and the Theseus, and to determine the proportions of the 
 human figure from a crowd of dwarfs and cripples. 
 
 No, let us not weary ourselves with narrow theories, with 
 hasty inductions, which will, a century hence, furnish mere 
 matter for a smile. Let us confine ourselves, at least in the 
 present infantile state of the anthropologic sciences, to 
 facts ; to ascertaining honestly and patiently the thing which 
 has been done ; trusting that if we make ourselves masters 
 of them, some rays of inductive light will be vouchsafed to 
 us from Him who truly comprehends mankind, and knows 
 what is in man, because He is the Son of Man ; who has 
 His own true theory of human progress, His own sound 
 method of educating the human race, perfectly good, and 
 perfectly wise, and at last, perfectly victorious; which 
 nevertheless, were it revealed to us to-morrow, we could not 
 understand ; for if he who would comprehend Luther must 
 be more than Luther, what must he be, who would compre- 
 hend God? 
 
 Look again, as a result of the disturbing force of genius, 
 at the effects of great inventions — how unexpected, complex, 
 subtle, all but miraculous — throwing out alike the path of 
 human history, and the calculations of the student. If 
 physical discoveries produced only physical or economic 
 results — if the invention of printing had only produced more 
 books, and more knowledge — if the invention of gunpowder 
 had only caused more or less men to be killed^f the 
 invention of the spinning-jenny had only produced more 
 cotton-stuffs, more employment, and therefore more human 
 beings, — then their effects would have been, however com- 
 plex, more or less subjects of exact computation. 
 
 But so strangely interwoven is the physical and spiritual 
 history of man, that material inventions produce continually 
 the most unexpected spiritual results. Printing becomes a
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 333 
 
 religious agent, causes not merely more books, but a 
 Protestant Reformation; then again, through the Jesuit 
 literature, helps to a Romanist counter-reformation ; and by 
 the clashing of the two, is one of the great causes of the 
 Thirty Years' War, one of the most disastrous checks which 
 European progress ever suffered. Gunpowder, again, not 
 content with killing men, becomes unexpectedly a political 
 agent ; ' the villanous saltpetre,' as Ariosto and Shakespeare's 
 fop complain, 'does to death many a goodly gentleman,' 
 and enables the masses to cope, for the first time, with 
 knights in armour; thus forming a most important agent in 
 the rise of the middle classes ; while the spinning-jenny, not 
 content with furnishing facts for the political economist, and 
 employment for millions, helps to extend slavery in the 
 United States, and gives rise to moral and poHtical questions, 
 which may have, ere they be solved, the most painful conse- 
 quences to one of the greatest nations on earth. 
 
 So far removed is the sequence of human history from 
 any thing which we can call irresistible or inevitable. Did 
 one dare to deal in epithets, crooked, wayward, mysterious, 
 incalculable, would be those which would rather suggest 
 themselves to a man looking steadily not at a few facts here 
 and there, and not again at some hasty bird's-eye sketch, 
 which he chooses to call a whole, but at the actual whole, 
 fact by fact, step by step, and alas ! failure by failure, and 
 crime by crime. 
 
 Understand me, I beg. I do not wish (Heaven forbid !) 
 to discourage inductive thought; I do not wish to under- 
 value exact science. I only ask that the moral world, which 
 is just as much the domain of inductive science as the 
 physical one, be not ignored; that the tremendous difficulties 
 of analyzing its phsenomena be fairly faced; and the hope 
 given up, at least for the present, of forming any exact
 
 334 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 science of history ; and I wish to warn you off from the too 
 common mistake of trying to explain the mysteries of the 
 spiritual world by a few roughly defined physical laws (for 
 too much of our modern thought does little more than that); 
 and of ignoring as old fashioned, or even superstitious, those 
 great moral laws of history, which are sanctioned by the 
 experience of ages. 
 
 Foremost among them stands a law which I must insist 
 on, boldly and perpetually, if I wish (as 1 do wish) to follow 
 in the footsteps of Sir James Stephen: a law which man 
 has been trying in all ages, as now, to deny, or at least to 
 ignore ; though he might have seen it if he had willed, 
 working steadily in all times and nations. And that is — 
 that as the fruit of righteousness is wealth and peace, 
 strength and honour ; the fruit of unrighteousness is poverty 
 and anarchy, weakness and shame. It is an ancient doctrine, 
 and yet one ever young. The Hebrew prophets preached 
 it long ago, in words which are fulfilling themselves around 
 us every day, and which no new discoveries of science will 
 abrogate, because they express the great root-law, which 
 disobeyed, science itself cannot get a hearing. 
 
 For not upon mind, gentlemen, not upon mind, but 
 upon morals, is human welfare founded. The true sub- 
 jective history of man is the history not of his thought, 
 but of his conscience ; the true objective history of 
 man is not that of his inventions, but of his vices 
 and his virtues. So far from morals depending upon 
 thought, thought, I believe, depends on morals. In pro- 
 portion as a nation is righteous, — in proportion as common 
 justice is done between man and man, will thought grow 
 rapidly, securely, triumphantly ; will its discoveries be cheer- 
 fully accepted, and faithfully obeyed, to the welfare of the 
 whole commonweal. But where a nation is corrupt, that is,
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 335 
 
 where the majority of individuals in it are bad, and justice is 
 not done between man and man, there thought will wither, 
 and science will be either crushed by frivolity and sensuality, 
 or abused to the ends of tyranny, ambition, profligacy^ till 
 she herself perishes, amid the general ruin of all good 
 things; as she had done in Greece, in Rome, in Spain, in 
 China, and many other lands. Laws of economy, of polity, 
 of health, of all which makes human life endurable, may be 
 ignored and trampled under foot, and are too often, every 
 day, for the sake of present greed, of present passion ; self- 
 interest may become, and will become, more and more 
 blinded, just in proportion as it is not enlightened by virtue ; 
 till a nation may arrive, though, thank God, but seldom, at 
 that state of frantic recklessness which Salvian describes 
 among his Roman countrymen in Gaul, when, while the 
 Franks were thundering at their gates, and starved and 
 half-burnt corpses lay about the unguarded streets, the 
 remnant, like that in doomed Jerusalem of old, were drinking, 
 dicing, ravishing, robbing the orphan and the widow, 
 swindling the poor man out of his plot of ground, and 
 sending meanwhile to the tottering Caesar at Rome, to ask, 
 not for armies, but for Circensian games. 
 
 We cannot see how science could have bettered those 
 poor Gauls. And we can conceive, surely, a nation falling 
 into the same madness, and crying * Let us eat and drink, 
 for to-morrow we die,' in the midst of railroads, spinning- 
 jennies, electric telegraphs, and crystal palaces, with infinite 
 blue-books and scientific treatises ready to prove to them, 
 what they knew perfectly well already, that they were 
 making a very unprofitable investment, both of money 
 and of time. 
 
 For science indeed is great : but she is not the greatest. 
 She is an instrument, and not a power ; beneficent or deadly,
 
 336 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 according as she is wielded by the hand of virtue or of vice. 
 But her lawful mistress, the only one which can use her 
 aright, the only one under whom she can truly grow, and 
 prosper, and prove her divine descent, is Virtue, the like- 
 ness of Almighty God. This, indeed, the Hebrew Prophets, 
 who knew no science in one sense of the word, do not ex- 
 pressly say : but it is a corollary from their doctrine, which 
 we may discover for ourselves, if we will look at the nations 
 round us now, if we will look at all the nations which have 
 been. Even Voltaire himself acknowledged that ; and when 
 he pointed to the Chinese as the most prosperous nation upon 
 earth, ascribed their prosperity uniformly to their virtue. 
 VVe now know that he was wrong in fact : for we have 
 discovered that Chinese civilization is one not of peace and 
 plenty, but of anarchy and wretchedness. But that fact only 
 goes to corroborate the belief, which (strange juxtaposition !) 
 was common to Voltaire and the old Hebrew Prophets at 
 whom he scoffed, namely, that virtue is W'ealth, and vice is 
 ruin. For we have found that these Chinese, the ruling 
 classes of them at least, are an especially unrighteous 
 people; rotting upon the rotting remnants of the wisdom 
 and virtue of their forefathers, which now live only on their 
 lips in flowery maxims about justice and mercy and truth, as 
 a cloak for practical hypocrisy and villany; and we have 
 discovered also, as a patent fact, just what the Hebrew 
 Prophets would have foretold us — that the miseries and 
 horrors which are now destroying the Chinese Empire, are 
 the direct and organic results of the moral profligacy of its 
 inhabitants. 
 
 I know no modern nation, moreover, which illustrates so 
 forcibly as China the great historic law which the Hebrew 
 Prophets proclaim ; and that is this : — That as the prosperity 
 of a nation is the correlative of their morals, so are their
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 337 
 
 morals the correlative of their theology. As a people 
 behaves, so it thrives; as it believes, so it behaves. Such 
 as his Gods are, such will the man be ; down to that lowest 
 point which too many of the Chinese seem to have reached, 
 where, having no Gods, he himself becomes no man ; but 
 (as I hear you see him at the Australian diggings) abhorred 
 for his foul crimes even by the scum of Europe. 
 
 I do not say that the theology always produces the 
 morals, any more than that the morals always produce the 
 theology. Each is, I think, alternately cause and effect. 
 Men make the Gods in their own likeness ; then they copy 
 the likeness they have set up. But whichever be cause, and 
 whichever effect, the law, I believe, stands true, that on the 
 two together depends the physical welfare of a people. 
 History gives us many examples, in which superstition, many 
 again in which profligacy, have been the patent cause of a 
 nation's degradation. It does not, as far as I am aware, 
 give us a single case of a nation's thriving and developing 
 when deeply infected with either of those two vices. 
 
 These, the broad and simple laws of moral retribution, we 
 may see in history; and (I hope) something more than 
 them ; something of a general method, something of an 
 upward progress, though any thing but an irresistible or 
 inevitable one. For I have not argued that there is no 
 order, no progress — God forbid. Were there no order to 
 be found, what could the student with a man's reason in 
 him do, but in due time go mad .? — Were there no progress, 
 what could the student with a man's heart within him do, 
 but in due time break his heart, over the sight of a chaos of 
 folly and misery irredeemable ? — I only argue that the order 
 and the progress of human history cannot be similar to 
 those which govern irrational beings, and cannot (without 
 extreme danger) be described by metaphors (for they are 
 
 z
 
 338 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 nothing stronger) drawn from physical science. If there be 
 an order, a progress, they must be moral; fit for the 
 guidance of moral beings ; Hmited by the obedience which 
 those moral beings pay to what they know. 
 
 And such an order, such a progress as that, I have good 
 hope that we shall find in history. 
 
 We shall find, as I believe, in all the ages, God educating 
 man; protecting him till he can go alone, furnishing him 
 with the primary necessaries, teaching him, guiding him, 
 inspiring him, as we should do to our children; bearing 
 with him, and forgiving him too, again and again, as we 
 should do : but teaching him withal (as we shall do if we 
 be wise) in great part by his own experience, making him 
 test for himself, even by failure and pain, the truth of the 
 laws which have been given him; discover for himself, as 
 much as possible, fresh laws, or fresh applications of laws ; 
 and exercising his will and faculties, by trusting him to 
 himself wherever he can be trusted without his final 
 destruction. This is my conception of history, especially of 
 Modern History — of history since the Revelation of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ. I express myself feebly enough, I 
 know. And even could I express what I mean perfectly, 
 it would still be but a partial analogy, not to be pushed into 
 details. As I said just now, were the true law of human 
 progress revealed to us to-morrow, we could not under- 
 stand it. 
 
 For suppose that the theory were true, which Dr. Temple 
 of Rugby has lately put into such noble words : suppose 
 that, as he says, ' The power whereby the present ever 
 gathers into itself the results of the past, transforms the 
 human race into a colossal man, whose life reaches from the 
 creation to the day of judgment. The successive generations 
 of men, are days in this man's life. The discoveries and
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 339 
 
 inventions which characterize the different epochs of the 
 world, are this man's works. The creeds and doctrines, the 
 opinions and principles of the successive ages, are his 
 thoughts. The state of society at different times, are his 
 manners. He grows in knowledge, in self-control, in visible 
 size, just as we do.' Suppose all this; and suppose too, 
 that God is educating this his colossal child, as we educate 
 our own children ; it will hardly follow from thence that his 
 education would be, as Dr. Temple says it is, precisely 
 similar to ours. 
 
 Analogous it may be, but not precisely similar; and for 
 this reason : That the collective man, in the theory, must be 
 infinitely more complex in his organization than the indi- 
 viduals of which he is composed. While between the 
 educator of the one and of the other, there is simply the 
 difference between a man and God. How much more 
 complex then must his education be ! how all-inscrutable to 
 human minds much in it ! — often as inscrutable as would 
 our training of our children seem to the bird brooding over 
 her young ones in the nest. The parental relations in all 
 three cases may be — the Scriptures say that they are — expan- 
 sions of the same great law ; the key to all history may be 
 contained in those great words — ' How often would I have 
 gathered thy children as a hen gathereth her chickens under 
 her wings.' Yet even there the analogy stops short — ' but 
 thou wouldest not ' expresses a new element, which has no 
 place in the training of the nestling by the dam, though it 
 has place in our training of our children; even that self-will, 
 that power of disobedience, which is the dark side of man's 
 prerogative as a rational and self-cultivating being. Here 
 that analogy fails, as we should have expected it to do ; and 
 in a hundred other points it fails, or rather transcends so 
 utterly its original type, that mankind seems, at moments, 
 
 z 2
 
 340 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 the mere puppet of those laws of natural selection, and 
 competition of species, of which we have heard so much of 
 late ; and, to give a single instance, the seeming waste, of 
 human thought, of human agony, of human power, seems 
 but another instance of that inscrutable prodigality of nature, 
 by which, of a thousand acorns dropping to the ground, 
 but one shall become the thing it can become, and grow 
 into a builder oak, the rest be craunched up by the nearest 
 swine. 
 
 Yet these dark passages of human life may be only 
 necessary elements of the complex education of our race; 
 and as much mercy under a fearful shape, as ours when we 
 put the child we love under the surgeon's knife. At least 
 we may believe so; believe that they have a moral end, 
 though that end be unseen by us; and without any rash 
 or narrow prying into final causes (a trick as fatal to his- 
 toric research as Bacon said it was to science), we may 
 justify God by faith, where we cannot justify Him by 
 experience. 
 
 Surely this will be the philosophic method. If we seem 
 to ourselves to have discovered a law, we do not throw it 
 away the moment we find phsenomena which will not be 
 explained by it. We use those phsenomena to correct and 
 to expand our law. And this belief that History is ' God 
 educating man,' is no mere hypothesis ; it results from the 
 observation of thousands of minds, throughout thousands of 
 years. It has long seemed — I trust it will seem still — the 
 best explanation of the strange deeds of that strange being, 
 man: and where we find in history facts which seem to 
 contradict it, we shall not cast away rashly or angrily either 
 it or them : but if we be Bacon's true disciples, we shall use 
 them patiently and reverently to correct and expand our 
 notions of the law itself, and rise thereby to more deep and
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 341 
 
 just conceptions of education, of man, and— it may be — of 
 God Himself. 
 
 In proportion as we look at history thus; searching for 
 effective, rather than final causes, and content to see God 
 working everywhere, without impertinently demanding of 
 Him a reason for His deeds, we shall study in a frame of 
 mind equally removed from superstition on the one hand, 
 and necessitarianism on the other. We shall not be afraid 
 to confess natural agencies : but neither shall we be afraid 
 to confess those supernatural causes which underlie all 
 existence, save God's alone. 
 
 We shall talk of more than of an over-ruling Providence. 
 That such exists, will seem to us a patent fact. But it will 
 seem to us somewhat Manichsean to believe that the world 
 is ill made, mankind a failure, and that all God has to do 
 with them, is to set them right here and there, when they go 
 intolerably wrong. We shall believe not merely in an over- 
 ruling Providence, but (if I may dare to coin a word) in an 
 under-ruling one, which has fixed for mankind eternal laws 
 of life, health, growth, both physical and spiritual; in an 
 around-ruling Providence, likewise, by which circumstances, 
 that which stands around a man, are perpetually arranged, 
 it may be, are fore-ordained, so that each law shall have at 
 least an opportunity of taking effect on the right person, in 
 the right time and place; and in an in-ruling Providence, 
 too, from whose inspiration comes all true thought, all right 
 feeling; from whom, we must believe, man alone of all 
 living things known to us inherits that mysterious faculty of 
 perceiving the law beneath the phcenomena, by virtue of 
 which he is a mail. 
 
 But we can hold all this, surely, and equally hold all which 
 natural science may teach us. Hold what natural science 
 teaches ? We shall not dare not to hold it. It will be sacred
 
 342 THE LIMITS OF EXACT SCIENCE 
 
 in our eyes. All light which science, political, economic, 
 physiological, or other, can throw upon the past, will be 
 welcomed by us, as coming from the Author of all light. 
 To ignore it, even to receive it suspiciously and grudgingly, 
 we shall feel to be a sin against Him. We shall dread no 
 'inroads of materialism ;' because we shall be standing upon 
 that spiritual ground which underlies — ay, causes — the 
 material. All discoveries of science, whether political or 
 economic, whether laws of health or laws of climate, will be 
 accepted trustfully and cheerfully. And when we meet with 
 such startling speculations as those on the influence of 
 climate, soil, scenery on national character, which have 
 lately excited so much controversy, we shall welcome them 
 at first sight, just because they give us hope of order where 
 we had seen only disorder, law where we fancied chance : 
 we shall verify them patiently ; correct them if they need 
 correction; and if proven, believe that they have worked, 
 and still work, ovk uvev Qeov, as factors in the great method 
 of Him who has appointed to all nations their times, and the 
 bounds of their habitation, if haply they might feel after 
 Him, and find Him : though He be not far from any one of 
 them ; for in Him we live, and move, and have our being, 
 and are the offspring of God Himself. 
 
 I thus end what it seemed to me proper to say in this, 
 my Inaugural Lecture ; thanking you much for the patience 
 with which you have heard me : and if I have in it too often 
 spoken of myself, and my own opinions, I can only answer 
 that it is a fault which has been forced on me by my 
 position, and which will not occur again. It seemed to me 
 that some sort of statement of my belief was necessary, if 
 only from respect to a University from which I have been 
 long separated, and to return to which is to me a high 
 honour and a deep pleasure ; and I cannot but be aware (it
 
 AS APPLIED TO HISTORY. 343 
 
 is best to be honest) that there exists a prejudice against me 
 in the minds of better men than I am, on account of certain 
 early writings of mine. That prejudice, I trust, with God's 
 help, I shall be able to dissipate. At least whatever I shall 
 fail in doing, this University will find that I shall do one 
 thing ; and that is, obey the Apostolic precept, ' Study to be 
 quiet, and to do your own business.'
 
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 Scott, Ph.D. Cr. 8vo. los. 6d 
 
 THOMSON (Sir C. Wyville).— The Voyage 
 OF THE "Challenger": The Atlantic. 
 With Illustrations, Coloured Maps, Charts, 
 etc 2 vols. 8vo. 45.f. 
 
 THOMSON (Sir C. Wyville).— The Depths 
 OF THE Sea. An Account of the Results of 
 the Dredging Cruises of H.M.SS. "Light- 
 ning" and "Porcupine," 1868-69-70. With 
 Illustrations, Maps, and Plans. Svo. ^is.dd. 
 
 Entomology. 
 BUCKTON (G. B.).— Monograph of thb 
 
 British CiCAOyE, or Tettigid/B. 2 vols. 
 
 33^. ()d. each net ; or in 8 Parts. 8j. each net. 
 LUBBOCK (Sir John).— The Origin and 
 
 Metamorphoses of Insects. Illustrated. 
 
 Cr. Svo. 3^. td. 
 SCUDDER (S. H.).— Fossil Insects of 
 
 North America. Map and Plates, a 
 
 vols. 4to. goj. net. 
 
 Ornithology. 
 
 COUES (Elliott).— Key to North American 
 Birds. Illustrated. 8vo. 2/. 2s. 
 
 Handbook of Field and General Or- 
 nithology. Illustrated. 8vo. loi. net. 
 
 FOWLER(W. W.). (.y^e Natural History. 
 
 WHITE (Gilbert). {See Natural Historv. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 13, 40 
 
 • 35 
 
 4.32.33.35 
 
 24 
 
 30 
 
 Abbey (E. A.) . 
 Abbot (F. E.) . 
 .ABBOTT(Rev. E.) 3,1 
 ACLAND (Sir H. W.) 
 Adams (Sir F. O.) 
 Addison . . .4, 20, 21 
 
 Agassiz (L.) ... 3 
 AiNGER(Rev. A.) 5, 17, 21, 35 
 Ainslie(A. D.). 
 Airy (Sir G. B.) . 2, 29 
 AiTKEN (Mary C.) 
 AiTKEN (Sir W.) . . 25 
 Albemarle (Earl of) . 3 
 Aldrich (T. B.) . 14 
 
 Alexander (C. F.) . . 21 
 Alexander (T.) . . 9 
 Alexander (Bishop) . 35 
 Allbutt (T. C.) . . 24 
 Allen (G.) ... 6 
 Allingham (W.) . . 21 
 Amiel(H.F.) ... 3 
 Anderson (A.). . . 14 
 Anderson (Dr. McCall) 24 
 -Andrews (C. M.) . . lo 
 Andrews (Dr. Thomas) . 28 
 Appleton (T. G.) . . 40 
 Archer-Hind (R. D.) . 39 
 Arnold, M. 8,17,20,21,31,32,33 
 Arnold (Dr. T.) . . 10 
 Arnold (W.T.) . . 10 
 Ashley (W. J.). . . 3 
 Atkinson (J. B.) . .2 
 Atkinson (Rev. J. C.) 1,41 
 Attwell (H.) . . .21 
 Austin (Alfred) . 15 
 
 Autenrieth (Georg) . 8 
 Awdry (F.) . . .41 
 Bacon (Francis) . 20, 21 
 Baines (Rev. E.) . . 35 
 ■Baker (Sir S. W.) 30, 32, 40, 41 
 Bai.ch (Elizabeth) . . 12 
 Baldwin (Prof. J. M.) . 28 
 Balfour (F. M.) . . 6 
 Balfour (J. B.) . . 6 
 iBall (V.) . . .41 
 
 Ball fW. Piatt) 
 
 Ball (W. W. R.) . 
 
 Ballance (C. \.) 
 
 Barker (G. F.) 
 
 Barker ^Lady) 
 
 Barnard (C.) . 
 
 Barnes (W.) . 
 
 Barnett (E. a ) 
 
 Bartholomew (J. G.) 
 
 Bartlett (J.) . 
 
 Barwell (R.) . 
 
 Bastable (Prof. C. F.) 
 
 Bastian(H.C.) 
 
 Bateson (W.) . 
 
 Bath (Marquis of) . 
 
 Bather (Archdeacon) 
 
 Baxter (L.) 
 
 Beesly (Mrs.) . 
 
 Benham (Rev. W.) 5, 21, 22, 35 
 
 8, 40 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 6, 24 
 
 6 
 
 3t 
 
 Benson (Archbishop; 
 Berlioz (H. 
 Bernard (C. E.) 
 Bernard (J. H.) 
 Bernard (H. M.) 
 Bernard (M.) . 
 Bernapd(T. D.) 
 Berners (J.) . 
 Besant (W.) . 
 Bethune-Baker (J 
 Bettany (G. T.) 
 
 BiCKERTON (T. H.) 
 
 Bigelow(M. M.) 
 Bik6las D.) . 
 BiNNiE(Rev.W.) 
 BiRKs(T. R.) . 6, 
 
 BjORNSON (B.) . 
 
 Black (W.) . 
 Blackburne (E.) 
 Blackie (J. S.) 
 Blake (J. F.) . 
 Blake (W.) . 
 Blakiston (J. R.) 
 Blanford(H. F.) 
 Blanford (W. T.) 
 Blomfield (R.) 
 
 F.) 
 
 Blyth (A. W.) . 
 Bohm-Bawerk (Prof.) . 30 
 BOISSEVAIN (G. M.) . . 30 
 
 Boldrewood (Rolf). 
 
 BONAR (.J.) . . . 30 
 
 Bond (Rev. J.). . . 33 
 
 Boole (G.) ... 28 
 
 Booth (C.) . . .32 
 
 BosE (W. P. du) . . 36 
 
 Boughton (G. H.) . . 40 
 
 BouTMY (E.) . . .13 
 
 Bowen(H.C.). 
 
 Bower (F.O.) . 
 
 Brhtt(R. B ) . 
 
 Bridges (J. A.). 
 
 Bright (H. A.). . . 9 
 
 Bright (John) . . -31 
 
 Brimley(G.) . 
 
 Brodie (Sir B. C.) . 
 
 Brodribb (W. J.) . 14) 40 
 
 Brooke (Sir J.) 
 
 Brooke (S. A.). 13,14,21,35,36 
 
 >5 
 
 Brooks (Bishop) 
 Brown (A. C.) . 
 Brown (J. A.) . 
 Brown (Dr. James) 
 Brown (T. E. ) . 
 Browne (J. H. B.) 
 Browne (Sir T.) 
 BRUNTON(Dr. T.Lauder) 24, 36 
 Bryce (James) . .10,31,40 
 Buchheim (C. a."* . . 21 
 Buckland (A.). 
 Buckley (A. B.) 
 BUCKNILL (Dr. J.C.) 
 BuCKTON (G. B.) . 
 BUNYAN . 
 
 Burgon(J.W.) 
 Burke (E.) 
 
 Burn (R.). . . . i 
 Burnett (F. Hodgson) . 18 
 Burns . . .15, 21 
 Bury (J. B.) ... 10 
 BuTCHER(Prof. S. H.) 14,20,39 
 Butler (A. J.). . . 39 
 
 5, 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 43 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 31
 
 44 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 36 
 
 32 
 
 Butler (Rev. G.) . 
 Butler (Samuel) . 
 Butler (W.Archer) 
 Butler (Sir W. F.) . 
 Buxton (Mrs. S.) . 
 Byron 
 
 Cairnes (J. E.) 
 Caldecott (R.) 
 Caldkron 
 Calderwood (Prof. H.) 
 
 6, 8, 27, 2 
 Calvert (Rev. A.) . 
 Cameron (V. L.) 
 Campbell (G.). 
 Campbell (J. D.) . 
 Campbell (J. F.) 
 Campbell (Dr. J. M.) 
 Campbell (Prof. Lewis) 
 Cantillon 
 Capes (W.W.). 
 Carles (W. R.) 
 Carlyle (T.) . 
 Carmarthen (Lady) 
 Carnarvon (Earl of) 
 Carnot (N. L. G.) . 
 Carpenter (Bishop) 
 Carr (J. C.) . 
 Carroll (Lewis) 
 Carter (R. Brudenell) 
 Cassel (Dr. D.) 
 Cautlev(G. S.) 
 Cazenove (J. G.) 
 Chalmers <]. B.) 
 Chalmers (M. D.) . 
 Chapman (Elizabeth R.) 
 Chasseresse (Diana) 
 Cherry (R.R.) 
 Cheyne (C. H. H.) . 
 Cheyne (T. K.) 
 Christie (J.) . 
 Christie (W. D.) . 
 Church (Prof A. H.) 
 Church (Rev. A. J.) 
 Church (F. J.). 
 Church (Dean) 3,4,5,20,34,36 
 Clare (G.) 
 Clark (J. W.) . 
 Clark (L.) 
 Clark (S.) 
 Clarke (C.B.). 
 Cle\f,lani) (Duchess) 
 Clifford (E<1.) 
 Clifford (W. K.) . 
 Clifford (Mrs. W. K.) 
 Clough (A. H.) 
 
 COBDEN (R.) 
 
 Cohen (J. B.) . 
 
 COLENS0(.I.W.) 
 
 Coleridge (C. R.) . 
 
 COLERIDGH (S. T.) . 
 
 Collier (Hon. John) 
 Collins (J. Churton) 
 Colquhoun (F. S.) . 
 CoLviN (Sidney) 
 Combe (G.) 
 Congreve (Rev. J.) . 
 Conway (Hugh) 
 Cook (E. T.) . 
 Cooke (C. Kinloch) . 
 Cooke (J. P.) . 
 Corbett (J.) . . 4 
 Corfield (W. H.) . 
 Corrv (T. H.) . 
 cotterii.i. (j. h.) . 
 Cotton (Bishop) . . 36 
 
 30. 31 
 .12, 41, 42 
 
 15 
 
 33 
 40 
 
 15 
 40 
 36 
 14 
 30 
 14 
 40 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 39 
 29 
 
 36 
 
 2 
 
 iS, 41 
 
 24 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 36 
 
 9 
 31 
 14 
 32 
 13 
 
 3 
 33 
 24 
 
 6 
 4. 32, 40 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 4 
 30 
 5 
 4 
 20, 28 
 
 41 
 
 20 
 
 31 
 7 
 
 36 
 18 
 2 
 25 
 7. 36 
 18, 41 
 . 12 
 • 7 
 9 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Cotton (C.) . . -13 
 
 Cotton (J. S.) . . . 31 
 
 CouES (E.) . . -43 
 
 COURI .lOPE (W. J.) . . 4 
 
 COWELL (G.) . . .24 
 
 COWPER ... 21, 22 
 
 Cox(G.V.) ... 10 
 CRAiK(Mrs.)i5, 18,20,21,40,41 
 Craik (H.) . . 8, 20, 31 
 Crane (Lucy) . • -41 
 Crane (Walter) . .41 
 Craven (Mrs. D.) . . 8 
 Crawford (F. M.) . 18, 21 
 Creighton (Bishop M.) 4, 11 
 CRiCHTON-Br<owNE(SirJ.) 8 
 Cross (J. A.) . . .32 
 Ckosskey (R.) . . . 12 
 Crossley (E.) ... 3 
 Crosslev (H.) . . .40 
 Gumming (L.) . . .28 
 Cunliffe (J. W.) . . 21 
 Cunningham (C.) . . 30 
 Cunningham (Sir H. S.) . 18 
 Cunningham (Rev. J.) . 34 
 
 CuNNINGHAM(Rev.W)34,35,36 
 
 Cunynghame (Sir A. T.) . 25 
 CuRTEis (Rev. G. H.) 34, 36 
 Dahn (F.) ... 18 
 
 Dakyns(H. G.) . . 39 
 Dale (A. W. W.) . . 3d 
 Dalton (Rev. J. N.) . 40 
 Daniell (Alfred). . . 28 
 Dante . . .4, 14, 39 
 Davies (Rev. J. U.\ 33, 35, 36 
 Davies (W.) 
 Dawkins(W. B.) 
 Dawson (G. M.) 
 Dawson (SirJ. W.) 
 Dawson (J.) 
 Day (L. B.) 
 Day(R. E.) . 
 Defoe (D.) 
 Deighton (K.). 
 Delamotte (P. H.) 
 Dell(E.C.) . 
 De Morgan (M.) 
 Dk Varigny(H.) 
 DeVere(A.) . 
 Dicey (A. V.) . 
 Dickens (C.) . 
 Dickens (M. A.) 
 DiGGLE(Rev.J. W.), 
 Dilke (Ashton W.) 
 DiLKE (Sir Charles W.) 25, 31 
 DlLLWYN (E. A.) . . 18 
 
 DOHBIM (L.) 
 DOBSON (A.) 
 
 Donaldson (J.) 
 
 DONISTHORIK (W.) 
 DOWDEN (E.) . 
 
 DoYLE(SirF.H.) 
 Dovi.e(J.A.) . 
 Drake (B.) 
 Drum.mond (Prof. J 
 Dryden . 
 Du Cane (E. F.) 
 DuFF(SirM. E. G.)5 
 
 DUNSMUIR (A.). 
 DitNTZER (H.) . 
 
 Dyer(L.). 
 Eadie(J.). 
 Eastlake (Lady) 
 Ebers(G.) ... is 
 Epgeworth (Prof F. Y.). 30 
 Edmunds (Dr. W.) . . 22 
 
 5,16 
 
 
 41 
 
 
 6 
 
 1.5, 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 
 31 
 
 18 
 
 21 
 
 iS, 
 
 21 
 
 
 36 
 
 
 19 
 
 4. 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 15 
 II 
 
 39 
 36 
 21 
 31 
 
 21 
 
 31 
 
 ,40 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Edwards-Moss (Sir J. E.) 32- 
 
 Eimer(G. H. T.) 
 
 Elderton (W. a.) 
 
 Ellerton (Rev. J.) 
 
 Elliot (Hon. A.) 
 
 Ellis (T.). 
 
 Emerson (R. W.) 
 
 Evans (S.) 
 
 Everett (J. D.) 
 
 Falconer (Lanoe) 
 
 Farrar (Archdeacon) 6, 33, 36 
 
 FARRER(SirT. H.) 
 
 Faulkner (F.). 
 
 Fawcett (Prof. H.) 
 
 Fawcett (M. G.) 
 
 Fay (Amy) 
 
 Fearnley (W.) 
 
 Fearon(D. R.) 
 
 Ferrel (W.) . 
 
 Fessenden (C.) 
 
 Finck(H.T.) . 
 
 Fisher (Rev. O.) 
 
 FlSKE (J.). 6, 10, 27, 3 
 
 Fison(L.). 
 
 Fitch (J. G.) . 
 
 FiTZ Gerald (Caroline) 
 
 Fitzgerald (Edward) 
 
 Fitzmaurice (Lord E.) 
 
 Fleischer (E.). 
 
 Fleming (G.) . 
 
 Flower (Sir W.H.). 
 
 Fluckigek (F. A.) . 
 
 Forbes (A.) 
 
 Forbes (Prof G.) . 
 
 Forbes (Rev. G. H.) 
 
 Foster (Prof M.) . 
 
 FOTHERGILL (Dr. J. M.) 8,24 
 
 FowLE(Rev. T. W.). 31,36- 
 Fowler (Rev. T.) . 4,27 
 Fowi.rR(W.W.) . 2,26. 
 Fox (Dr. Wilson) 
 FOXWELL (Prof H. S) 
 Framji (D.) 
 Frankland (P. F.) . 
 Eraser (Bishop) 
 Fraser-Tytler (C. C.) 
 Frazer (J. G.) . 
 Freeman (Prof E. A.) 
 2, 4, 10, I 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 3& 
 
 30 
 
 28 
 
 31 
 7 
 
 30, 31 
 31 
 
 25 
 29 
 
 3 
 29, 
 28. 
 
 I 
 
 8, 2^ 
 I, 36- 
 
 1 
 
 S 
 
 15 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 r 
 
 18 
 
 42' 
 
 24 
 40 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 
 6, 29. 
 
 French (G. R.) 
 Friedmann (P.) 
 Frost (A. B.) . 
 Froude(J. A.). 
 Fui.lekton (W. M.) 
 FuRNiss (Harry) 
 furnivall (f. j.) . 
 Fyffe (C. a.) . 
 Fyfe(H. H.) . 
 Gairdner (J.) . 
 Galton (F.) 
 Gamgee (.iVrthur) 
 Gardner (Percy) 
 Garnett (R.) . 
 Garnett (W.). 
 Gaskell (Mrs.) 
 Gaskoin (Mrs. H.) . 
 Gfddes(W. D.) 
 Gff (W. H.) . 
 Ceikie (Sir A.). 
 Gennadius (J.) 
 Gibbins (H. de B.) . 
 GiBBO.M (Charles) 
 GiLCHKMST (A.). 
 
 Giles (P.). 
 Oilman (N. P.) 
 
 31. 34 
 14. 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 40 
 41 
 IS 
 
 IS 
 5 
 12 
 
 3* 
 14, 40 
 28, 29 
 10, 29 
 
 i3 
 
 10 
 4 
 3 
 
 27 
 30i3a
 
 INDEX. 
 
 45 
 
 PAGE 
 <5lLM0RE (Rev. J.) . . 13 
 
 •GLADSTONE(Dr. J. H.) 7,8 
 
 'Gladstone (W. E.). . 14 
 Glaister (E.) . . . 2, 8 
 codpray (h.) ... 3 
 •Godkin(G. S.). . . 5 
 Goethe . . . 4i 15 
 Goldsmith 4, 12, 15, 21, 22 
 GOODALE (Prof. G. L.) . 6 
 GOODFELLOW (J.) . . 12 
 
 Gordon (General C. G.) . 5 
 Gordon (Lady DufF) . 40 
 GoscHEN (Rt. Hon. G. J.). 30 
 GossE (Edmund) . 4, 14 
 Gow(J.) .... 2 
 Graham (D.) . . .15 
 Graham (J. W.) . . 18 
 Grand'homme (E.) . . 8 
 Gray (Prof. Andrew) . 28 
 Gray (Asa) ... 6 
 Gray ... 4, 15, 22 
 Green (J. R.) 9, 11, 12,21,22 
 Green (Mrs. J. R.) . 4, 9, 11 
 Green (W. S.) . . . 40 
 Greenhill (W. A.) . . 21 
 Greenwood (J. E.) . . 41 
 Grbnfell (Mrs.) . . 8 
 Griffiths (W. H.) . . 24 
 Grimm . . . .41 
 Grove (Sir G.). . 9126 
 Guest (E.) . . . 11 
 Guest (M.J.) ... 11 
 
 GUILLEMIN (A.) . 26, 28 
 
 Guizot(F. P. G.) . . 6 
 
 GUNTON (G.) . . .30 
 
 Hales (J. W.) . .15, 17, 20 
 Hallward (R. F.) . . 12 
 Hamerton (p. G.) . 2, 12, 22 
 Hamilton (Prof. D. J.) . 24 
 Hamilton (J.). . . 37 
 Hanbury (D.) . . 7i 24 
 Hannav (David) . . 4 
 Hardvvick (Archd. C.) 34, 37 
 Hardy (A. S.) ... 18 
 Hardy (T.) . . . iS 
 Hare (A. W.) ... 22 
 Hare (J. C.) ... 37 
 Harper (Father Thos.) . 37 
 Harris (Rev. G. C). . 37 
 Harrison (F.). 4,6,12,22 
 Harrison (Miss J.) . .2 
 Harte (Bret) . . . 18 
 HARTIG(Dr. R.) . . 7 
 
 Hartley (Prof. W.N.) . 7 
 Harwood (G.) . .22,31,34 
 Hausek (K.) ... 5 
 Hayes (A.) . . .15 
 Headlam (W.). . . 39 
 Heaviside (O.) . . 29 
 Helps (Sir A.) . . .22 
 Hem pel (Dr. W.) . . 7 
 Herkomer(H.) . . 2 
 Herodotus . . -39 
 Herrick . . . .21 
 
 HERTEL(Dr.) ... 9 
 
 Hill (F. Davenport). . 31 
 
 Hill(0.) ... 31, 32 
 
 Hiorns(A. H.) . . 25 
 
 HoBART (Lord) . . 22 
 
 Hobday (E.) ... 9 
 
 Hodgson (Rev. J. T.) . 5 
 
 HOFFDING (Prof. H.) . 28 
 
 HOFMANN (A. W.) . . 7 
 
 Hole (Rev. C). . 8, 11 
 Holiday (Henry . . 41 
 
 14. 39 
 7. 40 
 
 • 3.3 
 
 • 15 
 
 • 19 
 21, 39 
 33, 34 
 
 • 3° 
 . IS 
 . 40 
 
 • 30 
 
 • 43 
 
 FACE 
 
 Holland (T. E.) . 13, 31 
 Holl\vay-Calthrop(H.) 41 
 Holmes (O. W.,junr.) . 13 
 Homer 
 
 Hooker (Sir J. D.) . 
 HOOLE (C. H.) . 
 Hooper (G.) 
 VIOOPER (\V. H.) 
 Hope (F.J.) . 
 Hopkins (E.) . 
 Hoppus(M. A.M.) . 
 Horace . . 14 
 
 HoRT(Prof. F.J.A.). 
 Hor TON (Hon. S. D.) 
 Hosken(J.D.) 
 hovenden (r. m.) . 
 Howell (George) . 
 Howes (G. B.) . 
 HowiTT (A. W.) 
 Howson (Very Rev. J. S.) 34 
 Hozier (Col. H. M.). . 25 
 HiJBNEU (Baron) . . 40 
 Hughes (T.) 5, 15, 19, 22, 40 
 Hull(E.). . . 2, lo 
 Hullah (J.) . . 2, 21, 26 
 Home (DT) ... 4 
 HuMPHRY(Prof.SirG.M.) 30,42 
 Hunt(W.) . . .11 
 Hunt(W.M.). . . 2 
 
 HUTCHINSOX(G. W. C.) . 2 
 
 hutton (r. h.) . 4, 22 
 Huxley (T.) 
 
 4, 22, 27, 29, 30,32, 43 
 Illingworth (Rev. J. R.) 37 
 Ingram (T. D.) 
 Irving (H) 
 
 iRi ING (J.) 
 
 Irving (Washington) 
 Jackson (Helen) 
 jAC0B(Rev. J. A.) 
 James (Henr>-)- 
 James (Rev. H.) 
 James (Prof. W.) 
 Jardine (Rev. R.) 
 Jeans (Rev. G. E.) 
 jEBB(Plof. R.C.) 
 Jellett (Rev. J. H. 
 Jenks (Prof. Ed.) 
 Je.nnings (\. C.) 
 Jephson(H.) . 
 Jevons(W. S.)5, 28, 
 Jex-Blake (Sophia) 
 Johnson (Amy) 
 Johnson (Samuel) 
 
 J0LLEV(A.J.) . 
 
 Jones (H. Arthur) 
 Jones (Prof. D. E.) 
 Jones (F.). 
 Kalm 
 Kant 
 Kari 
 
 KAVANAGH(Rt.Hn.A.M.) 
 Kay (Rsv. W.) . . ^^ 
 
 Keary (Annie). 11, 19, 32, 41 
 Keary (Eliza) . . .41 
 Keats . 4, 21, 22 
 
 Kellner (Dr. L.) . . 27 
 Kellogg (Rev. S. H.) . 37 
 Kelvin (Lord). .26,28,29 
 Kempe(A. B.). . . 28 
 Kennedy (Prof. A. B. W.) g 
 Kennedy (B. H.) . . 39 
 Kennedy (P.) . . -19 
 Keynes (J. N.). . 28,3c 
 Kiepert (H.) ... 9 
 
 17 
 
 • 19 
 
 • 37 
 4, ig, 22 
 
 ■ 37 
 . 28 
 . 28 
 37, 39 
 4, II, 14 
 
 • 37 
 
 • 31 
 II, 32 
 
 • 31 
 30, 31, 32 
 
 . 8 
 
 • 29 
 
 page 
 
 KiLLEN (W. D.) . . 34 
 
 Kingsley (Charles) s, 9i n, 
 12,13,14,15,19,22, 26, 35,40,41 
 Kingsley (Henry) . 21, 40 
 Kipling (J. L.). . . 4° 
 Kipling (Rudyard) . . 19 
 Kirkpatrick (Prof.) . 37 
 Klein (Dr. E.). . 6, 24, 26 
 Knight (W.) . . .14 
 KuENEN (Prof. A.) . . 32 
 Kyn ASTON (Rev. H.) 37, 40 
 Labberton (R. H.). . 3 
 Lafargue (P.). . . 19 
 Lamb. . . .5, 21, 22 
 Lanciani (Prof. R.). . 2 
 Landauer (J.). . . 7 
 Landor . . . 4i 22 
 Lane-Poole (S.) . . 22 
 Lanfrey(P.) ... 5 
 Lang (Andrew) 13, 22, 39 
 
 Lang (Prof. Arnold). . 42 
 Langley (J. N.) . . 29 
 Lankester (Prof. Ray) 6, 23 
 Laslett (T.) ... 7 
 Laurie (A. P.). . .1 
 Lea (.\. S.) . . . 29 
 Leaf (.W.) . . 14, 39 
 
 Leahy (Sergeant) . . 32 
 Lee (M.) .... 19 
 Lee (S.) . . 21, 39, 40 
 
 Leeper (A.) . . -39 
 Legge (A. O.) . . II, 37 
 Lemon (Mark) . . .21 
 Lethbridge (Sir Roper) 5, 11 
 Levy (.\my) . . • 19 
 Lewis (R.) . . -13 
 LlGHTF00T(Bp.) 23. 33, 35, 37 
 Lightwood (J. M.) . . 13 
 Lindsay (Dr. J. A.) . . 25 
 Littledale (H.) . . 14 
 Lockyer (J. N.) . 3, 7, 29 
 Lodge (Prof. O.J.) 3,23,29 
 Loewy(B.) . . .28 
 LoFTiE (Mrs. W. J.). . a 
 Longfellow (H. W.) . 22 
 Lonsdale (J.) . 21, 39, 40 
 
 Lowe (W. H.) . . 32, 33 
 Lowell (J. R.). 13, 15, 23 
 
 Lubbock (Sir J.) 6,7,9,23,43 
 Lucas (F.) . , .15 
 Lucas (Joseph). . . 40 
 
 LUPTON (S.) ... 7 
 
 LvALL (Sir Alfred) . . 4 
 
 Lysaght (S. R.) . . 19 
 
 J.VTE(H.C. M.) . II 
 
 Lyttelton (E.) . . 23 
 
 LvTTON (Earl of) . . ig 
 
 Mac.\lister (D.) . . 23 
 
 Macarthur (M.) . . II 
 
 Macaulay (G. C.) . 17, 39 
 
 Maccoll (Norman). . 15 
 
 M'CosH(Dr. J.) . 27,28 
 
 Macdonald (G.) . . 17 
 
 Mackail Q. W.) . . 40 
 
 Maclagan (Dr. T.). . 25 
 Maclaren (Rev. Alex.) . 37 
 
 Maclaren (Archibald) . 42 
 
 Maclean (W.C.) . . 25 
 Maclear (Rev. Dr.) 32,34,35 
 
 M'Lennan (J. F.) . .1 
 
 M'Lennan (Malcolm) 19 
 
 Macmillan (Rev. H.) 23,37 
 
 Macmillan (Michael) 5, 16 
 
 Macnamara (C.) . . 25 
 
 Macquoid (K. S.) . . ig
 
 46 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Madoc (F.) . . .19 
 Maguire(J. F.) . . 42 
 
 MAHAFFY(Prof. J. P.) 
 
 2, II, 14, 23, 27, 37, 40 
 
 Maitland (F. W.) . 13, 31 
 Malet(L.) ... 19 
 Malory (Sir T.) . . 21 
 Mansfield (C. B.) . 7 
 
 Markham (C. R.) . 4 
 
 Marriott (J. A. R.). . 6 
 Marshall (Prof. A.) . 30 
 Martel (C.) . . .25 
 Martin (Frances) . 3, 42 
 
 Martin (Frederick). . 30 
 Martin (H. N.) . . 43 
 Martineau (H.) . . 
 Masson(D.) 4,5,16,21,27 
 Masson (G.) . . 8, 21 
 Masson (R. O.) . . 17 
 Maturin (Rev. W.). . 37 
 Mauusley (Dr. H.) . . 28 
 Maurice (F.) 9, 23,27, 32-35, 37 
 Maurice (Col. F.) . 5, 25, 31 
 Max MiJLLKR (F.) . . 27 
 Mayhk(A. M.). . . 29 
 Mayor (J. B.) . . . 34 
 Mayor (Prof. J. E. B.) . 3, 5 
 Mazini (L.) . . .42 
 M'Cormick(W.S.) . . 14 
 Meldola (Prof. R.). 7, 28, 29 
 Mendenhall (T. C.) . 2Q 
 Mercier (Dr. C.) . . 25 
 Mercur (Prof. J.) . . 25 
 Meredith (G.). . . 16 
 Meredith (L. A.) . . 13 
 Meyer (E. von) . . 7 
 Michelet(M.) . . II 
 Miei;s(H. A.) ... 12 
 Mill(H.R.) ... 9 
 Miller (R. K.). . . 3 
 MiLLiGAN(Rev. W.). 34.37 
 Milton . . 5, 14, 16, 21 
 MiNTO (Prof. W.) . 4,19 
 Mitford (A. B.) . . 19 
 MiVAKT (St. George). . 30 
 Mixter(W. G.) . . 7 
 Mohammad . . .22 
 MoLESvifORTH (Mrs.) . 42 
 MOLLOY (G.) . . .28 
 
 MONAHAN (J. H.) . . 13 
 
 MONTELIUS (O.) . . 1 
 
 MOORK (C. H.). . . 2 
 
 MooRHOUSE (Bishop) . 37 
 
 MORISON (J. C.) . . 3, 4 
 
 Morlp;y (John). 3, 4, 17, 23 
 Morris (Mowbray) . 4, 21 
 
 Morris (R.) . . 21, 27 
 MORSHEAD (E. D. A.) . 39 
 MOULTON (L. C.) . . 16 
 Mudie(C. E.) . . . 16 
 Muir(M. M.P.) . . 7 
 Muli,kr(H.) ... 7 
 
 MULLINGER (J. B.) . . II 
 
 Murphy (J. J.). . 6,28 
 
 Murray (D. Christie) 19,20 
 Myers (E.) . . 16, 39 
 Myeks (F. W. H.) . 4, 16, 23 
 Myi.nk (Bishop) . . 37 
 Nadal (E. S.) . . .23 
 Nettleship (H.). . . 14 
 Newcastle (Duke and 
 
 Duchess) . . .22 
 Newcomb (S.) ... 3 
 Newton (Sir C. T.). . 2 
 Nichol(J.) . . 4, 14 
 
 33 
 
 NiCHOLLs (H. A. A.) 
 
 NiSBET (J.) 
 
 Noel (Lady A.) 
 Nordenskiold (A. E.) . 40 
 Norgate (Kate) 
 NORRIS (W. E.) 
 Norton (Charles Eliot) 3, 39 
 Norton (Hon. Mrs.) 16, 20 
 Oliphant (T. L. K.) 23, 27 
 OLIPHANT(Mrs. M. O. W.) 
 
 4, II, 14, 20, 21, 42 
 Oliver (Prof. D.) . 
 Oliver (Capt. S. P.). 
 Oman(C. W.) . 
 
 OsTWALD (Prof.) 
 
 Otte(E. C.) . 
 Page (T. E.) . 
 Palgrave (Sir F.) 
 Palgrave (F. T.) 
 
 2, 16, 17, 21, 22, 35, 42 
 
 Palgrave (R. H. Inglis) . 30 
 
 Palgrave (W. G.) 16, 31, 40 
 
 Palmer (Lady S.) 
 
 Parker (T. J.). 
 
 Parker (W. K.) 
 
 Parker (W. N.) 
 
 Parkin (G. R. ) 
 
 Parkinson (S.) 
 
 Parkman (F.) . 
 
 Parry (G.) 
 
 Parsons (Alfred) 
 
 Pasteur (L.) . 
 
 Pater (W. H.) 
 
 Paterson (J.) . 
 
 Patmore (Coventry) 
 
 Patteson (J. C.) 
 
 Pattison (Mark) 
 
 Payne (E.J.) . 
 
 Peabody(C. H.) 
 
 Pearson (C. H.) 
 
 Peel (E.) . 
 
 Peile(J.). 
 
 Pellissier (E.) 
 
 Pennell (J.) . 
 
 Pennington (R.) 
 
 Penrose (F. C.) 
 
 Percival (H. M.) 
 
 Perkins (J. B.) 
 
 Perry (Prof. J.) 
 
 Pettigrew (J. B.) 
 
 Phillimore (J. G.) 
 
 Phillips (J. A.) 
 
 Phillips (W.C.) 
 
 PiCTON (J. A.) . 
 
 Piffard(H. G.) 
 
 Pike(W.). 
 
 Plato 
 
 Plumptre (Dean) 
 
 Pollard (A. W.) . i 
 
 PoLLOCK(SirFk.,2nd Bart 
 
 PoLLoCK(Sir F.,Bart.) 13, 
 
 Pollock (Lady) 
 
 Pollock (W. H.) 
 
 Poole (M. E.) . 
 
 Poole (R.L.) . 
 
 Pope . 
 
 POSTE (E.) 
 
 Potter (L.) 
 
 Potter (R.) 
 
 Preston (T.) . 
 
 Price (L. L. F. R.) . 
 
 Prickard (A. O.) 
 
 Prince Albert Victor 
 
 Prince George . . 40 
 
 Procter (F.) . . . 34 
 
 5. 6. 42 
 5 
 
 • 42 
 
 • 31 
 
 • 29 
 
 • 13 
 
 • 7 
 
 20, 23 
 
 • 13 
 
 21, 42 
 
 5 
 ,5,38 
 II. 31 
 
 9, 2Q 
 
 32 
 16 
 27 
 27 
 
 16 
 II 
 29 
 30. 42 
 13 
 25 
 2 
 
 23 
 25 
 41 
 21, 22, 39 
 
 38 
 40 
 
 s 
 23,31 
 
 23 
 
 12 
 4, 21 
 
 29, 39 
 
 • 23 
 
 • 38 
 
 • 29 
 
 • 30 
 23 
 
 3 
 7 
 14- 
 
 8 
 
 ij 
 16 
 
 2& 
 
 29. 
 
 38 
 
 39 
 7 
 
 Propert (J. L.) 
 Radcliffe (C. B.) 
 Ramsay (W.) . 
 Ransome (C. ) . 
 Rathbone (W.) 
 Rawlinson (W.G.) 
 Rawnsley (H. D.) 
 Ray(P. K.) . 
 Rayleigh (Lord) 
 Reichel (Bishop) 
 Reid(J. S.) . 
 Remsen (L) 
 Renan (E.) 
 Rendall (Rev. F.) 
 Rendu (M.leC.) 
 Reynolds (H. R.) 
 Reynolds (J. R.) 
 Reynolds (O.) 
 Rhoades(J.) . 
 Rhodes (J. F.). 
 Richardson (B. W 
 Richey(A. G.). 
 Ritchie (A.) . 
 Robinson (Preb. H. G.) 
 Robinson (J. L.) 
 Robinson (Matthew) 
 Rochester (Bishop of) 
 ROCKSTRO (W. S.) . 
 Rogers (J. E.T.) . 
 Romanes (G. J.) 
 RoscoE(Sir H.E.) . 
 Roscoe(W. C.) 
 RosEBERY (Earl of) . 
 Roskvear (E-) 
 Ross (P.) . 
 Rossetti (C. G.) . 
 routledgk (j.) 
 Rowe(F.J.) . 
 Roy (John) 
 RUCKER (Prof. A. W.) 
 RuMFORD (Count) . 
 Rushbrooke (W. G.) 
 Russell (Dean) 
 Russell (Sir Charles) 
 Russell (W. Clark) . 
 Ryland (F.) . . .14 
 Ryi.e (Prof. H. E.) 32, 38: 
 
 St. Johnston (A.) .20, 41, 42; 
 Sadler (H.) ... 3 
 Saintsbury (G.) . 4.14 
 Salmon (Rev. G.) . . 38 
 Sandford (Bishop). . 3S 
 Sandford (M. E.) . . 5 
 Sandys (J. E.) . . .41 
 Sayce (A. H.) . . .12 
 Schliemann (Dr.) . . 2 
 Schorlemmer (C.) . . 7 
 Scott (Sir W.). . 16,21 
 Scratchlev (Sir Peter) . 25 
 Scudder (S. H.) . . 43; 
 Seaton (Dr. E. C.) . . 25 
 
 SeELEY (J. R.) . . . 12 
 
 Skiler (Dr. Carl) . 25,30. 
 SELBORNE(EarloO 13.21,34,35 
 Sellers (E.) . . . -z 
 Service (J.) . . 35, 38 
 Sewell (E. M.) . . 12 
 Shadwbll(C. L.) . . 39 
 4, 16 
 
 14, 16, 21, 22 
 9, 29 
 
 ■ 5 
 16, 21 
 
 38 
 
 34,38 
 10 
 38 
 25 
 
 ■: 2S 
 13 
 
 5 
 38. 
 26 
 5 
 5 
 5 
 
 !. 31 
 
 6 
 
 M 
 
 6, 42 
 31 
 
 23 
 33 
 38 
 31 
 
 Shairp (J. C.) 
 Shakespeare 
 Shann fG.) 
 Sharp (W.) 
 Shelley . 
 Shirley (W.N.) . 
 Shorthouse (J. H.)
 
 INDEX. 
 
 47 
 
 i6 
 
 4. 6. 32. 41 
 i6 
 7 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Shortland (Admiral) . 26 
 Shuchhardt (Carl). . 2 
 Shuckburgh (E. S.) 12, 39 
 Shufeldt (R. W. ) . . 42 
 SiBSON (Dr. F.) . . 25 
 SiDGwicK (Prof. H.) 27, 30, 31 
 
 SiME (J.) . . . 9, II 
 
 Simpson (Rev. W.) . 
 Skeat (W.W.) 
 Skrine (J. H.). 
 Slade (J. H.) . 
 Sloman (Rev. A.) . 
 Smart (W. ) 
 Smalley (G. W.) . 
 Smetham (J. and S.) 
 Smith (A.) 
 Smith (C. B.) . 
 Smith (Goldwin) 
 Smith (H.) 
 Smith (J.) 
 Smith (Rev. T.) 
 Smith (W. G.) . 
 Smith (W.S.) . 
 Somervii-LE (Prof. W.) 
 
 SOUTHEV . 
 
 Spender (J. K.) 
 Spenser . 
 Spottiswoode (W.). 
 Stanley (Dean) 
 Stanley (Hon. Maude) 
 Statham (R.) . 
 Steebing (W.). 
 Stephen (C. E.) 
 Stephen (H.) . 
 Stephen (Sir J. F.) 12,1 
 Stephen (J. K.) 
 Stephen (L.) . 
 Stephens (J. B.) 
 Stevhxson (V. S.) 
 Stevenson (J. J.) 
 Stewart (A.) . 
 Stewart (Balfour) 28, 2q, 
 Stewart (S. A.) 
 Stokes (Sir G. G.) . 
 Story (R. H.) . 
 Stone (W.H.). 
 Strachey (Sir E.) . 
 Strachey (Gen. R.) . 
 
 STRAMGFORD(ViscOUnteSS 
 
 Strettell (A.) 
 Stubbs (Rev. C. W.). 
 Stubbs (Bishop) 
 Sutherland (A. ) . 
 Symonds (J. A.) 
 Symonds (Mrs. J. A.) 
 SVMONS (A.) 
 Tait (.\rchbishop) . 
 Tait(C.W. A.) 
 Tait (Prof. P. G.) . 
 Tanner (H.) . 
 Tavkrnier (J. B.) . 
 Taylor (Franklin) . 
 Taylor (Isaac). 
 Taylor (Sedley) 
 Tegetmeier (W. B.) 
 Temple (Bishop) 
 
 28, 29 
 
 26 
 27, 38 
 26, 29 
 
 27. 3 
 
 Temple (Sir R.) 
 Tennant (Dorothy). 
 Tenniel . 
 
 Tennyson . 14 
 
 Tennyson (Frederick) 
 Tennyson (Hallam). 
 Theodoli (Marchesa) 
 Thompson (D'A.^/.) 
 Thompson (E.). 
 Thompson (H. M.) . 
 Thomison(S. P.) . 
 Thomson (A. W.) . 
 THOMSON(Sir C. W.) 
 Thomson (Hui;h) 
 Thorne (Dr. Thorne) 
 Thornton (J.). 
 Thornton (W. T.) 
 Thorpe (T. E.). 
 Thring (E.) 
 
 THRUPPtJ. F.). 
 
 Thursfikld (J. R.) . 
 Todhunter (I.) 
 
 TORRENS (\V. M.) . 
 TOURG^N.EF (I. S.) . 
 
 TouT(T.F.) . 
 Tozer(H. K.) . 
 Traill (H. D.). 
 Trench (Capt. F.) . 
 Trench (Archbishop) 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 
 Tribe (A.). 
 Tristram (W. O.) . 
 Trollope (A.) . 
 Truman (J.) 
 Tucker (T. G.) 
 TuLLOCH (Principal). 
 Turner (C. Tennyson) 
 Turner (G.) 
 Turner (H. H.) 
 Turner (J. M.W.) . 
 Tylor(E. B.) . 
 Tyrwhitt (R. St. J.) 
 Vaughan (C. J.) 3^,34 
 Vaughan (Rev. D. J.) 
 Vaughan (Rev. E.T.) 
 Vaughan (Rev. R.). 
 Veley (M.) 
 Venn (Rev. J.). 
 Vernon (Hon. \V. W.) 
 Verrall(A.W.) . 
 Verrall (Mrs.) 
 Victor (H.) . 
 Vines (S. H.) . 
 Wain (Louis) . 
 Waldstein (C.) 
 Walker (Prof. F. A.) 
 Walker (J^s.) 
 Wallace (A. R.) . 6, 
 Wallace (Sir D. M.) 
 Walpole (S.) . 
 Walton (1.) 
 Ward (A. W.) . . 4, 
 Ward(H. M.) . 
 Ward(S.). 
 Ward(T. H.) . 
 
 PAGE 
 4 
 
 41 
 41 
 22 
 12 
 
 47 
 20 
 
 7 
 II 
 
 30 
 29 
 
 5,33 
 
 3s 
 
 14 
 
 4. 39 
 
 30 
 7 
 6, 30 
 32 
 31 
 13 
 21 
 
 7 
 17 
 17 
 
 page 
 Ward (Mrs. T. H.) . 20, 42 
 Ward (W.) . . 5, 34 
 Waters (C. A.) . • . 30 
 Waterton (Charles) 26, 41 
 Watson (E.) ... 5 
 Watson (R.S.) . . 41 
 Watson (W.) . . 17, 22 
 Webb(W.T.) ... 17 
 Webster (Mrs. A.) . . 42- 
 Welby-Gregory (Lady) . 35 
 WELLDON(Rev.J.E.C.). 39 
 West (M.) . . .20. 
 Westcott (Bp.)32,33,34,35,3() 
 Westermarck (E.). . I 
 Wetherell (J.) . . 27 
 Wheeler (J. T.) . . 12 
 Whewell(W.). . . 5 
 White (Gilbert) . . 26 
 White (Dr. W. Hale) . 25 
 White (W.) . . . 29 
 Whitney (W.D.) . . 8 
 Whittier (J. G.) . 17, 23 
 WiCKHAM (Rev. E. C.) . 39 
 
 WiCKSTEED (P. H.) . 3c, 3» 
 
 Wiedersheim (R.) . . 42 
 
 WiLBRAHAM (F. M.). . 35 
 
 WiLKiNs (Prof. A. S.) 2, 14, 39 
 
 Wilkinson (S.) . . 25 
 
 Williams (C. M.) . . 27 
 
 Williams (G. H.) . . 10 
 
 Williams (Montagu) . s 
 
 Williams (S. E.) . . 13 
 
 Wii.link (A.) . . .39 
 
 Willoughby (F.) . . 42 
 
 Wills (W. G.) . . . 17 
 
 Wilson (A. J.) . . . 31 
 
 Wilson (Sir C.) . . 4 
 
 Wilson (Sir D.) . i, 4, 14 
 
 Wilson (Dr. G.) . 4, 6, 23 
 
 Wilson (Archdeacon) . 39 
 
 Wilson (Mar^-)- • • 14 
 Wingate (Major F. R.) . 25 
 
 WlNKW^ORTH (C.) 6, 22 
 
 Wolseley (Gen. Viscount) 25 
 Wood (A. G.) ... 17 
 Wood (C.J.) ... 39 
 Wood (Rev. E.G.) . . 39 
 Woods (Rev. F.H.). . 1 
 Woods (Miss M. A.). 18, 35 
 Woodward (C. M.) . . 9 
 WooLNER (T.) . . .17 
 Wordsworth . 6, 14, 17, 21 
 WoRTHEY (Mrs.) . . 20 
 Wright (Rev. A.) . . 33 
 Wright (C. E.G.) . . 8 
 Wright (J.) ... 9 
 Wright (J.) . . .22 
 Wright (L. ) . . - 29 
 Wright (W..\.) 8,16,21,27,34 
 WuRTZ (Ad.) ... 8 
 Wyatt (SirM. D.) . . 2 
 VoNGE (C. M.) 5, 6, 7, 8, II, 12, 
 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 32, 42 
 Young (E.W.) . . 9 
 ZlEGLER (Dr. E.) . . 25 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON. 
 
 9/5o.'6/93 
 
 J. palmer, printer, ALEXANDRA STREET, CAMBRIDGE.
 
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