\l THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES AMERICAN HISTORY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NKW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. TORONTO GEOROE WASHINGTON AMERICAN HISTORY For Use in Secondary Schools BY ROSCOE LEWISrASHLEY AUTHOR OK "THE AMERICAN FEDERAL STATE," "AMERICAN GOVERNMENT," ETC. REVISED EDITION fforfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. 1918 All rights reserved COHYRIGHT, 1907, BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. COPYRIGHT, 1914, Bv THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set uo and electrotype^ Published June, 1507. Reprinted Sept-mber, 1907; November 1908; October, 1909; May, October, 1910: July, 1911; January, August, 1912. Revised Ediiion, May, 1914, January, 1915; January, December, iyi6; January, September, 1917. XortoooB J. 8. Cushing Co. Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 77*. PREFACE IN this volume the author has treated the topics and suggested the methods that he has found most satisfactory 2 with his own classes. As the development of the nation >- has been the main theme, many subjects often treated in j< high school texts have been discarded as non-essential. 2 Many others not connected closely with our national development have been of sufficient interest or importance to receive attention in separate chapters. In order to make as clear as possible the general course of American development and to explain the character of the principal movement within each short period of the nation's life, the subjects have been grouped under topical heads. The author has hoped to indicate by this means the relation of each historical change to the movement of the times Sand the relation of this smaller movement to the larger ^phases of our development which are given in the chapters. The author regrets that in the preparation of this book O he has not been able to consult the later volumes of The ^American Nation and cannot give references to these volumes. He wishes to express to Messrs. Harper and Brothers his appreciation for the opportunity to examine proofs of two of these volumes, and to Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Company for the use of two maps from Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America. He takes pleasure in acknowledging the many helpful suggestions cr and criticisms offered by President Kendric C. Babcock =jj of the University of Arizona, Mr. Haven W. Edwards of g the Redlands High School, and Miss Anna V. McNair c of the Pasadena High School. PASADENA, CALIFORNI April, 1907. 88577 PREFACE FOR REVISED EDITION IN this revision minor changes have been made in various parts of the book, and the treatment of the last quarter century has been entirely rewritten. A consecutive account is given of the most important events of the twentieth cen- tury, and full recognition is given to important recent move- ments, political, economic, and social. PASADENA, CALIFORNIA, February, 1914. SUGGESTIONS ON account of the limited time at the disposal of high school pupils, the marginal refe'rences have been selected with care. Most of them will be found in the average public library, and a fair proportion in the ordinary high school library. Many of the groups of marginal refer- ences can be used for topics to supplement the lists given at the ends of the chapters. The following lists of books will probably be found most useful in connection with this text. As duplicates are always more useful for class use than even a large number of titles, a large high school library would probably con- tain a much larger number of books from the first and second lists than from the third. I. A SMALL LIBRARY One or more copies of each of the following : Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VII. COMAN, Industrial History of the United States, MACDONALD, Select Documents of United States History (1776-1861). BURGESS, Middle Period. DODGE, Bird's Eye View of the Civil War. HART (ed.), American History told by Contemporaries, Vol. IV. American History Leaflets, Nos. 4, 5, 23, 30. II. A MEDIUM-SIZED LIBRARY Selected from the books given above and the following: - Epochs of American History, 3 volumes. CHANNING AND HART, Guide to American History. MACDONALD, Select Charters Illustrative of American History. MACDONALD, Select Statutes of United States History. THE AMERICAN NATION : BOURNE, Spain in America. ANDREWS, Colonial Self- Government. viii Suggestions HOWARD, Preliminaries of the Revolution. VAN TYNE, The American Revolution. MCLAUGHLIN, Confederation and the Constitution. TURNER, Rise of the New West. HART, Abolition and Slavery. CHANNING, History of the United States, Vol. I. PARKMAN, Struggle for a Continent. FJSKE, Critical Period of American History. ASHLEY, American Federal Stale. HART, Actual Government. HART (ed.), American History told by Contemporaries, 4 volumes. American History Leaflets. Old South Leaflets. DEWEY, Financial History of the United States. FOSTER, A Century of American Diplomacy. JOHNSTON, American Political History, 2 volumes. BURGESS, Middle Period. BURGESS, Civil War and the Constitution, Vol. I. STANWOOD, History of the Presidency. ANDREWS, The United States in our Chun Time. LARNED (ed.), History for Ready Reference, Vol. VL ELSON, History of the United States. III. A LARGE LIBRARY Selected from the books given above and the following : WlNSOR, Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 volumes. *The American Nation, rest of the 27 volumes. *FlSKE, 13 volumes on American history. *SEMPLE, American History and its Geographic Conditions. BRIGHAM, Geographic Influences in American History. OGG, Opening of the Alississippi. EGGLESTON, Beginners of a Nation. FROTHINGHAM, Rise of the Republic. LODGE, Short History of the English Colonies. DOYLE, English Colonies, 5 volumes. JOHNSTON ( WOODBURN) (eds.), American Eloquence, 4 volumes. ROOSEVELT, Winning of the West, 4 volumes. *TAUSSIG, Tariff History of the United States. SCHOULER, History of the United States (1783-1865), 6 volumes. McMASTER, History of the People of the United States (1783-1860) 7 volumes published. WHITE, Money and Banking. *RHODES, History of the United States since the Compromise o 7 volumes. Suggestions ix American Statesmen Series; especially volumes on Franklin, *Wash- ington, *Hamilton, *Webster, *Clay, *Calhoun, Lincoln, Benton, Chase, Seward, and Elaine. American Commonwealth Series; especially volumes on Virginia, Maryland, Connecticut, Missouri, Indiana, Kentucky, Texas, Louisiana, and Kansas. LARNED, History for Ready Reference, 6 volumes. *SPARKS, Expansion of the United States. ELAINE, Twenty Years of Congress. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation. BURGESS, Civil War and the Constitution, Vol. II. JOHNSON, War of Secession. WOOD-EDMUNDS, Civil War in the United States. Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 4 volumes. BURGESS, Reconstruction and the Constitution. FOSTER, American Diplomacy in the Orient. JOHNSON, American Railway Transportation. Those starred in this list should be included in list II if possible. CONTENTS PART I THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) CHAPTER I CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN AMERICA. 1-23 SECTION PAGB 1. Introduction I Geographical Conditions : 2. Geography and Amjrican colonization .... 2 3. Climate and rainfall . ....... 3 4. Natural resources ... . . . . . 5 5. Geographical divisions of the United States ... 7 6. Influence of geography on English colonization . . 8 7. Geographical advantages of the French colonies . . IO The North American Indian : 8. The Indian tribes . . . . . . . .II 9. Life and character of the Indians ..... 13 10. General relations of Indians and Whites .... 14 11. Help given to the English by the Indians . ... 15 12. Results of Indian wars .16 Europe during the Fifteenth Century: 13. Connection between the history of Europe and America . 17 14. Political Europe after 1450 18 15. Trade with the East before 1475 1 9 1 6. Search for new sea routes to India . . . 20 17. Summary . .... ." . . . .21 CHAPTER II THE FIRST CENTURY (1492-1600). 24-39 The Discovery of a New World : 1 8. Preparation of Columbus . . . , - 24 19. Columbus's first voyage , , . c 25 xii Contents SECTION MGB 20. The Pope's division of the earth . . . . .26 21. Later voyages of Columbus ...... 27 22. The Cabots 28 23. Vespucius and the naming of America .... 29 24. The Pacific Ocean . . 30 Explorations in the United States (1513-1543) : 25. Florida (i 513-1536) 30 26. The Southwest (1539-1543) 31 27. De Soto 32 28. Verrazano and Cartier 32 The Close of the Sixteenth Century : 29. The situation in Europe 33 30. The French in Florida (1562-1565) 34 31. The English in the New World (1562-1583) ... 35 32. The Ralegh colonies (1584-1590) 36 33. The results of the first century . . . . -37 CHAPTER III EARLY ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1600-1660). 40-62 Virginia (1606-1625) : 34. The charter of 1606 40 35. The settlement at Jamestown . . . . , 41 36. The influence of tobacco culture ..... 42 37. The first Virginia assembly (1619) . . . . . 43 38. Virginia becomes a royal province (1624) . ... 43 New England before 1628 : 39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New England 44 40. The English Puritans ....... 46 41. The Puritans and the English monarchs .... 47 42. The Pilgrim migrations 48 43. Early history of New Plymouth ...... 48 Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay (1628-1636) : 44. The Massachusetts Bay Company 49 45. King Charles and the Puritans 50 46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay colony . . .51 47. Political problems and dangers 52 48. Religious difficulties ........ 53 Expansion in New England (1635-1645) : 49. Providence plantations and Rhode Island c . . 54 50. The Connecticut Valley , , . . e . . 55 Contents xiii SECTION PAGE 51. New Haven 56 52. Northern New England . . . . . . 57 53. The New England confederation (1643) . . 57 Maryland : 54. The charter of Maryland (1632) 59 55. The proprietor and the freeman ..... 60 56. Religious toleration 60 57. Summary 6l CHAPTER IV LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700). 63-85 58. Commercial situation of England about 1660 . . 63 59. England and the Colonies (1660-1685) ... 64 New York (1609-1685) : 60. The founding of New Netherland 65 61. The province of New Netherland 65 62. New Netherland and its neighbors 67 63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664) .... 67 64. The English in New York (1664-1685) .... 68 The Quaker Colonies : 65. New Jersey and the Quakers 69 66. Penn and his colony ........ 70 67. The government of Pennsylvania 71 68. Boundaries of Pennsylvania ...... 72 The South after the Restoration (1660-1730) : 69. Misgovernment in Virginia (1660-1676) '. . 73 70. Bacon's rebellion (1676) 74 71. The Carolina charters (1663-1665) 75 72. Proprietary government in Carolina (1667-1729) . . 75 New England (1655-1685) : 73. Problems of New England (1655-1675) .... 76 74. King Philip's war (1675-1676) 77 75. Massachusetts and the Crown (1675-1684) . . . 78 The Great Revolution ( 1 685-1 700) : 76. The Dominion of New England ..... 79 77 The revolution of 1689 in England and New England . 80 78. Revolutionary movements in the Middle and Southern Colonies ......... 82 79- Results of the revolution in America .... 83 80. The colonies in 1700 84 xiv Contents CHAPTER V RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) 86-103 SECTION PAGE Si. Introduction ........ 86 French Exploration and Settlement : 82. Founding of New France . . .... 86 83. Exploration of the West 88 84. Louisiana (1699-1720) 89 French and English Colonies (1689-1754): 85. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713) . . > . .89 86. Georgia 91 87. The English colonists and their governors ... 92 88. Government of the French colonies ; . . . 93 89. Preparation for the final conflict 94 Expulsion of the French (1754-1763): 90. The struggle for the upper Ohio valley . 95 91. The situation in America and in Europe ... 95 92. The first period of the war (1754-1757) . . . . 97 93. The second period of the war (1758-1760) ... 98 94. The Peace of Paris ( 1 763) 99 95. Summary 101 CHAPTER Vi COLONIAL CONDITIONS (1750). 104-126 Population and Society : 96. Number of the people 104 97. Classes of society . 105 98. Indented servants 106 99. Slavery 106 100. Colonial life 108 Occupations : 101. Agriculture HO 102. Commerce and shipping Ill 103. Industry and labor 112- 104. Colonial currency 113 105. The professions . .114. Miscellaneous Conditions: 106. Colonial churches 115 107. Superstition . . . .. .. . .116 Contents xv SECTION 108 PAGE IOQ. I IO III 112. in. PART II THE FORMATION OF A UNION (1763-1789) CHAPTER VII THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) 127-153 114. Colonial self-government and English control before 1763 127 The Old Colonial Policy of England : 115. General methods of colonial control . . . .128 116. England's interference with colonial government . . 128 117. England's control through colonial officials . . .129 118. Control of colonial legislation 130 119. Early acts of trade (1660-1696) 131 120. Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1760) . . . 132 121. General effect of the commercial system . . . -133 122. The writs of assistance 134 The New British Colonial Policy (1763-1767) : 123. The conditions in 1763 135 124. George III and his ministers (1760-1782) . . . 136 125. The establishment of a colonial army (1763) . . . 137 126. The Sugar Act of 1764 138 127. The Stamp Act 139 128. Reception of the Stamp Act 14 129. The Stamp Act congress 141 130. The repeal of the Stamp Act . . . . . .142 131. English and American ideas of representation . . . 143 132. TheTownshend Acts (1767) 144 Disorder and Organized Opposition (1767-1775) : 133. The reception of the Townshend Acts .... 145 134. Growing disorder (1768-1770) 146 135. The committees of correspondence (1772-1773) . . 147 136. The tea tax 147 xvi Contents SBCT1ON FAGB 137. The repressive acts (1774) . ,. v . . . . 148 138. The First Continental Congress (1774) .... 149 139. The inevitableness of war . . . . . .150 140. Summary 151 CHAPTER VIII THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783). 154-188 Revolt and Independence : 142. The war on the northern border (1775-1776) . . 143. Change in the theater of war (1776) , . . 144. The Second Continental Congress (1775-1776) . 145. The movement toward independence "i ~'i ' 55 . 156 157 '57 . 160 Conditions Affecting American Success : 148. The theater of war . - ':' 4 s' 1 i*i"v-JoJ i*. ^. 149. British military organization and policy . "'^^ .r^.O . 161 . 162 . 162 151. The loyalists .-"'' .' :; '; : r 'V ''H- -- % '*> '" v^'e.'" 4 152. The finances of the revolution. '' V" JV '' J ' ' '* ~ } 4' 153. Continental currency . ""'.*'' .~" n , ' , '<''* The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 : 154. The movement against New York (1776) -,,. -, . 164 . 164 . .65 . 167 . 168 156. The plan of campaign (1777), Philadelphia . * '',' ' 157. Burgoyne's advance (1777) . . . ,. n " V,^ 158. The surrender of Burgoyne (1777) . ' . : ! .""^ : ''_' Changed Conditions (1778-1779): ,159. French aid before 1778 . . ( , j,^ . .-;* .160. The French alliance (1778) . -. v ,',,,,-.,-- 161. Attempted conciliation by the British (1778) . . 162. Intrigue and neglect (1778) . . . . .; ^163. The naval war (1776-1782) . . . . ; . '-.' . \ 164. The war in the North and West (1778-1779) . ^ The Close of the War (1780-1781) : 165. British success in the South (1780) M/X.:.' * : *.(' 166. The treason of Arnold ( 1 780) M ')?;' f- .VJ 167. Campaigns in the South (1780-1781) ? v rf, 168. Yorktown (1781) , . 169 . 171 . 172 173 75 . 176 . ;?T 6 ,r.W I . 178 . 179 . 180 . 182 Contents xvii SECTION PACK The Treaty of Peace (1782-1783) : 169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace . ... 183 170. Claims and negotiations (1782) 184 171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783) ... 185 172. Summary 186 CHAPTER IX CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT (1781- 1789) . 189-217 The Articles of Confederation : 173. Formation of the Confederation 174. Provisions of the Articles of Confederation 175. The league of states 176. The amendment of the Articles of Confederation . The Critical Period (1781-1787) : 177. Critical conditions .*. 192 178. The old soldiers 192 179. Land claims of the states ...... 193 180. Land cessions (1781-1802) 194 181. Ordinances for the government of western territory . 195 182. The West and foreign affairs 196 183. Relations with Great Britain ...... 197 184. Internal disorder 198 Formation of the Constitution (1787-1788) : 185. The Annapolis conference . . . . . . 200 1 86. The Connecticut compromise ...... 201 187. Later history of the convention . <, . . . 202 1 88. Feeling of the people ..... 203 189. Ratification of the Constitution by the states . . . 204 Character of the Constitution : 190. Dispute over the nature of the Constitution . . . 204 191. The nation and the states ...... 205 192. Congress .......... 206 193. The president . . . . . . . . . . 206 194. The courts . . . 207 195. Amendment of the Constitution ..... 207 196. The sources of the Constitution 208 The Organization of the New Government (1789): 197. The presidency 209 198. Beginnings of the new congress . . . . . 2IO 199. The executive departments . , . 212 xviii Contents SECTION fAGB 200. The national judiciary . . . . . . .214 201. Summary 214 CHAPTER X THE CLOSE OF THE XVIII CENTURY. 218-230 Social Conditions : 202. The people 218 203. The frontier 219 204. The admission of new states 220 205. The movement toward emancipation .... 221 206. The cotton gin and slavery ...... 222 Political and Religious Changes : 207. Voters and officeholders 223 208. Tendencies toward democracy 223 209. Religious freedom 224 Economic Conditions : 210. Commerce 225 211. Industry 226 212. Currency .......... 227 213. Improved means of communication ..... 228 PART III DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION (1789-1843) CHAPTER XI I/ FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811). 231-268 214. Problems confronting the new government (1789) . 231 Financial Policy and Political Parties (1790-1793) 215. The national debt . . . . . . . . 233 216. Assumption of state debts 234 217. New national taxes . . . . . . . . . 235 218. The United States bank , ... . . .236 219. The formation of political parties 237 \ Foreign Affairs (1793-1798) : 220. Difficulties with France ( 1 793) 238 221. Grievances against England ( 1 794) .... 239 222. Jay's treaty (1794) 240 223. The close of Washington's administration . . . 242 Contents xix SECTION PACK 224. Trouble with France (1796-1800) 243 - Federalists and Republicans (1798-1802) : 225. The Alien and Sedition laws (1798) .... 244 226. The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions (1798-1799) . 245 227. The election of 1800 246 228. Jefferson and his party 247 229. Reversal of Federalist practices 249 230. The national courts 250 ; Western Problems (1800-1806) : 231. Disputes over the lower Mississippi River . . . 252 232. The purchase of Louisiana 253 233. Extent and importance of Louisiana .... 255 234. The Burr conspiracy (1805-1806) 256 Commercial Warfare (1805-1811) : 235. European war and American commerce before 1806 . 257 236. The impressment of American seamen .... 259 237. Orders and decrees (1806-1807) 260 238. The Embargo (1807) 260 239. Indirect results of the Embargo 262 240. The Non-Intercourse Act (1809) 263 241. The Macon bill No. 2 (1810) . . . . . . 264 242. Summary 265 CHAPTER XII V/A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824). 269-294 The Second War of Independence : 243. Events leading to war (1811-1812) .... 269 244. Declaration of war (1812) 269 245. War in the North (1812-1813) 270 246. The war on the ocean (1812-1814) .... 272 247. The last year of the war 273 248. The Treaty of Ghent (1814) 274 Changed Conditions after the War of 1812: 249. The new nationality 275 250. Our altered international standing 276 251. Downfall of the Federalist party 277 252. The tariff of 1816 278 253. The second national bank 279 254. The Supreme Court 280 255. The development of the West 281 x%V< Contents z SEcnpu . ^ PAGE Internal improvements ....... 282 Importance of the westward movement .... 283 .very and Foreign Affairs (1819-1824) : The Missouri BUI (1818-1819) 284 The Missouri problem 285 The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821) . . . 286 Florida 288 The Monroe Doctrine (1823) 289 Summary ......... 291 CHAPTER XIII I/ NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843). 295-316 The Triumph of Democracy (1824-1829) : 264. The presidential election of 1824 295 265. New political parties ....... 297 266. The election of Jackson (1828) . . . .298 267. The importance of Jackson's election .... 298 268. New political methods ....... 300 269. The spoils system 301 National Sovereignty versus State Sovereignty (1826- 1833): 270. Controversies over Indian lands 302 271. The Webster-Hayne debate (1830) .... 303 272. Changes in the tariff (1824-1832) ..... 304 273. The South and the tariff, 305 274. Nullification and the compromise tariff .... 306 Finance and Politics (1829-1843) : 275. First attack on the United States bank . . . . . 307 276. Overthrow of the bank ".." 308 277. Government revenues and the panic of 1837 . . . 310 278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841) . . . 311 279. The election of Harrison (1840) 311 280. Tyler and Whigs (1841-1842) 313 281. Summary 314 CHAPTER XIV A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES. 317-338 Transportation and Business (1815-1860) : 282. The steamboat 317 283. The era of canals 318 Contents xxi SECTION . PAGE 284. Railways 319 285. Significance of improved means of transportation . . 320 286. The telegraph and other inventions . . . . 322 287. Industrial changes after 1810 323 288. The era of "free trade" (1846-1857) . . . .324 Political and Social Changes: 289. Opening of the government lands 325 290. Development of Democracy 326 291. Changes in the states 328 292. Social legislation 329 293. Newspapers and education ...... 329 294. American cities 331 Free and Slave States: 295. Growth of the United States 331 296. Foreign immigration . " ; 333 297. The admission of new states ...... 334 298. Early abolitionists 335 299. Abolition and petition (1835-1840) . . . . 336 PART IV THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY (1843-1877) CHAPTER XV SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857). 339-365 300. Introduction . . . . . . . . 339 ; Territorial Expansion (1843-1848) : 3or. Texas before 1843 . 34* 362. The annexation of Texas (1843-1845) ... . 341 363. Oregon territory to 1846. . . ... . 343 304. War with Mexico (1846-1847) ..... 344 305. Conquest of California. Peace 34& Slavery in New Territory (1848-1853) : 306. The Wilmot proviso 347 307. Oregon Territory ; election of 1848 . " . . . 34 8 308. California . . '. V'-- V ' ." ; ; '"' " : . ' . 349 309. The elements of a compromise (1850) . . . 35 310. Discussion of the compromise . . . . 35 1 3U- Completion of the compromise of 1850 .... 352 xxii Contents SECTION FACE 312. The fugitive slave law ....... 353 313. Attempts to gain more slave territory .... 354 Slavery in Old Territory (1854-1857) : 314. The Kansas-Nebraska bill (1854) 355 315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) . . . 356 316. Reorganization of political parties 358 317. The struggle for Kansas (1855-1861) .... 359 318. The case of Dred Scott (1857) 360 319. Summary 361 CHAPTER XVI DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861). 366-398 Approaching a Crisis (1857-1860) : 320. The situation in 1857 366 321. Political factions and parties 367 322. The Lincoln-Douglas debates (1858) .... 368 323. Union and slavery 369 324. Influence of John Brown's raid (1859) .... 370 325. The election of 1860 371 The Secession Movement (1860-1861) : 326. Secession in South Carolina (December, 1860) . . 373 327. Attempted conciliation (December- January) . . . 374 328. The Confederate States of America 375 329. Close of Buchanan's term ...... 377 330. Fundamental causes of secession 378 331. Slavery and state sovereignty versus nationality . . 379 Lincoln; "The Three Months' War": 332. Lincoln's policy 380 333. Sumter . . . 381 334. Preparation for war 382 335. The border states 383 336. Bull Run . 384 Conditions Affecting Union Success : 337. Resources of North and South 386 338. The southern armies ....... 387 339. The northern armies 387 340. The navies; the blockade 389 341. Foreign relations (1861-1865) '. . . 390 342. Bonds and a national banking system . . . -391 343. Greenbacks and taxes , , 392 Contents xxiii SECTION PAGB 344. Southern finances and government 393 345. Critical situation at the North 394 346. Summary 395 CHAPTER XVII PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865). 399~43O Spring and Summer of 1862: 347. Theater of war in the West 399 348. Grant's campaign in the West (to February, 1862) . . 401 349. Completion of the Western Tennessee campaign . . 403 350. New Orleans (1862) 404 351. The theater of war in Virginia 405 352. Monitor and Merrimac ....... 407 353. McClellan's peninsular campaign 407 The Middle Period of the War (August, i862-June, 1863) : 354. The fall of 1862 410 355. Events leading to emancipation 411 356. Emancipation ......... 412 357. Chancellorsville ; Lee's second invasion .... 414 Union Advance (July, 1863- July, 1864): 358. Gettysburg 415 359. Vicksburg 416 360. Operations around Chattanooga (1863) .... 418 361. Naval operations (1864) 419 362. The advance on Atlanta (1864) 421 363. Grant in Virginia (May-July, 1864) .... 423 The Close of the War (July, 1864- April, 1865) : 364. The Shenandoah valley; Hood in Tennessee . . . 423 365. Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas .... 424 366. The end of the war 424 367. The people and Lincoln's government .... 426 368. Summary of the campaigns 4 2 7 369. Conclusion . . . . . 428 CHAPTER XVIII POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1877) 431-452 370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction . . . 431 Reconstruction (1865-1870) : 371. The problem of reconstruction ..... 432 xxiv Contents SECTION rAGK 372. Status of seceding states ....... 433 373. Restoration under Johnson (1865) 434 374. Freedmen legislation 436 375. Civil rights bill and amendment XIV (1866) . . . 437 376. Military reconstruction (1867-1870) .... 438 Incidents of the Reconstruction Period (1867-1877) : 377. The impeachment of Johnson 439 378. Carpetbag government in the South .... 441 379. City government and corruption ..... 442 380. The administrations of Grant (1869-1877) . . . 443 381. National political scandals ...... ^\\ 382. The disputed election of 1876 445 National Changes (1861-1877) : 383. National development . . . . . . . 447 384. Changes in the written Constitution .... 448 385. Changes in the unwritten constitution .... 449 386. The national government . . . . ' . . 449 387. New national industrial conditions . , . . . 450 PART V THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) CHAPTER XIX INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1865-1886). 453-473 388. Changes following the war . . ... 453 Financial and Industrial Readjustment (1865-1879) : 389. Bonds and taxes after the war . . . ~. , ' *. . . 454 390. The greenbacks -455 391. Laws relating to silver 456 392. Business after the war . . . . . . .457 393. Agriculture and the West 458 Transportation Problems (1865-1887) : 394. Development of the West by means of the railways . 460 395. Railway abuses 461 396. The granger movement and railway legislation . . 462 397. The interstate commerce commission (1887) . . . 463 Political Changes and Reforms (1877-1886) : 398. Garfield and Arthur 464 Contents xxv SECTION PAGB 399. The election of Cleveland (1884) . . . . . 465 400. The spoils system and reform ...... 467 401. Progress of civil service reform since 1883 . . . 468 402. Reform of elections 469 403. Changes affecting the presidency . . . . . 470 404. Summary . . . . . . . . . 471 CHAPTER XX THE END OF AN ERA (1886-1897). 405-422 SECTION PAGE The Tariff: . 405. Proposed reform of the tariff (1882-1888) . . . 474 406. The election of 1888 475 407. The McKinley tariff (1890) 476 408. The Gorman- Wilson tariff; the income tax (1894) . 477 409. Recent tariffs 478 The Silver Controversy (18931897) : 410. The Sherman silver act (1890) and the treasury . . 478 411. The free silver movement in the West .... 480 412. Election of 1896 ... r .... 481 413. Republican policies ....... 482 Foreigh Affairs (1865-1895) : 414. Disputes with England . . . . . . . 483 415. Samoa 485 416. Hawaii 486 417. Pan-American Congresses ...... 487 418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil War . 488 419. The dispute over the boundary of Venezuela (1895) 4^8 420. The settlement of the Venezuela controversy . . 489 421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895 49 422. Summary 491 CHAPTER XXI EXPANSION (1898-1902). 423-448 423. Fundamental changes in the United States after 1897 493 The Spanish-American Wai : 424. Our relations with Cuba before 1895 .... 494 425. The United States and Cuban Insurrection (1895-1896) 495 426. Dangers to American interests in Cuba (1897-1898) . 496 xxvi Contents SECTION PACK 427. The spring of 1898 497 428. 498 429. . 5 43- 43i- 53 The Care of Wider American Interests : 432. The problem of the Pacific . . . . , 54 433- The treaty of Paris (1898-1899) .... 55 434- Philippine insurrection and election of 1900 . 506 435- The development of a colonial policy . . . 57 436. The Philippines since 1900 58 437- Alaska ......... 59 438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 1902 . 51 439- Securing a satisfactory route for the canal 5" 440. Construction of the canal . 512 441. Importance of the canal 5M The United States as a World Power : 442. The United States as a world power 5'5 443- American influence on world peace 515 444. Relations with Cuba since 1898 .... Si6 445- Relations with Mexico 5'7 446. 5'9 447- Relations with Japan ...... . 520 448. . 5* 2 CHAPTER XXII RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914). 449-466 The Roosevelt Policies (1901-1909) : 449. McKinley and Roosevelt 526 450. Roosevelt's " first term " 527 451. Foreign affairs under Roosevelt 528 452. Internal policies of Roosevelt's "second term" . . 528 453. Panic. Election of 1908 530 The Rule of the People (1906-1913) : 454. The war against political misrule 530 455. The insurgent movement ...... 531 456. Reform of political party methods 532 457. The initiative, the referendum, and the recall . . 533 Contents xxvii SECTION PAGB The Movement toward Economic Reform (1909-1914) : 458. The beginning of the Taft administration . . . 534 459. Reform legislation 537 460. The election of 1912 538 461. Constitutional changes 540 462. The beginning of the Wilson administration . . 541 463. The Payne-Aldrich tariff 542 464. Democratic tariff measures 544 465. Other financial reform measures ..... 545 466. Summary 547 CHAPTER XXIII PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS. 467-486 Commerce and Industry : 467. Industrial progress since 1880 550 468. Anti-trust legislation in the states 551 469. The Sherman anti-trust law of 1890 .... 552 470. Recent anti-trust activity ...... 554 471. Railway rate regulation 555 472. Commerce and shipping 556 Business and Labor : 473. Prosperity and panics since 1865 ..... 558 474. Labor unions and strikes (1877-1894) .... 559 475. Recent labor problems 560 476. Labor legislation 562 Political and Social Changes : 477. Population and race problems 563 478. Foreign immigration ....... 564 479. Growth of cities 566 480. City problems 569 481. Legal rights of women 571 482. The distribution of wealth 573 483. The past and the future 574 The Nation and its Government A Comparison : 484. Changes of a century and a third 575 485. Characteristics of American political development . . 576 486. The people, the nation, and the government . . . 577 xviii Contents SECTION FAGB 200. The national judiciary . . . . . . .214 201. Summary . 214 CHAPTER X THE CLOSE OF THE XVIII CENTURY. 218-230 Social Conditions : 202. The people . 218 203. The frontier 219 204. The admission of new states 220 205. The movement toward emancipation .... 221 206. The cotton gin and slavery 222 Political and Religious Changes : 207. Voters and officeholders 223 208. Tendencies toward democracy ..... 223 209. Religious freedom 224 Economic Conditions : 210. Commerce 225 211. Industry 226 212. Currency 227 213. Improved means of communication ..... 228 PART III DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION (1789-1843) CHAPTER XI V/ FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811). 231-268 214. Problems confronting the new government ( 1 789) . 231 Financial Policy and Political Parties (1790-1793) 215. The national debt 233 216. Assumption of state debts 234 217. New national taxes 235 218. The United States bank 236 219. The formation of political parties 237 \ Foreign Affairs (1793-1798) : 220. Difficulties with France ( 1 793) 238 221. Grievances against England ( 1 794) .... 239 222. Jay's treaty (1794) 240 223. The close of Washington's administration . . . 242 Contents xix SECTION PACK 224. Trouble with France (1796-1800) 243 - Federalists and Republicans (1798-1802) : 225. The Alien and Sedition laws (1798) .... 244 226. The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions (1798-1799) . 245 227. The election of 1800 246 228. Jefferson and his party 247 229. Reversal of Federalist practices 249 230. The national courts ........ 250 Western Problems (1800-1806): 231. Disputes over the lower Mississippi River . . . 252 232. The purchase of Louisiana 253 233. Extent and importance of Louisiana .... 255 234. The Burr conspiracy (1805-1806) 256 H Commercial Warfare (1805-1811): 235. European war and American commerce before 1806 . 257 236. The impressment of American seamen .... 259 237. Orders and decrees (1806-1807) 260 238. The Embargo (1807) 260 239. Indirect results of the Embargo 262 240. The Non-Intercourse Act (1809) 263 241. The Macon bill No. 2 (1810) 264 242. Summary 265 CHAPTER XII \/A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824). 269-294 The Second War of Independence : 243. Events leading to war (1811-1812) .... 269 244. Declaration of war (1812) 269 245. War in the North (1812-1813) 270 246. The war on the ocean (1812-1814) .... 272 247. The last year of the war 273 248. The Treaty of Ghent (1814) 274 Changed Conditions after the War of 1812: 249. The new nationality 275 250. Our altered international standing 276 251. Downfall of the Federalist party 277 252. The tariff of 1816 278 253. The second national bank 279 254. The Supreme Court 280 255. The development of the West 281 xxx Illustrations PAGB John Adams 242 Thomas Jefferson 249 Albert Gallatin 250 John Marshall 251 The Capitol at Washington 273 James Monroe 290 John Quincy Adams 296 Andrew Jackson ......... 299 Martin Van Buren 311 A log cabin of 1840 312 Railway train in an early day (The DeWitt Clinton engine) . 319 Samuel F. B. Morse and his instrument 322 Howe's original sewing machine ....... 323 William Lloyd Garrison ........ 335 James K. Polk . 346 Calhoun, Webster, and Clay. By Brady 351 Stephen A. Douglas ......... 356 Charles Sumner 359 William H. Seward 370 The rail candidate (cartoon of 1860) 372 Jefferson Davis 376 Abraham Lincoln (the famous Brady photograph) . . . 381 Joseph E. Johnston ......... 385 Salmon P. Chase 392 Ulysses S. Grant .......... 402 Robert E. Lee 409 George B. McClellan 410 Antietam bridge 410 Emancipation proclamation (last page) 413 Thomas J. Jackson ......... 414 Gettysburg Battlefield (from Little Round Top) . . . . 415 "William T. Sherman 421 Libby Prison 425 Andrew Johnson .......... 432 Thaddeus Stevens 434 The Supreme Court (during the Reconstruction period) . . 435 Edwin M. Stanton ......... 440 " Who stole the people's money? " (Nast's Tweed ring cartoon) 443 Samuel J. Tilden 445 Rutherford B. Hayes 446 John Sherman 456 James A. Garfield 464 Chester A. Arthur 4 6 5 James G. Blaine 466 Illustrations xxxi PACK Grover Cleveland 467 Benjamin Harrison ......... 475 Inauguration of Cleveland (1893) 479 William J. Bryan . . 481 William McKinley ......... 483 Richard Olney 489 The Maine entering Havana harbor 496 Cartoon : " Be careful " 497 William T. Sampson . . . . . . . . 498 The Oregon . . 499 George Dewey .......... 500 Signing the peace protocol at Washington 501 Elihu Root 503 A Republican appeal to voters (cartoon of 1900) . . . 506 Culebra Cut, Panama, before 1902 512 John Hay ........... 520 Theodore Roosevelt 526 Water power at Niagara Falls ....... 529 William H. Taft . . . .535 Supreme Court in 1910 ........ 536 Woodrow Wilson 540 President Wilson reading his first message to Congress . . 543 Lower New York, sky line, 1914 566-567 Thomas A. Edison . .568 Main Building, Centennial Exposition, 1876 .... 568 Court of Honor, Chicago, 1893 569 Grand Basin, St. Louis, 1904 570 General View, San Francisco, 1915 571 MAPS AND DIAGRAMS PACK Relief Map of the United States. By Howell . . opposite I Isothermal Lines (United States and Europe) .... 4 Average Rainfall in the United States 5 Navigable Rivers and Portages of the United States . . n Location of the Principal Indian Families and Tribes ... 12 Europe A.D. 1490 18 Trade Routes from Europe to the East 20 Toscanelli's Map of the Occident . .... 24 Line of Demarcation (1494) 27 America (1515) (Schoener). Simplified from Winsor's "Narrative > and Critical History of America." ..... 29 America (1541) (Mercator) . Simplified from Winsor's " America " 29 Exploration and Settlements before 1600 37 Land Grants under Charter of 1 606 . . . . . .40 Eastern North America (1621). From Dutch map in O'Callaghan collection 45 New England Settlements 58 Boundaries of Pennsylvania . . . . . . -73 North Atlantic Coast (1650-1695) . . (Colored} opposite 82 Treaty of Utrecht ; Territorial Changes (1713) (Colored} " 90 Scene of the French and Indian War (1754-1759) ... 97 Treaty of Paris ; Territorial Changes (1763) (Colored} opposite loo Density of Population in English Colonies (1750) . . . 104 Boundaries of Quebec (1774) ....... 149 Boston and Vicinity (1775) ....... 154 Vicinity of New York (1776) 167 Revolution in the North (1775-1780) 170 Campaigns of 1777 in northern New York . ... 172 Revolution in the South (1778-1781) 180 Boundaries of the United States (1779-1783) (Colored} opposite 185 Western Land Claims . . . . . (Colored} " 185 Density of Population (1800) 218 Election of 1 800 246 The United States (1800) .... {Colored} opposite 2$2 Louisiana (1803) 255 Exports and Imports of the United States (1789-1811) . . 258 xxxiv Maps and Diagrams PACK Scene of War in the North (1812-1814) 271 British Campaign against Washington (1814) .... 272 New Orleans and Vicinity 274 Territory affected by Missouri Compromise (1820) . . . 287 Election of 1824 295 The United States (1825) .... {Colored} opposite 297 Disputed Boundary of Maine 314 Railroad Construction from 1830 to 1860. From Coman's " Indus- trial History of the United States" . {Colored) opposite 320 Adoption of Manhood Suffrage 327 Density of Population (1850) 332 Election of 1844 342 Boundaries of Texas 344 Scene of the Mexican War . .''. 345 The United States (1850) . . . . {Colored} opposite 549 Territory affected by the Compromise of 1850 .... 352 Territory affected by the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) . . 357 Expansion of the Slave Territory (1844-1857), two maps . . 362 Election of 1860 373 The United States (1861), showing first and second secessions of slave states ( Colored} opposite 376 Railways and Rivers of the South ( 1 86l) 400 Routes of Invading Armies (1862-1865) 4 O1 Western Kentucky and Tennessee (1862) 403 Theater of War in Virginia 406 The York- James Peninsula (1862) . . . . . . . 408 Gettysburg Battlefield .(1863) 416 Country around Vicksburg (1863) ...... .417 Country around Chattanooga (1863) 418 Restriction of Confederate Territory (1861-1865) {Colored) opposite 428 The United States (1875) . \ . . {Colored) " 445 Election of 1876 . 446 Development of United States (1870-1905) .... 458 Decrease in Railway Rates (1867-1900) . . . . . 462 Election of 1896 . . . ... . . . 484 The Hawaiian Islands . > ; . . . . . . 486 Operations around Santiago de Cuba (1898) .... 500 Territorial Growth of the United States (double page) {Colored) between 508 and 509 Route of the Panama Canal 513 Profile of the Panama Canal . ..-. . . .513 Railways of the United States . . . (Colored) opposite 556 Election of 1912 539 Maps and Diagrams xxxv FACE Wages and Prices, 1840-1913, in Gold 561 The United States (1914) (Colored) opposttt 564 Immigration (1864-1913) 5 * Total and Urban Population (1790-1910) .... Density of Population (1900) 57 PART I THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) CHAPTER I CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN AMERICA i. Introduction. Not many years ago the common What is opinion about history was expressed in the words, "happy histor y ? is that people who have no history." To persons holding such a view, history was a record of wars and intrigues, of cruelty, misfortune, and destruction. This opinion of his- tory, common enough a generation ago, is held by few to-day, for we are beginning to realize that history is less a narrative of events than a record of progress that it should not record the horrors of a nation's life but its achievements. It is hardly necessary to state that this must be quite as much a study of the means used to produce certain results, of the conditions which made possible and necessary certain achievements, as a description of the results themselves; for, after all, the purpose of studying history is not to learn facts, but to understand the causes and results of the great movements in the life of a people. This task is one of great interest and importance, but it Choice of presents many difficulties. We cannot, in a short time and to P ics in within a brief text, examine very much of the material to be histoly found on this broad subject. We must therefore decide what phase or phases of history should receive special con- sideration, and then seek to concentrate our attention on those topics which mark most clearly the path we wish to follow. Since we cannot study all the phases of American develop- ment, we shall devote ourselves particularly to the develop- American History Two things to be noted. ment of the American nation a subject that is political rather than social and seek to discover how the American nation became what it is to-day. Many military events will be examined in the course of this study, for our wars have greatly influenced our national development. Commercial activities and social life will be considered to some extent, because without some knowledge of them we cannot under- stand certain changes in our country. In connection with each subject studied we should note two things : (i) what are the facts regarding the topic under consideration? (2) how is this event connected with other events we have studied ? The first involves not only an act of memory but discrimination between the details that are more important and those that are insignificant ; the second compels us to use the knowledge that we have gained in reasoning out the causes and results of the different move- ments. Before taking up in a systematic way the record of Ameri- tions affecting can development, we must consider first three things that have influenced our progress greatly, especially during our early years. One of these is the geography of the United States, which has influenced our history from the beginning and is now a factor of the first importance in determining the character of our life and occupations. The second deals with the original inhabitants, the Indians, whose influence during colonial times was very great, and the third with the situation in Europe at the time the continent was discovered. Three condi- American history. Four important geographical influences. Winsor (ed.), America, IV, x-xv. GEOGRAPHICAL CONDITIONS 2. Geography and American Colonization. In all ages the geography of different countries has exerted a very great influence on their history. In the development of the United States we can study the influence of physical conditions as, step by step, the territory was explored and opened to settlement. The effect of topography, soil, and climate can be measured, because we have fairly full and exact information of every early attempt to gain a foothold, Geographical Conditions 3 on this continent. During the colonial period, the geograph- ical characteristics which affected our history most were four in number: (i) The accessibility of the new continent. Accessibility. Its position with reference to Europe, the character of its coast line, the extent of its water systems, and the navigabil- ity of its rivers aided exploration and settlement. (2) The possibility of a food supply. As no colony could continue Food supply, to exist if dependent on Europe or on other colonies for its food, it was necessary that grains and vegetables should be raised easily within the colony. Climate, rainfall, the character of the soil, and many other physiographical con- ditions affected this problem. (3) Its defensibility. The Defensibility. dangers to which a colony was exposed and the ease with which it might be defended were matters of the first impor- tance. If located in the heart of the country, scattered settle- ments were out of the question. The neighborhood of un- friendly European colonies was also to be avoided, and especial care was necessary to prevent the destruction of a colony through disease caused by extreme heat or cold or by the fevers all too common in the low marshy coastal belt. (4) Its general resources. Permanency depended on General the development of certain industries, which would not only resources - help the colonists to sustain life, but would produce articles which they could exchange for the necessaries that must be procured in Europe. The precious metals of Mexico and South America, the sugar and tobacco of Cuba, and the furs of New France explain the success of Spanish and French colonies. Topography and occupations account to a large extent also for the character of a colony. The com- pact little hamlets of New England could never have been developed in the broad fertile valleys of the South' any more than the system of French trading posts could have been established in the narrow valleys of Massachusetts. After considering some of these physical conditions and the geo- graphical divisions of the United States, we shall note briefly how English and French colonization was affected by them. 3. Climate and Rainfall. The climate of the United American History Temperature of the coast and interior. Wftisor fed.), America, IV, ii, vi. Farrand, Basis of Amer. History, 17-21. States, while on the whole temperate, presents many varia- tions. Two things that had a very great influence on our early history should be noted carefully, (i) The tempera- ture of the Atlantic slope and of the Mississippi basin is much lower than that of Europe in the same latitude, be- cause the warm waters of the Gulf Stream wash the shores of western Europe. (2) The winters in the northern half of the United States are very severe, especially in the interior which possesses to a marked degree the characteristics of a continental climate. The earliest American colonies were ISOTHERMAL LINES established below the latitude of Rome and the extreme cold was thus avoided, but most of the English colonists of the seventeenth century settled farther north and found themselves face to face with all the hardships and privations that a long winter would be likely to cause. In several cases the intense suffering led to the complete abandonment of the settlement. This very struggle for existence, however, seems to have benefited those who were courageous enough to attempt or hardy enough to endure the life north of the fortieth parallel. Geographical Conditions 5 The rainfall throughout the eastern half of the United Variations States is sufficiently abundant to insure good crops without in rainfa11 - being so excessive as to prevent cultivation. It is heaviest on the Gulf slope, but almost as great along the Atlantic uni"d states. border. West of the Mississippi River the rainfall is less 1, 15-20. abundant and beyond the one hundred and fifth meridian is too light for the production of most crops. However, the great semi-arid plains of the West form one of the finest grazing regions in the world. AVERAGE RAINFALL 4. Natural Resources. These climatic conditions have made it possible for Europeans to live within the United States. They contributed very largely to the success of the early settlements, because of the ease with which a supply of food could be raised. Without maize or Indian corn many of the early colonies would have been complete failures. Being a native product of this continent, maize was found growing wild to some extent. From the Indians who cul- tivated it in a crude way, all early settlers secured supplies Agricultural food supplies. Winsor (ed.), America, IV, xiii-xv. Shaler, United States, American History Non agricul- tural foods. Commercial value of nat- ural resources. Influence of natural re- sources in re- cent history, by purchase or force, and it remained the chief food of the immigrants during the colonial period. This was largely due to the ease with which it was grown in half-cleared forests where wheat. could not be raised, and to the abun- dance of the crop. As it is sensitive to the cold, it cannot be raised in the North, much to the loss of the colonists in that part of the continent. The early settlers depended a great deal on the pumpkins and squashes grown with the maize in the clearings. In the Great Lake basin wild rice was one of the chief foods for a large part of the population. Besides the agricultural productions on which the colonists depended, they used as food the immense supplies of fish and game. Colonization would have been very difficult, perhaps impossible, in New England and around the St. Lawrence, but for the fisheries, the cod particularly being a source of considerable wealth because exported in large quantities. Frontiersmen found it possible to sustain life on the flesh of the animals killed. Far more valuable to the early settlers was the vasf trade in peltries which engaged the attention of a large percentage of the population in New France and New Netherland. This fur trade determined the location of almost all of the frontier towns, which were at the beginning little more than trading posts. In the South the greater productivity of the soil and the mildness of the climate made the question of food supply a less serious one, but the growth of tobacco in Virginia especially and the exportation of rice from the coast plantations aided greatly in the development of colonies in that section. The abundance of excellent timber along the coast furnished material for the construction of homes and stimulated industries like ship building. Although the dense forests interfered somewhat with agriculture, they were a valuable aid to the colonists in other ways, lumber being one of the chief exports of the English provinces. From this fragmentary account we can appreciate perhaps the influence of natural conditions on colonial development. We fan understand also how the favorable agricultural Geographical Conditions 7 conditions in this country, coupled with its unexcelled Farrand, supply of coal, iron, copper, and other minerals, its numerous rivers and excellent harbors, have made it possible for the vvhisor /^T United States to develop with amazing rapidity since the America, colonial period. IV, viii-x. 5. Geographical Divisions of the United States. The General. topography of the United States is very interesting. On the winsor (ed.), east and the west are two great oceans, the narrower America, separating us from those European countries from which 1V - 1U - V - almost all American settlers came. One half of the southern Farrand, border is a great arm of the sea, and nearly one third of the Ba3ls f Amer ' History, 7-14. northern boundary is a system of lakes penetrating nearly one half of the distance to the Pacific. Two great systems of mountains divide the country into several distinct geograph- ical divisions. One, the Appalachian, running northeast and southwest, parallel with the Atlantic coast line, is low and comparatively narrow, with passes connecting the East with the West along the Mohawk, in Pennsylvania and at Cumberland Gap. 1 The second, the Cordilleran system, averages one thousand miles across and is really a high table land fringed for the most part by high ranges on its eastern and western edges. East of the Appalachian system is the Atlantic slope, nar- Atlantic row and consequently rather steep at the north, giving that sl P e - section short, rapid rivers, with narrow valleys, and often Shaler, with numerous water falls; broader at the south, so that the jj n n e d states^ country is more nearly level, the valleys therefore wider, 1,53-S 8 . 6l - and the rivers slower and navigable for a longer distance. ^' 69 ~ 74 - Along the coast there are numerous bays and harbors, some of which are particularly fine. On the south Atlantic slope and on the eastern Gulf slope the coast is often marshy for a considerable distance inland. Between the great mountain systems lies the magnificent Mississippi Mississippi basin, the river and its tributaries comprising basin * 1 The highest peaks are but little over six thousand feet. There are two ranges separated from Pennsylvania and North Carolina by a broad, fertile valley. 8 American History Shaler, United States, I, 102- 107, 127-130. Gre; t Lake basil . Brigham, Geog-t iphis Influences, 105-114. Shaler United States, I, 119-117. The Atlantic slope. Winsor (ed.), America, IV, xxiii-xxx. nine thousand miles of navigable streams more than three feet in depth, draining an area of about a million and a quarter square miles of the finest land on the globe. With a fertile soil and abundant rainfall, except in the West, a climate that is marked by short, hot summers, and in the North by long severe winters, the Mississippi basin is to-day the great- est agricultural region in the world. In colonial times comparatively little use could be made of these characteristics because it was not easily accessible before the days of steam. Mountain ranges shut it off from the Atlantic coast. Falls and rapids in the St. Lawrence basin practically closed that avenue of approach. Access by way of the lower Mississippi was precluded because of the river current and the swamps on either side which made the banks uninhabitable except in places for a long distance from the Gulf. Since the middle of the eighteenth century, however, the Mississippi valley has been the scene of many of the most important conflicts in our history, and it has furnished the issues for numerous great national contests. North of the eastern Mississippi basin and the Atlantic slope is the basin of the Great Lakes, covering a compara- tively small territory aside from the water area. Since it was closed to the outside world for one half the year, when the St. Lawrence was frozen over, and was inaccessible directly because of the rapids in the St. Lawrence River and Niagara Falls, the upper St. Lawrence basin was prac- tically unoccupied during the colonial period. The lower St. Lawrence basin, which is open to sea-going ships as far as Montreal, was the seat of a thriving colony, supported in large part by the fur trade with the interior. 6. Influence of Geography on English Colonization. All of the English colonies proper were confined to the Atlantic slope, which offered many advantages to the settler. It was the most accessible part of the continent, being almost directly across from Europe l and offering shelter to the 1 On account of the prevailing west winds in the north temperate zone and eastward direction of the north Atlantic currents, however, most of the Geographical Conditions 9 pioneers because of its many harbors. As far inland as the mountains the sloping character of the country, with the numerous short but navigable rivers, gave easy access to a region which was attractive and usually fertile. In the South the Atlantic slope was much broader than in the North. The valleys of Virginia and the Carolinas are broad and fertile. As the climate favored the growing of tobacco, rice, and cotton which can be raised most profitably on large plantations, a scattered agricultural population was in- evitable. In New England the stony clay soil of the narrow valleys was not well adapted for agriculture, while the abundance of small but sheltered harbors made it desirable for the people to keep near the coast and give their attention to commerce. The middle section, in this as in most other respects, was a mean between the North and the South and partook of the characteristics of each. The magnificent har- bor of New York, at the mouth of the Hudson River and at the eastern extremity of the only low pass from the coast to the West, gave that location advantages over every other, and made it the natural commercial metropolis of the East. During the colonial period, however, there was little com- Communica- munication between New York and the interior because the non with the Iroquois controlled the Mohawk route and the French oc- cupied that part of the Great Lake basin beyond. Farther Farrand south several passes permitted entrance to the Ohio valley, Basis ofAmer. the key to the whole of that basin, the junction of the Al- History. 27-35 legheny and Monongahela, lying but a step beyond the last range of hills. Still farther south the great valley between the parallel ranges of the Appalachian mountains, and the gaps from that valley to the fertile region south of the Ohio River, made emigration to the West possible though not easy. The mountains were of special value to the colonies be- The Appaia- cause they could be crossed only with difficulty. They chian moun ' afforded protection from attack from the interior and allowed early voyagers came by way of the Canaries and the West Indies, the trade wmds blowing regularly from the east in that latitude. 10 American History Brigham, Geographic Influences, 76-89. Semple, Anter. Hist, and Us Geographic Conditions, 36-5I' The great interior basins. Winsor (ed.), America, IV, xx-xxiii. Hold of the French on the interior. Farrand, Basis of Anter. History, 23-27. the English colonies to thrive in comparative peace, expand- ing with a natural and healthy growth into the foothills without danger of attack from their European rivals. The strength of the English colonies was to a great extent the result of compactness due partly to their agricultural and commercial pursuits, and in part also to the mountain barrier which confined them to the narrow sea border. 7. Geographical Advantages of the French Colonies. The territory occupied by the French presented marked contrast to that of the English. France was fortunate enough to gain possession of the two great basins those of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi which apparently were the gateways to the interior of the continent. Ap- parently, for it was by no means easy, as we have noticed, to pass from the lower St. Lawrence to the four great lakes beyond Niagara Falls, or to ascend the Mississippi as far as either of its important branches. Had the French been in search of homes, they could not easily have established them- selves in the lower St. Lawrence on account of the cold and the sterility of the soil, or have founded extensive colonies in the lower Mississippi valley because of the swampy,malarial condition of the country. Neither could they have pene- trated to the interior by either route readily had they been accompanied by their families and encumbered with house- hold necessities. With the French, however, actual colonization was always subordinate to their real work of exploring, trading, and occupying the country. For this task their geographical position was of the highest value. From Montreal, a trader, with comparatively little difficulty, might reach the vauey of the Ohio, the basin of the upper Great Lakes, the Missis- sippi and its many branches, and the entire system of water- ways northwest of Lake Superior, because short portages over comparatively level spaces connected the waters of the three great interior basins of the continent, which two cen- turies ago formed probably the richest fur-bearing region on the globe. Where the trader might go, the soldier could Geographical Conditions II follow. In time, for both commercial and military reasons, posts were established at the points where important water- ways or paths joined, giving the French control of the region to which these ways penetrated. The skill shown in the selection of these points is apparent from a glance at the map. Notice the position of Montreal, Fort Frontenac, Fort Duquesne, Detroit, Fort St. Marie, Fort St. Joseph, Fort UIYK.KS AM) POUTAOES OF THE UNITED JsIAlES Heary lingle lines show deptL of feet or more Double lines show portages Chartres, and New Orleans, and we cease to wonder why the French maintained a hold, slight to be sure, on the best part of the North American continent. THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 8. The Indian Tribes. A second Influence during colo- Numbers, nial times, less important than physiography, but consider- customs, and . , , . . * . organization. able nevertheless, was that exerted by the native races. There were no early settlers that did not come into contact Farrand, with the red man, to be helped by him or hindered because Basis of Amer of his hostility. These savage hunters were especially numerous along the heavily timbered Atlantic slope, within easy reach of the great supply of fish on the one hand and the animals of the forest on the other. Although they had History, 148- 175- 12 American History Three great families. not reached a high degree of civilization, each tribe occupied a fairly definite territory which was rather extended because of the need of broad hunting grounds. W T ithin the present limits of the United States, they numbered, at the beginning of the seven- teenth century, probably not more than a quarter million. Of the families en- countered by the French or English only three were particularly numer- ous or important, (i) Of these the Algonquins occupied much the largest territory, includ- ing most of the seacoast and the larger part of the INDIANS upper basins of the Mis- sissippi and the Great Lakes. The tribes differed greatly from one another, those of the North and West being, as a rule, fiercer and more no- madic than their kins- men of the southeast, the Delawares of Penn- sylvania and the Pow- hatans of Virginia, for example. (2) The Iroquois family oc- cupied the basins of Lakes Erie and Ontario and theMohawk valley, as well as a large dis- trict in the southern IXDIAK FAMILIES >. M> TRIKF.S (COLONIAL PERIOD) The North American Indian 13 Appalachian region. It included the "Five Nations" of New York whose political organization, the most per- fect of any north of Mexico, enabled them to conquer all their neighbors, either Iroquois or Algonquins, so that they often controlled the territory as far south as the Kenawha and as far west as the Wabash. Of great ability and cour- age unusual even among Indians, the Iroquois have left an impress on our history that is out of all proportion to their number. (3) From the Atlantic to the Mississippi, and from the Tennessee River south to the Gulf of Mexico, dwelt the Muskhogean family, of which the most numerous, ablest, and most civilized tribe was that called Creek. 9. Life and Character of the Indians. It is no part of Social our purpose to study the life and occupations of the Indian or g anization - except to appreciate his attitude toward the whites and un- derstand his influence on the colonization of America by Parkman > * Struggle for Europeans. Living in villages that were often little more a continent, than headquarters for hunting expeditions and raids, the 46o-4 6 4- Indians were not attached to the soil and removed their wigwams with ease. They found it difficult to fight success- Farrand, ... .,1 i Basis of Amer fully with the colonists, not alone because bows and arrows a - l3tor y t were no match for muskets, but because they were seldom 215-218, united. Each tribe had its own village and lived its own life 2 4~ 2 47- under chiefs who recognized no higher authority. This separateness prevented concerted movements, except when some great common danger united the tribes for a brief period. The character of the Indians has never been portrayed Stern better than by the master hand of Francis Parkman. He "X""^ \1 I, 14-20. TOSCVXELLPS MAP (Sbowiug location of CUe Americua in doued linesj Channing. his career as a sailor, spending part of his time when ashore United states, s t u dyi n g navigation or geography and making maps. For several years he resided in Lisbon, the chief center of com- mercial activity in western Europe. While there he wrote to an Italian philosopher, Toscanelli, asking him for infor- mation regarding a direct voyage to India. Toscanelli 24 1492] The Discovery of a New World replied, suggesting that Japan could be reached by sailing directly west, and inclosing a map according to which Japan was less than four thousand miles from Spain. Later Columbus asked the king of Portugal to aid him in making this voyage, but the monarch gave him no encouragement. Subsequently Colum- bus entered the service of Spain, endeavoring for several years to get governmental aid for his enterprise. But the times were unpropitious, for Ferdinand and Isa- bella were making a final effort to drive the Moors from the southern part of the peninsula. This was accomplished in 1492, and that same year they made an agree- ment to furnish the vessels for the expedition, to give Colum- bus absolute power as viceroy over the territories discovered, and to allow him one tenth of all the wealth obtained through his explorations. 19. Columbus's First Voyage. On August 3, 1492, he set sail from Palos with three caravels, the largest of which was less than one hundred feet in length. After a delay at the Canary Islands, the little fleet started out into unknown waters. In midocean they encountered a vast mass of weeds now known as the "Sargasso Sea." Going to the north of this, they proceeded westward, constantly finding indications of land. Great numbers of birds were seen, and as most of these proceeded southwest, Columbus was persuaded to change his course. In the early morning, October 12, land was sighted, and at daybreak Columbus landed on one of COLUMBUS Bourne, Spain in America, 8-19. Winsor (ed.). America, II, 1-9 Crossing the Atlantic. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 17. C banning, United States, I, 20-23. Bourne, Spain in America, 20-23. 26 American History [1492 Am. History the easternmost of the Bahama Islands. Had he continued Leaflets, No. i. west> h e wou i c j h ave been borne still farther north by the Gulf Stream and have reached the coast of the United States. After visiting several islands of the Bahamas, Columbus coasted along the shores of Cuba and reached San Domingo, where his largest vessel was wrecked and a garrison left. The return voyage was marked by a severe storm which The return voyage. Bourne, Spain in America, 23-28. Papal bull and" treaty of Tordesillas. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 18. Bourne, Spain in America, 29-32. Columbian Exposition ^fodel A CARAVEL separated the vessels, but, after many experiences, both reached Palos on the same day, March 15, 1493. The Spanish monarchs received the discoverer with every mark of esteem and he was treated with almost royal honors. 20. The Pope's Division of the Earth. As soon as Columbus returned to Spain, King Ferdinand sent at once to Rome and requested that Pope Alexander VI confirm his title to the lands discovered in the west. The pontiff accordingly issued a decree in which he proclaimed that Spain was entitled to the lands lying west of the meridian which was one hundre/j leagues west from any of the islands commonly called the Azores or Cape Verde. The right to heathen lands lying east of this line was confirmed to Por- tugal, whose claims to territories discovered in Africa had already been recognized by the Hhly See. As Portugal was 1496] The Discovery of a New World dissatisfied with this division of the globe, negotiations were begun at once with Spain which ended in the treaty of Tor- desillas, signed June 7, 1494. The line of demarcation was to be drawn three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands. This line did not touch North America, but was not far east of the country discovered by the Cabots in 1497 ( 22), so that in 1500 the Cortereal brothers explored the coasts of Newfoundland and Labra- dor with the hope that they might be claimed by Portugal. On the other hand, a large part of South America lay east of the line, and when in 1500 a Portuguese, Cabral, on his way to the Cape of Good Hope, accidentally sighted the coast of what is now Brazil, the way was open to the establishment of a Portuguese colony in the new world. On the other side of the world Portugal had an undisputed claim to most of the islands, but Spain gained pos- session of the Philippines before it was learned that they were located in Portugal's half of the globe. This papal division was ignored of course by many of the other nations. 21. Later Voyages of Columbus. Columbus did not remain long in Spain after his first voyage, because of the danger that Portugal would send out a fleet to seize the lands which he had discovered. The equipment for the second voyage was a marked contrast to that of the first. A large fleet carried nearly fifteen hundred persons, among them many nobles in search of wealth. A number of the West India islands, including Porto Rico and Jamaica, were visited and a Spanish colony established on Hispaniola (San Domingo). Fiske, Disc. of America, I, 453-460. Influence of the division. Bourne, Spain in America, 63-66, 73-75- Second voyage. Lamed (ed.) r Ready Ref., I, 50-51- 28 American History [1496 Third voyage. Bourne. Spain in America, 46-53- Fiske. Disc, of .-tmerica, I, 488-503. Fourth voyage. Fiskr. Disc, of America, I. 53-5i3- Voyages, 1497-1498. Am. History LeaJUts. No. 9. Charming, United States, 1.33-37- Bourne, Sfain in America, 54-61. Old South LeajUts, No. 37. Columbus returned to Spain in 1496 and did not start on .his third voyage until two years later. On this expedition he first saw the mainland of South America, near the mouth of the great Orinoco River. Soon after a special envoy was sent from Spain to investigate the charges of misgovernment which had been brought against Columbus as governor, and he was arrested without delay. On his return to Spain in chains, the monarchs disavowed the action of their repre- sentative, but Columbus never regained the authority thus taken from him. His fourth and last voyage in 1502 brought him to the coast of Central America, although he still believed he was off the coast of the Indies. His later years were full of bitterness, for he proved to be incompetent for the great task of gov- erning a colony, and being harsh in dealing with natives he made enemies who succeeded in stripping him of his honors. He died in 1506, obscure and neglected, without knowing that he had led the way to a new world, which was separated from Asia by an ocean larger than the Atlantic. 22. The Cabots were merchants of Bristol, England, at the time news was brought that Columbus had discovered land by sailing west. In 1496 John Cabot obtained from Henry VII a permit to sail westward. The permit was not used until the next year, and it was June 24, 1497, when the Cabots sighted land in the neighborhood of Newfoundland. Six weeks later they were back in England, where the king made a gift of 10 " to hym that founde the newe isle." In 1498 a much larger expedition set out. The coast from Lab- rador to Cape Cod was explored, and many persons believe that the Cabots continued on their southern course until the capes off North Carolina were reached. No attempt was made to f ollow up these voyages, John Cabot probably having died and his son Sebastian having entered the service of Spain. But several generations later, when England desired to estab- lish a legal claim to the eastern part of North America, these voyages of discovery were deemed of the first impor- tance. The Discovery of a New World 29 AH&K1OA, 1515 (Frvm Schdner's Globe) 23. Vespucius and the Naming of America. Americus Vespucius, or Amerigo Vespucci, like Columbus and the Cabots, was an Italian. In 1504 he wrote a letter telling about " Four voyages " that he claimed to have made to the new world while in the employ of Spain. He reported that on the earliest of these (in 1497) he had discovered South America and that on his later voyages he had explored the coast of that region. Many modern investigators consider the claims of Vespucius ridiculous, but it is certain that they were believed by at least some of his contemporaries. Among these was Martin Waldseemuller, a professor _ of geography at the college of Saint-Die in Lorraine. In 1507 Waldseemuller published a pamphlet entitled Cosmogra- phie Introductio^ in which he suggested that the land in the southwest, which did not cor- respond to any islands on the maps existing before 1492, and which for several years had been known as Mondo Novo, should be called "America." This name became quite common on maps of the time before it was learned that this southern region formed a continent connected with lands discovered by the Cabots and others at the North. When this connection was understood, the name America was applied naturally to the whole of the new world. Voyages of Vespucius. Bourne, Spain in America, 84-96. Old South Leaflets, Nos. 34, 90. First use of name America, Bourne, Spain in America, 99-103. Winsor (ed.), America, II, I4S-I52. AMERICA, 1541 (From Mercator'i Map) 3O American History [15 13 Discovery of 24. The Pacific Ocean. Little was known yet about the Pacific. tm s new wor i ( j j but in the decade beginning with 1513 geographical knowledge of the uncivilized hemisphere was extended greatly. It was in the year 1513 that Balboa, an UniuTsiates adventurer and a rebel, in search of gold, crossed the Isth- 1,47-51. mus of Panama and first beheld the waters of the Pacific, which he called the "South Sea," because the shore line runs east and west at this point. Magellan, voy- Six years later Fernando Magalhaens or Magellan, a age around the Portuguese nobleman in the employ of Spain, started with five vessels to find a southwest passage through South America to the Indies. In this he succeeded, the strait which he discovered now bearing his name. With but two United States, i> 50-54- vessels he proceeded north a long distance, then changed his course to the northwest, and finally to the west, in order not to pass the Molucca or Spice Islands, of which he was in search and whose latitude he knew. After weeks on the quiet ocean, which he named the Pacific, he reached what is probably the Island of Guam, and soon after landed on the Philippines. Here Magellan lost his life, April 27, 1521. The larger vessel was soon after captured by the Portuguese, but the smaller succeeded in reaching Spain after circumnavigating the globe certainly one of the most marvelous voyages in history, and one which caused remarkable changes in the geographical ideas of the times. EXPLORATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES (1513-1543) Ponce de Leon 25. Florida (1513-1536). For thirty years the Spanish (1513-1520- made repeated efforts to explore the southern part of the United States, rumors of gold constantly leading them into Bourne, Spain the interior. The first to show the way to Florida, a name applied for at least a century to the entire southeastern part Winsor (ed.), f tne United States, was Ponce de Leon, who was attracted America, by the reports of an excellent climate and prospects of wealth. In 1513 he explored both the east and the west coast of the peninsula and in 1521 attempted a settlement which failed because of the hostility of the Indians. 1542] Explorations in the United States 31 In 1526 a much more pretentious settlement was attempted Ayiion's settle. by d'Ayllon. Over five hundred persons, including some ment ( r 526). slaves, were taken to Chesapeake Bay, but the climate was Winsor so unhealthy that they lost their leader and more than one- America, half of their men within a year, and the enterprise was 11,238-241. abandoned. The next to search for wealth in Florida was de Narvaez, Narvaez and who landed near Tampa Bay in 1528. The last survivors Cabezade of this ill-fated expedition were wrecked some months later on the coast of Texas, where they were held as prisoners ,. ann ! ng> J United States, for several years. Under the lead of Cabeza de Vaca, who i, 62-67. had been employed as a "medicine man," four of them Winsor (ed.), escaped and crossed the plains and mountains to the Spanish Amerua > i, 240-244. settlements on the Gulf of California, bringing with them oid South rumors of large quantities of gems and precious metals to Leaflets, the north of the countries they had traversed and arousing n - N -39- renewed interest in the exploration of the interior. 26. The Southwest (1539-1543). To ascertain the 'truth Coronado's ex- of the reports that the "Seven Cities of Cibola" were pos- P edition (1540- 1542). sessed of great wealth, Fray Marcos was sent "to spy out the land." He failed to reach the cities, but brought back Hart, Contem- stories more wonderful than any that had yet been told, poranes, In a short time, Coronado at the head of three hundred ' ' Channing, Spaniards, many of them mounted, and nearly a thousand united states, Indians, set out for Cibola (1540). The cities proved to be 1.74-84- nothing but the unattractive dwellings of Pueblos, but there Bourne - sp ain in America, was said to be a great deal of gold farther north and east. I (^ I74 , A force was dispatched to investigate a great canon to the Amer. Hist. west, that of the Colorado, and Coronado's little army Leaflets, No. 13. then pushed on across the plateau and plains until Quivera was reached, probably in the present state of Kansas. They found immense herds of bison and trackless wastes, but no gold. In disappointment the" Spaniards returned to Mexico. Among the many explorers who at this time were inter- CoastofCali- ested in the country north of the Spanish settlements was Cabrillo. Setting out in 1542 with two vessels, he and his American History ['539 Hittell, Ca/i- Jbrnia,!, 73-78. Explorations in the southeast (I539-I543)- Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 23. Channing, United States, I, 67-72. Bourne, 5/a/ *' America, 162-168. Winsor (ed.), America, II, 244-254. Verrazano's voyage (1524). Bourne, Spain in America, M3-I45- Winsor (ed.), America, IV. 5-9. Cartier's explo- rations and set- tlements (I535-I54IV successor Ferrelo examined the western coast beyond Cape Mendocino with considerable care. Nothing came of this or of the other explorations in the West, and it was a half century before any permanent Spanish missions were estab- lished within the United States, and a still longer time before the region proved attractive to less unselfish settlers. 27. De Soto. The last, and in some respects the greatest, of these early Spanish explorers in the United States was Fernando de Soto. Having served under the Pizarros wh'en they conquered the country of the Incas, he was anxious to gain for himself fame and fortune in Florida, as Cortez had done in Mexico and the Pizarros in Peru. With a well- equipped force of nearly six hundred men and many horses, he landed at Tampa Bay during the summer of 1539. The Indians were treated with severity, the chief of each tribe visited being seized and held as hostage until provisions were forthcoming and his country had been crossed. For two years the Spaniards continued their search through the in- hospitable country without discovering traces of the wealth they sought and at length crossed the Mississippi. After further wanderings, broken and discouraged, Soto returned to the river to die (May, 1542). Nowhere had he found gold or signs of gold, and everywhere the Indians were fierce and hostile. Glad to escape from this land of dangers, the sur- vivors of Soto's party, after several attempts, succeeded in getting out of the Mississippi and reached the Mexican coast settlements. 28. Verrazano and Cartier. Although far behind the Spanish in a desire to explore and colonize, the French were not entirely inactive. In 1524 the French sent out Verrazano, an Italian like many of the other navigators of that day, who visited the eastern coast of North America and explored from the capes of North Carolina to Newfound- land, probably entering New York harbor. Ten years later Cartier explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, returning in 1535 and ascending the river. He penetrated as far as the large island just below the first series of rapids. 1560] Explorations in the United States 33 To the height on this island he gave the name Mont Real. 1 Hart, Contem- No attempt was made to found a colony at this time, but in foraries, 1540-1541, he and an associate, Roberval, sought to settle on ' 35< the banks of the St. Lawrence. Roberval failed to aid Cartier until the latter had abandoned his settlement, and Winsor ( ed -)t the French hold on America after this time was represented IV ^Z by a few fishermen's huts on the Atlantic coast. THE CLOSE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 29. The Situation in Europe. During the early part Spain, of the sixteenth century Spain had risen to the position of the first European power. Her king was ruler not only Schwiii, Mod- of the Spanish peninsula, but of the Netherlands, the Sicilies, ern hur P e > and a large part of America. As he was in addition emperor of Germany, the rule of Charles V was in consequence one of unusual splendor. The immense riches of Mexico and Peru added greatly to this power of Spain, but could not continue to sustain it, for the successor of Charles, Philip II, followed an unwise policy which undermined the sources of national strength. Freedom of thought was crushed by the inquisition, the Netherlands were lost by an unwise religious policy, while the Jews and Moors, the industrial backbone of the nation, were driven from Spain. The decline of Spanish power became evident in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and, after the defeat of the Armada in 1588, was rapid and continuous. France was in no position during these years to accom- France, plish much at home or abroad. Torn with the strife between the Catholics and the Huguenots, governed nominally by the worthless sons of Henry II and ruled really by the faction which was temporarily in the ascendant, she followed no Robinson, fixed policy until the accession of the able Henry IV in 1589. rope, 45145' England meanwhile under Elizabeth was quietly develop- England, ing her resources and settling her religious differences. As yet neither an industrial nor r, commercial nation, and, 1 Mount Royal. 34 American History [1562 Robinson, Western Eu- rope, 458-463. Port Royal (1562). Channing, United States, I, 94-96. Fort Caroline. Menendez. Channing, United States, I, 96-100. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 36. Fiske, Disc, of America, 11,512-521. Bourne, Spain in America, 176-189. as an international power, inferior to Spain and France, she gave encouragement to the seamen of the southern coast who engaged in trade with the Spanish colonies, and aided merchants who desired to form an East India company to trade with the far East. Elizabeth in fact permitted Sir Francis Drake and others to capture Spanish merchantmen and treasure ships in time of peace, thus developing that irregular navy which in 1588 harassed and in the end de- stroyed the unwieldy Spanish Armada. With Spain's navy crippled, the Dutch seized upon the greater part of the carry- ing trade of Europe. 30. The French in Florida (1562-1565). Under the auspices of the great Protestant leader, Gasper de Coligny, two settlements were attempted in the southern part of the United States in the land named Florida and claimed by the Spanish. The first of these was made in 1562 by Jean Ribaut at Port Royal, a little north of the Savannah River, but the next year the colonists constructed a ship, abandoned the colony, and reached Europe after a terrible voyage. In 1564 a second settlement was started by Laudonniere on the river of May, now called the St. Johns, where they built a fort named Caroline in honor of their king, Charles IX. Most of the settlers were men of broken fortunes and adventurers. Untrained to labor and desiring only gold, they quarreled with one another and with the Indians, some of them at length turning pirates and betraying to the Span- ish the presence of the little colony, Meanwhile the settlers prepared to abandon the colony, but before they were ready to sail, two fleets arrived off the coast of Florida: the first, French, under Ribaut bringing relief; the second, Spanish, under Menendez, threatening destruction. Before Menen- dez, a man of great vigor and earnestness, heard of the French colony, he had been expecting to secure a grant of Florida and colonize that region. When he learned of the Protestant settlement, he applied to Philip II who helped him fit a great expedition for what they considered a crusade. Find r ing the French fort and fleet too strong to attack, he disem- I5 8 3J The Close of the Sixteenth Century 35 barked his men and constructed a fort which he named St. Augustine (1565). The elements now favored him, for Ri- baut's fleet was scattered and his ships wrecked by a great storm. Menendez immediately marched overland through the swamps, attacked Fort-Caroline, which was practically unpro- tected, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Three different parties from Ribaut's fleet who had been wrecked on the coast south of St. Augustine were obliged to throw themselves on Menendez's mercy. Most of them were foully slain. This ended the settlements of the French in the southern part of North America, for King Charles of France was not fond of the Huguenots and was completely under the domination of Philip, but it did not close the warfare between the French and the Spaniards, for two years later de Gourgues destroyed the Spanish forts in Florida and hanged the defenders. 31. The English in the New World (1562-1583). Hawkins and Numerous Englishmen were interested in the new world Drake, because of its commercial possibilities. The earliest of these, Sir John Hawkins, engaged in the slave trade with the Channing, Spanish West Indies. On the third of these voyages his {*%?"' ships were attacked, treacherously he thought, by Spanish officials. With him on this trip was his cousin, Sir Francis . . Fiske, Old Vir~ Drake, who from this time devoted his life to the injury of g i nia> \ t I5 _ 2 8. Spain. With the consent of Elizabeth, Drake raided the Spanish main and in 157 7 sailed into the Pacific Ocean, where Hartf Contem , he captured treasure ships on the way from Peru to Panama, poraries, Continuing northward until turned back by the cold, he I.NOS. 99,30. returned to a harbor near San Francisco bay, where he re- fitted his vessel. The western part of the continent he named New Albion, claiming it for England. Returning to England ma, the East Indies and Africa, he brought back reports which aroused new interest in finding a northwest passage to the East. Frobisher had already (1576) searched for a northwest The northwest passage and Davis made three voyages (1585-1587) for the P assa e e - same purpose. The most earnest advocate of settlement in northern America and of search for a way to Cathay was Sir American History [1584 Woodward, British Em- pire, 39-49- The first colony (1585). Charming, United States, I, 124-128. Fiske, Old Vir- ginia, I, 30-33. The " lost colony " (1587-1590). Fiske, Old Vir- ginia, I, 35-39- Channing, United States, I, 128-133. Humphrey Gilbert, who tried to form a colony on Newfound- land in 1583. The attempt was abandoned and on the return voyage Gilbert's vessel foundered. 32. The Ralegh Colonies (1584-1590). The next year Sir Walter Ralegh dispatched to America Captains Amadas and Barlow, with instructions to investigate and report the possibilities of colonization. So glowing was their report that Queen Elizabeth named the country Virginia in her own honor. The succeeding spring (1585) seven vessels set sail carrying over one hundred settlers, whose leader was Ralph Lane. They landed at Roanoke Island, off the coast of what is now North Carolina, but before the ships returned to England the commander of the fleet maltreated the natives, thus alienating tribes whose friendship would have been of the greatest value. As the colonists would not work, and could obtain no food from the now hostile Indians, they gladly took ad- vantage of the arrival of Sir Francis Drake and returned to England. Ralegh's devotion to his pet scheme led him to form a company which in 1587 sent out a new expedition carrying women as well as men. Their destination was Chesapeake Bay, but they repaired first to Roanoke, where they decided to remain. Governor White of this "City of Ralegh," as the colony was called, returned to England for help later in the summer, but the ships sent out with supplies were used to prey upon Spanish commerce, with disastrous re- sults. Then came the Armada (1588) which called forth the naval strength of England. Another year was frittered away by the men to whom Ralegh, now impoverished, SIR WALTER RALEGH i6oo] The First Century 37 assigned his Virginia patent, and when in 1590 assistance arrived, no trace could be found of the "lost colony." Thus inauspiciously did the English begin the colonization of the new world. 33. The Results of the First Century. In the century Discovery and following the discovery of America by Columbus the advance expiration, in geographical knowledge had been enormous. The shape of the earth had been proved beyond dispute and its size quite accurately ascertained. There was no longer a sea of darkness, but two immense oceans had been crossed; in the case of the Atlantic, repeatedly. A new continent had been brought to light, of which to be sure little was known except the shore lines. Almost every part of the eastern Atlantic EX PLOH, IT10NS AND SETTLEMENTS c- DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY i', ,i .(i-.-.n Settlement* X coast had been explored by Europeans and the western coast nearly as far north as the Oregon River had been ex- amined. The interior of the North American continent had been visited by but two leaders Coronado and Soto and the heart of the continent was little better known in 1600 than a half century earlier. Search had been stimu- lated, however, because of a desire to find a water passage 388577 38 American History [1492- from the Atlantic to the Pacific which would make it pos- sible to sail from Europe west to Asia without going as far south as the Straits of Magellan. More than any other one cause, this desire led in the following century to the investi- gation of the waterways in the new world. Attempted South of the present limits of the United States, Portugal colonization. na( j es t aD h' s h e d a colony and Spain had taken possession of several islands and many Indian countries. Within the United States the repeated attempts to form colonies had led to the establishment of but two permanent settlements the insignificant Spanish fortifications at St. Augustine and the little frontier mission at Santa Fe. Considering the amount of money and effort expended, the results were dis- couraging indeed. In striking contrast to the limited ter- ritory occupied by Europeans at the close of the sixteenth century were the sweeping territorial claims of the rival nations. Spain asserted her right to a territory of continental extent. France claimed the northeastern coast and that part of the interior drained by the St. Lawrence River, and Eng- land asserted her right to the eastern part of North America, because of the Cabot discoveries, and to the western coast by virtue of Drake's exploration. TOPICS COLTJMBTJS'S EFFORTS TO GAIN HELP (1484-1492): Adams, "Columbus," pp. 34-73; Fiske, "Discovery of America," I, pp. 381- 3 8 5> 395-4I9- THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS: Winsor (ed.), "America," III, pp. 1-7; Fiske. "Discovery of America," II, pp. 1-16; Lee (ed.), "History of North America," I, pp. 297-309. MAGELLAN'S VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD: Bourne, "Spain in America," pp. 115-132; Winsor (ed.), "America," II, pp. 591-613; Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, 185-205. STUDIES 1. The character of Columbus (criticisms). (Winsor, "Colum- bus," pp. 499-512.) 2. Origin of the name "America." (Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, pp. 129-155.) 1 600] The First Century 39 3. Cortez in Mexico. (Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, pp. 245- 2 93-) 4. The wanderings of Cabeza de Vaca. (Lummis, "Spanish Pioneers," pp. 101-116.) 5. Coronado's explorations. (Johnson, "Pioneer Spaniards," pp. 219-253.) 6. Spain's colonial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in America," pp. 202-219.) 7. Spain's American commercial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in America," pp. 282298.) 8. Verrazano's voyage. ("Old South Leaflets," No. 17.) 9. Religious wars in France. (Duruy, "History of Modern Times," pp. 218-234.) 10. Destruction of the French colony in Florida (1565). (Park- man, "Struggle fora Continent," pp. 27-54.) 11. The English in the East (after 1580). (Woodward, "Expan- sion of the British Empire," pp. 69-85.) 12. Reasons for English colonization in America. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," I, Ncs. 44-46.) QUESTIONS 1. What was the significance of the first voyage of Columbus? 2. How did the discoveries of Vespucius and Magellan affect the geographical ideas of the times ? 3. What influences were most powerful in leading the Spanish to colonize? What were the chief characteristics of Spain's colonial policy? Was Spain a successful colonizing nation? 4. Why did Soto fail, while Cortez and Pizarro succeeded ? Name several reasons why the Spanish failed to get a real foothold in the United States. 5. How do you account for the comparative inactivity of the French and English during the sixteenth century? CHAPTER III Virginia com- pany and its sub-companies. MacDonald, Channing, United States, I, IS7-I63. Elizabeth (1558-1603) James I (1603-1625) Charles I (1625-1649) Commonwealth (1649-1660) VIRGINIA (1606-1625) 34. The Charter of 1606. During the early years of the seventeenth century several voyages were made to the coast of Virginia by -English seamen who brought back glowing reports of the country and its climate. As Ralegh had been imprisoned and his charter annulled by James I, a new com- pany was organized in 1606 for the purpose of making settlements in Virginia. To certain members of this Virginia company, residing in London and usually called the London company, was granted the land lying between parallels 34 and 38. The territory from 41 north to 45 was granted to members living in Plymouth, the right to occupy the middle strip from 38 to 41 being shared by both sub-companies, provided that neither settled within one hundred miles of the other. The Virginia company was permitted to coin money and to defend its possessions, while its colonists were to have all the rights enjoyed by Englishmen. 1 1 There was to be a resident council for the government of each of the two colonies established, and the general direction of the Virginia company's affairs in England was entrusted to a council appointed bj the king. 40 LAND GRANTS UNDER CHARTER OF 1C06 1607] Virginia 35. The Settlement at Jamestown. In Decefnber, 1606, three vessels fitted out by the London company set sail for the new world with more than one hundred colonists. According to the custom of those days, they went by way of the Canaries and the West Indies and did not enter Chesapeake Bay until April, 1607. As a site for the new settlement, they desired a place not too near the coast which might be fortified easily against the Spaniards, who objected to English settlements on land which they claimed. A low peninsula half buried at high tide was selected, the name of Jamestown being given to the settlement, in honor of the king. Most of the settlers were "gentlemen" unused to hard labor, so that the work of constructing homes and plant- ing crops progressed slowly. With summer came an epi- demic of fever, and within four months half of the colonists had perished. The councilors who had been sent over to govern the people proved in- efficient and quarreled with one another. Famine was averted by securing corn from the Indians and by sup- plies sent from England, but the communistic system, ac- cording to which all labored for the common store, did not encourage industry or thrift in a naturally shiftless set of men. The real leader of the party was John Smith. Although less than thirty years of age, Smith was a man of varied experiences and of considerable ability. Since coming to Virginia he had made friends with the Indians, and, in an open boat, had explored the shores of the Chesapeake Bay, making a map of the region which was remarkable for its accuracy. When he was elected president of the council, CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH The first year (1607). Eggleston, Be* gitiners of a Nation, 25-31. Channing, United States, I, 163-170. Tyler, England, in America, 41-54- Hart, Contem- poraries, I, Nos. 61-63. Rule of John Smith. Tyler, England in America, 55-60. American History [1609 Eggleston, Be- ginners, 31-40. Charter of 1609. MacDonald, Charters, No. 2. Commercial and social results. Coman, Indus- trial Hist, of U.S., 55-57. Channing, United States, I, 208-226. he reduced the colony to order, made the rule that those who did not work should not eat, and prevented starvation by securing food from the Indians through his skill and boldness. Smith's rule came to an end when a new charter was granted which changed the method of government and ex- tended the boundaries of the territory controlled by the London company. The new charter gave Virginia all the land for two hundred miles north and south of Point Comfort "up into the land, throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest." Because of the word "northwest" Virginia afterward claimed the Territory in the interior of the conti- nent between the Ohio River and the Great Lakes ( 90). 36. The Influence of Tobacco Culture. That Virginia survived its early difficulties was due in large part to the character of its first leaders, especially to John Smith and Governor Dale. Its real prosperity, however, begins with the cultivation and exportation of tobacco, for which the soil and climate of the colony were particularly adapted. Small crops of tobacco had been raised by the Indians be- fore the white settlers came, but not until Dale had put an end to the communistic system were plantations started on which the raising of tobacco became a regular industry. King James was strongly opposed to the use of the "filthy weed," but the market for their productions was so good that the planters soon came to devote their energies almost ex- clusively to tobacco growing. Settlers of a better class were attracted to the colony by the possibility of large profits from a regular occupation, and the banks of the James River and the shores of Chesapeake Bay were soon lined with the homes of men engaged in raising tobacco. Later, in- ducements were offered to poorer people, who paid for their passage to the new world by several years of service on the plantations. A few negroes, first brought to Jamestown in 1619 in a Dutch man-of-war, were also employed at the more menial tasks. Gradually, as the plantations became larger and the field workers more numerous, the distinction 1624] Virginia 43 between landowners and landless became more marked, the classes of society being almost as widely separated as in England. 37. The First Virginia Assembly (1619). In the years Preliminary immediately preceding 1619, the affairs of the London events - company in England and of the Virginia colonists in America did not go smoothly. Tames I tried to dominate the affairs < r! iann , 1I l g> United States, of the :ompany by dictating the laws that should be made i, 196-199. and the officers that should be elected. 1 The members of the company objected naturally, for, by the charter of 1612, Tyler, England they had acquired the right to hold meetings in London, m Amertca > transact general business, and govern the colony in America. As the company had not proved a financial success, the ma- jority of the stock in the London company had come into the hands of Puritans who were opposed to arbitrary govern- ment in England and in America. Since the governor of Virginia had aroused the wrath of the settlers by his un- just and tyrannical rule, the company, under the lead of Sir Edwin Sandys, decided that ] epresentatives of the people should meet with a new governor and his advisers and help them make the laws. Following his instructions, Governor Meeting of the Yeardley asked the freemen in each of eleven plantations, assembly, towns, or hundreds to elect two representatives, and on July Hart> Lontem ~ poranes, 30, 1619, twenty-two burgesses met with the governor's 1^0.65. councilors in the first legislature in America. Two years later the London company passed an ordinance providing for a regular government in Virginia consisting of a council, ( hosen by the English stockholders, which should assist the governor, and a general assembly composed of the councilors and of burgesses elected by the freemen. In this way the popular government established in 1619 by the English Puritans was made permanent. 38. Virginia becomes a Royal Province (1624). The End of the Puritan element in the London company not only advocated 1 King James opposed the political discussions at the meetings of the London company and objected to the criticisms of the crown by members of the company. 44 American History [1606 Cooke. Vir- ginia, 129-133. Hart. Contem- poraries, I, Nos. 66. 67. Tyler, England in America, 81-92. constitutional government for their Virginia colony, but under their wise guidance hundreds of thrifty settlers were pur- suaded to try their fortunes in the new world. The colony had a new lease of life, its prosperity far exceeding that of any previous time. Its success aroused the enmity of the Indians and in 1622 a terrible massacre occurred, from which Virginia recovered with surprising rapidity. But this uprising furnished the excuse desired by the king and other enemies of the company in England for the ovei< throw of the company. This was accomplished in 1624 on flimsy pretexts, and Virginia became a royal province. No change was made, however, in the character of its colonial government, as Charles I, who came to the throne in 1625, desired to win the favor of his American subjects, and was willing to have assemblies that would provide money for the royal treasury. Plymouth company (1607). Tyler. England in America, 39-41. Council for New England (1620). MacDonald, NEW ENGLAND BEFORE 1628 39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New England. The settlements in the northern grant made to men of Plymouth in the charter of 1606 had not prospered like those of the South. During that terrible summer of 1607 when the fate of Jamestown was yet doubtful, over one hundred colonists landed at the mouth of the Kennebec, but the extreme cold of the winter and the death of Sir John Popham, the chief justice of England and the ruling mem- ber of the Plymouth company, led to the abandonment of the enterprise. Nothing further was attempted until in 1620 the company was reorganized * and obtained from King James a patent to the land lying between parallels 40 and 48 and extend- ing from sea to sea, with a practical monopoly of the fisheries and fur trade. Various grants of land were made by the company to its members, but few settlements were made, even for purposes of trade, and the credit for establishing 1 It was now called the Council for New England. 1625] New England before 1628 45 4 6 American History [1600 Eggleston, Beginners, 103-114. the first homes in New England belongs to some Separatists, usually called the Pilgrims, who located at Plymouth. Puritan policy. 40. The English Puritans. To understand the early history of New England, a knowledge of conditions and events in England under the first two Stuarts is quite as essential as any information regarding the doings of the early settlers, for the colonization of New England was due directly to the contest which took place between the Puritans and the English kings, James I and his son Charles I. The Puritans comprised a large and ever growing class of the English people who believed that the Anglican church, which had been established by the Tudors in England at the time of the Reformation, retained too many of the old forms of the Roman Catholic church. They desired to purify the church of these "papist" forms and to introduce among the people a higher standard of living. But they stood for more than religious reform. They advocated any scheme or plan that would lead to social or political betterment. It would be incorrect to imagine that they formed a sect with well-defined views, for the word "Puritan" three hundred years ago had a meaning but little more definite than that of "reformer" in our own time. In religious matters alone there was a vast difference between the moderate Puritan who favored a simplification of the church service, but who was nevertheless very much attached to the church, and the radical Puritan who had severed his connection with the established church in England and was known as a "Separat- ist." Between these two extremes was the liberal Puritan, who desired to remain in the church but wished to introduce radical changes in the church service and to leave the control of all local ecclesiastical affairs, including the selection of a pastor, to the members of the congregation. In spite of their desire for reform, the Puritans were often narrow and the importance that they attached to forms is amazing to a person of the twentieth century. Their desire to raise the low moral standard of their time made them go to the other extreme. Their opposition to amuse- Three classes of Puritans. Puritan narrowness. 1608] New England before 1628 47 ments was so rabid that we are tempted to believe the state- Eggieston, ment that they objected to the cruel sport of bear baiting, Be S inner *> less because it gave pain to the bear than because it afforded pleasure to the spectators. And yet, with all the narrow- ness which they so often showed, it may well be doubted whether any other political force has exerted as great an influence on America as that of the Puritans. 41. The Puritans and the English Monarchs. During Under the reign of Elizabeth, all of those who did not conform to Elizabeth, the practices of the established church, frequently known as non-conformists, were treated with considerable severity. Tyler, Since the monarch was the head of the church and of the En s landin America, state as well, those who refused to worship as the church 153-155. prescribed were thought to be guilty of disobedience little less dangerous than treason. For this reason there was no religious toleration in England, and those who were unwilling to conform were punished. When the throne of England at the death of Elizabeth James I. was left to James VI of Scotland, there was a general feeling and the among the Puritans that they might obtain some of the re- ligious reforms that they desired, since the established church of Scotland was controlled by the Puritans. Tames disap- ggeson> J Beginners, pointed the reformers very early in his reign, for in a religious 159-163. conference held at Hampton Court (1604) he showed very clearly that he believed thoroughly in his divine right to rule channing, both church and state. His experience with the Scotch United state. church had not been especially pleasant and he took occasion ' ***~ 4 ' to oppose the Puritan requests because they would lead to a church system like that of Scotland, "which agreeth as well Gardiner - with a monarchy as God with the devil." In conclusion he Revolution, said of the Puritans, "I shall make them conform them- selves, or I will harry them out of the land." This policy he followed with constantly increasing vigor, for the Puritan element was gaining in strength year by year. One of the earliest results of James's attitude was to drive from England many Separatist congregations which were no longer allowed to hold meetings, open or secret. 48 American History [1608 In Holland (1608-1618). Tyler, England in America, 155-161. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, Nos. 97-99. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 29. Voyage to America (1620). Mayflower compact. MacDonald, Charters, No.5- Dangers (1620-1623). 42. The Pilgrim Migrations. One of these Separatist churches had been organized in Nottinghamshire by William Brewster and John Robinson. Owing to the persecutions of James I, they fled in 1608 to Holland, the only country in Europe where religious differences were tolerated. Making Leyden their home, with many other refugees, they toiled for years without being able to earn more than a bare living. As the prospect was no brighter for the future, and their children were influenced by the easy-going Dutch ways, often intermarrying with the Dutch as they grew up, some of them came to the conclusion that their condition might be improved by emigrating to America. The Puritans were now in control of the Virginia company and from them these Separatists obtained liberal concessions and a grant of land in the northern part of Virginia. Lacking the money needed for so expensive a journey, they entered into an agreement with certain " merchant adventurers" of London by which all of the earnings of the colonists should remain joint prop- erty, and each adventurer who contributed ten pounds should, at the end of seven years, have an equal share with each colonist. After many difficulties, including the abandon- ment of one of their vessels which proved unsea worthy, the Pilgrims set sail in the Mayflower from Plymouth, Septem- ber 6, 1620. Two months later they came in sight of Cape Cod, and after six weeks of search for a suitable place for a settlement landed December 21 at a harbor which they called New Plymouth. 43. Early History of New Plymouth. Being far to the north of the territory under the jurisdiction of the Virginia company, the men of the party met in the cabin of the Mayflower and drew up a compact organizing themselves into a "civill body politick, for our [their] better ordering & pres- ervation," and promising "all due submission and obedi- ence" to the "just& equalllawes" which they should enact from time to time The first winter, although unusually mild for that section, brought terrible hardships and suffering. One half of the 1691] New England before 1628 49 colony perished, but the rest kept bravely at their work, Tyler, being aided by a few others who came over from England Eri g landin or Holland. The Indians of the vicinity were friendly, a I 6i_i6 7 ' permanent peace being made with their chief, Massasoit, which lasted until his death forty years later. When the chief of the more distant Narragansetts tried to intimidate them by sending a bundle of arrows tied with a rattlesnake's skin, Governor Bradford returned the skin filled with powder and ball. Soon after the Indian uprising in Virginia (1622), a threatened plot was nipped in the bud by the valiant cap- tain, Miles Standish. By this mixture of diplomacy and force, Plymouth became singularly free from difficulties with the red men. Even the honest, hard-working Pilgrims could not make End of a success of communism, and in 1624 an acre was assigned commtinism to each person as his separate property. Where previously there had been continual danger of famine, now crops were abundant and a surplus remained for sale. Two years later money was borrowed from leading men of the colony, and the interests of the merchant adventurers were purchased for 1800. Plymouth obtained a land grant from the Council of New Government England in 1630 and was allowed to govern itself unmolested. before l691 ' So few were its settlers that until 1638 there was an annual Tyler, meeting of all the people of the colony, but after that year Eng i' an< i , the example of Massachusetts was followed and a representa- America, tive assembly was held every year. Plymouth grew slowly, I 7 2 ~ l82 - and in 1691 was joined to Massachusetts ( 77). BEGINNINGS OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY (1628-1636) 44. The Massachusetts Bay Company. North of the Organization colony of New Plymouth, a few pioneers began settlements and c during the years following 1620, making a precarious living usually in connection with the fisheries. One of these, Fiske, England, composed of several earnest and religious men from Dor- g2 _ 97 _ Chester, had prospered for a time, only to be practically abandoned later. But this Dorchester venture had awak- American History [1628 Eggleston, Beginners, 199-209. MacDonald, Charter 3,^0 Quarrels over political and religious questions. Robinson, Western Europe, 478-484. Coman and Kendall. England, 296-306. ened the interest of certain Puritan leaders at home, who believed that America offered the best opportunity for the establishment of churches using the simple form of worship which was their ideal. With this in view they obtained (1628) from the Council for New England a patent to the land lying between boundaries three miles north of the Merrimac River and three miles south of the Charles, and extending from sea to sea. A year later King Charles re- affirmed this land grant in a royal charter which created the corporation known as "the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe England," with the right to admit new members and to govern its territory, provided that it did not make laws contrary to those of England. The officers were to consist of a governor, a deputy governor, and eighteen assistants, elected yearly by the members of the corporation. No place was designated for the meetings of these officers or of the "general courts" composed of all stockholders in the company, although all previous charters had such a provision. The omission was due probably to the desire of the incorporators to hold their meetings in either London or Dorchester, but there was nothing in the charter to prohibit the company from establishing its head- quarters in America. 45. King Charles and the Puritans. The desire of the Puritans to have a colony in America was due in large part to friction with the king, Charles I, who had succeeded his father in 1625. Charles was a thorough believer in his divine right to rule England, and was less cautious and more obstinate than his father. The Puritan element now controlled the house of commons and forced the king in the Petition of Right (1628) to grant their political demands, but they were unable to obtain any religious concessions. Charles desired a high church ritual with greater uniformity throughout the realm. The commons insisted that a simpli- fied service should be used. The victory remained with Charles, for he had begun to make changes and dissolved parliament before the commons could do more than protest. 1630] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 51 Charles then carried out his plans by enforcing through Archbishop Laud a ritual more elaborate than any used previously in the churches. But Charles's attempt to govern England without parliament (1629-1640) and in opposition to the wishes of a majority of his subjects, his extra-legal A PURITAN St. Gaudens levies of ship money (1635), and his attempt finally to force the English prayer book on the Scotch church (1637), al- though apparent evidence of his triumph over the Puritans, were in reality the chief causes of his final overthrow. 46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. When the most prominent members of the Massachusetts Bay American History [1630 The great migration (1630-1640). Hart, Contem- poraries, I, Nos. 105, 106. Fiske, New England, 101- 104. 137-146. Eggleston, Beginners, 209-215. Channing, United States, I. 325-335- The colony acquires the company's charter. Channing, United States, I, 34-342- Contest between the officials and the people. Tyler, England in America, 201-204. Channing, United States, 1,342-351. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 107. company left England in 1629, they decided to take the charter with them, intending to transact all their future business where no agent of the king might interrupt. The leading spirit in this movement was the new governor, John Winthrop, a man of exceptional scholarship and very noble character. Winthrop and about one thousand others embarked for their new home during the year 1630, the 'first of the eleven years of the "great Puritan migration," for during the time that Charles attempted to govern England without parliament, nearly twenty thousand men, women, and children were transported to the shores of New England. They did not come for religious freedom but with the idea of es!ablishing churches in which they might worship in the way which they preferred. The transfer of the charter, in itself a most remarkable event, was the beginning of political changes even more noteworthy. All church members in the colony were ad- mitted as members of the company. In this way the colony became identified with the company and gained all of the rights that ;he company had possessed, so that it now had the power, protected by the charter, to govern itself. This change was in fact completed before the king discovered that the charter of the company had been taken from Eng- land. 47. Political Problems and Dangers. Some of the leaders of the Massachusetts Bay company wished to make all of the laws and do all of the governing. They persuaded the people to keep them in office without holding elections yearly as the charter directed. The people submitted until the officials began to levy a special tax for a stockade at the most exposed settlement. Then they insisted upon annual elections and the right of every member of the colony to attend the annual meeting and help make the laws. As it was found impossible for the men from distant settlements to leave their homes for this annual meeting, they began in 1634 to send representatives who helped the governor's assistants to make the laws. In 1644 a dispute ever a stray 1636] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 53 pig led to the separation of the assistants and the represent- MacDonaid, atives, thus organizing the first bicameral legislature in Charters > America. The democratic faction protested against the powers which the officials still exercised by interpreting as they pleased the laws which were unwritten. The people demanded a bill of rights and a written code. In 1641 the officials yielded and passed a very complete and very liberal code of laws known as the Massachusetts Body of Liberties. The Massachusetts Bay company treated its neighbors Attempt so arbitrarily that some of them complained to the king. to revoke King Charles realized that the colony was governing itself in opposition to his wishes, so that steps were taken to revoke the charter. Preparations were made to defend the colony j/"' d against attack, but the king was too busy carrying out his America, policy at home to give the matter his attention. 204-209. 48. Religious Difficulties. Quite as serious as the Religious threatened attacks made by England were the dangers .policy of arising in Massachusetts from religious differences. Mas- sachusetts was a distinctively Puritan commonwealth. The church was not only closely connected with the affairs J^_ji. of state, it was the foundation on which the political and America, social organization rested. Partly for this reason, partly 210-212. because the Puritans were by nature intense, sincere, but narrow, and partly because every nation of that time except the Dutch loathed the idea of religious toleration, the govern- ment of Massachusetts exercised a very strict supervision of church affairs. Although themselves non-conformists with the established church in England, the Puritan emigrants followed toward the irregulars the policy of James I toward themselves. Those were banished who insisted on worship- ing according to the rites of the Anglican church or in other non-Puritan ways. The most famous of these early dissenters was Roger Roger Williams, an able, large-hearted but eccentric clergyman. He wrote a pamphlet claiming that the king had no right to Fiske, New issue land patents, for all the land belonged to the Indians. Williams' crowning offence was the assertion that no magis- 54 American History [1636 Tyler, England in America, 212-218. Channing, United States, I, 362-368. Anne Hutchinson. Fiske, New England, 116-119. Eggleston, Beginners, 329-339. Religious policy. , Channing, United Mates, I. 393-398. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 115. trate should exercise any control in religious matters, such as enforcing Sunday laws or requiring an unconverted person to take an oath, which he considered a religious act, but that affairs of state should be separated from those of the church. 1 He was tried (1635) and ordered to leave for England, but was permitted to make his way south, where he founded Providence (1636). Williams had exercised great influence, but had no large personal following, as was the case with Mrs. Anne Hutchin- son whose teachings in 1636 threatened to disrupt Massachu- setts. The entire population of Boston was divided into two hostile parties favorable or unfavorable to Mrs. Hutchin- son. The opponents of Mrs. Hutchinson finally triumphed and that lady with her followers was banished (1637). Some went north to New Hampshire, but the larger number settled on Rhode Island in Narragansett Bay. EXPANSION IN NEW ENGLAND (1635-1645) 49. Providence Plantations and Rhode Island. Settled by persons who had been driven from Massachusetts be- cause of their religious views, Providence and the Rhode Island towns were drawn together by bonds of sympathy, but remained politically separate until in 1644 Roger Williams obtained from a parliamentary commission a semi- charter by which the towns around Narragansett Bay were united and authorized to govern themselves. ROGER WILLIAMS The Policy of Providence from the . beginning and of the united towns after 1644 was one of perfect religious liberty. Liberal Puritans were welcomed, but freedom of thought was per- 1 When supplying the pulpit at Salem, his extreme views gave offense. He was held responsible when one of his supporters, John Endicott, cut out from the British flag one arm of the cross which 1637] Expansion in New England 55 mitted to Catholics, Jews, Quakers, and atheists as well. Williams insisted that a man should be protected by the government without regard to his religious views. Through his influence Rhode Island became the first community in the modern world where there was perfect religious liberty. Yet the earliest results of this policy were somewhat disas- trous. Not only those with real depth of religious feeling made Rhode Island their home, but many whose views on all subjects were unusual. The colony grew but slowly, making up in the eccentricity charter of of its people what it lacked in numbers. As the first semi- l66 3- charter had been issued irregularly and did not define the territorial limits of the colony, Charles II was persuaded in MacDonaid, 1663 to grant a charter which gave the people complete charters > powers of self-government, subject to the one limitation that the laws conform as near as might be to the laws of England. Perfect religious freedom was permitted, so that no change was made in the policy of the colony. 50. The Connecticut Valley. We have already noticed Settlement, ( 47) the antagonism existing in Massachusetts between Dutch and those who favored an aristocratic government and those whose ideal was democratic. Although certain concessions were made to the liberals, several of the towns were still Channin s United States, dissatisfied, as they desired to abolish the religious quah- i i39 8_ 404 . fications for voting. Another cause of discontent existed in the sterility of the soil, which they had found unsuitable Fiske New for agriculture. Learning of the fertile Connecticut valley England, in the west, several hundred people set out in 1636. The I2 3-i33- Dutch had already built (1633) within the present limits of Hartford a fort which they did not abandon for several Eggieston, years. The mouth of the river was seized by the English, who erected a fort, from which the Dutch made a half- hearted attempt to drive them. Their real foes were not the Dutch but the Pequod Indians, who ruled the territory Endicott declared was a symbol of popery. This act the magistrates felt might be construed in England as an insult, and they forced from Endicott an apology. American History [1639 Constitution of 1639. Channing, United States, I, 404-407. MacDonald, Charters, No. 14. Johnston, Connecticut, 59-64- 75-79- Connecticut charter (1662). MacDonald, (,/iarters, No. 24. Johnston, Connecticut, 167-173. Theocratic character. from the Hudson to Narragansett Bay with severity. Diffi- culties arose almost at the start, and were increased by savage actions on both sides. In 1637 the people resolved to put an end to these outrages. One of the Pequod camps west of Narragansett Bay was attacked by less than a hun- dred men under Mason and Underbill. The attack was a complete surprise, the wigwams were set on fire, and several hundred Indians slain. The remaining Pequods were relentlessly hunted out of the country, and for many years there was peace and prosperity. As the people of Connecticut were outside the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and unwilling to have that colony extend its authority over them, they met and drew up a set of fundamental laws for their government (1639). The con- stitution which was adopted in 1639 established a govern- ment similar to that of Massachusetts, with a governor, magistrates, and deputies, who looked after common inter- ests. Unlike Massachusetts, Connecticut did not restrict the privilege of voting to those who were church mem- bers, and she left with the towns a much more complete degree of self-government than had been enjoyed in the parent colony. This set of laws, remarkable for its democratic character, is still more remarkable because it is the first written constitution compiled by a people for their own government. This very liberal political system was recognized and con- tinued in the charter which Connecticut obtained from Charles II in 1662. The new colony, however, included not only the Connecticut valley settlements, but New Haven as well, and extended from the Pawtucket River to the Pacific. Under this charter, slightly modified when Connecticut became a state in 1776, the people lived until 1818. 51. New Haven. Strangely enough the later colony and state of Connecticut was composed of two quite different elements: the Connecticut valley settlements, the most liberal, and the New Haven settlements, the most conserva- tive, of those made by the New England Puritans. The 1643] Expansion in New England 57 founders of New Haven desired to establish a town ruled Fiske, New according to Scripture, which to them meant the Mosaic En ^ land > code. Other towns were founded by their friends, and in 4 1643 these were united in much the same way as those of Tyler, England Connecticut under the constitution of 1639. In New Haven in America ' 260-264. only church members might vote, and the general court enacted rather searching laws regulating religious and other Channing, matters. These were caricatured soon after the Revolu- T * i, 407-411. tionary War by a loyalist, Peters, whose book on the "Blue Laws of Connecticut " was supposed for many years to be historically correct. 52. Northern New England. A number of attempts Settlement, had been made to colonize the coast north of Massachusetts. Relatlons Wlth iii/-. -i Massachusetts. Several grants of land were issued by the Council for New England, notably that to Mason and Gorges. In 1629 these men divided their territory, Mason taking that between il the Merrimac and the Piscataqua, to which he now gave the 266-276, 279- name New Hampshire, and Gorges that from the Piscata- 28l< qua to the Kennebec, a district known as Maine. Large sums were spent by both, but their settlements were little more than fishing hamlets. At the beginning of the Civil War in England, Massachusetts annexed the New Hamp- shire towns on the ground that her charter of 1629 gave her all territory east as well as west from a point three miles north of the source of the Merrimac River, but the towns were allowed to govern themselves and to send representa- tives to the general court of Massachusetts until in 1679 New Hampshire became a royal province. During the Commonwealth Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over most of the towns in Maine also, and although obliged by a commission from England (1665) to relinquish her control temporarily, she reasserted her authority until Maine was purchased from the Gorges heirs by Massa- chusetts (1678). The territory east of the Kennebec River was granted to several court favorites, but was practically unoccupied because of the opposition of the French. 53. The New England Confederation (1643). Between American History [1643 several of these New England colonies there was a pro- nounced unity of feeling. Though representing different types of Puritan sentiment, the ideals in Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven were much the same. Some of these colonies had acted together in more than one undertaking, but no formal union had been considered wise, perhaps for the reason that it would have made supervision by the royal government so much easier. In 1643, th e Civil War in England removed this ob- stacle and these four little Puri- tan communities united to form the New England Confederation, chiefly for the pur- pose of better de- fense against the Dutch,the French, and the Indians. Maine, a settlement alien in its origin and customs, was not admitted, nor was heretical Rhode Island, which wished to join the league, its lack of stable government being assigned as the excuse for refusal. The Confederation carefully avoided interference with the local government of each of its members. Two commis- sioners were selected by each colony for the transaction of league matters. Any six of these had power to determine questions of peace or war, deciding how many men each colony was able to contribute for purposes of defense. Intercolonial disputes were to be settled by the commissioners. A sort of intercolonial citizenship was established and ser- vants or criminals escaping from one colony to another 1632] Maryland 59 were to be surrendered. The authority of the commissioners MacDonald, was more apparent than real, but the Confederation was of Charters < great value in dealing with both the Dutch and the Indians. The injustice done to Massachusetts, which was larger than the other three together, and the desire of that colony to manage the affairs of the Confederation, caused its decline, but it remained in existence until 1684. MARYLAND 54. The Charter of Maryland (1632). While the A proprietary Puritan emigration to New England was taking place, a colon y- colony of a new type was being founded in the region north of Virginia. The land was granted and the power to govern the colony assigned to a proprietor, who controlled the affairs of the colony in accordance with a charter given to him by the king. This proprietary form of government, although modified in many ways, was the one used after this time in the establishment of new English colonies in America. The founding of Maryland was due to the personal am- Caivert and his bition of George Caivert, Lord Baltimore, an enterprising charter- Catholic nobleman who had long enjoyed royal favor. He was anxious to establish in the new world a place of refuge MacDonald, for Catholics and to build up for his family a semi-feudal estate. Before his conversion to the faith of Rome, he had started a settlement on Newfoundland, which was soon T Fiske, Old Vir- abandoned. He next tried Virginia, but the governors of ^ w/ - a> i, 255 - the colony would have none of him. He then obtained 256, 261-274. from the king a charter which gave him title to the land from the Potomac to the fortieth parallel and from Delaware Bay Eggieston, to the meridian passing through the head waters of the Po- \ tomac. Over this domain he was to exercise almost regal powers, sending to the king two arrows yearly as a recogni- tion of royal suzerainty. He was free from taxation by the authorities at home, which were not allowed to interfere in other ways with his government. With the consent of the freemen, he might make the laws, which should not be contrary to those of England. ' 6o American History [1635 Contest over the right to pro- pose laws. Channing, United States, 1,265-267. Browne, Maryland, 35-37.4I-47- Religious classes. Law of 1649. MacDonald, Charters, No. 21. Eggleston, Beginners, 242, 250-257. 55. The Proprietor and the Freeman. Interest in the early history of Maryland centers around two things, the re- ligious conditions and the development of democratic in- stitutions. George Calvert died before the charter was granted and his work was undertaken by his eldest son, Cecil, who remained in England and exercised his functions as proprietor through a resident governor. Being at such a distance, he was unable to meet with the freemen for the purpose of making laws, and the earliest laws which he proposed for the colony were rejected by the first assembly of freemen (1635), who claimed that they had the right to propose laws. This claim was not accepted by the proprietor, who in turn rejected the laws suggested by the freemen. Matters remained in this chaotic state for four years, each side refusing to yield, but in 1639 Baltimore gave his consent to a very full and cumbersome code of laws enacted by the assembly, at the same time instructing his governor to claim the power of veto only. Calvert could well afford this concession, because his authority over the colony was very great, and the legislature was composed of councilors selected by himself as well as the freemen who represented the people or were summoned to the assembly by the pro- prietor. The later history of the colony is largely concerned with the attempt on the part of the freemen and of the pro- prietor to extend -their legislative influence at the expense of the other. 56. Religious Toleration. From the first the majority of the settlers in Maryland were Puritans, the proportion increasing with great rapidity during the closing years of the Civil War in England, especially when Virginia in 1648 drove many Puritans from its borders. As the proprietor could not establish Catholicism as a state religion, and would not permit an established church of any other faith, there had been little interference on account of religious beliefs during the early history of Maryland. Foreseeing that the Catholic majority in the legislature could not be maintained on account of the Puritan immigration, Baltimore proposed 1660] Maryland 6 1 to the freemen a law giving religious toleration, and at the same time sent over a Protestant governor. The legislature rejected Baltimore's law because it denied to the proprietary the right of initiation, but the next year (1649) passed a somewhat similar law. This famous "Toleration Act" pro- vided the death penalty for those who blasphemed or denied any person of the Trinity, but declared "that noe person or persons . . . professing to beleive in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waies troubled, Molested or dis- countenanced for or in respect of his or her religion." 57. Summary. After a half century of successful Extent and colonization we find the English in possession of the Atlantic character f coast from the Kennebec nearly to the Hudson, and from the se northern part of Chesapeake Bay to Cape Fear River. (1660). The intervening territory was occupied by the Dutch, who had lately conquered the tiny Swedish settlement on the Delaware. To the south, though separated by an extensive wilderness, were the Spanish, while but little closer neighbors on the north were the French. In 1660 the English settlers lived in eight distinct colonies, two of which, Massachusetts and Virginia, included more than one half of the total population. The emigration to the American provinces of England had been almost exclusively from the mother country, most of the settlers coming between the years 1619 and 1640, although a large number of cavaliers sought Virginia when the fortunes of Charles I declined. As the majority of these settlers were hard-working, courageous men and women whom the dangers of the forest could not daunt nor the hardships of the frontier discourage, the future of the colonies was assured. With increasing prosperity and continued expansion, the Dutch settlements would of necessity have become less endurable, and the first oppor- tunity was therefore embraced to conquer them. TOPICS i. VIRGINIA UNDER THE COMMONWEALTH : Fiske, " Old Virginia," II, pp. 1-18: Doyle, "English Colpnies," I, PP- 212-229; Bancroft, " United States." 62 American History 2. THE PURITANS: Ellis, in Winsor, "America," III, pp. 219-244; Palfrey, "New England," I, pp. 101-132; Osgood, in Political Science Quarterly, VI (1891), pp. 1-28, 201-231; Borgeaud, "De- mocracy in America." 3. PILGRIM MIGRATIONS: Fiske, "New England," pp. 71-82; Eggleston, " Beginners of a Nation," pp. 165-177; Channing, "United States," I, pp. 293-307. STUDIES 1. Agricultural difficulties and problems in early Virginia. (Bruce, "Economic History of Virginia," I, pp. 189-226.) 2. Smith in Virginia. ("American History Leaflets," No. 27 ) 3. Virginia under Charles I. (Cooke, "Virginia," pp. 41-157.) 4. First weeks at Plymouth. (Bradford, " Plymouth Plantation.") 5. Early emigrants. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," I, Nos. 55- 58.) 6. Winthrop's account of Massachusetts. (" American History Leaflets," No. 31.) 7. Earliest New England code of laws. ("American History Leaflets," No. 25.) . 8. Pequod War. (Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 160-178.) 9. Roger Williams and his work. (Eggleston, "Beginners of a Nation," pp. 266-306.) 10. General character of the English colonies. (Mace, " Method in History," pp. 86-104.) u. Charter land grants. (" American History Leaflets," No. 14.) QUESTIONS 1. What was the significance of the settlement at Jamestown (1607)? of that at Plymouth (1620)? of that at Salem (1628)? 2. Compare the Virginia charters of 1606, 1609, and 1612 as to territory and government. 3. What influence did tobacco have upon (a) the growth of Vir- ginia, (ft) the social classes, (c) the establishment of the county systems of government, (d) the relations of Virginia to England ( 36) ? 4. Did the Puritans believe in religious toleration ? How did the Puritan spirit show itself in the dealings of Massachusetts with Roger Williams and with England? Was their course justified? 5. In the contest between the aristocrats and the liberals in Mas- sachusetts between 1630 and 1641, which gained the greater vic- tories in determining the character (a) of the government, (b) of the suffrage, (c) of the code of laws ? 6. Define the term "charter." Give the distinction between a charter and a constitution. In what respects was the constitution of Connecticut different from the Massachusetts charter of 1629? CHAPTER IV LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700) ENGLISH RULERS Charles II (1660-1685) William III (1689-1702) James II (1685-1688) and Mary (1689-1694) 58. Commercial Situation of England about 1660. The English year 1660, during which the Stuarts were restored to their colonial and position as kings of England, marks the beginning of a new C epoch from the standpoint of the colonies. This was due to a large extent to the interest taken by the able advisers . Andrews, of Charles II, Clarendon and Shaftesbury, in the expansion Coi.Seif-Gov't.. of the British domains, and the desire of those statesmen 5- J 3- to bring the existing English colonies into closer and more satisfactory relations with the mother country. It was due in part also to the anxiety of England to compete with Holland, which had become the first commercial nation of Europe. 1 Cromwell had sought to injure Dutch commercial supremacy by securing a law (1651) which compelled all English merchants to import and export goods in English ships only. This had led to a war with Holland in which the advantage remained with the English. This policy of British trade in British ships only was re- Early naviga- affirmed by the new Stuart government after the Restoration tlon acts - by the passage of the very important navigation act of 1660. Not only were England and the English possessions to allow only English or colonial vessels entrance to their ports, but I3 _ 2 i. certain articles produced in the colonies, including sugar 1 The Dutch had not only gained extensive possessions in America, with the control of most of the East India trade, but in 1650 they controlled nine tenths of the carrying trade of England and practically a monopoly of that of continental nations. 63 64 American History [1660 and tobacco, and known as "enumerated" goods, were to be shipped to England only. A few years later the colonies were required to purchase all goods from England direct, thus giving the English merchants a monopoly in selling Purpose and to them. The undoubted purpose of these acts of trade results of the wag ^ Destroy the commerce of the Dutch as far as possible. Navigation ,11. Acts. but they were made on the theory then in common use that colonies should aid the mother country by furnishing a market for her surplus products and by helping the home country to build up her industries. The ministers of Charles II probably desired to treat the colonies fairly, for colonial vessels were considered English ships and the colonies often obtained special commercial privileges. For example, Virginia tobacco had a monopoly of the English market, as tobacco growing was prohibited in England and the im- portation of tobacco from foreign countries was forbidden. Reorganization 5Q. England and the Colonies (1660-1685). Dur- of colonies. j n g ^ ne quarter century following the Restoration, consid- erable progress was made in improving the colonial system of England. In 1660 there were only three regularly organized English colonies on the Atlantic coast. One of these, Virginia, was under the direct control of the crown; a second, Maryland, was governed by a proprietor whose relations to England were defined in a charter; the third, Massachusetts, was a self-governing charter colony which had in more than one way refused to acknowledge the su- premacy of the English government. There were in addition settlements in Maine, New Plymouth, on Rhode Island, and at Providence, in Connecticut, and on the shores of Long Island Sound. 1 Soon after the Restoration, charters were granted (1662) to Connecticut, which now included New Haven, and (1663) to Rhode Island including Providence. Attempts were made also to bring Massachusetts into sub- mission, ending in the revocation of her charter of 1629 in the year i684. 2 1 New Hampshire was included in Massachusetts from 1641 to 1679. 2 See 73, 75. 1685] Later English Colonisation 65 Interest was shown in colonial expansion when Clarendon, Founding of Shaftesbury, and some associates prepared to settle the region new colonies - south of Virginia (1663). In 1664 jealousy of the Dutch and desire to join the colonies of the North with those of the South led to the conquest of New Netherland. Six years later the enterprising Hudson Bay company was organized, and soon after 1680 the only unoccupied section of the coast north of the Savannah River was granted to William Penn. All of these changes were favorable to the increased authority of the home government, for these new colonies were directly controlled by members of the Stuart family or by court favorites. NEW YORK (1609-1685) 60. The Founding of New Netherland. The Dutch Hudson, claim to the country between New England and Maryland The India was based on the explorations of Henry Hudson, followed by the subsequent occupation of the region by Dutch traders and by settlers sent out from Holland. Hudson was an ^banning, United States, Englishman in the employ of the Dutch East India company. i ( 438-446. While in search of a passage to the Pacific (1609) he sailed up the river which now bears his name until fresh water Hart, Contem- showed that it was not a channel connecting two oceans, porarus, He won the friendship of the Indians and within a few years ' *'* ' a considerable fur trade was established with the Indians by the thrifty Dutch, but no attempt was made to settle the country until in 1621 the Dutch \Vcst India company was created. By the charter of this company the government of the territory around the Delaware and Hudson rivers, as well as the fur trade of that section, was placed entirely in its hands. But the company took no interest in colonization, preferring to devote its entire attention to the establishment of trading posts and the development of the fur trade. 61. The Province of New Netherland. In 1629 the Thepatroon West India company adopted a new policy and promised s y stem - that any person who should send fifty adults to their American possessions should have lands fronting on either the Hudson 66 American History [1629 Channing, United States, I, 446-449. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Cols., I, I33-HO. Channing, United States, ^ 45<>-472. or the Delaware, sixteen miles on one bank or eight miles on both and extending into the interior. This liberal do- main the patroon, as he was called, was to rule as a feudal lord, with power to make laws and hold court for the trial of offenses. All corn was to be ground at his mill and no one should hunt or fish on his domain without his consent. This feudal system appealed to many wealthier members of the company and large landed estates were established along the Hudson. Of these the- most extensive was that of the NEW AMSTERDAM Van Rensselaers, in which the custom of paying feudal rents persisted until the tenants rebelled about 1840 and gained the right to purchase their lands. Governors were sent out by the company to administer its affairs, which they did in a quite unsatisfactory manner. The early governors found it difficult to maintain the au- thority of the company against the patroons, who were practically independent within the limits of their patroon- ships. The people of the principal city, New Amsterdam, and in the rest of the colony protested also against the arbi- 1664] New York 67 trary rule of the governors, and demanded a share in the government. The last and the ablest of the Dutch gov- ernors, Stuyvesant, was forced . to give New Amsterdam a more liberal government with nine men to advise him, but he made more promises than reforms, and to the last the rule of the Dutch was narrow and arbitrary. 62. New Netherland and its Neighbors. The location Relations with of New Netherland between jealous and comparatively the Indians - powerful English colonies and its proximity to the most powerful Indian tribe on the continent, the Iroquois, made Channing, its position one of no little difficulty. The Dutch avoided ^ Hlted st ^"' i, 454-458. conflict with the Iroquois by preserving the friendship es- tablished with those Indians by Hudson. This afforded them protection from attack and benefited their trade in fur. Unwise treatment of the Indians near Manhattan Island, however, led to a disastrous war, in which most of the settlements near New Amsterdam were destroyed (1641- 1643)- On the south the Dutch came into collision with the Conquest of Swedes, who had made a few settlements on the shores of New Sweden Delaware Bay. The Dutch claimed the land and warned the Swedes to leave, but no action was taken before 1648, partly because of the governors' indifference and partly united states because Sweden had aided Holland during the Thirty Years' i, 475-477. War which closed that year. After the Peace of Westphalia made all the nations guarantee the independence of Holland, the new governor, Stuyvesant, proceeded against the Swedes and in 1655 New Sweden was brought under Dutch rule. 63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664). By the Eng- English mo- lish the Dutch had been considered intruders from the be- tives and earlj attempts, ginning, because England laid claim to the entire coast on the basis of the Cabot voyages. Aside from the feeling against Holland that sprang from commercial rivalry, England desired to seize the Dutch possessions for several reasons. Dutch occupation of the region between the thriving prov- inces in New England and in the South was not pleasing to her, their extensive fur trade was an object of envy, and the 68 American History [1650 Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 155. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Cols., I, 248-269. Conquest and reconquest. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 78 -82, 89. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Cols., I, 277-292. The people and their government. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 82-100. Dutch gave offense by helping the colonies to evade the navigation acts. Before 1650 the Dutch had been driven from the valley of the Connecticut by the settlers near Hart- ford (50), and several English settlements on Long Island had restricted their territory in that direction. When war broke out between England and Holland during the Com- monwealth, steps were taken toward conquering New Netherland, but peace was declared before the expedition was ready. A few years later, the English government decided to take the initiative against Holland by seizing her North American possessions. All of the territory from the Dela- ware to the Connecticut, and from the Kennebec to the St. Croix, was granted by the king to his brother James, the Duke of York. A fleet was dispatched to New Netherland under the command of four commissioners, who were also to bring Massachusetts to terms ( 73). New Amsterdam surrendered at once because the citizens refused to fight, much to the disgust of the wrathy governor, Stuyvesant, and the rest of New Netherland surrendered without delay. Several years later, during another war between England and Holland, New Netherland was recaptured by the Dutch, but after a brief period was returned to the English by the Treaty of Westminster (1675). 64. The English in New York (1664-1685). A large percentage of the inhabitants of New Netherland in 1664 were English, so that the transition from Dutch to English rule was not difficult. A great many laws in force in New England were introduced, but most of the Dutch practices also were recognized. The local government was reor- ganized so as to give the people a slightly greater share in its work, but the Duke of York would not allow an assembly to be called. Many of the English settlers demanded a representative government, the Puritans on Long Island being particularly insistent, but no action was taken until 1684. In that year the first assembly of the colony distin- guished itself by passing a charter of franchises and liberties 1680] New York 69 which provided for religious toleration, allowed all free- holders to vote, and permitted no taxation without the con- sent of the people's representatives. This charter was ratified by the Duke of York, but was rejected by him later when, on the death of Charles II, he became king of England with the title of James II. In the year 1684 also Governor Dongan negotiated with the Iroquois a treaty which gained for the English the friendship and help of those able war- riors in the long contest with the French which began soon after. THE QUAKER COLONIES 65. New Jersey and the Quakers. Before the conquest The two of New Netherland, the Duke of York granted the territory Jerseys, between the Hudson and the Delaware to two of his favorites, Sir George Carteret and Sir John Berkeley. They were liberal Andrews, to the colonists, and the inhabitants, many of whom were Co1 ' Sel f- Gov l * IOI-III. immigrants from New England, enjoyed a large degree of religious and political freedom, but they quarreled with the proprietors over the making of laws and the payment of land rents, and in 1674 Berkeley sold his share of New Jersey, the western half, to a Quaker who was probably acting for many others of his sect. The society of Friends, or Quakers, had "been organized in The Quakers. England by George Fox just before the middle of the West jersey, seventeenth century. The Quakers believed that a person should be guided chiefly by his conscience and not by the Andrews, dictates of church or writings. For others as well as them- CoL Sel f- Gov '^ 113124. ' selves they claimed the right of worshiping in the way they pleased, so that they were always in favor of religious tolera- _, ... , ,, , . , Fiske, Dutch tion. They advocated the doctrine of the fellowship of and Q Uaker man and carried their belief in equality so far that they re- Cols., II, log- fused to remove their hats even in the presence of the king. "3> Desiring to found in the new world a colony in which they might carry their principles into effect, the Quakers made settlements on the east bank of the Delaware and established an extremely liberal government which they were never able American History [1680 Pennsylvania charter (1681). MacDonald, Charters, No. 38. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 165-169, 175- 177. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Cols., II, 114- 118, 147-153. Growth and inhabitants. to put into practice effectively. The success of the Quakers in gaining first West Jersey and later control of East Jersey was due principally to the interest and ability of William Penn. 66. Penn and His Colony. Because Penn found it im- possible to carry out his ideas regarding society and govern- ment in New Jersey, he asked the king for a grant of land west of the Delaware River. As he was a man of high rank, the son of an admiral to whom Charles II was indebted in several ways, and a friend of James, Duke of York, he had no difficulty in obtaining from the king a charter which gave him a large terri- tory beyond the Dela- ware and made him proprietor of that region with the right to govern it, provided that all laws should be made with the con- sent of the freemen and sent to England for approval. Parliament, however, had the right to levy taxes within the colony and the proprietor was obliged to appoint an agent through whom the English government might exercise some control over the affairs of the province. It will be seen that the home government had profited by the rather bitter experience it had had with those colonies that refused to recognize its authority over them. Not only were Penn's religious views advanced, but he had long held political ideas which were extreme in the opinion of meri of that time. His colony during its early years showed in marked degree the impress of his personality, and under WILLIAM PENN 1701] The Quaker Colonies j\ his wise and able guidance, grew as no other had done. Andrews, At the end of four years it contained eight thousand inhab- c l - itants, and Philadelphia had become the third city on the Greece 'flro- continent. English Quakers came in large numbers, but vincial Amer- there were numerous Englishmen of different' denomina- ica > 2 3- 2 34- tions, and many Swedes, Hollanders, Germans, Frenchmen, Fiske - Dutch and Scotchmen. Most of these were attracted by the well- ^^JJ*f _ known liberal ideas of Penn and his promise of religious 158, 320-329. freedom and political rights. 67. The Government of Pennsylvania. Penn did not Early govern- disappoint his colonists, for as early as 1682 he issued a ment- Frame of Government by which he shared with the people MacDonaid, the powers of government granted to him as proprietor. At Charters, the same time he announced laws which assured a larger os ' 4 ' 4If ^ number of individual rights than were enjoyed then in any Cgl St if_ Ggv 't other colony in America. At first the government was com- 182-184, 191- posed of a governor and of two large unwieldy houses called I ^- the council and the assembly, both of which were elected by Wmsor ( ed -)> * America, the freemen. All laws were proposed by the governor and ni, 483-489. council, the assembly having no authority except to ratify or reject bills under consideration. This cumbersome legislature did not work well, and in Charter of 1701 Penn gave the colony a new "Charter of Privileges." ^ m This reaffirmed religious liberty to all who believed in God, and declared that any one who believed in Jesus Christ Macdona i d as the Savior of the world was qualified to hold office. The charters, charter provided that laws should be made by an assembly, No - 4 6 - and left the local government in the hands of the people. Fiske, The charter might be amended by the governor and six ^ t^-o//'' sevenths of the assembly. Under it, until 1776, Pennsyl- vania and Delaware had separate legislatures, although ruled by the same governor. In his dealings with the Indians, Penn was just and fair. Penn and the His famous treaty of 1682 under the "Penn elm" was said by Voltaire to be "the only treaty between savages and Hart, Contem- Christians that was never sworn to and that was never poraries, broken." Like Roger Williams and many other early 72 American History [1681 Fiske, Quaker Cols., settlers his aim was to pay the red men a reasonable sum II, 158-166. for the lands occupied. Colonial 68- Boundaries of Pennsylvania. The exact boundaries boundary of the land granted to Penn in his charter were long in dispute because his territory conflicted with that already Greene, Pro- granted to several of the other colonies. Pennsylvania vmciai Amer- was no j. a i one j n this heritage of boundary disputes because grants overlapped; but, as the latest of the northern colonies, her boundary difficulties affected more provinces than those of almost any other colony and may be considered in some degree typical of the boundary wars waged by most of the seventeenth-century pioneers. It would naturally be sup- posed that as late as 1681 the geography of the Delaware and Susquehanna regions would be known accurately, Penn's grant, but such was not the case. Penn's grant was to extend 5 west from the Delaware River and 3 north and south along that river. 1 Penn, having acquired Delaware in 1682 Col Self- Gov't anc ^ having several settlements in Pennsylvania south of the 171-175. fortieth parallel and desiring a port on Chesapeake Bay, argued that the "beginning" of the fortieth parallel, which, Hinsdale, according to the charter, was the southern boundary of Old Northwest, Pennsylvania, must have meant the southern boundary of -104, 10 ^ e zone which was the fortieth from the equator, that is, no. parallel 39. This claim he could not establish, as the northern boundary of Maryland was 40 also, and it was not until 1760 that the English government decided the con- troversy by locating the dividing line between the two colonies at 39 42'. The boundary was surveyed by two skilled mathematicians, Mason and Dixon, from whom 1 Its southern boundary was a semicircular line drawn from twelve miles north and west of New Castle " unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of northern latitude and then by a straight line westward." The northern boundary was the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude. As the fortieth parallel had been given as the northern boundary of Maryland ( 54), the expression, the "beginning" of the fortieth degree probably meant the same as the fortieth parallel of Balti- more's grant, but as a matter of fact, the fortieth parallel is much more than twelve miles north of New Castle, so that it would be impossible 'to survey such a line as Penn's southern limit called for. 1760] The Quaker Colonies 73 it has since been known as "Mason and Dixon's Line," a name applied later to the boundary between the slave and the free states. On the north there was doubt about whether the boundary Northern was the forty-third or the forty-second parallel. New York, boundar y dis- wishing to retain as much territory as possible and unwilling P to grant Pennsylvania any jurisdiction over the six Iroquois ^!" s ff le ' Old Northwest^ nations, contended with success for the lower boundary. 110-119, When this bound- ary was decided upon finally, there was no longer any conflict with Mas- sachusetts, which did not claim land south of 42. The dispute with Con- necticut under her sea-to-sea charter involved an at - tempt on the part of Connecticut to settle the northern part of Pennsyl- vania, especially Wyoming valley, but the whole territory was assigned to Pennsylvania by the Congress of the Confederation soon after the Revolutionary War. THE SOUTH AFTER THE RESTORATION (1660-1730) 69. Misgovernment in Virginia (1660-1676). For Political griev- several years during the Commonwealth the people of Vir- ances - ginia attempted in an irregular way to govern themselves, but with the restoration of Charles II the old order was re- Andrews, established. During the years following the Restoration, *1 ' Sir William Berkeley was governor of Virginia. Of a despotic temper, he used his office to the personal advan- tage of himself and his royal master, appointing worthless fr. Eix M W//WO * ' Q -I/ D!siiutrfhyNw/V.,rKl 1 "'nsy! 1 9'ii> ' la ^T (n'.l :,':i- .,:!,.), :-,.tt^ ' . BOUNDAUY DISPUTES OF PENNSYLVANIA. 74 American History [1660 Doyle, Eng. Cols., I, 230-245. Economic grievances. Fiske, Old Vir- ginia, II 1 46-54. Bacon and Berkeley. Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3632-3634. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 215-226. nobles to positions of importance and profit. To main- tain better his hold on the government, he kept in office the strongly royalist legislature elected during the excitement following the return of Charles II. For three years no elec- tion occurred in Virginia, the appointive system now being used exclusively for local offices. Meanwhile the electoral law was changed so as to exclude all but freeholders, a select class in a colony of plantations. Corruption and misrule held sway in both colonial and local affairs. The discontent due to these grievances was aggravated by the navigation act of 1660 which forbade the exportation of tobacco to any country but England ( 58). Prices fell and hard times prevailed. As though this were not enough, Charles, in 1673, rented Virginia for thirty-one years to two of his favorites, Arlington and Culpeppcr. They received the right to make grants of land, had the absolute control of the important local offices, and appointed all pastors. Fortunately most of these privileges were surrendered in return for a duty on tobacco, showing that the patentees were chiefly interested in the revenue to be obtained from the colony. 70. Bacon's Rebellion (1676). The discontent of the Virginians was brought to a head by Indian massacres on the frontier. Governor Berkeley had erected forts for the protection of the outlying settlements and refused to send troops or grant commissions to raise troops. Thereupon Nathaniel Bacon, a young and headstrong but able planter whose overseer had been murdered, gathered a force, and, defying Berkeley's orders, marched into the Indian country. The colony was now in great disorder and demanded a new election of burgesses. This was held, Bacon being among those chosen. The new legislature repealed the restrictive suffrage law and enacted other laws granting greater civil and political liberty. Bacon and Berkeley made their peace, which was broken soon, as neither had confidence in the other. During the civil strife that ensued, Jamestown was burned and Bacon died, the rebellion collapsing with 1676] The South after the Restoration 75 his death. Berkeley, again supreme, hanged the leaders of the rebellion and secured the repeal of many liberal laws which had been passed in I676. 1 Unfortunately the rebel- lion deprived the colony of a very liberal charter which lacked only the king's signature at the beginning of the disturbance. 71. The Carolina Charters (1663-1665). The interest p rovis i ons taken in colonial matters during the years following the f the 'wo Restoration is shown clearly in the early history of Carolina. chartei s - Several of the most prominent courtiers, including Claren- don and Shaftesburv, obtained from Charles in 1663 a ^Donald, Lnarters, charter which made them proprietors of the land lying south Nos. 26, 32. of Virginia and extending from sea to sea. Over this vast domain the absolute power of the proprietors was limited Andrews only by the provision that the laws should be made with the Col. eif-Gov't t consent of the freemen represented in an assembly and I 3- I 38. that " the faith, allegiance and sovereign domain " due to the crown should not be impaired. Perhaps the most notable clause of the charter was the one permitting the proprietors to grant perfect religious freedom to such of the loyal settlers as they desired a clause of which we are glad to say advantage was taken. Two years later the limits of the colony were extended still further south and one half de- gree farther north, making the boundary between Virginia and the new colony of Carolina practically the same as the present southern boundary of Virginia. 72. Proprietary Government in Carolina (1667-1729). Locke's For the government of their Carolina province very elaborate Fundamental u T- j i. i /-> ^ t .LI. Constitutions .Fundamental Constitutions" were drawn for the pro- / l669 \ prietors by the philosopher, John Locke. This cumber- some document provided for a feudal system in which the MacDonald chief landowners were the proprietors and nobles whom charters, they appointed. No land was to be sold after forty years, so No. 33. as to make this mediaeval system permanent. The govern- ment was to be in the hands of the proprietors and nobles, 1 Kin^ Charles II is reported to have said of Berkeley: "That old fool has hanged more men in that naked country than I have done for the murder of my father." American History [1655 Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 139-141. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 272-276, Social and political changes (1670-1729). Winsor (ed.), America, V, 311-316, 322-327. Quakers in Massachusetts (1655-1660). Hart, Contem- poraries, I.Nos. 140-142. Doyle, Eng. Cols., Ill, 100-114. although there was to be a parliament for members of which all freeholders owning estates of fifty acres might vote. A degree of religious liberty was permitted to churches of at least seven members, though not to separate individuals. It is needless to say that these constitutions never went into effect. The proprietors waited until the development of the colonies should warrant their use, but that time never came. The growth of Carolina was by no means rapid and few settlements were added in northern Carolina to those exist- ing when the proprietors received their patent. In southern Carolina Charleston was founded in 1672 and a few other towns begun by the English. A large percentage of the inhabitants were Scotch highlanders and French Hugue- nots drawn thither by the promise of religious freedom. Political liberty also was enjoyed to an unusual degree, for the people exerted a great influence in local government and their representatives chose part of the council or upper house of the legislature. The time came when the voters believed that the proprietors were selecting more than their share of the councilors. A rebellion followed (1719), with an overwhelming victory for the people, who selected a governor and asked the king to accept South Carolina as a royal province, which he did. Ten years later all rights of the proprietors were extinguished by purchase. NEW ENGLAND (1655-1685) 73. Problems of New England (1655-1675). During the later years of the Commonwealth the Puritan colonies had considerable trouble with the Quakers, who were driven out from England by harsh measures. Severe laws were made by the colonies in the New England Confederacy, particularly against those who returned after being sent away. Massachusetts in 1658 made it a capital offense for any Quaker to return to the colony. This law was op- posed by a large part of the population and when it was enforced by putting to death three Quakers, the protests 1675] New England after the Restoration 77 were so loud that the law was changed. In fact after 1660 the colony was much more liberal in its treatment of non- Puritans than it had been before. Soon after Charles II came to the throne in 1660, he united New charters, the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven by giving a charter to the former, as New Haven had incurred the royal MacDonaid, displeasure by harboring judges who had condemned to Char ters, death Charles I. Rhode Island and Providence also re- Nos ' 2 4- 2 7- ceived a charter in 1663. A number of complaints had been made against Massa- Massachusetts chusetts at this time, because she had been domineering in and the kin g her treatment of her weaker neighbors and on account of ( I66o ~ l66 4)- her independent spirit. Under the Commonwealth, e.g. she had coined "pine tree shillings," thus exercising a sovereign power, and in 1661 she had issued a declaration of rights. Nevertheless the charter of Massa- chusetts was confirmed by Charles in 1662, on condition that the , ii! PJNE TREE SHILLING colony acknowledge the supremacy of England and grant to members of the Anglican church Andrews, freedom of worship and the right to vote on the same c l - terms as Puritans. In form Massachusetts complied with these requests which affected so deeply her religious and political policy, but no change was made in her relations with England, and, as her ministers alone registered those eligible to vote, members of the church of England did not often enjoy a share in the government. In 1664 the com- missioners who had charge of the expedition against New Netherland ( 63) were instructed to investigate affairs in New England also. These men complained that Massa- chusetts was not fulfilling the conditions imposed by the king in 1662, but the home government was too much in- terested in other matters to correct her refractory colony until ten years later. 74. King Philip's War (1675-1676). The constant en- American History [1675 Events and results. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 252-256. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, Nos. 133,134. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re f., Ill, 2310-2313. Complaints against Massachusetts. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 256-262. croachments of the English settlers on the lands of the In- dians made collision inevitable. Under the lead of Philip, chief of the Wampanoags, these Indians agreed with other tribes to exterminate the whites. The first blow was struck in June, 1675, at Swansea in Plymouth, near the Rhode Island border. Other towns were burned and the inhabitants were slain, the war parties retiring before help could come from other settlements. After six months of this horrible border warfare a thousand men were sent against the stronghold of the Narragansetts, which was captured after severe loss and completely destroyed. From this time the warfare increased in bitterness on the one side and bar- barity on the other until in August, 1676, Philip was killed and the last Indian braves were hunted from their retreats. Many of the luckless survivors of this struggle, including women and children, were sent to the West Indies to be sold into slavery. By this pitiless course all danger from the red men was removed, but the colonies were left in an ex- hausted condition. Many of the towns had been entirely destroyed, hundreds of men had been killed, crops had been burned so that famine was narrowly averted, and trade had almost ceased. 75. Massachusetts and the Crown (1675-1684). Mat- ters had now reached a crisis in the Bay colony. The in- difference of Massachusetts to the demands of the English government and her arrogance in her treatment of those with whom she had dealings, especially in New Hamp- shire and Maine, culminated in a series of complaints so serious that definite action was taken against Massachu- setts. Among the more serious charges were: (i) her dis- regard of the rights of the Mason and Gorges heirs along the coast to the north; (2) the failure to give political and re- ligious rights to non-Puritans in accordance with the requests of the king (1662) ; (3) the evasion of the acts of trade which forbade commerce with nations other than England; and (4) the general independent attitude of the colonists shown in their separate coinage of money, their refusal to allow 1685] New England after the Restoration 79 appeals from colonial courts to those of the king, and their neglect to send to England an agent through whom the colony might be controlled. The case of New Hampshire was settled by making the Revocation of colony a royal province. Massachusetts tried to end that the charter of Maine by purchasing the rights of the Gorges heirs, but as this was done without the knowledge or consent of King Charles, it aroused still greater feeling against Massachusetts. During this period the business of the English government 262-265. in the colony was intrusted to Edward Randolph, an honest but exceedingly narrow man and a partisan of Massa- chusetts' enemies, who used his authority in such a way as to widen the breach between the mother country and the none too conciliatory Puritan leaders. Although Massa- chusetts, taking alarm at last, agreed to yield on every ques- tion, the king was in no mood for half measures and in 1684 the charter of the colony was annulled. At this time Charles had come very largely under the influence of Louis XIV of France, and was showing himself a monarch fond of abso- lute government. Not only did he deprive Massachusetts of her charter, with good reason it must be admitted, but he proceeded also against the charters of London and other English cities, and before his death prepared to annul the charters of the inoffensive colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut. THE GREAT REVOLUTION (1685-1700) 76. The Dominion of New England. Before 1685 many Consolidation English merchants and officials had favored the consoli- of the northern . colonies. dation of the northern colonies under a single governor who could then govern them more perfectly in the interests of England. The death of Charles II in 1685 left the exe- cution of this plan to James II who was more opposed to 265-272. popular government than his brother had been. Under the name of the Dominion of New England, James united Fiske. all the colonies from Acadia to the Delaware, naming Sir Nfw England, Edmund Andros as governor. The difficulty caused by 2 7 ^ ' 8o American History [1685 Doyle, Eng. Cols., Ill, 234-236, 242-249. Government of the Dominion. Doyle, Eng. Cols., Ill, 234-239. Changes affecting church and society. Doyle, Eng . Cols., Ill, 239-243. the existence of charters in Rhode Island and Connecticut was solved by demanding the surrender of those documents. Rhode Island agreed to submit and Connecticut did not hold out, although she failed to part with her charter, tradition asserting that when Andros sought to obtain it, the charter was spirited away and hidden in the "charter oak." Full and arbitrary instructions were issued to Andros by the king. The governor, who was a soldier rather than a politician, obeyed the letter of his instructions, carrying out the wishes of James with such care and so little tact that the period of his rule is often referred to as "the tyranny of Andros." During his term no popular assembly was called nor was any town allowed to hold town meetings except once a year. Laws were made and taxes levied by the governor and councilors appointed by Andros, being executed by agents of the governor. There were no courts except those held by judges whom the governor selected. No papers or books were printed unless they first received the approval of James's representatives. This arbitrary government was of course offensive to people who were sticklers for their political rights, but it caused even less opposition to the new administration than certain acts which affected religious prejudices and the rights of property. Preference was given now to the An- glican church and services were held according to the rites of the church of England in the Old South meeting house. Marriages could be celebrated only by an Anglican clergy- man, and as there was but one in the colony all persons who wished to marry must journey to Boston, a trip as tedious as the service itself was distasteful. Many who held lands with titles in dispute were obliged to prove their rights at great cost, the impression being general that no one's land was safe from attack. Under these circumstances there was little wonder that in Massachusetts at least the caldron of revolution was on the point of boiling over. 77. The Revolution of 1689 in England and New Eng- land. This happened when news was brought in April, 1691] The Great Revolution 8 1 1689, that William of Orange had landed in England and Causes and that James had fled from the kingdom. During the three results in years of his reign James had incurred the displeasure and " San aroused the opposition of class after class of the population. His claim that he might suspend any law he pleased, coupled E 3"^' with his attempt to control the courts for his own benefit, his 500^-514. ' open help to Catholics, and his utter disregard for the civil rights which the people had wrested from his father and brother, united the nation against him. So long as the people expected that at his death the crown would pass to his daughter, Mary, and her husband, his nephew, William of Orange, they remained passive, but when a prince was born who would probably be brought up a Catholic, a num- ber of leaders invited William to come to England and help them preserve their liberties. With the flight of James and the selection by the people's representatives of William and Mary as the rulers of England, the long contest between parliament and the king ended in the complete supremacy of the former. The principal results of the revolution were embodied in the Bill of Rights (1689) and in several supple- mentary acts. They assured the frequent meetings of par- liament, and control by that body of taxation, the army, and other important subjects; they guaranteed freedom of the press and religious toleration for all Protestants; and they prevented the king from setting aside laws or removing judges at his pleasure. When news of James's flight reached Massachusetts, Reestabiish- the frigate in the harbor and all fortifications about Boston ment of were seized, Andros and other officials were imprisoned, and government j r a temporary government similar to that under the old New England, charter was established. There was no bloodshed, but the overthrow of the government of Andros was complete. MacDonaid, Rhode Island and Connecticut resumed the use of their c* arter *> No. 42. charters, which they had never surrendered, but Massa- chusetts did not have a regularly organized government until' in 1691 a new charter of a semi-popular type was issued by William and Mary. To Massachusetts Bay Colony 82 American History [1691 Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 136. Fiske, New England, 272-278. Leisler's Rebellion. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 283-287. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 157. Results in Maryland. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 79-283. Browne, Maryland, 147-156. were added Plymouth and the islands south of Plymouth, as well as the English provinces beginning with Maine eastward to Acadia, which was included. The people were allowed to resume the government of their towns by town meetings and were also permitted to elect an assembly, the assembly in turn choosing the governor's council. The governor, the lieutenant governor, and the secretary were appointed by the crown, as in .New York and Virginia. Under this quite liberal charter Massachusetts was governed until her separation from Great Britain (1776). 78. Revolutionary Movements in the Middle and South- ern Colonies. In New York (the lower part of the Do- minion of New England) Andros's lieutenant, Nicholson, attempted to maintain his authority after news had been received that James had been driven from England, and that Andros was a prisoner at Boston. Taking advan- tage of this, the opponents of Nicholson, led by a merchant, Jacob Leisler, gained possession of the province. The new monarchs were proclaimed, an assembly was called, and for nearly two years the laws were administered by Leisler, whose authority was not recognized officially. When a governor was finally sent over, Leisler, now cordially hated by a large part of the population, yielded of necessity. He was tried on the charge of treason and condemned, being put to death when his successor, while intoxicated, was induced to sign his death warrant. This unwise and unjust "judicial murder" involved the colony in serious internal dissensions. " Leisler's Rebellion," however, had shown the strength of the popular party and from that time New York enjoyed a fair degree of self-government. Maryland failed to proclaim the new monarchs because the messenger whom Baltimore had sent with instructions to recognize the new government died before reaching the colony. The anti-Catholic party took advantage of this neglect, captured the officials who favored Baltimore, and claimed the province for William and Mary. The monarchy decided to keep the government of Maryland in their own 1650 a^yjrvT^r 11 - <* M r*- 4Bo 8ton : . 1665 Charter Colonies I I Proprietary Culunies\ Royal Colonies. I I 70 1688 1695 1700] The Great Revolution 83 hands, although they did not interfere with the revenues or Doyle, land rights of Baltimore, but it was a quarter century be- En &- Cols - fore another and Protestant Lord Baltimore regained politi- cal control of the colony. 79. Results of the Revolution in America. It will be Reestabiish- noted that the changes in America following the Revolu- ment of se P a * tion of 1680 were of the first magnitude. It will be noted governments. also that they were not the results simply of the revolutionary movement in England, but of several minor revolutions in , Greene, this country, which were due to causes exclusively American, provincial although the expulsion of James furnished the occasion for America, the overthrow of arbitrary rule in the colonies. Through- I7 ~ 24 * out the Dominion of New England the arbitrary govern- ment established by James was replaced by constitutional government. Connecticut and Rhode Island resumed the use of their old charters. Massachusetts secured less com- plete self-government than she had enjoyed before 1684, but in New York there was a great advance over the system in use at all former times. A second result of considerable importance was the failure of the scheme for the consolida- tion of the colonies. Union, even under the later kings, would have been injurious, for the colonies owed a very large amount of their experience in self-government and their numerous political privileges to their separateness. In some ways the reign of William III was not Colonial especially favorable to colonial liberty. The king expressly P llc y f . , , . , England and emphatically denied to the colonies the rights which after l689 the Bill of Rights guaranteed throughout the length and breadth of England. Religious toleration of all except GreenCj Catholics was extended to the colonies, but if any colo- provincial nies enjoyed freedom of the press and the privilege of the Amerua ^, writ of habeas corpus, it was because the charters of the 3<> " colonies made it impossible for the monarch to control their policy in those matters. The increase of the power of par- liament due to the Revolution led to the reenactment of the old laws of trade and the passage of several laws prohibiting colonial manufactures ( 120). During this period also 8 4 American History [1700 Territorial changes (1660-1700). Colonial policy after 1660. the English government perfected means for controlling the colonies by establishing a permanent "Board of Trade and Plantations" (1696), whose members were popularly called "the Lords of Trade." This board gradually took charge of almost all matters referring to the colonies, including the right to decide all matters which had been adjudged in the highest court of any colony, if either party wished to appeal from the decision of the colonial court. 80. The Colonies in 1700. It may be well to con- sider for a moment the changes in the extent of English territory and in the relation of the colonies to the mother country that had taken place in the last four decades of the seventeenth century. At the time of the Restoration there had been two well-defined groups of colonies, the New England group, extending as far north as the Kennebec, and the southern colonies, with their frontier settlements a short distance south of the James. By the conquest of New Neth- erland, England came into possession of the intervening territory and by settlements in Carolina had extended the frontier almost to the Savannah River. Although the settlers had continued to push into the interior, the frontier line was but little farther from the coast in 1700 than in 1660. Immigration from England had been fairly exten- sive and the population of the colonies, estimated at 60,000 in r66o, had become. 250,000 in 1700. Before 1660 England had no colonial policy. Since the Restoration it had organized the colonies, brought many of them directly under the royal authority, and had created a board which had charge of all colonial affairs. It had passed numerous acts of trade which regulated the com- merce of the colonies, primarily in the interests of England, but not always to the disadvantage of the colonies. TOPICS i. THE BEGINNING OF PENNSYLVANIA: Fiske, "Dutch and Quaker Colonies," II, pp. 147-167; Bancroft, "United States," I> 55 2 -573; Winsor (ed.), "America," III, pp. 476-495. 1700] Later English Colonization 85 2. BOUNDARY DIFFICULTIES OF PENNSYLVANIA : Hinsdale, " Old Northwest," 98-119; Fisher, "Making of Pennsylvania," pp. 318- 354- 3. BACON'S REBELLION: Fiske, "Old Virginia," pp. 45-107; Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 230-257; Cooke, "Virginia," pp. 216-297. 4. KING PHILIP'S WAR: Bancroft, "United States," I, 382-394; Fiske, "New England," pp. 211-241; Doyle, "English Colonies," III, pp. 153-189. 5. MASSACHUSETTS AND THE CROWN, DURING REIGN OF CHARLES II: Bancroft, "United States," I, 367-381,395-406; Doyle, "Col- onies," III, pp. 130-152, 190-208, 214-226; Palfrey, "New Eng- land," II, pp. 28-36, 56-63, 71-80, 210-260. STUDIES 1. Early navigation acts. (Winsor (ed.), "America," VI, pp. 5-10.) 2. The patroon system. (MacDonald, "Charters," No. 9.) 3. Wars of England and Holland. (Griffis, Motley's "Dutch Republic," pp. 832-847.) 4. Evolution of New York. (Janvier, "In Old New York.") 5. Early history of Wall Street. (Goodwin et al. (eds.), "History of New York," I, pp. 77-118.) 6. Character of William Penn. 7. Overthrow of proprietary government in South Carolina. Doyle, " English Colonies," I, 376-380. 8. Puritans and Anglicans after the revolution of 1689. (Greene, "Provincial America," pp. 83-105.) QUESTIONS 1. What degree of self-government had the people of New Nether- land gained under Dutch rule? What were the lasting results of Dutch occupation? Compare the situation in New Netherland in 1663 with that in the South African Republic in 1898. 2. Compare fully the powers of Penn as proprietor with those of Baltimore. In what respects was Pennsylvania at an early date more like the states of to-day than any of the other colonies? 3. What were the real causes of Bacon's rebellion ? What were the results and the real significance of this movement ? 4. On what grounds might a colonial charter be amended? be revoked? Should Massachusetts have been allowed to retain her charter after 1664? Compare the complaints after 1660 with those after 1676. Were the latter more serious? 5. Compare the period 1618-1640 with that from 1660 to 1682 as to (a) interest in colonization, (b) causes of colonization, (c) number of colonies established, and (d) total settled area at close of the period. CHAPTER V Wars between France and England. Seelye, Expansion of England, Chapter II. France under Henry IV. RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) FRENCH KINGS ENGLISH RULERS Henry IV (1589-1610) Louis XIII (1610-1643) Louis XIV (1643-1715) Louis XV (1715-1774) William III (1689-1702) Anne (1702-1714) George I (1714-1727) George II (1727-1760) George III (1760-1820) 81. Introduction. The year 1689 is notable for the changes which it wrought in the internal development of England and the English colonies, but is almost as impor- tant in the intercolonial history of America, because it marks the beginning of a long conflict between the provinces of England and France in the new world. During the years from 1689 to 1750 the European wars in which these two countries engaged were accompanied naturally by military engagements in the colonies, although these were of minor significance. About 1750 began the real contest between the two powers for the control of the continent a struggle short and really one-sided, which ended in the complete supremacy of the English and the expulsion of the French from North America. In this chapter we shall consider not only the more important events in the intercolonial wars and study the progress of both French and English colonies after 1689, but shall take up briefly also the earlier history of the interesting ventures of the French in America. FRENCH EXPLORATION AND SETTLEMENT 82. Founding of New France. With the accession of Henry IV (1589), there came a new era of prosperity in France. Deadly civil and religious wars ceased, commerce 86 1608] French Exploration and Settlement revived, and industry received new impetus. Interest in colonization kept pace with the development in other direc- tions, and several settlements were attempted in Acadia. One of these under the lead of De Monts was established at Port Royal (1604) and proved successful temporarily. Among the companions of De Monts was a young man of great energy and foresight, who believed that the St. Law- rence basin offered a better location for trading, exploration, and permanent settlement. This man, Samuel de Cham- plain, founded Quebec in 1608 and soon perceived that his only hope of holding the country and gain- ing the interior was to make friends with the Indians of the St. Law- rence valley. But the Algonquins living on the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa rivers, to- gether with the Huron Indians to the west, had for many years waged almost incessant war with the Five Nations of the Long House in central New York. The allies of Champlain persuaded him therefore to join them in expeditions against the Iroquois. The first of these in 1609 brought him to the shores of the lake now called by his name, where a single well-aimed shot from his arquebus put to flight the Mohawks who opposed him and brought upon the French the enmity of the most powerful Indian confederacy in North America. A few weeks after this momentous battle, Henry Hudson entertained some Mo- hawks at a point near the present city of Albany, only a little over one hundred miles away, and gained the goodwill of the Iroquois. Although he was responsible for this disas- trous hostility of the Iroquois to the French, Champlain deserves all the credit for the success of New France, for he Adams, French Nation, 177-188. Champlain in the St. Law- rence valley (1608-1635). CHAMPLAIN Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 39. Thwaites, France in America, 16-22. Parkman, Struggle for a Continent, 88-106, 120-124.. 88 American History [1629 Classes that extended French sway. Parkman, Struggle for a Continent, 130-134, 180-185. Early ex- plorers. La Salle. Fiske, Disc of America, II, S3-58. Hart, Contem- poraries, I, No. 43. took part in numerous exploring expeditions and kept the sickly little hamlet alive through his unflagging zeal and unwearied efforts. In 1629, however, Quebec was captured by the English with the help of some French Huguenots, and it was returned to France at the close of the war only through the influence of Richelieu, who had recently inter- ested himself in France's American possessions. In 1635 Champlain died and so little did New France prosper that a half century after Quebec was founded there were only about two thousand persons in the colony. 83. Exploration of the West. The work of extending French influence in the West was carried on by three differ- ent classes: (i) the Jesuit missionaries who, before the middle of the seventeenth century, had established missions as far south as the Iroquois country, and as far west as Sault . Stc. Marie ; (2) the fur traders who found they could make greater profits by visiting the more distant tribes; and (3) the explorers who desired to extend the political sway of France rather than her religious or commercial interests. The earliest of western explorers, Nicollet, launched his canoe on a tributary of the Mississippi about 1640, but it was not until 1673 that Marquette and Joliet explored that river, which they descended as far as the Arkansas. The work of these men was completed by the greatest American explorer, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, who proposed to gain possession of the whole interior and main- tain this hold by means of a chain of forts situated at strategic points. In spite of almost overwhelming odds and amid the greatest difficulties, he clung to his single purpose of making New France the strongest colony in America. His explora- tions began in 1669 with a trip via Lake Erie to the Ohio River. Ten years later he sought to explore the Mississippi to its mouth. After two futile expeditions filled with diffi- culties, his third expedition met with success and on April 9, 1682, La Salle planted the standard of France where the Mississippi River pours its vast volume into the Gulf of Mexico and claimed the whole territory drained by it for 1720] French Exploration and Settlement 89 Louis XIV. He next proceeded to France, told the king his plans, and asked permission to settle at the mouth of the Mississippi, to build a chain of forts from this point to the colony of Canada, and to drive out the Spaniards who claimed the country. An expedition was fitted out, but by accident came to Texas. Here La Salle was shot in 1687 by one of his own men. 84. Louisiana (1699-1720). La Salle's plan was not Early abandoned, although nothing further was done until after settlement, the first intercolonial war. In 1699 a settlement was made at Biloxi, but it was abandoned, the colonists moving to Hartl Confem * poraries ', 1 1 Mobile in 1701. Both the English and the Spanish pro- NOS. 109, iio. tested against this occupancy of the gulf region, the former on the ground that this land was covered by previous grants . made by English kings, the latter because of her discoveries France in and explorations and her settlements in Florida and on the America, Mexican coast. The Spaniards had in fact occupied the 72 ~ ' best harbor on the coast, that of Pensacola, as early as 1606, ' Og?, Missis- in the hope of preventing further French attempts at coloni- si ppi. ^-^ zation. Louisiana did not grow rapidly, but in 1718 New Orleans was founded and forts were placed at commanding Parkman, points on the Mississippi and Red rivers, so that all other Hal f Century, nations were effectively excluded from the Mississippi basin. About this time attention was called to the Louisiana set- tlements by the speculations in the stock of the French Mississippi company under the manipulations of the Scotch- man, John Law. The bursting of the "Mississippi Bubble" did much in the end to injure the colony. FRENCH AND ENGLISH COLONIES (1689-1754) 85. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713). Before the French Beginning of had gained a foothold at the mouth of the Mississippi, the the llundred . . i years war colony of New France became engaged in two conflicts with the English on the Atlantic coast. These wars were of Euro- pean origin, caused by differences between France and Eng- land. The first followed the Revolution of 1689 and the attempt made by Louis XIV to regain the throne of England American History [1689 War of the Spanish Suc- cession (1702-1713). Treaty of Utrecht (1713). MacDonald, Charters, No. 47. for James II. For the French, the contest in America was ably conducted by the most capable of a long line of able governors, t!ie Count of Frontenac. At the close of the war the French retained the territory draining into the Hudson Bay and all lands occupied by them at the begin- ning of the conflict. 1 But five years elapsed before the ambitions of France again involved that country in a European conflict, 2 when Louis XIV sought to place upon the throne of Spain his grandson, Philip of Anjou, to whom the late Spanish king had left his scepter. The coalition against France was remarkably successful during the long war that followed, and in America the English colonists gained possession of territory in Acadia, Newfoundland, and farther north. The war was brought to a close in 1713 by the Treaty of Utrecht. England was able to make peace on very favor- able terms because of her successes everywhere. She allowed Philip to retain his position, but only on condition that the two thrones of France and Spain should never be united. While France was permitted to keep Canada and Louisiana, England gained possession of the entire area draining into Hudson Bay, the whole of Newfoundland, and Acadia according to its most ancient limits. This last provision was to be a bone of contention for fifty years, as France wished to restrict England to the peninsula called Nova Scotia and England claimed Cape Breton Island and the mainland to the north and west as far as the St. Lawrence and the Penobscot. According to the treaty the French were allowed to catch fish off Newfoundland, with the privi- lege of drying their fish on parts of the island, the earliest attempt to regulate by treaty the rights of different nations in the fisheries. 3 1 The Treaty of Ryswick (1697) brought to a close this war, known in colonial history as King William's War. 2 In the colonies this war was called Queen Anne's War, in Europe it was known as the War of the Spanish Succession. 3 The treaty stated also that France should never molest the Five Nations "subject to the dominion of Great Britain." France of course ^lOT^fel . 1 75] French and English after 1689 91 86. Georgia. The thirty years between the Treaty of Peaceful Utrecht and the third war between England and France was gwth a period of expansion and development for both parties. With both it was a time of preparation for the conflict which was to determine the possession of the continent, but the preparation of the French, carefully planned as it was, proved to be less perfect than the growth of the sturdy English colonies which were less conscious of the impending crisis and apparently did nothing to make ready for it. The two historical events of the period which particularly deserve attention were the settlement of Georgia and the conflicts between the governors and the assemblies in a majority of the colonies. Georgia was founded by James Edward Oglethorpe and Georgia several associates who desired to establish a colony in which debtors might get a new start. They obtained from the king a charter to land from the Savannah to the Altamaha Hart - Contem - rivers and westward to the Pacific. This was to be governed by a council in which the people had no choice. The in- habitants, except Roman Catholics, were to have religious Greene, Pro- freedom and all were to enjoy the rights of Englishmen. // Amer- The trustees of the colony sought to prevent the growth of ica > 249- 26 9- large plantations by forbidding negro slavery and restricting the amount of land held by one person. They expected to make great fortunes by producing raw silk and wines. Almost without exception, their plans came to naught. The settlers proved to be inefficient, save for a few bands that were not sent over by the trustees. Slaves were hired from the people of Carolina and later regular slavery was introduced, and the agricultural schemes of the founders entailed such losses that they were abandoned. The colony prospered after a fashion, but was so much exposed to Span- ish attacks and so greatly handicapped by its start that it did not develop at all rapidly. claimed that while these Indians might be subjects of England, the terri- tory of the Iroquois and of their tributary tribes was still free. England, however, claimed territorial as well as personal dominion. American History [1700 The colonies under the first Hanoverians. Victories of the assemblies over the gov- ernors. Thwaites, The Colonies, \\ 123-126. Greene, Pro- vincial Amer- ica, 194-200. 87. The English Colonists and their Governors. Mean- while the older English colonies were growing more rapidly than at any previous time. Large numbers of immigrants, most of them of other nationalities than English, flocked to America. These new settlers, with the more adventurous of the native-born inhabitants, pressed into the interior. Commerce and industry were expanding with considerable rapidity, notwithstanding the laws which were made by the English government to control these occupations, for these laws were not enforced. 1 Under the first two Han- overians the colonial governments were allowed by the authorities in England to do much as they pleased, and they pleased to run their own affairs. The principal obstacle in the way of their complete management of American affairs they found in the governors who were sent over to look after the interests of the crown, in the royal colonies, or of the proprietors, in the proprietary colonies. These gov- ernors were intrusted with powers so important that they often controlled the situation theoretically. But custom frequently prevented them from exercising these powers fully. There were often important men or interests to be consulted and a new governor was obliged to use his powers with caution. If, as was often the case, he was a pleasure- loving court favorite, he followed the line of least resistance, and yielded to the -assembly (the lower house of the legis- lature, which was always elected by the people) most of its demands as the price of peace: By using this method, which was sneeririgly called a process of "bargain and sale," the assemblies in most of the colonies paid the governors' salaries and allowed them to perform their duties unham- pered only when the governors in turn kept their hands off the business of the assemblies. These contests between the governors and the assemblies were the most marked characteristic of English colonial history during the first half of the eighteenth century. The almost unvarying success of the assemblies left the colonies to a large extent 1 See 121. French and English after 1689 93 self-governing and did much to give the colonial leaders confidence in their ability to proteqt themselves from inter- ference on the part of the home government or its repre- sentatives. 88. Government of the French Colonies. The French Organization colonies were governed very differently. No representative of the govern- of the people had a share in making the laws. The king appointed directly all of the chief colonial officials. There was a governor who had control of military affairs, who Parkman, executed the laws, who, in fact, had more influence than ] Continent, any one else in making the laws. These governors held 169-173. office as a rule for a longer time than the governors in the English colonies and exercised powers that were immeas- Thwaites. urably greater. But every governor had at his elbow an France m official called an "intendant," who was appointed by the "' ertca > king to spy upon the governor and report to the king what the governor did. Naturally he acted as a check on that official, but this dual system resulted in constant misunder- standings and bickerings. The real legislative head of the French colonies was a superior council appointed by the king. This council made laws, established courts, and formed a final court of appeal. Such an absolute government of council, governor, and Results of the intendant made it possible for the French colonies to con- trenchcol - . . . . . nial policy, centrate all their strength in carrying on war and seizing territory, much to their advantage. But the French rule r 11 ir Parkman, was not fitted to develop strong, populous, self-reliant struggle fo colonies. The government established a paternalism which Continmt, sought to aid the colonies, but which succeeded only in 314-318. weakening them. Commercial monopolies interfered with individual enterprise, immigration was restricted by the Thwaites, ardor of the Jesuit priests who kept out Protestant settlers, nerUa while feudal estates and privileges placed barriers in the 132-142. way of social progress. For the protection of the fine terri- torial' domain that she had secured, France at the middle of the eighteenth century could muster only eighty thousand inhabitants, while the rival British possessions boasted, 'or a 94 American History [i?44 nearly a million and a quarter. Little wonder that the court of that pleasure-loving monarch, Louis XV, with its short- sighted, blundering policy in Europe, Asia, and America, was unable to retain its hold in America ! War of the 89. Preparation for the Final Conflict. Great Britain Austrian Sue- an( j gp am h a( } k een a j war f or seve ral years before the war cess 'on . , . , . , , (1744-1748). * the Austrian succession, which involved nearly every country of Europe, spread to America in 1744. Only one Fiske New important military event distinguished this third inter- France and colonial war. The great fortress of Louisburg on Cape New England, Breton Island, which commanded the entrance to the St. 249-256. Lawrence and threatened the English colonies of Newfound- land and Acadia, was reduced by William Pepperell and a force of New England farmers and fishermen almost unaided by the British navy. Much to the indignation of the colo- nists, this advantage was lost by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), since Louisburg was returned to the French in ex- change for Dutch fortresses that they gave up. French forts in As this treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was considered by all the West. parties a mere truce a temporary lull in the storm each side was busy making preparations for the real struggle to Parkman, follow. France had already made considerable progress 6 * n tne occu P at i n f tne West, having gained control of the 264, 297-300. principal avenues of communication by establishing forts at strategic points like Frontenac, Detroit, Sault Ste. Marie, Parkman an< ^ Chartres before 1720. When the English sought to Half Century, secure a large share of the fur trade by building a trading 1.63-77. p OSt at Oswego in 1722, the French tried by establishing forts at Crown Point and Niagara to gain control of Lake Champlain and to recover the trade they had lost on Lake Ontario. At the close of the third intercolonial war, the French governor of Canada strengthened the chain of forts from Montreal to New Orleans, and in order to gain the goodwill of the western Indians by impressing them with the power of the French, he buried leaden plates inscribed with the arms of France and the claim that France was the sole owner of the country west of the mountains. 1754] Expulsion of the French 95 EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH (1754-1763) 90. The Struggle for the Upper Ohio Valley. In 1753 French forts the French extended their system of forts to the valley of and vir s inia the Allegheny River, with the intention of keeping the English from the upper Ohio region. The English had already secured from the Iroquois a claim to this territorv, a ' emem ~ - ' por anes, II, but the first real interest in the country beyond the moun- Nos. 123-124. tains was developed in Virginia, which claimed that section as a part of the land grant in her charter of 1609 ( 35). Grants of the land had been made to companies by Vir- ginia before 1750, and, when the French began building forts south of Lake Erie, Deputy Governor Dinwiddie of Vir- ginia sent George Washington, then a stalwart youth of twenty-one, to warn the French that they were trespassers. Acting on Washington's report, a force was dispatched Collision be- the next spring (1754), to occupy the rocky promontory *ween the at the junction of the Allegheny and the Monongahela Washington Rivers, which was the real "gateway of the West." Before their arrival the French descended the Allegheny in force, p a rkman, drove away the traders who had a post at that point, and struggle for a built a strong fort that they called Duquesne. A scouting ( ent ' party from this fort was sent to watch the movements of the vanguard of the Virginia detachment under Washington Fiske, New and was attacked by him, all of the Frenchmen being killed New Ell ~ lan j or captured. Of course this was an act of war, but both 269-276. France and England desired to maintain peace as long as Thwaites, possible, and it was two years before war was declared, p rance z > although waged during the interval in America and India. America, After the first skirmish Washington was obliged to fall I 57- 168 - back, but later was himself captured with all of his troops by a French force much larger than his own. 91. The Situation in America and in Europe. That an Complications actual battle between armed forces of the two countries of European did not lead at once to a break in their friendly relations p was due to the state of European politics. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had seated Maria Theresa firmly upon the American History D754 Hassall, Bal- ance of Power, 224240. Comparison of the combatants in America. Parkman, Struggle for a Continent, Avenues of English attack. throne of Austria, after nearly a decade of fighting. So anxious was the whole of Europe for a respite, that not even the struggles between France and England in India, which had continued after war ceased in Europe, proved sufficient cause for an open renewal of hostilities. But when affairs reached a crisis in India; when Austria and France united for the dismemberment of Prussia, with whom England was in sympathy; when French and English vessels were scour- ing the seas for the merchantmen of the other; and when a half-dozen armies were actually fighting for America, the facts could no longer be ignored, and war was declared (1756). This "Seven Years' War," as it is called in Euro r pean history, exerted a greater influence on the destinies of both France and England than almost any other war in their history. The phase of it in which we are most inter- ested, the contest in America, best known as the "Old French and Indian War," decided the future of half a continent. For the first time both England and France were almost as much interested in the war outside of Europe as in the war on the continent, and each gave to her colonies all the forces that she could spare. In America the resources of the contestants were far from equal. The popula- tion of the English colonies was nearly fifteen times as large as that of the French provinces. On the other hand there were two highly centralized French provinces, in which a semi-military government could bring every able-bodied man into the field at short notice, and fourteen disconnected British colonies more or less jealous of one another, and practically without experience in acting together. Nothing but a great common danger could make the English colonies forget their differences, and the distrust shown by the as- semblies toward their governors made them unwilling to vote men and supplies for an army which might be directed by the governors. As the strength of the French was greatly disproportionate to the territory that they held, it was natural for them to await the attack of the English. The English in the mean- 1754] Expulsion of the French 97 time prepared for invasion along four principal avenues. First, they followed the seacoast and the St. Lawrence, using Boston and Halifax as the bases of operations. Then came the Champlain route, and the one through the Mo- hawk valley and Lake Ontario. Last of all was that lead- ing straight to the ground especially in dispute by way of Fort Duquesne. 7 L A N T I O C E A [T 4( SCENE OF THE LAST FRENCH WAR 63 BORMAY, N.T. ." 92. The First Period of the War (1754-1757). In order The iroquois to secure the cooperation of the Indians west from Lake and the AU Champlain, the French had made repeated efforts to gain the friendship of the various tribes. So great was their success that even the Six Nations, 1 which had remained t Hart, Lontem- neutral during the third intercolonial war, were brought poraries, under French influence. To counteract this impending n > No - I2 S- danger, a congress was called to meet at Albany, New York (1754), for the purpose of renewing treaties with the Iro- Thwaites. quois. The Six Nations were persuaded easily not to cast France tn f America, in their lot with the French in the conflict that had 168-172. begun already, but the congress proceeded to adopt a re- markable plan of military union for the colonies, which had 1 The Tuscaroras had joined the Five Nations in 1715. H 98 American History ['754 learned (ed.), Ready Kef., V, 3 175-3178. French victories (1755-1757). Hart, Contem- poraries, II, Nos. 126-127. Parkman, Struggle for a Continent, 343-355- Campaigns of 1758. been proposed by Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. It contemplated a president general appointed by the English king, who was to be commander in chief of the colonial army, and an assembly which was to have charge of all financial matters. This plan was disapproved in England as too democratic, and in the colonies because it centered too much power in the hands of a royal represent- ative. The first real campaign of the war was that of Braddock, who attempted with a force of provincials and regulars to capture Fort Duquesne (1755). His overwhelming defeat was all the more humiliating because of the numerical in- feriority of the French and Indians. The same year oc- curred the expulsion of the Acadians, a cruel act, justified on the ground of political and military necessity. While the English commanders remained inactive the next two years or wasted their time in vain demonstrations against the great fortress of Louisburg, the French general, Mont- calm, gained absolute control of Lakes Ontario and Cham- plain. The first period of the war had revealed the utter incapacity of most of the English commanders, while an almost uninterrupted series of French victories had extended still further the limits of the vast territory claimed by France. 93. The Second -Period of the War (i 758-1 760) . When William Pitt became prime minister of England (1757) the tide turned. He immediately formed plans for the active prosecution of the war by sending to America a still larger number of troops, by arousing the colonists to active co- operation with the regular army, and by appointing compe- tent commanders. An expedition was fitted out to follow each route. Louisburg, Frontenac, and Fort Duquesne fell into the hands of the English, the first after a siege that was severe though short. The French line would have been cut up even more had it not been for the remoteness of Niagara and the presence of a skillful leader, Marquis de Montcalm, at Ticonderoga. With his departure to defend 1763] Expulsion of the French 99 Quebec the next season (1759), Lake Champlain too became English. The great expedition of the year, and in fact of the war, was that against the city of Quebec. Occupying command- ing heights that were directly approachable from one side only, with mighty fortifications against which artillery thundered in vain, de- fended by a large army under the command of the ablest French gen- eral, Quebec seemed impregnable. For the capture of the city a fleet and an army were dispatched early in 1759 under James Wolfe, whose diseased frame housed an in- domitable spirit. After months of fruitless siege Wolfe was able to lead one half of his army by night to the plains of Abraham on the unprotected side of the city. Montcalm gave battle, in which both command- ers were killed, and a few days later the city surrendered. This glorious victory left to the French only Montreal, which was captured the next year, and the territory in the West. It really settled the fate of the French empire on the conti- nent of North America. John Fiske believed that "the triumph of Wolfe marks the greatest turning point as yet discernible in modern history." 94. The Peace of Paris (1763). For nearly three years after war ceased in America, the two countries con- tinued the great conflict elsewhere. During this interval Spain formed an alliance with France and assisted her in WILLIAM PITT Capture of Quebec (1759). Fiske, New France and New England^ 349-359- The situation in 1762. IOO American History [1689 Provisions of the Treaty of Paris (1763). MacDonald, Charters, No. 54. Thwaites, France in America, 266-279. Territory west of the Alleghany mountains. MacDonald, Charters, No. 55. the contest. But England continued to gain victories. She became mistress of the important island of Guadaloupe, as well as most of the other French possessions in the West Indies. Havana and part of Florida had fallen into her hands. As she had been the acknowledged ruler of India after the battle of Plassey (1757), she was not to be satis- fied with the territory for which she had fought, not even when Canada was included. The war had proved a colo- nial death struggle, from which France emerged with scarcely a trace of the magnificent possessions she had claimed at the beginning. In the Treaty of Paris (1763) all of the claims of France to the territory east of the Mississippi, except the little island on which New Orleans stands, were transferred to England. 1 Only two little islets south of Newfoundland were kept for fishing stations, and they were never to be fortified. Eng- land's territory was rounded out by the exchange of Havana for the Spanish Floridas. Spain had already been com- pensated for her losses when France gave her the isle of Orleans and all Louisiana west of the Mississippi River. Many of the Indian tribes of the West protested against the transfer of their territory to English rule and united under Pontiac in one of the greatest Indian uprisings in history. Attacks were made on all the western forts and settlements from the Virginia frontier to the Great Lakes. As the colo- nial assemblies neglected or refused to furnish troops, regulars were sent to relieve the besieged garrisons, but the insurrection was not broken completely until 1765. Mean- while, in order to appease the western Indians, George III issued a proclamation (1763) reserving the lands beyond the Alleghanies for the Indians and prohibiting the colo- nies from making grants of lands or settlements in that region. 1 France was allowed to retain either Guadaloupe or Canada. While Canada was poor and had been a source of continual expense, Guadaloupe was rich and had given substantial aid to the French treasury. So the chance of future dominion was sacrificed to present gain. 1763] Rivalry of French and English 101 95. Summary. The French were not good colonizers Growth of and were hampered by the paternal attitude of their home French and government. Three colonies were founded in North America : C0 i nies. Acadia south of the St. Lawrence, New France or Canada in the St. Lawrence basin, and Louisiana in the lower Mis- sissippi basin. French explorers, traders, and priests penetrated the interior, but France planted no colonies inland. She maintained a hold on the interior, however, by connecting Canada with Louisiana by a chain of forts at strategic points. Her great rival meanwhile was neg- lecting the eleven colonies which had been planted on the Atlantic coast during the seventeenth century. But the colonies prospered, large numbers of immigrants being received from Ireland, Scotland, France, and Germany as well as England. Their gain during the three quarters of a century following the revolution of 1688 was not only in population, commerce, and wealth, but in culture, self- reliance, and a greater desire for self-government. With the expulsion of James II from England in 1689 Intercolonial began the second "hundred years' war" between France wars ( l68 9- . and Great Britain. The first four conflicts in this series, lasting until 1763, involved the colonies of these nations in America, and were accompanied by all the horrors of border Indian warfare. The first substantial gain was secured in the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) by which England gained control of all Newfoundland, the territory drained into Hudson Bay, and Acadia with its ancient limits. The last war, begun in 1754, was a contest at the beginning for the control of the upper Ohio valley, but, when Pitt became prime minister in England, it became a struggle for supremacy in America which ended in the capture of Louisburg, Que- bec, and all other important French strongholds. At the close of the war France transferred her territory west of the Mississippi to her ally, Spain, and surrendered to the English Canada and the eastern Mississippi basin. Eng- land rounded out her possessions by acquiring from Spain both Floridas. IO2 American History [1689 TOPICS 1. CHAMPLAIN: Fiske, "New England and New France," pp. 39-42, 58-71, 80-93; Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 83-124; Winsor (ed.), "America," V, pp. 103-130. 2. CAPTURE OF QUEBEC ( 1 759) : Thvvaites, " France in America," pp. 239-254; Sloane, "French War and Revolution," pp. 78-98; Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 382-446. STUDIES 1. France under Henry IV. (Wakeman, "Ascendency of France," pp. 14-38-) 2. French search for a western passage. (Parkman, "Struggle fora Continent," pp. 107-113.) 3. Iroquois and the French. 4. Character of La Salle. (Parkman, " Struggle for a Continent," pp. 220-222.) 5. Early Indian attacks during the second intercolonial war. (Drake, " Border Wars of New England," 153-186.) 6. Acadia after 1713. (Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," I, 90- 127-) 7. How the people controlled their governors. (Fisher, "True American Revolution," pp. 21-32.) 8. England and France in the eighteenth century. (Parkman, "Struggle fora Continent," pp. 301-313.) 9. Early colonial plans of union. (" American History Leaflets," No. 14.) 10. The contest over India. (Woodward, "Expansion of the British Empire," pp. 196-205.) 11. Montcalm. (Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," I, pp. 356- 380.) QUESTIONS 1. Show how political changes in France influenced the course of events in the French colonies. Was the colonial policy of France wise? (Consider political, commercial, and religious regulations.) 2. Make an outline on the French in America, giving (a) method used to gain possession of the country, (b) three classes that extended French sway, (c) extent of French possessions (1650, 1710, 1755), (d) causes of French success, (e) causes of French failure. 3. Make a table showing the chief events during the three periods, 1600-1660, 1660-1700, 1700-1763, under the following heads: Eng- land, New England, middle colonies, southern colonies, the French and English, events of continental Europe. (Keep events of the same date on same horizontal line.) 1763] Rivalry of French and English 103 4. Compare the land claims of the two countries to the Ohio valley (1754). What had each done to explore or occupy that region before that date. 5. To what extent did the colonial wars create a spirit of unity among the colonies? Name several reasons why Franklin's plan of unity met with disapproval. 6. Was the expulsion of the Acadians necessary? Give reasons for your answer. Could it have been accomplished in a different way ? 7. Why might Fiske have believed that " the triumph of Wolfe marks the greatest turning point as yet discernible in modern his- tory" ? CHAPTER VI Population of the sections. Race elements of the population. Thwaites, Colonies, 97, 180-181, 220-222. Greene, Provincial America, 228-236. Lodge, Eng. Colonies, 66, 227-229, 406-409. COLONIAL CONDITIONS (1750) POPULATION AND SOCIETY 96. Number of the People. At the middle of the eigh- teenth century the population of the thirteen colonies that afterward united to form the United States was probably less than a million and a quarter, distributed fairly evenly between the three sections, New England, the Middle colonies, and the South. The most populous of all the colonies was Vir- ginia, with Massachusetts and Pennsylvania occupy- ing second and third places. With the exception of about three hundred thousand ne- groes all of the inhabitants were white, but perhaps not more than three fourths of these were of English de- scent. The New England colonies were settled almost exclusively by English Puri- DENSITY OF POPULATION tans and Virginia had few white inhabitants in the eastern part who were not English. A large percentage were of that sturdy yeoman stock which has been the backbone of the English race for several centuries. A few came from the higher social ranks but some were the dregs of English society. Among the non-English peoples, 104 1 750] Population and Society 105 the Scotch-Irish predominated, large numbers of that in- tense and intelligent race having emigrated from the north of Ireland during the first half of the eighteenth century. Most of these Scotch-Irish settled in the interior, along the foothills of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas particularly. Aside from the English Puritans, this race has furnished the largest number and most influential of our public men. Many Huguenot families emigrated to America after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. A larger pro- portion of these desirable citizens settled in South Caro- lina than in any other colony. In the middle colonies there was a larger number of foreigners than elsewhere, for not only were the Scotch and French numerous in that section, but there were also the original Dutch and Swedish settlers, besides a great number of German settlers who are known best as "Pennsylvania Dutch." Probably one quarter of all the colonists were of nationalities other than English. 97. Classes of Society. In all the colonies there was social classes a marked distinction between the social classes, least pro- nounced in Pennsylvania and New England, most notice- Thwaites able in South Carolina. In the North, the aristocracy was Colonies, one based to a great extent on family, but men often attained ^ 42 - 93> social standing by exceptional learning or unusual business success. In the South, family and the possession of landed Lod g e - estates counted for most. The middle class of independent _ 3 ~_ farmers or merchants was largest in New England, for in 445-448. that section there were few dependents and practically no slaves. In Pennsylvania also the middle class was very numerous, although there was the greatest difference be- tween the prosperous farmer of the eastern valleys and the rough ignorant frontiersman of the interior. In most of the other colonies the middle class was comparatively small. As a rule these people of the colonies were rough, kind- character hearted, industrious, and frugal. Their manners were often of the people, crude, and their ideas on social and political subjects un- developed, but their courage was never open to question, Wilson, and their love of liberty unquenchable. Although they Washin s ton ' io6 American History [1750 Two kinds of indented servants. Andrews, Col.Self-Gov't, 290-293. Lodge, Eng. Colonies, 69-71, 125-126. Eggleston, in Century, XXVIII (1884) ,853- 856. Treatment of indented servants. Eggleston, in Century, XXVIII (1884), 856- 858. Blacks in the North and the South. drank overmuch and often engaged in pastimes that do not appeal to a more highly organized people, they rarely had distorted views of right and wrong. 98. Indented Servants. There existed in all of the English provinces a class of white servants who were bound to their masters for a term of years. Of these there were two distinct kinds one consisting of convicts who were sent to America to serve their sentences, and the other "indented" servants who bound themselves to work for a period of five years, usually, in payment of their passage to the new world. Many of those belonging to the second class were worthy, hardworking, but unfortunate individuals who secured farms of their own after the expiration of their terms of service, and became valuable citizens. The ma- jority of the "indented" servants, however, were indolent and shiftless, so that an immense number of ne'er-do-wells were imposed on the colonies, especially from New York to North Carolina. Still more burdensome were the re- leased convicts whose lawlessness and viciousness were a menace to the peace and order of the colonies. During the terms of service these servants were con- trolled absolutely and often treated harshly by their masters. Attempts to escape were punished severely, and added to the time of servitude. In some colonies a second attempt was punishable by branding on the cheek and a third at- tempt by death if desired by the master. Frequently the condition of these servants was much better than might be expected, comparing favorably with that of farm hands in England. Sometimes convicts who were political exiles occupied clerical or business positions of importance. 99. Slavery. African slavery existed in New Nether- land and in the South almost from the beginning. It never attained prominence in New England, for the occupations of the people and later a growing sentiment against human bondage prevented its development. The few slaves, as in most of the other northern colonies, were house servants who were treated usually with a great deal of consideration. 1750] Population and Society 1 07 From Pennsylvania south, the blacks were, of course, very Coman, Indus* much more numerous, in Virginia nearly equaling the whites trial Hist., in number, and in South Carolina forming about three 43 ~ 45 ' fifths of the population. All of the menial domestic duties were performed by slaves, but in Maryland and Virginia most of the blacks were employed as field hands on the large tobacco plantations, while in the extreme South the work in the rice fields was done by bands of fierce, ignorant slaves, under cruel overseers. During the seventeenth century white servants were pre- Laws regard- ferred to African slaves, in almost all of the colonies, and the ing slaves - laws regarding slaves were comparatively lenient. Later, with the development of slavery and attempted insurrections, Eggleston, m laws of great severity were passed. Slaves were not allowed X )tvin to leave their plantations without permission and might be (1884), 861- put to death if they attempted to escape or injured their 86 5- masters. Meetings of slaves were forbidden and their quarters were searched frequently for hidden arms. Inter- Lodge, marriage between whites and blacks was forbidden under , ^1 very heavy penalties. Many legal obstacles were placed in the way of emancipation. These laws were not enforced in Maryland and Virginia, for most of the blacks in those colonies were native born, living their entire lives on a single plantation, and consequently known personally to the mas- ter and mistress. As a rule they were well fed, well clothed, and treated humanely. In the South, on the contrary, there was little difference Enforcement between the letter and the spirit of the law. Many of the of slave laws in , , the extreme blacks were barbarous Africans, trapped by slave dealers South and brought to America by Spanish or New England slave traders. On the rice or indigo plantations little attempt L odge, was made to civilize them. Slaves were cheap and their Eng. Colonies, labor so profitable that it was more economical to work them hard and buy new slaves when they were worn out than to spare them. Small wonder was it that the badly treated blacks hated their masters and overseers and were kept in subjection by an iron rule. io8 American History [1750 The cities. Eggleslon, in Century, XXIX (1885). 873- 881. ioo. Colonial Life. Although nearly all of the people lived within one hundred miles of the seacoast, there were only four places that deserved to be called cities Boston, Philadelphia, New York, and Charleston and compara- tively few large towns. Boston and New York were the centers of a thriving commerce. In Charleston lived most of the planters of South Carolina who found life unendur- Lodge, Eng. Colonies, 103, 237-240, 258-262, 333- 337. 4SI-46I. A COLONIAL KITCHEN able on the hot, swampy plantations. These cities and some of the towns were compact little burgs, not overclean, with narrow winding streets except Philadelphia numerous small shops, and well-built houses usually of brick and stone. Few of the inhabitants were wealthy, but the majority were in fair circumstances. Few of the streets were patrolled or lighted at night, there was no uniform water supply or proper sanitation. Most of the houses had several bal- conies, and were backed if not surrounded by attractive gardens. Some of them were comfortably furnished with chairs, tables, and draperies purchased abroad. 1750] Population and Society 109 In the country the log cabins which had been the rule Life in the everywhere in the early days were to be found only on the countr y- frontier or in the poorer districts. With the advent of the sawmill, they had been replaced by frame houses of several rooms which were rude structures tied together with wooden pins, for iron was scarce. The doors were hung on leather hinges and fortunate indeed was the farmer who substituted glass brought from England for the oiled paper which was Earle, Home Life in Colo- nial Days, 4-16, 22-27, 5 2 -75- A COLONIAL HALL almost universal outside of the towns. In most of the farm- houses the spacious kitchen was the most attractive room. At one end was a great fireplace with large pots and kettles suspended from a horizontal rod for stoves were prac- tically unknown in 1750. There was a large dining-table and a few rude chairs or benches. Around the glowing fire the family gathered at night, and the kitchen was fre- quently the scene of jolly neighborhood gatherings. The loneliness of country life was relieved by occasional house raisings and by frequent quilting bees and corn huskings. In a few districts in rural New England, along the Hud- son,, and from the Delaware to the Carolina border, the country homes of the landed gentry were very fine examples Lodge, Eng. Colonies, 76-82, 248-252, 329- 331, 448-451. Country homes of the gentry. . no American History [1750 Difficulties in preparing the land. Winsor (ed.), America, IV, Intro. Agricultural products and exports. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 47-60. Eggleston, in Century, XXVII (1884), 435-442- of the beautiful type of architecture which we call colonial. These were seen at their best on the broad tobarco planta- tions of Virginia. There the spacious "halls," ever open to visitors, with the numerous barns and other farm build- ings and rows of slave cabins, formed miniature colonies in themselves. OCCUPATIONS 101. Agriculture. Most of the colonists depended on agriculture for their support. At first each colony sought to raise simply the necessaries of life a supply of food which would keep them from starving. Conditions were not especially favorable for agriculture at the begin- ning, because of the dense forests. The task of clearing the land was so arduous that the early settlers contented themselves with the Indian method of girdling the trees so that they died. Corn and pumpkins were then planted among the lifeless trunks. In New England, further diffi- culties were added by the stones with which the prehistoric glaciers had sown the land. The fight with the wilder- ness was long and intense. In the northern colonies all of the farms were small, as the narrow valleys precluded cultivation on a large scale. Great care was necessary to insure even moderate crops, except in the valley of the Connecticut. There were very few communities in New England that raised articles for export. In the middle section a surplus supply of wheat was grown, so that wheat and flour were shipped to the West Indies and Europe. In Maryland and Virginia agriculture absorbed the entire attention of the people. This was due to the profitableness of the tobacco industry, for at different times the planters neglected food supplies in their mad desire to gain wealth by raising tobacco to be sold abroad. It was necessary to make laws compelling every planter to devote a certain area to corn. Even with this restraint, the over-production of tobacco caused a great decline in the price. After the passage of the Navigation Act, which i 75] Occupations III forbade the sending of tobacco to other countries than Eng- land, the price became still lower, but the raising of tobacco remained the chief source of wealth in those colonies until the revolution. South Carolina made a specialty of rice during the eighteenth century, and indigo was produced in large quantities after 1745. Some cotton also was grown in the low lands along the coast. 102. Commerce and Shipping. The colonies were de- Restrictions on pendent on England for many manufactured articles. At colonial trade the beginning it was impossible to produce these things in America, and after 1660 the home government aimed to Coman, Indus- prohibit manufacturing in the colonies, at the same time ** 8 " " compelling the colonists to purchase everything they needed from England rather than from her continental rivals. Since the commercial laws of England were not enforced strictly, the colonies enjoyed a large though legally forbidden trade with the West Indian possessions of France and Spain and with Holland, France, and other European countries. 1 From the northern ports a comparatively large trade was General carried on, especially with England and the British West exports and Indies. It is estimated that salted cod and mackerel worth 250,000 were exported annually from New England. Large quantities of lumber and dried fish were sent to the " West Indies every year, where they were exchanged for 75-77. molasses, from which was distilled rum that was in turn exported. Nevertheless, the imports of New England were four times as great as its exports. In Virginia and North Carolina, owing to the lack of towns and harbors, the skippers of the small sailing vessels ascended the numer- ous rivers of those colonies, exchanging their fine cloths and other articles at each plantation for the products of the country. A large part of the shipping was in the hands of New Shipbuilding Englanders, since the colonists were allowed by the navi- and shl PP m S- gation acts to trade on the same terms as native-born Eng- lishmen. Shipbuilding had become an important indus- 1 On the laws of trade, see 119-121. 112 American History [1750 Wright, Indus- trial Evolution ofU. 5., 28-42. Piracy. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 85. Colonial manufactures. Com an, Indus- trial Hist., 62,72. try in the northern colonies, as lumber was cheap, and the vessels built in the New England shipyards were superior to those constructed in Europe. The fisheries formed a training school of the best kind for a race of hardy, daring sailors who gained a reputation in later naval wars. Prob- ably one hall of the population in New England depended on the sea for a living. Commerce in colonial times was attended by dangers that no longer exist. There was always risk of capture by privateers of unfriendly nations. Pirates were numerous, successful, and often unpunished. At one time North Carolina harbored a great many, at another New York and Newport gained an unpleasant reputation for giving them aid. The government sought to suppress piracy, sending out privateers to capture them. Among those commissioned to destroy pirate ships was the notorious Captain Kidd, who turned pirate as soon as he was out of sight of land, but afterward suffered death for his crimes. In spite of harsh measures, regular commerce was not free from perils of this nature until comparatively late in the eighteenth century, and many passengers and crews were obliged to "walk the plank." 103. Industry and Labor. The colonies were in no true sense manufacturing communities. A new country is not well adapted for those industries which require a large supply of raw materials and an abundance of labor. Because of the lack of laborers and the higher wages paid in America, it was cheaper to ship the raw materials to Eng- land and purchase the finished products from the mother country. Yet there was a large amount of manufacturing done in the colonies on a small scale. Practically all of the household furniture was made at home. Almost every family had its spinning wheel and hand loom. Few of the colonists used anything but the coarse "linen" made from the hemp and flax that they prepared, or dressed in anything but homespun woolen clothes, but the wealthier farmers or merchants imported their broadcloth and their 1 750] Occupations 113 hats. The building of ships was undoubtedly the fore- most industry of the colonies, three hundred and eighty- nine being constructed in a single year. 1 Many of these were built for English owners, or were sold abroad later with their cargoes. Although the hours of labor were very long, and the wages Condition of paid, two or three shillings a day for skilled labor, seem labor - ridiculously small, the laborer in the colonies was undoubt- edly belter paid and better treated than in any part of Wright, Indus- Europe. The agricultural laborer was free to sell his labor trial ' Evolution < r 104-114. to the one who would pay the most for it, instead of being tied to a certain farm, as in most countries across the At- lantic. The man who wished to learn a trade served a shorter apprenticeship, and was freer in every way than a fellow workman in England. There were numerous at- tempts during colonial times to regulate the price of wages or of commodities, in the interest usually of those wealthier classes which controlled the government, but these proved ineffective. 104. Colonial Currency. Most of the colonial business Commodities consisted simply in the exchange of one commodity for an- as mone y- other. Corn, sheep, and cattle were the ordinary media of exchange in several colonies, the value of a sheep in shil- lings often being designated by law. This enabled debtors to pay their creditors in the poorest animals they owned. In Virginia and Maryland, tobacco was used as currency, articles being purchased and wages paid in tobacco. As the people bought abroad more than they were able to Colonial coins, sell it was impossible to secure or retain any large quantity of gold or silver. Most of the silver coins in circulation were Dewey, Finan- dollars or smaller coins bearing a Spanish stamp, which dai Hist, of had been obtained in trade with the West Indies. Almost every colony placed a different valuation on the Spanish dollar. In one colony it was considered worth five Eng- lish shillings, in another six, in another eight. This natu- rally added confusion to the existing monetary difficulties. 1 1769, the only year for which full statistics are available. i American History [1750 Paper money. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 83-86. Hart, Contem- poraries, II.Nos. 88,89. Medicine, teaching, and the laws. Greene, Pro- vincial Amer- ica, 317-319. Lodge, Eng. Colonies, 232, 236-237. The ministry. Massachusetts was the first colony to attempt a solution of the currency problem by issuing paper money, but other colonies were not slow to follow this apparently easy method of paying private and public debts. 1 New York and Penn- sylvania were more careful than the other colonies to pro- vide a safe system of redeeming this paper, thus escaping the evils of depreciation and business depression that fol- lowed in the other colonies. In several colonies so-called '' banks" were allowed to issue paper money, with results disastrous to all but the promoters of the scheme. A large part of the paper money in circulation became worth less than fifteen per cent of its face value. Interference with business was so great that at length parliament forbade (1751) the issue of paper money in New England and (1763) extended the prohibition to all of the colonies. 105. The Professions. Very few persons were trained carefully for professional work. There were in 1750 but four colleges, most of which had been founded with an idea of fitting men for the ministry, but there were no theological seminaries or other professional schools. Consequently few physicians were to be found in the colonies, and of these the majority were men of little learning and less skill. Medi- cine as practiced was neither an art nor a science. Most of the teachers were either clergymen who gave part of their attention to private classes or incompetent individuals who had failed of success in other occupations. Although few men devoted their attention exclusively to the law, most educated men in the colonies were versed in the law and were prepared to argue cases if necessary. Pennsylvania alone furnished many able lawyers for other colonies, and the saying "as smart as a Philadelphia lawyer" became almost a proverb. As more care was taken in preparing clergymen for their work than with the other professions, the Congregational colonial minister was the best educated, and probably the 1 Before 1750, all of the colonies except Virginia and Georgia had issued bills of credit. I75Q] Occupations ablest man in his community. Looked up to for his char- Lodge, acter and learning, his influence enabled him to direct En -?- public opinion and settle private controversies. Many of 423 ~ 425< the men appointed to livings in the Anglican church in America as in England were ignorant and corrupt, although the pastors of most independent churches and of regular parishes were men of high moral character. MISCELLANEOUS CONDITIONS 106. Colonial Churches. In most of the colonies there Puritan was a church supported at public expense, the union of churches - A COLONIAL CHURCH church and state being common. In the New England Lodge, colonies, except Rhode Island, the Congregational church Eng ^ Colontes > had been established by law, all other denominations being excluded so far as possible from erecting buildings or even holding services. The Sabbath was observed very rigidly. No one traveled except to church, cooking was avoided, and the day given over to religious worship. Attendance at American History [1750 Anglicans and dissenters. Andrews, Col. Self-Gov't, 34-3ii- Eggleston, in Century, XXVI (1883), 107-116. Superstition in custom and law. Lodge, E.ng. Colonies, 253-254. 434-436. church service was compulsory, absence being punished by fine or the stocks. The services were always long and sometimes tedious, the hourglass being turned once during the "long" prayer, and usually twice during the sermon. The straight-backed uncushioned seats did not make it easier for the attendants to listen to the long, dry arguments or fierce declamation on future punishment, especially in winter when the meeting houses were unheated and even footstoves were considered effeminate. Puritan austerity could scarcely devise harsher means of mortifying the flesh, or better tests for self-control and endurance. South of New England the Anglican church had been established by law except in Pennsylvania, but church attendance was irregular and very little attempt was made to prevent dissenters from holding services of their own, although Catholics had churches in Pennsylvania only. In South Carolina, western Virginia, and Pennsylvania, the Presbyterians were numerous, while Rhode Island was controlled by the Baptists. In Rhode Island and Pennsyl- vania alone was there anything like real religious liberty. 107. Superstition. Superstition was much more com- mon in the seventeenth century than it is at present. This was due not simply to the greater ignorance of that day, but particularly to the survival of beliefs in signs and in the exist- ence of evil spirits, witches, the evil eye, and other evidences of Satan's control of mortals. These beliefs were much less common in England than on the continent, and less common here than in England, although the non-English immigrants were very superstitious. 1 This superstition not only influenced the habits of the people, but also affected their laws. Only once did superstitious fear lead to a wholesale pun- ishment of witches. This was in the terrible witchcraft 1 There are a few isolated instances of witches being put to death in the colonies before 1692 and after the witchcraft episode. In England and on the continent hundreds of thousands of witches were condemned to death, five hundred being burned in a single year in the city of Geneva. Miscellaneous Conditions 117 delusion at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. The epidemic started when a number of "afflicted children," under the morbid training of some ignorant colored servants, accused eccentric people in the village of having bewitched them. A special court was organized for the trial of these cases, and persons were condemned on absurd testimony by con- servative judges like Samuel Sewell. Excitement ran so high that many people accused their enemies of witchcraft, and no one could condemn the so-called trials without danger of being considered a witch. 1 After several women of unusual standing and virtue had been accused, the eyes of the people were opened; not, however, until a number of per- sons had been put to death. 108. Crime. The death penalty was used much more commonly in colonial times than at present. 2 In one colony, Pennsylvania, an attempt was made at the beginning to abolish it except for mur- der, but so great a departure from the customs of the times was abandoned after a few years. In Massa- 1 A common way of deciding whether a woman was a witch was to cast her into the water. If she failed to sink, she was proved to be a witch. 2 In England during the seventeenth century over one hundred crimes were punishable by death, the number increasing instead of diminishing during the eighteenth century. Frequently juries would acquit a man where the evidence showed him guilty, because they were unwilling to punish him by death for a minor offense. PILLORY The Salem witchcraft delusion. Greene, Provincial America, 25-29. Fiske, New France and New England, Methods of punishing offenders. n8 American History [1750 chusetts, as we noticed ( 73), Quakers who had been banished, but insisted on returning, were hanged. Yet executions were not common in colonial times, although so many offenses were punishable by death. In fact, in all well-settled communities, crime was by no means general. On many frontiers, and in a few older sections, there was considerable lawlessness. Imprisonment was Man and Horse. Mad Bull. A Horse drinking. Boy in danger. Children should be careful not to provoke a bull, or get over into the field where one is. Alas ! for that lit- tle boy that is running with all his miffht : see hi& hat flying behind him, and the mad bull close at his heels. PAGE FROM AN OLD SCHOOL BOOK used comparatively little as a punishment and the prisons were few in number and of a low order. In a conspicuous place in each town stood the whipping post, at which run- away slaves and criminals were lashed upon bare backs, and the stocks and pillory, in which offenders were locked for from one to four hours, the pain of their cramped position being augmented by the jeers of the spectators and the mud thrown by rowdies. Ducking stools were used occasionally for scolding wives even in the eighteenth century. Grammar ICQ. Education. Outside of New England there was practically no public education, but east of the Hudson almost every town boasted a grammar school and practi- 1750] Miscellaneous Conditions 119 cally every county had a Latin school which prepared stu- dents for college. To the Puritans, ability to read the Bible was a necessary part of the preparation for life. Except in parts of Rhode Island and on the Maine frontier no illiterate persons could be found in New England at the middle of the eighteenth century. The middle colonies paid com- paratively little attention to education, although there were First Harvard Hall Governor's Coach First Stoughton Massachusetts Hall HARVARD COLLEGE a few excellent private schools in New York, Philadelphia, and a few other large towns. South of Mason and Dixon's line education was systematically neglected. The oft- quoted comment of Governor Berkeley, in which he thanked God that there were no free schools or printing presses in Virginia, expressed the sentiment of the ruling class. Tutors were employed by some of the wealthier planters, and a few sons of prominent families in Virginia and South Carolina were sent to England for a college education. The most famous and the most influential of the early Colonial colleges was that established at Cambridge in 1636, and c named after John Harvard; William and Mary college I2O American History {. 1 7S Greene, was founded in Virginia, just before the close of the seven- teenth century, and Yale College at New Haven in 1701. 304-311.' About the middle of the eighteenth century renewed inter- est in higher education led to the establishment of three colleges in the middle colonies: Kings (afterward Colum bia) in New York, Princeton in New Jersey, and the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia. The latter, through the influence of Benjamin Franklin, developed rapidly, gaining a reputation for its standing and for the number of its courses and students within a few years. Newspapers no. Newspapers. New England established its pri- and the macy in literary enterprise and attainments as in other lines, government. , . , . . , ... although it must be admitted that there was very little printing and less literature in the colonies before 1750. No Wright, Indus- , ,. , , . ., . trial Evolution news P a P er was published in this country prior to 1704, 63-69. when the Boston News Letter was started. At the middle of the century there were less 'than a dozen newspapers printed in all of the colonies, none being published daily. The attitude of the government toward the printers was by no means favorable. No books or pamphlets could be printed without a special license. When an attempt was made in Boston (1690) to start a newspaper called Public Occurrences, it was suppressed. The Zenger Real freedom of the press was not recognized until after case (1736). the famous Zenger case had been decided in New York in 1736. Zenger was the publisher of the New York Weekly Hart, Contem- Journal. In a controversy between the governor of the fi^No" colony, Cosby, and the president of the colonial council, Zenger supported the president, Van Dom, and was in con- sequence imprisoned and tried for libel. His lawyer, Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, argued that Zenger had published only facts and claimed that his client had the right to state the truth so long as it was not done maliciously. Influenced by his reasoning and eloquence, the jury found Zenger not guilty. This verdict had a wholesome influence not alone in New York, but throughout the colonies, in free- ing the press from the tyranny of the government. 1750] Miscellaneous Conditions 121 in. Travel. As most of the settlements were near the Travel in an seacoast or on rivers, it was possible at first to .travel from early day - town to town or from plantation to plantation by water. Birch bark or "dugout" canoes were used on the rivers, sailing vessels on the ocean. As the colonies developed, travel by land became unavoidable. Until roads were constructed, Indian trails and bridle paths served the settlers, Hart, Coutem most of whom were obliged to journey on foot. Later the highways were improved, and horses were more numerous, II, No. 80. CONESTOGA WAGON so that comparatively few of the planters or their families ever traveled except by boat or on horseback. Roads were still few, however, and bridges almost unknown, the nu- merous rivers being forded at convenient points. Settlers in the North rode to church, usually with their wives on a pillion, or cushion, behind them. The eighteenth century saw considerable improvement in Roads, the colonial highways and in the methods of travel. Roads coaches, and . . wagons, connected all of the towns of importance but were tew and eighteenth poor in colonies with few villages. The use of two-wheeled century, chaises had replaced horseback riding to quite an extent in the North, although they were less common in Maryland, jn Cent ' Virginia, and the Carolinas. Coaches were kept by most of xxx (1885), the wealthy families, who put on considerable style with 387-389- 122 American History [1750 Earle, Home Life, 335-344- Irregular stage lines. Mail service. Earle, Home Life, 33 2 -335- Democratic chancier of the local government. Hart, Forma- tion of Union 6. Lee (ed.), N. America, VI, 66-72. their liveried coachmen and outriders. The roads were primi- tive, however, and comparatively little used for the transpor- tation of merchandise. Most articles were carried on pack- horses, but in Pennsylvania commodious farm wagons, known as Conestoga wagons, were coming into extensive use. Before 1750 there were no regular stage coaches in the colonies. Stages were run between certain towns regularly in the summer, and at irregular intervals throughout the year, connecting the larger cities. A journey by stage from Boston to New York took a week and was an exceedingly uncomfortable trip. From three in the morning until nine ' at night the lumbering vehicle jolted its passengers over the rough roads, leaving them a few hours' fitful slumber in the none too comfortable beds of the wayside taverns. The smaller streams were forded, the larger crossed by ferry, sometimes in detachments. When the stage stuck in the mud, the passengers were obliged to alight and put their shoulders to the wheel. There was no mail service worthy of the name before 1750. The mails were irregular, costly, and unsatisfactory. When a postrider had enough letters to justify a trip, he set out, carrying numerous parcels on his own account. 1 The mail was left at some public house to be hauled over by every comer until claimed and paid for by the person to whom it was addressed. 112. Colonial Government. The governments of the American colonies were notable as being far more demo- cratic than any others then in existence. This was true especially of the local governments in the northern and middle colonies. In New England every town was governed by a town meeting composed of all voters in that town, and by officials chosen by popular election in those town meetings, In New York most of the town officials were chosen by the people, although much of the work of governing was done by county officials appointed by the governor. Pennsyl- vania chose her own county officials. In Virginia and the 1 Only letters could be sent by government post. 1 750] Miscellaneous Conditions 123 South there were no officials for districts smaller than the county and these officers were selected by the governor, so that the people had little share directly in their local govern- ment. In every colony there was an assembly chosen by the Central voters. This assembly, together with a "council," made government of the laws subject to the approval of the governor. It also controlled almost exclusively the raising of money by taxa- tion. The council was selected by the governor in all but Am , G ' ov > fi three colonies, 1 and as the governor was himself chosen by $ "2-115. the people in only two colonies, there was in theory very little popular colonial government, although in fact the Lee ( ed -). i , n ,1 > -r N. America, people s influence over the governor was very great. In VI _ 66 two colonies the governors were selected by the proprietors, in two they were elected by the people, and for the others were appointed by the king. Courts of justice existed in every colony, but no judge of colonial times was chosen directly by the people, even in the two little democracies of Connecticut and Rhode Island. The suffrage laws of the colonies, although narrow from Suffrage laws, our point of view, were exceedingly liberal when compared Hart, Contem- with those of foreign countries. Every landowner with poraries, property of a certain value in the North, or of a certain size in the South, was allowed to vote. It is true this excluded about ninety-five per cent of the population, but many who could not vote on colonial affairs were allowed to take part in local government. 113. Colonial Law. Although the laws varied con- English siderably from colony to colony, there was a uniformity c that is remarkable considering the differences -between the America, people and the occupations of the various sections. All of the colonies had transplanted the English system of common law with such modifications as the peculiar conditions in each colony required. Many of the laws made by the colonial legislatures were merely reenact- ments of English statutes. In fact, the laws were few 1 See Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. 2 See 87. 124 American History [1750 Land laws of the colonies. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 32-38. Eggleston, in Century, XXVIII (1884), 848-852. Inheritance laws. in comparison with the volume of state legislation at the present time. The system of land laws in use in America illustrates how the English system was modified to meet colonial needs. Land was considered the property of the king, the name real estate, or royal estate, emphasizing this fact. The king made grants of land to companies and individuals, so that in America the legislature of the charter colonies or the proprietor of the proprietary colonies had the right to regrant land, and in the royal colonies the governor, as the direct representative of the king, had the right. Grants were made to individuals with a lavishness that amounted to recklessness, for land was plentiful and cost the grantor little or nothing. Not only were large estates numerous, but the number of small landowners was very great, as most heads of families owned their own farms. Because so many people owned land, and because speculation in land was common even in colonial times, the slow and cum- bersome English system of transferring land was altered so that it was easy to sell or buy real estate. The American inheritance laws were borrowed from England except in the Puritan and Quaker colonies. Else- where the estates or farms descended to the eldest son, because primogeniture was recognized in New York and the South. In New England, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey a double share went to the eldest son, but the other children, including the daughters, had an equal share in the property of the father when he died without making a will. TOPICS COLONIAL MANUFACTURES: Coman, "Industrial History of the United States," pp. 62-72; Wright, "Industrial Evolution of the United States," pp. 23-60, 80-103; Beer, "Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies," 66-90. COLONIAL PAPER MONEY: Dewey, "Financial History of the United States," pp. 21-30; White, "Money and Banking," 103- 114; Sumner, "History of American Currency," 14-43; Bullock, "Monetary History of the United States, " I, Chapter IV. 1 75] Colonial Conditions 12$ STUDIES 1. Conditions in Germany that led to emigration to America. (Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial Times," pp. 11-24.) 2. German redemptioners. (Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial Times," pp. 215-229.) 3. Maryland society in the seventeenth century. (Browne, "Maryland," pp. 157-183.) 4. Life in Vi r ginia two centuries ago. (Fiske, " Old Virginia," II, pp. 174-269.) 5. Conditions in the English colonies (1688). (Andrews, "Co- lonial Self-Government," pp. 293-304.) 6. The true Captain Kidd. (Champlain, in Harper's Magazine, 106 (1902), pp. 27-36.) 7. Meat and drink in colonial times. (Earle, "Home Life in Colonial Days," pp. 142-165.) 8. Dress of the colonists. (Earle, " Home Life in Colonial Days," pp. 281-299; Eggleston, in Century, XXIX (1885), pp. 882-892.) 9. The colonial theater. (Eggleston, in Century, XXX (1885), pp. 403-407.) 10. Church and meeting house before the Revolution. (Egglesr ton in Century, XXXIII (1887), pp. 901-912.) n. Sunday in the colonies. (Earle, "Home Life in Colonial Days," pp. 364-387.) 12. American prose (1701-1764). (Trent, "American Litera- ture," pp. 98-130.) 13. The colonial governor. (Hart (ed.), " Contemporaries," Nos. 54-6o-) 14. Local government in the southern colonies. (Fiske, "Civil Government," pp. 71-78.) 15. Middle colonies in colonial times. (Lee (ed.), "North America," VI, pp. 29-39.) QUESTIONS 1. Show how physical conditions, climate, and rainfall affected slavery in the North, in Virginia, and in South Carolina. What advantage did the South derive from slavery? 2. To what extent were the colonies alike in 1750 ? Why did they remain isolated ? What was the result of their separateness on their dealings with Great Britain ? 3. What are the chief differences between the houses, food, dress, and manner of living in 1 750 and to-day ? Name several conveniences that are now considered necessaries which were unknown in 1750. 4. Explain why England and the colonies each took the course 126 American History [1750 they did in reference to paper money ? Was paper money necessary ? What influence did it have on the opening of new lands, commerce, on business in general ? 5. Note the important changes, political, legal, social, and indus- trial, that have taken place in America in the last century and a half. 6. In what respect had the colonists more or less political liberty than the English? Why did the local governments of the colonies influence our later history more than the central colonial governments ? PART II THE FORMATION OF A UNION (1763-1789) CHAPTER VII THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) ENGLISH KING George III (1760-1820) 114. Colonial Self -Government and English Control be- Leniency of fore 1763. The Seven Years' War, which added to Great English con- Britain immense possessions in America and gained for her the control of India, may be said to mark the real beginning of the British empire and of a new colonial policy. Previ- ^ J' . . ously, the American colonies had been governed accord- 38-42. ing to no uniform rule, but in the most diverse ways. As they had been founded at different times and under differ- ent conditions, each had developed a government more or less different from that of its neighbors, and had political traditions to which it was greatly attached. Owing to the condition of affairs before 1763, the colonies had been left much to their own devices, and the political changes under the Stuarts and the early Hanoverians had accord- ingly been favorable to colonial self-government. Prac- tically all the contests between the governors and assemblies ( 87) had resulted in victories for the latter, and the colo- nists had come to look upon Great Britain as the power which protected them from foreign nations, which passed laws for the regulation of external commerce, and which, in some cases, selected their administrative officials. 127 128 American History [1763 Four possible methods of control. Board of Trade and colonial secretary. Larned (ed.), Ready Re/., V. 3172. Control of charters. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 48. THE OLD COLONIAL POLICY OF ENGLAND 115. General Methods of Colonial Control. There were four ways in which the king or parliament might control the colonies: (I) by changing the internal government of any province; (II) by exercising a general oversight of legislation and the administration of laws within a colony; (III) by the regulation of colonial trade and industry; and (IV) by levying internal taxes. Not all of these means had been used by Great Britain previous to 1763, and in fact in- ternal taxation had never been considered seriously. The few regulations that did exist were of a very mild description, and were enforced laxly. As it was necessary to have some set of English officials who should give especial attention to American affairs, a board of commissioners was selected from among the king's private councillors. 1 This Board of Trade was required to correspond with the colonies so as to keep in touch with them and informed about colonial affairs, to hear appeals and complaints, and to set aside laws that were repugnant to the laws of England or distasteful to the crown. In addition there was a British secretary of foreign affairs, who devoted a large part of his attention to colonial matters. Most of the colonies also maintained in London agents who looked after their respective interests. In order to learn the extent of the supervision exercised by England, especially through the Board of Trade, let us examine a little more in detail the regulations belonging under the first three heads enumerated above. 1 16. England's Interference with Colonial Government. (I) To a certain extent, the king was able to control most of his American provinces through the right to alter their governments. In 1763 seven of the colonies were under the direct supervision of the crown, i.e. were royal colonies, whereas only six retained their seventeenth-century char- 1 The board was created in 1696, see 79. *7 6 3] The Old Colonial Policy of England 129 ters. 1 These charters were forfeitable to the crown if violated by the colonies, but could not be revoked except upon clear proof that the colonies had failed to keep their charter agree- ments with the king. Indeed, to modify an article of a charter which would interfere with a colonial right was to exercise a power that had been unused since the days of Andros and James II, and one that no wise monarch would lightly undertake. The alteration of the government in a royal colony was a Control in different matter. New instructions were issued to each royal colonies governor and the installation of a new governor would seem to be a favorable opportunity for strengthening the king's Hart - Contem - authority in America. On the contrary, the appointment j^ No's3 c- of a governor was almost invariably the signal for a renewed effort to increase legislative power at the expense of the executive. Fully occupied with their efforts to maintain their influence at home, the ministers of the first two Georges gave their governors but a half-hearted support and allowed the assemblies to encroach on the powers of the royal representatives, until in practically all of the colonies a serious attempt to curtail popular privileges had become a dangerous experiment. 117. England's Control through Colonial Officials. Control (II) Colonial administration and legislation could be con- throu gh execu - , , tive officials. trolled in part through the power of the crown to select for most of the colonies the governors who in turn might appoint the members of their councils, the judges, the county sheriffs, ^ ora ^ es n and many other officials. These governors not only selected NOS. 51, 65, 66. persons for most of the appointive positions, but commanded the military forces of the colony, had charge of public lands, and pardoned offenders. The legislatures were convened and adjourned at their wish, and all bills passed by those bodies failed unless approved by the governors. Many of the governors and a few others were bankrupt English nobles, but the majority of the officials appointed by the governors 1 Not counting the continental colonies conquered from the French and Spanish, or the insular colonies. K 130 American History Colonial judges. Howard, Preliminaries of Revolution, 85-87- The " Parson's Cause" (1763). Howard, Revo- lution, 90-101. Tyler, Henry, 3 2 -49- belonged to the aristocracy of the colonies. Loyalty to the king and a unity of interest made these officeholders a class of no mean importance in upholding within the colonies the authority of the English government. The influence of these officials was at all times considerable because of the great power conferred upon them, although the assemblies frequently hampered their work by refusing to vote money for their salaries. The judges, like the other appointed officials, were de- pendent on the assemblies for their salaries, but, as the judges were selected for life, and not during good behavior, as in England, this dependence was more apparent than real. To remove the judges entirely from the control of the people, the crown decreed in 1761 that they should be paid out of the king's land revenue. These instructions were resisted by the legislature of New York and disregarded by the gov- ernor of New Jersey. In both of these colonies a spirited contest ensued. 118. Control of Colonial Legislation. Although the people's representatives might manage the governor and his appointees, their laws might be set aside by the Board of Trade on the ground that they were unwise or contrary to the laws of England. A prominent instance of this use of the veto power is furnished in connection with the pay of the Virginia clergy. According to the law of, that colony the clergymen were paid in tobacco, but, in 1755 and again in 1758, tobacco being very scarce, the Virginia legislature gave the people permission to discharge all debts pay- able in tobacco at the rate of two pence of currency for each pound. This made it possible for a person to pay his debts at a small percentage of their real amount. The parishes accordingly took advantage of the law in paying their pas- tors. On complaints of the clergymen, the Board of Trade set aside the law of 1758 and announced that thereafter no law which repealed or altered an existing colonial law should go into effect until actually approved by the Board a process that would take months at least and often two or 1660] The Old Colonial Policy of England 131 three years. The clergy at once began suit for the extra pay due them. One case was argued (1763) for the people by a hitherto unknown lawyer, Patrick Henry. In an eloquent appeal, Henry pressed the claim that the king, "by annulling or disallowing acts of so salutory a nature, from being the father of his people, degenerated into a tyrant, and forfeits all rights to his subjects' obedience." Persuaded by his eloquence, the jury fixed the amount of the damages at one penny. 'This was one of the first con- spicuous denials of the right of England to control colonial legislation through the power of vetoing bills. Laws passed by the colonial legislatures might also be Parliamentary annulled because they were superseded by an order issued laws regarding by the Board of Trade or by a law enacted in parliament paper for the benefit of the colonies. For example, in 1751, par- liament prohibited the issuance of paper money in the four p^andai Hist New England colonies, and in 1763 extended this prohibi- n. tion to all of the colonies. Before those dates the people had insisted on the need of a cheap currency, and when the governors, in accordance with instructions from the Board of Trade, vetoed the paper money bills passed by the legis- latures, the assemblies retaliated by refusing to vote money for necessary expenditures, thus forcing the governors to sign the bills. The parliamentary law prevented the issuance cf more paper money, but was a source of considerable irritation to the colonists. 119. Early Acts of Trade (1660-1696). (III) Although Law of 1660. there had been laws relating to American trade before the Restoration (1660), the system of restrictions on' colonial MacDonaid commerce really dates from the accession of Charles II. It Charters, was the purpose of this system to develop English trade and industry, and indirectly to aid those occupations of the colonies which did not interfere with similar interests in Coward, Revo. lutton, 50-54. England. The first of these navigation acts, that of 1660, restricted colonial importations and exportations to ships built in Great Britain or the colonies, two thirds of whose crews were English subjects. This was in many ways an 132 American History [1660 Winsor (ed.), America, VI, 5-8. Laws of 1663 and 1672. MacDonald, Charters, Nos. 28, 34. Andrews, Col. Self- Gov't, 19-21. General char- acter. Howard, Revo- lution, 57-61. advantage to the people of America, because it stimulated ship-building to such an extent that eventually more vessels were built in the northeni colonies than in England. The law of 1660 also gave a list of articles which could be ex- ported from the colonies to England alone, the most impor- tant of these "enumerated articles" being tobacco. Although American tobacco enjoyed a practical monopoly of the Eng- lish markets after 1663, as the growth of tobacco in the Brit- ish Isles was prohibited and very heavy duties were levied on foreign tobaccos, this lirhitation of its market greatly re- duced the price in Virginia and was injurious to that colony. The law of 1663 was a much less reasonable act, passed for the benefit of English exporters. The colonies were no longer allowed to import goods direct from the continental European countries, even in English vessels. All products of these nations needed in America must first pass through the hands of English merchants, who shipped them to the colonies after adding their own profits to the original cost. The British government soon found that these acts of trade were being evaded by the shipment of enumerated articles to colonies in which they could not be produced, and exporta- tion from ports of the latter direct to continental Europe, from which goods were invariably brought back. In 1672, therefore, a law was passed by parliament forbidding free trade between the colonies in the enumerated articles by levying duties on intercolonial trade at the place of export. 120. Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1766). After the Revolution of 1689 had settled the dispute between the Stuarts and parliament, more attention was given to colonial affairs. Few important alterations were made in the navi- gation acts, but the list of enumerated articles was lengthened and colonial manufacturing was in several instances pro- hibited for the benefit of British merchants or manufacturers. In order to make this policy seem less one-sided, bounties were offered for certain articles which England used but did not produce in sufficient quantities. Qne of the most important of the additions to the enu- 1763] The Old Colonial Policy of England 133 merated articles was that of rice. Before the colonists had Rice as an been obliged to ship all of their rice to England, the rice of enumerated South Carolina had control of the European market, but the extra freight required upon reshipment from England de- stroyed the profit and practically ruined the rice planta- tions of the South. After thirty years the law was repealed partially so as to allow the exportation of rice to countries south of Cape Finisterre. ' Restrictions on colonial manufactures were not numer- Restrictions on ous because manufacturing never reached an advanced manufactures - state in the colonies, but those that existed were unjust Lamed (ed.), and oppressive. To protect the wool growers and weavers Read y Re f-> of England, the exportation of colonial manufactures of wool to England or to other colonies was forbidden. For C man - Indus- the benefit of English hat makers, no hats could be shipped 65-72. from the colonies. None but the crudest forms of iron might T Lee (ed.), be produced in America, although the colonists were en- ^ America, couraged to send large quantities of bar iron to the mother VI, 83-88. country. One of the most offensive acts of trade was passed for the Molasses Act benefit of the planters in the English West Indies, and ( X 733)- required that the continental colonies should import no MacDona id molasses from French or Spanish possessions unless they charters, paid almost prohibitive duties. As New England used large No. 50. quantities of molasses, principally in the manufacture of .... . , , ,, . J.T. Coman, Indus* rum, it was unwilling to give the increased prices that the ^^ Hist Jamaica planters were able to ask for their molasses, and 82-83. systematically brought from the French and Spanish islands large quantities on which it paid no duties. 121. General Effect of the Commercial System. Disadvantages Unpleasant as this system of restrictions certainly was to the * C( ^ ]o " ts a colonists, it was much less arbitrary and oppressive than similar colonial regulations made by France and Spain for Leckyi their American possessions. At that time colonies were Am. Revolution, expected to aid the mother country in disposing of her sur- 42-46. plus products and in developing her resources or industries. Although the acts of parliament were often selfish and 134 American History [1761 Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., V. 3180-3181. Smuggling. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 82. Otis's plea against the writs. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 33. unjust, they did not prevent the development of the English provinces except along certain lines. Probably one half of the carrying trade between Great Britain and America was in colonial vessels. Most of the productions of the North could be exported to any part of the world, and the ships never returned empty. A profitable commerce was per- mitted with the French West Indies. Bounties were paid for masts, naval stores, indigo, and a few other articles sent to England. Duties at English ports of entry were often reduced for the benefit of American productions, and, in some cases, as that of tobacco, the colonists enjoyed a monopoly of the home market. Of greater real significance than the favorable provisions of these laws of trade was the lax way in which they were administered. At first there were no custom houses, but even after these were established, the laws were not enforced. In spite of the provisions that the customs officials should be appointed by the governors or king, that they should not be dependent on the colonial assemblies for their salaries, and that revenue cases should be tried in special admiralty courts, the collectors of customs permitted the most open violation of the acts. The smugglers were sometimes per- mitted to land dutiable goods upon payment to the customs officials of an insignificant sum. During the administra- tions of Walpole and Newcastle in England, covering most of the reigns of George I and George II, there had been almost no interference with American commerce, and the expansion of colonial trade had been very great. Never- theless the abuses of the system were often serious, and could not be overlooked entirely by the successors of New- castle. 122. The Writs of Assistance.- It was especially neces- sary to prevent smuggling because the people of New Eng- land had been persistently furnishing supplies to the French in Canada during the Seven Years' War. The prime min- ister, William Pitt, ordered the customs officials to stop this practice, but they found it impossible with the means at 1763] The Old Colonial Policy of England 135 their command. The collectors of revenue at Boston Tudor, Otis, therefore applied (1761) to the Superior Court ofMassachu- S 2 - 88 - setts to grant them "writs of assistance" general search warrants which did not name the accused person nor de- Howard Revo ~ . 11, lution, 70-83. scribe the goods to be seized. A protest made by the mer- chants of Boston against the issuance of these writs was , - . , T . , . ,,. .. Cambridge argued for them by James Otis, who resigned his position Mod Hist as advocate general of the> colony for that purpose. Otis vn. 177-181 not only claimed that the writs violated those rig'its to which the colonists were entitled " by the British constitution, as well as by the laws of nature, and their own provincial charters," but went so far as to deny that parliament had any right to pass an act of trade which levied a tax on the colonies. This argument created a profound im- pression, John Adams declared that it " breathed . , ,, . ,. ,, , ,, TAMES OTIS into this nation the breath of life." The court, however, held that the writs were not unconstitutional, but in order to remove possible doubt parliament in 1767 legalized the issuance of writs of assistance. THE NEW BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY (1763-1767) 123. The Conditions in 1763. As already stated, the Imperial policy close of the war with France and the transfer of Canada was and opposition, the beginning of a new era. The enlargement of the British empire made the adoption of a new imperial policy inevi- L^y- . , r ' Am.Revolutton, table, and this policy would almost of necessity include some X _ I2> means of reforming the irregularities in the older American colonies and the removal of the grossest abuses of colonial 136 American History [1763 Lee (ed.), N. America, VI, 3-8. George III and the " King's Friends." Howard, Revo- lution, 25-32. administration. But however opportune colonial reform might be from this point of view, it was eminently unwise from two others, (i) It could not be carried into effect with- out arousing opposition in the colonies, as we can perceive easily from the preceding sections. The right of the Eng- lish government to use writs of assistance had been ques- tioned by Otis as early as 1761 and Henry only voiced the wish of large numbers of colonists when he claimed that no colonial law could be set aside by the imperial au- thorities. (2) As the chief danger to the colonies the presence of the French in Canada had been removed by the war, colonial opposition w a s GEORGE III ljk e ly to develop into a serious breach with the mother country. Discerning statesmen, especially among the French, did not hesitate to predict that the acquisition of Canada by Britain would mean the loss of her older colonies. 124. George III and his Ministers (1760-1782). The character of the new king, George III, was favorable alike to a new policy and its unsuccessful administration. He was upright, sincere, and earnest, but without tact, narrow, and exceedingly obstinate. Coming to the throne (1760) with the determination that he should be the real ruler of Great Britain, he found it necessary to remove from power 1763] The New British Colonial Policy 137 the Whig aristocracy which had gained the ascendency Fiske, Am. during the reigns of his predecessors. To do this he gath- Revolutton < ered a party of adherents who were known as the "King's friends " and who were sufficiently servile to do his bidding. During the first decade of his reign, party lines were almost destroyed by this policy of the king. In consequence, at a time when "great wisdom, moderation, and tact were needed if healthy relations were to be established between England and her colonies, unfortunately these qualities were conspicuously absent from English councils." 1 In England from 1765 to 1783, a small minority were Contest over striving continually to prevent the king and his friends supremacy of . . the king, from reestablishing the supremacy of the crown over par- liament. At first they seemed to fail, for the ministry and parliament were the tools of the king. Their final success was due, in large measure, to the failure of the king and his friends to carry through their colonial policy in America. 125. The Establishment of a Colonial Army (1763). Plans for estab- In 1763 the affairs of England were in charge of a cabinet llshm g an whose chief was George Grenville, an industrious statesman and a careful financier, withal a firm believer in the suprem- acy of the empire. In accordance with plans formulated America by the brilliant Charles Townshend and others of the king's VI, 15-17. friends as early as 1762, he first induced parliament to establish twenty regiments, with a total of ten thousand men, in America for the purpose of protecting the colonies from any possible uprising of the French or the Indians and of looking after imperial interests in the new world. The ex- pense of this undertaking was at this time to be paid from the British treasury, with the understanding that it should be borne later in part by the colonies themselves. England had increased her debt during the war from Needofregu- 70,000,000 to 140,000,000 and was heavily burdened with taxes to pay the running expenses of the government and the interest on the debt. It seemed only just therefore that the colonies should pay at least a share of the cost of 57-59. 1 Lecky (Woodburn, ed.), American Revolution, p. 104. 138 American History [1763 American dread of an army. Purpose, pro- visions, enforcement. MacDonald, Charters, No. 56. Com an, Indus- trial Hist., 90-92. Howard, Revo- lution, 102-120. this army. To the ministry, an army appeared necessary as no dependence could be placed on the colonial militia except within a colony actually threatened with danger. This opinion was probably correct, for during the con- spiracy of Pontiac (1763), when the whole western frontier was threatened, only a few colonies could be induced to furnish troops. But the Americans, having voted money and men without stint during the war, opposed a military establishment for two reasons. They wished to avoid the expense, and they hated the thought of an English army in America. They believed that the militia could be called out at a moment's notice and served every purpose. An army was in their opinion much less necessary for their protection than before the late war, when raids by the French and Indians were constantly to be dreaded. In short the army itself, although located in the recently acquired provinces, was offensive as a possible means of repressing colonial liberty, and colo- nial distrust was intensified by the methods used for its payment. 126. The Sugar Act of 1764. Grenville intended to pay part of the expenses of this army by the more rigid enforce- ment of the laws of trade ( 119, 120), and later by a tax on the colonies. After investigating the subject of customs administration in America, he learned that the custom houses cost five times as much as the total revenue from duties. Accordingly he arranged first that all naval vessels of Great Britain should aid the customs officials in enforcing the un- popular navigation acts. Later he secured the passage of a new Sugar Act which reduced the duties on molasses imported from non-English colonies to three pence per gallon and on sugar to two and one half shillings per hun- dred pounds, hoping thus to discourage smuggling and secure large revenues. To counteract the opposition to this measure, a practical monopoly of the whale fisheries was given to American seamen, and bounties were offered for the cultivation of flax and hemp. The enforcement of the 1765] The New British Colonial Policy 139 act would have interfered greatly with the trade in fish which New England carried on with the West Indies, would have reduced the supply of specie which the shippers always brought back with them, and would have increased the price of liquors distilled from molasses so that the rum industry of the northern colonies would have suffered greatly. The opposition that was aroused in New England by these threat- ened dangers may be imagined easily. 127. The Stamp Act/ Grenville relied much more on a Proposal and stamp tax for the necessary revenue. In 1764 he proposed protest. a tax similar to one then in use in England, giving the colo- nies until the next session of parliament to suggest a better Leck y* Am - means of raising the money. He was not left long in doubt ""*' as to the feelings of the colonists. Neither king nor parlia- ment had previous to this time attempted to levy an internal Howard Revo . colonial tax for any purpose, and the colonies claimed that lution, 121-135. one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen, to which they were entitled, was the exclusive right of the people's representatives to raise revenue through taxation. In one colony, Pennsylvania, the charter gave parliament the power of taxation, but this had never been exercised. Walpole had been wise enough to reject a proposal that he tax the colonies. He is reported to have said, "I have old England set against me by this measure, and do you think I will have new England, too?" But Grenville, more financier than statesman, was blind to the consequences of taxing America. Protests came in from several of the colonial assemblies, but this he expected. The colonial agents in London met the prime minister, and Benjamin Franklin requested him to make requisitions of the colonies for the sums needed. "Can you agree," asked Grenville, "on the proportions each colony should raise?" As the agents were unable to give a satisfactory reply, Grenville clung to his original plan. The Stamp Act for the purpose of "defraying the expenses Provisions. of defending, protecting, and securing" the colonies was passed by parliament practically without opposition in March, 140 American History [1765 MacDonald, Charters, No. 57. Howard, Revo- lution, 135-139. Quartering Act (1765). MacDonald, Charters, No. 58. Protests and mob violence. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 139. Lecky, Am. Revolution, 79-84. Howard, Revo- lution, 149-154. I765. 1 It required that all pamphlets, newspapers, deeds, wills, licenses, court papers, and many other legal docu- ments should be printed or made out on stamped paper, sold by distributers appointed for the purpose. All cases arising under the act were to be tried in the admiralty courts with- out juries. A month later parliament passed the Quartering Act, which supplemented the Stamp Act as a measure for meeting military expenses, by compelling the colo- nists to supply the troops with quarters, and with bedding, cooking utensils, fire, candles, vinegar, salt, and beer. 128. Reception of the Stamp Act. As the Stamp Act did not go into effect until November i , there PATRICK HENRY was at first compar- atively little excite- ment. Late in May, however, Patrick Henry, who had won considerable local fame in the "Parsons Cause" ( 118), introduced in the Virginia legislature several resolutions asserting that the general assembly, subject to the veto of the crown, had the exclusive right of tax- ation. These resolutions were adopted after a heated debate. Other assemblies voiced their opposition, but quiet reigned for two months, until the names of the stamp distributers were announced. Then the storm broke. Mob violence compelled most of the distributers to resign. In Boston the people destroyed the homes of Oliver, sec- retary of the province and distributer in chief, Hutchinson, the lieutenant governor, and of several others. Whenever 1 The vote in the House of Commons was 205 to 49. 1765] The New British Colonial Policy 141 ships arrived with stamps and stamped paper, these were seized or destroyed. In all of the northern colonies the younger element organized for active resistance under the name of the "Sons of Liberty," with the motto, "Liberty, Property, and no Stamps." When the first of November came there were neither stamps nor officials for their distri- bution in any colony. Newspapers, which were supposed to bear stamps, appeared with a death's head in the place left for stamps. Business was at a standstill. Even the governors and the courts soon realized that the law was .a dead letter, and accordingly official documents were drawn up by government employees on ordinary paper, as no stamped paper could be obtained. 129. The Stamp Act Congress. Meanwhile the colonies Declaration of had been protesting against the Stamp Act in a much Rl s hts - more dignified and lawful way. Early in June the Massa- chusetts legislature had asked the other colonies to meet Mac Donald, in Congress and consider the best means of solving their NQ a ' ' ers ' difficulties. On October 7, 1765, delegates from nine colonies held sessions in New York and adopted a Declaration of , Howard, Revo- Rights which denounced the Stamp Act as illegal. After i u t w n, 145-149, asserting their allegiance to the king and "all due subor- J 54-i57- dination to that august body, the parliament of Great Brit- ain," they claimed for themselves the rights of Englishmen, Frothingham, including the one "that no taxes be imposed on them but K ^ b ^ c > with their own consent, given personally, or by their repre- sentatives." They asserted further "that the people of . , , i-ii. Larned (ed.) these colonies are not, and, from their local circumstances, p e a Britain, in parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases whatsoever." 131. English and American Ideas of Representation. Representation During the discussions on the Stamp Act in America and and suffrage in England, the differences between the English and American ideas of representation were brought out with considerable clearness. It will be well to examine the question because the Americans claimed that they were being taxed without representation, while the English denied that the Stamp Act provided "taxation without representation." At this time the house of commons was composed of over five hundred members from England and Wales, less than one hundred of whom were elected by the counties, the remainder being chosen from boroughs. These boroughs had gained centuries before the right to elect members and at least one half were at this time unimportant. 1 For this reason a large proportion of those composing the house of commons were appointed practically by a few hundred persons of wealth and influence. Most of the others were chosen by a very limited number of voters, for the franchise in the boroughs was very restricted, and in the counties, none but landowners at this time a very select class enjoyed the elective franchise. Moreover the new towns of the North were totally unrepresented. According to the English view, every member of par- Virtual repre- liament represented the entire empire, the colonies as well sentatlon - as the British Isles. During the debate on repeal, this 1 Several attempts were made soon after to abolish the rotten boroughs and reform the representation in parliament, but even in 1832, when the great Reform Bill was under discussion, the suggestion that representation should be territorial and according to population was scorned as an "American idea." 144 American History [1766 Lecky, Am. Revolution, 75-79- Territorial representation in America. Provisions. Macdonald, Charters, Nos. 61-64. view was stated by Mansfield, the able chief justice. There can be no doubt "that the inhabitants of the colonies are as much represented in parliament as the greatest part of the people of England are represented, among nine millions of whom there are eight who have no votes in electing mem- bers of parliament." He claimed that there was no differ- ence between "virtual and actual representation," and that any attempt to make such distinction would alter the British constitution. The American idea of representation was entirely differ- ent. The colonial assemblies were composed of represent- atives from towns, in the North, or counties, in the South. No territory was thought to be represented unless it actually elected and sent to the assemblies members chosen by popu- lar vote. The franchise although limited to landowners and very restricted according to our present notions was much more liberal than that of England because in America most of the heads of families owned land. 132. The Townshend Acts, 1767. For nearly a year the relations between England and the colonies were almost cordial. Then a new series of measures for colonial control were introduced by Charles Townshend, an ardent advocate of imperial supremacy and the ruling member of the new ministry to which that of Rockingham had given place, (i) The first of these laws provided for duties on glass, lead, painters' colors, paper, and tea. Townshend hoped, by avoiding any form of internal taxation, to gain a revenue without arousing colonial opposition. 1 (2) All revenue raised under this customs law was to be used for the purpose of paying the governors and judges in the colonies in order that they might be independent of the assemblies. In a day, therefore, the colonies lost a right for which many 1 This act was connected with one reducing the land tax in England from four shillings to three shillings a pound. Merchants exporting tea to America were allowed for five years a drawback of the shilling a pound paid at English ports of entry, so that tea was sold cheaper in America than in England. 1767] The New British Colonial Policy 145 of them had contended a half century ( 87). (3) For the proper enforcement of this act, writs of assistance were legalized. (4) A board of commissioners was appointed to supervise the administration of all navigation acts. (5) About the same time the assembly of New York was forbidden to make any laws until that province complied with the terms of the quartering act of 1765 ( 127), which it hitherto had refused to do. In the fall of 1767 Townshend died, but the ministry Cabinet maintained his policy, and the cabinet changes that took chan s es place were favorable to the full maintenance of imperial au- thority. In 1770 Lord North, an amiable and peace-loving man, but a willing tool of the king, became prime minister, a position which he held until the close of the Revolutionary War (1782). During the years from 1763 to 1767 a new colonial system Summary of had been created. This was not so much the result of a the new col " --..., .. , nial system, definite fixed policy as the outgrowth of the spasmodic at- tempts on the part of the English ministers to make the colonies pay a part of the expenses incurred for their pro- tection, with a general intent to strengthen British authority in America. Marked by an invasion of the rights which the colonists held most dear, this new colonial system must be considered most unwise. Possibly any attempt to reform the abuses of colonial administration would have ended as disastrously, but certainly care should have been taken to avoid antagonizing the colonies by selecting the least ob- jectionable instead of the most offensive measures. DISORDER AND ORGANIZED OPPOSITION (1767-1775) 133. The Reception of the Townshend Acts. As might Change of easily have been foreseen, the Townshend Acts were not acceptable to the colonists. The old distinction between . . -111 Howard, Revo- external and internal taxation was now ignored ; the col- lutiottt 185-19* onists supported the view that all taxation for the benefit of England was unjust and unconstitutional. In most of the 146 American History [1767 Circular letter of Massachu- setts. MacDonald, Charters, No. 65. Fiske, Am. Revolu- tion, I, 47-50. Frolhingham, Republic, 211-231. Boston " Mas- sacre" (1770). Lecky, Am. Revolution, 118, 126-131. Howard, Revo- lution, 193-198, 202-205. Fiske, Am. Rev- olu!ion,\, 51-52, 57-59, 66-72. Non-importa- tion agreement (1769). Howard, Revo- lution, 198-201. colonies organizations were suggested for the non-importa- tion of British manufactures. The Massachusetts assembly, which was now for a numbei of years under the influence of that adroit leader, Samuel Adams, issued in February, 1768, a circular letter to the colonies, asking their cooperation in protesting against the Townshend acts, and sent a petition to the king and ad- dresses to the people of Great Britain. The circular letter was so offensive to the British government that all of the governors were instructed to prevent their assemblies from giving it consideration and Massachusetts was ordered to rescind it. By a vote of ninety-two to seventeen the house of representatives in Massachusetts refused to rescind, and was immediately dissolved, as were the assemblies in several other colonies. 134. Growing Disorder (1768-1770). For the purpose of enforcing the Townshend Acts and other navigation laws in Massachusetts, troops were now sent to Boston. Before their arrival, the customs officials seized (1768) the sloop Liberty whose officers were accused of smuggling. The vessel was rescued by a mob and two additional regiments were ordered to Boston. Disputes arose regarding the quartering of these troops. In March, 1770, the citizens and some soldiers came to blows in the streets of Boston. The soldiers at length fired upon the citizens, killing five and wounding six others. A meeting was called at once, and at the request of Samuel Adams, Governor Hutchinson removed all the regiments to a fort in the harbor. Several of the soldiers were tried in a local court, being defended by John Adams and Josiah Quincy. All were acquitted but two. The result of this trial is the more noteworthy because of the furore produced in 1769, after the Liberty affair, by the attempt of the British government to revive an old law of Henry VIII, according to which crimes committed outside of the realm should be tried in England. When the house of commons favored this, the Virginia burgesses '773] Disorder and Organized Opposition 147 protested against it and persuaded the legislatures in several Coman, Indus- other colonies to do the same. The non-importation agree- w/ '' ments were renewed in several colonies and this boycott . Frothingham, exerted a considerable influence on the repeal of the Town- Republic, shend revenue act (1770). 231-241. 135. The Committees of Correspondence (1772-1773). Gaspee affair For two or three years comparative quiet reigned in America. 1 ( J 77 2 )- In 1772, however, a British revenue cutter, the Gaspee, whose commander had been enforcing the navigation laws Revolution' in Narragansett Bay with far more zeal than judgment, 136-138. ran aground near Providence. The citizens of that town immediately seized and burned the ship. Enraged by this act the British government appointed a commission to investigate the Gaspee affair. According to a law passed early in 1772, any person who destroyed imperial property was guilty of treason. Under this law the offenders if captured were to be taken to England for trial. In Massachusetts, Samuel Adams had already organized Town and a number of town committees of correspondence which were colonial com - ,.,., ... .. ,. mittees. keeping alive the spirit of opposition. As soon as the in- structions of the Gaspee commission became known, the , , ' o. Adams, Virginia house of burgesses adopted resolutions proposed 196-206. by Thomas Jefferson, for the appointment of colonial com- piske, mittees of correspondence. Rhode Island, Connecticut, Am. Revoiu- New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and South Carolina re- tlon ' l ' 77 ~ 8 - sponded by appointing similar committees, the beginning Frothingham, r i i < t i i Republic, of an intercolonial organization that was of the highest 26s _ 29a value in the perfection of a colonial union. 136. The Tea Tax. Influenced by the petitions of History English merchants whose business had suffered from the ^ I77 ~ I773 >' non-importation agreements of 1767 and 1769, and by the lack of revenue produced by the Townshend act, parlia- 1 This was not true of North Carolina. Some frontiersmen called "regulators," who believed that justice had been denied to them, refused to pay taxes and attempted to gain their asserted rights by force of arms. They were finally defeated by Governor Tryon in the battle of the Ala- mance (1774). 148 American History [1773 Howard, Revo- lution, 266-269. Cambridge Mod. Hist., vii, 157-159- Boston Tea Party (1773). Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 152. Froth ingh am, Republic, 303-312. Old South Leaflets, No. 68. Punishment of Massachusetts. MacDonald, Charters, Nos. 68-71. Howard, Revo- lution, 272-279. Lecky, Am. Revolution, 164-170. ment had in 1770 repealed all of the duties except that on tea. This was maintained for the purpose of asserting the right of parliament to tax the colonies, but it was valueless as a source of revenue, because the colonists either refrained from drinking tea or smuggled it from Holland. In 1773 the East India company, being in financial straits, asked parliament for permission to send tea direct to America, paying the colonial tax of three pence per pound only, and being relieved of the one shilling tax at English ports of entry. When this was granted, tea was immediately shipped to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. At Boston meetings were held to prevent the landing of the tea, and when the ships arrived, a number of patriots were placed on guard over the vessels. As the ships re- mained in the harbor and it was the intention to land the tea December 17, on the preceding evening a band of about fifty men dressed as Indians boarded both ships and threw the tea into the water. There was no tumult and no at- tempt to prevent this action. At Philadelphia, and later at New York, the vessels were sent back to England at once. The tea was landed at Charleston, only to be sold after the outbreak of war for the benefit of the patriots. 137. The Repressive Acts (1774). The rejoicing in America and the indignation in England on account of the Boston Tea Party were alike universal. On both sides of the water the people were becoming more united. Within a few months several measures were passed by parliament for the purpose of punishing Massachusetts, but with the result of uniting the colonies much more firmly, (i) The first of these was the Boston Port Bill which closed Boston harbor to commerce and made Marblehead the port of en- try for the colony. (2) The most important of these acts was that altering the charter of Massachusetts. The coun- cil was in future to be chosen by the crown, and all local executive or judicial officers were to be selected by the governor or the highest judges. Sheriffs, themselves appointees of the governor, were to choose jurymen, and no I 774] Disorder and Organized Opposition 149 town meetings were to be held without the consent of the governor, except for the annual election of town officers. (3) All persons in government employ who were charged with murder were to be tried in another colony or in Great Britain. (4) Troops were quartered on the inhabitants of Boston. (5) By the new Quebec Act the boundaries of that province were extended to the Mississippi, on the west, and the Ohio on the south, and the allegiance of its inhabitants was strengthened by reviving the old French civil law and granting new privi- leges to the Catholic church. 138. The First Con- tinental Congress (1774). This coer- cion of Massachusetts had been attempted in the belief that severe measures were needed and that the opposition to British authority was confined almost solely to that province. The falseness of this impression was soon evident. Sympathy and offers of help came to Boston from all quarters. Delegates for a continental Congress were chosen by the assemblies or committees of correspondence in all of the thirteen colonies except Georgia. On September 5, 1774, the Congress met at Philadelphia with fifty-three delegates present, among them the ablest of the American leaders. 1 The Congress adopted a Declaration of Rights asserting that as the colonies are not, and cannot be, represented in parliament, "they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all 1 These included John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, John Jay of New York, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Peyton Randolph, and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, and John Rutledge of South Carolina. Meeting. Howard, Revo* lution, 280^287, Wilson, Am. People, II, 193-199. Work. MacDonald, Charters, No. 72. 150 American History [1774 Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 153. Howard, Revo- lution, 287-294. American Association. MacDonald, Charters, No. 73. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 154. Concluding work. Continued policy of coer- cion. North's plan of conciliation. cases of taxation and internal polity, subject alone to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed." The Congress con- ceded, however, the right of parliament to regulate external trade if no duties were levied. A little later the members of the Congress organized an "American Association," to carry out non-importation agree- ments. A committee was to be selected for each town which should supervise the action of all citizens and organize resistance to British domination. The union of the colonies was accomplished at last. Having drawn up a petition to the king and addresses to the colonists, to the Canadians, and to the people of Great Britain, the Congress made provision for another Congress to meet in May, 1775, and adjourned. 139. The Inevitableness of War. News of the opposi- tion to the acts of parliament and warlike preparations in New England created a profound impression in Great Britain. With the exception of the small body of Whigs who had consistently supported the colonial position, the country was overwhelmingly in favor of punishing the refractory spirit among "our subjects in America." George III probably voiced the popular belief in his words, "I have not the smallest douot, when once vigorous measures appear to be the only means left of bringing the Americans to a due submission to the mother country, that the colonies will submit." Parliament refused to consider the petitions of Congress to the king, repeatedly voted down concessive measures proposed by the Whigs, shut New England off from the fisheries, which had been an important source of revenue to the people, prohibited the New England colonies, and afterward most of the others, from trading with Great Britain or her other colonies, declared Massachusetts in rebellion, and voted six thousand additional men for sup- pressing this rebellion. Parliament was persuaded with difficulty to indorse Lord North's suggestions for conciliation. By the prime minister's I 775] Disorder and Organized Opposition 151 plan, England agreed to forego the taxation of America Lecky, Am. except by commercial duties, so long as each colony con- Revolution, tributed a fixed amount satisfactory to parliament for the support of 'the army and colonial officials. At the same time, Frothingham, North informally suggested to Franklin that the English Re P" blic > government might be willing to repeal the tea tax and the Boston Port Bill, but not the Massachusetts Government Act. Lord North's plan met with no favor in America, and his Preparation for suggestions drew immediately the reply from Franklin : " The war - people of Massachusetts must suffer all the hazards and mischiefs of war, rather than admit the alterations of their Frothingham, charter and laws by parliament." Massachusetts had e * u u> 413-419. already held a provincial congress, which was a revolutionary body because it was not chosen according to the new govern- American ment act, and had made careful preparations for defense by Eloquence, organizing the militia and gathering munitions of war. A ' * ~ 23 ' few of the other colonies as well made ready for hostilities, and it was generally believed that war was inevitable, though Winsor (ed.) t little had been said on the subject, when, in March, 1775, yj IM-IM Patrick Henry startled the people of the colonies by his public declaration, "We must fight ! I repeat it, sir, we must fight ! An appeal to arms, and to the God of hosts, is all that is left us." 140. Summary. Before 1763 the English government Contrast be- had done very little toward controlling her colonies in Amer- twecn the old colonial policy ica. A few officials were appointed to represent Great an dthenew. Britain in the colonies. In many instances colonial laws had been set aside and parliament had made special laws regulating the trade or industry of the American provinces, but this supervision or control did not interfere seriously with government by the people in most of the colonies. After 1 763 the English statesmen desired to regulate American affairs by compelling the colonists to pay part of the expense incurred for their defense. First by the Sugar Act (1764) they aroused New England by interfering with business in that section. Then the Stamp Act brought all of the older colonies into direct opposition tp {he English government 152 American History Repeal of this act was followed by a milder method of taxa- tion, by which the friends of the king sought to gain a more perfect control of American affairs. The crisis Both the English and the colonists had gone too far now precipitated. tQ w j tn( j raw eas ijy g When the people of Boston protested against the attempt to enforce imperial control through the sale of tea, and the English government sought to punish the city of Boston and the colony of Massachusetts, the union of the colonies was assured. Unwise counsels overruled conciliatory plans, and feeling both in England and Amer- ica became so bitter that a clash was avoidable only through the complete surrender of one side. TOPICS 1. CHARACTER AND POLICY OF GEORGE III: Hart, "Contempo- raries," II, No. 130; Fiske, "American Revolution," I, pp. 38-45; Lecky, "England in the Eighteenth Century," III, pp. 11-25; Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 30-33, 85-90. 2. THE REPRESSIVE ACTS OF 1774: MacDonald, "Charters," Nos. 68-71 ; Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," pp. 317-327, 344- 358; Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 175-203. STUDIES 1. Union before 1750. (Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," pp. 100-120.) 2. Otis's speech on the writs of assistance. (Johnston (Wood- burn) eds. "American Eloquence," I, pp. 11-17.) 3. Chatham's speech on Taxation of America. ("British Ora- tions," I, pp. 98-119.) 4. Mansfield's speech on Taxation and Representation. (" British Orations," I, pp. 150-171.) 5. Franklin's examination before the house of commons (1766). (Larned, "History for Ready Reference," V, pp. 3192-3201.) 6. Dickinson's Farmers Letters. (Tyler, "Literary History of American Revolution," I, pp. 234-239.) 7. The West during the period of 1767 to 1775. (Howard, "Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 222-241.) 8. The North Carolina regulators. 9. Lord Dunmore's War. (Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," I, Chapters VIII and IX.) The Beginnings of Revolution (1763-1775) 153 QUESTIONS 1. What was the European idea of a colony? (Thwaites, "Colonies," 18-22). Compare with the Greek and the Roman ideas. Compare the English rule with Spanish rule (Moses, " Spanish Rule" pp. 17-26). 2. What were the chief political features of the old colonial sys- tem, in royal colonies? in other colonies? To what extent were the colonies actually governed by England through the different means enumerated in 115-118? 3. What were the principal commercial features of the old colonial system? Was the system theoretically unjust? Was it oppressive in practice ? 4. Why was a new colonial system adopted during the period 1 763-1 767 ? How was the Sugar Act of 1 764 different from the earlier laws of trade, in its purpose and in the methods proposed for its en- forcement ? 5. Had the colonies a legal right to exemption from taxation by parliament ? Explain your answer and state as fully as possible the American claim. 6. What provisions of the Townshend Acts violated American principles of government, and in what ways? 7. Did the English government have sufficient cause for passing the repressive acts of 1774? Which was the most offensive of the acts ? Why ? Why did they influence the action of the other colonies if they applied only to Massachusetts ? 8. Compare the congresses of 1765, 1774, and 1775 as to reasons for which they were called, number of colonies represented, method of choosing delegates (see Howard, "Revolution," pp. 154, 282), degree of unity shown, work of the congress, and influence on per- manent union. Make table. 9. What is a revolution? Show the difference between a social revolution and a political revolution? (Ashley, "American Federal State," 36.) Is it true that a "revolution is a successful rebellion" ? 10. What was the fundamental cause of the revolution ? Name the successive changes in British policy which led directly to separation from England, showing how each change marks an advance on the policy in force previously. CHAPTER VIII Lexington and Concord. Fiske, Am. Revolution, I, 117-127. Lodge, Story of Rev., I- 25-52. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 191. Bunker Hill. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783) REVOLT AND INDEPENDENCE 141. Events around Boston (1775). In the spring of 1775 General Gage, governor of Massachusetts, determined to capture the military stores which had been gathered at various points near Boston by the companies of militia, "minute men" as they were called. Early on the morn- ing of April 19, eight hundred men were dispatched secretly to Concord, sixteen miles from Boston. But the Americans were on the alert and Paul Revere aroused the "minute men," about seventy of whom met the British vanguard at Lexington. Upon this com- pany the regulars fired, kill- ing seven the first blood- shed of the war. Marching on to Concord the British seized the town and the bridge, at which a skirmish was fought, but most of the stores were removed, and finally the soldiers were obliged to retreat before the ever increasing number of militiamen. Although ree'n- forced at Lexington, their retreat was humiliating and dis- astrous, as the "minute men" fired at them from behind every tree and fence. Within a short time, a force of fif- teen hundred Americans had gathered around Boston. In order to protect Boston more adequately, General Gage decided to fortify the hills on Charlestown peninsula which commanded both the city and the harbor. Before this could be done, Colonel Prescott, with six cannon 154 1775] Revolt and Independence 155 and a force of about fifteen hundred, seized Breed's Lecky, Hill on the night of June 16, 1775, and threw up earth- Am - Revolu - works. At daybreak the war vessels in the harbor began wn>!K> bombardment, and General Gage, ignoring the possibilities of cutting off the American retreat, ordered Howe to make ^ lske ; ? m ' Revolution, a front attack with three thousand soldiers. When the 1, 136-146. British charged up the sides of the hill, the militiamen reserved their fire, their supply of ammunition being lim- Carrington, ited. A first time and a second the British line withdrew Battles, from the withering fire, but the Americans' ammunition was I02 ~"5- already giving out, and the third assault was successful. Fortunately the militiamen were able to withdraw in fair order though with considerable loss across Charlestown "neck." The British force lost over a thousand men, killed and wounded, and General Howe, who was soon after made commander in chief for America, ever after displayed particular fondness for flank attacks. The moral effect of this English victory was undoubtedly with the American side, for it showed the ability of raw troops to meet a much larger number of regulars, and was correspondingly encouraging to the colonists and disheartening to the British. 142. The War on the Northern Border (1775-1776). Ticonderoga, As soon as the news of Concord and Lexington reached the "Green Mountain Boys" in Vermont, they attacked and easily captured the important forts of Ticonderoga and 1,129-132. Crown Point on Lake Champlain (May 10, 1775). Later in the summer an invasion of Canada was planned, invasion of One expedition under Richard Montgomery proceeded up Canada. Lake Champlain, captured Montreal, and united before Quebec with a division under Benedict Arnold, which had Fiske, Am. forced its way, after almost inconceivable hardships, through Devolution, the woods of Maine. An attack upon Quebec in a snow- storm, December ?i, 1771;, resulted in the death of Mont- _ Lamed (ed.), gomery and consequent confusion and defeat. The failure Ready Re/., of the expedition against Canada, much as success might V, 3228-3229. have encouraged the colonists, was not an unmixed misfor- tune. With their imperfect military organization and lack I 5 6 American History [i775 Siege of Boston. Van Tyne, Revolution, 42-49. Lecky, Am. Revolution, 226-234. Old South Leaflets, No. 86. Capture of Boston. Lodge, Story of Rev., I, 110-117. Carrington, Battles, I47-I54- War in the South (1776). of munitions of war the Americans were illy prepared to assume the offensive and could not afford to separate their forces. With the coming of summer, moreover, the energetic governor of Canada, Carleton, made a determined effort to gain control of Lake Champlain and recapture Ticonderoga and Crown Point. His plans were foiled by Arnold, who with skill and foresight as remarkable as his resources were limited, collected a fleet and delayed Carleton so that the doughty governor, victorious in a naval battle and yet baffled, was obliged to withdraw to Canada without captur- ing the forts. 143. Change in the Theater of War (1776). The sum- mer and autumn of 1775 passed without any movement on the part of the British army in Boston which was now commanded by Howe. Washington, who had been ap- pointed commander in chief through the influence of John Adams, maintained his lines about the city, although the terms of enlistment for his soldiers expired. He himself commented on the inactivity of the British. "It is not in the page of history, perhaps, to furnish a case like ours: to maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six months together without powder, and at the same time to disband an army and recruit another within that distance, of twenty odd English regiments." But at length he was able to assume the offensive. During the winter of 1775-1776 many of the cannon cap- tured at Ticonderoga were dragged over the snow to Boston. With these in his possession, Washington fortified Dorches- ter Heights, about two miles south of the city. Owing to a storm, Howe was unable to attack. Not daring to remain in Boston, he now evacuated that city, carrying his ten thousand soldiers and marines besides many loyalists to Nova Scotia. Part of this army, greatly reenforced, made an attack on New York during the middle of the summer ( 154). Another part under Clinton, joining with a fleet from Ireland, sailed against Charleston, South Carolina. In view 1776] Revolt and Independence 157 of the large number of loyalists in the southern colonies, Lodge, this seemed to be a wise move. Yet it failed. The fleet Sfor yf Rev : was much injured, and effectually repulsed by the batteries ' I2 of Charleston harbor, June (1776), and after several weeks Battles, of inaction the British abandoned attacks upon the South 185-190. until late in the war. 144. The Second Continental Congress (1775-1776). Acts of Con- On the day that Ticonderoga was captured (May 10, 1775) gress ( X 775)- the members of the second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia. As hostilities had begun already, the Con- *f ck ?' Am ' Revolution, gress did not devote itself to discussions only, as had its 205-209. predecessors, but proceeded to act. Without great delay it organized a continental army, borrowed money, issued bills Hart, Contem- of credit, and drew up a second petition to the king. When P ra ^ ies > news was received in October, 1775, that the king's answer to their petitions was a proclamation declaring them rebels A- c ^ c u n- A Frothingham, and providing for the suppression of rebellion in America, j? e ^ u ^i c , 428- Congress moved with much less caution. A navy was 437. 45-45i- authorized and privateers fitted out, a committee was se- lected to correspond with other nations, the ports along the Atlantic were thrown open to the commerce of the world, reversing the policy of the navigation acts, and preparations were made for declaring the United States independent of Great Britain. During the six years that elapsed before the completion Authority of of a confederation, the Continental Congress was the only C "^ 655 - central government existing in America. It was com- posed of delegates elected at first by assemblies, conventions, or committees of correspondence, but after 1776 by the state legislatures. At no time did it possess any legal authority for the exercise of the powers of sovereignty which it actually used. Such rights as it had were derived from the in- structions given by the states to their delegates, the unques- tioned need of a central government, and the hearty approval of, and public acquiescence in, the acts of Congress. 145. The Movement toward Independence. The major- Preliminary ity of the members of Congress were unwilling to consider 5te P s - 158 -American History [1776 Hart, Contem- the question of independence from Great Britain, for the poranes, people of the United States dreaded separation. Memorials II, No. 186. came from several patriotic organizations before the close of 1775, but they received scant attention until the king devolution proclaimed the Americans to be rebels and news was re- 50-71. ceived that several thousand Hessians had been hired to reduce the colonies to submission. Early in January, 1776, Lodge, there appeared a pamphlet entitled Common Sense, written story of Rev., by an English immigrant, Thomas Paine, and emphasizing . 14 I 55- tne necessity and the benefits of independence. At this time the sentiment in favor of separation was pronounced only in New England, while the middle states and the South looked with abhorrence on such an action. Gradu- ally a change took place in the feelings of the people. They had gone too far to draw back. The king stubbornly refused concessions, and there was no alternative but complete sub- mission or independence. Congress recognized this sooner than most of the people, and on May 10, 1776, urged the colonies to form state governments, adding five days later as justification for this step a resolution that the British government had withdrawn its protection and that the people must look to themselves. Resolutions for When this resolution became known, the legislatures of independence. & jj k ut Qne Q tne co i on ; es instructed their delegates to vote for a declaration of independence. Meanwhile, on Van Tyne, June 7, Richard Henry Lee introduced his famous resolu- tions "that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political Fiske, Am. Revolution, connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, 1, 183-192. and ought to be, totally dissolved," and "that a plan of con- federation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Frothingham, colonies for their consideration and approbation." A com- Repubhc, mittec of five, composed of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Living- ston, was appointed to draw up a declaration and a commit- tee was chosen, June 12, to prepare articles of confederation. 1776] Revolt and Independence 159 The report of the committee on independence, written Declaration of principally by Jefferson, was debated in Congress for two Inde P en dence. days, altered in some of its details, and finally adopted by Van Tyne> T , , r . Revolution, Congress, July 4, 1776. The committee on confederation 79 _86. reported July 12, but no legal union was formed until long after ( 173). 146. The Character of the Declaration. Independence its principles of Great Britain had been asserted because the colonies and statements, believed that they had a right to govern themselves in their own way, and the mother country had not permitted them M clnN to do this. We can perhaps see most clearly why our fore- Am. Review, fathers took this stand if we examine certain parts of the l6 3 ( l8 96), Declaration. The second paragraph, for example, gives some of their views upon government. "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are en- dowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " FIRST U. S. FLAG That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from Cf. Channing the consent of the governed. That whenever any form and Ha , rt> Guide, 137. of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such prin- ciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." After enumerating a long list of acts of George III which had aimed to overthrow these rights, the signers "in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies, are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- solved; and that, as free and independent states, they have i6o American History [1776 Disorder of the state govern- ments (1775). Hart, Union, $39- Frothingham, Republic, 401-496. Congressional resolution of May 10, 1776. Frothingham, Republic, 496-499. Van Tyne, Revolution, 136-142. Composition. Van Tyne, Revolution, 142-152. full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do." 147. The First State Governments. While the colonies collectively were declaring their independence of Great Britain, the colonial governments were being replaced by separate state governments. As the war spread, the royal governors and their assistants and the judges frequently found it wise to leave the country. This left only a part of a government in several of the colonies, in some of which the assemblies asked Congress what they should do. In July, 1775, Massachusetts had been advised to use her old charter and to disregard the governor. In the following November, New Hampshire had been urged to call a con- vention representing the whole people in order to frame a state constitution, which she did gladly. On May 10, 1776, Congress took a great step forward which marked a new era in the history of independence, union, and constitutional development. It recommended that each colony "adopt such a government as shall in the opinion of the representatives of the people best conduce to the happi- ness and safety of their constituents in particular and of America in general." This suggestion was quickly fol- lowed by Virginia, which in convention adopted a constitu- tion embodying not only a plan for the state government, but also a bill of rights. Connecticut and Rhode Island merely continued their charters, which were to all intents and purposes republican constitutions, while most of the other states called conventions for the purpose, but only Massa- chusetts submitted the constitution framed by her conven- tion to the people for ratification. These governments were similar in form to those of the colonies, but now both houses of the legislature were chosen by the people and the governors were elected by the legis- latures, except in New England and New York, where they were chosen by popular vote. The powers of the legislatures were increased greatly at the expense of the executive, the 1776] Conditions affecting American Success 161 governors being deprived of the veto, for example, in almost all of the revolutionary governments. CONDITIONS AFFECTING AMERICAN SUCCESS 148. The Theater of War. Whatever may have been General, the purpose of the patriot leaders before 1776, there was now no doubt that the struggle was one which would admit of no compromise. Let us consider therefore the conditions that were favorable or unfavorable to the American cause. The thirteen colonies that revolted against British rule Natural diffi- extended along the Atlantic coast over a thousand miles cuities in con. and inland usually two or three hundred. This was in some respects an advantage to the British, because they at all times controlled the ocean and by seizing one or two seaports might transport their armies to any part of the coast they pleased. But the hold on a few seaport towns was in itself of very little importance to the English government. Unless the English generals could gain control and retain possession of the interior, their attempt to subdue the colonies would fail. Movements on land from one colony to another were prevented by the numerous rivers which flowed at right angles to the coast line. Moreover, any in- vasion of the interior was disastrous, because the American armies could withdraw easily to the frontier, being aug- mented by the militia which was always most patriotic in the inland counties. The British, unable to maintain direct water communication from the ocean to their armies, found it practically impossible to maintain an advanced position for any length of time. In one quarter only did circumstances seem to be in their Control of favor. The island of Manhattan with its magnificent har- the Hudson - bor could not be defended by the Americans, and was seized therefore and held by the British, who might proceed up the Hudson to Albany. On the north they controlled Montreal and the outlet of Lake Champlain as well as Lake Ontario. But even here the almost unbroken wilderness between the head of Lake Champlain and the Hudson River and be- 1 62 American History [1776 Possible policies. British and Hessian troops. Lecky, Am. Revolution, 240-244. Van Tyne, Revolution, 96-101. British leaders. Native leaders. tween Lake Ontario and the Mohawk valley was an ally of incalculable benefit to the patriots. 149. British Military Organization and Policy. To insure success the British needed either to exclude the colonies from communication with the outside world until they were willing to make terms, or to gain con- trol of the territory as far inland as the mountains. The first, which might have been accomplished by an effective blockade, they did not attempt, probably on account of the numerous harbors. The second required a large army skillfully led, and the second was the policy followed. Supported at all times by a large fleet, which remained inactive, the British army in America numbered, during the first half of the war, about forty thousand, and during the second half, about twenty-five thousand men. Most of these were experienced soldiers, but many of them were not English. Finding it difficult to enlist the necessary soldiers at home, George III hired from the dukes of the small German states, especially Hesse Cassel, about eighteen thousand veterans. The employment of these "Hessians" undoubtedly intensified the feeling of the colonists, not alone because the king was willing to use those so- called mercenaries for their subjugation, but on account of the many outrages perpetrated by the Hessian troops. The soldiers of the British army on all occasions proved their courage, but were unfortunate in their leaders. Ap- pointed from a certain class of the nobility without ref- erence to military fitness, the English generals and other officers, with notable exceptions, exhibited an incapacity for their duties that is appalling and is perhaps the chief cause of the complete failure of the English plan of sub- jection. 150. The American Army. Our military leaders repre- sented the two extremes of superior ability and extreme incapacity. They were appointed by Congress and were often selected for reasons other than proved ability. For- 1776] Conditions affecting American Success 163 tunately George Washington was chosen as commander Fiske, Am. in chief. Hampered as he was by the unwillingness of Revolution > Congress to give him full direction of affairs, and constantly 3 ' handicapped by the lack of trained soldiers, he was without question chiefly responsible for the final establishment of American independence. Although at the time of his ap- pointment he had seen comparatively little fighting, this Virginia planter proved himself an able general and a skill- ful strategist much more than a match for any of his English antagonists. He could strike hard when his chance came, but he could also wait, and a waiting policy was usually his only hope of success, because of the superiority of the British in numbers and discipline. Moreover, his foresight, generosity, and broadmindedness united the factions at home foes more dangerous than the foreign armies. Among his assistants Nathanael Greene is accorded the highest place, although many others, like Benedict Arnold and Daniel Morgan, exhibited, within a more limited radius, conspicuous ability. Many of the highest offices in the army were bestowed Foreign upon foreigners who had not resided long in America or leaders> had come here after the beginning of war. Some of these men, like LaFayette, Steuben, and Kosciusko, were heartily and unselfishly in sympathy with the revolution; others, like Conway and Charles Lee, were adventurers who im- posed upon Congress and interfered with American chances of success. One of the chief difficulties encountered by the Americans American was their inability to maintain a permanent army. At the s beginning, enlistments were for a term of one year or less. As the troops were poorly fed and clothed, paid in depre- Hart - C ntem ~ , , , . , i poraries, II, ciated currency or not at all, most farmers objected to leav- Nos I70 _ I74< ing their crops during the summer campaigns when the grain would suffer greatly. Later in the v/ar soldiers of the "con- tinental line" enlisted for three years. Although few in number they formed the nucleus of a regular fighting force. They were the only well-trained American soldiers. 164 America ft History [1776 Numbers and elements. Winsor (ed.), America, VII, 185-192. Loyalists and patriots. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, Nos. 166-169. Van Tyne, Revolution, 265-278. Because of the short terms of the others, it was often im- possible to obtain men enough to oppose the advance of the enemy, although in times of great danger many joined the army for a few days or weeks. Except at these intervals the number of American soldiers in the field was smaller than that of the British. 151. The Loyalists. As we noticed in a previous sec- tion ( 145), a large part of the population agreed to a dec- laration of independence from the mother country with great reluctance. Another part was never convinced of the wisdom of the step and remained throughout the war loyal to Great Britain. Many of these loyalists simply refrained from taking sides, but many others were active in their opposition to the patriot party. Few of them were found in New England and Virginia, but in the other states they, probably included one half of the population, being especially numerous and virulent in New York, Georgia, and the Carolinas. The inhabitants of the large towns, the office- holders, the clergy in the Anglican church, the members of the professions, most of the merchants, and owners of large estates usually cast in their lot with the loyalists rather than with the patriots. The persecution of the loyalists began before the outbreak of war, an effort being made by the use of tar and feathers and by similar outrages to intimidate the wavering, and make open espousal of the English cause unpopular. After the establishment of the state governments, the more promi- nent loyalists were deprived not only of political and civil rights but often of their estates as well. Where they were sufficiently numerous the loyalists retaliated with spirit, outdoing the patriots in brutality. In South Carolina and in some other states a partisan warfare of extreme bitterness was kept up even after the close of the war. In these fierce contests hundreds of persons were killed, the in- nocent and defenseless suffering quite as frequently as the guilty. 152. The Finances of the Revolution. The difficulties 1776] Conditions affecting American Success 165 of achieving independence were financial rather than mili- The problem, tary. The lack of an established central government with well- recognized means of raising money for the payment of Dewey, Finan- war expenditures caused continued anxiety to the American cial Hist -> leaders. Without a certain minimum of congressional I4> revenue the prosecution of the war was impossible. But how was this to be obtained ? The states were of course unwilling that Congress should exercise the right of taxa- tion, for after 1777 Congress enjoyed almost as little confi- dence as parliament had done before the war. Few would lend to Congress because it had no definite sources of in- come, no legal status, no international standing, and there- fore no credit. Nothing was left but for Congress to issue paper money on the credit of the United States and to ask the states for annual contributions with which to pay its most pressing needs. As the states were getting deeply into debt on account of their own war expenses, these requisitions were usually ignored. Paper money was in consequence the chief reliance of Congress. During the most trying years of the war, Congress opened Loans, loan offices through which the people loaned to the govern- Dewey, Finan- ment over $10,000,000. Foreign nations, especially France, cial Hi3t ^ helped us some, but most of the foreign loans were made $ 19, 20. after the victory at Yorktown, so that they were not of direct value in conducting the campaign. 153. Continental Currency. When Congress began Issues and printing paper money in June, 1775, it was expected that epre after a few issues the presses would be stopped. But on L ec ky, Am. account of the difficulties of raising a revenue from other Revolution, sources, the issues grew constantly larger. By 1779 the 28 7- 2 9 2 - face value of the bills printed amounted to nearly $250,000,- Dewey ooo, although they had been worth to the treasury less than cial Hist., one fifth of that amount in cash. Congress had provided $ *$' l6 - for the payment of the bills by pledging the credit of the White United States and apportioning to each state the share Money, it should redeem, but on account of repeated issues and "S- 126 - little other revenue, depreciation was inevitable. Congress 166 American History [1776 sought to prevent this by fixing the prices which should be paid for commodities, naturally without effect. Before the last year of fighting a hundred dollars in continental currency would purchase less than one dollar in silver. A little later continental bills were used jokingly for papering rooms and for suits of clothing. It is not strange that toward the close of the war valueless articles were said to be "not worth a continental." Justification. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., {17. White. Money, 126-129. A CONTINENTAL BILL An attempt was made to justify the issuance of paper money on the ground that it was a form of tax which could be escaped by no one who did business. But it imposed a most unfair burden on those least able to bear it, and was not only a most unjust tax, but a serious injury to business enterprise. If justified at all, it must be as a military necessity, for the states refused to pay the requisitions made on them by Congress, and that body should not be blamed for using the only practicable means it had for con- tinuing the war. 1776] The Campaigns of 1776 and 7777 167 THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1776 AND 1777 154. The Movement against New York (1776). The eighteen months following the declaration of American inde- pendence witnessed the most active campaigns of the entire war. The British government had already resolved to make an attack upon the middle colonies with a large army, seize New York, gain possession of the Hudson and Lake Champlain, thereby cutting off New Eng- land from the other states, and subduing the middle states, which they considered an easy task because of the large number of loy- alists. Late in June, 1776, General Howe landed at Staten Island and was soon joined by his brother, Admiral Howe, with a fleet and reinforcements. To the British army of over thirty thou- sand regulars Washington was able to oppose a force but two thirds as large, few of whom were well armed or experienced. His was indeed a most difficult task. Public sentiment demanded that he should not abandon New York without a contest, although it was absolutely indefensible against the larger force and fleet, which could cut him off easily from retreat. Moreover he was obliged to fortify and hold Brooklyn Heights, which commanded the city but was exposed to a combined land and water attack. For nearly two months the British allowed him to strengthen his position. Howe then landed twenty thousand men at the southern end of Long Island, and by concerted movements overpowered the eight thousand men Plan of campaign. OF NEW 1OUK (1770) Campaign on Long Island. Van Tyne, Revolution, 102-108. Fiske, Am. Revolution, I, 204-212. Lodge, Story of Rev I, 184-195. 168 American History [1776 left by Washington, captured General Sullivan with one thousand men, and drove the remainder back to the East River. From this position Washington was fortunate enough to extricate his men before the fleet cut off his retreat. By two other flank movements Howe compelled Washing- ton to abandon first New York and later Harlem Heights. Then the American army was withdrawn to White Plains, where an indecisive battle took place. When Howe cap- tured the two forts, Washington and Lee, on opposite sides of the Hudson, Washington retreated skillfully through New Jersey, destroying bridges as he went. Seiz- ing all the boats on the Delaware, he placed that river be- tween himself and the enemy, and blocked their advance to Philadelphia. 155. The Trenton-Princeton Campaign. The Ameri- can cause seemed now almost hopeless. In spite of Ar- nold's brave defense of Lake Champlain ( 142), Carleton had gained control as far south as Ticonderoga. New- port had been captured by the British fleet in Decem- ber, 1776. The army under Washington, having several times barely escaped destruction, had been driven from New York and New Jersey. Large numbers had taken the oath of allegiance to Great Britain and apparently the backbone of the revolution had been broken effectu- ally. As the terms of enlistment for most of his soldiers would expire the first of January, Washington decided to assume the offensive apparently a most foolhardy attempt. But as usual the British were their own worst enemies and had left their vanguard scattered at a half-dozen posts. The advance at Trenton was held by Colonel Rahl and a body of Hessians. On Christmas eve Washington crossed the Delaware, and attacked this force in the midst of their festivities. With the loss of two men killed and two wounded he captured over a thousand prisoners, only two hundred escaping. J777] The Campaigns of if]6 and 7777 169 The effect of this victory was instantaneous. The sol- Washington in diers reenlisted. Hundreds of militiamen joined Washing- Ne w Jersey ton, and the people of New Jersey, aroused by the brutality of the British and Hessian soldiers, again gladly espoused the American cause. Meanwhile Washington, who had withdrawn to Pennsylvania, returned to Trenton, disputing 131-135. the advance of Lord Cornwallis and his greatly superior force. As the Americans occupied a fairly strong position Lodge, and as night was at hand, Cornwallis postponed his attack stor y of Rev., until morning, only to find that Washington had slipped 2I7 ~ 227> away in the night, leaving his campfires burning. Wash- ington had in fact marched around Cornwallis's main army and had attacked three regiments stationed at Princeton, routing them without great difficulty. He then retired to the foothills in the northern part of New Jersey, com- pelling Cornwallis to abandon the western part of the state. In the face of defeat Washington had outmaneuvered a force several times as large as his own and regained most of the ground he had lost. Frederick the Great, one of the highest military authorities in Europe, is said to have called this the greatest campaign of the century. 156. The Plan of Campaign, 1777 ; Philadelphia. In Plan to 1777 the English government, still believing that the opposi- se i )arate tion outside of New England was half hearted, determined to put an end to the war by gaining control of the Hudson and separating New England entirely from the southern and middle states. For this purpose Sir John Burgoyne 157-159. was selected to lead the northern army down Lake Cham- plain to Albany, cooperating with Howe, who was to ascend Fiske, Am. the river and make the separation of New England com- Revolution, plete. This plan had been outlined the previous year and did not meet with the full approval of Howe. By some inexcusable carelessness, the instructions to Howe were mislaid in a pigeonhole by the English colonial secre- tary, Lord Germain, and did not reach New York until August 1 6. Long before that date Howe had left New York, intending to capture Philadelphia, the ''rebel capital." I/O American History [i777 Capture of Philadelphia. Accordingly he failed to cooperate with Burgoyne, and the latter was unable to carry out his plans. Washington supposed that Howe's destination would be Philadelphia, but held himself in readiness to move to any point threatened. Howe appeared first off Delaware Bay, but did not ascend that river on account of the forts erected ^s REVOLUTION IS THE NORTH Battlefields X Sie;et Lodge, Story of Rev., I, 280-302. below Philadelphia. Late in August he landed at the head of Chesapeake Bay. At Brandywine Creek his way was blocked by Washington, who had sent some of his best troops to the north. A flank attack made by Howe across the fords above Washington's main body was successful on account of the overwhelming superiority of the British in numbers and discipline The way now lay open to Phila- i?77] The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 171 delphia, which gave Howe a cordial welcome. But Wash- ington was not content, and on October 4 attacked the British army, now stationed at Germantown, but without success. Howe captured the forts below the city, although they were defended with great skill. The British then gave themselves up to the enjoyment of winter festivities, while Washington went into winter quarters at Valley Forge only a short distance up the Schuylkill River. 157. Burgoyne's Advance (1777). Early in the summer Advance to Burgoyne had left Canada with about ten thousand English the Hudson - regulars, Hessians, Canadian militia, and Indians. His advance down Lake Champlain was undisputed until he Lodge, reached Ticonderoga. By seizing some commanding heights ^ ory f"" 1 that were left undefended he compelled the abandonment of that fortress without serious fighting, the garrison join- ing another detachment under General Schuyler. Real- Revolution, izing that his opportunity lay in the comparatively unsettled I, 268-275. region between Lake Champlain and the Hudson River, Schuyler withdrew slowly, felling trees across the roads or converting them into swamps, destroying bridges, making the way impassable to an army encumbered with baggage and artillery. He accomplished his purpose admirably, for Burgoyne spent fifty days covering seventy-five miles. The American army meanwhile was strengthened daily by arrivals from New England and the Hudson valley. Having reached the Hudson and being short of provisions, Bennington. Burgoyne sent Colonel Baum with six hundred Hessians into what is now Vermont. To the support of this division Fiske, Am. he dispatched another four days later. The first was met near Bennington, August 16, by John Stark and a body of New Hampshire farmers. Stark attacked the Hessian camp, capturing practically the entire force. Barely was this engagement finished when the second detachment arrived. This was beaten off after hard fighting. Burgoyne had gained nothing and had lost a thousand men. At this time Colonel St. Leger, who had advanced from Defeat of Lake Ontario in order to move down, the Mohawk valley St> L S' r 172 American History ['777 Lodge, Story of Rev., I, 236-242. and cooperate with Burgoyne, was besieging Fort Stanwix near the western end of the valley. Herkimer, with some Dutch settlers, attempted to raise the siege, but was ambushed and driven back ; but when news came that Arnold was approaching with another force, the siege was raised, and St. Leger retreated. In this way, Burgoyne was left to meet the constantly increasing American army without hope of support from any quarter. Battles of 158. The Surrender of Burgoyne (1777). The com- Bemis Heights. man( j o f tne American army which faced Burgoyne had been transferred from Schuyler to General Horatio Gates, who was more popular among the New England soldiers. Gates was not an experienced commander, and took very little part in directing the campaign. He drew up his army at Bemis Heights directly in the line of the British advance. In this neighborhood two engagements were fought. The first, on September 19, was indecisive, but in reality an American victory, as the British advance was practically checked. As the news of this battle brought still larger numbers of farmers to the American ranks, and as Burgoyne's communications were threatened by the American com- Winsor (ed.), America, VI. Fiske, Am. Revolution, I, 3 2 5-334- i?77] The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 173 mands in his rear, he undoubtedly would have retreated but for the news that Clinton was ascending the Hudson with aid. On October 7 an attempt to reconnoiter brought on another battle. Arnold, although deprived of his com- mand, and Morgan, broke the British line and made Bur- goyne's position untenable. He attempted to withdraw, but was surrounded by the The surrender American forces, which outnumbered him three to one. atSarat e a - Finally October 16, at Saratoga, he agreed to surrender his army, now diminished to 5791 soldiers and camp attendants, Devolution These were to be sent back to England on condition that I, 335-344. they should not serve again in America, but Congress kept them as prisoners of war, because the claim was made that the British had broken the Saratoga Convention. Thus the general who had boasted that he would never retreat yielded the last of his army of veterans to a temporary force of mili- tia and farmers called together by the attempted invasion, and directed by an inefficient commander. This was really the turning point of the war, for the victory at Saratoga had momentous consequences in America and Europe. CHANGED CONDITIONS (1778-1779) 159. French Aid before 1778. The most important French hatred result of Burgoyne's surrender was the open alliance of the of En s land - French and Americans. France, keenly alive to the dis- graceful defeats of the last war with England, was anxious Leck y. Am - if. .-..., ,, Revolution, to improve the first opportunity of injuring her old enemy. 296 _ 3II> Turgot, the comptroller general, realizing the financial condition of the country, advised King Louis to hold aloof V an Tyne, from interference, but a more active party under the lead Revolution, of Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, urged that help 20 ^~ 21 7- should be given to the United States secretly. This was done as early as 1776, but American interests were not D a e D (e , '' Keaay Kef,, managed well until the appointment of Benjamin Franklin y, 3241-3244. to the court of France. Franklin is one of the most extraordinary men of our en- tire history. Of unaffected manner and a most practical 174 American History [1778 Benjamin Franklin. Appleton, Cyclopedia of Am. Biog. Terms of the alliance. mind, he was an astute philosopher and a far-sighted states- man. His contributions to the cause of education and science entitle him to a high position among the leaders in those branches, and as a diplomat he is unexcelled among Ameri- cans. Beginning life as a journeyman printer in Boston, he had run away to Philadelphia, established a paper of his own, founded the University of Pennsylvania, and brought the administration of the municipal government in his adopted city to a high state of efficiency. He had gained a world-wide reputa- tion for his discov- eries of electricity, had been assistant postmaster- general for the colonies, and during the trying period immediately preceding the w a r had rendered invalu- able service to the colonies as a colonial agent in London. No one had done more than he to promote colonial union, and when the Declaration of Independence was drawn up, he was one of those selected for the task. His appointment to France was wise beyond expectation, for no one could have foreseen that his services to America in the next six years would be the most valuable of his remarkable career. 160. The French Alliance (1778). Franklin was very popular in France, and would probably have secured an alliance because of the bitterness toward England. After Saratoga, however, his task was extremely easy, and on February 6, 1778, a treaty of alliance was signed by which BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 1778] Changed Conditions 175 France agreed to aid the United States in order to maintain Van Tyne, her "liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and Kevoluhon < unlimited." France renounced all possessions on the main- land of America, but was to retain any islands in the West Indies captured from Great Britain. The allies were not to make peace or "lay down their arms until the independence of the United States shall have been formally or tacitly assured by the treaty or treaties that shall terminate the war." On the same day a commercial treaty was signed. The French Alliance and the subsequent war between Results of the France and England had a threefold influence on the alliance - contest in America, (i) It brought us substantial help in the form of a fleet and regular bodies of troops. (2) It also Leck y- Am - compelled the British to withdraw from the United States 393-399. a large number of troops. This crippled the English and made extensive operations difficult, so that the fighting was thereafter more desultory, except in the South during 1780 and 1781. (3) As there were no invading armies to oppose and no possibility of driving the British from the few sea- ports that they held, the Americans took less interest in the war, and depended more on their French allies. 161. Attempted Conciliation by the British (1778). An- Terms pro- other result of Saratoga was the attempt made by the Brit- posed by Eng ' ish government to end the war by conceding all American demands except that of independence. In 1776 Admiral Howe had been instructed to offer pardon to all who would Rev i u tim t return to their allegiance, but he had failed through un- 227-233. willingness to recognize Congress as an American govern- ment. The full effect of Burgoyne's defeat may be apparent if we notice the offers which were made by Lord North in February, 1778, a few days after the treaty with France was signed, but before England knew of the alliance. The tea act and the Massachusetts government act were repealed, and the right of parliamentary taxation renounced except for duties on commerce, the revenue of which was to be expended by each colony for itself. The peace commis- sioners were to have power to treat with Congress, grant 1 76 American History [177? Inefficiency of Congress. pardons, and suspend all colonial laws passed by parlia- ment after 1763. In short, England agreed to return to the old colonial system if her former American possessions would resume their colonial relations. These efforts came to naught. Had the same offers been made even two years earlier they would have been accepted gladly, but now independence alone was satisfactory to the United States. Congress rejected all offers made by the commissioners, who returned to England, after announcing that thenceforth a war of destruction would be waged. 162. Intrigue and Neglect (1778). A third, though much less important, result of Saratoga was the attempt to remove Washington from his position as commander in chief. The repeated defeats which he had sustained during the fall of 1777 contrasted strangely with the victory in the North, and, to persons unacquainted with the facts, seemed proof that Gates was the greater general. In November, 1777, a war board had been appointed with Gates at the head. An Irish adventurer, named Conway, who had seen some service in France, and whose promotion Washington had opposed, thought this a favorable moment to intrigue against the commander in chief. With Gates and a few others he sought to gain control of Congress; but the plot was exposed, Conway resigned from the army, Gates was detailed to the forts on the Hudson, and Washington en- joyed even greater confidence than before. Congress meanwhile found itself incapable of meeting the situation. Paper money was almost worthless, and there was no proper organization to care for the army. The soldiers were not only unpaid, but unprovided with clothes and food. The suffering at Valley Forge during the winter of 1778 was extreme and inexcusable! Many of the men went barefoot in the snow, but, in spite of obstacles, under the supervision of Steuben, a small force of regulars was being trained that was to form the nucleus of the army during the uninteresting campaigns that followed. 163. The Naval War (1776-1782). At the beginning 1778] Changed Conditions 177 of the war the United States had no fleet and little attempt Lack of a navy. was made to create one. There being no fleet to oppose, comparatively few English men-of-war were sent to America, ' r - ' although Admiral Howe and others advocated a strict n, NO. 194. blockade of our coasts as the best and quickest means of bringing the colonies to submission. Numerous privateers were fitted out to prey upon Eng- Victories of lish commerce, an undertaking that was considered perfectly Paul J ones - proper, and was highly profitable. Several American captains inflicted great damage on the shipping of the British Flske - Am - Devolution, Channel and the North Sea. Among these was Paul Jones, j^ I20 -i3 . who in the Bon Homme Richard (1779) engaged in a fierce and bloody contest with the Serapis, conquering his antag- onist but losing his own vessel. After 1778 the war on the ocean assumed a different Naval war aftei character on account of the French. Possessed of a power- 17?8 ' ful navy, she joined to this the navy of Spain, making an alliance with that nation for the purpose of expelling the Flske> Am - English from Gibraltar, and invading the British Isles. A u I30 _ I 62. year later England declared war against Holland, because that country had indirectly given sympathy and aid to the United States. The war against these three continental countries England carried on principally through a naval contest aimed at their colonies in the West Indies. 164. The War in the North and West (1778-1779). Withdrawal While at Philadelphia, Howe was superseded by Sir Henry from Phila ~ Clinton. As his army was reduced to provide troops for the West Indies, and as the possession of the "capital" was of no value, he withdrew in June, 1778, to New York. At story of Rev^ Monmouth courthouse, he was attacked by Washington. 1,316-324. The American van, led by General Charles Lee, an Eng- lishman who had been highly honored by Congress, retreated at the beginning of the battle, and, but for the personal efforts of Washington, the army would have been badly disorgan^ ized. As it was, the chance of victory had been lost and Clinton reached New York in safety. A little later an elaborate attempt to capture Newport ended in a fiasco. 1/8 American History [i779 Minor events. Fiske, Am. Revolution, II, 85-90, 109-115. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3258-3260. Clark's con- quest of the Northwest. Van Tyne, Revolution, 280-284. Ogg, Missis- sippi* 354-367- Lodge, Story of Rev., II, 7-28. Capture of Charleston (1780). Van Tyne, Revolution, 293-299. Winsor (ed.), America, vi. 469-475- Lodge, Story of Rev., II, 29-42. During these years occurred the revolting massacres at Wyoming and Cherry valleys, perpetrated by Indians and loyalists. Clinton began also a series of raids along the coast, burning and destroying the seaports. Brilliant and successful but comparatively valueless assaults were made by General Wayne and Major Lee on Stony Point and Paulus Hook. The region directly west of Virginia and North Carolina and beyond the mountains had been settled gradually by pioneers led by Boone and Robertson. These had success- fully repelled Indian attacks made upon them in the first half of the war, but they did not assume the offensive until 1778. In that year George Rogers Clark, with the sanction and aid of Virginia officials, descended the Ohio, surprised and captured Fort Kaskaskia near the Mississippi, and marched overland to Vincennes. Hamilton, the British commander in the West, with headquarters at Detroit, had already attached the Indians to the English cause. He again gained Vincennes, but Clark, after a heroic march in melting snow, recaptured the fort (February, 1779), broke up the Indian confederacy, and established American rule over the entire Ohio valley. THE CLOSE or THE WAR (1780-1781) 165. British Success in the South (1780). During the year 1778 Savannah had been captured by the British and the strongly loyalist state of Georgia had been overrun. Clinton now decided that the chief hope of success lay in following up the British victories in the South. Taking most of the men at his disposal, he advanced from Savan- nah to Charleston, to which the American commander, Lincoln, retreated, foolishly attempting to defend the town. In May, 1780, Charleston surrendered with its army of about five thousand, a blow that was especially serious because there was no other organized American force in the southern states. Clinton at once occupied the strate- gic points in the interior and threatened confiscation of 1780] The Close of the War 179 property to all who did not take the oath of allegiance. He then left Cornwallis with about half of his army to hold the country. A violent contest broke out between the patriots and the loyalists, as the latter were now strong enough to retaliate. The American guerrilla commanders, Sumter and Marion, kept up their annoying attacks, but the British had good reason to feel that Georgia and South Carolina had been completely subdued. A new southern army was being collected by de Kalb, Camden. who had some of Washington's continental soldiers and was joined by militia from North Carolina and Virginia. Winsor (ed.), The command of this force was intrusted to Gates, the m*"*** inefficient, although Washington wished to have Greene chosen for the position. Gates moved against Camden, Fiske Am where he was met by Cornwallis (August 15, 1780). Each Revolution, general had attempted to surprise the other by an early n - l8 5~ I 93- morning attack. The continentals stood their ground, but the militia fled at the first fire, and the battle ended in T ; dge ' . Story of Kev. t the complete rout of the patriot army. The prospects of n ; 49-55. the Americans were indeed dim, and this time is called quite appropriately "the darkest hour of the Revolution." 166. The Treason of Arnold (1780). A disaster greater Arnold's careei than the capture of Lincoln or the defeat of Gates was and fallure - narrowly averted a month after Camden. Had Benedict Arnold's plan to betray West Point succeeded, even Wash- R * / ington might not have been able to save the North from the v, 3272-3273. fate that threatened the South. West Point was the best fortified and much the most important of the forts constructed Lecky, Am. by Washington to hold the Hudson. It had a garrison K lution . 43~4 I 9- of three thousand men, and had been commanded by Ar- nold since July, 1780. Arnold was a brave, energetic, and efficient officer, but of overbearing manner, extravagant ways, and an unfortunate tendency to make enemies. He earned the cordial dislike of most persons with whom he associated, and had, perhaps for this reason, been promoted very tardily by Congress. In 1778 as commander at Phila- delphia, he had indulged in a number of sharp practices i8o American History [1780 Kings Moun- tain (1780). Carrington, Battles, 520- 522. which led to an investigation, and finally a court-martial, in both of which he was acquitted. He had already made overtures to Clinton before applying for the position at West Point. Command was given to him gladly by Wash- ington, who believed him ill treated. The plot to betray the fortress came to light, as is well known, through the capture of Major Andre, Clinton's aid. Arnold fled and Oreene'i route, Jn.-Sept. 1781 , Jan.-Sept. 1781 was afterward employed by Clinton in attacking and burn- ing sea-coast towns. Andre was tried as a spy, convicted, and hanged. 167. Campaigns in the South (1780-1781). The tide of British success was now at its flood, but Corn- wallis was destined to lose two divisions in the Carolina foothills during the six months following Gates's defeat. The first of these was a body of loyalists and regulars under a skillful partisan leader, Major Ferguson. Penetrat- ing too far into the uplands, he was surrounded at Kings 1781] The Close of the War 181 Mountain by several bands of patriots, who captured the British force. Nathanael Greene was now placed in command of the TheCowpens southern army, part of which under General Morgan was ( X 78i). widely separated from his own force. Thinking to destroy each section separately Cornwallis sent Colonel Tarleton Flske> Am - 1 1 /"I -rr- -* r Revolution. against Morgan, who was at the Lowpens near Kings Moun- jj 252-251; tain. By skillful flank movements and sharp fighting Morgan surrounded Tarleton and captured or destroyed over three fourths of his men (January 17, 1781). Corn- wallis was rapidly losing the army that he needed for the occupation of the South. Morgan did not remain at -JfS^^J'^^. Maneuvering the Cowpens, but marched . ./^jP^^m^ j^orth Caro north rapidly in order to join Greene. Cornwallis followed with all speed, aiming to strike before they united. He even destroyed -his heavy baggage, NATHANAEL GREENE but, as the rivers were swollen with the winter rains, and as Greene had boats, which Fiske, Am. he lacked, he gave up the chase at the river Dan. Rev luiion , Greene, having secured reinforcements in Virginia, offered him battle at Guilford Court House. Cornwallis's men, although greatly outnumbered, fought with great courage and remained in possession of the field. But their losses vi, 482-487. were so heavy that the British general could not hold this advanced position. Unwilling to retreat to South Carolina, he withdrew to Wilmington, North Carolina, from which he marched into Virginia, expecting Greene to follow. Greene, however, resolved to regain control of South Reconquest Carolina. At Hobkirk's Hill, just outside of Camden, he of South fought an indecisive battle (April 25, 1781) with the force left by Cornwallis, but compelled the abandonment of that ^ Iske ; Am< J , , Revolution, important center by cutting his opponent's communications. IIf 2 6i- 2 68. 182 American History [1781 In September he engaged the British in another battle at Eutaw Springs, much nearer Charleston. Again he could claim no victory, but the British as usual found it neces- sary to withdraw. 168. Yorktown (1781). Meanwhile Cornwallis had reached Virginia, where he found himself opposed by a much inferior force under LaFayette. After endeavoring in vain to bring on an engagement, since he found the people ac- tively hostile, he withdrew to the seacoast in order to be ready to cooperate with Clinton. Cornwallis's position on York peninsula was de- fended quite easily from land attacks, and seemed a safe one because the English had never been prevented from moving their armies by water whenever they pleased. But the British commanders failed to take into considera- tion the French fleet under de Grasse which had been in the West Indies, but now sailed for Chesapeake Bay. Washington so deceived Clinton that he expected an attack on New York by the combined French and American armies, cooperating with the French fleet. Too late Clinton discovered that most of Washington's army was well on its way to Virginia. A fleet was sent to aid Cornwallis, but was met near the entrance to Chesapeake Bay and compelled to retire after a short naval engagement. Retreat from York- town was shut off now on all sides. Daily the Ameri- can lines on the peninsula were brought nearer the forti- fications of the enemy, and, on October 14, the British outworks were taken by assault. October 17 Cornwallis surrendered, and two days later his army of over seven thousand men marched out while the the band played the old English tune, "The World turned Upside Down." LAFAYETTE 1782] The Treaty of Peace 183 THE TREATY OF PEACE (1782-1783) 169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace. The Problems of victory at Yorktown made further prosecution of the war England, impossible. Lord North, who, as prime minister, had carried on the war since 1778 against his own personal wishes, Van T y ne> ' Revolution, resigned, and Rockingham formed a new ministry on con- 309-316, 319- dition that the independence of America should be acknowl- 320, 328. edged. His cabinet was confronted with a very difficult task. England was at war with four countries, the United States, France, Spain, and Holland. In almost every quarter her enemies had been successful, most of all in America. England's sole hope of success lay in persuading either France or the United States to make a separate treaty, 1 as she would then be in a better position to dictate to the others. For this separate treaty the ministry labored un- ceasingly. For the United States the negotiations were conducted American by three of her ablest statesmen, Benjamin Franklin, Tohn comm 's si r * J J ers and their Jay, and John Adams. They were bound by the French instructions, treaty not to conclude peace with Great Britain without the consent of France, and were seriously hampered by the Morse, instructions of Congress to do nothing without the "knowl- J hn Adams, edge and concurrence" of the French king "and ultimately to govern yourselves by their [the French ministers'] advice and opinion." As France had agreed in the treaty with Spain (1779) to continue the war until Gibraltar should be captured, and to share the American fisheries with Spain alone if Newfoundland were reduced, these instructions were in the interest of France and not of the United States. Fur- thermore there is no doubt that the- French government 1 Even with the separate treaty, success could be attained by England only with a united ministry, yet the negotiation of the treaties with the continental nations was intrusted to the foreign secretary, Charles Fox, and of that with the United States to his political and personal enemy, the colonial secretary, Lord Shelburne. To complicate matters still further, Rockingham died in July, 1782, and his place was taken by Shel- burne, who did not enjoy the full confidence of his associates. 1 84 American History [1782 American claims. English claims. Negotiation of the prelimi- nary treaty. Lecky, Am. Revolution, 466-471, 477-482. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re/., V, 3282-3287. Lodge, Story of Rev., II, 206-216. McLaughlin, Confederation, 11-28. desired to have the United States weak enough to be de- pendent on France for continued aid. 1 170. Claims and Negotiations (1782). The claims se- riously presented by the American commissioners were four in number: (i) complete recognition of American inde- pendence; (2) the Mississippi River as a western boundary, and on the north the Great Lakes or a line through Lake Nipissing to the source of the Mississippi ; (3) the right to fish off Newfoundland ; and (4) the navigation of the Mis- sissippi River. The English, on the other hand, wished to have the Alleghanies as the western boundary of the United States, and did not care to share the fisheries with the Americans. They insisted that there could be no peace until the United States agreed to pay all debts due to British merchants in 1775, and to compensate the loyalists for losses sus- tained during the war. They intended to acknowledge American independence, but held the acknowledgment in reserve with the hope of trading it for valuable concessions. With remarkable skill and good fortune, Franklin opened the negotiations for peace by persuading the English secre- tary, Lord Shelburne, to select as England's representative, Richard Oswald, an unsuspicious, open-minded man, easily influenced by the great philosopher. Through Os- wald he succeeded in obtaining recognition of almost all the American claims before the arrival of Jay from Madrid in July, 1782. On account of his experience in Spain, Jay had grown distrustful of all Europeans, and declared that he would not proceed until the independence of the United States was accepted as the basis of the treaty rather than as one of its provisions. Shelburne expressed his willingness to do this, on condition that we make a separate treaty. When Franklin asked Jay if he would break his instructions to follow the advice of the French ministers, Jay replied, "as readily as I break this pipe," throwing the fragments 1 France also wished to have the American boundaries limits to the Alleghanies, See map opposite p. 185. 1783] The Treaty of Peace 185 into the fire. With the aid of Adams, who became the champion of the American fisheries, negotiations now pro- ceeded, and a preliminary treaty was signed November 30, 1782, without the knowledge of the French. This was, however, to become operative only when accepted by par- liament and when the French and the English agreed upon terms of peace. Although rejected by parliament, on September 3, 1783, a new treaty almost identical with that of 1782 was signed at Paris. 171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783). In Boundaries, the opening section of the treaty, Great Britain acknowledged the independence of the United States. The boundaries Winsor - ( ed agreed upon were as follows: on the north from the mouth America, of the St. Croix to the source of that river, north to the high- VI1 - ^i-iSo lands that separated the rivers flowing into the St. Lawrence from those flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, along those highlands to the Connecticut River, parallel 45 to the St. Lawrence, the middle of the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes to the Lake of the Woods, and thence to the source of the Mississippi, 1 on the west, the Mississippi River to parallel 31, and on the south parallel 31 to the Chattahoochie River, and along the present north boundary of Florida to the Atlantic Ocean. The people of the United States were to have the right other to fish off Newfoundland. Creditors were to be paid bona provisions. fide debts in sterling money. Congress was to recommend to the state legislatures restitution of all estates, rights, and ^ eck f ' Am ' Revolution, properties to loyalists, and the treaty declared that there 471-474. should be no further persecution of that class. The British armies were to be withdrawn at once from all posts in the United States, no negroes being taken with them. Finally, the navigation of the Mississippi was declared to be free to subjects of both countries. The greatest victory of the Revolution had been won, not by armies in America, but by statesmen in Europe. 1 "A due west course to the river Mississippi." It was supposed at that time that the source of the Mississippi was north of the latitude of the Lake of the Woods. Later it was discovered that it was almost directly south. i86 American History [1775- Problems of union and in- dependence. First period of the war (1775-1777)- Second period of the war (1778-1783). 172. Summary. The war between the colonies and Great Britain made independence inevitable during the second year of the conflict. Although the colonies were united from the beginning, the union was represented until 1781 solely by Congress, which exercised less authority year by year. With a large percentage of the people loyal to Great Britain, the political leaders were obliged not only to form a national government but to organize state govern- ments, create an army on limited financial resources, secure recognition of the United States abroad, and finally make peace on favorable terms. During the first year of the war all battles were confined to New England or the northern border. When in the sum- mer of 1776 the theater of action was transferred to the middle states, the English armies began a serious struggle for the control of the Hudson, and incidentally the Delaware. Gaining a foothold on New York, which was maintained to the end of the war, the British occupied New Jersey until repulsed by Washington, and sought in 1777 to gain control of the Hudson and of Philadelphia. With the failure of these plans and the French alliance, the English generals began active campaigns in the South. Although attended by success at first, they lost gradually all the southern colonies that they had occupied until, after York town, they held only Charleston and Savannah. When peace was made, everything seemed to favor the American commissioners, who gained extensive territories in the West, besides the concession of almost all other demands except those relating to commerce with Great Britain. TOPICS 1. THE LOYALISTS: Winsor (ed.), "America," VII, pp. 185- 214; Van Tyne, "Loyalists in the Revolution;" Flick, "Loyalism in New York." 2. BURGOYNE'S CAMPAIGN (1777): Fiske, "American Revolu- tion," I, pp. 262-343; Lodge, "Story of the Revolution," I, pp. 228- 278; Carrington, " Battles of the Revolution," pp. 303-354. 1783] The Revolutionary War 187 3. THE TREATY OF PARIS (1782-1 783): Winsor(ed.), "America," VII, pp. 89-165; Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North America," VI, pp. 423-442; Bigelow, "Franklin," Part III, Chapters III-V; Pellew, "John Jay," pp. 144-228. STUDIES 1. Loyalists at the beginning of the Revolution. (Howard, "Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 313-326.) 2. Struggle for Lake Champlain (1776). (A. T. Mahan in Scrib- ners, XXIII (1898), pp. 147-160.) 3. New York and the independence movement. (Van Tyne, "Revolution," pp. 88-95.) 4. Battle of Long Island. (Carrington, " Battles of the Revolu- tion," 199-219.) 5. Finances of the. War. (Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North America," VI, pp. 443-456.) 6. The genius of Franklin. (W.MacDonald in Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 96 (1905), pp. 450-462.) 7. Arnold's career (1778-1781). (Fiske, "American Revolution," II, pp. 206-239.) 8. Battle of Kings Mountain. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- tion," II, 56-66.) 9. French influence over Congress. (Pellew, " Life of John Jay," 124-127, 150-165.) 10. Jay's suspicions of France. (Pellew, "Life of John Jay," pp. 179-200.) 11. The military ability of Washington. (Ford, "True George Washington," pp. 274-292.) 12. Meaning of the Revolution. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- tion," II, pp. 224-248.) QUESTIONS 1. Why did the Americans desire to gain possession of Canada? What plans were suggested to that end ? Why was the failure of the expedition of 1775 not an "unmixed misfortune"? 2. Were the Americans fighting the battles of English freedom? Was independence inevitable ? How far had the desire for separation spread by April, 1775 ? by July, 1776? What effect did the Declara- tion have on parties in the United States? on our standing abroad? 3. Make a study of the Declaration. What do you think of the bases of the argument in 2 ? of the argument itself ? Point out what reasons were illegal in English law ; which were contrary to colonial practices before 1763? Did the Declaration make the states inde- pendent individually, or collectively? 1 88 American History 4. What was the importance of the first state governments (a) in our constitutional history? (b) in reference to independence? Why were the legislatures predominant during the quarter century following 1776? 5. What does the proportion of the loyalists show as to the feeling of the colonists regarding the war ? What rights had the Tories ? Was the policy of the states toward the loyalists after 1781 wise ? 6. Name the different sources of congressional revenue during the war. Why did not Congress levy duties on imports ? What diffi- culties did it encounter in borrowing ? Discuss the wisdom of issuing continental currency. 7. What causes produced the French alliance ? What obligations were imposed on each side by the alliance ? What was the difference in the conduct of the war, feeling of the people, and theater of action before the alliance and after ? 8. Of what value to the British was the control of the Carolinas and Georgia ? What territory was controlled by the British, March I, 1781 ? November i of the same year? 9. Compare the reasonableness of the British and American claims. Compare the claims with the provisions of the treaty. How do you account for American success ? 10. Give in outline a history of the international changes of territory from 1654 to 1784. CHAPTER IX CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT (1781-1789) ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 173. Formation of the Confederation. In June, 1776, Proposal when the movement for independence was well under way, in Congress. Congress appointed a committee of one from each state to Van Tyne, draft articles of union. The first report of this committee Revolution, was made by the chairman, John Dickinson, on July 12, 183-186, 1776, but the question of completing a confederation was I 9 8 ~ 202 - treated with indifference by most of the delegates, and it ^mer. Hist. was not until November, 1777, that Congress agreed upon Leaflets, NO. *a Articles of Confederation. These articles were to go into effect when ratified by all Ratification of the states, but three and a half years elapsed before the by the states> last of the states gave her consent. During this interval the old Congress, with its powers undefined, and its author- const' I Hist., ity growing less year by year, cared as best it could for the 1,86-97. interests of the United States. By February, 1779, however, only Maryland had neglected to sign, and for two years the little commonwealth refused until Virginia promised that her claims to the land northwest of the Ohio River ( 180) should be surrendered to the central government. 174. Provisions of the Articles of Confederation. The Composition government of the United States under the Articles consisted a "d powers of Congress. of a Congress composed of not less than two nor more than seven delegates from each state. There was no separate Fiske Critica i executive or judiciary. Congress had the right to make Period, 93-98. treaties, and in fact took charge of all foreign affairs, but it had no authority whatever to enforce any article of a treaty which a state refused to respect, Congress was per- 189 190 American History [1781 MacDonald, Documents, No. 2, Arts. V, VII-X. State and interstate regulations. Nature of the Confederation. Fiske, Critical Period, y8-ioi. Curtis, Const' I Hist., I, 98-103. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, Nos. 39-41. Importance of the Confed- eration. mitted to declare war and make peace, to construct a navy, to organize an army, to borrow and issue money, and to make requisitions on the states for sums sufficient to pay all current expenses. When a vote was taken, each state had one vote, and the support of nine states was required for all measures of importance. Congress was also the court of final resort in interstate disputes. The attempt was made by the framers of the Articles to render these powers effective by prohibiting to the states the sending of ambassadors, the making of treaties, the lay- ing of duties which violated any treaty of the United States, and the making of war. One especially valuable article provided for the establishment of an interstate citizenship, making it possible for a citizen of one state to become a citizen of another by a bona fide residence in the latter. 175. The League of States formed under the Articles of Confederation was in no sense a nation. The states were as yet unwilling to establish a true central government or give Congress the powers necessary to secure an international standing and to gain respect at home. The union was crude and unsatisfactory. As has been well said, the Confederation seemed to have been designed to accomplish a minimum of result with a maximum of effort. Jealousy of any government which exercised its rule beyond the limits of any one state led the states to assert their separate sovereignty and independence. In every way the union was sacrificed to the states, because of their deep-seated dread of a government that was not local. Yet when we consider the situation, the intense spirit of localism, the narrowness that marked many of the political actions of the people, the fear of oppression through union which was constantly present during colonial times, and the inexperience in forming a legal union of the states, we cease to wonder that the Confederation was so imperfect. Indeed, if we compare the Congress of the Confederation with the Second Continental Congress, considering that the latter was exercising war powers without any direct legal Articles of Confederation 191 authority, powers that in time of peace might disappear entirely, we can realize perhaps that the Confederation was a more perfect union than the one existing in 1776. 176. The Amendment of the Articles of Confederation. No amendment of the Articles was to become a part of that document until ratified by all of the states. For this reason the imperfections which were inevitable in any first gov- ernment, and especially marked in the Confederation, could not be eradicated easily. The Confederation was in consequence short-lived. Since no government can long maintain its authority on an in- sufficient revenue, the most serious need of amendment was notice- able in connection with the finances. Congress had exhausted its paper money early in the war ( 153). It was not allowed to levy taxes, and was able to borrow very little abroad ( 152). Prac- tically therefore its sole resource was the requisitions made on the states. As these were paid with increasing reluctance and in decreasing proportions, Congress tried twice to amend the Articles. On February 3, 1781, it asked that Congress be allowed to collect a five per cent ad valorem duty on imports to be used exclusively for the interest and principal of the public debt. To this all consented except Rhode Island. The second proposed amendment, accepted by Congress April 30, 1783, provided for a duty for twenty five years of five or more per cent on seven enumerated articles, to be applied to the interest only of the public debt. It took four years to gain consent of twelve states, and the thirteenth, New York, finally refused to ratify the amendment. If it was impossible to obtain a legal change in the Articles when the need was so great, we can see that the Articles The process oi amendment. ROBERT MORRIS Financial amendments. Dewey, Finan- cial Hut., 21, 22. Curtis, Const' I Hist., I, 157-167. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 28. 192 American History [1781 Temporary character of the Articles. Dangers and problems. McLaughlin, Confederation, 39-46. 55-60. Fiske, Critical Period, 142-147, 189. Complaints of the soldiers. Fiske, Critical Period, 105-114. McLaughlin, Confederation, 59-68. were unsuitable for a permanent constitution, and would of necessity be replaced by a more satisfactory document in the course of a few years. THE CRITICAL PERIOD (1781-1787) 177. Critical Conditions. The period following the establishment of the Confederation has very properly been named "the critical period of American history." The union produced by the struggle for independence was to be tested by the much more trying problems of peace. Jeal- ous of one another, yet not daring to separate; burdened by debts, with resources greatly impaired by the war, the states were forced to make good their claim that they were capable of the self-government they desired a task that was especially difficult because the revolt against British domination had developed a spirit of protest against author- ity of every kind. Still more serious were the refusal of the states to subordinate their interests to those of the Union and the difficulties of cooperation among the states. Foreign powers refused to treat with a people who formed "one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." The vast terri- tory beyond the Alleghanies, in which the claims of the states overlapped, was a perpetual menace to continued harmony. Trade between the states was in a most chaotic condition, since each regulated its commerce to its own advantage. With good reason might European statesmen believe that the new republic would be dissolved within a few years. 178. The Old Soldiers. Not the least of the dangers feared by the people at the close of the war was the conti- nental army. To us these fears seem almost without foun- dation, but there was a chance that in the disordered con- dition of affairs, the army, which was the only well-organized body in America, might seize the reins of power. The sol- diers felt that they had been treated badly and were dis- satisfied on account of the failure of Congress to pay them promptly. In 1781 two regiments had revolted because 1781] The Critical Period 193 they thought Congress had broken faith with them, and Congress was driven from Philadelphia in June, 1783, by a company of half-drunk and mutinous soldiers. To this was added the popular distrust caused by the Newburgh address an anonymous appeal to the officers of the army to seek redress for neglect and wrongs. Although this came to nothing, on account of the tact and wisdom of Washing- ton, it increased the dread of military interference. The army was disbanded in June, 1783, the soldiers being Society of the paid in paper money. Before separating, the officers or- Cincinnati, ganized a society called the order of the Cincinnati, very un- . Hart, Contem- wisely providing that at the death of any member his place p orar i es< should be taken by his eldest son. So great was the indig- n, No. 218. nation manifested everywhere at this attempt to establish a so-called aristocracy that the objectionable feature was p erio ' d II4 _ soon dropped. In point of fact the organization does not 119. seem to have exerted a very marked influence over the politics of the succeeding years. 179. Land Claims of the States. During the period of Claims based the Confederation the West exerted a constant influence on charters - on the policy of the United States. Although by the Proc- Fiske lamation of 1763 ( 94) settlements had been prohibited Critical Period, west of the mountains, and by the Quebec Act (1774) ( 137) l8 9-i9 I - the territory northwest of, the Ohio River had been granted to the province of Quebec, no less than seven states laid old Northwest claim to western lands. 1 By virtue of "sea to sea" char- 188-196. ters, four of these, Massachusetts, Connecticut, North Caro- lina, and South Carolina, claimed the western belts included Donaldson, between their northern and southern boundaries prolonged " to the Mississippi. Virginia asserted her title not only to the lands west of her but north of the Ohio as well, because her charter of 1609 included the phrase " from sea to sea, west and northwest." New York claimed the territory between the Ohio and the New York's Great Lakes, because the Iroquois, who kept in subjection claim> 1 The map opposite p. 185 indicates these claims more definitely and accurately. 194 American History [1781 Validity of the claims. Attitude of Maryland. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 22, 1-8. Fiske, Critical Period, 191-193. Donaldson, Public Domain, 60-63. Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 197-217. Cessions by the states. the Indians of that region, had by treaty conferred upon New York their claims to its jurisdiction. Georgia asserted her right to the Southwest because in 1764 royal instructions had extended her jurisdiction over this region. The validity of these claims was questioned with good reason by the states that held no western lands. Not only had the charters been granted in ignorance of the geography of America, but with a single exception, that of Connecticut, these charter grants had been revoked. Moreover, Great Britain, by the Quebec Act (1774), had shown that none of the older colonies could claim jurisdiction of any western lands in the North. 180. Land Cessions (1781-1802). As early as 1778 Maryland protested against the recognition of these claims, which she deemed extravagant and unjust. New Jersey and Delaware, when joining the Confederation, expressed the hope that the large states would be willing to curtail their western boundaries, but Maryland waited for the states, especially Virginia, to give up their claims before she signed the Articles. She felt that her future was jeopardized by her neighbor's ability to sell cheap lands and thereby re- duce Maryland's population, which would be drawn off by the low taxes of Virginia or to the fertile valleys of the West. She took the broad, patriotic view that the western lands " if wrested from the common enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen states, should be considered as a common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress into free, convenient, and independent governments." To meet the objections of Maryland, and to remove the very serious dangers arising from interstate strife over conflict- ing claims, Congress, on September 6, 1 780, urged the states to transfer their western land claims to the United States. When assurances were given that this would be done, Mary- land joined the Confederation, March i, 1781. That same day New York ceded her western lands to the United States, and three years later Virginia gave up all claim to territory northwest of the Ohio except for certain 1787] The Critical Period 195 military lands along the Ohio River. In 1785 Massachusetts Amer. Hist. yielded her claims to fends beyond the present western boun- Lea ^ efs > dary of New York, and the next year the Connecticut cession was completed, a strip along Lake Erie, known in history Flske ' Crttical J Period, as the "Connecticut Reserve," being retained by the state 193-196. until 1800. South Carolina (1787) gave up her claim to a . _,. belt about thirteen miles wide, and in 1790 North Carolina 167-172. yielded to the United States the jurisdiction of what is now Hinsdale Old Tennessee, most of the lands having already been granted Northwest. to private parties. Not until 1802 did Georgia formally 2l8 ~ 2 4- cede the last of her western lands, the delay being caused Donaldson, by disputes over certain "Yazoo claims," lands irregularly ^ u ^ Domain > granted by the Georgia legislature. 181 . Ordinances for the Government of Western Ter- Ordinance of ritory. Long before these cessions were completed, Con- I784> gress adopted, April 23, 1784, resolutions proposed by Fiske > Thomas Jefferson for the government of all the western lq6 _ 1QQ territory ceded or to be ceded by the various states. Small ... T ... J J McLaughhn, states were to be formed and admitted to the Union as soon confederation, as their population equaled that of the least populous among 4-"7- the original states. They were to have republican govern- Amer. Hist. ments and were to remain forever a part of the United States. 1 Lea fi els > No - 3 2 - No attempt was made to put this plan into operation, Ordinance of and the real territorial system of the United States dates I787> from the much more famous Ordinance of 1787. In that Fiske, document are contained the principles of territorial govern- Critical Period, ment which the United States has used with slight modifica- 2 3 2 7 ' tions from that day to this. The territory was to be governed McLaughlin, temporarily in one or two districts by a governor, a secretary, Confederation, and judges selected by Congress, but when each district 1 These resolutions followed in the main the suggestions made by a committee of which Thomas Jefferson was the leading member. Although the resolutions applied to all western territory, it was quite evident that only that in the Northwest was contemplated seriously, since names were suggested for states in that region alone. These names were finally omitted from the resolutions, as was also a clause prohibiting slavery in all the western territory after 1800, this antislavery clause being favored by only six out of the ten states represented in Congress. 196 American History [1787 MacDomld, Documents, No. a.. Slavery in the Southwest. Donaldson, Public Domain, 161-163. Settlement of the West. Fiske, Critical Period, 199-202. McLaughlin, Confederation, 128-137. Navigation of the Mississippi. Fiske, Critical Period, 907-211. contained five thousand free male adults, there should be a representative assembly. Not less than three nor more than five states were to be formed from the territory, as soon as each contained not less than sixty thousand free inhabitants. None of these states were to be separated from the Union, perfect religious liberty was guaranteed, and civil rights were assured the inhabitants. Most interesting of all, there was to be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted" a phrase that was to become famous in American history. By this article and one which provided for a land system much simpler than that of colonial times, the Ordinance of 1787 exerted an inestimable influence on the later develop- ment of the Northwest and of the nation. Jefferson was unable to extend his liberal antislavery ideas to the territory southwest of the Ohio, for, when Con- gress accepted the cession of North Carolina (1790), it agreed that "no regulations made, or to be made, by Con- gress shall tend to emancipate slaves." Except in this particular, the Ordinance of 1787 was extended to the public domain in the South. 182. The West and Foreign Affairs. In the years following Yorktown there had been a great exodus through the passes of the Alleghanies into the fertile valleys of eastern Kentucky and Tennessee. These hardy pioneers had a thinly veiled contempt for the inefficient Congress, and when, in 1784, North Carolina offered to cede Tennessee to the United States, the settlers took the law into their own hands and organized the state of Franklin. North Carolina there- upon withdrew her offer, and after two years of fighting reestablished her control in eastern Tennessee. The same spirit that opposed government by a Congress which could give no protection led those westerners to resent interference by Spain with the free navigation of the Missis- sippi. Spain was displeased with the extension of United States territory to the Mississippi, and had just cause for 1784] The Critical Period 197 complaint in the restriction of the West Florida boundary McLaughlin, to the thirty-first degree. 1 Spain now closed the entrance to Confederation, the Mississippi, and seized the stock of an American trader who had descended the river as far as Natchez. The story of his loss aroused the rough and ready pioneers, who ^^-J"* sought to retaliate. Their anger was inflamed still more when III, No. 45. they learned that John Jay, the secretary for foreign affairs, had agreed that the Mississippi should be closed for twenty- five years in return for a commercial treaty with Spain which would open to our ships a profitable trade with the West Indies. The South heartily espoused the cause of the West against the commercial North, and the treaty was never completed. 183. Relations with Great Britain were strained during Failure to ot> the Confederation because of commercial difficulties and the serve treaties - failure on both sides to carry out the treaty of peace. The English army had carried off many negro slaves and refused ^ n ^ ri H ? e to surrender the forts south of the Great Lakes, as British yii, 307-308. fur traders were unwilling to give up the lucrative trade of that region. On the other hand several states passed laws Fiske, which prevented British creditors from collecting debts Cri incurred before the war. A larger number took especial delight in persecuting the loyalists who remained in the United States or sought to return. Many loyalists were disfranchised. Estates which had been left untouched in 256-268. the war were confiscated, and damages were sought for the property of patriots which had been in the possession of Hart, Contem- the enemy in New York and other places. In South Caro- |J!L ' 8 ' Una loyalists were compelled to emigrate, and many who 1 In the preliminary treaty of peace (1782), Great Britain and the United States agreed in a secret article that if Great Britain retained West Florida, the northern boundary of the province should be the parallel passing through the mouth of the Yazoo River as theretofore ; but if it was trans- ferred to Spain, the boundary should be parallel 31. At that time this in- termediate territory was controlled absolutely by Spain. When the secret article became known, Spain was greatly incensed ; but in 1795 she agreed to the thirty-first degree as the boundary between the United States and Florida. 198 American History [1784 Attempt to secure a com- mercial treaty. Cambridge Mod. Hist,, VII, 309-310. McLaughlin, Confederation , 102-107. Fiske, Critical Period, 138-144. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, Nos. 50-53. Paper money. Trevett v. Weeden (1786). Cambridge Mod. Hist., VII, 312-313. Fiske, Critical Period, 162-165, 168-177. refused were killed. Probably one hundred thousand per- sons left the country for England or the British colonies during the war and the years succeeding. As these refu- gees were unable to secure compensation from the state legislatures for their losses, the British government appro- priated a large sum of money for them, besides giving them help in other ways. These violations of treaty obligations and acts of violence not only caused ill feeling, but stood in the way of a com- mercial treaty with Great Britain which we desired greatly. In making the treaty of peace in 1783, no commercial agree- ments were made by the two nations. In consequence England prohibited trade with the British West Indies except in English ships and also restricted a large part of the commerce with the British Isles to English ships. This policy she would not change because her minister claimed that we could make no concessions of value to them. Before 1776 we had protested against the British navigation acts because they prevented our colonial trade with foreign coun- tries; after that date we objected to them because they interfered with trade between the United States and British dependencies. Many Americans desired by retaliation to force Great Britain into granting us trade advantages, but this was impossible, for Congress had no power to place restrictions on English commerce that would be uniform throughout the United States, and several of the states sought to attack English trade by levying duties on goods brought from Great Britain. 184. Internal Disorder. Although times were fairly prosperous in spite of state jealousy and foreign difficulties, most of the cash had been exported to pay for goods bought abroad. There had been so much speculation following the close of the war that debts were heavy and discon- tent rife. For relief the debtors demanded issuance of large sums of paper money. This was granted in seven states. Of necessity the currency depreciated, and aggra- vated ihe evils. In Rhode Island the legislature passed an 1787] The Critical Period 199 act forcing men to take the almost worthless paper. A McLaughlin, butcher named Weeden refused to do this and appealed Co / e ^ r "fioM, to the courts, which declared the force act unconstitutional (1786). Amid great excitement, at a special session, the legislature removed- the obnoxious judges. This was the first conspicuous case in which a court declared null and void an act of a legislature. In Massachusetts the hard-money party prevailed, but Shays's the advocates of a paper currency attacked the lawyers Rebellion - and closed the courts that had been instrumental in collect- . Hart, Lontem- ing debts. Led by Daniel Shays, formerly a captain in the poraries, American army, the rioters gained possession of Worcester ni - No - S 8 - and towns to the west. At length, being short of arms and , McLaughlin, ammunition, they attacked the arsenal at Springfield, confederation, They were finally defeated by the militia under General I 54~ l6 7- Lincoln (1787). Meanwhile, the states were becoming more and more in- interstate censed with one another on account of commercial difficulties. trade relatlons - Those that had seaports took unfair advantage of their neigh- bors, levying unjust and unnecessary duties. New Jersey critical Period, was compared to a cask tapped at both ends. Connecticut 144-147. was on bad terms with both Massachusetts and New York. Some of the states imposed special restrictions on foreign commerce, some invited foreign trade by removing all duties. Affairs were in a chaotic condition and becoming worse. All of this disorder convinced people who had hitherto Need of a been indifferent that the authority of the state governments stron s union - must be upheld in enforcing the law, and that a stronger Hart ConterHf central government was absolutely necessary. The country poraries, was in a prosperous condition on the whole; the people were in > Nos - 54. becoming more united and realizing their dependence on SS>S7 ' 59 ' one another, the churches were taking steps toward perfect- ing national organizations, but a new government was re- quired for the United States, and many believed that the Articles of Confederation should not be allowed to stand in the way. 200 American History [1786 Meeting of the conference. Fiske, Critical Period, 213-218. McLaughlin, Confederation, 172-183. Spring of 1787. Fiske, Critical Period, 220-222. Curtis, Const I Hist., I, 175-185. FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION (1787-1788) 185. The Annapolis Conference. As nothing could be done under the existing Confederation toward remedy- ing these defects, an earnest attempt was now made, under the lead of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, to obtain new articles of union. Their opportunity arrived when in 1786 Virginia and Maryland were discussing a system of tolls and com- mercial agreements for the Potomac River. Dele- gates from all of the states were invited to join representatives from these two at Annapolis, Mary- land, and discuss ways of improving commerce be- I tween the states. Nine of the states appointed com- missioners, but only five were represented at the conference. Unable to transact any business of importance, and believing that the time had come for decisive action, these men adopted a resolution offered by Hamilton urging the state legislatures to select delegates for a constitutional conven- tion which should revise the Articles of Confederation. Congress was asked to indorse this convention, but re- fused. Without waiting for the sanction of that body, the state legislatures began to appoint representatives. When a majority of the states had taken this step, Congress yielded so far as to call another convention to meet at the same time and place. During this winter of 1786-1787, the defeat of the second amendment of the Articles ( 176), and the anarchy accompanying Shays's rebellion, roused people to the need of a new and better constitution, so that the sum- JAMES MADISON 1787] Formation of Constitution 20 1 mer of 1787 was a propitious time for changing the funda- mental law of the United States. 1 86. The Connecticut Compromise. At the old state- Members of house in Philadelphia, where the Declaration of Independ- the convention ence had been signed, the delegates to the convention gathered in May, 1787. Many leaders of the revolution Flske . ^i fir i T- IT T i T. , Critical Period, were there, among them Washington, Franklin, John Rut- 224-220 ledge, Charles and C. C. Pinckney, Roger Sherman, and Robert Morris. But the work before them was performed McLau hlin to a greater degree by younger and perhaps less known men. Confederation, James Madison, the author of the first outline, and Gouver- J 84-i9i- neur Morris, the writer of the final draft, of the Constitution, were among the younger members, as were also Alexander Hamilton and James Wilson, the most ardent advocates of a strong government in America. It is probably the ablest body of men that ever assembled in this country. Its mem- bers represented many views and classes. A few placed local interest and state pride before all else, a small number would have sacrificed every hope of a better government because too narrow-minded for such a great undertaking, but the majority earnestly strove to subordinate personal preferences for the public good. Before many sessions had been held, the -delegates began Parties in the to arrange themselves in two groups or parties. The larger convention, of these favored a new Constitution, with a Congress of Cambridge two houses, a separate executive and judiciary, and a very Mo< i Hist _ great increase of national power. The other wished to vii, 246-249. revise the Articles of Confederation, giving Congress power piske, to levy duties and internal taxes, and allowing that body to Critical Period, appoint an executive and judiciary. The latter group was 2 35- 2 5- composed chiefly of delegates from the small states who McLaughlin, feared that concentration of power in the central govern- Confederation, ment would be a great advantage to the larger states and correspondingly dangerous to themselves. As the advocates of the national government were in a Compromise majority, the small-state party consented to frame a new overre P re - . . J . sentation. Constitution, and began a contest for equal representation 2O2 American History [1787 Fiske, Critical Period, McLaughlin, Confederation, 221-235. Three fifths compromise. McLaughlin, Confeder- ation, 257- 260. of the states in the new Congress. The "national" party (the delegates from the large states) wished to have the rep- resentation in both houses according to the population of the various states. After a protracted contest the conven- tion adopted a compromise, usually known as the " Con- necticut Compromise," because proposed by the delegates from that commonwealth. Each state was to have two members in one house the Senate and to be represented according to population in the other the House of Repre- sentatives. 187. Later History of the Convention. With the adop- tion of the Connecticut Com- promise came a new arrange- ment of parties, for the support of the small states to the Con- stitution was now fully assured. Since the most important sub- jects over which there was serious dispute were concerned with slavery, the new parties were almost sectional, as the Fiske. Critical Period, 255-262. Cambridge Mod. Hist., Ill, 264-269. Third great compromise. JAMES WILSON North was already quite opposed to the extension of the system. The first question that came up was about the counting of the slaves. An enumeration of blacks was necessary for representation in the lower house of Congress and for the levying of direct taxes, which the states were to pay according to their population. As the South wanted slaves counted for representation, and the North wanted them counted for taxation, it was decided for purposes of enumeration to call five blacks equal to three whites. A little later New England clashed with the extreme South over the questions of navigation acts and the slave trade. The southern states, fearing that their agriculture would be sacrificed for the commerce of the North, were unwilling to give Congress the power of enacting navigation 1787] Formation of Constitution 203 laws except by a two thirds vote. They likewise wished to Fiske, prevent Congress from forbidding the slave trade. The North opposed both of these measures. As Gouverneur . , McLaughlin, Morris said, this was a chance for a "bargain among the Con f ed * rationt northern and southern states." A compromise was finally 260-265. adopted which declared that the foreign slave trade should Cambridge not be forbidden before i8o8/ prescribing no special majority Mod. Hist., for navigation acts, and forbidding the taxation of exports. These compromises closed the most heated sessions of Completion of the convention, but did not lessen the interest with which the work - for four months the members grappled with the problems Fiske, before them. Finally on the iyth of September, 1787, the epical Period, completed draft of the Constitution was signed by delegates from all the states except Rhode Island, and the first and most important stage in this momentous work was com- pleted. 188. Feeling of the People. The Constitution was to Objections to go into effect when ratified by conventions chosen by popu- the Constltu - i -rr i i tion. lar vote in the states. If accepted by nine of them, it was to be established "between the states so ratifying the same." McLaughiin, But the people did not fully appreciate the evils of the Con- Confederation, federation, and dreaded the creation of a "consolidated" 2 ^~ 2 I>27 ~ government. They feared that the president would become a dictator, and thought that the national courts would be an instrument of tyranny, especially as the Constitution contained no bill of rights, protecting the liberty of the in- dividual. Others declaimed against the power of Congress over both the purse and the sword, urging, as did Richard Henry Lee, that they preferred a rope of sand to a rod of iron, but these " Anti-Federalists," although numerous, were not united. Fortunately the advocates of the Constitution included Conditions most of the able political leaders, whose zeal never nagged favorable to until eleven states had indorsed the new Union. They had the sympathy and help of the commercial and conservative 1 So strong was the sentiment of the people against the foreign slave trade that action was taken long before 1808, prohibiting that slave trade in that year. 2O4 American History [1787 McMaster, United States, I. 454-472- Curtis, Const' I Hist., I, 623-640. Final adoption. Schouler, United States, I, 65-79- McLaughlin, Confederation, 283-317. Compact theory. classes, which were disgusted with the inefficiency of the Confederate Congress. Among the officers of the continen- tal army, even before the close of the war, the favorite toast had been "A hoop to the barrel." Now arose a demand for a "new roof." Processions were held and popular in- terest aroused in favor of the Constitution. Thinking men were convinced of the need for a new government by the able papers written by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, which were published under the title of The Federalist. But prejudice against centralization of power was deep seated, and the Constitution was truly " drawn by grinding neces- sity from a reluctant people." 189. Ratification of the Constitution by the States. The ratification began in December, 1787, with a unanimous vote in little Delaware. With the exception of Rhode Island the small states fell into line rapidly, showing that they were satisfied with the Connecticut Compromise. In Massachu- setts, Virginia, and New York fierce contests were waged. Objection was made to the " consolidated " government and to the lack of a bill of rights, but Patrick Henry argued with ability against the absolutism of the president. These states and three others proposed amendments to the Consti- tution when giving their consent, but the ratifications were to stand even if the amendments failed. By the first of Au- gust, 1788, all of the states had ratified except North Caro- lina and Rhode Island, which became members of the Union in November, 1789, and May, 1790, respectively. 1 But Congress did not wait for them, and in September, 1788, selected the first Wednesday, January, 1789, as the day for the appointment of presidential electors, and the first Wednes- day in March for the first meeting of the new Congress. CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION 190. Dispute over the Nature of the Constitution. From the very first there were differences of opinion regard- 1 Rhode Island did not finally join the Union until the Senate had passed a bill prohibiting commerce with that state. 1788] Character of Constitution 205 ing the character of the Constitution ; differences which ex- Lodge, plain many of the constitutional disputes of the early his- Webster, tory of the United States. Most of those who opposed its 174 ~ x x * ratification, and in fact a majority of the others, held that it was a compact or agreement made between sovereign states. To them the United States was still a league from which, many of them claimed, any member might with- draw if it desired. Had not the states been sovereign under the Confederation? they asked. Had not each joined the Union of its own accord? How then had any state lost its sovereignty? Right or wrong, the compact theory of the Constitution was the one indorsed throughout the Union for two or three decades, and the one that was held by the South as late as the Civil War. At no time, however, did all believe the Constitution Nationat a compact, and it may well be doubted whether any large theor y- proportion of American statesmen held that view even in our early history. Many of the most sincere adherents of j m /&' the state sovereignty doctrine, moreover, steadfastly com- n, 336-343. bated the idea that a state might secede from the Union, even if the Constitution did not specifically deny such a course. A large number of those who framed the Constitution or formulated the earliest policies of the United States thought that document a really national Constitution, and the United States a nation, not a league. They denied that the states had been sovereign from 1776 to 1788, and claimed that the ratifications in many of the states were not voluntary but unavoidable. 191. The Nation and the States. Although the Consti- Interde- tution deals almost exclusively with the central government, P endence - it really explains the relation of the nation to the states. Ashl It grants certain powers to the government of the United Am. Gov't, States and denies some of these and others to the states, 2 55-263- but all powers are left to the states which are not dele- T Bryce, Ant. gated to the central government or specifically denied commonwealth to the states. If Congress and a state legislature make (abridged), conflicting laws relating to the same subject, those 22 S- 2 4 2 - 206 American History [1788 Composition. Ashley, Am. Gov't, f $ 338- 340, 347-351- Powers of Congress. Ashley, Am. Fed. State, $ 301-325. Election. Stanwood, Presidency, 1-9. enacted by Congress prevail, for the Constitution says that the Constitution, the national laws, and treaties shall be the supreme law of the land. Yet the nation and the states are dependent on each other. The two together form a whole each by itself an incomplete part. Neither state law nor national law alone is sufficient for our govern- ment. Ours is "an indestructible union composed of in- destructible states," as Chief Justice Chase said in 1868. 192. Congress. The legislative body under the Con- stitution is called Congress as formerly, but is composed of two houses, one supposed to represent the states and the other the people. For the smaller, the Senate, each state legislature elected until the seventeenth amendment (1913) provided for election of senators by the people two members for a term of six years. Each state has at least one member in the House of Representatives chosen every two years, but its number depends on its population. The new Congress obtained the right to make laws for all subjects which the convention thought could not wisely be left to the states, because of the disastrous effect of con- flicting legislation on these topics. It has power to levy different kinds of taxes, borrow money, and regulate foreign and interstate commerce. It cares for some foreign relations of the United States, has the right to declare war, and raise an army and navy. It may coin money, make a rule for naturalization, .establish post offices, grant patents and copyrights, and perform other acts permitted by the Con- stitution. In order that it might not be hampered by too narrow an interpretation of its powers, it has the right "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- ing into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." 193. The President. After protracted debate, the con- vention came to the conclusion that the president should be chosen for a term of four years and be reeligible to the office. Various methods of election were considered, 1788] Character of Constitution 207 direct popular election meeting with no favor, and election Ashley, by Congress being rejected as likely to make the executive Am - Gov ' f> dependent on the legislative department. The choice was given finally to electors, equal in number to the senators and representatives from each state, who are chosen in what- ^^' c ever way the states prescribe. It was intended originally monweaith that these electors should exercise independent judgment (abridged), when casting their votes, but before many years electors 22 ~ 3 ' found themselves obliged to vote as they were directed by the parties from which they were chosen. The powers intrusted to the president are sufficiently Powers, great to make his position an important one and to show that Henry did not fear a dictatorship needlessly. Besides Ashley, the right to execute laws in general, the president has com- ' mf> mand of the army and navy, the right of sending ambassa- dors, of making treaties and appointing officials with the consent of the Senate, the right to veto bills passed by Con- gress, and many other less important duties. 194. The Courts. - Under the Confederation, Congress Judges and was the court of last resort in interstate disputes. It had J urisdiction - the right also to appoint judges who might try prize cases, but there was no regular judicial system for the United Ashle y. States. The Constitution changed all this by providing , , 4II _ 4 2 2 ' for a Supreme Court, and permitting Congress to erect such inferior courts as became necessary. The judges in all these B were to be selected by the president and Senate, holding Am. Com- their offices during good behavior. The jurisdiction of monweaith. these courts covered cases arising not only under the national ^ " ge laws and treaties but under the Constitution as well, thus allowing the Supreme Court to interpret finally the meaning . of any clause in the Constitution. Cases affecting states or arising between citizens of different states or between an American and a foreigner as well as cases affecting national representatives or the United States itself were to be tried in the courts of the nation. 195. Amendment of the Constitution. The failure of the Confederation was due in great part to the necessity of a 208 American History [1788 Method of amendment Meigs, Growth of Const., 272-277. National bill of rights (1791). Schouler, United States, I, 113-115. Colonial and state models used. unanimous vote of the states for all changes in the Articles. A different scheme was adopted for amending the Consti- tution one which at that time seemed too flexible if any- thing, but which has proved much too difficult a process for ordinary use. Amendments may be proposed by two thirds of each house of Congress or by a convention called on the application of two thirds of the states. These become parts of the Constitution when ratified by the legislatures or conventions in three fourths of the states. This method was used at once in fulfilling the promises made by the friends of the Constitution that a bill of rights should be submitted to the states. The amendments pro- posed by the ratifying conventions in the states were con- sidered carefully and revised in the first Congress, twelve being adopted by that body. Two of these were rejected by the states and the other ten were declared in force as part of the Constitution, December 15, 1791. The first eight enumerate rights of the individual with which the national government is not to interfere, and the tenth declares that all powers "not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively or to the people." 196. The Sources of the Constitution. This bill of rights was to a large extent copied from those found in the state constitutions of that time, and is similar to the bills of rights of to-day. 1 The government established under the Con- stitution proper was likewise in great measure an adapta- tion of a state government to the needs of a federal union. The president was in many ways "an enlarged copy of the state governor." His military powers, the right of appoint- ment and of veto, followed the best practices in the common- wealths. Congress was composed of two houses like the legislatures in ten of the states. The House of Repre- sentatives was chosen by popular vote from districts, on a plan similar to that used by the assemblies even in colonial times. The plan of a continuous senate had been tried 1 Ashley, "American Federal State," 554-567. 1789] Character of Constitution 209 successfully in New York, Delaware, and Virginia. The national courts, with their great power of interpreting the Constitution, were not unlike those of the states, which in several cases had exercised the right to set aside unconsti- tutional laws. 1 These similarities are not accidental. Most of the members of the constitutional convention had already sat in state constitutional conventions and had seen that those parts of the state constitutions worked best which followed the usage of the time. They drew constantly upon the experience of their own states, and even the method of electing a president was suggested by a practice employed when choosing senators in Maryland. Iri one respect at least the members of constitutional "Original" conventions were obliged to consider the needs of the situa- features - tion without experience to help them; namely, in deciding the relation of the states to the nation. It is true they ran- J- H - Robin - , , , . , .. . .. ,. . , . , . , son, in Annals sacked history from the time of the Amphictyonic league Am Acad Pol to that of the Swiss Republic for help in solving this problem, and Social but without result. In creating a federal system they did Science, the only wise thing possible, and adopted the only system that could reconcile conflicting interests at the same time that it established a stable government. We owe much to the men who, with the wish of experimenting as little as possible, laid a permanent foundation for a new and better union. 197. The Presidency. On the first Wednesday in Janu- Election of ary, 1789, presidential electors were chosen by all the states Washington, then in the Union with the exception of New York. In most of the states the choice was left with the legislature, but in Virginia and Maryland the people were allowed to United states, vote for electors. A month later the electors met at their 1.525-53- respective capitals and cast two votes for their candidates, stanwood, one of whom could not be a resident of the same state with Presidency, themselves. The result was of course a foregone conclusion. 20 ~ 3I> 1 For example, Trevett -v. Weeden, 182. P 2IO American History [1789 Washington as President. Lodge, Washington, 11,47-63. Washington's inauguration. McMaster, United States, I, 538-540. Elections and first meeting. McMaster, Untied States, I. 530-534- Washington was chosen unanimously for the presidency, John Adams being selected as vice president. At this time Washington was fifty-seven years of age, and without doubt the foremost man in America. Yet his victories had been almost exclusively on the field of battle, and as an administrator he was practically without experi- ence. On this account he took particular pains in the selection of his advisers, surrounding himself with men of exceptional ability. In the solution of the many problems of domestic and foreign affairs with which the new govern- ment was compelled to grapple, his sound judgment and lofty patriotism were of the highest value, and the interests of the United States and her people were protected during his administrations as they could have been under few other presidents, however skilled they may have been in affairs of state. Washington's first inauguration occurred in New York City, April 30, 1789, after a triumphal journey from his home at Mt. Vernon, Virginia. The oath of office was administered on the balcony of Federal Hall, in Wall Street, the populace shouting their approval: "Long live George Washington, President of the United States." Washington then retired to the Senate chamber, where he read his in- augural address to the houses of Congress. 198. Beginnings of the New Congress. The Congress of the Confederation had appointed March 4, 1789, as the date upon which its successor should begin business, but on that day only a few members had reached New York. Con- gressional elections had been held quite late, and in many sections no representatives had been chosen by the beginning of March. New Jersey, for example, kept the polls open for three weeks, and in many of the New England districts two elections were necessary since the state laws required a majority vote before certificates of election were issued to the successful candidates. Moreover, bad roads delayed some, for it took many of the members three weeks to reach New York from their own homes. More than all else, the GEORGE WASHINGTON 212 American History [*7 8 9 example of procrastination and inaction set by the Confeder- ate Congress exerted a pernicious influence in making the congressmen indifferent and dilatory. First tariff act At length, on April 6, a quorum was present in both houses. (1789). ^ s ^g g Overnin ent was in pressing need of revenue, Congress did not wait for the inauguration before beginning business. l " ' J ames Madison immediately introduced a tariff bill in the { 35-36. House, which had exclusive right to originate measures relat- ing to revenue. Then followed weeks of debate in which McMaster, the representatives sought to increase the duties upon arti- UnUed state*, c j es manufactured by their constituents, or to lower those which might interfere with their agricultural interests. Few changes were made in the Senate and the bill became a Coman, Indus- trial Hist., law on July 4, 1789. It provided for ad valorem duties 138-144. of from five to fifteen per cent, and for specific duties on many articles. As a source of revenue it was a complete success although the rates were raised afterward and it contained the germ of our present system of protection Tonnage act. to American industries. Coman, Indus- A few days later, Congress passed a tonnage act which trial Hist., imposed a small tax on American vessels engaged in com- merce, and a much heavier tax on all foreign vessels. The problem 199. The Executive Departments. The next task of lon * Congress was that of providing the new government with machinery for the administration of the laws. Although United states, the Constitution mentions the executive departments, it 1, 104-106. makes no provision for their organization and powers. Two important questions were left therefore to the decision of Congress: (i) what departments were necessary and what duties should be assigned to each; (2) should the work of each department be performed by boards or under the super- vision of superintendents or secretaries ? The first question was settled by creating the three departments of state, the treasury, and war, and arranging for an attorney-general and a postmaster-general in addition. On the second there was little difference of opinion, for the board system had been used without great success under the Confederation, and 1789] Organization of the New Government 213 the majority favored heads of departments. Four of these, the secretaries of state, treasury, and war and the attorney- general, were to form a cabinet or advisory body for the president. This cabinet was essentially different from that of England, for the English cabinet at that time was the real executive of Great Britain, whereas the American cabinet was solely an ad- visory body, which was in fact not called together during the first adminis- tration of Washington. Washington did much to insure the success of the new government by the selection of his as- sistants. The ablest of these were Thomas Jeffer- son, who became secre- tary of state, and Alex- ander Hamilton, who was chosen for the treasury portfolio. All the mem- bers of the cabinet were in fact men who enjoyed the confidence of the people, in addition to being earnest supporters of the Constitution. The one on whom the heaviest burden fell, Hamilton, although but thirty-four years of age, had already rendered valuable services to this country during the Revolutionary War, and in securing the adoption of a stronger government than that of the Confederation. Particularly versed in the financial methods of his time, he was well fitted for the task of estab- lishing and strengthening the public credit. As a political manager he had few superiors, but he made the great mistake of distrusting the people, for he favored a central govern- ment that was almost monarchical, which looked to the aristocracy for its support. For this reason he was never Members of the cabinet Hamilton. ALEXANDER HAMILTON Bassett, Federalist System, 16-20. Lodge, Washington, II, 62-71. 214 American History [1789 Judiciary Act of 1789. Schouler, United States, . I, 107-108. Willoughby, Supreme Court, 22-26. Justices of the Supreme Court. Pellew, fay, 354-366. Need of Union. Defects of the Confederation. popular with the masses and much of his effort was spent in trying to stem the rising tide of popular government. 2'oo. The National Judiciary. The last step in organiz- ing the new government consisted in passing the Judiciary Act in September, 1789. According to the Constitution there was to be a Supreme Court and such inferior courts as Congress might create. Congress decided that there should be a chief justice of the Supreme Court, with five associate justices. It divided the United States into three circuits, a northern, a central, and a southern, but it did not provide for any separate circuit judges. Sixteen dis- trict courts were created, one for each of the thirteen states, besides Vermont, Maine, and Kentucky. To each district was assigned a district judge, an attorney, and a marshal. The jurisdiction of these courts was clearly defined, and elab- orate provision was made for the appeal of cases from state to national tribunals. This judiciary act, largely the work of Oliver Ellsworth, was so nearly perfect that it is still the basis of our judicial system, although enlarged by the ad- dition of the circuit courts of appeals in 1891. For chief justice, Washington appointed John Jay, a man of great learning and sound judgment. His colleagues also were able jurists and strong Federalists. At first their duties were comparatively light, and it was many years before people began to realize what an important work had been given to the national courts. In fact it was not until the nation became more united after 1815 that the court was able to strengthen the central government greatly ( 254). 201. Summary. Separation from Great Britain forced the colonies to decide whether they would unite or be sepa- rate from each other. Although union was the only at- tempted solution of the problem, the states were unable and unwilling to form a strong confederation. The chief defect of the Confederation the fact that the states were sovereign made it impossible for Congress to raise money for its needs, to enforce the laws that it made, or to regulate commerce for the general good. Coupled with these spe- 1789] Organization of the New Government 215 cific defects was the provision of the Articles that they could be amended only with the consent of all the states. The states were in danger of drifting into commercial warfare and anarchy unless a substitute for the Articles could be devised. When the need of a new constitution was recognized, The new and a convention was called to revise the Articles of Con- Constitution, federation, most of the leaders desired a national Constitu- tion. They did not insist on that form of union, because they feared that it would be rejected by the states, but a com- promise plan was adopted by the convention at Philadelphia and ratified by conventions chosen for that purpose in the states. This federal union bound the states closely together without consolidating them under a centralized government. Such a federal republic was different from any that had existed before, so that there were numerous heated contro- versies during the period following 1787 regarding the powers of the national government and the rights of the states. The success of the new government was due in large part to the favorable circumstances under which it began its work in 1789. TOPICS 1. DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST: "American Nation Series," VIII, pp. 222-241., IX, pp. 269-288, X, pp. 128-137; Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," I, pp. 122-221 (to 1774); Moore, "North West under Three Flags," pp. 333-385 (after 1787); Winsor, "West- ward Movement," pp. 43-62, 77100. 2. FINANCIAL CONDITION OF THE UNITED STATES (1781-1787): Sumner, "History of American Currency," pp. 43-57; Bancroft, "History of the Constitution," I, pp. 31-45, 76-91, 228-241 ; Curtis, "Constitutional History of the United States," I, pp. 45-134, 157- 185- 3. THE ORDINANCE OF 1787: Johnston, "American Political History," I, pp. 95-105; Dunn, "Indiana," pp. 177-218; Hinsdale, "Old Northwest," 255-269; Sato in "Johns Hopkins University Studies," IV, pp. 88-120. 4. THE CONNECTICUT COMPROMISE: "Cambridge Modern His- tory," pp. 251-264; Curtis, "Constitutional History of the United States," I, pp. 368-406; Bancroft, "History of the Constitution," II, pp. 36-67. 2l6 American History [1781- STUDIES 1. Importance of the Articles of Confederation. 2. Treatment of the loyalists. (McMaster, " People of the United States," I, pp. 107-130.) 3. Reception of first American minister by George III. (Hart, (ed.), "Contemporaries," III, No. 53.) 4. Paper money in the states under the Confederation. (Mc- Master, "People of the United States," I, 281-305, 331-355.) 5. Defects of the Confederation. (The Federalist, XV-XVII.) 6. The movement toward a better union. (Curtis, "Constitu- tional History of the United States," I, pp. 221-232.) 7. The Virginia plan. (Madison, Journal of the Constitutional convention, Tuesday, May 29.) 8. Hamilton's proposed plan of Union. (Madison, Journal Monday, June 18.) 9. Means to prevent legislative corruption considered by the convention. (Meigs, " Growth of the Constitution. ") 10. Report of the Committee of Details. (Madison, Journal, Monday, August 6.) u. Election of senators. (Meigs, "Growth of the Constitution,^ pp. 68-80.) 12. Opposition of Henry to the Constitution. (Tyler, "Patrick Henry.") 13. Defects in the methods of amendment. (Burgess, "Political Science and Comparative Constitutional Law," I, pp. 143-154.) 14. Methods used to obtain ratification. (McMaster, "People of the United States," I, pp. 454-461.) 15. Madison's view of the Constitution. (The Federalist, No. 39.) QUESTIONS 1. What one underlying principle of the Confederation was of greater importance than any others ? Name four specific defects o( the Articles. Was there a greater degree of real union in this countrj in 1777 or in 1782? (Give reasons in full.) 2. Give your opinion of the course taken by Maryland (1778- 1781). Hov/ did the surrender of the land claims strengthen the Union ? 3. What constitutional right had Congress to pass the Ordinance of 1787? To what extent were the provisions of the Ordinance in sympathy with the times ? ahead of the times ? What influence did they have upon the United States then ? upon our policy and history later? 1789] Creation of a General Government 217 4. Was the period from 1781 to 1787 a critical period? Why? Do "hard times" have anything to do with cheap money agitation? Prove your answer from American history. Show how the commer- cial selfishness of the states produced a spirit of disunion and at the same time a spirit of union. 5. State clearly who were the parties in each of the compromises adopted by the Convention. Tell what each party desired in each case and show which party won in each compromise. Were the compromises necessary? Did they pave the way for civil war? 6. Why were not the Articles of Confederation amended as they provided? What right had the Convention to propose a new consti- tution ? Was not the process revolutionary ? What was the status of North Carolina and Rhode Island between 1788 and the dates at which they ratified the Constitution ? (Johnston, " American Politi- cal History," II, pp. 336-343.) 7. Compare the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution in regard to real character, form of government, powers of Congress, prohibitions on the states, and methods of amendment. 8. From our standpoint was it a disadvantage that the Articles of Confederation could be amended only by a unanimous vote ? Is the Constitution amended too easily? What features of the Con- stitution are based on previous experiments of the states? What features were borrowed directly from other countries ? What features are "original' ? CHAPTER X Number. Provincial characteristics. THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SOCIAL CONDITIONS 202. The People. Although there had been little emi- gration from Europe to America during the last half of the eighteenth century, the increase in population had been more than fourfold, since the population in 1800 was over 5,000,000. The white population was, more- over, fairly homoge- neous, as all of the foreign peoples were being assimilated grad- ually into a race that \vas not English, though predominantly Anglo-Saxon. There was still a marked difference be- tween the sections as there had been at an earlier time; for, al- though the people of 1800 were more liberal in their views and less restricted in their occupations than their grandparents, the sections lost their colonial characteristics slowly. Yet with all their differences of temperament, religion, and pursuits, the people of the various states were alike in their preference for their own states, and in their prejudice in favor of local customs. The American republic was still essentially a nation of farm- 218 MMr CNG. Ci., N.Y i8oo] Social Conditions 219 ers, energetic and enterprising, but rude and rather narrow. 1 Not many had traveled beyond the limits of the county in which they were born, and few indeed had visited other states, except during the war, which had brought into con- tact men from distant sections. With the development of commerce and improved means of communication, it was only a question of time before many of the barriers between remote states would be broken down, since they had grown out of isolation and were fostered by local prejudice; but it was several decades before most of the people considered the interests of the whole country as important as those of their own state or locality. Most of the people in 1800 lived within a short distance of The cities. the seacoast, but the cities were not numerous and had grown slowly except during the last decades of the century. Me Master, Only two cities, Philadelphia and New York, boasted over j * ' 6 a 50,000 inhabitants and only two others, Boston and Bald- 64,83. more, had more than 20,000. There had been some improve- ment in the character of the shops, in the paving of the streets, and in the town houses, but a half century had not altered essentially the manner of living, nor brought many addi- tional comforts. 203. The Frontier. A few pioneers began crossing Western settle- the mountains before the close of the last French war, and ments - the emigration to the West continued in spite of the king's proclamation (1763) reserving that country to the Indians 1 McMaster gives the following description of the Massachusetts farmer: "The Massachusetts farmer who witnessed the revolution plowed his land with the wooden bull-plough, sowed his grain broadcast, and, when it was ripe, cut it with a scythe, and thrashed it on his barn-floor with a flail. His house was without paint ; his floors were without carpet. When darkness came on his light was derived from a few candles of home manufacture. The place of furnaces and stoves was supplied by large cavernous fire- places which took up one side of the room, and, sending half the smoke into the room, sent half the heat up the chimney. His food was of the simplest kind, was served in the commonest of dishes and eaten with the coarsest of implements. Beef and pork, salt fish, dried apples and vege- tables, made up the daily fare from one year's end to another.'' " History of the People of the United States," I, p. 18. 22O American History [1791 Dangers from the Indians. Co man, Industrial Hist., 158-166. McMaster, United States, 1,596-604. Sparks, Expansion of Am. People, 88-103. Life on the frontier. Sparks, Expansion, 149-158, 238-248. Problems to be settled. Madison, Journal of Const' I Conv., 298, 312, 327, 345, 448, 460. ( 94). At the close of the Revolutionary War there was an exodus from the Atlantic slope to the fertile valleys of Kentucky and Tennessee, which no dangers from savages seemed able to check. These emigrants followed the trails through Cumberland Gap and the passes farther south, although some went by way of Pittsburg and the Ohio River North of the Ohio, the Indians were in undisputed posses sion until 1794. In 1791 they had defeated and almost destroyed an army under General St. Clair which had been sent against them. Encouraged by the British, who still held many posts in the Northwest, the Indians demanded that the Ohio be the limit of the western settlements. After their army had been destroyed by General Anthony Wayne, they agreed to a compromise line across Ohio. This line was removed farther at later dates. After 1795 the settlers poured into Ohio rapidly. In 1800 there were nearly 50,000 in the present state of Ohio, and over 400,000 west of the Alleghanies. Villages were few and small. Cincinnati contained but a hundred houses, and Pittsburg, the largest town, had less than 2000 people. Most of the pioneers lived on separate farms, often near a blockhouse or stockade for protection. Their houses were invariably of logs and their clothes of skins or coarse homespun cloth. Many reckless men found their way to the frontier, but the people, as a rule, were honest and hard-working, with the love of justice which equaled their ardor for liberty. 204. The Admission of New States. We have noticed already at some length the cession of western lands by the states to Congress and some of the western problems which Congress was asked to solve ( 179-182). Many people had thought it unwise to extend the boundaries of the United States beyond the Alleghany mountains because of the diffi- culties in maintaining a Union which included two diverse sections, one of which was interested almost solely in Atlan- tic seaboard affairs, while the other belonged to a remote and separate region with interests of its own. The wiser Social Conditions 221 counsels prevailed when they sought to obtain from England this territory. But the problems of controlling this territory became prominent. The people of the frontier insisted that they should manage their own affairs either as an independ- ent nation or in states of the Union. Many on the seacoast, especially in New England and Pennsylvania, protested against the admission of new states west of the mountains, because of the danger that in time the new states would outnumber the old and control the destiny of the country. Again wise counsels prevailed, and the Congress of the Confederation agreed that the new states to be organized in the West should not be small as suggested at first ( 181), but should be large and should be admitted on an equality with the states already in the Union. When the Constitution was adopted, Congress was al- Three new lowed to control the admission of new states in this way. 1 * atei ('W- It adopted a liberal plan at the beginning, for three states were admitted before 1797. The first of these, Vermont (1791), comprised lands in dispute between New York and New Hampshire. Kentucky (1792) had been settled by Virginians and was until her admission a part of Virginia. Tennessee (1796) had been settled by the people of North Carolina, but was the first state organized in the territory controlled by Congress. 205. The Movement toward Emancipation. One of Emancipation the most beneficial results of the Revolutionary War was in the states the attempt to free the slaves or ameliorate their condition. 77 It was only natural that fair-minded men who had for years Fiske epical insisted on the rights of man, who indorsed the view that Period, 71-76. all men are created equal, should take some steps toward abolishing human bondage. An attempt had been made in Virginia before the war to discontinue the slave trade, but the king had aroused the wrath of the people by vetoing the law passed by the colony. After they became independ- ent, Delaware and Virginia prohibited the slave trade within their boundaries, and Pennsylvania provided for gradual 1 Constitution, Art. IV, Sec. 3, Cl. i, 222 American History [1783 Slavery peti- tions in Con- gress. Bassett, Federalist System, 186-189. Schouler, United States, 1, 156-163. Renewed demand for slaves. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, S3, 59-62. Turner, New West, 46-50. emancipation. In 1783 Massachusetts abandoned the sys- tem of slavery entirely, since her judges held that slavery had been abolished by the provision of the state constitution which declared that all men were born free and equal. Other states followed the lead of these, those in the middle South by preventing the further importation of slaves and those in the North by voting for gradual emancipation. In 1800 New Jersey was the only state north of Mason and Dixon's line in which negro children could become slaves. In this antislavery agitation the Quakers had taken the most active part, ably seconded by that earnest apostle of democracy, Thomas Jefferson, and by leading New England Puritans. The. Quakers scarcely waited for the new Con- stitution to go into effect before petitioning Congress (1790) to abolish slavery. After several bitter speeches, resolu- tions were adopted to the effect that Congress could not in- terfere with slavery in the states, but that Congress might control the slave trade absolutely. 206. The Cotton Gin and Slavery. The enthusiasm for emancipation which had developed during the Revolu- tion and was noticeable as far south as the Carolinas died out gradually. A counter movement in favor of slavery began when, in 1793, a young New Englander of inventive mind, Eli Whitney, perfected a machine for separating cotton seeds from the fiber. Whitney's gin enabled a negro to clear of seeds as much cotton as a thousand negroes had been able to do by hand. It gave an impetus to cotton- growing, then an unimportant industry, which made cotton the most important product in all the states south of North Carolina. It created a demand for slave labor on the cotton plantations which made the institution of slavery much more valuable and desirable in the South. Not only did it create in the extreme South a stronger proslavery senti- ment than before, but it converted the lukewarm Virginians and Marylanders into ardent advocates of slavery, because it gave them a market for their surplus slaves. Interest revived in the slave trade, which was forbidden by the Con- i8oo] Political and Religions Changes 223 stitution after 1808, and many merchantmen engaged in the vile traffic. Even after that date, Africans were smuggled into the United States after a voyage of horrors. POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGES 207. Voters and Officeholders. It is easy to overesti- Tasks allotted mate the influence which the Revolution exerted directly to the voters - upon the suffrage. The leveling influences of the Revolution did affect the right to vote; but they did not abolish, they Thorpe, only modified, the property qualification which had been A People' universal in colonial times. In a few states taxpayers as i, 191-205. well as owners of land were allowed to vote, but man as man had not yet established his right to a share in the govern- ment. Yet the quarter century following the Declaration of Independence brought a much greater share in the work of governing to those that were voters. The constitutions of the states were framed by conventions chosen by the people for that purpose, just as the Constitution of the United States was ratified by similar conventions. Numerous officials were chosen by popular vote and in two states the people ratified the constitutions. The belief that the people should rule was gradually gaining headway. Everywhere the old demand that no one should vote unless Qualification he held certain religious views was discarded, so thatCatho- of voters and .. . ~, officeholders. lies and Jews voted on the same terms as Protestants. The same liberality was not shown to officeholders, for it was Fiske, Critical thought that only men of property and certain religious Pertod , 69-70. views were competent to direct affairs of state. The Ordi- , Ashley, Am. nance of 1787 and the Constitution of the United States did Fed. state, not permit any discrimination in regard to religion for na- 572-576. tional or territorial officials. 208. Tendencies toward Democracy. In other things Disuse of dis- tinctions in than politics the tendency toward democracy at the close of . dress and rank the eighteenth century was noticeable. After the war the term " gentleman " came into disfavor and was used little even by those who believed with John Adams in the rule of " the rich, the well-born, and the able," because public 224 American History [1800 Abolition of special privi- leges. Fiske, Critical Period, 70-71. Disestablish- ment of state churches. Fiske, Critical Period, 76-83. sentiment was a growing force which no public man could afford to ignore. When the first Congress was seeking a title for the president, popular opposition to anything savor* ing of rank was so pronounced that " his excellency " seemed the only title not odious to the people. Men whose ances j tors had been proud to recognize the superiority of the gen- try insisted on their right to a position of social equality. Slowly but surely the old order of society was passing away. Distinctions in dress were less conspicuous than in an earlier day. The aristocrat was obliged soon to keep his cocked hat, his wig and queue, his knee breeches, his silk stockings, and low silver-buckle shoes for dress occasions. A plainer, more useful costume was becoming universal for everyday business. Many of the special privileges enjoyed by the proprietors of the great estates in New York and Maryland were abol- ished. Primogeniture had been formally set aside in all of the states, and in the national territory laws had been enacted before 1800 giving the children equal shares in the property of a father who died without will. 209. Religious Freedom. The movement for religious liberty was the most complete of all those accompanying the Revolution. Before the war the Anglican church was established in seven colonies, the Congregational in three, while three did not sanction a state church. Except in Pennsylvania and Maryland Catholics were not aUowed to vote or to hold religious services. As already noted ( 106), many dissenting congregations were allowed to hold ser- vices which were of course illegal. Virginia signalized her independence by freeing dissenters from paying taxes to support the established church (1776), and a few years later, after a memorable contest, largely through the in- fluence of Jefferson and Madison, passed an act establish- ing complete religious freedom. Outside of New England, the other states disestablished their state churches during the revolutionary period, but in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire the union of church and state survived 1786] Political and Religious Changes 225 until the nineteenth century, although members of other denominations were no longer expected to attend the Con- gregational service. In fact there was no other part of the country in which greater real liberty of religious thought existed than in New England. During the Confederation there were meetings of clergy- National men connected with all of the prominent sects in America. churches - National churches were organized by the Episcopalians, the Methodists, and the Presbyterians before the adoption Fiske . Critic*. of the Constitution. In some cases these organizations """' 3 ~ 7 ' held meetings of the governing body of the church. Thus organized and strengthened, the churches were able to se- cure better men for their noble work. ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 210. Commerce. Before 1789 the commerce of the Commerce United States did not thrive. The disputes with Great before 178^ Britain before the Revolutionary War, and the attempt of the mother country to enforce the navigation acts, prevented a free exchange of commodities with other countries. The war and the Confederation made matters worse for a time, because England closed the ports of the British West Indies, at which so much of our colonial trading had been done, and refused to allow commerce on advantageous terms with Great Britain, while other nations were not anxious to trade with states that followed no regular commercial policy. During this period it is true we had made commercial treaties with France, Holland, and Prussia. New avenues of commerce had been opened in hitherto forbidden parts of Europe and America. Enterprising Yankee skippers had rounded Cape Horn and crossed the Pacific to China, bringing back precious and profitable cargoes besides large amounts of silver. Yet the total amount of commerce wa"s small and the quantity imported was much in excess of that exported. Under the new government came a radical change. The Commerce prosperity which followed the adoption of the Constitution after T ? 8 9- Q 226 American History [1789 Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 130-138. Industry before 1789. Hart, Contem- poraries, II, No. 20. Industry after 1789. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, No. 22. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 138-151. was noticeable at once in the very great increase in our ex- ports. Laws were passed in 1789 which regulated the im- ports ( 198) and gave an advantage to American vessels over foreign vessels engaged in trade. Shipbuilding re- ceived a new impetus, especially after 1793. Even Great Britain was eager to trade with us and made a fairly favor- able treaty in 1794 ( 222). With the outbreak of war be- tween France and England (1793), American ships enjoyed a still larger carrying trade, and the American flag was seen on every sea. In 1800 the exports of the United States were three times as large as the entire commerce of the country twelve years earlier. 211. Industry. Although there had been little change in the industrial methods and little industrial advance be- fore 1789, separation from Great Britain had compelled us to manufacture many articles that we had imported previously from England. As the states were free from the prohibitions which had been placed upon manufactur- ing by the English government, the people now turned their attention to the production of iron and steel articles and to many branches of industry unknown before 1776. To no person did the adoption of the Constitution prove a greater boon than to the manufacturer. Before 1789 he had labored at a very great disadvantage. In a new country where raw materials and labor were higher than in the old world, he found it difficult to compete with the mer- chants of Europe. He needed protection of some kind and this help he obtained from Congress, for the new government left no doubt as to its policy by passing as its second law an act in favor of protecting home industries from foreign competition. Two years later appeared Hamilton's famous report on manufactures which exerted an inestimable influence. With the stimulus of a slightly protective tariff industry expanded, although manufacturing was on a small scale and made slight headway until the opening of the nineteenth century, because there was no improved machinery. England took precautions to prevent the ex- 1792] Economic Conditions 227 portation of the inventions which were made by her citizens, including Watts's steam engine, Arkwright's and Hargreave's spinning machines, and Cartwright's power loom. 212. Currency. The year 1789 marks an epoch in Needs before the history of currency in the United States, for the Con- I 7 8 7- Pr vi- /- i , i r , i sions of the stitution gave Congress complete control of the money sys- constitution. tern and forbade the states to issue bills of credit or make anything but gold or silver a tender for payment of a debt. Dewe Fin There was need of these provisions. It was essential that cial Hist., there should be a uniform standard throughout the coun- 2 S- 2 9. 3- try, and there was need of a stable as well as a uniform cur- rency. A repetition of the business confusion and distress Madison, which followed the experiments of the states with paper urn l Const I Conv. t money during the Confederation ( 184) was to be avoided 541-543. at all costs. This could be done only by leaving the ques- tion of money to Congress alone. But if Congress were to issue continental money, the situation would be little better than under the Confederation. Many members of the con- stitutional convention of 1787 wished to prohibit Congress from issuing bills of credit. After a discussion, in which the members showed how little they favored a national paper currency, the convention decided not to place the prohibition on Congress for fear that at some future time the need might be very great, and the issuance of paper money might be not only necessary but wise. But for this far-sightedness the nation could not have issued " greenbacks " during the Civil War, nor could we have these notes for use to-day. During the Confederation, Congress adopted a decimal Currency legis- system of coinage based on suggestions made by Robert latlon ( I 79 2 ~ Morris and Thomas Jefferson. No coins were struck at 7 " that time, nor until after an act was passed (1792) establish- ing a bimetallic system of money with a legal ratio of 15 to i, ' that is, with fifteen times as much pure silver in a silver dollar as there was gold in a gold dollar. At that time the _. Coman, Indus- business of the country was done by means of Spanish and tri a i Hist., English coins, much of the small change consisting of quar- is 1 -^- ters and eights of the Spanish dollar. These foreign coins 228 American History [1792 McMaster, United Slates, H.72-74. 360-363. Highways, wagons, traveling. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, Nos. 21, 35. Adams, United States, I, 5-15. McMaster, United States, I. 44-53- II, 560-565. were usually old and worn and often clipped, but it was necessary that they be legal and accepted even by the govern- ment in payment of taxes, for very little gold and silver was brought to the mint for coinage into American money. Several times Congress designated a date at which these foreign coins were no longer to be used, but in each case the lack of a national currency made it impossible to carry the act into effect. In fact foreign coins were used ex- tensively in the United States until the Civil War. 213. Improved Means of Com- munication. The last half of the eighteenth century witnessed important im- provements in the means of com- munication but very little in the methods. In the older sections, the highways of 1800 were superior to those of 1750, although in the spring the ruts were deep and the mud appalling. Many trails had been widened into wagon roads and several important highways leading to the West had been cut through the forests. In the most enter- prising states, turnpike companies had been organized for the purpose of improving the roads, defraying their ex- penses by charging tolls of all travelers. Bridges were little more common than fifty years earlier, but the ferries were more numerous and much better. Freight was carried by wagon rather than on horseback. A large coasting trade gave employment to numerous swift packets which usually carried passengers. Between all of the large cities regular stagecoach lines plied throughout the year, but the journey was not much more comfortable than at an earlier day. AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY COACH 1800] Economic Conditions 229 The stages were cumbersome, the roads far from smooth, and the taverns lacking hi comforts. The man who de- manded clean sheets in a room by himself was considered an aristocrat. Although these coaches ran at least fifteen hours a day, it took two days to go from Philadelphia to New York and at least five from New York to Boston. Meanwhile the mail service had been brought to a fairly improved high state of perfection. Under Benjamin Franklin, who postal service, was postmaster for the colonies after 1753, routes were established and a few regular post offices created. Real McMaster, improvement, however, dates from the inauguration of Washington. The postmasters-general of our first two presi- ' dents saw the number of post offices increased from seventy- five in 1790 to nine hundred and three in 1800. The rates for letters, the only articles carried before this time, were fixed (1792) at from six to twenty- five cents a sheet according to the distance. Thereafter newspapers, the best of which were small four page sheets, were included in the posts at the rate of one cent or a cent and a half a copy. Two years later, magazines were taken also, but the rates were almost prohibitive. TOPIC i. THE FRONTIER: Sparks, "Expansion of the American Peo- ple," pp. 118-148; Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 31, 32,35; McMaster, "People of the United States," III, pp. 459-486, 521-543; Thorpe, " Constitutional History of the American People," I, Chapters VIII-IX. STUDIES 1. Social conditions. (Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 11-15.) 2. The "middle passage " on a slave ship. (Spear, "The Slave Trade in America.") 3. An early trip to Chicago. (McMaster, "People of the United States," I, pp. 259-262.) 4. Hamilton's report on manufactures. (MacDonald, "Docu- ments," No. 12.) 5. Trip on the Mississippi. (Hart, " Contemporaries," III, No. 34.) 6. Theater in the later eighteenth century. (McMaster, " People of the United States," I, pp. 84-95.) 230 American History QUESTIONS 1. What causes were of greatest importance in the western move- ment ? Why did the people of the western settlements have interests different from those living on the seacoast ? In what respects did Congress and the constitutional convention follow a wise western policy ? 2. Compare the sentiment in opposition to slave trade in 1790 with that before the Revolutionary War. Explain how Whitney's cotton gin affected slavery in the states that could not raise cotton. 3. Show how the leveling influences of the Revolution affected civil, religious, and political rights. Which class of rights was granted first? most tardily? 4. To what extent did the organization of the government under the Constitution affect the stability and success of the state govern- ments, popular rights, our international standing, foreign and inter- state trade, industry, and business in general? PART III DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION (1789-1843) CHAPTER XI FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811) PRESIDENTS George Washington (1789-1797) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) John Adams (1797-1801) James Madison (1809-1817) 214. Problems confronting the New Government, 1789. Organization Although the adoption of the Constitution had removed the and efficienc y most serious danger to the continuance of the American government> Republic, there was still doubt concerning the efficiency of the new government. Was the new Union after all to be but an improved Confederation, with the states disunited, with a central government incapable of protecting national interests, commanding respect neither at home nor abroad ? The Constitution seemed to prepare the way for a govern- ment capable of solving these problems, but the adoption of a paper constitution was a simple matter compared with the creation of a government which should be completely organized and whose parts should work in harmony. The organization of the executive departments was the first thing to be done, and the success which attended this work, joined with the wisdom in the choice of the men who should manage affairs of state ( 199), left no doubt that the paper constitution would become the real Constitution. While the organization of the departments was being completed, the new government was obliged to provide itself with a revenue that should be permanent and adequate. 231 232 American History [1789 Financial, commercial, and foreign problems. Western questions. Changed con- ditions after 1793- With money for its current needs> it could then attempt to establish the credit of the United States which, during the Confederation, had been practically nil. The debt was large, interest had not been paid, and the ordinary certifi- cates of the United States were worth only one seventh of their face value. It was necessary to reestablish harmony among the states, which had waged on one another for years a species of commercial warfare. Foreign trade must be protected and extended, the nations which had injured us commercially during the Confederation being compelled to treat us fairly because the loss would be theirs if they refused to do so. National prestige must be created by showing foreign powers that we constituted a nation deserving of consideration and respect, that we were not to be the tool of France or England or any of the other European nations. 1 In the central West the new government had yet to gain the real allegiance of the settlers who could be held in the Union only by gaining control of the entire Mississippi. In the Northwest the British still kept several posts in the territory which had been granted to us in 1783, and domi- nated the Indians of that region. In the Southwest, Spain, which refused to recognize our right to territory around Natchez, refused to give up her forts or make any concessions which would give a satisfactory outlet to the Gulf. More- over, both France and England desired to possess Louisiana, and were intriguing to gain possession of the territory, which, as the colony of a powerful nation, would be a menace to all of the United States west of the Alleghany mountains, and would effectually prevent the expansion of the nation beyond the Mississippi River. Some of these difficulties were removed easily, but many of them proved serious. Because of the conflicts that began in Europe in 1793 and continued almost without interruption until 1815, some of the problems existing in 1789 were ag- 1 Fortunately, at this crisis, Europe was at peace and the United States had proved conclusively its right to an international position before, in 1793, foreign problems became serious ( 220-224). 1790] Foreign and Domestic Problems 233 gravated greatly, while a number of others were presented which seriously affected the stability of the new nation. In fact, American affairs during most of these periods were dominated by conditions in Europe, until the nation finally began war rather than submit to the humiliations forced on us by the great powers of Europe. FINANCIAL POLICY AND POLITICAL PARTIES (1790-1793) 215. The National Debt. The first session of the first Hamilton's Congress had performed valuable services in equipping the re P rt - new government for its work. Its successors, following suggestions of Hamilton, by strengthening the public credit, MacDonaid, made it possible for that skillful pilot to steer the Ship of j^o L^ State clear of the financial rocks and shoals upon which the governmental vessel of the Confederation had been wrecked. No sooner had Congress met in January, 1790, than Hamil- Hamilton, ton submitted his first report on the public credit. This 85-96. called attention to the public debts of the United States, consisting of the foreign debt and the domestic debt, and urged that they be funded at their face value. In addition Hamilton proposed that the debts incurred by the states for the common defense during the Revolutionary War should be assumed by the national government and paid from the treasury of the United States. There was no opposition to refunding the debt which we Funding of owed abroad. A different feeling was noticed in connection fore 'g n and . domestic debts, with the payment of the domestic debts. These consisted principally of certificates of indebtedness which had been Dewey, Finan- issued to individuals and which, by act of Congress, were c iai Hist., 39. transferable. Before Hamilton's report was submitted they had been worth about fifteen cents on the dollar, but as Schouler, soon as his suggestions were made public, the. market price United states, became nearly three times that figure. Speculators took ' 4 advantage of the ignorance of the people in remote districts McMaster and purchased large numbers of these certificates before the United ^fs, holders learned of this rise in value. Congress found it 1,568-578. necessary to answer two questions, (i) Shall the certifi- 234 American History [1790 Compromise over assump- tion and national capital. Lodge, Hamilton, 121-129. McMaster, United States, I, 580-583- Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 40. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, No. 80. cates be paid at their face value ? Madison voiced the gen- eral feeling when he said, " the debt is the price of our liberties, and cannot be diminished a farthing." So it was agreed wisely that the national government should not fol- low the vicious custom of the old Congress in repudiating a part of its debts. (2) The second question produced a long debate. Was the total amount of a certificate to be paid to the present owner if that person was not the original holder of it, or was the present owner to receive the market value and the balance to go to the original holder ? Madi- son advocated the second alternative, but the policy of dis- criminating between earlier and later holders of certificates met with little favor. Hamilton's argument that the people must learn not to part with government securities and that the administration should therefore deal with the present owners only, finally prevailed, and Congress authorized new loans, at a rate of practically five per cent, to pay the old certificates. 216. Assumption of State Debts. The House of Repre- sentatives was divided about equally on the question of the assumption of state debts, most of the northern members favoring the measure, while the majority of those from the South were opposed to assumption. Some of the southern states, among them Virginia, had reduced their war indebted- ness, and others were opposed to a measure which they believed favored the commercial classes at the expense of the agricultural sections. " State-assumption " had a very small majority, however, until the representatives arrived from North Carolina, which had recently become a member of the Union. In order to obtain the votes necessary to carry the measure, Hamilton and Jefferson came to an agree- ment at a dinner given at the latter's home. Jefferson promised that two Virginia congressmen should support assumption, if Hamilton would assure the location of the national capital upon the banks of the Potomac. There had been heated discussions over the question of the location of the capital, for the northern men wanted it in Pennsyl- 1794] Finance and Politics 235 vania and the southern representatives desired the Potomac. Jefferson's offer was accepted, and the state debts were as- sumed by the national government. The seat of govern- ment was to be Philadelphia for ten years, and after that a district not exceeding ten miles square on both sides of the Potomac. As a result of the compromise, the national government temporarily gained the ill will of a large part of the South. Three quarters of a century later, the loca- tion of the capital on the border of the Confederacy was a menace to the Union and an important influence in pro- longing the Civil War. On the other hand the assumption of these debts did much to strengthen the central govern- ment at a time when its continued existence was still a matter of some doubt. 217. New National Taxes. Since the government of Excise tax the United States was already undertaking with vigor the ( I7 9 X ' and . . , . , , whisky rebel- duties conferred on it by the Constitution, the revenue ob- j ion (i 794 ). tained from customs was needed for expenses other than the payment of interest on the state debts. Hamilton there- D ewev pi nan . fore recommended an excise tax upon whisky, which was dai Hist., 45. adopted in March, 1791. This tax was very unpopular, especially in the mountains of North Carolina and Pennsyl- Bassett, Feder- vania. In parts of these states there occurred riots similar alist System, to those caused by the Stamp Act, and the collectors ap- pointed by the treasury department were compelled to re- sign. When, in 1794, the government attempted to collect delinquent taxes in western Pennsylvania, and there was j^ X89-203. again disorder accompanied by meetings of armed men who defied the authority of the United States, Washington called out fifteen thousand militiamen. At the approach of this army, the rioters dispersed and the insurrection was ended. Although only a few ringleaders were punished, the lawless elements feared thereafter to oppose the enforcement of national law. As a revenue measure this excise tax was not a marked other taxes, success, nine tenths of the government's income still being derived from the customs duties. The rates upon imports 236 American History [1791 Dewey, Finan- had been increased, and, because of the development of foreign commerce which the new Constitution had brought, the revenue for 1793 amounted to twice that obtained for the six years from 1783 to 1789 by the Confederate Congress. Yet the prompt payment of interest on the public debt and the proper administration of the new laws of the United States demanded a still larger sum. In 1794 taxes were levied upon carriages, auction sales, and certain manufac- tures, so that people became accustomed to a still further extension of federal authority. Later, in 1798, a direct tax was levied upon houses, lands, and slaves. Discussion in 218. The United States Bank. In 1791 Hamilton sug- Congress gested a national bank, which would strengthen the public credit, provide a uniform currency, and aid the government in its financial operations. A bill creating such a bank Dewey, Finan- cial Mist., $ 43. passed the Senate without opposition, but was immediately assailed in the House on the ground that it was an uncon- MacDonaid stitutional measure. Madison claimed that as the Constitu- Documents, tion did not give Congress in explicit language the power to No> 9> incorporate a bank, it was not constitutional unless the found- ers of the government approved such an act. On the con- trary, he said, the Convention of 1787 believed that the na- tional government had no authority to grant articles of incorporation. He was answered by Fisher Ames, who showed that Congress had already exercised many powers not directly conferred on it by the Constitution. Ames urged that " Congress may do what is necessary to the end for which the Constitution was adopted, provided it is not repugnant to the natural rights of man, or to those which have been expressly reserved to themselves, or to the powers which are assigned to the states." By a sectional vote of thirty-nine to twenty, the bank bill was passed by the House, more perhaps because it appealed to the commercial interests of the North than because of constitutional argu- ments. Washington submitted the bill to Jefferson and Randolph for their opinions, and then sent those opinions to Hamilton 1792] Finance and Politics ztf for his consideration. Jefferson argued that the bank was Jefferson's and not a " necessary and proper " * means of carrying into * effect the financial powers 'of Congress, and claimed that if that body could adopt any means it thought necessary and proper, it would invade the sphere of the states and destroy Am. Poi. Hist^ their rights. Hamilton's reply was logical and convincing. 1, 114-119. He stated that the states and the nation have different spheres of activity, and that the United States is sovereign within McMaster, its own sphere. He asserted that not only the " express " ^ lted _ state *> or enumerated powers of Congress were delegated, but those that were " implied " as well, and showed that the use of MacDonald, an implied power to supplement an express power could Documents, not injure a state provided the object for which both were s< I0 * IJ * used was one not reserved to the states. Washington ac- cepted the view of Hamilton and signed the bill, and the use of implied powers was not again questioned while the Federalists remained in power. 219. The Formation of Political Parties. During the Reorgani- three years that had elapsed between the inauguration of zation - Washington and the creation of the bank, the revival of business, the continued prosperity in every line, popular confidence in Washington, and national pride in the growing i, 206-211. prestige of the American people, had undermined all the old opposition to the Constitution which had been voiced Bassett, by the Anti-Federalists. But as Hamilton had seen his F eder <* list financial plans enacted into law and had attached to the new government the classes interested in commerce and manu- factures, he had aroused an opposition among those de- voted to agriculture which had grown stronger year by year. The leader of this opposition was Jefferson, who fought the policy of Hamilton in the cabinet, and began organizing his followers in the country. The party of Hamilton, the members of which called them- Federalist selves Federalists, included the majority of the aristocracy P art y- in the United States chiefly because the party believed in government by the " well born." All the moneyed men as Hamilton, 1 The Constitution, Art. I, 8, cl. 18. 238 American History [1792 Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 220-223. Republican party. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 208, 215-220. Partisan abuse. Hart, Contem- poraries, Nos. 85-88. McMaster, United States, II, IIO-II2, 249-255. 296-306. Proclamation of Neutrality. MacDonald, Documents, N 7 o. 13. Foster, Am. Diplomacy, 153-156. well had profited by the strong policy of the government under which business had improved so greatly, and were therefore ready to accept Hamilton's doctrine of implied powers. In the North and in South Carolina, the Federalists were in a decided majority. Although an opposition party, the adherents of Jefferson, known as Republicans, had well-defined views on public questions, modeled after those of their leader. Their chief doctrine was the restriction of the powers of the cen- tral government in order to protect the states from the aggressions of Congress. Coupled with this was a belief that the country should be ruled by the common people for the benefit of the agricultural classes. Each of these parties employed newspapers in which appeared partisan articles supporting their respective claims. In time the criticisms of the administration in the Republican papers degenerated into personal attacks upon Washington, the war of these pamphlet writers being scurrilous beyond belief. At one time Washington was nicknamed " the step-father of his country." At another he was accused of stealing from the public treasury. Driven to desperation he said that he would rather be in his grave than in the office of president. FOREIGN AFFAIRS (1793-1798) 220. Difficulties with France (1793). Fortunately for the United States the new government was established quite firmly before it was obliged to deal with any important for- eign problems. But during the period from 1793 to 1815; there was scarcely a year that did not bring fresh difficulties, The revolution which had broken out in France in 1789 had in 1792 led to the establishment of a republic, and in January, 1793, to the execution of Louis XVI. Early in April news was brought that France had declared war against England. Washington without delay called his cabinet together and asked the members whether the French treaty of 1778 was still binding upon us, and whether he 1793] Foreign Affairs 239 should declare the United States neutral. Hamilton and Lodge, Knox held the treaty to be without effect, and all agreed that the United States should take no part in the war, but should receive a minister from the French Republic, thereby recog- nizing that government. This wise policy of refraining from a contest which lasted two decades was adopted, and Washington on April 22, 1793, issued his famous Procla- mation of Neutrality warning citizens of the United States to avoid all acts that were not strictly neutral in character. Two weeks earlier, ,a French minister, Edmund Charles Trouble with Genet, had landed at Charleston. Young, ardent, and irresponsible, a fit representative of the Girondists who then governed France, Genet did not wait to be accredited by 7 dge ' ' Washington, our government, but began fitting out privateers. Pro- ceeding leisurely overland he evoked great enthusiasm for the French cause. His treatment of Washington, who did j h ns ton not in the least alter his determination to keep the coun- Am. Pol. Hist. try neutral, was at first cool and then rude. Strangely * I 3 I ~ I 44- enough, Genet did not ask us to carry out the treaty of 1778 to defend the French West Indies against England because Bassett, he hoped to make a new treaty in which we would agree System SB _g S to help France regain Louisiana. Being called to account for his violations of international law, he stirred up opposi- tion to the government, urged the formation of societies United states, on the model of the French Jacobin clubs, and at length de- H. 98-107, clared that he would appeal from the President to Congress. " 3> I37 ~ 1 ' Hitherto popular feeling had been very bitter against Wash- ington for not favoring the French openly, but as Genet became more indiscreet, a reaction set in which left the ad- ministration more popular than ever. A request for Genet's recall was honored at once, as the Girondists were no longer in power, and an episode that might have had serious con- sequences but for the recklessness of Genet, no longer aroused general interest. 221. Grievances against England (1794). Following Failure to keep close upon the excitement over French actions, came an outburst of wrath against the aggressions of Great Britain. 240 American History Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., 1, 144-147. Interference with American commerce. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 147-150. McMaster, United States, II, 165-168. Negotiation and provisions. There had been some bad feeling between the two countries because of the failure on each side to observe features of the treaty of 1783. As ten years earlier, Great Britain still retained the military posts in the Northwest and was accused of inciting the Indians of that region. No compensation had ever been made for the negroes carried off by the English in 1783. On the other hand England was offended that obstacles had been placed in the way of collecting debts due to her merchants and complained because the states had refused absolutely to compensate the loyalists for injuries sustained during the war. When war began between France and England in 1793, each used all possible means of injuring the other's com- merce and eventually of damaging the enemy by interfering with neutral trade, England being the chief offender because she was more powerful on the ocean. American vessels were seized if found carrying goods of the enemy or when they had on board contraband of war, the latter being held most unjustly to include provisions destined for a French or British port. Great Britain also began to reenforce the Rule of 1756, which declared that neutrals should not enjoy during war a commerce with colonies that were closed to them in times of peace. Ships trading with the French West Indies were therefore subject to capture. English war vessels further exercised the privilege of stopping Amer- ican ships and impressing sailors who were thought to be British citizens. Many of these had no doubt sought em- ployment in a neutral marine to avoid service in the British navy, but a larger number were American-born or natural- ized American citizens. 1 222. Jay's Treaty (1794). Aroused by these outrages, Congress declared an embargo on all vessels or ports of the United States, and voted a large sum for harbor defenses. But Washington desired a peaceful solution of the differences 1 England claimed that no English citizen could ever forswear his alle- giance to her, on the principle of once an English citizen always an English citizen. 1795] Foreign Affairs 241 with England, and appointed John Jay as special envoy to the court of St. James. Jay was well received by the English ministry, and concluded a treaty covering some of the points at issue. Each nation was allowed to trade with the other on the most favorable terms given to any other power. The northwest posts were to be evacuated in 1796, and compensation was promised for any merchant- men unlawfully seized, but the subject of impressment was not mentioned. The United States agreed to pay all of the debts which British creditors could not collect. By Article XII trade was permitted with the British West Indies during the war with France, and for. two years thereafter, in vessels of less than seventy tons, pro- vided that no molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton was to be carried in Ameri- can vessels to any part of the world. This treaty was submitted by Washington to a special session of the Senate, which debated it in secret and rati- fied by a two thirds vote after striking out the objectionable twelfth article. A few days later, the text of the treaty was made public for the first time. From all parts of the coun- try arose a storm of protest. Jay, Washington, and the Federalist senators were accused of betraying the country and were subjected to criticism more virulent than that of two years before. Opposition meetings were held in all of the large cities, Jay was burned in effigy at various places, and Hamilton, attempting to speak for the treaty, was stoned by a mob in New York City. Nevertheless the treaty was signed by Washington and went into force without the offensive article on West Indian trade. JOHN JAY Johnston, Am. Pol. I, 150-155. Pellew, Jay, 294-3I3- Criticism and adoption.' Lodge, Washington, II, 181-194, 201-207. McMaster, United States, II, 212-216, 245-25S- 242 American History [1791 Importance of the treaty. Farewell address. Old South Leaflets, No. 4. Election of 1796. Bassett, Federalist System, 142-146. McMaster, United States, II, 291-307. Although this treaty was in many ways unsatisfactory to the nation, it postponed war with Great Britain for several years and placed us upon a friendlier footing with that power. Considering the circumstances it was probably as favorable a treaty as a young though growing nation could expect to make with the chief maritime power of the world, which was at that time using every means to crush a formidable antagonist. Its real importance is shown clearly by the objections made to it by France ( 224) and by the concessions which we were able to obtain from Spain at this time ( 231). 223. The Close of Washington's Adminis- tration. Washington declined to accept a third term as President, glad to escape the cares of the office and the abuse of his enemies. JOHN ADAMS Before the election of his successor was held, he issued a farewell address to the people of the United States, urging them to avoid geographical parties and foreign entangle- ments. Jefferson was the natural candidate of the Republican party, but the Federalists knew that it was hopeless to at- tempt the election of their leader, Hamilton, and selected Vice President Adams as the most available man. Interest in the election centered in the effort of Hamilton to have Adams again chosen as vice president, and to secure the selection of Thomas Pinckney as president. Party lines were not drawn closely and the result was most peculiar. Pinckney did not obtain the full support of the Federalists 1798] Foreign Affairs 243 in the North, and received fewer votes than Jefferson, stanwood, Adams had a majority of but three over Jefferson, so Presidenc y> i* 1 /-~\ T n~ T* tl* OflelptCr 1 V that, according to the Constitution, Jefferson, a Republican, became vice president, and Adams, a Federalist, was chosen president " the president of three votes," as he was some- times called. Adams was an exceptionally honest and able man, but Character of so conceited and overbearing that his undoubted merits were often overlooked. In the revolutionary Congress he had Appieton's been one of the most active and efficient workers. He has Cyclopedia of the honor of being the chief author of the only revolutionary Bl &- state constitution that of Massachusetts which is still Schouler in use. Although blunt and outspoken, he had rendered United states, valuable services abroad under the Confederation, and, as * 55-5i2- vice president for eight years, he had gained the good opin- ion if not the cordial support of the moderate Federalists. 224. Trouble with France (1796-1800). Jay's treaty Quarrel was even less palatable to the French than to the United ( I7 States. Even so imperfect an understanding with Eng- Johnston, land was held to have abrogated the treaties of amity and A- p l - Hi commerce made in 1778.* Coupled with the recall of James ' I 3 ~ J ' Monroe, who, as minister at Paris, had sought to curry Foster, Am. French favor by the neglect of his duties, the Directory Diplomacy, refused to receive the new minister, C. C. Pinckney. A year I 7 2 ~ I 77. later three special envoys were sent to settle matters peace- fully if possible, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry being selected to act with Pinckney. As soon as the Americans attempted to present their claims, the secret representatives of the Directory made certain demands, including one for a loan and $240,000 for the personal use of the directors, the last-named sum to be paid at once. The agents intimated that if this bribe was paid and the loan promised, their claims against us would not be pressed. After months of effort that was fruitless because the French made the pay- ment of the bribe a prerequisite to all negotiations, the envoys departed. 1 Officially the treaties were still in force, however. 244 American History [1798 X.Y.Z. papers. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 168-175. McMaster, United States, II, 374-385- Naval war, and treaty of 1800. Bassett, Federalist System, 237-251. Anti-alien laws. MacDonald, Documents, Nos. 17-19. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 181-184. Bassett, Federalist System, 252-259. Meanwhile, the dispatches of the envoys reached America with the insulting demands of the French agents. These papers were submitted to Congress and in a ringing message President Adams urged preparations for the national de- fense. The enthusiasm of the people was intense, and in addition to the appropriations made by Congress for the equipment of men-of-war and the raising of an army, popu- lar subscriptions were raised for the arming of privateers. The next year (1799) one French frigate was captured, and another greatly injured in the West Indies, but the contest with France was brought to a close when Adams sent three commissioners to Paris in opposition to the wishes of his own party. In 1800 a treaty was concluded with Napoleon, now first consul, and the real head of the French government, who desired to acquire Louisiana and wished first to regain the friendship of America. This provided for peace, declared the alliance of 1778 dissolved in exchange for the surrender of our claims for damages done to our commerce by the French, and gave guarantees that as neutrals we should thereafter be free from arbitrary interference with legitimate commerce. FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS (1798-1802) 225. The Alien and Sedition Laws (1798). The publi- cation of the insulting "X. Y. Z. letters," and the popular enthusiasm in favor of strong measures against the French, caused the ' Federalists to pass three acts aimed ostensibly at aliens, but really designed to silence the vicious attacks upon the administration made by Republican journalists who were of foreign birth. The Naturalization Act provided that no alien could become a citizen until he had resided in the United States fourteen years. By the Alien Act the president might for two years order all aliens whom he con- sidered dangerous to the United States or engaged in secret machinations against the government to leave the country. 1 1 An Alien Enemy's Act was passed a fortnight after the first Alien Act. In case of war or invasion, the president might order the arrest of any adult male citizen of the nation with whom we were at war. 1798] Federalists and Republicans 245 Many foreigners, fearing that the government might apply this law strictly, left the United States of their own accord. The Sedition Act was much more drastic. 1 It provided Sedition Act. fines and imprisonment for any person guilty of impeding the enforcement of national law or for any one who might ac onal ' ' Documents, " write, print, utter, or publish any false, scandalous, and NO. 20. malicious writing or writings" against any national officials with intent to defame them or bring them into contempt or J ohns ' on ' Am, Pol. Hist disrepute. Under this act, the Federalists attempted to 1. 184-188. prevent the reelection of Representative Lyon of Vermont. Lyon was arrested, tried, and sentenced to imprisonment J 1 " 6 * 1 ' J ' Federalist for four months and the payment of a fine of $1000. His system, fine was paid by friends, and his district reflected him to 259-264. Congress. The Sedition Act stirred up more hatred than T-, , McMaster, it suppressed, and reacted upon the Federalists, in the end united states, destroying the popularity caused by the war excitement. 11,396-404. Such arbitrary government was not possible in a free and enlightened republic. 226. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions (1798- Principles X 799)- The Republican leaders quickly took advantage announced, of these Federalist blunders and strengthened their organi- zation, especially in the South and West. Among the means > ( , cumeKts ' used for undermining Federalist power were protests issued Nos. 21-23. by certain legislatures against the anti-foreign laws enacted during the summer of 1798. The first of these resolutions Bassett . was suggested by Jefferson to the Kentucky legislature, and system is a truly remarkable document. It asserted that the central 265-271. government was created by a compact of the states for special purposes only, " and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are un- authoritative, void, and of no force." It maintained that the government of the United States is not the judge of the powers that are conferred in the Constitution, but that each state " has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of in- fractions as of the mode and measure of redress." The violations of which complaint was made were discussed at 1 The Sedition Act expired by limitation March 4, 1801. 246 American History [1798 Candidates and campaign. Morse, Jefferson, 195-200. McMaster, United States, II, 493-508. some length. These resolutions, adopted in November, 1798, were submitted to the legislatures of the other states, seven of which in their replies distinctly denied the right of the states to nullify a national law. Virginia protested in resolutions drawn up by Madison against the Alien and Sedition acts as " palpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution," although the tone of the Virginia resolu- tions was much milder than that of those adopted in Kentucky. With these replies be- fore it, the next legis- lature of Kentucky declared its attach- ment to the Union, reaffirmed its previous assertions, and added that, as the sovereign states have the un- questionable right to judge of any infrac- tion of the Constitu- tion, " a nullification by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy." 227. The Election of 1800. The presidential election of 1800 was interesting and exciting. Parties were much better organized than four years earlier, and the electors were now required to vote in accord with instructions rather than to follow their own judgment. The candidates were again Adams and Jefferson, the Republicans uniting upon Aaron Burr of New York for vice president, and the Fed- eralists selecting C. C. Pinckney of South Carolina for the second place. Adams had not added to his popularity during his four years of office. He had made the mistake i8oi] Federalists and Republicans 247 of retaining Washington's cabinet, dismissing the members who opposed him only a short time before the election of 1800. The breach with Hamilton had been widened, and Adams was obliged to shoulder responsibility for the odious anti-foreign laws of 1798. Nevertheless the election was not one-sided: Jefferson Election, and Burr received seventy-three votes each, Adams obtained sixty-five, and Pinckney sixty-four. As the electors, accord- McMaster. ing to the Constitution, did not designate which candidate ***** Stat "' 11,508-517, was to be president and which vice president, the House of 522-526. Representatives, voting by states, was obliged to select the chief executive. None questioned for an instant that Jeffer- stanwcod, son was the real candidate of the Republicans, but the Presidency, House was Federalist and for a time it looked as though the Cha P ter v - Federalists in their chagrin would vote for Burr. Fortu- nately, Hamilton used his influence in favor of Jefferson, and on the thirty-sixth ballot Jefferson was chosen president. Three years later Congress proposed as a twelfth amend- ment to the Constitution that the electors designate the office of the candidates for whom they voted. This was adopted without delay, and is the method used at the present time. Finding that the election had gone against them, the Federalist Federalist Congress passed a Judiciary Act providing for appointments, circuit judgeships which Adams filled with members of his own party. With unseemly greed the Federalists seized Schouler . J . J ' United States, upon every office that was vacant in order to reduce the i iSOO _ sa . patronage of the new administration; but at midnight, March 3, 1801, this work of spoliation was checked by Jefferson's attorney-general, who entered the office of Secre- tary of State Marshall, and stopped the signing of commis- sions. 228. Jefferson and his Party. The inauguration of Inauguration. Jefferson was marked by a simplicity lacking in those of his predecessors. Without parade, in the dress of an ordinary Schouler, citizen, he proceeded to the capitol and delivered an inaug- United states, ural address, noteworthy for its breadth and moderation. The most skillful partisan leader of his time, he decried 248 American History [1801 Adams, United States, I, 185-208. Views of Jefferson. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, No. 106. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., I, 253-258. The man Jef- ferson and his advisers. party animosities. " Every difference of opinion is not a dif- ference of principle. We are all Republicans we are all Federalists." In eloquent language he summarized the principles on which our government is based equal and exact justice to all men, " peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none," the support of the state governments in all their rights, the preservation of the general government in its whole con- stitutional vigor, a jealous care of the right of election by the people, the supremacy of the civil over the military author- ity, economy in the public service, and the maintenance of individual freedom. Thus auspiciously did the members of Jefferson's party come into control of the national government, a position which they held with few interruptions for sixty years. Al- though their views and practices changed greatly during those six decades, they followed in the main the lines laid down by their great leader. Jefferson had something of the demagogue in his disposition, and had no scruples against reversing his previous policies if anything was to be gained, but he was consistent in his desire to make the United States a democratic nation, and in that consists his greatest service to his country. Under the Federalists the central govern- ment had been strengthened, so that its permanence was assured, but it was out of touch with the people and dis- trusted by them. Jefferson, rightly reading the future, foresaw that the nation would become democratic and that our governments must become so. More than any one else he aided in this movement of extending power to the masses. He trusted the people and sought in every way to give every man equal opportunities and equal privileges. At the time of his election Jefferson was in his fifty-ninth year, and had devoted half his life to public affairs. As the writer of the Declaration of Independence, he had gained an international reputation early in life. During the Con- federation he had rendered inestimable services in the cause of freecjorn in, his own state and in the West. He had served i8oi] Federalists and Republicans abroad, and had been secretary of state under Washington, but had not made a brilliant diplomat. Tall and ungainly in appearance, rather eccentric in manner, and given to an ostentatious simplicity of dress, he nevertheless possessed a bright, pleasant way which made him extremely popular. In the direction of national affairs he called to his aid, among others, James Madison, who was secretary of state, and Albert Gallatin, who was placed in charge of the finances. By these three able and pa- triotic leaders were the interests of America con- sidered and protected amid the many difficulties that beset Jefferson's two ad- ministrations. 229. Reversal of Fed- eralist Practices. Jeffer- son believed that his party had saved the government from becoming monarch- ical, and therefore consid- ered his election a revolu- tion as important as that of 1776. In point of fact few policies of the Federalists were reversed, although some of their practices were changed, and the most objectionable of their laws were repealed. For purely personal reasons Jefferson, who was a poor speaker, did not address the houses of Congress after the manner of Washington and Adams, but sent to them a written message a custom followed by all of his successors. At the time of his inauguration, most of the offices were held by political opponents, whom he retained, except in a few cases. Resisting the clamor of his friends for recog- nition, Jefferson made few removals except for incom- petency and gave some of the positions made vacant to moderate Federalists. Charming, Jeffersonian System, 4-10. THOMAS JEFFERSON Jefferson's general policy. Attitude to- ward removals. Charming, Jeffersonian System, 10-17. McMaster, United States, II, 583-588. 250 ' American History [1801 Financial, mili- tary, and naval policies. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., $$ 54-57- Changes in the judiciary. Schouler, United States, II, 25-27. McMaster, United States, II, 607-612. The financial policy of the administration was outlined by Gallatin, the secretary of the treasury. Under the Fed- eralists taxes had been multiplied, and the revenue had in- creased constantly, but expenditures had increased in even greater proportion because the Federalists believed in a comparatively large army and navy, and desired the ex- pansion of national authority regardless of expense. The national debt was, in consequence, eight millions more in 1801 than in 1791. This debt Gallatin planned to pay within less than twenty years, principally by reducing military and naval ex- penditures. At his sug- gestion and in accordance with the wishes of the President, the army was reduced to three thousand men, and many of the naval vessels were placed out of commission, the protection of the coasts being left to tiny " gun- boats " which were as inexpensive as they were ineffective. At the same session of Congress, the internal revenue taxes, which had been from the beginning odious to the Republicans, were re- pealed, the loss of income from this source being compara- tively slight. 230. The National Courts. The Republicans attempted to undo the work of their predecessors by attacks upon the courts. The scandalous Judiciary Act of 1801 which created unnecessary circuit judgeships, and provided berths for many partisans whose terms of office were expiring, was repealed in 1802. Other acts were passed which reduced greatly the number of cases likely to be brought before na- tional tribunals. No change was made, however, at this time in the Supreme Court, to the chief justiceship of which i8o 5 ] Federalists and Republicans 251 John Marshall had been appointed by President Adams six weeks before the close of his term. This great jurist, for over thirty years the head of the high- est court of the United States, exerted an influence upon the development of a strong national government within the United States which was second to that of no other man. By force of intel- lect he dominated the court long after the Repub- licans had gained a majority of the places on the bench, and in a series of decisions marked by unan- swerable logic ( 254) made the powers of the Constitution so real that even his political o p p o- nents accepted his views and used in the most liberal way the powers conferred on the national government by the Constitution. The Republicans showed their distrust of the courts also in attempting to remove a number of judges. In Penn- sylvania most of the judges in the highest court were im- peached, but retained their positions because the moderate Republicans believed that conviction for partisan reasons was a menace to free government. United States District Judge Pickering was impeached and found guilty, though not for political offenses. Much the most conspicuous case was that of Justice Chase of the Supreme Court. Although a man of parts, he had aroused the animosity of his oppo- JOHN MARSHALL John Marshall. Willoughby, Supreme Court 89-90. Lodge, Fighting Frigate, 25-64. Impeachment of judges. Schouler, United States^ II, 86-89. 252 American History [1800 nents by his biased conduct in one or two semi-political trials and by offensive remarks in a political speech. His prosecution before the Senate was conducted by John Ran- dolph, a most eccentric individual whose conduct of the case was absurdly incompetent. Chase was defended ably and was acquitted. These impeachments, although undertaken for partisan reasons, had a wholesome influence in prevent- ing further abuses of judicial privileges. The acquittals likewise were most fortunate, for they insured the pro- tection of the courts against unjust attacks by their ene- mies. WESTERN PROBLEMS (1800-1806) Importance of 231. Disputes over the Lower Mississippi River. The the riv West. )l e most momentous question that arose during Jefferson's first administration was concerned with the purchase of Louisiana. This important addition to our territory was poraries ^ e outgrowth of controversies over the navigation of the III, No. in. Mississippi River and the right of deposit at the mouth of that river. Before 1800 Spain controlled the western bank of the river as well as the eastern bank for two hundred miles from its mouth. But the inhabitants of the region west of the Alleghanies needed both the navigation of the river their natural means of communicating with the outside world, since it was extremely difficult for them to carry their products across the Alleghanies and a right of deposit near the mouth for goods to be shipped abroad. Disputes We noticed ( 182) the storm of protest that greeted the before 1800. proposal to close the Mississippi for twenty-five years at a time when the West was settled very little. In the absence Turner, F. J., o f treaty agreements, however, Spain had not been punc- \K Review tilious about interfering with our western trade until in 1705 of Reviews, xxvii Thomas Pinckney concluded a treaty with that power. (1903), 578-581. Alarmed by Jay's treaty ( 222) and by the prospect of an alliance between Great Britain and the United States, Spain recognized the thirty-first parallel as the northern boundary of West Florida, opened the Mississippi to our commerce, THE UNITED STATES IN 1800 1803] Western Problems 253 and gave us a right of deposit at New Orleans. Spain was Ogg, Missis. the more willing to make these concessions in order to gain "??* 4 x 9-439- the goodwill of the United States, because France was very anxious to regain Louisiana and Great Britain was willing to intrigue for its possession, and at this time the United States was less grasping than either of the great European rivals. In 1800 Napoleon, now first consul of France, forced Louisiana the king of Spain to sign the treaty of San Ildefonso, and to ( I8o - l8 3). cede him Louisiana, on the express stipulation, however, that it should never be transferred to any other power. Chaining, When this treaty became known in America the next year, system $1-64 Robert R. Livingston, our minister to France, was instructed to purchase if possible the Isle of Orleans, upon which New Adams Orleans is located, and West Florida, so as to give us control United states, of the entire east bank of the Mississippi. Soon after, and * 3S 2 et se - pired, and Jefferson was anxious to make a new treaty deal- ing with the questions of impressment and neutral trade. But so little would the English government yield that the m, 249-253. treaty did not mention impressment and was not even sub- mitted by the President to the Senate. A little later, in June, 1807, war between the two nations Chesapeake seemed imminent. The warship Leopard demanded from a the Chesapeake the surrender of three deserters, two of whom were American-born and had been forced into the British navy. When the demand was unheeded, the Leopard, the in, NO. 119. more powerful boat, fired on the Chesapeake, killing three and wounding eighteen of her crew. This outrage caused Schouier, intense excitement, but was quickly disavowed by the Eng- Umted states, n, 163-169. hsh government. Four years later reparation was made 260 American History [1805 Earlier orders and decrees. Hart, Contem- poraries, III. No. 120. McMaster, United States, III, 248-250. Later restric- tions on trade. McMaster, United States, 111,273-275. Johnston, Am. Pol. Htsf., I, 289-296. by appropriating money for the families of those slain or injured, but in the meantime Great Britain exercised with the greatest freedom the " wrong of search." 237. Orders and Decrees (1806-1807). The victory of the English fleet under Nelson over the combined fleets of France and Spain at Trafalgar in 1805 definitely settled the supremacy of England on the sea. The years 1805 and 1806 saw Napoleon master of all western Europe after the humili- ation of Austria at Austerlitz and of Prussia at Jena. As neither foe could strike the other directly, Napoleon now attempted to crush England by shutting off her trade with the continent, on which her prosperity depended to a large extent, while England tried to prevent the French and their allies from receiving supplies from their colonies and from neutral nations. Napoleon made the first move by closing the ports of Prussia to English ships. England responded by an order in council (May, 1806) blockading the coast from the Elbe to Brest. Napoleon in his Berlin decree (November, 1806) announced a blockade of the British Isles and declared all English merchandise subject to confiscation. These blockades were not enforced, but English cruisers seized neutral ships on the way to the forbidden continen- tal ports, and the French did not hesitate to appropriate American vessels that were carrying British exports to the continent. Much more drastic were the proclamations issued the next year. British orders in council adopted in November, 1807, demanded that all neutral vessels bound for a port of the enemy must first touch at an English port, and pay duty or be liable to confiscation. When Napoleon heard of these orders, he immediately issued his Milan Decree, declaring that all ships were forfeited which traded with Great Britain or stopped at an English port on their way to the continent and paid duties. Between the millstones of English greed and French spite, American commerce was likely to be ground to destruction. 238. The Embargo (1807). Congress was in session 1809] Commercial Warfare 261 when news was brought of the orders in council of Novem- Original Em- ber, 1807. President Jefferson suggested an embargo and bar e Act - within four days the act became a law, December 22, 1807. The general feeling is expressed in the words of John Quincy MacDonald, Adams, who took this opportunity to identify himself with No the Republican party. "The President has recommended the measure on his high responsibility. I would not con- Hart, Contem- sider, I would not deliberate, I would act." No vessel was poraries, allowed to leave the United States for a foreign port, and no ship could engage in the coasting trade unless it gave bonds for twic, the value of the ship and cargo that the goods it McMaster . , United States, carried would be landed in the United states. "The law, 111,276-281. made more specific in supplementary acts, was not enforced easily. Along the northern border a large amount of smug- gling was done. So clever were many of the evasions that at length it was necessary to demand that all vessels be laden under the supervision of a revenue officer. President Jefferson, once the strictest of strict construe- Enforcement tionists, was obliged to use autocratic powers. Our foreign and re P eal - commerce disappeared. The ships which were abroad when the embargo was laid stayed away, only to be seized Hart> Contem - by Napoleon, who said he would be glad to aid us in enforc- In No ' I22 ing the embargo. In New England business was at a stand- still, most of the capital being tied up in the ships which were y ohnston rotting at the wharves. Nor did shipowners submit with- Am. Pol. Hist^ out a murmur. Protests came to the President constantly. * 297-3 00 - On the anniversary of the passage of the embargo, proces- sions with ships draped in black paraded many of the sea- coast towns. Popular discontent was so great that in the fall of 1808 the Federalists carried several hitherto Repub- lican states. Yet the Congress which met immediately after, advocated the reverse of repeal, and on January 9, 1809, passed a force act making it a crime to export anything from the United States, giving collectors the power to seize wagons or boats headed toward the boundary and articles that they thought might be intended for export. The president was authorized to employ the army and navy in enforcing the 262 American History [1809 Effect abroad. Economic results. Adams, United States, IV, 274-284, V, 14-20. Constitutional results. law. The scenes that followed in New England brought back the days of the Stamp Act. Collectors resigned, meet- ings were held, protests and memorials were sent to Wash- ington, committees of safety were formed, militiamen to enforce the law were refused, and even secession was sug- gested. The embargo majority in Congress was swept away by this storm, and the embargo acts were repealed on the first of March, 1809. 239. Indirect Results of the Embargo. Foreign trade had been prohibited with the expectation of starving Europe into submission to our demands. The total cessation of the chief neutral carrying trade was undoubtedly a loss to the wealthy European colonies in the West Indies and a depriva- tion to the continental countries, but the chief damage was to America, as noted in the preceding section. As Arm- strong, our minister to France, wrote, " We have somewhat overrated our means of coercion. Here it is not felt, and in England ... it is forgotten." It had at least one good influence abroad, however, in showing that the United States, though unwilling to try the fortunes of war, was ready to undergo unusual hardships rather than submit to the humili- ating proclamations against neutral trade. Furthermore, had there been no embargo, the enforcement of the last orders in council and the Milan Decree might have led to a war more futile, more prolonged, and more annoying than that which broke out four and one-half years later. In one sense the embargo marks the beginning of the United States as a manufacturing nation. Cut off as we were from the importation of manufactured articles that had formerly been brought from Europe, especially England, a large amount of homespun cloth, steel goods, furniture, and other articles was produced, particularly in New England, where the capital formerly devoted to trading was now in many cases used in manufacturing. From a constitutional standpoint also, the influence of the embargo was important. The Constitution allows Congress to regulate foreign commerce, but nowhere au 1809] Commercial Warfare 263 thorizes the prohibition of all trade with other countries. The passage and enforcement of the embargo involved therefore a much more liberal use of the implied powers of Congress than had been undertaken by the Federalists. Jefferson and his party had abandoned, without hope of return, their former position as really strict constructionists of the Constitution. 240. The Non-Intercourse Act (1809). The repeal of Provisions, the embargo acts was accompanied by the passage of a law providing that there should be no commercial intercourse MacDonaid, with either England or France so long as their orders and Documents, decrees remained in force. If these were revoked, the presi- dent had the right by proclamation to renew commerce with the nation that had withdrawn its objectionable restrictions on our trade. This discretion was to be exercised by James Madison, who took the oath of office as president three days after the law had been signed. A sincere lover of peace, and a student of politics rather than a practical politician, Madison could be counted on to prevent actual hostilities if possible, as he had done- during his eight years of service as Jefferson's secretary of state. England's minister, David M. Erskine, was as desirous as Erskine treaty Madison to reestablish cordial relations between his natjon and the United States. Accordingly he offered to have the McMaster, orders in council withdrawn on the loth of June, 1809, *' if the United States would cease to discriminate against English commerce. 1 Amid the general rejoicing over this settlement of difficulties with Great Britain came news that Erskine had been recalled and his acts disavowed, and, after a brief interval, the orders in council were enforced with greater vigor. The United States had added another failure to her already long list in her attempts to protect our trade abroad. 1 In doing this Erskine undoubtedly exceeded his instructions, but Madison, glad of the opportunity to discontinue so large a part of the commercial warfare we had been waging, did not wait to learn whether Erskine's action would be endorsed by the English ministry, and pro- claimed that trade with England would be resumed June 10. 264 American History [1809 French protests. Schouler, United States, H. 335-34. Provisions. Napoleon's trickery. McMaster, United St.ites, III, 368-394, 424-426. Napoleon was no more submissive to the Non-intercourse Act than was Great Britain. As the act prevented trade with France and threatened confiscation to any French ships found in American ports, Napoleon retaliated with spirit by seizing and selling all the American ships that entered ports of his allies. This policy of confiscation he strengthened by issuing in March, 1810, the Rambouillet Decree, by which all American ships trading with France or countries subject to France were to be sold and the proceeds placed in the " chest of death." Within two months one hundred and thirty-four ships had been confiscated, making a total of $10,000,000 obtained by Napoleon from American spolia- tions since the passage of the Non-intercourse Act. 241. The Macon Bill, No. 2 (1810). Non-intercourse, as embodied in the bill of 1809, was seen to be unsatisfactory. A substitute was adopted finally by Congress on May i, 1810. This provided for a renewal of trade with all coun- tries, but, if either France or Great Britain should withdraw her proclamations against American commerce, our govern- ment should give the other three months in which to with- draw her decrees. If the latter still continued to discriminate against our trade, we should revive non-intercourse with that nation. Napoleon saw that his chance had come to embroil the United States with Great Britain, to his own advantage. With half promises that restitution should be made to Amer- ica for the ships he had seized, he agreed that on November i, 1810, he would revoke the Berlin and Milan decrees if Eng- land would recall her orders in council, or if the United States would compel Great Britain to respect our rights on the ocean. Our government consequently sought in every way to secure the revocation of the English orders in council, but in vain. On November 2, therefore, President Madison proclaimed that if the orders were not withdrawn by February i, 1811, non-intercourse should go into effect again with Great Britain. The tricky emperor, without compensating Amer- ican merchants for losses at his hands, by a halting and par- i8ii] Commercial Warfare 26$ tial removal of restrictions on our trade, had skillfully made . the United States an instrument for injuring British com- merce, at the same time that he had caused England to seem the chief offender. For Great Britain, claiming that the French decrees were still in force, refused to modify her orders, and on March 2, 1811, Congress passed the last of its commercial acts designed to maintain peace, and prohibited ah 1 trade with England in British vessels. 242. Summary. Fortunately the chief problems of Financial internal organization had been completed before we be- and p art y came involved in the contests of Europe after 1793. Most of the pressing problems of finance had been solved by the adoption of Hamilton's plan for a complete system of taxes, for reducing the debt, and the assumption of state debts. The adoption of this financial policy was the cause of disputes between two sets of people who in time organized political parties with definite views regarding the respective powers of the national and state governments, on European ques- tions, and on popular participation in the work of govern- ment. Under the aristocratic Federalist party, the national government was placed upon a firm basis, but the Federal- ists ruled arbitrarily and permitted their opponents to gain control. This democratic Republican party kept itself in power because every tendency of the times was in favor of government by the people. We were drawn into foreign disputes because, as neutrals, Foreign prob- we enjoyed a large part of the carrying trade carried on lems after *793. before 1793 by one of the combatants, and because several of the nations engaged in the European war controlled or desired territory adjacent to the United States. Our chief complaints were against Great Britain, who objected to our carrying goods directly or indirectly between French colonies and France or her allies in Europe. Although we tried to avoid any part in these European Successful wars, our treaty of 1778 with France caused difficulty at treaties first, and our understanding with England in Jay's treaty (I794-I 3 ^' (1794) completely altered our relations with the chief nations 266 American History [1789- at war. The misunderstanding with France which followed Jay's treaty was terminated by the treaty of 1800. In 1803 Napoleon helped us to solve difficulties in the West by ceding all of Louisiana, which affected American devel- opment in innumerable ways and to a very great extent. Commercial The last phase of the European contest during this period discriminations j n wn i c h we were interested was a species of commercial warfare in which France tried to cripple England by cutting off English trade with the continent,, and England aimed to destroy the trade of France with the outside world. The United States suffered especially and tried to protect herself by passing embargo and non-intercourse acts which de- stroyed most of our commerce without injuring the European nations particularly. Having exhausted every peaceable means to obtain relief from commercial discrimination, there seemed to be no honorable course but to declare war in order to protect our rights. TOPICS 1. INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN THE WEST (1790-1800): Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," VI, chap. II; Turner, F. J., in Atlantic Monthly, 93 (1904), pp. 676-691, 807-817; Ogg, "Open- ing of the Mississippi," pp. 410-494. 2. KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS : Johnston, " American Political History," I, pp. 188-202; Von Hoist, "Constitutional His- tory," I, pp. 142-167; Powell, "Nullification and Secession in United States," pp. 50-91. 3. BURR'S CONSPIRACY: Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," IV, pp. 288-307; McMaster, "People of the United States," III, pp. 54-88; Adams, "History of the United States," II, pp. 394-409, III, 299344; McCaleb, "Aaron Burr Conspiracy." 4. OPPOSITION TO THE EMBARGO: McMaster, "People of the United States," III, pp. 279-307, 323-335; Adams, "History of the United States," IV, pp. 249-289, 339-360; Benton (ed.), "Debates of Congress," III, 677-707, IV, pp. 5-31. STUDIES 1. Difficulties with the Indians in the Northwest. (King, " Ohio," pp. 241-261.) 2. The situation in Europe (1789-1801). (Adams, "European History," pp. 427-444.) i8ii] Foreign and Domestic Problems 267 3. Washington's Farewell Address. (Larned (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," V, pp. 3308-3.314.) 4. Debate on the "X. Y. Z." correspondence in Congress. (Ben- ton (ed.), "Debates of Congress," III, pp. 225-242.) 5. Jefferson's first inaugural address. (" American Eloquence," I, pp. 155-163.) 6. Fisher Ames on Jay's treaty. ("American Eloquence," I, pp. 112-130.) 7. Jefferson's views on the constitutionality of Louisiana. (Jeffer- son, "Writings" (Monticello ed.), X, pp. 407-420.) 8. Significance of the Louisiana purchase. (Turner, F. J., in Review of Reviews, XXVII (1903), pp. 578-584.) 9. Napoleon's "Continental System." (Andrews, "Historical Development of Modern Europe," I, pp. 49-62.) 10. English customs followed in 1789. (Ford, "American Poli- tics," Chapter VI.) QUESTIONS 1. How had the state debts been incurred ? Should the difference between the net amount of the northern and southern debts have affected the payment? Was assumption necessary? Was it wise? What influence did the financial measures of Hamilton exert on the national government ? 2. What is the difference between strict construction in 1791 and at present ? What is meant by implied powers ? Could the Con- stitution have survived without the use of implied powers? Men- tion several duties now performed by the national government which involve the use of implied powers. 3. Could the organization of political parties have been prevented? Explain. Show the position of the parties on democracy, constitu- tional questions, foreign affairs, other matters. Why did the Fed- eralist party go to pieces after 1800? What part of its work was permanent ? 4. Why was'the Proclamation of Neutrality in 1 793 a wise measure ? Show how the year 1795 marks a turning-point in the history of our international relations. Did our standing abroad improve during the rule of the Federalists? 5. Was the election of Jefferson (1800-1801) a political revolu- tion? To what extent was the policy of the national government really changed? Were Jefferson's administrations successful? 6. What was the influence of the Louisiana purchase on territorial sxpansion, construction of the Constitution, development of national- ity, changes in favor of democracy, economic development, the prob- lem of slavery, settlement of international disputes, general progress of the United States? 268 American History 7. Define the American view of the Rule of 1 756, the English view. Was impressment from American vessels justifiable ? Was there any reasonable excuse for the orders and decrees of 1806 and 1807? Be specific. 8. On what constitutional grounds might an embargo be declared ? What was the effect of the embargo on England? on France? on American commerce ? How did the embargo influence the invest- ment of capital within the United States? Give some idea of the real importance of the embargo. 9. Explain each of the problems confronting the national govern- ment in 1789 and note those developed later. In what way was an attempt made to solve each? With what success? Give fully. CHAPTER XH A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824) PRESIDENTS James Madison (1809-1817) James Monroe (1817-1825) THE SECOND WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 243. Events Leading to War (1811-1812). The feeling Little Belt toward England, already bitter, was increased during the affair - years 1811 and 1812 by three unfortunate events. In May of 1811 the Little Belt, one of the British vessels occupied united states in watching our coasts, by some mischance was engaged 111,402-406. in action by the President, which was a much larger ship. The Little Belt was completely crippled, but an investiga- tion freed the American government from blame for the affair, and there was general rejoicing that the Chesapeake had been avenged. Six months later, Governor William Henry Harrison at- Victory at tacked a force of Indians gathered at Tippecanoe creek in Tippecanoe. Indiana Territory, defeating them with great slaughter and Babcock. Am. burning their principal town. Under the lead of a Shawnee Nationality, chieftain, Tecumseh, a confederation of all the Indian tribes 32 3 ' in the West had been formed for the purpose of expelling Schouier, ,i i . m, . 111*1 United States. the whites. This movement, it was thought, had received n 366 _ 370 the support of the British in upper Canada. The third cause of ill-feeling was the publication in March, The Henry 1812, of letters sold to our government by an adventurer, letters - John Henry, who claimed to have been sent in 1810 on a McMa^pr, secret mission to New England with the intention of learning United states, whether that section would desert the United States in case ' 444 ~ 447 ' of a war with Great Britain. 244. Declaration of War (1812). Prevention of war 269 2/0 American History [1812 Clay and the New Repub- licans. Schurz, Clay, I, 77-88. War declared. MacDonald, Documents, Nos. 29, 30. McMaster, United States, III, 449-452. 454-458. Beginning of the conflict. Babcock, Am. Nationality, 69-83. had now become an especially difficult task, for the control within the Republican party had passed from the older and more conservative leaders to a set of young, energetic men who believed further submission to be debasing. Among these young Republicans Henry Clay of Kentucky was the most prominent figure. Brilliant rather than deep, an elo- quent speaker, with a rare capacity for making friends, he was a remarkably successful leader. He and his " war- hawks " aroused such an enthusiasm for war that Presi- dent Madison, desiring a second term, was induced to support their policy. An increase in the army and navy was voted early in Janu- ary, 1812. Later, an embargo of ninety days was declared as a preparation for war, and on June i, 1812, the President's confidential war message was submitted to Congress. Three grievances against England were mentioned: impressment, sham blockades, and intrigues with the western Indians. With but a few days' delay, Congress voted for war, the South and West being almost unanimous for action, while the Northeast voted against the measure, thirty-four of the minority going so far as to issue an unpatriotic manifesto assailing the administration's position. War was declared June 19, and on June 23 the orders in council were withdrawn by England. Had a telegraphic cable been in existence, war might have been avoided. Before this news could reach America, the government had made preparations for increasing its army and building new frigates, and the nation could not easily be dissuaded from the invasion of Canada which had been planned. In New England, the governors refused to furnish troops who should fight outside their respective states, but elsewhere enlistments went on rapidly. With light hearts the people began war on the most powerful nation of Europe. Con- sidering the distance between the continents and the diffi- culties of the war with Napoleon which had taxed England's resources to the utmost, the disparity was not great. 245. War in the North (1812-1813). The invasion of 1813] The Second War of Independence 271 Canada, so much desired, especially by the West, and re- peatedly attempted during the first two years of the war, was a complete and humiliating failure. At the beginning of hostilities, General Hull, having crossed into upper Can- ada, was forced to retire, and, without a blow, surrendered Detroit and all Michigan to the English. Following this came counter invasions of the British into Ohio, and the horrible massacre of the wounded by the Indian allies of the British at the River Raisin, the cry of " Remember the Loss of the Northwest (1812). Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3340-3344- Babcock, Am, Nationality, 84-98. SCENE OF WAR IN THE NORTH River Raisin " being thereafter the slogan of the western troops. In the fall of 1813 the tide turned in the Northwest. Lake Erie Oliver H. Perry, having by remarkable efforts completed a and the River fl TIT/- u 4. r Thames (1813) fleet on L,ake Erie, met and captured a somewhat inferior fleet commanded by an officer who had served under the , McMaster, greatest of British admirals, Nelson. This great victory united states, was announced in the laconic dispatch, " We have met the IV, 32-41. enemy and they are ours." It was followed by the transfer of Harrison's army to the north shore of Lake Erie and the unequal battle on the Thames River, in which the In- dian warrior Tecumseh was slain. This double victory freed the entire Northwest from English control. Elsewhere on the northern border success did not attend American arms. On the Niagara frontier operations dur- 272 American History Failures in northern New York (1813). McMaster, United States, IV, 41-56. Successful naval duels. Larned (ed.) ; Ready Ref., V, 3343-3344- Babcock, Am. Nationality, 106-114. Losses to commerce. McMaster, United States, IV, 104-116. ing the summer of 1813 had been conducted with more than usual inefficiency by our commanders, and at York (Toronto) the parliamentary buildings had been burned. The St. Lawrence and Champlain basins also had been the scenes of disgraceful mismanagement. Projected invasions of Canada had failed ignominiously, owing to the incapacity of the American generals and their failure to cooperate with each other. 246. The War on the Ocean (1812-1814). There is no brighter chapter in American history than the one devoted ^_^^^______^_^__^ to the records of the American navy during the War of 1812. Our ships were unable to en- gage the enemy except in rare instances, but the duels fought between single frigates were in most cases signal victories for the American vessels. During the first year of the war the Constitution captured two frigates after short, decisive engagements, the superiority of the Americans being chiefly in seamanship and gunnery, but partially in heavier armament. Especially during 1812 and 1813 did the navy distinguish itself, for, with the prog- ress of the war, the coast was blockaded so carefully that once in port an American frigate could not escape easily. Great damage was also inflicted on British commerce by vessels of the navy and privateers. The Essex made numerous captures on the Pacific, and the privateers are said to have made prizes of fifteen hundred English mer- chantmen, a larger number than had been confiscated by Great Britain during the years preceding the war. 1 On the other hand, American commerce was practically destroyed by the war, it being unsafe for our merchant marine on the 1 Nearly one half of these were recaptured on their way to American ports. BRITISH CAMPAIGN ACA1NST WASHIJiUTON, 1814 1814] The Second War of Independence 273 high seas and all but impossible to evade the strict blockades of the coasts. 247. The Last Year of the War. With the capture of Niagara Paris in 1814 and the subsequent banishment of Napoleon , to Elba, England was able to spare many veterans for the war in America. These aided the Canadian militia in the and Champlain. North and took part in the expeditions against Washington * and New Orleans. Yet this accession of strength brought v, 3350-3354. the English few successes, for during the rest of the war the THE CAPITOL, WASHINGTON Americans were nearly everywhere victorious. During McMaster, the summer of 1814. General Tacob Brown restored Amer- Vmted states, IV, 56-69. ican prestige at Niagara by winning the battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane. In the fall of that year an invasion of Lake Champlain was attempted by the Canadians, a large land force being supported by a hastily prepared but by no means insignificant fleet. Their progress was checked at Plattsburg by young Captain Macdonough, who so ar- ranged and managed his vessels that he crippled the superior fleet of the enemy and compelled the withdrawal of both land and naval forces into Canada. During the first two years of the war, raids had been made Washington at various points along the coast in which several towns and Baltimore were burned and considerable shipping destroyed. These were supplemented in 1814 by an expedition against Wash- 274 American History [1814 Schouler, United States, II, 450-455- Babcock, Am. Nationality, I32-I43- New Orleans (1815). Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3358-3359- Babcock, Am. Nationality, 128-132, 144-149. McMaster, United States, IV, 160-171, 180-190. '- of Maine and Oregon, when our representatives promised that they would not mention the subject of impressment MacDonaid, , , , . , r i ^ Documents. and would not require compensation for ships and cargoes No confiscated before 1812. With these terms the commis- sioners were content, because the conflict between England 3 McMaster, and France had already ceased and the British navy needed united states, no more sailors. By the American people the treaty was IV, 270-276. hailed with delight, for they ignored our failure to obtain any of the objects of war, in the general rejoicing over the restoration of peace. CHANGED CONDITIONS AFTER THE WAR OF 1812 249. The New Nationality. The close of the second Independent war with England marks the beginning of a new epoch in * pll * i " America. Aroused by the commercial discriminations of the leading European nations, the people had become united . . Babcock, Am, as never before to uphold the honor and preserve the rights Nationa i ityi of the American people. Throughout the country there 191-195. was a feeling of loyalty to the nation, a national pride, a 276 American History [1815 Changed con- ditions after 1815. belief in the oneness of the nation and the unity of interests which had never existed before that time. Not only had barriers between the states been broken down, but there was widespread desire to cast aside old forms and customs which had been in use since colonial times and which most people now thought to be outgrown. The new nation had found itself and insisted on doing its work in its own way, not looking to Europe for the policies it should pursue nor slavishly following the paths laid down by preceding gener- ations. On this account the War of 1812 is often called rightly the second war of independence. Of the conditions which were changed after the war five deserve especial attention : (I) our altered international standing, (II) changes in political parties, (III) changed eco- nomic conditions, (IV) the new policy of the courts, and (V) the development of the West and the demand for inter- nal improvements. All of these reflect the new national spirit of the people and most of them show that a new na- tional policy was being adopted by the central government. 250. Our Altered International Standing. (I) In 1815 war ceased in America and in Europe. After the battle of Waterloo France and England no longer found it necessary to injure one another directly or through acts that affected the trade of neutrals. Our ships were not stopped on the high seas, and our commerce was free from interference as it had not been before for a score of years. Aside from these immunities we were treated abroad with a respect that cannot be accounted for on the ground that the return of peace made it unnecessary to fear us as neutrals. Foreign nations realized that the United States must no longer be treated as a third-rate power. This improvement in our international standing was due in part to the fact that the United States had now come to recognize itself as a nation. It was due still more perhaps to the determination of the United States to protect its rights by force if necessary. It Algiers (1815). was i n fl uencec j undoubtedly by the promptness with which, at the close of the war with England, our navy compelled Reasons for improvement. War with 1815] Changed Conditions 277 the heads of the Barbary powers to make restitution for McMaster, injuries committed during the war, and to renounce all u>uted stafe claims to tribute which had been paid theretofore by us and which was still being paid by European states. The increased respect which we commanded abroad is Evidence of shown by the greater eagerness with which foreign nations * better sought our favor, and the more satisfactory terms which we were able to make with them in various treaties. Probably the best proof of our real independence was the willingness to announce so bold a policy as that embodied in the Monroe Doctrine (5 262), and the influence which the announcement of that doctrine had in Europe. 251. Downfall of the Federalist Party. (II) Political Beginning conditions were radically different after 1815. With the ofdomt;stlc T-< political par close of the war the r ederalist party practically disappeared, ties leaving only the Republican party. As far as there were any issues separating the factions of this party, they dealt with domestic affairs exclusively. Nothing more was heard of the French party and the English party, for with the war had passed the dominance of Europe in our politics. Be- cause of the war and their unpatriotic action during that conflict, the Federalists ceased to exerjt even the minor ia- fluence they had possessed before 1812. They had opposed the war from the beginning and in Reasons for several instances had acted in opposition to the adminis- Federallst downfall, tration. Several state legislatures issued protests against the continuance of the war. All but one of the New Eng- land governors objected to the use of the militia in other states for the purpose of carrying on offensive war. Mer- chants in the Northeast furnished the enemy with a large part cc their provisions. New England capitalists, who had most of the specie in the United States, refused to aid the government in its attempts to sell bonds. On the other hand, the national government made no attempt to protect the New England states and adopted several measures par- ticularly injurious to that section. The Federalist opposition to the war culminated in the 278 American History [1815 Hartford convention (1814). Babcock, Am. Nationality. 160-167. McMaster, United States, IV, 247-252, 275- Beginnings of manufacturing. Schouler, United States, II, 243-246. Taussig, Tariff Hist., 17-19, 27-29, 39.' 5- Difficulties of the manu- facturers (1815-1816). Hartford convention, in which three states were represented. Their enemies claimed that in these secret sessions the mem- bers were considering plans for secession from the Union, but that was not true. The real purpose of the convention was to protest against the war and unite on certain measures for the protection of the sectional interests of the New Eng- land states. 1 Several amendments to the Constitution were proposed that would, if'accepted, safeguard their interests. The report of the convention was adopted by the legislatures of Massachusetts and Connecticut and was carried to Wash- ington so that it might be laid before Congress. Unfortu- nately for the Federalists, it reached the national capital at the same time as news that peace had been made, and that the British had sustained an overwhelming defeat at New Orleans. The return of peace removed the cause of the Federalists' grievances and produced such a reaction against that opposition party that it was never afterward a serious factor in our political life. 252. The Tariff of 1816. (III) Shut off from Europe by embargo and war during most of the years following 1807, the people of the United States were deprived of the use of articles that they had imported formerly except so far as crude substitutes were manufactured in this country. So great was the impetus given to manufacturing during this period that the real industrial beginnings of the United States may be said to date from the great embargo. After Napoleon was overthrown at Waterloo (1815) and Europe was at peace for the first time in twenty years, the continental nations revived their old tariffs in order to pre- vent England from sending them so many manufactured articles. Deprived of this market for their goods, the Eng- 1 The members of the convention occupied much the same ground taken by Kentucky and Virginia in their resolutions of 1798 and 1799. They claimed that in case of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution affecting the sovereignty of a state and the liberties of the people, " it is not only the right but the duty of such a state to interpose its authority for their protection in the manner best calculated to secure that end." 1816] Changed Conditions 279 lish merchants shipped immense quantities of manufactures McMaster, to America. Prices fell immediately, and the American United states, manufacturers found that they could not compete with their ' 3I9 ~ 32 ' English rivals. Unless Congress gave them relief from this deluge of foreign goods, the factories started during the previous decade would be obliged to close, as the compara- tively high tariff of 1812, passed for the purpose of giving revenue, was not really protective and was to continue only a year after peace was made. Numerous petitions were sent to Congress asking that Tariff of 1816. body to raise the duties on wool and cotton manufactures. Henry Clay, distinguished throughout his career as the great Dewey, Finan- champion of protection for American manufactures, gave cial Htst - 73- the proposed tariff his ardent support. John C. Calhoun made a speech in its favor that was remarkable for its breadth. Babcock, Am. Daniel Webster and the New England contingent hesitated 2 a *2 to support a policy that threatened to injure the commerce of that section. Many in the South saw only danger in Bur egs ^ id _ protection, but a fair minority were won over by the tariff die Period, on cotton imports which would benefit indirectly the plant- 8 - J 3- ers in the cotton belt. In its final form the tariff of 1816, the first really protective tariff in our history, provided for a twenty-five per cent ad valorem duty on cotton and wool manufactures, thirty per cent on some forms of iron manu- factures, a specific duty of three cents a pound on sugar, and lower rates on a few other articles. In some respects it was the most national tariff ever enacted in Congress, as it re- ceived some support in every section of the country. 253. The Second National Bank. The change in the Need of a national sentiment of the people and in the willingness to national bank intrust a greater amount of power to the central government is more striking in the case of the national bank than in that of the tariff. The first national bank had been obliged to discontinue its operations as a national corporation in 1811 when Congress refused to renew its charter. The opposition to the bank among the Republicans was quite strong because they felt that there was considerable doubt 280 American History [1816 The second United States bank. MacDonald, Documents, No. 33. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 67. McMaster, Untied States, IV, 309-314. Support given to tne central government. Magruder, Marshall, Chapter X. as to its constitutionality, and because many believed that the influence of the bank had been exerted for corrupt ends. Nevertheless the bill to renew the charter in 1811 was lost by the casting vote of the vice president in the Senate. During the war with England, the dilatory policy of the government in raising taxes, coupled with the great increase of paper money issued by the local banks that had sprung into existence after the discontinuance of the national bank, caused great confusion in the currency and left both the government and the country in a serious financial condition. It was believed quite generally that a national bank would be of the greatest service in aiding the national government and in remedying the currency ills of the country. As very little doubt existed now as to the constitutionality of a national bank, there was little difficulty in passing an act for a second national bank. 1 This bank was chartered for twenty years and was to have a capital of $35,000,000, of which one fifth was to be subscribed by the national government. Most of the remainder was to be in bonds or notes of the United States. It was to aid the government in conducting its fiscal operations. Unlike its predecessor, the stock for which had been owned almost entirely abroad, the bank was supported by American capitalists, the number of those owning stock being very much larger than thoss interested in the earlier bank. Although the bank did relieve the financial situation somewhat, it was managed badly for several years and did not prove a great success at the be- ginning. 254. The Supreme Court. (IV) The influence of the Supreme Court in strengthening the national government at this time can hardly be overestimated. On account of the national sentiment among the people during the period following the war, the court was allowed to render and en- force several decisions which defined more clearly the work 1 Most of the opposition came from the Federalists, whose anti-national attitude at this time was followed by their complete disappearance soon after. 1819] Changed Conditions 281 which Congress might do and enlarged the sphere of duties Bahcock, Am. left to the government at Washington. In this task of in- Nafionallf y, creasing the authority of the national government, the in- fluence of the Chief Justice, John Marshall, was preeminent, although the other justices held very liberal views. There t , ' ' lg J' . Supreme Court^ were two ways in which the court gave its support to the 38-46,54-61. national government: (i) by interpreting in a liberal way that clause of the Constitution which gives Congress the right to use all means which are necessary and proper for carry- ing into execution the powers specifically conferred on the national government by the Constitution, thus indorsing the right of Congress to use "implied" powers, 1 and (2) by preventing the states from interfering with the work of the central government. 2 The right of Congress to use implied powers was expressed Use of implied most emphatically in the case of M'Culloch v. Maryland P wers - (1819), when the court declared that Congress had the right to charter a national bank, although the Constitution does Harti Contem - i . 11. poraritt, not mention such a right in the list of enumerated powers. m> No ^ . Marshall admitted that the powers of the national govern- ment were limited, but claimed that Congress had the right to use its discretion as to the means which it might employ in performing its duties. " Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional." 255. The Development of the West. (V) Undoubtedly Causes of the most important of the changes which took place during m 'g ratlon to this period was the westward movement by which the eastern half of the Mississippi and Gulf basins was peopled, lead- ing directly to the admission of several new states and indi- rectly to a great development in the democratic and national 1 Constitution, Art. I, 8, Cl. 18. 2 The court also limited the powers of the states in the interests of indi- vidual rights, as in the famous Dartmouth College case, in which the right of a state to alter a charter was denied. 282 American History [1815 Extent of migrations. Turner, New West, 67-83. McMaster, United States, IV, 381-396. Cumberland road. Sparks, Expansion, 256-264. spirit of the people ( 290, 297). The war had served to awaken the nation. Thousands became dissatisfied with the old humdrum life of the eastern border, and turned to the West the land of enterprise, of opportunity, of wealth. Before the war the emigration to the West had been considerable, after 1813 it became rapid, and by 1815 it was little less than marvelous. The stagnation in the coast cities due to the blockade maintained during the war and the limited market for farm products had much to do with the exodus. The richness of the soil, the liberal land policy of the government ( 289), and the greater political rights enjoyed in the West ( 290) were not the least of the inducements in the country beyond the mountains. Several of the southern coast states considered measures for preventing further emigration to Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee, the population of which expanded amazingly in the years following the destruction of the Indian strong- holds by forces under Jackson. But the growth of the South did not equal that of the North. The roads to the West were one succession of emigrant wagons carrying families and household goods. At one point in Pennsylvania five hundred wagons were counted in a single month. Nearly fifty thousand persons moved into Indiana in the single year 1816. Villages sprang up as if by magic. Speculation in town lots and farm lands became common. Everywhere the country teemed with life and excitement. Nor did ex- pansion stop with the Mississippi River. Into the trackless wastes beyond the Father of Waters poured the pioneers, closely followed by the farmers with their families. 256. Internal Improvements. Most of the states west of the Alleghany Mountains desired to improve all possible means of communication, because they were essential to their development. They expended large sums of money for roads and canals, granted privileges and gave bonuses to private companies engaged in improving highways and waterways, and sought from the national government aid in constructing roads. When the state of Ohio was admitted 1817] Changed Conditions 283 into the Union (1803), Congress agreed to spend the proceeds arising from the sale of certain public lands in building a national road which should connect the state with the sea- coast. Naturally the states west of Ohio insisted on a con- tinuance of this highway. The route selected was from Cumberland, through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia to Wheeling on the Ohio, and west through Columbus and Indianapolis to Vandalia, Illinois, beyond which nothing was done. Work on this " Cumberland road " progressed slowly, although Congress began at an early date to make appropriations supplementing the land funds, thus estab- lishing firmly as a governmental policy that system of inter- nal improvements which has done so much for the commerce of the United States both foreign and inland. After the war with England, Congress took up in earnest internal Im- the question of internal improvements. 1 Under the lead P tovementBil l of Calhoun, Congress discussed a system of roads and canals similar to the famous plan proposed by Albert Gallatin, f ,, n r> rr<7 i i Hart, Contem- secretary of the treasury, in 1808. There were to be canals ^ oraries connecting all of the important bays along the Atlantic ill, No. 131. coast in order to permit communication by inland waters from one part of the coast with another in time of war, a Burgess, national road from Maine to Georgia, several roads to the Middle Period, West, and military roads on the frontiers. The money paid I4 ~ l8 ' by the national bank for its charter was voted by Congress for the partial improvement of these roads and canals, the McMaster - , r , United States, rest to be appropriated by the states, but the bill was vetoed 1V> 4 n_ 4 i S . by President Madison (1817), who favored the scheme but could not overcome his constitutional scruples. The national government afterward built several military roads, which were located, however, in such a way as to be of com- paratively little value to commerce and interstate migration. 257. Importance of the Westward Movement. The New national part which the West took in the development of the nation ^P 6 in the West in the years following the second war with England can be 1 Appropriations had been made before that time for post roads and for harbors and lighthouses as an aid to commerce. 284 American History [1818 Results attained in the West. Turner, F. J., in Atlantic, XCI (1903), 83-96. New States (1815-1819). appreciated in part from the preceding sections. But the growth of the West did much more than awaken the people and present new problems for the nation to solve. It changed, gradually of course, the point of view of the whole population, for in the West much sooner than in the East the people came to look upon things from a national, not from a local standpoint. The emigrants from the Atlantic states who settled in the Mississippi valley had no local traditions in their new settlements and forgot their pride in their former state. More than one western state was settled by people from a dozen other states who lost quickly most of the characteristics that continued for two generations in the old home. In the cosmopolitan West a new race was developed that was a blending of the colonial types which still existed on the Atlantic border. Here was the beginning of the really new nation, the American people. Four things of the first importance the West was doing at this time which the whole people adopted later, (i) The American type was developed a race that blended many of the characteristics of the eastern people from whom it sprang, uniting with them a vigor, an enterprise, a broad- mindedness that was its own. (2) The West viewed things from a national rather than a local or sectional standpoint. (3) In the West, legal and political equality was developed much earlier than in the older parts of the country. (4) The West presented many political and social problems for the en- tire nation to solve, and itself decided the solution of many of those problems, because the West was progressive and united. SLAVERY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS (1819-1824) 258. The Missouri BUI (1818-1819). The growth of the West in the period following 1815 was so remarkable that territories were prepared for statehood with amazing rapid- ity. Although the growth was greater in the Northwest than in the Southwest, care was taken to preserve the balance between the free states and the slave states. Indiana (1816) was followed by Mississippi (1817), and after Illinois was r8i8] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 285 admitted (1818) the application of Alabama was considered favorably. All of these states were located east of the Mis- sissippi River and were in territory set aside as free or slave years before. The situation was radically different in Missouri, which First Missouri applied for admission as a slave state in 1818. Missouri bllL was in temtory that had been acquired after the Constitu- tion had been adopted, and Congress was free to adopt such ^ acDonald - Documents, a policy as it wished in this region. There was a growing No. 35. sentiment in parts of the United States against slavery extension, and, although slavery had existed in Missouri Bursts, from the time of French rule, there was considerable oppo- Middle Period, sition to the continuance of slavery in that region, especially 66 ~ 74 ' as Missouri was almost entirely north of the line of the Ohio River, which in the middle West marked the boundary between the slave and free states. On this account, when the House of Representatives began consideration of the bill to admit Missouri as a slave state, James Tallmadge of New York offered an amendment that all children born in the state after its admission be free at the age of twenty-five years. After an extended debate the House adopted the Tallmadge amendment by a majority of four votes, but the Senate re- fused to agree and passed the bill admitting Missouri as a slave state without the Tallmadge amendment. Nothing further could be done that session, for neither chamber would rc'ede from its position. 259. The Missouri Problem. The reason for this dead- Different views lock between the houses of Congress is interesting. As the of Senate ana states are represented equally in the Senate, and the slave states were as numerous as the free states, the pro-slavery leaders controlled the Senate because the senators from the slave states were united in favor of admitting Missouri with slavery, whereas the northern members were divided in sentiment. In the House, however, since representation was based on population, and five negroes were counted as equal to three whites for purposes of representation, the northern members outnumbered those from the South by 286 American History [1819 Views of the people. Me Master, United States, IV, 576-580. The Maine- Missouri bill. Hart, Contem- poraries, III, Nos. 135, 136. Burgess, Middle Period, 67-87. Discussion of compromise. twenty-five. Although the southern representatives were united closely by their slavery interest, they could not gain the support of enough members from the North to give them a majority in the lower house. Before the new Congress met in December, 1819, the sentiment of the country had been expressed fully and clearly on the Missouri question. Meetings had been held in most of the large northern cities and resolutions had been adopted in public gatherings, in town meetings, and in state legis- latures, which requested Congress to forbid the further ex- tension of slavery beyond the Mississippi. From the South came numerous petitions asking that Missouri be admitted with slavery. Before the Missouri bill came up in earnest, however, the House passed a bill admitting Maine as a free state. When the Maine bill reached the Senate, the Missouri bill with slavery was attached to it. Several weeks were spent by both houses in discussing the Missouri question. The arguments presented at this session were similar to those used during the preceding year. Most of those who wished to have Missouri admitted with slavery did not attempt to deny that slavery was an evil, but argued that its diffusion over a greater area would lead to its extinction sooner than restriction within a limited territory. They claimed that Congress had no right to impose important conditions like that which prohibited slavery within a state on its admission to the Union. Their opponents maintained zealously that slavery was a curse which should not be allowed to expand ; that it was more wasteful and dearer than free labor. 1 260. The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821). The debate in the Senate on the Maine-Missouri bill was con- 1 They pointed to the conditions in Louisiana at the time of its admis- sion and to the conditions prohibiting slavery that had been exacted from the states formed out of the " Northwest territory " to show that Congress had the power to regulate important matters for states on their admission to the Union. The 'proslavery debaters claimed that Congress could not have forced these states to accept that condition, but that they had done so freely. 1821] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 287 eluded by the adoption of an amendment to that dual measure, proposed by Senator Thomas of Illinois, which prohibited slavery forever within the territory acquired from France north of 36 30' except in the state of Missouri. But the House refused to concur. It passed a Missouri bill of its own with a clause prohibiting slavery, but after a conference the House yielded, and the first Missouri compromise was completed. Missouri was ad- mitted without men- tion of slavery, but slavery was thereafter prohibited north of 36 30' in the rest of the Louisiana purchase. Maine was admitted separately as a free state. A year later it was found that the new Missouri constitution did not allow free blacks or mulattoes to settle in the state. A sectional clash on this provision was settled by a second compromise, engineered by Clay, which provided that the Missouri con- stitution should never be construed so as to prevent citizens of other states from migrating to Missouri. In this way did the statesmen of that period settle the first important slavery controversy under the Constitution. From a legal point of view the result was wise and satis- factory. The right of a state on its admission to the Union to decide questions that were left to the states which were in the Union was affirmed, as well as the right of Congress to control absolutely the national territory before it was erected into states. As slavery had existed in the Louisiana territory from the beginning and had never been prohibited in any Territory Affected by the MISSOURI COMPROMISE A Added to Mitsouri (1836) MacDonald, Documents, Nos. 37, 38. 288 American History [1819 part by Congress, the prohibition of slavery from the vast region between parallels 36 30' and 49 and between the Mississippi and the ridges of the Rockies was a distinct advance, as so little territory was left open to slavery. As a means for allaying sectional feeling and preventing strife over the question of slavery, it was a decided success, for in the forty years that elapsed before the North and South finally resorted to arms to settle this problem, the anti- slavery section had developed much more rapidly than the region dependent on slavery. Florida and the 261. Florida. After the acquisition of Louisiana in United States 1803, Spain retained the Floridas in the southeast and Mexico in the southwest. Between our territory and these Burgrss, Spanish possessions, no definite boundary lines had been Middle Period, established. We claimed the western part of the Floridas as part of Louisiana ( 233), but failed to gain this region until 1811, when disorder in that section led President Babcock Am. M ac jj son to extend the authority of the United States over Nationality, 26-29. 128-130, the territory as far east as the Perdido River. During the 271-283. war with England the rest of the Floridas was used as a base of operations by the British, and became the home of slaves and criminals who escaped from the states. Spain was unable to control the territory or to prevent runaways from making it a place of refuge. When these difficulties were aggravated by Indian disturbances which threatened our borders, General Jackson invaded Florida, captured Pensacola and other towns, and hanged the British sub- jects, Ambrister and Arbuthnot, who had stirred up the Indians. 1 1 Crawford, Clay, and Calhoun criticised Jackson's action and an attempt was made to have him censured by Congress. This failed miser- ably. Only one member of the cabinet, Adams, defended Jackson; but Jackson, supposing that Calhoun was his defender, was bitter toward Adams, especially after 1825 ( 264). When ten years later he learned that Calhoun had worked against him at this time, his friendship for Calhoun was changed into the harshest enmity. These enmities which grew out of the attempt of jealous politicians to discredit a general who was becoming very popular had a great influence on the history of the next twenty years. 1823] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 289 Spain and Great Britain protested, but Spain, rinding Florida 'treaty that she could not control the territory properly and that ( I8l 9-i82i). it would be seized by the United States if she did not cede it peaceably, agreed to transfer it to the United States in Mac Donald, return for $5,000,000. The treaty also denned the south- NO.M*^ western boundary between the United States and Mexico, 1 yielding the whole of Texas which the United States desired F . but could not claim justly. 2 This treaty of 1819 was not Diplomacy, ratified by the Spanish and two years elapsed before a 2 5 6 - 26 S- similar treaty was concluded with slight modifications in favor of the United States. In this way the United States Morse, rounded out her territory so as to attain a natural boundary ^ ' Adams > i i^-ng, 124 on the southeast. Had Spain refused to sell us Florida, I2 s. we should have been forced to seize the peninsula to protect our interests. The limitation of the western boundary was a grievance to the expansionists, for Americans were already making their way to Texas. 262. The Monroe Doctrine (1823). Soon after the The Holy Alli- settlement of the Florida difficulty the United States was con- a " ce * nd Span " ish affairs. fronted by a very much more serious problem growing out of the inability of Spain to control her American colonies and , i ,,. ,-, Andrews, Devt. the attempt on the part of an alliance of four European pow- f Mo( i. EU- ers Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France to reconquer *# again to the position of colonies. In another part of his message Monroe considered a similar question : the aggres- sions of Russia on the northwestern coast. " The occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which 156-174. the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colon- ization by any European powers." In this way and at this time was announced formally a policy which the United States had maintained almost from the beginning and which she has developed with our needs into the great American doctrine. 263. Summary. The protest against the commercial Causes of discriminations of France and England was one of the chief the new causes which aroused the national spirit of the American people. Comparatively unimportant as the military events of the war must be considered, the war really compelled the people to depend on themselves for many things that had been furnished formerly by Europe ; it made them unwilling longer to follow the lead of the European nations in matters of internal political policies, and it united the people as they were not united even at the beginning of the conflict. The new national spirit which grew out of this second Results war for independence was especially noticeable in the of the new . , . ,.,..., ,. . , . national spirit, consideration of distinctively American political questions, in the adoption of a national protective tariff, and a new United States Bank that was at once national and demo- cratic, in increased centralization through the greater powers exercised by Congress and indorsed by the Supreme Court. National unity in its turn gave us a better international position, so that we may be said to have risen from a third- pose of oppressing them or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by a European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States." 292 American History [1811 class power to one of the second rate. In connection with the adoption of the policy now known as the Monroe Doctrine we gave proof that we were no longer subservient to any of the great nations of Europe. The West and The events of the period from 1811 to 1818, the latter iiems. p ar j. Q w hi c h was a time of very great prosperity, were favor- able not alone to the development of a national spirit and the extension of national authority but to an expansion which made the West and western questions of the greatest promi- nence. In this large and rapidly growing region, with nine states to fifteen on the Atlantic border, there were developed more democratic institutions than those of the East. As the tendency of the century was toward political equality, the West simply accelerated the movement toward democracy, so that before 1850 practically the entire nation had aban- doned class rule and many social inequalities. The growth of t'.ie West compelled the nation to solve many problems, among them that of slavery extension. In connection with the aJmission of Missouri, the first great contest occurred between the forces which favored the extension of slavery and those that opposed its adoption in new states and territories. The compromise was chiefly important in postponing the inevitable conflict between the forces of free labor and of slave labor. TOPICS 1. THE CAREER OF THE CONSTITUTION: Roosevelt, "Naval War of 1812;" Maclay, "History of the United States Navy," I; Mahan, "War of 1812." 2. TREATY OF GHENT (1814): Stevens, "Albert Gallatin," pp. 312-337; Morse, "John Quincy Adams," pp. 75-98; Schurz, "Clay," I, pp. 100-125; Adams, "United States," VII, Chapter XIV; VIII, Chapters I-II. 3. TARIFF OF 1816: McMaster, "People of the United States," IV, pp. 319-345; Taussig, "Tariff History of the United States," pp. 16-67; Stanwood, "Tariff Controversies of the Nineteenth Century," I, pp. 128-159. 4. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISES: Johnston, "American Political History," II, pp. 110-120; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History * 1824] A New National Spirit 293 United States," I, pp. 356-381; Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 61- 107; Schouler, "United States," III, pp. 99-103, 147-186. STUDIES 1. Perry's victory on Lake Erie. (Mahan, "War of 1812," Chapter XI.) 2. Financial problems of the war. (Dewey, "Financial History of United States," pp. 128-142.) 3. Disorders of the currency which influenced the crisis of 1819. (McMaster, "People of the United States," IV, pp. 280-318.) 4. Building the Cumberland Road in the West. (Hulbert, "Cumberland Road," pp. 71-90.) 5. Character of the West (1815-1830). (Turner, "Rise of the New West," pp. 84-110.) 6. The Far West. (Turner, "Rise of the New West," pp. in I33-) 7. Diverse interests in the South (1820). (Turner, "Rise of New West," pp. 45-66.) 8. William Pinckney on the Missouri controversy. (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 63-101.) 9. Relations of Spain and the United States around the Gulf of Mexico (1783-1821). 10. Authorship of the Monroe Doctrine. (Ford, W. C., in American Historical Review, 7 (1901), pp. 676-696, 8, pp. 28-52.) QUESTIONS 1. Summarize the grievances of New England. To what extent were they real grievances ? What just complaint did the administra- tion have against New England ? What were the results of New Eng- land's course during the war on the war itself? on the Federalist party ? on the influence of New England later in the councils of the nation ? 2. Why did we declare war against Great Britain? How many of our grievances were removed during the war? by the treaty of peace ? How many of the grievances existed after the war ? what new inter- national complications ? 3. Compare fully the changes which followed the Revolutionary War and that of 1812. To what extent were the movements begun during the period of the Revolution completed at this time ? 4. What justification do you find in the Constitution for a protec- tive tariff, a national bank, internal improvements ? Did the Repub- lican party favor a looser construction of the Constitution in 1816 than in 1792, in 1803, in 1808? 294 American History 5. Was slavery principally a political or an economic issue ? Com- pare the advantages won by each side in the Missouri compromise. What were the constitutional results of the compromises? the polit- ical results? 6. Just how did the decisions of the Supreme Court strengthen nationality? Was the court sufficiently conservative? Would its permanent influence have been greater by following a different policy? If so, what policy ? 7. What was the purpose of the Holy Alliance ? What had been done by the Alliance in Europe? What was the attitude of England toward the Alliance before 1822? after 1822? What was the rela- tion of the Alliance and Russia in Alaska to the Monroe Doctrine ? CHAPTER XHI NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843) PRESIDENTS John Quincy Adams (1825-1829) Andrew Jackson (1829-1837) Martin Van Buren (1837-1841) William Henry Harrison (1841-1841) John Tyler (1841-1845); THE TRIUMPH OF DEMOCRACY (1824-1829) :.. 264. The Presidential Election of 1824 marks the fcegin- Candidates, ning of the transition from the old order to the new,; Ac- cording to the cus- tom that had been followed at pre- ceding elections the secretary of state was consid- ered trie " heir- apparent," but considerable op- position was de- veloped in 1823 to John Quincy Adams, who had directed foreign affairs for Monroe. Previously nomi- nations had been made by a caucus of congressmen. As there was but one party now, the Burgess, desire for a caucus was slight, since all of the candidates e Period, would be Republicans. However, a caucus was held, about one fourth of the congressmea. attending, and 295 296 American History [1824 Peck, Jack- sonian Epoch. Elections (1824 and 1825). Burgess, Middle Period 136-144. McMaster, United States, V, 72-81. Stanwood, Presidency, Chapter XI. Character of J. Q. Adams. William H. Crawford of Georgia, then secretary of the treasury, was nominated. The other candidates were Henry Clay, the most popular speaker the House ever had, and Andrew Jackson, the " hero of New Orleans," who had emerged from the Florida imbroglio with added reputation. Although he had been senator from Tennessee twice and had held other public offices, he was considered by the people as entirely different from the officeholding candidates whom he opposed. The election was not de- cided in November as is usually the case, for no one had a majority of the electoral votes. Jackson received 99, mainly from the South and West, Adams 84, principally from the Northeast, Crawford stood third with 41, and Clay fourth with 37. As the Con- stitution requires the House of Representatives to select the president from the three candidates having the largest number of votes, whenever the electoral college fails to give any one a majority, Clay held the balance of power. His influence was thrown to Adams, who was, like Clay, a believer in the liberal construction of the Constitution, a protective tariff, and internal improvements. But when Clay was selected as Adams's secretary of state, followers of Jackson cried out that a "corrupt bargain" had been made between Clay and Adams. Jackson never forgave Adams for " cheating " him out of the presidency, and his dislike for Clay was intensified by the latter's preference for his rival. Austere, painstaking, and impartial, Adams made few friends and won over no enemies, by settling all questions and making all appointments on their merits. His personal enemies fought him at every turn in Washington, and the people turned from him and his policy to more popular men JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 1 F 1 C 1826] Triumph of Democracy 297 and measures. The last president of the old regime, Adams failed because the country had outgrown the aristocratic system which he represented and had become democratic. 265. New Political Parties. The presidential election National of 1824-1825 and the subsequent formation of factions, com- Republicans. posed on the one hand of supporters of the administration the Adams and Clay men and on the other hand of the J hn ston, Jackson men, marks the beginning of a permanent break n jMs-aas/ 1 in the old Republican party. Although in large part these factions represented personal views and antagonisms, they . held essentially different views on questions of public policy, i, 311-320. Both Adams and Clay were ardent protectionists and be- lieved in a broad construction of the Constitution which would extend the powers of the national government. They adopted therefore the name of " National Republicans," although in the course of a few years the name " Whig " was used more commonly. Their opponents, who gradually rallied around Jackson jacksonian as the coming man, were as a rule strict constructionists. Democrats. Although not at the beginning supporters of popular govern- ment, in time they came to adopt the views of their intense Johnston, domineering leader on that question. Jackson ardently ,' ' '' *' f " advocated the right of the people to rule untrammelled by traditions which had been established by conservative , MacDonald, aristocrats. The party of Jackson, known as " Democrats," occupied a rather unusual position. While they believed Democracy. in a strict construction of the Constitution, they asserted 3 3I5 ' with Jackson that the will of the people should decide how the powers of the general government should be used. Unlike their predecessors, the Jeffersonian Republicans, who opposed centralization and favored the rights of the individual and the expansion of state powers, the Jacksonian Democrats believed in the supremacy of the nation. This peculiar combination of contradictory opinions was due to the personal preferences of " Old Hickory," a man of great simplicity of mind, who cared neither for political theories nor political consistency. Because the nation was young, 298 American History [1828 Interest In Jackson's candidacy. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 28-37. Peck, Jacksonian Epoch. Campaign and election. Stanwood, Presidency, Chapter XI I. Imperfect development of a national spirit before 1829. hopeful, confident of itself, and charmed by the personal magnetism of Jackson, the Democratic party gained control of the affairs of the nation and retained that control almost without interruption for three decades. 266. The Election of Jackson (1828). The Democratic party came into power with the first election of Jackson (1828). Since the House of Representatives had been called upon to choose a president and had passed by the " hero of New Orleans " for Adams (1825), the Jackson men had not ceased to cry out against the injustice done to their leader. The will of the people has been defeated, they claimed. Continued agitation of Jackson's candidacy, the resolutions passed by numerous legislatures in his behalf, and the gradual abandonment of the old undemocratic method of choosing electors through the legislatures tended to arouse among the people for the first time a real interest in a presidential election. Heretofore the officeholders had decided what candidates should head each ticket and officeholders. had elected the president. But the times were changing. In response to a strong popular demand, the suffrage laws had been made more liberal, so that nearly twice as many people could vote in 1828 as in 1824. Aside from the deeper reasons for Jackson's success, the conduct of the campaign is interesting. The tariff was an important issue, on which Jackson skillfully avoided com- mitting himself. Aided by Martin Van Buren, the ablest politician of that period, and by most of the southern leaders, Jackson captured the vote of every western and southern state, besides that of Pennsylvania and scattering votes throughout the North. In the electoral college the vote stood 178 for Jackson to 83 for Adams. 267. The Importance of Jackson's Election. In the history of the United States at this time, and in fact through- out the first half of the nineteenth century, there were two movements of very great importance. The first of these was the development of a national spirit and a real national unity among the American people; the second, the spread of 1829] Triumph of Democracy 299 democracy, the belief in the right of the people to rule. As we noticed in the last chapter ( 249-257), the national spirit developed rapidly between 1810 and 1820, but it had not produced a great change in the central government. To be sure factional strife ceased to some extent and the national govern- ment was treated with greater re- spect than before. But as the enthu- siasm created by the war died out, the people re- membered again their local jeal- ousies and the central govern- ment was in dan- ger of losing most of the powers that it had gained. In the two dec- ANDREW JACKSON a d e s preceding the election of Jackson, democracy had been gaining a real foothold in the states. Not only was a much larger num- ber of people allowed to vote than before, but the voters en- joyed an infinitely greater share in public affairs (290, 291). This has been shown to some extent in preceding paragraphs. But this almost universal change in the poli- cies of the states and the localities had produced before 1828 no change in the conduct of affairs at the national capital. There the rule of the old-time politician was supreme. Offices were acquired and held according to the length of time the candidate had been in the public service. The nation was ruled really by a clique of men who kept them- selves continually in office. Jackson made the central government of the United Turner, New West, 300-309. Democracy in the states and in the nation before 1829. McMaster, United States, V, 380-394. Schouler, Const' I Studies, 231-245. 3oo American History [1829 National and democratic changes after 1829. Mace. Manual of Am. Hist* 192-201. Ford, Am. Politics, Chapter XIX. Nominations by conventions. Stanwood, Presidency, 166-177. The campaign and the party " machine." Ford, Amer. Politics, 144-149. States both national and democratic. Under him it re- sponded to the demand of the people that they should be al- lowed to govern and to the wish of the people that the United States should be recognized as a real nation. Jackson con- sidered himself the representative of the nation, and, by the fearless use of his position as president, he increased greatly the power of the chief executive. In some ways his election deserves to be considered, as many have called it, " the revolution of 1829." 268. New Political Methods. Since the people were much more interested in government than formerly, they were not satisfied simply with electing officials; they demanded the initiative in political affairs. Formerly the politicians in power had been in the habit of holding a caucus for the nomination of candidates for their party. This kept them and their friends in power and preserved a class rule which was distasteful to the masses. Parties out of power, who had no officials, adopted first a method that afterward came into general use. From each district in a state representa- tives were chosen to a state convention, which nominated party candidates. The first national convention was held by the Anti-Masonic leaders who wished to perfect their organization throughout the United States. This example was followed quickly by the older parties, who, in many cases, adopted resolutions stating their policy. From this custom there was developed in time the platform, now an indispensable part of the work of every national and many state conventions. As each party was bidding for popular support, every effort was made to obtain votes. Two of the most important methods introduced were the campaign and machine organ- ization. In the first, voters were to be attracted by the popular love of display and by " stump speaking." The later presidential elections of 1840 and 1844 were the best examples of this. Even more reliance was placed on more perfect party organization. The " machine " was not a new thing, for Tammany Hall had used methods like those 1829] Triumph of Democracy 301 of the present many times since it was formed in 1789, but now the party " boss " became a recognized power in political circles, while federal and state patronage were used to control votes. Bribery was used more frequently, and the wretched system of the open ballot boxes made intimidation of voters and " stuffing " of the boxes not only possible, but quite common. The political products of democracy were as yet of the crudest kind, and it required years to sift out the good and to reject the less perfect. 269. The Spoils System. Jackson introduced into the Jackson's national government a system which was at that time used attitude extensively in the states and known best as the " spoils appointments system." This consisted of filling the offices with party friends on the principle that " to the victors belong the spoils." Wilson Div Jackson firmly believed that he could not do his duty as pres- and Reunion, ident if his subordinates were political enemies, who would $$ I 4-i9- not work with him. Himself a fierce hater, he expected nothing but opposition from those who had not favored his MacDonaid, election and took the first opportunity to remove his enemies sontan rr J Democracy, from office. Thousands of his party followers, knowing his 54-63. loyalty to his friends and already acquainted with the spoils system at home, thronged to Washington. This horde of office- seekers and their friends pressed into the White House at the time of the inauguration, climbing on the chairs and behaving in such a way that the older politicians bewailed the advent of " mob rule." Giving Jackson no rest, they importuned him day after day for positions. They were the first of a throng of office-seekers who have infested the capital at every inauguration from that day to this. Many of them were disappointed, but in less than a year Removals Jackson had removed from office fifteen hundred persons, and k ' tchen ... , cabinet. about ten times as many as had been removed in the preced- ing forty years. No reasons were given for removals and no , MacDonaid, attempt was made to appoint men except as a reward for j ac ksonian party services. The President not only abandoned precedent Democracy, bv adopting the spoils system, but he also followed a new plan I 7 j?l' ' of seeking advice from a set of men who were not his cabinet 302 American History Georgia and the Indians. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 169-173. Controversy with the national government. Burgess, Middle Period, 210-220. American Nation, XIV, 309-313, XV, 173-180. officers. These advisers were known as his " kitchen cabinet." Before long Jackson abandoned this method of securing help in administering the duties of his office. It is scarcely necessary to state that his successors made very little use of such an unofficial cabinet, although they were careful to follow his policy of making appointments to office for par- tisan reasons only. NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY versus STATE SOVEREIGNTY (1826-1833) 270. Controversies over Indian Lands. During the administration of Adams and the first term of Jackson the national government was brought into conflict with the state of Georgia. The difficulty arose over the Indian lands, which settlers wished to occupy, and over which the govern- ment of Georgia desired to extend its jurisdiction. These lands in 1825 covered about fifteen thousand square miles. 1 By law the Indians were under the control of the United States, which had promised Georgia long before that their lands should be acquired. The promise had been kept in part only, because it was customary to treat the tribes as separate nations. In 1826 Georgia attempted to occupy forcibly some Creek lands which the United States was then seeking to acquire. The United States troops were ordered by President Adams to maintain the rights of the Indians, and an armed conflict was avoided narrowly (1826). A few years later Georgia passed a law extending her jurisdiction over the Cherokee lands. The Cherokees appealed to the United States courts, which upheld the Indians by declaring the Georgia law null and void. When the state proceeded to enforce the law, President Jackson, whose sympathies were naturally not with the In- dians, refused to interfere, declaring, it is said, " John Mar- shall has pronounced his judgment, let him enforce it if he 1 In the southern states east of the Mississippi, excluding Florida terri- tory, in 1825 the Indians controlled an area larger than the state of New York. 1830] National vs. State Sovereignty 303 can." So the state continued to disobey the decree of the court. Most of the Indians east of the Mississippi were per- Removal of suaded to exchange their lands for territory west of the the l ndia ns. river, chiefly in the district set aside as Indian territory. MacDonaid, In Florida a few Seminole chiefs resisted the removal and in Iowa Black Hawk sought by war to regain lands that had been ceded already. 271. The Webster-Hayne Debate (1830). In connection Argument of with the proposed opening to settlement of public lands Webster, in the West and South, the year following Jackson's election, there occurred the interesting debate between Webster and MacDonald . Hayne of South Carolina, regarding the nature of the Union. Nog 47> ^ Webster replied to Hayne's earlier argument by declaring that the Constitution had been adopted by the people of the United States in the aggregate. A real union had been established by that Constitution, (i) because the Constitution and laws made in accordance with it were declared to be the supreme law of the land, 1 and (.2) because the Constitution itself provides that the national courts shall decide whether a certain power was given to the national government or with- held from it. 2 He maintained that to acknowledge the right of nullification by any state would reduce the Union again to a " rope of sand," as under the old Confederation. In reply Hayne argued that the states had been sovereign Argument before the Constitution was adopted, and claimed that they of Hayne. had acted in their sovereign capacity when agreeing to that " compact." He denied that the clause relating to the su- MacDonaid, premacy of the Constitution and of national laws transferred sovereignty from the states to the nation. According to Hayne, when a question arose regarding the power conferred on the central government by the Constitution, " resort must be had to their common superior (that power which may give any character to the Constitution they may think proper) viz.: three fourths of the states." Both speakers used the words " sovereign " and " sover- 1 Constitution, Art. IV. 2 Constitution, Art. Ill, 2, cl. i- 304 American History [1824 The theories eignty " in a careless way, but even when allowance has from an histon- ^en mac j e f or tn j s i ax jty j n expression, their views of the calandapracti- . cai standpoint. Union were seen to be diametrically opposed. According to the one, the people of the nation were sovereign; in the Lodge, opinion of the other the states were sovereign. Hayne's Webster, 174-180. view was undoubtedly the one held by the great majority at the time the Constitution was adopted, but in the inter- MacDonald, vening forty years so strong a national sentiment had been Democracy developed that in 1830 the majority accepted Webster's 92-111. position. Hayne stood for a past that was being outgrown rapidly; Webster for the present and the future of a growing nation. Desire for 272. Changes in the Tariff (1824-1832). Opposition to ianges a protective tariff was responsible in a large part for the posi- tion taken by Hayne and other southern leaders. On ac- count of the numerous and rapid changes in the industrial dai Hist *6 78 conditions within the United States after the close of the war with England, several changes were made in the tariff schedules after 1816. New industries -that were protected inadequately desired help which they found the general government was willing and able to give to favored interests, especially during the hard times which began in 1819. How- ever, the tariff of 1816 stood until 1824 with but slight modi- fications. In that year the rates were increased on most articles protected formerly, protection was granted to a few manufacturers not aided in the earlier tariff and duties were placed on some raw materials, especially hemp and wool. By this time the South had become fully convinced that a protective tariff was interfering with her agricultural inter- ests and her general development. Joining with Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, the South strove, though without success, to defeat the tariff of 1824. The tariff Adams's administration was marked by continued agi- of 1828. tation: in the North, for additional duties; in the South, for an abandonment of the protective principle. In 1827 Dewey, Finan- a conven tj on o f protectionists called by the wool growers brought pressure to bear on Congress for a higher tariff. 1832] National vs. State Sovereignty 305 As a presidential election was approaching in which Adams, McMaster, Clay, and Jackson were likely to be candidates, the coterie Untted State *< V, 243-256. that had for years opposed the administration and its pro- tectionist policy, now sought to discredit it by proposing a tariff which the followers of Clay and Adams could not ac- cept. With this in view they framed a tariff bill which carried high rates on manufactured articles, but more than . nullified the protective duties that were desired in the states in which Adams and Clay had the largest following, by placing very high duties on the raw materials to be used by the manufacturers in those states. This political deal failed miserably because the manufacturers accepted the tariff, hoping to obtain later the changes they desired. This high tariff, with its many irregular duties, was not Tariff of 1832. distinctively a protective measure and was known commonly as the " tariff of abominations." In spite of its serious Dewey, Finan- defects it was retained until 1832. The tariff of that dal Hist., to. year removed most of the objectionable high rates, replacing them by uniformly protective rates. Because of the lower duties, many of the southerners voted for the measure, but in the lower South the opposition was very active because Congress practically had accepted protection as a policy of government. 273. The South and the Tariff. The first organized Opposition to opposition of the South to the protective system was noticed l ^ e m ^" t ^ s in connection with the " tariff of abominations " in 1828. After the passage of that act several state legislatures MacDonaid, adopted resolutions denouncing the tariff. South Carolina, v cuments < r Nbs. 44, 45. the first to take this action, indorsed papers prepared by John C. Calhoun and best known as the " South Carolina ^"''J' J United States, Exposition." Calhoun maintained that the general govern- ^256-267. ment had no constitutional right to pass a protective tariff. He argued that the tariff was oppressive to the South and tended to create sectionalism. In the opinion of the southern political leaders, the policy The South and of protection was undermining the industries of the South the q u tion of and building up those of the North at the expense of the 306 American History [t8 3 2 Turner, New West, 61-63, 239-242. Nullification under the lead of Calhoun. Peck, Jacksonian Epoch. Nullification ordinance. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, I54-I59- slave states. High tariffs were valuable only for manu- facturing districts, they said, and as the slave labor in the South could not be used in manufacturing and kept out free labor, the South could not devote herself to industry. Moreover, Southerners 'claimed that protection interfered with commerce by limiting exports, that it increased the price of all manufactured articles, and reduced the demand for labor. The wealth of the South depended on the sale of her surplus cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural products. Her exports were at this time much greater than those of the North, but the South was obliged to buy elsewhere what she needed, chiefly in the North, so that a protective tariff was a distinct disadvantage to her. Naturally in South Carolina and in some other states there was a growing senti- ment that the Constitution did not give Congress the right to pass a tariff which protected one section only. 274. Nullification and the Compromise Tariff. When the southern opponents of protection failed to defeat the tariff of 1832, they sought to apply the doctrine of nullification which Calhoun and Hayne had announced and explained. Calhoun was really the leader in this movement, for before 1832 he had advocated actual nullification of the tariff unless it was revised by eliminating the most protective features. But Calhoun's leadership of the nullification forces caused Jackson to consider the action of South Carolina in a personal light, for in 1830 he had discovered that Calhoun, as secre- tary of war in 1818, had wished to censure him for his actions in Florida ( 261). This made him Calhoun's most bitter enemy, ready to attack Calhoun on the slightest provoca- tion. A convention was called by the South Carolina legislature in October, 1832, for the purpose of nullifying the tariff of that year. Before it met Jackson had issued instructions to the revenue officers in South Carolina that would insure the collection of the tariff. But the convention proceeded to declare the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 null and void, prohibited the payment of duties after February i, 1833, and declared 1833] National vs. State Sovereignty 307 that the state would secede if force were used to collect the duties. A few days later Jackson issued a proclamation written Jackson's undoubtedly by his secretary of state, Edward Livingston, counter - which made plain two things, (i) It contained an elaborate argument on the nature of the Union and declared that nullification is " incompatible with the existence of the ,-, ac "* ' Documents, Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Con- NO. 55. stitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed." (2) Jackson's attitude toward South Carolina was stated clearly. " The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject. My duty is emphati- cally pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived you ; they could not have been deceived themselves. Their object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is treason." During the weeks that followed, South Carolina prepared Compromise. to enforce her nullification ordinance; the President took every precaution to enforce the collection of the tariff in that MacDonald, state, and Congress discussed possible modifications of the Jacksonian tariff. February i brought no change, the duties being Democrac y> collected as formerly and a force act for their collection being authorized by Congress, March 2, because a change in the tariff seemed probable. Congress agreed finally to a [ " compromise tariff," proposed by Henry Clay. This IV, 91-109. provided for a gradual reduction of all duties which were in excess of twenty per cent until a uniform rate of twenty per cent was attained in 1842.* FINANCE AND POLITICS (1829-1843) 275. First Attack on the United States Bank. Perhaps The bank and the most prominent feature of Jackson's administrations its enemies. was the war which he waged on the second national bank. 1 About one half of this reduction was to be made during the years 1841 and 1842. 308 American History [1829 Burgess, Middle Period, 190-198. McMaster, United States, VI, i-io. Jackson's attack. Election of 1832. MacDonald, Documents, Nos. 46, 50-52. McMaster, United States, VI, 133-140. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., { 86, 87. Amer. Hist., Leaflets, No. 24. Removal of the deposits. Jackson looked upon the bank as a great monopoly, con- trolled by his political opponents and capable of dominating politics because of its resources and its influence in the world of business. At the time of Jackson's first inauguration few persons considered the bank a public menace, although its conservative methods had made it unpopular in the South and West. Business men as a rule placed great con- fidence in the bank, for although it had been mismanaged during the first five years of its existence, it had been re- organized and well managed for several years. Jackson's attention was called particularly to the bank in June, 1829, when some of his followers asked for the removal of the president of the branch bank at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. This was refused by the bank officials on the ground that the man was capable and had not been selected for partisan rea- sons. The following December, in his first annual message, Jackson attacked the methods of the bank and its constitu- tionality, although the latter had been affirmed by the Supreme Court. 1 As Congress approved of the bank, noth- ing was done until, two years later, the President said he would leave to the people the question of rechartering a bank. The bank at once applied to Congress for a new charter, and its cause was championed by Clay, who was the candidate of the National Republicans or Whigs for the presidency. The bank bill was passed by both chambers by fair majorities, but was vetoed by the President, and failed to obtain the two thirds necessary to make it a law. In the election of 1832 the chief issue was that of the bank, but the campaign was really a personal contest between Jackson and Clay. Jackson was so popular that the people reflected him by a large majority, the electoral vote being 219 for Jackson to 49 for Clay. 276. Overthrow of the Bank. Jackson considered his reelection as an indorsement of his bank policy, and began a much more active campaign against the bank. He wished 1 In M'Cullochvs. Maryland (1819) ( 254). 1836] Finance and Politics 309 first to remove the government money, which had been MacDonald. deposited in branches of the national bank. This could be Docwnents > done only through the secretary of the treasury. As Jack- 57 _ 6 ' 2 6 ^ son's secretary was unwilling to do this without the author- ity of Congress, his place was filled by William J. Duane who Dewey, refused finally either to remove the deposits or resign. He ciai Hist., was dismissed and his place filled by Roger Taney, who * 88- carried out the President's plan. For removing the de- posits the President was censured by the Senate, the reso- -_', lution remaining on the journal until expunged two years later. The government money at this time was deposited in Substitutes for state banks which were known popularly as " pet banks." a national bcink There was considerable rivalry among the banks in order to secure a part of the funds, which were increasing con- Dewe Fi nan - stantly on account of the very great amount of surplus rial Hist., revenue. The system provided was so unsatisfactory that $$ 8 9- IOI in 1840 an independent treasury was established by the Democrats ( 278). This was abolished by the Whigs (1841) who desired another national bank, which they failed to get on account of President Tyler's opposition. When the Democrats again gained control of the government (1845), they reestablished the independent treasury, which has been developed into the system that we use at the present time. Jackson's second term was a period of unusual, in fact Results of the unhealthy, business activity. Speculation was very common, overthrow of ., , the bank. and a wild scramble began for government lands, which were sold on easy terms ( 280). The national bank, with its ,. Wilson, Dm. currency accepted at the same value everywhere and its and Reunion, conservative methods of making loans, had acted as a check 45. 4 6 - on the smaller state banks and on business in general. But when it became apparent in 1834 that it would not be re- McMaster, chartered and the public moneys were deposited in the " pet Umted states, banks," there began an era of " wild cat " banking un- equaled during earlier periods. Bank notes were issued in immense quantities and loans were made on securities which 3io American History [1836 Extra revenue. Distribution of the surplus. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., {$ 92-94. Schurz, Clay, II, 113-127. The panic of 1837. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., {96-98- Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 298-305. McMaster, United States, vi, 390-415- possessed very little real value. Every one bought on credit, " boom " towns were started throughout the middle West, and land values rose to an absurd figure. 277. Government Revenues and the Panic of 1837. So much public land was sold that the revenues from that source increased to nearly $15,000,000 in 1835 and nearly $25,000,000 in 1836, in the latter year for the first and only time in our history being the chief source of govern- ment revenue. The expenses of the government did not increase as rapidly as the income, but the compromise tariff of 1833 could not be changed and the public debt was extinguished in 1835. Strange as it may seem, a treasury surplus, especially when a nation has no debt, is a serious menace to business. In this case it was decided by Congress that the surplus should be distributed to the states in pro- portion to their representation in Congress. As objection was made that this would not be constitutional, the distribu- tion was called technically a loan. As matter of fact, only three quarterly distributions were made, for the revenues fell off rapidly in 1837, when the panic began. The real cause of the panic of 1837 was the unwise specu- lation culminating in 1836 and 1837, but the government helped to bring on the crisis not only by destroying the national bank, but in two other ways, (i) Because many of the notes issued by the western "wild cat" banks were of little or no value, Jackson issued through the treasury de- partment in 1836 the famous "specie circular," requiring those who bought public lands to pay in cash. Almost all purchasers of government land had bought on the install- ment plan. There was very little specie in the West. Crops in 1835 had been a failure and the farmers could not obtain the little cash in circulation. The entire West was upset by this change. (2) When the pet banks were re- quested to turn over to the states the surplus which had been deposited with them, the banks were compelled to sacrifice their securities in order to obtain the money. In some cases banks were obliged to suspend payments on their notes. 1840] Finance and Politics 311 The failure of western banks was followed by failures else- where of banks and later of business houses until the busi- ness depression was complete throughout the United States. 278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841). During Van Buren. the speculative excitement of 1836, Martin Van Buren of New York, the Democratic nominee, was elected president Van Hoist, over William Henry Harrison of Indiana. 1 Van Buren had Const' i Hist., been known as a crafty politician before he became Jackson's H> I47 ~ 158 ' secretary of state. His skill as a diplomat increased his reputation appreciably, and he undertook now to carry out Jackson's policy under very trying circumstances. During the business crisis of 1837 and the years that followed he ex- hibited firmness and good judgment in trying to save the government from financial difficulties, although he did not show those qualities of leadership which would have MARTIN VAN BUREN been invaluable to his party. When it was found that the system of deposits with " pet Independent banks " was unsatisfactory in almost every way, President r ^ asur y ct Van Buren recommended to Congress, in 1837, the establish- ment of an independent treasury which would render the . , , . r, Dewey, Finatt' government independent of any banking institution, bub- cial Hist< treasuries were to be established at convenient places for 99-101. handling government funds and the government was to con- duct its fiscal operations without depositing its money with the banks. Congress debated the question for over two years befoie passing the act in 1840. 279. The Election of Harrison (1840). Van Buren had Policy of the not gained in popularity during his term, partly because of Wni 8 s - the hard times and his unwillingness to compromise in 1 His popular majority was 24,893, but the electoral vote was 177 for Van Buren, 73 for Harrison, and 57 for other Whig candidates. 312 American History [1840 Schouler, United States, iv, 327-335- Stanwood, Presidency, Chapter XV. McMaster, United ^ totes, vi, 550-558, 572. . New election methods. Schouler, Un. ted States, IV, 335-34 1 - any way with the opponents of hard money, but he was re- nominated by the Democrats without opposition. The Whigs began and continued the campaign with the deter- mination to win. Instead of nominating Henry Clay, the real head of the party but a man whose political views were obnoxious to many voters, they selected William Henry Harrison, whose services during the war of 181 2 had been only less conspicuous than those of Jackson. For vice president they chose John Tyler of Virginia, an anti-administration "-'> A LOG CABIN Democrat who was expected to bring the ticket many voters from Democratic ranks. Fearing that a definite statement of their policy would be a disadvantage, they adopted no platform, although Harrison made clear his preference for a national bank and a more liberal national currency and was outspoken in his opposition to the arbitrary executive rule of the last three terms. Not content with the natural advantages which hard times gave them, and an almost perfect union of all elements of the party, the Whigs introduced into the campaign methods that would appeal to the voters. Stump speaking was used very extensively. Great mass meetings were held, attended in at least one instance by one hundred thousand persons. 1842] Finance and Politics 313 Processions paraded the streets, displaying banners, and McMaster, drawing vehicles on which were log cabins or great casks of Umted states . cider. Harrison was lauded as a plain citizen, a man of the people; Van Buren derided as an aristocrat who favored hard money and ignored the suffering caused by hard times. " Tippecanoe and Tyler too " was the cry of the Whigs. Against this campaign of enthusiasm and appeal to popular fancy, the Democrats, with their old-fashioned methods, could make no headway. When the votes were counted, it was found that Harrison had carried nineteen states to seven for his opponent and that his electoral vote was 234 against 60 for Van Buren. By the same election the Whigs gained control of the Senate and the House of Representatives. 280. Tyler and the Whigs (1841-1842). Exactly a Quarrel over month after Harrison was inaugurated, he died, and John abank - Tyler became president. Tyler was known to be a strict constructionist and an opponent of a national bank, but a Dewey, Fina special session of Congress had been called by Harrison to c ? a consider the question of a bank, and that body proceeded at once to repeal the independent treasury act and pass a bill , r r J r Wilson, Div. creating a " fiscal bank," which was little different from the and Reunion, second national bank. This bill Tyler vetoed because it $ 68-70. created branch banks in the states. Congress at once passed a new bill chartering a " fiscal corporation," a term pre- McMaster. ferred by Tyler, which was supposed to embody the views of Umted states, the President. Either because Tyler would not sign any bank bill or because he hoped to bring the Whig leaders in Congress into submission to himself, Tyler vetoed this bill also. The members of his cabinet resigned at once, with the exception of Webster, secretary of state, who was negotiat- ing with Great Britain a treaty to define the northeastern boundary of the United States. The break between Tyler and the Whigs was complete. The northern boundary of Maine had been in dispute since Webster- the treaty of 1783. At that time the line was designated as Ashburton treaty (1842) the highlands that separate the rivers that flow into the St. Lawrence from those that flow into the Atlantic Ocean. As American History [1842 MacDonald, Documents, No. 70. Lodge, Web- ster , 252-260. Garrison, Westward Expansion, 67-84. Democratic changes State and national sovereignty. the St. Johns River empties into the Bay of Fundy, England maintained that the valley of the St. Johns did not belong to the United States. Naturally we claimed all that part of the valley west of the eastern boundary of Maine. An attempt was made to submit the dispute to the king of the Nether- lands as arbitrator (1827), but he proposed a compromise line which neither party would accept. On account of an insur- rection in Canada in 1837 and bad feeling over the dispute, some decision became neces- sary to avoid worse troubles. England sent a special envoy, Lord Ashburton, and a com- promise line was agreed upon, the United States yielding some of her claims in the St. Johns valley and Great Britain receding from most of her claims in Maine and practically all in northern New York. 1 281. Summary. The dem- ocratic movement which had made fair headway before 1825 in the states, especially in the Mississippi basin, was responsible for the election of Jackson to the presidency in 1829. At this time numerous democratic changes were introduced in the policies of the political parties and the national government. A system of nominating conventions came into use. Appointments to office were made for partisan reasons more than at any other time. The national government responded readily to the will of the people, because both political parties favored a fairly strong national government and Jackson believed thoroughly in a national democracy. National development caused controversies with the states pver the rights of the states and of the national govern- ment. In the Webster-Hayne debate especially the issue 1 As to the location of the boundary supposed to be parallel 45. IIOVNIUKY OF 1843] National Democracy 315 between national and state sovereignty was clearly denned. The old theory in favor of the states was upheld by the older sections of the Union, especially the South, whose agricultural progress seemed to be threatened by the pro- tective system adopted by Congress. Although South Carolina tried to nullify the tariffs of 1828 and 1832, the state did not attempt to enforce its nullification ordinance and Congress yielded to the extent of passing the compro- mise tariff of 1833. Financial questions engaged a large share of attention Financial during the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. P robl ems. Jackson's attack on the United States bank on the ground that it enjoyed a political monopoly caused the overthrow of the bank and led to the establishment of very many " wild-cat " banks. Speculation in lands by the people and immense issues of paper by the banks culmi- nated in 1837 in a panic, the business depression lasting about six years. The hard times reacted against the Demo- crats, but the Whigs failed to gain a real victory because Harrison's death deprived them of the presidency. Even during Tyler's term the question of slavery was obscuring the factional quarrels which filled most of the years before 1843- TOPICS 1. BEGINNINGS OF THE NOMINATING CONVENTION: Ford, "American Politics," Chapter XVI; Dallinger, "Nomination for Elective Office," pp. 13-45; Woodburn, "Political Parties and Party Problems," pp. 151-174; Ostrogorski, "Democracy and the Organi- zation of Political Parties," II, pp. 39-79. 2. NULLIFICATION BY SOUTH CAROLINA: Johnston, "American Political History," I, pp. 421-437; Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 220-241 ; McMaster, " People of the United States," VI, pp. 148- 175; Schouler, "United States," IV, pp. 85-111; Von Hoist, "Con- stitutional History of the. United States," I, pp. 495-505. 3. THE SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES: Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," II, pp. 31-68; Sumner, "Life of An- drew Jackson," pp. 254-276, 291-310; Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 190-209, 278-284; White, " Money and Banking," pp. 291-312. 316 American History STUDIES 1. Protection and the tariff of abominations. (Taussig, "Tariff History of the United States," pp. 68-108.) 2. Webster and Hayne on national and state sovereignty. (" Amer- ican History Leaflets," No. 30.) 3. The election of 1832. (Stanwood, " History of the Presidency," Chapter XIII.) 4. Banking and internal improvements in a western state. (Cooley, "Michigan," pp. 254-293.) 5. Foreign affairs under Jackson and Van Buren. (Foster, "Century of American Diplomacy," pp. 273-281.) 6. The Seminole War. (McMaster, " People of the United States," VI, pp. 3 2 9-334, 463-466.) 7. The expunging resolution. (Benton, in " American Eloquence," I, pp. 320-336, and in Benton's "Thirty Years," I, pp. 528-550.) QUESTIONS 1. Could political class rule have been abolished during this period except through the convention and by the use of the "ma- chine"? Was the new system preferable to the old? Give reasons for your answer. 2. Compare the "political revolution" of 1829 with that of 1801. Consider character, change from former system, and influence of each. 3. State the difference between Jeffersonian Democracy and Jacksonian Democracy. Where were the Democrats strongest ? Why was the Democratic party successful almost without interruption until 1860? 4. Explain the differences between nullification in Kentucky (1799), that in New England (1814), and in South Carolina (1828 and 1832). How was the attitude of Georgia in regard to the In- dians unlike that of South Carolina on the tariff? 5. Did Webster or Hayne occupy the more correct position, his- torically? State your objections to the arguments of each. How was the question of national or state supremacy decided in the nulli- fication controversy of 1832 and 1833? 6. Had the national bank failed to establish a uniform and sound currency, as Jackson claimed? Was the bank dangerous because of its influence in elections ? 7. What were the most important political doctrines of the Whigs? To what extent was their comparative failure due to the unpopular issues they indorsed ? to unwise political deals (as in 1840) ? to other causes? CHAPTER XIV A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES TRANSPORTATION AND BUSINESS (1815-1860) 282. The Steamboat. The first half of the nineteenth Progress dur- century is notable not alone for the remarkable development ing the half 1 century. of the spirit of nationality within the United States. It is almost as noteworthy for the great advance made in the ideas of political and social equality, for the numerous mechanical improvements which brought in an age of machinery, and most of all perhaps for the changes in the methods of trans- portation by land and water which have revolutionized traveling and commerce within the boundaries of the United States. The steam engine was used for water transportation The earliest twenty years before the first steam railways were operated. te amers. Experiments with steamboats had been made during the later years of the eighteenth century, but it was not until McMaster . J ' United States 1807 that Robert Fulton constructed a steamboat that was Ini 4 86_ 494 . an unqualified success. After Fulton's Clermont made the trip from New York to Albany in thirty-two hours, and Marvin Am began a little later to carry passengers and freight regularly, Merchant steamboats were built on many of the rivers and lakes east Marme > of the Mississippi. Before 1825 there were several plying on the Mississippi and its tributaries and a few employed on the Great Lakes and for the coasting trade. In 1819 a vessel, the Savannah, crossed the ocean in twenty-five days by using steam and sails, although it was 1838 before the first ocean steamer made that voyage. About the same time Ericsson invented the screw propeller, which was very much more satisfactory than the old side-wheels used in the steam- ers of an earlier day. 318 American History [1812 Use of the steamboats in the West. Sparks, Expan- sion of Am. People, 270-274. Me Master, United States, iv, 397-407- Interest in the subject. Johnston, Railway Transportation t 14-19. McMaster, United States, III, 471-480. Erie canal. McMaster, United States, IV, 415-418, V, 132-136. Steamboats were especially valuable in the West. Before this time it was easy to descend the Cumberland, the Ohio, or the Mississippi by barge or raft, but little progress could be made against the current. The trader from Kentucky or the prairie country could carry his wares to Natchez or New Orleans, but was obliged to return home by horseback over the western trails or go by ship to Philadelphia and come west by road. During the War of 1812 the first regular steamboat began to ply between Pittsburg and New Orleans, and from that time communication between different parts of the great western basin was comparatively easy. 283. The Era of Canals. Improved means of com- munication by river undoubtedly gave an impetus to the building of canals, in which many people were interested before the steamboat was invented. Among others Wash- ington formed a plan for the construction of a series of canals to cross the numerous peninsulas of the Atlantic coast or to connect the eastern cities with the Mississippi basin. The original cost of constructing a canal was a serious obstacle, but the great reduction in freight charges and the greater ease of traveling would, it was thought, justify a considerable outlay. Gallatin and others tried to interest national officials in plans for interstate canals, but Congress did not appropriate money for them as it did for the Cumberland road ( 256). The credit for the canals which were constructed in such numbers between 1815 and 1835 belongs to individuals or to far-sighted state officials. The earliest of the canals built on a large scale was the Erie canal which connects the Hudson River with Lake Erie. By following the Mohawk River this canal was built across the only low pass through the Appalachian range of moun- tains. This was a state enterprise which was completed in 1825 largely through the efforts of DeWitt Clinton. The canal was much narrower and shallower than it is to-day, but it shortened the journey from Albany to Buffalo several days and it reduced the price of freight many times. From 1835] Transportation and Business 319 the beginning it was a financial success and the profits re- paid the cost of the canal within ten years. Pennsylvania was almost as much interested in canals as Canals in New York, but accomplished less because of the mountains other state s. in the western part of the state. This difficulty was solved by building canals as far as possible from the east and from the west and connecting them by a " portage railway," over 205-211. which the canal boats were carried. Other states, east and The De Witt Cl RAILWAY TRAIN IN AN EARLY DAY west, began to build canals because of the great profit made by New York, but because of geographical difficulties or sparseness of population, most of these were not financial successes. 284. Railways. Interest in the construction of canals almost ceased when the railway came into use between 1830 and 1840. The cost of laying a railway track was less than the cost of digging a canal. Railways could be built on grades instead of nearly level areas and railways could be operated the entire year, so that they were preferable in almost every respect to artificial waterways. The earliest railways were practically horse-car lines of no great length. About the time that Jackson was inaugurated, the perfection of Steven- son's Rocket showed that locomotives were better than any McMaster, United States, V, 136-143. First railways. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 235-241. Johnson, Railway Transportation , 18-24, 34-44. McMaster, United States, VI, 86-93, 342. 350. 320 American History Government and early railways. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 39-45- Johnson, Railway Transportation , 308-311. Railway development (1830-1860). Johnson, Railway Transportation, 24-27. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 59-67. Semple, Gtographi Condition 37I-389- Importance of means of com- munication for a large country. other motive power, and, within a few years, railways were operated from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston to neighboring towns, as well as between smaller cities that were farther apart. These railways were built principally by private capital, but in Michigan and a few other states they were public enterprises. Subsidies were granted to a large number of railways by different states and cities during this period, and public money was invested in railways on every side. The results were disastrous, as the public roads could not pay expenses and were sold after a few years. Very little of the capital contributed by the states was ever returned to them. After 1850, however, the states gave to the railways large bonuses of public lands which had been contributed by Congress for that purpose. Although in 1830 there were less than twenty-five miles of steam railway in use in this country, the mileage had increased to nearly 3000 in 1850 and to more than 30,000 at the beginning of the Civil War. Before 1840 there was no line loo miles in length. In that year there were eleven distinct railways connecting Albany with Buffalo. These were finally consolidated into a single railway system soon after 1850, but it was not until 1858 that cars ran on the track of a single company from New York to Buffalo. About the same time the first series of railways connected New York with the Mississippi River. This policy of consolidation, which made rapid progress during the decade before the Civil War, aroused most serious opposition. Politicians sought to make political capital out of the threatened dangers of monopoly, and the mass of the people would have pre- vented continued consolidation had it been in their power. 285. Significance of Improved Means of Transporta- tion. The transformation wrought by these changes on land and water were greater than might be apparent at first. In a country covering so vast a territory as ours, with the limited interstate trade or travel and the comparative lack of common interests among the people of the states which RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION From 183O to I860 1830-1810 1850 - 1860 t SCALE OF MILES 100 200 300 400 1840] Transportation and Business 321 existed three quarters of a century ago, real union was im- possible except through the use of good means of communi- cation. There were very few good roads in the United States at that time. Some turnpikes had been constructed, usually within the limits of a single county, but the con- dition of the rest of the roads was deplorable in the spring or in rainy weather. Moreover, with the exception of the Cumberland road and a few others, the better highways never crossed state boundaries. Emigrants used the trails or hastily constructed roads and followed the rivers, of which there were a large number in the West; but traders found it impossible to transport goods a great distance on land, or even on water unless they were going downstream. The early settlers were forced to live near rivers if they raised articles for a market other than that of their own locality. By the use of the steamboat passengers and merchandise Value of water- were transported easily and rapidly from the cities of the wa >" s a i ter l8i s- Atlantic border and Gulf to the upper waters of the coast Turner, rivers or those of the Mississippi system. A large interstate New West. trade was developed on the Mississippi and its tributaries 3 2 -s8, 96-106. which had been impossible before except downstream. _> ... , . i ,.i 11, . Semple, Amer Rivers of the western basin that hitherto had been inacces- Hist and its sible were reached without difficulty. Districts distant from Geographic the rivers were penetrated by the canals that were built to Co " dlttons > 252-278. connect large rivers or important bodies of water. This opened large territories to cultivation and was an important cause of the great development of the middle West during the quarter century following the second war with England. The reduction in freight rates over the canals gave a tremen- dous impetus to the industries of the towns and valleys that could now find a market for their productions. This com- merce was especially valuable to the eastern cities, for the canals diverted trade from the earlier channels of the western rivers so that the exports of the prairie states no longer went through New Orleans exclusively. New York owed a large part of her commercial supremacy after 1820 to the Erie canal. 322 American History [1810- Development by means of railways. First telegraph line and cable. Bryn, Progress if Invention, 15-22, 32-35. As the railway superseded the canal, the social expansion and industrial development begun by the improved means of communication by water was extended many times. Trips that in 1800 took a month and, in 1825, weeks, could now be made in as many days. The railways went every- where, not only bringing new settlers and increased business, but giving improved mail service and permitting the interchange of new ideas and methods. Chicago was in 1860 as near to New York in lime as Philadelphia had been a century earlier. The South lost most of the trade from the Middle West, but the Northeast and Northwest were united by closer com- mercial ties than formerly, so that the whole North was united as never before. 286. The Telegraph and Other Inventions. Annihilation of distance by steam was little less noteworthy than the infinitely more rapid transmission of news by electric telegraph. The per- fection of the first successful transmitter and the opera- tion of the first satisfactory telegraph line were due to the genius and persistence of Samuel F. B. Morse. Morse had made use of crude telegraphic apparatus as early as 1832, but was not able to construct a line until Congress appropriated $30,000 to build a line from Washington to Baltimore. The first important news sent over this line told of the proceedings in the Democratic nominating conven- tion of 1844. Before the Civil War all important cities and towns in the countrv were reached by the wires of some MORSE AND HIS INSTRUMENT 1860] Transportation and Business 323 telegraph company, and an Atlantic cable had been laid. This cable was not successful, and in 1866, through the efforts of Cyrus W. Field, a new cable connected Europe with America. Perhaps we can get some idea of the value of the telegraph if we note its use in conducting a single business like that of a railway, in transmitting general news, and in dealing with questions of international importance which require prompt attention. The period following 1815, especially after 1829, witnessed inventions a revolution in the methods of production due to changes in ( I8l 5-i84o). the machinery used. -Among the inventions which affected industry _ or increased the comfort of the ^BHll 140-142, people may be mentioned the im- nNl 323-342. provements in plows, the invention of reapers and binders and thresh- ing machines, improved cooking 9 156-161, 183- stoves, the first successful sewing machines, and rotary printing presses. The process of making vulcanized rubber was perfected, HOWE'S ORIGINAL SEW- ,, ,- , r , . i j ING MACHINE the first friction matches were used, the earliest daguerreotypes taken at this time. Illuminating gas began to come into common use. In 1860 people lived in much greater comfort than in 1830 and they purchased most articles of common use at a much smaller price. 287. Industrial Changes after 1810. On account of the Use of improved machinery used after 1810, a change occurred in machinery, the methods of manufacturing. Until about 1810 most articles had been produced in small shops or in the homes Wright, indus- of the workers. Soon after 1810 machinery came into trtai ' Evolution > . 117-131. general use for the weaving of cotton and woolen cloth and in other industries. Large foundries, using anthracite and bituminous coal, displaced the smaller foundries and forges in use at an early day. Manufacturing under the factory system was much more economical than the older methods, and the value of the products very much greater. 324 American History [1816- Degree of industrial development. Wright, Indus- trial Evolution, 132-142. Prosperity 'and panics (1815-1843). Tariff of 1842. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 102. The industrial development between the second war with Great Britain and the Civil War was rapid, but net greater than the increase in agriculture and commerce. There were many difficulties to be overcome in starting these " infant industries." Aid was given by the national government in the tariff of 1816 and for about two decades following, but the system cf protection was practically abandoned during the quarter century preceding the Civil War. Manufacturing was a much less essential part of the nation's life than it has been since the war between the North and the South. Very few products of the factories were exported and only four per cent of the people were employed in manufacturing. During the period from 1815 to 1843 tne country passed through several periods of prosperity and depression. The excessive activity following the war of 1812 ended in 1819 in a panic which affected business in general and the new cotton and woolen industries especially. The hard times of that period reacted on the people, many of whom were less in favor of the expansion of national authority than at the close of the recent war ( 249-257). The return of pros- perity before the election of Jackson restored confidence and enthusiasm for national expansion, and culminated finally in more radical speculation than had ever been tried before ( 276). The panic of 1837 ( 277) put an end to " wild- cat banking," to the " booming " of town lots and public lands, and to unwarranted business ventures, ending as it did in the greatest business depression suffered by the people to this time. 288. The Era of "Free Trade" (1846-1857). The country had not recovered from the hard times which fol- lowed the panic of 1837, when the compromise tariff of 1833 was completed by the final reduction of duties in 1842 to a level of twenty per cent. As the government obtained in- sufficient revenue from the duties on imports, a new tariff was proposed by the Whigs and passed in 1842 which re- stored the policy of protection, with rates averaging about the same as those in the tariff of 1832, l8 57] Transportation and Business 325 Opposition to protection developed again as soon as good Walker tariff times returned a year or two later. The Democrats, sue- ofl8 4 6 - cessful in the election of 1844, made their plans for a free- trade tariff. Articles were classified in schedules, with rates from five per cent to one hundred per cent, and many articles on the free list. All rates were levied on the value of goods for the first time, and a great amount of fraud resulted because importers undervalued their goods. Because of the reaction from the depression which lasted Prosperity from 1837 to 1843, ^e decade following 1846 was one of un- ( l8 45- l8 57)- usual prosperity. Our foreign trade, which in 1846 amounted to $227,000,000, had increased in 1857 to $642,000,000. Large numbers of immigrants came from Europe every year. Crops were large, prices were high, and business of every kind active. Immense amounts of gold had been taken Rhodes, from California since its discovery in 1848, so that money was Umted States, plentiful. Capital was invested recklessly, especially in real ' I4 ~ 27 ' estate and in railways. Since the government revenues exceeded the expenditures Tariff and which the conservative politicians in control of Congress panic ( l8 57)- believed it to be wise or constitutional to make, a new tariff act was passed in 1857, reducing the rates on articles im- - e ) v %', m ported. Scarcely had this been done when excessive specula- j II3 . tion led to a panic which affected business in general, and the railways in the interior particularly. Failures were numer- Rhodes, ous and the government kept getting deeper into debt during United states, Buchanan's administration, although business revived more rapidly than is usual after a depression. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES 289. Opening of the Government Lands. The rapid Land systems development of political and social democracy during the before l82a first half of the nineteenth century was due especially to the growth of the West. The population of the Middle West increased from less than five hundred thousand inhabitants 84-87, 135, in 1800 to more than seven and one half millions in 1850. i4- I 43- This expansion was influenced not alone by the improved 326 American History [1800- means of communication in the Mississippi basin, but by the liberal land policy of Congress. When the states ceded to Congress (1781-1802) their claims to lands in the West, Congress gained the title to all unoccupied lands in that region. A system of surveys was begun in 1785, following after 1796 a plan similar to that used at present. 1 Congress expected to derive from the sale of these lands considerable revenue, of which it was greatly in need, but the profits dur- ing the Confederation were slight. After other sources of national income had been devised under the Constitution ( 198, 217), Congress in 1800 decided to sell lands in blocks of 320 or 640 acres at $2 per acre, payable in installments. Later laws made it possible to purchase for cash public lands in still smaller lots, usually 160 acres, a quarter section, the price being reduced somewhat, especially for actual settlers. Extensive Many of these lots were taken by speculators, who se- saie of lands. cure( j the choicest sections in the fertile valleys and ex- pected to sell them at a great advance. Most of the sales Hart, Practical were to actual settlers, except during the years from 1834 to 1837, when a mania for speculation in lands and the sub- division of districts into town sites reached its maximum. During the first forty years of the century an area was sold jacksonian ' equal to that of the three states of Illinois, Wisconsin, and Democracy, Iowa. Such reckless disposal of the best lands in the finest agricultural region on the globe was unfortunate except when the lands were taken by actual settlers. Yet the im- Donaidson, petus which it gave to immigration into the West and the in- Pub lie Domain, . 200.208 nuence which the sale of lands in small blocks had upon the democratic character of the western states, makes the sub- ject one of the greatest importance. Universal 2 9O- Development of Democracy. The democratic movement spirit which developed rapidly after 1815 affected the national government much less than it did the states, especially in the West. Frontier life, with its crude conditions, its lack of huge estates or great fortunes, is a social leveler. Men are 1 See Ashley, " American Government," 299. i8 5 o] Political and Social Changes 327 History. judged on their merits, not by the standards of money or Turner, former social position. In the West accordingly democracy, F n t t * r in political and social, was perfected at an earlier date than elsewhere. But the changes in the West affected the East, whose people protested against the old inequalities which kept many men from voting and gave more legal rights to some than to others. This democratic movement was more pronounced in this country than elsewhere, but the same spirit produced in Europe reform movements or revolutions which sought to abolish class rule and secure justice for the masses. These culminated in the widespread revolutions of 1848. In the United States "the demand of the people for a share Changes in the in the government produced, first of all, changes in the franchise - suffrage. In 1815 only three or four states along the Atlan- tic border allowed all men to vote, although most of those in the Northwest and Southwest had very liberal qualifications O f Am. People^ for voters. Thirty years later practically all of the states ll,476-4 83 - 328 American History [1800- McMaster, United States, V. 380-394. Schouler, Const' I Studies, 231-248. Popular par- ticipation in government. Thorpe, Const' I Hist., II, 426-428, 458-476. Schouler, Const' I Studies, 267-292. Distrust of the legislatures. Thorpe, Const' I Hist., II, 413-4*9- New activities of the states. Thorpe, Const'l Hist., II, 429-446. allowed white men to vote without other restrictions than citizenship and a short period of residence in the state. New York permitted blacks to vote if they owned property, but, as a rule, the laws of the period restricted rather than increased the voting privileges of free negroes. Many of the western states tried to attract immigrants by allowing those who intended to become citizens the same privileges as citizens, and two states allowed all adult male residents to exercise the elective franchise. 291. Changes in the States. Popular demand for a share in the work of governing affected much more than the right to vote. Formerly, most officials had been appointed, the governor being the only state official chosen before this time by the people in all of the states. Local sheriffs and city officials were no longer appointed. Even the judges in most of the states were chosen by popular vote. More- over, after 1820 the people insisted that their state constitu- tions should be submitted to them after they had been drafted by the conventions chosen for that purpose. Popular distrust of the officials chosen even at general elections was shown by the great number of subjects that were included in the state constitutions. The legislatures, which in 1776 by general consent had held almost continuous sessions, were forced to be content with sessions of about sixty days once in two years. Many powers were taken from the legislature, so that the people should not suffer too se- verely from the bane of over-legislation, which had afflicted more than one of the states. Nevertheless the people of the states were willing to try new experiments. They undertook the construction of numerous canals ( 283), voted public money as bonuses for roads, and invested state funds in speculative enterprises which promised to develop the resources of the state, but resulted in nothing but the exploitation of the public treas- ury. Permission was given to numerous "wild-cat banks " which issued notes practically without limitation and on very limited credit or capital. Yet the enterprise and spirit which. 1850] Political and Social Changes 329 prompted all of these movements resulted in wonderful changes in the condition of those whose rights had been denied before that time. 292. Social Legislation. It was inevitable that sooner Equalization or later class privileges should disappear. We have noticed of n s hts - already that religious qualifications for the franchise had been the first to go, and that property was not required of Cleveland, voters to any extent. Laws of inheritance no longer gave the *'"' a ' y ' elde-t son a special share. Imprisonment for debt had been 379-385. discontinued gradually after 1776, and was used very little in 1840. The newer states were beginning to make home- steads exempt from seizure by creditors. Through consti- tutional provision or statute some states were following the example of the national government which in 1840 made ten hours a day's labor for its employees, but most changes of this character came later, after the Civil War. In some cases the constitutions expressly stated that married women might hold property in their own names, and gave them certain other specific rights before the law and in inher- itance. The movement in favor of equalization among white men was almost universal, though less pronounced in the older and more conservative sections. An instance of the humanitarian changes of the time is Beginnings of furnished by the prisons. The prisons of the eighteenth prison reform< century were of the worst description, the prisoners being herded together irrespective of age, offense, and other con- McMaster - ... . United States, ditions, sometimes kept in cellar dungeons or in damp, un- l g8 _ I02 ventilated mines. Little improvement was made until, about 1^532-549, 1830, a few model prisons were built, in which prisoners were VI - 96 ~"- allowed to work under sanitary conditions, and decent food and shelter were provided. 293. Newspapers and Education. The same causes New public which gave the people so much power in political affairs were sch o1 influential in the extension of systems of free education. Not only did people begin to realize that it was necessary to be McMaster trained for their civic duties, but they felt that the state owed united states, every child the opportunity of a good education. Under the V, 343-372. 330 American History [1800- Cheap daily newspapers. Hapgood and Maurice, Bookman 14 (1902), 567-584. Improved mail service. Harrison, This Country of Ours, 233-240. lead of Mann and Barnard, New England built upon her old foundation of belief in common schools a far more perfect free system than had yet existed. In the West democracy insisted upon education as a right. As all of these states had once been parts of the public domain, each had an educational fund of one section, or, after 1848, of two sec- tions, in each township. This greatly lightened the burden of the local school taxes, and thus gave the West decided advantages over the East. One of the greatest educational forces of that day and the era since that time has been the modern newspaper. The newspapers of the eighteenth century usually contained four small pages with comparatively little news and very little advertising. As better presses were invented, the New York Sun and other papers were published at one cent (1833), the first modern newspapers at a popular price. These papers, especially in New York, were developed into bright, inter- esting sheets, with valuable editorial comment on public questions. Soon there were very few villages which did not have a local newspaper. Everywhere these papers exerted a tremendous influence on public sentiment. It is said that the feelings of a large class were expressed by the old farmer who was asked his opinion on some public question and replied, " I don't know. The Tribune has not come yet." 1 The national government helped to bring this education to the people by revising its postal system. It adopted ad- hesive stamps and reduced letter postage from twenty-five cents for all distances over four hundred miles to a uniform rate of three cents per half ounce for all distances less than three thousand miles. On newspapers and other periodicals rates were lowered later to one cent per pound, if sent direct from the publishers. For a long time this involved consider- able loss, and in fact the receipts do not equal the expendi- tures to-day; but this loss, most of which comes from the transportation and delivery of periodicals, is justified on the ground that it is a public service of exceptional value. 1 The New York Weekly Tribune, edited by Horace Grceley. l8 5] Political and Social Changes 331 294. American Cities. No part of the nation grew with Growth in haft greater rapidity during the first half of the nineteenth cen- centur y- tury than the cities. In 1800 only four contained as many as ten thousand inhabitants, but in 18^0 the number of cities , a ! ri . e '. un ' Admmistra- of that size was 41. In the half century the urban popula- tion, 77-85. tion had increased more than three times as rapidly as the population of the entire United States. The largest city, New York, was a thriving metropolis of over a half million, just beginning the decade of most rapid growth in its history. Many of the Irish who came to America between 1846 and 1860 settled in these bustling centers of population, and thousands of farmer boys and girls left the country yearly for the more active life of the railway centers or the factory towns. Most of the cities abandoned the old undemocratic Changes in government that they had used during the colonial and early government, national periods. In adopting a more popular system the cities showed most of the faults with few of the excellencies Fairlie, j. A., possible in popular rule. In them the "spoils" system was '" unict P a Programme, brought nearest perfection, and "boss" rule was developed n-i 7 . most easily. This demoralizing state of affairs was prob- ably due to two things. (i) The growth of the cities was quite rapid, and a large part of the new population was foreign. As suffrage was universal, and a declared intention to become a citizen often gave an ignorant immigrant a vote, the elections were decided by an element easily led and corrupted. (2) The rapid growth made extensive improve- ments necessary. This expenditure acted as a temptation to certain of the lower classes to take part in city govern- ment, and, as the money was expended by these persons, it tended to increase the evils already existing. So democ- racy in the cities came near being mob rule. FREE AND SLAVE STATES 295. Growth of the United States. In 1800 the United Territorial States extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River expansion and from the Great Lakes to the Floridas. In 1850 its ( I8o - l8 5)- 332 American History [1800- Garrison, Westward Extension, 33-42. western boundary was the Pacific Ocean. Louisiana, with its indefinite western boundary, had been acquired from France in 1803. The Floridas had been ceded by Spain in 1819, and our title to Oregon from 42 to 49 became clear in 1846. In 1845 we annexed the republic of Texas ( 302), and when Mexico objected, we made war on her and seized the territory from the Rio Grande to the Pacific. In a half Increase in population. Garrison, Westward Extension, 3-21. century the United States had grown to more than three times its original size, had acquired a natural boundary on the southeast, and had .gained a seacoast more than one thousand miles long on the Pacific a magnificent domain, symmetrical, productive, with unlimited natural resources, and located midway between the well-developed nations of Europe and the older civilization of the Far East. The population meanwhile had doubled every twenty- five years. From only 5,300,000 inhabitants in 1800, the number had increased to 23,000,000 in 1850 and more than 31,000,000 in 1860. But the growth was not uniform throughout the country. The population of the older states had not increased as rapidly as that of the West, although in 1850 nearly one half of the people lived east of the Alleghany 1860] Political and Social Changes 333 mountains. The cities had grown more rapidly than the country, although more than eighty-seven per cent of the people still lived on farms or in villages. The South had not kept pace with the North, for, although they started togethei in 1800, the free states contained 4,000,000 more people than the slave states in 1850, and in 1860 were nearly 7,000,000 in advance of the southern states. 296. Foreign Immigration. A considerable part of this Irish and increase was due to the very large immigration from. Europe German which followed the Irish famines after 1845 an< ^ the failure of the revolutions in Europe in 1848. About two and one half Thor g millions came during the first half of the nineteenth century const' i Hist., and as many more landed at the ports of the United States 11,496-498. during the decade from 1850 to 1860. Most of these were Irish or Germans, people of unusual intelligence and energy Hal1 ; Immi - who threw in their lot with the people of the United States and discarded to a large extent all their former social charac- teristics. Many of the Irish settled in the cities where they interested themselves particularly in the work of city govern- ment, often complicating the problems that the cities were forced to solve during this transitional period of their exist- ence. Many of the other immigrants went directly to the West, where they obtained government lands. Almost without exception they settled in the North in order to avoid competition with slave labor. Had it been impossible for the United States to assimilate National so large a body of foreigners, their great numbers would influenceof , .... __ foreigners, have been a decided menace to our institutions. Yet no- where did they retain their old national characteristics of race, language, and customs, for, even if the first generation failed to become truly American, it was never so with the second. As they were industrious and thrifty, they increased the wealth and producing power of the nation. More- over, they, consciously and unconsciously, aided in the development of a national spirit and gave their support in favor of a strong central government. The Irish and the Germans, at least, had struggled for the perfection of na- 334 American History [1845 tional unity in their former homes and were in sympathy with the similar movement in this country. They were drawn to the United States as the land of the free, but they knew little and cared less about the states. Directly and indirectly they were a great help in developing a national sentiment in the North. States admitted 297. The Admission of New States. In spite of the k i 20-1 50). muc h more rapid development in the North than in the South, Congress had preserved the balance of the states until 1850. After the struggle over the admission of Mis- souri ( 260), no state was admitted for fifteen years. Then Arkansas and Michigan were admitted. Later Texas and Florida were followed by Iowa and Wisconsin. When Cali- fornia was admitted as a free state, the balance was broken, for there was no territory in the South between Texas and California that was well settled. Even in this territory the people were opposed to the system of slavery, for in New Mexico in 1850 the vote was nearly 10 to i in favor of asking for admission as a free state. The Northwest, on the con- trary, was growing rapidly and in the natural course of events would be divided into free states. Attitude of the It is interesting to notice that so far in our history, except new states j n fae disputes arising over the navigation of the Mississippi national River, all of the tendencies toward disunion and most of government. those favorable to state sovereignty came from the older commonwealths. The reason for this is evident. The old states looked upon the Union as their creation; the new considered the nation their creator. Nearly all of the territory formed into states after 1789 has been at some time under the absolute control of the national government. When these new states were admitted to the Union, the old states apparently had nothing to do with the change. Con- gress passed the enabling act, Congress imposed conditions, if such there were. The new commonwealths had no local traditions, no revolutionary claim to sovereignty, no insti- tutions productive of either particularism or sectionalism. They favored a strong government for foreign affairs and for Political and Social Changes 335 internal improvements, and only in the few matters directly antagonistic to their interests did they disapprove of national authority. 298. Early Abolitionists. Not only were the slave states behind the more progressive free northern common- wealths, but they found that their institution of slavery was threatened by the growth of a new and practically world- wide movement in favor of uni- versal freedom for blacks as well as whites. The abolition move- ment became prominent in the United States about 1831. Before that time all of the northern states had made provision for the eman- cipation of their slaves, and a few of the southern states had looked with favor on some form of gradual emancipation. In 1831 William Lloyd Garrison established in Boston his paper called " The Liberator " which was thenceforth devoted with unlimited zeal to the cause of negro freedom. . Unfortunately in the same year there was an insurrection of blacks in Virginia led by a negro, Nat Turner. Before this could be suppressed, over sixty whites, most of them women and children, lost their lives. Severe laws were enacted against the blacks in several states and further consideration of emancipation in the South ceased. Many people, North and South, believed that Turner's insurrection had been produced by the abolitionists, and so great was the feeling aroused against Garrison and his followers that abolition meetings were broken up, speakers were mobbed in almost every northern state, a large amount of property was destroyed, and a few of the more radical leaders, like Lovejoy in Illinois, put to death. The movement grew slowly. In 1833 a national anti-slavery convention was Movement toward eman- cipation. Wilson, Div. and Reunion, $$60-62. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 157-183. Old South Leaflets, No. 78. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON Progress of the abolition movement. Schouler, United States, IV, 210-216, 296-300. 336 American History ['835 Congress's attitude toward abolition. Burgess, Middle Period, 254-273- Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 256-275. held, but before 1835 very few people had identified them- selves with the abolitionists, although in 1840 they claimed about two hundred thousand members in various abolition societies. Public sentiment changed gradually toward the abolitionists so that after 1840 they suffered comparatively little from mob violence in the North, although they did not control the sentiment of many states except possibly in parts of New England. 299. Abolition and Petition (1835-1840). Since the beginning of the national government petitions had been presented in Congress requesting the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. At first the Quakers were the only persons interested^ but after 1830 the abolitionists circulated and presented numerous petitions. In 1835 the radical members of the House became engaged in a contest over these petitions which had a very momentous result. After several months of bitter debate, the House adopted a " gag-resolution " by which all anti-slavery petitions were to be laid on the table, with no further action whatever to be taken on them later. The Senate adopted rules which prevented the consideration of similar petitions in much the same manner. Nothing else could have brought before the attention of the people the cause of the abolitionists as had this debate. Instead of reducing the number of petitions, the agitation continued to spread until the House, thinking to rid itself of this question, was persuaded by the southern members to go one step farther. "After 1840 no petitions are to be received by this House or entertained in any way whatever." In short, the House had denied to large num- bers of citizens their constitutional right of presenting peti- tions. 1 In seeking to injure the anti-slavery movement, the radical congressmen had given the abolitionists definite legal grounds for opposing slavery. The pro-slavery leaders had shown that in their opinion they must protect slavery even though they interfered with the rights of other citizens, certainly a fatal mistake. 1 Constitution, Amendment i. 1850] A Half Century of Changes 337 TOPICS 1. LAND POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES: Hart, "Practical Essays on Government," No. 10; Willoughby, in "Johns Hopkins University Studies," Sato, S., in "Johns Hopkins University Studies," IV, Nos. vii-ix. 2. ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT: Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 242-277 ; Hart, " Contemporaries," III, Nos. 174-184 ; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History of United States," II, pp. 80-139, 219-292; Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," pp. 152-275. STUDIES 1. Spread of population in the Mississippi valley as affected by geographic conditions. (Semple, "American History and Its Geo- graphic Conditions," pp. 150-177.) 2. Local influences of the Erie canal. (Hulbert, " Great American Canals," II, pp. 152-177.) 3. Government of democracy in America. (De Tocqueville, "Democracy in America," I, pp. 198-238.) 4. "Who reads an American book?" (Hart (ed.), "Contem- poraries," III, No. 152.) 5. American poets of the Middle Period. (Trent, "American Literature," pp. 393-460.) 6. An Englishwoman's view of a western town. (Mrs. Trollope, "Domestic Manners of the Americans," I, pp. 61-131.) 7. Removal of the Indians east of the Mississippi. (" The Ameri- can Nation," XIV, 310 (maps), XV, Chapter X.) 8. People without a Country. (Thorpe, "Constitutional History of the United States," I, pp. 356-399.) 9. Economic character of slavery. (Hart, "Slavery and Aboli- tion," pp. 40-66.) 10. The slave market. (Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," pp. 123-135.) n. Slavery agitation in Congress. (Benton, "Thirty Years in Senate," I, pp. 576-588, 609-623.) 12. J. Q. Adams on constitutional war powers over slavery. (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 115-122.) QUESTIONS i. Compare the internal improvements made by the national government with those undertaken by the states. Was there any difference between the character and extent of the improvements made by the eastern and by the western states ? z 338 American History z. Give a full comparison of the ways of transportation in 1750, 1800, and 1850. What changes or improvements coincided with the close of the first war with Great Britain? the second war with Great Britain? the election of Jackson? 3. Make a table showing in one column the periods of prosperity and business depression since 1815; in a second the wars, movements of population (indicated by new states, etc.), and extension of territory; in a third very important laws or acts of the national government. 4. During the first half of the nineteenth century what changes occurred in the franchise, in popular participation in government, in laws regarding debt, imprisonment for debt and methods of punish- ment, in civil rights in general ? 5. Trace the changes from 1 780 to the present in our Indian pol- icy; in our postal service; in our public land system. 6. Compare the United States in 1850 with the United States in 1800. Note area, population, percentages of rural and urban popu- lation, occupations, culture, degree of national unity, and changes considered in 2 and 4 above. PART IV THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY (1843-1877) CHAPTER XV SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857) 300. Introduction. The period between 1843 an ^ Slavery and 1877 is concerned principally with questions arising out of the South, slavery. This system, which had once been universal in this country, had been superseded gradually in the North by free labor. The reasons for this are topographical, eco- nomic, and social. We have noticed already the decay of slavery in the North and the spread of an abolition senti- ment throughout that section. 1 In the South, on the other hand, since the invention of the cotton gin ( 206), there had been a great and constantly increasing demand for slaves, who could be employed profitably on the large cotton plan- tations. 2 After 1830 the cotton industry developed with especial rapidity, so that long before 1860 it had become the chief occupation of the South, and of value to the whole country, furnishing as it did two-thirds of the exports of the United States. So important was this industry, so essentially a part of influence the life of the South, so valuable was cotton in our ofcotton - foreign commerce, that almost every one believed " Cotton was King." Not only did it make slavery more necessary to the South, but, through its demand for slave labor, it helped to uphold that patriarchal plantation system that was the chief characteristic of the Old South. Throughout the 1 298, 299. 2 See Turner, New West, 46-50. 339 340 American History [1843 The nation and slavery. Four peiiods in the contest between the nation and slavery. southern states there was preserved until the coming of war a life of social pleasures, of large-hearted hospitality, which even cotton could not make commercial. These plantation owners were men of high ideals who opposed democratic innovations and considered manual labor degrading, who had no sympathy with the bustling, energetic, commercial North, and were particularly anxious to protect and extend the institution of slavery. Naturally the South desired more territory in which new plantations might be started; to which the institution of slavery might be extended. As there was no possibility of reestablishing slavery in the North, the South turned, of course, to territories south and west of the slave states. The southern leaders desired more than new territory suit- able for slavery, for they insisted that slavery must be established and maintained in these lands. The South had not grown as rapidly as the North, so that unless new slave states were added soon to the Union, the political balance between the free and the slave states would be broken forever. But the extension of slavery, in fact even the maintenance of slavery, was at this time threatening the completion of that national development which had been the chief result of our history to this time. 1 Although slavery tried to prevent the completion of nation- ality, in the end the nation conquered and destroyed the institution. The struggle between these two forces covers four periods : (1) The attempt to acquire more territory and extend slavery to all of the territories controlled by Congress; (2) the attempt to protect slavery by means of secession and civil war; (3) the triumph of the Union over secession; and (4) the reconstruction of the states that attempted to secede. We shall consider in the following chapters these four phases of the slavery contest, which covered a third of a century and assured the future success of the republic. 1 On the incompatibility of slavery and nationality, consult 330, 331. 1844] Territorial Expansion 341 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION (1843-1848) 301. Texas before 1843. Soon after the United States The settle- abandoned its claims to Texas in the treaty of 1819 ( 261), ent and Mexico revolted against the rule of Spain and established ^f Texas' her independence. One of the states of the new republic was that of Coahuila-Texas, the eastern part of which, as Burgess, far as the Nueces River, was called Texas and was settled Middle Period, almost exclusively by immigrants from the United States. 2 9 ~ 295- These Texans had nothing in common with the Mexicans of the Coahuila part of the double state, but the Mexicans were so much more numerous that they ruled the state. Opposi- 210-227. tion to Mexican rule culminated in an attempt to gain inde- pendence for Texas. This succeeded practically when, in 1836, General Sam Houston defeated at San Jacinto an army much larger than his own under President Santa Anna, capturing the Mexican general and a large force of men. Early the next year the independence of Texas was ac- knowledged by the United States and by foreign powers. From the beginning the Texans had desired annexation Proposed to the United States. This was not favored by either annexation - Jackson or Van Buren, but was discussed somewhat in Burgess, Congress and throughout the country. As early as 1836 Middle Period, Calhoun announced in the Senate that he considered the 295-302. annexation of Texas necessary to preserve that balance between slave and free states which alone would preserve the Union. Others at this time opposed the annexation for exactly the same reason, but it did not become a sectional question until much later. 302. The Annexation of Texas (1843-1845). President Annexation Tyler desired annexation, but was unable to accomplish treat y ( l8 44) anything in this direction until Webster resigned his position Rhodes as secretary of state in 1 843 . Plans for a treaty of annexation United states, had been almost completed when Calhoun accepted the port- l > 78-82. folio of state in 1844. The Texas treaty was rejected in the Burgess, Senate by an emphatic vote, probably less because the Middle Period, senators opposed annexation than because they disliked the 32-3i- 342 American History [1844 Election of 1844. Schouler, United States, IV. 465-480. Stanwood, Presidency, 209-225. way the President dictated to them. Some feared also that the annexation of Texas with a claim to the Rio Grande would involve us in war with Mexico. -Scarcely had the Senate rejected the Texas treaty when conventions met to nominate candidates for the presidency. The Whigs adopted a short platform in which Texas was not mentioned. They nominated Henry Clay. In the Demo- cratic convention there was a con- test between the friends and ene- mies of Van Buren. His friends had a ma- jority of the dele- gates, but could not muster the two thirds nec- essary for the nominat ion . James K. Polk of Tennessee, for- merly speaker of the house, was selected finally. The platform stated that " the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexa- tion of Texas at the earliest practicable period are great American measures which this convention recommends to the cordial support of the Democracy of the Union." Under the name of the Liberty party, the abolitionists took part in this campaign as in that of 1840. At first Clay emphatically opposed the annexation of Texas on the ground that it would involve us in war with Mexico, but, as the campaign pro- gressed he wrote to a friend in the South that he favored an- nexation if it could be done "without dishonor, without war, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and ELECTION OF 1844 -R>. /tern. 170 V:Z5*( Clay, Whig, J06 g^g) 1845] Territorial Expansion 343 fair terms." This attitude alienated enough of his supporters in New York so that Polk carried that state and the election. 1 When Congress met in December, 1844, resolutions were Texas introduced for the annexation of Texas by joint action of annexed the houses of Congress. These were adopted and signed by Burgess, President Tyler, March i, 1841;. Mexico threatened war if l e 320-323. Texas accepted the offer to enter the Union, but the state ,. Garrison, adopted a constitution and was admitted in December of Texas, that year. 2 256-268. 303. Oregon Territory to 1846. In the campaign of Joint occupa- 1844 the desire for territorial expansion had been voiced tlonof re g n (1818-1846). not simply by the desire to annex Texas, but by the demand for " the whole of Oregon." This was expressed in the J ohnston . Am. Pol. Hist., campaign motto "54-40 or fight." Since 1818 the Oregon 11,76-78. territory from 42 to 54 40' had been held jointly by Great Britain and the United States. Spain had surrendered to us Diplomacy, her claims to land north of the forty-second parallel in the 302-307. treaty of 1819. Russia had agreed to remain north of 54 g c h ou i er 40'. The question to be settled was therefore the boundary United states, line between British Oregon and American Oregon. This IV> 54-5"- remained in abeyance until 1844. American claims to the Oregon country were based upon American and the discovery of the Columbia River in 1792, the Lewis and Bntlsh claims. Clark explorations in 1804-1806, settlements and trading posts established at the mouth of the Columbia before the J hns ' n ' . Am. Pol. Htst., second war with England, Spanish claims which had been \\ t 73-76. transferred to us, and actual settlement of the territory by missionaries and others, most of whom went to Oregon after 1835. Great Britain based her claims on the explorations of Vancouver and others before 1800, the acknowledgment of her territorial rights by Spain in 1790, and the many posts established by the Hudson Bay company. In 1844 none 1 The vote was 1,337,243 for Polk, 1,288,062 for Clay, and 62,300 for Birney (Liberty party). The electoral vote was 170 for Polk and 105 for Clay. 2 The United States did not guarantee the Rio Grande boundary nor assume the public debt of Texas exceeding the sum of $10,000,000. 344 American History [1846 Oregon tfeaty (1846). Foster, Amer. Diplomacy, Schouler, United States, IV, 511-514. Hostilities on the Rio Grande. Burgess, Middle Period, 327-331. ni ^^^sr^xs 10 ^ - i s^^z^s H" -bJ H. rl^/N IL-J A N of these claims were of the least value except those based on actual occupation. In that respect England had the ad- vantage if we consider areas, for the Hudson Bay company had been very active in extending its trade. On the other hand the Americans were much truer settlers and had a much more valid claim in the territory which they held. About 1825 the United States had desired a division of Oregon by extending the line of 49 to the Pacific. Great Britain wished to have the Columbia from its mouth to parallel 49 and then use that line to the Rockies. No agreement was reached and little interest was taken in Oregon by the people of the United States. 1 In 1846 England agreed, however, to a treaty which extended to the Pacific the existing line between Canada and the United States east of the Rockies, 49. 304. War with Mexico (1846-1847). Before theOregon treaty had been signed, hostilities with Mexico had begun in April, 1846. The republic of Texas had claimed the Rio Grande as its western boundary, and, although at the time of annexation the United States had not agreed to retain this boundary line, there is no doubt that the people of the nation believed the Rio Grande to be the rightful boundary. 1 Some suggested that the Rocky mountains formed our natural bound- ary on the West. Interest in Oregon was renewed after 1840, especially by Marcus Whitman and other settlers who realized its value. England was very anxious to gain a foothold in California and so declined to recede from the line of the Columbia until the intensity of feeling in the United States thoroughly convinced her statesmen that if she did not accept the line of 49 the United States would insist on a still larger share of Oregon. Territorial Expansion 345 Moreover the desire among the people to possess on the Pacific coast a territory much greater than that of Oregon made them willing to have the war which Mexico claimed she would wage if we annexed Texas. To be sure, a powerful and active minority, especially in New England, opposed this policy of aggression because it would extend the power of slavery. War began when United States troops under Gen- eral Zachary Taylor were ordered by President Polk to oc- cupy the disputed territory between the Nueces River and the Rio Grande. The Mexicans ordered Taylor to with- draw. When he failed to do so, they crossed the Rio Grande, but early in May were defeated by Tay- lor and driven back across the river. Congress im- mediately voted men and money for the prosecution of an offensive campaign. 1 Plans were made at length for Taylor to advance into northeastern Mexico and for General Scott to seize the city of Mexico. Taylor had no difficulty in capturing Monterey, the largest city in his route. When he advanced farther into Mexico, he encountered at Buena Vista an army four times as large as his own unde" Santa Anna, who had again become dictator of Mexico. So stubborn 1 Delay was caused by the desire to give the chief command to a Demo- crat, as both Taylor, known as " Old Rough and Ready," and Winfield Scott, who was nicknamed " Fuss and Feathers," were Whigs. THE MEXICAN WAR 1S4G-1847 SHOWING TERRITORY ACQUIR] BY THE UMTED STATES Schouler, United States, IV, 521-528. Hart, Con- temporaries, IV, Nos. 8-11, IS- Taylor and Scott in Mexico. Burgess, Middle Period, 331-334. 346 American History [1847 Garrison, Westward Extension, 245-251- Contest over California. Garrison, Westward Extension, 230-239. was the resistance of the Americans that they defeated the enemy with great loss. Santa Anna now returned to the defense of the capital which was threatened by General Winfield Scott. Scott was obliged to capture first the sea- port of Vera Cruz which many considered impregnable. Crossing a range of mountains by means of the national road, Scott defeated the Mexicans at every point and came at length in sight of the city. Here he abandoned the road, both sides of which were for- tified, and cut his way over lava beds to the rear of the city, where the capture of the fortress at Chapultepec forced Santa Anna to surrender the city. 305. Conquest of Cali- fornia; Peace. When the United States became in- volved in war with Mexico, steps were taken to secure possession of California. For years Great Britain had looked longingly at this re- gion, hoping to gain this territory peaceably by treaty with Mexico or wrest it from her when she was engaged in diffi- culties with the United States. Our government had offered to buy California in order to avoid such a catastrophe, but Mexico was unwilling to part with her northern possessions to either England or the United States. As soon as news reached the Pacific coast that war had been declared, Captain John C. Fremont seized some of the towns in the interior and Commodores Sloat and Stockton occupied Monterey, the northern capital of California. A bear flag was raised by the people of Sonoma and for a short time the "Bear-Flag Republic" was proclaimed. The conquest of California was completed by the cooperation of the Amer- ican inhabitants and the United States forces during 1847. JAMES K. POLK 1848] Territorial Expansion 347 The United States had been making plans for negotiations Treaty of as early as 1846. The important point with the administra- Guadal "P e tion and the public seems to have been the cession of at least part of upper California. The instructions issued when the first envoy was sent in 1847 included the line of the Rio ^! t , er> Amer ' Diplomacy, Grande, New Mexico, both Californias, and a right of way 317-321. across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. As Scott had not captured the city of Mexico at this time, the Mexicans Burgess, would yield very little and negotiations were broken off. Middle Period, During the months which followed the capture of the 337 ~ 339 ' Mexican capital public sentiment in the United States changed. President Polk claimed that but for his influence the members of his cabinet would have insisted on the acquisition of all Mexico. 1 The public heard rumors of this, and, not desiring the destruction of Mexico or so great an extension of territory in which slavery might be established, opposed the scheme. The Mexican politicians finally be- came alarmed and agreed to yield all upper California and New Mexico and acknowledge the Rio Grande boundary for Texas on the payment of a sum of $15,000,000. The first Mexican cession was supplemented in 1853 by a strip south of the Gila River known as the Gadsden Purchase. 2 SLAVERY IN NEW TERRITORY (1848-1853) 306. The Wilmot Proviso. In August of 1846, when the Contest war with Mexico had been in progress three months, Presi- between the dent Polk requested Congress to grant him $2,000,000 1 to be used in negotiating a treaty of peace. It was generally believed that the government wished this money Hart, Content- in order to purchase from Mexico a large strip of territory, poraries, Wilmot of Pennsylvania therefore proposed in the House ' of Representatives as an amendment to the appropriation bill that slavery should not be permitted in any territory Burgess, acquired from Mexico. The bill was passed twice by the House with the Wilmot proviso ; but in the later session the 1 Hart, "Contemporaries," IV, No. 14. 2 See map following page 508. 348 American History ['847 Johnston, House rescinded its action when the Senate refused to concur. Am. Pol. Hist., T ne sou thern members of Congress voted solidly against the proviso in both houses and many northerners opposed it on the ground that agitation of the slavery question at that time would hamper the administration in its prosecution of the war and in concluding peace. Contest over 307. Oregon Territory; Election of 1848. The ques- orgamzmg j.j on Q f or g an j zm nr the Oregon country as a territory with or Oregon Tern- / tor y. without slavery was brought up at the same time as the Wilmot proviso (August, 1846), but was not settled until Burgess, ^ on a f ter - The pro-slavery senators knew that they could Middle Period, not prevent the prohibition of slavery in Oregon, but hoped 340-347- to gain certain concessions in return for a few necessary votes. A determined attempt was made to extend the Missouri Compromise line (36 30') to the Pacific and to connect the question of organizing Oregon territory with the organization of territorial governments in California and New Mexico, so that slavery should be permitted in the lat- ter if forbidden in the former. These attempts failed and the Oregon bill was passed (1848) prohibiting slavery in that territory. Presidential In the election of 1848 the question of slavery in the ter- eiection (1848). r it or i e s was ignored by the Whigs and the Democrats. The Whigs nominated General Zachary Taylor of Louisi- Stanwood. ana an( j Millard Fillmore of New York. They adopted 22X243 ' no platform whatever. The Democratic nominee was Lewis Cass of Michigan who believed that the question of slavery in the territories should be decided by the voters of each territory for themselves, a view afterward known as " popu- lar sovereignty," or " squatter-sovereignty." Those who favored the principle of the Wilmot proviso united to form a new party, known as the Free Soil party, and nominated ex-President Van Buren, whose reputation added greatly to their strength, so that the party polled over a quarter of a million votes. Taylor carried a majority of the states North and South as well as most of those in the Northeast, obtaining 163 electoral votes to 127 for Cass. In the same election the 1849] Slavery in New Territory 349 Free Sellers elected thirteen congressmen who held the balance of power in the new House of Representatives. 308. California. In the interval between the election Settlement and of the thirty-first Congress and its first meeting in December, P rovlslonal , . , . . , government. 1849, g rea t changes had taken place in the territory acquired from Mexico. The discovery of gold in California by John Schouler Marshall in January, 1848, had brought to the Golden Gate United states, tens of thousands from all parts of the world. Caravan v > I 33- I 4 2 - after caravan of " forty-niners " crossed the plains and the mountains. Many proceeded ma the Isthmus of Panama and large numbers sailed around Cape Horn. The slave states were represented as well as the free states, but the people of the southern states brought few slaves with them, for California at that time had little use for slave labor. 1 When a constitutional convention was held at Monterey, California's a constitution was framed by which slavery was prohibited application for within the state. All delegates to the convention, whether from the North or the South, supported this anti-slavery ... . . Schouler, provision. With this constitution California applied for united states^ admission to the Union as a free state, to the dismay of the V, 142-146. pro-slavery advocates. Since there were already as many free states as there were slave states, the admission of Cali- fornia would disturb forever the equality between the sections which had existed since the formation of the Constitution. Not only was a large part of California south of the line of 36 30', but it was understood that in the territory east of California and south of that line the prevailing sentiment was opposed strongly to slavery. Unless something were done to protect slavery interests it would be only a question of time before the Senate heretofore the stronghold of the slavery interests would be controlled by the opponents of 1 As Congress had neglected to pass a territorial act, there was no gov- ernment in that region other than the provisional one under General Riley, the military commander of California. To President Taylor, who was ac- customed to direct methods, it seemed as though California should apply at once for admission to the Union without going through the territorial stage. He accordingly dispatched an agent to the Pacific coast in order to learn whether the population justified this step. 350 American History [1849 Diverse views on political questions. Johnston. Am. Pol. Hist., 11,91-95. 122-123. Rhodes, United States, I, 104-110, 130-136. slavery. The admission of California as a free state seemed therefore to the less conservative southerners a menace to their prosperity and development and a sufficient reason for secession from the Union. 309. The Elements of a Compromise (1850). The admission of California with the constitution which she had adopted was recommended by President Taylor to Congress in his message, December, 1849. No action was taken at once, but a number of questions regarding slavery and con- nected especially with the subject of slavery in the territory ceded by Mexico were discussed at Washington. Among these were the admission of California, the organization of territorial government for the rest of the Mexican cession, the dispute over the boundary between Texas and New Mexico, slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co- lumbia, and the problem of returning fugitive slaves to their masters under the law of 1793. The majority of the people in the North undoubtedly believed that the further exten- sion of slavery should be discouraged, and felt that the United States could not afford to take a backward step by opening to slavery the new lands in the Southwest, in which slavery had been prohibited by Mexican law. A large and active minority in the North desired the exclusion of slavery from all new territory and the abolition of slavery as well as the slave trade in the national capital. Many, South and North, would have preferred to leave the question entirely alone, or, if this were impossible, settle the question in such a way that the Union would be preserved. To Clay it seemed that disunion might be prevented and the slavery question might be settled for all time by combining these measures before Congress and asking both sections to make concessions in a great compromise. 1 i It was Clay's suggestion that California be admitted as a free state, the territories of New Mexico and Utah be organized without restrictions as to slavery, Texas to be asked to relinquish her claims on New Mexico for a money consideration, the slave trade but not slavery be prohibited in the District of Columbia, and a new fugitive slave law be enacted. i8 5 o] Slavery in New Territory 351 310. Discussion of the Compromise. For six months Senatorial Congress discussed the measures proposed by Clay. The leaders - Cla 7 IT- ... andCalhoun. weightiest speeches were delivered in the Senate where the great triumvirate, Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, still held sway, though about to give way to younger men, of whom Schurz - Seward, Chase, Douglas, and Sumner were the most promi- n ? 3I -. 337 nent. Clay spoke fervently in favor of compromise and pleaded for concessions on each side that would make possible CALHOUN, WEBSTER, AND CLAY a permanent settlement of this dreaded question. Calhoun Hart. Content- also pleaded for the preservation of the Union, which, in his P rartes < IV, No. 19. opinion, had been endangered by the slavery agitation in the North. He asserted that the Union could be preserved only by giving the South a share in the government equal united d < 375-377. of New Hampshire, a pro-slavery Democrat, was in 1852 elected President over Winfield Scott, the Whig candidate, by a very large majority. The Free Soilers polled a vote little more than half as large as in 1848, for less interest was taken in the topic of slavery in the territories since the status of slavery in all parts of the national domain had been fixed by sacred pledges that were supposed to be irrevocable. 312. The Fugitive Slave Law. The execution of the Fugitives, drastic fugitive slave law succeeded in arousing more feeling ^ eno f7 3 liberty " laws, than the compromise allayed. Thousands of fugitives had and the settled in different parts of the North and had become useful underground citizens of those communities. Many of them were now rallwa y- reclaimed by their former masters and carried away to the plantations without an opportunity of proving their freedom. Middle' Period^ The North was aroused as it never had been before at the 365-374. sight of seizures made on its soil. State after state passed 354 American History [1850 Rhodes, United States, I, 209-213, 498-506, 11,73-78. Loss to the South. Cuba. Ostend Manifesto. Foster, Am. Diplomacy, 326-329, 342-347- MacDonald, Documents, No. 89. " personal liberty laws," which forbade state officers to aid in the capture of negroes and prevented citizens from taking part in the return of fugitives. The use of the jails was denied to national officers in charge of runaways. Police officers refused to interfere when negroes were rescued by mobs. Channing says truly, " the execution of the Fugitive Slave law did more to arouse the moral sentiment of the northerners than the arguments of the abolitionists had done in twenty years." In many northern states there were established complete routes from the South to Canada, over which fugitives might escape by hiding in the daytime and traveling at night to the next house on the route. These were called " underground railways." Even if there had been very great need of so severe a measure, the passage of this act would have been a serious blunder. But when it is understood that only the border states lost many slaves and that less than one thirtieth of one per cent of the slaves attempted to obtain their freedom in any one year, we realize the magnitude of the mistake. The feeling of the North was intensified by the publication in 1852 of Harriet Beecher Stowe's book, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," which was read by every one and was accepted as a true picture of slavery. 313. Attempts to gain More Slave Territory. Not only did the pro-slavery leaders wish to extend the limits of slave territory still further, but many expansionists who had favored the acquisition of California and New Mexico desired the extension of our boundaries on the south, especially by annexing the island of Cuba. During Folk's administration we offered $100,000,000 for Cuba. A few years later slavery sympathizers joined in filibustering ex- peditions to Cuba which accomplished nothing except to involve the United States in difficulties with Spain. France and Great Britain opposed any attempt to transfer Cuba from Spain to the United States and tried to persuade us to join them in a treaty which would have guaranteed to Spain permanent control of the island. In 1854 the Ostend Mani- 1854] Slavery in New Territory 355 festo, which was issued by our ministers to Great Britain, Smith, France, and Spain, announced the position held by a large Parhes and number of Americans that we would be justified in seizing 82-88. Cuba without the consent of Spain if " Cuba in the possession of Spain seriously endangers our internal peace and the ex- istence of our cherished Union." On the eve of the Civil War other offers were made for Cuba, and since that time many persons have desired the annexation of the island. During this period filibustering expeditions went out Central from the United States to Mexico and Central America as A me "ca. well as Cuba. The most famous of these was that of Walker Schouier, which gained control of Nicaragua for a time, only to be Umted states, driven from the country by the inhabitants. Except in the 400> 4I 6. case of expeditions to Cuba, none of these attempts received smith the support of a large percentage of the people in the United Parties and States. slaver y- 88-93, 251-259 SLAVERY IN OLD TERRITORY (1854-1857) 314. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill (1854). When it be- The original came necessary to organize territories in the region north of Nebraska Bli- the Missouri Compromise line, and lying between the Mis- souri River and the Rocky mountains, the question of slavery MacDonald . . . , Documents, in the territories was again reopened. It would seem as N O 35. though this subject had been settled by the provision of the Compromise of 1820 which " forever prohibited " slavery Hart, Contem- within this territory, especially as that was but one of three poraries, provisions in a compromise, the other two of which could ' ' 34 ' not now be altered. In the debate, however, it became clear i i 11 Burgess, at once that some congressmen believed or pretended to Mi " d ^i e p er i believe that the principle of " popular sovereignty " which 381-387. had been adopted in the Compromise of 1850 for the ter- ritories in the Southwest should be applied to all national Amer. Hist. territory. This was the view taken by Stephen A. Douglas, ^ a ^ efs > Democratic senator from Illinois and chairman of the Senate committee on territories. He reported a bill for organizing a single territory in the country purchased from France north of the line of 36 30' with " popular sovereignty," 356 American History [1854 Criticism of the Kansas- Nebraska bill. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 98-108. Rhodes, United States, I. 441-444. 448-452. 463-468. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 17, 9-18. Vote on the bill. because, he said, the Compromise of 1850 had replaced the Compromise of 1820. Douglas's claim regarding the effect of the Compromise of 1850 on that of 1820 was denied emphatically by a large number of senators, and his argument that the territories should decide the question of slavery for themselves was held up to ridicule. Chase of Ohio asserted that there was no more reason for giving this territory home rule regarding slavery than in any other respect and demanded that it be governed as Congress saw fit. Chase and other free soil Democrats protested vigorously in the public press against the Ne- braska bill as a " gross violation of a sacred pledge, as a criminal be- trayal of precious rights, as a part and parcel of an atrocious plot to ex- clude from a vast, unoc- cupied region immigrants from the old world and free laborers from our own states, and convert it into a dreary region of despotism in- habited by masters and slaves." Throughout the North, while the bill was before Congress, the press and the public expressed themselves in no uncertain way, a large number of public meetings being held to denounce the measure. Several legislatures also petitioned against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854). These demonstrations and demands had considerable influence, for, although the bill was passed by a large major- ity in the Senate and by a vote of 113 to 100 in the House, not STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 1855] Slavery in Old Territory 357 a single northern member in either house aside from the Democrats voted for the bill. Northern sentiment is shown further by the fact that only 7 of the 42 members of the House from that section who voted for the bill were re- elected in the fall of 1854. The original Nebraska bill had been modified early in the discussion, and it was passed finally in this form. There were to be two territories: one, Kansas, extending from 37 to 40 and the KANSAS AND NEBIUSKA (1854) other, Nebraska, from 40 to 49. The act of 1820 which pro- hibited slavery' in these territories was expressly repealed and the people were left free to permit or ex- clude slavery not only when the states should be admitted to the Union, but while they were territories as well. It seems to have been the belief that by creating two territories, one would be left open to slavery while the other was devoted to freedom. As a pro-slavery measure the Kansas- Nebraska Act was a very serious blunder, because the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act aroused the North as even the Fugitive Slave law had not done. It led to an organization of the anti-slavery extension forces into a single political party. This would have been accomplished many years later but for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a pledge which, in the opinion of the North, Congress had no right to alter. The direct results of the act were (i) the organization of a large political party, made up at first of what were known as anti-Nebraska men, who controlled the North from this time, and (2) the contest, little better than civil war, Burgess, Middle Period^ 398-399. Provisions of the act. MacDonald, Documents, No. 88. Results of the act " 358 American History [1855 Republican party. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 35. Rhodes, United States, 11,45-49. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 109-114, 118-120. Know-nothing party. Rhodes, United States, II, 50-56. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., II, 258-265. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 114-120, 145-148. Election o' 1856. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 161-173. Stan wood, Presidency, Chapter XX. which was waged in Kansas for the control of that ter- ritory. 316. Reorganization of Political Parties. When the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed, the times were ripe for great changes in the political parties. In the election of 1852 the Whigs had been badly demoralized. The party had been split on the slavery question into two factions, neither of which could maintain more than the shadow of an op- position to the now triumphant Democratic party, so that it required only a new issue to produce another party. This issue the Kansas-Nebraska Act provided, for it gave all anti-Nebraska men a chance to unite in opposition to slavery extension. All of the Free Soilers and most of the Whigs of the North joined this new party, which was known after 1855 by the name Republican, and large numbers of free- soil Democrats became members of the same organization. Most of the southern Whigs and large numbers of the voters in the North who opposed any discussion of slavery threw in their lot with the new American party, the members of which were called " Know-nothings " because their affairs were conducted after the manner of secret societies and outsiders were not informed of their doings. The original American party had been organized in order to keep from political power the foreigners who had come to the United States in such numbers after 1845 ( 296). After 1854 the Know-nothing party was composed principally of those who were unwilling to take sides on the question of slavery. In 1855 'they carried several states. The election of 1856 was a test of strength between the old Democratic party and the new Republican party, as the Know-nothings, even with Millard Fillmore as their can- didate, carried only one state. The Democrats declared their belief in the principles of the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and nominated James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, who had been our minister to Great Britain and therefore had no record on the Kansas question. The Republicans declared that Congress had no 1855] Slavery in Old Territory 359 authority to permit slavery in any territory and denounced the administration for its attitude toward Kansas. Contrary to the custom of those days they selected both candidates from free states, John C. Fremont of California being nomi- nated for the presidency. The Republicans carried all but four states of the North, but, as three of these were large, Buchanan had 174 electoral votes to 114 for Fre'mont. 317. The Struggle for Kansas (1855-1861). Since the fate of Kansas was to be settled on the principle of " popular sovereignty," neither side hesi- tated long in its attempt to gain the state. An emigration society was formed in New England, by which thousands of " free state " men were sent to the territory by way of Iowa. Some pro-slavery men became actual settlers of the disputed region, but slave owners were unwilling to take their slaves to a region which they knew was little adapted to slavery and in which slavery might prove to be a complete failure. As it cost a slaveholder six times as much to establish his home in Kansas as it did a free state man, the population was predominantly anti-slavery from the beginning. When the first territorial legislature was chosen in March, 1855, Kansas was invaded by thousands of Missourians who claimed that they had the same right to vote as free state men sent out by emigrant societies. The free state settlers then took things into their own hands by adopting a constitution and electing a free state legislature. 1 From 1 During this political struggle, Charles Sumner delivered his famous speech on " the crime against Kansas " in which he criticised in scathing language several senators, notably Butler of South Carolina. Butler's CHARLES SUMNER Emigration to Kansas. Burgess, Middle Period, 407-417. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, Nos. 36-38. Political and civil war in Kansas (1855^ Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 39, American History [1856 Smith, Parties and Slavery, 121-135. The Lecomp- ton constitu- tion (1857). Facts of the case. Burgess, Middle Period, 449-453- this time the partisans of the two sides came to blows. Lawrence was sacked by the pro-slavery forces and in re- taliation five men were killed on Pottawattamie creek by John Brown and his followers. Bands of armed men roamed over the eastern part of Kansas, destroying crops and houses. About two hundred persons lost their lives in the civil war which gave to the territory the name of " bleeding Kansas." These outrages continued until they threatened to affect seriously the presidential election of 1856, when the army was used to restore order. In 1857 a convention was held under the direction of the original pro-slavery legislature at Lecompton. A con- stitution based on that of Missouri was drawn up and the people were allowed to vote on it, with slavery or without slavery. The free state men, who now controlled the legis- lature, refrained from voting, so that the constitution was adopted with slavery. Buchanan's administration advo- cated the admission of Kansas with this constitution, but Douglas maintained that there had not been fair play in Kansas and declared that popular sovereignty had not had a fair test. The people were allowed to vote again on the Lecompton constitution, which they rejected by an overwhelming majority. From this time the free state men, who comprised four fifths of the settlers, controlled the territorial government and in 1861 Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free state. 318. The Case of Dred Scott (1857). Just three days after the inauguration of Buchanan the Supreme Court of the United States rendered its decision in the case of Dred Scott. Scott was a negro who had been taken by his master in 1836 to what was afterward Minnesota, a part of the territory from which slavery had been " forever prohibited " by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. He had been brought nephew, representative Brooks, attacked Sumner in the Senate rhamber, striking him repeatedly over the head. Brooks resigned from the House, but was elected again by his constituents. The feeling aroused in the North by this brutal attack was intense. r8 57] Slavery in Old Territory 361 back to Missouri in 1838 and afterward decided to sue for his freedom. He was about this time sold to a citizen of New York, a Mr. Sandford. Scott immediately began suit in the circuit court of the United States, 1 which decided against Scott. The case was then appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose decision was awaited with great interest in the hope that it might settle the controversy over slavery in the territories. The court decided that Scott was not a citizen and could Decision and not sue in the courts. In supporting this position the chief opinions, justice, Taney, made the statement that at the time the Con- stitution was adopted negroes were not citizens, and unfor- MacDonald . 11111 i .1 1.1 Documents, tunately added that at that time negroes had no rights which No gl white men were bound to respect. The court decided also that the case must be dismissed as the court had no juris- Hart, Contem- diction over it. Unwisely the chief justice and a number poranes, of his associates believed that this was a favorable time to IV> No> 4I ~ 43 give their opinions on the question of slavery in the territories and thereby settle that problem for all time. In a most Middle 'period elaborate argument the chief justice stated that the general 452-459. government had acquired Louisiana territory for the states, that it must protect in that territory all possessions that were Amer. Hist^ legally property in any of the states, and that therefore ^f a ^ efs - Congress could not prohibit slavery in any territory acquired after the adoption of the Constitution in 1787. On this account the law of 1820, a part of the Missouri Compromise, which prohibited slavery in the territory acquired from France north of 36 30', was " null and void from the begin- ning." The influence of this opinion was widespread, for it was very different from the views held by most of the North and contrary to the wishes of the very large number of people who opposed the further extension of slavery ( 320). 319. Summary. The period from 1843 to ^4^ was Territorial one of rapid territorial expansion. At the earlier date our ex P ansion (1843-1848). western boundary was virtually the Rocky mountains at 1 By virtue of clause in United States Constitution giving national courts jurisdiction of cases between citizens of different states. 362 American History [1843- FREE AND SLAVE AREAS (1844) 1857] Slavery in Old Territory 363 the north and a river about three hundred miles west of the Mississippi at the south, although we occupied Oregon with Great Britain. Most of the people in the United States desired an extension of our territory to the Pacific Ocean, and the return of good times aroused a new spirit of enter- prise throughout the nation. The opposition to expansion in the Southwest came almost exclusively from those who did not favor the extension of slavery. Naturally the pro- slavery leaders, who saw that the slave states were growing less rapidly than those of the North, took the initiative by securing (1845) tne annexation of Texas. Disputes over the western boundary of Texas led to the war by which we wrested from Mexico the territory from the Rio Grande to the Pacific. At the same time Oregon was divided. By 1848 our title had been made clear to the entire Pacific coast from parallel 32 to parallel 49. The contest over slavery in the territories of the nation struggle over may be divided into three parts, (i) The contest over the slavery in the ., . rri j -j j i_ r^. territories, new territories. This was decided by organizing Oregon as a free territory, by admitting California as a free state, and by forbidding the legislatures of New Mexico and Utah to prohibit slavery. The good results of the Compromise of 1850, in which the last two questions were settled, were nullified by the enactment of an unwise fugitive slave law. (2) The repeal of the Missouri Compromise so far as it ap- plied to the territory between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains. This opened to slavery two territories in which it had been prohibited, led to a bitter struggle for Kansas, and caused the majority of the voters in the North' to unite in a new party, the Republican, in order to op- pose the further extension of slavery. (3) The opening of all territories to slavery. This was the natural conclusion of the opinion rendered by the justices of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott. It completed the final though temporary triumph of the faction that was protect- ing the interests of slavery. 364 American History [1843- TOPICS 1. FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW: Hart (ed.X "Contemporaries," IV, Nos. 29-33; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 192-227, 498-506, II, pp. 73-78; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," II, pp. 291-337, 352-395, 435-461; Sites and Keener, "Growth of the Nation," pp. 295-310, 331-343- 2. KANSAS-NEBRASKA ACT: Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 380- 406; Johnston (Woodburn), "American Orations," III, pp. 3-89; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 424-506; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," IV, pp. 280-461. 3. STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS: Smith, "Parties and Slavery," pp. 121-135, 149-160, 209-222; Greeley, "American Conflict," I, pp. 224-251 ; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," V, pp. 70-76, 134- 185, 284-313; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," II, pp. 462- 477, 496-507, 534-565; Spring, "Kansas," pp. 24-267. STUDIES 1. Marcus Whitman's ride to Oregon. (Bourne, "Essays in Historical Criticism," pp. 3-99.) 2. The "Pathfinder of the Rocky Mountains." (Appleton's "Cyclopedia of American Biography," under Fremont, John C.) 3. Earliest debate over the Wilmot Proviso. (Benton (ed.), "Debates of Congress," XIV, pp. 643-651.) 4. The Barn Burners. (Hammond, "Political History of New York," II.) 5. Benton's view of the Compromise of 1850. (Benton, "Thirty Years," II, pp. 742-769.) 6. Attitude of the United States toward Cuba. (Latane", "Diplo- matic Relations with Spanish America," pp. 89-137.) 7. Douglas on the Kansas-Nebraska bill. (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," III, pp. 50-87.) 8. Beginnings of the Republican party. (Macy, "Political Parties (1846-1860).") 9. Effect of the Dred Scott opinion on the North. (Nicolay and Hay, "Life of Lincoln," II, Chapter IV.) 10. Kossuth in Boston. ("Old South Leaflets," No. in.) QUESTIONS i. What were the advantages and disadvantages of annexing Texas? What was the influence of annexation on sectional senti- ment within the United States? on our relations with Mexico? What obligations did we assume with Texas ? l8 57] Slavery in the Territories 365 2. What was the purpose of the Mexican War as shown (a) by the attitude of northern capitalists ? (b) by that of the northern people in general ? (c) by the plan of campaign ? and (d) by the treaty of peace? 3. Make a table showing the action of Congress regarding slavery in the territories from 1787 to 1862. Compare areas closed or left open to slavery. What changes occurred during the period from 1843 to 1857? 4. Was a compromise necessary in 1850? Which provisions were favorable to the North? which to the South? Did the Compro- mise of 1850 introduce any new principle of territorial government? 5. Make a careful study of the "Seventh of March" speech. Had Webster changed his position on the slavery question? Were his criticisms of the northern radicals justified? From our point of view was he right or wrong? 6. Has Congress the right to pass irrepealable laws ? May Con- gress repeal part of a compromise when the repeal of the rest is im- possible ? Could a state in which slavery had been forever prohibited by Congress become a slave state ? Why was the Kansas-Nebraska Act a serious mistake ? 7. Which was more in conformity with our customs and our in- stitutions, popular sovereignty or territorial government by Congress? What was the difference between the provisions for slavery in the ter- ritories in the acts of 1850 and 1854? 8. Compare the arguments of Taney and Curtis regarding negro citizenship. Which was right ? Do you approve Taney's argument in regard to the relation of the nation to the territory acquired from France in 1803? \ CHAPTER XVI DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861) PRESIDENTS James Buchanan (1857-1861) Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865) APPROACHING A CRISIS (1857-1860) Buchanan. 320. The Situation in 1857. It is unfortunate that at this time the presidential chair was occupied by a man as Rhodes, little fitted to prevent disunion as was James Buchanan. United States, ^ mild, courteous gentleman who disliked controversy, he was utterly incapable of acting with decision and vigor to prevent a conflict between the opposing sections, and in fact by his vacillation aided in the development of the slavery crisis. influence of The chasm between the North and the South which had 1 been growing wider year by year, especially since the enact- ment of the Kansas-Nebraska law, had been increased to a very great extent by the opinion of the justices of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott. The South was content naturally, not realizing that the adoption of so radical a pro-slavery policy by the courts would react against the institution of slavery not simply in the territories, but in the states as well. The majority of the people in the North were aghast at the conclusion reached in the opinion. Most of them opposed the further extension of slavery in the ter- ritories, and were exceedingly indignant over the announce- ment of the new doctrine that Congress could not prohibit slavery in national territory. People did not stop to con- sider that this was simply the opinion of justices of the court and not a part of the court's decision. The justices had made clear, they claimed, that a negro had no rights which 366 1857] Approaching a Crisis 367 a white man was bound to respect. It was evident that the justices of the Supreme Court, in seeking to settle the ques- tion of slavery in the territories, had precipitated the con- troversy over slavery. The increase of sectionalism in the years following 1845 Increase of is marked not only by the drift in politics, but by the changes sectionalism, in churches and other national organizations. The Metho- dists and Baptists had divided on sectional lines soon after 1845, Fewer southern men attended northern colleges than formerly. In social life and even in business sectional prejudices made themselves felt. 321. Political Factions and Parties. It may be inter- Factions in esting to notice at this time the sentiments of the existing the North, factions in the United States, (i) In the North there was a small but exceedingly -active group of reformers which demanded the total abolition of slavery everywhere. To these men the Constitution under which the institution was protected within the states was "a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell." (2) Less radical than the abolitionists but more interested in the restriction of slavery than in any other question was a faction whose attitude may be expressed by the phrase, "let the Union slide." (3) An overwhelming majority at the North believed that slavery was morally wrong and desired to see it excluded from the territories of the nation, although they were not will- ing to sacrifice the nation to that end. (4) A large minority at the North were opposed to any active discussion of the slavery question and were indifferent probably to its ex- tension in or exclusion from national territories. They were, however, emphatically opposed to any interference with slavery in the states. To the South the preservation of slavery in the states Factions in was a matter of vital importance, that of slavery extension the South - in the territories one of the greatest interest. Seeing that the South was falling behind the North in population, wealth, ^ stoay and resources of every kind, southerners felt that slavery 292-304. should be protected by the equality of the sections, (i) At 368 American History [1857 first only a few leaders like Calhoun realized the need of territorial extension. By 1850 this aggressive pro-slavery faction began to demand that one half of the nation should be set aside for slavery. Later they increased their num- bers so as to include most of those in the South who were interested in the political future of that section. Their program developed until they demanded that slavery be excluded from those states only where it was prohibited by the wish of the people of the state. (2) Another faction in the South was indifferent to the extension of slavery, pro- vided that the slaves in the states were left alone. (3) Still a third faction, composed of some merchants and of those mountaineers who owned no slaves, had nothing in com- mon with the slave interests. They possessed little political influence. One of their number,- Hinton Helper, published in 1857 a book called the "Impending Crisis" which showed how the South was controlled by three hundred and fifty thousand slave-owners and how slavery had retarded the development of the South. This book was written in a sensational style and created a furore in political circles little less than that made by "Uncle Tom's Cabin." Lincoln. 322. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858). One of the most interesting elections in our history was that held in 1858 in the state of Illinois. Members of the legislature were elected who were to choose a successor to Senator Douglas. Both parties selected their senatorial candidates long before the election, the Democrats renominating Doug- las and the Republicans naming Abraham Lincoln. Lin- coln was little known at this time outside of the central part of Illinois where he enjoyed an excellent reputation as a lawyer of rare honesty and ability. Born in Kentucky, (1809) to the heritage of the poor white pioneer, he had grown up in Indiana and later in Illinois, with a determina- tion to acquire an education. His experience as rail-splitter and flatboat-man, as well as his study at night by a pine- knot fire, is well known. Lincoln had served several terms in the Illinois legislature, and had spent two years in Wash- 1858] Approaching a Crisis 369 ington as a representative. Very tall and exceedingly ungainly in appearance, Lincoln did not attract at first until one was impressed by his earnestness and the kindness of his homely face, or was won by his never failing humor. During the summer of 1858 Lincoln and Douglas held a Joint series of joint debates. By far the most notable of these senatorial was held at Freeport, where Lincoln asked Douglas four questions, 1 the answers to which prevented Douglas from gaining the support of the southern Democracy in the presi- United 'states dential election two years later. Lincoln forced Douglas 11,321-339. to choose between his favorite doctrine of popular sover- eignty and the opinion expressed by the justices of the Su- preme Court in the case of Dred Scott. Douglas tried to reconcile the two by saying that slavery could not exist in any territory if the people did not make local police regula- tions for its support, and therefore popular sovereignty would decide whether the territory should have slavery or not. Lincoln showed that slavery could exist without these local regulations, and that popular sovereignty and the Dred Scott opinion were incompatible. The South agreed with Lincoln and abandoned Douglas, although the people of Illinois by a narrow margin reflected Douglas senator. 323. Union and Slavery. At the beginning of the sena- Lincoln's torial campaign Lincoln had made a speech which, in the " House - r iv u- u r divided" opinion of many politicians, jeopardized his chances of spe e c h. election. It was a speech worthy of the man, and now classed with the famous speeches of our history. "' A house Hart, Contem- divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this govern- poraries, ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. Iv> No- **' I do not expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. Rhodes - T MI i T-I. United States, It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the 11,315-318. opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and 1 One question was: "Can the people of a United States territory, under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the formation of a state constitution?" 2 B 370 American History [1858 Seward's " Irrepressible conflict " speech. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 45. Rhodes, United States, H. 344-346. Influence on southern senti- ment. place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new, North as well as South." This was a statement of the nation's future which no mere politician would have had the foresight or the courage to announce. In the fall of the same year in which Lincoln made this prophecy William H. Seward, the most conspicuous man of the Republican party, startled the nation by proclaiming a similar opinion. He stated: " Our country is a theater which exhibits, in full operation, two radically different political systems: the one resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on the basis of voluntary labor of free- men. . . . The two systems are at once perceived to .be incongruous. But they are more than incongruous, they are incompatible. They never have permanently existed together in one country, and they never can. . . . These antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, and collision results. They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case alto- gether. // is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave- holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." 324. Influence of John Brown's Raid (1859). Public utterances frequently fix public sentiment, but definite acts make history. The Fugitive Slave law and the repeal WILLIAM H. SEWARD 1860] Approaching a Crisis 371 of the Missouri Compromise had united the North against Burgess, the further extension of slavery, the John Brown raid united Ctml War ' I 3444. the South for the protection of slavery. Before 1859 the South was in no real sense committed to the radical program of its pro-slavery leaders : after that date it identified itself , e f', Umtea States, much more closely with the institution of slavery than be- 11,410-416. fore. It may seem remarkable that the attack of twenty men on the United States arsenal at Harpers Ferry could chadwick, have such a potent influence, especially when the attack ended Causes of in the capture of Brown and his followers. But the South , tv t ar ' 67-89. was impressed by the fact that Brown had collected arms near Harpers Ferry and had planned to free the slaves. That he desired the freedom of all the slaves in the South is certain, and he believed this could be accomplished only by force of arms. This would involve necessarily a servile insurrection which was the nightmare of all classes in the South, slaveholders and others. The danger of such a calamity was enough to unite all southern factions, and to give the impression that the North would stop at no means to destroy slavery. This impression was strengthened by. the enthusiasm with which John Brown's attempt was re- ceived in many parts of the North. The Republican leaders were very careful, however, to disavow any connection with the affair and to condemn the methods used. 325. The Election of 1860. The decisive factor in the Democratic election of 1860 was the attitude of the Democratic party. convention - This party had a majority of voters in the South and a large minority of those in the North. If they cooperated, success Schouier, , -r r i i i i r United States, seemed certain. If they were divided on the question of v 454 _ 4S7 4 6 2 slavery, the Republicans might win. The Democratic convention was held at Charleston, April 2*. The south- r Burgess, ern delegates contended for a platform declaring that not civil War, only should the Dred Scott opinion be enforced, but Congress I, 50-58, 67-70 must protect slavery in the territories by every means in its power. They were outvoted, for the northern Demo- crats succeeded in adopting a plank which stated that the party would "abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 372 American History [1860 Republican convention. Chadwick, Causes of Civil War, 116-123. of the United States on the questions of constitutional law." Most of the southern delegates then withdrew and two Democratic conventions were held later. That comprised chiefly of northern delegates nominated Douglas, while the southern men adopted the platform which they preferred, and named John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for the presi- dency. Remnants of the Whig party and conservatives A CARTOON OF 1860. of all parties united under the name "Constitutional Union," and nominated Bell of Tennessee. The Republicans met in Chicago in May. As the party was composed of numerous elements united chiefly by their desire to prevent the further extension of slavery, the dele- War, i,' 58-67. g a t es agreed without difficulty on a plank that denied "the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individual to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." But they maintained especially the right of each state to order and control its own domes- tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively. They denounced Buchanan's Kansas policy, and favored i860] Approaching a Crisis 373 a protective tariff. Because the party was composed of various elements with different opinions on many questions except the main issue, the convention ignored the more radical candidates, William H. Seward, the real leader of the party, and Salmon P. Chase. On the third ballot Lincoln was selected, and, to satisfy the East, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine was chosen for the second place on the ticket. ELECTION OF 18GO Lincoln. Republican . Brtctinridge So. Dm.- Bell. Contt'l Dm Douglas No. Dtm ...3 The campaign was full of interest and excitement. When The election, the polls were closed, it was found that Lincoln had carried all of the northern states, 1 that Breckenridge had been sue- Stanwood, cessful in the South, and Bell had secured the vote of three ency ' 295-297. border states. This gave Lincoln 180 of the 303 electoral votes, the others being divided as follows, Breckenridge, 72; ' ***.* ^ Schouler, Bell, 39; and Douglas, 12. On the popular vote, however, united states, the combined votes of the other three were nearly one million V, 462-469. more than those cast for Lincoln. THE SECESSION MOVEMENT (1860-1861) 326. Secession in South Carolina (December, 1860). Action before When it was learned that Lincoln had been elected, the legis- Dec- 20> 1 Except three of the seven votes of New Jersey. 374 American History [1860 Schouler, United States, v, 469-471- Rhodes, United States, III, 115-125, 192-196. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 59. Secession resolutions. Rhodes, United States, III, 196-207. Larned (ed.), Hist, for Ready Re/., 3407-3409. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 12. Buchanan's message. Burgess, Civil War, I, 82-88. lature of South Carolina called an election for members of a convention which should meet December 17 and consider the relations between the state and the Union. 1 There was no doubt in the mind of any one in South Carolina that this result would be secession. In October, when all indications pointed to a Republican victory, the governor of South Carolina had sent to most of the other southern governors a letter asking their cooperation. The United States sena- tors from South Carolina and most of the national officials in the state resigned as soon as the convention was called and every preparation was made to sever connections with the Union. Nevertheless the act of the convention on December 20 was a shock to the people of the nation. In her secession ordinance the state repealed the act of 1 788 by which she had ratified the Constitution of the United States and declared that "the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other states under the name of ' the United States of America' is hereby dissolved." A few days later the convention adopted a series of resolutions giving reasons for their action. They reviewed the course of events during the formative years from 1775 to 1789 to prove that the state was sovereign and the Constitution a compact. They main- tained that the North had, by personal liberty laws, nulli- fied a law of the Union (the Fugitive Slave Act) and that the election of a Republican president threatened the institu- tion of slavery. The arguments of South Carolina probably did not influence the action in the rest of the slave states, but similar causes led to the calling of conventions in the other states of the South. 327. Attempted Conciliation (December- January) . Un- til South Carolina had passed an ordinance of secession, the North was indifferent, the administration inactive. Gen- eral Scott, as commander of the army, had urged during November that the forts in the states of the South be strength- ened, but Buchanan did nothing. As he could not ignore . * The legislature had been in session to choose presidential electors. This method had given way to popular election in all of the other states. 1861] The Secession Movement 375 in his annual message (December 3) the threatened destruc- Rhodes, tion of the Union, he considered the subject in a most ex- Umtedstate ^ traordinary way. He declared that no state had any right ^jl^s! to secede from the Union, but asserted that if a state saw fit to secede, neither the president nor Congress could pre- vent her from doing so or could bring her back into the Union. Buchanan denounced the anti-slavery agitation in the North as the cause of the whole trouble and recommended consti- tutional amendments protecting slavery in the states and in the territories. During the month following this message the President's change in attitude toward the Soijth changed considerably. Most Buchanan's of the members of his cabinet who favored secession resigned } and their places were taken by ardent Union men. The Schouler - . ' United States, administration even went so far as to send provisions and v , 481-485. troops to Fort Sumter in [Charleston harbor, but the relief . Larned (ed.), ship was fired upon and turned back, January 9, 1861. Ready Kef., In Congress committees were , appointed by each house 34 II ~34 I 2. early in December to suggest means for preventing disunion. Attempted The southern leaders wished to have irrepealable constitu- compromise tional amendments that WjOuld prevent Congress from inter- fering with slavery in the states or in the territories. The Schouier, ,111 .,,. A i i -i United States, northern leaders were willing to agree that slavery in the v ,-04-1:07 states should be free forever from interference, but they refused their consent to slavery at any time in any part of Har f, Contem- the territories. Other attempts to reach a compromise fy^ W> 6 satisfactory to both sides were made in Congress and out 66,68,69. of Congress during the last two months of Buchanan's term ( 329)- 328. The Confederate States of America. When the Secession of southern leaders saw that the northern members in Congress the Gulf states would not accept their terms, they advocated the secession Hart Contem . of the other states. Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, poraries, and Louisiana seceded during January, believing that they IV, Nos. 58,61 could dictate terms if they severed their connection with T Rhodes, the Union. There was opposition in these states to seces- United states, sion, especially in Georgia, where Alexander H. Stephens 111,271-279. 376 American History [1861 Chadwick, Civil War, 140-150. A^'ormation and provisions of the constitu- tion. Burgess, Civil War, I, 116-119. MacDonald, Documents, No. 97. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 62. Battles and Leaders, I, 99-110. President Davis. Burgess, Civil War, 1, 119-123, pleaded against disunion. In none of them was the seces- sion ordinance submitted to the people for ratification, al- though the result would have been the same probably in any case. On the 4th of February, 1861, delegates from these six seceded states and Texas met at Montgomery , Alabama, and drew up a constitution for the Confederate States of America. This constitution was in most respects a copy of the national Constitu- tion of 1787. Several important defects or omissions of that docu- ment were remedied, and some changes made in the interest of state sovereignty or slavery. Each state was said to act "in its sovereign and independent char- acter." Congress did not have power to give bounties or lay protect- ive duties, but exports might be taxed by a two thirds vote of each house. The president was chosen for a term of six years, but was not reeligible. The Confederate States might acquire new territory in which slavery was to be "recognized and protected," but no new state should be admitted to the Confederacy except by a two thirds vote of both houses of Congress, the senate voting by states. There were fewer limitations on the states than in the Con- stitution of the United States. The government, organized provisionally in 1861 and permanently in 1862, included Jefferson Davis of Mississippi as president, and Stephens of Georgia as vice president. Davis was a man of extended and varied experience in pub- h'c. life, as he had served in the army, in Congress, and in JEFFERSON DAVIS 1861] The Secession Movement 377 Pierce's cabinet. Although more radical in his views than Rhodes, Stephens, he was not considered an extremist, and adminis- Untted states > tered well the duties of his trying position, although to the satisfaction of very few. 329. Close of Buchanan's Term. The states in the Confederacy Confederacy seized the property of the national government and the United which was located within their borders, including numerous arsenals and forts. None of these arsenals manufactured Chadwick, arms they were simply depots ; but large numbers of causes of civil muskets and a fair quantity of military supplies had been W^, 184-204. transferred to southern forts or arsenals by Buchanan's secretary of war, perhaps in anticipation of hostilities be- tween the North and the South. The Confederate govern- ment selected commissioners to visit Washington and make a treaty of friendship with the United States (February, 1861). Meanwhile, the discussion of compromise measures con- Crittenden tinued at Washington. The Senate still considered the resolutions. Crittenden resolutions which had been proposed originally ence etc December 18. They favored irrepealable amendments to the Constitution for the extension of the line of 36 30', Bur all territories north of that line being free and all south, slave; civil War, the admission of states as free or slave as they decided; and * 96-104, the compensation of slave owners for all fugitives not re- turned to them. Durfng February there was held in Wash- ington a peace conference attended by delegates from two r | lode , s> J United Mates, thirds of the states. By a narrow margin the convention ni, 150-156, voted in favor of the 36 30' line for all existing territories, 35-3 8 -' the admission of states with the constitutions they selected, no interference by Congress with slavery in the states, and MacDonaid, no treaty for annexing territory unless approved by a ma- D* e * m ** ts > jority of the senators from the slave states and a majority of those from free states. The House of Representatives also devised a plan for conciliation, one feature of which was accepted by the Senate, the only part of any compromise plan approved by both houses of Congress. This provided that Congress should never interfere with or abolish slavery 378 American History [1861 Futility of conciliation. Two causes. Development of new indus- trial methods (1775-1861). Slavery prevents development of the South. within the states. The adjournment of Congress, March 4, closed these discussions. Certain moderate men, especially in the border states, had made every possible effort to preserve the Union and maintain peace. But it was too late for compromise. The leaders opposed to slavery extension would make no con- cessions permitting slavery permanently in the territories. The pro-slavery leaders would not yield because they be- lieved that the system of slavery would lose in the end unless they gained every demand from the North. 330. Fundamental Causes of Secession. The secession movement was not the work of discontented leaders, it was the clash between sections which were radically different and wished to retain and develop their own characteristics. To put it briefly, there were two fundamental causes of secession : one, the system of slavery; the other, the doctrine of state sovereignty. It was the combination of these two that made secession possible. In the eighty years and more since the United States had become independent, great changes had taken place within this country and in the -world at large, (i) Methods of labor had changed radically. The new industrial system required skilled labor, intelligent service in short, the freedom of the workingman. (2) An entirely different set of causes favored the emancipation of those who had been serfs or slaves. Chief of these was the great development of the idea of democracy, which had been growing stronger everywhere among civilized nations, but particularly in the United States. (3) This rapid progress toward industrial freedom and political equality was but part of a much larger movement which had replaced the old order of things with a new commercial and industrial system much more complex than the old and a new social order in which many class distinctions had been obliterated. These changes had affected the North very much more than the South. Since the Revolutionary War, the poli'ti- cal ideas and ideals of the South had not changed greatly. 1861] The Secession Movement 379 Her occupations and business methods were not very differ- ent, her social system was practically the same as in 1776. Amid the wonderful changes of nearly a century of mar- velous progress she had made comparatively little material progress on account of slavery. Slavery prevented the competition of free labor, yet slaves could not perform any labor except that of the crudest kind. With a system of slavery, democracy, political or social, could not exist. 331. Slavery and State Sovereignty versus Nationality. Slavery de- So closely identified had the South become with the institu- mands an tion of slavery that she felt it necessary to preserve that ^"govern- institution at all costs. To protect and preserve it she had ment. sought new territories. But as slavery could not compete with a system of free labor on equal terms, it required arti- ficial props to protect it in the old territory and in the new from being overwhelmed by the much stronger system of free labor. The South demanded therefore that the North allow her to have an equal share in the government of the United States. But to do this meant the permanent main- tenance of two sections, totally unlike and antagonistic. When we consider that the United States had, during the half century following the second war with Great Britain, been growing into a great and powerful nation, we can realize that permanent sectionalization would prevent the further development of nationality. There were but two alternatives, (i) Either the nation Antagonism must remain partly developed, or (2) it must complete the between slav ~ J ery and the development of its nationality by securing a uniform eco- nat ion. nomic, political, and social system; in short, it must abandon slavery or make slavery universal within its borders. Lin- Why s i aver y coin, Seward, and others had seen this clearly, although the joined forces mass of the people did not. As the system of free labor had Wlt state , sovereignty. been growing rapidly, while that of slavery had not, the only hope for slavery was to oppose the growth of nationality. This she could do most effectively by appealing to the politi- cal principle that the states are sovereign. State sovereignty had been the chief obstacle in the upward path of the nation, 38o American History [i86i Inauguration. Rhodes, United States, 111,316-319. Morse, Lincoln, I, 212-228. Amer. Hist. Leaflets, No. 18. Lincoln's cabinet. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re/., 3420- and it was natural that when the development of the nation threatened slavery the institution of slavery should join forces with state sovereignty. But state sovereignty, like slavery, belonged to the old order of things, to a past that would never return, and even their union was unable to cope with the young, strong forces of free labor and what Calhoun called, ten years earlier, "a great consolidated national democracy." LINCOLN; "THE THREE MONTHS' WAR" 332. Lincoln's Policy. On the 4th of March, 1861, Lincoln was inaugurated quietly at Washington. There had been fear that Lincoln's life would be threatened during his trip to Washington or on inauguration day, but nothing serious happened, for every precaution had been taken to prevent an outbreak. The inaugural address must always be ranked among his greatest state papers. He disproved at the beginning that his election was sufficient cause for secession by declaring that he would not interfere with slavery in the states, that he would not oppose a constitu- tional amendment which prevented the central government from interfering with slavery as a state institution. He asserted that there could be no right of legal secession, for the Union was older than the Constitution. Having an- nounced his intention of enforcing the national laws in all of the states, as prescribed in his oath, he went on, "in your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors." Lincoln was fortunate in being able to gather in his cabi- net many of the prominent Republican leaders, for if at first the cabinet lacked unity, it gained for the adminis- tration the support of all elements in the North. The secretary of state was William H. Seward, who considered himself the head of the party and sought to dictate the policy of the administration. He was anxious to subordinate i86i] The Three Months' War 381 sectional questions to an aggressive foreign policy, but this Morse, unwise plan, which would have involved the government Lmcoln in difficulties abroad without lessening its burdens at home, was ignored completely by Lincoln. Seward afterward exhibited a very high quality of statesmanship, and during the eight years he served in the department of state, proved that he was second only to Lincoln among the men of his time. Other notable cabinet officials were Salmon P. Chase, who was secretary of the treasury until 1864, and Edwin M. Stan- ton, a member of Buchanan's cabinet after it was reorgan- ized, who had the war portfolio after 1862. Upon these three men devolved the chief duties that affected the success of the Union cause. Yet great as were the ser- vices performed by these men and others of Lincoln's assistants, the policy followed was in the main that of the chief executive. With added experiences and increasing responsibilities, Lincoln acquired a skill in hand- ling men, a soundness of judgment in dealing with difficult problems, and a firmness in carrying through a policy which he believed to be right, that marked him as the greatest American of the nineteenth century. 333. Sumter. From the beginning Charleston harbor, Negotiations, with its Union force of little more than one hundred men, had been considered the crucial point in the South. Major Anderson, before New Year's, 1861, had withdrawn all the The famous Brady photograph ABRAHAM LINCOLN 382 American History [1861 Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, Nos. 70-72. Burgess, Civil War, I, 151-171. Attempted relief, bom- bardment. Union forces (Apr., 1861) . Burgess, Civil War, I, 172-174. 178-179. Rhodes, United States, III, 35 I -364- men from the forts around the harbor, and concentrated his force in Fort Sumter in the center of the harbor. The attempt made on January 9 to send additional soldiers and supplies in the Star 0} the West had caused the South Carolina forces to fire upon the vessel, and had produced a strong sentiment against disunion throughout the North. Commissioners had been sent to treat with Buchanan in order to gain possession of Sumter, but without avail. Later, commissioners were sent to Washington by the Con- federate government to negotiate all matters affecting debts and property in the southern states. Both Buchanan and Lincoln refused to treat with these men, for to do so would have been recognition of the Confederacy; but certain notes were left for them by Seward in order that they might under- stand the attitude of the new administration. From these informal proceedings the officials of South Carolina gained the impression that no attempt would be made to relieve Sumter. In fact Lincoln promised only that he would notify them of a relief expedition. This was fitted out in New York, April 7. Governor Pickens of South Carolina was notified immediately. After two days' consideration of the matter the Confederate government asked for the sur- render of Sumter, and, when it was refused, began bom- barding the fort, April 12. On the afternoon of the i3th, his ammunition and supplies gone, and the fort on fire, Anderson surrendered and his men were sent North. 334. Preparation for War. The news of the firing upon Sumter aroused the North from its lethargy. When Lincoln, on April 15, asked for 75,000 militiamen to serve for three months, 1 the response throughout the free states was enthusiastic. In the slave states, however, the governors refused to furnish troops. Within forty- eight hours from the first call, regiments which had been organized already by the "war governors" were on their way to Washington. In Baltimore, on April 19, the troops were attacked by mobs, but further disorder was prevented 1 Under fte act of 1795. i86i] The Three Months' War 383 by transporting the soldiers over another route. The regular Hart, Contem- army was demoralized by the withdrawal of nearly one half P orartes > J IV, No. 105. of the officers, who were southerners, but even at this time the military force of the United States was larger and better organized than that of the Confederacy. There was no attempt to organize a large, permanent army, for very few people expected a long or a serious conflict. In March the Confederate Congress had authorized the Confederate enlistment of one hundred thousand troops, but although arm y and i . , , . . privateers. that number of recruits offered their services, there were not enough arms or military supplies for them. The Con- Rhodes, federacy had also tried to prepare a navy, but their dim- United states, culties were increased by the lack of any naval vessels and ' ^~ 322 failure of many southern naval officers to leave the service of the United States. On April 17 the fitting out of priva- Lamed ( e d.), teers to prey upon the commerce of the North was author- ea * e " ized. This action was followed at once by Lincoln's proc- lamation blockading southern ports ( 340). Lincoln's original call for troops was followed, May 4, Permanently by a request for 40,000 volunteers besides regulars and or g anized seamen to serve for three years or the war. Legally he had no right to organize this army, but he was supported in this and other ways by the Congress which met in special c . ivi i ^'- art session, July 4. Congress voted $250,000,000 for the prose- I, 226-232. cution of the war and immediately after the battle of Bull Run ( 336) voted 500,000 volunteers. 335. The Border States. Between the Confederacy Second as it existed on the i2th of April and the free states there secession. were two rows of slave states that were still in the Union. The attitude of these border states was a matter of the first Bur g ess - Civil War, importance. If all joined the Confederacy, the two sections I( I77 jg-j-ise would be not far from equal in strength. If all remained in the Union, the early downfall of the Confederacy was as- Rhodes sured. When Lincoln issued his call for troops on April 15, United states, the governors in most of these states refused to send troops. ni -3 8 3-3 8 7- Jackson of Missouri went farther than most of the others, and declared, "Your requisition in my judgment is illegal, 384 American History Delaware, Maryland, and western Virginia. Burgess, Civil War, I, 196-205. Rhodes, United States, 111,388-390. Kentucky and M ssouri. Rhodes, United States, III, 391-394. Burgess, Civil War, I, 186-195. Situation in Virginia (July, 1861). unconstitutional, and revolutionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical and cannot be complied with." Several of the states immediately took a vote on secession. In the four states of the lower tier, Virginia, North Carolina, Ten- nessee, and Arkansas, an overwhelming majority favored separation from the United States. All of these states, of course, joined the Confederacy. In the northern tier of the slave states the question was not put to a vote, or was decided against secession. Dela- ware unhesitatingly sided with the Union. In Maryland, the southern sympathizers were exceedingly active, although in a hopeless minority. The presence of the troops who were protecting Washington, and the arbitrary suppression of disunion efforts by the administration and by the state officials, made the secession of the state impossible. The people of western Virginia were not slaveholders, and objected to being thrust out of the Union. They claimed, therefore, to represent the true state and remained in the Union. Afterward, in 1863, without regard to the require- ments of the national Constitution, 1 West Virginia was admitted as a separate state. Kentucky voted to remain neutral, but found it impossible to do so. In the fall of 1861, when a Confederate force invaded this state, it came out positively on the Union side. Missouri was the battleground in which a political and a military contest was waged for the possession of the state. The Union men, organized by Blair and commanded by Captain Lyon, gained possession of St. Louis and secured control of the state government, deposing the governor, who favored secession. Several battles were fought in Missouri during the fall of 1861, but the Confederate forces were driven finally from the state and the Union victories made permanent by the battle of Pea Ridge in northwestern Arkansas (February, 1862). 336. Bull Run. In Virginia there were three armies on each side, one threatening and one defending Washington, 1 Article IV, i86i] The Three Months' War two in the Shenandoah valley, and two contending for western Virginia. In the mountains of the western part of the state the Confederates, under Robert E. Lee, were driven back by George B. McClellan and Rosecrans. In eastern Virginia it was decided to advance from Washington and atttack the Confederate force under Beauregard. This army was stationed at Manassas Junction, where the rail- way from near Washington to southern and southwestern Virginia met the branch line from the Shenandoah valley, a point valuable for either side, but especially for the Confed- erates. Patterson, the Union general in the Shenandoah valley, was ordered to en- gage his opponent, Joseph E. Johnston, while McDowell ad- vanced against Beauregard. The armies of McDowell and Beauregard met at Bull Run, a short distance from Manassas, and fought well for raw troops. Beauregard was forced back until reenforced by fresh troops brought by rail from the Shenandoah by John- ston. What seemed to be a Union victory became a rout, which turned into a mad scramble to reach Washington. The Confederate force was too badly disorganized to follow and was in fact ready to disband, thinking the war was over. Stung by defeat, the North awakened to the fact that the reduction of the South was not a three months' task; that it would require a herculean struggle, to which the North must give unsparingly of her resources. As we have noticed, 500,000 volunteers were voted by Congress the next day, and under the direction of that splendid drill master, McClellan, and other commanders, armies were created that would understand the art of war. Larned (ed.) Ready Kef., 3433-3434- Rhodes, United States, III, 442-446. JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON Dodge, Civil War, 16-19. Rhodes, United States, III, 446-452. 2C 386 American History [1861 CONDITIONS AFFECTING UNION SUCCESS Disparity in 337. Resources of North and South. Before considering strength. ^ ne rea i campaigns which followed these military preliminaries it will be well to compare the contestants and consider those Hart, Essays conditions which affected the final result. We have noticed w ' already how much more rapidly the North had grown than the South, not alone in population but in wealth, general resources, and diversity of industries. In none of these Chadwick, ' Causes of civil respects were the eleven seceding states a match for the War, 21-36. twenty-three states that remained in the Union. Their white population was less than five and one-half millions, that of the loyal states nearly twenty two millions. This disparity of about 4 to i * may be taken as a fairly true meas- ure of the relative strength of the two parties in other re- spects than population, for the Confederacy did not have more than twenty per cent of the wealth or commerce of the North, and her industrial output amounted to less than one tenth of that of the loyal states. Dependence of The South had large natural resources, but they were un- the South. developed. She had not attempted to manufacture what she needed, for she had exported almost everything she pro- Hart, Content- diiced to Europe or to the North, and purchased usually m*****'. ^ from the North even many necessities of life. At the be- IV, No. loo. ginning of the war, she did not have enough factories to supply her people with clothing and shoes. There were no powder plants, no factories for making cannon or small arms, no shipyards. Rolling mills and iron foundries were uncommon. Railways were not particularly plentiful at the South, but they had been equipped with northern rails and supplied with northern locomotives and cars. In short the South was entirely dependent on the outside world, to which she had given her cotton and other products for the articles she needed. 2 1 Not counting slaves. a At this time, however, the exports of cotton comprised about two thirds of the total exports of the entire United States. 1861] Conditions affecting Union Success 387 The North possessed an abundance of all of these things, independence Her factories turned out all the munitions and supplies of the North - that she needed. Her farms produced more food than both the soldiers and the workers at home could use. Industry and commerce, instead of being absorbed by the war, were stimulated by it. The strength of the system of free labor increased as the need became greater. 338. The Southern Armies. With a white population Southern but one fourth that of the North, the South was not able to milltar >' P"cy put as many men in the field. Even in the early part of the war, when southern enthusiasm was greatest, and all Cf - Rhodes, desired to present a "stern front to the invader," or, as Davis ,,*" V, 431-447. said, "fight on northern soil," the southern force was only about two thirds that of the North. During the last year of the war it was reduced to less than one half the number of soldiers in the Union ranks. Many from the loyal border states joined Confederate armies, but their number was only a little greater than that of the Union soldiers from east Tennessee and western Virginia. As the northern armies penetrated southern territory, the aid given to the Confed- erate commanders by the people was of inestimable value. The South was fortunate in most of her commanders, al- though President Davis interfered constantly by dictating the plan of campaign to be followed. The South excelled in cavalry except during the last year, Different and the men who had been accustomed to ride even to branches of their nearest neighbors made the finest cavalrymen in the serv j ce world. Her artillery and engineering corps were especially inferior to those on the Union side. Her infantry possessed a spirit which went far toward making them excellent sol- diers. When they charged, giving their terrible "rebel yell," there was need for the greatest courage among the Union troops. So excellent was her secret service, and so lax the northern methods, that the Union plans were always known and their movements anticipated. 339. The Northern Armies. To defeat a people so united, so earnest, possessing the advantage of fighting on their 388 American History [i86r Northern soldiers and enlistments. Caring for the troops. Rhodes, United States, V, 214-227. Government and contractors. own soil, able to move troops from one point to another as each in turn was threatened, required the greatest determina- tion and the highest courage, both of which the Union troops possessed in marked degree. Although the preponderance of numbers on the Union side counted in the end, in most contests the forces were not far from equal. 1 In tie North the soldiers did many things, such as driving teams and building earthworks, which were performed by slaves in the South. The Union armies were recruited to a much larger extent by voluntary enlistment, encouraged by national bounties of $300 and supplemented by state and local bounties. The South had no money for this purpose and resorted to drafts early in the war, toward the end permitting young boys and old men to enlist. The North was obliged to draft more than once. During July, 1863, the attempt to obtain soldiers by that means led in New York City to terrible draft riots in which nearly a thousand negroes and whites lost their lives. It took the North longer to discover her best leaders, but toward the close of the war the northern commanders outgeneraled their opponents in almost every contest. During the early part of the war the northern armies were hampered by interference from Lincoln and his advisers. The northern soldiers were supplied much better than those of the South with ammunition, arms, food, and clothing. At first it was difficult to obtain these articles, as the war department was not able at once to handle so many sup- plies; but during the last two years of the war the govern- ment purchased food and blankets on the principle that it was cheaper to provide new blankets for the men who had discarded them on the march than to hamper the move- ments of the armies or permit the soldiers to suffer. This policy was extravagant and led to a great amount of fraud. Large fortunes were made out of govern- ment contracts. Men who furnished transports for Union 1 This was not true in the battles of Virginia in which the skill of Lee counterbalanced the greater number of the northern soldiers. 1861] Conditions affecting Union Success 389 troops usually doubled their wealth in a few months. Although the government paid a high price for uniforms and blankets, many of them were made of " shoddy," which fell to pieces on slight provocation. The army food, of none too good a quality in the days before canned goods were common, was often inferior stuff on which a good profit was made. Yet few wars have been fought on so large a scale, with so little preparation, in which the soldiers were treated better. The loss of life from wounds and disease was much Sanitary smaller than in earlier wars, partly because of the efficient Commission, service performed by a well-organized body called the Sanitary Commission. The northern troops were much more fortunate than those of the South, among whom anaesthetics and other drugs were rare, because the North insisted that they must be considered contraband of war. 340. The Navies; The Blockade. The American navy Privateering, was small and scattered in 1861. Only three ships were in northern ports, none in those of the South. Since the South Cambridge realized that it could not get a regular navy, it issued letters Mod. Hist., of marque and reprisal to privateers and allowed these VII 5 6 5-5 6 7- vessels to prey upon the merchant ships that carried the American flag. As our merchant marine had developed until our ships were found on every ocean this promised to strike a serious blow at the North. In retaliation Lincoln proclaimed a blockade of the entire Establishing southern coast, between 3000 and 4000 miles long, and a blockade - closed his proclamation by declaring that those engaged in privateering would be treated as pirates. Vessels were Cambridge purchased to maintain the blockade and in a few months Mod - Htst " there were only a few ports in the South that could be reached even by the swift " blockade runners." These steamers usually plied between British ports, the Bermudas or Nassau in the Bahamas, or Havana, and Jacksonville, Savannah, Charleston, and Wilmington. Most of these ports were closed completely early in the war and blockade running became extremely hazardous. Many engaged in the traffic, 390 American History [1861 Results of the blockade. Rhodes, United States, 111,544-548, V, 396-410. Recognition of southern belligerency (May, 1861). Foster, Amer. Diplomacy, 365-369. Rhodes, United States, III, 417-423- The Trent affair (Nov., 1861). however, because the profits were so enormous that two trips would pay for the cost of a vessel. The isolation of the South through the blockade was an important cause if not the chief cause of the Confederacy's failure. The South had devoted her energies to raising cotton until " Cotton was King." Before the war she believed that her cotton crop was of greater real value than all the products of the North. But the South had never been self-supporting and could not become so. She never was able to make as much powder as she needed and could not procure enough muskets or cannon. She could raise food for her people, but failure to sell her cotton impover- ished her rapidly. The Confederate government believed that Europe would recognize her independence because Europe needed southern cotton, and refused to allow the exportation of cotton before the blockade prevented its exportation altogether, but without avail. Although cotton sold for four cents a pound in the South and brought $2.50 in England, even the Lancashire weavers, half starving from want of work, declared against a Confederacy based on slavery. 341 . Foreign Relations (1861-1865). The success of the Confederacy depended in large part on the recognition of her independence by European nations. This recognition she never gained. In May, 1861, both Great Britain and France recognized the Confederate states as a belligerent power, with a well-organized government and complete military force. The North resented this action, unjustly, because the establishment of an extensive blockade in April had been an acknowledgment that the hostilities with the South had reached the proportions of a war in which both contestants must be treated according to the rules of war. In November, 1861, complications with Great Britain were avoided with difficulty. An American war vessel, the San Jacinto, stopped the British mail steamer Trent on its way from Havana to Europe and removed two commis- sioners who were being sent to the courts of Great Britain 1861] Conditions affecting Union Success 391 and France by the Confederate government. The North Foster, Amer. applauded this act, but the English government and people Di P loma were very indignant. When a demand was made for the surrender of the commissioners, they were released because their seizure had been irregular. Secretary Seward stated that we complied cheerfully with the request for the sur- render of the commissioners, for we had contended many years against the principle of the " right of search." The majority of the officials and people of Great Britain Attempts undoubtedly sympathized with the aristocratic South and togainrecog- might not have been unwilling to see the Union broken up. southem As the prime minister said to a northern man, " We do not independence, like slavery, but we want cotton and we dislike very much your Morrill tariff." Although recognition of the Con- Foster, Amer. federacy was desired by both Great Britain and France, Diplomacy, they hesitated to take that action, (i) because Russia, 3?I ~ 384< still smarting under the defeats of the Crimean war, openly took the side of the Union and sent a fleet to New York Hosmer . Appeal to harbor, (2) because the government at Washington made it Arms, 306-322. clear that if the independence of the South were recognized, our ministers would be withdrawn, and (3) because southern invasions of the North were always checked easily and quickly. Much of the credit for preventing the recognition of the Confederacy and the fitting out of privateers and other war vessels in European ports belongs to our ministers abroad, especially Charles Francis Adams, who represented us at the Court of St. James. 342. Bonds and a National Banking System. Money is Government called appropriately the chief of the sinews of war, since more loans - wars have failed because of lack of money than for any other one reason. The situation of the national government Dewe y. Finan. in the spring of 1861 did not excite envy. The credit of c, J2o ^' the government had been declining during the hard times 132,136. succeeding 1857 and was almost destroyed in the fall of 1860, when many feared that the Union might be dissolved. Nevertheless the need of money induced Congress in the summer of 1861 to vote a loan of $250,000,000 at seven per 392 American History [1861 National Banking act. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., $ 138, 139- Issues of greenbacks. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 122-125. cent, with some taxes to pay the interest. This loan could never have been floated but for the loyalty of the banks in the larger northern cities, which disposed of large numbers of bonds. But in December, 1861, the banks were obliged to suspend specie payments, and regular business throughout the rest of the war was done with paper, or with gold at a premium. In February, 1862, a second loan was voted, this time the enormous sum of $500,000,000. Other loans were authorized later, as the government's need of money in- creased constantly; but it was not easy to sell the bonds even on the advan- tageous terms at which they were offered. In order to provide a new market for the bonds and have a national bank currency which would re- place that of the states, a National Banking Act was passed in 1863. This provided that persons might organize national banks which could issue notes to ninety per cent of the value of United States bonds that they held. Later the state bank notes were forced out of circulation by a tax of ten per cent on their issues, so that most of these state banks were converted into national banks. 343. Greenbacks and Taxes. Early in the war the government had begun to levy new kinds of taxes, but in February, 1862, it supplemented the bonds and taxes by issuing treasury notes which did not bear interest. Many people denied that the government had the right to issue bills on the credit of the United States, but the needs of the time overruled all scruples and the notes were issued,, first to the amount of $150,000,000, later to three times that sum. They were called popularly " greenbacks*' * SALMON P. CHASE 1 862] Conditions affecting Union Success 393 and became the ordinary medium of exchange. Being issued in large quantities, they depreciated naturally. At one time $i in gold was equivalent to $2.85 in paper. Be- cause of this cheap and abundant money high prices pre- vailed, and a great deal of business was done. Wages were higher, but as they did not increase in the same proportion as the cost of living, a large part of this " forced loan " was paid really by those working by the day, week, or month. Three kinds of taxes were used to gain the money neces- Three kinds sary to pay the interest on the national debt and maintain of taxes, the credit of the government: (i) The tariff , which in 1861 had been made protective in character. The rates were Dewe y- . , , , . , cial Hist., increased considerably in 1862 and much more in 1864 to it 127-129 gain revenue and to protect from foreign competition the industries which were now obliged to pay national taxes. (2) Manufacturing taxes. Part of these were levied on distilled or fermented liquors and tobacco, this tax having been retained to the present. Taxes were levied on almost everything manufactured in the United States from a toy to a locomotive. Often an article would be taxed several times in the process of manufacture. The tax was as nearly uni- versal as it could be made. Even these heavy taxes did not interfere with the industry of the North, for manufacturing developed continually during the war. (3) Personal taxes, which were levied on all incomes except the very lowest. The rate during the last of the war was five per cent on all incomes between $600 and $5000 and ten per cent on all above $5000, those under $600 being exempt. These in- come taxes were paid cheerfully until peace came, when it was found that taxes of that nature were very objectionable. 344. Southern Finances and Government. When the Loans and South sought to obtain money for carrying on the war, the P a P er mone y- baleful influence of slavery was very noticeable. As the section had no industries and few strong banks, she did not Rhodes . .... it ,. United States, possess the resources for raising revenue or the means for v ~ 44 _^ I floating her loans. Since the blockade cut off foreign trade, no duties could be collected on imports or from the export 394 American History [1862 Cambridge Mod. Hist., 610-619. Arbitrary government in the South. Cambridge Mod. Hist.. 607-610. Rhodes, United States, V, 43L 453-458, 470-475- Some of the dangers. of cotton. The states were too poor to pay heavy taxes of any other kind, so that the government depended on the sale of bonds and the issue of paper money. The earliest bonds were sold for cash, but as the money was expended abroad for military supplies, there was little gold or silver left in the Confederacy. A few bonds were sold later abroad, but most of them were exchanged for food, and netted the government very little. Paper money was issued in large quantities, depreciating rapidly of course in value. Probably the face value of all the notes aggregated more than $1,000,000,000, besides the issues of the state governments and the banks. Prices rose to enormous figures, even the gold value of every- thing, including cotton, being higher than before the war. A barrel of flour sold in Richmond during the last year of the war for $20 in gold or $1000 in paper. 1 As might be expected, the southern, jealousy for state rights interfered considerably with the exercise of dictatorial power by the government at Richmond. Yet the neces- sities of war forced President Davis and the Confederate Congress to use arbitrary means to gain men or money. Attempts were made to regulate prices, needed supplies were seized, the army was recruited by means cf forced drafts, and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was suspended, although less extensively than at the North. In fact, as President Woodrow Wilson says, " everything gave way, even law itself, before the inexorable exigencies of war." 345. Critical Situation at the North. The material ad- vantages possessed by the Union over the Confederacy are clearly apparent now, and were understood in part at that time, but the result was by no means certain for at least two years. Had the North been less united than it was, history might give us a very different story. The government at Washington felt it necessary to use every means in its power to preserve the Union, even if that involved the sacrifice of personal rights and compelled officials to disregard the 1 An ordinary dinner for nine persons, in January, 1865, cost $631.50. Rhodes, United States, V, 249. 1 862] Conditions affecting Union Success 395 Constitution. Fortunately the people realized the danger to the Union and gave the chief executive their hearty support. It is remarkable that there was so little opposition to the great extension of the president's war power. A few in- stances will suffice to show how the president became almost a dictator. At the very beginning of the war President Lincoln sus- Presidential pended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus around dictatorship. Washington and in some of the border states. When the Supreme Court protested on the ground that Congress alone Lamed (ed.), could suspend the writ, he ignored the order of the court to re- Read ^ Re f-> lease persons imprisoned and Congress practically supported 3496-3493! his action. Later the writ was suspended throughout the North and many who opposed the work of the government Johnston, were imprisoned. The draft was used less at the North than Am. Pol. Hist., at the South, but both governments took engines and cars n> 394-405- on the railways when the need arose. There was a partial censorship of the telegraph at the North, and an edition of Hosmer two New York newspapers was confiscated because they cml'war published news which the government wished to keep secret. Chapter I. The national government attempted at first to treat the south- erners as rebels and wished to confiscate their property, but Dunning, in the end treated them as belligerents. Much the most Civil War and . Reconstruction, conspicuous instance of dictatorial power, however, was the chapter I. freeing of the slaves of those engaged in war against the United States by Lincoln in the Emancipation Proclamation, which he issued by virtue of his position as commander in chief. 346. Summary. After the Dred Scott opinion had The critical opened all of the territories to slavery, there was little chance penoc of avoiding a conflict between the sections, because neither would yield. A strong executive might have prevented or postponed the secession movement. Buchanan did neither. When the split in the Democratic party (1860) permitted the Republicans to elect Lincoln, South Carolina seceded and six other cotton states followed within six weeks. Buchanan did nothing until forced by public opinion to reorganize 396 American History [1862 his cabinet. The senators and representatives tried to find some common ground for compromise, the political leaders from Virginia and Kentucky taking the initiative in pro- posing plans for conciliation, but without result. Beginning of A month after Lincoln became president, the fall of Sumter be g an the war > which, it was thought at first, would last but a few months. Preparations were made for the conflict on a small scale, but the chief contest was over the border states, the lower tier of which joined the Confederacy, while the northern border states were persuaded finally to remain in the Union. The battle of Bull Run showed that the struggle was to be one of large proportions. Both sides then began to prepare in earnest. The North had the advantage of very much greater numbers and industrial and natural resources. It had money that was available for carrying on the war. Its navy was able to cut off the Confederacy from the supplies that were indispensable to the South. The South used her men and resources much more freely than the North found necessary. She had several able commanders and possessed the advantage of fighting on her own soil, being able thus to transport her troops from point to point with comparative ease. Her limited re- sources and inability to supply herself with necessaries made it impossible to compete with the North on equal terms. Foreign nations refrained from recognizing the independence of the Confederacy, and the conquest of her territory be- came only a question of time. TOPICS 1. JOHN BROWN'S RAID: Burgess, "Civil War and Constitu- tion," I, pp. 34-44; Von Hoist, "United States," VII, pp. 18-59; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," II, pp. 383-416; Redpath, "Captain John Brown," pp. 229-407. 2. ELECTION OF 1860: McClure, "Our Presidents," pp. 154-182; Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," Chapter XXI; Stephens, " War between the States," II, Colloquy 18; Elaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," I, pp. 157-172; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," II, pp. 440-S 02 - 1861] Disunion and Civil War 397 3. CONTRAST BETWEEN THE SLAVE AND FREE STATES : Wright, " Industrial Evolution of the United States," Chapter XII; Helper, " Impending Crisis," Chapters V, VIII ; Hart, " Practical Essays on American Government," No. XI; Sites and Keener, "Growth of the Nation" (N. America, Vol. XIII), Chapter VI; Brown, ''Lower South in Amer. Hist.," pp. 155-190. 4. ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES DURING THE WAR: Foster, "Century of American Diplomacy;" pp. 365-400; Adams, "Charles Francis Adams," Chapters IX, XII, XIII, XV, XVII; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," IV, pp. 76-95, 337- 394- STUDIES 1. Lincoln's Freeport speech. (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," III, pp. 184-194.) 2. Comparison of Davis, Lincoln, and Douglas. (Burgess, "Civil War and Reconstruction," I, pp. 1-27.) 3. Jefferson Davis. (Trent, "Southern Statesmen of the Old Regime," pp. 257-293.) 4. Seward during March and April, 1861. (Lothrop, "William H. Seward," pp. 246-291.) 5. Reasons for the secession of the Southern States. 6. Formation of the southern Confederacy. (Davis, "Rise and Fall of the Confederate States," I, pp. 229-242.) 7. Stephen's "Corner Stone" speech. (Johnston (ed.), "Ameri- can Eloquence," IV, pp. 39-50.) 8. Washington on the eve of the Civil War. (" Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," I, 7-25.) 9. The secession movement in Missouri. (Carr, "Missouri," pp. 267-323.) 10. Enlisting in the army. ("Battles and Leaders," I, pp. 149- I59-) 11. The Sanitary Commission. (Johnson, "War of Secession," PP- 35I-3S 8 -) 12. Running the blockade. (Soley, " Blockade and the Cruisers," pp. 153-167.) 13. English sentiment for the South. (Rhodes, "United States," IV, pp. 76-95.) 14. Preventing England from recognizing independence of the Confederacy. (Adams, "Charles Francis Adams," pp. 278-290.) 15. Debate of the issuance of greenbacks. (Elaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," I, pp. 409-429.) 16. Civil government of the southern states. (Garret and Hud- ley, " Civil War from Southern Standpoint " (" North America," xiv), pp. 485-506.) 398 American History QUESTIONS 1. As far as possible trace the development of the radical move- ment at the North and at the South. In which section did the radicals gain control first ? 2. What were the questions that Lincoln asked Douglas? How did Douglas answer those that were most important ? How did his answers affect his later political career? 3. What is secession ? Distinguish from nullification. Why is the Constitution silent on the subject? Could anything but slavery have caused secession ? Was the election of Lincoln sufficient reason for secession? 4. Compare the Constitution of the United States with that of the Confederacy. In what respects do they differ most ? Were the states sovereign under the Confederacy? Did they enjoy more powers than those in the Union? 5. Trace the growth of slavery as (a) an economic institution; (6) a political institution. In what ways had slavery retarded the growth of the South as shown by social conditions, political ideas and customs, lack of material development, etc. ? Show clearly as possible why slavery led to secession. Give the important changes connected with slavery from 1830 to 1861. 6. Compare the Confederacy with the Union in population, value of property and products, size of army and navy, financial re- sources, and dependence on outside countries for war necessities. 7. Which war powers were exercised by the president? Were any of these unconstitutional ? extra-constitutional ? Is there a "higher law than the Constitution"; judged by the events from 1850 to 1865; judged by the "presidential dictatorship"? CHAPTER XVII PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865) PRESIDENT Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865) SPRING AND SUMMER OF 1862 347. Theater of War in the West. The result of the General char- Civil War was decided by the western campaigns, and the a ter ' western campaigns were determined to a great extent by the direction of the great rivers. As the Union forces necessarily M ISSISS WI assumed the offensive, they followed naturally the Mis- sissippi, which crossed the west-central part of the Con- i m i i 11 r Semple, Amer. federacy, and the Tennessee, which penetrates the heart of Hist and its the South. Movements along the Mississippi were impeded Geog. Condi- by the shallowness of the river, the many turns, and other tlons ' 3-3o8. obstacles to navigation, and the bordering swamps which prevented the successful cooperation of land and naval forces. When the Union forces had gained possession of the entire river and controlled the railroads which connected the states west of the river with those east, the three western states found it difficult to send men and supplies to the armies across the Mississippi. The fate of the Confederacy was decided even more in the Territory be- territory from the Mississippi to the Alleghany mountains. tween Missis - -*- 111 11 sippi and the Most of this was comparatively level and not very well Aiieghanies settled. The northern part is crossed by the Ohio, which was always in the possession of the Union troops except the gem ]e Geg very important points where the Ohio meets the Cumber- Conditions, land, the Tennessee, and most of all the Mississippi. Farther 302-308. south the Cumberland crosses northern Tennessee, and the Tennessee River after crossing the state of that name gives 399 1862] Spring and Summer of 1862 401 entrance to northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. Railways ran in 1862 from the junction of the Mississippi and the Ohio to New Orleans and Mobile. East and west railways extended from Memphis to Chattanooga and Charleston, and from beyond Vicksburg to Atlanta, Savan- nah, and Charleston. The most important points for the attacking Union force Strategic points in the West. ROUTES OF INVADING ARMIES Main Union Arm;, West Second Union Army West Confederate Armiee .-., Minor Saide SCALE OF MILES -.0 100 L1X> to gain were Cairo and Paducah on the line of the Ohio; Memphis, Corinth, and Chattanooga along the southern boundary of Tennessee; New Orleans and Vicksburg on the lower Mississippi, and the railway center, Atlanta, in north-central Georgia, on the border line between the west and the east. The location of these places should be noted carefully and the maps should be used constantly to ascer- tain the general routes of the Union forces. 348 Grant's Campaign in the West (to February, 1862). -When the Confederates seized and fortified the bluff at Columbus, Kentucky (September, 1861), General Grant, who Gran i 4 had already occupied Cairo, took Paducah also and thus 2 P Seizure of the l" 1 of the 402 American History [1862 Rhodes, United States, III, 594-598. Hosmer, Ap- peal to Arms, 84-90. Capture of the first Confeder- ate line. Dodge, Civil War, 25-28. Fiske, Miss. Valley, 52-66. gained possession of the entire line of the Ohio. Ulysses S. Grant was a West Point graduate who had done excellent service under both Taylor and Scott during the Mexican War. Before 1861 he had been engaged in business without very great success near St. Louis and later at Galena, Illinois. A man of few words, in all his campaigns he acted with a promptness and carried his plans to completion with a determination that brought re- sults. He showed good judgment in the selection of his immediate subor- dinates, but was often imposed upon by men whose motives he believed to be as pure as his own. The next for- ward movement of the army was to capture Colum- bus, Island No. 10, and forts Henry and Donelson, so as to open the Mississippi, the Tennessee, and the Cumber- land by taking the first line of forts. Farther east the Con- federates were driven out of Kentucky by Thomas. 1 Fort Henry was captured by Admiral Foote and his fleet of gun- boats, the garrison withdrawing to Donelson, which was much stronger. A combined land and water attack was made on Donelson, during which Grant demanded the " unconditional surrender " of the fort. On February 16 Grant won his first great victory by capturing Donelson, with its garrison of nearly fifteen thousand men. His 1 Battle of Mill Springs, January 19, 1862. ULYSSES S. GRANT 1862] Spring and Summer of 1862 403 chief difficulties had been due to the undisciplined char- acter of his troops, the strength of the fortifications, and the severity of the weather. The capture of Donelson left the way open to Nashville and compelled the Confederates to withdraw from Columbus. 349. Completion of the Western Tennessee 'Campaign. Battle of Shiioh Grant's successes on the Tennessee and the Cumberland (Ap" 1 1862). \GA WESTERN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE Rivers were followed by Pope's capture of Island No. 10 after Dodge, civil an energetic campaign, March, 1862. Grant had at once ^ar, 42 4 8. advanced to Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River, the nearest point for an attack upon Corinth, which was at the Johnson, Wat junction of the north and south railway with that from - ^" l Memphis to Chattanooga. At this point he waited for reinforcements to arrive from Nashville. His divisions were , Battles and badly scattered and the army in no condition for advance or Leaders, defense. Less than thirty miles away was a Confederate 1, 465-486. army nearly as large as Grant's under Albert Sidney John- ston, one of the most experienced officers of the old regular army and at that time considered the ablest military leader 404 American History [1862 Capture of Corinth and Memphis. Larned (ed.), Ready Re/., 3461-3469. Fiske, Miss. Valley, 133-137. Plan of cam- paign, 1862. Progress of the blockade. Dodge, Civil War, 33-39. Johnson, War of Secession, 90-98. on either side. Suddenly before daybreak, April 6, the Con- federates attacked the advanced brigades of Grant's scattered force near Shiloh church. Several thousand prisoners were taken and the Union troops were driven back in the attempt to get between them and the river. That the Union army was not destroved'at the outset was due largely to the courage of the soldiers, and the skill and determination of William T. Sherman, for Grant was absent and at least ten thousand of his soldiers could not report for duty on the field of battle. The death of Johnston and the stubbornness of the Union defense saved Grant's army that day, and the arrival of Buell's army from Nashville and other troops so strengthened Grant that he overpowered the Confederates the next day, although he did not follow up his victory. General Halleck, who had charge of all western armies, now took command of all the troops at Shiloh and advanced against Corinth. With his greatly superior force he pressed back the Confederates, who abandoned this strategic point without a battle. After he had gained possession of the east and west railway at Corinth and at points east, Memphis surrendered to Admiral Foote, who had defeated the Con- federate fleet on the Mississippi. 350. New Orleans (1862). The advance cf the Union armies from the north along the Tennessee and the Missis- sippi was but part of a much larger plan which included not only the opening of the Mississippi by attacking New Orleans also, but the advance upon Richmond and the capture of important places on the Atlantic or Gulf coasts which could be made the bases of operation for the fleets or blockading squadrons. The United States navy had already gained a foothold on the islands off the coast of North Carolina. A Union fleet had captured Port Royal and had gained control of most of the inlets between Charleston and Savannah. In this way the blockade of those ports and a few others on the south Atlantic coast was made very effective. The capture of New Orleans was desired not simply because it was on the Mississippi, but because its nearness to the cotton belt made 1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 405 it easy to ship that staple from the city. On account of the three mouths of the Mississippi it was very difficult to main- tain an effective blockade. The naval expedition against New Orleans was intrusted Capture of to Admiral Farragut, a southerner of the greatest ability, New rleans - who remained loyal to the Union. With a large fleet of wooden vessels, and mortar boats under Admiral Porter, Lamed (ed.), Farragut attacked the forts on opposite banks of the river, ea which constituted the chief defense of the city. After several days' bombardment, the chain across the river which con- Johnson, war nected the forts was cut, the Confederate fleet was over- O j secession, powered, and the Union vessels ran past the forts. The city 111-126. surrendered at once, April 25, and the forts held out only a few days longer. 351. The Theater of War in Virginia. In the East the Country be- advance of the Union armies was as difficult as it was easy in ! ween a , s " ington and the West. From Washington to Richmond is about 100 Richmond. miles as the crow flies, but the country is as hard to traverse as 500 miles along the Mississippi or the Tennessee. Below sempie, Geog, the Potomac three rivers cross eastern Virginia, flowing in a Conditions, southeasterly direction. Farthest north is the Rappahan- nock, which, at Fredericksburg, is but ten miles from the lower end of the great bend of the Potomac. South of this is the York, and still farther south the James River, with Richmond located at the first series of falls over 100 miles from Chesapeake Bay. Between these rivers the country was wild and almost impassable. Near the coast were swamps, farther inland hills, and everywhere forests. Roads were few, although in 1862 there was a railway from the Potomac above Fredericksburg to Richmond and other southern cities, besides the railway running through Manassas to Lynchburg and Chattanooga. To these physical difficulties encountered in an advance on Defence of Richmond, there was added the problem of defending Wash- Washington i . an d Shenan- ington. On the side of the Potomac there was nothing to doah valley. fear so long as the Union side had fleets and the Confederates had none. The great danger arose from the Shenandoah 406 American History [1862 Semple, Geog. Conditions, 293-300. valley. Harper's Ferry, at the confluence of the Shenan- doah and the Potomac, is but thirty miles west of Washington and twenty miles north, so that a force crossing the Potomac at this point could threaten Washington from the rear. The upper part of this fertile valley, sometimes called the " gran- THEATRE OF WAR IX VIRGINIA ary of theConfederacy," is divided into two parts, a range of hills separating the valley of Cedar creek from that of the upper Shenandoah. A retreating army could withdraw up one of these valleys, cross into the other, and either escape mto central Virginia through the many passes of the Blue Ridge or get between Washington and the Union force that had been following them. Because of the geography of northern Virginia a single Confederate army, if it pos- 1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 407 sessed a fairly large body of cavalry or rapid-moving troops, might compel the Union commanders to keep one army south of Washington to prevent a direct attack on that city and might at the same time threaten and keep engaged an equally large Union force in the Shenandoah valley. 352. Monitor and Merrimac. Because of the difficulty The of crossing eastern Virginia, it was decided early in 1862 to Merrtmac - attack Richmond by transporting the troops to the penin- sula formed by the James and York rivers. This plan was * "* n no sooner adopted than its execution was endangered by the i, 692-701. arrival in the lower Chesapeake of a powerful Confederate ironclad, the Virginia or Merrimac, which threatened to Tohng , destroy the Union vessels in those waters and all fleets sent of Secession, to that quarter. This ironclad had been constructed from ^7-131. the hulk of a Union vessel, the Merrimac, which had been sunk in Norfolk navy yard, when Norfolk with its many R^des, sunken vessels and fine guns had been abandoned hastily In 6o8 _ 6 j ' the preceding April. The new Merrimac, with its coat of heavy armor, attacked first the wooden ships at Hampton Roads. On March 8, 1862, she destroyed the Cumber- land and the Congress and drove the Minnesota ashore. Alarm spread throughout the North, due to the fear that she might attack Washington or the shipping in New York harbor or even bombard the commercial metropolis. That night the ironclad Monitor arrived at Hampton First contest Roads. It had been designed by John Ericsson, a native of between Sweden, the chief inventor of the screw propeller for steam navigation. It had been constructed at New York in three months for just this emergency. For two hours on the morn- , , ing of March 8 these two ironclad vessels fought each I, 701-711. other at close range, until the Merrimac withdrew, not dis- abled but baffled, never again to be used for offensive pur- poses. A new era had dawned in the history of naval warfare, an era of steam and steel replacing the old epoch of canvas and oak. 353. McClelian's Peninsular Campaign. The destruction of the Merrimac made it possible to carry out McClelian's 408 American History [1862 Situation in Virginia (April, 1862). Wood- Edmonds, Civil War, 42-53- Hosmer, Ap- peal to Arms, 125-132, I38-I53- Battles on the peninsula. Cambridge Mod. Hist., VII, 474-479 Dodge, Civil War, 52-68. Hosmer, Ap- peal to Arms, 132-137, 154-166. plan of an advance upon Richmond from the east. Since the beginning of the war the motto of the New York Trib- une had been echoed throughout the North, " On to Rich- mond," to which there came always the same reply, " All quiet on the Potomac." Everywhere the question was asked, "Why doesn't McClellan move?" At last this slow organizer of armies- was ready, but delay was caused by friction with the President, who was fearful that Washington might be captured and wished a large part of the army of the Potomac to be left for its defense. McClellan demurred, especially when Mc- Dowell's army was de- tached from his force. But the danger to Washington seemed real to the politicians, for, in the Shenandoah valley, " Stonewall " Jackson and his light infantry defeated three armies containing nearly three times as many men as his own and finally withdrew almost unharmed to aid in the defense of Richmond. McClellan felt crippled by the loss of these troops, but he still outnumbered his opponents, at first two to one. But McClellan always overestimated the size of the Confederate forces and never realized the value of rapid movements. He lost nearly a month besieging Yorktown, defended by wooden guns, and, compared with his own army, a handful of troops, who withdrew as soon as he was ready to attack. In a rather swampy region, in mud that made rapid marching impossible, he finally penetrated to within five miles of Richmond, drove back the Confederates, wounding the commanding general, J. E. Johnston, and waited for ree'n- forcements. Every day saw the defense of Richmond PEXLNSLLAB CAMPAIGN 1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 409 stronger and the Confederate army larger. At length, the last week of June, General Robert E. Lee, 1 who was now in command, attacked the scattered line of the northern army. With vigorous blows he attacked the Union right so as to cut Mc- Clellan's line of com- munications with the York River. McClel- lan easily changed his base of operations to the James River and withdrew to Harri- son's landing. For seven days Lee at- tacked, in many cases his entire army being pitted against a part of McClellan's detached forces. Mc- Clellan showed him- self skillful in con- ducting his retreat, but failed to take advantage of several opportunities to march on Richmond or to destroy parts of Lee's army which were in perilous positions. Nothing had been accomplished, but the North had discovered the great difficulties of capturing the Confederate capital. l Lee was a Virginian who resigned from the United States army when his state seceded. A West Point graduate, he had served with distinction as chief of engineers in the Mexican War and had been superintendent of the academy at West Point for several years. His action in withdrawing from the Union army has been the subject of extended discussion, but was caused by his belief that his allegiance was due to his own state. In west- ern Virginia he did not distinguish himself, but, as he gained more experi- ence, his real military ability became evident. Beloved and respected by his men, he made the army of northern Virginia one of the finest bodies of soldiers in modern times. Probably no man in America during this period, except the great president of the Union, so won the hearts of the people, North and South, as did " Uncle Robert." ROBERT E. LEE 4io American History [1862 Lee's first invasion of the North. Cambridge Mod. Hist., 480-483. Johnson, War of Secession, 173-183. THE MIDDLE PERIOD OF THE WAR (AUGUST, 1862- JUNE, 1863) 354. The Fall of 1862. General Halleck had now been transferred to the command of all the Union armies. He ordered McClellan to with- draw from the peninsula and placed Pope in charge of the forces before Washington. Lee immediately assumed the of- fensive, and proceeded north rapidly from Richmond. Be- foreMcClellan could joinPope, Jackson had gained the rear of the army at Bull Run and Lee attacked in front. Blunder followed blunder, and Lee had little difficulty in winning from GEORGE B. MCCI.EU.AN a superior force the second battle of Bull Run. This vic- tory removed all possible danger of renewed campaigns against Richmond. The time seemed propitious for an invasion of the North. ANTIETAM BRIDGE Antietam and Fredericks- burg. Maryland had been interested in the Confederacy and there was hope still that she might be detached from the Union, while a successful campaign north of the Potomac would give 1862] The Middle Period of the War 411 the Confederacy prestige abroad which it had not yet been Dodge, able to gain. The Union army, again under McClellan, met Ctvtl War Lee at Antietam creek. The battle was a Union victory, although Lee with an inferior force outgeneraled his oppo- .,. . . Jf .. *T Battles and nent. Lee recrossed into Virginia without pursuit being organized. Burnside was now placed in command of the II, 663-674. army of the Potomac, against his own wishes, and in Decem- ber attacked Lee's fortified position at Fredericksburg on the Rappahannock. The result of a direct assault was to have been expected, but the days following this sickening Union defeat were the darkest of the whole war. While Lee was leaving McClellan on the Peninsula and Bragg's inva- marching north, Bragg withdrew part of the Confederate sion of army from before Corinth. Then Bragg assumed an even bolder course than Lee. While the latter was invading Mary- Dodge Civil land, Bragg dashed past Buell into Kentucky with the hope War, 82-88. of seizing Louisville and perhaps Cincinnati and completing the panic which would be caused by a successful invasion Rhodes - in the East. Buell reached Louisville first and a few weeks IV I73 _ I s I later drove Bragg from Kentucky by defeating him at Perry- ville. The last day of the year 1862 these armies came Battles and together again at Stone River, and battled this time for the Leaders > III, 1-25. control of central Tennessee. After two days' severe fight- ing the Union force was left in control of the field. 355. Events Leading to Emancipation. On January Problem of i, 1863, President Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation "egroh'g't'ves Proclamation. The policy of emancipation had been de- veloped slowly, for since the beginning of the war the gov- Cambridge ernment had been troubled by the problem of the negroes. vn ' 8 " g a Lincoln had disclaimed from the time of his inauguration that the war was waged to free the slaves, although many people at the North were more interested in the abolition of slavery than in any other national question, and most of the people in Europe believed that the war was essentially a struggle to preserve or destroy slavery. General Butler at Fort Monroe had suggested the best plan for dealing with the negroes who flocked to his camp. He declared that they 412 American History [1862 Emancipation before July, 1862. Cambridge, Mod. Hist., VII, 582, 587. Rhodes, United States, IV, 60-66. Larned (ed.), Ready Re/., V, 3453- 3462, 3464. 3473- Hosmer, Ap- peal to Arms, 2OI-2I2. Lincoln's views on emancipation. Cambridge Mod. Hist., 585-59I- Rhodes, United States, IV, 66-76. were an aid to the enemy in carrying on the conflict, and should be treated as " contraband of war." Colored fugi- tives were known afterward as " contrabands." In August, 1 86 1, Congress passed a confiscation act freeing the slaves who aided the Confederates. Two of the Union commanders, Fremont in Missouri (1861) and Hunter in South Carolina and Georgia, applied this by declaring free all slaves in their districts. Their acts were overruled by Lincoln who claimed and exercised the right to deal with the slaves in the seceding states. Lincoln used his influence to persuade Congress to vote money for the compensation of slave owners in the loyal border states and tried to have those states agree to compensated emancipation, but the con- servatives in Congress and in these states defeated the plan. Lincoln's purpose was chiefly to attach these states ir- revocably to the Union by breaking the only bond that might exist between them and the Confederate states. Congress did, however, free the slaves in the District of Columbia, paying an average of more than $200 each to their owners. On June 19, 1862, it abolished slavery in the territories without compensation. 356. Emancipation. Lincoln was among the first of those in authority to realize the need of emancipating the slaves of those in insurrection against the government. He considered it simply a war measure that would aid the Union cause. On July 22, 1862, he read to his cabinet the first draft of an emancipation proclamation, but the matter was kept secret and postponed because the issuance of the proc- lamation in the midst of the defeats of the armies in Vir- ginia would appear like a call for help to Europeans who disliked slavery. Lincoln's object was shown clearly when a month later he replied to the unjust criticism of Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, because the President had not freed the slaves. He wrote, " I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Con- stitution. . . . My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. i86 3 ] The Middle Period of the War 413 If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would doit; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that." Soon after the victory at Antietam in September, 18.62, Proclamation President Lincoln issued his preliminary proclamation, and results - stating that on January i, 1863, he would free the slaves EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION (Closing Page) in those states or parts of states that were in insurrection against the United States. This was done by the regular proclamation on New Year's Day. The proclamation did not affect slavery in the loyal parts of the Union, in some of which it was abandoned, however, by state action before the adoption of the thirteenth amendment. It did not abolish the in- stitution of slavery even in the states then actual parts of the Confederacy. It intensified the opposition of the South to the invasion of the Union armies, but it almost destroyed hope of recognition by Europe of a Confederacy based on slavery. It did not affect radically the attitude of the people in the North toward the government's policy, although it met with approval in most of that section. MacDonald, Statutes, No. 28. Cambridge Mod. Hist., 591-597- Rhodes, United States, IV, 157-163, 212-21? 414 American History [1863 Chancellors- ville (May, 1863). Dodge, Civil War, 127-131. Battles and Leaders, ,111, 154-171. Invasion of Pennsylvania .(June, 1863). Dodge, Civil War, 127-131. Battles and Leaders, III, 244-250. 357. Chancellorsville ; Lee's Second Invasion. The series of disasters to the army of the Potomac was to be completed at Chancellorsville, May, 1863. "Fighting Joe" Hooker, who had replaced Burnside, sought to get in the rear of. Lee's army by making a long detour to the west. He began this movement successfully, but the vigor with which Lee attacked him paralyzed the Union leader and gave Lee an overwhelming victory over an army much larger than his own. At Chancellorsville, however, Lee lost Jackson, who had been an invaluable help in executing difficult and danger- ous movements whose success depended chiefly upon the rapidity and audacity with which they were made. Lee now decided to invade the North a second time, hop- ing that he might seize some of the northern cities and that even if he did not succeed to that extent, he might create a panic throughout the North that would compel that section to make peace. Lee marched to the west of Hooker's army, separating his divisions so that only the timidity of those in authority at Washington permitted the completion of this difficult movement. The chief duty of the army of the Potomac, according to the views of the chief commander, was to stand between Lee's sixty or seventy thousand vet- erans and the national capital. Lee was advancing into Pennsylvania when the Union commander was replaced by another, General George Meade, who threatened Lee's com- munications and hurriedly gathered his scattered army to meet the invasion. Lee turned aside from his march into central Pennsylvania in order to meet Meade marching rapidly from Washington. THOMAS J. JACKSON i86 3 ] Union Advance 415 UNION ADVANCE (JULY, i863-JuLY, 1864) 358. Gettysburg. The two armies came together near July i and 2 the village of Gettysburg, in southern Pennsylvania. Fight- ing began on July i, only a few divisions being engaged on each side. On July 2, the battle began in earnest, the GETTYSBURG BATTLEFIELD (From Little Round Top) Union forces having occupied a long ridge which ended in two Dodge, detached hills known as Round Top and Little Round Top. Civil War > Across a valley less than a mile wide, the Confederate army was intrenched. Other divisions of Lee's force were sta- T Hosmer, Ap- tioned so that they might attack the right flank of the Union p ea i to ^ rms> army, and, if successful, get in its rear. The real fighting 287-298. of the second day, however, was for the possession of the two Round Tops which commanded the entire Union position. Had the Confederates gained and held these heights, Meade's army must inevitably have retreated. The second day closed with the Union line intact. 416 American History [1863 July 3. Rhodes, United States, IV, 286-296. Battles and Leaders, III, 369-385. Difficulties in attacking , Vicksburg. Dodge, Civil War, 142-147. Brigham, Geographic Influences, 211-217. On the afternoon of the third day began the final struggle in the most spectacular charge of the war. It opened with a tremendous artillery contest, the Confederate fire being concentrated on Cemetery Ridge, the Union center, which Lee desired to seize. When the Union guns ceased fire at length, there appeared from the woods opposite Cemetery hill three long lines of soldiers, the " best fighters of the Confederacy," who marched across the valley against the Union position. Upon them the Union batteries opened with renewed vigor,, but they marched on, charged up the hill, even over the embank- ments, their ranks thinned by the terrible fire from cannon and musket. Futile though it was, for the survivors were beaten back easily, this gallant charge marks the high-water mark reached by the Confed- eracy. Never again was an in- vasion of the North attempted, and from this time the fortunes of the Confederacy ebbed steadily, it being a question of time only until the authority of the Union would be reestablished everywhere in the South. 359. Vicksburg. The Union victory at Gettysburg on July 3 was accompanied by the capture of Vicksburg on July 4. Because of its location on the Mississippi, the strength of its fortifications, and the difficulties of maneuver- ing in the country around Vicksburg, this campaign was one of the most important and remarkable of the war. Vicks- burg is located on a high bluff at the outer end of a huge 1 Fifty years later the survivors of that terrible charge went up Cemetery Ridge, where the survivors of the Union force again received them warmly, this time with open arms, with hearty hand clasps, and with friendly em- braces. Could we have any better proof that the United States of America is a real Union ? GETTYSHVKG BATTLEFIELD -LAST DAY Union f urea => Confederate Jurca I86 3 ] Union Advance 417 bend of the river so that batteries on the bluff commanded the river for miles in either direction. Attempts were made in 1862, and in the spring of 1863, to reach the city from the north, or directly from the west. Grant tried at first to land north of the city, but when he found that this was impossible, he decided to move his army in a semicircle through the swamps of Arkansas, and, by landing south of Vicksburg to attack the city from the southeast. This movement was attended with great risk, because his long line of communi- cations was ex- posed, and be- cause defeat would leave him at the mercy of his foe. He suc- ceeded finally in opening a water route through Arkansas. The gunboats above Vicksburg passed the batteries so as to aid him in crossing, and, late in April, he landed his army in Mississippi thirty miles below Vicksburg. Grant moved rapidly considering the physiographical difficulties encountered, and by the middle of May had thrust him- self between Pemberton, who commanded the army around Vicksburg, and the forces farther east. Joseph E. John- ston was coming to the aid of Pemberton and ordered that general to abandon Vicksburg and join him, but Pem- berton thought his own plan better and kept between Grant and Vicksburg. He was driven back into the city without delay. Grant tried at once to take the fortifications of Vicksburg, for he feared that Johnston would either unite with Pem- berton or would attack Grant's army in the rear. The works were too strong to be captured by assault, but John- Brigham, Geographic Influences, 211-217. Grant's route against Vicksburg. Dodge, Civil War, I47-ISS- *, "on COUNTRY AROUND VICKSBURG Capture of Vicksburg. American History [1863 Dodge, Civil War, 156-161. Chattanooga . Dodge, Civil War, 172-178. Fiske, Miss. Valley, 248-264. ston remained inactive, and Grant was able to lay siege to the city. A merciless bombardment was kept up by the fleet and army, but the fall of the city after six weeks was due to the scarcity of food. On July 4 Pemberton surrendered with his army of more than thirty thousand men. The Mississippi was opened completely by the fall of Port Hud- son less than a week later. 360. Operations around Chattanooga (1863). The capture of Vicksburg lim- ited greatly the sphere of hostilities, confining it in the South to the area around Chattanooga and those districts in Alabama and Georgia which could be reached most easily from Chattanooga .* C h a 1 1 a nooga, the key to all this region, lies in the narrow valley of the Tennessee with mountains on the northwest, and completely COUNTRY AROVND CHATTANOOGA surrounding it on the Showing Battlefields .iid Sieges (1862) U1 & ' south. Toward the east a range several hundred feet high, called Missionary Ridge, commands the city, and on the south a higher mountain, Lookout Mountain, threatens the place. To Chattanooga Bragg was forced to withdraw from near Stone River ( 354), during the summer of 1863, but Rosecrans found it difficult to drive his opponent from the city. He finally sent his divisions over the mountain trails across the ranges south of the city in order to cut Bragg off from his base of supplies. 1 The Confederates still held Mobile, Alabama, and places as far west as Meridian, Mississippi, but this hold was very slight and could have been broken entirely, if the troops had not been engaged in more impor- tant enterprises. 1864] Union Advance 419 Bragg immediately withdrew from Chattanooga (Sep.- Chickamauga tember), but as soon as he was reenforced, fell upon the advanced divisions of Rosecrans's army at Chickamauga Dodge, Creek (September 19 and 20). -The wings of the Union ltvt ^ ar ' army were driven back in terrible disorder, but Thomas with the center formed his lines in a semicircle and withdrew Fiske slowly, holding at bay a force much more than double his Miss. Valley, own. The firmness of this reliable soldier, himself a south- 264-280. erner, saved the Union army. He was known thereafter as the " Rock of Chickamauga." Thomas now took command in place of Rosecrans, but was Missionary practically besieged in Chattanooga by Bragg, who held both Ridge. Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. So difficult was it to get supplies that the army was at one time on very short Dodge, rations. The arrival of Grant with reinforcements from ' Ctml Uar > 184-189. Vicksburg relieved the situation, and plans were made at once to get control of the heights about the town. Late in November, the troops were ordered to seize the rifle pits at /t ,* g^ the foot of Missionary Ridge. These were taken without v, 3510-3513. difficulty and the elated soldiers without orders rushed up the hill and drove the Confederates from the top of the ridge a reckless move only justified by its success. The Union army was now in complete control of Chattanooga and its approaches. 361. Naval Operations (1864). During 1863, no exten- Mobile, sive naval operations were undertaken along the seacoast, although the blockade was strengthened and Charleston Cambridge blockaded more carefully. In 1864 two important attacks Mod - Htst -< were made : one at Mobile, the other at Wilmington, North Carolina. The forts of Mobile Bay were captured in August, 1864, by a fleet under Farragut. The wooden ships and monitors steamed past the forts at the entrance to the bay, 3537 . crossed the mines and torpedoes with the loss of a single vessel, destroyed a powerful Confederate ironclad, and closed the port to blockade runners. The attack on Wilmington was less successful. Wilming- Wilmington, ton was defended by a very strong fort called Fort Fisher. 420 American History [1864 Cambridge Mod. Hist., vii, 556-558. The Alabama. Larned (ed.), Ready Kef., I, 24-26. Battles and Leaders, IV, 600-614. Privateers and shipping. Cambridge Mod. Hist., vii, 565-567- Johnson, War of Secession, 402-412. On account of the two mouths of the Cape Fear River and the strength of that fort, Wilmington had remained open to the blockade runners until this time. 1 As the Union forces controlled all the railways except those in the Carolinas and southern Virginia, Lee's army was dependent on Wilmington for food and supplies. Fort Fisher was attacked in Decem- ber, 1864, but only after great losses, in February, 1865, did it surrender. In the year 1864 the most successful of the Confeder- ate commerce destroyers were sunk or captured. A few of these had been fitted out in southern ports, but those that did the most damage were of British build and in some cases had been allowed to proceed from English ports after the American minister, C. F. Adams, had protested that they were to be used against northern commerce. The Ala- bama had the most successful career. After a cruise of two years, in which she captured no less than sixty-nine vessels, she fought the American warship, Kearsarge, off the harbor of Cherbourg, France, in June, 1864. The ships seemed evenly matched, but the duel was short, and in less than two hours the Alabama sank. Although only two hundred and sixty-one prizes were taken by all of these privateers, they practically drove American merchantmen from the high seas. 2 Before the war Great Britain and the United States carried an equal amount of shipping, but in 1866 American vessels carried only about one half as much as they had in 1860. The use of steamers in place of sailing vessels and of steel in place of wood was responsible also for the decline of our merchant marine. 1 H. W. Wilson, in Cambridge Modern History (Vol. VII, p. 557), gives the following statistics of supplies entering the port at Wilmington between October 26, 1864, and January, 1865: 8,632,000 Ib. of meat, 1,607,000 Ib. of lead, 1,933,000 Ib. of saltpeter, 546,000 pairs of shoes, 316,000 pairs of blankets, 500,000 Ib. of coffee, 69,000 rifles, and 43 cannon. 3 By a tribunal held in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1872, in accordance with an agreement reached in the treaty of Washington (1870) ( 416), Great Britain paid the United States $15,500,000 for the "Alabama claims." 1 864] Union Advance 421 362. The Advance on Atlanta (1864). Grant was called to Washington in the spring of 1864 to take command of all the Union armies. It was decided to have the army of the Potomac and that at Chattanooga advance simultaneously so as to prevent the Confederates from shifting divisions to the point attacked, as they had been able to do formerly. Sherman * commanded the army in the West, whose objec- tive point was Atlanta. Although the distance from Chatta- nooga to Atlanta is only a little more than one hundred miles, there are several ranges of the lower Appalachian mountains to be crossed, and only one practicable route to be followed. Over this a line of communications must be maintained after the army had passed. Sherman had a fine force of nearly one hundred thousand veterans, but he was opposed to Joseph E. Johnston, a commander but little less able than Lee in con- ducting a defensive campaign, with an army three fourths as large as his own. On account of his superior numbers Sherman was able to leave part of his force in front of Johnston, and, by moving the balance to one side, threaten his rear and compel him to abandon one fortified position after another. At Kenesaw Mountain Sherman was forced by the impatience of his WILLIAM T. SHERMAN Plan of campaign (1864). From Chatta- nooga to the Chattahoo- chee. Johnson, War of Secession, 419-429. Dodge, Civil War, 223-243-j Battles and Leaders, IV, 247-253, 260-277. 1 William T. Sherman was a brother of the statesman,' John Sherman, who was actively engaged in public life for more than forty years. Gen- eral Sherman had been in the South before the war and understood better than almost any other northern man the character of the conflict that would follow secession. He was appointed in 1861 to the district covering most of Kentucky. When he asked for 60,000 troops at once with the idea of increasing his army to 200,000, the report became general, " Sherman is crazy," and he was removed. Had the war department been wise enough to appreciate the sanity of his views, the war would have been shortened greatly. Sherman combined caution with aggressiveness and displayed as great skill in conducting his campaigns as any other general perhaps on the Union side. 422 American History [1864 Atlanta. Dodge, Civil War, 255-262. The " ham- mering cam- paign." Rhodes, United States, IV, 440-448. Dodge, Civil War, 197-208, 213-222. Battles and Leaders, IV, 118-144. Hosmer, Outcome 'of Civil War, Chapter VI. troops to make a direct attack, which was unsuccessful; but he, as well as Johnston, avoided regular battles. Con- sidering the skill with which both sides conducted all operations, this may be considered the best-managed cam- paign of the war. Johnston was finally compelled by equal generalship and superior numbers to take refuge beyond the Chattahoochee River after a two months' campaign. As Johnston had neyer had the confidence of President Davis, he was removed and his place filled by Hood, who was preeminently a fighter. Hood attacked the Union army repeatedly, several times when everything seemed favorable to him, but he was beaten con- stantly. Sherman was detained a month before Atlanta, but when Hood saw that the city was doomed, he withdrew his army. Sherman at once destroyed all of the factories which had provided military supplies for the Confederate armies. 3^3. Grant in Virginia (May- July, 1864). Grant's task was of greater difficulty than Sherman's, chiefly because of the great ability of his opponent and the remarkable spirit of Lee's soldiers, although the latter's army was much smaller than that of Grant. In some respects the natural obstacles encountered by Grant were more serious than those of Sher- man, but he did not have half the difficulty of maintaining communication with his base of supplies. Grant stated that he would " fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." He started a " hammering campaign " which began in the Wilderness early in May and continued for about six weeks. With terrific blows he massed his troops and hurled them against Lee's lines, only to be driven back invariably. Com- bined with these fierce attacks he kept moving part of his army to the east and rear of Lee, forcing him to abandon one position after another. The result was the same in the Wilderness, at Spottsylvania, and at North Anna, until the armies faced each other at Cold Harbor, less than ten miles from Richmond. Here Grant attempted to carry Lee's posi- tion by direct assault, but the loss of one tenth of his men in 1864] Union Advance 423 i ten minutes tells the story of slaughter and defeat. As he could make no headway, Grant moved his army across the James and invested Petersburg, which it was necessary to wrest from Lee before Richmond could be taken. Another direct assault following the explosion of a mine led to fur- ther bloodshed. In less than three months Grant lost more men than there were in Lee's army at the beginning of this titanic struggle, but the great Confederate captain had lost only one third as many. Grant had gained ground, but the honors of war were with his opponent. CLOSE OF THE WAR (JULY, i864~ApRiL, 1865) 364. The Shenandoah Valley; Hood in Tennessee. Attempts to During the summer of 1864, the Confederate leaders tried to diaw off Granl loosen Grant's bull-dog grip on the defenses of Richmond ( 363) by threatening Washington. Later they tried to draw Sherman away from Atlanta ( 362) by dispatching Hood into Tennessee. Both of these movements failed to divert the determined Union commanders from carrying out their main plan. In July, 1864, Early was sent to the Shenandoah and ad- Early and vanced to the defenses of Washington, which was defended Sheridan in the Shenandoah. by home guards only. But reinforcements arrived and Early withdrew. Grant sent Sheridan to meet Early and later agreed that he should lay waste the valley, so that it could not be used for military operations. Early was driven from the Shenandoah, which was devastated completely. Battles and He returned, however, and nearly succeeded in defeating Leaders, Sheridan's superior force, the magnetism of Sheridan's per- IV - 500-521. sonality alone restoring victory after his famous ride from Winchester. Hood was disappointed when Sherman sent only a part of Nashville. his force to protect Tennessee, while he kept the rest at Atlanta. Hood swung around through Alabama and ad- Dodge, Civil vanced to central Tennessee. Here he was confronted by War, 279-285, Thomas, who was gathering additional troops at Nashville. 293 " 3 If 424 American History [1864 The march to the sea. Dodge, Civil War, 286-292. Rhodes, United States, V, 7, 15-31. Hosmer, Outcome of Civil War, Chapter XII. Dodge, Civil War, 302-309. Rhodes, United States, V, 85-91, 100-107. Sherman in the Carolinas. When he was ordered to attack Hood, Thomas offered to give up his command, but refused to advance until he was ready. The middle of December, Thomas attacked. Hood's army was almost annihilated, and all danger to the Union in the West was averted. 365. Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas. When Sherman left Atlanta in November, 1864, he did not attempt to maintain a line of communications via Chattanooga, but, starting with a fair supply of provisions, planned to live on the country. His army of 60,000 marched in nearly parallel columns, separating between towns, converging at all im- portant places. All railways along the line of march were destroyed, the rails being rendered useless by heating them at bonfires and twisting them into fantastic shapes. Al- though there was no intention of destroying private property except for food, and positive orders to that effect were issued, the people suffered severely. Not only was their stock driven off and their grain seized or destroyed, but a great deal of damage was done to houses, barns, and furni- ture. This was inevitable. The march was an act of war to cripple an enemy and it was not always easy to prevent excesses. It was thought that Sherman would reach Augusta and then march north to cooperate with Grant, but no news came from him until he reached the coast near Savannah. That city he captured December 20, so that, as he said, he offered it as a Christmas present to the President. Leaving Savannah in January he advanced to Columbia, and after burning the factories, stores, and supplies at that point, proceeded northeasterly into North Carolina. Wil- mington had already fallen into Union hands and Charleston was abandoned when Sherman reached Columbia, so that the Confederacy was reduced now to a strip but three hun- dred miles in length and much narrower, Lee holding the northern end and Johnston, again in command, striving in- effectually with 25,000 men to check Sherman's advance. 366. The End of the War. At Petersburg Grant and Lee spent the fall and winter trying to gain some advantage I86 5 ] Close of the War 425 over the other, without result. With spring Grant was able to continue his lines farther to the south and west, hoping to cut off Lee's retreat. He accomplished his purpose at length when Sheridan captured Five Forks on the railway in Lee's rear. Lee, forced to abandon Petersburg and Rich- mond, marched toward the mountains, hoping also to join Johnston ; but his soldiers were starving, and at Appomattox Court House, April 9, the 30,000 survivors of his army surrendered to Grant. The simple soldier left to his brave opponents their horses as well as their swords and the close of the campaign was marked by acts of kindliness and unselfishness worthy of two commanders who were not only great captains but noble men. Johnston sur- rendered to Sherman two weeks later, and with the cap- ture of isolated bands the great struggle came to a close. In all history there is no record of any national contest greater than this. For four years those who wished to preserve the Union had given freely of men and money. With cour- age and determination they had pressed back their op- ponents, step by step, until there was nothing left to defend. It has been said that the secession movement was one of leaders and not of the people. If the events of the winter of 1860-1861 do not disprove this, certainly the later years show that the South was united as few nations ever have been. Her soldiers fought with courage equal to that of their brothers in the North. But all of the advantage of inside lines, campaigning on their own soil, and skillful leadership could not counterbalance the greater numbers and the in- LIBBY PRISON Surrender of Lee and Johnston. Dodge, Civil War, 310-319. Battles and Leaders, IV, 708-722. Results to the South. 426 American History [1864 finitely greater resources of the free North. The South had sacrificed everything on the altar of slavery and state sov- ereignty. It was almost a case of all is lost save honor. Lincoln's 3<>7- The People and Lincoln's Government. During supporters and the critical years of the war, Lincoln was fortunate in hav- ing the support of Congress and of the North. His wisdom in insisting from first to last that his sole purpose was to save the Union did much to gain the goodwill of the Demo- Mod. Hist., 573-575- crats. The earnestness with which the great body of that party supported the war was due even more to the fervent Rhodes, appeals of Douglas and other Democratic leaders, who in- United states, sisted that the question was one purely of patriotism and not IV, 223-230. Q politics. Nevertheless there was a large number of per- sons at the North who desired peace above everything else. Many of these men opposed the arbitrary acts of the Presi- dent. Prominent among the critics of the government was congressman Vallandigham of Ohio, who was arrested (1863), denied the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, tried by a military tribunal, and banished to the South. Election of The election of 1862 had decreased the number of Re- l86 4- publicans in the House of Representatives, although it left the Republicans in control of both houses. As the time for Johnson, War election approached (1864), it became evident that the dis- of Secession, contented members of both parties would try to prevent the 468-480. reelection of Lincoln; but as the campaign progressed, party differences were forgotten and from all sides people Stanwood, / , Presidency, rallied to the support of the President. The Democratic Chapter XXII. candidate, General George B. McClellan, was nominated on a platform which declared that the war was a failure and that Hosmer, peace should be made at once, views which McClellan did Outcome of no j. countenance. For the second place on the ticket with Chapter IX Lincoln, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, a Union Democrat, was selected. McClellan carried only three states, and gained 21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln, although Lincoln's popular majority was only 400,000 in a total vote of 4,000,000. Death of Six weeks after the second inauguration, and but five days Lincoln. a f ter L ee surre ndered to Grant, Lincoln was struck down by 1864] Close of the War 427 an assassin. In the midst of rejoicing over the return of peace, the nation lost the leader who had grown great under the heavy duties of his position. Lowell spoke truly when he called Lincoln, " The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, New birth of our new soil, the first American." 368. Summary of the Campaigns. When the war began First half of the armies of the Confederate states controlled not only the the war> territory of the eleven seceding states, but one half that of Missouri, Kentucky, and western Virginia. The North had possession of Fort Monroe in Virginia and Fort Pickens and Key West in Florida. In the fall of 1861 northern troops occupied the Ohio, which might be called the first line of Confederate defense. Early in the spring of 1862, by vic- tories at Pea Ridge, Island No. 10, and Donelson, they seized the second line of defense and gained entire control of the border states. Later in 1862 they broke through the third line of Confederate defense by capturing Memphis on the Mississippi and Corinth on the railways farther east. At the same time they gained a foothold on the Lower Mississippi by capturing New Orleans, but were repulsed before Rich- mond and compelled to withdraw from the " peninsula." The Confederates then assumed the offensive, Lee defeating the Union troops at Bull Run and then invading Maryland, Bragg at the same time invading Kentucky. These inva- sions failed, although the Confederates regained some of the territory that they had lost. After two great victories over the army of the Potomac, Second half Lee again invaded the North, but was defeated at Gettys- of the war> burg in July, 1863, at the same time that Grant captured Vicksburg by attacking from the rear. In the fall of 1863 Union troops, after successive defeats and victories, gained possession of Chattanooga, Sherman in 1864 pushing on to Atlanta ; while Grant, by hard fighting and maneuvering, was forcing Lee south through Virginia. While Grant 428 American History [1865- Cost of the war. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re/., V, 3559-3560. Elaine, Twenty Years of Congress, I, 549-562. Return to peace. Rogers, Devt. of North, was hammering away at Lee's lines at Petersburg, Sherman gained control of Georgia and South Carolina. Lee and Johnston now attempted to join and avoid being caught between Grant and Sherman, but they were unable to unite and surrendered separately. 369. Conclusion. The question is asked sometimes whether the result justified the cost. As the result must be measured by the destruction of slavery and the perfec- tion of national unity, while the cost may be reckoned in human lives 1 and billions of dollars, 2 no satisfactory answer can be given. Certainly the unification of the nation was an end beside which the appalling money cost of the war is comparatively insignificant. In human lives the price was too dear if this terrible conflict could by any possibility have been avoided. Among the most serious results of all great wars are the extravagance they produce and the idleness and reckless- ness they develop. The direct wastes of the war, the un- reasonable prices paid for poor food and inferior uniforms constituted a large item in the government's bill of expenses. After the lavish expenditures of the war it was difficult for the government and the people to return to the simple ways of the past. No nation, however, has suffered so little from the disbanding of great armies as we did after 1865. Most of the Confederate troops were paroled at once, and before December, 1865, more than 50x3,000 'The loss of life on the Union side is reported at 359,528; that of the Confederates was probably little less. Besides this number we should count the hundreds of thousands who were crippled for life because of wounds, or diseases due to the hardships of the war. 2 The debt of the United States at the close of the war was two and three fourths billions; but to this must be added about $750,000,000 raised by taxation during the war, besides the interest on the debt and amounts paid for pensions since 1865. The aggregate cost to the national government has been nearly eight billions. If we add to this the cost to the separate states of the Union, the cost to the Confederacy, the value of property de- stroyed, the direct losses due to injury to business, the depreciation of paper currency, and other losses, we should obtain a sum very much greater than the total assessed valuation of property in the loyal states in 1860. 1865] The Civil War 429 Union soldiers had been disbanded, the army being re- duced soon after to a peace footing of 25,000 men. Very few of these men joined the ranks of idlers. The southern- ers returned to their plantations, all of which had been neglected and many of which were practically ruined. The northerners rejoined the ranks of workers and enjoyed the prosperity of a period of unusual business activity. Numerous associations were organized to continue the com- radeship begun during the war, notably the Grand Army of the Republic. These organizations of old soldiers have been an important influence in the life of the nation. TOPICS 1. CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS: Fiske, "Mississippi Valley in the Civil War," pp. 111-132 ; Mahan, "The Gulf and Inland Waters," pp. 52-90; "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," II, pp. 13102. 2. GETTYSBURG: Burgess, "Civil War and Constitution," II, pp. 157-179; Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War in United States," pp. 215-246; Johnson, " War of Secession," pp. 248-269 ; Doubleday, " Chancellorsville and Gettysburg," pp. 87-210. .7. VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN: Fiskc, "Mississippi Valley," pp. 221- 247, Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War," pp. 247-273; Sherman, "Mem- oirs," I, Chapter XII; Grant, "Personal Memoirs," I, pp. 250-337; Greene, "The Mississippi," pp. 91-208; "Battles and Leaders," III, pp. 462-598. STUDIES 1. The navy on the upper Mississippi (1862). (Mahan, "Gulf and Inland Waters," pp. 9-51.) 2. Incidents of a campaign. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," IV, Nos. 86-88, 90.) 3. Personal experiences in the Civil War. ("Battles and Leaders," II, pp. I53-IS9, 189-199.) 4. Morgan's raid. (Cox, "Reminiscences of the Civil War," I, pp. 491-509.) 5. The draft riots in New York. (Johnson, " War of Secession," pp. 290-306.) 6. The fight for Round Top. ("Battles and Leaders," III, pp. 318-330.) 7. Greeley's estimate of Lincoln. {Century, 42 (1891), pp. 371- 382.) 43O American History [1865 8. Vallandigham's opposition to the government. (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," IV, pp. 82-92.) 9. The battle of the Crater. (Wise, "End of an Era," pp. 346- 37I-) 10. Spirit of the North (1864-1865). (Hosmer, "Outcome of the Civil War," Chapter XV.) 11. Spirit of the South. (Hosmer, "Outcome," Chapter XVI.) QUESTIONS 1. At what points was the South most vulnerable? Was the Union plan of campaign the one best suited to the conditions? Show the importance of Cairo, Corinth, Vicksburg, Chattanooga. 2. Could the war have been ended by the capture of Richmond in 1862 ? Why was the possession of New Orleans of value to the Union armies in Tennessee ? Show the importance of the navy in the western campaigns. 3. Why did Lee attempt to invade the North? Why did he fail in each case? Were his northern campaigns conducted with less skill than that in Virginia in 1864? 4 Were the burning of Atlanta and the devastation of the Shenan- doah valley justified? What was the real importance of Sherman's march to the sea ? 5 Could the cost of the war in men or money have been reduced easily? Did the results of the war justify the cost? How was the Union diflercm in 1865 iiom \uu it had been in 1861 ? CHAPTER XVIII POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION PRESIDENTS Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) 370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction. Less than Lincoln and a week after Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Con g ress * Lincoln was dead. His assassination, which was part of a plot to kill Johnson, Seward, and Grant also, was most Cf. Rhodes, unfortunate for the nation, since the problems of reconstruc- v I39 _ ISO ' tion were but little less serious than those of the war. In fact there was greater need that the president possess tact and skill in dealing with men after the war than during its prosecution. While there was danger from southern armies, the nation rallied around the President, overlooked his mistakes, and gave him its united support. Congress had acquiesced, gracefully on most occasions, in the unusual acts of Lincoln and had allowed him a free hand even when he used powers that were legislative in character. The close of the war changed the situation radically. Having been unselfish during the war, Congress was Situation more jealous of its prerogatives in the period following. a * thecloseof It did not propose to allow the president to settle questions which belonged in any respect to the legislative department. When we consider the delicacy of the problems the way the seceding states should be treated, the attitude of the national government toward those who had taken part in the Civil War, more than all, what should be done for and with the blacks we can realize that there should have been perfect harmony between the president and Congress. Lincoln could have preserved cordial relations with the law-making branch of the government, for he possessed the 432 American History [1865 Andrew Johnson. Rhodes, United States, V, 517-526. Three problems. The blacks. confidence of Congress and the people. He understood the situation as well as any one; he had become preeminently a leader of men. That his reputation may have suffered had he lived is unquestioned. But when he left the great duties of his office to his subordinate, the nation lost as much as his reputation may have gained. Andrew Johnson had been selected for the second place on the Republican ticket because he was an earnest Union Democrat, a south- ern man who had been loyal. Deprived of early advantages, he had edu- cated himself late in life, and, by the force of a powerful personality, had risen step by step until accident placed him in the president's chair. But ANDREW JOHNSON he possessed few qualities to commend him to the great office even in ordinary times. Although a man of unusual intelligence and will power, he was tactless and vindictive, intemperate in thought, speech, and act, the opposite in almost every respect of the man whose place he took, whose cabinet he retained, whose policy he adopted, whose popularity for a time covered his most glaring defects. RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1870) 371. The Problem of Reconstruction. When the war closed, the national government was forced to find solu- tions for three problems: (I) What should be done with the slaves? (II) How should those persons who had belonged to the Confederacy be treated? (Ill) How should the Confederate states be restored or recon- structed ? (I) South and North agreed that slavery should be abol- 1865] Reconstruction 433 ished. The slaves had been freed by the emancipation proc- MacDonald, lamation ( 356) in part of the South, but slavery had not staiutes > been abolished during the war except in Mary land, although both West Virginia and Missouri had provided for gradual emancipation. The thirteenth amendment to the national Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, was passed by the necessary two thirds in each house of Congress in January, 1865, and ratified by more than three fourths of the states, North and South, by December, 1865. It gave Congress the right to prevent the reestablishment of slavery. This was only the beginning of legislation for the blacks, as the protection of the freedmen was the osten- sible cause of most of the reconstruction legislation. (II) Most of those who had taken part in the war against Southerners, the government of the United States were allowed to resume their normal rights as citizens on taking an oath to support Johnston, the Constitution of the United States and abide by its laws. Am - p l - Hist * II, 484-487. Those high in civil or military authority were debarred until 1868, when President Johnson declared a complete amnesty for all who had participated in the Civil War. Congress, which had claimed the right to control this subject of am- NOS. 46, 75, 94. nesties, prevented most of those important persons from holding any office, state or national, until several years later. 1 (III) Legally and theoretically the greatest difficulties Status of the of this period were presented by the questions: What was secedin e states - the status of the Confederate states ? Were they in the Union or out of the Union ? To admit that they were out of the Union would have been to acknowledge the right of secession, the success of secession, or both. If it was claimed that they were in the Union, there was really no " reconstruction " problem, only need of restoration of the states to their normal relations with their sister states. 372. Status of Seceding States. Several theories were Theories developed, soon after 1865, presenting different points of as to the status - view. The southern and the presidential theories agreed 1 The fourteenth amendment gave Congress this power. 9 F 434 American History [1865 Dunning, Reconstruction, 99-112. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, Nos. 145-149. Congressional plan of reconstruction. that the states were still parts of the Union, but out of theii constitutional relations to the central government. They stated that restoration should take place through action of the people of each state, under limitations prescribed, according to the first, by those people; according to the second, by the president. Charles Sumner held the theory that when a state tries to secede, it commits suicide as a state, and be- comes merely a part of the ter- ritory of the Union under its control in regard to local, as well as national, affairs, i.e. the states reverted to the condi- tion of territories. Thaddeus Stevens went further, and in the conquered province theory advocated the view that the South was not even in the con- cition of territories; that it was a conquered district. He therefore proposed wholesale confiscation and appropriation of land to negroes. This sug- gestion was the basis of the doctrine that every freedman should have forty acres and a mule. As none of these theories was acceptable to moderate men, the theory of forfeited rights came to be the basis of final reconstruction. It held that the people of the states had forfeited their rights by attempted secession, and that those rights could be restored to them only on the fulfill- ment of certain conditions. The judge of what the condi- tions should be, and when they had been fulfilled, was Congress, because Congress was instructed by the Constitu- tion to guarantee to each state a republican form of gov- ernment. This theory was upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Texas v. White (1868). 373. Restoration under Johnson (1865). President Lincoln and his successor, President Johnson, were anxious THADDEUS STEVENS Reconstruction 435 to have the seceded states restored to their constitutional The presiden- relations as soon as possible. To this end they used their tial plan in .... , operation. power as commanders in chief to grant amnesties and par- dons, and, in addition, declared that when a state govern- T Johnston, ment had been formed by loyal voters equal to one tenth Am. Pol. Hist., of the whole number of voters in 1860, they would recognize H. 434-439- THE SUPREME COURT (During the Reconstruction Period) such a government and declare the state fully restored. ng ' c ' ana Recon- This plan which Lincoln had formulated Johnson put into struction, operation. 1 When Congress assembled in December, 1865, 75- 8 3- 1 The states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee had reorganized their governments in accordance with Lincoln's instructions before the close of the war. In Virginia there had been for years a loyal government which claimed to be the legal government of the state. This was accepted by both Lincoln and Johnson as the regular government of Virginia. In the other states that had attempted to secede from the Union, the President appointed, during the summer of 1865, provisional governors, under whom the work of reorganization or restoration was to be performed. In most of these states conventions were called without delay. Those persons were allowed to vote who were included in the amnesty proclamations of the president, and the conventions were allowed to decide who might vote thereafter in the state or hold any office. 436 American History [1865 Burgess, Re- construction, 35-41- Opposition in Congress. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., II. Rhodes, United States, V, 549-556. Southern apprenticeship laws. Burgess, Re- construction, 45-55- Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, Nos. 143, 151. Second Freed- men's Bureau Bill. the president announced that regular state governments had been restored in all of the southern states but two. Congress immediately appointed a joint committee on reconstruction to decide all questions regarding the states that had tried to secede. Opposition to the President's plan of restoration developed at once, not simply because Congress believed that it had the right to decide the con- ditions under which reconstruction should be allowed, but because little of importance would be accomplished by the war if the southern states were restored to the Union and allowed sole control over the blacks. This danger was real to most of the congressmen, for they desired to give the former slaves not only freedom but the suffrage as well. The thirteenth amendment forbidding slavery was adopted in December, 1865, but at the same time came alarming reports from all parts of the South that the restored states were reenslaving the blacks. 374. Freedmen Legislation. Most of the southern states, proceeding on the assumption that Johnson's plan of res- toration had reestablished their position in the Union, passed, during the fall of 1865 and the following winter, apprenticeship and vagrancy laws for the freedmen. All colored minors were to be apprenticed, if possible, to their former masters. All negroes who were not employed, or who were guilty of attending meetings, were deemed va- grants and their services were sold to the highest bidder. To Congress and to the majority of the people of the North these laws seemed to establish a new form of slavery that would be perfected when the states were unquestionably again in the Union. Congress was induced to pass several kws for the purpose of protecting the blacks and to delay reconstruction until definite and permanent guarantees had been secured which would protect the blacks from their former masters. The first of these laws was the second Freedmen's Bureau Bill. In March, 1865, the Freedmen's Bureau had been created for the war and a period of one year thereafter to 1 866] Reconstruction 437 provide food, clothing, and shelter for needy freedmen and MacDonald, to apportion vacant lands for their use. The new bill (Feb- statutes > ruary, 1866) created an organization that had an agent in every county in the South. No time limit was designated, and the powers of the bureau were enlarged so that its unittd'states agents looked after not only destitute negroes but every ,568-574. freedman. The agent was really a judicial officer who could try cases where a negro's rights had not been respected by the Burgess, Re- whites, or where a black had been punished with unneces- construction, sary severity. To leave such vague yet extensive power in 4 7l 7 ~ 9 " the hands of an agent of the central government in recently conquered territory was of course a dangerous procedure. The bill was vetoed by Johnson, on the grounds that it was a war measure applied to territory in which peace had been restored fully, and that the central government had no authority to exercise jurisdiction in this way. The bill failed to obtain the necessary two thirds to make it a law at this time, but four months later a more severe bureau bill was passed over the President's veto. 375. Civil Rights Bill and Amendment XIV (1866). Civil Rights Although the radicals in Congress may have desired the Act- humiliation of the South, the majority wished simply to protect the negroes. Those in power in Congress decided MacDonald, that this could be secured only by changes in the national No ' law and Constitution which the states could not alter. This led to the enactment in April, 1866, of a Civil Rights r Burgess, Re- Bill which declared that persons born in the United States construction, were citizens of the United States and that they had the 68-73. right to make and enforce contracts, to protect themselves in the courts, to acquire and dispose of property. There Rhodes, was to be no discrimination under the civil or criminal law Umte ^ st ^ s V, 583-587. on account of race or color. The President naturally vetoed a bill that not only changed the status of the negroes so materially, but which took from the states powers that had been exercised by them since the formation of the Union. Congress passed the bill over his veto (April, 1866), showing that the Republicans had broken completely with Johnson. 438 American History [1866 Fourteenth amendment. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., 11,454,467. Burgess, Re- construction, 73-80. Provisions of the acts. MacDonald, Statutes, Nos. 56, 62, 64,67. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., II, 462-465. Soon after it was decided to combine in a single amend- ment to the United States Constitution the principles of the Civil Rights Act and other articles which would embody important results of the recent war. In its final draft this most important amendment was as follows: (i) It defined United States citizenship. " All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside." It protected the rights of these citizens. (2) When a state denied to any men who were citizens of the United States the right to vote, the state should lose a number of representatives in the lower house of Congress in pro- portion to the number of citizens excluded from voting. (3) Persons who had broken their oaths to support the Constitution of the United States should be allowed to hold state or national office only by a two thirds vote in the houses of Congress. (4) The validity of the United States war debts was affirmed, those of the Confederacy and seceding states were declared illegal and void. 376. Military Reconstruction (1867-1870). As the fall elections in 1866 increased the Republican majority in both houses of Congress, the plans of the leaders were per- fected and enacted into law early in 1867. The Military Reconstruction Acts * provided that the ten unreconstructed states 2 of the South should be divided into five military dis- tricts, each of which was to be controlled by a general of the army, (i) These generals were to enroll in each state as voters all men over twenty-one, without regard to color, except those debarred for participation in rebellion. (2) The voters should elect a convention that should adopt a state constitution, one part of which must provide for manhood suffrage. (3) This constitution must be ratified by the registered voters, and approved by Congress. (4) The legislature elected under this constitution must ratify the fourteenth amendment. During this process of recon- 1 Acts of March 2, March 23, and July 19, 1867. 2 Reconstruction had been completed in Tennessee in 1866. 1870] Reconstruction. 439 struction the general had almost arbitrary power, including even the right to set aside state or local laws or remove officials. When it was completed, the state was " read- mitted " to the Union. It was found that less than ten per cent of the men were Reconstruction excluded from voting, although of course all of the former under the acts, leaders were debarred. The black voters outnumbered the whites in five states, but in only two states did the blacks have a majority of the delegates to the conventions, although Am^ Pol'. Hist. the friends of reconstruction controlled the^situation in most II, 465-471. of the states. Reconstruction was completed before July i, 1868, in North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas. The other four states Virginia, MacDonald, Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas were obliged to accept Nos 68 ' 69> ?6> the fifteenth amendment as well before reconstruction was 81, 82, 83, 89. completed and their representatives were admitted to Con- gress. This unwise amendment made negroes voters on the same terms as whites throughout the United States. In this way the plan of protecting the negroes was perfected, since the thirteenth amendment had given them freedom and the fourteenth had made them citizens. INCIDENTS OF THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD (1867-1877) 377. The Impeachment of Johnson. The difference of Quarrel be- opinion existing between the President and Congress on the 4 een l e subject of reconstruction developed rapidly into a quarrel, congress, after his veto in February, 1866, of the second Freedmen's Bureau Bill. The President publicly criticised Stevens and Cambridge other reconstruction leaders and by this attitude won not Mod - Htst -< VII 628-630 only the dislike of all the leaders in Congress, but lost the support of the moderate Republicans who had been un- , . Wilson, willing to break with the President. As the Republicans Division> had a two thirds majority in both houses of Congress, all 129-131. bills relating to the reconstruction plan of Congress were passed over Johnson's veto. When the election of 1866 in- Johnston creased the opposition in Congress to the President, he made ^ m 'f of ' II, 4 DO, 4 a trip through the North, called " swinging round the circle," 440 American History [1867 Tenure of Office Act. MacDonald, Statutes, No. 57. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., 11,499-501. Impeachment and trial. MacDonald, Statutes, , No. 66. on which he attacked the Republican leaders and declared that Congress was " no Congress," because the southern states were unrepresented. In March, 1867, Congress had its revenge, (i) It passed the drastic military reconstruction acts over the President's veto. (2) It limited the president's control of the army as commander in chief by compelling him to issue all orders through the general of the army. (3) It passed the famous Tenure of Office Act which pre- vented the president from re- moving officials from office without the consent of the Senate. 1 (4) Finally, it ad- journed March 4, 1867, to meet, the same day, as the fortieth Congress. The members of Congress believed that without these acts the President would use the great power of his office, especially his control of the pat- ronage, to defeat their recon- struction policy. The more radical members, in fact, de- sired the removal of the President, so that the president pro tempore of the Senate might become acting chief execu- tive. The Tenure of Office Act precipitated the quarrel. Johnson attempted to remove his secretary of war, Stanton, who had been dictatorial and refused to resign. Stanton denied that the President might remove him and defeated every attempt to gain possession of his office. The House of Representatives eagerly seized upon the attempt to re- move Stanton as a sufficient pretext for impeaching the President, which it did in February, 1868. The trial before the Senate lasted about six weeks, Chief Justice Chase of 1 The Constitution requires the consent of the Senate in appointments, but is silent on the subject of removals. Sincj 1789 the president had exercised sole power of making removals. EDWIN M. STANTON 1872] Incidents of the Reconstruction Period 441 the Supreme Court presiding, as the Constitution prescribes Johnston, when a president is tried. The excitement was intense, Am - P L Htst * tremendous pressure being brought to bear on the Re- publican senators who did not believe the President to be guilty of " high crimes or misdemeanors." When the vote was taken, it was learned that thirty-five senators stood for conviction and nineteen for acquittal, one less than the two thirds required for removal from office. 378. Carpetbag Government in the South. In almost Misgovern- all of the states the reconstructed governments were con- mentinthe trolled by the negro voters. A large proportion, perhaps a majority, of the offices were held by northerners who had settled in the South at the close of the war. Some of these A m p^m* men were adventurers in. search of wealth and power, n, 471-475. who, at the beginning, carried their possessions in home- made carpetbag grips. Under the rule of such men, with Hart, Contem- such supporters, conditions were ideal for misgovernment P or aries, and corruption. Although the South was impoverished, it furnished rich pickings for these social vultures. Taxes became so heavy that they often exceeded the gross value " re !^. s ' ur Own Times, of the crops. Thousands of fine plantations and magnifi- 112-122. cent halls were sold because the owners were unable to carry the heavy burdens placed upon them. The people were often subjected to insult and oppression at the hands of ignorant and greedy rulers. The young and reckless southerners sought relief by KU Klux Kian. organizing a secret society known as the Ku Klux Klan, the ostensible purpose of which was the intimidation of the Johnston, negro voters. Nightly visitors robed in white called at negro Am ~ Po1 ' Htst * cabins and terrified the superstitious blacks. But the more violent whites did not stop with that. There was great , Burgess, Re- temptation to end the misrule by resort to torture and murder, construction, At length the national government interfered, passing in 250-261. 1870 and 1871 two force acts which permitted the use of the United States army to uphold the reconstruction govern- ments and protect them from their enemies. After 1872, when the last of the Confederate leaders 442 American History [1872 Results of carpetbag government. Burgess, Re- construction, 247-249, 261-264. Andrews, Our Own Times, 122-130. Fraud and extravagance. Tweed ring in New York. Andrews, Our Own Times, H-i6. were pardoned, the whites gradually regained control of their state and local governments. South Carolina and Louisiana, both of which had a large majority of negroes, were the last to establish white rule, after several years of bitter partisan warfare. In Virginia and the other states in which the whites predominated, carpetbag government had never secured a serious hold, but in Louisiana, for example, the results of misgovernment can be measured in part by the terrible financial condition of the state. For several years the average annual expenditures of the state government were six millions, and in four years the debt of the state had increased from less than seven millions to more than forty millions. What those figures represented cannot be imagined easily ; they cannot be described in such a text as this at all. 379. City Government and Corruption. One of the most distinctive political features of American history in the decade following the Civil War was the prevalence of cor- ruption in all of our governments, national, state, and city. Aside from the carnival of misrule in the South under carpet- bag government there was a greater amount of bribery, fraud, and theft in some of our larger northern cities than elsewhere. During these years the cities grew rapidly, but the increase in the number of duties they performed far outstripped the increase in population. Franchises were given freely by the cities to private corporations which furnished water or gas, or operated street railways. These franchises were often of great value and continued in force for very long periods. The amount of money required for necessary expenditures was much greater than formerly, and most of our city governments unfortunately fell into the hands of ignorant and corrupt politicians. New York suffered so much more than any other city that she seemed to be in a class by herself. A ring of politicians under the lead of " Boss " Tweed gained control, and, by systematic theft covering a number of years, robbed the city of a sum probably little less than $100,000,000. Public 1869] Incidents of the Reconstruction Period 443 VI, 392-410. attention was centered on the ring by the striking cartoons Rhodes, of Thomas Nast, which appeared in Harper's Weekly. u " itedstate ^ When the New York Times published definite information regarding thefts by the ring, public-spirited men like Samuel Tilden devoted their attention to bringing the leaders to justice. A number of Tweed's associates were convicted, and the boss died in jail several years later. VHO STOLE THE PEOf U'i MOfitf f - DO TfLL . From Harper's Weekly, by permission. NAST'S FAMOUS TWEED RING CARTOON 380. The Administrations of Grant (1869-1877). Al- Grant's though General Grant had had no experience in public affairs policies, he was the unanimous choice of his party in 1868 and was elected almost without opposition. He proceeded to carry out the Congressional policy of reconstruction ( 376) and gave his consent, in a rather half-hearted way, however, to the plan of those that wished hard money instead of an inflated paper currency ( 390). In dealing with foreign affairs, his administration was quite successful, owing to the skill of his secretary of state, Hamilton Fish ; but Grant's favorite 444 American History [1872 Election of 1872. Burgess, Re- construction, 264-268. Stanwood, Presidency, Chapter XXIV. Andrews. Our Own Times, 68-78. Civil service under Grant. Rhodes, United States, vi, 385-390. Credit Mo- bil ier and Whisky ring. Andrews, Our Own Times, 104-109, 200- 205, 237-242. scheme of annexing Santo Domingo failed, because it did not meet the approval of his advisers or of the people. The election of 1872 was interesting chiefly because of the attempt of the Democrats to join the reform Republi- cans and because of the Labor platform. Horace Greeley was nominated by the Liberal Republicans and Democrats, but his campaign was mismanaged and his death soon after election complicated matters. The interesting platform of the Labor party contained several planks that were received with derision in that day, but have found a place in the nation's law. Among these were demands that Chinese laborers be excluded from the United States, that the national government supervise the affairs of railways and telegraphs, that contract labor in prisons be abandoned. They asked for civil service reform, an eight hour day for private contract work on public buildings, lease but not sale of all public lands, and a paper currency issued on the credit of the people but not through the banks. 381. National Political Scandals. Grant was so honest himself and had such confidence in the men by whom he was surrounded that he was imposed upon by them. Positions were created to furnish berths for dishonest politicians. The civil service became filled with unfit men. Inefficiency and corruption were prevalent in the national government as nowhere else except in New York City and in the South. In response to a demand for reform, a civil service com- mission was appointed in 1871 to select candidates for a few offices on a merit system, but it was not very successful and was abandoned entirely in 1875. During Grant's administration there were numerous political scandals, some of them of no significance. Per- haps the most discussed of these was that of the Credit Mobilier, an organization created for the purpose of building the Union Pacific railway. Stock of this company was sold to many congressmen before the completion of the great highway to the Pacific. It was claimed, probably with truth, that there was no legislation pending which would 1876] Incidents of the Reconstruction Period 445 have been influenced in any way by the vote of these congressmen ; but the whole affair was condemned without mercy by the awakening public conscience. In 1875 a gigantic " whisky ring," with headquarters at St. Louis, which had defrauded the government of several million dollars by connivance with internal revenue officers, was broken up by the effort of B. H. Bristow, secretary of the treasury; but later a ring in California was successful in its fight with the treasury department. The post office depart- ment was purged of many abuses by the energy of the postmaster- general, but, in the war depart- ment, Secretary Belknap was found -guilty of accepting bribes in making appointments and in letting contracts. Belknap was impeached by the House of Rep- resentatives, but escaped convic- tion in the Senate by resigning. The President's attitude is shown by his statements: "Turn the rascals out," and, " let no guilty SAMUEL J. TILUEN man escape." Grant was criticised, however, because he seemed to favor the grafters, as he was loath to believe his friends guilty of wrongdoing. 382. The Disputed Election of 1876. The closing scene of the reconstruction tragedy was enacted in connection with the presidential election of November, 1876. The candi- dates were Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and Samuel J. Tilden of New York. The campaign was rather uninterest- ing until the day after the votes were polled, when it became evident that both parties would claim the electoral vote of several states. On the face of the returns, as reported origi- nally, Tilden had a fair majority, but the Republicans claimed the electoral vote of the states of Florida, South Carolina, and Louisiana, as well as one elector from Oregon. In these southern states the contest between the carpetbaggers Rhodes, United States, VI, 1-18, 182-191. Cause of the dispute. Burgess, Re- construction, 280-283. 446 American History [1876 Electoral com- mission (1877). Burgess, Re- construction, 283-295. Johnston, Am. Pol. Hist., H, 544-552. and the native whites made it possible to send in two sets of returns. If all of the votes in dispute were counted for Tilden, he would have 203 votes to 166 for Hayes. If all were counted for Hayes, he would have 185 and Tilden 184. The electoral votes were sent to Congress, in January, 1877, the Senate being Republican and the House Demo- cratic. They were opened by the president of the Senate, 1 but it was decided that he had no au- thority to count either set of the votes in dispute, and the matter was referred to an " electoral com- mission " of fifteen whose recom- mendations should be accepted unless refused by both houses. The commission was to consist of five senators, five representatives, and five justices of the Supreme Court. As eight of these elected to the commission were Republicans, all questions in dis- pute were settled by a party vote of eight to seven, and, . 1 Amendment XII of Constitution, RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 1877] Incidents of the Reconstruction Period 447 on March 2, 1877, Hayes was declared to be elected by a majority of one vote. It was understood but not agreed that, if elected, Hayes Hayes's south- would withdraw the troops from the South and allow the ern P lic y- former Confederate states to conduct their own governments without interference from Washington. This was the real Burgess, Re- end of reconstruction in the South. From this time, normal construction > 295-298. conditions being restored, the South began to take advantage of the great resources at her command and developed with amazing rapidity. NATIONAL CHANGES (1861-1877) 383. National Development. The period of the Civil General. War and reconstruction that is, the years from 1861 to 1877 was an era of changes as important as those that had taken place in the epoch-making Revolutionary period (1775-1789). In each case a war which had been brought about by conflict between two different systems of govern- ment and society left the United States very different from the country it had found. In each case the war had ex- erted an almost inestimable influence in developing a stronger nation. Before the Civil War the relation of the nation to the Triumph of states had been a disputed one. A fairly large minority of national the peop!6 still held that the states were sovereign and believed that Congress should be no more than the agent of the states. This position could no longer be held, since J ohnston ' Am.Pol.Hist, the events of the war and of the reconstruction epoch had 11,343-336. shown beyond question that the nation was sovereign and that Congress was not the law-making body of a league of states. The right of the nation to coerce a state which attempted to secede had been proved by the failure of secession. After one hundred years of dispute over the question of whether the nation was sovereign or whether the states were sovereign, there was no longer the slightest doubt as to the supremacy of the nation. The second great change of the period was the destruction 448 American History [1861- of the system of slavery which had been the chief factor before the war in developing sectionalism. Freed from the blighting influence of slavery, the South was able to make use of its natural resources and to devote its energies to new occupations; in short, to gain a share in the general progress of the world, from which it had been debarred by slavery before the Civil War ( 320). 384. Changes in the Written Constitution. In spite of the very radical changes in the relation of the nation to the states, and in the real constitution of the United States, the changes in the written Constitution were comparatively few. Only three amendments had been added to that valuable document. Nominally all of these were for the purpose of protecting the negroes, although they have helped to estab- lish the supremacy of the nation over the states. This is partially the case with the thirteenth and fifteenth amend- ments, in which the nation decided matters controlled exclusively by the states before the war began. Without the war few states, North or South, could have been persuaded to surrender to the nation the right which they had had as states to control the question of slavery within their own limits. Without the war it would have been difficult, per- haps impossible, for the nation to have placed limitations on the right of each state to decide for itself who should vote within its limits. More important than these amendments, from a national standpoint, were the provisions in the first article of Amend- ment XIV. Before the Civil War those who upheld the doctrine of state sovereignty denied that there was such a thing as real citizenship of the United States. 1 They con- tended that every man owed allegiance to his state only, since he was a citizen of the state only. The reality of United States citizenship, 2 with its corollary of allegiance to the nation alone, was made clear by the first clause of the 1 Except in national " territory." 2 On state and United States citizenship and the rights of each, consult Ashley, American Government, 264-266. 1877] National Changes 449 fourteenth amendment. Later clauses prevented the states from interfering with the rights of citizens of the United States or of restricting unjustly the rights of state citizen- ship. 385. Changes in the Unwritten Constitution. The increase of constitution of the United States consists not simply of nat ! n ^ 1 authority, the written Constitution, but of an unwritten constitution." This unwritten constitution includes all important laws or court decisions which explain or supplement the written Constitution. During the war, of course, it had been neces- sary to use powers that were extra-constitutional. This was justified on the ground that unless the Union was preserved, thfe Constitution would be destroyed. During the process of reconstruction also extra-constitutional measures were passed because, in the opinion of the nation's rulers, they were demanded by public necessity. At the close of the period of reconstruction, the national government ceased to use these powers which would have been unconstitutional under normal conditions, but it continued to use powers which before the war would have been considered uncon- stitutional, but which were now deemed legal. It is not surprising that this was done, for the war had developed a much stronger national sentiment than had ever existed before. The national government had become so central- ized that it could not be expected to give up most of the powers that it had acquired since 1860, and the Supreme Court, reflecting popular wishes, gave its support to the doctrine that since the United States was a nation, the Con- stitution should be interpreted in such a way as to give the central government power to do what was for the best inter- ests of the nation, provided the Constitution did not forbid the use of such a power. 386. The National Government. In form the national The president, government was changed little ; in power it was as different from the government at Washington before 1861 as the nation in 1877 was unlike the nation of two decades earlier. By virtue of the exercise of war powers the president had for 2G 450 American History [1861- a short time increased the authority of his position immeasur- ably. After the close of the war of necessity this power was reduced greatly because of the return to peace conditions. It was reduced still further by the interference of Congress with so many undoubted rights of the president that our chief executive, although more powerful than before the war, was in danger of becoming subordinate to Congress. Powers of Although the expansion of congressional authority during Congress. fa e war wag j egs mar k ec i than { na t o f t ne president, a very large part of this new-found power was retained by Con- gress and still more powers were exercised after the war at the expense of the president or the states. In short the war and reconstruction period left Congress much the most powerful political organization in our system of government. The way in which Congress forced the once proud southern states to recognize negro rights, to allow the negro a vote, and to accept conditions that were humiliat- ing in view of their recent claim to state sovereignty, was almost pitiful. Congress undoubtedly would have seized and retained even more of the rights of states than it did but for the action of the Supreme Court in declaring that it was exceeding its powers, for example, when it tried to prevent discrimination against negroes in any inn or on any railway in the country. 1 A comparison of the national finances before the war and twenty years later will show that Congress had assumed many new duties and had radically changed the system of taxation to which the country had been ac- customed for sixty years ( 389). By the creation of a paper currency during the war, and the refusal afterward to with- draw this currency from circulation, Congress asserted its right to exercise a power which the Constitution did not authorize and which the constitutional convention of 1787 believed Congress might use as a temporary expedient only in time of great need ( 390). Business 387. New National Industrial Conditions. Even more before the war. directly did the war influence the industry of the United 1 Civil Rights Law of 1875, declared unconstitutional 1883. 1877] National Changes 451 States. In 1860 the people were still devoted almost exclusively to agriculture. There was little manufacturing, and almost none at all on what we should consider a large scale. Almost all money in use was in the form of state bank bills, which did not pass at their face value outside of the state where they were issued and often were worth little anywhere, because they were issued in such quantities. This lack of a really national currency prevented the devel- opment of interstate trade. In consequence few companies commanded a large market or exported extensively, while the value of manufactured imports was large. During the war manufacturing had been stimulated by the During the need of providing the troops with necessaries and of furnish- war< ing materials for the prosecution of military campaigns. The high tariff had more than counterbalanced taxes on pro- duction, and this reduction of foreign competition coupled with high prices had proved a boon to manufacturers. When peace came, the internal taxes were removed, while After the war. the tariff was changed very little for a quarter of a century. This assured sufficient protection to warrant the invest- ment of still more capital in industry. Large companies were organized. Firms which before had been content with local markets began doing business in several states. New commercial ties were formed by men in different parts of the Union so that many of the old sectional prejudices were forgotten. By this obliteration of state lines in busi- ness, the unity of the nation was developed as at no earlier time. The marked difference between the United States, commercially and industrially, before the Civil War and after that conflict can be appreciated perhaps by examining the opening sections of the next chapter. TOPICS i. THE PROCESS OF RECONSTRUCTION: Dunning, " Civil War and Reconstruction," pp. 176-252; Burgess, "Reconstruction and the Constitution," pp. 144-156, 222-246; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," VI, pp. 60-97, 168-178, 284-305; Cox, "Three Decades of Federal Legislation," pp. 480-577. 452 American History [1877 2. IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Burgess, "Recon- struction and the Constitution," pp. 172-192; Dunning, "Civil War and Reconstruction," pp. 253-303; Elaine, "Twenty Years of Con- gress," I, pp. 341-384; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," VI, pp. 98-157. 3. DISPUTED ELECTION OF 1876: Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," pp. 356-393; Cox, "Three Decades of Federal Legis- lation," pp. 651-668; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," VII, pp. 206-281; Haworth, "Disputed Presidential Election of 1876." STUDIES 1. The condition of the South (1865). (Hart (ed.), "Contem- poraries," IV, Nos. 141-144.) 2. Powers exercised by the Freedmen's Bureau. (MacDonald, "Select Statutes," No. 51.) 3. Attempt to remove Stanton from office. (Blaine, "Twenty Years of Congress," II, pp. 348-355.) 4. The trial of Johnson before the Senate. (Ross, E. G., in Scribner's, XI (1891), pp. 519-524.) 5. Ku Klux movement. (Brown, "Lower South in American History," pp. 191-228.) 6. Carpetbag government in South Carolina. (Rhodes, " United States," VI, pp. 142-168.) 7. Political contests in Louisiana. (Andrews, "United States in our Own Times," pp. 152-167.) 8. Nast's services in breaking up the Tweed ring. (Paine, "Thomas Nast.") QUESTIONS 1. Summarize the practical and the theoretical problems of re- construction as they existed in 1865. How did the plan that was adopted solve each of these ? Do you agree with Professor Burgess that the North should acknowledge that reconstruction was an error as well as a failure ? 2. Were the rights of whites and blacks in the South protected by the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bill? What new principles did the latter introduce into our system of government? Were those principles incorporated permanently or not ? 3. Compare the three amendments to the written Constitution in regard to provisions, importance, and results. Make a complete comparison of the Emancipation Proclamation and Amendment XIII ; of the Civil Rights Bill and Amendment XIV. 4. Enumerate the most important changes in the written Consti- tution during the reconstruction period. Did the changes (1861-1877) constitute a revolution? PART V THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) CHAPTER XIX INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1865-1886) PRESIDENTS Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) James A. Garfield (1881-1881) Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) Chester A. Arthur (1881-1885) Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881) Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) 388. Changes Following the War. There can be no Business activ- greater mistake than to imagine that during the Civil War the lty ^ 5 ~ T 77 '' energies of the North were entirely absorbed in carrying on that conflict or in supposing that during the succeeding years the reconstruction of the Confederate states engaged the attention of more than a small proportion of the people. When the crisis was past and the preservation of the Union no longer in doubt, the vast majority were aroused by the new business opportunities to improve their financial con- dition. At the close of the war a million and a half of men, North and South, returned to the ordinary walks of life within a few months. The business of the North, stimulated rather than retarded by the war, increased in volume manyfold. There probably never has been a period of more numerous radical business changes or greater apparent prosperity than the period of reconstruction. During those years the wealth of the United States nearly doubled. The larger cities engaged in commerce on a large scale. In the smaller towns new factories were started. Immigration from Europe began anew. Into the West flocked a host of sturdy pioneers who settled with their families on the farms which 453 454 American History [1865 Extravagance and panic. the national government sold to them on liberal terms. 1 New lines of railway were built in all parts of the Union, especially in the West. As the country was flooded with the large issues of national paper money greenbacks and national bank notes, gold and silver coins were no longer in regular circulation during this period, high prices prevailed, and speculation was com- mon. People bought and sold recklessly, fortunes un- dreamed of before the wa*r were made within short periods, and private extravagance began to replace the cautious expenditures of the earlier period. Prosperity soon led to panic (1873) and panic to hard times (1873-1877). The country recovered from this experience about the time that reconstruction was completed in the South, and after 1877 it settled down to the new methods of business and new standards of living under fairly normal conditions. FINANCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL READJUSTMENT (1865-1879) National debt. 389. Bonds and Taxes after the War. At the close of the war the debt of the United States was nearly three bil- lions of dollars. It included more than four hundred millions in greenbacks and other notes which bore no interest, but most of the debt was in the form of bonds, with interest at five per cent or six per cent. Some of the bonds were payable in coin only, but the laws authorizing others had not stated in what kind of currency they were to be paid. As they had been sold for paper money, in almost every instance, many people insisted that these latter bonds be paid in green- backs. In fact the Democratic platform (1868) contained a plank favoring this method, but the government, in order to maintain its credit and to facilitate the sale of the new bonds that were to replace the old ones, decided to pay all in coin. When peace came in 1865, the government sought to reduce the taxes as soon as possible, but until the panic of 1873 there was a surplus of receipts over expenditures. The Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 148-152. Taxes. 1 Homestead Act of 1862, see Coman, Industrial History of United States, pp. 27.9-282. 1875] Financial and Industrial Readjustment 455 most objectionable features of the internal system were Dewey, /*** repealed, including the income taxes and the taxes on manu- dai Hist., factures, but the excises on liquors and tobacco were retained, *' * ' I ^ r * the annual revenue from this source after 1870 being but little less than that from customs duties. No important change was made in the tariff * in spite of the reduction in the internal taxes on manufactured articles which were protected from foreign competition, so that the rates were more than twice what they had been before the war and the inducement to invest capital in industry was very great. 390. The Greenbacks. As the greenbacks had been issuance and intended to help the government during the war only, constitution- steps were taken by the treasury department as early as a ' y ' 1865 to retire them from circulation. Those who desired the withdrawal of the paper money were called " contrac- . e ! v ^.' man " J cial Hist., tionists," their opponents were known as " inflationists." 154-156. Contraction of the currency proved to be unpopular and was abandoned in 1868, but in 1869 the Supreme Court decided White, Money, that Congress had no power to make those notes legal I 34-i49. tender. This decision was reversed two years later when the reorganized court declared that the national govern- ment might issue legal-tender paper money in time of war. During the hard times of the yo's the treasury department vi, 222-225, issued new greenbacks, and in 1884, when the Supreme 2 S 8 ~273- Court was asked to decide whether these issues were con- stitutional, it gave its opinion that " Congress, as the legis- lature of a sovereign nation," has the right to issue legal- tender notes at its discretion. 2 In spite of the hard times after 1873, repeated attempts Resumption ot were made to resume specie payments. Finally in 18715 a s P ecie P av ' ments (1879). 1 In 1872 the duties on tea and coffee were abolished and a horizontal re- duction of ten per cent was made on other rates, but the original rates were restored in 1875, except that tea and coffee were left on the free list. 2 It might do this because of powers specifically conferred on it by the Constitution (Art. i, 8, els. i, 2, and 5) and because " the power to make the notes of the government a legal tender in payment of private debts is one of the powers belonging to sovereignty in other civilized nations, and not xpressly withheld from Congress by the Constitution." 456 American History [1875 Oewey, Finan- cial Hist., } 159, 160. Burgess, Reconstruction , 276-279. Upton, J. K.,in Scribner's, XII (1892), 124-128. Greenback party (1878). Wilson, Am. People, V, 143- I4S-I46. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 161. Silver laws of 1834, 1854, and 1873- law was passed which provided for the resumption of specie payments on the first day of January, 1879. John Sherman, as secretary of the treasury, took charge of collect- ing gold to be used as a reserve for the redemption of green- backs, and succeeded so well that he had $133,000,000 at his command on the day set for redemption. Few notes were presented for payment at that time, as greenbacks now circulated on a par with gold, but the government sought thereafter to keep a reserve of at least one hundred millions for the redemption of the green- backs and other notes which it had outstanding. Although the government kept the greenbacks in circulation and the courts upheld the right of Con- gress to issue them in times of peace, many persons were dissatis- fied with the government's decision to pay all of its obligations in coin and its avowed intention of re- deeming the greenbacks in specie, thereby increasing the value of every paper bill until it was worth as much as gold. Many of the most radical opponents of this policy united and formed a political party called the Greenback party, which in 1878 polled more than one million votes. The return of " good times " did much to counteract this ex- tensive " inflation " movement, and the influence of the " Greenbackers " on legislation was not great. 391. Laws Relating to Silver. In 1834 Congress had adopted a law for the free coinage * of gold and silver at a 1 The free or unlimited (not gratuitous) coinage of a metal is permitted when the government allows any one having bullion of that metal to take the bullion to the mint and receive in exchange coins of the same metal equaling in weight the bullion brought. Limited coinage takes place when the government and the government alone can change the bullion into coins. On the subject of free coinage of one metal or two metals, see Gide, Political Economy* 246-257. JOHN SHERMAN 1879] Financial and Industrial Readjustment 457 legal ratio of 16 to i. Under this law very little silver was coined, and in order to supply the country with small change, Congress in 1854 provided that the silver coins of white, Money, a denomination less than one dollar should contain less 34-37- silver than formerly, but should be minted from silver pur- chased by the government. This left the dollar as the only silver coin subject to free coinage, but for business rea- Dewey, Finan- sons very few silver dollars were minted. This condition, ciai mst., coupled with the fact that only paper money had been used 7 in ordinary circulation for several years, led Congress in 1873 to pass a law declaring that the silver dollar should no longer be subject to free coinage. It is doubtful whether the congressmen realized fully that this would establish gold monometallism in the United States, so that few if any could be accused of deliberate participation in a "crime of 1873." This act happened to coincide in time with the opening Bland-Allison of many new silver mines in the Rocky mountain states, and Act ( I8 7 8 )- with action on the part of Germany, France, and several other nations which was unfavorable to silver. Consequently, the Dewey, Finan- r M ji-jr cial Hist.. price of silver declined from $1.20 an ounce in 1870 to , $1.05 an ounce in 1878. In order to raise the price of silver and in order also to gain a cheaper money in which h they might repay their debts, large numbers of persons 193-199. demanded the free coinage of silver. A bill to that effect was introduced in the House by Bland of Missouri, but in the Senate it was changed at the suggestion of Senator Allison of Iowa so that the government was to purchase not less than $2,000,000 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver per month at the market price, and coin it into dollars. Even in this modified form the bill was vetoed by President Hayes, but it was passed over his veto. 392. Business after the War. In the decade following Mining, the war the natural resources of the country were developed as never before. New silver mines were opened not alone in coman, Indus* Nevada, where the Comstock Lode and other mines yielded trial Hist^ immense fortunes, but in the Black Hills of Dakota and at 273 ~ 277- 458 American History [1865- Leadville, Colorado, to which thousands flocked in search of wealth. Iron and copper were mined much more ex- tensively, particularly in the upper Michigan peninsula, and the coal output of the United States increased five hundred per cent. Especially in northwestern Pennsylvania the pro- duction of petroleum drew throngs which sought fortunes in the oil fields. When this crude oil was refined, it was found to be a very fine illuminant and was sold extensively in the United States and in Europe. Manu- e\ 1,^ I _L_LJ Conditions were facturing. S L4-4J ,H I V\ especially favorable for manufacturing. The increasing sup- ply of raw materials, 1870 1880 1890 1900 1U05 r DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNITED STATES the demand for greater conveniences and more luxuries than before the war, Wright, Indus- the extension of the railways and the cheapening of trans- triai Evolution, portation, aided in this movement. More than anything else the high protective duties, preventing keen competition from abroad, made manufacturing investments desirable. From 1860 to 1880 the value of manufactured articles increased from less than $2,000,000,000 to nearly $5,500,000,000. Foreign commerce revived very rapidly after the war. In 1865 our total exports and imports amounted to but $465,000,000. Eight years later they were nearly three times that figure, and, although the depression from 1873 to 1878 reduced the amount of our foreign trade, it never again fell below $1,000,000,000 a year. 393. Agriculture and the West. During the period from 1865 to 1880, which was one of distinctively national growth, -LIONS OF DOLLARS / / / / / / ' ' * / / S~ -J ^ 7 *>'' - "- -, -/ ' / ^.... -- ~- ... -"' - -> - "' ~' ""- - (I87O- I9O5) Manufactured, product! Agricultural prcxtucti Foreign Commerce 159-188. Foreign com- merce. i88o] Financial and Industrial Readjustment 459 the United States was fortunate enough to avoid one of the Agriculture in great dangers which are likely to accompany rapid industrial the South and and commercial development, namely, the loss of a sturdy, middle class of farmers. In 1880 there was just twice the number of farms in this country that there were in 1860, J uce c * * JMew c>outn, a truly remarkable change. This can be accounted for in 17-28. several ways. First, in the South, agriculture was emanci- pated from the former system of large plantations exclusively, with crude labor, and, although numerous large cotton and tobacco plantations remained, there were now very many small farms devoted to various crops and supporting one family rather than a colony. This was fortunate for the South, as the people did not recover easily from the losses and hardships of the war and reconstruction. Second, iii the East more attention was being paid to intensive farming, as it was found difficult to compete with the cheap western lands in the growing of cereals. Near the cities small truck farms conducted on scientific principles were found exceedingly profitable. Third. Into the West poured hundreds of thousands who Agriculture in were attracted to the rougher life of the frontier, or were the West- drawn on by the offers of cheap land made by the govern- ment or the railways. In 1862 Congress had passed the Coman - Indus. TT , . . trial Hist., Homestead Act, permitting any one who was a citizen or 2/7g _ 2&a intended to become a citizen to acquire 160 acres of land by remaining on it five yeLrs, the money payment being purely nominal. Last, when hard times after 1873 reduced the demand for labor in industry and commerce, many thousands turned their attention to agriculture, which suffered less from the panic than any other occupation. Aside from the social advantages derived from the in- Agricultural creasing tendency to become a nation of small farmers, development the agricultural changes of this period are noteworthy. The quantity which was grown doubled during the fifteen years following the war, and in the case of wheat, the increase was even greater. With the opening of large grain farms in the western part of the Mississippi valley and the 460 American His lory [1865- Railways after the Civil War. Haynes, Rail- way Legisla- tion, 82-96. Johnson, Rail- way Transpor- tation, 27-28, 311-316. First trans- continental railway. Coman, Industrial Hist.. 282-286. construction of railways in that region, we began to export large quantities of flour and other bread stuffs to Europe, the real beginning of our most important modern export trade. TRANSPORTATION PROBLEMS (1865-1887) 394. Development of the West by Means of Railways. We have already noted the care taken by the state govern- ments, particularly in the West, to develop railway com- munication within their territory ( 284). In 1850 the United States began to take part in this movement by making grants of land to the states to be used as a bonus for rail- way lines. Much had been done in this way before 1860, when the United States possessed 30,000 miles of railway. During the war the need of moving troops or provisions, and after the war the increased demands of the exporters in the coast cities, the eastern manufacturers, the farmers, and the western miners, emphasized the need of better means of communication. This led to an era of railway construction that in eight years (1866-1874) more than doubled the mileage of the country. New sections were thus offered to settlement, inducements being made by the railways which offered to carry settlers and their families at very low rates. Lands were granted almost without cost not only by the government under the Homestead Act, but by railways, which advertised widely the advantages of the farms they had for sale. These lands had been given to the railways as a bonus for building a line through a region that could not possibly support a railway until it was densely populated. The result was, of course, greatly improved means of communication in the Northwest, accompanied by the rapid settlement of the western prairies and an agri- cultural advance that was marvelous. The most important railway enterprise of this period was the construction of a transcontinental railway from the Missouri River to the Pacific coast. This was authorized by Congress in 1862, the national government making liberal land grants and loaning a large sum of money to the i88o] Transportation Problems 461 railway companies. 1 The completion of the road in 1869 Dillon, s., in was an event of great importance from the political as well Scanner's, ., . , , . , XII (1892). as the commercial standpoint. 253-259 ' 395. Railway Abuses. In the eastern and central states many of the railways built after the war were unnecessary. Two kinds of (i) Their efforts to secure business led to cut-throat com- discrimination ' . , . , . , ,, ,. in the East, petition between cities which were on more than one line, so that goods were often transported between two points at Johnson, Rail- an actual loss. To make good this deficit, the railways loayTranspor- charged an extra amount on local traffic. If a shipper ' lon> 2I7 ~ 227< wished to send goods from Chicago to a point in New York Haynes, or Pennsylvania, it was often cheaper to ship the goods to Railway New York and then reship them back over the same line to Le s islatton > ..... 207-213. the intermediate point. (2) This discrimination between different places was less serious than a second railway Rogers, Devt. abuse ; namely, the discrimination between shippers, which f North > became quite common after 1870. By granting special rates to favored shippers the railways did much to develop the great monopolies which were often able to destroy the business of their smaller competitors, because of the cheaper transportation secured by them. For example, the Stand- ard Oil Company, of Cleveland, Ohio, succeeded in gaining control of most of the refineries in that city and in the oil-producing district of Pennsylvania, partly because it obtained lower freight rates and was able therefore to sell oil for less than its competitors. By combining, the railways sought to protect themselves Pools, from cut-throat competition and to keep the trusts from forcing them into giving large rebates. The object of these Hadley, combinations was to maintain a uniform system of high J" roa Transportation^ rates on all of the railways in the country. But the ordinary 74-76, 91-97. 1 The amount loaned was $16,000 per mile across the prairies, $32,000 on the mountainous plateaus, and $48,000 per mile across the mountain ranges. The total sum of over $61,000,000 was loaned at six per cent for thirty years to the main line or branches. This was secured by first mort- gage on the railways. Between 1896 and 1899 all of the principal was re- paid and in most cases interest was paid also. 462 American History [1870 Johnson, Rail- combinations failed to do this because some railway was way Transpor- cer t am t o cu t ra tes in order to secure more business. Later a plan was devised to arrange beforehand the percentage of the profits to be received by each of the railways in the com- bination, or pool, as it was called, so that there would be no temptation to cut rates. 396. The Granger Movement and Railway Legislation. In the West the situation was even more serious. As there was less competition, there was less need of combinations to maintain rates. The railways, having sold most of their tation, 228-243. Abuses in the West. $2.00 1.90 1.80 1.7U 1.GO 1.50 1.40 1.30 1.20 1.10 l.UO .90 .80 .70 .60 .60 la7 '70 'Tj '60 '85 '90 '95 19C : \ j \ 3 \ / \ 1 \ \ \ " ,-- s J . ' s / \ \ ^^ " ~^ ^, DECREASE IN RAILWAY RATES (1867 I90O) Granger legislation. Wilson, Am. People, V, 124-128. desirable lands by attracting settlers with low rates, began to charge " all the tariff that the traffic would bear." It is probable that most of them could not have paid expenses even by the use of exorbitant rates, but these facts were lost sight of by the shippers who were obliged to find a market for their products. Throughout the West spread a demand for government relief. The cry for control of the railways was taken up by the Farmers' Alliance, which had been originally a non-political body. Hundreds of thousands joined the Alliance in all parts of the country, and in several state elections during the seventies the question of railway regulation was the principal issue. The chief aim of the Grangers, as the members of the Alliance were called, was to secure lower rates. Largely through their influence state railway commissions were 1887] Transportation Problems 463 appointed which had the right to fix maximum rates and Johnson, Rail- dictate the policy of the railways in other respects. 1 At first wa ? T ns Pr- the attempt was made to have all rates as low as those be- tween two places which enjoyed keen, unrestricted competi- tion ; but as it was found that this only injured the railways and indirectly hurt the shippers, the commissions later used their powers more carefully. 397. The Interstate Commerce Commission (1887). Precedent As the larger part of the freight transported on the railways events - of the United States is carried between places in different states, legislation by the states did not afford the relief ex- J ohnson ' Rail ' f way Transpor- pected even with the drastic methods used. But Congress tation, 367-370. was slow to take action. In 1878 a bill for the regulation of interstate trade passed the House of Representatives but not the Senate. Nothing was done until, several years later, the Illinois commission tried to apply its laws to certain trade that was carried on between Illinois and the neighboring states. The Supreme Court of the United States declared that the Illinois commission had no right to regulate interstate commerce, as Congress alone had that power. So widespread a demand had arisen for action by Con- interstate gress that in 1887 tne Interstate Commerce Act was passed, Commerce creating a commission of five members which had the power to investigate existing rates and declare them unreasonable. The avowed purposes of the act were to prevent pools affect- Transpor- ing interstate commerce by declaring them illegal, to pre- tation, 370-385. vent high rates or rates that were discriminating because one person was charged more than another for similar services. Adams, H.C. or because a greater charge was made for a short haul than in Atlantic, for a long one. 2 Fear that the commission might treat the * _ railways as the earlier state commissions had done led the railways to change their methods radically for a time, not always to the advantage of the public; but the powers of 1 Many former state commissions did not enjoy the right to fix maximum rates. Most of them now have this power. 2 In a case of this kind, the short haul was always a part of the longer one. 464 American History [1877 Election of 1880. Andrews, Our Own Time, 307-319. Stanwood, Presidency, 402-418. Garfield and Conkling. Andrews, Our Own Time, 319-330. the commission were so limited that it accomplished com- paratively little. 1 POLITICAL CHANGES AND REFORMS (1877-1886) 398. Garfield and Arthur. Not only was business re- established on a normal basis after 1877, but the political parties began to interest themselves in present-day questions. This was apparent in all of the elections after 1878. In- terest in the election of 1880 centers in the Republican con- vention in Chicago rather than in the campaign. The friends of Grant were anxious that he should be nominated, for he and they thought that the so-called " third-term tra- dition " was a foolish custom not sanctioned by the nation. Guided by Roscoe Conkling, a New York senator, over three hundred delegates voted on every ballot for their champion. His chief opponent was Elaine, whose forces, after thirty-five futile ballots, joined the ranks of those that supported James A. Garfield of Ohio. Chester A. Arthur of New York was named for the vice presidency to represent the Conkling wing of the party. Grant's followers rallied to the support of the ticket and in November Garfield was elected by a vote of 214 to 155 over the Democratic nominee, General Winfield S. Hancock. After the election the breach between the Conkling and Elaine factions was widened. Elaine was selected by Gar- field for the state portfolio and was influential in determin- ing the policy of the administration. When the President nominated for the chief office in the state of New York a man who for partisan reasons was obnoxious to Conkling, the 1 On the later history of railway regulation, see $ 466, 471. JAMES A. GARFIELU 1884] Political Changes and Reforms 465 224-239. Arthur. latter resigned from the Senate and persuaded his col- Stanwood. league to do the same. It had been the custom, and is still Blaine < to some extent, for the senators to name the appointees for federal positions in their states, so that Garfield's action was a blow to Conkling's power as well as his pride. The senators expected of course to be triumphantly reelected and were sadly disappointed when others were selected. The incident aroused public sentiment to the evils and dangers of the spoils system. This feeling reached fever heat when on July 2, 1 88 1, Garfield was shot by a disappointed office seeker. The lingering illness of this second " martyr presi- dent " created a demand for reform in the civil service that found embodiment in law soon after ( 401). Arthur had been looked upon as a politician of no great ability, but he proved a wise and reliable executive. Few of the measures of his term were partisan acts, so slight was the cohesion in the political parties. The old issues had been dropped, but party lines were not drawn as yet on new political ques- tions. 399. The Election of Cleveland (1884). The campaign Political of 1884 was the most interesting that had been held up to that time since the Civil War. The dissensions in the Repub- lican ranks, the lack of any clear-cut Democratic policy, and the rise into prominence of the Prohibition party compli- cated the situation. So far as any political issues attained prominence, the main question that seemed to be at stake was that of reform, although the politicians of both parties sought to make the tariff the important issue. In reality, it was more a personal campaign between the two candidates. The Republicans nominated the most distinguished CHESTER A. ARTHUR situation 466 American History [1884 Candidates and election. Wilson, Am. People, V, 169-176. Stanwood, Presidency, 427-449. member of their party, James G. Elaine of Maine, a man of magnetic personality .who aroused in his followers a greater enthusiasm than any other leader since the days of Henry Clay. Elaine had unfortunately been connected, while speaker of the House of Representatives, with a transfer of railway stock which his opponents claimed was a bribe. Elaine had answered the charge boldly, but had never satisfied some of the reformers in his party of his innocence. This transaction, in fact, clouded the most brilliant political career of recent times. The reformers refused to support the Repub- lican ticket and worked for the Democratic nominee. This faction of "Mugwumps," as it was called sneeringly, was, in fact, sufficiently large to decide the election. Grover Cleveland, who represented the Democratic party, had become prominent as governor of New York, be- cause of the immense plurality by which he had been elected in 1882 and by the fearless use of the veto to reduce expendi- tures. He was hailed as the chief reformer then prominent in politics. The campaign was contested hotly and was marred unfortunately by the bitterness of the personal accusations against the two candidates. The election was decided by the vote of New York, in which both the Prohibitionists and Mugwumps were numerous. For several days after the election the vote of New York was in doubt, but the official count showed that the state had gone Democratic. As Cleveland was the first Democratic president for a quarter of a century the party looked forward eagerly to the return to power. The reformers, on the other hand, ex- pected him to overlook partisanship in making removals and appointments. In consequence his position was one of JAMES G. ELAINE 1871] Political Changes and Reforms -467 great difficulty, and, as is usual in such cases, Cleveland did too little to satisfy the one party and too much to please the other. He left conditions better than he found them and at all times exhibited a firmness that brought results. His administration is noteworthy for the numerous important changes that were made in the law of the nation. 400. The Spoils System and Reform. For a period of fifty years the majority of the offices connected with the national government had been filled by party workers who had been appointed in return for services rendered to the party during the election cam- paign. Frequently extensive changes had been made every four years even when the same party remained in power. Thousands of persons were employed whose services had never been engaged according to law. This resulted in a serious demoralization of the civil service which was in- creased by the practice of requiring officeholders to con- tribute to campaign funds and work for their chiefs. Often the entire influence of an administration and its supporters would be devoted to the carrying of primaries; the election of delegates to nominating conventions and the carrying of doubtful states or districts. Pernicious political activity of this kind was even more disgraceful than inefficiency in office. Even before the Civil War, there had been some demand for the reorganization of the public service oh business principles. Nothing of importance was done until, in 1871, a civil service commission of first-class men was appointed by President Grant. The commission was empowered to investigate the character and fitness of a few employees and Character of the spoils system. GROVER CLEVELAND Lodge, Hist, and Pol. Es- says. Hart, Actual Gov't, 132. Civil service under Grant and Hayes. Lamed" (ed.), Ready Re/., I. 47&-477- 468 American History [1875 Lodge, Essays. Civil Service Commission (1883). MacDonald, Statutes, No. 109. Hart, Actual Gov't, 134. Extension of commission's work. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re/., VI, I4S-I48. Special improvements. might give examinations of an elementary character. After four years Congress refused to vote appropriations for carrying on the work, and, as the results were not par- ticularly gratifying, the commission ceased to exist. Presi- dent Hayes did much more for the national civil service by insisting on good appointments. In 1883 Congress passed by a large majority in both houses a bill for the reform of the national civil service. This had been drafted by the Civil Service League and introduced by Senator Pendleton of Ohio. It provided for a commission of three members with power to make rules for the examination of candidates for numerous offices of a clerical nature. These offices were arranged in classes, hence the term " classified " service. 401. Progress of Civil Service Reform since 1883. As the president was permitted to increase the number of posi- tions to which appointments might be made by the com- mission, the attitude of the chief executive was a matter of the first importance. All of the presidents since 1883 have extended the scope of the commission's work. Until 1894, however, most of the additions were made after the suc- cessor of the executive in office had been chosen. During his second term President Cleveland gave the commission control of large numbers of offices in the treasury, war, navy, and interior departments. During that administration the number of offices in the classified service was more than doubled. Afterward it was claimed that the men ap- pointed by the commission to some positions requiring skill were not fitted for their work, and nearly eight thousand offices were taken from the commission. During the first four years that Roosevelt was president the number again increased nearly one hundred per cent, the offices opened to examination being in many cases of a higher type than those formerly filled by the commission. Numerous executive orders have modified the civil service rules. Originally persons in the classified service might be removed by those under whom they served. After con- 1887] Political Clianges and Reforms 469 siderable agitation President McKinley in 1897 declared that none should be removed but for 'cause which was stated specifically. Changes have also been made for the pro- motion of officials according to proved ability. Some of the , presidents, Roosevelt particularly, have applied this prin- ciple to very many offices not controlled by the commission. In general it may be said that, although the method of ap- pointment used by the commission is not ideal, and although there is danger of retaining under the system officials and employees who have outlived their usefulness, it has per- formed a work of inestimable service to the nation. The experience of the state and city governments in regard Municipal and to the spoils system and reform has been somewhat similar state reform - to that of the central government. In our largest cities particularly the abuses of the old system have been more Hart - . ... . . Actual Gffv't, serious than elsewhere. Civil service commissions were , , appointed in a few states and cities during the nineteenth century. Civil service reform has made more progress since the beginning of the twentieth century, especially in those cities that have adopted the commission form of govern- ment. Much still remains to be done. 402. Reform of Elections. Following close upon the Former eieo- reform in the methods of appointing public officials came a demand for improvement in the methods of election. There had never been any system of providing ballots or any order in polling votes. Each party printed its own tickets, and the parties, by neglecting to provide ballots, might pre- vent an election. Party workers were allowed to accompany any voter from the time he entered the polling place until he deposited his ballot. There was no secrecy, but every chance for bribery or intimidation. Organized gangs of the roughest element frequently controlled the election. " Stuffing " the ballot box was by no means uncommon. Occasionally those who had the right to count the ballots took the boxes with them to one of their homes. In short, there was every op- portunity to defeat the will of the people. In 1887 agitation for reform began in earnest. England Reform ballots. American History r> Short Ballot. Primary Reform. Presidential Succession Act (1886). MacDonald, Statutes, No. in. Stanwood, Presidency, 450-452. had adopted recently a form of ballot based on that in use in Australia. The reformers urged the selection of this, and in 1 889 Massachusetts adopted with modifications the so-called Australian ballot. The movement spread with amazing rapidity, and although no state had used the reform ballot in the presidential election of 1888 more than thirty did so four years later, and all but three had abandoned the older system in 1906. These reform ballots are printed by the government. Names of all candidates for all offices are printed on a single sheet. Official ballots are not distrib- uted to the voters until they have registered on election day, and the ballot is marked in secret. On account of the large number of names on the old ballots there has been a recent movement to decrease the number of elective offices using a short ballot. 1 In the old primaries were elected the delegates to nomi- nating conventions. Most of our present primaries are direct primaries which choose candidates directly. 1 403. Changes affecting the Presidency. One of the most significant series of laws passed during Cleveland's first term affected the presidency. In 1885 Vice President Hendricks died. According to the law of that time, in case of the death or disability of both the president and the vice president, the office was to be filled, first by the president pro tempore of the Senate, second, by the speaker of the House. As the Senate was Republican at this time, the accession of its presiding officer to the presidency would have led to a complete reversal of the administration's policy. A new Presiden- tial Succession Act was passed, therefore, providing that, if both the president and the vice president died, the office should be filled by the members of the cabinet in the order of the creation of the departments, beginning with the sec- retaries of state, treasury, and war. President Cleveland had an interesting tilt with the Senate in 1886 over his right to remove officials without the consent i See 456. 1887] Political Changes and Reforms 471 of the Senate. It will be remembered that the Tenure of Dispute over Office Act in 1867 had restricted the president's right of P wer of removal. This was replaced by a much milder act in 1869 when Grant took the oath of office, but the Senate had been in the habit of asking for reasons of removal. Cleveland G ^,' f , refused to do this, claiming that the law did not give the Senate a share in making removals. A long debate closed . . with the yielding of the Senate. This action is typical of a p res . Prob- number of others by which Cleveland did much in his re- l* ms - 39-76. lations with Congress to restore the dignity and power of the presidency to the position it had occupied before recon- struction days. The third change affecting the presidency was the enact- Electoral ment (1887) of an Electoral Count Bill. In spite of the CountBi11 - difficulties in 1877 in counting the electoral votes, Congress MacDonaid, . . . ' , Statutes, had done nothing to supplement the omissions of the Con- No stitution in this important respect. The law of 1887 left Stanwood the decision regarding what votes should be counted to the Presidency, states, and if the states neglected the matter, Congress could 397-40. reach a decision only by the agreement of both houses. 404. Summary. The years following the war brought industrial to the national government several problems besides that problems of . government of reconstruction. There was an immense war debt to be and pe0 pi e refunded and paid. Congress was obliged to decide whether (1865-1886), the paper money of the war should be retained, when specie payments might be resumed, and what should be done about silver. By 1880 we were again on a specie basis, although a great amount of paper was in circulation and there was no longer free coinage of silver. The nation meanwhile had passed through a period of extreme business activity followed by the great depression in the years after 1873. One of the prominent characteristics of the time was the rapid expan- sion of railways. In the East the railways cut rates between competitive points, making good the losses at the expense of intermediate stations. Cut-throat competition led to the formation of pools. In the East, first, and later in the West, state railway commissions sought tQ restrain ;the 472 American History [1865- railways, the granger legislation of the prairie states being so drastic as to injure the railways. Legislation for interstate railways was delayed until 1887. Political parties The election of Hayes put an end to the political confusion and problems o f tne reconstruction period, and with the election of 1 880 new issues were discussed. Some of these were industrial, as was the case with the tariff, which became prominent during the close of this period. From 1882 to 1886 more attention was paid to the reform of party politics. The first attack was made on the spoils system, but later the reform of elections and the primaries was demanded. TOPICS 1. CONSTITUTIONALITY or THE GREENBACKS: Bancroft, "Plea for the Constitution"; Knox, "United States Notes," pp. 156-166, 193-229; Hart, "Salmon P. Chase," pp. 389-414; Thayer, "Cases in Constitutional Law," II, pp. 2222-2273. 2. NATIONAL CONTROL OF RAILWAYS: Lord, J. W., in North American Review, 183 (1905), pp. 754-766; Haynes, "Restrictive Railway Legislation," pp. 220-233, 243-292; Johnson, "American Railway Transportation," pp. 367-407, 420-427; Meyer, "Govern- ment Regulation of Railway Rates," pp. 319-439. STUDIES 1. John Sherman and Resumption. (Sherman, "Recollections of Forty Years," II, pp. 629-660.) 2. Oil craze in Pennsylvania. (Tarbell, "History of Standard Oil," I, Chapter I.) 3. Destruction of Custer's force. (Andrews, "United States in Our Own Time," pp. 186-193.) 4. Building the first transcontinental line. (Warman, "Story of the Railroad," pp. 31-65.) 5. Transportation in the South. (Bruce, " Rise of New South," pp. 281-306.) 6. Government grants of land to railways. (Hart, "Practical Essays," No. 10.) 7. Conkling's attempt to nominate Grant. (Dawes, H. L., in Century, 47 (1894), pp. 341-344.) 8. The Plumed Knight and his joust. (Andrews, " United States in Our Own Time," pp. 452-480.) 1 886] Internal Development 473 9. History of removal from national offices.. (Cleveland, G., in Atlantic Monthly, 85 (1900), pp. 721-732; 86 (1900), pp. 1-14.) QUESTIONS 1. Look up the income taxes and taxes on production during the Civil War. Why was there opposition to these taxes? Should they have been retained after the war? If not, should the tariffs have been lowered to correspond to the reduction on the internal taxes ? 2. What is meant by "legal tender"? Should Congress be pro- hibited from issuing a legal tender paper money? What has been the importance of the greenbacks, in supplying the government with revenue ? in increasing government expenditures by affecting the price of bonds ( 389) and by requiring a gold reserve ( 412) in relation to business ? 3. Give a summary of the laws regarding gold and silver money from 1792 to 1900. Compare the Bland-Allison Act and the Sher- man Act ; the law of 1873 and the law of 1900. 4. How does our federal system of government complicate the problem of railway control ? Has government interference with the railway business protected the shippers? protected the public? affected the railways? 5. Show how the year 1877 marks a return to normal conditions, in the South; in the national government; in political parties; in business. 6. What is meant by the "third-term tradition"? Is it ever likely to be set aside? What change occurred between 1876 and 1885 in the composition of the parties and their policies? 7. What were the chief abuses existing in 1880 in the selection of public officials ? Summarize the progress that has been made toward more satisfactory methods of appointment and election. CHAPTER XX THE END OF THE ERA (1886-1897) PRESIDENTS Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893) Grover Cleveland (1893-1897) THE TARIFF General 405. Proposed Reform of the Tariff (1882 1888). The changes of the p er j O( j from 1 886 to 1897 was a period of social unrest l and industrial change. 2 It was the end of the era of isolation in foreign affairs, for after 1897 the United States occupied a new position as a world power. During the period there were interesting foreign complications, and sharp internal political controversies, first over the tariff and later over free silver. Tariff of 1883. The commercial and industrial changes which took place Dewey, Finan- during the administrations of Hayes. Garfield, and Arthur rial Hist., , . , , t lgo made advisable a revision of the tanff, which was in 1882 Taussig, substantially the same as at the close of the Civil War. A Tariff Hist., commission of business men appointed by President Arthur recommended a reduction in rates, but Congress passed in 1883 a tariff which raised many of the protective rates. Tariff discus- The tariff was discussed somewhat in connection with the election of 1884 and occupied the attention of Congress during several sessions. In general the Republicans favored Coman, Indus- the existing rates and the Democrats sought to obtain a re- trial Hist. duction, but a fair minority of Democrats, led by Samuel T. (rev. ed.); 313 JI4 Randall of Pennsylvania, were protectionists. Party lines 1 Oh Chinese legislation see 476, note i. On the Mormons, 477, note 2. * On industrial changes see also 467-469, 473-476. 474 1 888] Social and Industrial Conditions 475 were not drawn strictly on this issue until after December, Dewey, Finan- 1887, when President Cleveland devoted his entire message to cial Hist -' a plea for tariff reform. In this document he used the oft- quoted statement, " It is a condition which confronts us, not a theory." During the following spring (1888) the Demo- cratic House passed the Mills Bill, providing a tariff for 251-255. revenue only, but the Senate favored a tariff even higher than that in use. 406. The Election of 1888. In the presidential election Election of of 1888 all other questions were subordinated to that of the Harrison, tariff. Cleveland was renom- inated by the Democrats, but failed to draw as large a part of the independent vote as in 1884. Benjamin Harrison of Indiana was elected by a comparatively close vote on a distinctively protectionist platform. 1 Harrison, a con- scientious man, who had been long in public life, was the grandson of President William BENJAMIN HARRISON Henry Harrison. Although he had few peers in making short addresses to public Peck, Twenty audiences, he possessed little tact and magnetism in deal- Years > I 5S- l6 5 ing with individuals. His most prominent cabinet official stanwood, was James G. Blaine, who conducted important negotia- '"' 'J* 9 '' tions with Great Britain and Italy and took a prominent xxix. part in Pan-American affairs ( 416-418). The Fifty-first Congress, elected in 1888, was one of the New House most memorable in our history. It possessed a Republican ru es- majority in both houses- the first time that any party had t J r J Follett, Speaker been in power since 1876 but the majorities in both houses O f t h e H. O/K., were very small. The House selected Thomas B. Reed of 190-216- Maine as speaker. Since some Republicans were always 'The electoral vote was 233 to 168, but Cleveland's plurality on the pop- ular vote was 98,017. 476 American History [1889 Protection and reciprocity. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 301-302. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., $187. Larned (ed.), Ready Re/.. IV, 3085-3089. Election of 1892. Stanwood, Presidency, 491-518. absent the Democrats sought to " filibuster " and prevent the transaction of business by failing to respond to their names when the roll was called. In order to obtain a quorum Reed ruled that any member who was in the Hall of Representatives should be counted as present whether he responded to his name or not. This and other acts destined to destroy the " rights of the minority " were received with protests so loud that the title " Czar " Reed was thereafter applied to the big man from Maine. 407. The McKinley Tariff (1890). This Congress enacted three laws which were of particular importance. One of these was a silver act ( 412), another the so-called Sherman Anti-Trust law ( 450). The third was the Mc- Kinley tariff reported in the House by the chairman of the Ways and Means committee, William McKinley. In its final form it was the most distinctively protective act ever passed by Congress. The rates were especially high on manufactures of wool and cotton. As there had been a large surplus of rev- enues over expenditures for several years, the free list was enlarged greatly, sugar being the most important commod- ity admitted free for the first time. To protect the growers of sugar in the United States a bounty of two cents a pound was to be paid on all sugar produced in this country. The tariff also provided for reciprocity by permitting the presi- dent to increase the duties on certain articles imported prin- cipally from Latin America, if any country discriminated against our exports. 1 The tariff was not approved by many moderate Republicans and was one cause of the de- cided reaction against that party in the following election. In the election of 1892 the Republicans indorsed their policy of protection and the Democrats came out emphati- cally for a revenue tariff. Cleveland and Harrison were again the candidates. The campaign was unusually quiet, but it was found when the votes were counted that, as in 1890, the Democrats had carried a large number of nor- mally Republican states. 1 These articles were sugar, molasses, tea, coffee, and hides. l8 95j Social and Industrial Conditions 477 408. The Gorman-Wilson Tariff; the Income Tax Gorman- Wil- (1894). The Democratic platform in 1892 had contained sontariff - an unequivocal declaration for a revenue tariff. To redeem this pledge a tariff bill was introduced in the House by Dewe y. Finan. William L. Wilson, chairman of the Committee on Ways c , * * 5 192. and Means. Rates on protected articles were much lower than in the McKinley Act, although still high ; while many articles, such as raw wool, coal, and iron ore were placed on Ready Re/., the free list. In the Senate the Wilson Bill was altered by the IV. so^-s ^- committee under Senator Gorman so that most of the revenue features were removed and high protective rates were re- established on many manufactured articles. As the Demo- cratic majority was not united, a combination of members from both parties passed the bill in this form and finally compelled the House to adopt practically the same measure, on the promise that the Senate would consider bills to place coal, wool, and other articles on the free list. President Cleveland was unwilling to sign so un-Democratic a measure, but, believing it to be better than the McKinley tariff, allowed it to become a law without his signature. The most interesting provision of this act was an income Income tax tax of two per cent levied on all incomes in excess of $4000. anc ! lts consti- tutionality. This measure was desired by the South and West, which feared and distrusted the capitalists of the East. It was Dewey, Finan- denounced as a class measure aimed at persons of wealth, ctai Hist., but the exemption of incomes below $4000 was justified on the ground that capitalists paid less in proportion to their ability than other members of society. The law was set Larned ( ed -), aside by the Supreme Court because it held that all income 55*4-557. taxes were direct taxes which must be levied according to population. 1 Nearly twenty years later the Constitution was amended for the first time in forty years to permit the levying of income taxes ( 464). The loss of revenue, estimated at $40,000,000 a year, seriously hampered the national govern- ment at a time when the ordinary revenues were reduced 1 Constitution, Art. 1, 9, cl. 4. 478 American History [1897 Dingley tariff (1897). Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 581-582. Taussig, Tariff Hist., 324-328, 348- 360. Conditions at Cleveland's inauguration (1893). greatly, and there was a constant demand on the gold in the treasury in exchange for paper money. 1 409. Recent Tariffs. As the Republicans were suc- cessful in the election of 1896 ( 412) and desired to re- vise the tariff at the first opportunity, a special session of Congress was called in March, 1897. In July a tariff was adopted which marked a return to many of the rates used in the McKinley tariff of 1890, although some of the rates represented a compromise between the rates adopted in 1890 and those of the Gorman- Wilson tariff. This Dingley tariff provided for two forms of reciprocity: (i) The presi- dent was authorized to levy duties on certain imports that otherwise would come in free from semi-tropical countries which discriminated against American exports. (2) By reciprocity treaties the president and Senate, with the ap- proval of Congress, might reduce by twenty per cent the rates on a few articles in return for concessions made to our trade by foreign powers. Numerous treaties were negotiated under this clause, but only two of these were ratified. As the Republican party remained in power for several years after 1897, no change was made in the tariff until the adop- tion of the Payne-Aldrich tariff in 1909 ( 463). Recent changes in the tariff are treated later as part of the move- ment of the times. THE SILVER CONTROVERSY (1893-1897) 410. Repeal of the Sherman Silver Act. Cleveland began his second term under unfavorable circumstances. The finances of the national government were in an un- satisfactory condition, foreign affairs were still complicated, business was unsettled, the people were uneasy, and the 1 The excess of expenditures over revenue for the year 1893-1894 was seventy millions and for the last three years of Cleveland's administration, about eighty-five millions. To meet this deficit and supply gold for the gold reserve, bonds were sold aggregating in value $ 262,000,000. One issue of sixty-two millions was sold secretly to a " bond syndicate " which agreed to import gold and to prevent gold from being withdrawn from the treasury for a period. This sale was probably the most criticised of the many unusual acts of this administration. 1893.' The Silver Controversy 479 willingness and ability of the government to redeem its Peck, Twenty obligations in gold were questioned. Cleveland selected as y^s, 306-325. his Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham, a former Re- publican, without experience in diplomatic affairs. Most of the other members of his cabinet were unknown men, although events proved their ability. In 1890 the Bland-Allison Act ( 391) had been replaced Silver law of by a new silver law which was passed by Congress as a l8 9- substitute for a free silver measure desired in the West. This law, called the Sherman Silver Act, authorized the Dex ;f / y> F i na ' ctalHist.,^ 186. treasury department to purchase 4,500,000 ounces of sil- INAUGURATION OF CLEVELAND (1893) ver a month, paying for it in certificates which were full legal tender and which were redeemable in either gold or silver at the option of the department. The passage of this act, coupled with business changes Difficulty in during the years 1890-1892, had a decided influence on the maintaimn l , , the gold gold reserve of the treasury. Since the resumption of specie rese rve. payments (1879) ( 390), it had been the custom to keep at least $100,000,000 in gold always on hand for the redemp- Dewe tion of notes issued on the credit of the United States, cial Hist., Comparatively few of these had been presented prior to l88 - 18 9 1890, but after 1890 the amount of the gold reserve declined steadily. President Cleveland believed that this unfortunate N y es - state of affairs and the uneasiness caused among business p^ anc e men by the low state of the revenue was due chiefly to the 153-173. purchase of silver required under the Sherman Act. He did 21 480 American History [1893 not call a special session of Congress, however, until more than a month after the commercial unrest had brought on a panic in May, 1893 (454)> until, in fact India closed her mints to the free coinage of silver. The House voted for repeal without delay, but the silver men in the Senate held out over two months before they would permit the Sherman Act to be repealed. Causes. 411. The Free Silver Movement in the West. During the years preceding 1893 there were numerous indications ec , wenty Q f a ser j ous movement throughout the West against the Years, 448-453. commercial interests of the East and against the financial policy of the national government. In 1890 and in 1892 several states had been carried by voters known as " pop- ulists," who favored a change. With the hard times that began in 1893 and lasted for several years, the movement became more aggressive and almost universal throughout the states from the Missouri River to the Pacific coast. From all parts of the West arose a demand for government relief from the financial ills that oppressed the people. At first the demand was for the redemption of all paper money at Washington in silver as well as gold; but later, especially after the Sherman Silver Act had been repealed, the cry arose for " free silver." In fact, many of the westerners urged the issuance of paper money on an extensive scale. Development Thousands of editors, politicians, and public speakers of the silver discussed this question until even the children felt that the movement. wrong done to the West by the administration and Wall Street could be righted only by the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. Most of the western farmers Dewey, rinan- daiHist., $ 194. were deeply in debt, but had struggled along cheerfully in spite of high rates of interest, heavy charges for transport- Peck. Twenty ing their grain to an eastern market, and the manipula- Years, 453-464. tion of the market by speculators to the great loss of the grain grower. But natural as was their anger against capital and the administration, it was unfortunate that they should have selected " free silver " as the sole remedy for the con- ditions existing in that section. 1896] The Silver Controversy 481 412. Election of 1896. So formidable had this free Party conven- silver movement become that it dominated the political tions> situation in 1896. The most ardent advocates of free silver were the "Populists," * who were preeminently a cheap money Andrews, Our party, advocating the free coinage of silver at a legal ratio ^ me ' of sixteen to one and the issuance by the government, with- out intervention of. the banks, of paper money in large quantities. The Republicans, who held their convention earliest, sought to subordinate the question of money to that of protection. They declared their opposition to the free coinage of silver except by in- ternational agreement with the leading nations of the world. William McKinley of Ohio was their nominee for the presidency. The Democrats met at Chicago, the silver and the anti-silver men striving for control. The silver men outnumbered their opponents easily and succeeded in adopt- ing a free-silver plank for their platform. During the course of the debate on silver a speech of remarkable power was given by William J. Bryan of Nebraska. 2 Bryan was nominated subsequently not only by the Democratic convention, but by that of the People's party and by the silver Republicans who " bolted " the Re- publican ticket. The Democrats and the Populists, how- ever, nominated different candidates for the vice presi- dency. Many gold Democrats supported the Republican 1 This name was given commonly to members of the People's party. 2 The most dramatic passage in this historic oration was that in which he declared, " We answer the demand for the gold standard by saying, ' You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.' " 3 I WILLIAM J. BRYAN 482 American History [1896 Campaign and election. I94> ticket, but others held a convention at Indianapolis and selected nominees of their own. The campaign was one of great vigor and intense interest. Bryan visited almost every state in the Union, making speeches everywhere along the route. The Republicans relied on a " cam P ai g n of education," but both sides scat- tered cartoons and documents broadcast. Each party claimed to favor the only form of " sound money." The returns showed that party lines had been abandoned every- where and that the sections had voted solidly for the candi- date that seemed to champion their interests. McKinley carried the North as far west as the Missouri and obtained the electoral votes of Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and two Pacific states in addition, a total of 271. Bryan had large majorities in all the mountain, western prairie, or dis- tinctively southern states, 176 electoral votes in all. The total popular vote polled was larger than that in either 1900 or 1904. 413. Republican Policies. The tidal wave of 1896 gave the Republicans control of all branches of the national government a control which they maintained and The Silver Controversy 483 strengthened for many years owing to the dissensions in the Democratic ranks. McKinley, who was by temperament fair-minded and conservative, surrounded himself with a cabinet which contained during the first part of his ad- ministration men like John Sherman and William R. Day, and later included those exceedingly able statesmen, John Hay and Elihu Root. McKinley sought to conciliate the different interests at home and to prevent unnecessary complications abroad. The chief event of his administra- tion was the conflict with Spain which changed many national policies ( 428-431.) No change was made in the financial system of the United States until in 1900 a law was passed revising part of the system. Gold was declared to be the money standard, and all forms of money are to be maintained at a parity with gold. The national paper currency was reduced in amount and reissued only in exchange for gold. The old bonds bearing three, four, or five per cent interest which had almost reached maturity might be exchanged for new thirty-year two per cent bonds. National banks might be organized more easily and might issue notes on more liberal terms. WILLIAM MCKINLEY Financial law of 1900. Hart, Content* porat ies, IV, No. 172. Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 639-641. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 198-201. FOREIGN AFFAIRS (1865-1895) 414. Disputes with England. During the first adminis- Fisheries tration of Cleveland most of our foreign disputes were with disputes. Great Britain. The more acute of these dealt with the . Cambridge northeastern fisheries and was settled at this time ; the others Mod. Hist., were concerned with fur sealing in Bering Sea and with the VII, 657-650. Alaskan boundary. It will be recalled ( 170) that at the close of the Revolution the New England states desired 4 8 4 American History [1886 Larned (ed.)^ Ready Ref., II, II2I-II22. Andrews, Our Own Time, 508-515. Hart, Contem- poraries, IV, No. 173. McGrath, P. T., in New England Mag., 33 (1906), 625- 630. Seals in Bering Sea. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3S8i-3S82, VI, 51-53- Dewey, Nat. Problems, 208-213. The Alaskan boundary. a continuance of the profitable fisheries off Newfoundland. The liberal privileges granted to the United States in the treaty of 1783 were declared to be forfeited when war broke out in 1812, and in 1818, when the matter was readjusted, the United States was obliged to surrender her claim to most of the " inshore " fisheries. There was continued dispute over the interpretation of the convention of 1818 and several attempts were made to gain further rights, notably in the important treaty of Washington 1 (1871), by which the United States gave a free market to all Canadian fish and gained the right to fish off the coasts of the British colonies for ten years, on payment of $5, 000,000 . 2 When these privileges lapsed, peaceful relations were disturbed by the seizure of American fishing vessels which trespassed on forbidden ground. After much hard feeling the matter was settled by giving special privileges to those American fishermen who took out licenses in Canada. For some years fishing was permitted by special agreements with Newfoundland, but in 1908 the whole question was submitted to the Hague Court ( 443). Al- though the decisions of the Court in 1910 gave Great Britain control of bays less than ten miles wide, it freed American fishermen from petty regulations and annoy- ances. The Bering Sea seal fisheries were threatened with de- struction because of raids by irresponsible parties. After protracted controversy, it was decided that Canadian sealers should not take furs within a distance of sixty miles of the most important seal islands. In 1911 an agreement was made by the United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Russia for the permanent protection of the seal herds. The invasion of Alaska by gold seekers after 1898 ( 437) brought into prominence the boundary between Alaska and 1 This treaty of Washington not only settled the controversy over the fisheries, but arranged for the arbitration of the claims due to losses caused by the Alabama and other cruisers ( 361, note) and for the arbitration of the boundary line in Puget Sound. * This award was made at Halifax in 1877. 1891] Foreign Affairs 485 Canada. 1 Both sides wished to control the most valuable Lamed (ed.), mines and the bays leading to the interior where the mines Rea *y Re f-> VI > Were. By submitting the question to arbitration the United States gained most of her contentions, so that she Latan6 - Am - as controls practically all of the coast of the " panhandle " Ig2 _ 202 of Alaska. 415. Samoa. Harrison's administration is notable not Our first joint alone for the interest we were beginning to take in our protectorate, southern neighbors, but because in the south Pacific we were Cambridge engaging with other nations in a method of political control ^f'^ tst '' VII, 001663. hitherto foreign to our policy. This was done in the estab- lishment of a joint protectorate over the group of Samoan Lamed (ed.), Islands. In 1878 we had obtained Pago Pago harbor as a *& **/. VI, 431434. coaling station, but our commerce with the islands was not large, and it was not until 1889 that the attempt of Germany Foster, Am. to control the king of the island forced the United States into Diplomacy in a joint protectorate for Samoa with. Germany and Great .,86-398 Britain. This did not work well, and by 1898 a situation had developed that was little better than civil war. By common consent (1899) the joint protectorate was dissolved, Tutuila Island with Pago Pago harbor being given to the United States and the rest of the islands going to Germany, which compensated Great Britain for her share. 1 The relations of Canada and the United States have at all times been very intimate. In 1776 attempts were made to have Canada join the United States, in the invasion of Arnold ( 142) and in the Declaration of Independence. In 1783 part of Canada was ceded by Great Britain to the United States ( 171). In 1812 one important cause of the war was a design on the part of the West to annex Canada ( 245). Later boundary disputes ( 280, 303), reciprocity for 12 years (18541866), fisheries questions, re- newed talk of annexation, and finally in 191 1 renewed consideration of reci- procity ( 458), formed other links in the chain of international relations. So many Canadians have come to the border states during the last half century and so many Americans have gone to the Canadian northwest in the last decade that the boundary line between the two countries is not so important socially as it was. Since Canada became practically self-governing and in 1867 formed a federation, called the Dominion of Canada, there is little difference politically between the two. As we export to Canada more than to any other country except Great Britain, and as we need Canadian raw materials, the commercial relations ought to be still closer than they are. 486 American History [i893 United States and Hawaii before 1893. Andrews, Our Own Time, 700-704. Foster, Am. Diplomacy in Orient, 370-378. Revolution of 1893- M od. Hist., VII, 667-668. United States and Hawaii (1893-1898). Peck, Twenty Years, 243 248, 331-335- Foster, Am. Diplomacy in Orient, 378-385. 416. Hawaii. Americans have been interested in the Hawaiian Islands since the first part of the nineteenth cen- tury. After the Civil War there was a growing sentiment in the United States that the islands must never be con- trolled by any European power. On account of a desire for free trade with Hawaii, a reciprocity treaty was signed in 1876, but we did not interfere with the government of the islands, which had become more liberal because of the de- mands of white residents. Early in 1893 there occurred in the Hawaiian Islands a revolution which drove from the throne the reigning queen, Liliuokalani, who wished to restore arbitrary govern- ment. During the confusion ac- companying this change, the Amer- ican minister authorized the landing of marines and raised the American flag. A treaty was drawn up without delay pro- viding for the annexation of Hawaii to the United States and was submitted by President Harrison to the Senate during the closing days of his term. Before action had been taken in the Senate, the treaty was withdrawn by President Cleveland, and a special commissioner, James H. Blount, was sent to investigate the revolution. By Blount's orders the flag of the United States was hauled down, and, on his recommendations, plans were made for the restoration of the queen. These failed because the new government refused to relinquish its author- ity and because the queen desired the death of all engaged in the revolt against her. The President's policy was not popular, and in 1894 he recognized the newly organized republic of Hawaii. In 1897 another treaty providing for Foreign Affairs 487 annexation was signed, but it failed of ratification. Not until the events leading to the Spanish- American War forced us to abandon our old policy of semi-isolation from affairs of world-wide importance did Hawaii become part of the United States (1898) through joint resolution of the houses of Congress. 417. Pan-American Congresses. In a sense our most Panama Con- important foreign relations and policies have been those gress ( l8z6 )- with our southern neighbors. The Monroe Doctrine grew Foster, Am. out of attempts to protect them and our interests in Latin Diplomacy, America. Beginning with James G. Elaine, several states- 4 men have attempted to increase our trade with Latin Amer- Burgess, ica and establish a better feeling between the United States Middle Period . 147-155- and countries south of us. The first Pan-American congress was held at Panama in 1826 for the purpose of forming an al- liance of the Latin-American states in their contest with Spain. The United States was asked to send delegates, although it was expected that we should have no share in the alliance ; but many Americans objected to sending commis- sioners. The proposed alliance came to naught. Later congresses of Latin-American states were held, without im- portant results. ' The United States did not take part in the work of any Pan-American congresses until 1889. Delegates from the republics in the new world met in conference at Washington in October, 1889, and selected as chairman Secretary Elaine, who had Andrews, Our tried to secure a Pan-American conference in 1881. This " Time - 566574. conference was followed in 1900 by one held in the city of Mexico. The third Pan-American conference met at Rio Casasus, J. D., Janeiro in 1906, and the fourth in Buenos Ayres in 1910. in Annals ) The results of the meetings have been important, although Sc ' s ' M the delegates have made no laws and the different countries (1906), 5-13. have not always acted on the suggestions offered. Because of these conferences a better understanding exists among the nations of the new world. Commerce has been promoted, especially by the establishment of a bureau of the American republics which collects and publishes information regarding 488 American History [1865 Two applica- tions of the Monroe Doctrine. The French in Mexico (1866). Foster, Am. Diplomacy, 401-403. Lothrop, Seward, 387- 395- trade. 1 Most of the countries have agreed to use every effort to preserve peace and the most important nations have given their consent to a plan for the compulsory arbitration of debts owed by any government to citizens of another country. 418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil War. During the last half century there have been two con- spicuous instances of European interference with the affairs of the Latin-American republics to which we have objected. The first of these occurred in Mexico during the Civil War, the second grew out of the boundary dispute in Venezuela. During the Civil War Napoleon III of France, under pretext of collecting certain debts, forced upon the Mexicans an Austrian prince named Maximilian, who was main- tained as Emperor of Mexico by the use of the French army. Being fully occupied with the prosecution of the war, and anxious to avoid difficulty with France, the government at Washington felt it unwise to do more than refuse to recognize Maximilian's government and mildly protest against Na- poleon's course. After Appomattox the case was different. An army of observation under Sheridan was dispatched to the Rio Grande, and disapproval of French actions was clearly expressed. Finally, on December 10, 1865, Secretary Seward sent to France a peremptory note, stating that the policy of friendship for France would " be brought into im- mediate jeopardy, unless France could deem it consistent with her interest and honor to desist from the prosecution of armed intervention in Mexico to overthrow the domestic republican government existing there, and to establish upon its ruins the foreign monarchy which has been attempted to be inaugu- rated in the capital of that country." After a little hesitation Napoleon agreed to withdraw his troops ; and when that was done, the Mexican Empire came to an end, Maximilian being put to death. 419. Dispute over the Boundary of Venezuela (1895). Since the early part of the nineteenth century, there had been 1 It has a building at Washington built chiefly with money donated by Mr. Carnegie. 1895] Foreign Affairs 489 RICHARD OLNEY a dispute over the location of the boundary line between British Guiana and Venezuela. This had never been located, although repeated attempts had been made, especially after 1841, to reach some agreement. The disputed territory in- cluded a large area in the interior, in which gold had been discovered, and a strip along the mouth jof the great Orinoco River. Venezuela proposed arbitration, but the British government refused at first such a settlement of the ques- tion, and later agreed to that method only on condition that Venezuela should admit the validity of most of Eng- land's claims before submis- sion to arbitrators. The disparity in strength between Great Britain and Venezuela, the danger that Venezuela might be forced to surrender some of her territory to Great Britain, as well as the interest of the United States in the controversy, seemed to President Cleveland and Secretary of State Olney sufficient ground for interference. Secretary Olney accordingly wrote to Lord Salisbury (1895), explaining at length the nature of the Monroe Doctrine and asserting our right to protect Venezuela from the forcible seizure of the territory in dis- pute. Lord Salisbury answered that the Monroe Doctrine was simply a policy of the United States, that it was not a part of the law of nations, and that, in any case, it was not a suffi- cient reason for American interference. 420. Settlement of the Venezuela Controversy. Soon after receiving this reply, President Cleveland sent a special message to Congress (December 17). He stated that since Great Britain had been unwilling to submit the dispute to impartial arbitration, it was now the duty of the United States to determine the location of the true boundary line. He recommended a commission appointed by the executive Venezuelan boundary dis- pute before 1895. Cambridge Mod. Hist., VII, 670-671. Correspond- ence over Venezuela. Hart, Contem- poraries, TV, No. 179. Latang, U. 5. and Sp. Am., 272-277. Dewey, Nat. Problems, 304-307 Cleveland's message. Dewey, Nat. Problems, 307-312. 490 American History [1895 Cleveland, Pres. Problems, 269-273. Decision regarding Venezuela boundary. Cleveland, Pres. Problems, 273-281. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 600-693. Debt collec- tion in Vene- zuela and Santo Domingo. Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., VII, 582-585, 684-685. Latane, Am. as a World Power, 271 284. The dilemma of the Monroe Doctrine. Bingham, H., in Atlantic Mo., ill (1913), 721-734. to investigate the question and render a report. " When such report is made and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation of any lands or the exercise of governmen- tal jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." This forceful language aroused great enthusiasm in Amer- ica, but for a few days there was considerable excitement because of the belief that war with Great Britain might fol- low. After the commission was appointed, Great Britain agreed to arbitrate the dispute, on condition that each country could have the lands which its citizens had occupied for fifty years. This gave a large part of the inland territory in dispute to Great Britain without further controversy. The tribunal which fixed the line decided, however, that Venezuela should control the territory on both sides of the Orinoco. 421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895. The Venezuela dispute emphasized the fact that the Monroe Doctrine is not simply the doctrine announced by Monroe in 1823. Since 1895 the doctrine has been changed still further. In 1902 Germany, Great Britain, and Italy tried to collect from Venezuela by " peaceful blockade " debts due to citizens of those countries. When the United States insisted that a peaceful blockade was contrary to the Monroe Doctrine, the powers declared a war blockade. The question was settled by submission to the Hague Court, which gave pref- erence to the three powers over other creditor countries. Later, in Santo Domingo, President Roosevelt took charge of the customs of that country in order to protect American interests and to avoid European interference. As the Monroe Doctrine is the policy of the President of the United States, it varies with each executive. President Roosevelt favored a very great extension of the doctrine. Other chief executives would restrict it. Continued mis- government in a Latin- American republic, coupled with inter- ference with foreigners and foreign property rights, certainly calls for supervision by the United States, as Roosevelt 1895] Foreign Affairs 491 insisted, or interference by European powers, if American Biakeslee, diplomacy and moral suasion fail. But the more progres- G - H -- in No - T * A * t TT i c > ,- l I 9 8 sive Latin-American countries fear Uncle Sam's interference (i 9 i 3 ) i779 - rather than that of Europe. The Monroe Doctrine arouses 789. the hostility of these people and interferes with their friend- ship for us and their trade with us. We must expand the doctrine, or we must limit it to unwarranted interference by Europe, or we must abandon it. In spite of this indefiniteness the Monroe Doctrine may Principles of be said to include the following principles. No European the Monroe . . . . . , Doctrine, power can colonize any American territory, with or without the consent of the American republic whose territory is taken. No Am Rev No great European power shall decide territory controversies 180 (1905), with the weaker American states to its own advantage. We 586-601. do not permit one of the great nations to occupy or retain the territory of a republic of this continent to guarantee the payment of debts owed in Europe. On the other hand, we do not object to the use of force if necessary to collect debts that a Spanish-American state may refuse to pay, nor do we interfere in ordinary disputes between the nations of the old world and the new, although we always offer our services in the settlement of the controversy. 422. Summary. The decade which closed with 1897 is General, noteworthy as a transition period. It was the end of an era of growth mainly national. It was a time of change in politics, in business, and in society. People were dissatisfied with their political parties and their government's methods in dealing with internal and foreign questions. Politically the period may be divided into two parts. Political issues, (i) The dominant issue from 1886 to 1894 was the tariff. In 1890 a high protective tariff was adopted. (2) From 1894 to 1896 the free-silver movement obscured every other. The foreign questions of the period were more important Foreign affairs than at almost any other time since 1815. Most of our ordinary disputes were settled without great difficulty. Two questions, those of Samoa and Venezuela, showed a desire on the part of the officials and people to take an active part in world affairs from which we had heretofore held aloof. 49 2 American History [1909 TOPICS 1. THE SILVER ACT OF 1890: White, "Money and Banking"; Noyes, " Thirty Years of American Finance," pp. i58-(i8i) ; Taussig, "The Silver Situation," pp. 48-71; Sherman, "Recollections of Forty Years," pp. 1061-1071, 1175-1200.' 2. THE VENEZUELA CONTROVERSY: Peck, "Twenty Years of the Republic," pp. 412436; Larned (ed.), " History for Ready Refer- ence," VI, pp. 684-693, 557-560; Cleveland, "Presidential Problems," pp. i73- 2 73- 3. ELECTION OF 1896: Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," Chapter XXXI; Peck, "Twenty Years of the Republic," pp. 465- 517; Larned (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VI, pp. 563-574. STUDIES 1. Kearney and the sand lot riots. (Andrews, "The United States in Our Own Time," pp. 360-381.) 2. Thomas B. Reed. (Knight, E,, in New England Magazine, 30 (1904), pp. 215-224.) 3. Populist platform (1892). (Stanwood, "History of the Presi- dency," pp. 509-513.) 4. Government sales of bonds. (Cleveland, "Presidential Prob- lems," pp. 121172.) 5. Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech. ("Masterpieces of Elo- quence," Vol. 25, pp. 10735-10745.) QUESTIONS 1. Make a table showing 1 the changes in the tariff since the Civil War. Would it be better if business men rather than politicians decided tariff rates ? What are the chief objections to a highly pro- tective tariff ? to one exclusively for revenue ? 2. What was the purpose of the Panama Congress (1826) ? How has the object of the later congresses been different ? To what extent do the American countries trade with one another ? To what extent have they a community of political interests ? 3. What European countries have income taxes? Was the tax of 1894 a class measure ? Should not some of our taxes be progres- sive, i.e. with a higher rate for those whose assessment is large ? 4. What is the chief cause of agitation for cheap money ? To what extent was the free-silver movement in 1894 similar to the greenback movement of 1877 ? What was the result of the movement in each case? 5. Place in the notebook a complete summary of each of the following topics, showing the sections of the test in which details may be obtained ; the tariff, laws relating to money, Monroe Doctrine. CHAPTER XXI EXPANSION (1897-1904) PRESIDENTS William McKinley (1897-1901) Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) 423. Fundamental Changes in the United States after Readiness for 1897. The years 1897 and l8 9 8 marked the transition from change (l897) the old era to the new. The old nation, which had emerged triumphant from the long struggle with state sovereignty twenty years earlier, had completed the task of destroying slavery and most of the other dangers which threatened the development and continuance of a true nation. It had attacked and in many cases had solved temporarily press- ing political problems, such as the tariff, silver, and civil service difficulties. New industrial and commercial methods were coming into use. The nation, instinct with life and . energy, needed new outlets for its products, sought new fields of activity, political and commercial, demanded new policies that were based on recognition of our real position as a nation and not on precedent. For several years there had been evidence of a readiness to abandon our former position of semi-isolation from the affairs of the world powers. The opportunity to adopt a new international policy came when we felt impelled not alone for self- protection but in the interests of humanity to intervene in Cuba. The war which followed gave the new American spirit New imperial a chance to express itself in many ways. We annexed new P lic y- territories which were densely populated by people of races alien to our own, by people who were inexperienced in the art of self-government. A new colonial policy was formu- lated to meet the needs of these dependencies, although this policy involved on a large scale imperial principles which 2K 493 494 American History [1868 Industrial consolidation. Importance of Cuba to the United States. Cf. Mahan, America in Sea Power, 271-314. The Ten Years' War (1868-1879). we had considered odious hitherto and which we had used reluctantly. The establishment of this colonial policy involved a new construction of the Constitution which will react inevitably on the government of the United States proper by increasing centralization and by decreasing the right of the states and of individuals. The new imperial policy of the United States was of scarcely greater importance than the industrial changes which took place at this time. With the great consolidation of capital engaged in industry or commerce in the form of great trusts or railway combinations, the country began a new period marked by limited competition, extensive pro- duction, and wider markets. To protect the public from the exorbitant changes or unjust methods of these combinations has been and is now one of the chief problems of our national government and of the governments in many of our states. THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 424. Our Relations with Cuba before 1895. The location of Cuba has made that island of the first importance in the history of the United States, since we acquired ter- ritory in the Mississippi basin and along the Gulf of Mexico. Standing at the entrance to those two inland seas, the Gulf and the Caribbean, both of which become of infinitely greater value to us with the construction of an isthmian canal, Cuba has interests inseparable from those of the United States. We could permit Cuba to remain a Spanish colony because Spain was no longer a factor in the world's affairs, but we could not and cannot permit Cuba to become the dependency of any of the great European nations. To many people the annexation of Cuba by the United States has been considered the only safe solution of this vexed problem. Among the colonizing nations of the world Spain has been notorious for the wretched government of its provinces. Cuba suffered most of the abuses borne by Spanish colonies, due to harsh laws, arbitrary administration, failure of justice, 1896] The Spanish American War 495 official greed, and universal corruption. Many revolts had Titherington, occurred in order to gain greater liberty and lower taxes. s P-- Am - War > 2Q 40. The greatest of the revolts before 1895 was the so-called "Ten Years' War," an insurrection that started in 1868, but was confined almost exclusively to the eastern part of and s ' A ' m ^. the island. When the United States protested against the 136-174. fruitless struggle, Spain's captain-general in Cuba, Campos, agreed to grant autonomy. But after the insurgents had laid down their arms, the Spanish government refused to carry out the promises of Campos. During this struggle war was averted narrowly when the Virginius was captured on her way to Cuba, and Cuban officials shot many of her crew who were Americans. 425. United States and Cuban Insurrection (1895-1 896). Insurrection In February, 1895, insurrection again broke out. This time I 95 ' all Cuba was affected and the cry of Cuba Libre was echoed from every part of the island, for few longer put faith Larned ( ed -). ' . r Ready Kef., in the promises of the Spaniards. Spam sent large numbers VI I7I _ I75> , of troops who could accomplish little against the guerrilla bands of the Cubans, although they outnumbered the in- Titherington surgents regularly in the field at least four to one. The sp.-Am. War t difficulty was to find an enemy whom they could Strike. 43-S 6 - In despair General Weyler sought to crush the rebellion by ordering (1896) the concentration of all non-combatants in camps near the larger cities. Through this " reconcentrada" policy the insurgents were crippled somewhat, but the suffer- ing of the innocent women and children, huddled together without means of earning enough for food, defeated not only the immediate purpose of Weyler, but was the signal for the overthrow of Spanish rule in America. In the interest of humanity the United States was compelled to assert herself. From the beginning of this insurrection there was a Cleveland pronounced sentiment among many Americans in favor of and Cuba - recognizing the belligerency of the Cubans if not the independ- ence of the Cuban republic. This sentiment was reflected Lodge, War in Congress, both houses of which desired to have President vn 13-23. Cleveland use his good offices for the recognition of both 496 American History [1896 McKinley and Cuba. Lodge, War with Spain, 23-28. Destruction of the Maine. Lamed (ed.), Ready Re/., vi, 583-585- belligerency and independence. The President did not see fit to take any action and when (December, 1896) Congress was on the point of declaring that Cuba was independent, Cleveland and Olney made it clear that they should disregard any resolution passed in Congress to that effect. In his last message to Congress, however, the President stated that a prolongation of the war might require our intervention in Cuba. 426. Dangers to American Interests in Cuba (1897- 1898). President McKinley took nearly the same view of THE Maine ENTERING HAVANA HARBOR the Cuban question as his predecessor, although his efforts in behalf of American prisoners afforded better protection to those who had business in Cuba. During 1897 the Spanish prime minister was assassinated and a Liberal ministry was formed under Sagasta, which recalled Weyler and endeavored to pacify the island by offering home rule to the Cubans. This offer was spurned, and by the middle of January, 1898, the disorder in and around Havana had increased to such an extent that the battleship Maine was sent to Havana harbor in order to protect American interests. On the morning of February 16 the world was shocked to learn that the Maine had been blown up at ten o'clock the preceding evening, 266 of her officers and crew being dead. For five weeks, with rare self-control, the nation waited. On March 21 a committee of inquiry reported to the President that the disaster had been caused by the 1898] The Spanish- American War 497 explosion of a mine outside the vessel. Although the Spanish officials must have known that they had stationed the Maine over a mine, no blame was attached to the Spanish government. Even then the people waited for the government to decide when and in what way it would act. Pressure was brought to bear upon Spain to make repara- tion for this outrage, without result of course. By courtesy of Judge. Copyrighted. BE CAREFUL' 427. The Situation during the Spring of 1898. Mean- Preparations while active preparations were made for the war which forwar ' was to be the last resort. On March 9 Congress had voted $50,000,000 for the national defense, to be expended Tithenngton, at the discretion of the President. When it became evident that Spain would do nothing, the patience of the people was exhausted. President McKinley sought to prevent hostili- ties, but, on April n, he was forced by public sentiment to send to Congress his " war message " asserting that " the war in Cuba must stop." After a few days' debate on the exact form of intervention, Congress, on the historic igth of April, adopted four resolutions: (i) that the people of a K 49* American History [1898 Attitude of European powers. Peck, Twenty Years, 545-554- Comparison of the combatants. Titherington, Sp.-Am. War, 96-114. Cuba were and of right ought to be free and independent; (2) that Spain must withdraw from Cuba; (3) that the PreS' ident might use force to free Cuba ; and (4) that the United States was freeing the island for the Cubans and not for herself. Spain at once severed diplomatic relations with the United States and war actually began April 21, al- though it was several days before Congress declared that a state of war existed between Spain and the United States. The attitude of the United States toward Cuba had been watched carefully by the European powers, who had tried to prevent armed conflict between Spain and America. Most European states- men believed that the United States was interfering in Cuba in order to advance American interests^ They thought therefore that ouij interference was not justified. On the continent it was expected that; Spain would have no difficulty in overpowering our navy, and the attitude of many was distinctly hostile to the United States, until repeated victories silenced opposition. England, however, gave proof of her goodwill from the beginning and used her influence in winning friends for us on the continent. 428. The Beginning of War. On paper the advantage at the beginning lay with Spain rather than the United States, but the Americans of necessity assumed the offensive. Spain had large numbers of seasoned troops under arms in Cuba, whereas the regular army of the United States con- sisted of but 25,000 men, many of whom could not be spared for foreign service. Spain's navy consisted of several armored cruisers of high speed and modern equipment, although the navy as a whole was inferior to that of the United States, which included several large battleships. After the destruction of the Maine, the navy was pre- WILLIAM T. SAMPSON 1898] The Spanish- American War 499 pared for possible war. Two fleets were gathered in the Preparing the north Atlantic. One of these, with most of the battleships fleets< and monitors, was commanded by Admiral William T. Samp- son; the other, composed of faster cruisers and called the Hart - Content- " flying squadron," by Admiral Winfield S. Schley. 1 All J vessels in the Pacific were ordered to Hong Kong, where Admiral Dewey made preparations to capture the fleet at Manila in case of war. 183 Copyright (1898) by Wm. H. Rau. THE BATTLESHIP Oregon After war was declared Dewey was obliged to leave the British port at Hong Kong, as he could not remain in the harbor of a nation that had declared itself neutral. He proceeded at once to the Philippines and advanced early on the morning of May i against the Spanish fleet. The Spanish were not well prepared for an attack, although their vessels were more numerous than ours and were pro- tected by the batteries located at Cavite and along the shore. A few hours sufficed for the complete destruction of 1 The battleship Oregon was ordered from San Francisco to join the Atlantic fleet and made a remarkable voyage around Cape Horn, the ship covering fourteen thousand miles in sixty-seven days, and reporting for duty without delay, since it arrived in perfect condition. Manila. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 59&-S99, 617-620. Titherington, Sp.-Am. War, 364-378. 500 American History [1898 Lodge, War with. Spain, 48-67. Cuba. Lodge, War with Spain, Chapters VI- VIII. GEORGE DEWEY all the enemy's vessels, but no attempt was made at this time to capture Manila, since Dewey could not spare the marines necessary for holding the city. Later in May the first transports left San Fran- ^^^Hiifj^, cisco with troops for the Philippines, but Manila was not besieged until late in July after fresh reinforcements had arrived. A combined land and naval attack under General Merritt and Dewey led to the surrender of the city August 13, one day after peace articles had been signed at Washington. As the Span- ish had controlled a very small part of the islands, their rule in the East was practically over. 429. Wax on the Atlantic. At the beginning of the war a blockade of most of the important ports of Cuba was established, in the hope of starving Havana into submission. A sharp lookout was kept for the fleet under Cervera which, it was feared, might at- tack one of our unpro- tected coast cities. The fleet was discovered later at Santiago de Cuba, the harbor of which is deep and narrow, with a bottle- like entrance which the blockading fleet sought unsuccessfully to close by sinking a collier, the Mer- rimac, in the entrance. The American fleet now waited outside the harbor until the army threatened the capture of the city. Owing to the difficulties in organizing and transporting the troops, only a few thousand were ready OPE1UTIOXS AKOINU SANTIAGO 1)E CUBA 1898] The Spanish- American War 501 to sail from Florida at this time. After some delays and considerable suffering through lack of proper food and shelter, the regulars and Roosevelt's " rough riders " cap- tured the enemy's strongholds at El Caney and San Juan Hill. Cervera then left the harbor about nine o'clock on the morning of July 3. One after another his vessels were forced ashore and destroyed by the accurate fire SIGNING THE PEACE PROTOCOL of the Americans. Again, practically without loss, an American fleet had destroyed its Spanish opponent. 1 Soon after, the city was surrendered with all of the troops in eastern Cuba, on condition that they should be transferred free to Spain. Later in July an American force under General Nelson Porto Rican A. Miles proceeded against Porto Rico. By a well-planned caH1 P ai g n - and brilliantly executed campaign the subjugation of Porto L^^ / e( j.) Rico was nearly completed when preliminaries of peace were Ready Re/., signed and hostilities ceased. VI> 6l7> 1 The sole remaining fleet of Spain, which had passed through the Suez canal on its way to the East, now turned back to Spain. 502 American History [1898 Preliminaries of peace. Lodge, War with Spain, 222-226. Loans and new taxes. Dewey, Finan- cial Hist., 197- West, M., in Rev. of Rev., 18 (1898), 48-52. Inefficiency of the war department. The decisive naval victories of the Americans at Manila and Santiago, followed by preparations for active campaigns against Porto Rico and the city of Manila,, convinced the Spanish government that further prosecution of the war was unwise. On July 26 the French ambassador at Washing- ton was requested to ask for terms of peace and on August 12 a peace protocol was signed. Spain relinquished all claim to Cuba, ceded Porto Rico and her other West Indian islands to the United States, and gave us one island in the Ladrone group in the Pacific. The United States was to hold the city and harbor of Manila pending the final dis- position of the Philippines. 430. War Finance. To meet the extraordinary expenses of the war, Congress raised large sums of money. Imme- diate needs were satisfied by a loan of $200,000,000 at three per cent interest. So patriotic was the response to the government's request for money that more than 300,000 persons subscribed to the loan, offering a total sum of $1,400,000,000. Profiting by the lesson of the Civil War, the government wisely sought to pay most of the military and naval expenses through taxation. The old rates on tobacco and fermented liquors were increased one hundred per cent. New schedules were created by placing a stamp tax on patent medicines, chewing gum, and other articles. Stamps were to be placed on all checks, drafts, deeds, notes, and many other papers involving business transactions. Several lines of business were obliged to pay business taxes, the total revenue from the new excise and business taxes amounting to about $71,000,000 a year. A new kind of national tax was levied on legacies, the rate varying from less than one per cent for direct heirs to fifteen per cent for those unrelated to the deceased who inherited large sums. As the increase of the army and navy expenses was not limited to the four months of the war, 1 most of these war 1 The military and naval expenses for 1898-1901 inclusive were $514.- 000,000 more than for the preceding four years, an increase of more than one hundred and fifty per cent. 1898] The Spanish- American War 503 taxes were retained for several years. Both the stamp Lamed (ed.), taxes and the inheritance tax were repealed during 1002. Ready Ke f" VI, 631-634. 43 1 . Army Administration and Reform. Even before the war began the serious condition of the war department became painfully evident. Not only was the department unpre- pared for war, but so defective were its methods that it could not do satisfactorily even a small part of the work assigned to it. Troops were furnished with the wrong kind of materials for tropical cam- paigns; there were few modern rifles obtainable and smokeless powder was pro- vided only on rare occasions. The volunteers were huddled in unsanitary camps. If sent to the front, they were delayed at every point by lack of transports or other facilities. Six weeks after war was declared, a time sufficient in 1866 for the complete humili- ation of Austria by Prussia, the new army was still dis- organized. The department failed most completely in providing food for the troops. Serious sickness and death were caused by this scarcity or by the inferior quality of the supplies. Contracts were made by the department under which " embalmed " beef that was unfit for food was fur- nished in large quantities. An investigation in 1899 ex- onerated Alger, the secretary of war, but the public was not satisfied that the defects of the system were understood or the proper officials blamed for neglect of duty. As the preservation of order in the new colonies required ELIHU ROOT 504 American History [1898 Reorganiza- tion of the army. Lamed (ed.)i Ready Ref., VI, 678-680. The question of expansion. Negotiations regarding the Philippines. a larger standing army than that existing before 1898, a new law was passed by Congress in 1901 enlarging the army to a total of not less than 57,000 nor more than 100,000. Under the guidance of that able and energetic administrator, Secretary of War Root, the entire system was modernized and reorganized, and a general staff created to take charge of army affairs. Since we had decided to keep the outlying islands which came into our possession in 1898 and con- struct an isthmian canal, plans were made and have been carried out partially to enlarge and strengthen the navy, which will be of especial value in protecting our interests in all parts of the globe. THE CARE OF WIDER AMERICAN INTERESTS 432. The Problem of the Pacific. During the three months following the conclusion of hostilities the adminis- tration was obliged to decide definitely what its policy should be in regard to the annexation of distant lands in the Pacific. There was no doubt that the nation was willing to follow a new policy that would open to us new ports in the far East and permit us to use our political influence in the Pacific to greater advantage. During the war Hawaii had been annexed to the United States by joint resolution of both houses of Congress. Although many arguments in favor of Hawaiian annexation could not be used of islands near Asia the nearness of the Hawaiian group, their com- mercial dependence on the United States, the comparatively large white population of Hawaii, the danger to us from their acquisition by a European nation nevertheless the pos- session of Hawaii was a reason for going a step farther and acquiring islands which would give us commercial advan- tages in the great struggle that had already begun for su- premacy in the west Pacific and in eastern Asia. At first President McKinley authorized the peace com- missioners to acquire the island of Luzon only, with trade concessions in other parts of the Philippines. Later, how- ever, the President reached the conclusion that " the cession 1899] Care of Wider American Interests 505 must be of the whole archipelago or none. The latter is Lodge, War wholly inadmissible and the former must therefore be Wlth S P MH < 226230. required." As Secretary Hay telegraphed to the peace com- missioners, " The sentiment in the United States is almost universal that the people of the Philippines, whatever else is done, must be liberated from Spanish dominion. In this VII, 682-686. sentiment the President fully concurs. Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor can we invite another power or powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We must either hold them or turn them back to Spain. Consequently grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can see but one plain path of duty the acceptance of the archipelago." 433. The Treaty of Paris (1898-1 899). While the admin- Negotiation istration was deciding what should be done in reference to the and P rovision s Philippines, negotiations for a peace treaty were begun at Paris, October, 1898. The United States was represented by Hart - Contem- five able commissioners * who succeeded in gaining all of the i^' 8 concessions we desired. The chief discussions were caused by Spain's desire to make us responsible for Cuba and the . ' * MacDonald, Cuban debt and to retain the Philippines for herself. On statutes, both points Spain yielded finally. According to the com- No. 131. pleted treaty Spain relinquished her sovereignty over Cuba, ceded to us Porto Rico and her other West India possessions and the Island of Guam, and transferred her rights in the Philippines for a sum of $20,000,000 paid to her for public works and improvements which belonged to the Spanish government. Although most of the people of the United States approved Debate over the acquisition of the Philippines, an active minority opposed. ratifi c a tion. it. Anti-imperialist leagues were formed which sought to arouse public sentiment, especially by harping on the word Lamed (ed.) " imperialism." They called attention to the great change which we should make if we abandoned our traditional 1 The commissioners were William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, Wil- liam P. Frye, George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid. 506 American History [1899 policy. They maintained that the acquisition was not only contrary to the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, but was unjust to the Filipinos and dangerous to the perpetuation of our democratic institutions. Many of the advocates of annexation did not desire to hold the Philippines permanently, but believed any other course to be unwise. Probably the majority of the American people, even at this time, favored not only the retention of the islands Aguinaldo's insurrection. Andrews, Our Own Time, 842-852. By courtesy of Leslie's Weekly. Copyrighted. A REPUBLICAN APPEAL TO VOTERS (1900) but the adoption of an imperialist policy involving tropical colonies. The treaty was submitted to the Senate early in January, 1899. After a month of discussion it was adopted by a very narrow margin, the vote being 57 to 28, only one more than the constitutional two thirds. 434. The Philippine Insurrection and the Election of 1900. The problem of controlling the Philippines was complicated because of an insurrection against the authority of the American government. For several years before the Spanish-American War there had been armed opposition in the islands to the rule of Spain. After the transfer of the Philippines in the treaty of peace these forces which had rebelled, led by Aguinaldo, attacked the American troops, 1902] Care of Wider American Interests 507 and it was more than two years before the disorder was Lamed (ed.), finally suppressed by the capture of Aguinaldo and the Read y Re f-> suppression of minor rebellions in the smaller islands of the ,85-387 group. In the presidential election of 1900 interest in the free- Election of silver discussion of 1896 was revived because of the unwill- I9 - ingness of the Democratic candidate, William J. Bryan, Andrews, Our to run on any other platform than that of the free coinage of f w o r * we ' 065 o7o silver at a legal ratio of 16 to i. The Democratic platform, however, stated that imperialism was " the paramount issue Lamed (ed.), of the campaign." The Republican convention endorsed Read y Re f-' VI, 646-660. the attitude of the McKmley administration in its dealings with our dependencies and renewed its " allegiance to the Latan6, principle of the gold standard." William McKinley was ^* . . World Power, renominated for President and Theodore Roosevelt of New I20 _ I32 . York was selected for Vice President in response to popular demand. Although many eastern states gave McKinley much smaller pluralities than during the abnormal campaign of 1896, his total popular plurality was much larger than in 1896, and he carried five states more than in his first election. 435. The Development of a Colonial Policy. The Republican . , . . . . , , policy before Republican victory in 1900 might be construed as an endorse- i 90 2. ment of the colonial plans of that party. That policy fol- lowed the usual methods for controlling new territory, that is, to appoint military governors until it was possible to or- ganize a civil government. Provisional civil government was changed into permanent civil government, in Porto Rico in 1900, and in the Philippines in 1902. This permanent government was not like that of our " organized territories," however, since Congress and the President did not believe that " the Constitution follows the flag." They held on the contrary that Porto Rico and the Philippines were colonies, that Congress might decide how they should be governed, and that Congress might levy taxes on the colonies, in spite of the provision of the Constitution that " all duties, imports and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." T , , j In the earlier " Insular cases " (1901) the Supreme Court cases. 508 American History [1900 Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 660-674, 682-683. Burgess, J. W., in Pol. Sc. Quar., 1 6 (igoi), 486- 504- Rowe, L. S., in Annals Am. Acad., 18 (1901), 226- 250. Porto Ricx>. Larned (ed.), Hist, for Ready Ref., VII, 501- 503- Abbott, L., in Outlook, 92 (1009), 451- 462. Liberty and government. Taft, W. H., in Outlook, 71 (1902), 305 et seq. Jenks, J. W., in Rev. of Revs., 26 (1002), 580-588. Willoughby, Territories, 184-201. Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., VII, 492-498. decided that, since the colonies were neither foreign soil nor integral parts of the United States, Congress might levy such tariffs as it pleased. Later decisions (1904) denied the right of trial by jury and the right to bear arms within the Philip- pine Islands, even to former citizens of the United States. These decisions gave Congress absolute control of the colonies, since Congress might rule them as it wished until it limited its own power by extending constitutional rights and privileges to inhabitants of the colonies. Porto Rico was allowed to have complete civil govern- ment earlier than the Philippines, and the powers granted to the people were greater. Universal suffrage was given in the act of 1900, and the Porto Ricans had a legislature from the first. Porto Rico was subject to a special tariff for a short time only. The United States (1909), however, as- serted its right to make appropriations if the Porto Rican legislature failed to do so. The most important agitation among the islanders during recent years has been the demand for United States citizenship. 436. The Philippines since 1900. The Philippine Islands were at first under a military governor who was the commander of the army in the Philippines. In 1900 a civil government was established, a commission of five being appointed by the President to control the islands under the laws of Congress. This commission was replaced in 1902 by a complete government, consisting of a governor, four com- missioners, and other colonial officials selected by the Presi- dent and Senate, of an upper legislative house composed of the Philippine commission with several Filipinos, and of a lower house of from fifty to one hundred members chosen by voters who own property or can speak, read, and write Spanish or English. 1 In local government the people were allowed a greater share than in the tropical colonies of any European power. Congress did not deem it wise to grant to the inhabitants of the islands all of the civil rights exercised by citizens of the United States, but it did give them all the 1 The first assembly did not meet until 1907. (The different Scales used shoult :00'West from 95' Greenwich 90' 85' 80' 70' 70' TERRITORIAL GROWTH OF THE UNITED STATES A Disputed by Great Britain and the United Slalei ( 1783-1842 B Disputed by Spain and the United Stales, (1S08-1S18); ized by the United Slates 5 HAWAIIAN , ... I ISLANDS., j' 1SOS SAMO/VN ISLAN'DS 1899 (Amerir:m roscs-,ioin) w ( r ren be noted with particular care.) 1913] Care of Wider American Interests 509 rights enumerated in the amendments of the Constitution except the right of trial by jury and the right to bear arms. In many ways the United States has been able to settle Social and difficulties which prevented the development of the islands, industrial Among these have been the problems of schools, which have F been opened everywhere on the islands ; that of roads, which Ide> H - c -> in ... . , . . ,, r . . , No. Am. Rev., have been built near the large cities ; those of sanitation and lg6 ( Igo _) public improvements; and, most trying of all, that of the 510-524. friars lands, which was settled through the help of the pope, Ireland, A., in by the purchase of the friars' lands and by depriving the Atlantic, 94 friars of much of their previous political control. Ap- 9 4 '' S77 ~~ parently the islands have made good progress under Ameri- can control, but many of the inhabitants and others desire Forbes, W. C., Philippine independence, and consider the work which has m Atlantic, 103 been done by the Americans to be of comparatively little * 200-209. value. Before 1909 imports to the United States from the islands paid a duty equal to seventy-five per cent of our Willis, H. P., regular tariff, but since that date there has been practically in p M- People, free trade between the islands and the United States for the products of either. 437. Alaska. The last American territory to have a Relations with government of its own was Alaska, which until 1912 had no Russia before law-making body. However, Alaska was the first territory that we acquired which was not contiguous to the United Foster, Am. States proper. It had been held by Russia which had sought Di P^ mac y- about 1820 to acquire possessions farther south than Sitka in order to keep the British from the Pacific. This threat- ened aggression by the largest country of the old world was an immediate cause of the proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 ( 262). In 1824 Russia agreed to remain north of 54 40'. After the United States gained undisputed possession of southern Oregon in 1846 ( 303) offers were made to Russia for Alaska. These seem to have been considered favorably because of Russia's hatred and fear of England, particularly in the years following the Crimean War (1854). During the Civil War Russia gave proof of her friendship by sending a fleet to New York. In 1867, when 5io American History [1898 the suggestion was made that Russia should cede us Alaska, terms were agreed upon and the treaty ratified within twenty-four hours. Russia had gained such great areas in Asia (hat she feared Great Britain and wished our friendship, as Napoleon had sixty years earlier ( 232). Development There was little opposition to the acquisition of this vast ) Alaska ^ territory, but few people appreciated the richness of the resources in that region. In fact it was not until the dis- Lamed (ed.), covery of large quantities of gold near the Yukon River in VI 6^-ic/ J ^9^ tna * muc h interest was taken in Alaska. The location of valuable mines near the boundary line and the use that Rev. of Revs., 38 was ma d e by the gold-seekers of bays and roads which were 702 o (100 ) c lai me d by both the United States and Great Britain caused 40-62. the settlement in 1903 of the boundary dispute between Alaska and Canada. Alaska is well supplied not only with Halbert, W.D., gold but with coal and other minerals. The attempt of cor- 3 porations and speculators to seize coal lands and harbor 951-962. frontage in 1909 caused severe criticism of President Taft's Secretary of the Interior, Richard Ballinger ( 458). Later Weems, C., in Alaska's resources were tied up until, after 1912, the govern- World's Work, . ,, T , . \ ., d 12) ment at Washington proposed a government railway, pro- 422-430. vided some self-government for the territory, and permitted further development of Alaska's resources. Early 438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 1902. With American possessions in the Pacific, a canal across Taylor, B., in Central America became a necessity. Plans were proposed Century 47 three centuries ago to connect the Atlantic and the Pacific. (1900), When the United States gained California, this discussion was 507-509. revived, and, in order to secure the cooperation of Great Latane", U. S. Britain, which possessed capital and controlled the best and Spanish America, canal route, the United States agreed to the Clayton-Bulwer 180-220. treaty in 1850. Necessary pre- j n order to construct a canal under American auspices, foTconstruc^ 3 ^ was necessar y to complete four preliminary steps, (i) We tion of an must secure the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty American which required the cooperation of Great Britain in the con- struction of a canal; (2) Congress was obliged to select a 1902] Care of Wider American Interests 511 route and authorize the construction of a canal by that route; (3) the President and Senate must agree with the country in which the canal was to be located on the terms under which we should dig the canal ; and (4) if the Panama route were selected, we must purchase the rights and property of the French company that had done considerable excava- tion for a canal at Panama. The United States and Great Britain finally agreed (1901) Hay- on the Hay-Pauncefote convention, which superseded the Pauncefote . Convention Clayton-Bulwer treaty. It expressly stated that the United ( IOOI ). States might construct a canal, directly or indirectly, and Lamed (ed.), gave us the exclusive right of providing for the regulation HisL f r Ready and management of the canal. The canal was to be neutral Latane, Am. as on the same conditions as the Suez canal, giving the United a World Power, States the right to police the district traversed, but not allow- *? 4 ~ 2 V . Dunnell.M.B., ing any nation to blockade the canal or commit an act of - m .^ 0m Am. war in it. Rev., 171 439. Securing a Satisfactory Route for the Canal. t^ 00 ). 829846. The Nicaragua route was favored by most of the engineer- ing commissions that examined this subject, and by the isthmian House of Representatives. The last commission (1901) re- CanalAct ported in favor of Panama. The Seriate favored Panama, but authorized the President to choose the other route if no Latane, Am. as terms could be made with Colombia or the French company. a World Power, This was accepted by the House, and the Isthmian Canal Act of June 28, 1902, contained that provision. 1 Without great difficulty Colombia was persuaded to make Purchase of a a treaty giving us the use of a strip ten miles wide as a canal canal zone zone. Compensation was fixed at $10,000,000, but the Latane, ^ m _ as Colombian Congress desired a larger sum, $25,000,000, and a World Power, refused to ratify the treaty. Panama then took matters into 2I 3-22o. her own hands and seceded from Colombia. Her independ- in outlook 90 ence was recognized at once by President Roosevelt, an act (1911), 314-318. 1 The Canal Act also stated that the President might expend #40,000,000 for the franchises and property of the French company, and might appoint an isthmian canal commission which would have charge of the construction of the canal. The sum of #135, 000,000 was authorized for the completion of the work. 512 American History [1902 Bishop, J. B., which caused considerable comment, and the new Republic m intema- o f p anama agreed to give us perpetual rights in a canal zone tional,g(iQo4), 247-260 an " tne n S nt to construct a canal for the amount originally Mahan, A. T., accepted by Colombia. As the French Company had in NO. Am. Rev., already accepted our offer of $40,000,000, the way was 196 (1912), 549-568. Work accomplished. Taft, W. H., in Present Day Problems, 95-122. Authier, G. T., in Rev. of Revs., 43 49-61. CULEBRA Cur, PANAMA CANAL (Work done by French Companies.) cleared for actual construction by the national govern- ment. 440. Construction of the Canal. When we came to examine the property that we had purchased, we found that only a small part of the work of necessary excavation had been completed, much of this being rendered valueless by the refilling of the cuts. Most of the old machinery was worthless. It was not until 1906 that the President of the United States and Congress decided that a lock canal would be better than one at sea level. 1 This decision was reached 1 The construction of the locks presented a very serious engineering prob- lem, which was solved satisfactorily. One grave defect of the lock system arises from the fact that already our great ocean liners are almost too large for the canal locks. 1912] Care of Wider American Interests 513 because of the smaller original cost of a lock canal, the World's Work, shorter time required for its construction, and the saving of time for vessels. 1 The canal was completed at a cost of 389-402, 414- 417. more than twice that of the original estimates, but it is much larger and better than the canal that was planned originally. The success. of this great undertaking is largely a personal triumph for the chief engineer, Colonel G. W. Goethals. The work accomplished by the Department of Sanitation was of first importance, since the canal zone was originally very unsanitary. By draining swamps, cleaning up the cities, using screens and other preventive measures against Scientific Am., 107 (1912), 385-399- Scribner's, 54 (1913), 7-36. Sanitation and fortification. Scientific Am., 107 (1912), 385, 392-393. ATLANTIC OCEAN >CEAN LEVEL. LEVEL Of I ARTIFICIAL /LAKE ^JJZ>Ljfcg Excavation to be completed, 1902 PROFILE OF THE PANAMA CANAL yellow fever and malaria, the zone has been made as healthy Bishop, J. B., as the average American city. An entirely different kind of m Scnbner>s > protection has been that afforded against foreign enemies, 234 _' 2SI- ' for it was decided in 1911 to fortify the canal. Stimson, H. L., In 1012 Congress passed an act providing for the govern- in Scribner ' s > 54 r *u r* * .v 1 - ment of the canal zone after the completion of the canal. 1 This is due to the greater width of the canal between locks. 2 L American History [1910 Question of tolls. Root, E., in Independent, 74 (1913), 285-289. Military and naval importance. Mahan, A. T.. in Century, 8j, 240-248. Commercial benefits of the canal. Ballard, G. A., in Contempo- rary, 94 (1908), 731-742. World's Work, 24 (1912), 403- 414, 418-433. Johnson, E. R., in Annals Am. A cad., 19 (1902), 1-23, and in Scrib- ners, 54 (1913), 37-43- This act provided that tolls should be charged on all traffic except American vessels engaged in the coastwise trade, which are to be exempt. Great Britain protested this act on the ground that it violated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, and the question of tolls was reconsidered. 441. Importance of the Canal. The canal is not only notable as a great engineering feat. It is important from both the naval and the commercial points of view in binding the East to the West. The military importance is so great, in. the opinion of Colonel Goethals, that the entire cost of the canal should be considered as an item in our military ex- penses, the running expenses of maintaining the canal alone being paid by the traffic through the canal. In these days of brief wars, time is an important element, and the canal has almost doubled our naval strength by permitting our naval vessels to proceed quickly from one ocean to the other. The importance of the canal in binding the East to the West commercially will be very great. At the present time the cost of transporting freight by rail over the Rocky mountains and the great distance around Cape Horn hamper the development of this trade. Since transportation by water is cheaper than that by rail, the shortening of the water route from the Atlantic ports to those of the Pacific will give an immense impetus to the industries of the Pacific coast, the products of which can now be sold profitably only in the local market. Of equal advantage will be the opportunities given to the eastern cities to trade with the Orient, and with the South American countries on the Pacific coast. At present they cannot compete with the European merchants who enjoy a shorter water route. Our trade with western South America should be developed by the opening of the canal. The products of the Mississippi valley and the Gulf states will be benefited particularly, because of the great decrease in the cost at which they can be marketed, es- pecially if a ship canal is built from the Gulf of Mexico to Lake Michigan, and the branches of the Mississippi are improved. 1900] Our New Position among Nations 515 OUR NEW POSITION AMONG THE NATIONS 442. The United States as a World Power. The General position of the United States as a world power has long been position, suggested by her preeminence in the western hemisphere. Colquhoun, It has become more conspicuous with the changes in foreign G J ealer Amer ~ relations during the last two decades, not only in more clearly denning our headship among the republics of the New World, Reinsch, but in the acquisition of scattered colonial possessions, in r 62 "' new and important activities in the Far East, and in partici- pation with other great powers in affairs of world- wide sig- nificance. More than all else it has been shown by our com- mercial and diplomatic position as a power second to no other. Our place as a world power has come naturally and in- The United evitably, as the Pacific Ocean has become more and more Sta -tes in the the sphere of world action, because we are the only great nation touching both the Atlantic and the Pacific. It was Latan, Am. as observable in our acceptance of a joint protectorate over a " er> Samoa, f 889, and in our joint action with other great powers in the movement on Peking during the Boxer revolt in 1900. Usually our policy has been marked by moderation so far as our own demands are concerned, and by a disinterested, but sincere, determination to protect the territory, revenues, and rights of the non-Caucasian countries that have been unable to withstand the aggressions of the " civilized world." 443. American Influence on World Peace. From the Efforts made to beginning of its history the United States exerted its influence protect to secure the rights of neutrals against the aggressions of belligerents. The proclamation of neutrality, issued by Foster, Century Washington (1793), furnished not only an example of firm f Am - Dl - and moderate action under trying circumstances, but was a IS4 _ 1S7 ' model copied by older nations that wished to declare their 347-349. neutrality. The United States has long been an advocate of arbitra- International tion as a means of solving international difficulties, having arbltratlon> > used that method repeatedly since the adoption of the Con- 5 l6 American' History [1897 Moore, J. B., in Harper's Magazine, no (1905), 610-619. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., VI, 577-580, VII, 708-711. Taft, W. H., in Century, 83 (1912), 450-466. Living Age, 277 (1913), 688-690. America and the future of world peace. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., vii, 715-725. Military government ^1898-1902). stitution, especially in the settlement of disputes with Great Britain. In the recent movement for arbitration, however, the government of the United States acted rather tardily. This was due not to lack of interest in the subject but almost entirely to the complicated machinery, chief executive and Senate, through which our foreign affairs are managed. A general arbitration treaty with Great Britain in 1897 was defeated by the Senate's failure to cooperate with the Presi- dent. When the Hague Peace Conference in 1899 made provision for a permanent court of arbitration, proposing a form of treaty under which disputes should be submitted, the United States found it impossible to join the other nations in this great movement until, in 1908, several treaties were ratified. In 1911, through the influence of President Taft, much more general arbitration treaties with Great Britain and France were ratified. Still later Secretary of State Bryan distinguished himself for his attempt to procure treaties with all countries, by which even questions involving national honor were to be submitted to arbitration if they were not settled by diplomacy. Americans have been very active in the promotion of peace, 1 holding national conferences, seeking to keep peace in the western hemisphere, and securing a second Peace Conference at the Hague in 1907, but they have not always been unselfish enough to arbitrate. As the only great power with direct access to both the Atlantic and the Pacific; as the most disinterested spectator of European political ma- neuvers, and of contests in the Orient for territorial, political, or commercial advantage, the United States will un- doubtedly have in the future a still greater share in the maintenance of the world's peace. 444. Relations with Cuba since 1898. The question of Cuba after the war with Spain was one of great delicacy and difficulty. At the beginning of the war we had justified interference on the grounds that Cuba deserved to be free 1 The Nobel peace prize has been awarded to two Americans, Theodore Roosevelt and Elihu Root. 1903] Our New Position among Nations 517 and that Spain's methods of control were morally wrong and Lamed (ed.), injurious to American interests. We were pledged prac- Read y Re f-' tically to establishing in Cuba a government that would be not only independent, but would reestablish order in the Latane, Am. as island and maintain satisfactory relations with other nations. a Wor ^ Power, The fulfillment of this pledge required the military occupa- I 8 I _ I g 3 ' tion of the island for more than two years, during which the American commanders did much toward improving munic- ipal government in Cuba and aiding in the reestablishment of business prosperity. In 1901 a constitutional convention completed a consti- Permanent tution providing a complete government for the Republic of rights ' n Cuba. Cuba and embodying several articles regarding the inde- Lamed (ed.), pendence of Cuba and the relations to exist between Cuba Read y Re -f-> and the United States. 1 On the basis of this amendment we VI j I74 _ I7 8 took charge of the Cuban republic in 1906, when insurgents prevented President Palma from executing the laws. Conant, C. A., Palma's resignation forced the United States to govern the ^"".Am.Ree. island until 1909, when the Cuban republic was again left I4I _ I4 e. in charge, but in 1912 President Taft was obliged to warn the Cuban government that affairs must be managed better. As soon as the Cuban republic was established, the United Reciprocity States was asked to aid the Cuban planters by giving them with Cuba - especially low rates on goods imported from Cuba. Free ^? n ?j ' as J a World Power, trade between the two countries was advocated by a few, i8 3 -igo. but was not considered seriously. After numerous delays, Willis, H. P., largely due to the opposition of the beet-sugar interests of in Annals Am. the United States, the. Senate ratified (1903) a reciprocity ( Ig03 \ I20 _ treaty with Cuba. 147. 445. Relations with Mexico. Our relations with Mexico 1 In the most important of these articles Cuba agreed to maintain her independence, financial and political, to accept the work done during the military occupation by the United States, and if necessary to permit inter- ference by the United States for the purpose of preserving the independence of Cuba and fulfilling the obligations which we assumed for Cuba in the treaty of Paris. The United States was allowed to have coaling stations in the island, which we agreed never to use for the purpose of dominating Cuban affairs. 518 American History [1910 Mexico under Diaz. Lummis, C. F., in Outlook, 69 (1901), 536- 545- Martin, P. F., in Quar. Rev., 211, 526-549. Lyle, E. P., Jr., in World's Work, 14 (1907), 9179-9196. Rule of Madero and Huerta, 1911-1914. Welliver, J. C., in Tech. World, 18 (1912), 376-387- Uncle Sam's Mexican problem. have been very interesting and are likely to be as important as those with Cuba. In 1867 Maximilian was overthrown in Mexico by Benito Juarez (418). A few years later Juarez was succeeded in the presidency of Mexico by Porfirio Diaz, who ruled the republic until 191 1. During that period of forty years of benevolent despotism, Mexico developed rap- idly, building railways, opening mines, constructing buildings, and developing agriculture. Diaz encouraged the invest- ment of foreign capital, so that, at the close of his " reign," a billion dollars of American capital was invested in the country. Although he looked after the material interests of Mexico by promoting peace and prosperity, Diaz did not give the Mexicans political freedom, and he often sacrificed individual rights and liberty to national progress. He was denounced as a tyrant who oppressed the people and denied the right of free elections. In 1910 Diaz defeated Francesco Madero for the presi- dency, but soon after Diaz was forced to resign and leave Mexico. As president, Madero was not strong enough to maintain order, several insurrections being started in the states of northern Mexico. In 1913 Madero's government was overthrown. Madero was forced to resign and was shot, after he had surrendered to acting President Huerta. Insur- rections followed in the northern states, but Huerta main- tained himself a dictator. The United States did not recognize Huerta's government in Mexico. For several years United States troops have been main- tained along the Mexican border in order to protect residents of that territory and to maintain the neutrality laws. On several occasions intervention seemed probable, but was avoided. In 1913 President Wilson sent John Lind as his personal representative to Mexico to study the situation and work for peace and order. In accordance with Lind's suggestions, the Wilson administration followed a waiting policy. American citizens in Mexico were urged to leave the country and attempts were made to force Huerta's resigna- tion by preventing him from getting money. This policy 1 900] Our New Position among Nations 519 was supported by most of the powers. As Mexico has great natural resources which attract foreign investors, as the Mexican people are incapable of true self-government, and as they have not yet developed a national consciousness, Mexico is likely to have troubles for some years to come. If Uncle Sam tries to act as either censor or guardian for unhappy Mexico, our relations with our turbulent southern neighbor are also likely to be unsettled for a similar period. 446. Relations with China. 1 In 1898 we added Hawaii Foreigners in and the Philippine Islands to Alaska as Pacific Ocean pos-' China - The sessions. These changes compelled us to interest ourselves in the Far East, particularly in China. For years the feeling Smith, A. H., in China against foreigners had been growing, especially at m Outloo *> the invasion of graveyards and the acquisition by foreign 72I _ 72 8. ' governments of spheres of influence. Under the lead of a La.ta.ne, Am. as secret organization whose members were known as " Boxers," a World Power, foreigners were attacked everywhere in igoo. 2 To protect our minister and other Americans in China, the United Foster, Am. States joined the European powers in sending troops against ^^mtey m the Chinese capital, Peking. The Chinese government was 40g _ 433 forced then to punish the leaders of the revolt, to give assur- ance that there would be no recurrence of the difficulty, and to simplify and improve its methods of dealing with foreign nations. The Chinese government was forced to pay the allies an indemnity equal to more than $350,000,000, but the United States effectually prevented any further partition of the empire or the possibility of any nation's seizing terri- tories in lieu of the amounts due to it. The influence of the United States at this time and later was exerted very effectually by the Secretary of State, John 1 Our early relations with China were cordial, partly through the personal influence of Caleb Gushing and Anson Burlingame, ministers to China. Even the drastic Chinese exclusion laws ( 476, note i) did not destroy this friendship, which has been strengthened by the demand of the United States that there should be fair dealings with China among foreign powers. * The German minister was killed and the other ministers were besieged in one of the legations. The Chinese government, which had been unable to preserve order for many years, sided with the Boxers. 520 American History [1904 United States and the integrity of China. The Chinese Republic. Hart, A. B., Obvious Orient, 208-220. Colquhoun, A. R., in Fortnightly Rev., 96 (1911), 1032-1043. Annals Am. Acad., 39 (1912), 1-38. McCormick, F., in Scrib- ner' 5,50(1911), 349-355- Changes in Japan after Perry's visit in 1854. Coolidge, U. S. as World Power, 341-344. Hay, to preserve the integrity of China and to remove unjust trade restrictions. Early in the Russo-Japanese War (1904) Secretary Hay secured the consent of the combatants and all European powers to the " administrative entity " of China and a limitation of the field of hostilities. The danger of the partition of China among the great powers is by no means past, since China became a republic (1911). The organization of the republic was the culmina- tion of numerous reforms, giv- ing China a western system of education, provisional con- gresses, and a national as- sembly. In 1911 the reform movement became a revolution in which the ruling dynasty of the Manchus was driven out of China. A parliament was held in 1913 and Yuan Shi Kai was elected president, one of JOHN HAY his acts of his first year in office being to abolish the parliament and rule China with the help of an administra- tive council. Whether China will be permanently a republic, and whether as a republic she will be able to resist foreign aggressions remains to be seen. 1 447. Relations with Japan. In the immediate future our relations with Japan are likely to be much more important than those with China, because China is still half-asleep, and the Japanese are wide-awake. Our relations with Japan 1 As the Chinese government has needed money, it has borrowed from foreigners. In the " four-power " loan and later hi the "six-power" loan conditions were imposed on China which would have threatened to deprive China of her independence. Because of this fact and because President Wilson was unwilling to aid American capitalists in China and elsewhere by the use of our national authority, he withdrew (1913) the support of the American government from the "six-power" loan. Later the Chinese Republic was recognized. 1913] Our New Position among Nations 521 began with the visit of Commodore Perry to the islands in 1854. Japan soon opened several ports to foreign com- merce, but these concessions to foreigners, like those in China nearly a half century later, caused a domestic revolution. Out of this domestic revolution emerged finally a modern Japan, with a constitution and parliamentary government. Japan has adopted western methods in business, in education, and in war. As the Japanese are keen, ambitious, courteous, exceedingly industrious, and intensely patriotic, Japan has rapidly come to the front among the nations of the world. As Japan is small and her resources are limited, while her Japanese immi- population is one half that of the United States, she has g ratlon m required an outlet for her surplus population. This she treaty rights has found partly in Formosa, obtained from China in I894. 1 and state Another outlet is Korea, occupied after the successful war le gi slatlon - against Russia. Japanese laborers are found in large Yoshida, Y., in numbers in the Philippine Islands, in Hawaii, and in Latin Annals Am. America. So many began to come to the United States that ( Igog ) the people of the Pacific coast were alarmed, as they were 377-387. by the Chinese immigration nearly a half century earlier Coolidge, U. S (S 476, note i). The Japanese live on much less than asWorld * .' , A Power, 350- Amencans can, and work many more hours a day. Ameri- 37 cans therefore cannot compete with the Japanese on equal terms. For economic and racial reasons the San Francisco school board (1906) and the California legislature (1907, 1913) legislated against the Japanese. Japan protested against these acts as violations of treaty agreements. The earlier problems were settled by a compromise which per- mitted the Japanese to attend regular schools, and the Japan- ese government restricted the immigration of laborers to this country. These Japanese questions and trouble with Italy in 1891 2 illustrate the difficulty encountered by the na- 1 In 1894, after her brilliant campaigns against China, Japan freed herself from the humiliating treaties which Caucasian nations had forced on her before. Since that time foreigners in Japan have been under Japanese law and not under treaties. * A similar difficulty over the conflict between national and state authority occurred in 1891 when citizens of New Orleans lynched several citizens of 522 American History [1896 Real and imaginary dangers of the future. Shaw, A., in Rev. of Revs., 47 (1913), 643-650. The war with Spain. is ibleras growing out of the war. tional government in negotiating with foreign countries concerning subjects left exclusively to the states. Japan's progress! veness and her aggressiveness have aroused fears that she wished to attack the United States. Friction due to incidents like those in California has pro- duced in the " yellow journals " and among the " jingoes " of both nations a great deal of " war talk." Japanese leaders and well-informed Americans do not share in this feeling, although it is well understood that there cannot be emigra- tion of Japanese laborers to America without race antago- nism, and that, in the future, Japan and the United States will be keen rivals in the Pacific and may even come to blows. 448. Summary. When affairs in Cuba became un- endurable in 1896 and 1897, the government of the United States indicated that it must interfere unless order was restored at once and American interests protected. The battleship Maine was sent to Havana harbor in January, 1898, to insure this protection. Its destruction in February, and the report of the commission of inquiry in March that it was blown up from the outside, left no way open but complete submission by Spain, or war. As Spain refused to admit that she was in the wrong, war began on April 21, 1898, after a specific statement by Congress that its purpose was not conquest but the freedom of the Cubans. The decisive victories at Manila Bay and at Santiago de Cuba showed that Spain could not hope for the least degree of suc- cess, and peace was made by Spain's relinquishing her sov- ereignty over Cuba, and by surrendering Porto Rico and the Philippines to us. The events of the war forced upon us recognition of the fact that we were one of the great powers of the Pacific, and must decide important problems, not only in connection with the government of distant colonies, but in regard to our Italy who had terrorized that community. Italy demanded reparation Secretary Blaine stated that Louisiana had entire jurisdiction of the matter. Although the state did nothing, the matter was settled by the payment of indemnity by the United States. I 9 I 3] Our New Position among Nations 523 attitude in the East toward the other world powers. Colonial problems we solved, theoretically by asserting the authority of Congress to govern the colonies as it deemed best, prac- tically by leaving the people of our new possessions a fair share in their own government and training them for the assumption of a larger number of duties. By constructing an Isthmian ship canal, we have sought to link more firmly the Atlantic slope with our Pacific states and possessions. Owing to her position between the Atlantic and the Pacific, The United to her headship among the nations of the new world, to the States as a world power great development of her marvelous natural resources, and to her skillful and aggressive foreign policies, the United States has taken a position in recent years second to none of the great world powers. She has used this position to promote peace and sometimes extend international arbitration. She has taken a rather arbitrary attitude toward Cuba and other Latin- American states ( 424, 444). On the other hand she has submitted to many indignities rather than intervene in Mexico. As a rule, and especially in China, her leader- ship has been marked by disinterestedness and by considera- tion for weaker peoples. In her relations with aggressive Japan, she has found it necessary to follow a moderate course in order to avoid antagonism. TOPICS 1. CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES BEFORE 1898: The American Nation, XXI, 171-173; XXV, 3-28; Hart, "American Foreign Policy," pp. 113-132; Latane, "United States and Spanish America," pp. 89-175; Callahan, "Cuba and International Relations;" Chad- wick. 2. DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA'S FLEET: Nation, 69 (1899), p. 406; Warren, A., in Engineering Magazine, 16 (1899), pp. 533-548; Long, J., in Outlook, 74 (1902), 419-426, 603620; Century Magazine, 58 (1899), pp. 50-118. 3. CONTROVERSY OVER RETENTION AND GOVERNMENT OF PHIL- IPPINES: Latane, "Am. as a World Power," 6981, 153-164; Lamed (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VI, pp. 634638, 641-645, 660- 666 ; Vest, G. G., in North American Review, 168 (1899), pp. 112120 ; Denley, C., in Forum, 29 (1900), pp. 401-408; Taft, W. H., in Out- 524 American History look, 71 (1902). pp. 305-321 ; 76 (1903), pp. 1024-1027 ; Cook, W. W, in Political Science Quarterly, 16 (1901), pp. 68-78. STUDIES 1. Isolation of the United States before 1897. (Olney, R., in Atlantic Monthly, 81 (1898), pp. 577-588.) 2. Objections to assuming new international obligations. (Wool- sey, "American Foreign Policy.") 3. Report of the Maine inquiry commission. 4. The problems of the Spanish fleet. (Mahan, "Lessons of the War with Spain," III-V.) 5. Importance of a navy to the United States. Annals of Am. Acad. of Pol. and Science, 26 (1905), 123136, 163169. 6. Government of Porto Rico. (Willoughby, " Territories and Dependencies of the United States," pp. 79118.) 7. Municipal government in the Philippines. (Willoughby, "Territories and Dependencies of the United States," pp. 251-289.) 8. Character of the Panama route. (Burr, W. H., in Scribner's Magazine, 31 (1902), pp. 156169.) 9. The United States in relation to the American Mediterranean. (Semple, "American History and its Geographic Conditions," 397- 4I9-) . 10. The United States in the Pacific. (Coolidge, " U. S. as a World Power," 313-326.) 11. Treaty obligations and state rights. (Taft, W. H., in Inde- pendent (1914).) 12. The enfranchisement of Japan from an inferior international position. (Foster, "Am. Diplomacy in the Orient," 344364.) QUESTIONS 1. In what respects had the United States been a world power before 1897 ? Trace the development of American influence in world affairs since 1776. What improvement in our international position followed the war of 1812? the Civil War? the Spanish-American War? 2. Give a brief history of Cuba's struggle for independence. Name several examples of Spanish misrule. In what ways did the Cuban war imperil American interests? On what grounds did we have the right to interfere ? 3. Make a full comparison of the armies, fleets, financial condi- tions, and resources of Spain and the United States. What were the real causes of Spain's poor showing in the war ? Our New Position among Nations 525 4. Compare the acquisition of Porto Rico and the Philippines with that of Louisiana, in regard to (a) attitude of the people toward ac- quisition, (b) national or international difficulties settled by acquisi- tion, (c) problems of government in the new territory, and (d) in- fluence of the acquisition on the United States as a world power. ' 5. What difficulties were encountered in selecting a route for the Isthmian canal ? in deciding what kind of canal should be con- structed ? How should the canal affect the Pacific coast ? the com- merce of the Atlantic cities with South America and Asia ? 6. State with exactness our rights in Cuba after 1898 and our obligations toward Cuba. To what extent did we protect Cuba's interests rather than our own in the military occupation (18981902) ? by the Platt amendment ? by commercial treaty ? by interference in 1905 ? Must we finally annex Cuba ? 7. To what extent has the United States money interests in Mexico ? Should we abandon the Monroe Doctrine, and allow European powers to protect their interests or should we intervene when a Latin-American crisis occurs like that in Mexico, 19111914? 8. What is the great problem of the Pacific? Is there a "yellow peril," now from Japan, in future, from China? Should we restrict or prohibit Asiatic immigration ? Why ? Should we give Asiatics citizenship ? CHAPTER XXII RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914) PRESIDENTS Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) William H. Taft (1909-1912) Woodrow Wilson (1912-) THE ROOSEVELT POLICIES (1901-1909) Contrast be- 449. McKinley and Roosevelt. William McKinley was tweenthetwo mortally wounded in Buffalo. September 6, 1901. by men and their _^ , . a Pohsh anarchist. With his death a few days later, Theodore Roosevelt became President. 1 In gen- eral Roosevelt at- tempted at first to carry out the policies of McKinley, but they were men of different character, methods, and ideas. In spite of his fine personal character, McKinley had been the tool of " big business," " the ad- vance agent of prosperity," in the words of the political managers. McKinley was largely under the domination 1 Roosevelt's first experience in politics was in the New York legislature in 1 88 1. He was later (1886) the Republican candidate for mayor of New York, served (1889-1805) on the naticnal Civil Service Commission, was 526 Copyright by Pach Brothers (1904). THEODORE ROOSEVELT 1901] The Roosevelt Policies 527 of the Republican boss, Mark Hanna. Roosevelt was a White, Wm., much more skillful politician than his predecessor, a man of in wider knowledge, and infinitely more aggressive. He un- derstood better that the people would not permit capital . k and the great corporations to rule them indefinitely. Roose- (igog), 2g8- velt did not break at once with the party " machine," but 3?o, 430-434- Hanna's death in February, 1904, left him in control of the party. The changes in policy that followed McKinley's death will be understood from the following sections. 450. Roosevelt's " First Term." Among the measures Land laws and that became law at this time largely through the personal reforms/ support of the President was the law for the reclamation of Van Hlse> . Cow " r . . servatton of lands in the arid West by the building of huge dams for reser- j^at. Resources, voirs. This was called the Irrigation Act (1902). In the 193-197- improvement of the civil service Roosevelt contributed Newell, F. H., greatly "to the reform movement of the time. Postal frauds g D , 6 . ' in Cuba and elsewhere were investigated and several 933-941. " grafters " were punished. More positions were placed Blanchard, under the Civil Service Commission by Roosevelt than had c - J -> in NaL , . , Geog. Mag., 21 been set aside by his predecessors during the twenty years ( IQIO ) ) since the commission had been created. 333-360. The Panama Canal had been opposed by the railways for The Panama years. With Roosevelt's support the Canal Act was passed Canal - in 1902 ( 439). When negotiations failed to secure from ^ a ) ed j e , r d " ) ' Colombia a right of way across Panama, Roosevelt recog- VIIj 4 6 7 _ 4 ' 70 . nized the state of Panama as an independent Republic, and a canal zone was acquired from Panama. . , -/ Had there been doubt about the popularity of Roosevelt The election of and his policies, there was no question after the election of I9 4 ' 1904. The Democratic party held an exciting convention, Larned ( ed -) , -rx Ready Ref., which was controlled by the conservative Democrats. VII police commissioner in New York City under a reform administration, and served as assistant secretary of the navy. When the Spanish-American War broke out, he resigned and helped organize the "Rough Riders." His popularity made him governor of New York and his aggressiveness made him an enemy of the New York boss, "Tom" Platt. In igoo Platt, by ap- pealing to the people, forced Roosevelt to accept the vice presidency, in spite of the opposition of Mark Hanna and of Roosevelt himself. 528 American History ['9 3 Bryan prevented the insertion in the platform of a plank favoring the gold standard, but the Democratic candidate, , Ja m ' aS J ud g p - Alton B - Parker of New York, came out flatly for gold. a World Power, . . . J 224-241. I n spite of this " safe and sane " position of the Democrats, Stanwood, Parker stood no chance against Roosevelt, who carried all Hist, of the o f fa e northern states and two of those in the " Solid South," (i& S -T y ) kis popular plurality being about two and one half mil- 77-140. lions. General. 451. Foreign Affairs under Roosevelt. During most of Latane, Am. as Roosevelt's " first term " foreign affairs were conducted by ' John Hay, and during most of the second term by Elihu 184-180, 215- J J ' ' 220, 224-227. Root. In the conduct of foreign affairs during this period, however, we usually notice the hand of Roosevelt and the Scott, J. B., in " big stick." This is true from the first. Not only did the Outlook, gi recognition of Panama show Roosevelt's arbitrary method, 350-357 kut tne f rcm g f reciprocity with Cuba through th'e Senate in special session (1903) ( 444) shows the same spirit. The end of When Roosevelt tendered the good offices of the United Russo- States in the settlement of the Russo-Japanese War (1905) he (1005) Santo performed a notable service for ths world, which brought Domingo. him the Nobel peace prize the next year. By intervention Outlook, go in Santo Domingo for the purpose of collecting debts due to (1008), American merchants ( 421) Roosevelt prevented inter- vention by European powers similar to that in Venezuela Moore, J. B., * in Rev. of Revs., three 7 ears earher - 31 (1005), 452. Internal Policies of Roosevelt's " Second Term." The Congress which was elected in 1904 made a record for New restrictive res t r i c ti v e and reform legislation. The most important of legislation. 1 . Rev of Revs measures was the Interstate Commerce Act ( 471), which 34 (1006), 130- gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the right to fix 142, 65-70; maximum rates and so changed the methods of regulating railways that the commission was able to protect shippers and the public. Among the measures was a pure food law against which .the manufacturers of foods and drugs had fought suc- cessfully for several years, a law to proceed with the con- struction of the Panama Canal, and a law reforming the consular service. The Rule of the People 529 The legislation of this Congress included a law for the pres- Conservation ervation of Niagara Falls. This was one of the earliest Pli cv - of the special laws made for the conservation of our national resources. Already a large forest reserve had been estab- lished. Pending revaluation, President Roosevelt withdrew Van Hise, Con- horn sale more than 70,000,000 acres of coal lands. As senatwn f ., , . ,. ,. ,. . . . . , , Nat. Resources, there was no law providing for this act, his successors placed WATER POWER, NIAGARA FALLS them again on the market, but after the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy (458), the lands were withdrawn legally. President Roosevelt aroused great interest in the conserva- tion of waterways by his trip down the Mississippi (1907) and by securing a conference of the state governors to consider the subject of conservation in Washington, in 1908. Anti-trust investigations which were made by the Bureau Roosevelt's oi ; Corporations and suits which were brought by the govern- n /" ru ment against trusts formed a very important part of the " Roosevelt policies." In his earlier messages President Hill, G. G., in Roosevelt urged the need of better supervision of the rail- No - ^ m - f ev -' 185 (igoy), ways and the trusts. Suits were begun against combinations that were believed to be contrary to the Sherman anti-trust law ( 468), although none of these important cases except that against the Northern Securities Company was decided 530 Amencan History [1908 Garfield, J. R., in Outlook, gi (1009), 389-393- The panic of 1907. Holt, B. W., in Rev . of Revs., 36 (1907), 672-677. Laughlin, J. L., in World To- day, 13 (1007), 1220-1224. Noyes, Forty Years of Am. Finance, 355- 380. The election of igo8. Lamed (ed.), Ready Ref., VII, 674-678. International Year Book, 1008, 579-594- Stanwood, Hist, of the Presidency, (1897-1009), 141-213. General. during the first administration of Roosevelt. Later, in public addresses and in suits at law, Roosevelt attacked these great corporations. He decried " predatory wealth," and abused the " malefactors of great wealth " who exploited the people. The public was aroused against the great corporations and became interested also in Roosevelt's policy of conservation. 453. Panic. The Election of 1908. Many people at- tributed the business panic which occurred in October, 1907, to attacks made by Roosevelt on the trusts. Others saw an attempt by certain great capitalists to precipitate a panic so that the Roosevelt policies might be discredited and that the competitors of the capitalists might be injured by the de- pression which followed. These were undoubtedly minor causes, for, as in the case of previous panics, this panic was due to over-speculation and too much extravagance. It was due in part also to a national banking system that did not give an elastic currency and to the speculations of the trust (banking) companies. The depression which followed the panic was comparatively short-lived. It did not destroy the popularity of Roosevelt or the prestige of the Republican party. Roosevelt selected William H. Taft of Ohio to carry out the " Roosevelt policies." Taft .and James S. Sherman were nominated by the Republican convention on a platform that called " unequivocally " for a revision of the tariff so that rates should equal the difference between the cost of pro- duction abroad and at home. The Democrats nominated William Jennings Bryan with a platform that demanded tariff reform and the adequate control of trusts. Bryan polled a much larger popular vote than Parker in 1904, but was beaten in the electoral college by a vote of 326 for Taft to 157 for Bryan. THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE (1906-1913) 454. The War against Political Misrule. The move- ment against the domination of the political world by " big business " started first in the West, especially in the populist 531 states and later in Wisconsin under Robert La Follette. It did not become a national movement until Theodore Roose- velt moved into the White House. Another nation-wide movement which has been characteristic of the last decade is a reform and uplift movement, especially in our cities and bur central and western states, which demands that the people should have a larger share in the government and that the activities of the government should promote the welfare of the people. In order that the people might rule, it was necessary that they be aroused to the corruption and graft that were prev- alent in our governments, especially those of the cities. This was not done easily. Gradually, however, people began to realize that the police of our cities frequently pro- tected vice and crime if they were paid enough by the law- breakers. It was found that councilmen were bribed to give away valuable franchises. In many instances these grafters were brought to trial, and, in a few cases, they were con- victed and sentenced to imprisonment. When graft cases came to trial, however, it was found that these officials were usually part of a great political system which would not eti- dure having its members punished. It was found further that the laws were not designed so much to protect the public as to look after favored interests. More and more insistent became the demand that new means should be devised to give the people control of their own governments. 455. The Insurgent Movement. The movement against domination of the government by special interests may be called the insurgent movement, although that name is some- times used for a small part of this general movement. It was not simply a protest against graft ; it was a demand that the people should have a chance to elect their own repre- sentatives, and that these representatives should not be hampered by precedent or by political machines. It sought to introduce new methods which would give the people a direct share in their government. Among the first results of the insurgent movement proper was the overthrow in the White, W. A., in American, 67 (1909), 218-225. Adams, Theory of Social Rev- olutions, 135. Steffens, L., in American, 64 (1907), 489- SiS; 585-602. Difficulties in punishing grafters. Ford, H. J., in Pol. Sc. Quar., 19 (1904), 673-686. Brooks, R. C., in Pol. Sci. Quar., 24 (1909), 1-22. Bingham, T. A., in Cen- tury, 78 (1909), 725-728. The national insurgent movement. Arena, 35 (1906), 631- 640. Steffens, L., in Everybody's, 18 (1908), 723- 736. Pinchot, A., in McClure, 35 (1910), 581-590. 532 American History [1910 White, W. A., in American, 71 (IQIO), 170-174. Baker, R. S., in American, 69 (1910), 435-448. The "insur- gents" in the House of Representa- tives. Hinds, A. C., in McClure, 35 (iQio), 195-202. Murdock, V., in No. Am. Rev., igi (1910), 510-516. Hale, W. B., World's Work 19 (1910), 12805-12812. The old-time primary and nominating convention. Hart, Actual Gov't, 457, 46, 48. Merriam, Primary Elec- tions, 18-39. Dallinger, Nominations for Elective Office, 95-126. national House of Representatives of the arbitrary rule by the Committee on Rules. Widespread and more important than these were the reform methods in the states known as the direct primary, the initiative and the referendum, and the recall. Before 1910 the work of the House of Representatives had been controlled by the " big three," that is, by the majority members of the Committee on Rules. The leader of these was the speaker of the House, who appointed the committees and decided who might speak before the House. Later speakers had been more dictatorial if not more arbitrary than " Czar " Reed ( 406). By a union of Democrats and " in- surgent " Republicans the speaker lost his power to appoint committees and was removed from the Committee on Rules (1910), the committee being composed thereafter of ten members, six from the majority and four from the minority. This committee controls the work of the House, but the Dem- ocrats in 1911 and in 1913, fearing that it might gain too much power, allowed the Committee on Ways and Means to appoint the other committees. 456. Reform of Political Party Methods. A change that was of infinitely greater importance than the reform in the House of Representatives has been the gradual abolition of the political party convention and the substitu- tion of the direct primary as a means for the nomination of party candidates. Under the old, or convention, system, primaries were held to elect delegates to the conventions. These primaries were either mass meetings of voters in a small precinct who came together and elected delegates to a local convention, which in turn elected delegates to a larger convention; or the primary was an election in which the voters of each party elected its delegates to the convention. In either case the delegates were usually selected by the politi- cal party " organization " or " machine," and the candidates whom the convention chose were regularly machine men. In order that the candidates might be the choice of the people rather than the tools of the " machine," the direct 1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 533 primary has been introduced. During recent years it has The direct spread to almost all of the states, being used for the nomi- * nation of local and state candidates, and, in several states, for the selection of the state's delegates to the national party in Outlook convention, which nominates the party candidates for Presi- 9 (1908), dent. The adoption of these methods has brought the choice 383-389- of the candidates close to the people ; but now a campaign Mernam, is necessary before the direct primary election, and some- ^^es-So' times a bewildering number of names of prospective candi- dates is placed on the ballot. After all, then, with the direct organized primary, as in the case of the convention, we need some polit- Democracy, ical party organization, and the " organization " or " ma- 22 242> chine " may have as much power as formerly. The old party bosses and machines are usually opposed to the direct primary, however. 1 In order to reduce the number of names on both the short ballot. primary ballot and the final election ballot, a reduction in Childs, R. S., the number of elective offices has been proposed, and in m Am - p l - Sc Rev., 6 (1912), some states this change has been made. This is known as 3IO _ 3IS . the " short ballot." State and national laws have forbidden contributions by Prohibition of the corporations to party campaign expenses. The people corporation 1 ii 1 j.' .,1 P .L- 11 contribution to rather than the corporations therefore theoretically may con- t fundg trol both the parties and the elections. 457. The Initiative, the Referendum, and the Recall. Adoption of For fear that these devices should not give the people ade- ^state-wide initiative and quate control of the governments, there has been wide- re f e rendum. spread extension of the right of the people to propose and make their own laws. The means by which legislation is Cleveland, made direct are the initiative and the referendum. The 11 initiative " is the right of the people to propose laws which 1 The experience of New York shows this. In 1913 the struggle between Governor Sulzer and Tammany for real control of the state politics centered around the direct primary law. As the other party leaders and bosses op- posed Sulzer, he was impeached and removed from office. In the following municipal election in New York City in November Tammany Hall was over- whelmingly defeated. Popular pressure will in time give New York and other states the direct primary. ^o 3S3 - 355- 534 American History Munro, Gov't of Am. Cities, 321-350. The recall. Beard, Am. City Gov't, 6&-7S- Annals Am. Acad., 43 (1912), 215- 236. Munro (ed.), Initiative, Ref., and Recall, 398-320. the lawmaking branch of the government must pass or must submit to the voters. The " referendum " is the right of ratifying laws. As lawmaking is naturally a subject that demands special knowledge and special training, the exten- sion of this privilege to the public shows that the people have come to distrust their governments very thoroughly. Direct legislation has been in use for local laws a great many years, but its scope has recently been so extended that, at the close of the year 1913, eighteen states had the " initiative " and the " referendum " for state laws as well. 1 The " refer- endum " had been used generally for the ratification of state constitutions and for state constitutional amendments for about a century, but its use in connection with the initiative for the making of state laws has been the result of the recent demand that the people should rule. The recall is a further means of controlling public officials ; it is not a method of popular or direct legislation. Where the recall has been adopted, 2 a certain percentage of the voters may demand that another election shall be held in order to ascertain whether an official whom the petitioners distrust shall be retained in office. If he polls a larger vote than any of his opponents, he is retained. THE MOVEMENT TOWARD ECONOMIC REFORM (1909-1914) 458. The Beginning of the Taf t Administration. The new popular movement for a larger share in the government 1 For a summary of recent changes in the status of popular government see the American Year Book (1914), table p. 69. This table will undoubt- edly be brought down to date in later issues. * This method is used much less widely than the initiative and the referen- dum, being applied to judicial state officials in but three states in 1913. In fact, there is very great opposition among conservatives to the application of the recall to judges, whose decisions might then be influenced by fear of re- moval. When New Mexico and Arizona were admitted to the Union in 1912, President Taft refused to sign the resolution admitting Arizona until Arizona eliminated the provision of the state constitution which permitted the recall of the judiciary. Ex-President Roosevelt advocated the recall of judicial decisions as a substitute, but it has been received with less favor than the recall. 1911] Movement toward Economic Reform 535 WILLIAM H. TAFT and more benefits from the government for the common people had not made great headway when Taft was elected President ( 453) in 1908. Taft was looked upon then as a progressive, but his tem- perament and his long experience on the bench made him quite conserva- tive. 1 He made himself unpopular in the West the first year by indorsing the reactionary Payne- Aldrich tariff ( 463) as the " best ever." His at- tempt to apply literally the law for the sale of coal lands caused Taft and Secretary Ballinger to offer coal lands for sale at the old ridiculously low prices. 2 A popular protest, the so-called Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, led to the enact- ment of laws which permitted the withdrawal from sale of valuable coal, oil, and other mineral lands. President Taft earnestly desired to promote peace and international good will. He earnestly advocated a reci- procity agreement with Canada by which trade in grains and raw materials would be promoted between the two countries. For twelve years (1854-1866) the United States had tried reciprocity with Canada, but, although in 1911 Congress voted in favor of reciprocity, Canada, at a general election, 1 William H. Taft is a graduate of Yale, where he holds at present a pro- fessorship. From 1881 to 1892 he held several political positions, and in 1892 was appointed judge of the United States Circuit Court. After 1900 he served as governor of the Philippine Islands, and (1904-1908) as Secretary of War under Roosevelt. Because of his extended administrative experience Taft was exceptionally well prepared for the duties of chief executive. 2 Roosevelt had withdrawn coal lands from sale, pending the revaluation of these lands, although no law permitted this action. Ballinger made prep- arations to give patents to lands in Alaska, which Pinchot thought con- trary to a wise policy of conservation. The conserva- tive position ol the Taft ad- ministration on tariff and conservation. Lowery, E. G., in No. Am. Rev., 191 (1910), 289- 301. Turner, G. K., in McClure, 35 (IQIO), 2II-22I. Reciprocity and inter- national arbitration. Rev. of Revs., 43 (1911), 278-283, 737- 738. 1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 537 decided overwhelmingly against it, evidently fearing absorp- Taft, W. H., tion by the United States. President Taft was more fortu- et "* in Jour - nate in securing very liberal arbitration treaties with France , u) and Great Britain ( 443). 513-549. That action of Taft's administration which has been most Policy of Taft approved and will in future be of most importance was the toward the appointment of national judges made by President Taft. For the first time in fifty years a majority of the justices of the Baldwin, E. F.. Supreme Court were appointed by one president. More mOutiook < than forty per cent of the judges in the inferior national courts ISO _ I 6 4 . ' were also selected by Taft. The work of these judges will constitute the chief contribution of Taft to the history of this period. 1 459. Reform Legislation. Because of the great popular Postal changes movement described above ( 454-457) there was a great deal of reform legislation in state and nation during the Taft administration. In 1910 Congress established a postal Hitchcock, savings bank system, and in 1012 a parcel post was author- F - H-> m InJ " , - , pendent, 72 ized. The postal savings bank is used in a majority of the ( I9I2 ) ; post offices, where depositors more than ten years of age can 136-138. deposit from $i to $500. It reaches sections which before Klemmeres, had no banks and brings into circulation money that had E - w -> in p l - been hoarded. The parcel post gives opportunity to send ^^ good-sized packages at rates varying with weight and dis- 462-499. tance. It is hoped that the parcel post may facilitate the Outlook, 103 marketing of products, and, by eliminating middlemen, may ( I913 )' reduce the high cost of living ( 465). . . Zimmermann, The period from 1908 to 1913 was one of progressive legis- w ( in Sys _ lation for the protection of labor. The national government tem, 23 ( 1913) established (1913) a separate Department of 'Labor and two 271-277,^374- years earlier created a ChiHren's Bureau. Child-labor laws, laws limiting the hours of labor for women, improved em- legislation. ployer's liability laws, industrial and compensation laws, and minimum wage measures are among the humanitarian meas- ures enacted by the states during that period. 1 The attitude of the courts on the anti-trust law is considered below (468). 538 American History [1912 The Republi- can primary campaign. Woodbum, J. A., in Am. Year Book, 1912, i 10. Dunn, A. W., in Rev. of Revs., 45 (1912), 427-433- Blythe, S. G. f in McClure, 39 (1912), 205-214. The Republi- can convention. Woodburn, J. A., in Am. Year Book, 1912, 10-14. Rev. of Revs., 46 (1914), 132- 141, 191-195- Davis, R. H., in Scribner's, 52 (1912), 259-273- Democratic convention. Woodburn, J. A., in Am. Year Book, 1912, 14-20. Outlook, 101 (1912), SS7-56i. The Progres- sive convention. Woodburn, J. A., in Am. Year Book, 1912, 20-27. 460. The Election of 1912. Reform movements and programs played a considerable part in the presidential elec- tion of 1912. The election was opened by a spectacular primary campaign. Roosevelt had declared in 1904 that under no circumstances would he seek reelection after that date. He was so disappointed with the conservative policies of theTaft administration that in 1912 he came out openly as a candidate against President Taft, who was seeking renomi- nation. As several states provided by law for the election of delegates in the primaries, and, as several others actually chose their delegates in that way, a great deal of vigorous campaigning was done in order to win control of the Republi- can convention in Chicago. Because Taft controlled the regular Republican machinery and the delegates from the southern states, he was able to control the Chicago convention by a small majority. Roose- velt protested in vain against the " steam-roller " methods which excluded his delegates, maintaining that the majority had been robbed. His followers remained silent while the convention renominated Taft and Sherman, and adopted a platform which was liberal in many respects but which was conservative in others. The Democratic convention met in Baltimore, June 25. A struggle immediately began between the conservatives and the progressives, the latter winning through the unquali- fied support of William Jennings Bryan. The convention adopted a liberal platform with especial emphasis on a revenue tariff, an income tax, opposition to the trusts, and a single term for the President. Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey and Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana were nominated. The Republican Roosevelt delegates called a convention in Chicago, August 5, and organized the Progressive party. The primary purpose of the new party was to destroy boss rule, but its platform was an extended summary of social, political, and economic reforms. Roosevelt gave the con- vention his " confession of faith," concluding with the words : " We stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord." 540 American History [1908 Abbott, E. H., in Outlook, 101 (1912), 857-864. Menkel, W. ( in Rev. of Revs. 46 (1912), 310-317- Result of the election. Woodburn, J. A., in Am. Year Book, 1912, 27-44. World's Work, 25 (1912), 137-139- The Income Tax amendment. With Roosevelt was nominated Hiram W. Johnson of Cali- fornia. The result of the election was predetermined by the split in the Republican party, the campaign being comparatively dull. 1 When the votes were counted, it was found that Wilson had carried forty-one states, including three states that had been very progressive before 1912. Roosevelt had a plurality in five states and Taft in two. Wilson's popular vote was less than Bryan's in 1908, and a million and a quarter less than the com- bined vote of Roosevelt and Taft in 1912. The Socialist vote was nearly one million, being more than double the vote of that party in 1908, showing that many people demanded a much more radical reform of social and economic abuses than either the Progressive party or the Democratic party was likely to give. 2 461. Constitutional Changes. Twice in the year 1913 was the Constitution of the United States amended in order 1 In Milwaukee, October 14, a fanatic attempted to assassinate Roosevelt. Roosevelt's courage in addressing an audience immediately afterwards, al- though severely wounded, aroused nation-wide sympathy and enthusiasm. 1 The Socialist party platform in 191 2 declared that " society is divided into warring groups and classes, based upon material interest." It demanded that the rule of the capitalist class shall be replaced by that of the workers. It asked for collective ownership of railways and other means of social communication, of banks and of land held for speculation or exploitation. It demanded relief for the unemployed, the better conservation of human resources and direct government by the people in the national as well as the state and local governments. Copyright by Harris and Ewing. WOODROW WILSON 1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 541 to make it correspond more nearly with the wishes of the Literary Digest, people. These were the first changes in our written funda- 46 ( I 9 I 3). mental law in more than forty years. The sixteenth amend- ^ 5 3 , * 7 ' Brooks. S., in ment provides for an income tax, so that such a tax may be #. ^m. Rev., levied without being declared unconstitutional as was the 197 (1913), tax oi .1:894 ( 408). An income tax was levied in 1913 S42 ~ S5S - (464). The seventeenth amendment was the result of an even Direct election more determined demand of the people. Several times of senators- Houses of Representatives had passed resolutions in favor J nes ' Rea of the consumer, and therefore made monopoly possible. 740 _ 7S 8 Finally complaint has been made that all capitalists stand streightoff, together and amass wealth at the expense of the public. Standard of Prices have been going up ever since 1895. This is due Limn z< 44~ 68 - chiefly without doubt to the increased production of gold, 2 Annals Am - Acad., July, 1 Married men are exempt to the amount of #4000. IQ I 3- 5 The amount of gold produced each year after 1910 was more than double the annual output of gold from 1890 to 1895. As the purchasing value of gold depends largely on the amount in existence, prices go up as the amount increases. Wages, of course, do the same in time, but changes in wages occur slowly. The high cost of living is not simply the result of high prices ; for, if wages increase at the same rate as prices, a man's income will go as far with high prices as with low prices. It has been said very truly that a fair part of the high cost of living is the cost of high living. At least it is due in part to an improvement in the standard of living. 2 N 546 American History Money trust investigation. Literary Digest, 46 (1013), 163- 166, 261263. The national banking act of 1913- Wick ware, T. G., in Am. Year Book, 1914, 38-53- to the expansions of our system of credit, 1 and to the im- provements in the standard of living ; but it is due in part also to the special opportunity which the protected indus- tries have had of raising prices. Among the numerous investigations cf combination of capital that were supposed to be responsible for high prices and business monopoly was that of the head " trust " of all, the so-called " money trust." The investigation did not show the existence of any organization, but it showed that 1 80 men, each of whom held positions on a great many directorates (interlocking directorates), had great influence over corporations with resources amounting to about $25,000,000,000. Many of these corporations were engaged in banking. Fear that great capitalists would control still more the banking of the country and its business interests delayed the adoption of necessary banking reforms until 1913. In that year Congress amended the national banking act ( 342). The new act provides for a better concentration of banking reserves, a more elastic currency, and a better system of bank credit. National banking in reserve centers is no longer to cooperate chiefly with the stock market, but with business, domestic and foreign. Loans to farmers are made easier, a general plan of agricultural credit being worked out later. The bank act provides for a national reserve board which supervises reserve banks. 2 This is selected by the president. There are from eight to twelve " regional reserve banks " controlled by bankers of that region, which can issue emergency currency and therefore furnish extra money when crops are to be moved or a money stringency occurs. It is hoped that this new banking plan will give a needed flexibility to our national banking system, will help to prevent panics, and will keep organized capital from dominating business. 1 See Fisher, I., in American Economic Review, 2 (1912), 431-558. * It is composed of seven members, two of whom are the Secretary of the Treasury and the Controller of the Currency. 1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 547 466. Summary. In the later years of the nineteenth General, century large railway and industrial corporations had great influence over our governments. The protest of society against business domination in politics was expressed in the Roosevelt policies in national affairs, and in the demand that the people should rule in city, state, and national govern- ments. As a result of these two movements numerous changes occurred in the laws affecting labor, the currency, the tariff and others. Roosevelt followed McKinley's policies at first, especially The Roosevelt in foreign affairs, but urged more drastic action against the Pli cies - trusts and favored conservation. After his election in 1904 he came out more strongly for railway regulation, conserva- tion, and the punishment of " malefactors of great wealth." Even the panic of 1907 did not shake the faith of the Roose- velt supporters, and in 1908 William H. Taft was elected as his successor to carry out his policies. The same forces that were working to overthrow business The rule of domination of politics were working against corruption in the P e P le - government and for popular control of all public affairs. In the House of Representatives, the insurgents overthrew ihe oligarchical sway of the Committee on Rules. In the states, especially in the West and South, were established the direct primary, the initiative, the referendum, and the recall by which the people were able to keep the politicians from managing politics against the wishes of the public. At the beginning of the Taft administration (1909- Movement 1913) many valuable coal, oil, and mineral lands were with- tow ard eco- drawn from sale, no longer being offered at even low prices. Later postal savings banks and a parcel post system were established by Congress. The period was one of numerous changes in state laws for the benefit of labor. In the elec- tion of 1912 there were sharp contests between the conser- vative and liberal factions of each of the old parties. The more conservative members controlled the Republican party, nominating Taft ; the liberal wing organizing as the Progres- sive party and nominating Roosevelt. The Democrats 548 American History [ig 13 elected Woodrow Wilson on a liberal platform. Imme- diately following the election two liberal measures were incorporated in the United States Constitution as the six- teenth amendment (income tax) and the seventeenth (direct election of senators). The Wilson administration was more liberal than was even expected. The conservative Payne- Aldrich tariff was replaced by lower protective tariff, a new banking act was passed to give greater elasticity to our currency and credit, and action was taken to break the control of " interlocking directorates " over business. TOPICS 1. CONSERVATION: Ashley, "Am. Federal State" (rev. ed.), ch. XXIX ; Coman, "Industrial History of the U. S." (rev. ed.), pp. 375- 413; National Conservation Commission, "Summary of Report"; Annals of the Amer. Academy, 33 (1909), 3-226; Van Hise, "Conser- vation of Natural Resources." 2. CORRUPTION AND REFORM, MUNICIPAL: Bliss (ed.), "New Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 318327; Lamed (ed.), "His- tory of Ready Ref.," VII, pp. 431442 ; Beard, "American City Gov't," pp. 192-217 ; Flint, "The World of Graft," pp. 9-88; Myers, "History of Tammany Hall," pp. 252350; Steffens, "Shame of the Cities." 3. INITIATIVE AND THE REFERENDUM: Munro (ed.), "The Ini- tiative, Referendum, and Recall," pp. 126193; Wilcox, "Gov't by All the People," pp. n 166, 229-312; Annals Amer. Academy, 43 (1912), 3-31, 65109, 203215; Oberholtzer, "The Referendum in America" (rev. ed.), pp. 173-217, 368-453; Lowell, "Public Opinion and Popular Gov't," pp. 169-235, 368398. 4. THE RECALL OF JUDGES AND JUDICIAL DECISIONS: Roosevelt, inOutlook, 100 (1912), 618626; 101, 855857, 1004-1007"; Wilcox, "Gov't by All the People," pp. 211-228; Cleveland, "Organized Democracy," pp. 426-437; Annals of Amer. Academy, 43 (1912), 239-325; Acad. of Pol. Sc., Proceedings, January, 1913, 76-116. STUDIES 1. Roosevelt and civil service reform. (Shaw, W. B,, in Review of Reviews, 31 (1905), 317-324.) 2. Campaign funds and campaign scandals. (Carr, J. F., in Outlook, 81 (1905), 549-554-) 3. Conservation of Niagara Falls. (Spencer, J. W. W., in Popular Science Monthly, 73 (1908), 289-305.) 4. Mismanagement of insurance companies before 1906. (Larned (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VII, pp. 326-329.) Movement toward Economic Reform 549 5. La Follette of Wisconsin. (Roe, G. E., in Independent, 64 (1908), 717-725.) 6. New York police force. (Roe, W. J., in Popular Science Monthly, 80 (1912), 461475.) 7. Publicity of campaign funds. (Jones, "Readings on Parties and Elections," pp. 302321.) 8. Municipal research bureau. (Annals of Amer. Academy, 41 (1912), 235-278.) 9. Regulation of political campaigns. (Cleveland, "Organized Democracy," pp. 243260.) 10. The function of parties. (Lowell, "Public Opinion and Popu- lar Gov't," Part II.) 11. Socialist party in election of 1912. (Hoxie, R. F., in Jol. Pol. Econ., 20 (1912), 205223.) 12. The tariff board and tariffs. (Am. Economic Review, z (1912), March Sup., 19-41.) QUESTIONS 1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- tained: Federalist party, old Republican party, Whig party, Demo- cratic party, Republican party. 2. What were some of the favors received by the great corporations from our governments ? Why did the trusts and the railways wish to control the governments ? What was the danger of capitalistic control? By what means and to what extent has capitalistic control been averted ? 3. Compare the policies and methods of Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson. To what extent did the personalities of these men enter into the work of their administrations ? Show how they represent three types of party leadership. 4. Compare the foreign, anti-trust, and conservation policies of Roosevelt. Which features of these policies were original with him ? Are his permanent contributions to American history connected with these original features or the other features ? 5. Show the relation between the revolt against capitalistic domina- tion and the revolt against boss rule. 6. In what ways may the people control their governments that were not generally in use twenty years ago ? Show the advantages and disadvantages of each method of popular control. 7. Show how the movement for popular rule affected the state and national legislation of the period from 1909 to 1912. 8. Compare the tariffs of 1909 and 1913 with those of 1890 and 1894. Does a return to the principles of the tariff of 1909 seem prob- able in 1917 ? CHAPTER XXIII Causes and results of industrial combination. Jenks, Trust Problem, 21-55- Taussig, Prin- ciples of Economics, II, 419-442. Haney, Bus. Organization and Combina- tion, 128-144. PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS COMMERCE AND- INDUSTRY 467. Industrial Progress since 1880. During the last third of a century the industrial advance of the United States has been very rapid. The capital invested in man- ufacturing and the value of manufactured products have increased fourfold. This development has been accom- panied by changes which we have already noted in part the combination of companies engaged in the same line of industry, with a resulting foss of competition, and the combination also of employees engaged in similar occu- pations. The advantages of production and exchange on a large scale are evident. Improved machinery and pro- cesses may be employed, finer products may be secured by devoting the energies of an entire plant to a special form of manufacture, and immense sums are saved by preventing the unavoidable wastes of separate plants. By controlling most of the output in its line, a trust need ship into a particu- lar territory only the amount that can be sold easily. It can lower its prices in a district in which a rival is dangerous and drive its competitor from business. It can afford to develop new markets, domestic or foreign, which may be unprofitable at first, for the sake of the future. Whether these advantages from the industrial standpoint are sufficient compensation to the public for the loss of competition, which in the past has kept prices low, depends partly on the policy of the trust, partly on the attitude of our governments toward the trusts, and partly on the willingness or ability of the people to keep prices low. The advantages of combination were apparent long be- fore the Spanish-American War, and many trusts were 1902] Commerce and Industry 551 organized during that period, 1 but the movement for indus- Formation of trial or commercial consolidation was far more conspicuous trusts after from 1898 to 1902 than at any earlier time. 2 Several hun- dred trusts were organized, many of them powerful enough ' to be considered monopolies. The largest of these was the 325-329. United States Steel corporation, with capital stock of Lamed (ed.), $1,100,000,000. Many of these were organized on a specu- Ready Ref., lative basis and either collapsed or suffered from over-capi- ' 529 7 S35> . . VII, 116-135. talization within a short time. The railways of the United , . ., , , .... . Bogart, Econ. States adopted similar methods, and most of the mileage is His( O j- v s controlled now by a few corporations. In fact some of the 400-416. largest combinations control the mines or other sources of Marshall, raw material which they use, manage their manufacturing Wright, Field, plants, and own or control the railways by which the materials , '.' , a ' are brought to their plants or their products are shipped to Economics, market. 290-339. 468. An ti- Trust Legislation in the States. Under the present system of law in the United States these great companies do not receive charters from the national govern- Control of ment, but are chartered in some state, and then do business railwa -y s - in the other states under that charter. The other states, how- Johnson, Am. ever ; may limit the activities of the corporations within their own boundaries, and, in fact, may prohibit them from doing 349-366. business in their state. The earliest form of state control, Dixon, F. H., as we have observed already ( 396), was in connection mPol.Sc. with railways. Most of the early granger legislation was V uar -> 20 1 The earliest and still one of the most notable trusts is the Standard Oil 2-624. Company, which, as early as 1880, controlled the output of over ninety-five per cent of the refined oil in the United States. 2 There have been in general four historical forms of combinations. (i) The earliest was the pool, in which earnings were pooled and then distrib- uted among the members of the pool according to agreement. (2) The second was the trustee form, from which we get the word " trust." The stock of the companies in the combination was held by trustees who managed the affairs of the combination. (3) The third form was the holding company. One company was organized which owned the majority of the stock in the subsidiary companies. The Standard Oil Co. was a trust of this kind until 191 1. (4) The latest form of trust is the great corporation, the lesser com- panies being really absorbed by the single great company. The steel trust is the best example of this kind of corporation. 552 American History [1890 Huebner, G. G., in Annals Am. A cad., 32 (1908), 138- 156. Industrial anti- trust laws. Sayer^ J. D., in No. Am. Rev., 169 (1899), 210-217. Clark, Control of Trusts, 71-95- Outlook, So (1905), 427- 431 ; 91 (1909) 320-322. Stimson, Popular Law Making, 173-189. Provisions. The problem of national control. MacDonald, Statutes, No. J2o. repealed after a few years' experiment, but in almost all of the states, railway commissions are maintained to super- vise rates and the other business of railways. Most of these state commissions have the power to fix the maximum rates that shall be charged by the railways, a few still depend upon publicity, and some are public service commis- sions which supervise not only the steam railways, but electric railways, water and power plants, and other public utilities. About 1890 the organization of a large number of trusts led to the enactment of numerous state anti-trust laws; and the so-called Sherman Anti-Trust Act which was passed by Congress. In many of the states monopolies were for- bidden entirely; in other states the laws were intended to restrict the trusts from charging excessive rates or otherwise injuring the public. More perfect laws were passed later by many states, that of Texas being a good example of the severe anti-monopoly law. It has not been easy to enforce these laws against the great corporations, but some success has attended the efforts of the states west of the Mississippi. In 1904 Kansas engaged in a war on the Standard Oil Com- pany by building a refinery of its own. Two years later Missouri forced the same company to admit that the lesser companies doing business in that state were nothing more than parts of the great monopoly. Texas as well as Mis- souri was rather successful in dealing with the Standard Oil monopoly before the Supreme Court of the United States declared that monopoly illegal. Both states levied heavy fines on the subsidiary companies of the Standard Oil Company. 469. The Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890. x In response to a popular demand, Congress in 1890 decided that " every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several states, or with foreign nations, is hereby 1 In connection with this and succeeding sections the student should review 394~397. 1894] Commerce and Industry 553 declared to be illegal." This act was intended to supple- Dawes, C. G, ment the Interstate Commerce Act ( 397) which had been in No - Am - passed three years earlier. We should notice carefully ( Ig0 6) l g^.v that the only provision of the United States Constitution 194. which deals with the power of the national government over commerce or industry within the United States is contained in the words, " Congress shall have power ... to regulate commerce . . . among the several states." l When the Constitution was adopted in 1787, even interstate com- merce was not particularly important. The fact that for one hundred years there was no real attempt to regulate this commerce from Washington is sufficient evidence of the recent development of interstate trade. But the expansion of large corporations, which have plants in several states and do business in many others, presents a problem of com- mercial and industrial control which cannot be solved by the separate state governments. The interest of the public there- fore must go unprotected or be secured by the national gov- ernment. For this reason the interpretation placed upon the Sherman Act by the courts is of the first importance. If this act has been construed narrowly, the power of Congress over commerce will be very limited. If it has been construed liberally, the national government may not only control indus- try under it, but Congress may pass supplementary legis- lation extending its powers still further. At first comparatively little attention was paid to the Application of law either by the government or the corporations. It was the Sherman invoked in 1894 ( 474) to prevent labor organizations from interfering with the movement of trains engaged in interstate _ lp ey ,' Trusts, Pools, commerce. Later the Supreme Court broke up several and Corpora- illegal combinations. 2 The most interesting case until tions, 263-272. recent years was that of the Northern Securities Company. Garner, j. w., This company was organized to hold the stock and manage in Annals i e i-i i -VT i TV Amer. Acad., the interests of several railways, the Northern Pacific, the 24 ( IQ04 ) 125-147. 1 United States Constitution, Art. i, 8, Cl. 3- * Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897) and Joint Traffic Case (1898) especially. 554 American History [1904 Bureau, of corporations (1903)- Reinsch (ed.), Readings in Am. Fed. Gout.. 529-538. Curbing of corporation powers. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., VII, 117-127. Annais of Am. Acad., 32 (1908), 3-94, 235-258; 42 (1912), 210- 269. Wickersham, G. W., in Century, 83 (1912), 616-622. Great Northern, and the Burlington lines. The Supreme Court prevented the Securities Company from carrying out this plan by deciding (1904) that its acts would be in re- straint of interstate trade. The court made clear its position that the restraint was not necessarily unreasonable in order to be illegal. 470. Recent Anti- Trust Activity. In 1903 Congress organized a new cabinet department known as the Depart- ment of Commerce and Labor, which was later (1913) sepa- rated into a Department of Commerce and a Department of Labor. One of the bureaus created for the Department of Commerce was that of Corporations, the head of which was authorized to investigate " the organization, conduct, and management " of any company other than railways which was engaged in interstate commerce, reporting direct to the President. This bureau has issued valuable reports on combinations like the steel trust, the tobacco trust, and the monopoly of railway and steamship terminal sites. It may be made a powerful weapon for the supervision of great corporations, particularly if these corporations are compelled to take out national charters. It has been proposed that this bureau be superseded by an interstate trade commission. Many suits have been instituted against the trusts by the national government. In general, the results obtained in the courts have been favorable to the government, although these suits have not interfered particularly with the business operations of the large corporations. The right of Congress to control the actions of trusts engaged in interstate com- merce has been upheld by the courts fully. On the other hand, the right of a trust to defend itself by refusing to show its books or give evidence in court on the ground that it might incriminate itself has been denied corporations. The courts have held that private cars cannot be used by railways to injure the business of any person or section, and that a railway company cannot engage in any business like that of mining coal, in which it can haul its own coal cheaper than that of its competitors. Many of the important trusts Commerce and Industry 555 have been compelled to abandon some of the most flagrant of the practices which they had used for controlling the market. The position of the courts toward the trusts was made The "rule of clear in the Standard Oil and Tobacco Trust cases (IQII). reason " re ~ , . , garding trusts. The court held that they were monopolies and were break- ing the Sherman anti-trust law which forbade interference ^Pol' Sc with interstate trade, and they were ordered to dissolve. Quar., 26 The court held that a " rule of reason " should be applied to"), in order to determine whether any trust restrained interstate 5 trade to such an extent that the government should interfere . n T t ^ rn ?^!I' "* T m W^" To- with the trust, or prohibit its business, if it were a monopoly. ^ 2 i (IQH), As it is impossible to return to the competition which existed 1429-1438. before the trusts were formed, the attitude of the state and No. Am. Rev., national governments toward big business will be one of J uly> I9II> the most interesting questions of the future, as it has been of the past. 1 471. Railway Rate Regulation. So closely connected Increasing are the industrial corporations and the railways that any need of gov " ernment reg- action taken by the government in dealing with one almost U i at i ns. always involves the other. This has been true in most of Haines Re _ the investigations mentioned in the preceding section, strictive Rail- Since the laws dealing with railways and with the powers way Legislation of government over railways are concerned almost exclu- sively with " common carriers," we should note how the railways have been kept from injuring the public either alone or in cooperation with the trusts. The importance of the railways in the development of industry and in the maintenance of those healthful business conditions under which alone prosperity is possible cannot be overestimated. Since almost all of the trunk lines in the United States have come into the control of a limited number of persons, who 1 At this time Congress has under consideration several anti-trust meas- ures. One prohibits interlocking directorates ( 465). Another proposes an interstate trade commission to look after industries that produce goods for interstate trade. A third seeks to define t^rms and powers of the Sherman anti-trust law. Others deal with irregular or undesirable practices in interstate trade and give the Interstate Commerce Commission control of the issues of stocks and bonds on interstate railways. 556 American History [1906 Provisions of the present law. Ripley (ed.), Railway Prob- lems, 531-556. Smalley, H. S., in Annals Am. Acad., 29 (1007), 202-309. Dixon, T. H., in Quar. Jour. Econ., 24 (1910), 530-633. Great devel- opment of export trade. Whelpley, J. D., Trade of the World (last chapter). Waldron, G. B., in Chautau- quan, 31 (1000), 499-504. are more interested in other business than that of transpor- tation, the need of governmental control has increased. After years of agitation, 1 both houses of Congress agreed (1906) on a new Interstate Commerce Act (amended 1910), which replaced that of 1887. The new commission, composed of seven members appointed by the President and Senate, has the power not only to declare rates " unrea- sonable," but to fix the maximum rate that shall be charged for the transportation of freight or passengers on interstate lines. It brings under the supervision of the commission all interstate " common carriers." 2 No railway may carry, except for its own use, articles of which it is the owner ; nor, if a railway reduces rates to meet water competition, may it restore the old rates when the water competition has been removed. 472. Commerce and Shipping. The industrial and com- mercial development of the period following the war with Spain naturally affected our foreign trade very much. The increase in our exports from 1896 to 1913 was almost 200 per cent, and the excess of exports over imports for each of these years was little less than five hundred million dollars. This great " balance of trade " in our favor was due principally to the great demand, particularly in Europe, for our agricul- tural products, such as cotton 3 or breadstuff s for our meat products; and to the great exports of mineral products, especially refined petroleum, 4 and iron, steel or copper 1 In 1903 the Elkins anti-rebate law supplemented the Interstate Com- merce Act of 1887 by denning the character of the punishment that should be meted out to the railways which give rebates, and by making shippers liable to fine for accepting rebates. This act furnished the Interstate Com- merce Commission a more effective means of preventing rebates. 2 This term is defined to include railways, private refrigerator cars, Pull- man cars, express companies, and pipe lines (except for gas and water). In addition the Interstate Commerce Commission supervises interstate telephone and telegraph companies. 3 Our exports of raw cotton for the year ending June 30, 1913, were 547,357,195 ; of live stock or meat products, 139,271,542 ; and of grain and flour, 184,214,756. 4 The figures for petroleum for 1913 were 137,237,762 ; for iron, steel, and copper manufactures, 444,870,710. 1913] Commerce and Industry 557 manufactures. The United States has in fact become an Digby, W. P., exporter of manufactured articles rather than an exporter in En stneering of raw materials. Our market for machinery has expanded ( igos ') ) 32I _ perhaps as rapidly as that of any of our other exports. In 333, 508-518, many cases machines have been sold abroad for much less 6 ?3-682. than the price in the United States, in order to open the way Root > F - D -> m for later sales. American locomotives have competed sue- , cessfully with those of foreign make in distant Russia and 1457-1460; Japan, and America now leads all other countries in its ? 6 (1013)- exports of automobiles. The trade with Cuba and Porto Annals Am. Rico has grown rapidly, and that of the Pacific coast is c '' 37 increasing constantly, but we still enjoy but a small propor- so-sg/yo^. tion of the exports to South American countries, the Philip- pines, and eastern Asia. Although our favorable position commercially among Shipping and the nations of the world is a matter of pride to us, the depend- shi P subsidies. ence of the United States upon other countries to carry our Review of exports and imports is not pleasing. We have found other ev ^ ews ' occupations more profitable than that of shipping, and, there- 319-328. ' fore, have neglected to build ships for foreign trade. On Raymond, A., this account large sums are paid annually to foreign shippers, in Forum, Our merchant marine has declined so that less than one 49 ( I913 ^ tenth of our foreign trade is carried in American vessels and our flag is seen comparatively little in the ports of the ' world. 1 To remedy this unfortunate though not serious Rev., 180 state of affairs, to provide fleets of vessels that can be ( I 9s), turned into transports or auxiliary cruisers at short notice 3 374 ' in time of war, to build up again a large merchant marine, ship subsidies have been suggested. Several bills have been passed by one house of Congress during recent years, but have failed to receive the approval of the other house. 1 The tonnage of American vessels is greater than ever before, about six and a half million tons ; but the tonnage of vessels engaged in foreign trade is less than one million tons. As our foreign shipping in 1856 represented two and one half million tons, the decline has caused very serious criticism. 558 American History [1865 Panic of 1873. Coman, Indus- trial Hist., 286-28g. Burton, Crises, 286, 289. Larned (ed.), Ready Ref., V, 3574-3576. Panic of 1893. Burton, Crises, 292-296. Noyes, Am. Finance, 182-196. Lauck, Panic of 1893, 97- 122. BUSINESS AND LABOR 473. Prosperity and Panics since 1865. Since the Civil War there have been successive waves of business prosperity and depression. The excessive expansion of business during the years from 1865 to 1873 caused one of the worst panics in our history in 1873. Speculation had been conspicuous in manufacturing, in railway extension, in purchase of public lands, and in commerce. Collapse followed the manipulation of the stock market. The failure of Jay Cooke of Philadelphia started the panic, which affected every line of industry. There was no sale of property, and prices fell everywhere. The gravity of the situation in- creased as the years passed, for the number of failures in 1877 and 1878 was much greater than in 1873. In 1879 there was a return to normal business conditions, and times continued prosperous until 1885. After a slight depres- sion, business revived and continued very active until 1892. The immediate cause of the panic which occurred in 1893 was undoubtedly the fear among business men that the government might not be able to redeem its notes in gold ( 410). 1 To this cause was added the doubt about possible changes in the tariff. The underlying cause was undoubtedly the abnormal inflation of values and the increase of speculation. The first serious failures occurred in May, 1893. Banks, factories, and railways were affected. In many cases business houses were forced into bankruptcy simply because they were asked to pay their debts and could not collect from those who owed them money, their assets often being much greater than their liabilities. 2 Factories 1 If the government were obliged to use silver for this purpose, the business of the country would then be transacted on a silver basis. As the intrinsic value of the silver in a dollar was only about fifty cents, the loss to merchants who sold on time would be appalling. *The total indebtedness of those that failed during 1893 reached the enormous total of nearly 350,000,000. Receivers were appointed for rail- way companies that owned more than twenty-five thousand miles of railroad. 1894] Business and Labor 559 closed or reduced their output so that many hundreds of thousands were added to the ranks of the unemployed. 1 This condition of affairs continued with comparatively little improvement for two years, and, as in the great panic twenty years earlier, normal conditions were not restored for four or five years, but, about the time of the war with Spain business became more active than at any preceding time. The years from 1897 to 1913 were exceedingly prosperous The panics of except for a slight stock panic in 1903, which was the result I9 3 and I9 7 of too much " high finance " in the organization of trusts, white . Money and the panic of 1907 ( 453), which was far less disas- ._- trous than those of 1873 and 1893. There was a world- wide depression in 1913. 474. Labor Unions and Strikes (1877-1894). Periods Strikes of of marked industrial development or depression are usually l8?7 - accompanied by conflicts between capital and labor. When Wright, Indus- times are exceptionally good, the workers believe they are ' ton ' not receiving a just share of the unusual profits. When hard times come, the employers feel that they cannot afford to pay as high wages as formerly. The hard times of the 70*3 caused a reduction of wages which in time led in several cases to strikes. The greatest of these began on the Balti- more and Ohio Railway in July, 1877. Railway strikes occurred at the same time on the Pennsylvania Railway and other lines. Pittsburg was the center of the rioting and disorder, and the mobs in that city were dispersed only by the use of Gatling guns. A large amount of property was destroyed, order being restored finally when United States troops were ordered to Pittsburg. After 1877 more interest was taken by the workers in the Labor union formation of labor organizations. Many joined the Knights movement, of Labor, the largest of the unions, which in 1885 had a half Wright, Indus- million members. The American Federation of Labor was rta u wn ' 273-282. 1 The winter of 1893-1894 was very trying to the laboring classes. Hundreds of thousands had been thrown out of employment by the business depression, and the suffering of their families during the winter months was very great. 560 American History [iSSi Stimson, Labor in Relation to Law, 1-16. The Pullman strike. Andrews, Our Own Time, 722-730. Wright, Indus- trial Hist., 3I3-3I7- Cleveland, Pres. Problems, 79-117. Individual bargaining or collective bargaining. Carlton, Organized Labor, 116- 119. organized in 1881, and several other national labor organiza- tions have been formed since. The principal objects of these bodies have been to raise wages and reduce the hours of labor, through cooperation, by strikes if necessary. More than one half of the strikes undertaken by the unions have been won by the workers, although they have lost many of the larger strikes. Among the prominent strikes after 1877 were those occurring in 1886 on the Gould railways in the southwest, the one in Chicago in connection with which the Haymarket riot occurred, 1 one at Homestead in Pennsyl- vania in 1892, strikes in the mining regions of the West, and those considered in the following paragraphs. In 1894 there occurred perhaps the greatest strike in the history of the United States. A strike among the employees of the Pullman Car Company spread to all railways on which Pullman cars were used. For several weeks few trains were operated on the railways from Lake Erie to the Pacific. Rioting occurred in Chicago and at other points, the local authorities in many cases being unable to preserve order or protect property. President Cleveland ordered United States troops to Chicago to prevent interference with the carrying of the mails or with interstate commerce. Against this action Governor Altgeld of Illinois protested, as he main- tained that the national government had no right to send troops unless he called for them. He was unable to see that the troops were enforcing simply national law. The strike collapsed eventually without gaining any concessions from the employers. 475. Recent Labor Problems. In the period since 1894 the organization of labor has not kept pace with the combinations of capital. The problem of protecting labor is therefore a serious one, since no single employee can make successful terms with a corporation which employs tens of thousands of laborers ; and, naturally, the government can- not dictate who shall be employed or what wages shall be paid. Wages have, nevertheless, increased during the last 1 See Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, pp. 529-535. Business and Labor 5 6i two decades, as in previous decades, but they have gone up less rapidly than prices have risen since 1895. This means that laborers were able constantly to improve their standard of living before 1895 and have been unable to improve it since that time. One of the problems of the future is so to reform unions as to make them more representative and to 1 fit! Pru. 1800 1870 1880 1890 WAGES AND PRICES 1840-1913 IN GOLD Adams and Sumner, Labor Problems, 301-305. Taussig, Prin- ciples of Economics, II, 261-284. Industrial Commission Report, XIX, 833-847. secure collective bargaining where labor must serve combi- nations of capital. Labor has sought to protect itself chiefly by strikes, or Arbitration by the threat of striking. The loss to the public where and concilia- strikes involve a public utility, as a railway, or a public tlon ' necessity, as coal, is so great that some other way should Car | ton . be devised. To have arbitration after months of dispute, $ ' 232243. as in the great anthracite coal strike of 1902, is unsatisfac- tory. The trade agreement reached in the bituminous coal 20 ganized Labor, 562 American History [1905 Industrial warfare. Baket R. S., in McClure, 23 (1904), 43-57- Carlton, Or- ganized Labor, 82-84. Marshall, Wright, and Field, Mate- rials for Study of Economics, 700-704. Legislation during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Wright, Indus- trial Evolution, 273-282. Stimson, Labor in Relation to Law, 1-16. Adams and Sumner, Labor Problems, 466-480. controversy of 1905 without a strike was a decided improve- ment. Where no public necessity is involved, strikes are less objectionable, but more peaceful methods are much preferable, and many of our states as well as the national government have sought to substitute conciliation or vol- untary arbitration for industrial warfare. Since 1900 several disputes between capital and labor have really resulted in warfare. In Colorado mine diffi- culties led to the banishment of strikers, to the use of troops on .the one side and dynamite on the other. Dynamite has also been used as a means of intimidation when there was no strike, as in a series of dynamitings of iron struc- tures culminating in the destruction of the plant of the Los Angeles Times, an ardent enemy of the unions. The I. W W. (Industrial Workers of the World), who distrust the labor unions, believe thoroughly in the use of warfare as a means of securing the rights of labor from capital. Never- theless, the vast majority of the workers and a still larger percentage of the general public prefer more peaceful means of settling labor problems. 476. Labor Legislation. In a republic which has univer- sal manhood suffrage, it is strange that the demands of labor for legislative protection have been less strenuous and have been granted more tardily than in either semi-republican England or monarchical Germany. During the period of formation of great national labor unions thirty years ago, the unions persuaded Congress to exclude not only the Chinese * but all laborers who were under contract to work in the United States. Comparatively few of the other demands of the unions were granted at that time. However, factory laws were passed in many states, and most of the in- 1 Agitation against Chinese coolie immigration started soon after 1870 in California, where a large number had come under the Burlingame treaty, which encouraged trade and migration between the two countries. In 1882 a law forbidding the immigration of Chinese laborers was passed by Congress and was supplemented by later laws and by treaties. These laws have been enforced harshly, so that there are fewer Chinese in the United States to-day than there were a quarter of a century ago. I 9 I 3] Political and Social Changes 563 dustrial states had labor bureaus that investigated industrial questions, but had little power to act. Within recent years changes have been rapid. Laws for Changes of the the protection of women and children have been passed in a Iast decade - majority of the states. A large number of states have pro- Stimson, Popu- tected employees better by requiring more sanitary condi- k tions for workers or by prohibiting the use of dangerous 247-255 materials, as phosphorus, in the making of matches, or of Lamed (ed.) unprotected machinery. In case of accident, injured Ready Ref., employees can now secure either damages or compensation VII> 395-401. in a majority of the states, 1 whereas, ten years ago an injured B ' iss ( ed -)> workman bore the entire cost of accidents. The twentieth O t social Re- century has been called the century of the child. It has also form, 170-187, been called the woman's century. It is likely to be the cen- 445-448, 461- tury of the proletariat. The legislation of the present may 4 be conservative compared with that which probably will come. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES 2 477. Population and Race Problems. At the present Elements of time the continental United States has nearly one hundred the populatioa million inhabitants. Our dependencies add another ten Ripley, W. Z., millions to this number. This is an increase of twenty-five m Aiianllc Mo., 102 fold since the adoption of the Constitution. When Wash- ( I90 8), ington was inaugurated, even Ireland had more people than 745-759- 1 In some cases the injured workman is allowed to sue his employer for y annett > ** damages and the employer is no longer allowed to escape payment unless the m a ' ^ e Z- employee was to blame. In other cases the states provide a scale of compen- Mag-, 22 sation for death, or for different degrees of injury, the compensation being ^Q 11 '' 34~4 paid chiefly by the employer, but presumably by the public, which must pay more for the commodities which the employers produce. * An important social problem is that connected with marriage and divorce. The increase of divorce has been one of the most conspicuous social changes of the last quarter century. A phase of the marriage question that has entered into our history is represented by the plural marriages of Mormonism. Mormonism was founded by Joseph Smith nearly a century ago. Having been driven from Illinois and Missouri, the Mormons settled in Utah in 1846. Although there was a national law against polygamy in the territories after 1862, no persons were punished until a new law was passed in 1882. Later (1887) the Mormon Church was dissolved, although it was restored as soon as the leaders agreed that all Mormons would obey the law. 564 American History The negro problem. Washington, B. T., in Independent, 74 (1913), 695-697- Commons, Races and, Immigrants in America, 22-62. Annals Am. Acad., 49 (1913), 47-66. Foreign Immigration. Carlton, Hist, and Problems of Organised Labor, 322 3S2. Adams and Sumner, Labor Problems, 68 75, 107-111. the entire United States. To-day only Russia has a larger white population. Of this great number, only a little more than half are native-born whites whose parents were natives of the United States. More than one fifth are the children of European immigrants, and more than one seventh were born in Europe. About one in ten is a negro, and a few are Asiatics. This mixture of races is no new thing in American history. The percentage of colonials of the English race was hardly higher in 1750 than that of native-born Americans of native parentage at present, while there were proportionally twice as many negroes a century and a half ago. Yet the race problems of the present are very much more complicated than those of the past. The negro is no longer a subject and a slave, but he is a citizen, with legal rights and the power of the vote except in a few states. 1 The economic problems of the negro and the question of his education, his social status, and his future place in our great country are problems of the first magnitude. 478. Foreign Immigration. Hardly less important are the problems of assimilating the great numbers of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe that are pouring into our cities. These people are of different races, ideals, and capacities from those Teutonic and Celtic races that founded and developed this republic. As their standard of living is lower than ours, and as they are inexperienced in political affairs, we may be compelled either to restrict further immi- gration of this character or to change radically our standard of living ; we may be forced to abandon many of our older 1 In the South, the whites have struggled with the problem of how to disfranchise the negroes without violating the fifteenth amendment of the United States Constitution. Mississippi was the first state to pass a law with this in view, when in 1890 she prescribed an educational test for voters which disfranchised many more blacks than whites. South Carolina does not deprive those intellectually unfit if they own property assessed at 300. Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, and Louisiana have special qualifications but exempt those who voted or whose ancestors were voters or soldiers before 1867. The operation of these "grandfather clauses" is the practical dis- franchisement of the negroes without debarring the whites from voting. Political and Social Changes political methods and our new devices which give more power to the people. 1 Thirty years ago the majority of the foreigners who came to America were Germans or Irish, people with ideas and customs which differed somewhat from our own, but capable of assimilation with the native stock. Since 1890 a much larger percentage of Italians, Hungarians, and Russians have come to America. Instead of settling, as most of their prede- cessors did a half cen- tury ago, on small farms ( 296), they have congregated in cities, forming race clusters which retain their old language and customs and often threaten the unity of our national life. A large proportion of these people from eastern and southern Europe are illiterate and incapable of performing a high grade of work. Their children are usually anxious to learn, so that they fre- quently adopt American ways and show pride in their American citizenship. The immigration laws of the past have debarred from 1 A problem which involves a much smaller number of people, but which may be quite as serious in the future, is that of the Chinese, who will not be abused in the future as they have been in the past ( 476, note i), and that of the Japanese ( 447). As these people belong to a radically different race from that of Americans, and have standards of living very much lower than ours, their admission to the United States in large numbers will cause social and economic crises of great magnitude. Absolute prohibition of immigra- tion of Chinese and Japanese laborers may seem unfair and contrary to the spirit of American institutions ; but it certainly is the simplest solution of a great problem, and perhaps the only solution that it is wise for America to attempt. 1,300.000 1.21X1,000 1,100,000 1,000,000 900,000 800,000 700,000 000,000 600,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 50,000 Extent and character of recent immigration. Hall, Immi- gration, 36-66. Commons, Races and Immigrants, 63-106. Fairchild, Immigration, 123-143. 1SC4 lifJO IS* 1893 1900 IMMIGRATION (1864-1914) 1910 566 American History LOWER NEW YORK Immigration laws. Marshall, Wright, and Field, Mate- rials for Study of Economics, 152-156- Fairchild, Immigration, 106-122. Extent of urban development. Beard, Am. City Gov't, 3-6- the United States Chinamen, paupers, insane people, people with certain contagious diseases, and persons under contract to labor. In order to restrict the immigration from southern and eastern Europe a literacy test has been considered care- fully in Congress. Many people believe that a literacy test is a poor test, and that we should have either a better physi- cal test, since we need laborers, or a character test. 479. Growth of Cities. One of the most significant changes of our history has been the growth of our cities. At the be- ginning of the Civil War only one sixth of the people of the United States dwelt in citieS tllC larfJCSt cJtV being New York, which boasted 805,657 in- Ill 1790 1800 1310 1820 1830 1840 1850 1800 1870 1880 1890 19001910 TOTAL AND URBAN POPULATION (1790 TO 1910) Total population I'rban population . (Cities include places of more than 2,500) 1913] Political and Social Changes 567 SKY-UN K, 1914 habitants. Only eight other cities contained 100,000 people Marshall, each. At the present time nearly 50 per cent of our popula- Wright, and tion is urban. Greater New York, with more than 5,000,000, f^fa is second only to London in numbers, and forty-nine other of Economics, cities had reached the 100,000 mark in 1910. Chicago, X 34-I which in 1860 was a straggling western town of barely Under 2 to eg. mile S 6 " Ly.-'l o-is " " cn3 45-90 ' " C^ OoerW" ' fZS&t 568 American History [19*3 Commons, Races and Immigrants, 100-168. Changes in standards of living. The Nineteenth Century, 417-430. Munro, Gov't of Am. Cities, 29-52. Beard, Am. City Gov't, 6^30. 100,000, is now the great commercial center of the interior, with more than 2,500,000. The concentration of population is more marked in the northeastern states than elsewhere, nearly two thirds of those in that section living in cities of more than 8000 inhabit- ants. Even the Pacific coast has developed fairly large cities, seven having attained 100,000 in 1914. The movement from country to city is due principally to the social and business advantages which cities offer. It indicates the growing tendency of the nation to obtain wealth, and to use that wealth extravagantly in the satisfaction of social desires. The simple stand- ards of a half century ago no longer satisfy. Every one lives on a grander scale. The luxuries of yesterday be- come the necessaries of to-day. With the cheapening of articles manufactured by improved machinery, material THOMAS A. EDISON MAIN BUILDING, CENTENNIAL EXPOSITION, 1876 comforts are brought within the reach of all. Telephones are found in a large proportion of city homes and in many well-settled rural districts. Electric lights reach the majority of the people in the United States. Electric rail- ways penetrate in every direction the territory adjacent to our cities and towns. Truly the last century has been an Political and Social Changes 569 era of material advancement unequaled before in the his- tory of the world. 1 480. City Problems. This rapid development has The slum not been unaccompanied by dangers. The segregation of problem, people gives opportunities for crime unknown in rural dis- Riis, Battle tricts. The problem of preserving order, is one of the most wttltSlum > serious confronting our city governments. The large , , . . ./ ,. ... Riis, 7> proportion of foreigners in cities is often a menace to civil years' w ar 1-29. 'ov't, 287-310. COURT OF HONOR, CHICAGO (1893) progress, and one of the chief problems in securing good Beard, Am, government. The growth of the slum is the greatest of the specific problems of the city, and represents the worst form of congestion. Legislation in favor of good tenements, the demand for more air-shafts and light-shafts, the limiting of the percentage of the land area that shall be covered with buildings, provisions for fire escapes, for clean streets, for parks and playgrounds near congested districts, the pro- hibition of sweatshop work, the opening of trade schools ; 'The holding of the "Centennial exposition" at Philadelphia in 1876 was an important means of uniting the people and breaking down the barriers of provincialism. Later expositions have had a broadening effect on our social and industrial life. American History these and many others are but surface measures that at best can afford slight relief, for they do not cure the real disease. Protests There has been a strong movement during the last two against misrule decades to remove the worst evils of city government. Many of our larger cities have been controlled by bosses or Ford. H. J., m rings which have not governed them in the public interest. 19 (1904), These politicians have usually been able to maintain their 673-684. control because of the large number of positions which they GRAND BASIN, ST. Louis (1904) Munro, Gov't m ay fill with their appointees and the immense sums of of Am. Cities, public money that they handle, because also men of busi- ness have not been interested sufficiently to insist upon reform. At times the public has rebelled, and, for a time it may have abolished the worst features of ring rule, but organization is necessary in the successful administration of any government, and the forces of reform usually fail to remain united. In general, however, our cities are governed better than formerly. As an illustration of the old state of affairs we may note the prevalence of corruption in and black- mail by the police department of New York unearthed dur- ing the Lexow investigation (1894), and the victories of Cir- 1913] Political and Social Changes 571 cuit Attorney Folk in St. Louis (1903) and of Mayor Weaver of Philadelphia. The most recent movement for reform has been the change from the mayor-council type to the commission form of government, which was used first in Galveston, Texas, after the great disaster of 1900. The commission consists of from three to nine members who are elected from the city at large and are heads of different administrative departments as well as commissioners. The commission form of government has been adopted by most of our smaller cities and by many of medium size. In 1914 more than Commission form of gov- ernment. Beard, Am, City Gov't, 92-97. Munro, Gov't of Am. Cities, 294-320. Copyright Panama Pacific Intern. Exp. GENERAL VIEW, SAN FRANCISCO, 1915 20 per cent of our urban population lived under the com- mission form. It seemed to be quite successful at that time. 481. Legal Rights of Women. The first half of the nineteenth century was notable for the rapid increase in the number of political and legal rights of men ( 292). The last half century marks almost as complete a change in the legal status of women. In 1850 women did not vote for can- didates for public office anywhere. In many states married women did not have the right to hold property. Both law and custom prevented them from engaging in any of the pro- fessions except that oi teaching. About the middle of the century a few earnest women sought to arouse interest Women's rights a half century ago. Bliss (ed.), New Encyc. oj Social Reform, 1290-1291, 1301-1303. Hecker, Hist, of Women's Rights, IS7-I74- 572 American History Increase in number of political and civil rights. Abbot, L., in World's Work, 8 (1004), 5033-5042. The Nineteenth Century, 170-204. Harper, J., in Rev. of Revs., 46 (igi2), 700- 704. Cleveland, Organised Democracy, 151-168. Results of the changes. Giddings, Democracy and Empire, 165-176. Nearing, Woman and Social Prog- ress, 217-239, 256-264. in the legal disabilities of women, especially of those who were married. Because many of them believed that woman's rights were to be obtained only through woman's suffrage, they devoted most of their attention to securing the ballot for women. This attempt was not particularly successful, but the desire to improve the legal position of women has produced remarkable results. In 1913 women voted, on the same terms as men, in nine states, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Washington, California, Kansas, Oregon and Arizona. 1 In several states women who own property may vote on all questions directly involving taxation. In about one half of the states in the Union all women over twenty-one years of age are allowed to vote at school elections. Married women are now allowed to own separate property, and in most of the states have complete control of its disposal. In many states all that is earned and saved after marriage becomes the joint property of husband and wife, who are supposed to have contributed equally in bearing the family burdens. Many civil rights which were denied to women formerly now enable them to protect themselves. Unfortunate as many of the results of our lenient divorce laws have been, these laws have been an important factor in freeing women from the unequal and unjust burdens which marriage formerly placed upon many of them. The so-called emancipation of women has been aided by the new occupations opened to them. They have entered all the professions. Several colleges are devoted exclusively to women, and most of the others admit men and women on the same terms. Certain occupations are filled almost exclusively by women, and in several others they have compelled men to work for lower wages, this being one of the serious disadvantages of a movement which has made women " independent." As ordinary wage earners, moreover, women, and children as well, are protected by the laws which limit the number of hours per week that they 1 In Illinois women vote for presidential electors and for local officers. 1 9 1 3] Political and Social Changes 573 may be employed, and in some cases the laws have provided Barnes, E., in for a minimum wage ( 459). f^Tf if " 482. The Distribution of Wealth. It has seemed neces- II 6_ I24 2 6o- sary to protect labor because our wealth has increased 265. rapidly, and it has not been distributed as evenly as in plutocracy. former years. On account of the organization of great Bliss ( e d.) j corporations which the laws have created and protected, New Encyc. of and sometimes aided as well, great fortunes have been Socml Re f rm > amassed by a number of people. It is estimated that i per cent of the people of the United States hold more than one fe a ^ De _ one half of the wealth. mocracy, 28-57. At the same time poverty has increased, largely on account Poverty. of the congestion of population in our large cities, where Wages. the people frequently cannot get employment. Unemploy- Bliss (ed.), ment is much more common to-day than it was two genera- New Encyc - "' . , Social Reform, tions ago. The fact is not generally understood, however, 933 -o 4I| that the ordinary wage earner has nearly doubled his wages 1266-1271. in the last seventy-five years. This is not only true of the Divine, Misery money wage, that is, the wage in dollars and cents ; it is and Its Causes > true also of the purchasing power of the wage, for general Hunter prices have not increased materially during the last three Poverty, 1-65. quarters of a century. 1 The high wages in the United States have been due to our boundless natural resources, to improve- ments in our machines and in the organization of our busi- nesses, to the efficiency of the American laborer and to the organization of labor. The wages would be still higher and our great wealth would Conservation be more evenly distributed had we not parted with our al ^ d l ^ e dis ~ valuable timber and coal lands, our iron deposits and supplies of oil, fine water power sites, valuable water rights and termi- nal facilities, for little or nothing. By keeping for the public i ege and the immense resources which still belong to the people, by adopting corporation, inheritance, and income taxes that will 28 ~ 44< make those wealthy citizens contribute more nearly accord- 1 Prices of food and some other necessaries have increased, however, and the laborer is not twice as well off as he was in 1840, although his standard of living has improved. 574 American History [1913 Advantages of our land policy in the past. Bullock, Readings in Public Finance, 64-72. Disadvantages in general. Humphrey, L. K., in Atlantic Mo., 102 (1908), 1-9. Human life. Van Hise, Conservation, 364-372. ing to their ability instead of leaving the burden of taxation on the poorer members of society, and by placing upon society the burden of industrial accidents, much has already been accomplished toward a better distribution of wealth. 483. The Past and the Future. Nothing has affected more vitally the political development of the United States, as well as the economic progress and the social life of the peo- ple, than the disposal of our agricultural lands. During the closing years of the Revolution the public lands in the West produced the chief bond of union among the states. In the West the possibility of acquiring title to public lands was a very important factor in the rapid development of the section east of the Mississippi between 1815 and 1860, and west of the Mississippi after the War for the Union. Our public land policy helped to keep us a nation of small farmers. It aided in the development of a real democracy, not simply political, but economic and social. It helped us to absorb as true American citizens multitudes of foreigners who have come to us. Just as the establishment of small farms, three quarters of a century ago, created a West in which political equality was the rule and great distinctions the exception, so in later years the liberal grants of agricultural, mineral, and forest lands helped to develop a class which, through the misappli- cation or maladministration of these land laws, grew rich and powerful at public expense. In parting with its greatest natural asset, its rich agricultural lands, the United States has made a great blunder, so far as the lands did not become the permanent homes of a numerous and thrifty class of small farmers. A more important subject, little, as yet, under the super- vision of our governments, is the conservation of human life. When we notice the appalling losses due to our haste in the search for wealth, to our carelessness or indifference, we must recognize the need of remedial action to ward off accidents, disease, and death. We must expect in the future a much greater amount of governmental supervision pos- i? 8 3] The Nation and its Government 575 sibly of direct interference, for the conservation of life and Marshall, health. What shall it profit our nation, if it shall con- wrf g ht . and .,- , .. ... Field, Mate- Serve its natural resources and sacrifice the lives of its rials r or Stud people ? of Economics, 121-134. THE NATION AND ITS GOVERNMENT A COMPARISON 484. Changes of a Century and a Third. As we look The American back over the years since the United States first declared P e P le of J 776. themselves independent of Great Britain, we cannot fail to be impressed with the great changes that have taken place. It is not simply the fact that the America of that day con- sisted of only thirteen states with but two millions and a half inhabitants. The people then lived really in a different world from that which we know. Before the days of steam and electricity and machinery, life was simple and narrow. Their political ideas and ideals impress us as being con- servative and provincial. One standard of life, its purpose and its methods, prevailed in the North ; others, elsewhere. Their political standards were alike only in their intense hatred for monarchy, their equal distrust of real democracy. Difficult as it is to measure and compare views and Territorial and abstract qualities, we must content ourselves with the con- industrial ex- trast presented by institutions and forces that can be studied pan ^ 101 easily. We can see how the territory of the United States, which in 1776 covered only the Atlantic slope, with vague claims to the interior, expanded in 1783 to the Mississippi then extended to the Rockies, the Gulf of Mexico, and finally the Pacific, stretching across the finest part of the continent and washed by the waters of the two great oceans of the globe. We can note the acquisition of outposts in different parts of the world that bind us closer to the rest of the human family. The two millions and a half have grown to nearly one hundred millions, excluding those living in our insular possessions. Our total wealth, measured then by the hundred millions, is now estimated at much more than one hundred billions. Our foreign commerce has expanded American History C'9'3 Three great political con- tributions to the world. Changes in American government. fifty-fold. Then we had no manufactures except the humble shops that employed but few hands. Now single corpora- tions employ almost as many men as there were in any state in those days. We can cross the continent in less time than our ancestors could go from New York to Boston and with less discomfort than they could go from town to town. But we need not multiply illustrations. Certainly it must be clear to every one that the material progress since 1776 has revolutionized the world of that day. 485. Important Characteristics of American Political Development. Yet it is not in material development but in the political field that we must look for those char- acteristics which distinguish the United States from other nations. We have developed certain political ideas and influenced the world by persuading other nations to adopt the principles which we have proved satisfactory in practice. Of these, three deserve especial attention : (i) The United States has proved not simply that a republic of a really dem- ocratic nature may be developed, but that it may be devel- oped on a large scale. The republics of history were small and aristocratic. (2) The United States has furnished the first example of a nation governed in accordance with a written constitution, an example which most of the other nations have followed. (3) The United States was the first nation to prove that a federal system of government can be used to advantage, combining complete autonomy of the states in matters of local interest with the supremacy of the national government in public questions of national im- portance. 1 The political success of the American nation has been due in a great degree to the combination of these three princi- ples: democracy, the written constitution, and a federal system. But the development of the nation, as we have noticed in detail elsewhere, was a process completed only 1 On the nature of federalism in America, see the author's American Government, or for a fuller account, his American Federal State, Chapter X. r 9 r 3] The Nation and Its Government 577 after a long, bitter struggle. Although there have been but seventeen amendments to the written Constitution, that great document has been modified constantly through a liberal construction of its provisions, through the enactment of laws on new subjects, and the adoption of new methods. These important court decisions, statutes, and customs that have supplemented the written Constitution are called the unwritten constitution. 1 Popular government in the United States under a written Political constitution involves a system of representation, as practi- P arties and our n government. cally all people in the United States are citizens and most , A , , , . Wilson, Cons f I men and women are voters. As the people cannot act Gmfl in v s directly in the conduct of many public affairs, they must 204-213. depend on political parties. These parties not only are the means through which the American people govern them- selves, but the political party has done an inestimable serv- ice in uniting the people. The parties are largely respon- sible for the harmonious working, not only of different branches of any one government, but of our two great sets of government, state and national. 486. The People, the Nation, and the Government. Class rule in In 1780 the United States was governed by classes. People el s hteenth . J century. could not vote unless they owned a certain amount of prop- erty and had been for a long time residents of the state and district. Officials were by law usually required to own a much greater amount of property, and by custom they were ordinarily drawn from certain families. Except in the New England townships the local government was by no means popular, for elsewhere the town, parish, and county officers were either appointed by the state governments or chosen by a few persons. To-day manhood suffrage is practically universal and The democracy woman suffrage is gaining ground. Religious qualifications of to ' da y- were abolished long ago, when State and Church were separated, but the nation has become more rather than less 1 On the unwritten constitutions and the changes in government which it Supports, see Ashley, American Government, 206-211. 9 P 578 American History [1913 religious. The few restrictions of time, residence, and citizenship for electors are essentials of good government. Officeholding is open to any one who has the personal quali- ties needed for winning popular favor. All of the chief positions in national, state, and local governments are filled by popular election, and changes in fundamental law must meet with the approval of voters. The people may propose laws in a great many states and may insist that the proposed laws be ratified by them. The people cooperate in govern- ment largely through parties, but the control of those parties belongs to them ; for no one that ceeks to become a party dictator or " boss " can maintain his position in the long run without popular support. We have now as truly a government " of the people, by the people, for the people " as ever existed, with most of the benefits and most of the faults inherent in democratic rule. The nation Although our governments respond rather slowly to the and its social popular will, a situation not without many advantages in problems. . . a democracy, in the long run our laws and our constitutions register the sober second thought of the nation. The adop- tion of new political devices to make more real the rule of the people and the enactment of laws for social betterment are but signs of the times. The twentieth century is certain to bring us epoch-making social changes. If we consider the new position of woman, or the better provision for those that labor with their hands, or the control by the public through its government of great resources and businesses, we see that the nation is trying to adjust itself to the newer need of a society which cannot exist under eighteenth-century conditions, and will not follow the models of the nineteenth. Since nationality and democracy were the great products of the century that is just past, in America and in Europe, we can no longer look forward to them as goals ; but we must look forward to a new national democracy that demands social progress and seeks to work out better ideas of social welfare. 19*4] The Nation and Its Government 579 TOPICS 1. INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION: Bliss (ed.), "New Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 58-64; National Industrial Commission, "Final Report," XIX, pp. 833862; Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," 228262. 2. CHILD LABOR: Adams and Sumner, "Labor Problems," pp. 29 37, 5867; Bliss, "New. Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 170- 181 ; Lovejoy, O. R., in Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 (1912), sup. 3138; Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," pp. 380-398; Mangold, "Child Problems," 159-217; Nearing, "Child Labor." 3. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY: Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," pp. 292310; Seager, "Social Insurance," pp. 24 83 ; Eastman, "Work Accidents and the Law," pp. 169-220; Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 (1911), 144229; Campbell, "Industrial Liability," Rubinow, "Social Insurance," pp. 2845, 86107. 4. COMMISSION FORM OF CITY GOVERNMENT : Brufere, "New City Government," pp. 1699; Bradford, "Commission Gov't in Amer. Cities," pp. 127146, 181213, 2 9 I 36; Hamilton, "Dethronement of the City Boss," pp. 9-25, 169-181 ; Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 (1911), pp. 671-943.) 5. PROTECTION OF THE PUBLIC HEALTH: Brae" re, "New City Government," pp. 401-413; Beard, "Amer. City Government," pp. 261286; McGrath, W. M., in Survey, 27 (1912), 15011514; Annals of Amer. Academy, 37 (1911), 3-12, 123126, 192220, 250- 260; Allen, ''Civics and Health." STUDIES 1. Growth of manufactures in the U. S. (Rogers, "Development of the North" ( North America, XVIII), pp. 235-250.) 2. Development of the South since the Civil War. (Bruce, "Rise of the New South" (North America, XXVII), pp. 455472.) 3. The Mann-Elkins Railway Act of 1910. (Ripley. " Railroads : Rates and Regulation," 557580.) 4. Control of railways by a state (Texas). (Haney, L. H., in Jour. Pol. Economy, 19 (1911), 437~455-) 5. The relation of state to interstate railway regulation. (Literary Digest, 46 (1913), 1361-1363.) 6. The anti-trust policies of the Taft administration. (Wicker- sham, G. W., in Century, 83 (1912), 616-622.) 7. Our "Bumper" crops. 8. Commercial invasion of Europe. (Vanderlip, F., in Scribner's Magazine, 31 (1902).) 9. The American Federation of Labor. (Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," 7482.) 580 American History 10. The need of a minimum wage. ("O. Henry," in McClure, 35 (1910), 688-690.) It. The problem of the African. (Shaler, " The Neighbor," pp. 126-191.) 12. The new problem of immigration. (Fairchild, "Immigra- tion," 369-380.) 13. Five American contributions to civilization. (Eliot, "Amer- ican Contributions to Civilization," pp. 1-38.) 14. Some reasons why the American republic may endure. (Eliot, "American Contributions to Civilization," pp. 30-70.) 15. Geographic distribution of immigration. (Semple, " American History and its Geographic Influences," pp. 310-336.) 16. The American intellect. (Wendell, Barrett, in "Cambridge Modern History," pp. 723751.) QUESTIONS 1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- tained: territorial growth, railway development and control, foreign relations in general, social changes after the (i) Revolutionary War, (2) during the first half of the nineteenth century, (3) during the last half century. 2. What are the chief advantages of economic consolidation ? What are the disadvantages of the policy ? Why do not trusts raise prices indefinitely if they have no competition ? 3. Should there be more restraint of corporations than at present ? What are the chief difficulties in railway regulation ? How does our federal system of government complicate the railway problem? What are the advantages and disadvantages of government ownership of railways ? 4. What has been gained through organization of labor ? Should there be compulsory arbitration of some, or all, labor disputes ? How does labor legislation affect industry ? the workers ? society ? 5. Compare the immigration of to-day with that of former years, noting races represented, places where immigrants settle, immigra- tion problems to be solved. If present non-Teutonic immigration continues, how long before the United States will cease to be an , "Anglo-Saxon" nation? 6. What are the advantages of universal suffrage ? the disad- vantages ? Is the franchise of to-day likely to become more or less restricted? Was the fifteenth amendment a mistake? Give argu- ments for and against woman suffrage. 7. What are the chief problems for the nation to solve? What solutions have been suggested for each ? APPENDIX (Adopted by the Continental Congress, July tfh, 1776.) |n CD:cl$ ) sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed (Proposed to the President of the Senate ; The President of the Senate ^ 12 ' shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open c i ar gd in all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; The force Sept person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be ^> 1804.) the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represen- tatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the repre- sentation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-Presi- dent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two 1 Proposed September 5, 1794. Declared in force January 8, 1798. xxii Constitution of the United States highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- dent ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the -whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice- President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII Abolition Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as of slavery. a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly I ropose convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place sub- 1866. *De- j ec t to their jurisdiction. force Dec Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 18, 1865.) appropriate legislation. ARTICLE XIV Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, States an( l subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United protection States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make of. (Pro- or en f orce an y i aw which shall abridge the privileges or immuni- 16 l866 Uie ** es ^ c ^izens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive Declared any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; in force nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec- tion of the laws. New basis Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several of repre- States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole sentation number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of elec- (Supersed- tors for President and Vice President of the United States, Repre- ing part of sentatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a Art. I, sec. gtate, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any Constitution of the United States xxiii office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any Disabili- State, who. having previously taken an oath, as a member of Con- ^ s of offi< rials en- gress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any or age( j i n State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, rebellion, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by two- thirds vote of each House, remove such disability. Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, Validity of authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pen- war debt> sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- bellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro- priate legislation, the provisions of this article. ARTICLE XV 1 Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote Voting shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any ri g nts * , J . ,.,. , .. , J citizens of State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. tne y_ g_ Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. ARTICLE XVI The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on in- Income comes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment * ax - among the several states, and without regard to any census or enumeration. ARTICLE XVII \ The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- Direct tors from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years ; eiect and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State 1 Proposed February 27, 1869. Declared in force March 30, 1870. xxiv Constitution of the United States shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures. Method of When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in election. ^ ne Senate, the executive authority of each State shall issue writs Temporary of election to fill such vacancies : Provided that the legislature of appoint- an y State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the elec- tion or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution. Table of Presidents xxv TABLE I. PRESIDENTS NAME STATE PARTY YEAR IN OFFICE VICE PRESIDENT i George Washington Va. (Fed.) 1780-1797 John Adams 2 John Adams Mass. Fed. 1797-1801 Thomas Jefferson 3 Thomas Jefferson Va. Rep. 1801-1809 Aaron Burr George Clinton 4 James Madison Va. Rep. 1809-1817 George Clinton Elbridge Gerry 5 James Monroe Va. Rep. 1817-1825 Daniel D. Tompkins 6 John Q. Adams Mass. Rep. 1825-1829 John C. Calhoun 7 Andrew Jackson Tenn. Dem. 1829-1837 John C. Calhoun Martin Van Buren 8 Martin Van Buren N.Y. Dem. 1837-1841 Richard M. Johnson 9 Wm. H. Harrison Ohio Whig 1841-1841 John Tyler 10 John Tyler l Va. (Whig) 1841-1845 ii James K. Polk Tenn. Dem. 1845-1849 George M. Dallas 12 Zachary Taylor La. Whig 1849-1850 Millard Fillmore 13 Millard Fillmore x N.Y. Whig 1850-1853 14 Franklin Pierce N.H. Dem. 1853-1857 William R. King 15 James Buchanan Pa. Dem. 1857-1861 J. C. Breckenridge 1 6 Abraham Lincoln 111. Rep. 1861-1865 Hannibal Hamlin Andrew Johnson 17 Andrew Johnson 1 Tenn. (Rep.) 1865-1869 1 8 Ulysses S. Grant 111. Rep. 1860-1877 Schuyler Colfax Henry Wilson 19 Rutherford B. Hayes Ohio Rep. 1877-1881 Wm. A. Wheeler 20 James A. Garfield Ohio Rep. 1881-1881 Chester A. Arthur 21 Chester A. Arthur 1 N.Y. Rep. 1881-1885 22 Grover Cleveland N.Y. Dem. 1885-1889 Thomas A. Hendricks 23 Benjamin Harrison Ind. Rep. 1889-1893 Levi P. Morton 24 Grover Cleveland N.Y. Dem. 1893-1897 Adlai E. Stevenson 25 William McKiiiley Ohio Rep. 1897-1901 Garrett A. Hobart Theodore Roosevelt 26 Theodore Roosevelt N.Y. Rep. 1901-1909 Chas. W. Fairbanks 27 William H. Taft Ohio Rep. 1909-1913 James S. Sherman 28 Woodrow Wilson N.J. Dem. 1913- Thomas R. Marshall' TABLE II. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS YEAR SUCCESSFUL CANDIDATE CHIEF OPPONENT POPULAR VOTE ELECTORAL VOTE 1789 Washington Unanimous 1792 Washington Unanimous 1796 Adams Jefferson 71 to 68 1800 Jefferson Adams 73 to 65* 1804 Jefferson C. C. Pinckney 162 to 14 1808 Madison C. C. Pinckney 122 to 47 1812 Madison De W. Clinton 128 to 89 1816 Monroe King 183 to 34 1820 Monroe 231 to i 1824 Adams Jackson 105,321 to 155,872 84 of 261" 1828 Jackson Adams 647,231 to 509,097 178 to 83 1832 Jackson Clay 687,502 to 530,189 219 to 49 1 Raised from the vice presidency. 2 Elected by House of Representatives. XXVI Table of Congress since 1865 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. Continued YEAR SUCCESSFUL CANDIDATE CHIEF OPPONENT POPULAR VOTE ELECTORAL VOTE i8}6 Van Buren Harrison 761,54910 736,656! 170 to 73 1840 Harrison Van Buren 1,275,017 to 1,128,702 234 to 60 1844 Polk Clay 1,337,243 to 1,299,068 170 to 105 1848 Taylor Cass 1,360,101 to 1,220,544 163 to 127 1852 Pierce Scott 1,601,474 to 1,380,576 254 to 42 1856 Buchanan Fremont 1,838,169 to i, 341, 264 2 174 to 114 1860 Lincoln Douglas 1,866,352 tO 1,375,157 3 180 to 123 4 1864 Lincoln McClellan 2,216,067 to 1,808,725 212 tO 21 1868 Grant Seymour 3,015,071 to 2,709,615 214 to 80 1872 Grant Greeley 3,597,070 to 2,834,079 286 to 63 4 1876 Hayes Tilden 4,033,95 to 4,284,885 185 to 184 1880 Garfield Hancock 4,449,053 to 4,442,035 214 to 155 1884 Cleveland Elaine 4,911,017 to 4,848,334 219 to 182 1888 Har/ison Cleveland 5,440,216 to 5,538,233 233 to 168 1892 Cleveland Harrison 5,556,918 to 5, 176,108 5 277 to 145 1896 McKinley Bryan 7,104,779 to 6,502,925 271 to 176 1900 McKinley Bryan 7,207,923 to 6,358,133 292 to 155 1904 Roosevelt Parker 7,623,486 to 5,077,971 336 to 140 1908 Taft Bryan 7,678,908 to 6,409,104 321 to 162 1912 Wilson Roosevelt 6,293,019 to 4,119,507 435 to 88 TABLE III. CONGRESS SINCE 1865 NUMBER OF CONGRESS YEARS SENATE HOUSE SPEAKER Rep. Dem. Rep. Dem. 39 1865-1867 4i ii 145 40 Schuyler Colfax 40 1867-1869 42 ii 143 49 Schuyler Colfax 4i 1869-1871 58 ii I5i 78 James G. Blaine 42 1871-1873 57 17 138 103 James G. Blaine 43 1873-1875 47 20 194 92 James G. Blaine 44 1875-1877 43 2 9 107 1 68 Michael C. Kerr Samuel J. Randall 45 1877-1879 36 39 142 151 Samuel J. Randall 46 1870-1881 32 44 129 148 Samuel J. Randall 47 1881-1883 37 38 146 138 John W. Keifer 48 1883-1885 40 36 124 198 John G. Carlisle 49 1885-1887 42 34 1 20 204 John G. Carlisle 50 1887-1889 39 37 153 168 John G. Carlisle 51 1889-1891 39 37 1 66 159 Thomas B. Reed 52 1891-1893 47 39 88 236 Charles F. Crisp 53 1893-1895 38 44 126 220 Charles F. Crisp 54 1895-1897 42 39 246 104 Thomas B. Reed 55 1897-1899 46 34 206 134 Thomas B. Reed 56 18991901 53 26 185 163 David B. Henderson 57 1901-1903 56 29 198 153 David B. Henderson 58 1903-1905 58 32 206 174 Joseph G. Cannon 59 1905-1907 58 32 250 136 Joseph G. Cannon 60 1907-1909 61 29 222 164 Joseph G. Cannon 61 1909-1911 60 32 219 172 Joseph G. Cannon 62 1911-1913 Si 41 l62 228 Champ Clark 63 1913-1915 45 Si 127* 290 Champ Clark 1 Entire Whig opposition, 4 candidates. 3 Breckenridge, 845,763, Bell, 589-581. * Weaver, 1,041,028. 2 Fillmore, 874,538. 4 Total opposition vote. 8 1 8 Progressives. Table of Chief Justices xxvii TABLE IV. CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT NAME STATE APPOINTED BY YEARS IN OFFICE i John Jay 2 John Rutledge New York South Carolina Washington Washington 1780-1795 I795-I79S 3 Oliver Ellsworth Connecticut Washington 1796-1800 4 John Marshall Virginia Adams 1801-1835 5 Roger B. Taney Maryland Jackson 1836-1864 6 Salmon P. Chase Ohio Lincoln 1864-1873 7 Morrison R. Waite Ohio Grant 1874-1888 8 Melville W. Fuller Illinois Cleveland 1888-1910 9 Edward D. White Louisiana Taft 1910- TABLE V. THE STATES H H RANK IN 1910 BECAME LAND '> fl c 0! MEMBER AREA, POPULATION ij .2 *l-i ^ E 3 a STATE O .2 J3 OF SQUARE 1910 g _tS 3 1 ~5 rt UNION MILES O 5- 3 53 o 3 o a ao T3J ^ 3 W Pi a % < W Alabama 1819 51,279 2,138,093 12 18 30 17 48 27 Arizona 1912 H3,354 204,354 3 45 42 47 30 46 Arkansas 1836 52,525 1,574,449 9 25 35 32 43 .51 California 1850 155,652 2,377,549 13 12 ii 25 4 6 Colorado 1876 103,658 799,024 6 32 3i 29 9 21 Connecticut 1788 4,820 1,114,756 7 31 12 40 5 19 Delaware 1787 1,965 202,322 3 46 41 44 35 47 Florida 1845 54,86i 752,619 6 33 37 38 34 4i Georgia 1788 58,725 2,609,121 M 10 24 5 44 22 Idaho 1890 83,354 325,594 4 44 43 34 19 43 Illinois 1818 56,043 5,638,591 29 3 3 i 8 3 Indiana 1816 36,045 2,700,876 IS 9 9 8 10 12 Iowa 1846 55,586 2,224,771 13 IS 18 2 21 7 Kansas 1861 8i,774 1,690,949 10 22 14 6 24 15 Kentucky 1792 40,181 2,289,905 ii 14 20 21 42 17 Louisiana 1812 45,409 1,656,388 10 24 19 27 39 26 Maine 1820 29,895 742,371 6 34 27 35 22 33 Maryland 1788 9,94i 1,295,346 8 27 15 3i 36 18 Massachusetts 1788 8,039 3,366,416 18 6 4 37 2 5 Michigan 1837 57,48o 2,810,173 15 8 7 M 17 10 Minnesota 1858 80,858 2,075,708 12 19 13 10 20 9 Mississippi 1817 46,362 I,797,H4 10 21 34 IS 45 36 Missouri 1821 68,727 3,293,335 18 7 10 7 32 8 Montana 1889 146,201 376,053 4 40 36 36 16 34 Nebraska 1867 76,808 1,192,214 8 29 25 9 25 16 Nevada 1864 109,821 81,875 3 48 46 46 27 48 New Hampshire 1788 9,03i 430,572 4 39 28 41 13 39 New Jersey 1787 7,514 2,537,i67 14 II 6 32 7 ii New Mexico 1912 122,503 327,301 3 43 47 45 40 44 New York 1788 47,654 9,113,614 45 I i 12 3 I North Carolina 1789 48,740 2,206,287 12 16 23 20 46 29 North Dakota 1889 70,183 577,056 5 37 44 II 18 35 Ohio 1803 40,740 4,767,121 24 4 5 4 6 4 XXV111 Table of the Territories THE STATES. Continued s RANK IN 1910 BECAME LAND 1 a 60 3 STATE MEMBER AREA, POPULATION H 1 s 3 -a OF SQUARE 1910 2 3 1 "3 0) ~. UNION MILES 5 1 3 'C 3 "O it w P- a < m Oklahoma 1007 69,414 i,657,i55 IO 23 40 19 31 24 O -egon 1859 95,607 672,765 5 35 33 30 15 28 Pennsylvania 1787 44,832 7,665,711 38 2 2 13 23 2 Rhode Island 1 700 1,067 542,610 5 38 16 48 ii sa South Carolina i ',88 30,495 1,515,400 9 26 32 16 47 South Dakota 1889 76,868 583,888 5 36 45 22 26 37 Tennessee 1796 41,687 2,184,789 12 17 26 24 37 23 Texas 1845 262,398 3,896,542 20 5 17 3 38 '4 Utah 1896 82,184 373,351 4 39 41 14 40 Vermont 1791 9,124 355,956 4 42 38 39 12 *3 Virginia 1788 40,262 2,061,612 12 20 22 26 41 20 Washington i88g 66,836 1,141,990 7 30 21 28 I 2S West Virginia 1863 24,022 1,221,119 8 28 29 33 33 90 Wisconsin 1848 55,256 2,333,86o 13 13 8 18 28 13 Wyoming 1890 97,594 145,965 3 47 48 43 29 45 2,973,830 91,641,197 531 1 Report of Russell Sage Foundation. * Census report for 1904. TABLE VI. THE TERRITORIES TERRITORY AREA, SQUARE MILES POPULATION 1910 1900 Alaska Hawaii Porto Rico Philippine Islands 590,884 6,449 3,435 115,026 64,356 191,909 1,118,012 63,590 154,001 953,243 7,635,426 i 1903. TABLE VII. THE SECTIONS (1790-1860) DATE POPULATION SENATE HOUSE l Free States Slave States Free Slave Free Slave 1790 1800 1916 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1,968,455 2,684,616 3,758,910 5,152,372 7,006,399 9,733,922 13,599,488 19,128,418 1,961,372 2,621,316 3,480,902 4,485,819 5,848,312 7,334,433 9,663,997 12,315,372 14 16 18 24 24 26 32 36 12 16 16 24 24 26 30 30 55 76 103 123 141 135 144 155 46 65 78 oo 99 88 90 9i 1 The representation in the House is that based on the census of the year mentioned, including only states in the Union in that year. INDEX ABOLITIONISTS, the, 335-336, 342, 367 ; see also Slavery. Acadia, 87, go, 94, g8. Acts of trade, see Navigation acts. Adams, C. F., 391, 420. Adams, John: before 1797, 135, 146, 158, 183, 185, 223. biography of, 243. portrait of, 242. president, 242-247. Adams, John Q. : before 1824, 261, 275, 288, 200. portrait of, 296. president, 295, 296, 297, 298, 305. Adams, Samuel, 146, 147. Admission of new states, 220, 334, map opposite page 538. Agriculture: in colonial times, no- iii. . after Civil War, 458-460. chart of, 458. exports of products of, 460, 556. Aguinaldo, 507. Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of (1748), 94, 95- Alabama, 285, 375, 418, 419, 439, 541- Alabama, the, 420. Claims, 420. Alaska, 509. boundary, 484. Albany Congress, 97. Alexander of Russia, 275. Alexander VI, Pope, 26. Alger, Russell A., 507. Algonquin Indians, 12, 44, 55, 78, 269. Alien acts (1798), 244. Allegheny River, French forts on, 95- Alliance, French (1778), 174-175, 244. Farmers', 462463. Holy, 289-290. Altgeld, Governor, 560. Amendments, see Constitution. America, naming of, 29 (maps). American Association, 150. American Federation of Labor, 559. American party, 358. Ames, Fisher, 236. Amnesty, after Civil War, 433, 435. Anderson, Major Robert, 381382. Andre, Major John, 180. Andros, Sir Edmund, 79, 80, 81. Anglo-Saxons, in colonies, see Col- onies, English, people of. Annapolis Conference (1786), 200. Annexations of territory, 183-186, 253-256, 288-289, 331-332, 341-344, 502, 509. Antietam, battle of, 410-411, 413. Anti-Federalists, 203. Anti-Masonic party, 300. Anti-rebate laws, 556 . Anti-trust laws, of the states, 551 ; of the U.S., 529, 552-554, 555 n. Appalachian mountains, 7, 9. Appointments to public office, 301 302, 467-469. Appomattox, 425. Apportionment of representatives, 202. Arbitration, industrial, 561. national, 488-490, 535. treaties, 515. Aristotle, views of, 21. Arkansas, 334, 384, 417, 435, 439. Armada, Spanish, 33, 34, 36. Armstrong, John, 262. Army: after 1801, 250. American dread of, 138, 192. in 1763, 137. in Civil War, 382-383, 387-389, 429. in Revolutionary War, 162-164, 175, 192-193- in War of 1812, 270, 277. since 1898, 498, 503, 504. Arnold, Benedict, 155, 163, 172. treason of, 170-180. Arthur, Chester A. portrait of, 465. president, 465, 476. XXX Index Articles of Confederation, see Con- federation. Ashburton treaty (1842), 313-314. Asia, trade with, 19-20, 225, 514, 557- Assemblies: beginnings of, 43, 49, 52, 60. development of, 92-93, 144. Assistance, writs of, 134-135, 145. Assumption of state debts, 234-235. Atlanta, capture of, 421422. Atlantic slope, 7, 8, 9, 161 ; see also England, colonies of. Austerlitz, battle of, 260. Australian ballot, 460-470. Austria, 289. Ayllon, Lucas de, 31. BACON'S rebellion, 74. Bahama Islands, 26, 389. Balboa, Vasco de, 30. Ballinger, 510, 529, 535. Ballot, reform of, 469-470, 533. Baltimore, city of, 219, 274, 382, 538. Baltimore, Lords, 59, 60-61, 82-83. Bank: first U.S., 236-237, 279-280. second U.S., 279-280, 307-310. Banks, colonial, 114. present national, 391, 485. Western state, 280, 309, 328. Baptists, see Churches. Barbary war, 276-277. Bear Flag Republic (1846), 346. Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T-, 385. Beef, embalmed, 503. Belknap, W. W., 445. Bell, John, 372-373- Bemis Heights, battles of, 172-173. Bennington, battle of, 171. Bering Sea controversy, 484. Berkeley, Sir John, 69. Berkeley, Sir William, 73-75. Berlin Decree (1806), 264. Bermuda Islands, 389. Bill of rights (1689), 81. national, 208. state, 160. Black Hawk War (1832), 303. Black Hills, gold in, 457. Blaine, James G. : character of, 466. political leader, 464-466. portrait of, 466. Blair, Montgomery, 384. Bland-Allison Silver Act (1878), 457, 479- Blockade: in Civil War, 383, 389- 390. in War of 1812, 272, 282. Blockade runners, 389, 420. Blount, James H., 486. Blue laws of Connecticut, 57. Board of Trade, 84, 128, 130. "Body of Liberties," 53. Bonds, sale of: in Civil War, 391- 392. in war with Spain, 502. Bonne Homme Richard, the, 177. Bonus Bill, 282. Border states, 354, 377-378, 383- 384, 412. Boss, political, 301, 570. Boston: city, 81, 108, 135, 140, 146, 148, 149, 219. in Revolution, 154-155, 156. map of, 154. massacre, 146. port bill, 148. tea party, 148. Boston News Letter, 120. Boundaries of U.S., 185, 255-256, 289, 343-344, 347, 5O2, 509- Bounties: paid by England, 132, i34, 138. paid on sugar (1890), 476. Boxer movement in China (1900), 515, 5i9. Braddock's defeat, 98. Bradford, Governor William, 49. Bragg, General Braxton, 411, 418- 419. Brandy wine, battle of, 170-171. Brazil, Portuguese in, 27. Breckenridge, John C., 372-373. Brewster, William, 48. Bristow, B. H., 445. Brooklyn Heights, battle of, 167. Brooks, Preston, 360. Brown, General Jacob, 273. Brown, John, 360. Bryan, William J., 481-482, 507, 516, 538. Buchanan, President James, 358, 360, 366, 372, 374-375, 377, 382, 395- Buell, General D. C., 404, 411. Buena Vista, battle of, 345. Buffalo, Pan-American exposition at, 526, 569. Bull Run, battles of, 384-385, 396, 410, 'Index xxxi Bulwer (Clayton) treaty (1850), 510-511. Bunker Hill, battle of, 154-155. Burgoyne's expedition (1777), 169, 171-173- Burlingame treaty (1869), 562 n. Burnside, General A. E., 411. Burr, Aaron, 246, 256-257. Business, see Commerce, Industry, Panics, Prosperity, Tariff. CABINET, the president's, 213. Cable, submarine, 323. Cabots, the, 28. Cabral, 27. Cabrillo, 31. Calhoun, John C. : 279, 288. and extension of slavery, 341, 351. and nullification, 305, 306. portrait of, 351. California: admission of, 340-352. conquest of, 325, 334, 346-347. Calverts, the, 50-61, 82-83. Camden, battle of, 179. Campos, General, 495. Canada: attempted conquest of (1812), 271, 272. conquest and government of, 99-101, 137, 149, 155-156. disputes with, 483, 484, 485 n. reciprocity with, 535. settlement of, 87-88, 93. Canals: Erie, 318, 321. other state, 318319, 321. proposed national, see Isthmian Canal. Canary Islands, 25. Canning, George, 290. Cape Verde Islands, 26, 27. Capital of the U.S., 234235 ; see also Washington. Caravel of Columbus (picture), 26. Carleton, Sir Guy, 156. Carolina, 7576 ; see North Carolina, and South Carolina. Caroline, Ft., 34-35. Carpet baggers, 441-442. Cars, private, and the public, 554, 556 n. 2. Cartier, explorations of, 32. Cass, Lewis, 348. Catholics, see Churches. Caucus, use of, 295, 300. Cavite, 499. Cemetery Ridge, Gettysburg, 416. Census, 202 ; see Population. Centennial exposition, 548. Central America, 28, 30, 355, 487, 510-514. Cervera, Admiral, 500-501. Champlain : Samuel de, 8788. portrait of, 87. Champlain, Lake, 94, 155, 156, 161, 169, 171, 273. Chancellorsville, battle of, 414. Channing, Edward, 354. Charles I, and the Puritans, 46, 50- 5i. Charles II, 63, 74, 77, 79. Charles V, of Spain, 33. Charleston, 76, 108, 148, 156, 178, 371, 375, 381, 389, 424- Charlestown, Mass., 154155. Charter colonies: control of, 128 129. map of, opp. 82. Charter of Privileges, Pa. (1701), 71. Charters: of 1606, 40, 44. revocation of, 44, 78-79, 128-129. sea-to-sea, 42, 50, 56, 75. Chase, Salmon P., 206, 356, 373, 3&i, 440. impeachment of, 251252. Chatham, Lord (Wm. Pitt), 98, 99, 142. Chattanooga, campaigns around, 418419. map of, 418. Checks and balances in U.S. gov- ernment, 205-207. Cherokee Indians, 302. Cherry Valley massacre, 178. Chesapeake, the, 259, 269. Chicago: exposition at (1893), 569. strike in (1894), 560. see also, 372, 481, 536, 538, 567. Chickamauga, battle of, 419. Children's Bureau, 537. China : Boxer movement in, 515, 519. loan, and "dollar diplomacy," 542 and n. 2. integrity of, 519. republic of, 520. trade with, 19, 225. treaties with, 519 n. Chinese exclusion, 562 n. Churches: Anglican, 77, 80, 115, 116. before Civil War, 367. Catholic, 60, 81, 116, 223, 224. XXX11 Index Churches: early national, 223, 225. other colonial, 53, 116. Puritan, 46, 50-51, 53-54, 80, 114-116, 224. Cibola, seven cities of, 31. Cincinnati, 220. Cincinnati, Society of, 193. Cities: colonial, 108. diagram of, 566. government of, 331, 442-443, 569- growth of, 219, 331, 566. Citizenship, 190, 240, 361, 448. Civil Rights acts, (1866) 437, (1875) 450 n. Civil Service reform, 444, 467-469, 527. Civil War: causes of, 378-380. changes during, 447-451. conditions affecting, 386^-395. cost and results of, 425, 428429, 447-451. prosecution of, 399-429. summary of campaigns of, 427- 428. Clarendon, Earl of, 63, 75. Clark, expedition of Lewis and, 255. Clark, George R., 178. Clay, Henry: as political leader, 275, 279, 288, 296, 297, 305, 307, 308, 342, 351. character of, 270. compromises of, 287, 307, 350-351- portrait of, 351. Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1850), 510. Clermont, the, 317. Cleveland, President Grover: first term of, 465-467, 468, 470- 471, 475, 486. ' portrait of, 467. second term of, 478, 479, 480-482, 486, 489-490, 495-496, 560. Climate, 3, 4 (map). Clinton, De Witt, 318. Clinton, Sir Henry, 156, 173, 177, $78, 182. Coaches, 121, 228-229. Coal: labor controversies, 561. production of, 458. Cod fisheries, see Fisheries. Coinage, see Silver. free, 227-228, 457, 481. Cold Harbor, battle of, 422. Coligny, Gasper de, 34. Colleges, 119-120, 572. Colombia, negotiations with (1003), 511, 527. Colonial policy, American, 507-508. Colonies: American, 508-509. Dutch, 65-68. English, government of, 92-93, 124. industry in, 110-114. other conditions in, 115-122. people of, 104-110. relations of, to Great Britain, 70, 83, 127-152. settlement of, 36, 41, 48-50, 56-57, 59, 64-65, 70, 91. French, 32, 34, 86-89, 93, 100. Spanish, 31, 35, 289. Colonists and Indians, see Indians. Colorado, 562, 572. Columbia, District of, see District. Columbia river, 343, 344. Columbia, S.C., 424. Columbian exposition (1893), 569. Columbus, Christopher, 21, 24-28. portrait of, 25. Columbus, Ky., 401. Commerce, Dep't of, 554. Commerce: colonial, 110-112, 131- 135- diagrams of, 258, 458. early national, 202, 232, 325. interstate, 199, 317-322, 463-464, 552-553. interstate commerce act, 463-464, 528, 553, 556. later national, 450, 457-458, 556. neutral, 240, 257-266. under Confederation, 197 -198, 225. see also Panics, Railways. Commission government, 571. Commission, 552. Committees of Correspondence, 147. Committee on Rules, 532. Common carriers, see Railways. Commons, house of, 143-144. Communism in colonies, 41, 49. Compact theory of the Constitution, 205, 245, 303, 374. Compromises : in Constitutional Convention, 201-203. Missouri (1820), 286-288. over nullification (1833), 306-307. over slavery, (1850) 35-353, (1861) 375, 377- Com stock Lode, 457. Concord, battle of, 154. XXX111 Conestoga wagons, 121, 122. Confederacy, Southern : character of, 376, 383, 386, 387, 3go, 393-394- failure of, 425, 447-448. formation of, 375-376. leaders of, after 1865, 433, 439. restriction of territory of, map opp. 427. Confederation : Articles of, 158, 189- 192. character of, 190-192. critical conditions under, 192-199. formation of, 159, 189. Confederation, New England, 57-59. Congregationalists, see Churches, Puritan. Congress: Albany (1754), 97-98. during Confederation, 183, 189- 190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 200, 204. First Continental (1774), 149. Second Continental (1775), 157- 160, 163, 165, 176. Stamp Act (1765), 141. Congress, under Constitution: Ap- pendix. and colonies, 512. and reconstruction, 434-441, 445- 447, 450. creation and organization of, 201- 202, 206, 210-212, appendix, table III. increase of powers of, 227, 279- 281, 447, 450, 506, 553, 554. powers of, over slavery, 287, 336, 356, 361, 371-372, 412, 450. Conkling, Roscoe, 464-465. Connecticut: colony of, 16, 55-56, 58, 64, 73, 77, 80, 83. state of, 160, 193, 195, 199. Connecticut Compromise, 201-202. Conservation: Policy, 529; and the Distribution of wealth, 573 ; of Human Life, 574. Constitution of the United States: first twelve amendments of, 208, 247. formation of, 200-203. implied powers of, 237, 281, 449- 45. later amendments of, (i3th) 436, 448; (i4th) 438, 448-449; (iSth) 439, 448; (i6th) 541; (i7th) 541. method of amendment of, 207-208. ratification of, 203-204. sources of, 208-209. theories concerning, 204-206, 303, 304, 314-315. 447- see also Unwritten constitution. Constitution, the, 272. Constitution, written, 160, 189, 204-209, 448, 576. Constitutional Union party (1860), 371- Constitutions of the states, 160, 328, 534 n. 2. Continental congresses, see Congress. " Continental line," 163. Continental money, 165-166. Contraband of war, 240, 257, 412. Convention: nominating, 300, 342, 371-372. of 1787, 201-203. state, 1 60. Convicts in colonial times, 106. Conway cabal, 176. Cooke, Jay, 558. Corinth, Miss., 401, 404. Corn, see Maize. Cornwallis, General C., 169, 179, 180-182. Coronado, F. V. de, 31. Corporations : bureau of, 554. control of, 551-555, development of, 550-551, and n. 2. tax, 544. Correspondence, see Committees. Corruption, 530-531, 57- Cortez, Hernando, 32. Cosmographie Introductio, 29. Cotton, importance of, 339-340, 386, 390, 556 n. 3. Cotton gin, 222, 339. Councils of the colonies, 123. County government, 122123. Courts, colonial, 123. national, see Supreme Court. state, 251. Cowpens, battle of, 181. Crater, at Petersburg, 423. Crawford, W. H., 288, 296. Credit Mobilier, 444445. Creek Indians, 274, 302. Criminals, 117. Crittenden compromise, 377. Cuba: American protectorate over, 516-517. insurrections in, 494-496. XXXIV Index Cuba : other relations with, 26. proposed annexation of, 354-355. recent relations with, 502, 505, 516-517- war in, 4Q8-5O2. Cumberland Road, 282-283, 318. Currency: before Civil War, 113- 114, 227-228, 280. since Civil War, 392-393, 455- 456, 479, 483- Currency Act (1913), 546- Customs, collection of, 132-135, 145 ; see also Tariff. DAGUERREOTYPE, 323. Dartmouth College case, 281. Davis (explorer), 35. Davis, Jefferson : as president of Con- federacy, 376, 387, 394, 422. biography of, 376-377. portrait of, 376. Day, William R., 483. Debt : imprisonment for, 329. national, 232, 233-235, 391-392, 454- Debtors' laws, 329. Declaration of Independence, 157- 160. Declaration of Rights, (1661) 77, (1765) 141, (1774) H9-I50. Declaratory Act (1766), 142. Delaware, 67, 72, 204, 384. Demarcation, line of, 27. Democracy: in colonial times, 52- 53, 56, 92, 122-123, 129. in early national period, 284, 292, 299, 326-329. in recent times, 563-565, 577. Democratic party, see Parties. Deposit of public moneys, 309. De Soto, F., 32. Detroit, 94. Dewey, Admiral George, 499-500. portrait of, 500. Diaz, 518. Dickinson, John, 189. Dingley Tariff (1897), 4?8. Dinwiddie, Governor, 95. Diplomacy: after 1820, 289-291, 341, 347, 354-355, 483-491. before 1820, 184-185, 240-243, 252-255, 263, 275. Direct primary, 532-533, constitu- tional amendment, 541. Direct taxes, 202, 236. Discovery of America, 24-30, 37. District of Columbia, 234-235, 273- 274, 336, 350-353, 412. Disunion, see Secession. Doctors, colonial, 114. "Dollar diplomacy," 520 n. Dollars, see Silver and Currency. Dominion of New England, 79. Donelson, Fort, 402403. Dongan, Governor, 69. Dorchester Heights, 156. Dorchester venture, 49. Douglas, Stephen A., 355-356, 360, 368-369, 372-373, 426. portrait of, 356. Drafts, 388, 394, 395. Drake, Sir Francis, 34, 35, 36. Dred Scott decision, 360-361, 363, 366-367, 369, 371, 395. Duane, W. J., 309. Duquesne, Ft., 95, 97, 98. Dutch: commercial rivalry of, with England, 34, 63-64, 67. in Connecticut, 55. in Delaware, 67. in New York, 65-68. Dutch West India companies, 65. EARLY, General Jubal, 423. East, trade with, 19. East India Company, 34, 148. Edison, Thomas A., portrait of, 568. Education: after 1800, 329-330. in colonial times, 118-120. Educational land grants, 330. El Caney, battle of, 501. Elections: qualifications for, 123, 327328; see also Suffrage, reform of, 469-470. Elections, presidential, appendix, (1789) 209, (1796) 242, (1800- 1801) 246-247 (map), (1824- 1825) 295-297 (map), (1828) 298-300, (1832) 308, (1836) 311, (1840) 311-313, (1844) 342 (map), (1848) 348, (1852) 353, (1856) 358, (1860) 371- 373 (map), (1864) 426, (1868) 443, (1872) 444, (1876) 445- 447 (map), (1880) 464-465, (1884) 465-467, (1888) 475, (1892) 476, (1896) 481-482 (map), (1900) 507, (1904) 527, (1908) 530, (1912) 538, and map, 539- Index xxxv Electoral "college," 207, 209. Electoral Commission (1876), 445- 446. Electoral Count Act (1886), 471. Electricity, use of, 322, 568. Elizabeth, Queen, 33, 47. Elkins Anti-Rebate law, 556 n. Emancipation: after 1829, 335, 411, 4I3- before 1829, 221. completion of, 433. proclamation of (1863), 413. Embargoes : 2 60-2 6 2 . results of, 262-263. Emigrant aid companies, 359. Emigration, see Immigration. England: after 1760, 135-137, *43~ 144, 150-151, 183, 240, 391. colonies of, 9, 36, 40-159; see Colonies, conditions in, before 1760, 19, 33, 63-64, 80-81, 127. contests of, with France, 86, 88, 89-90, 94-101. dispute of, with colonies, 135-151. first war of, with U.S., 154-186. government of colonies of, 92, 122-123. minor controversies of, with U.S., before War of 1812, 198, 226, 232, 239-242, 257-265. second war of, with U.S., 269- 275- since 1860, 343~344> 390-391, 420, 455, 483-484, 488-490, 510. treaties of, with U.S., 183-186, 240-242, 275. Enlistments, 163, 387, 388. Enumerated articles, colonial, 64, 132, i33-_ Eratosthenes, views of, 21. Ericsson, John, 317. Erie Canal, 318, 321. Erie, Lake, battle of, 271. Erskine treaty, 263. Essex, the, 272. Europe, see names of different countries. Eutaw springs, battle of, 182. Excise taxes, 235, 250, 393, 455, 502. Executive departments, 212-214. Expansion, 575-578; see also Ter- ritorial growth. Exploration, in America, 30-36, 37, 87-89, 255. Expositions, 569 n. ; see also Pictures, 568, 569, 570, 571. Expunging resolution (1835), 309. FACTORY system after 1810, 323. Farmers' Alliance, 462-463. Farms, number of, see Agriculture. Farragut, Admiral David G., 405, 419. Federalist, the, 204. Federalists, 204, 237-238; see Parties. Federal system of government, 205- 206, 447-450, 576. Ferdinand I of Spain, 25. Ferguson, Major, 180. Field, Cyrus W., 323. Filibustering in Congress, 476. Filibusters, in Cuba, etc., 354-355. Fillmore, President Millard, 348, 352, 358. Finance: in Civil War, 383, 391- 394, 428-429. in Spanish war, 502. in times of peace, 212, 233-237, 454-457, 478-483- in war of 1812, 280. Revolutionary, 164-166. under Confederation, 191, 198- 199, 236. see also Debts, Paper money Tariff, Taxation. Fiscal bank bill, 313. Fiscal corporation, 313. Fish, Hamilton, 443. Fisher, Ft., 419-420. Fisheries, northeastern, 6, 49, 90, in, 183, 184, 185, 483-484. Fiske, John, quoted, 99. Five Forks, 425. Five Nations, see Iroquois Indians. Flag, first American, 159. Florida: exploration in, 30, 31, 32. state of, 303, 334, 439, 445. territorial changes of, 100, 196- 197, 253, 255, 288-289, 332- Folk, and corruption, 571. Foote, Admiral A. H., 404. Force Acts, (1808) 261, (1833) 307, (1870) 441. Foreign affairs, see Diplomacy. Forts, French, in West, 88, 94. Forty-niners, 349. Fox, Charles, 183. Fox, George, 69. XXXVI Index France: ally during Revolution, 173-175, 182, 183, 185. Civil War and since, 390, 391, 488. colonization by, 87-89, 93. during early national period, 225, 238-239, 243-244, 253-254, 260, 265, 289. European, 18, 33, 86, 93, 96, 173, 238. explorations by, 10, 16, 87-89. wars of, with England, 86, 89-90, 94-101, 136. Franklin, Benjamin: after 1775, 158, 173-175, 183-185, 201, 229. before Revolutionary War, 98, 139, 142- biography of, 173-174. portrait of, 1 74. Franklin, "state" of, 196. Fredericksburg, battle of, 41 1 . Frederick the Great, 169. Free coinage, see Silver, 475. Freedmen's Bureau, 436-437, 439. Freeport debate, 369. Free silver movement, 480. Free Soil party, see Parties. Free trade, 305-306, 324-325. Frdmont, John C., 346, 359, 412. French and Indian wars, 89-90, 94- 100. Friars' lands, control of, 509. . Friends, see Quakers. Frobisher, Martin, 35. Frontenac, Count of, 90. Frontier, 219-220, 326-327. Fugitive Slave Act (1850), 350, 352- 354- Fulton's steamboat, 317. Fur trade, 6, 88, 94. GAGE, General, 154-155. "Gag resolutions," 336. Gallatin, Albert: 250, 275, 283, 318. portrait of, 250. Galveston, commission government, 571- Gama, Vasco da, 20. Garfield, President James A., 464- 465- portrait of, 464. Garrison, William Lloyd, 335. portrait of, 335. Gaspee affair (1773), 147. Gates, General Horatio, 172, 176, 179. Genet, Edward, 239. Geneva award, 420 n. < Genoa, commerce of, 19. Geography, influence of, 2-11, 161, 309, 405-407. maps showing, i, 4, 5, n. George III, 100, 136-137, 150, 159, 162. portrait of, 136. Georgia, 91, 178, 194-195, 302-303, 375- Civil War and Reconstruction in, 421-422, 424, 439. Germans, immigration of, 333. Germantown, battle of, 171. Germany, 19, 457. Gerry, Elbridge, 243. Gettysburg, battle of, 415-416 (map). Ghent, treaty of (1814), 274-275. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 36. Gin, cotton, 339. Goethals, Col. G. W., 513, 514. Gold, mining of, 325, 457, 510, 542 n 2. Gold Democrats (1896), 481. Gold reserve, 479. Gorges's lands, 57, 78-79. Gorman- Wilson tariff act (1894), 477- Gourgues, de, 35. Government : development of na- tional, since 1787, 447-450, 484-486; see also Congress, President, and Courts, during the Revolution, 160-161. local, 122-123, 328. national, in 1787, 206-207. of the colonies, 9293, 123. present colonial, 508. state, since 1787, 328, 533, 534 n., 563. territorial, 195-196, 348, 354, 356. under the Confederation, 190-191. Governors: colonial, 92-93, 122, 129, 144. French colonial, 93. state, 160, 328. "Graft," see Corruption. Grand Army of the Republic, 429. "Grandfather" clauses for voters, 564/1. Granger railway laws, 462-463, 551. Grant, President Ulysses S. : biog- raphy of, 402. campaigns of, 401-404, 416-419, 422-425, 431. Index xxxvn Grant, President Ulysses S. : politi- cal career of, 443-445, 464, 467. portrait of, 402. Grasse, de, Admiral, 182. Great Britain, see England. Great Lakes, 8. Greeley, Horace, 330, 412, 444. Greenback party, see Parties. Greenbacks : constitutionality of, 455-456. issuance of, 392~393, 455, 483. see also Paper money. Greene, General Nathanael, 163, 181-182. portrait of, 181. Green Mountain Boys, 155. Grenville, George, 137, 138, 139, 142. Gresham, Walter Q., 479. Guilford Court House, battle of, 181. HABEAS CORPUS, writ of, 83, 394, 395, 426. Hague Peace Conference, 516. Halifax award, 484 n. Halleck, General Henry, 404, 410. Hamilton, Alexander : biography of, 213. general, 200, 201, 204, 237, 241, 242, 256. portrait of, 213. secretary of the treasury, 213, 226, 233-237, 265. Hamilton, Andrew, 120. Hamilton, General (British), 178. Hancock, General Winfield S., 464. Hanna, Mark, 527. Harper's Ferry, 406. Harper's Weekly, 443. Harrison, President Benjamin, 475, 485, 486. Harrison, President William Henry, 17, 269, 271, 311-313. Hartford Convention, 277-278. Harvard College, 119. view of, 119. Havana, 100, 496, 522. Hawaiian Islands, 486, 508. Hawkins, Sir John, 35. Hay, John, 482, 505, 520, 528. Hayes, President Rutherford B., 445-447- Haymarket riot, Chicago, 560. Haynes, Senator Robert, 303-304. Hay-Pauncefote treaty (1901), 511, 5M- Helper's Impending Crisis, 368. Hendricks, Thomas, 470. Henry, Ft., 402. Henry, Patrick, 131, 140. portrait of, 140. Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 20. Henry IV of France, 86. Henry letters, 269. Hessians, in Revolutionary War, 158, 162, 168, 171. High ost of living, 545. Hobkirk's Hill, battle of, 181. Holding company, 551 n. 2. Holland : colonies of, 6, 65-68. general, 48, 177, 183, 225. Holy Alliance, 280-290. Homestead Act of 1862, 450-460. Hong Kong, 499. Hood, General John, 422, 423-424. Hooker, General Joseph, 414. House of Representatives, 202, 206, 285286, 296. Houses, colonial, 108-110. Houston, General Sam, 341. Howe, Admiral, 167, 175. Howe, General William, 155, 156, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171. Howe's sewing machine, 323. Hudson Bay Co., 65, 343, 344. Hudson Bay territory, 90. Hudson, Henry, 65, 87. Hudson, Port, 418. Hudson river, 65, 161, 167-168, 169, 179. Huerta, 518. Huguenots in America, 76, 105. Hull, General, 271. Hunter, General, 412. Huron-Iroquois Indians, 87. Hutchinson, Governor Thomas, 140, 146. Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 54. IDAHO, 540, 543. Illinois, 284, 368, 475. Imago Mundi, 21. Immigration: diagram of, 565. during colonial times, 52, 92, 104-105. early nineteenth century, 333. recent, 521, 564566. Impeachment of President Johnson, 430-441. XXXV111 Index Impeachments, 251-252, 533 n. Impending Crisis, 368. Imperialism, 497-408, 507. Implied powers of Congress, 237, 255, 263, 281, 449, 450, 508, 553. Impressment of seamen, 240, 259, 270. Inaugurations, (1789) 210, (1801) 247-248, (1861) 380, (1893) (cut) 479. Income taxes, 393, 455, 477, 541, 545. Indented servants, 106. Independence: achieved, 184-185. Declaration of, 157-160. results of, 221-225. second war of, 269-275. Independent treasury, 309, 311. India, contest for, 96, 100. Indian territory, 303.- Indiana, 282, 284. Indians: and Whites, 14-17, 36, 302-303. important conflicts with, 16-17, 77-78, 100, 220, 269, 274. location of tribes of (map), 12. minor wars with, 16-17, 55, 87, 303- numbers and character of, 11-14. removal of, 17, 303. see also under names of tribes. Indies, trade with, 19. Indigo, in. Industrial Workers of the World, 562. Industries: colonial, 112-113. early national, 226-227, 262, 278, 304, 323-325, 378. recent, 45-45i, 453-454, 457, 460, 550, 558-563, 572. Inheritance, laws of, 124, 224, 329. Inheritance taxes, 502. Initiative, 533. Insular cases, 507. Insurgent movement, 531. Intendants, French, 93. Intercolonial wars, 89-90, 94-100. Interlocking directorates, 546, 555 n. Internal improvements, 282-283, 328. Internal revenue, see Excise taxes. Interstate commerce: 199, 317-322. Acts regulating, (1887) 463-464, 556; (1890) 556; (1906) 528, 555-556. Commission, 528, 556 n. Intolerable Acts (1774), 148-149. Inventions, 322-323, 568. Iowa, 334. Irish, immigration of, 333. Iron, manufacture of, 133, 323, 45: SSL 556 n. 4. Iroquois Indians, 12, 15, 67, 69, 8 oo, 97, 193. Irrepressible conflict speech, Sev ard's, 370. Irrigation, national law (1902), 52 Isabella, Queen, 25. Island No. 10, capture of, 403. Isthmian canal, 510-514, 527. diagrams of, 513. tolls, 514. view of, 512. Italy, dispute with (1891), 521 n. 2 JACKSON, President Andrew, mil tary career of, 17, 274, 28 288. political career of, 296, 297, 29? 302, 306-310, 314. portrait of, 299. views of, 297. Jackson, General T. J. ("Ston wall"), 408-410. Jackson, Governor, of Missoui quoted, 383. James I, 40, 43, 47. James II (Duke of York), 68, 6< 70, 79, 81. Jamestown, 41-42, 74. Japan, relations with, 520-52 565 Jay, John, 183, 184, 197, 204, 214. portrait of, 241. treaty by, 240-242. Jefferson, Thomas : biography c 248-249. general, 147, 158, 159, 195, 21 222, 224, 227, 237. party leader, 237-238, 242, 245. portrait of, 249. president, 246-249, 253, 254, 25 259, 261, 263. Jena, battle of, 260. Jesuits, 88, 93. Jews, 223. Johnson, President Andrew: ai Congress, 431, 432, 433, 43, 441. character of, 432. impeachment of, 439-441. portrait of, 432. Index xxxix )^/inston, General A. S., 403. JJinston, General Joseph E., 385, 408, 417-418, 421-422, 424, 425- portrait of, 385. Joliet, Louis, 88. Jones, Commodore Paul, 177. Judges, 123, 130, 144, 207. Judiciary, national, see Supreme Court. Judiciary act of 1789, 214; of 1801, 247, 250. KALB, Baron de, 1 79. Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), 356- 358, 363- Kansas : struggle for, 359-360. trusts in, 552. Kaskaskia, Ft., 178. Kearsarge, the, 420. Kenesaw mountain, battle of, 421. Kentucky: in Civil War, 384, 411. resolutions of (1798-1799), 246. settlement of, 178, 220-221. Kidd, Captain, 112. King, English: and colonies, 53. and parliament, 50-51, 81. and Puritans, 43-44, 47, 50-51. King George's War, 94. King William's War, 89-00. King's friends, 137. Kings Mountain, battle of, 181. Kitchen cabinet, Jackson's, 302. Kitchen, colonial, 109. Klondike, see Alaska. Knights of Labor, 559. "Know-nothing" party, 358; see Parties, political. Kosciusko, 163. "Ku KIux Klan," 441. LABOR: Department of, 537, 554. Disputes of, with capital, 559-563. in colonial times, 113. legislation regarding, 562-563. Labor party, platform of (1872), 444- Labor unions, 559-560. LaFayette, Marquis de, 163, 182. portrait of, 182. LaFollette, R., 531. Lake Erie, battle of, 271. Land cessions of the states, 194-195. map of, opp. 185. Land laws of colonies, 1 24. Lands, public, 124, 282, 309-310, 3i5, 320, 325-326, 529, 53S and n. 2, 573. Lane, Ralph, 36. La Salle, R. C., Sieur de, 88-89. Laud, Archbishop, 51. Law: colonial, 123-124. early state, 222, 223, 224, 327-329. recent state, 532-534, 54i, SSi, 563- Lawrence, Kan., 360. Law's Mississippi Bubble, 89. Lawyers, colonial, 114. Leadville, Col., 458. Lecompton constitution (1857), 360. Lee, General Charles, 177. Lee, General Robert E., biography of, 409 . campaigns of, 385, 409-411, 414 416, 422-425. portrait of, 409. Lee, R. H., 158, 203. Legal Tender Cases, 455-456. Legislature: colonial, 92, 123, 141. state, 160, 328. Leisler's rebellion (1689), 82. Leon, Ponce de, 30. Leopard,, the, 259. Lewis and Clark expedition (1805) 343- Lexington, battle of, 154. Lexow investigation, 570. Libby prison, view of, 425. Liberal Republicans (1872), 444. Liberator, the, 335. Liberty: civil, 53, 83, 120. political, see Suffrage. religious, see Religious freedom. Liberty party, see Parties. Liberty, seizure of the, 146. Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaii, 486. Lincoln, General Benjamin, 178, 199. Lincoln, President Abraham: biog- raphy of, 368-369. death of, 426-427. debates of, with Douglas, 369. emancipation by, 411-413. portrait of, frontispiece, 381 . president, 373, 380-381, 382, 383, 395, 396, 408, 4"-4i3, 426- 427. views of, on union and slavery, . 369-370, 380, 412-413. Little Belt affair, 269. xl Index Livingston, Edward, 307. Livingston, R. R., 158, 253-254. Loans, government, see Finance. Local government, see Cities and Government. Locke's Fundamental Constitutions, 75- London Company (1606), 40, 41, 43- 44- Long Island, battle of, 167-168. Lookout Mountain, battle of, 418, 4ig. "Loose construction" of the Con- stitution, see Implied powers. "Lords of Trade," 84, 128. Louisburg, 94, 98. Louisiana: changes in (1763-1802), 100, 232, 253, 274. French colony of, 89. purchase of, 253-256, 286-288, 332, 361. state of, 375, 435, 439, 442, 445, 564*. Louis XIV of France, 89, 90. Louis XV of France, 94. Louis XVI of France, 238. Lovejoy, Elijah, 335. Lowell, J. R., quoted, 427. Loyalists, revolutionary, 164, 178, 179, 180, 184, 185, 197-198. Lundy's Lane, battle of, 273. Lyon, Capt. N., 384. Lyon, Matthew, 245. MAcDoNOUGH. Captain Thomas, 273- Machine, political, 300, 532-533, 57 ; see also Spoils system. Macon Bill, No. 2, 264. Madero, 518. Madison, President James, before 1809, 200, 201, 204, 212, 224, 234, 236, 249. president, 263, 264, 270, 274, 288. Magellan, Fernando, 30. Mails, 122, 229, 330. Maine : boundary dispute of (map) . colony of, 57, 58, 78-79. state of, 286, 313-314. Maine, destruction of the, 522. Maize, Indian, 5-6, 15, no. Manassas Junction, Va., 385. Manila, 499, 500, 502. Mann, Horace, 330. Manufactures : chart of, 458. colonial, 112-113, 133- early national, 262, 324. protection of, 279, 304-305 ; see also Tariff, after 1860. recent, 451, 453, 458, 556-557- taxes on, 393. March to sea, Sherman's, 424. Maria Theresa, 96. Marion, General Francis, 179. Marquette, Father, 88. Marshall, John, C.J., 243, 247, 251, 281, 302. portrait of, 251. work of, 251. Mary, Queen, see William III. Maryland: in Civil War, 384, 411, 433- settlement of, 59-61, 72, 82-83, 189, 200, 209, 224. Mason, John, 57. Mason and Dixon's line, 72. Massachusetts: colony of, 56, 57, 59, 76-82. in revolutionary period, 141, 146, 148-149, 150, 151, 154-156. settlement of, 50-54. state of, 160, 193, 195, 199, 204, 219. Massachusetts Government Act, 148. Massacre, Boston, 146. Matches, friction, 323. Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 488, 518. Mayflower, 48. Mayflower compact, 48. McClellan, General George B., 385, 408-411, 426. portrait of, 410. McCullock vs. Maryland, 281, 308. McDowell, General Irvin, 385, 408. McHenry, Ft., 274. McKinley, President William, 469, 481-483, 507-509- character of, 526. portrait of, 483. McKinley Tariff (1890), 476. McMaster, John B., quoted, 219 n. Meade, General G. G., 414, 415. Memphis, Tenn., capture of, 404. Menendez, Pedro, 34-35. Merchant adventurers, 48. Merchant marine, see Shipping. Merrimac, the (1898), 500. Index xli Merrimac and Monitor (1862), 407. Merritt, General Wesley A., 500. Mexican War, 344-347. Mexico, 341, 343, 344-347, 487, 5i8. 542. Michigan, 271, 320, 334, 458. Midnight judges, 247. Milan Decree (1806), 260, 264. Miles, General N. A., 501. Military Reconstruction Acts, 438 439- Militia, use of, 138, 151, 154, 235, 382. Mills Tariff Bill, 475. Mining, 457-458; see also Gold, etc. Ministers, colonial, 114. Ministries, English (1660-1782), 137, 142, 145, 183. Minnesota, 360. . Minute men, 154. Missionary Ridge, battle of, 418. Missions among Indians, 32, 88. Mississippi basin : contest over, in colonial times, 9495, 100. during early national period, 178, 184, 232, 252-257, 274. French in, 10, 8889. geography of, 4, 5, 7-8, 32. in Civil War, 399-405, 416-419 (maps) . Mississippi Bubble, 89. Mississippi River, navigation of, 184, 185, 196. Mississippi (state), 284, 375, 404, 416-418, 439- Missouri, 284-286, 334, 383-384, 433, 529- Missouri Compromise line, 287, 348, 355-357, 362, 377- Missouri compromises, 286-288 (map). Mobile, battle of, 419. Molasses Act (1733), 133- Money, see Currency, Paper money, and Silver. "Money trust," see Trust. Monitor and Merrimac, 407. Monmouth, battle of, 177. Monopolies, see Trusts. Monroe, President James, 253, 254, 280-291. portrait of, 290. Monroe Doctrine: original, 277, 280-291. present, 488-491, 509. Montcalm, Marquis de, 98, 99. Monterey, Cal., 346. Montgomery, Ala., 376. Montgomery, General Richard, 155. Montreal, 33. Monts, de, 87. Morgan, General Daniel, 163, 173, 181. Mormons, 563 n. Morrill tariff (1860), 391, 393. Morris, Gouverneur, 201, 203. Morris, Robert, 201, 227. portrait of, 191. Morse, S. F. B., 322 (portrait). "Mugwumps," 466. Murfreesboro, battle of, 411. Muskhogean Indians, 13. NAPOLEON I, 244, 253-254, 264, 266, 273, 289. Napoleon III, 488. Narragansett Indians, 78. Narvaez, P. de, 31. Nashville, battle of, 423424. Nast, Thomas, 443 (cartoon). Nation, American: 2, 205, 576-578. after Civil War, 447-451. relation of, to states, 205-206, 578. National Banking Act, (1863) 392, (1913) 540. Nationality : contest of, with state sovereignty, 204-205, 340, 378, 370-380, 447. increase of, after 1815, 275-284, 292, 298300. National road, 282283, 321. Naturalization Act (1798), 244. Natural resources of the United States, 3, 6-7; see Mining, Agriculture, etc. Navigation Acts, colonial, 6364, 74, 78, 131-135, 157- Navy: in Civil War, 380-390, 402, 404-405, 407, 419-420. in Revolutionary War, 176-177, 182. in Spanish War, 496-502. in War of 1812, 271, 272-273. Nebraska Bill, 355. Negroes, 432-433, 436-437, 438, 441442, 448; see also Slavery. Negro suffrage, 439, 564 n. Netherlands, see Holland. xlii Index Neutrality : proclamation of, 239. rights of, 240, 257-265, 276. Nevada, 457. New Amsterdam, 66, 67-68. view of, 66. New England: colonial conditions in, 104, 105, 110-113, i IS. 116, ng, 122123. during national period, 221, 224, _ 261, 277-278, 345. during revolutionary period, 150, 158, 160, 169. first settlement of, 4\ 59. map, 58. political problems of (1660-1691), 76-83. New England Confederation, 57-59. New France, 87-88, 93, 100 ; see also Canada. New Hampshire, 57, 79, 160, 308. New Haven, 56. New Jersey, 69, 130, 168-169, 178, 199, 210. New Mexico, 334, 347, 350, 352, 534 n 2. New Netherland, 65-68. New Orleans, 89, 100, 253, 274 (map), 521 n 2. capture of, 404-405. New Sweden, 67. New York : colony of, 65-69, 73, 82, 83, 114, 120, 122, 130, 145. since 1783, 191, 193194, 199, 209, 224, 318, 319, 466. state of, in Revolution, 160, 167- 168, 169, 171173, 179; map of, 167. New York City: before 1775, 108, 112, 141, 148. corruption in, 442443, 570. in Revolution, 161, 167168, 169. since 1783, 210, 331, 566-567, 570. New York Sun, 330; Tribune, 330, 408,412; Times, 443. Newburgh address, 193. Newioundland, oo, 484; see also Fisheries. Newport, R. I., 177. Newspapers, 229, 329-330. Niagara, 94, 273. Nicaragua canai, see Isthmian canal. Nicholson, Governor, 82. Nicollet, Jean, 88. Nobel Peace Prize, 516 n., 528. Nominating conventions, 300. Non-importation agreements, 142, 146. Non-intercourse acts, 263-264. North: and state sovereignty, 255, 278, 303-304. border wars of, 89-90, 94-100. colonial problems of, 76-84. comparison of, with. South (1861), 386-395. industrial development of, since 1865, 457-460, 550. industry in (colonial), 110-114. opposition of, to slavery exten- sion, 285-288, 347, 352, 357, 350 366-367. Revolutionary War in, 154-157, 167-173, 177. settlement of, 44-59, 65-73. transportation problems of, 461- 464. war in (1812-1814), 270-273; map, 271. North, Lord, 145, 151, 175, 183. North Carolina, 28, 181, 193, 195, 196, 204, 234, 439. Northern Securities Case (1904), 529, 553- statistics of (1790-1860), ap- pendix, Table VII. Northwest territory, 195-196. Nueces River, 341. Nullification, (1799) 246, (i8i/.> 278, (1828) 306-307, (1832) 315, (after 1850) 354. OFFICEHOLDERS, 129-130, 223, 328. Oglethorpe, James E., 91. Ohio, 220, 271. Ohio valley, struggle for, 94, 95, 98. 178. Oil, see Petroleum. Olney, Richard, 489. Ontario, Lake, 94, 272. Orders in Council, English (1806 1807), 260. Ordinance of 1787, 195-196, 223. Oregon : state of, 445. territory of, 343~344, 348. Oregon, the, 499 n. view of, 499. Orinoco River, 28, 400, 492. Orleans, Isle of, 100, 253. Ostend Manifesto, 354-355. Oswald, Richard, 184. Index xliii Oswego, Q4. Otis, James, 135. portrait of, 135. PACIFIC OCEAN : commerce of, 514. control of coasts of, 35, 291, 343- 344, 346. in colonial times, 30, 35. recent political problem of, 521, 522. Pacific railways, 444, 460-461. Paducah, Ky., 401. Paine's Common Sense, 158. Pakenham, General, 274. Palma, President of Cuba, 517. Panama, Republic of, 511512, 527. Panama Canal, see Isthmian canal. Pan American Congresses, 487. Panics, (1819) 324, (1837) 310-311, 324, (1857) 325, (1873) 454, 558, (1893) 558, (1907) 530, SS8. Paper money: Civil War, 392-393, 455- colonial, 114, 131. Confederation, 198-199. present, 455-456, 481, 483. Revolutionary, 165-166. Parcel post, 537. Pardon, see Amnesty. Paris, treaties of, (1763) 90-100, (1783) 183-186, (1898) 505. Parker, Judge Alton B., 528. Parkman, Francis, quoted, 13-14. Parliament : and the colonies, 83- 84, 131-133, 138, 130-140, 144-145, 148-149. and the king, 50-51, 81. Parson's Cause, 130-131. Parties, political : Anti-Federalist (1787-1788), 203. <\iiti-Masonic, 300. Constitutional Union, 372373. Democratic (1828-1854) : his- tory of, 298, 301, 308, 311- 313, 314, 342, 348, 353, 357- principles of, 297298. Democratic, since 1854: general history of, 359, 371-373, 426, 444, 445-447, 454, 464-467, 476-480, 481-482, 507, 528, 538, 544- on slavery, 358, 360, 371. position of, on tariff, 464465, 474, 544. Federalist : fall of, 277-278. formation of, 237-238. history of, 242-243, 245, 246- 247, 254, 261. Free Soil, 348, 353, 358. Greenback, 456. Know-nothing, 358. Labor, 444. Liberty, 342. "Mugwumps," 456. National Republican, 297, 298; see also Whig. Old Republican (to 1828) : forma- tion of, 237-238. history of, 242-243, 245, 246 252, 255, 263, 270, 279, 295- 297- People's (Populist), 481. Prohibition, 466. Republican : formation of, 358. general history of, 359, 371-373, 426, 443, 444, 445-447, 464- 467, 474, 481-484, 507-509, 534-539- position of, on slavery, 358-359, 371, 372. position of, on tariff, 464-465, 476-478.- Whig : principles of, 297. history of, 308, 311-313, 3*4. 342, 348, 353, 358. see also Elections, presidential. Parties and the government, 577. Patroon system, 65-66. Paulus Hook, capture of, 178. Payne-Aldrich tariff, 535, 542. Peace Congress (1861), 377; see also Hague Peace Conference. Pea Ridge, battle of, 384. Pemberton, General J. C., 417-418. Pendleton Act, 468. Peninsular campaign (1862), 408- 409. map of, 408. Pensacola, Fla., 89, 288. Penn, William, 70-71. portrait of, 70. Pennsylvania: boundaries of, 72-73 (map), colony of, 70-73, 105, 114, 116, 117, 120. rebellion in (1794), 235. state of, 221, 235, 319, 415-416, 458. "Pennsylvania Dutch," 105. xliv People of colonies, 104-106. People's Party, see Parties. Pepperell, William, 94. Pequod Indians, 55. Perdido River, 288. Perry, Commodore, and Japan, 521. Perry's victory on Lake Erie, 271. Perry ville, battle of, 411. Personal liberty laws, 354, 374. Pet banks, 309-310. Petersburg, siege of, 424-425. Petitions, slavery, 336. Petroleum, 456, 556 n. 4; see also Standard Oil Company. Philadelphia, 71, 148, 149, 219, 235. during Revolutionary War, 157, 169-171, 177. exposition in, 569 n. i. Philip II of Spain, 33, 34, 35. Philip, King (Indian), 16, 77-78. Philippine Islands: acquisition of, S03-S04. 50-5 o8 509- discovery of, 30. government of, 508-509. Pierce, President Franklin, 353. Pilgrims, 48-49. Pinchot, 538 and n. 2. Pinckney, C. C., 201, 243, 246, 247. Pinckney, Thomas, 242, 252. Pine tree shillings, 77. Piracy in colonial times, 112. Pitt, William, see Chatham. Pittsburg, 220, 559. Pittsburg Landing, 403. Pizarros, 32. Plassey, battle of (India), 100. Platt Amendment (Cuba, 1901), 519 . Plattsburg, battle of, 273. Plymouth colony, 48-49, 78, 82. Plymouth Company, 40, 44. Polk, President James K., 342, 345, 347, 354- portrait of, 346. Polygamy, 563 n. 2. Pontiac, conspiracy of, 16, 100, 138. Pools, railway, 551 n. 2. Pope, the, and America, 26. Pope, General John, 403, 410. Popham colony, 44. Popular sovereignty, 348, 355-356, 359, 360, 369. Population: (1750) 104, (1800) 218, 325, 326, (1850) 331-333, (1861) 386, (1910) 566-567. Population, density of (maps), (1756, 104, (1800) 218, (1850) 332, 567. Port Hudson, 418. Port Royal, S.C., 404. Portages, Indian, 10, n. Porter, Commodore David D., 405. Porto Rico, 505, 506, 507-508. Portugal, 20, 26, 27. Postal savings bank, 537. Post Office: administration of, 122, 229, 330. corruption in, 445, 546. extended service, 466, 537. Potomac River, 200. Poverty, 573. Prescott, Colonel William, 154. President : election of, 206, Appen- dix, Tables I, II. powers of, 207, 300, 395, 449- 450. President, the, 269. Presidential dictatorship, 395. Presidential elections, see Elections, presidential. Presidential Election Act, 470. Press, free, 120. Prices, 545 w. i. Primary reform, 532-533. Princetqn, battle of, 169. Princeton college, 120. Printing press, 323, 330. Prisons, 329. Privateering, 272, 389, 419-420. Proclamation line (1763), 100, 193, 219. Proclamation of Emancipation, 413. Professions, 114-115. Proprietary government, 59, 70, 75. Prosperity, 324-325, 558. Providence, colony of, 54-55 ; set Rhode Island. Prussia, 96, 225, 289. Ptolemy, views of, 21. Public debt, see Debt, public. Public lands, see Lands, public. Public Occurrences, 120. Public schools, see Education. Puget Sound boundary, 484 n. 2. Pullman strike (1894), 560. Puritans: in England, 43, 46-47, 50-51. in New England, 50-59, 76-79, 104. Pythagoreans, views of, 21. Index xlv QUAKERS, 69-71, 76, 222, 336. Quartering Act, (1765) 140, (1774) 149. Quebec Act (1774), 149, 193. Quebec (city), capture of (1759), 99- Queen Anne's War, 90. RAILWAYS: consolidation of, 320, SSi, 555, mapopp. 556. control of interstate, 463-464, 471, 553, 555- control of state, 461-463, 471, 553. earliest, 319-320, 386, 400. importance of, 322. West and, 444, 460-461. Rainfall, 4. Raisin River, massacre at, 271. Ralegh, Sir Walter, 36 (portrait). Randall, Samuel J., 476. Randolph, Edward, 79. Randolph, John, 252. Rates, railway, diagram of, 462 ; see also Railways, control of. Reapers, first, 323. Rebates, railway, 461, 556 and n. Recall, 534. "Reciprocity," 478, 480, 517, 535. Reconcentrado policy, 495. Reconstruction : and Congress, 436- 438. military, 438-439. presidential, 434-436. problems of, 432-434. results of, 441-442, 447-451. Redemptioners, 106. Reed, Thomas B., 532. Referendum, 534. "Regulators" (1774), 147 n. Religious freedom, 54-55, 60, 71, 76, 91, 116, 196, 224-225, 329- Religious intolerance, colonial, 53- 54, 76, 81, 91, 116. Removals from office, 249, 301-302, 440, 470-471. Representation and taxation, 141, 143-144. Repressive acts (1774), 148-149. Republican party, see Parties, polit- ical. Requisitions on states, 165, 191. Resolutions, Kentucky, 245-246. Restoration (1660), 63-65, 73. Resumption of specie payment, 455-456. Revenue, see Finance, Tariff, Taxa- tion. Revolution, American: causes of, 135-152. chief military events of, 167-173, 178-182. conditions affecting, 161-166, 173- 175- ' . results of, 223-225. treaty concluding, 183-186. Revolution of 1688, English, 81. Revolutions of 1689, American, 80, 81-84. Rhode Island : colony of, 54-55, 58, 64, 77, 78, 80, 83, 147. state of, 160, 198-199, 203, 204. Ribaut, Jean, 34, 35. Rice, 6, 133. Richelieu, Cardinal, 88. Richmond, campaigns against, 407- 409, 422-425. Rivers in Civil War, 399-401, (map) 400. Roads, local, 121, 228, 320, 321. national, 321. Roberval's colony, 33. Rockingham ministries, 142, 183. Rocky Mountains, the, 7, 255, map and n. Roosevelt, Theodore: character of, 526-527. portrait of, 526. president, 507, 526-530. presidential candidate, 538. Root, Elihu, 504, 528. portrait of, 503. Rosecrans, General William S., 385, 418-419. "Rough Riders," 505. Round Top, Gettysburg, 415. Royal colonies, control of, 92, 129. " Rule of 1756," 240, 258. Rum, in, 139. Russia, 289, 343, 391, 509-510. Russo-Japanese War, 528. Ryswick, treaty of (1697), 90. SALEM, witchcraft, 117. Salisbury, Lord, 489. Samoa, 485. Sampson, Admiral W. T., 499. portrait of, 498. San Domingo, 26, 254, 444. San Francisco, 1915, exposition view, 571- xlvi Index San Jacinto, battle of, 341. San Juan, battle of, 501. Sandford vs. Scott, 360-362; see also Scott, Dred. Sandys, Sir Edwin, 43. Sanitary Commission, 389. Santa Anna, President of Mexico, 340, 341, 346. Santiago de Cuba, 500 (map). Santo Domingo, 400. Saratoga, surrender at, 173. Savannah, 178, 424. Savannah, the, 317. Schley, Admiral W. S., 499. Schools, see Education. Schuyler, General P., 171, 172. Scotch in America, 76. Scotch-Irish in America, 105. Scott, Dred, case of, 360-362, 363, 366-367. Scott, General Winfield, 345, 346, 353, 374- Seal fishery, Alaskan, 484. Sea to sea charters, 42, 50, 64, 75, 91, 193- Search, right of, 240, 250-260. Secession, causes of, 339-340, 378- 380. early suggestions of, 255, 307. failure of, 433-434. progress of, 373~377, 383-384- Sections, Appendix, Table VIII. Sedition Act (1798), 245. Seminole Indians, 303. Senate: organization of the, 202, 206. powers of, in appointments, 440, 471. powers of, in treaty, 285, 286. Senators, direct election of, 541. Separatists, 46, 47, 48-49. Seven Years' War, 95-100. Seward, William H. : political leader, 373, 380-382, 391, 431, 488. speeches of, on slavery, 351-352, 370. Sewing machine, 328. Shays's Rebellion, 199. Shelburne, Lord, 183, 184. Shenandoah Valley, in Civil War, 405-407, 408, 423. Sheridan, General P. H., 423, 425, 488. Sherman John, 421 ., 456, 483. Sherman, Roger, 158, 201. Sherman, William T., character of,- 421. campaigns of, 404, 421-422, 423- 425- Sherman Anti-Trust Act (1890), 552-554- Sherman Silver Act (1890), 478-479. Sherman's march to the sea, 424. Shiloh, battle of, 403-404. Ship-building, colonial, 111-112, 113, 132. Ship-money, 51. Shipping, IH-II2, 420, 556-557, and n. Short ballot, 533. Silver: Act of 1873, 456, 457. Bland-Allison Act (1878), 457, 479- coins before Civil War, 228. first coinage act, 227. Free Silver movement, 480-482. law of 1900, 483. mining of, 457. Sherman Act (1800), 478-480, 558. Six Nations, see Iroquois. Slave trade, 350, 353. Slavery: abolitionists and, 335- 336, 367- abolition of (1865), 432-433- colonial, 107-108. discussion over, in convention, 202-203. during Civil War, 411-413. emancipation, after 1776, 221- 222, 335. extension of (1844-1857) (maps), 362. importance of, to South, 339- 34- in compromise of 1850, 350-353. in connection with Civil War, 369- 370, 377-380. in Dred Scott case, 360-362, 363, 366-367. in Kansas-Nebraska Act, 355- 358. in Missouri discussion, 284-288. introduced, 42, 91. question of extension of, to ter- ritories, 195, 196, 340, 345, 347-363- see Fugitive slaves, Emancipation. Sloat, Commodore, 346. Slum problem, 569. Index xlvii Smith, Captain John, 41-42. portrait of, 41. Smith, Joseph, 475. Smuggling, colonial, 134, 146, 148. Social conditions, (1750) 105-107, (1800) 218-223, (1850) 329- 334, (later) 563-575, 563 w. i. Social reforms, 221-225, 329, 537- Soldiers: American, 163, 192. British, 162. Northern, 388-389, 429. Southern, 387, 429. Sons of Liberty, 141. So to, Hernando de, 32. South: and secession, 307, 373-376, 378-380, 447-448. and slavery, 335-336, 339-34, 347, 35i, 354-355, 357, 359, 361-363, 367-368, 371-373, 378-379, 448. and state sovereignty, 245-246, 303-307, 379-38o, 447. and the tariff, 305-306. conditions in, no, 119, 121, 123. railway map of, 400. recent progress of, 459. reconstruction in, 431-442, 445- 447- resources of, in war, 386-391, 393- 394- Revolutionary War in, 156, 178- 182 ; map, 180. settlement of, 34~37, 40-44, 59~ 61, 73-76, 91- social classes in, 105-107. statistics of (1790-1860), Ap- pendix, Table VII. war in, 381-429. war maps of, 401, 403, 406, 417, 418, 428. South America, 27, 28, 29, 487, 489, 49, 557 ; see also Monroe Doctrine. South Carolina, colony of, 76, 107, 108, in. in Revolutionary War, 156, 164, 178-179, 180-182. nullification in, 305-307. general, 193, 195, 382, 439, 445, 564 n. secession of, 373-374, 395. South Carolina Exposition, 305. South Dakota, 458. South Sea, see Pacific. Sovereignty, disputed between na- tional and state, see Nation. Spain: colonies of, 31, 289. controversy with, over Florida, 197, 232, 288, 289. discoveries by, 24-30. dispute with, over Mississippi River, 196, 252-253. European, 18, 25, 33, 343. explorations by, 30-32. treaties with, (1795) 252, (1819) 289, (1898) 502. wars of, with England, oo, 91, 94, loo, 177. war with, 494-504. Spanish-American Republics, 290, 487. Speaker of the House, Appendix, Table III. Specie circular, 310. Specie payments, resumption of, 456. Spoils system, 301, 314, 467. Spottsylvania, battle of, 424. Stage coaches, 122, 229. Stamp Act (1765), 130-143- Stamp Act Congress, 141. Star of the West, the, 382. St. Augustine, 35. St. Clair, General, 220. St. Lawrence Basin, 8, 10, 87, 99, IOO. St. Leger, Colonel, 171-172. St. Louis, 384, 571, 570 (view of exposition) . Standard Oil Company, 461, 551 . i and 2, 552. Standish, Captain Miles, 49. Stanton, Edwin M., 381, 440. Stanwix, Ft., seizure of, 172. Stark, General John, 171. "Star-Spangled Banner," 274. State sovereignty, 190, 204-205, 245-246, 303-304, 376, 379- 380, 447. States: admission of new, 220-221, 334, 534 constitutions and governments of, 160-161, 328, 534 ., 551. first organized, 160. local governments of, 328. political and social changes in, 221-225, 326-329, 551, 533- 534, 541- position of, under Confederation, 190-191, 199. xlviii Index States: reconstruction of southern, 432-439- relation of, to nation, 205, 447- 448. statistics of, at present, Appendix, Table V. Steamboats, 317, 318, 321. Steel trust, 551 ; see also Iron. Stephens, Alexander H., 375, 376, 377- Steuben, Baron, 163, 176. Stevens, Thaddeus, 434 (portrait). Stevenson's engine, 319. Stocks, punishment by, 116. Stockton, Commodore, 346. Stone River, battle of, 411. Stony Point, capture of, 178. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, 354. "Strict Construction," see Constitu- tion. Strikes, 550-562. Stump speaking, 312. Stuyvesant, Governor Peter, 67, 68. Subsidies, proposed ship, 556-557. Suffrage: in colonies, 52, 56, 77, 123, 144. in England, 143. movement toward universal, 223, 327, 328, 331, 439; map of, 327- recent restrictions on, 438, 439, 577-578. woman, 572. Sugar Act (1764), 138-139. Sullivan, General John, 168. Sulzer, Governor, 533 . Sumner, Charles, 359 ., 434. portrait of, 359. Sumter, Ft., 375, 381-382, 396. Sumter, General Thomas, 179. Superstition, 116. Supreme Court: chief justices of, Appendix, Table IV. creation of, 207, 214. during war and reconstruction, 395, 434, 435, 446, 449, 450. early decisions of, 214, 280, 281, 361. photograph of, 536. recent decisions of, 476, 479, 507, 553- Taft appointments, 537. Surplus, distribution of, 310. Survey of public lands, 326. Swedes in America, 67. "Swinging round the circle," John- son's, 439. TAFT, William H., 534-537 and n., 538. portrait of, 535. Talleyrand (French minister), 254 Tallmadge Amendment, 285. Tammany, 300, 442. Taney, Roger B., C. J., 309, 361. Tariff : Board, 544, n. 2. changes, 455, (1882-1888) 474. compromise tariff (1833), 474. Custom Court of Appeal, 544. Dingley tariff (1897), 478. double tariff, 544 n. earliest, (1789) 212, (1812) 279, (1816) 278-279, (1824) 304, (1828) 304-305, (1832) 305, (1842) 324. general, 494. Gorman- Wilson tariff (1894), 478. McKinley tariff (1890), 476. Morrill tariff (1861), 391, 393. Payne- Aldrich tariff, 542. proposed (Confederation), 191. tariff in politics (1880-1892), 464, 465, 475, 476. Underwood tariff, 544. Walker tariff, (1846) 325, (1857) 325. war tariffs (1862-1864), 393. Tariffs, special, for colonies, 512. Tarleton, Colonel, 181. Taxation: early national taxes, 212, 235-236, 265. England's dispute with colonies over, 135, 130-143, 144-146, 147-148. since 1860, 393, 454-455, 502. see Tariff, and under names of different kinds of taxes. Taylor, President Zachary, 345, 348, 349, 350, 352- Tea, tax on, 147-148. Teachers, colonial, 114. Tecumseh, 17, 269, 271. Telegraph, electric, 322-323. marine, 323. Telephone, 568. Tennessee: 196, 220, 284, 435, 438. Civil War in, 399-404, 411, 418- 419. map of (1862), 403. Tennessee River, 399-404. Index xlix Tenure of Office Act (1867), 440, 470-471. Territorial changes before 1783, 67-68, 90, 100. Territorial growth since 1783; map between 508 and 509. Alaska (1867), 509. boundaries (1783), 185 (map) 313-314, 331. California, etc. (1848), 347; map of, 345- Floridas (1795-1821), 288-289. General, 331-332, 363, 575- Hawaii, 486. Louisiana (1803), 253-256; map of, 255. Oregon (1846), 343~344- Philippines, Porto Rico, etc. (1898), 502, 505, 506. Samoa (1899), 485. Texas (1845), 34-343 ; map of, 344. Territories: government of, 195-196, 508. present statistics of, Appendix, Table VII. slavery in, see Slavery. Texas : controversy over, 256, 289, 341, 343, 344. 350, 352. state of, 332, 334, 439, 552. Texas vs. White, 344. Thames, battle of, 271. Thomas, General George H., 402, 419. Three-fifths compromise, 202. Ticonderoga, Ft., 155-157, 171. Tilden, Samuel J., 443, 445-447. portrait of, 445. Tippecanoe, battle of, 269. "Tippecanoe and Tyler too," 313. Tobacco: cultivation of, 42, no. regulations about, 64, 74, in, 132. trust, 555. use of, as currency, 113, 130. Toleration Act of 1649 (Md.), 61. Tonnage Act, 212. Tordesillas, treaty of, 27. Tories, see Loyalists. Toscanelli, 24. map of, 24. Towns, New England, 56, 122. Townshend, Charles, 137, 144, 145. Townshend Acts (1767), 144-146. Trade, see Commerce. Trade routes with East before 1492, 19-20. map of, 20. Trafalgar, battle of, 260. Transportation, see Roads, Canals, Steamboats, Railways. Travel, 121-122, 228-229, 317-322. Treasury, department of, 213. Treasury notes, see Paper money. Treaty : Aix-la-Chapelle (France) (1748), 94. Arbitration (1897), (1903-1905), 509-510. Chinese (1869-1894), 562 . Clayton-Bulwer (England), 510- 5"- Colombian (1903), 511. Cuban reciprocity (1903), 517. Erskine (England) (1809), 263. Florida (Spain) (1891-1821), 289; see map, 255. Guadalupe-Hidalgo (Mexico) (1848), 347; map of, 345. Hawaiian (1876), (1893), 486; map of, 486. Hay-Pauncefote (England) (1901), 5", 5i4- Jay's (England), 240-241. Louisiana (France) (1803), 254- 256; map of, 255. of alliance with France (1778), I74-I75. of Ghent (England) (1814), 274- 275- of Ryswick (France) (1697), 90. of San Ildefonso (France and Spain), 253. of Washington (England) (1870), 484 and n. of Westminster (Holland) (1675), 68. of 1800 (France), 244. Paris (France) (1763), 99-100, map opp. 100. Paris (Spain) (1898), 505; see map opp. 505. Paris (1783) (England), 183-186, map opp. 185. Pinckney's (Spain) (1795), 252. Texan annexation (1844), 341; map of, 344. Utrecht (France) (1713), GO, map opp. 90. Webster-Ashburton (1842), 313- 314; map, 314. with Panama (1903), 511; map of, 513- Trent, affair, 390-391. 1 Index Trenton, battle of, 168. Trevett vs. Weeden (1786), 198. Trusts : control of, 546. "money trust," 546. organization of, 550, 551 and . j and 2. see also Railways. Turgot (French minister), 173. Turner's insurrection, 335. Tweed Ring, 442-443 ; cartoon of, 443- Tyler, President John, 309, 312, 313, 343- "Tyranny of Andros," 80. Uncle Tom's Cabin, 354. Unconstitutional laws, 362, 450 ., 477- "Underground railroad," 354. Underwood Tariff, 544. Unemployment, 573. Union : Albany plan of, 97-98. during Revolutionary period, 141, 147, 140-150, 157- under the Confederation, 190-191, 199. under Constitution, see Nation. United States, see Constitution, Congress, Nation, President, Supreme Court, States, etc. University of Pennsylvania, 1 20. Unwritten constitution, 231, 449, 577. Utah, 563 ., 572. Utrecht, treaty of (1713), oo. VACA, Cabeza de, 31. Vallandigham, C. L., 426. Valley Forge, 171, 176. Van Buren, President Martin, 298, 3", 313, 342, 348. portrait of, 311. Vancouver, explorations of, 343. Venezuelan boundary controversy, 488-489. Venice, trade of, 19, 20. Vera Cruz, Mexico, 346. Vergennes (French minister), 173, 184. Vermont, 221. Verrazano, G. da, 32. Vespucius, Americus, 29. Vetoes, presidential, 308, 437, 439, 440. Vicksburg, campaign against, 416- 418; map of, 417. Vincennes, 178. Virginia: Civil War in, 384, 405- 411, 422-423, 424-425. colonial conditions in, 107, no, 113, 119. colony of, 36, 40-44, 73-75, 95, 139- during Revolution and Confed- eration, 160, 164, 181, 182, 189, 193, 194. later state of, 200, 204, 209, 246, 435, 439, 442. map of (1861-1865), 406. Virginia plan of union, 201 . Virginius, 495. Virtual representation, 143. Voltaire, quoted, 71. Voters, see Suffrage. WALDSEEMULLER'S geography, 29. Walker, Tariff (1846), 325. Walpole, Horace, 134, 139. Wages, 545 n., 573. War: Civil, 381-429. Indian, see under Indians. Revolutionary, 154-182. second with England, 269-275. with French, 89-90, 94-100. with Mexico, 344-347. with Spain, 494-504. see also under separate names. War department, defects of, 502-504. "War Hawks," Clay's, 270. Washington: Ft., 168. map of (1814), 272. state of, 572. treaty of (1871), 484. Washington, city of: creation of, 234-235. capture of, 273-274. defense of, in Civil War, 384, 405- 407, 408, 410, 414. Washington, George : portrait of, 211. character of, 163, 210. in convention of 1787, 201. military leader, 95, 156, 167-171, 176, 179, 182. president, 210, 213, 214, 233-243. Waterloo, battle of, 276, 278. Wayne, General Anthony, 17, 178, 220. Wealth, distribution of, 573. Webster, Daniel, 279, 303, 313, 331, 351- portrait of, 351. Index Webster: views of, on union, 303- 34, 35I-3S2. Webster-Ashburton treaty (1842), 313-314. West, the : agriculture in, 458-460. Chinese in, 562 . Civil War in, 390-405, 416-419. Clark's conquest of, 178. democracy in, 326-328. disputes over navigation of Mis- sissippi in, 196-197, 252-253. early settlement of, 196, 219-220, 281-282. free silver movement in, 480-482. government of territory in, 195- 196, 220. importance of, 256, 283-284, 482. internal improvement in, 282-283, 328. land cessions in, 193-195. legislation in, 328-329. mining in, 349, 457-458. Mormons in, 563 . problems in (1789), 232. public lands in, see Lands, public, railway problems of, 460-463. settlements excluded from, 100. slavery controversies in, 284-288, 341-343, 347-361. states formed in, 221, 334. strikes in, 560. territorial acquisitions in, see Territorial growth, transportation in, 317-322. war in (1812-1814), 270-271. West Indies: English, trade with, in, 133, 139, 198, 241. French, 100, 240, 258. Spanish, 100, 197 ; see also Cuba and Spain. West Point, 170-180. West Virginia, 384, 433. Weyler, General, 495, 496. Whigs, English, 137, 150. Whigs, see Parties. Whisky insurrection, 235. Whisky Ring, 445. White, Governor, 37. White Plains, battle of, 168. Whitman, Rev. Marcus, 344. Whitney's cotton gin, 222. Wilderness, battles in, 422. William III of England, 81. William and Mary College, 119. Williams, Roger, 53-55. portrait of, 54. Wilmington, N.C., 389, 419-420. Wilmot Proviso, 347-348. Winthrop, Governor John, 51. Wilson, James, 202 (portrait). Wilson, Woodrow, quoted, 394. portrait, 2. elected to presidency, 538. character and policies, 541 and n. party and business policies, 542. Wilson (Gorman) tariff (1894), 477. Wilson, W. H., quoted, 400 n. Wisconsin, 334. Witchcraft, 116, 117. Wolfe, General James, 99. Woman, legal position of, 329, 571. Woman suffrage, 571. Writs of assistance, 134-135, 145. Wyoming, 572. Wyoming Valley, 73, 178. "X.Y.Z." letters, 244. YALE College, 120. "Yazoo claims," 195. Yeardley, Governor, 43. York, Duke of, sec James II. Yorktown, capture of, 182, 408. Yuan Shi Kai, 520. ZENGER case (free press), 120. 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